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PROFESSOR J. S.WILL

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ANNUAL SUMMARIES

ANNUAL SUMMAEIES

REPRINTED FROM %l)t ^ixilt^

VOLUME II

1876 — 1892

Hontiou

MACMILLAN AND CO.

AND NEW YORK

AND Zf)e Zimtfi OFFICE, PRINTING HOUSE SQUARE
1893

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^06318

CONTENTS

1876 .

PAGE
. . 1

1885 .

PAGE

. 266

1877

1886 .

. 297

1878 .

1887 .

335

1879 .

1888 .

. 352

1880 .

. 118

1889 .

. 374

1881 .

. 147

1890 .

. 396

1882 .

. 176

1891 .

. 422

1883 .

. 205

1892 .

. 452

1884 .

. 234

Index .

. 473

1876

The year which will close to-morrow has, with one great excep-
tion, been comparatively uneventful, and the absorbing interest
of the Eastern Question has thrown still further into the shade
transactions which in ordinary times would have attracted
attention. Perhaps few politicians can remember without an
effort that one obstinate civil war has finally been terminated
within the current year. By a curious series of contingencies
decisive changes in Spanish affairs have for some time past
annually occurred in the course of the winter. At the beginning
of 1875, Martinez Campos, by a military demonstration, restored
the monarchy under the youthful son of Isabella II. The
whole nation acquiesced in the accession of King Alfonso, and
his Government wisely devoted its principal care to preparations
for the suppression of the Carlist revolt. Marshal Serrano and
his colleagues had previously done Tnuch to increase the strength
and complete the organisation of the army ; and before the end
of the year the largest force which has in modern times been
known in Spain was ready for action. Early in February the
generals commenced the operations which had been already
arranged. The King, with General Quesada as chief of the staff,
assumed the nominal command. Martinez Campos watched
the French frontier, while Moriones and Loma moved from
the West, and the main army advanced from the South.
Tolosa and Estella, which had long been the citadel and centre
of the Carlist defence, fell with little resistance, and in the
last days of February the Pretender finally abandoned the
struggle by crossing the border into France. The struggle,
which had been maintained for two years with remarkable
VOL. II '0 3

2 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1876

tenacity, and not without occasional success, had commenced at
a time when the Eepublican Government had reduced the
country to a deplorable condition of anarchy and weakness.
The national army had been demoralised and almost disbanded,
and the Federalist rebels of Cartagena were virtually the allies
of the Carlists of Navarre and Biscay. The voluntary levies of
the Northern Provinces displayed characteristic hardihood;
and, although their devotion to the male line of the
Bourbon dynasty could not be accurately tested, their obstinate
attachment to their own local privileges allowed of no mis-
understanding. Even when the Carlist troops asserted their
superiority in the field it became more than ever certain that
the Carlist cause was hopeless. In the old Carlist war, after the
death of Ferdinand VII., Zumalacarregui and Gomez had occa-
sionally carried the war into the enemy's country, and Madrid
itself had seemed not to be safe from attack. In the recent
contest the Carlists never attempted, even when the Central
Government was weakest, to descend from their mountains, and,
notwithstanding the well-known sympathies^of the more extreme
section of the clergy, no faction in the Provinces beyond the
seat of war at any time declared itself in favour of the Pretender.
It was perhaps an advantage to King Alfonso that the
bishops and clergy hoped he might inherit the devotion of his
mother to the cause of the Church. The godson of Pius IX.,
the young King had been educated in the straitest sect of
Catholic orthodoxy; and when he ascended the throne the
Court of Rome, while it affixed a price to its recognition and
support, deemed it more advantageous to secure his adhesion
than to commit itself to the less hopeful interests of Don Carlos.
Senor Canovas del Castillo, the King's early adviser and principal
Minister, had during the first year of the new reign bid high
for the support of Rome by promising the Nuncio that the con-
cordat concluded with Queen Isabella should be maintained.
Finding it afterwards impossible or impolitic to redeem his
pledge, he expiated by a temporary retirement from office an
undoubted error of judgment. The easy victory over the
Carlist forces proved that it had been unnecessary to make
excessive concessions to a doubtful ally. The favour of the
Holy See would have been in any case secured to Don Alfonso
by the collapse of the Carlist cause. The insurgent Provinces
were treated with well-judged leniency, and although their

1876 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 3

claim to the maintenance of their special privileges has been
ostensibly rejected, the final settlement of the question is
practically adjourned. The only attempt at a renewal of
agitation on the part of the Carlists has, at the instigation of
a section of the clergy, assumed the form of pious enthusiasm.
Some shiploads of Carlist pilgrims have been despatched
by their spiritual advisers to Kome, where the extravagance
of their conduct and demeanour incurred the displeasure of
the Pope himself. A prelate of high rank who had
accompanied the pilgrims to Rome was prohibited by royal
order from returning to Spain until he tendered an apology for
his want of courtesy to the King's ambassador at the Italian
Court. The restoration of internal peace rendered it possible
both to reduce the numbers of the army and to send large
reinforcements to Cuba, where the insurrection, which has never
attained the dignity of civil war, continues to smoulder. General
Martinez Campos, who is considered the most ambitious as well
as the ablest of the younger chiefs of the army, has been induced,
perhaps for political reasons, to accept the lucrative ofl3.ce of
Governor-General of Cuba. Like many of his predecessors, he
professes confidence in his ability to suppress the rebellion, and
there can be no doubt that he will devote great energy to the
accomplishment of his task. If he should succeed in rendering
to the Crown and country a service of paramount importance he
will probably not fail to claim rewards proportionate to his
merits. When the war had been concluded there was no longer
an excuse for the continuance of the dictatorship which the King
or his Minister had inherited from their immediate predecessors.
The Cortes were duly convoked after a general election con-
ducted according to the established practice of Spanish Govern-
ments, and with the usual result. The Constitutional parties
and the Republicans, who had successively within four or five
years commanded unanimous legislative bodies of their own,
were represented by an insignificant fraction of the Assembly,
Sagasta, formerly leader of the Parliamentary Conservatives and
now of the remnant of the Constitutional party, is followed by
a few adherents, while Castelar is the only Republican in the
Cortes. Sagasta's ancient rival, Zorrilla, is in exile, although
he has incurred no judicial condemnation, and he was lately
accused, on suspicious evidence, of complicity in a plot said to
have been devised by some of the unemployed generals of the

4 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1876

army. Canovas del Castillo, himself a temperate and prudent
statesman, is embarrassed, like the Ministers of Louis XVIIL
after the second French Restoration, by the numbers and the
violence of the ultra-Conservatives, who in Spain bear the title of
Moderates. An ambiguous paragraph, which may be interpreted
either as granting or refusing toleration to Nonconformists, was
inserted by a compromise in the Constitution which, according
to the national custom, has been enacted by the Cortes. In the
disputes which have since arisen between the clergy and the
dissenters, who claim religious liberty, the Government has
temporised with a leaning, prompted by deference to the Parlia-
mentary majority, to the most restricted exposition of the law.
The extravagance of ecclesiastical pretensions in Spain may be
compared with the most grotesque displays of revolutionary
violence in the days of Republican supremacy. A bishop of
Minorca has publicly forbidden his flock, under pain of excom-
munication, to hold any intercourse in society or business with
Protestants or other heretics. It is not certain whether Queen
Isabella, who has lately returued to Spain, takes any part in
public affairs, but the concessions of the Government to the
Ultramontane party are naturally attributed to an influence
which, if it is exercised, cannot fail to be pernicious. For the
present Spain enjoys the great advantage of peace and rest. The
chief danger of the Government is the exclusion from public
activity of the Republicans and of the Constitutional Liberals,
who together constitute the majority of the intelligent classes, if
not of the whole population. As long, however, as order is pre-
served, the material prosperity of Spain cannot fail to increase.

In Italy a change of ministry, which apparently resulted from
trivial or accidental causes, seems likely to produce important
political consequences. In the month of March the Tuscan
deputies, in resentment of real or supposed grievances affecting
themselves and their constituents, combined with the regular
Opposition to defeat the Government on the question of the
Grist Tax. Signor Minghetti and his colleagues, though they
ordinarily commanded a majority, immediately resigned, and a
ministry of the Left, or the advanced Liberals, was formed under
the Presidency of Signor Depretis. During the remainder of
the session the new Ministers attempted no serious deviation
from the policy of their predecessors ; and perhaps as in other
constitutional countries a change of persons and of parties may

1876 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 5

have been in itself popular. A dissolution at the close of the
session proved that the late Ministry had for the time entirely-
lost their hold on the country, and the measures which their
adversaries now propose will probably exclude them for an
indefinite time from power. An overwhelming majority of the
supporters of the Depretis Government has been returned to the
new Parliament on issues which have not been clearly defined.
It seems probable that the choice of the electors has been
principally determined by the jealousy of clerical influence,
which Italian Governments, in spite of constant provocation,
have hitherto discountenanced. Although the parochial clergy
would probably, for the most part, be willing to cultivate
friendly relations with the secular authorities, the bishops, under
the instructions of the Vatican, take all occasions of protesting
against the " usurping dynasty," and against all modem changes
in custom and legislation. The present constituency, consisting
principally of the middle classes, is naturally impatient of an
agitation against the principles which are identified with national
freedom and independence, yet the election might have taken
another turn if it had been foreseen that the Liberal majority
and the Ministers would seize the opportunity of shifting the
balance of political power by a large reduction of the franchise.
There will be little difficulty in carrying a Keform Bill, which
will greatly strengthen the two most formidable sections of the
natural opponents of the present Constitution. The Republicans
may perhaps become formidable in a Parliament elected by a
widely extended suflfrage, and the clergy will hope for increased
influence among the more ignorant portion of the rural popula-
tion. Up to the present time the Ministers have deserved credit
for prudence and moderation. No apparent change has occurred
in the relations between the Italian Government and the Pope ;
but the present Government and Parliament are less deeply
pledged than their predecessors to perseverance in the experiment
of " a free Church in a free State." The Pope's vituperative
harangues tend to increase the alienation between the Holy
See and the Italian nation, and probably additional difliculties
may arise from the death of the astute and experienced diplo-
matist who had long conducted the secular afi'airs of the Vatican.
Cardinal Simeoni, now Secretary of State, is a zealous and
intolerant Churchman, and he enters on his duties fresh from a
partially successful effort to revive the practice of religious

6 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1876

persecution in Spain. Judicious Italian statesmen probably
wish to defer the adoption of any decided policy until the Papal
election, which cannot be long deferred, has enabled them to
judge whether a friendly adjustment of differences is possible.
It would be unreasonable to expect that Pius IX. should in his
extreme age modify the pretensions which he has asserted with
increased vehemence, as they have been more and more generally
repudiated by the rest of the world. The subordination by the
clergy under the Pope's direction of national to ecclesiastical in-
terests has produced a conflict in nearly every continental country.
During the current year the struggle has been to some extent
suspended in Germany, though none of the questions in dispute
have been amicably settled. The peaceful and orderly kingdom
of Belgium has been disturbed by serious riots directed against
the clergy, who, on their part, lose no opportunity of irritating
their opponents and of promoting agitation among the rural
portion of the community. The incessant denunciation by the
Catholic clergy of every form of Christianity except their own
has so far succeeded that in almost all parts of Europe the
assailants of the Church have become the intolerant enemies of
religion.

The political history of the French Eepublic during the year
would have been watched in England with greater interest, if
general attention had not been concentrated on the Eastern Ques-
tion. The provisional Constitution which had been established
after the fall of Paris in 1871, which had since been in some
degree modified, practically terminated with the adjournment
of the Assembly on the last day of 1875. Notwithstanding
numerous errors, the Legislature which met at Bordeaux, and
which afterwards sat at Versailles, had rendered great services
to the country. For the first time since the fall of Louis
Philippe a Parliamentary Government exercised supreme
authority in France ; and the Assembly, while it repressed all
attempts to limit its sovereign attributes, voluntarily and
gradually acquiesced, notwithstanding the adverse inclination
of the majority, in the national will. The party which at first
contended that the Assembly had only been commissioned to
conclude peace after the war had become hopeless, afterwards
assented to the assumption of constituent powers, as well as
to the administration of the Government for five years by the
representatives of the people. On the other hand, the purpose

1876 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 7

of restoring the Monarchy was, after more than one dis-
appointment, abandoned as — at least, for the time — impractic-
able by its most zealous promoters. The exaggerated scruples
or the timidity of the Comte de Chambord, following on his
reconciliation with the head of the Orleans family, left to
moderate politicians only the alternative of a Republic. In
the Constitution which was framed in 1875 the duration of
the experiment was, according to one interpretation, nominally
limited, though the Republicans profess to regard the power of
revising the Constitution as only referring to details. The
dispute is unimportant, for, when the appointed term arrives,
the Republic, or, in a less probable contingency, the Monarchy
or the Empire, will be perpetuated or established by the will
of the country, and not in accordance with any legislative
formula. One of the last acts of the Assembly had been to
nominate its proportion of the members of the Senate, and, to
the general surprise, a schism among the Conservative parties
enabled the Republicans to secure a majority of senators -for
life. The balance was redressed by the municipal and popular
elections, which brought the two great parties nearly to an
equality in the Senate ; and since that time casual nominations
on the occurrence of vacancies by the Senate itself have reduced
the Republicans to a minority. The Prime Minister, M. Buffet,
having failed to secure election to the Senate, resigned a post
which would in any case have been found untenable after the
meeting of the new Assembly. M. Dufaure, who had also lost
his election for the Senate, became Vice-President of the Council
and Minister of Justice, with M. Ricard, who soon afterwards
died and was succeeded by M. de Marcere, as Minister of the
Interior. Of the Legislative Assembly, which consisted of 530
members, about one -half were Republicans of a more or less
moderate type, reinforced on ordinary occasions by 60 Radicals,
of whom only a few professed the Jacobinical or Socialist
opinions of M. Louis Blanc and M. Naquet. Next in numbers
to the Republicans were the Bonapartists with 90 members.
The Orleanists were nearly equal in numbers to the Radicals ;
and the Legitimists, who had almost formed a majority in the
former Assembly, numbered only 36. M. Thiers, who had been
chosen for both branches of the Legislature, elected to sit in the
Assembly ; but, either in consequence of advancing years or
perhaps from a sense of personal dignity, he has not taken any

8 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1876

share in tlie debates. The Due d'Audiffret-Pasquier was chosen
President of the Senate, and M. Gr^vy of the Assembly. In
addition to M. Dufaure and M. Ricard, the Ministry included
M. Leon Say as Minister of Finance, M. Waddington as Minister
of Public Instruction, and the Due Decazes as Foreign Minister ;
General de Cissey, who was afterwards succeeded by General
Berthaut, remained Minister of War. Both M. Biiflfet and M.
Dufaure were elected by the Senate to supply vacancies. Nor
can it be disputed that an Upper House ought, as far as possible,
to include all eminent statesmen and leaders of parties ; but it
may be doubted whether the Senate, which now contains a
decided Conservative majority, will extend its liberality to
eminent members of the Eepublican Opposition. Further ex-
perience will show whether the Constitution will work in the
probable event of a chronic antagonism between the Senate and
the Assembly, Up to the present time neither House has
cordially supported the Ministry, though the measures of the
Government have been attacked in the two branches of the
Legislature on opposite gi'ounds. The issue which more than
any strictly political question excites the -passions of French
Assemblies was raised by M. Waddington's proposal to repeal
the power of granting academic degrees which had been con-
ferred by the former Assemblies on free universities, or, in other
words, on nominees of the bishops. The Minister of Public
Instruction, himself a Protestant, was probably influenced either
by the national taste for legislative and official symmetry or by
a reasonable apprehension that the standard of education might
be degraded under the stimulus of competition. The majority
of the Assembly, in supporting the Bill, intended to check the
supposed aggressions of the clergy ; and the Senate, which
rejected the measure by a small majority, probably thought that
the same question was involved in M. Waddington's proposaL
During the course of the session M. Gambetta continued to
display the prudence and moderation which had in the former
Assembly surprised his early associates and opponents. In the
absence of M. Thiers he has been the most prominent member
of the majority, though he has not been recognised, as might
have happened in England, either as the responsible leader of
his party or as a candidate for office. The extreme Radicals
have repeatedly expressed their dissatisfaction with M. Gambetta's
exchange of the part of a demagogue for the position of a

1876 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 9

statesman, but for the present the alliance between the two
Republican sections is not openly dissolved. The elections
proved that the peasantry had so far become converts to the
Republic that they were willing to accept peace and security
for property under the present form of Government. M.
Gambetta protects his impatient allies from a political revolt
which would be ruinous to their favourite institution. There
is reason to believe that while the small landowners are shaken
in their preference for absolute Government, the town popula-
tion has also mitigated the anarchical extravagance of its political
theories. The majority of the Assembly seems to direct its
energies to two principal objections, of which neither is per-
haps of paramount importance. A large number of contested
elections were decided, according to a practice which has for more
than a century been obsolete in England, on exclusively party
grounds. An allegation of clerical influence was almost always
sufficient to unseat a candidate on petition. The weakness of
the Legitimists affords no protection against the jealousy of
the Republicans, who, with better reason, dislike and dread
the compact organisation of the Bonapartists. The Democratic
section hesitates between acceptance and refusal of the alliance
of Prince Jerome Napoleon, who, having deserted the cause of
the dynasty to which he belongs, courts popular favour by the
exhibition of extreme hostility to the clergy. Two disputes on
questions intrinsically insignificant have lately produced a
rupture between the Assembly and M. Dufaure's Ministry.
The Republicans opposed a petty augmentation of the miserable
stipends of the poorer parochial clergy, who will consequently
be more than ever hostile to the present Constitution. Angrier
feelings were roused by an attempt to terminate a dispute on
military honours rendered at the funerals of officers of the
Legion of Honour. According to the present rule, a guard of
honour attends at the house of the deceased, and accompanies
him to the grave, at which it was assumed that a religious
service would be celebrated. Of late years it has become a
point of honour with a section of Liberals to dispense with all
religious ceremonies ; and the military authorities have, with a
professional bias towards regularity and decorum, forbidden the
attendance of the troops at civil burials. The Ministers pro-
posed a compromise by which military honours were to be
confined to soldiers ; but the Assembly rejected the arrangement,

10 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1876

and M. de Marcere, having consequently been authorised by
the Government to withdraw the Bill, was afterwards accused
by some of his colleagues of exceeding his commission by the
acceptance of a motion proposed by the Republicans. About
the same time the Ministers came into collision with the
Conservative majority in the Senate on an Amnesty Bill, which
had been adopted as a compromise in the Assembly. In the
earlier part of the year the proposal of an amnesty had been
rejected by a large majority, but M. Dufaure now consented
that future prosecutions should be confined to certain classes
of the accomplices of the commune. The vote of the Senate
probably indicated rather a feeling of ill humour than a
definite policy of opposition to the Government ; but M.
Dufaure and his colleagues determined no longer to continue a
struggle which was reproduced in the form of internal dissensions
in the Cabinet. They accordingly placed their resignations in
the hands of the President, who was at first indisposed to
accept, under the pressure of the Left, a ministry of a less Con-
servative character. In the negotiations which ensued it
appeared that the main object of the Republican leaders in the
Assembly was to obtain for their party a larger share in the
local administration. Many prefects and sub-prefects, notwith-
standing the establishment of the Republic, are still Legitimists,
Orleanists, or Bonapartists. The General Election proved that
the influence of public functionaries has been greatly diminished,
but the mass of the population still attributes to the Government
whatever political opinions are favoured by its local agents. It
is scarcely just to compare the anxiety of political parties in
France for the appointment of prefects of Republican or Royalist
tendencies with the modern American practice of assigning the
spoils to the victors. It is not as a reward for party services
but as an instrument of Government that Frenchmen attach
importance to the disposal of executive patronage. M. Dufaure
would have consented to retain office on the invitation of
Marshal MacMahon if he could have effected a reconciliation
with the leaders of the majority. At one time there seemed to
be some risk of a collision between the Marshal and the
Assembly. The Republicans insisted on the strict interpretation
of the constitutional principle, long recognised in England, that
the Ministers should be virtually the nominees of the dominant
Parliamentary party. In accordance with the English doctrine

1876 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 11

they required not only the disposal of the Ministry of the
Interior, but the removal of General Berthaut, who, as Minister
of War, had with professional instinct opposed the attendance
of military escorts at civil funerals. The Marshal at once
declared that General Berthaut's services in the reorganisation
of the army were indispensable, and that he would not allow
the vital interests of France to depend on party caprice. To
English politicians it appears obvious that in proportion to the
importance of an office is the necessity that it should be held
on a Parliamentary tenure, but the Republican leaders had the
wisdom and patriotism to avoid a conflict which might have
strained the new constitutional system. The Minister of War
was allowed to retain his office with the consent of the majority,
and the Marshal, with some sacrifice of personal feeling, con-
sented to the nomination of M. Jules Simon as Vice-President
of the Council, in place of M. Dufaure, and the Minister of the
Interior, M. de Marcere, retired ; but the remodelled Govern-
ment belongs, with one or two exceptions, exclusively to the
Republican Party. M. Jules Simon and M. Martel, who is
Minister of Public Worship, will have the opportunity of filling
the public service with zealous Republicans ; or, if they prudently
abstain from sweeping changes, they will make their subordinates
understand that their places are held on condition of hearty
co-operation with the Government The first year of the
definite Constitution has, on the whole, rendered the permanent
establishment of the Republic more probable ; but a long suc-
cession of political experiments must precede its final adoption
by the nation.

In the United States continued commercial depression has
not interfered either with political activity or with the execution
of the cherished project of the Philadelphia Exhibition. The
buildings, the collection of articles produced at home and abroad,
and the public ceremonies were all on a colossal scale, and the
visitors were numbered by hundreds of thousands. The Cen-
tennial celebration of the foundation of the great Republic was in
all respects successful, and it was satisfactory to learn that cordial
relations existed between the authorities of the Exhibition and
the English representatives. The only difference which has
lately arisen between the Governments involved no interruption
of the friendly understanding which is now becoming habitual.
The Treaty of Extradition seemed on some points inconsistent

12 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1876

with the provisions of a more recent Act of Parliament. Lord
Derby and Mr. Cross, guiding themselves by the Act, argued
that a prisoner surrendered under the Treaty could not be tried
for an offence not charged in the warrant of extradition. Mr. Fish,
on behalf of the American Government, protested against a
supposed attempt to override an international contract by
municipal legislation, but Lord Derby disclaimed a pretension
which would have been wholly unjustifiable, and the recent
surrender of Brent to the United States authorities is a pledge
that the controversy will end in an amicable compromise. To
Americans the return of the periodical election of a President
has provided ample material of excitement. The provisional
result of a disputed election has fully justified the expectation
that the contest would be close. In 1874 a Democratic
majority had been returned after an interval of many years to
Congress, and in 1875 the Republicans had carried the most
important State elections ; it was understood that nearly all the
Southern States would vote for the Democratic candidate ; but
the Republicans hoped to carry the principal Northern States.
At one time it seemed that the contest would turn on the question
of currency ; but the n^anagers of the election on both sides found
that the preference of specie or of paper money was determined
rather by local position than by party bias. In the end the
Republicans relied mainly on the argument that the Southern
negroes needed protection from the oppression of the Democrats,
while their adversaries protested against the prevalent corruption
of the party in office, and also complained of the irregular
interference of Federal troops in Southern elections. The first
nominating Convention was held by the Republicans at Cincin-
nati. The project of re-electing General Grant for a third term
had never been adopted by the party ; and the probable
candidates were Mr. Conkling, Mr. Bristowe, as the representa-
tive of sound financial doctrines and official purity, and Mr.
Blaine, formerly Speaker of the House of Representatives, who
appeared on the early ballots to be the favourite of the delegates.
Eventually the choice fell on Mr. Hayes, Governor of Ohio, a
lawyer and politician of good repute, who had served with
distinction as a volunteer general in the Civil War. The
Democratic Convention at St. Louis nominated the ablest and
most conspicuous leader of the party in the person of Mr.
Tilden, Governor of New York. His administrative energy had

1876 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 13

been displayed in the prosecution of some of the numerous and
complicated frauds for which the ample revenues of the City of
New York furnish materials. Mr. Tilden has during the
contest directed the councils of his party with remarkable skill
and vigour. Both parties had reason to congratulate .them-
selves on their selection of candidates. The election itself
has produced extraordinary complication and uncertainty.
The Southern States, with the exception of Florida, Louisiana,
and South Carolina, in which the returns were disputed,
voted for Mr. Tilden, who was also supported by four
Northern States, including New York and Indiana. Of 184
votes which were required for the election of a President, Mr.
Tilden received 183. It seemed at first certain that he would
carry one out of the three doubtful States ; but in all
three Republican Returning Boards, in spite of the protests of
the Democratic party, have given certificates to Republican
Presidential electors. The Republicans contended that the Vice-
President of the Senate, who is charged with the duty of
counting the votes, could exercise no discretion in receiving the
official certificates ; nor were the Democrats unwilling to
accept a doctrine which seems to be sound, because they found
that the Governor of Oregon had given a certificate to one
Presidential elector of their party. The issue of the controversy
is still unknown ; but although the peace of the Union is not
threatened, the successful candidate will be embarrassed during
his term of office by the consciousness of a disputed election and
of a doubtful title. It is evident that the Constitution is
defective in the want of provision for the authoritative settlement
of disputed Presidential elections. The jealousy of rival parties
ought not to prevent the adoption of some legislative remedy.
The United States have not been engaged in any external
dispute, for the irritation which was formerly caused by the Civil
War in Cuba seems to have subsided, and the outrages of Mexican
freebooters on the frontier of Texas possess no political signifi-
cance. Mexico itself sinks deeper and deeper into anarchy, which
may, perhaps, eventually render American intervention necessary.
An adventurer named Porfirio Diaz lately defeated Tejada, the
President of the Republic, and, it has been reported, has taken
him and some of his Ministers prisoners. The Civil wars and
insurrections of some other South American States are still more
obscure.

U ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1876

It seldom happens that the intervention of the Home
Government is not required in some part of the widespread
dependencies of England. At the beginning of the year the
petty war in the Malay Peninsula was brought to a close ; nor
has peace been actually disturbed in any part of the British
dominions ; but Barbadoes, formerly the most tranquil and
prosperous of the West Indian colonies, has reproduced on a
small scale and in a milder form the conflict of races and the
economical difficulties which a few years ago caused the aboli-
tion of Constitutional Government in Jamaica. Lord Carnarvon
had opportunities of explaining to Parliament his reasons for
supporting the Governor against the violent attacks of the
planters, but he has since wisely removed Mr. Pope Hennessy to
the Governorship of Hongkong, and it is probable that the task
of reconciling conflicting interests and passions, if it is intrinsically
feasible, may be more easily performed by a successor who has
been hitherto a stranger to local quarrels. During part of the
year Lord Carnarvon has been actively engaged in the aff'airs
of South Africa, and some advance has been made towards his
policy of Federation. Mr. Brand, President of the Orange Free
State, has returned home from a visit to England, after agreeing
with Lord Carnarvon to relinquish the claim of his Govern-
ment to the disputed territory of West Griqualand in considera-
tion of a money payment. Mr. Molteno, principal Minister of
the Cape Colony, has given a qualified assent to the policy of
Federation, for which recent events have furnished an additional
argument. The Government of the Transvaal Eepublic, having
provoked a war with the natives, has sustained a heavy defeat,
and, unless the disaster is retrieved, the Dutch farmers may
perhaps find it necessary to form a union for defence with their
more powerful neighbours within the English dominions. The
Colonists are at the same time aware of the danger of Caffre
wars in any part of South Africa. It is on all accounts desir-
able that some Federal authority should control the dealings of
Europeans with natives.

The visit of the Prince of Wales to India, which had begun
in the autumn of 1875, was throughout prosperous and success-
ful. There is reason to hope that the native princes, by whom
he was everywhere received with gorgeous hospitality, were
gratified by the opportunity of personal intercourse with the
future Sovereign of India. The assumption by the Queen of

1876 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1^

her new title will be celebrated on Monday by a splendid cere-
mony at Delhi, under the presidency of Lord Lytton, who
succeeded Lord Northbrook as Viceroy. Lord Northbrook's
services were properly acknowledged by his elevation to a
higher rank in the peerage. The question which has of late
chiefly occupied the attention of the Government and of the
ofl&cial and commercial communities has been the depreciation
in the value of silver. A reaction in price has lately revived
the hopes of those who suffer by the change, and they are
further encouraged by rumours of diminished production in the
silver mines of America. Further east, long-standing disputes
with China have been for the present terminated by a new
treaty, negotiated by Sir Thomas Wade with the most powerful
of the Imperial Ministers. The mission which was despatched
to investigate on the spot the murder of Mr. Margary obtained
no satisfactory result, but by the new treaty the Chinese
Government agrees to pay compensation for the outrage and to
provide security against similar disasters. The text of the
treaty is to be published in the Official Gazette^ an embassy is to
be sent to England, and certain additional markets have been
opened to foreign trade. The jealousy of European intrusion is
not seriously abated ; but it is satisfactory that the English
Government should have been enabled for the present to dis-
pense with the employment of coercive measures.

The domestic history of the year has been monotonous and
calm, except so far as it has been affected by the unusual excite- /^
ment of public feeling in connection with Eastern affairs. There
have been, hitherto, no symptoms of a revival of industrial
activity. The iron trade is still in the lowest state of depres-
sion, and the absence of enterprise has produced unprecedented
cheapness of money. The bank rate of discount, which a year
ago varied between 4 and 5 per cent, has now for many months
remained at the nominal level of 2 per cent, while it has
practically been almost impossible to employ money in dis-
counting bills. The joint-stock banks now decline to receive
deposits at interest except from their own regular customers.
A great diminution in the bank reserve has scarcely produced a
perceptible effect on the value of money. There is, fortunately,
reason to believe that the population is moderately prosperous,
notwithstanding the dulness of trade. The Revenue Returns
have thus far justified the calculations of the Chancellor of the

16 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1876

Exchequer; and pauperism has continued to decrease. The Board
of Trade Eeturns during the autumn exhibit exports diminished
in value, but in some instances increased in quantity. Political
events have been rare and uninteresting, for a few casual elec-
tions have produced no material change in the comparative
strength of parties. At the end of the session Lord Malmesbury,
for many years a member of every Conservative Government,
resigned the Privy Seal, which is now held by Lord Beacons-
field in conjunction with his more important office. The
vacancy in the Cabinet has been filled by Sir Michael Hicks
Beach, who retains his office of Secretary for Ireland. No
author or politician of the highest order has died in England
during the year. Mr. John Forster was one of the most con-
scientious and satisfactory of historical and biographical writers,
and the non-completion of his exhaustive Life of Swift was a
real loss to literature. Miss Martineau had not increased in
her later years the considerable reputation which she obtained
and deserved more than forty years ago by her Tales of Political
Economy. Perhaps no other writer has succeeded so well in
the questionable and difficult province of didactic fiction. Lord
Sandhurst, an accomplished soldier, died prematurely in the
course of the year. In different Indian campaigns he acquired
a high reputation, and as chief of the staff he shared with Lord
Clyde the credit of the last campaign of the Indian Mutiny.
His capacity as an administrator and financier was rendered less
available for the public service by a deficiency in the tact and
temper which are indispensable to the management of men.
Mr. Horsman, who died only a few weeks ago, furnished
another proof of the insufficiency of considerable abilities,
accompanied by certain defects of character, to ensure the
highest success. Early in life Mr. Horsman attained a high
position in the House of Commons, and at one time he had the
opportunity of proving his fitness for high office ; but as Secre-
tary for Ireland he was indolent and careless, and he afterwards
subsided into the position of an independent and discontented
member. His polished and elaborate speeches were, in his
later years, almost always directed against his political allies.
Among the few eminent foreigners who are included in the
obituary of the year. Marshal Saldanha was well known in
England, and his career was interesting because it had extended
over fifty years of incessant activity. In the dynastic and

1876 AKNUAL SUMMAKIES 17

constitutional struggle which ended in the establishment of the
more liberal branch of the House of Braganza in Portugal
Saldanha had taken a principal part. He was old enough to
have been encouraged by Lord Palmerston and thwarted by the
Duke of Wellington. At the age of eighty he had still sufficient
vigour to put himself at the head of a military movement for
the purpose of effecting a Ministerial revolution. Cardinal
Antonelli, who died only a few weeks since, will probably be
remembered as the last of a long line of ecclesiastical statesmen
who have administered the temporal affairs of the Holy See.
The late Secretary of State, though he early attained the rank
of Cardinal, entered priest's orders late in life at the express
wish of the Pope. In the earlier part of his long political
career he continued the traditions of his predecessors, and he
was not responsible for the changes which gradually deprived
his office of nearly all its diplomatic importance. While, in
accordance with his own personal convictions, and under the
influence of the Jesuits, Pius IX. incessantly tightened the
bonds of ecclesiastical obedience and exalted the spiritual pre-
tensions of the Papacy, Catholic Governments one after another
were provoked to assert their independence, and at last not a
hand was raised to defend the temporal power when Kome
became the capital of the Italian kingdom. Cardinal Antonelli,
though he was thoroughly loyal to his sovereign, incurred no
responsibility for measures which he probably deemed im-
politic. The proclamation of the dogma of the Immaculate
Conception, the publication of the Syllabus, the convocation
and the decrees of the Council of the Vatican lay outside the
department of the Secretary of State. A graceful and adroit
courtier and man of the world, Cardinal Antonelli formally
represented a dethroned sovereign with dignity and propriety.
His successor. Cardinal Simeoni, is a zealous advocate of the
modern or ultramontane doctrines, which he lately asserted as
Nuncio at Madrid in language too extreme even for the endur-
ance of the Spanish Government.

The purchase of shares in the Suez Canal and the mission of
Mr. Cave to investigate the state of the Egyptian finances were
fully discussed in Parliament. On the refusal of the English
Government to take part in a Commission for the administra-
tion of the revenue and for the adjustment of the debt, the
Khedive entered into an arrangement with a body of French

VOL. II 0

18 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1876

financiers, which was unsatisfactory to the bondholders, and
which eventually failed to afford the expected relief. In the
latter part of the year Mr. Goschen was induced to undertake
the task of effecting a new settlement, which, if the Khedive is
prudent enough to adhere to his pledges of economy, will restore
the financial credit of his Government. During his visit to
Egypt Mr. Goschen procured the dismissal of the Finance
Minister, who is believed to have been the principal author of
the Khedive's embarrassments. There is reason to hope that a
costly and disastrous contest with Abyssinia will not be further
prosecuted. The Egyptian army has on two occasions incurred
severe defeats, and the expense of the campaign must have been
serious.

The declaration of insolvency which had been made by the
Turkish Government in the autumn of 1875 was almost for-
gotten, except by the unfortunate creditors, in the political com-
plications which have since absorbed the attention of Europe.
The insurrection still smouldered in Herzegovina and Bosnia
with the covert assistance of Montenegro and Servia. The
Governments of Russia, Austria, and Germany, united within a
year or two by a professedly cordial alliance, assumed to them-
selves the duty of imposing on Turkey a scheme of administra-
tive reform which might satisfy the demands of the insurgents,
and perhaps prevent further disturbance. The task of drawing
up the project was entrusted to the Austro-Hungarian Chancellor;
and a Note which virtually repeated the liberal decrees of the
Sultan, which have produced little practical result, was approved
by the Allies, and in the first days of the year submitted to the
Governments of England, France, and Italy. The civil equality
of Christians and Mahomedans, the reform of the judicial
tribunals, and the application of a due proportion of the public
revenue to provincial objects might probably have satisfied the
populations of Bosnia and Herzegovina, if reliance could have
been placed on any promises of the Porte. The French and
Italian Governments immediately expressed their assent to
Count Andrassy's Note; but Lord Derby at first hesitated,
because he both doubted the efficacy of the project and desired
as long as possible to abstain from foreign intervention in the
internal administration of Turkey. After the lapse of a few
days, finding that the Sultan's Ministers were willing to accept
the project, the English Government assented to the Note, at the

1876 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 19

same time intimating a doubt whether its provisions could be
applied during the continuance of the insurrection. The Note
was immediately afterwards published and formally accepted
by the Porte. Nevertheless, no effect was produced on the
condition of the disturbed provinces. The insurgents were
probably justified in disregarding merely verbal reforms, and
Servia and Montenegro, which were exempt from the abuses of
Turkish administration, had no interest in the enforcement or
disregard of Count Andrassy's project of improvement. The
Turkish Government, with characteristic indolence, made no
serious attempt to crush the insurrection by force ; and it
would have been impossible to establish during the war a new
civil administration. The Government at Constantinople was
at the time in a state of hopeless weakness and confusion, and
rumours of conspiracies, which were partially well founded,
were connected with fears of some fanatical outbreak among the
Mussulmans, who were generally suspicious and discontented.
Early in May the general alarm was justified and increased by a
formidable riot at Salonica, caused by a trivial occurrence. The
French and German Consuls were murdered by the mob, in the
belief that they had assisted in the rescue of a girl who had been
converted to Mahomedanism, and, as usual, some of the local
functionaries were guilty either of complicity or of connivance at
the outrage. The result proved that the riot was an isolated
occurrence, and the aggrieved Governments obtained from the
Porte the satisfaction which they demanded ; but there was
reason for apprehending other acts of violence in the capital or
the provinces, and the Salonica murders proved to be the
immediate occasion of further diplomatic intervention. The
Emperor of Kussia made a hurried journey to Berlin, and
obtained the concurrence of the German and Austrian Govern-
ments in a document which was consequently known as the
Berlin Memorandum. A preamble relating chiefly to the unto-
ward event of Salonica was followed by documents more specific
and more peremptory than the corresponding clauses of the
Andrassy Note ; and in conclusion the Imperial Governments
announced that, at the termination of an armistice which they
demanded, they would be prepared to adopt more stringent
measures, if a pacification were not already effected. The
French and Italian Governments, as in the former case, accepted
the Memorandum as soon as it was brought to their notice; but

20 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1876

Lord Derby, after full consideration, declined,_Qll llie. part of his
Government, to concur. The Berlin Memorandum, in fact, was
never presented to the Porte, and it was, in consequence of a
change in circumstances, tacitly abandoned by the three Imperial
Governments, including Russia. The answer of the English
Government was delivered in the latter part of May. About
the same time an organised multitude of Softas, or legal
students, had extorted from the Sultan the dismissal of the
Grand Vizier, who had long acted in concert with the Russian
Ambassador. His successor, Mehemet Rushdi Pasha, and the
new Seraskier, Hussein Pasha, were leaders of the old Turkish
or warlike party, while their most powerful colleague, Midhat
Pasha, was known to be engaged in comprehensive projects of
internal reform. The ulterior object of the conspiracy which
had raised them to power was immediately afterwards disclosed.
On the 30th of May Hussein Pasha entered the palace with a
military "force and presented to the astonished _Sultan a judg-
ment of the Sheik-ul-Islam which announced that he was law-
fully deposed. His nephew, son of the late Sultan Abdul
Medjid, was placed on the throne under the title of Murad V.
The unfortunate Sultan only survived his fall by two or three
days. The report that he had committed suicide naturally
provoked suspicions of violence, but the result of an inquiry, in
which the physicians of the different embassies took part, was
to prove that the unfortunate Sultan, whose extravagance and
folly had lately indicated derangement, had destroyed himself
in a fit of indignation and despair. On the accession of Abdul
Aziz strong hopes had been founded on a character which was
said to be simple and manly ; and it was believed that he would
devote himself to the reform of abuses in the palace and the
Empire. It was soon found that the only improvements in
which he was interested were additions to the strength of the
army and navy. The loans which had first been raised in the
time of his predecessor enabled him to build and equip a power-
ful fleet ; the numbers of the army were largely increased, and
a large and efficient force of artillery was provided. The rest
of his revenues and of the money raised from foreign creditors
was, to a great extent, wasted in reckless prodigality ; and in
the latter part of his reign he approximated more and more to
the worst type of a capricious Oriental despot. His subjects
seem to have generally approved his dethronement ; but, un-

1876 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 21

fortunately, Murad V., either from natural incapacity, or in
consequence of the surprise and shock of his elevation, was from
the first incapable of discharging his duties. A tragic event
which happened a fortnight after the deposition of Abdul Aziz
may perhaps have contributed to the morbid depression of the
new Sultan. A Circassian ofl&cer named Hassan Bey found
means to enter a room in which the Council was assembled,
and before he was arrested he murdered Hussein Pasha and
Kaschid Pasha, the Foreign Minister, and wounded the Minister
of Marine. The assassin seems to have been actuated by private
motives of revenge ; but the disaster tended to increase the
general feeling of suspicion and alarm. Within three months
the Ministers found it necessary to depose Murad.y.-in, his turn,
and to raise his brother, Abdul Hamid, to .theJiucpne.

Immediately before the fall of Abdul Aziz events had
occurred in the l^ulgarian districts south of the Balkan which
have profoundly modified the fortunes of Turkey through
the effect which has been produced on the opinions, and in
some degree on the policy, of England. In the course of the
spring foreign agents succeeded in inducing the inhabitants of a
few Christian villages to rise in insurrection, and, although the
movement never became formidable, a certain number of
Mussulmans were put to death. The Government of Constanti-
nople, then on the brink of revolution, was unable or unwilling
to detach any considerable body of regular troops into the
province, and the local authorities, in some cases under superior
orders and elsewhere of their own accord, called the Mahomedan
population to arms, and proceeded, with the aid of irregular
troops, including " Circassian " soldiers in the district, to attack
not only the feeble and isolated bodies <^_insurgents^ but the
unoffending Christian population. The ferocity of the Ma-
homedan levies was, perhaps, in the first instance, stimulated
by panic ; but when all danger of resistance had disappeared,
their worst passions were gratified by the perpetration of crimes
of which indiscriminate murder was scarcely the worst. Cruelty
was in some cases aggravated by the basest perfidy, and among
the victims of savage licence were large numbers of women and
children. In the accounts which were afterwards published in
England, it was stated that 60 villages had been destroyed, and
that 25,000 Christians had been murdered. An official inquiry,
conducted by Mr. Baring, one of the secretaries of the English

22 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1876

Embassy, reduced the number of sufferers, but in substance it
confirmed the charges which had first been preferred by news-
paper correspondents. Lord Derby, on receiving Mr. Baring's
report, addressed to the Porte a despatch containing reproofs
and demands for redress, such as have probably never before
been received by a nominally independent Government.
Although the Turkish Ministers promised compliance with
his demands for the condign punishment of the chief criminals,
the performance of their promises has been hitherto evaded.
In a speech in the House of Lords Lord Derby had warned the
Turks that a repetition of the Bulgarian massacre would do
them more harm than the loss of a pitched battle. He might
have added that the crimes already committed have cost their
Government more than many an unsuccessful campaign.
Although the general character of the Bulgarian transactions
was known before the close of the session, it was only when
additional details were published, a few days after the proroga-
tion, that a sudden burst of indignation swept through all parts
of England. During the latter half of August excited meetings
were held almost daily in different parts of the country to
denounce the conduct of the Turks, and in the beginning of
September Mr. Gladstone added new vigour to the agitation by
a pamphlet, in which he demanded the expulsion of the Turks
— by which he explained that he meant the Turkish officials —
from Bulgaria, if not from Europe. In his pamphlet, and in a
speech to a crowded meeting at Greenwich, Mr. Gladstone
severely censured the language of Lord Beaconsfield, while he
professed a confidence in Lord Derby which he afterwards with-
drew. In a speech at Aylesbury Lord Beaconsfield exhibited a
strange incapacity to understand the popular feeling ; an^ at
the Lord Mayor's dinner he concluded his speech with a boast
of the military resources of England, which was thought to
involve a defiance of Russia, and to contain a threat of war.
By that time the active agitation had subsided ; but Mr, Glad-
stone lately addressed an enthusiastic assembly at St. James's
Hall, which had met to protest against war on behalf of
Turkey.

In the first days of July, Servia and Montenegro, which had
up to that time been" restrained by the advice or command of
Russia, simultaneously declared war against Turkey. Im-
mediately afterwards the Montenegrins defeated Mukhtar Pasha^

1876 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 23

who commanded in Herzegovina, and during a desultory
campaign, which was conducted carelessly and languidly on
the part of the Turkish Generals, Prince Nicholas maintained
his superiority in the field, though he was not strong enough
to occupy permanently any part of the enemy's territory.
General Tchernayeff, who had formerly attained distinction by
the capture of Tashkend and by other proofs of military and
administrative ability in Central Asia, assumed as a volunteer
the chief command of the Servian army. In the hope, perhaps,
of aid from a Bulgarian insurrection, he crossed the south-
eastern frontier, as if for the purpose of advancing towards
Sofia ; but, receiving no support from the Bulgarians, and
finding himself threatened by superior forces, he almost im-
mediately retired into Servian territory. The Turkish Govern-
ment, at last aroused by the imminence of danger, now rapidly
reinforced their army with disciplined troops drawn from all
parts of the Empire. The generals in command, either through
their own sluggishness, or perhaps under the influence of
political considerations, conducted their operations slowly, but
from first to last they expenenced no serious check. The
Servian militia proved to be incapable of resisting the regular
Turkish army, and Tchernayeff was reduced to the necessity of
depending chiefly on some thousands of volunteers who arrived
from Russia. Early in August the Turkish army took Gur-
gusovatz, and the Servians were compelled to evacuate the
• important post of Saitschar. The English Government, which
h.g4>strQ»gly disapprovedJ:_he.declaration_of_war, and which had
watched the fortunes of the struggle with anxious vigilance, lost
no time, when the Turks had obtained their first successes, in
endeavouring to rescue the Servians from the consequences of
their aggressive rashness. On the 14th of August the English
Consul- General at Belgrade was instructed to inform Prince
Milan that an application to the Powers for their good offices
would be favourably received by England. On the 23rd the
Prince, in the presence of his Foreign Minister, asked the
representatives of the six Powers to transmit to their Govern-
ments his application for peace, and for a preliminary and
immediate suspension of hostilities. The Ambassador at
Constantinople, by Lord Derby's directions, at once urged on
the Porte the expediency of concluding peace, and, on the
refusal of the Austrian Government to sign a collective Note,

24 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1876

Sir H. Elliot proposed to the Porte an armistice of not less than
six months' duration, with a view to discussion of the terms of
peace. The Porte objected to the form of armistice with a
vassal Government which was technically in a state of rebellion,
and a memorandum was drawn up in which terms of peace
were formally proposed, with an intimation that they were not
intended to be final. The Embassies were at the same time
informed that an order for the cessation of hostilities would be
at once despatched, and, consequently, the English Agent at
Belgrade was directed to press the Servian Government to give
similar orders. The English Government then suggested terms
of peace, which were approved by Austria when Lord Derby
had explained that in proposing the concession of autonomy he
had no intention of favouring the establishment of a tributary
State. In the meantime the progress of the Turkish army,
though slow, had been uninterrupted. On the 20th of July
and several following days Tchernayeff incurred severe defeats
before Alexinatz, and again, on the 1st of September, he was
defeated on the left bank of the Morava. On the 20 th of
September a public notification by the Porte' of the suspension
of arms was answered by an audacious proclamation, in which
General Tchernayeff, obviously for the purpose of rendering
pacification impossible, in the name of the army declared Prince
Milan King of Servia. The Government of Belgrade at the
same time rejected the suspension of hostilities. The Eussian
Ambassador in London assured Lord Derby that his Government
had advised the Servian Government not to renew hostilities,
but that they could not press the matter, as they had themselves
demanded a regular armistice. Immediately afterwards Count
Schouvaloff announced a proposal, already made by his Govern-
ment to Austria, that in the event of the refusal by the Porte
of terms of peace, Bosnia should be occupied by Austria, and
Bulgaria by Eussia, and that the fleets of all the Powers should
enter the Dardanelles. At the time of the disturbance at
Salonica Sir H. Elliot had sent for English vessels as a pre-
caution against outbreaks, and a powerful English fleet has since
been stationed in Besika Bay. As the proposal of a joint occupa-
tion was disapproved both by Austria and by England, Prince
Gortchakoff next suggested an armistice of six weeks, to which
the English Government, having already proposed an armistice
of not less than a month, could offer no objection. The other

1876 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 25

Powers assented both to the armistice and to the project of a
Conference to be held either at Constantinople or in some
neutral place. On the 12th of October the Porte offered an
armistice of six months, which was necessarily accepted by the
English Government as consistent with their own proposal,
while it was rejected by Kussia as an alleged evasion of the
demand for a shorter term. About the same time Russia
commenced preparations for war on a great scale j and within a
few weeks an army of more than 200,000 men, under the
command of the Grand Duke Nicholas, was mobilised, and
concentrated on the south-western frontier. By the end of
October it became evident that, in default of direct intervention
by Russia, the cause of the Servians was hopeless, and that the
way was open for the Turkish army to Belgrade, which was
incapable of defence. On the last day of the month Alexinatz
was taken, and General Ignatieflf, who had already arranged
with the Turkish Ministers a six weeks' armistice, was surprised
by a telegraphic order from the Emperor at Livadia that he
should demand an instant armistice, and in the event of a
refusal leave Constantinople with the whole staff of the Embassy
within forty-eight hours. The Porte wisely submitted to an
affront which involved no substantial change of policy. From
that time to the present the Russian armaments have proceeded,
while the Turkish Government has also taken active measures
to defend its territory. After the cessation of hostilities there
was no impediment to the meeting of a Conference in which
England is, to the satisfaction of all parties, represented by Lord
Salisbury. It now remains for the Porte to accept or reject the
proposals of the Governments. There is little difference of
opinion as to the administrative measures to be adopted for the
benefit of the Christian population. The guarantees by which
the performance of Turkish promises is to be secured raise
more difficult questions. If Midhat Pasha, who has very
recently succeeded to the office of Grand Vizier, finally rejects
the demands of Russia, war must immediately ensue ; but it is
believed that the Russian Government would prefer a peaceful
solution, and the efforts of England will be directed in the end,
as in the beginning, to the object of averting a rupture, of which
the consequences are incalculable.

1877

During the past year the country has been tranquil, if not
prosperous ; though there are symptoms of an early revival of
political agitation. It is difficult to excite interest in the
contests of parties while general attention is fixed on the
progress of a foreign war. The French election, with its
grave causes and incalculable consequences, has occupied but the
second place in the thoughts of English politicians. The sub-
ject might, perhaps, have been more eagerly discussed but for
a singular unanimity of judgment, which afforded no occasion
for controversy. There was a similar agreement on the necessity
of counteracting by all practicable methods the effects of the
famine in Southern India. The only discussions which arose
related to administrative details, which could only be arranged
by the local authorities ; but a subscription of nearly half a
million proved that sympathy for the sufferers was genuine
and practical

The harvest of the year in England was one of the worst on
record, and the commercial depression of two or three previous
years has not abated. The returns of exports show a consider-
able diminution, though the large amount of imports proves
that the purchasing power of the community is not seriously
affected. The stagnation extends to every other commercial
country, but hopes of an early revival are entertained in the
United States. One indication of the unsatisfactory state of
trade is furnished by the difficulty of employing money in dis-
counting bills. From April 1876 to May 1877 the bank
rate of interest remained at 2 per cent, and the market rate
was so much lower than the official quotation that the London
joint-stock banks discontinued their acceptance of money on

1877 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 27

deposit, except from their regular customers. In May the rate
was raised to 3 per cent ; and, after a temporary reduction, it
was advanced in October to 4, and afterwards for a few weeks
to 5 per cent ; but the main object of the Bank of England
was to guard against a drain of bullion, and the supply of
money for purposes of discount still exceeds the demand.

The depressed state of commerce and industry has, un-
fortunately, not suspended the disastrous struggle between
employers and workmen. A strike in the cotton trade at
Bolton and a lock-out by the iron shipbuilders on the Clyde
have caused much local distress. The colliers have been
advised by some of their leaders to reduce the output of coal,
in the hope of raising prices at the cost of the community.
The construction of a great public building in London has
been interrupted by a strike of the masons for increased wages
and shorter hours of work.

Another impediment to commerce and industry consists in
the tendency of several European States to revert to the
obsolete doctrine of Protection. The German Chancellor has
lately favoured an increase of duties on competing foreign pro-
ducts, and the Austrian manufacturers clamour for protection.
Spain proposes by a forced construction of treaties to deprive
England of the privileges of the most favoured nation, and
Switzerland attempts to exclude English commodities from the
market. Any extension of the Russian dominions will increase
the area which is almost closed to foreign commerce ; and in
some of the English Colonies legislatures returned by working
men are bent on the discouragement of trade with England.

It is, perhaps, not surprising that a few English manu-
facturers, under pressure at home and abroad, are beginning to
waver in their adherence to sound economic principles. More
than one eminent politician has, consequently, thought it
necessary to expound in public the cardinal principles on
which modern English legislation is based. Notwithstanding
occasional defection from the true economic faith, there is no
danger of recurrence to the theories of reciprocity which were
current thirty or forty years ago. The anomalies which are
involved in commercial treaties are more fully understood since
it has appeared that they tend to countenance and confirm the
prejudices of foreign countries. The expiring treaties will
probably be renewed, if the other contracting parties abstain

28 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1877

from requiring additional restrictions ; but probably no English
Minister will consent to an increase of foreign tariffs for pur-
poses of protection, though he may not be able to prevent
perverse legislation by foreign States.

One among many causes of the continued depression of
trade has been the war in the East, though its course has been
watched with an interest and anxiety which were independent
of commercial considerations. English industry has not even
profited by the extraordinary demand for articles required for
the use of troops in the field. The wants of Turkey have been
chiefly supplied by the United States, while Kussia has made
large purchases in Austria and Germany. The English money-
market has been practically closed to both belligerents. The
bankruptcy of 1876, which resulted, according to a probable
report, from the counsels of General Ignatieff, has for the time
utterly destroyed the credit of Turkey. English capitalists
would otherwise not have been deterred by moral considera-
tions or by political prejudice from advancing money to the
Porte. The reasons which rendered it impossible for Russia to
contract a loan in London were of the same character, though
the risk was obviously smaller. During the Crimean War Eng-
lish holders of Russian stock received their dividends punctually,
and, consequently, the credit of the Imperial Government has
from that time stood high in the London market ; but within
twenty years the Russian debt has been largely increased, and
it was foreseen that the extraordinary expenditure of the war
would cause financial embarrassment. A Russian loan has
been effected at Berlin on onerous terms; and the Govern-
ment has found it necessary to provide for its wants mainly by
internal loans and by a large additional issue of paper money.

It is not to be regretted that the neutrality of England has
by accident extended to pecuniary and commercial relations,
though private transactions with either belligerent would have
been strictly consistent with international law. The Russian
Government is not likely to share the vulgar delusion that the
Turks have received secret subsidies from England ; but
calumnious rumours are among the most operative causes and
the most mischievous consequences of national animosity. The
diplomatic relations between the Governments have been some-
times severely strained, and the Russian Press has been, before
the war and during its progress, largely occupied with menaces

1877 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 29

and reproaclies addressed to England. It may be admitted
that the abandonment of the traditional policy of protecting
Turkey has been sometimes accompanied or disguised by the
use of language which was not calculated to conciliate Russian
jealousy.

A year ago it seemed to sanguine politicians possible that
both Powers might agree on a common policy. The Conference
at Constantinople had then lately begun its labours, and it was
believed that Lord Salisbury and General Ignatieff were acting
in perfect concert. The chief English plenipotentiary was,
perhaps, surprised at the readiness with which his Russian
colleague acceded to his suggestions. One of the main objects
of the English Government had been to moderate the demands
of Russia, and the task proved to be easy beyond expectation.
It was at last proposed by the united plenipotentiaries that the
Porte should allow some of its provinces to be occupied by a
foreign garrison, and that the reforms, on which no nominal dif-
ference existed, should be placed under the control of Com-
missioners approved by the European Powers. In the last
days of 1876 the Turkish Ministers refused their assent, and
the project was consequently modified. The final proposals
were confined to a smaU addition of territory to Montenegro,
to the conclusion of peace with Servia on the basis of the state
of things before the war, to the nomination by the Porte, in
concert with the Powers, of Governors-General of Bosnia,
Herzegovina, and Bulgaria, to some minor reforms, and to the
appointment by the Powers of two Commissioners who were to
superintend the observance of the regulations.

Midhat Pasha, then Grand Vizier, having at once determined
to reject the proposals, went through the form of consulting a
Grand Council of Mussulman and Christian dignitaries, who
unanimously refused their consent. In the middle of January
the plenipotentiaries, after a speech of menace to the Turks by
General Ignatieff, declared the dissolution of the Conference,
and with the resident ambassadors they left Constantinople.
The expectation that Sir. Henry Elliot would not return to
his post was afterwards confirmed by the appointment of Mr.
Layard temporarily, and at last permanently, as his successor
in the Embassy. The party which holds the opinions of Mr.
Gladstone has since attributed the failure of the Conference to
the public announcement that England would in no contingency

30 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1877

use coercive measures against Turkey. Lord Salisbury, on the
other hand, has maintained that joint coercion by all the
Powers was impracticable, that the Porte would probably not
have yielded to the joint pressure of Russia and England, and
that it would have been undignified and weak to imply a threat
of intervention if the Government had resolved to abstain from
coercive measures. Except for purposes of party attack and
recrimination, the whole controversy is obsolete. When Mr.
Gladstone's resolutions were proposed the Liberal leaders
declined to approve a policy of intervention, and measures
which are not supported by an actual or prospective majority
in Parliament lie for the time outside the region of practical
politics. On one point alone the Porte yielded to the repre-
sentations of the Great Powers, by concluding peace with
Servia on the terms which had been recommended by the
Conference.

In the previous autumn, after the defeat of the Servian
troops and their volunteer auxiliaries from Russia, the Turkish
Government had suspended the advance of its army on the
peremptory demand of the Emperor Alexander. For the
purpose of removing an impediment to the maintenance of
peace, the English Government had urgently pressed on Turkey
the expediency of ending the contest in Servia without delay.
The Skuptschina was convoked to consider the treaty of peace,
and, after giving its approval, it was immediately dissolved.
The Prince and his Ministers have since accepted a subsidy
from Russia, and have made all preparations for a campaign.
They prudently deferred taking the field so long as the fortune
of war in Bulgaria remained doubtful. It was only after the
fall of Plevna that the Servian Government declared war.
The conclusion of peace with Servia was the last official act of
the Grand Vizier who had seemed to be all-powerful in the
State.

Midhat Pasha must share with all other advisers of the
Porte any blame which may be supposed to attach to the
obstinate rejection of the demands of Russia and the advice of
England. If he was not a prescient statesman, he might at
least claim superiority over the rivals who effected his over-
throw. In the government of more than one province he had
displayed both administrative ability and a regard for law and
justice which is rare in Turkey. In the Vilayet of the Danube

1877 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 31

he had proved that it was possible for Mussulmans and Bul-
garians to live in peace and to prosper under a firm and honest
ruler. He was the principal author of the deposition of Abdul
Aziz and of the subsequent removal of Murad. His favourite
project of a Constitution framed on a French or Spanish model
naturally provoked ridicule and scepticism ; but the Turkish
Parliament, when it assembled after the fall of its founder,
disappointed to a certain extent the unfavourable anticipations
which had been formed ; and it has now begun its second
session.

If the Turkish Empire survives the war, it seems not im-
possible that some form of representation may furnish a check
on the abuses and corruption which prevail at Constantinople.
The courtiers of the palace had little diflEiculty in persuading
the Sultan that the Minister who had deposed two of his pre-
decessors, and who endeavoured to limit his absolute power,
might become formidable to the throne. Early in February
the Grand Vizier was suddenly arrested, and immediately
afterwards he was banished from the Turkish dominions.
There is no reason to suspect Midhat Pasha of the treasonable
designs which were suggested in excuse of his dismissal. Con-
trary to expectation, the Sultan announced the maintenance of
the Constitution, though it was openly disregarded in the
arrest and exile of Midhat. Edhem Pasha, previously Foreign
Minister, became Grand Vizier ; but it is believed that the
real power of the Government is exercised by Mahmoud Damad,
the brother-in-law and chief favourite of the Sultan. AJl the
disasters which have befallen the Turkish arms are popularly
attributed to Mahmoud ; but it seems that his ascendency has
not hitherto been shaken.

Within two or three weeks after the departure of General
Ignatieff from Constantinople the Russian Government issued
a Circular to its representatives abroad in which the earlier
declaration of the Emperor, that he would compel the sub-
mission of the Porte with or without the aid of his allies, was
reproduced in substance. As it was well known that no other
Power was prepared to join in the coercion of Turkey, the
Circular was rightly interpreted as a provisional or prospective
declaration of war. When the English Parliament met, in the
first week of February, Lord Derby expressed a fear that the
prevention of a rupture was almost hopeless, though all attempts

32 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1877

at negotiation had not been abandoned. A few days afterwards
General Ignatieff arrived in England, having visited Berlin
and Paris on his way. After a long discussion General
Ignatieff and the resident Russian Ambassador, Count Schou-
valoff, arranged with Lord Derby the signature of a protocol,
which was so composed as to evade insuperable differences of
opinion.

As a further security against possible embarrassment and
misunderstanding, Lord Derby appended to the protocol a
memorandum, by which the adhesion of the English Govern-
ment was by anticipation withdrawn, if Russia, after all,
declared war. The other Powers assented without difficulty to
the vague phrases of the protocol, and hopes were entertained in
England not so much that Russia would be satisfied with a
compromise as that the mission of General Ignatieff had been
suggested by a desire for peace. It is still uncertain whether
the Russian Government had any purpose in the negotiation
except to gain time. The hope of peace, which had, apparently,
not been shared by the Turks, was rudely disappointed.
Prince Gortchakoff immediately converted the protocol into an
ultimatum by demanding that the Porte should both im-
mediately adopt the recommendations of the Powers, and send
an Ambassador to St. Petersburg in token of submission. The
Porte refused, and on the 24th of April the Emperor published
a declaration of war, and at once directed his armies to cross
the frontier both in Europe and Asia. An argumentative
protest by Lord Derby against this step could not be expected
to have any effect, except in placing on record the opinion of
the English Government.

Preparations for invasion had been carefully made during
the previous year. A large army had been massed in Bes-
sarabia, in the immediate neighbourhood of the frontier; and
the Emperor's brother, the Grand Duke Nicholas, appointed
Commander-in-Chief, began to cross the Pruth almost simul-
taneously with the declaration of war. The army destined to
operate in Bulgaria was supposed to consist of 200,000 men,
including a large force of cavalry and the due proportion of
artillery. Through neglect and malversation many of the
battalions were not complete in numbers, and the actual force
at the beginning of the campaign has never been accurately
ascertained. Although the province of Roumania was theoreti-

1877 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 33

cally a dependency of Turkey, the invading army found itself
in a friendly country between the Pruth and the Danube ; and
the reigning Prince, anxious to acquire military renown and an
increase of territory, after going through the form of discovering
some cause of quarrel with Turkey, eagerly pressed his alliance
on Eussia. His offers of active co-operation were at first coldly
received, but after the early miscarriages of the campaign the
aid of the Koumanian army became more than welcome, and
Prince Charles, as leader of 40,000 or 50,000 men, has
rendered valuable service to his powerful ally. Though the
Roumanian infantry are, as might be expected, inferior in
tenacity to the Russians and the Turks, their conduct in the
first war in which the State has been engaged has done them
no discredit. The artillery and cavalry appear to be efficient ;
and it is probable that during a part of the campaign the
Russians would not have been strong enough to continue
offensive operations but for the addition to their numbers
which was furnished by Roumania.

For two months after the declaration of war the hostile
armies in Europe had not come into collision. Although the
Roumanian railways with their rolling stock were at once
placed at the disposal of the Russian staff, the transit of troops
and stores was necessarily tedious ; and time was required for
the provision of magazines and for preparations for crossing the
Danube. A daring soldier in command of the Turkish army
might have done great service by anticipating the Russian ad-
vance. It might not have been impossible to overpower and
disarm the whole or part of the Roumanian army ; and the line
of railway might certainly have been broken up, with the result
of delaying the invasion.

Abdul Kerim, who commanded in chief on the Danube,
incurred some suspicion of treachery by his obstinate inaction,
until public indignation long afterwards compelled his dis-
missal. His age and infirmities may, perhaps, afford a sufficient
explanation of his ruinous sluggishness. The Russians were
not molested during their passage through Roumania ; and
they found that the anxiety with which they prepared for the
hazardous operation of crossing the Danube was unexpectedly
superfluous. Exactly two months after the declaration of war
the first Russian troops entered Bulgaria. The preparations in
Asia were completed at an earlier date ; and there was there

VOL. II D

34 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1877

no strip of neutral territory to be traversed before the hostile
armies met. The Russian army assembled at Alexandropol
under the Grand Duke Michael, Governor -General of the
Caucasus, crossed the Turkish frontier as soon as war was
declared, and advanced simultaneously against Ears and
Batoum. In the middle of May the fortress of Ardahan
surrendered after a feeble resistance, with strong suspicions of
corruption and treason on the part of the Governor. General
Loris Melikoff, commanding under the Grand Duke, im-
mediately formed the siege of Kars, and with the remainder of
his forces he advanced in the direction of Erzeroum.

The command of the Turkish army was entrusted to
Mukhtar Pasha, who had in the previous year failed to obtain
any considerable success in Montenegro. The present campaign,
notwithstanding its disastrous close, has proved him to be a
skilful and gallant soldier ; and it is probable that if troops
had not been withdrawn from his army to assist in the defence
of Bulgaria, he might have finally repelled the Russian invasion.
In the month of June the Russian army sustained a severe
check at Delibaba, and it was soon afterwards defeated in an
attempt to storm a strong Turkish position at Zewin. The
Turks recaptured the town of Bayazid and invested the citadel,
but the garrison was rescued by a gallant feat of arms of
General Tergukassoff, and brought safely across the Russian
frontier. In the middle of July the siege of Kars was raised,
and almost the whole of Turkish Armenia was evacuated by
the Russians. Ismail Pasha, with a force chiefly consisting of
his Kurdish countrymen, occupied a position in Russian
territory. At an earlier time attacks on the port of Batoum
were, with the assistance of the fleet, easily repelled, and a
force, partly consisting of Circassians, occupied Soukoum Kal^,
with the object of exciting an insurrection in the Caucasus.
The diversion probably caused some embarrassment to the
Russian Generals, but few of the mountain tribes responded to
the appeal ; and eventually the expedition was recalled, after
a useless waste of resources which had been urgently needed in
other quarters.

During the early autumn the war in Asia languished, and
it was thought by many that the campaign had virtually ended
for the year ; but in the meantime the Russians were quietly
and largely reinforced, while Mukhtar Pasha, lately rewarded

1877 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 35

with, the title of " Ghazi," had been deprived of some of his
best regiments. His position between Kars and the Russian
frontier, though strong both by nature and by the defences
which had been added, was too extensive for the force at his
disposal ; and military critics hold that he ought to have left
Kars to its own resources while he kept his main army ready
to threaten a besieging force in the rear.

In the first half of October Mukhtar inflicted one serious
defeat on the enemy, who afterwards harassed him with daily
attacks, for the purpose, according to a competent observer, of
killing as many of his men as possible. In their more serious
and unsuccessful assault the Russians had for a time occupied
a hill in the centre of the Turkish position, which they were
unable to retain. They had accomplished a part of their
purpose by acquiring accurate knowledge of the ground and
of the force with which they had to deal. On the 15th of
October General Lazareff turned the position by a flank march
skilfully executed, and a direct attack made at the same time
resulted in a great and decisive victory. The loss of the Turks
in killed and wounded was enormous ; and many thousand
men, with numerous officers and seven pashas, surrendered to
the Russians. The Grand Duke and his lieutenants seem to
have disposed with great judgment of their superior numbers,
yet, according to some accounts, their success might have been
doubtful but for a panic which seized on a body of Turkish
troops who had been ordered up as a reserve.

Mukhtar Pasha, after an obstinate defence, in which his
personal gallantry was conspicuous, retreated to Erzeroum,
where he was joined by Ismail Pasha. His chance of main-
taining his new position depends on the severity of the climate,
which renders military operations difficult during the winter ;
but by the middle of December the regular siege of Erzeroum
began. Kars, accounted the strongest fortress in the Turkish
Empire, fell almost without resistance after the retreat of the
army. There had been ample time to collect stores and pro-
visions ; and a blockade, though it might have been ultimately
successful, would have involved heavy sacrifices on the part of
the besiegers. To the general surprise, and not without sus-
picion of' treachery, the place was taken by assault, though
the Russian force is said not to have outnumbered the garrison.
The open town of Plevna held the Russians in check for five

36 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1877

months ; while the great Asiatic fortress scarcely resisted
during as many hours.

The campaign in Europe had simultaneously been prose-
cuted with many vicissitudes of fortune. On the 24th of June
a Russian force crossed the Danube, without serious opposition,
by two bridges of boats from Ibraila and Galatz. Three days
afterwards the main army commenced its passage from Simnitza,
and occupied Sistova, on the right bank of the river. The
Turkish Commander-in-Chief scarcely attempted to impede
movements which had been regarded as dijficult and dangerous
experiments. The Turkish gunboats which ought to have
commanded the navigation of the Danube were as inefficient
as the land forces. Some of them were disabled by the fire of
the batteries on the Roumanian shore ; and no attempt was
made by the remainder to destroy the bridges during con-
struction or after they had been completed. The English
officer who nominally commands the Turkish fleet was long
detained in Constantinople; and there is reason to believe
that his movements have since been hampered by the jealousy
of the Ministers. But the command of the sea has secured
to the Turkish Government the great advantage of a safe and
open communication by way of Varna, while the Russians
have been restricted to the more tedious and costly conveyance
of troops and stores by road or railway.

The fleet has, in the absence of an enemy at sea, performed
no brilliant exploit. Sebastopol and even Odessa were in-
accessible; and the Admiral properly declined to bombard
undefended towns on the coast. For three weeks after the
first passage of the Danube the invading army met with no
serious resistance. On the advance of a small body of cavalry
from Sistova, a garrison of Turkish infantry fled in disgraceful
confusion from Tirnova, and a Civil Government composed
chiefly of Bulgarians under a Russian commander was at once
established in the provincial capital. An Imperial proclama-
tion addressed in severe terms to the Mussulman population
was understood to imply the definitive detachment of Bulgaria
from the Turkish Empire.

Immediately after the occupation of Tirnova, General
Gourko with a flying column eff'ected the passage of the
Balkans by a difficult mountain pass pointed out by a Bulgarian
guide. Having descended into the plain, General Gourko,

1877 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 37

taking the Shipka Pass in reverse, compelled the Turkish
troops which defended the road to fly in confusion. If Gourko
had been strongly reinforced, it is possible that he might have
maintained himself on the south of the mountains, and even
have advanced to Adrianople; but, on the other hand, his
expedition could only have been justified by the strange help-
lessness of the hostile Generals ; and an advance on Adrianople
in force while the Turkish armies on the Danube were still
unbroken would have been a violation of all the rules of
war.

No long time elapsed before the Eussian Generals were
reminded of the danger of despising an enemy. The easy suc-
cesses of the early campaign ended with the capture of Nicopolis
by General Kriidener on the first assault. The possession of
the fortress was valuable, as it secured an additional passage
over the Danube ; but, as the result showed, it would have
been prudent first to occupy the town of Plevna and the neigh-
bouring heights.

While the garrison of Nicopolis was engaged in a feeble
defence Osman Pasha, marching to the relief of the place, saw
the importance of the position which the Eussians had over-
looked, and, occupying Plevna, he at once began the con-
struction of defences which afterwards grew to the dimensions
of a great fortress. Soon after his earthworks were begun the
Eussians, aware too late of the value of the position, were
sharply checked in an attempt to take it by Osman Pasha.
About the same time, under the pressure of popular indigna-
tion, the Turkish Government dismissed Abdul Kerim and his
treacherous or incapable patron, Eiza Pasha, Minister of War.
Mehemet Ali, a renegade of North German birth, was appointed
to command the Eastern army on the Danube, but Osman
Pasha at Plevna, and Suleiman Pasha, who was now transferred
from Montenegro to Eoumelia, were independent of any
Commander-in-Chief. The division of authority, which was
probably suggested by the jealousies of the Government at
Constantinople, has produced its natural result in want of
concert and in failure of reciprocal support; but since the
dismissal of Abdul Kerim the conduct of the war has not
displayed any want of vigour. The simple commissariat
which suffices for Turkish armies has been well provided.
There has been no deficiency in guns, small arms, or ammuni-

38 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1877

tion ; the Turkish engineers have shown extraordinary skill in
the construction of earthworks, and the soldiers retain all their
traditional valour.

In spite of the well-founded remonstrances of General
Knidener the Grand Duke Michael and his staff positively
ordered a renewal of the assault on Plevna, which had now
been provided with strong fortifications. On the 30th of July
an attack in force was repelled with heavy loss, and the severity
of the blow was proved by the discontinuance of active opera-
tions, and by orders for the organisation and despatch to the
seat of war of large reinforcements. About the same time
Suleiman Pasha, arriving by sea with an army largely reduced
in numbers during his barren warfare in Montenegro, com-
pelled General Gourko to retreat into the Shipka Pass, where
both armies have, after long struggles, in which the Turks
incurred useless sacrifices, maintained their positions. If
Suleiman had not at the outset exhibited the usual negligence
of Turkish Generals, he might have forced a feeble garrison
to evacuate the pass. The arrival of reinforcements bafiied
his later efforts ; but long afterwards he continued to waste
the lives of his men in unsuccessful attacks.

During the month of August the Russians employed them-
selves in the construction of lines of contravallation in front of
Plevna, while a separate army under the command of the
Cesarewitch faced Mehemet Ali in a position beyond the river
Lom. On the last day of the month the Russians were defeated
in combat on the Upper Lom, and the Turks had the advan-
tage in some later skirmishes ; but the Turkish General seems
not to have been strong enough to risk a pitched battle with
the Cesarewitch, and neither under Mehemet Ali nor under
Suleiman, by whom he was afterwards replaced, has the army
of the Lom been able to attempt the relief of Plevna, though
a few days before the surrender of Osman Pasha Suleiman took
Elena, on the road to Tirnova, after a brisk and successful
combat.

Having received large reinforcements, and having not taken
warning by repeated experience, the Russian staff determined
once more to attack Plevna; and the 11th of September, the
Emperor's birthday, was fixed as the date of their anticipated
triumph. The Emperor had joined the headquarters before
the passage of the Danube ; and he has since remained in the

1877 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 39

immediate neighbourhood of the army. A stage was now
erected from which the Emperor might see the fall of the
Turkish stronghold ; and on the appointed day repeated assaults
were directed against the formidable defences. On the left of
the attack General Skobeleff, a young and brilliant officer, took
three redoubts with the sacrifice of a large part of the force
under his command. On the right the large redoubt of
Gravitza was taken late in the evening by surprise after the
Emperor had left the field in the belief that the assault had
failed. The redoubts occupied by Skobeleff were retaken on
the following day. Gravitza remained in the possession of the
Russians and Roumanians ; but the work was commanded by
Turkish redoubts in the rear ; and the result of the great
battle of the 11th was a conviction that direct assaults oil the
fortified camp were wholly useless.

In consequence of this defeat, the Imperial Guard were
summoned to the seat of war, and General Todleben, who
appears previously not to have enjoyed Court favour, was
invited to undertake the reduction of Plevna. The famous
engineer at once began regular approaches, as if for the purpose
of besieging Osman Pasha in form ; but the object of his works
was probably to divert the attention of the garrison while
preparations were made for a complete investment. Before the
last attack on Plevna the Russians had taken Lovatz in the
south-east, and they only waited for their expected reinforce-
ments to cut the Turkish communications. From time to
time the Turkish army on the Lom made weak demonstrations
against the Cesarewitch, while Suleiman still wasted his
strength in the Shipka Pass. The only aid which Osman
received was forwarded from Sofia by way of Orkhani^,
in the form of convoys under the command of the notorious
Shefket Pasha. The latest supplies reached Plevna early in
November. Soon afterwards General Gourko with a large
force of cavalry, supported by a body of the Guards, spread
himself across the Sofia road. Dubnik and other Turkish forts
were taken, in some cases with heavy loss to the Turks ; and
at a later time the capture of Etropol threatened the communi-
cation between Sofia and Orkhanie. Mehemet Ali, who had
been some time before removed from the command of the army
of the Lom, attempted to assemble a force at Sofia for the
relief of Plevna ; but before the middle of November Osman

40 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1877

Pasha was, like Bazaine at Metz, entirely shut in by the hostile
force, with no chance of succour if the besieging army were
able to maintain its position, and with little hope of escape.

It is possible that Osman Pasha may have committed an
error in postponing his retreat until it became impossible ;
but his judgment in occupying Plevna, the skill of his
engineers, and his obstinate resistance brought great glory to
the Turkish arms. When his provisions were all but exhausted
he still disdained a surrender which might have seemed in-
evitable. On the 10th of December he crossed with his whole
force to the left bank of the Vid ; and on the next morning at
early dawn he precipitated himself on the enemy's works, in
the hope of cutting his way to Widin. Demonstrations were
simultaneously made at different parts of the line, and it is
possible that a portion of his army might have escaped if a
deserter had not during the night brought intelligence to the
Russians that the works on the eastern front were abandoned.
The positions beyond the Vid were immediately reinforced,
and after a desperate struggle, in which heavy losses were
incurred on both sides, the Turks were forced to desist from
their enterprise. Osman Pasha, who had himself been wounded,
then attempted to re-enter his fortifications, but he found them
in possession of Russian and Roumanian troops, which had
followed close in his rear. After a contest which worthily
ended a heroic defence, Osman was at last compelled to sur-
render at discretion. The guns and all the remaining stores
necessarily fell into the hands of the victor; and 100,000
men were released for the ulterior operations of the war. The
Emperor of Russia, who had received his gallant prisoner with
honourable and well-deserved courtesy, now thought himself at
liberty to return to St. Petersburg, having probably arranged
with his Generals the future operations of the campaign.

During the great events of the campaign the obscure struggle
in Montenegro and the adjacent Turkish Provinces has not ex-
cited much attention. The insurgents in Bosnia and Herze-
govina have made little effort, knowing, perhaps, that their fate
will depend on the general result of the war rather than on
their local exertions. The withdrawal of Suleiman Pasha and
his army enabled the Prince of Montenegro to take Nicksich,
and to occupy some neighbouring territory. The Mirdites have
taken the opportunity of withdrawing from the Porte their

1877 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 41

doubtful allegiance, and some Albanian tribes have threatened
disturbances. The Christian inhabitants of Crete have been
preparing to take up arms, but probably their conduct will be
regulated by the policy of Greece. Within three or four days
after the fall of Plevna Servia declared war, and about the same
time the Foreign Minister of the Porte attempted to open
negotiations for peace by overtures addressed to the English
and French ambassadors.

In the midst of arms diplomacy is, like law, ordinarily sus-
pended. No aid has been given to either belligerent in contra-
vention of the rules of neutrality by any Power. It is under-
stood that the German Emperor cordially sympathises with
Russia, and the policy of his Government apparently agrees
with his personal feelings. The Italian Government also is
believed to incline to the cause of Russia, for reasons which are
not fully understood. Austria has not been influenced in action
by the jealousy which might have been provoked by the pros-
pect of Russian victories in Turkey. The Court of Vienna and
the military aristocracy are supposed to favour Russia. In
Hungary the popular feeling of the Magyars is unanimously
adverse to Russia ; but in both divisions of the Monarchy re-
sponsible politicians of all parties approve the neutrality which
the Government has maintained. The national divisions which
exist in Austria and Hungary and the risk of a breach of
friendly relations with Germany sufficiently account for the
expectant policy which the Austro-Hungarian Chancellor, him-
self a Magyar, has uniformly maintained.

The Government of Athens, though it is believed to have
felt little sympathy with the Slavonic movement, has prepared
to assert its claims to a share in the spoil if the Turkish Empire
is broken up by the war. Early in the year a Cabinet was
formed by a coalition of all leaders of parties, under the Presi-
dency of the celebrated Canaris, who formerly contributed by
his naval exploits to the independence of Greece. His death a few
months afterwards has had no effect in disturbing the concert of
parties, which will probably last as long as the crisis in Turkey.
The Greeks of Constantinople appear to deprecate Russian con-
quest ; but if the Government of Athens determines on war, it
will probably be seconded by insurrections in Thessaly, Epirus,
and Crete.

The neutrality adopted from the first by the English

42 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1877

Government has been prospectively defined and limited by a
despatch of Lord Derby's, nearly identical in terms with Mr.
Cross's speech. Before the war began overtures are supposed
to have been made by the German Government for an under-
standing, which would have included the acquisition of Egypt
by England. If the proposal was made, the English Govern-
ment could not but decline a scheme which would have begun
with a partition of the Turkish Empire. The Government of
Marshal MacMahon, sufficiently occupied with domestic diffi-
culties, has exhibited no active interest in the affairs of the
East. The diplomatic complications which must precede and
attend the conclusion of the war will be sufficiently embar-
rassing. Negotiation has hitherto been premature, while it was
still impossible to measure the forces which it is the main
business of diplomacy to ascertain and recognise.

The Continental States, with the exception of France, have
furnished scanty materials for domestic history. In the German
Empire there are indications of future political contests, when
the long ascendency of Prince Bismarck is hereafter removed.
In the election of the German Parliament at -the beginning of
the year the Socialists won several seats from the Progressist or
Advanced Liberal Party. The Ultramontanes, who are not less
hostile to the present Government, also increased their numbers.
The National Liberals, who have since 1866 been Prince
Bismarck's steadiest supporters, have lately displayed symptoms
of dissatisfaction with the slow progress of national measures of
reform. Soon after the opening of the session Prince Bismarck
tendered his resignation on the conventional pretext of his
health, and accepted a prolonged leave of absence, which has
not interfered with his continued direction of the policy of the
Government. His colleague. Count Eulenberg, having, without
the authority of the Prime Minister, proposed in the Prussian
Parliament a Municipal Bill to satisfy the discontented Liberals,
was required to take leave of absence as the alternative of resig-
nation. The continued stagnation of trade has furnished
German producers with a welcome excuse for demanding higher
duties on foreign imports, to be imposed by the Commercial
Treaties which are now under discussion. Their reactionary
proposals are to a certain extent countenanced by Prince Bis-
marck, with the result of having prevented or delayed the
adoption of a Commercial Treaty with Austria,

1877 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 43

The recent Ministerial crisis in Italy had been for some time
anticipated in consequence of the declining popularity of Signer
Nicotera and his colleagues. A certain amount of local excite-
ment has been produced by the success of several noble and
princely candidates in the Municipal Elections for Rome. It
has given rise to a hope that, in the process of contending for
ecclesiastical privileges, the heads of the great families may
gradually accustom themselves to the new political system
which they are supposed to recognise by their nomination. It
is undoubtedly a misfortune that in Italy, as in other Demo-
cratic countries, rank and property operate as disqualifications
for public employment. The prospect of an early Papal election
naturally causes greater curiosity and interest in Italy than in
countries less immediately concerned with the claims of the
Vatican. Some uneasiness was felt when the French clergy,
in obedience to instructions from Rome, supported a Govern-
ment which was erroneously supposed to meditate a possible
restoration of the Temporal Power ; and the election of a
prudent and moderate Pope would abate political irritation and
social discord. The end of the present Pontificate is believed
to be rapidly approaching. Pope Pius's successor may, perhaps,
avoid the errors of judgment which Pope Pius has committed ;
but he will not inherit the compassionate respect which attends
the misfortunes and the venerable age of the last Pope who will
have been also a King. A newly-elected Pope can scarcely
affect the character of a prisoner in the Vatican.

Perfect tranquillity has afforded the Spanish Government
leisure to engage in measures for impeding commercial inter-
course with England. Differential duties have been imposed on
English imports as compared with those of Belgium, of Germany,
and of some other countries ; and it appears that, although
trade is exposed to no corresponding disability in England,
Spanish doubts have arisen whether existing treaties provide for
the admission of English produce on the terms allowed to the
most favoured nation. The object of the Spanish Government
is to compel the abolition of Mr. Gladstone's alcoholic test,
which imposes a heavier duty on the strong wines of Spain than
on the light wines of France. The merits of the question have
long been the subject of controversy ; but it is evident that
the test imposes no differential duty on articles of the same
description.

44 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1877

A political contest in France has raised issues which in
former times would have been decided by a revolution ; but
the majority of the constituencies and the Chamber remained
serenely confident of ultimate success by peaceful methods, and
the Government which rashly provoked the struggle has shrunk
from lawless violence. M. Jules Simon, who succeeded M.
Dufaure as President of the Council soon after the opening of
the Legislature elected under the Constitution, received a
qualified support from the Republican Party, though M.
Gambetta, and not the Minister, was regarded as the real leader
of the Majority. On the important question whether the
Senate could revise the Estimates, M. Simon, with the aid of
the Conservatives, defeated his rivah The analogy of English
practice carried little weight with a Chamber which was in no
way bound by foreign precedents. The Senate under the Con-
stitution seems as far to transcend the House of Lords in legal
attributes as it falls below it in social and political weight.
The Republicans had by a temporary coalition with the
Legitimists and Bonapartists excluded from the Senate the
bulk of the Moderate or Constitutional party, but a small
Conservative majority gradually increased its strength by
filling up casual vacancies, and the Senate gradually at-
tracted the confidence of those who distrusted the Republican
Chamber.

Marshal MacMahon appears to have been irritated by the
influence which M. Gambetta exercised over the policy of the
Ministers ; but the Government had neither made any material
concession to the Republicans nor had it incurred a Parlia-
mentary defeat. All parties, except a few reactionary politicians
who may have been privy to the secret, were astonished when,
on the 16th of May, the President of the Republic addressed to
M. Jules Simon a peremptory letter of reproof, which at once
enforced his resignation. The advisers of a wanton and danger-
ous measure have not been disclosed. The Due de Broglie,
though he became responsible for the dismissal of his prede-
cessors by accepting the Presidency of the Council, is believed
not to have shared in the previous deliberations. M. de Fourtou,
a well-known administrative officer under the Empire, became
Minister of the Interior ; the Due Decazes remained at the
Foreign Oflfice, and General Berthaut retained his post as
Minister of War. The Chamber was immediately prorogued,

1877 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 45

and the Senate, by a small majority, resolved to exercise a
power conferred by the Constitution by concurring with the
President of the Republic in a dissolution.

Marshal MacMahon probably believed a statement, which
formed the substance of a proclamation, that the voters had
been misled by the use of his name at the elections, and that a
majority in the new Chamber would answer favourably his
appeal to the country. His new Ministers, whether or not they
shared the Marshal's opinions, were resolved to leave nothing to
chance. M. de Fourtou had probably been selected on account
of his familiarity with the conduct of elections in the days of
Napoleon III., and he improved on the precedents of official
interference. Many of the prefects and subordinate officers
were replaced by zealous partisans ; and the agents of the
Government were instructed to use every effort to obtain a
majority.

The bishops and clergy, in their zeal against the Republic,
scarcely needed the directions which were issued in the name
of the Pope to use all their influence in support of the Govern-
ment candidates ; but their authority in the rural districts is
greatly impaired, and in the towns they increase the unpopu-
larity of the cause which they support. The Orleanists have
no considerable following in the constituencies, although they
still form a powerful party among the upper and middle classes.
The Legitimists have a hold only on isolated districts, and the
Bonapartists, who are more formidable enemies of the Republic,
were induced with difficulty to maintain a hesitating alliance
with the other sections of the Conservative party.

Before the elections Marshal MacMahon undertook a journey
through several Departments ; but, although he was generally
received with courtesy, his presence excited no enthusiasm, and
more than one Municipal Council refused to vote funds for his
ceremonial reception. In every arrondissement where there
was a chance of success official candidates were presented to the
electors, and the whole force of the administrative machinery
was exerted to defeat opposition. The usual methods of intimi-
dating and thwarting hostile electors were everywhere practised.
Impediments were offered to the circulation of Liberal or Re-
publican journals, frivolous charges were preferred against ob-
noxious politicians, and the Government committed the strange
blunder of prosecuting M. Gambetta for a speech in which he

46 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1877

had declared that on the meeting of the Chamber the Marshal
must either submit or resign.

The result of the elections was a gain to the Government of
50 votes; but the reduction of the former majority from 170
to 120 left the Republicans and their leaders in full control of
the Chamber. Marshal MacMahon and M. de Fourtou had
overlooked an essential distinction between the present state of
things and the system which prevailed under the Empire. In
former times a prefect who satisfied his superiors was certain to
retain his office, with the power of annoying electors who might
have resisted his dictation. M. de Fourtou's prefects could
only hold office while the Conservatives were in power, and
their Republican successors will reverse their measures. The
active intervention of the Executive Government in elections
accords with the tradition of all parties in France, though it
shocks insular susceptibilities ; but M. de Fourtou had exceeded
the licence of almost all his predecessors, and, above all, he
failed. A Ministerial majority would have condoned the ex-
cesses of zealous agents ; the Republicans have now the oppor-
tunity of invalidating the elections of their adversaries.

On the meeting of the Chamber M. Gambetta and his party
maintained a prudent reserve, while the Ministers first tried
their strength in the Senate. In that body the balance of
power is held by the few Constitutional politicians, or former
Orleanists, whom the Republicans of the National Assembly
had failed to exclude. The Due d'Audiffret-Pasquier, President
of the Senate, who may be regarded as the leader of the party
in that House, rejected more than one motion which was sug-
gested by the Ministers ; but at last the Due de Broglie suc-
ceeded in persuading the Senate to adopt a colourless Order of
the Day, which purported to affirm the Constitutional equality
of the Senate with the Chamber. Immediately afterwards the
Ministers resigned, and the Marshal appointed a so-called
Cabinet of Business, of which not a single member had a seat
in either branch of the Legislature. Neither the letter of the
Constitution nor the practice of French administration requires
that every Minister should be either a Senator or a Representa-
tive, but the spirit of Parliamentary government implies that a
Cabinet should include some of the leaders of one or other
party ; and it is obviously impossible to distinguish between
ordinary business and politics. The Chamber so far departed

1877 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 47

from its attitude of reserve as to declare by a formal vote that
it would hold no intercourse with the Cabinet,

From the first issue of the Marshal's imprudent challenge
the discipline and the prudence of the Republicans have been
perfect. The cause of the party was nowhere endangered by a
double canvass, and the members of the majority in the dis-
solved Chamber were by general consent supported with the
whole strength of the Left. Moderate politicians who would
have preferred Constitutional monarchy were not found to
waver in their support of the Republic ; and the extreme
section of the party suspended their avowal of alarming doctrines.
The Marshal and his advisers had, in fact, adopted the only
course which could have produced unanimity among the Re-
publicans. Hopes of an amicable adjustment were encouraged
by interviews between the Marshal and the Presidents of the
Senate and the Chamber. M. Gr^vy was understood to have
urged in friendly language the necessity of accepting the
decision of the constituencies ; and still greater weight might
have been expected to attach to similar language when it was
used by the representative of the Constitutional party in the
Senate.

The only satisfactory assurance which could be extracted
from the President of the Republic was a declaration that he
had never meditated any act of violence against the Chamber-
Some days afterwards he alleged, in an official memorandum,
that the Republican party had required, as a condition of
granting the supplies, a modification of the Constitution, by
which the consent of two-thirds of the Senate should be required
for the dissolution of the Chamber. The statement, which
must have been founded on some misunderstanding, was strongly
resented by the Left, and the Committee on the Budget formally
declined to present a report until a Parliamentary Ministry was
formed. The proceeding would have been irregular according
to English Parliamentary rules, but the moderation and
prudence of the Republican leaders afi'ord a guarantee against
errors of form, which they are not tempted to commit when
both right and strength are on their side.

When it was almost too late the Marshal at last invited M.
Dufaure to form a Government. It is strange that his advisers
should not have made an earlier attempt to conciliate the
moderate Republicans. A preliminary negotiation broke off in

48 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1877

consequence of restrictions imposed by tlie Marshal on M.
Diifaure's free selection of the members of the proposed Cabinet ;
but Oft last all difficulties were overcome by the unconditional
surrender of the Marshal. A new Ministry was formed under
the presidency of M. Dufaure, with M. L4on Say as Minister of
Finance, and the Protestant M. Waddington at the Foreign
Office. The Chamber at once voted the supplies, which had
been provisionally withheld, and all sections of the Republican
party acquiesce in the choice of a Government which is at the
same time moderate and sincerely attached to the Constitution.

The Republicans can afford to dispense with the advantage
which they formerly derived from the fame and popularity of
their most eminent leader. Threats of the resignation of the
President of the Republic had no tendency to produce alarm as
long as M. Thiers was regarded as his inevitable successor.
His force of intellect and character seemed to be unaffected by
age, nor was there reason to suppose that he had renounced
ambitious hopes. His death, at the age of eighty, not preceded
by illness or decay, caused the same sense of an unexpected
void which ordinarily attends the interruption of a political
career in the prime of life. The event, though it was natural
and probable, had the effect of a surprise in disturbing the
calculations of friends and opponents.

After the death of M. Guizot, who was a few years older,
and who had retired long since from political life, M. Thiers was
by far the most conspicuous of living Frenchmen. At an early
age he had laid the foundations of his literary success ; he took
an active part in the Revolution of 1830 ; and soon afterwards
he obtained the highest official rank. After the overthrow of
Constitutional monarchy he became the chief leader of the
Conservative party in the National Assembly, and he was at
one time the confidential adviser of the President. He was,
according to his own account, the chief author of the restoration
by French arms of the Pope's Temporal Power, preferring, as
he said, the triumph of French influence to a hundred Consti-
tutions and a hundred religions. When Louis Napoleon seized
supreme power, he paid M. Thiers the compliment of arresting
him as a possibly dangerous adversary, and the act of violence
was not regarded as an affront, though M. Thiers refused to
serve a Government which was virtually absolute. While
the Empire flourished M. Thiers employed his involuntary

1877 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 49

leisure in the continuation of the brilliant history which had
already, more than any other cause, rendered the name and
policy of Napoleon objects of fanatical admiration in France.
When, after a long interval, the Emperor began to relax his
hold on the reigns of government, M. Thiers conducted alipost
alone a Parliamentary Opposition which gradually shook the
fabric of the Empire. His denunciation of the policy which
had permitted Italy and Germany to attain union and strength
impaired the popularity of Napoleon III. and influenced his
judgment. The fatal determination which led to the disaster
of Sedan was probably in some degree caused by a desire to
repel the taunts of the most formidable of critics ; but M.
Thiers openly disapproved the war not because it was unjust,
but because he knew that the army was inadequate to its task.
In the misfortunes which followed, M. Thiers, after declining
a place in the Government of Defence, earned the gratitude of
his countrymen by a journey undertaken for the purpose of
soliciting aid from all the Governments of Europe in succession.

When Paris fell and further resistance had become hopeless,
M. Thiers was designated by the choice of forty or fifty con-
stituencies, and by the unanimous opinion of France, as the
Chief of the Government and the manager of the negotiations
with the conqueror. Although he was through life obstinately
ignorant of economic principles, the confidence which he in-
spired enabled his Government to borrow the vast sums which
were to be paid as compensation to Germany ; and the evacua-
tion of the territory was accomplished before the date which
had been previously fixed. His authority for a time overruled
the desire of the National Assembly for a Government which
should show a stronger inclination to restore the Monarchy ;
but in 1873, when the great task of liberating the territory had
been achieved, the resignation which he had often tendered as a
menace was at last accepted.

During the remaining years of his life he occupied a private
station, for his age and dignity would scarcely have allowed
him to intervene frequently in debate. He had never been so
popular as in the latest stage of his long career. With all his
defects, and notwithstanding his many prejudices, he was
through life consistently devoted to the interests of France, and
his deliberate adherence to the Republic at last conciliated the
classes which he had often thwarted and offended. His rigorous
VOL. II E

50 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1877

suppression of the rebellion of the Commune was pardoned
bj the Paris artisans when they found that he was the most
powerful opponent of a Bourbon or Bonapartist restoration.
His memory stands apart in the obituary of the year, which
includes no other name of the first or second political rank.
M. Lanfrey, whom M. Thiers had generously employed in a
high diplomatic post though he had won his reputation by
exposing the errors of The History of the Consulate and the
Empirey was eminent only as a man of letters. M. Leverrier
was regarded as one of the first among European astronomers.
General Changarnier distinguished himself in the African cam-
paign of thirty years ago ; after the Ee volution of 1848 he
failed to protect the Assembly against the designs of the Presi-
dent ; in his old age he earned public gratitude by joining the
army at Metz when the fortunes of his country were already
desperate.

The most important event of the year in the United States
was the settlement by an elaborate contrivance of the disputed
Presidential election. The Democratic candidates, Mr. Tilden
and Mr. Hendricks, had obtained a large majority of the whole
number of votes, but the number of Presidential electors repre-
senting the several States was almost equally balanced, and the
result depended on the admission or rejection of the votes of
Louisiana and South Carolina. In both States partisan return-
ing Boards, appointed by Republican Legislatures, were accused
of falsifying the returns, and the Democrats demanded an in-
vestigation, while the Republicans contended that by the Con-
stitution the certificate of the Governor of a State was final and
conclusive. It was difficult to anticipate any mode of peaceful
settlement ; but the common sense and political aptitude of the
American people justified the general confidence that by some
means an escape would be devised from an apparently hopeless
dead-lock.

After much deliberation the Senate and the House of Re-
presentatives agreed on the appointment of a Commission which
should propose to Congress a solution of the difficulty. The
body was composed of five members of either branch of the
Legislature and of five judges of the Supreme Court. The
arrangement was supposed to be favourable to the Democrats,
but their hopes were at the last moment disappointed by the
removal of a Democratic judge and by the appointment of a

1877 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 51

Kepublican successor. Although the functions of the Commis-
sion were ostensibly judicial, senators, representatives, and
judges voted on every question in strict accordance with party
interests. A majority of one determined that Congress could
not inquire into the credentials of a Presidential Elector, and
Congress wisely accepted a recommendation which was, perhaps,
consistent with the letter of the Constitution, and which at
least settled the disputed election. Accordingly, Mr. Hayes
and Mr. Wheeler, the Republican candidates, were declared to
be elected by 184 Presidential votes to 183.

On his assumption of office at the beginning of March Mr.
Hayes at once proceeded to execute the measures of conciliation
which he had previously announced. The Federal troops were
withdrawn from New Orleans, and General Wade Hampton,
the Democratic candidate, was recognised as Governor of South
Carolina. The President was welcomed with enthusiasm on a visit
to two or three of the Southern States ; and his adherents allege
that the whole of the former Confederation is now for the first
time heartily reconciled to the Union. The White population
has now resumed its supremacy in all parts of the South. Dis-
contented Republicans complain, as might be expected, that the
interests of the coloured people have been sacrificed. A
division in the ranks of the party arises, perhaps, in greater
measure from a division of opinion on the proposed reform of
the Civil Service. In a circular issued soon after his accession,
the President prohibited paid Federal officers from taking part
in elections, except by recording their votes. As the whole
system of party organisation depends mainly on the personal
and pecuniary efforts of actual or expectant officeholders, many
leading Republicans naturally disapproved the attempt to sub-
stitute a neutral and permanent body of Civil servants for
official managers of elections. Mr. Conkling, Senator for New
York, induced a Convention of his State to censure the policy
of the President ; a late election in Ohio, to which State both
the President and the Secretary of the Treasury belong, has
been carried by the Democrats ; and the President's nominations
to certain offices in the New York Custom House have been re-
jected by the Senate.

The balance of parties is further deranged by the organisa-
tion of a so-called Party of Labour, which resembles a trades'
union on a gigantic scale. The labour agitation had in the

52 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1877

course of the summer produced alarming results. The men
employed on the railways in Maryland, Ohio, Pennsylvania,
and some neighbouring States suddenly interrupted the traffic,
and gave an opportunity to the rabble of Baltimore, of Pitts-
burg, and of other towns to destroy a large quantity of rolling
stock and of other property. The State and Federal authorities
displayed commendable vigour, but in some places the Militia,
either through cowardice or in sympathy with the rioters, re-
fused to perform its duty. All the Federal troops within reach
were at once employed against the insurgents, and in the course
of a few weeks the disturbances were suppressed. The wild
demands of the rioters have since been repeated by demagogues
for election purposes, and the new party hopes to apply the
powers conferred by universal suffrage for the benefit of labour
at the expense of capital. Experience has hitherto shown that
in the United States combinations outside of the two great
parties are destined only to an ephemeral existence.

The commercial prospects of America seem to be improving, and
perhaps the balance of public opinion is in favour of maintaining
the law which provides for the resumption of -specie payments at
the beginning of 1879 ; but the question is complicated by a
movement for the admission of silver coin as a legal tender in
the interest of the mine-owners of Nevada, and for the purpose
of paying the National Debt in a depreciated currency. The
House of Representatives, in which the Democrats have a
majority, has voted for the repeal of the Resumption Act and
for the remonetisation of silver ; but the Senate has not yet
given a decision, and the President has expressed the intention
of interposing his veto on measures for postponing resumption
or tampering, by the establishment of a double standard of
value, with the national credit. The Mixed Commission on the
Fisheries, constituted under the Treaty of Washington, has lately
published an award, by which compensation of a million
sterling is given to Canada, which had claimed a much larger
amount. The American Commissioner has, unfortunately, re-
fused to concur in the award ; and it is found that, by a culpable
oversight, the negotiations of the Treaty had not provided, as
in the Alabama case, that the decision of the majority should
be binding. It is not yet known whether the American
Government will raise a technical objection to the award.

Except during the railway strike, the general tranquillity

1877 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 53

has only been locally and superficially ruffled by petty conflicts
with discontented Indian tribes, and by the depredations of
Mexican marauders on the frontier of Texas. Another revolu-
tion in Mexico has resulted in the establishment of one Diaz as
President, and probably his title will be recognised by the
Government of the United States if he can furnish securities
against the renewal of outrages on the Rio Granda Since the
abolition of slavery the American desire of territorial aggran-
disement has subsided ; nor is any political party desirous of
admitting half-civilised aliens from Mexico or Cuba to a share
in the national sovereignty.

Englishmen are, perhaps, still more peaceably disposed than
Americans ; but in the wide extent of the Indian and Colonial
Empire it is impossible to avoid occasional collisions with
bordering tribes. In South Africa it has also been found
necessary to interfere with a neighbouring community of
European blood. The independence of the Republic of Trans-
vaal, founded a quarter of a century ago by Dutch emigrants
from the colony, had been recognised and afterwards respected
by the English Government ; but collisions between the people
of the Transvaal and the Caffres always involved a danger of a
general native war, and in the course of last year the levies of
the Republic had been defeated in a contest with a neighbouring
chief.

It appeared from the official statements of Mr. Burgers,
President of the Republic, that the Government was unable
either to provide for the defence of the territory or to maintain
internal order. Sir Theophilus Shepstone, an officer of great
experience in dealing both with native tribes and with colonists
in South Africa, was despatched by Lord Carnarvon to the
Transvaal with a large discretionary power, extending in certain
specified contingencies to the assumption of the government.
The Commissioner, arriving at the seat of government in ad-
vance of a small body of troops which had been placed at his
disposal, found the state of affairs so alarming that he at once
determined on adding the Transvaal to the dominions of the
Crown, and his decision was afterwards approved by the Colonial
Office. The Dutch inhabitants of the territory seem not to have
been dissatisfied with the measure, which was naturally ac-
ceptable to the English residents. The powerful King of the
Zulus, who had threatened an invasion of the Transvaal, has

64 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1877

thought it prudent to avoid a collision with the Imperial and
Colonial Governments, and on the whole the annexation seems
to have produced advantageous results. In a distant part of
South Africa petty hostilities, provoked by Kreli, Chief of the
Galekas, or his advisers, have ended in his defeat, and in his
deposition by Sir Bartle Frere, now Governor of the Cape. The
project of federation has not yet been carried into effect, but
Lord Carnarvon's policy is believed to increase in popularity,
and the acquisition of the Transvaal will, perhaps, diminish the
impediments to union. So far, however, as Africa is concerned,
the arrival of Mr. H. M. Stanley at the Cape, after his mar-
vellous journey across the Continent, has dwarfed the interest
felt either in a Galeka outbreak or in a South African Con-
federation.

In India there has been a petty border war with the Jowakis,
a predatory mountain tribe on the North- West frontier. In the
early part of the year, on the invitation of the Khan of Khelat,
an English officer with a considerable escort was sent to reside
at Quettah, and perhaps the measure may have caused irritation
and alarm among the neighbouring tribes. At the date of the
latest accounts the operations of the English forces had been
successful, but the objects of the expedition had not been fully
attained.

The gorgeous ceremony attending the proclamation at Delhi
of the Queen's assumption of the title of Empress of India pro-
duced no political effect. Indian statesmen were even at the
time preoccupied by the anticipation of the famine which has
since extended with frightful severity over a great part of the
Presidencies of Bombay and Madras, and over some of the ad-
jacent native States. The efforts of the Supreme and Local
Governments to relieve the wants of the people have been un-
ceasing ; but the deaths from the direct or indirect consequences
of want of food are estimated at hundreds of thousands ; and
the health of many of the survivors must have been permanently
affected. A subscription in England for the relief of Indian
distress amounted to nearly half a million, and the liberality of
the contributors was not exhausted when the Indian authorities
announced that the necessity for aid no longer existed. Copious
autumn rains removed all apprehension of a second season of
famine ; and the pressure on the resources of the Government
rapidly diminishes.

1877 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 55

Two celebrated Eastern potentates have died within the
year. Jung Bahadoor, nominally Minister and really Sovereign
of Nepaul, had long since attained his position by unscrupulous
vigour in removing rivals from his path. While he excluded
Europeans from his country, he pursued a friendly policy to the
English Government, and during the Mutiny he rendered useful
service. At the time of his death he was preparing for a second
visit to England. Little is known of the character of his
brother, who has succeeded to his power.

The death of Yakoob Beg of Kashgar may probably be
followed by dynastic and territorial changes in the remote
East. Like many Eastern potentates, Yakoob had been a soldier
of fortune before he superseded the chief whom he had served.
Alone among the Mahomedan rulers of provinces formerly be-
longing to China, Yakoob Beg, otherwise known as the Atalik
Ghazi, had maintained an independence which was threatened
both from the east and the west He had during his reign
avoided collision with his Russian neighbours in Central Asia ;
but it is doubtful whether he would have been able permanently
to resist the steady progress of great Chinese armies, which will
probably restore the former frontiers of the Empire. The in-
heritance of Yakoob Beg has already caused broils and revolu-
tions among the claimants of the succession, and the kingdom
which he formed is not likely to endure.

No events of especial interest have occurred at home since
the close of the session, though Lord Hartington, Mr. Bright,
and Mr. Chamberlain have exerted themselves to promote the
organisation of the Liberal party. Public speakers, though
they may have deliberately preferred domestic topics, still veer
round by a necessary attraction to the subject which still en-
grosses universal attention. Although discussion can exercise
no influence on the fortunes of war, it is found impossible to
discuss anything else. The one domestic event of importance
is the promise, supposed to be contained in the recent announce-
ment of the meeting of Parliament on the 17th of January,
that this discussion will be continued.

1878

The year which expired on Tuesday has been remarkable for a
strain of prolonged anxiety, from which the national mind has
not yet been altogether relieved. Though the public apprehen-
sions have not been realised, it appeared more than once well-
nigh impossible to escape either a general war in Europe or a
commercial crisis at home. Peace, however, has been maintained
among the Great Powers. No panic, like that of "Black
Friday," has given a shock to the fabric of English business.
Nevertheless, we have gone so close to the edge of danger in
both directions that, as we look back on the events of the past
twelve months, we feel, in spite of some present difl&culties, that
we have much reason for thankfulness and for confidence.
Party spirit has not been inactive, but the rivalry between the
Ministry and the Opposition has been controlled by the over-
mastering interest of the country in foreign affairs. Legislation
has been stunted by the shadows of war and diplomacy. The
expiring pangs of the Ottoman resistance were eagerly watched ;
the rising pretensions of Kussia revealed in the Treaty of San
Stefano were indignantly repelled ; the vicissitudes of negotia-
tion were vigilantly followed, with a full knowledge of the fact
that failure to secure by peaceful means the interests and honour
of England would force us into an arduous contest.

The Government had no cause to complain that the national
temper did not give them steady support. The position taken
up by England produced a visible change in the opinion of other
States. The elements of a permanent understanding were
slowly compacted together, and the Treaty of Berlin solemnly
confirmed a new European concert, in which England had a
chief share. The patience and public spirit of the country were

(

%
1878 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 57

still further tried by tlie difficulties wliicli have impeded the
execution of the treaty, and scarcely had these begun to clear
away when troubles gathered ominously on our Indian frontiers.
The Afghan Expedition has been approved by Parliament and
the country for the same reasons as those which prevailed during
the European crisis. The Government has received this support
in spite of many untoward influences.

The depression of trade which has been deplored for the past
four years has not been removed ; it has sunk, indeed, to a
lower level than before. Fortunately, a good harvest and plen-
tiful supplies from all foreign countries have kept down the
price of bread, and bad trade has so far profited the consumer
that all the necessaries of life have been cheaper than they were
in prosperous times. If it were not for this mitigation the effect
of repeated reductions in the rate of wages, ineffectually opposed
by strikes, of withdrawals of capital, of bankruptcies and liqui-
dations, of banking disasters, of alarms in the Money-market, of
Ministerial embarrassments in finance, and of augmented taxa-
tion, actual or prospective, would have been far more severely
felt. As it was, in spite of some distress and consequent dis-
content throughout the country, the Poor Law returns showed
no extraordinary increase of pauperism until the last few weeks
of the yeaE) when the hard weather and the want of employment
combined to cause widespread suffering.

In the early part of 1878, as in 1877, there was a difficulty
in finding remunerative employment for capital ; the bank rate
of discount was lowered in January from 4 to 3, and afterwards
to 2 per cent, and did not again touch 4 per cent until August,
when a drain of bullion was feared. Still later the Glasgow
Bank failure compelled another precautionary rise, but within
the past month, notwithstanding prevalent uneasiness, it has
been thought safe to maintain the bank rate at 5 per cent.
The fluctuations in the ordinary commercial terms for the use
of money were much wider.

The conflicts between labour and capital begun last year were
prolonged and embittered. The London masons' strike was not
ended until the middle of March, and a few weeks later came
the great " turn-out " of the cotton operatives in Blackburn and
other North Lancashire towns, as well as riots in the Scotch
mining districts. The disturbances at Blackburn which followed
the refusal of the Masters' Association to submit the proposed

58 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1878

reduction of wages to tlie judgment of Lord Derby and two
other arbitrators culminated in tlie sacking and burning of
Colonel Kaynsford Jackson's house. For a week or so the
gravest anxiety prevailed, but the excitement soon abated, and
after ineffectual negotiations the men succumbed. In the autumn
another strike at Oldham originated in another reduction of
wages. But in general the workmen have learned to submit
without violent resistance, and to recognise the fact that capital-
ists find it difficult to maintain their enterprises at all. The
depression of trade, the lack of employment, and the generally
unprosperous state of the community have been demonstrated
by the falling off in the revenue and by the failures of large
financial concerns. The fall of prices in the autumn and the
accumulation of cash reserves to meet a possible panic raised
the demand for money and lowered the value of all public
securities.

The Government funds, however, have been maintained at a
much higher average than in 1872-73. Sir Stafford Northcote
calculated in April that the increased income-tax and tobacco
duty would give him the means of meeting a fair proportion of
the deficiency on the ordinary revenue, the Exchequer Bonds
issued for the vote of credit in the spring, and the supplementary
estimates, which he computed at a million. But the supple-
mentary estimates mounted up to three millions and three-
quarters, including an estimate of .£400,000 for the South
African War expenses, which will hardly suffice to cover the cost
of the operations in Natal as well as those in Caffraria. The
sum of a million and a half which the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer proposed to carry over to next year is thus increased to
not less than two millions and three-quarters, even if the receipts
of revenue should come up to his anticipations. Unfortunately,
the returns for the first half-year proved that the Customs,
Excise, and Stamps, taken together, instead of showing the
increase of £260,000 on which Sir S. Northcote had reckoned,
had declined by £320,000. It seems scarcely possible to retrieve
this loss during the winter months and in the present state of
trade. There is, happily, reason to believe that the danger of
panic, which appeared inevitable when the failure of the City
of Glasgow Bank and of the firms dependent upon it was fol-
lowed by similar though less widespread ruin in the west of
England and in Rochdale, has now passed away. Caution has

1878 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 59

prepared for the worst, and confidence, it may be hoped, is
gradually reviving. Still, so doubtful is the prospect that our
hopes must be rather negative than positive.

While such has been our social and economical condition at
home, no great legislative changes were possible, even if foreign
policy had not overshadowed all other interests. The session,
though it began a fortnight earlier and ended a few days later
than usual, was singularly barren of important measures. The
Factories and Workshops Act, the Cattle Diseases Act, the High-
ways Act, the Bishoprics Act, were placed upon the Statute
Book. The Irish members were pacified with the Intermediate
Education Act, and the Scotch with the Koads and Bridges Act.

But the energies of Parliament were directed almost ex-
clusively to the important questions arising out of our foreign
relations and to the party conflicts which turned upon them.
At the beginning of the year it became evident that the Turkish
resistance was failing. The Russians were advancing under
General Gourko, commanding the Imperial Guard, upon Sofia,
and were also pressing upon the Turkish army in the Central
Balkans. On the 3rd of January Sofia surrendered. In the
following week General Mirsky and General Skobeleff penetrated
the Balkans by the Trojan Pass, and occupied Kezanlik. General
Radetzky held a strong position to the north of the mountains,
and the Turks, finding themselves shut up in the Shipka Pass
between Radetzky's troops and those of Mirsky and Skobeleft",
after a fruitless struggle laid down their arms. These victories
were achieved in the midst of a severe winter ; they redeemed
the somewhat tarnished credit of Russian generalship, and
testified once more to the stubborn valour of the Russian
soldiery. The Turks, too, fought well, but the shadow of
defeat hung over them. The Government at Constantinople
sent proposals for an armistice to the headquarters of the Grand
Duke Nicholas, which were received with grim and mysterious
silence. In the meantime the Russian armies were steadily
advancing on Philippopolis and Adrian ople.

Such was the situation when Parliament met on the 17th of
January. The assembling of the Houses at a date so unusually
early had given rise to many disquieting rumours. The Speech
from the Throne contained a significant statement " that should
hostilities unfortunately be prolonged, some unexpected occur-
rence may render it incumbent on Her Majesty to adopt measures

60 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1878

of precaution." While Parliament was still debating these
vague generalities, rumours were growing that the Eussian terms,
still kept profoundly secret, were dangerously exorbitant, that the
Eussian troops were threatening not only the positions around
Constantinople, but Gallipoli and the freedom of the Straits, that
wild disorder and hopeless anarchy were impending in the Sultan's
capital, that a flight to Broussa was deliberately contemplated
by Abdul Hamid and his Ministers, that the British fleet had
been ordered to the Dardanelles. How far these alarming reports
were false or true no one could tell, but that the crisis was a
grave one was made evident by the retirement of two Cabinet
Ministers, Lord Carnarvon and Lord Derby. The latter, how-
ever, as it appeared afterwards, withdrew his resignation.

Public suspense was to some extent relieved when the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer on the 28th of January moved in the
House of Commons for a vote of credit of £6,000,000 to
strengthen the army and navy. He referred to the rumoured
conditions of peace as revolutionary in their character and inad-
missible without the sanction of the European Powers, and he
asked for the confidence of Parliament as neces'Sary to make the
Government powerful in the Conference which was to settle the
definitive treaty. The publication of the preliminaries signed
at Kezanlik and the resolute attitude of resistance assumed by
Austria greatly strengthened the Ministry. The Opposition
challenged the vote of credit, and an amendment, moved by Mr.
Forster, was supported in debate by the chiefs of the Liberal
party. On the 7th of February a telegram received from the
British Embassy at Constantinople was read in the House, to
the effect that the Eussians, in spite of the armistice which had
been concluded, were pushing forward suspiciously, and that the
Turks were in a state of panic. Mr. Forster, supported by Lord
Hartington, withdrew his motion, and only a minority of ninety-
six, headed by Mr. Trevelyan and Mr. Fawcett, voted against the
Government. Confidence was not immediately restored by the
assurances of Count Schouvaloff that no harm was meant, and
that orders had been sent to the Generals in Europe and Asia
to suspend their movements. Public opinion was more satisfied
by the renewal of orders for an advance of the fleet, which on
this occasion were not revoked. Admiral Hornby, declining to
take notice of a Turkish protest, steamed through the Dardan-
elles, and, leaving a couple of ironclads near Gallipoli, anchored

1878 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 61

with his main squadron at the Princes Islands, a few miles from
the Golden Horn.

The conditions of the armistice, it was found, included the
right to occupy the Tchataldja lines outside Constantinople, and
of this the Eussians availed themselves as soon as the British
fleet had entered the Sea of Marmora. But European diplomacy
was now at work, and the prospect appeared to be growing
clearer. Prince Bismarck spoke hopefully of a Congress, which
it was at this time expected might soon meet at Baden. Eussia
gave explicit pledges not to occupy Gallipoli or the lines of
Boulair. In Parliament the resistance to the vote of credit died
out with a final protest from the minority. But the hopes of
peace and of a settlement of the Eastern Question, once for all,
in a European Congress were dispersed by the announcement of
the terms of peace definitively agreed upon, as between the late
belligerents, in a treaty signed at San Stefano on the 3rd of
March.

The chief stipulations were the cession of a large portion of
Armenia to Eussia by Turkey, the transfer to Eussia by Eou-
mania of Danubian Bessarabia in exchange for the Dobrudja,
the payment of a large pecuniary indemnity by Turkey, the
erection of Bulgaria, from the ^gean to the Danube, into an
autonomous Christian principality, the recognition of the com-
plete independence of Eoumania, extensions of territory for
Servia and Montenegro, privileges like those of Crete for Thessaly
and Epirus. The effect of each one of these provisions might
be disputable, but, taken together, their effect plainly was to give
Eussia a menacing preponderance in the Balkan Peninsula. This
was felt in Austria no less than in England. Count Andrassy
declared before the Delegations that the great interests of the
Empire were threatened, and the war vote of sixty millions of
florins, as to which there ' had been some demur, was at once
granted.

The inopportune efforts of the peace party, as they were called,
in this country to make demonstrations in Hyde Park and else-
where provoked reprisals, and the war spirit became more and
more inflamed, while diplomacy was fencing with facts and
endeavouring to reconcile Eussian pretensions with the claims
of Europe. The British Government consistently demanded
that the Treaty of San Stefano should not only be " communi-
cated in its entirety " to the Powers, but should be " submitted "

62 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1878

to the Congress in the sense that every point considered by the
plenipotentiaries as of European interest might be dealt with as
such. This demand Eussia was unwilling to admit. Hence
our Government was active in preparing for war, and was
approved by the people.

Lord Derby's resignation on the 28th of March cleared up
much that was ambiguous. The retiring Foreign Secretary
fully justified the policy of England in refusing to enter the
Congress without guarantees, which Russia would not give, but
he intimated that he could not join with his colleagues in the
measures they deemed necessary at such a crisis. What those
measures were Lord Derby thought he was bound not to say.
The Prime Minister lost no time, however, in announcing that
one of them was the calling out of the Reserve Forces, but there
was a general feeling that this was not all. A few days after
Lord Salisbury had taken Lord Derby's place at the Foreign
Office, a circular was published with his signature which pro-
duced a deep impression throughout Europe. This brilliant
State paper subjected the Treaty of San Stefano to a rigorous
criticism, showing that it established the predominance of Russia
over the Turkish Empire, not by any single article, but by
" the operation of the instrument as a whole." Lord Salisbury's
reasoning was generally accepted as conclusive, though Mr. Bright
and a Liberal deputation from the provinces urged Lord Gran-
ville and Lord Hartington to protest against making Russia's
refusal to enter the Congress on the conditions laid down
by Lord Derby and Lord Salisbury the pretext for "a useless
and criminal war." The Ministerial changes — Mr. Hardy, raised
to the Upper House as Lord Cranbrook, taking the India Office,
and Colonel Stanley the War Office — were marked by active
preparations for possible hostilities. The mobilisation of the
reserves was rapidly pushed forward. The leaders of the Oppo-
sition, while severely criticising the measure, declined to support
an amendment moved by Sir Wilfrid Lawson, which obtained only
sixty-four votes, including those of Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Bright.

A greater effect was produced by the announcement that the
Government had sent orders to Calcutta for the immediate de-
spatch of 7000 native troops to Malta. These proofs of the
resolute attitude of England influenced the diplomatic move-
ments, in which Germany now took a leading part. Prince
Gortchakoff's despatches showed a desire to conciliate, and

1878 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 63

Count Schouvaloff' s journeys to and from St. Petersburg were
significant of peace. The Russian Press was warned to subdue
its tones, and little was henceforward heard about the American
privateers, on the purchase and equipment of which the patriots
of Moscow were spending large sums of money. Some weeks of
suspense ensued. But when Parliament re-assembled after the
Whitsuntide recess the strain was visibly lessened. The nego-
tiations were conducted, of course, secretly, and in the meantime
Parliament discussed at immense length the constitutional ques-
tions arising out of the movement of the Indian troops. The
Opposition contended that the conduct of the Ministry was
inconsistent with the Bill of Rights, the Mutiny Act, and the
Government of India Act It is unnecessary to enter into the
details of what the Lord Chancellor described as " a dry and
bare legal and constitutional controversy." In the House of
Lords the Opposition did not go to a division ; in the House of
Commons the Government had a majority of 121. The dispute
created little interest out of doors. It was generally conceded
that the Government had acted for the best in a difficult emer-
gency, and that, even if they had infringed the letter of the law,
which was not proved, the crisis might be pleaded as a sufficient
defence.

On the 2nd of June it was announced in Parliament that the
obstacles to the Congress were removed, Russia declaring herself
" ready to participate " in all the discussions relating to the San
Stefano Treaty, and that the German Government had invited
the representatives of the Great Powers to meet at Berlin on
the 1 3th. The Premiers and the Foreign Ministers of England,
Germany, and Austria, and the Foreign Ministers of France and
Italy, were among the plenipotentiaries. Russia was repre-
sented by its Chancellor and Count Schouvaloff, Turkey by
Caratheodori Pasha, a Greek Christian, and Mehemet Ali, a
German convert to Islam. The appearance of Lord Beaconsfield
and Lord Salisbury — especially of the former — at the Radziwill
Palace excited the keenest interest in Berlin and throughout
Europe, where English policy had not been so earnestly watched
since the Crimean War. Much speculation was caused by the
disclosure, through the indiscretion of a " writer " employed in
the Foreign Office, of an agreement signed by Lord Salisbury
and Count Schouvaloff on the 30th of May, in which those
modifications in the San Stefano terms on which the British

64 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1878

plenipotentiaries were prepared to insist were defined. Among
them was conspicuous the division of Bulgaria into two provinces
separated by the Balkans, while with respect to Asiatic Turkey
the peculiar interest of England was expressly recognised.

The published accounts of the policy thus disclosed were de-
clared by the Government to be inaccurate and incomplete, and
the contradictory reports as to what the Congress had decided
created frequent alarms. It was not until the eve of the signa-
ture of the Treaty of Berlin that the Government announced
the conclusion, five weeks before, of a Convention with Turkey
by which Great Britain engaged to defend the Sultan's dominions
in Asia against Eussian attacks, while the Porte assented to our
occupation of Cyprus, and promised to introduce "necessary
reforms," subject to British approval. The negotiators at Berlin
had by this time ended their labours. The treaty was signed
on the 1 3th of July, and three days later Lord Beaconsfield was
welcomed back in London with a great display of approbation.
He addressed a few emphatic words to an applauding crowd in
Downing Street, declaring that the British plenipotentiaries had
brought back from Berlin " peace with honour."

The Ministry had reason to be satisfied with the support of
the country. In whatever particulars it appeared that the
Treaty of Berlin was open to attack, as in dispossessing Rou-
mania of Bessarabia or surrendering Batoum, Ardahan, and Kars
to Russia, there was a conviction that if the arrangements made
were honestly and fairly carried out, the Eastern Question might
be regarded as settled, if not finally, at least for many years to
come. The occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austria
was considered to be a guarantee for the co-operation of that
Empire in restraining Russian ambition. The supposed irrita-
tion of France and Italy was seen to be practically of no political
significance.

The honours conferred by the Crown upon Lord Beaconsfield
and Lord Salisbury were reafiirmed by numerous demonstrations
of public opinion. It was not to be expected that the Opposition
should take the same view ; Mr. Gladstone mocked at the
Treaty of Berlin and denounced the Anglo-Turkish Convention
as an " insane covenant," and Lord Hartington was forced to
move a resolution in the House of Commons, which the Premier
correctly described as " a string of congratulatory regrets." A
long debate followed and a division, in which the Government

1878 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 65

obtained the decisive and almost unprecedented majority of 143.
The session was soon afterwards brought to a close. The posi-
tion of the Ministry was manifestly so strong that, according to
a current rumour, an early dissolution was contemplated, by
which a Conservative majority would have been, secured for
another septennial term. But the Premier's speech at the
Guildhall gave no hint of this, and the idea, if ever entertained,
was soon abandoned.

The Treaty of Berlin and the Convention with Turkey dealt
with so many and such complicated arrangements that difficulties
were clearly to be expected ; yet when they arose there were
irrational disappointments and alarms. The administration of
Cyprus was transferred from Turkish to British hands before
the Congress broke up ; Sir Garnet Wolseley was appointed
Governor ; and a large occupying force was sent to hold what
Lord Beaconsfield has described as " a place of arms." Unfor-
tunately, the season was unhealthy ; no proper sanitary arrange-
ments had been made, and fever of an exhausting, though rarely
fatal, kind seriously weakened the strength of the garrison.
The propriety of selecting Cyprus as the British position in the
Levant is still disputed, yet it is probable that next year will
see the island settled and progressing under our rule, entailing
no charges, except for the troops which we maintain there with
a view to political eventualities, and at least as healthy as most
of our military stations abroad. So, also, the Austrian occupa-
tion of Bosnia was at first proclaimed to be a failure. The
Mussulman inhabitants rose in insurrection against the advanc-
ing forces of General Szapary, and a struggle followed, in which
much blood was shed and religious animosities were seemingly
aroused. But in a few weeks the resistance grew feeble, receiv-
ing no encouragement from Constantinople, and before the close
of the autumn this question also was practically settled.

The delay in the execution of other parts of the Treaty of
Berlin gave rise to renewed apprehensions of the same kind.
The Turkish Government, as might have been anticipated, was
not prompt to carry out its part of the contract. The Greeks,
who had put forward their claims before the Congress met, and
who had been disappointed at the result, protested against the
delay in the delimitation of the new frontier. The opponents
of the treaty in this country proclaimed with precipitate ardour
that it was a failure, that Turkey was refusing to obey the

VOL. II F

66 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1878

mandates of Europe, and it was even said that Russia was freed
from the obligation to carry out frankly the pledges she had
given. Against this impatience several members of the Cabinet
set themselves to contend in a series of provincial visits, under-
taken at an unusually early period of the autumn, beginning with
Lancashire and Yorkshire, and afterwards attacking advanced
Liberalism in its main stronghold at Birmingham. On the other
side, Mr. Gladstone and other critics, though not the recognised
Liberal leaders, kept public opinion in a ferment.

It was with some surprise that the country, on looking back
from time to time, recognised the progress that had really been
made. The flight of the Mussulman inhabitants of Roumelia
into the Rhodope mountains had been due, as the Turks
asserted, to the cruelties not only of the Bulgarians, but of
the Russians. An International Commission of Inquiry was
appointed, which published a report in the autumn, as to
the fairness and conclusiveness of which there was, and is,
much controversy.

In Albania, where the Bosnian insurrection was still active,
there was a violent agitation of the Mahomedan Arnauts, and,
unfortunately, the popular excitement found a victim in Mehemet
Ali, the Commissioner nominated by the Porte for carrying out
the treaty arrangements in that quarter. Mehemet Ali was a
German by birth, but had risen almost to the highest rank in
the Turkish service, having not only commanded in chief during
the campaign of 1877, but having been a plenipotentiary at
Berlin. The Government at Constantinople was not strong
enough to suppress these disorders, which, however, abated of
themselves in a few months. The course taken by the Russian
authorities in Bulgaria and Roumelia did not tend to strengthen
the Porte. The Russian Governor, Prince Dondoukoff Korsakoff,
was reported to have used contemptuous language respecting the
treaty, and to have declared, in substance, that the Czar did not
intend to allow the separation of Eastern Roumelia from Bulgaria
Proper to be carried into effect. These utterances of what Lord
Beaconsfield has styled "irresponsible frivolity" were in some
measure disavowed by the Czar's Government ; but the withdrawal
of the Russian forces was delayed on the ground that the Turks
were hesitating to agree to the execution of those parts of the
San Stefano Treaty which were not dealt with at Berlin.
Intrigues at the Porte complicated the situation, and it was not

1878 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 67

until near the end of tlie year that a new Turkish Ministry
seemed likely to deprive Kussia of this pretext for prolonging
the disturbance of Eastern Europe.

The course of events at home and abroad drew Russia more
and more towards conciliation. . A fortnight ago Lord Beacons-
field was able to state — and in this he was supported by M.
Waddington's contemporaneous testimony in the French Senate
— that every day the treaty was advancing to its fulfilment, and
that within the period of transition contemplated when the
instrument was signed the complete attainment of all its objects
might be looked for. In the same way, it may be hoped, the
very natural difficulties in the way of executing the Anglo-
Turkish Convention will be overcome in due time. The Porte
has accepted in principle the administrative reforms for Asiatic
Turkey proposed by Sir Henry Layard, and the Ministry of
Khaireddin Pasha is more likely to give practical proof that
they are to be carried out than one chosen from among the
ordinary officials of the Porte. The political and social disor-
ganisation of Turkey after the close of the war must be taken
into account when we are considering the question whether the
pacification of Europe has proceeded rapidly or not. The
financial embarrassment at Constantinople has been extreme, and
at first a general collapse was apparently at hand. The turbu-
lence of the Softas and the conspiracy of Ali Suavi gave proof
of the popular excitement ; but, though suspected plots have
again within the past few weeks caused alarm in the palace,
there is a visible improvement The new Grand Vizier,
Khaireddin Pasha, a Tunisian politician and man of letters,
patronised by Abdul Hamid, and the Foreign Minister, Cara-
theodori Pasha, a Greek, are pledged to reforms, and more
capable of understanding what reforms mean than the Turks of
the old school. In Russia, troubles similar in kind, though less
in degree, have retarded the restoration of tranquillity. The
imminence of the financial danger was avowed. The Nihilist
Societies defied the Government, Generals Trepoff and Mesentzoff,
successively chiefs of the secret police, were assassinated, and
the sternest repressive measures have but imperfectly controlled
the revolutionary agitation.

It was in connection with India that the most serious causes
of disquietude arose. The shock of the Russo-Turkish struggle
was felt throughout our Indian dominions. The natives showed

68 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1878

an ominous restlessness. Distorted notions of what was happen-
ing in European politics prevailed, and the distant form of
Russia loomed vague and large upon the Oriental imagination.
The financial policy of Sir John Strachey, which had imposed
new taxes with the object of accumulating a famine insurance
fund, was assailed with unusual violence. There were many
signs of a belief that England had met with a check, and was,
consequently, in a position to be forced into concessions. The
seditious and libellous language of a part of the native press
provoked the Viceroy early in the spring to pass with remark-
able rapidity, as an urgent measure, an Act which subjected
Indian newspapers to a severe censorship. The policy of this
step was severely criticised in the Imperial Parliament by Mr.
Gladstone and others, but was not reversed. Another symptom
of the same nervous and suspicious frame of mind was visible
in the alarm excited by rumours of the growing military strength
of the Nizam, Scindiah, Holkar, and others of our feudatories.
That the Government was not wholly indifferent to these
rumours may be inferred from the enactment of a statute, also
passed with " urgency," strictly regulating the importation -and
possession of arms.

The explanation of all this disquietude was afterwards made
clear. The foreign relations of India beyond the north-west
frontier had been troubled by Russian pressure in Afghanistan.
Our alliance with the Ameer Shere Ali had fallen into practical
abeyance ; he had rejected all our overtures, while evidence was
forthcoming that Russian intercourse with Cabul was becoming
constantly more intimate and frequent. When from the Euro-
pean complications it appeared only too probable that England
and Russia would be involved in war, the Indian Government
was compelled to watch more closely the current of Afghan
politics. It was discovered not only that a Russian Embassy
was received at Cabul with an ostentatious display of sympathy,
and that the Ameer, who despatched an envoy in return to
Tashkend, was discussing political questions with the emissaries
of the Czar, but that movements of Russian troops had actually
commenced with a view to a diversion of the English power in
the event of a European war. It was not possible to blame
Russia for this, but, coupled with her forgetfulness of her pledges
not to meddle with Afghan affairs, its significance could not be
contested.

1878 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 69

Lord Lytton having drawn the attention of the Home Govern-
ment to the importance of the events in Afghanistan and Cen-
tral Asia, was authorised to depart from the inaction to which
Indian policy had consented in the past. The Ameer was
requested to receive in his capital a British mission headed by
Sir Neville Chamberlain- It was clear that the objection pre-
viously urged by the Ameer, the impossibility of guaranteeing
the personal security of a European envoy at Cabul, had been
removed by the reception of General Stolieteff and his suite.
A native agent was sent on to explain to the Ameer the purpose
of the mission, and the reasons why its rejection would be
regarded as an act of hostility. But when Sir Neville Cham-
berlain and his companions reached the Khyber Pass, Major
Cavagnari, who had advanced to Fort Ali Masjid, was turned
back with threats, and with the intimation that the progress of
the mission would be forcibly resisted. An evasive letter from
Shere Ali was received while the Government were considering
whether war should be instantly declared or not, and it was
decided to despatch an ultimatum to Cabul calling upon the
Ameer for a suitable apology and the reception of a permanent
British Mission in his dominions. It is tolerably certain that, if
public opinion in this country had been fully informed as to the
facts upon which the Imperial and Indian Governments acted,
there would have been no serious differences of opinion. But
there was no authentic knowledge of the relations between the
Russians and the Afghans, and some political opponents of the
Government hastened to affirm that Lord Beaconsfield and Lord
Lytton were acting upon unjustifiable suspicions with a view to
territorial aggrandisement

Lord Lawrence, Lord Northbrook, and other eminent per-
sonages who had been connected with Indian administration,
broke through the traditional reserve of Anglo-Indian politicians
and denounced our interference with Afghanistan. An " Afghan
Committee " was formed, which attempted to coerce the Govern-
ment into suspending the declaration of war until Parliament
had pronounced upon it. But the Government was firm, and
the agitation met with no popular support. This was the more
creditable because the question had been complicated by issues
which the publication of the Parliamentary papers and the
debates in Parliament have since cleared away. It was argued
that the Ameer had probably received no Russian Mission at

70 ANNUAL SUMMAUIES . 1878

all ; that he was equally ready to receive an English Mission, if
not discourteously treated ; that he was entitled to the comity
and the rights which international law accords to independent
Powers. It was asserted that the war would cost " at the least "
fifteen millions, perhaps twenty or thirty. It was predicted
that Shere All's army would prove more than a match for the
troops prepared for the expedition ; that the hill tribes would
cut off the invading armies ; that the winter would make an
advance impracticable or highly perilous.

Nevertheless, when no answer was received from the Ameer
on the day named in the ultimatum, the 20th of November, the
war began. The British forces advanced upon the Afghan
territory in three columns, one moving by the Khyber Pass, a
second by the Kuram, and a third by the Bolan. The first,
under Sir Samuel Browne, captured Fort Ali Masjid without
encountering serious resistance, and marched on to Dakka, with
some risk to its communications from the marauding hillmen.
General Biddulph's movements from Quetta in the direction of
Candahar were slow, but unobstructed. But to General Roberts
and his small force in the Kuram Valley fell the most important
successes, skilfully as well as gallantly won. The Afghans,
strongly reinforced, and commanded, according to rumour, by
one of the Ameer's sons, had held the fortified positions of the
Peiwar Pass. By well-executed turning movements, combined
with resolute hand-to-hand fighting, those positions were taken,
and the Afghans retreated in disorder, making no stand even in
the Shutar-gardan Pass, which, however, the snow has probably
closed by this time to our troops. On the 20th of December,
exactly one month after the declaration of war. General Browne
marched unopposed into Jellalabad. Shere Ali had already taken
flight from Cabul into Balkh, leaving anarchy behind him. His
son, Yakoob Khan, has been released, and has seized the reins of
government ; but he commands no organised army. It is im-
probable that any further military movements will be attempted,
either towards Candahar or Cabul, till the winter is over.

Lord Beaconsfield, in a speech on Lord Mayor's Day, pointed
out that the occupation of a " scientific frontier " was one of the
results to be looked for from the war — a statement unfairly con-
strued to mean that this was our object in declaring war. It
was desirable that this and other misapprehensions should be
cleared up. Public opinion was satisfied by the convocation of

1878 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 71

Parliament for the 5th of December, in compliance with the
spirit of the Government of India Act. At the same time the
official correspondence relating to Afghanistan and Central Asia
was published, and a striking change in public opinion was at
once produced, which was confirmed by the debates in both
Houses of Parliament.

In the House of Lords, Lord Cranbrook's motion demanding
the assent of Parliament for the expenditure of Indian revenues
upon the war was met with an amendment by Lord Halifax,
which, after an instructive debate, was rejected by a majority of
201 against 65. In the House of Commons two attacks were
opened — by Mr. Whitbread, in the form of an amendment to
the Address, condemning the general policy of the Government,
and by Mr. Fawcett, in the form of an amendment to Mr. Stan-
hope's demand for the assent of the House to the use of the
Indian revenues. The majority in favour of the Government
in the former case was 101, and in the latter 110. But the
greatest effect was produced by the admissions of the leading
statesmen of the Opposition, who with scarcely an exception
acknowledged that the danger of Kussian interference in Afghan-
istan was a real one, and only contended that the Liberal policy
had actively striven to oppose that influence. The whole
question which the country had to decide was thus placed in a
new light ; the reasonings which had been partially accepted in
the autumn lost their relevancy. The force of the Ministerial
motives being recognised, there was no difficulty in conceding to
Ministers the right to act upon them.

In France at the beginning of the year the victory of the
Republicans was seen to be complete. The Chamber of Deputies
was inclined to urge more radical measures than the Cabinet
would, perhaps, have been disposed to accept, but the Conserva-
tive majority in the Senate acted as a sensible, though not
visible, check. The resistance of Marshal MacMahon was
apparently broken. Though rumours were often raised that
another 16th of May was not out of the range of probability
the public refused to believe them, and the Marshal gradually
fell into the habit of following his Ministers' advice as implicitly
as an ordinary Constitutional King. The country was pros-
perous, and all the trading classes looked forward to the
Exhibition as certain to bring them large gains and to quicken
the pulses of commerce.

72 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1878

Nothing has done French Conservatism more injury with the
masses of the people than the hidden intrigues by which an
attempt, happily unsuccessful, was made to thwart an enterprise
at once so profitable and so creditable to France. The success
of the Exhibition confirmed the Republic as a safe and satisfac-
tory form of government in the goodwill of the bourgeoisie and
peasantry. If, unlike the Imperial display of 1867, it did not
attract all the pleasure-lovers of the world, it drew to Paris vast
crowds from the French provinces whom the Empire would by
no means have welcomed in the capital. The interest taken in
the Exhibition by the Prince of Wales and other illustrious
personages was a blow to the enemies of the Republic, who had
persuaded themselves that European royalty would scorn a
parvenu Government and all its works. The credit which the
dignified and firm, and at the same time prudent, management
of foreign affairs by M. Waddington secured for the Republic
was distasteful in the same way to the Opposition, who turned
against it all the weapons of sarcasm, now contemning it as
weakly timid because it obtained no advantages for France at
Berlin, now charging it with meddlesome recklessness, now
denouncing it as subservient to England.

But the French people have cordially approved M. Wadding-
ton's course, and, while sympathising with the aims of this
country in the diplomatic struggle against Russia, have not
called for dangerous activity. This dominance of common sense
and caution in French politics is a novel development of the
national character. It is curious to note that it has become
visible at a time when independent observers are astonished by
the military strength of the country which was laid prostrate
eight years ago. The communal elections of the autumn have
practically determined the issue of those in which, early next
year, one-third of the Senate is to be renewed. The Republican
party will then, beyond doubt, control both Chambers, and will
be in a position either to re-elect Marshal MacMahon as President
or to give him a staunch Republican successor. The influence of
the Republican movement in France has been powerfully felt in
the neighbouring kingdom of Belgium ; not, indeed, that King
Leopold's throne is in the least degree menaced, but that the
defeat of French clericalism has brought the clerical Ministry
at Brussels to the ground. The elections a few months ago con-
clusively proved that M. Malou and his colleagues had become

1878 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 73

unpopular in towns where clerical influence was triumphant
some years back. The Liberal Administration of M. Frere-
Orban has the support of a powerful majority, and, if it does
not attempt to advance too fast, may retain power long.

The national self-esteem of Germany was gratified by the
leading part which the Imperial Chancellor took in the negotia-
tions for the new settlement of Europe. The presidency of
Prince Bismarck at the Congress and the very style and title of
the treaty bore testimony to German hegemony on the Continent.
But the cares of the Germans were soon diverted from foreign to
domestic events. In May a Saxon tinsmith, named Hodel,
attempted the life of the Emperor William, in the Unter den
Linden at Berlin, and, though unsuccessful, showed a malignant
resolution that inspired general alarm. Prince Bismarck's
immediate followers, as well as the Conservatives in general,
called for measures of severe repression, which the National
Liberals were unwilling to grant But early in June another
and more desperate attack, of the same kind, was executed by a
Dr. Nobiling, a man of some education and position, who fired
at and wounded the Emperor in the face and side, shooting
himself immediately afterwards through the head. Nobiling
died after a lingering agony, but Hodel was tried, condemned,
and executed. The Liberal opposition to anti-Socialist legisla-
tion declined, and Prince Bismarck hastened to dissolve the
Reichstag, on the ground that it had refused the Government
extraordinary powers at an extraordinary crisis.

The Crown Prince assumed the temporary authority of
Regent, but thfe Emperor's vigour of constitution carried him
safely through his dangers, and before the winter he had resumed
the exercise of his sovereign power. While it was still uncertain
whether he would survive his wounds, and while judicial inquiries
had brought to light the fact that both Hodel and Nobiling had
been connected with the Social - Democratic movement, the
elections were held ; the National Liberal party found its
strength much diminished ; the more advanced Liberals and
Socialists lost still more ground ; while the Conservatives on
the one side, and the Ultramontanes and Particularists on the
other, were both positively and relatively strengthened. It was
at first believed that the Liberals, though in a minority, would
firmly resist the Anti-Socialist Bill, and that the Government
could not triumph without Ultramontane aid ; but a compromise

74 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1878

has been adopted, and Prince Bismarck has obtained powers
almost as great as those originally asked for, which are now
being vigorously used.

The policy of Italy cannot be praised for the stability and
sound sense which have borne such good fruit in France. A
want of balanced judgment and an excitability of temper retard
the progress and detract from the reputation of a people with
great capacities and a great history as well as the power of
understanding and applying Constitutional principles. The
death of King Victor Emmanuel, quickly followed by that of
Pius IX., no doubt introduced disturbing elements, but it is
not to these that we must attribute the fluctuations of Italian
politics. Though the loss of Victor Emmanuel was keenly felt,
the universal acceptance of his son, King Humbert, as his
successor, tended to strengthen the State, and the new King
has shown that he knows how to govern as a Constitutional
sovereign.

The election of Cardinal Pecci to the Popedom with the title
of Leo XI 1 1, begot hopes which have not been realised. Leo
XIII. had used conciliatory language in his earliest pontifical
utterances, and it was assumed that his policy, without recog-
nising any change in the ideas and aims of the Holy See, would
shift from the untenable positions of the Syllabus, and would
allow the claims of Infallibility to recede into the background.
But it quickly appeared that the Pope, though proceeding by a
different path from that which his predecessor had travelled, was
to the full as determined to uphold the authority of the Church.
He has distinctly refused to acknowledge even indirectly the
new Government of Italy, and he has repudiated in the strongest
language the doctrines of toleration now accepted in all civilised
countries.

The Italian kingdom, however, was too strong to be shaken
by a weakened renewal of Papal thunders. It was through
internal party conflicts that weakness began to show itself.
Signor Depretis, having ejected Signor Nicotera and his following,
had formed a new Cabinet with the aid of Signor Crispi, but
from this the Extreme Left and Right held equally aloof, while
sectional and personal dissensions mined the Ministerial ranks.
A scandal in which Signor Crispi's name was involved precipi-
tated another crisis. Signor Depretis was defeated and resigned,
and Signor Cairoli, formerly a Garibaldian soldier, was called

1878 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 75

upon by King Humbert, as the chief of the largest fraction of
the coalesced Opposition, to form a Cabinet. He was unable to
enlist the support either of the Right or of the Depretis con-
nection, and he had, of course, to reckon with the hostility of
Nicotera and Crispi. His Ministry, however, was respected for
its moral qualities, and might have held its ground had it not
been for the agitations stirred by the Eastern Question.

Italy has profited by all recent wars in Europe, and it seemed
to many Italians that they had an inalienable right to a share in
the redistribution of the Turkish dominions. A cry was raised
for " Italia Irredenta," for the restoration of the " unredeemed "
Trentino and Trieste. Count Corti, the Italian Plenipotentiary
at the Congress, put forward no such claim, but Signor Cairoli
did not emphatically disavow the demands of the agitators, while
at the same time he refused to enforce disciplinary measures in
the army and navy, on which the Ministers for War and Marine
insisted. The result was the retirement of Count Corti and the
two last-named Ministers, and the reconstruction of the Cabinet
in a still more Radical sense — a change which renewed the hopes
of the hostile factions. The Austrian occupation of Bosnia kept
up the Italian cry for territorial gains, and when the time drew
near for the meeting of the Chambers at Rome, it was apparent
that another adverse coalition would be formed. An attempt to
assassinate the King at Naples, made by a half-crazy cook named
Passanante, an imitator of the German regicides Hodel and
Nobiling, happily failed, but, joined with murderous outrages
upon the loyal processions at Florence and Pisa, it drew atten-
tion to the simmering of Socialism in the country.

The Ministers met the Chambers with a declaration that
social disorders would be more stringently dealt with, but at the
same time with the announcement that the electoral franchise
would be enlarged. Most Italian politicians are opposed to such
a measure, and the withdrawal by Leo XIII. of his predecessor's
command, Nk eletti, n^ elettori, had increased the indisposition to
face such a change. The Right, headed by Sella, Lanza, and
Minghetti, and various sections of the Left, headed by Depretis,
Crispi, and Nicotera, united to record a crushing vote against
Signor Cairoli, who at once resigned. After some hesitation, Signor
Depretis consented to take office once more, but, as he will be
opposed by the Right in a body and by the Cairoli and Nicotera
groups, it seems improbable that he can long retain power.

76 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1878

In Spain the fortunes of the royal family have been the
centre of interest. Early in the year it was announced that
King Alfonso was about to take to wife his cousin, the Princess
Mercedes, daughter of the Due de Montpensier. The marriage,
which was celebrated on the 23rd of January with great pomp,
was believed to be not popular with the Spanish people, and it
was certainly opposed by the Moderado, or extreme Conservative
party, and the Ex- Queen Isabella. But the young Queen
quickly won all hearts by her grace, her kindliness, and her
high spirit. Her influence was a guarantee for her husband's
throne, and would possibly have been used, as became her
Orleanist origin, in the cause of Liberalism. But after a few
months of wedded happiness a sudden fever carried her off, to
the deep grief of the whole nation, and, indeed, it may be said
of all the civilised world. The domestic misery of the King,
perhaps, helped to keep factions under. If disaffection began
afterwards to move, it was checked rather than stimulated by
the crime of the Tarragonian assassin Moncasi, who, like the
Italian Passanante, was a mere copyist of the more resolute
German criminals.

The domestic annals of Austria are interesting only from their
connection with foreign policy. The Magyars, moved at once
by traditional sympathy with Turkey and by hatred of Eussia,
suspicious also of any increase of the Slav element in the
empire, looked askance at Count Andrassy's scheme for the
occupation of Bosnia. There was a violent agitation against the
Tisza Ministry, but in October the Diet at Pesth gave the
Government a decisive majority, and finally ratified the policy
of occupation. In Eoumania the popular protests against the
retrocession of Bessarabia have also come to nothing. The
declaration of independence has caused no increase of political
activity in Eoumania, Servia, or Montenegro.

The settlement of the Eastern Question has been advanced
by the introduction of reforms in Egypt and the adoption of a
policy, in which England and France are agreed, for the super-
vision of Egyptian affairs. The financial system introduced by
Mr. Goschen and M. Joubert had not been successful, and a new
Commission of Inquiry was ordered, in which Mr. Eivers
Wilson, formerly of the English Treasury, took the leading part.
The report of the Commission brought to the mind of the
Khedive the conviction that safety was to be secured only by a

1878 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 77

complete surrender. Accordingly, he accepted, in August last,
the conditions imposed upon him ; entrusted Nubar Pasha, the
ablest of Egyptian statesmen, with the task of forming a Ministry,
Mr. Rivers Wilson becoming Minister of Finance ; and declared
that the Daira Estates held by himself and his family would be
unconditionally restored to the State. The change was hailed
with general satisfaction in Western Europe, but in France,
where some of the anti-Republicans were harping upon the
acquisition of Cyprus by England, an unreasonable outcry was
raised against English preponderance in Egypt. A compromise
was ultimately agreed upon ; a French Minister of Public Works
was chosen as Mr. Rivers Wilson's colleague, and two Com-
missioners of the Public Debt, an Englishman and a Frenchman,
were appointed, the Governments pledging themselves to main-
tain them in power.

In the Far East there have been few events to record. China
has been smitten by a famine more terrible than those we have
had to encounter in India. Nine millions of people were said to
be starving, and an appeal was made to the liberality of the
English people, not in vain. But even this gigantic calamity is
of little moment in comparison with the extent and population
of the Celestial Empire. The Chinese power is growing stronger
rather than weaker, and the demand for the restoration of
Kuldja, now being vigorously pressed at St. Petersburg, is a
proof of the revival of a military and political ambition that
may once more become a powerful factor in Asiatic affairs.

The United States have enjoyed peace and have advanced
towards prosperity during the year. President Hayes' veto on
the Silver Remonetisation Bill was overruled by a two-thirds
vote of Congress last spring ; but the mischief of the issue of
depreciated coin has been minimised by the prudent management
of the Treasury. The antagonistic parties endeavoured to dis-
credit each other by disinterring scandals connected with the last
Presidential contest, clearly with a view to influence the Fall
elections. Neither side escaped from this cross fire of accusations
unscathed, but the excitement of the strife soon abated in the
presence of a common and most formidable enemy.

The greenback inflationists and the Labour agitators joined
their forces and formed a new party, which threatened at once
public credit and private capital. This " National " party gained
some ominous successes in Maine, and seemed likely to win for

78 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1878

General Butler the Governorship of Massachusetts. But the
alarm was given in time, and at the Fall elections the " Green-
back-Labour" candidates were beaten everywhere, while the
Democrats, who had coquetted with them, suffered severe losses
in the north and west. When Congress met in December the
President's Message announced that resumption of specie pay-
ments would be carried into effect according to law on New
Year's Day. No opposition was threatened, and the revival of
mercantile activity already visible is confidently expected to
make rapid progress on a basis of hard money. It was unfor-
tunate for the prospects of this revival that a frightful epidemic
of yellow fever broke out in the Southern States during the
autumn, causing a great destruction of life and suspension of
trade. But this danger has passed away with the approach of
winter. It is satisfactory to add that, in spite of some un-
becoming murmurs, the compensation awarded to Canada in
November 1877 by the arbitrators at Halifax has been paid.
A question has arisen with respect to the use of the Newfound-
land fisheries, but it is not probable that this issue will seriously
divide the two nations.

In the British Colonies the year has been unusually eventful.
The European crisis drew from our colonial fellow-subjects in
every part of the world expressions of sympathy with the mother
country and even offers of material aid. In Canada, where
Lord Dufferin had encouraged the growth of a high spirit of
Imperial pride, these proofs of loyalty were most conspicuous.
They were the more remarkable because the Dominion was at
the time on the eve of a pitched battle between domestic parties,
which in September resulted in the defeat of the Mackenzie
Ministry and the return of a large Parliamentary majority in
support of Sir John A. Macdonald and his policy of protection
to native industry. Before the change of Ministry rendered
necessary by the elections took place it had been announced that
the Marquis of Lome was selected as Lord Dufferin's successor
in the Governor - Generalship. The Canadians, though they
regretted the departure of the latter, were well pleased at the
prospect of having one of the Queen's daughters at the head of
their colonial society. The reception of the Governor-General
and the Princess a few weeks ago displayed an abounding
enthusiasm, and the appointment seems to have bound the
Dominion closer to the mother country.

1878 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 79

In South Africa the prospect is less satisfactory. At the
beginning of the year it was supposed that the Galeka rising in
Caflfraria had been suppressed ; but the Gaikas rose immediately
afterwards, and other troubles broke out, which prolonged the
border warfare for many months. Sir Bartle Frere's energetic
policy was hampered by his Ministry, who claimed an inde-
pendent control of the war that could not be granted consistently
with the public safety. They were accordingly dismissed, and
a new Cabinet was formed, which, with the aid of the Imperial
troops, had restored tranquillity in Caffraria by the end of July.
But the services of the troops were found to be at once and
urgently required in Natal and the Transvaal, where the Zulu
King had for some time been threatening hostilities, and where
one of his vassals was actually defying the British rule in arms.
Lord Chelmsford, who was in command of the Queen's forces,
found the situation so serious that he called for reinforcements
from home. These have now been despatched, but as the year
closes it is not known whether peace with the Zulus will be pre-
served or not, or whether our forces in South Africa are strong
enough to control all the elements of disorder.

In Australasia there has been material progress, and most of
the colonies have been applying for loans ; but the prevalent
distrust in the Money-market at home has not been favourable
to such demands, while the political turmoil in Victoria has
unfairly prejudiced other and steadier communities. Another
Victorian " dead-lock " was causing embarrassment early in the
year ; the Legislative Council had rejected the Appropriation
Bill, and Mr. Berry's Ministry, supported by the Assembly, had
dismissed important classes of officials with a view to coercing or
punishing the opposite party. A compromise was afterwards
arranged, but during the autumn discussions upon schemes of
constitutional amendment have led to other conflicts between
the Legislative Chambers. At the present moment a truce
is maintained, while both parties are preparing to invoke the
intervention of the Imperial Parliament.

In domestic politics there has been little interest or novelty.
At the bye-elections both sides have generally taken up their
ground upon one view or another of the Eastern Question. The
Liberal party, supported by Mr. Gladstone's authority, have
adopted the Birmingham system of organisation in a great
number of large boroughs. It seems doubtful, however, whether

80 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1878

the bodies thus constituted will be permanently popular with
Englishmen. An attempt to subject Mr. Forster to humiliating
dictation at Bradford was indignantly repelled ; and at Peter-
borough, after dividing the party and nearly losing a Liberal
stronghold, the "caucus" was ignominiously defeated. In some
of the metropolitan constituencies there is an apparent tendency
to reject this importation from the politics of the United States.
In Scotland the question of Church Disestablishment has been
raised, and the hostility to the Government, which was con-
spicuously displayed in the Argyllshire election, may possibly
take the form of an attack on the Establishment. Home Rule
in Ireland has lost much of its energy. Mr. Butt has separated
himself more distinctly than before from the uncompromising
Obstructionists, and not only supported the Government by his
speech and vote in the most critical division of last session, but
protested firmly against the plan of moving an amendment to
the Address. The enactment of a measure in aid of Intermediate
Education has excited some hope among the clerical party that
the University question will be similarly dealt ^with. The Land
question is still regarded by the Irish masses as an open one, in
spite of Mr. Gladstone's legislation only eight years ago. The
savage murder of Lord Leitrim in Donegal furnished a deplor-
able proof of the social perils of this restlessness, which, it is to
be feared, no settlement that Parliament could adopt is likely to
allay. The perpetrators of the crime have not yet been brought
to justice.

Though the harvest has been plentiful, the year has been
remarkable for singular climatic variations. The storms of the
spring were most formidable ; in one of the worst of these,
complicated with a blinding fall of snow, the Eurydice training
ship, with a crew of 330 young men and boys on board, capsized
off the Isle of Wight, within view of the land, and went to the
bottom with nearly every one on board. The floods of the
summer and autumn will be long remembered. On the 24th of
June an unprecedented rainfall of almost three inches drenched
London. Thunderstorms of remarkable violence were frequent.
These atmospheric disturbances were followed by a winter of
extraordinary severity. The cold in the metropolis, though
severe, has been insignificant compared with that in Scotland, in
the North of England, and even in Ireland.

With the loss of the Eurydice may be classed two other

1878 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 81

catastrophes which happened off the South Coast — the collision
between the German ironclads Grosser Kurfiirst and Konig
Wilhelm off Dungeness, in which the former went down ; and
the sinking of the Transatlantic passenger steamer Pommerania
in the same waters from a similar cause. But these disasters
were dwarfed by the horrors of the running down of the Princess
Alice river steamer, near Woolwich. This slightly-built pleasure-
boat, laden with from 700 to '800 London holiday-makers, came
into collision, through want of skill or care in her navigation, with
a heavy iron-built collier, and went instantly to the bottom.
Only a few of the passengers were saved. In comparison with
this ruin the destruction of life in the accident to a Kamsgate
excursion train at Sittingbourne was scarcely noticed.

Few remarkable trials have occupied our Courts of Law. A
singular conflict of jurisdictions between the Ecclesiastical and
the Civil tribunals arose out of Mr. Mackonochie's defiance of
episcopal commands. Lord Penzance in the Arches Court had
pronounced sentence of suspension on Mr. Mackonochie for
refusing to obey a " monition," and the Judicial Committee of
the Privy Council confirmed the grounds upon which this judg-
ment was founded. But Mr. Mackonochie applied to the Queen's
Bench Division of the High Court for an injunction restraining
Lord Penzance from proceeding with the sentence, and the writ
was granted by the Lord Chief Justice and Mr. Justice Mellor,
against the opinion of Mr. Justice Lush. This decision was a
heavy blow not only at the Court of Arches, but at the Judicial
Committee of the Privy Council After the lapse of some
months Lord Penzance renewed the controversy by a severe
criticism of the Queen's Bench judgment, and the Lord Chief
Justice replied in a pungent pamphlet, which Lord Penzance has
publicly announced he will not read. The dignity of none of
the tribunals concerned has been enhanced by this squabble. It
reminds us far too much of the bickerings from which Lord
Justice Christian's retirement has lately relieved the Court of
Appeals in Dublin. Mr. Russell Gurney, shortly before his
death, resigned the Recordership of London, and the Common
Serjeant, Sir T. Chambers, was elevated to the vacant place. A
keen contest for the Common Serjeantcy resulted in the choice
by the Corporation of Mr. Charley, M.P.

The most illustrious name in the obituary of the year is that
of the Princess Alice, Grand Duchess of Hesse. This, the first

VOL. II Q

82 ■ ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1878

death in the immediate family circle of the Queen since the
Prince Consort's, affected the country deeply and painfully. The
pathetic incidents of the fatal event touched the popular heart
and quickened the sympathetic loyalty of the English people.
Something similar were the feelings aroused in Spain by the
untimely death of Queen Mercedes, to which we have already
referred.

The attachment of a nation to a* dynasty was displayed under
very different conditions in Italy on the death of King Victor
Emmanuel, a few days after his old servant and companion in
arms, General La Marmora. Victor Emmanuel was not a man
of genius, yet he left the indelible impress of his character upon
the history of his country and his time. His sincerity, his
courage, his devotion to the cause of Italian unity, of which he
became the champion in its darkest days, were as indispensable
for the success of the aspirations of Italy as the splendid audacity
of Garibaldi, the fervent genius of Mazzini, and the intrepid
statesmanship of Cavour. If Italian Constitutionalism survives
its trials, it will owe much to the first King of United Italy.
Far different was the work of Pius IX., who, having lived to see
more than " the years of Peter," died within a month after the
destroyer of the temporal power. If Victor Emmanuel advanced
the hopes of European Constitutionalism, Pope Pius toiled
zealously to round the orb of Papal despotism. His failure was
inevitable, though he was obeyed by the clergy and revered by
the faithful as few Popes have been since the Eeformation.

Two other former wielders of sovereign power passed
away during the year — George, King of Hanover and Duke
of Cumberland, and Maria Christina, formerly Queen -Eegent
of Spain.

At home the death of Earl Eussell at a patriarchal age broke
one of the links that joined the England of our day with the
England of our fathers. The veteran Whig statesman had
retired for nearly ten years from active political strife, though the
memory of his long and fruitful career gave him an unchallenged
authority in politics.

Lord Chelmsford was a year or two younger than Earl
Russell ; he was a staunch Conservative ; but though a Cabinet
Minister, he had never been conspicuous as a politician. As a
leader of the Bar and an advocate of graceful presence and
persuasive elocLuence he was more remarkable than as Lord

1878 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 83

Chancellor. He had the rare fortune of living long enough to
see two of his sons serving tlje State in high places, the one as
General commanding the Queen's forces in South Africa, the
other as Lord Justice of Appeal.

In Mr. Russell Gurney, Recorder of London and M.P. for
Southampton, the Conservative party lost one of its most
respected members. The death of Mr. Wykeham Martin within
the precincts of the House of Commons — an event unparalleled
since the murder of Perceval in the lobby — created a painful
sensation. The eccentricities, tempered by good-humour, of the
late Mr. Whalley, champion of Protestantism and of "the
Claimant," will dwell long in the kindly remembrance of
Parliament.

Among other personages well known in English society,
politics, art, or letters who have disappeared from the scene may
be mentioned the accomplished and scholarly Sir W. Stirling-
Maxwell ; Mr. George Payne, the highest authority upon all
sporting questions ; Sir Gilbert Scott, the most distinguished of
our modern architects ; Sir Francis Grant, the President of the
Royal Academy ; George Cruickshank, the greatest of carica-
turists ; George Henry Lewes, philosopher and critic ; and two
actors of very different schools, but each of remarkable powers
— Charles Mathews and Samuel Phelps.

Ireland lost two men who, though not actively engaged in
politics, exercised a strong political influence on opposing sides.
Paul CuUen, Cardinal Archbishop of Dublin, was the life and
soul of the Ultramontane movement in Ireland ; Mr. Justice
Keogh was one of a small number of Irish Roman Catholic
Liberals whom the Ultramontane victories drove into a social,
and almost a political. Conservatism.

In France, M. Dupanloup, Bishop of Orleans, was, like the
Irish Cardinal, the ablest and most powerful champion of the
Church and its claims ; but in literary skill and intellectual
culture he was raised above all comparison with the Archbishop
of Dublin, though a certain Galilean independence caused him
to miss the honours which the latter easily achieved. The
opponents of French Ultramontanism have few characteristics in
common with Judge Keogh ; such were the aged Radical Raspail
and Gamier Pag^s, sometime member of the Provisional Govern-
ment of 1848, who died during the year. So also did Count
Palikao, a soldier of the Second Empire, chiefly famed for his

84 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1878

sliare in the invasion of China, and for his tenure of the War
Ministry in 1870, down to the disaster at Sedan.

In Italy, besides Victor Emmanuel and Pius IX., were re-
moved General La Marmora, the organiser of the military
strength of Piedmont ; Count Sclopis, an eminent jurist and
diplomatist, who presided at the Geneva Arbitration ; and
Father Secchi, the astronomer. James Fazy, once Dictator of
Geneva, passed away at a patriarchal age ; and M. Bulgaris, one
of the best known political leaders of modern Greece, left the
stage clear for his rivals.

The United States have lost in Mr. Cullen Bryant not only
a patriarch in letters and journalism, but a true poet, where
poets were few. A more singular product of American society
was removed in Tweed, the former autocrat of the Tammany
King.

In scientific research and discovery, in literature and the arts,
the year 1878 has shown no slackening of energy, though it has
produced no pre-eminent achievements of genius. The invention
of the telephone, which attracted so much attention in 1877,
has been the precursor of further advances in the same direction ;
the microphone and the phonograph, of which the former
magnifies sounds while the latter prints them for subsequent
reproduction by electricity, are still little more than toys, but
their future employment in science and practice may be regarded
as certain.

Of more practical and immediate interest is the application
of various schemes of electric lighting to ordinary use, both in
buildings and in open spaces. In these regions of discovery the
promised revelations of an American, Mr. Edison, have excited
great curiosity. At Paris, during the Exhibition, the electric
light was burnt in some of the main thoroughfares and in the
building in the Champ de Mars. The apparent success of the
experiment led to its repetition, on a smaller scale, in many
parts of London. In the autumn the holders of gas shares
became alarmed, and a heavy fall in the prices of those securities
ensued, which was repeated and intensified upon the statement
that Mr. Edison had succeeded in dividing the electric light for
purposes of ordinary illumination. This panic has somewhat
abated, but has by no means passed away.

It may be mentioned that within the past twelve months
strong reasons have been assigned to confirm the suspicion that

1878 . ANNUAL SUMMARIES 85

one or more planets exist between Mercury and the sun. The
observations in America of the total solar eclipse, as well as those
of the transit of Mercury, were very important. Mr. Norman
Lockyer's spectroscopic inquiries have cast a doubt upon the
assumed simplicity of some among the primary chemical elements.
Geographical exploration has not advanced rapidly, though
Captain Burton's journey through the ancient gold-producing
"land of Midian," and Professor Nordenskj old's Swedish expe-
dition to open up the North -East passage through the Arctic
Ocean, may bear fruit hereafter.

The artistic gains of the country may possibly be held to
include the erection on the Thames Embankment of Cleopatra's
Needle, which, after its shipwreck off the Spanish coast last year,
was towed into the Thames early in the spring, and was safely
placed in the position assigned for it some months later. The
claims of the English school of painting to European acceptance
were amply recognised at the Paris Exhibition. Among the
English artists honoured on that occasion by the graceful homage
of their foreign rivals was Mr. Frederick Leighton, who, though
his fame rests mainly upon his painting, had shown his versa-
tility by exhibiting a sculptured group of the highest merit at
Paris. On the death of Sir F. Grant the Presidency of the
Royal Academy was filled by the election of Mr. (now Sir
Frederick) Leighton to the vacant chair.

In literature, while there was no less activity than in former
years, no country could boast of the appearance of many master-
pieces. The most important literary movements were closely
connected with politics. The Voltaire Centeiiary in France was
organised by the Advanced Republicans as an indirect attack
upon clericalism. The publication in Germany of Herr Moritz
Busch's Conversations of Prince Bismarck was probably not
an aimless indiscretion, whatever may have been the motive that
prompted it. A careful and laborious inquiry into the question
of copyright in this country has prepared the way for legislation,
and there are signs that the publishing interest in the United
States — or, at least, some of the most powerful firms — would
now be well pleased to negotiate for an international settlement.

1879

The year 1879 has been marked by some striking contrasts
with the preceding twelve months. During the great part
of 1878 this country was formally at peace with all the world,
yet public interest was concentrated upon external policy. In
1879, though we have been engaged in most serious and
diflScult military undertakings, chequered by disasters, it is
nevertheless certain that domestic affairs have reconquered the
attention of the people. The Parliamentary session, it is true,
has been barren, but its very sterility has provoked discussion.
The perennial Irish difficulty has once more presented itself
in ever varying forms. There has been an extraordinary revival
of party spirit, and, although Government has the power of
retaining the present Parliament for more than a year to come,
the oratorical campaign of the autumn has been prosecuted on
both sides with a vigour unparalleled since the general election
of 1868. The gravest apprehensions were aroused by the pre-
valence of a depression in British agriculture such as had not
been witnessed since the close of the Napoleonic war. Trade
and industry in the early months of 1879 were suffering hardly
less severely, and though a revival began in the autumn, its
progress has been slow.

On the Continent peace has been preserved, but the ground-
swell of former agitations is still heaving. International
rivalries are at work, sometimes threatening established settle-
ments, and sometimes forming new defensive combinations.
Governments, conscious of the enormous risks of war, are for
the most part labouring to restrain the restlessness of nations,
which seems to be stimulated rather than chastened by financial
difficulties and commercial troubles. Nevertheless, there are

1879 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 87

signs of tlie growth of confidence, and the causes of alarm which
remain are both less serious and less numerous than they were
twelve months ago.

At the close of last year the commercial and industrial in-
terests of the country had not begun to emerge from the
stagnation in which they had been sunk since 1874. No-
where among our great manufactures were there signs of
returning prosperity, and in few cases even was there matter
for hopefulness. Strikes were still frequent, though less
determined, if not less embittered, than in recent years. The
cotton, iron, and coal trades had all to suffer from the con-
tentions of employers and employed. A startling and dis-
quieting development of this struggle was witnessed in the
strike of the goods guards on the Midland Eailway, followed
by similar conflicts on the Great Northern and North-Eastem
lines. In these strikes the working men had to succumb, as
they had also in the contest challenged by the London engineers.
A cessation of hostilities was witnessed when the intelligence
of a decided business revival in the United States, following
close upon the resumption of specie payments, began to engender
a hope that the " hard times " were nearly over.

During the spring and the summer commerce and industry
remained in an attitude of expectation, and it was not until the
autumn that any important change was apparent. The first
branch of business a"ffected was the iron trade, in which there
was a sudden upward movement during the last four months
of the year. Other industries have begun to feel the same
impulse, with results already perceptible. The process of
recovery has been aided by some favouring conditions. Money
has been cheap and plentiful. The sharp warning given by
the bank failures and other commercial disasters of 1878 held
imprudent speculation in check. The bank rate of discount
during the greater part of the year stood at 2 per cent. Not
less advantage was derived from the low prices of all food
supplies. The deficiency of the harvest at home was counter-
balanced by large importations of corn, cattle, dead meat, pre-
served provisions, and dairy produce.

Agriculture, however, has suffered by the development of
trade which has thus profited industry. At the beginning of
the year the complaints of the farmers were already loud, and
the fall of rentals engaged the attention of landowners. Changes

88 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1879

in the land laws, measures for encountering foreign competition,
and other remedial projects were energetically discussed. The
subject was brought immediately and prominently forward in
Parliament. In March Mr. Samuelson unsuccessfully asked
the House of Commons to appoint a Select Committee to
inquire into the conditions of agricultural tenancies in England
and Wales ; but some two months later Mr. Chaplin obtained
the assent of the House and the Government to a more com-
prehensive resolution for the appointment of a Koyal Com-
mission. The Commissioners nominated by the Crown,
including the Dukes of Richmond and Buccleuch, Lord
Spencer, Mr. Goschen, Mr. Chaplin, Mr. Mitchell Henry,
Professor Bonamy Price, and a dozen other representatives of
various interests connected with agriculture, not only in
England, but in Ireland and Scotland, are charged to inquire
into " the depressed condition of the agricultural interest and
the causes to which it is owing, whether those causes are of a
temporary or permanent character, and how far they have been
created or can be remedied by legislation." This vast task has
been divided for practical purposes, and sub-commissioners are
to report upon the state of foreign agriculture.

Mr. Clare Eead and Mr. Pell have already completed their
survey of the United States and Canada.

While awaiting the result of these elaborate investigations
there has been much desultory discussion of remedial schemes.
A few irresponsible members of the Conservative party have
shown a disposition to advocate a return to protection under
the thin disguise of reciprocity, but the notion has been generally
repudiated. An attempt was made to fix upon some ambiguous
expressions in Lord Salisbury's speech at Manchester a meaning
unfavourable to free trade, but a sufficient answer to this charge
has since been given. It ought to be remembered also that
Lord Beaconsfield himself, who, if any one, might be suspected
of a lingering sympathy with schemes for protecting the British
farmer against foreign competition, repelled the advances of
the Duke of Rutland and Lord Bateman during the session in
the clearest and most conclusive terms. The Ministry is
solemnly pledged to do nothing which will restrict free imports,
and the majority even of the farmers approve that policy.
Among the Opposition the reform of the land laws is the chief
subject of discussion, but there is as yet no approach to agree-

1879 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 89

ment either as to the character of the precise changes to be
proposed or as to their probable effect on the position of the
tenant farmer. Lord Hartington's declaration that some modi-
fications of the law were desirable derived more importance than
perhaps it deserved from the Premier's criticisms upon it, first
at the Mansion House in July last and afterwards at Aylesbury
in September.

Unfortunately, the fact that British agriculture is depressed
may be accepted as proved without waiting for the report of
the Royal Commissioners. During the Cattle Show week at
many meetings of the farmers the most dismal forebodings were
entertained. The Duke of Richmond has lately expressed a
hope that the worst is nearly over, but he admitted that if the
depression continued, " there must be a general reconsideration
a,nd revision of the rental of the country." It is hardly prob-
able that the coming year will be as adverse to the farmer in
respect of climatic influences as that which closes to-day. Last
winter was remarkable for severe and protracted frosts, followed
by bitter east winds, by chilling persistent rain, and dismally
clouded skies. The temperature and the duration of sunshine
were both far below the average, while the rainfall exceeded
the average by nearly one-third. While the climate has thus
been cruel to the corn-growing farmer the competition from
abroad, and chiefly from the United States, pressed hard upon
him, as well as on the breeder of cattle and the producer of
butter and cheese. The price of wheat and, still more, the
prices of laeat, live beasts, dairy produce, and provisions were
brought down by unprecedented importations.

When such has been the state of affairs at home, it would
have been singular if the English people had shown any pre-
ference for an aggressive and adventurous policy, or if a Govern-
ment which must at no distant date appeal to the country
had become chargeable with needlessly disturbing our foreign
relations. But events proved too strong for the best intentions.
Parliament had met for a couple of weeks before Christmas,
and when the year opened the session had been suspended.
The Afghan war appeared to be practically over, Shere Ali
had fled for refuge towards Russian Turkestan, leaving Yakoob
Khan in nominal command at CabuL Candahar was occupied
without serious difficulty by General Stewart. It was believed
that Yakoob Khan would soon come to terms, but a long period

90 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1879

of suspense ensued, in wliich the policy of the Government
remained obscure.

Lord Beaconsfield, upon the reassembling of Parliament in
February, had declared that the objects for which we had gone
to war were accomplished, that we were in possession of the
three main highways between Afghanistan and India, and that
our Empire was thus secured against any possible attack. In the
meantime Shere Ali died on the borders of Balkh, and what-
ever doubts might have remained as to the title of Yakoob
Khan were removed. But still the negotiations for peace
seemed to make no progress. A portion of General Browne's
column was marched to Gandamak, half-way between Jellalabad
and Cabul, but not, as it turned out, with any view to a re-
newal of the war. Yakoob Khan presented himself in the
British camp, and, after some perplexing and tedious diplomatic
interviews with Major Cavagnari, accepted a treaty of peace
which was signed at Gandamak on the 25th of May. Our
relations with Afghanistan had meanwhile escaped Parliamentary
criticism, except that the Duke of Argyll indemnified himself
for his absence in December by an elaborate indictment of
Anglo-Indian policy. The Treaty of Gandamak was not
formally impeached by the Opposition until the last day of the
session, when Mr. Grant Duff reviewed it in a denunciatory
rather than critical speech. The frontier previously marked
out was ceded, minimising the territory to be annexed and
leaving the Afghans all their principal towns.

No doubts were entertained of the good faith of Yakoob
Khan's submission, which appeared to be confirmed when Sir
Louis Cavagnari was received by the Ameer as British Envoy
with more than formal honours. But on the 3rd of September
some regiments of the Ameer's army revolted, and attacked
the Eesidency, killing the Envoy with his suite and escort.
Orders were at once given for an advance upon Cabul, when
Yakoob Khan sent piteous accounts of his innocence and his
powerlessness. Difficulties of transport and commissariat,
however, caused delay. It was determined that General Sir
Frederick Eoberts should advance upon Cabul by the.Kuram
valley, and the work was promptly and successfully accomplished.
The Shutargardan Pass was forced by a daring coup de main ;
the threatened rising of the hill tribes did not occur ; Cabul
was reported to be in a state of confusion, and in Herat there

1879 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 91

was a wild fanatical outbreak. The Ameer once more sought
refuge in the British camp. General Roberts marched straight
upon the city, and after some sharp fighting with the Afghan
mutineers he entered the Bala Hissar on the 12 th of October.
It appeared from a complete disclosure of the facts that Yakoob
Khan could not be acquitted of bad faith or incompetence, and
it was announced in a proclamation from General Roberts that
the Ameer had abdicated, and that the future government of
the country would be settled after the restoration of order and
with the advice of the Sirdars. The Shutargardan route was
temporarily abandoned, partly in consequence of the weather,
partly owing to the restlessness of the hill tribes. But com-
munication with India was once more opened up through the
Khyber. The General, no doubt, ruled with a strong hand.

Yakoob Khan was deported to Peshawur. The disarma-
ment of the population was energetically enforced. An
attempted junction of the rebel tribes and mutinous soldiery,
who had lately shown a reviving spirit, was struck at by a com-
bined movement, which, unfortunately, failed. A portion of
our forces met with a sharp check, and though this was to
some extent retrieved by successes immediately obtained over
the enemy, the situation appeared so grave that on the 15th
of December Sir Frederick Roberts deemed it expedient to con-
centrate his forces in the Sherpur cantonment outside Cabul.
The communications were presently interrupted, and for some
days the most painful anxieties prevailed. But Sir Frederick
Roberts held his ground without flinching ; General Gough
advanced to his relief promptly, while reinforcements were
sent up from the rear ; an Afghan attack on the British lines
was repulsed a day or two before Christmas, and when a
junction with Gough's forces had been effected Cabul was
reoccupied.

The Zulu war had not actually begun at the opening of the
year, but the prospect of preserving peace was then rapidly
vanishing. Sir Bartle Frere had sent an ultimatum to the
Zulu King, calling upon him to make reparation for certain
alleged outrages on British subjects, to disband his formidable
army, to abandon his Spartan system of government, and to
accept a British Resident. Cetywayo returned no answer,
and on the 11th of January the term of grace allowed by
Lord Chelmsford, the Commander-in-Chief, having expired.

92 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1879

13,000 British troops entered Zululand. The plan was that
four columns should converge upon the King's Kraal at Ulundi
— one in the east, advancing by the coast-line, under Colonel
Pearson ; one in the west, advancing from Utrecht under Colonel
Wood ; and two, soon afterwards united, crossing the Tugela
in its mid -course, under Colonels Glyn and Durnford and
accompanied by Lord Chelmsford in person. The Tugela
was crossed successfully, and the Zulus seemed likely to make
little resistance.

The invading force was tempted into deplorable incaution,
and on the 22nd, ten days after the first shot was fired, a
military disaster without precedent in our recent annals
paralysed the invasion and placed the army and the colonies
upon the defensive. Lord Chelmsford had divided Colonel
Glyn's column, leaving Colonel PuUeine with one battalion of
the 24th Regiment and some colonial levies to encamp at
Isandlana, and there to be joined by Colonel Durnford with
his native troops, while the General himself marched forward
tentatively with the rest of the column. The Zulus came
up in immense numbers, and while Lord Chelmsford remained
in ignorance that any engagement was taking place, they
enticed Colonel Durnford out of his position. When the rout
of the native auxiliaries had spread confusion through the
British ranks, the enemy poured headlong into the camp, which
had not been intrenched or even "laagered," and slaughtered
almost the whole of the regular troops, with great numbers
of the colonists and natives. The Zulus attempted to follow
up their victory, and would, perhaps, have succeeded in cutting
off Lord Chelmsford's retreat and in making a raid into Natal
had they not been checked by the brilliant defence of the
improvised fortifications at Rorke's Drift This gallant feat of
arms, which justly won the Victoria Cross for Major Chard
and Major Bromhead, then only lieutenants, somewhat dashed
the hopes of the Zulus and restored confidence to the British.
But the weight of anxiety was heavy even when Lord Chelms-
ford had recrossed the Tugela and had concentrated all his
forces for the defence of the colony. Colonel Pearson's com-
munications were cut, and he stood on the defensive at Ekowe,
at a considerable distance from the Natal border and from the
sea. It was impossible to think of relieving the little garrison
until reinforcements arrived, for the invasion of the colony by

1879 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 93

the Zulus, a rising of the native population, and a revolt of
the Boers all seemed for the moment possible.

Unfortunately, the absence of telegraphic communication
with the Cape occasioned delay, and for several weeks both
at home and in South Africa there was a succession of alarms.
Lord Chelmsford, however, set to work vigorously at the re-
organisation of offensive and defensive forces. Troops arrived
opportunely from the Mauritius, and transports were at once
despatched from home. The panic in the colonies subsided as
it was seen that the Zulus did not contemplate instant invasion,
but concentrated their attacks upon Colonel Pearson's force at
Ekowe and Colonel "Wood's in the west. At the end of March
Colonel Wood's camp at Kambula Kop was assaulted, and
though the Zulus were repulsed with loss, their renewed energy
was disquieting. Early in April, Lord Chelmsford, though
inadequately reinforced, resolved to make a movement for
Colonel Pearson's relie£ Crossing the Tugela he defeated
the Zulus at Ginghilova, setting free the beleaguered garrison
of Ekowe. But it was still thought inexpedient to resume
the offensive against Cetywayo. Kumours of agitations among
the Pondos were rife, and the troops of the Cape Colony were
repulsed in an attack upon the rebel Basuto Chief Moirosi.

Meanwhile the Government had sustained repeated attacks
on the ground of their South African policy. Sir Michael
Hicks-Beach had severely rebuked the impatient and insub-
ordinate manner in which Sir Bartle Frere had ventured to
give effect to his own convictions, but the Ministry had not
yielded to the demand for his removal or to the clamour
directed against Lord Chelmsford. The debates, however, on
the resolutions of censure moved by Lord Lansdowne in the
Upper House and by Sir Charles Dilke in the Lower, showed
that the Ministerial majority was somewhat shaken, and the
confusion introduced into the Chancellor of the Exchequer's
calculations by the increasing war charges was attacked by
the Opposition. At the end of May it was announced that
Sir Garnet Wolseley had been appointed the Queen's High
Commissioner for Natal, the Transvaal, and the neighbouring
countries Sir Bartle Frere remained Governor and High
Commissioner for the Cape, and Lord Chelmsford was not
superseded, although the supreme command, as a matter of
course, fell to Sir Garnet Wolseley. Before Sir Garnet

94 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1879

Wolseley, however, had reached Natal Lord Chelmsford had
not only prepared, but actually accomplished, the long-
promised advance upon Ulundi. Two columns under General
Newdigate and General (previously known as Colonel) Wood
closed steadily upon the Zulu army, which had been collected
to defend Cetywayo's kraal, and completely crushed it. Sir
Garnet Wolseley immediately and cordially acknowledged that
the war was now practically at an end. Lord Chelmsford, Sir
Evelyn Wood, and many other officers of distinction now
returned from South Africa, and were welcomed with national
enthusiasm, as well as with public honours and rewards. The
Imperial troops were gradually sent home.

Cetywayo fled into the bush, and it was predicted in some
quarters that the war would be indefinitely prolonged. But
the spirit and the organisation of the Zulus were broken.
Chief after chief submitted, and on the 28 th of August
Cetywayo was captured. The King, who met his fate with
much dignity, has been retained as a state prisoner in the
Cape Colony. The terms of peace off'ered by Sir Garnet
Wolseley were accepted by the chiefs and the people. Zulu-
land is to be organised henceforward in thirteen separate
Governments, with a British Kesident exercising control over
all, while native laws and customs are to be respected and
European immigration is forbidden.

Sir Garnet Wolseley was now able to take in hand the
other pressing problems of South African policy. Secocoeni
had defied the Government before war was declared against
the Zulus, and his subjugation was the indispensable corollary
of all that had been achieved. The attitude of the Transvaal
Boers was equally embarrassing. They had maintained what
might be called a malevolent neutrality during the campaign
against Cetywayo, but they had declared to Sir Bartle Frere
their resolution not to accept annexation. Sir Garnet Wolseley,
however, took an early opportunity of admonishing the Boers,
on his visit to Pretoria after the conclusion of peace, that the
annexation was an irreversible act. The agitation, nevertheless,
did not abate, and the authority of the Government in judicial
and fiscal matters was openly defied. But it does not appear
that the spirit of resistance will carry the Boers far. Its most
serious effect was the encouragement given to Secocoeni. The
strongholds of this chief, who defeated the Transvaal Govern-

1879 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 95

ment in 1876, were beleaguered by Sir Garnet Wolseley's forces,
and finally stormed, early in December, Secocoeni himself
being among the prisoners. A similar fate had previously
befallen Moirosi, an insurgent leader of the Basutos on the
banks of the Orange river, who, earlier in the year, had
successfully defied the Cape Government. The Basutos were
reduced to submission in November by the Colonial Volunteers,
and Moirosi was killed in the storming of his kraal.

In other parts of South Africa, as the year drew to a close,
the natives were at peace. The Zulu campaign and the defeats
of Secocoeni and Moirosi have taught them lessons which even
the most barbarous tribes must appreciate. At the Cape the
organisation of local defensive measures is making satisfactory
progress, and the establishment of immediate telegraphic com-
munication between England and Natal by a cable from Durban
to Mozambique, Zanzibar, and Aden, where it joins the Eastern
Telegraph Company's main line, will remove one of the gravest
dangers to our dominion in South Africa.

The effort to concentrate public attention, in Parliament and
elsewhere, upon domestic business was not very successful.
The Afghan and Zulu wars, the execution of the Treaty of
Berlin, and the relations of this country with the Governments
of Turkey and Egypt formed the ground on which the Opposi-
tion found it most convenient to wage a desultory warfare.
Legislation made little progress. If the Ministry was apparently
wanting in energy, its opponents did not display greater spirit
and resolution. There was, in fact, no unmistakable demand
in any quarter for changes in the law. The shadow of the
approaching dissolution hung heavily over the political world.
Unconsciously, perhaps, all public men shaped their acts and
declarations with reference to the coming conflict. The
Opposition, encouraged by the financial and other embarrass-
ments of the Government, multiplied its attacks and grew bolder
in its challenges. The Ministerial majority was undiminished,
but it seemed to be less effectual than much smaller majorities
have often been for expediting Parliamentary business.

It is true that at no former time have the Ministers of the
Crown had to contend with such difficulties as those created
by the Irish Home Rule Obstructionists. Mr. Pamell, his
followers and his imitators, brought to perfection during the
session of 1879 their peculiar strategy. The House of

96 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1879

Commons has spent a great deal of time on the consideration
of the question whether something may not be done to curb
or punish deliberate attacks upon the credit and efficiency of
Parliament, but as yet without result. The Obstructionists
have been able for the first time to count upon the co-operation
of a section of the English and Scotch members, probably in
view of the general election. The adhesion of the Irish vote
in some of the large towns of England and Scotland had be-
come a matter of pressing concernment to many politicians,
and Mr. Parnell, it was believed, could turn the scale in several
constituencies.

The success of Parliamentary obstruction, however, had
produced a revulsion of feeling among the majority in the
House of Commons, while it gave a blow to the union of the
Home Rule party. Mr. Butt, whose health had been declining
for many months, did not return to his place in Parliament
after the Christmas vacation. His authority was openly defied
by the "active" party, and his popularity in Ireland had
almost vanished when he died early in May last. The power
which the Home Rule leader had once wielded was even then
passing into the hands of more violent politicians, but the
majority of the " Irish Parliamentary party " was still composed
of men having some regard for moderation, and Mr. Shaw, M.P.
for the county of Cork, was elected as Mr. Butt's successor to
the leadership in the House of Commons. Mr. Shaw, with
most of his followers, held aloof from and discountenanced the
proceedings of the Obstructionists during the debates upon the
Army Regulation Bill and other Government business, and his
prudence may have conduced to the large concessions which the
Ministry made to the Irish demands in the University Education
Bill.

At the opening of the session Sir Stafford Northcote and
Mr. Lowther had declared that it was not the intention of the
Government to introduce any measure dealing with the Irish
University system, and it was understood that during some
informal negotiations in Dublin the Roman Catholic prelates
had put forward impracticable demands. The O'Conor Don,
however, having introduced a Bill which, though objectionable
for many reasons to both parties, fell short of the extreme
pretensions of the hierarchy, a Ministerial measure was announced,
which proposed to substitute an examining Board for the Queen's

1879 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 97

University. The Bill was condemned as inadequate by the
leaders of the Opposition in the House of Lords, and when it
reached the Lower House modifications were introduced, making
it a scheme of academic endowment, with the prospect of future
extension. It was carried with the co-operation of Mr. Shaw
and his followers, and with the approval of the front Opposition
bench. It seems, however, to have had as yet little effect in
conciliating Irish opinion.

During the last few months Mr. Parnell has been more
conspicuous than ever. On his return to Ireland he con-
spicuously failed in an attempt to reorganise the Home Rule
policy through a Convention, which, it was anticipated, would
compel the moderate section of the party to submit to the
irreconcilable enemies of the English connection. An attempt
to stir up an agrarian agitation met with more success. The
demand of the Irish tenant-farmers for fixity of tenure had
been previously put forward by Mr. Butt, Mr. Shaw, and other
Home Rule members, but Mr. Parnell took different ground.
The farmers of Ireland had suffered less than those of England
and Scotland from the inclement weather and the disappointing
harvest, but in many districts, where the population was steeped
in poverty, where the potato crop had failed, and where the
peat had been saturated by the incessant rains, distress was
clearly to be looked for in the winter. This was seized upon
as a pretext for demanding a general reduction of rents, and
large crowds gathered to hear Mr. Parnell and his lieutenants
denounce landlordism and recommend a simple plan of meeting
the emergency. Mr. Parnell was persistent in his counsel,
which was that the tenants should pay no rent whatever, unless
they were granted a " fair " reduction, and that while so refus-
ing to pay they should keep a " firm grip " of the land. It
was feared that if rents were thus held back, even in districts
where no distress prevailed, any attempts to evict tenants for
non-payment would bring the masses, stimulated and inflamed
by agitation, into conflict with the law.

Upon the whole, however, the result has been less alarming
than might have been anticipated. Some of the subordinate
agitators, following Mr. Parnell, though with less skill in
avoiding a direct breach of the law, used language at meetings
in the west of Ireland which induced the Government to
arrest them and indict them on a charge of sedition. Whether
VOL. II H

98 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1879

convictions can be obtained or not, the immediate effect of these
proceedings has been to produce a notable diminution in the
violence of the agitation. It is acknowledged, however, that
the sufferings of the peasants in the West are likely to be
severe during the coming winter. The Duchess of Marlborough
has invited the British public to subscribe for the relief of the
destitute peasantry, with guarantees for the prudence of the
aid bestowed, and with testimony, which will not be contested,
that help is sorely needed.

While Ireland was stirred by an agrarian agitation. Great
Britain was the scene of a determined and passionate political
campaign. No sooner had Parliament been prorogued than
the rival parties opened fire upon each other. Mr. Gladstone,
three days after the prorogation, attacked the Government at
Chester, and Sir Charles Dilke at Chelsea. Mr. Goschen
followed on the same side at Ripon. At the Sheffield Cutlers'
Feast Lord George Hamilton and Mr. Stanhope replied to these
criticisms. Lord Hartington in Radnorshire and Mr. Grant
Duff in Elgin renewed the skirmishing. In the midst of the
dismay caused by the news of the British Envoy's murder in
Cabul, Lord Beaconsfield surprised the country at Aylesbury
by studiously ignoring foreign affairs. The battle was renewed
with heavier metal as the autumn wore on. Lord Hartington
delivered two important speeches at Newcastle in September,
and Sir William Harcourt assailed the Government in his
happiest vein at Southport and Liverpool. The Home
Secretary retorted at Leigh and Clitheroe. Mr. Childers
made a rejoinder at Pontefract. At the close of October Lord
Salisbury visited Manchester with Mr. Cross and Colonel
Stanley, and received an enthusiastic reception, which, how-
ever, was fully equalled, if not outdone, by the welcome given
a week later in the same city to Lord Hartington and Mr.
Bright.

These oratorical displays seem to have been mainly intended
to discipline the fighting powers of partisans and to rouse the
political spirit of the constituencies. Rarely was any new
argument adduced either in denunciation or in defence of the
Government. The criticism of Turkish and Indian affairs,
which had been exhausted in Parliament, was again paraded on
both, sides, but, as was, indeed, inevitable, the financial results
of the Ministerial policy were censured with increasing severity.

1879 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 99

The Prime Minister's speech at the Guildhall on Lord Mayor's
Day had been anticipated with general curiosity, as likely to
contain some interesting references to the Ministerial policy and
the relations of the Empire. But Lord Beaconsfield was more
than usually reserved. He spoke with ominous mystery of
the state of Europe, "covered with armed millions of men,"
and would only express a qualified hope of the maintenance of
peace. He enjoined Englishmen to hold fast by the motto,
Imperium et LibertaSj and pointed out the manifold perils of
an "insular policy." He, as well as the Chancellor of the
Exchequer, rejoiced in the improvement of trade, and was
hopeful that financial embarrassments would soon disappear.

The Opposition, which professed to desire an immediate
dissolution, exulted in what they proclaimed to be a proof
that the Ministry was afraid to face the country, and asserted,
with some appearance of reason, that the municipal elections
of November showed a change in popular feeling. Mr. Lowe
at Grantham assailed the Ministry with peculiar bitterness. At a
great Liberal demonstration at Leeds the Duke of Argyll went
still further ; and though the effect of his speech was mitigated
by Mr. Forster's more moderate and impressive statement of
Liberal views, the heat of the strife grew visibly more intense.

The crowning episode of this protracted party warfare was
Mr. Gladstone's extraordinary campaign in Scotland, which
began in the last week of November, and lasted, almost without
a day's intermission, for an entire fortnight. At the beginning
of the year Mr. Gladstone had been invited to become the
Liberal candidate for Midlothian, a constituency traditionally
subject to the Conservative influence of the ducal house of
Buccleuch. This resolution of the former leader of the Liberal
party to attack a hostile stronghold was welcomed by a section
of the Opposition,- and as a succession of oratorical tours de
force his performances in Scotland have never been surpassed.
During the first week he reviewed for the Midlothian electors
the whole field of politics, domestic, foreign, financial, ecclesi-
astical, and local, in a series of elaborate speeches quickened
with a peculiar glow of personal ardour. Quitting Edinburgh,
he carried the fiery cross northwards into Perthshire, and again
returning to the south-west, he delivered his Rectorial address
— as a mere interlude in graver labours — before the University
of Glasgow, instantly resuming the political controversy, and

100 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1879

sustaining it all the way home through Scotland and the north
of England as far as Chester. Whatever may be the permanent
value of Mr. Gladstone's criticisms, it is certain that while he
thus plunged into the fray he attracted the gaze of friends
and foes alike. When he retired the strife once more languished.
It was scarcely revived by a Conservative demonstration at
Leeds just before Christmas, in which Sir Stafford Northcote
defended his financial policy and vindicated the measures of
the Government at home and abroad.

The effect upon public opinion of this clash of argumentation
was not clear. The evidence of such contests as that for the
vacancy in the representation of Sheffield, created by Mr.
Roebuck's death, was keenly scanned and canvassed. The
most vulnerable point in the Ministerial policy was finance.
It was not possible to ignore, though it might be easy to
excuse, the fact that Sir Stafford Northcote's budget calcula-
tions during the past two years have been signally deranged
by events. In April last the Chancellor of the Exchequer,
having once more to deal with a large floating debt, determined
merely to renew his bills, and to postpone for twelve months
longer any permanent arrangement for meeting those obliga-
tions. The country was then suffering from commercial,
industrial, and agricultural depression, and it was not deemed
advisable to make any addition to the burdens of direct or
indirect taxation. Sir Stafford Northcote assumed that before
the close of the year there would be a business revival at home,
and that the political sky would clear abroad. On these
assumptions he deferred payment of £5,350,000, to which, at
the end of the session, he was compelled to add Xl, 163, 000
for the estimated extraordinary expenditure in South Africa
up to that date. But the South African expenditure has been
going on ever since, though no doubt at a reduced rate, and the
renewal of troubles in Afghanistan must impose some immediate,
if not permanent, charges upon the Imperial Treasury. The
agricultural depression has become more serious, and the
improvement in various branches of trade has not yet had
time to produce a favourable effect on the revenue receipts.
Sir Stafford Northcote reckoned nine months ago that the
revenue for 1879-80 would bring in almost precisely the sum
received in 1878-79, but the returns for the first three quarters
of the year will fall short, it is to be feared, of that reckoning

1879 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 101

by a considerable sum. It is to be noted that during 1879
the price of Consols has been maintained at a high level, and
that the market fluctuations have been confined within narrow
limits.

The execution of the Treaty of Berlin was a principal subject
of international preoccupation and controversy during the early
part of the year. Predictions that the settlement could not
be carried out or would immediately collapse were frequent
and bold. Lord Duflferin, whose political tact had been tried
and proved in Canada, was selected by the Government as
Ambassador at the Russian Court. He was entertained on
the eve of his departure by the Liberal party at the Reform
Club, and it is probable that in Russia this was accepted as a
warning that where national interests were at stake English
politicians would not be separated by party distinctions. At
Constantinople the Administration of Khaireddin Pasha con-
tinued to promise reforms while pressing urgently for financial
aid. The most critical points to be arranged were those involved
in the reconstruction of government in the Balkan Peninsula
under the terms of the treaty. A succession of alarms were
raised, and one by one subsided. It was rumoured that the
Bulgarian Assembly, which met at Tirnova early in the year,
would choose some dangerous candidate as Prince, either Prince
Dondoukoff Korsakoff, the Russian representative, or Prince
Charles of Roumania, or Prince Nicholas of Montenegro. It
was asserted that the people of Eastern Roumelia would never
sanction the organisation of a separate Government from that
of Bulgaria, and that, if no external force were applied when
the Russian troops withdrew, there would be a popular rising
and a defiance alike of Turkey and of Europe. It was pro-
phesied that the evacuation of the occupied provinces would
not be carried out by Russia, but that pretexts would be found
for retaining Russian troops south of the Danube, if not south
of the Balkans.

In the attitude of the Turkish Government causes for
apprehension were also discovered. The final treaty of peace
with Russia would not, it was said, be signed, and war might
break out afresh ; the convention securing to Austria the
peaceable possession of Bosnia and Herzegovina would be
refused ; the boundary dispute with Greece would be pro-
longed and exacerbated. These fears were partially justified

102 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1879

by the language of the agents of Russia, who, however, were
disowned by Prince Gortchakoff. But looking back upon this
group of controversies we can now see that the tangled skein
has been very creditably unravelled. Scarcely one o£ the
problems which seemed so grave ten or eleven months ago
has by this time failed to find a solution. The panic with
respect to a possible insurrection in Eastern Eoumelia on the
withdrawal of the Russian troops led to a proposal for a "joint
occupation" of the country, which was seriously entertained
by the Great Powers. Germany, France, and Italy, how-
ever, were unwilling to send contingents ; the acquiescence of
the Sultan was doubtful ; and the scheme was accordingly
abandoned. Aleko Pasha, a Bulgarian Greek in the Turkish
service, was appointed by the Sultan Governor- General of
Eastern Roumelia, with the International Commission as a
council of advice, and a militia to keep order. Turkey, at
the same time, agreed to postpone the garrisoning of the
Balkans until the delimitation was completed. This plan was
successfully set in action. In the meantime the Bulgarian
Assembly elected Prince Alexander of Battenberg, a scion of
the Ducal House of Hesse by a morganatic marriage, and a
near kinsman of the Czar, as Sovereign of the Principality.

The evacuation of the occupied provinces by Russia, though
begun on the date fixed in the treaty, was not completed before
the 3rd of August, twelve months after the exchange of ratifica-
tions at Berlin. But for five months past there has been no
disturbance of the peace in these regions. The separate
Governments of East Roumelia and Bulgaria acquiesce in the
decision of the Powers. The delimitation difficulties are being
one by one removed, although neither Greece nor Montenegro
has as yet obtained the territorial concessions which were pro-
mised at Berlin. The resistance of Turkey to the claims of
Greece, recognised as legitimate by one of the protocols of the
treaty, led to a vehement demonstration of public opinion in
France and to the strongest diplomatic intervention on the
part of the French Government. In this country, also, the
right of the Greeks to obtain peaceable possession of the
territory promised in the protocol was generally conceded, and
a powerful effect was produced by a public meeting in Willis's
Rooms to demand the fulfilment of the pledge.

France was at first inclined to suspect that in this matter

1879 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 103

England was playing an insincere part, but the suspicion,
which was entirely groundless, wore away, and the whole
influence of Europe for months past has been directed to
promoting a peaceful settlement of the dispute, which at
last appears to be near at hand. Unfortunately, the chances
of bringing the Ottoman Government to a better sense of its
own interests have not been improved by recent events at
Constantinople. Khaireddin Pasha's Ministry carried Turkey
through more than one grave crisis. The influence of the
Grand Vizier was exerted to procure the ratification of the
Austro-Turkish Convention, but he failed to give any effective
impulse to reform, and he was opposed by many powerful
Pashas, including Ghazi Osman, the hero of Plevna. A series
of palace intrigues ended in the overthrow of Khaireddin at
the end of July and the appointment of a Ministry presumed
to be reactionary, in which Mahmoud Nedim, the most dis-
trusted of Turkish politicians, was the ruling spirit. In
November Sir Henry Layard was instructed to make an
energetic representation to the Porte upon the subject of the
reforms promised in the Anglo -Turkish Convention, and as
the British fleet happened to be at the same time ordered into
Turkish waters, though not, it would seem, for the purpose of
coercing the Pashas, there was something like a panic in the
Divan. Liberal promises were again made, and the appoint-
ment of Baker Pasha to a mission of inquiry in Asia was
accepted as an earnest of the Porte's sincerity. It is doubtful
whether this appointment means anything, and still more
whether it will be followed up by more substantial concessions.

The settlement of the Eastern Question by the Treaty of
Berlin led directly to an alliance between Austria and
Germany, which, however, looks in all probability quite as
much to eventualities in Western Europe as in the East. The
certainty that such a rapprochement was at hand stimulated the
Eussian Press to a violent attack upon German policy, which
was as sharply answered at Berlin. Though the acerbity of
the quarrel was tempered by personal compliments exchanged
between the Emperor William and his nephew, the Czar, the
Austro-German alliance was not less rapidly developed. Count
Andrassy had determined, mainly for reasons connected with
the state of his health, to retire from the administration of
foreign affairs in Austria-Hungary after twelve years of con-

104 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1879

tinuous service. The defeat of the Constitutional Liberals of
the Cisleithan kingdom and the formation of a Ministry at
Vienna under Count TaafFe, in which the reactionary, clerical,
and separatist elements were strong, were naturally alarming
to the Magyar adherents of the Dual Constitution ; but Count
Andrassy's external policy, especially in respect of the Bosnian
acquisition, was staunchly upheld. In maintaining this settle-
ment Austria and Germany were at one.

Count Andrassy early in the autumn paid a visit to the
German Chancellor at Berlin, and Prince Bismarck in turn
was received at Vienna with unusual attention. Long con-
ferences took place between the Prince and the Austrian
statesman. Count Andrassy, it was evident, had secured for
his successor. Baron Hay merle, the confidence which he had
himself long enjoyed at Berlin, and the alliance, although not
embodied in formal documentary pledges, was accepted by
Europe as a pregnant fact Its immediate effect has been
to put an end to most of the sinister predictions which had
been previously spent upon the results of the Berlin Treaty.
Lord Salisbury hailed the announcement of the alliance as
"glad tidings of great joy" in his Manchester speech, but it
was criticised with bitterness in Kussia, in France, and in
Italy. The policy carried out by Prince Bismarck seemed at
once to throw Russian ambition back from the Balkan provinces,
and to crush French hopes of recovering Alsace-Lorraine.

Italy saw in the consolidation of German and Austrian
interests a barrier against the advances of her more daring
patriots upon the Southern Tyrol, Trieste, and Istria, and the
Eastern shores of the Adriatic, It is true that Italian states-
men of both parties have, in reply to a pamphlet published
by an Austrian ofl&cer, repudiated the wild designs of the
Italia Irredenta agitation. The weakness, however, of
Parliamentary government in Italy renders it difficult to
trust to the stability of any policy in that country. The
Left stiU commands a great majority of the Chamber of
Deputies at Rome, but it is divided and shaken by personal
rivalries. During the present year, as in 1878, there have
been recurrent Ministerial crises. The Depretis Cabinet was
overthrown last summer after half a year's tenure of power,
and was succeeded by a new combination of the Left under
Signor Cairoli, who was compelled in November to reconstruct

1879 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 105

his Ministry and to bring in Signer Depretis as Minister of
the Interior.

The internal politics of Germany during the year were of
as deep interest to foreign countries as to the Germans them-
selvea The alienation of Prince Bismarck from the National
Liberals had become notorious, and the probability of a
Parliamentary alliance between the Conservatives and the
Ultramontanes, on the basis of the Chancellor's political re-
conciliation with the Vatican, was discussed. The Pope wrote
in a moderate tone to the Archbishop of Cologne, lamenting
the progress of Socialism, with a sympathetic reference to Prince
Bismarck's anti-Socialist campaign. Meanwhile the Chancellor
had committed himself to two enterprises, both opposed to
Liberal principles and traditions. He had declared his con-
version to protectionism and his determination to limit what
he considered the licence of speech in Parliament.

When the Reichstag met in February, the Speech from the
throne, besides an announcement that Austria had agreed to
abandon the treaty right under which the Danes claimed a
plebiscite in North Schleswig, contained a denunciation of the
free trade policy. The Liberal majority showed unexpected
independence by refusing to permit the prosecution of two
Socialist Deputies, and by throwing out the Maulkorhgesetz.
But when the Tariff project was brought forward the alliance
between the Chancellor and the Ultramontanes was disclosed.
The National Liberals withdrew from their official positions in
the Diet and in the Imperial and Prussian Ministries, and free
trade was overthrown with little resistance. The resignation
of Dr. Falk, the author of the " May Laws," and the appoint-
ment as his successor of Herr von Puttkammer, a connection
by marriage of Prince Bismarck and an opponent of mixed
schools, encouraged the Ultramontanes. The Liberals were,
in proportion, depressed, and at the elections to the Prussian
Parliament in the autumn, when Prince Bismarck appealed to
the electors to support him on grounds of personal confidence,
the Conservatives and their new clerical allies triumphed.
The National Liberals and the Progressists were left in a
hopeless minority, Dr. Lasker and other prominent men
losing their seats. When the Landtag met the Government
brought forward a measure for the acquisition by the State
of several of the private railway lines in Prussia, with a view

106 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1879

to the ultimate extension of this policy throughout the Empire.
The Clericals, however, dissatisfied with the concessions they
had obtained, were not amenable to discipline, and the
Chancellor took advantage of the opportunity to renew his
connection with the Liberals, now in a very tame condition of
spirit, and to carry the Railway Bill with their aid.

Events in France have moved swiftly, but without any
perilous shocks. The Senatorial elections at the beginning
of the year gave the Republican party an effective working
majority in the Upper Chamber. M. Dufaure's Cabinet was at
once pressed to remove the most conspicuous Anti- Republicans
among the Generals and officials. Marshal MacMahon refused
to be a party to these measures, and, seeing that resistance
was idle, resigned. The Chambers in joint session elected
M. Grevy President by 563 votes against 99 given to General
Chanzy. M. Gambetta was chosen in succession to M. Gr6vy
as President of the Chamber of Deputies ; and M. Dufaure
retired from the Ministry, leaving the Premiership to M.
Waddington, whose sober and steady foreign policy had won
him the respect of Europe. The retirement of M. de Marcere
from the Ministry of the Interior before a Radical attack,
the Amnesty agitation, and the proposal to impeach the De
Broglie Administration for unconstitutional conduct raised
difficulties through which the Waddington Administration
steered a cautious course. More serious differences arose when
M. Jules Ferry, the Minister of Public Instruction, brought
forward his Education Bill, the seventh clause of which pro-
hibited members of " unauthorised religious communities "
(meaning especially the Jesuits) from teaching or managing
schools. M. Ferry's Bill was carried by a large majority of
the Chamber of Deputies, but in the Senate a strong party,
including many moderate Republicans and led by M. Jules
Simon, resisted the seventh clause. The measure, owing to
this opposition, was postponed until after the Parliamentary
recess, when the Chambers, in accordance with a vote of both
Houses in joint session, taken in May, were to reassemble,
not at Versailles, but at Paris.

While these intestine struggles and some injudicious attempts
to punish the Anti-Republicans for strong language used in the
Press and in Parliament tended to damage the Ministry, the
disorganisation of the Imperialist party caused by the death of

1879 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 107

Prince Louis Napoleon in South Africa and tlie succession of
Prince Napoleon Jerome to the headship of the Bonaparte family
visibly strengthened the Republic. The protests and the con-
tentions of the various Imperialist cliques subsided in time, and
Prince Napoleon Jerome appears to have accepted his position
as a Pretender, subject to the restraints of a prudence in speech
as well as in action with which he has not been always credited.
During the autumn the Legitimists began a movement for
reviving the pretensions of " Henri Cinq," the most conspicuous
result of which was that M. Herv^, a leading Orleanist, publicly
declared that " the fusion " was at an end, and that the Con-
stitutional Monarchists could no longer follow the Comte de
Chambord.

Radicalism was restless and urgent, as was shown early in
the year by Blanqui's election at Bordeaux, afterwards annulled
by the Chamber, by the reception given to the amnestied
Communists, and by the return of one of these as a member
of the Municipality of Paris. When the Chambers met the
installation at the Luxembourg and the Palais Bourbon was
marked by no excitement. The Government was called upon
by the Left to prove its Republican character by vigorous
measures. M. Waddington declared that no self-respecting
Ministry could submit to adopt a programme dictated by a
party association, and a vote of confidence rewarded his courage.
But the crisis was only stifled for a few days. M. Le Royer,
the Minister of, Justice, who had vigorously argued against the
plenary amnesty, resigned, and the resignation of M. Waddington
and the rest of his colleagues quickly followed. A new Cabinet
has been formed by M. de Freycinet, lately Minister of Public
Works and intimately associated with M. Gambetta's policy
during the war, representing the Pure Left rather than the
Left Centre.

Spain, until within the last few weeks, was apparently quiet
and prospering. The King was personally popular, and the
national sympathy freely accorded to him in his family
misfortunes was as cordially shown when it was announced
that a marriage alliance had been arranged between Alfonso
XII. and the Archduchess Maria Christina, a Princess of the
House of Austria. After tedious delays and formalities, exacted
by the strict etiquette of the Courts of Vienna and Madrid, the
marriage was celebrated with great splendour in the Spanish

108 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1879

capital at the end of November. Before the festivities were
over a political crisis supervened. On the return of Marshal
Martinez Campos from Cuba, where a pacification had been
effected as much by promises of reform as by force of arms,
Seiior Canovas del Castillo retired from the Premiership, and
Marshal Campos became Prime Minister, accepting as his
colleagues the principal associates of Senor Canovas. The
skilful resistance of the latter delayed and defeated all the
Marshal's free- trade and emancipation projects, so that on the
reassembling of the Cortes in December he was compelled to
resign. Senor Canovas has returned to power and begun to
govern with a strong hand. The Parliamentary minority of
Constitutional Liberals has withdrawn from the Cortes ; many
Generals attached to Marshal Campos have resigned or been
dismissed ; civil liberties have been temporarily suspended in
Madrid, and there are fears that the insurrection in Cuba which
has already broken out may again become formidable.

In Belgium the Liberal Government is engaged in a conflict
with the priesthood. The communal schools having been placed
under restrictions as to religious teaching resembling those
enforced in the National schools in Ireland, the hierarchy
denounced the system, and gave orders that the Sacraments
should be refused to the parents of any children attending
such schools after the interdict. The Pope has discountenanced
this violent policy, which appears to be practically a failure.

The Russian polity has sustained during the year a succession
of startling shocks. The excitement of military and diplomatic
conflict having passed away, discontent was rapidly bred in
Russia^ The financial disorders and the sense of national
disappointment were perverted to their own ends by the
Nihilist revolutionaries. General Drenteln, Chief of the
Secret Police, was attacked by assassins, as his predecessors
Generals Trepoff and Mesentzoff had been, and Prince
Krapotkine, the Governor of Kharkoff, was murdered. Many
other victims of less note perished in the ranks of the army
and bureaucracy ; incendiary fires became common, and the
revolutionists daringly proclaimed their intention of striking
terror by these crimes into the hearts of their rulers. The
indignation and the dismay of Russian society were completed
in April last by a bold attempt upon the life of the Czar, in
the Winter Garden at St. Petersburg, where a fanatic named

1879 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 109

Solovieff fired several shots from a revolver point-blank at
Alexander II. Though the assassin missed his aim the panic
following his attempt took the form of a "Terror." The
capital was placed in a state of siege, liberty was for the
moment abolished, and vehement appeals were made to the
Governments of Europe to adopt such a law of extradition as
would enable the Eussian police to hunt down the Eevolu-
tionists in Switzerland and elsewhere. These extreme measures
failed, as might have been expected ; and their rigour was
soon relaxed. The Russian Government was believed to be
contemplating some liberal concessions, when, on the 1st of
December, as the Emperor was returning from Livadia, a
mine was sprung upon a baggage train, mistaken for the
train conveying the Imperial party, on the outskirts of Moscow.
The deliberation and ferocity of this plot renewed the panic
of last April, and as the year closes the future of Russia is
wrapped in deep gloom. Count Schouvaloff, who lately retired
from the Embassy in London, and has been since the outrage
the guest of Prince Bismarck at Varzin, has been credited with
a reform policy which may prevail and work for good.

Hitherto there has been no success achieved by Russian
diplomatists or soldiers to draw away attention from the
gloomy prospect at home. The arrangements of the Treaty
of Berlin have been carried out, in spite of the imprudent
disparagement which Russian officials permitted themselves.
Austria has been guaranteed the possession of Bosnia by the
German alliance. The patronage which General Kaufmann
was inclined to extend to Shere Ali at the beginning of the
Afghan war has been disavowed and withdrawn. The revival
of Chinese power in Central Asia shown in the conquest of
Kashgar has led to the retrocession of Kuldja by Russia. The
expedition against the Tekke Turcomans, which started in the
summer from the Caucasus under General Lazareff, and, crossing
the Caspian to Tchikishlar on the south-eastern coast with
30,000 men, advanced in the direction of Merv, has been as
unfortunate as similar adventures in former times. General
Lomakine, who succeeded Lazareff on the latter's death,
pushed on with some 1400 men, it is said, against the
chief Turcoman stronghold, and vafter obstinate fighting was
compelled to retreat, suffering heavy losses.

The Egyptian difficulty forms a distinct chapter of the

110 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1879

Eastern Question. The Ministry formed by Nubar Pasba
at the close of last year, into which Mr. Kivers Wilson and
M. de Blignieres had been admitted as representing the
interests of the Western Powers, was overthrown in February
by an ^meute which, the Khedive was suspected of fostering.
A strong movement for intervention was originated in France
by powerful financial bodies interested in the Egyptian Debt,
and a joint representation of the French and English Govern-
ments resulted in the apparent submission of Ismail Pasha and
the formation of a new Cabinet under Prince Tewfik, the
Khedive's heir, in which the European Ministers were to have
a commanding voice. This arrangement lasted for a few weeks.
In April the Khedive, declaring that the Ministerial measures
were unjust to the bondholders and damaging to the public
credit, dismissed his advisers. After some delay, due to the
difficulty of inducing the Powers to agree as to the course to
be pursued, and after Ismail Pasha bad turned a deaf ear to
a suggestion of abdication urged upon him by the European
Consuls-General, the Sultan, prompted by France and England,
issued a firman deposing Ismail, and nominating Tewfik
Khedive. Ismail Pasha retired to Naples, and, after vain
attempts to assert his independence, Tewfik submitted. Mr.
Baring and M. de Blignieres were appointed " Comptrollers-
General," with power to supervise the whole financial system,
and the interests wMch the Powers had interfered to protect
have been, it is supposed, secured. An ominous difficulty,
however, has arisen with Abyssinia, one result of which is
that Gordon Pasha has been compelled to abandon his task
of civilising the Soudan and suppressing the slave trade.

Our Indian Empire during the past year was occupied with
external questions, of which the Afghan war was, of course,
the chief. At one time another war was believed to be
impending upon the north-eastern frontier, where the young
King of Burmah, Thebaw, rapidly developed all the worst
vices of the despot, including insolence towards his neighbours
as well as cruelty towards his subjects. Burmese troops were
massed upon the borders of the British province, the language
of the King became insulting, and the remonstrances which
were urged by the Govern«ient of India against the horrors
perpetrated by Thebaw were left unanswered. A cry for the
annexation of Burmah was raised by the commercial community

1879 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 111

at Rangoon, but, like a similar cry raised by over -zealous
oflScials and eager traders for the annexation of Cashmere, it
was not heeded by Lord Lytton. The lamented death of Mr.
Shaw, our Resident at Mandalay, was followed, when it
appeared that Thebaw was inaccessible to reason, by the
withdrawal of his successor, and finally by the removal of
the Mission. The Burmese Court appears to have been taken
aback by this measure, and the King has since tried to send
envoys, who have not been received, to the Indian Government
to protest that he never meant any harm. For the present,
at least, all danger in this quarter has been removed. Within
the Empire, though the war might be supposed to have given
an opportunity for disloyal movements, tranquillity has prevailed.
The masses have not been moved, apparently, by the grievances
which agitate their English patrons, and the feudatory princes
have displayed confidence in the strength and justice of the
British cause.

In the Bombay Presidency some alarming dacoit robberies,
menaces of violence to ofiicials, and acts of incendiarism at
Poona and elsewhere were found to be connected with the
plots of a fanatical Mahratta, who has been recently brought
to justice. The Rumpa disturbances in the Madras Presidency
would have no doubt been as easily suppressed if they had not
been weakly allowed to make head. It cannot be denied that
the financial question has become very grave. Sir John
Strachey was compelled to confess that losses by exchange
and the demands of war rendered it impossible to set aside
the promised famine insurance fund out of the new taxes.
The home Government have since resolved that a strictly
economical policy shall be carried out. Expenditure on
public works has been greatly restricted ; a larger proportion
of natives are to be employed in the Civil Service at lower
salaries ; and a Commission has been appointed to inquire how
far reductions in the army charges can be safely effected.

The relations of the British colonies with the mother
country have been actively discussed. In Canada, the
Macdonald Ministry having advised the Governor - General
to remove the Lieutenant-Governor of the Province of Quebec
on the ground that he had unconstitutionally dismissed his
local Ministers, the Marquis of Lome wished to refer the
question to the home Government. His right to do so, upon

112 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1879

a construction of the appointing clause in the Act of Union,
was challenged by the Canadian Conservatives, and was not
upheld by the Colonial Office. Sir John Macdonald and his
colleagues accordingly dismissed M. Letellier, whose successor,
M. Eobitaille, restored the local Conservatives to power in
Quebec. The home Government also declined to interfere
with the new Protectionist tariff of the Dominion, to which
Mr. Bright called attention in the House of Commons.

Acting on the same non-intervention principles. Sir Michael
Hicks- Beach refused to promise a settlement by Imperial
legislation of the reform question in Victoria, which Mr. Berry
and Mr. Pearson, representing the Democratic Ministry at
Melbourne, had come to England to advocate. The Secretary
of State recommended the colonists to come to a compromise
among themselves, though he hinted that if the Council rejected
all reasonable proposals the difficulty might have to be terminated
by extraordinary means. Mr. Berry's Reform Bill, brought
forward in the autumn session, included the plebiscite and
other objectionable provisions, and failed to obtain the support,
as required by law, of an absolute majority even in the
Assembly. It has, therefore, been abandoned, and an appeal
to the constituencies is impending, which will turn in part
upon the popular feeling with respect to the protective
tariff.

In New South Wales, and generally throughout the other
Australian colonies, public attention has been absorbed by
the Exhibition at Sydney, which has achieved a remarkable
success. Sir George Grey's Administration in New Zealand,
•shaken by the apparent danger of a Maori rising, and by a
reaction against a Democratic policy as violent as Mr. Berry's,
was defeated at the general election, and a new Ministry has
been formed by Mr. Hall. In the Cape Colony the question
of Confederation has been put aside by the Ministry, on the
ground that peace must first be restored ; but the Colonial
Office has expressed an opinion that the adoption of a defensive
system for the whole of the South African colonies, and the
liberation of the mother country from the burden of native
wars, do not admit of further delay.

The United States have enjoyed a year of unchequered good
fortune, the more highly prized because it succeeded a long
and dreary period of adversity. The return to specie payment

1879 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 113

on New Year's Day was effected without any of the difficulties
which the Inflationists had predicted, and the good sense of
the community promptly repressed the belligerent ardour of
the politicians on both sides. The management of the Treasury
by Mr. Sherman upon sound principles of finance showed results
so encouraging in the refunding and repayment of debt and the
reduction of the interest charge that it would have been palpably
foolish to have altered his practice. The revival of trade was
rapid ; the abounding prosperity of the agricultural classes,
crowned by one of the richest harvests ever seen, stimulated
manufacturing industry, and gave an impulse to railway enter-
prise.

The Administration of President Hayes, however, made
little progress in popular favour ; and the reform promises of
its earlier years were practically abandoned. The errors of
the Democrats were more flagrant ; they coquetted with every
dangerous and disreputable movement, with the " Greenbackers,"
"the Champions of Labour," and the " BuU- dozers" of the
South. Mr. Tilden, their recognised leader, fell in popular
esteem as his conduct during the last Presidential campaign
was disclosed, and his position was further weakened by the
defeat of his party in New York State through the revolt of
the Tammany Hall organisation, which controls the Democratic
vote in the city. The Fall elections showed large Republican
gains all through the North and West.

Meanwhile General Grant, who had left England at the
beginning of the year and had travelled through the Far
East, returned to the United States by way of San Francisco.
He was welcomed with extraordinary enthusiasm on the "Pacific
Slope," in the Mississippi valley, and, finally, in the Atlantic
States. The Republican party are apparently coming to the
conclusion that General Grant can most effectually serve their
cause by accepting another Presidential nomination. A
massacre of officials and other whites upon one of the Indian
reservations of the Far West has revived in a painful form a
problem which embarrassed former Governments.

The influence of the United States was vainly exerted to put
an end to the war between the Republics on the Pacific coast
of South America. A dispute concerning the nitrate deposits
in the Atacama desert brought Chili into collision with Bolivia
and Peru early in the year. The Chilians were successful at

VOL. II I

114 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1879

the outset. They obtained possession of the disputed territory,
and so crippled the Peruvian navy that the famous Huascar
was almost left alone to defend Peru upon the seas. This
vessel, however, for a long time defied the whole Chilian fleet,
paralysed Chilian commerce, and threatened the coast towns
of Chili with a raid. At last she succumbed to superior forces,
being destroyed in an engagement with a powerful Chilian
squadron. Thenceforward the fortunes of Peru and Bolivia
have rapidly declined ; Pisagua and Iquique, two of the chief
Peruvian ports, have been captured by the combined land and
sea forces of Chili ; and, though it is alleged a drawn battle
has since been fought, the close of the struggle is plainly at
hand.

On the continent of Europe the year has been as depressing
as at home. The destruction of the Hungarian city of Szegedin
by the overflowing of the river Theiss in March was paralleled
by the ruinous floods which devastated south-eastern Spain in
October. In parts of France and Germany the failure of the
crops has caused widespread distress, attaining in Silesia to the
height of a famine, for the alleviation of which the Government
has been compelled to make extraordinary provision. All
former railway accidents in this country have been outdone in
horror by the ruin of the Tay Bridge and the destruction of a
train crowded with passengers. The bursting of one of the
38-ton guns on board the Thunderer was investigated by a
Commission, which arrived at the conclusion, which did not
escape criticism, that a double charge had been rammed down,
and that this accident was the cause of the disaster.

The army, however, rather than the navy, was productive
of controversial topics. Lord Chelmsford's capacity as a
commander was debated with extreme bitterness after Isand-
lana; but it was subsequently recognised that his errors did
not merit the impatient censure that had been heaped upon
them. The Court -Martial upon Captain Carey for alleged
cowardice and breach of duty in failing to rescue Prince
Louis Bonaparte afforded another instance of hasty injustice,
for which reparation had to be made in a calmer mood. The
whole subject of our military organisation was brought forward
for discussion in an article which appeared in our columns last
summer, and which opened up a serious and still unsettled
controversy.

1879 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 115

"We may record, in the social annals of the year, the
marriage of the Duke of Connaught with the daughter of
Prince Frederick Charles of Prussia and the Queen's visit to
Baveno. Society has felt the adverse influences which are
clearly marked in business ; nor did art and literature escape
the prevailing depression.

The Government, in accordance with a pledge obtained by
Mr. Fawcett at the close of last session, has given notice of
the introduction of a Bill for the purchase of the London
Water Companies. The fourth London School Board was
elected in November, after a sharp contest, turning mainly
upon the question of economy, which resulted in the return
of a majority favourable to the policy pursued by the Board
during the past three years. Higher education in the North
of England will be advanced, it is hoped, by the concession
of a Royal Charter to the "Victoria University," which is to
embrace Owens College, Manchester, and other provincial estab-
lishments of the same class.

The elevation of John Henry Newman to the Cardinalate
and the reception of M. Eenan as an Academician are the
most noticeable events in the ecclesiastical and literary annals
of the year.

Few law cases of permanent importance were tried in 1879.
The directors of the City of Glasgow Bank were convicted in
February of concocting or issuing fraudulent balance-sheets,
and were sentenced to terms of imprisonment varying from
eight months to fourteen months. More important, perhaps,
was the decision of the House of Lords upon the liability of
trustees holding bank stock. The conviction and execution
of Peace for the Banner Cross murder and of Catherine
Webster for the Richmond murder, the trial and acquittal of
Hannah Dobbs for the Euston Square murder, and the
subsequent prosecution of BastendorJff for perjury were among
the causes c^lhhres of the year.

Parliament interfered in some peculiar cases ; the capital
sentence upon Mainwaring, who had been found guilty of
murder by a jury which had decided the question by drawing
lots, was commuted by Mr. Cross, who also granted a free
pardon and a pecuniary compensation to Habron, an innocent
man undergoing penal servitude for one of Peace's crimes. In
the case of Galley, who, it was alleged, had been wrongfully

116 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1879

convicted more than a generation ago, the Home Secretary's
opinion was contradicted by a vote of the House of Commons.
A Parliamentary question of some moment was determined in
the case of Sir Bryan O'Loghlen, who was declared to have
vacated his seat for the county of Clare by accepting office in
the colony of Victoria. The exercise of the penal jurisdiction
of the House of Commons in the case of Mr. Grissell and Mr.
Ward, who had pretended to be able to influence the decision
of a Private Bill Committee, may prove an important precedent.

The death-roll of the year 1879 includes few names of the
first rank in politics, literature, or art. One of the most
painful incidents of the Zulu war was the death of Prince
Louis Napoleon, the heir to the Imperialist aspirations of the
Bonaparte family. The Prince Imperial, who had received
his military education at Woolwich and had many friends in
the British army, sought permission, which was, unfortunately,
granted, to take part as a spectator in the South African
campaign. On the 1st of June he was allowed to accompany
a reconnoitring party with an ill- defined right of command.
The Prince, Captain Carey, and eight troopers, were surprised
by a large body of Zulus, and took to their horses. Unluckily,
the ' Prince failed to mount in time, lost his horse, and fell,
pierced by eighteen assegai wounds. His death was deeply
lamented in England, and his funeral at Chislehurst was
honoured by the presence of the Royal Family and of an
immense concourse of persons in all ranks of society.

Another personage whose death was of some political im-
portance was the Prince of Orange, the heir -apparent to the
throne of Holland, whose life in Paris had for many years
estranged him from his family and his country.

General Peel, who passed away in his eightieth year, had
been a member of two Conservative Cabinets, and his sterling
honesty and simplicity of character were proved by his retire-
ment from office, and soon afterwards from political life, when
he found himself unable to agree with Lord Derby's policy in
1867. Lord Lawrence was a servant of the Indian Govern-
ment who left his mark upon the history of the Empire. He
reorganised the Punjab under British rule, and kept that
province true to England during the Mutiny. He was one
of the most zealous and laborious of Viceroys, although his
policy received, perhaps, an unusual share of criticism. At

1879 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 117

home, although regarded as an authority on Eastern questions,
he sought other fields of work, and in 1870 he became chairman
of the first London School Board. In Mr. Koebuck the House
of Commons has lost a characteristic figure ; his trenchant
criticism of friends and foes will be missed in debate. Sir
Eowland Hill, whose name will be always identified with
the development of the postal system, passed away at a green
old age. The Irish Home Rule party lost in Mr. Isaac Butt
a leader of ability, geniality, and moderation, whose wasted
career closed sadly amid wranglings and disappointments.

Of others who died during the past twelve months may be
mentioned Frances, Lady Waldegrave, a potent influence in
the society of our day ; Sir John Shaw-Lefevre, sometime Clerk
of Parliaments; Mr. J. T. Delane, for six -and -thirty years
Editor-in-chief of the Times; Sir Antonio Panizzi, the chief
librarian of the British Museum ; the Rev. Dr. M'Neile, Dean
of Ripon, a pillar of the Evangelical party in the Church ;
Baron Lionel de Rothschild, long M.P. for the city of London ;
Sir Thomas Larcom, for many years Permanent Secretary to
the Irish Government ; Mr. Hepworth Dixon, a brilliant and
hard-working man of letters ; Mr. Keith Johnston, the African
explorer, who was cut off in the midst of most fruitful and
promising labours ; Mr. George Long, an eminent classical
scholar ; Professor W. K. Clifford, a young but very able
writer on mathematical and philosophical questions ; Mr. E.
M. Ward, the well-known historical painter ; Mr. J. B.
Buckstone, the comedian ; and Mr. Fechter, the tragedian.

On the Continent there passed away Count von ' Roon, the
real author of the present military organisation of Germany ;
the aged Marshal Espartero, ex -Dictator of Spain ; and M.
Michel Chevalier, the most resolute champion among modern
Frenchmen of the free-trade cause.

In the United States the loss must be recorded of Mr. Henry
C. Carey, an economist best known as an advocate of Protec-
tionism ; of Mr. Caleb Gushing, counsel for the American
Government before the Geneva Tribunal ; and of William
Lloyd Garrison, the Abolitionist.

1880

The year which comes to an end to-day will be memorable as
opening a new chapter in our political annals. It was marked,
indeed, by a decisive and promising revival of all branches of
trade after an unprecedented period of depression, and by a
harvest of moderate excellence, which, succeeding the worst
season that the country had known for more than two genera-
tions, was thankfully welcomed. But the transfer of power
from the Conservative to the Liberal party, the change in the
composition and the internal relations of the latter, and the new
spirit and direction given in consequence to national policy at
home and abroad, threw all other events into the shade.

The situation in Ireland, which was formidable enough
before the overthrow of Lord Beaconsfield's Government, assumed
more startling proportions during the summer, and at the close
of the year the Ministry have to encounter an outbreak of Irish
lawlessness unparalleled in recent times. The Irish difficulty,
indeed, does not stand alone. The foreign policy of Mr. Glad-
stone's Government, though successful up to a certain point, has
met with a check, and the possibility of compelling Turkey to
comply with the demands of the great Powers by the pressure
of the European concert is becoming doubtful. In Afghanistan
there is still much to be achieved before the Imperial Govern-
ment can be relieved from the duty of vigilant preparation, if
not of active intervention. In South Africa we seem to be
entering on a new heritage of perplexities and perils.

The picture, however, is not without touches of light and
hopefulness. Keviving trade and a fair harvest have restored a
certain measure of elasticity to the revenue. There is ground
for looking forward, when next year's Budget is produced in

1880 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 119

April, to the realisation of Mr. Gladstone's estimates last
summer, and, perhaps, something more. The public credit of
the country has never been more secure. Consols were at a
high price all through the year, and in the last two months rose
more than once above par, so that rumours became current of an
intention on the part of Mr. Gladstone to effect a new refunding
operation, and to reduce the annual burden of the debt by the
issue of 2^ per cent stock. These conjectures were, at any
rate, premature, but the fact that they were circulated and
discussed is in itself a proof that a turning-point in the financial
history of the world is near. The opportunity which the
Americans are about to seize of issuing stock bearing no higher
interest than British Consols, and the extraordinary success of
the 3^ per cent loan placed upon the London market a few
weeks ago by the Government of India point in the same
direction. Capital has accumulated during years of hardship,
anxiety, and thrift ; safe investments, since the collapse of so
many foreign Government loans and American railways, are
rarer than ever in comparison with the quantity of disposable
money. It is certain that, unless some unexpected check occurs,
there will be a new and irresistible outbreak of speculative
adventure, the early stirrings of which are already felt through-
out our commercial, industrial, and financial system.

The approach of the seventh session of the Parliament elected
in 1874 sharpened the passions of parties. Mr. Gladstone,
indeed, did not renew his campaign against the Conservative
Government in the interval between the Christmas vacation and
the meeting of Parliament, but his place was filled by Sir
William Harcourt and Mr. Bright, who satirised and denounced
the Ministry with unremitting energy. The excitement culmin-
ated in the election for Liverpool, which was decided on the 6 th
of February, the day following the meeting of Parliament. The
vacancy created by the death of Mr. Torr was vigorously con-
tested by Mr. Whitley, a local Conservative, and Lord Ramsay,
son of the Earl of Dalhousie, who was put forward on the
Liberal side. The Irish voters of Liverpool refused to support
Lord Ramsay if he did not pledge himself to vote for an inquiry
into the demand for Home Rule. The pledge was given, but
Lord Ramsay, in spite of his Irish allies, polled only 23,883
votes against 26,106 recorded for Mr. Whitley. This success
was followed up by a more unexpected Conservative victory in

120 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1880

Soutliwark, where Mr. Jolm Locke's death had left a seat
vacant. The Liberal vote was divided, a " Labour candidate "
refusing to yield to the claims of the regular choice of the Two
Hundred. But, as it turned out, Mr. Edward Clarke, the Con-
servative candidate, polled more votes than both the Liberals
together. These successes, together with the marked increase
of the Conservative vote at Sheffield and Barnstaple, where
Liberals were returned, doubtless encouraged Lord Beaconsfield's
Government to hope that the approaching appeal to the country-
would be in their favour.

The vehement discussion of Irish affairs, both in and out of
Parliament, was to a great extent influenced by a desire to move
the masses. On the one hand an attempt was made to show
that the famine relief measures adopted by the Government in
Ireland were wholly inadequate, and that the people would
be left to perish through official incapacity and neglect. Mr.
Chamberlain was a stout champion of this view — which, it is
needless to say, events have since completely refuted — during
the debates on the first Irish Distress Bill. But, on the other
hand, the Conservatives lost no opportunity of identifying their
opponents with Irish disloyalty and disturbance. The resolu-
tions proposed for the suppression of Obstruction in the House
of Commons were sustained, however, in principle by Lord
Hartington and the great body of the Liberal party; and the
Extreme Home Eulers, to whom head was presently given by
the deposition of Mr. Shaw from his sessional chairmanship and
the elevation of Mr. Parnell, then campaigning in the United
States, to that place, showed no disposition to ally themselves
with the regular Opposition. The restlessness with which the
session opened had somewhat subsided when, in the middle of
March, six weeks after the meeting of Parliament, the Govern-
ment announced that the Dissolution would take place at Easter
if the Budget and other indispensable business could be disposed
of by that time. The Liberals were eager to accept the chal-
lenge, and no obstacle to the winding-up of the session was
interposed.

Electioneering addresses and speeches absorbed public atten-
tion for weeks. Lord Beaconsfield led off with a letter to the
Viceroy of Ireland, which was intended to be a political mani-
festo. It charged the Liberals, by implication, with advocating
a " policy of decomposition^ " and denounced the Home Rule and

1880 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 121

agrarian agitation in Ireland as " a danger, in its ultimate results,
scarcely less disastrous than pestilence and famine." The addresses
of Mr. Gladstone, Lord Hartington, Sir Stafford Northcote, and
Mr. Cross were criticised and discussed, while the business
remaining to be transacted in Parliament was neglected and
almost forgotten.

The active work of the election campaign was not long
delayed. Lord Hartington's able and vigorous speeches in North-
East Lancashire attracted special notice, and Mr. Gladstone
renewed in Midlothian the oratorical tours de force of the pre-
ceding winter. One of the most notable incidents of the pro-
longed contest was Lord Derby's declaration, in a letter to Lord
Sefton, that he had finally broken with the Conservative party
and taken his place, " however reluctantly," in the ranks of the
Liberals. But, on the whole, the battle was fought upon strict
party lines. The Conservatives suffered the most crushing
defeat they had met with since the first general election after
the Reform Bill. The gain of the Liberals in the first day's
borough elections alone almost annihilated the majority which
had supported Lord Beaconsfield, and every following day
showed new conquests on the one side and losses on the other.
The secession of the English county voters in large numbers
from the Conservative side was a significant fact. In Scotland
and in Wales the reaction, as might have been anticipated,
almost deprived Conservatism of representation in Parliament.
In Ireland two-thirds of the members returned were Home
Rulers. When the composition of the new House of Commons
was at length made known, it appeared that it consisted of 351
Liberals, 237 Conservatives, and 65 Home Rulers j but bye-
elections have to some extent altered these proportions, and the
Liberal majority is at present slightly below its estimated
strength at the close of the elections in April.

The resignation of Lord Beaconsfield, in accordance with the
precedents of 1868 and 1874, was tendered to the Queen as
soon as it was clear that the Liberal party had obtained an
unquestionable majority. The leaders of the Opposition since
Mr. Gladstone's retirement after his former defeat had been
Lord Hartington in the Lower House and Lord Granville in
the Upper House. These statesmen were consulted in the first
instance, but, in accordance with consultations among the chiefs
of the party, they recommended the Queen to entrust the task

122 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1880

to tlie former Liberal Premier. It could not, indeed, be
contested that the Liberal victory was due more to the energy
and eloquence of Mr. Gladstone than to the qualities, however
high, of any other individual or connection. The new Liberal
majority was bound, almost without exception, by pledges of
personal allegiance to Mr. Gladstone, and the more advanced
section of it did not conceal a resolution to regard no one else's
authority as binding. Everything pointed to the selection of
Mr. Gladstone as the chief of the new Administration, if he
were only willing once more to take office. He consented to
accept the duty, and his Cabinet was constructed with a view to
conciliate and to represent the different sections of the Liberal
majority.

Mr. Gladstone himself, with a confident courage that would
have become a man in the prime of his powers, undertook not
only the control of the general policy of the Government as
First Lord of the Treasury, but the arduous functions of the
Chancellor of the Exchequer. Some Liberal peers returned to
the offices they had held in Mr. Gladstone's former Ministry ;
Lord Selborne again became Lord Chancellor,- Lord Granville
Foreign Secretary, Lord Kimberley Colonial Secretary, the
Duke of Argyll Lord Privy Seal. Lord Spencer, formerly
Viceroy in Ireland, became President of the Council. In the
Lower House the Ministerial combination included some new
elements, and involved some changes which could not have
been forecasted. Mr. Bright, indeed, resumed his post as
Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster; but Mr. Childers,
formerly identified with the Admiralty, became Secretary for
War ; Lord Northbrook, formerly Viceroy of India, First
Lord of the Admiralty ; Lord Hartington, formerly Chief
Secretary for Ireland, Secretary of State for India ; Sir William
Harcourt, formerly Solicitor-General, Home Secretary ; Mr.
Forster, formerly Vice-President of the Council, Chief Secretary
for Ireland; and Mr. Dodson, formerly Chairman of Com-
mittees, President of the Local Government Board.

These changes gave abundant opportunity for the develop-
ment of Ministerial ability in unsuspected directions, and
portended some surprises for the public ; but they did not
provide for the representation of the Eadical wing of the
Liberal party, which had acquired numerical strength and
confidence in its own power and merit at the general election.

1880 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 123

The negotiations for the settlement of these claims were
protracted, but they ended in an arrangement with which the
Radicals have generally been satisfied. Mr. Chamberlain, the
skilful worker of the Birmingham system of party organisation,
entered the Cabinet as President of the Board of Trade. Three
other Liberals of advanced opinions accepted important offices
outside the Cabinet, Mr. Fawcett becoming Postmaster-General,
Sir Charles Dilke Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs, and Mr.
Mundella Vice-President of the CounciL The other offices fell
to men who had previously served their apprenticeship in
politics. Some well-known names were missed. Mr. Lowe
did not return to office, but was raised to the peerage as
Viscount Sherbrooke ; Mr. Knatchbull-Hugessen at the same
time became Lord Brabourne. Lord Carlingford and Lord
Cardwell made way for men of the younger generation. Lord
Cowper was appointed Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, and Lord
Ripon Viceroy of India ; while a little later Mr. Goschen
consented to undertake the special duties of Ambassador
Extraordinary at Constantinople, replacing Sir Henry Layard,
who retired nominally on leave of absence, but in fact
finally.

The general impression created by the announcement of these
Ministerial appointments was that the new Government would
be strong both in debating power and in administrative capacity.
It cannot be said that these expectations have been disappointed.
The Ministry during the session, which extended from May to
September, showed an abundance of Parliamentary ability;
and some striking successes in administration — especially Mr.
Fawcett's vigorous management of the Post Office — have to be
placed to their credit But as the session closed it was felt
that the most had not been made, either in the field of
legislation or elsewhere, of rare opportunities and the propelling
force of a powerful popular movement. There have been an
apparent want of knowledge of men and a touch of peremptori-
ness of manner which in some vital matters have not been
compensated for by firmness and calmness. Mr. Gladstone's
Supplementary Budget has been a success, and the Burials Act,
the Employers' Liability Act, and the Ground Game Act,
whatever differences of opinion may exist as to their substantial
merits, are important legislative achievements. But the conduct
of the controversies arising out of Mr. Bradlaugh's case and out

124 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1880

of the Compensation for Disturbance Bill did little credit either
to Government or Parliament.

The withdrawal of Mr. Gladstone from the political scene,
during his illness, undoubtedly lessened the energy of the
Administration, and was chargeable with much of the waste of
time and temper which kept the Houses sitting a whole month
later than usual. Although there is no sign of the withdrawal
of popular support from Mr. Gladstone's Ministry, it cannot be
affirmed that it has not lost ground with the country, especially
since the state of Ireland has begun to rouse much deep
indignant feeling in England. Outwardly, however, as the
year is ending, the Government retains its power, if not its
credit, undiminished.

The personal changes among officials since the Ministry was
formed eight months ago have been unimportant. Mr. Adam
has accepted the Governorship of Madras, and has been
succeeded as First Commissioner of Works by Mr. Shaw-
Lefevre, Mr. Trevelyan being appointed to the Secretaryship of
the Admiralty thus vacated. The general election produced a
large crop of election petitions, and in several' cases the reports
of the judges brought to light so scandalous a state of things
that Eoyal Commissions were issued to inquire into electoral
corruption in Chester, Macclesfield, Oxford, Boston, Canterbury,
Gloucester, Knaresborough, and Sandwich. An immense mass
of evidence was taken by the Commissioners, and has been
published from time to time, and the effect on the public mind
has been to produce mingled disgust and alarm, with a
conviction that a large reform is necessary. It is manifest that
in many constituencies there is a deep-seated taint which has
not been extirpated by the admission of large numbers of voters
under a liberal franchise.

At the opening of the year the condition of Ireland was
causing much anxiety, and down to the last that anxiety,
through many changes of form, has constantly increased. It
was feared at first that the scarcity would become a real famine,
and the Conservative Ministry were violently assailed for not
taking adequate measures to avert loss of life. It proved, however,
that even in the most grievously afflicted districts the provision
made by public assistance or private alms for the relief of distress
was ample, nor has the malignity of anti-English agitators been
able to point to the spectacle of a starving community.

1880 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 125

But, while the alarm of famine and the lavish expenditure
upon relief combined to demoralise the Irish people, the
followers of Mr. Parnell steadily laboured to raise a popular cry
against the payment of rent. At the outset the distress was
made the pretext of a refusal to fulfil contracts relating to land,
but Mr. Parnell very soon advanced to a more commanding
position ; he advised the peasantry to " hold the land," and to
pay only so much rent as they deemed fair, and he allowed it
to be plainly seen that his ultimate object was the separation of
Ireland from Great Britain. Early in the year Mr. Parnell
visited the United States with the object of raising a fund,
partly for the relief of distress, and partly for the promotion of
his political objects at home. His success was not conspicuous,
but his influence as the rallying-point of disaffected feeling in
Ireland was increased, and at the general election more than
half of the Home Eule candidates had to pledge themselves to
follow him blindly. Some of the most respectable of the
Roman Catholic Liberals, such as the O'Conor Don and Mr. N.
D. Murphy, lost their seats because they fell under the ban of
the advanced faction. The victory of the Parnellites led to the
displacement of Mr. Shaw by Mr. Parnell himself, who, having
been chosen in three constituencies, elected to sit for the city
of Cork, and was immediately nominated Sessional Chairman of
the party.

When the new Ministry was formed the extreme Irish
faction, who took their places on the Opposition side of the
House of Commons, put forward a declaration that they would
be content with no moderate measure of land reform, and the
word of command was given to "distrust the Whigs." The
Land League, which was founded to supply the working
machinery for carrying Mr. Parnell's agrarian policy into effect,
now began to be active and to " organise " the peasantry in the
resistance to rent-paying. The alarms respecting famine died
away as the summer wore on and as the encouraging harvest
prospects were realised. But, unfortunately, the Government
had been tempted to depart from the sure ground they had
originally taken up, and had reopened the Irish land
question prematurely and incautiously by the introduction of
Mr. Forster's Disturbance Bill. Mr. Parnell was seconded in
his inflammatory efforts by some of the new Home Rule
members — notably Mr. Dillon — who strove to surpass their

126 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1880

master. The tenants were warned not to yield an inch to the
landlords, but to " hold the harvest " as well as to " hold the
land," defying all legal process for the recovery of rent unpaid.
Then began the systematic outrages by which terror was to be
struck into the souls of all who did not bow down before the
League.

After Parliament was prorogued the language of Mr. Parnell
and his lieutenants grew more fierce, and agrarian crime
increased with frightful rapidity. The Land League proceeded
to enact that tenants should nowhere pay more than Griffith's
valuation, which was at least 25 per cent under the letting
value of ordinary land when the basis of rating was fixed
according to the low standard of agricultural prices ruling a
generation ago. Attempts to resist this decision, either on the
part of landlords demanding their due or of tenants willing to
pay, were punished by atrocious outrages, including murder,
maiming, destruction of cattle and crops, and torture inflicted
on men and animals. The assassination of Mr. Boyd, a land
agent's son, in the south-east of Ireland, was followed by that
of Lord Mountmorres on the borders of Galway and Mayo, and
that of the driver of a Mr. Hutchins's car, near Glengariff, in
the county of Cork. For these acts the Land League orators
sometimes expressed conventional regret, but more often they
were content to weigh them against the " crimes " which, as
they alleged, the landlords had committed by evicting tenants
and raising rents.

By degrees it became apparent that the law had no terrors
for the instruments of the Land League policy. When the
Government came into office some parts of the Peace Preservation
Act of 1870 still remained in force, including restrictions on the
sale and use of arms and provisions for levying compensation
in cases of death or personal injury, upon the districts concerned ;
but Mr. Forster believed that he could appeal more strongly to
the goodwill of Ireland by abandoning all extraordinary powers,
and the Act was allowed to expire in June. In the autumn
the incapacity of the law to cope with organised intimidation
resting upon the terrors inspired by unpunished outrage could
no longer be disguised. A number of Irish noblemen and
gentlemen waited upon the Lord-Lieutenant and the Chief
Secretary in Dublin Castle to ask whether no steps were to be
taken to give them protection, not only in executing processes

1880 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 127

of law against defaulting debtors, but in the ordinary peaceful
and secure enjoyment of life and property. The Chief
Secretary promised, in the name of the Government, that if the
law was not respected exceptional measures would be adopted
to put down crime.

Soon afterwards a step was taken which was intended to
reassure the timid and to prove that the law had terrors for its
enemies. At the Land League meetings which were held
throughout the country the people were incited to combine in
refusing payment of rent over Griffith's valuation and to resist
any consequent proceedings. The adoption of these counsels led
directly to the social war since carried on with increasing success
by the occupiers of land against the owners, and the law
advisers of the Irish Government conceived that some of the
leaders of the Land League had brought themselves within the
grasp of the law by their speeches. An information for seditious
conspiracy was applied for by the Crown against Mr. Parnell,
some other Home Rule members of Parliament, and several
of the officials of the Land League. The trial at Bar in the
Court of Queen's Bench was appointed to begin on the 28th of
December, and it is certain that the proceedings will be of
enormous length. The policy of these State prosecutions has
been much questioned, both on the ground that the law of
conspiracy is a weapon which it is not desirable to furbish up
against political offenders in these days and on the ground that,
while a conviction is doubtful, an acquittal would be popularly
regarded as crowning Mr. Parnell with victory. In any case,
the menace of the prosecutions did not put a stop to lawlessness
in Ireland ; intimidation and outrage extended and consolidated
their power, and appeals were made to the Irish Executive to
reinforce the existing law, which was plainly impotent either to
check or to punish crime, by the assumption of more stringent
powers.

When the Cabinet met on the 10th of November it was
generally believed that Mr. Forster would make out an irresist-
ible case for strong precautionary measures, and the language
of Mr. Gladstone at the Guildhall on Lord Mayor's Day seemed
to indicate that on proof of necessity even the Ministers who
were least favourable to coercion would not refuse such
measures. On the other hand Mr. Bright and Mr. Chamberlain,
in their public speeches, laid marked stress upon the doctrine

128 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1880

that " force is no remedy." It was inferred that there were
divisions in the Cabinet, but of the fact the public had no
certain knowledge. It was apparent, however, that the issue of
the Ministerial discussions was indecisive, for, although at a
subsequent Council the meeting of Parliament was fixed for the
6th of January, a full month earlier than usual — thus
admitting urgency — affairs were allowed to drift in the
meantime.

How serious were the results of the inadequacy of the law
to cope with organised crime was shown in the charges of the
judges at the opening of the winter assizes. Mr. Justice
Fitzgerald in Cork, and Mr. Baron Dowse in Galway, drew an
alarming picture of the prevailing lawlessness in Munster and
Connaught, while Justices Barry and Lawson bore testimony to
the progress of the contagion in Leinster and even in Ulster.
These judicial statements included no facts not already known
to the Executive authorities, but they revealed to the English
public the impression produced upon the minds of loyal men in
Ireland by the spread of the terrorism. Not one case of outrage
out of ten led to a prosecution, and the tria'ls at the assizes
proved that even of this small proportion very few could be
expected to end in the punishment of the guilty. Mr. Justice
Fitzgerald complained that both witnesses and jurors had been
driven by menaces to forget or forego the obligations of their
oaths. Prisoners were acquitted against whom conclusive evi-
dence had been taken before the magistrates. The judges them-
selves were threatened if they persisted in doing their duty.

But even these disclosures had less effect in arousing public
opinion in England than the extraordinary system of intimida-
tion put in force against Captain Boycott, Lord Erne's agent,
near Lough Mask, on the borders of Galway and Mayo.
Captain Boycott had incurred the enmity of the Land League
by attempting to enforce the payment of rent, and sentence of
social excommunication was passed upon him in October, His
servants and labourers were ordered to leave him, shopkeepers
were forbidden to deal with him, his cattle and crops were
doomed to perish of neglect. The victim could have obtained
assistance from England or from Ulster but that it was well
known the lives of the new-comers would have been in extreme
danger. Police protection was utterly powerless, and intimida-
tion would have carried its point without check had not the

1880 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 129

spirit of the Ulster men been stirred up, and an expedition for the
'• relief " of Lough Maskhouse been organised among the tenant-
farmers of Cavan and Monaghan. The Government became
seriously alarmed at the prospect of a collision between the
relief party and the peasantry. An "army" of nearly 1000
men, with cavalry, infantry, and artillery all complete, was
despatched to the scene of action, and the " invaders," as the
Land League styled them, were allowed to gather in part of
Captain Boycott's crops.

But when the work was done Captain Boycott's position
was little better than before. He had to leave the farm in
which he had sunk all his capital, and which has been
surrendered to the pranks of malignity and rapine. The
impossibility of keeping intimidation at bay by the use of
troops to protect individuals was strikingly demonstrated.
"Boycotting" became general, and although resting upon
criminal threats or outrages, it has been carried on up to the
present without any effectual resistance on the part of the law.
During the past few weeks an attempt to " boycott " Mr. Bence
Jones, a landowner farming on a large scale in the county
of Cork, has attracted attention. Similar cases have more
recently become of daily occurrence. Steamship and railway
companies have been forbidden to carry cattle or goods for
persons under the ban, and in too many cases the objects of
this terrorism have helplessly submitted.

European politics at the beginning of the year were
disturbed rather by vague apprehensions of conflict than by any
actual crisis. The settlement of the Eastern Question under
the Treaty of Berlin still remained incomplete ; Sir Henry
Layard was engaged in a continual struggle with those in power
at the Porte and the palace, with no eminent success. But it
was in the West, not in the East, that clouds seemed to be
gathering. A certain alienation between Germany and Russia
was not concealed, and a violent polemical controversy was
opened in semi-official journals on both sides. The attitude of
France was one of reserve. It was currently believed that the
introduction of a Bill increasing the numbers of the German
army for the next ten years was intended to make an impression
on the European imagination.

From whatever cause, and without any visible crisis, the
tension abated. Men's minds were turned in other directions,

VOL. II K

130 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1880

chiefly by tlie revival of European interest in Eastern affairs which
followed the accession of the Liberal Government to office in
England. Down to the general election the foreign policy of
Lord Beaconsfield's Ministry had been attacked and defended
with unparalleled vehemence. Not a few Liberals were on the
side of his defence, and much interest was excited by a
brilliant speech in which Mr. Cowen, the Kadical member for
Newcastle, protested against the abuse heaped upon the
Government by the Opposition. In the determination, how-
ever, of the issue before the country, it may be said that
foreign questions played only a secondary part. The spirit and
tone of Lord Beaconsfield's policy were not approved by the
majority of the constituencies, but no sanction was given to a
new departure. Lord Granville's appointment to the Foreign
Office was generally accepted as a pledge that the Liberal
Government would be cautious and moderate, and would not
break away roughly from the fixed lines of national policy.
Almost the first act of the Prime Minister after his appointment
was to write a letter to Count Karolyi, the Ambassador of
Austria-Hungary in this country, apologising for the language
he had used with respect to Austrian policy, when enjoy-
ing the irresponsibility of opposition, during the Midlothian
campaign.

Mr. Goschen's mission to Constantinople, preceded by a visit
to the most important political centres in Europe, was the first
step towards the formation of a European concert for the
execution of the unperformed parts of the Treaty of Berlin,
which Lord Granville's circular on assuming office had indicated
as the immediate object to be aimed at by the friends of
international peace. Two main questions were to be settled.
The Porte had not given effect to any of the numerous
compromises suggested for solving the Montenegrin frontier
difficulty, on the pretence that opposition of the Albanians made
it impossible to execute the transfer of territory acknowledged
in principle to be a part of the settlement imposed by the
treaty ; and had all along refused to accept as binding the
recommendation of the Protocol adopted at Berlin, that a large
part of Thessaly and Epirus should be ceded to Greece. Both
questions were taken in hand by the Powers shortly after
the change of Ministry in England. After some hesitation a
Conference was assembled at Berlin to consider what develop-

1880 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 131

ment should be given to the Protocol of the Congress of 1878
relating to the Greek claims. The Montenegrin dispute was
more peremptorily dealt with. Separate attempts to bend
the Sultan's will having failed, the only result being the
dismissal of Said Pasha and the formation of a so-called
reforming Ministry under Kadri Pasha, a Collective Note was
presented, which was met, in Ottoman fashion, with dilatory
pleas.

Ultimately the Powers decided upon insisting that the town
and district of Dulcigno should be peacefully surrendered to
Montenegro by a fixed date ; in the event of non-compliance
a naval demonstration, representing all the Powers, was to take
place. Turkey still held back, and a conjoint squadron under
the English Admiral, Sir Beauchamp Seymour, assembled at
Ragusa. The immediate effect was not pacific. Kadri Pasha's
Ministry fell, and Said returned to power. For a while it
appeared that a conflict could not be avoided. The Sultan
addressed a letter to the European ambassadors declaring that
until the naval demonstration was withdrawn he could not
entertain the question of surrendering Dulcigno. On the other
hand, though the allied squadron had taken up a menacing
position close to the scene of the cession demanded, the
Admirals were not empowered to accede to the demand of
Montenegro for active aid and a guarantee of indemnity. The
Porte, perceiving the hesitations of the Powers, published a Note
on the 4 th of October, which was generally regarded as a
defiance of Europe.

The issue between the policies of conflicting coercion and
suasion could no longer be avoided by the European Cabinets.
It has since become known that the policy of coercion could not
have been insisted upon without entailing the rupture of the
European concert. The British Government proposed that the
fleet should be despatched to Smyrna, with a view to putting
pressure upon the Sultan by the sequestration of the Customs
revenues. Russia and Italy were willing to join in this project,
but Austria and Germany were disinclined to accept any share
of responsibility. The scale was turned by France, where a
singular retrogressive movement of public opinion had taken
place, and where even the influence of M. Gambetta in favour
of an active policy in the East had been overpowered. The
French Government refused to take any steps which might

132 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1880

conceivably lead to war, on tlie ground that by so doing they
would separate themselves from the European concert.

The proposal with respect to Smyrna was, therefore, still-
born. But the menace, though, never adopted by the Powers,
sufl&ced to bring the Porte to a sudden submission, and four
days after the issue of the defiant Note it was announced that
Dulcigno would be surrendered unconditionally, the Sultan,
however, expressing a hope that in consequence the naval
demonstration would be withdrawn. When it leaked out by
and by that the Powers were not in accord and would not have
proceeded to measures of coercion, the zeal for concession cooled
at Constantinople, and for several weeks the allied fleet paraded
the Adriatic, while the Turks were raising new difficulties
about the details of the surrender and conjuring up the spectre
of an Albanian rising. At last the matter was put into the
hands of a resolute man, Dervish Pasha, who showed the
Albanians that he could and would fight ; he occupied Dulcigno
without serious resistance and handed it over without difficulty
to the Montenegrins. The work of the fleet was now agreed to
be over, and the naval demonstration came to an end by the
dispersal of the ships.

During the earlier stages of these proceedings the Powers
had pressed for a settlement of the Greek claims as well as of
the Montenegrin dispute, but diplomacy had succeeded in
separating them, and after the surrender of Dulcigno was
promised the naval demonstration could not have been employed
to extort the cession of Janina, Larissa, and Metzovo without a
formal renewal of the European concert to that end. The
attitude, however, of France, Germany, and Austria when the
proposal with respect to Smyrna was discussed had been fatal
to the hope that coercion would have been adopted by the
Powers even in the incontestable case of Montenegro. The
probability of applying it in the more debatable matter of the
Greek frontier was small indeed. But the controversy had
drifted into complications of which, as it seemed, only coercion
could cut the knot. The claims of Greece, advocated at Berlin
by M. Waddington and endorsed by the Conservative Ministry
in England, as well as by their Liberal successors, had been
vigorously revived about the time of Mr. Gladstone's accession
to power. The King of the Hellenes visited the great European
capitals and had interviews with the leading statesmen, which

1880 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 133

encouraged Ms people to hope for a speedy settlement. Greece
began to arm, with the avowed intention of extorting by force,
if not otherwise, the cession of the districts designated by the
Protocol of 1878. A Greek invasion of Thessaly and Epirus
would have led, it was feared, to a rising in all the regions
south of the Balkans, especially as the Bulgarians were suspected
of preparing to effect a junction with East Koumelia and to
constitute a powerful Slav State extending from the Danube
to the iEgean.

The Conference at Berlin attempted to escape from the
difficulty by directing Turkey to cede the disputed districts to
Greece. But Turkey contested the validity of this mandate,
and the matter had not drawn nearer to a settlement when
the naval demonstration was dissolved after the surrender of
Dulcigno. Greece was armed and seething with excitement ;
a Ministry suspected of timidity or prudence had been over-
thrown ; the King was made to speak in the most emphatic
and unflinching terms. Turkey was not less resolute in resist-
ance. The Powers showed no disposition to enforce the award
of the Conference, and France, the original champion of the
Greek claims, conspicuously drew back. Germany and Austria,
it was understood, would take part in no active measures. The
English policy had always been founded upon the concert of
Europe, and, with the utmost desire to secure fair treatment for
Greece, there was no possibility of attempting to coerce the
Porte without the co-operation of France, Germany, and Austria.
Turkey seized the occasion of this doubtful pause to call upon
the Powers to restrain the Greeks from breaking the peace.
Proposals for submitting the dispute to arbitration have been
lately discussed, and, if the parties concerned can be induced to
pledge themselves to submit to the award, a satisfactory arrange-
ment may prove attainable. The suggestion that Crete should
be ceded instead of Janina, Larissa, and Metzovo is not likely to
be entertained either at Constantinople or at Athens.

Foreign affairs absorbed the interest of politicians in Germany
and Austria during the greater part of the year. The Bill for
the increase of the German army, adopted in January by the
Federal Council, met with sharp criticism ; the Emperor and his
Chancellor, however, were determined that it should be carried,
and, on its introduction in the Reichstag, it was supported by a
striking speech by Count von Moltke, who argued that the unity

134 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1880

of Germany could only be secured against dangers on this side
and on that by keeping her military strength at least on a level
with that of her possible enemies. The Bill was carried, and
Prince Bismarck, after a threat of resignation, presently with-
drawn, as usual, overcame resistance on minor points. Dissatis-
fied, however, with the uncertainty of his Parliamentary support
— the Ultramontanes not being ready to give their votes except
in return for absolute and irrevocable concessions, and the
National Liberals being alienated in part by the Chancellor's
Protectionist policy and in part by his dalliance with Kome —
the Prussian Government proposed to modify the " May Laws "
so as to place a discretionary power with respect to their enforce-
ment in the hands of the Executive. This Bill was also carried,
but the Ultramontanes have not yet been reconciled, and the
advanced body of the Liberals remains more suspicious than
ever.

Much painful feeling has been excited by the social persecu-
tion of the Jews, which is preached by some persons in favour
at the Court, and by certain popular writers. A Parliamentary
debate on the subject revealed an amount of intolerance which
would not have been supposed to exist among a people so
thoughtful and cultivated as the Germans,

It was more than once rumoured that the bonds of the
alliance between Germany and Austria were being relaxed, but
on every critical occasion it has been found that the two empires
are ready to act together. The indirect influence of this close
connection is seen in the resistance which the German Liberals
of Austria have organised against the presumed separatist and
pro-Slavonic tendencies of Count Taaffe's Ministry. The Autono-
mists, Ultramontanes, and Feudal Conservatives have hitherto
been too strong for their opponents, but the emphatic declarations
of the latter that Austria is a " German Land," and that they
intend to keep it so, ought not to be lost sight of.

Italian policy is to Austrian policy as one pole of the magnet
is to the other ; the opposition is permanent, but the one cannot
exist apart from the influence of the other. Signor Cairoli,
whose Government was weakened in the spring by a quarrel
with the Senate, felt strong enough soon after to denounce the
Italia Irredenta agitation as "insane." The general election
which took place in May gave no promise of political stability.
About half the Chamber belonged to the Ministerial Left, while

1880 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 135

the other half was divided between the Right and the dis-
contented followers of Signor Nicotera in the proportion of
two to one. Hitherto, however, the Ministry has held its
ground.

In the smaller States there have been few noteworthy events.
Spain is tranquil and has witnessed no political changes, though
Cuba is again beginning to cause anxiety at Madrid ; nothing
has been done to improve the position of the finances, and it is
believed that the Government will not be propitiated by Mr.
Gladstone's proposed reduction of the wine duties. In Belgium
the Liberal Ministry is engaged in bitter strife with the Church,
and the formal relations between this kingdom and the Vatican
have been wholly broken off.

Russia is still perturbed by the mysterious movements of
Nihilism. A desperate attempt to blow up the Winter Palace
at St. Petersburg narrowly missed its object in February last,
the Czar's life being saved by a combination of accidents. The
horror inspired by this outrage led to the suspension of public
liberty and the transfer of dictatorial power to General Melikoff,
who was successful in his severe administration of justice, and
appears to have held the revolutionists effectually in check. The
death of the Empress, which had been long expected, has sup-
plied an additional motive for the Czar's retirement from active
life, by allowing him to enter into a morganatic marriage with
the Prinpess Dolgorouka. In European affairs the rdle of Russia
has been that of caution and reserve. In Asia a threatening
quarrel with China, growing out of the Kuldja cession, has been
with difficulty composed. The alliance of Austria and Germany
has tended to bring Russia and France together, and this in-
fluence alleviated the bitterness felt when the French Government
refused the extradition of Hartmann, one of the principals in
the murderous Moscow plot, and the Russian ambassador tempor-
arily left Paris.

France, however, has been advancing so rapidly along the
line of Liberalism that even for the most important objects of
international policy she was unable to make herself the instru-
ment of Russian autocracy. M. de Freycinet had come into
office at the close of last year ; his Ministry was regarded as a
slight advance upon that of M. Waddington ; but he was soon
compelled to move faster. The amnesty without conditions was
pressed upon him by4he Extreme Left, and he resisted so faintly

136 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1880

that ultimate concession was foreshadowed. Upon a more serious
question M. de Freycinet yielded at once ; he consented to the
insertion in M. Jules Ferry's Government Education Bill of a
clause levelled at the " unauthorised " religious orders which
had been tolerated under the Empire, and had set up teaching
establishments. The Chamber of Deputies passed the Bill by a
great majority, but the Senate, led by M. Jules Simon, threw
out the clause in question.

The Ministry proceeded, however, to effect its purpose by
decrees founded on laws that had fallen into disuse, and the
proscription of the orders was proclaimed. But the Government
was weakened by dissensions on other questions. A Public
Meetings Bill, by which M. de Freycinet desired to retain some
control over incendiary rhetoric, led to a conflict with the
majority in the Chamber, and to the resignation of M. Lepere.
The Government was modified by the introduction of a more
pronounced Gambettist, and amnesty proposals going beyond
those rejected in February were brought forward. Although
difficulties arose with the Senate, the matter was compromised.
Practically the Radicals gained their point, and among other
Communists M. Rochefort returned to Paris, where he dis-
tinguished himself by assailing the advocates of mercy. The
expulsion of the Jesuits under the decrees caused little sensation,
but M. de Freycinet was known to be willing to deal moderately
with the other orders, and had opened negotiations with the
Vatican for a compromise. At the same time he was hostile to an
active foreign policy. On these points he found himself in con-
flict with M. Gambetta, and the result was that three Cabinet
Ministers resigned on the ground that the decrees were not being
carried out.

After some delay M. Jules Ferry formed a Cabinet, chiefly
consisting of M. de Freycinet's more advanced colleagues, but
with M. Barthelemy St. Hilaire, M. Thiers's jidus Achates, at
the Foreign Office. Although the decrees against the orders
were carried out by M. Ferry with a harshness which shocked
public opinion throughout Europe, the Ministry was not after M.
Gambetta's heart. In foreign policy M. St. Hilaire was no more
disposed to adventure than M. de Freycinet. The Cabinet had
only been in office a few weeks when it was placed in a minority
in the Chamber by a vote postponing the Education Bills to the
Bills making magistrates removable. M.**Ferry resigned, but

1880 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 137

withdrew his resignation under pressure from M. Gambetta.
Another crisis was provoked by a vote of censure carried in the
Senate on the ground that the authorities, in removing religious
emblems from the schools, had treated the crucifix with insult.
It is felt, however, that in the existing state of parties no Minis-
terial combination will be strong enough to hold its own while
M. Gambetta declines the responsibility and claims the reality
of power. M. Ferry remains in office, but the President of the
Chamber of Deputies governs. Yet M. Gambetta is assailed
with increasing acrimony by the Radicals. The collapse of the
Monarchical parties has left the field clear for a stniggle between
the Opportunists and the intransigent Republicans.

The relations between this country and France have been
throughout close and cordial. M. L^on Say's appointment as
ambassador at this Court was generally thought to promise an
arrangement for the renewal of the Commercial Treaty which
had been provisionally continued pending the French general
tariff legislations. Mr. Gladstone was willing to make an effort
to compass this object, and his Supplementary Budget included
a provision for the reduction of the wine duties demanded by
the FrencL M. Leon Say, however, soon abandoned the London
Embassy, preferring the Presidency of the Senate, which had
been vacated by M. Martel. He was succeeded as ambassador
by M. Challemel-Lacour. The negotiations with respect to the
treaty did not make rapid progress in France, and finally were
postponed till the coming year. The revision of the English
wine duties, in which not only France, but Spain, Portugal,
Italy, and Germany are interested, has in consequence been put
off, and will probably be dealt with in Mr. Gladstone's next
budget.

Our position in Afghanistan has involved a continuous strain
of anxiety. At the close of 1879 Sir Frederick Roberts had re-
occupied Cabul and checked the menacing attacks of the Afghan
tribes ; but the position of affairs was still critical. Mahomed
Jan, an ambitious Sirdar, having possessed himself of the boy,
Musa Khan, the heir of the deposed Ameer, was at the head of
a large body of insurgents, while Ayoob Khan was leading
another army from Herat. A project for transferring Herat to
Persia came to nothing through the fears of the Shah or the
intrigues of Russia at Teheran. Shortly afterwards Abdurrah-
man Khan, Shere All's rival and long the guest of the Russians

138 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1880

at Tashkend, appeared in Balkh and was recognised by the
Sirdars.

The policy of Lord Beaconsfield's Government in unravelling
this tangled skein was not disclosed before the general election,
and the Liberals came into power fettered only by the Treaty
of Gandamak, unless the recognition by Lord Lytton of the
Afghan Governor, Shere Ali, as independent " Wali " of Canda-
har, were an exception to this freedom. Lord Lytton resigned
as soon as the issue of the elections was known, and was suc-
ceeded by the Marquis of Eipon. The interregnum, however,
was necessarily prolonged while the late Viceroy quitted India
and his successor set out from England. In the meantime Sir
Donald Stewart, advancing from Candahar, had captured Ghazni.
The credit of our arms was maintained, but the situation was,
in the opinion of the Government, not permanently tenable,
and negotiations were opened with Abdurrahman, who seemed
to have the best chance of establishing himself in power at
Cabul. Lord Hartington did not admit that an immediate
withdrawal from Candahar was possible, and a settlement was
postponed from week to week.

Meanwhile the "Wali was threatened by Ayoob Khan and
the Herat army, and a British force had to be sent to protect
him. General Primrose, commanding at Candahar, sent forward
General Burrows with a brigade to the Helmand. The Wall's
troops deserted in numbers to the enemy, and it turned out that
Ayoob's strength had been altogether underrated. Towards the
end of July a terrible defeat was inflicted at Mai wand on General
Burrows, the remnant of whose force with difficulty joined
General Primrose's garrison.

An attack on Candahar seemed imminent, but Ayoob hesi-
tated and lost his opportunity. A bold resolution was taken at
Cabul. Sir Frederick Roberts, gathering a force of over 9000
men, marched to the relief of Candahar, allowing Abdurrahman,
with whom all arrangements had been previously concluded, to
occupy Cabul, and leaving to General Stewart the duty of lead-
ing back the rest of the British troops by the Khyber to the
Punjab. Sir F. Roberts, cut off from direct communication
with his countrymen, disappeared, as it were, from human ken
for three weeks, during which the national anxiety was extreme.
It was doubted whether Candahar could hold out until relieved,
and yet relief from no other quarter could be hoped for in time.

1880 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 139

At length Sir F. Roberts emerged victorious from the trackless
region between Cabul and Candahar. Immediately he grappled
with Ayoob Khan, and inflicted upon that pretender a crush-
ing defeat. This brilliant achievement and the results which
followed won for the successful General the admiring gratitude
of his countrymen, and put an end to the carping criticism with
which his severe measures for maintaining the peace at Cabul
had been assailed by some politicians at home.

The defeat of Ayoob and the establishment of Abdurrahman
at Cabul opened the way for a new departure in Anglo-Indian
policy. But no decisive step has yet been taken by Lord Ripon
for the abandonment of the position assumed by Lord Lytton.
The new Viceroy's rule has not been without its anxieties.
Foremost among the difficulties he inherited was the confusion
of the finances, due to an astounding miscalculation of the cost
of the Afghan war. When Sir John Strachey produced his
budget in February he accepted without inquiry the sanguine
estimates of the Military Department, and it was taken for
granted in consequence that, after paying all the war charges,
there would be a respectable surplus. But it was presently
discovered that the estimates fell far short of the real outlay,
even before the last series of operations in which Sir F. Roberts
has won a distinguished name were begun. It is probable that
the cost of the Afghan war must be finally computed at more
than three times the estimate accepted in the spring.

The amount of the assistance to be given to the Indian
finances has not yet been determined, nor has the form of the
grant been indicated, but Mr. Gladstone has admitted that some
such aid is due and must be given. A strict economy has been
since enforced throughout the whole of the Indian administra-
tion, and the Commission which has investigated the state of the
native army will probably report with a view to effecting a
saving of public money. The vigilance of the Indian Govern-
ment has been occupied by threatening movements in many
parts of Asia. Peace has been preserved with Burmah in spite
of constant provocations. The imminent war between Russia
and China was averted, it was believed, by the influence which
Colonel Gordon had exerted at Pekin. Russia has refrained for
this or some other reason from pressing hard upon the Tekke
Turcomans, against whom, however, elaborate preparations are
being made by General Skobeleff. The outbreak of the Kurds,

140 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1880

which, at one time seriously menaced Persia, has gradually
collapsed.

South Africa at the beginning of the year enjoyed the tran-
quillity that had been dearly purchased by the wars in Kaflfraria
and Zululand. The Boers of the Transvaal continued to protest
against the annexation, though they had been warned that the
act was irrevocable. Natal was at peace and recovering pros-
perity. In the Cape Colony Sir Bartle Frere was retained in
power by Mr. Gladstone's Government, although Lord Kimberley
had joined in Sir M. Hicks-Beach's censure of his rash policy
towards Cetywayo, on the ground that he was the fittest person
to carry through the project of confederation to which Mr.
Sprigg's Ministry was supposed to be pledged. The Cape
Parliament, however, would have nothing to do with confedera-
tion, Mr. Sprigg acquiesced in that decision without much con-
cern, and the Home Government, already hard pressed in this
direction by the majority of its followers, recalled Sir Bartle
Frere. The Ministry and Parliament at the Cape showed the
same headstrong disregard for public opinion in the mother
country by insisting upon the disarmament of the Basuto nation
in the teeth of the warnings of Sir Garnet Wolseley and of the
arguments of the Colonial Office. The result has been a serious
rebellion, which the colony has undertaken to put down by its
own strength, but which has hitherto baffled the efforts of a
volunteer army of over 12,000 men, ably led by skilful British
officers.

The Boers, encouraged by the ill-success of the British arms,
and by the impatience of South African disturbances, which was
visibly affecting the public mind at home, have lately risen in
insurrection at Heidelberg, proclaiming the Transvaal a Kepublic,
with Mr. Kriiger as President The defeat of the British force
by the insurgents, with considerable loss of life, gives a serious
character to this unfortunate renewal of troubles. It is not
known how far the movement has spread, or what forces it com-
mands, but in the presence of the permanent native danger it
must be looked upon as formidable.

Colonial history has otherwise been uneventful. In Victoria
there have been two successive changes of Ministry. The failure
of Mr. Berry's Eeform Bill had discredited the Democratic
party, and an appeal to the constituencies early in the year
placed Mr. Berry in a minority. The majority, however, was

1880 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 141

split up into sections, agreeing only in hostility to Mr. Berry.
It was found impossible to unite them aU in support of the
Constitutional Cabinet formed by Mr. Service. The Roman
Catholic members deserted Mr, Service when his Reform Bill
was produced, and Mr. Berry returned to power in the summer
a wiser man and the leader of a weaker party. He has not
since ventured to advocate the pUbiscite or any other revolu-
tionary innovation, and he has avoided occasions of quarrel with
the Upper House. Politics in Victoria attracted far less atten-
tion than the capture and trial of the Kelly gang of bushrangers,
which had long successfully defied the law. Towards the close
of the year the Melbourne Exhibition was opened with a success
of which the colonists are justly proud.

The United States have passed through the inevitable agita-
tions of a Presidential year, but with the least amount of general
disturbance conceivable. The winter and spring were spent by
both the Republicans and the Democrats in intrigue and organ-
isation. General Grant was the favourite candidate with the
majority of the Republican wire-pullers, while Mr. Blaine came
very close after him. But at the Chicago Convention it was
found that neither General Grant nor Mr. Blaine could com-
mand a majority of the votes of the delegates assembled, and
after between thirty and forty ballots the choice fell upon
General Garfield, Senator from Ohio, who had scarcely been
previously mentioned. Mr. Garfield proved a good candidate,
prudent and reticent, but withal straightforward. The Demo-
cratic Convention at Cincinnati selected General Hancock, an
able Union soldier, as the party champion.

No new or disturbing issues were raised during the contest.
Practically the electors had to determine whether the short-
comings of the Republicans were serious enough to demand their
dismissal, and whether the Democrats could be trusted to do
any better. On the former point the Republicans were protected
by the popular satisfaction with the management of the finances
and the revival of trade. The Democrats, through their coquetry
with inflationists and repudiationists, had to blame themselves for
letting the confidence of the country slip away from them. At
the elections in November the Republican ticket triumphed,
carrying a great majority of the State votes. The issue was
decided mainly by the loss of New York State to the Democrats,
in consequence of internal feuds and scandals. The continuance

142 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1880

of the Kepublican Government in the control of the executive
power is likely to benefit the public credit. There is no longer
any serious danger that the currency will be tampered with, and
Secretary Sherman's scheme for refunding at 3 per cent is certain
to be carried out. The Congress which will begin its term in
March next will be in the hands of the Republican party.

A question which had obstructed the development of good
feeling between this country and the United States has been
placed in train for settlement since Lord Granville's accession to
office. Lord Salisbury and Mr. Evarts had been unable to come
to an agreement with respect to the Fortune Bay Fishery dispute.
The former repudiated Mr. Evarts' contention that the American
right to fish under the Treaty of Washington " in common with
British subjects " was absolutely unlimited by any rules or laws
binding on the British. But he also refused to grant compensa-
tion for the outrages undoubtedly perpetrated by the Newfound-
landers. Lord Granville, while declining as firmly as Lord
Salisbury to admit Mr. Evarts' interpretation of the treaty,
has ofi'ered compensation for the admitted illegal acts, and pro-
posed to take counsel with the representatives of the American
fishing interest with respect to the revision of the existing rules
if it can be shown that they press unfairly. From President
Hayes' Message to Congress it appears that these offers are
satisfactory to the United States. Domestic and foreign politics,
perhaps, attracted less attention among Americans during the
year than the sensational fast of Dr. Tanner and the visit of
Mdlle. Sarah Bernhardt.

The influence of the United States Government has failed to
settle the basis of peace between Chili and Peru, and the war on
the west coast of South America still drags its slow length along.
A threatened disruption of the Argentine Republic seems to
have been averted by a compromise, which once more secures to
Buenos Ayres the position of the national capital. But neither
wars nor revolutions are likely to exercise so great an influence
over the future of the New World as the Panama Canal scheme,
for which M. de Lesseps has at length conquered the attention
and to some extent the confidence of speculative capitalists both
in Europe and in the United States.

The social character of the year at home took its bent from
the political crisis. Interest in foreign affairs generally waned.
The general election and the prolongation of the session gave

1880 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 143

the spur to party feeling. A more generous sentiment was
stirred by Mr. Gladstone's illness in tlie autumn. The published
accounts of his health were scanned with feverish eagerness by
people of every class and party, and his cruise around the British
Islands during his convalescence was watched with the kindliest
feelings.

We have not to chronicle so many terrible disasters to
human life as in former years, though the Kisca and Pen-y-
Graig colliery explosions and some bad railway accidents on our
most important lines remind us that we live in the midst of
perils. On the Continent repeated shocks of earthquake have
devastated Agram and the surrounding districts of Croatia.
There were an unusual number of volcanic and electrical dis-
turbances in different parts of Europe. But nothing occurred
in that quarter of the globe to surpass in horror the fearful
landslip at Nynee Tal in the Himalayas.

Germany has been moved with pride at the completion of
the Cathedral of Cologne, which was celebrated with great pomp
and rejoicing in the presence of the Emperor, but with marked
indifference on the part of the Roman Catholic Church. In
Austria the centenary of Joseph II. has been suspected of a
political arrihe pens^e in the interests of " Germanism." France
has celebrated the anniversary of the destruction of the Bastile
as a testimony to the crowning of the Republican edifice.

Few remarkable trials will be remembered in connection with
this year, though the prosecutions under the Public Worship
Act which ,^have led to the imprisonment of Mr. Pelham Dale
and Mr. Enraght have caused intense excitement among a section
of Churchmen.

The proposal to erect a monument to Prince Louis Bonaparte
in Westminster Abbey aroused so violent an opposition that,
after a heated Parliamentary debate. Dean Stanley withdrew his
permission and the project was abandoned. Bitter feeling of a
different kind was generated by a quarrel between the governors
and the medical staff of Guy's Hospital, the latter contending
that their authority over the nurses was challenged and im-
paired. The governors have hitherto had their own way, but
the hospital has at once lost credit as a medical school and
efiBciency as an institution for relieving the sick poor.

The loss of the Atalanta, a sister ship of the unfortunate
Eurydice, has been the subject of an official inquiry. Another

144 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1880

investigation of the same kind showed that the bursting of the
Thunderer's gun was due to double loading ; but the whole
question of our heavy ordnance has been thrown into doubt by
recent controversies, and the appointment of an impartial Com-
mission to examine into the matter has been promised by the
War Office and the Admiralty.

The obituary of the year does not include many names of
the first rank. We have already mentioned the death of the
Empress of Russia. Among English statesmen one or two well-
known personages passed away. Lord Stratford de Eedcliffe
had, since the early years of the century, been powerful and
conspicuous as a diplomatist, and had been identified with the
long ascendency of this country in the counsels of Turkey. He
had not survived his fame, but at a patriarchal age he saw the
events in which he had taken a leading part becoming matters
of history, while new conditions and combinations were arising
with which his masterful force of character would not have
been fitted to deal.

Lord Hampton, better remembered as Sir John Pakington,
who died at the age of eighty, was thrice a Cabinet Minister. He
was one of those country gentlemen without official experience
who, after the rupture between the Protectionists and Peelites,
threw themselves, as Lord Beaconsfield narrates in Endymion,
gallantly into the gap and accepted the most responsible posts
under Lord Derby in 1852 before they had even taken their
seats as Privy Councillors. Sir John Pakington's official career
was respectable ; he administered successively the Colonial
Office, the Admiralty, and the War Department without dis-
credit, in spite of the difficulties of government without the
support of a Parliamentary majority. When the Conservatives
at length came back triumphantly to power in 1874, Sir John
Pakington had earned his discharge from duty. He was raised
to the peerage, and in the following year was appointed First
Civil Service Commissioner.

Another former Conservative official, Sir Stephen Cave, whose
report on the finances of Egypt in 1876 opened a new chapter
of Egyptian history, has also passed away.

By far the most illustrious name in the national necrology
is that of the great writer who chose to be known to the world
as George Eliot. Of the character of her mind and of the
quality of her literary powers we have spoken too lately to

1880 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 145

dwell at length upon them here. It is enough to say that in
the whole range of English literature there are not more than
three or four names which deserve to be placed above hers. In
the annals of the world probably no woman equalled her, certainly
none surpassed her, in that greatness which defies definition and
which we call genius.

The past year has been peculiarly fatal to eminent lawyers.
Sir Alexander Cockburn was one of the most brilliant among
all the eminent men who have " sat in the seat of Holt and
Mansfield." As Lord Chief Justice of England during one-and-
twenty years he occupied a large space in the public eye. His
eloquence as a speaker and as a writer, his literary accomplish-
ments, and his knowledge of the world made him something
more than a distinguished judge, and his peculiar place upon
the English bench will not be easily filled. His name will be
associated with many remarkable events, political and forensic ;
with the defence of Lord Palmerston's foreign policy in 1850,
with the Hopwood case, with the prosecution of Palmer, with
the questions arising out of the application of martial law in
Jamaica, with the Alabama arbitration at Geneva, and with the
Tichborne trial.

Sir Fitzroy Kelly, Chief Baron of the Exchequer, has also
passed away at the age of eighty-two ; and Lord Justice Thesiger
has been cut off in the prime of life.

The judicial rearrangements following these vacancies have
led to the elevation of Lord Coleridge to the Chief Justiceship
of England, and the abolition, if Parliament consents, of the
Chief Judgeships in the Common Pleas and Exchequer Divisions
of the High Court.

The legal profession has also lost Sir William Erie, formerly
Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, who had, however, retired
from the Bench many years ago ; Sir James Colvile, one of the
ablest and most useful members of the Judicial Committee of
the Privy Council ; Mr. Locke, Q.C., better known in the House
of Commons than in the Courts ; Serjeant Parry, one of the
ablest of advocates in criminal cases ; and Dr. Kenealy, whose
wilful and wasted career closed in misfortune and obscurity.

The Nestor of the British army, Field-Marshal Sir Charles

Yorke, Constable of the Tower ; Mr. Tom Taylor, a dramatist

and a critic, whose reputation was founded on solid work ; Mr.

E. M. Barry, R.A., an architect not unworthy of his father's

VOL. II L

146 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1880

name ; Mr. E. W. Cooke, E.A., one of the ornaments of the
British school of painting ; Mr. Frank Buckland, the naturalist,
whose unpretentious labours as Commissioner of Fisheries will
bear fruit after him ; and Mr. G. F. Grace, the " Leviathan " of
the cricket field, are numbered among our national losses in
various fields of fame.

In France death has been busy among public personages of
very different types. M. Jules Favre, one of the greatest of
French orators and one of the most luckless of politicians, is
gone ; so is the Due de Gramont, who, unfortunately for his own
repute and for the interests of his country, was Minister for
Foreign Affairs during the disastrous quarrel with Germany in
1870 ; and Granier de CaBsagnac, the apologist and historian of
the coup (Tetat, and the father of the bellicose editor of the
Pays ; and Madame Thiers, the wife of the most illustrious of
modern French statesmen ; and Gustave Flaubert, the author of
Madame Bovary and Salammhd ; and Jacques Offenbach, the
most popular of composers of houffe music.

Italy has suffered a more serious loss than any of these in
the death of Baron Ricasoli, one of the founders of Italian unity
and constitutionalism.

1881

The year 1881, though not distinguished by wars or revolu-
tionary changes of the first magnitude, presents a record of
memorable and important events in almost every country in the
world. At home the Irish difficulty has grown to the most
formidable proportions ; British agriculture, already sorely
smitten, has had to bear the keen disappointment of another
unfavourable harvest. France has been drawn into the perilous
labyrinth of the Tunisian expedition, while in her domestic
politics the Kepublic has lost much of the character for modera-
tion which made her, in M. Thiers' phrase, the Government
that "divides the least." In Germany, as in France, and also
in Holland, in Belgium, in Spain, in Hungary, and in Bulgaria,
public opinion has been agitated by general elections ; political
feuds have been embittered, and the dominance of Prince
Bismarck threatened.

Though the different countries of Europe have had their
internal troubles, the international relations of the great Powers
have been more tranquil and easy than at any time since the
battle of Sadowa. Diplomacy, indeed, has been at work upon
its Penelope's web, a task which often turns out to be revolu-
tionary rather than conservative. But hitherto there has been
no serious movement of national jealousies ; the statiis quo has
been preserved in Europe, and there is no greater reason at
present to expect a disturbance of the peace than there has been
at any period during the lifetime of this generation. The
activity of Russia has been paralysed by the shock of the Czar's
murder, which, in truth, has warned all civilised nations of the
violent and destructive impulses that slumber under the super-
ficial inanities of Socialism.

148 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1881

The New World, happily free from these anxieties, has been
saddened by the assassination of President Garfield, a crime,
however, which had no political bearing. The Republics of
South America are still in their chronic state of conflict and un-
settlement. Turning to the East, we can rejoice, at any rate,
that the peace has been preserved. Even in South Africa a
painful and discreditable chapter of history has been closed, and
we must hope that the sacrifices which this country has made
will purchase deliverance from further embarrassments and
responsibilities.

Upon the whole, the year that is closing leaves us with few
pressing reasons for alarm, and with some ground for hoping
that not only this country, but the civilised world, has entered
once more upon an era of prosperity and repose. The. President
of the Board of Trade, in his speech at the Carpenters' Hall a
few weeks ago, was able to appeal to the ofiicial returns of his
department as showing that " the enormous volume of our trade
continues to roll on in ever-increasing and swelling flood." The
revival of commercial prosperity has quickened speculation, and
at no time within the past five-and-thirty years have projectors
and promoters been so busy. Their efforts have been seconded
by the high prices which Consols and all other forms of sound
investment have reached and kept.

The disastrous weather of the preceding year had depressed
not only the agricultural interest, but the entire trade of the
kingdom, and postponed the commercial and industrial revival
confidently and eagerly looked for towards the end of 1880.
The vicissitudes of our changeable climate have been rarely more
trying. Severe frost, dense fogs, and heavy snowfalls — that of
the 1 8th of January being without parallel in recent years — were
followed by repeated and violent storms. Afterwards came a
period of settled, though bleak, weather, with a prevailing dry
east wind, not unfavourable to spring farming operations. It
became at length possible to clean the fields, and the com-
paratively backward crops were quickened in July by a fierce
and almost tropical sun, which encouraged the hope of an early
and abundant yield. But an unprecedented downpour of rain
in August covered this fair prospect with the deepest gloom.
The harvest was almost ruined in many parts of the country,
and though the long-continued wet weather was not unfavour-
able to the growth of grass and green crops, the loss of the

1881 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 149

anticipated yield of corn was not adequately counterbalanced
by other advantages. The remainder of the year was chiefly
remarkable for a succession of gales and storms of wellnigh un-
exampled severity, which not only did much damage to shipping,
but once more covered the low-lying lands in this country with
floods.

The adverse climatic influences of the year bore hard upon
the agricultural interest, already severely tried by the bad
seasons of 1879 and 1880. Many farmers had to leave their
holdings broken men, and those who remained to struggle on,
hoping for better times, were generally unable to meet their
obligations in full. Large remissions of rent were freely granted
by the majority of landlords, though the unexpected falling
away of income pressed cruelly on families of middle rank. In
the prevailing discontent it was natural that the sufferers should
turn eagerly towards promises of relief, however vague and
shadowy. The revival of Protectionism under a thin disguise
had been carried far even before the disappointment about the
harvest. It was stimulated by the delay in the recovery of
business and by the avowed rejection of free trade on the
Continent and in America. The negotiations for the renewal
of the French Commercial Treaty dragged their slow length
along without result, and many British manufacturing interests
were agitated by the fear of being " sacrificed."

In this excitement the cry of " fair trade " was loudly raised.
No exact and generally accepted definition of " fair trade " was
put forth, but the notion that without the odium of naked pro-
tection it would be possible to keep out foreign competition, at
least until foreign nations admitted our goods on reasonable
terms, seemed likely to find favour among some of the indus-
trial as well as the agricultural classes. A few seats were lost
by the Liberals during the session, the contests for which were
thought to be influenced by the " fair trade " cry. The Coventry
and Preston elections, especially, gave hope to the " fair traders,"
and a National Fair Trade League was founded, in which Mr.
Ecroyd, the Conservative member for Preston, took a leading
part. No prominent politicians, however, identified themselves
with the movement, and the difficulty of framing a plan which
would at once satisfy farmers and manufacturers soon became
apparent. Fair trade was laughed out of Parliament, and
would, perhaps, have fallen at once into oblivion if the harvest

150 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1881

had not been disappointing. In tlie autumn the catch-word was
used effectively at some bye-elections, particularly in North
Durham and North Lincolnshire. Mr. Lowther, indeed, who
won the latter seat, did not quibble with " fair trade " at all, but
declared boldly in favour of protecting British agriculture.

For a while it appeared as if the Conservative leaders were
placed in doubt by the evidence of popular feeling ; Lord
Salisbury pronounced for a " war of tariffs," should it appear
necessary, and even Sir Stafford Northcote used ambiguous
language on more than one occasion. But the effervescence sub-
sided ; cautious Conservatives hastened to declare that they had
no desire to tamper with the free trade system, and wished only,
as every one must wish, to have its benefits extended all the
world over. Little has of late been heard of the " fair trade "
movement, and at no recent election have candidates been
tempted to rest their claims upon their readiness to support dis-
guised protection. It is to be regretted that the proof thus
given of the loyalty of the English people to free trade has, as
yet, had no visible effect on the opinion of foreign countries.
The treaty negotiations with France are to be again renewed,
with the hope of getting a fair, compromise accepted ; but, in
spite of M. Gambetta's free trade views, French Protectionism is
still powerful and obstinate. In the United States the drift of
political events is plainly away from, and not towards, the re-
moval of duties on imports.

The domestic politics of the year have been moulded and
coloured throughout by the predominant influence of the Irish
question. At the beginning of the year the opening of Parlia-
ment a month before the usual time had been arranged, and the
critical situation of affairs was no longer denied, even by ex-
treme Radicals. The character of the "reign of terror"
established in Ireland by the Land League was powerfully
exhibited in the speeches made by Mr. Forster in the House of
Commons when moving for the introduction of the Coercion
Bills, while the extracts from the speeches and writings of the
leading Land Leaguers, read at the trial of Mr. Parnell and his
associates in Dublin for conspiracy to prevent the payment of
rents, showed clearly by what audaciously perverse teaching the
Irish peasantry had been demoralised. This trial terminated, as
had been generally anticipated, in a disagreement of the jury.
The proceedings of the Land League were for a time obscured

1881 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 151

by the vicissitudes of the Parliamentary struggle, in the first
place over the Coercion Bills, and afterwards over the Land
BilL

It is unnecessary here to enter at length into these and other
questions included in the Parliamentary history of the session of
1881. We may, however, remark that the scope and even the
direction of Mr. Gladstone's promised Land Bill remained in
doubt almost down to the time of its introduction. The Report
of Lord Bessborough's Commission had, indeed, established some
points upon which there was an approach to general agreement
among Liberals, and no determined spirit of opposition among
Tories. It was recognised that cases of rack-renting in Ireland
were few, and stress was mainly specially laid on the contention
that what was needed was " security." The prevention of future
increases of rent rather than an attack upon existing exorbitant
rents was set forth as the principal object. The Commissioners
reported that where rents had remained undisturbed for twenty
years they might be accepted as " fair " in the absence of any
peculiar circumstances.

The discussions upon the Land Bill turned in the first in-
stance upon the same points. It was argued that the "fair
rent " clause as originally framed would compel the Land Court
to reduce rents generally throughout Ireland, by cutting the
tenant's interest out of the value of the fee-simple ; but this
interpretation was repudiated by the Government, and the
settlement was left to the discretion of the Court. The Court
was acknowledged to be the turning-point of the legislative
scheme, but until after the Land Act became law public atten-
tion was not directed to the important part played by the Sub-
Commissioners. The jurisdiction at first intended to be given
to the County Court Judges was transferred to these officials,
whose appointments were not communicated to Parliament. It
is not, therefore, surprising that the Parliamentary debates on
the Land Bill and the controversies outside during the same
phase of the question appear irrelevant when compared with the
present aspects of the Irish agrarian difficulty.

So far, however, as the reception of the Bill in Ireland was
concerned, its drift and details were of little consequence. The
party of agitation were determined not to acquiesce in any
settlement, and they laboured hard to convince the people that
more was to be gained by adhering to the Land League than by

152 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1881

accepting the utmost that Parliament could give. The intro-
duction of the Coercion Bills had for a time checked outrage,
but the Land League organisation was perfected, the tenants
generally refused to pay rent, and the landlords, despairing of
obtaining either money or land by process of law, were for the
most part content to wait till the promise of a plenteous harvest
was realised. This was the case in Ireland — though not in
Great Britain — and, in fact, the legitimate profits of Irish farm-
ing during 1880 and 1881, while the people " held the harvest "
and refused in large numbers to pay rent, exceeded those of the
most prosperous times within the memory of living men.

But the violence of the agrarian agitators did not abate ;
they seized upon the Coercion Act, at first put in force with the
utmost leniency and consideration by Mr. Forster, as a pretext
for new incitements to resistance, and for redoubled, insults
addressed to the Government and the English people. Under
this malign influence the improvement which was the imme-
diate effect of the introduction of the Coercion Bill gave place
to a serious recrudescence of agrarian crime precisely at the
moment when the Ministry and the Liberal party were straining
every nerve to do what they believed to be full and final justice
to the claims of the Irish tenantry. The Executive had re-
frained as long as possible from using its powers against any of
the Parliamentary representatives of the Irish people, but at last
Mr. Dillon's outrageous language at Clonmel made his arrest
absolutely necessary. He called upon the tenantry forcibly to
resist the execution of legal process for the assertion of the land-
lords' rights, and to punish by social excommunication any
persons either setting the law in motion or acquiescing in the
landlords' claims. Other important arrests followed — though
Mr. Dillon was subsequently released on the ground of failing
health — and a certain measure of caution was thenceforward to
be observed, at least down to the close of the session, in the
public utterances of the Land League chiefs.

When, however, the Land Bill had become law, the League
and those whose power and position were dependent on the
League had to deal with the opinion of the Irish Americans.
It became evident that without the pecuniary aid of the Irish
in the United States the organisation of the League must soon
collapse. No doubt could be entertained that the Irish Ameri-
cans would be seriously displeased if, as the result of all their

1881 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 153

contributions and agitations, they saw the tenantry in Ireland
generally accepting the Land Act as a settlement, or even
acquiescing in it as an instalment of their due. The bulk of
the moderate Home Eulers, and even many identified with the
extreme section, had declared in favour of the Act, and Mr.
Parnell himself hesitated for a time. He was plainly afraid to
pronounce against the Act decisively, lest he should find that
the majority of the tenants had made up their minds not to go
along with him ; and he was deterred from approving it, even
with qualifications, as well by his personal antipathy to a rival
policy, practically in possession of the field, as by his enforced
dependence upon Irish-American support.

Throughout the year the most prominent Land Leaguers had
shown a determination to provide a second string for their bow ;
they had laid increasing stress on the political aspect of the
agitation, on its value as a step towards the separation of Ire-
land from England, and on its success in completing the ruin of
the " English garrison." But the ferocious temper displayed by
the Irish in the United States exacted a more practical and im-
mediate tribute than the revival of the Nationalist war-cries.
The abominable "policy of dynamite" was proclaimed in
America by 0' Donovan Kossa and some newspapers recognised
as the organs of the Land League beyond the Atlantic. The
boast that the explosion which destroyed Her Majest/s ship
Doterel was the work of Irish- American disciples of O'Donovan
Rossa and his confederates had probably no foundation in fact,
but attempts were made to injure the Liverpool To-wti Hall, the
Salford Barracks, and the Mansion House in London, which
could only be explained as imperfect and experimental applica-
tions of the "dynamite gospel" The discovery of "infernal
machines," like those used in the Bremerhaven atrocity, on
board some of the ocean-going steamers was still more startling,
and in several places in England and Scotland concealed stores
of arms and other evidences of an extensive Fenian conspiracy
were brought to light.

As directed against the Imperial Government these move-
ments of Irish disaflTection were not really formidable, but they
showed what the forces were which impelled Mr. Parnell to
keep up the Land League agitation after the Land Act had be-
come law. The close of the session was followed by renewed
and aggravated reports of agrarian outrage in Ireland, and

154 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1881

though the Ulster tenantry seemed ready to accept the Act, the
appeals of Sir Charles Gavan Duffy and other well-known
" popular politicians " not of the Land League type were openly
treated with contempt in other parts of the country. A vacancy
created in the county of Tyrone by Mr. Litton's appointment as
a member of the Land Commission gave Mr. Parnell an oppor-
tunity of declaring war upon the Land Act and of announcing
the intention of the Land League to invade and conquer Ulster.
The attempt was not successful. Mr. Parnell's candidate had at
no time any chance of election, but he did not even succeed in
detaching so many votes from the Liberal party as to give the
Conservatives a majority. The tenant farmers, it was plain,
voted, irrespective of creed or party, on the side of the Land
Act.

During this campaign Mr. Parnell distinctly formulated his
new doctrine, designed to reduce the Land Act to an absurdity,
that justice required the reduction of the total rental of Ireland
from some .£17,000,000 sterling annually to between two
and three millions, or to the " prairie value " of the land — that
is, the amount it might be supposed to have -been worth in its
original unreclaimed state. This impossible standard of " fair
rent " was set before the people in order that any reductions of
rent, however large, by the Land Courts might be received with
disappointment. It was from this point of view that the policy
of the Land League was declared at a " National Convention "
held in Dublin in September ; the tenantry were warned not to
rush into the Courts, but to await the decisions on " test cases "
which Mr. Healy and others were engaged in working up. Mr.
Parnell took care to explain, for the benefit of his American
allies, that in the opinion of the League the decisions of the
Courts would be unsatisfactory, while he sedulously impressed
upon his Irish followers the necessity of adhering to the
principle of " prairie value," and confidently promised that the
League would secure for them the practical recognition of that
principle and the speedy destruction of " landlordism." At the
same time he menaced the farmers with a " labourers' move-
ment." Some slight efforts were made to withstand the spread
of this " gospel of public plunder," as Mr. Gladstone emphatically
named it at Leeds ; the Eoman Catholic bishops, in particular,
joined, with one or two exceptions, in the Maynooth declaration
in favour of the Land Act, but without avail. Public opinion

1881 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 155

in Ireland was either cowed or intoxicated by the daring pro-
posals of the League, and as the time arrived when the Land
Act was to come into operation it became more and more doubt-
ful whether its working would not be paralysed, if events were
allowed to take their course, by an organised and determined
opposition.

The Prime Minister, during his visit to Leeds in the first
week of October, had used language which could bear only one
meaning. The question, he said, had come to be simply this,
" whether law or lawlessness must rule in Ireland " ; the Irish
people must not be deprived of the means of taking advantage
of the Land Act by force or fear of force. He warned the party
of disorder that " the resources of civilisation were not yet ex-
hausted."

A few days later Mr. Gladstone, speaking at the Guildhall,
amid enthusiastic cheers, was able to announce that the long-
delayed blow had fallen. Mr. ParneU was arrested in Dublin
under the Coercion Act, and his arrest was followed by those
of Mr. Sexton, Mr. Dillon, Mr. O'Kelly, and other prominent
leaders of the agitation. The warnings of the Government had
been met at first with derision and defiance, and the earlier
arrests were furiously denounced ; but the energy and persist-
ence of the Government soon began to make an impression, and
the remaining organisers of the agitation bethought them of
securing their personal safety. A Parthian shot was fired in the
issue of a manifesto, purporting to be signed, not only by the
" suspects " in Kilmainham, but also by Davitt, a convict in Port-
land Prison, which adjured the tenantry to pay no rent what-
ever until the Government had done penance for its tyranny
and released the victims of British despotism. This open in-
citement to defiance of legal authority and repudiation of legal
right was instantly met by the Irish Executive in a resolute
spirit. On the 20th of October a proclamation was issued de-
claring the League to be " an illegal and criminal association,
intent on destroying the obligation of contracts and subverting
law," and announcing that its operations would thenceforward
be forcibly suppressed, and those taking part in them held
responsible.

There was for some time good reason to hope that these
vigorous measures would be sufficient to restore the supremacy
of the law and to induce the tenantry to take up their position

166 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1881

loyally under the shelter of the Land Act. Outbreaks of riot-
ing in Dublin, Limerick, and a few other places were promptly
and easily put down, and many signs were visible of a reaction
against the reckless counsels of the " no rent " manifesto. Mr.
Gray's proposal to confer the freedom of the city of Dublin on
Mr. Parnell was rejected. Archbishop Croke, who had long
been identified with the extremest views of the League, pub-
lished a letter condemning the refusal of rents.

The Land Commission was opened by Mr. Justice O'Hagan
and his colleagues on the very day on which the proclamation
suppressing the League appeared, and, after a short delay,
applications for fixing a fair rent were received in great num-
bers. Four Sub- Commissions were sent round to hear these
applications in the first instance, the Chief Commissioners re-
serving to themselves the settlement of points of law and pro-
cedure and the determination of questions relating to leases
But, though some 50,000 tenants applied to the Court before
the close of the sittings, the great majority still held aloof, and
the payment of rent was very generally refused. As the year
wore on and the decisions of the Sub-Commis'sioners were pub-
lished, this attitude of the tenants assumed a most serious aspect.
It showed an apparent determination to stand by the Kilmain-
ham manifesto, to make " prairie value " the standard of rent,
to starve out the landlords, to confront the law with passive
resistance, supported by secret outrage, and, in short, to rely
rather upon the lawless promises of the Land League than the
substantial advantages of the Land Act.

In Ulster this was not so ; the Land Act was all but uni-
versally accepted, and the lesson of the Tyrone election was
repeated with greater emphasis in the county of Derry, where
the seat vacated by Mr. Law, on his nomination as Lord
O'Hagan's successor in the Chancellorship, was filled by the
Solicitor- General, Mr. Porter. But in the three Southern
provinces the " no rent " policy was adopted by great numbers
of the tenants, and even those who went into Court were pre-
pared, as Mr. Parnell's mouthpieces boasted, to fall back upon
it, if not satisfied with the reduced rents fixed by the Sub-
Commissioners. The reductions, indeed, seemed large and
sweeping enough to satisfy any reasonable claims, and Mr.
Porter's friends in Derry thought them so attractive that they
placarded them as proof of the benefits conferred on the tenants

1881 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 157

by the Act. Not only in Ulster, but in Munster and Connaught,
rents were generally reduced from 20 to 30 per cent, and in
many cases mucb more. Tenancies on old estates, where rents
had been paid twenty, thirty, or even fifty years, were as freely
handled as new tenancies on properties purchased in the Landed
Estates Court

The landlords were struck with dismay, and vehement pro-
tests were made on their behalf. It was maintained that when
the Land Bill was debated in Parliament Ministers had asserted
that no general reduction of existing rents was possible, and that
great numbers of tenants would be glad to make amicable
arrangements with their landlords, knowing that if they went
into Court their rents would be raised. These forecasts, it was
urged, had not been realised, nor had the landlords received any
incidental advantages under the new law ; rents were even less
readily paid or recovered than before, and while old remedies
were taken away no new ones were practically accessible. It
was argued, further, that no one had imagined the practical
settlement of fair rents would be entrusted to persons of the
standing of the Sub-Commissioners, whose numbers had been
multiplied as the business increased. The answer made on be-
half of the Government was that with respect to the decisions
of the Sub-Commissioners no final judgment could be formed,
inasmuch as they could be carried on appeal before the Central
Commission, while so far as the enforcement of the law was
concerned, every effort would be made not only to stamp out
" boycotting " by prosecutions and arrests under the Coercion
Acts, but by employing military force to aid in carrying out
evictions.

The initiative, however, in proceeding for recovery of rent
was left of necessity to the landlords, and the organs of the
Land League, which still continued to preach the "gospel of
plunder," encouraged the tenants to hope that, the Property
Defence Association and similar organisations of the landlords
being reduced to bankruptcy, the refusal to pay rents must soon
achieve its own practical acceptance. In this position of
affairs an appeal was made to the liberality of the British nation,
and a committee was formed at the Mansion House, under the
presidency of the Lord Mayor, to aid Irish landlords in the
assertion of their rights by legal process, and in measures to
prevent the subsequent defeat of those rights by " boycotting "

158 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1881

or otherwise. The " no rent " policy is still upheld by secret
combination and terrorism, but a distinct improvement is
marked in the conduct of the juries at the Winter Assizes,
where a large number of convictions in agrarian cases have been
obtained. It appears that if the constabulary, who are to be
reinforced by drafts from the Army Keserve, are able to effect
arrests, and if prosecutions are vigorously pressed by the legal
authorities, the fears or ill-will of jurors cannot be now regarded
as the chief obstacle in the path of justice.

The condition of Ireland furnished material for an extra-
ordinary succession of political speeches during the recess, in
very few of which were any practical suggestions for dealing
with the actual difficulty to be found. Attack and apology
drifted into recriminations of ever-increasing bitterness. Parlia-
ment had been prorogued with a general sense of relief after a
long and weary session, but exasperation as well as exhaustion
soured the political temper. The conflict between the two
Houses had whetted the zeal of party, and politicians reduced
to silence by obstruction were eager to have their say at last.
The leaders of parties, as well as the rank and file, kept up a
constant interchange of speeches.

The most remarkable episode in this unfruitful campaign
was Mr. Gladstone's visit to Leeds, where he delivered a series
of orations scarcely less vigorous than those of the Midlothian
contest. But even Mr. Gladstone could not overcome the in-
herent difficulties of the situation. There was no practical issue
to be debated. The results of the Liberal policy in Ireland
were, as they still are, involved in doubt, and predictions,
favourable or unfavourable, were equally unfit to be taken as a
basis of discussion. The questions to be dealt with in the next
session were not settled, with the exception of the projected
revision of the rules of the House of Commons, of which, how-
ever, Ministers were unable or unwilling to speak, except in
general terms.

The speeches of the autumn, therefore, were concerned al-
most exclusively with the past, and went over ground which
had been repeatedly traversed in public controversy while
Parliament was sitting. The original responsibility for the
dangerous growth of Irish disafi'ection, the manner in which the
questions arising out of the Treaty of Berlin had been settled,
the expediency of the abandonment of Candahar and of the retro-

-1881 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 159

cession of the Transvaal, were among the battles fought over
and over on every platform. Some speakers, indeed, went back
complacently to the issues on which the general election of 1880
had turned. Others fastened upon isolated statements in the
utterances of their opponents. Mr. Gladstone's public declara-
tions on the Irish question, of course, excited interest before the
blow fell on the Land League, but in general even Ministers had
to confine themselves to controversial commonplaces.

On the other side popular curiosity was attracted to Lord
Salisbury, whose title to succeed Lord Beaconsfield not only as
leader of the Conservative majority in the House of Lords but
as chief of the party was on trial. Lord Salisbury's speeches
at Newcastle and Bristol were full of vigour, though not with-
out evidence of the faults which adverse critics had discerned in
his character. Occupying a nominally coequal position, Sir
Stafford Northcote falls far behind where the Opposition have
to assume the offensive. For the present, however, the attacks
of the Opposition have no definite object, and in the opinion of
many Conservatives Lord Salisbury's energy is a dangerous gift.
Though the Liberals have lost several seats since the general
election, and though their majorities, even where they keep
their ground, are dwindling — a view which the municipal
elections, even if unimportant in themselves, go far to confirm
— there is no probability that, were there to be an immediate
appeal to the country, the Conservatives would be successful.
In the present state of Ireland especially the Opposition, for
reasons of party prudence as well as of public interest, must be
solicitous to avoid administrative responsibilities, and this fact
paralyses much of the political criticism which, nevertheless,
has to be produced, in immense quantity, by competitors for the
favour of provincial audiences.

While seats have been lost and won, we have to record few
Ministerial changes. The retirement of the Duke of Argyll
from the Cabinet in consequence of his disapproval of the Land
Bill made way for Lord Carlingford's return to office as Lord
Privy Seal. Mr. Grant Duff, taking the place of the late Mr.
Adam as Governor of Madras, was succeeded as Under-Secretary
for the Colonies by Mr. Courtney, previously Under-Secretary
to the Home Department. But, in the main, the composition
of the Ministry has not been altered since the beginning of the
year, nor have any new issues been brought forward in a definite

160 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1881

and practical shape on which Liberal opinion is likely to be
divided. The Irish Land Bill, indeed, severely tried the
allegiance of many, but that enterprise was universally regarded
as exceptional.

Among the questions which lie before the Liberal majority
there are some that can hardly fail to precipitate danger and
division if extreme views are allowed to prevail. If the strength
of Liberalism has been consolidated by the encouragement
which some of its opponents have given to protectionist
doctrines, the same agricultural depression out of which the
" fair trade " movement arose has been productive of extravagant
schemes for settling the land question in Great Britain. Early
in the recess the extension of the Irish Land Bill to Scotland
was demanded by the farmers of Aberdeenshire, and a plan of
legislation produced by the " Farmers' Alliance " in this country
has claimed the introduction by law of what practically amounts
to a "joint proprietorship" between landlord and tenant. The
discussion of the subject, as yet, happily, not here inflamed by
party passions, has shown that, whatever remedies for agri-
cultural distress may be needful, the problem- in Great Britain
differs radically from that in Ireland. Attention has been
turned to the possibility of relieving the land by the redistribu-
tion of local burdens. Many questions connected with local
government in rural districts have also come to the front, and
Mr. Goschen's speeches on the subject have stimulated thought
and inquiry.

The claims of external policy have been overshadowed by the
Irish question. European affairs were pushed into the back-
ground. Outside the circle of domestic politics the Transvaal
war was viewed with the most painful and absorbing interest.
At the close of last year the insurrection of the Boers had just
become known in England. When Parliament met it was the
general and confident expectation, as the language of the Speech
from the throne proved, that the Queen's authority would be at
once restored, and that the Boers would yield to the display of
armed power under Sir George Colley. The event showed that
the insurgents were determined as well as brave. Having in-
vested the British garrisons in the Transvaal, they advanced
into Natal, and Sir George Colley unfortunately attempted,
with a wholly inadequate force, to dislodge them from a strong
position at Laing's Nek. He was repulsed with heavy loss,

1881 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 161

and, little more than a week later, without waiting for his re-
inforcements, he fought another unsuccessful battle, at Ingogo,
in the vain hope of clearing his communications.

Sir Evelyn Wood hastened to the front with all the troops
he could gather, and, with patience and caution, the Boer
positions would probably have been forced almost bloodlessly.
Sir George Colley, however, burning to retrieve his credit,
threw himself, with a small body of troops, upon Majuba Hill,
whence, as he supposed, he could turn Laing's Nek. The bold
enterprise was momentarily successful, but the Boers, discover-
ing their enemy's weakness, attacked in force and stormed the
hill, driving the British to flight, with terrible slaughter. Sir
George Colley was among the slain. The colonists of Natal
were panic-stricken, but Sir Evelyn Wood stood manfully on
the defensive. It was at once resolved by the Home Govern-
ment to increase the army in Natal to 15,000 men and to send
out Sir Frederick Roberts to take the command. Negotiations
had been opened, however, with the Boers with a view to a
pacific settlement of differences, and the Cabinet did not con-
ceive that the reasons in favour of that policy were outweighed
by the fact that Sir George Colley's imprudence had involved
his army in disaster. A few days after the storming of Majuba
Hill, Sir Evelyn Wood concluded an armistice with the
" Triumvirate " who formed the provisional Government of the
Boers, and when Sir Frederick Roberts reached the Cape he
found that the war was over. Peace, indeed, was more than
once in danger after the armistice ; the younger Boers were
insubordinate and excited, and the enforced surrender of
Potchefstroom was justly condemned as a breach of good faith.

At length, however, hostilities were formally suspended till
the terms upon which the Boers were to enjoy "self-govern-
ment" had been settled by a Commission. The Commissioners
were Sir Hercules Robinson, the Governor of the Cape Colony,
and Chief Justice de Villiers, with Mr. Brand, President of the
Orange Free State. The Convention adopted by the Com-
missioners, reserving to the British Crown a "suzerainty"
which was made to include control over the foreign relations of
the Boers and their dealings with the native races, was carried
out in August, when the Republican Government was placed in
full possession of the Transvaal. It still remained for the
" Volksraad " to ratify these arrangements, and a majority of

VOL. II M

162 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1881

the younger Boers were inclined to resist. The objections of
the Volksraad to the reserved powers of " suzerainty " were met
by the Imperial Government with a declaration that the Con-
vention must be accepted in its integrity. Preparations for war
were ordered in Natal and at home, and Mr. Gladstone spoke in
firm tones at Leeds. The recalcitrant Boers were not prepared
to face a renewal of war ; their opposition was waived, and the
Convention is now in force a? regulating, at least in form, the
relations between this country and the Transvaal.

The difficulties of the Government in dealing with South
African affairs on any general principles of policy have been
increased by colonial fractiousness and sectional feeling. Mr.
Sprigg's Ministry at the Cape had become involved in trouble
through the mismanagement of the Basuto war, which was ended
by a patched-up and doubtful arrangement, and their advocacy
of the unpopular confederation scheme gave the Cape Town
Legislature an opportunity of getting rid of them. During the
Transvaal quarrel the Dutch population of the Cape Colony
had shown intense sympathy with their insurgent kinsmen.
The attitude of the Natal colonists was equally unconciliatory
and inconsistent with an intercolonial union; they hotly de-
nounced the Convention with the Boers, and exhibited an
irrational jealousy of the Home Government in a protest against
Mr. Sendall's nomination as Lieutenant-Governor. Though in
this matter Lord Kimberley yielded to the wishes of the
colonists, the temper shown is most unsatisfactory. At no
time has there been less prospect of an amicable alliance of the
South African settlements, subject to the supreme authority of
the Crown. Fortunately, the danger of a general native war is
for the present removed.

In our other colonies we have no such troubles or disasters
to record. New Zealand, it is true, was thrown into alarm by
the preaching of a native " prophet," Te Whiti, who succeeded
in making the Maories believe that he possessed miracle-working
powers, which he could and would use to expel the British and
to restore the land to its original owners. The Maories, under
Te Whiti's influence, began to interfere with the progress of
settlement on the West Coast, obstructing the opening of roads
and erecting barriers against the occupation of State lands. The
Colonial Government hesitated to adopt extreme measures, and
the Minister of Native Aff'airs in consequence resigned, to be

1881 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 163

recalled some months later when the danger had grown more
threatening. In November a proclamation was issued warning
Te Whiti to desist from his incitements to rebellion, and a force
of 1700 men marched to Parihaka, the centre of disaffection,
demanding an answer. The "prophet" fell back on silence
and passive resistance, and his followers seem really to have
believed that a miracle would be wrought for his deliverance
and his foes' discomfiture. He was arrested and sent under a
strong guard to New Plymouth, and his power has been ap-
parently annulled by the falsification of his predictions.

The Australian colonies have been pursuing a career of
steady prosperity, of which they are taking full advantage by
coming into the Money-market at home as large borrowers.
Victoria has made relatively the least advance, as this year's
census proves, which may be due in part to political disturbance
and in part to the burden of a protective tariff. The former
cause has been, for a time, removed. The long-pending quarrel
between the two branches of the Legislature at Melbourne was
brought to an end by a reasonable measure of compromise, in
spite of the efforts of Mr. Berry's Ministry to provoke a violent
crisis. The constitution of the Council was liberalised, but no
revolutionary changes — such as the plebiscite or the adoption of
Bills on the vote of one Chamber only — were imported into the
political system of the colony. Soon afterwards Mr. Berry's
Ministry was overthrown by a combination of enemies, and Sir
Bryan O'Loghlen formed a Government, which still subsists.

In the Dominion of Canada we have to chronicle no political
events of general interest. The Marquis of Lome's visit to the
North- West evoked the warmest popular feeling, and there is not
the least evidence to support the rumours of the American Press
that a Canadian movement for "independence" is ripening.
The controversy arising out of the Fortune Bay Fishery claims has
been settled by an agreement to pay the United States Govern-
ment £15,000 for the damage inflicted on the American fishing
fleet by the inhabitants of the Newfoundland coast.

The departure of the present Administration from the policy
of Lord Beaconsfield was as marked in India as in South Africa.
The evacuation of Candahar had been decided in principle
before Parliament met, and it was not considered that either
the advance of the Kussians in the Turkoman country or the
menacing attitude of Ayoob Khan at Herat justified a change of

164 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1881

view. The subject was discussed in both Houses of Parliament,
and the Ministry, though of course defeated in the Upper
House, was supported in the Lower by a majority of 110. In
April the city of Candahar was placed in the hands of the
Ameer Abdurrahman's representatives. But the new Govern-
ment was unpopular among the tribes of Southern Afghanistan,
and the allegiance of the Ghilzais, on which its stability mainly
depended, was more than doubtful. Ayoob Khan, who was
watching and intriguing at Herat, struck boldly and heavily at
his rival, the Ameer, in July, defeating the army of the latter
at Karez-i-atta, upon which the Ameer's adherents fled or
submitted, and Candahar at once received the conqueror. But
Ayoob's triumph was brief. The Ameer, showing more spirit
than he had been credited with, led an army southward in
person, obtaining the support of the Ghilzais, and in September
shattered the hostile power of his cousin, who fled to Herat and
thence to Persia. Herat not long after fell into Abdurrahman's
power, and for the time at least he appears to have succeeded to
the predominance enjoyed at different times hj Dost Mohammed
and Shere Ali. The British troops still occupy Pishin and
Sibi, in deference to the opinion of the Indian authorities,
though the Home Government has been anxious to withdraw
wholly from Afghan territory.

The financial difficulty still continues to harass and hamper
the Indian Government both in foreign and domestic policy ;
but the year has been on the whole prosperous as well as
peaceful, and the success of the latest loan proves that the credit
of the Empire stands higher than at any former time. Some
excitement has been created, among Anglo-Indians as well as
natives, by the report that the Government intend to reimpose
an income tax, with a view to the abolition of the remaining
import duties on cotton goods. The protests of all classes
against a policy which has been condemned by statesmen of
every party connected with Indian administration will probably
prevent the practical adoption of this idea.

The return of Anglo-Indian policy to the old lines of non-
intervention was rendered possible by the removal of immediate
causes of disturbance in Eastern Europe and the abandonment
of an active and disturbing policy on the part of Russia.
When the year opened, it seemed too probable that the Greek
frontier question might still involve the Continent in a perilous

1881 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 165

war, the limits of which no human foresight could lay down or
maintain. Turkey refused to acknowledge the authority of the
Berlin Conference, and the French Government, which had
originally championed the claims of Greece, had declared that
J^jurope' had no right to insist on the award being enforced.
Diplomacy laboured hard to devise and impose a compromise,
l.»ut in the beginning with little prospect of success. The
Greek Government, convinced that the Powers would submit to
anything rather than allow a conflagration to break out in the
East, spoke in an imperative strain, and prepared openly for
war. The excitement of the Athenian population was ingeni-
ously displayed as a warning of what would happen inevitably
if all that the Berlin Conference had given was not conceded by,
or extorted from, the Porte.

The Ambassadors at Constantinople, however, after long and
patient negotiations, joined in a note to the Greek Government
recommending the acceptance of the utmost that Turkey could
be brought to yield. The new frontier line left the greater
part of Epirus, with Janina and Metzovo, to Turkey, giving
Greece possession of almost all Thessaly and the command of
the Gulf of Arta. The Greeks were infuriated ; Athens was, or
seemed to be, for some days on the verge of revolution, and M.
Coumoundouros, the Prime Minister, strove to evade the popular
wrath by meeting the powers with swelling and ambiguous
language. Eesistance, nevertheless, was seen to be idle, and
the clouds quickly passed away. The only doubt remaining
turned upon the good faith and promptitude of the Porte in
carrying out the cession of territory as arranged, which was
peaceably accomplished early in the autumn. It was obvious
that, if the aim of Russian policy was, as it had been some
years before, the disturbance of the existing settlement in
Eastern Europe, the Greek difficulty might have had a more
disastrous issue. But Russia, for a time at least, had assumed
a reserved and conservative position in her foreign relations.
She had even made a pause in her advance in Central Asia.
The campaign against the Akhal-Tekke Turcomans had ended
with the capture of their stronghold of Geok Tepe, and General
Skobeleff had advanced towards Merv. The project of railway
extension from the Caspian to the south-east through Askabad
was warmly taken up. But a reaction was at hand. General
Skobeleff was recalled, and the Russian Government was at

166 Al^NUAL StJMMARlES 1881

mucli pains to prove that no aggressive designs were entertained
in any part of the world. The dangerous dispute with China
was closed by the cession of Kuldja, in pursuance of the same
line of policy, and the intrigues of the "war party" at Pekin
were thus frustrated. Moreover, Kussian diplomacy set to work
not unsuccessfully to renew the ties which had formerly bound
together the great monarchies of Central Europe.

This remarkable change of policy had its origin in the
terrible crime which startled the civilised world on the 13th of
March. The Emperor of Eussia, returning to the Winter
Palace from a review, was attacked by Nihilist assassins armed
with dynamite bombs. The first explosion failed in its object,
but while the Czar was seeing to the safety of his injured guards
a second bomb was thrown, which inflicted fatal and horrible
wounds. After lingering a few hours Alexander II. passed
away. His reign will be remembered in history for many
striking incidents and some unexpected developments of Russian
character. By the irony of fate the Emancipator of the Serfs
was the ruler under whom Nihilism, the most determined and
ruthless embodiment of the revolutionary spirit, made itself
feared and powerful.

The new Czar, Alexander III., succeeded his father without
any outward sign of popular restlessness. He had been sup-
posed to entertain strong Panslavist and anti-German views,
but his influence was immediately thrown on the Conservative
side both in home and foreign politics. After some hesitation
General Ignatieff was placed at the head of the internal Govern-
ment, and the Nihilist danger has been combated by repression
rather than concession. The murderers of Alexander II. were,
of course, punished relentlessly, and other revolutionists were
hunted down with renewed vigour. It was believed for a moment
that the great Powers might be induced to join in measures for
the eradication of Nihilism, and the right of asylum in neutral
countries was violently attacked by the Russian Press.

Abroad, the diplomacy of Russia was active in removing
occasions and apprehensions of war, and plainly desirous of
showing that the Northern Empire would willingly take its
place once more, not formally, but cordially, in the concert of
Europe. These dispositions were not instantly recognised, but
in the autumn the German and Russian Emperors met at
Dantsic, and soon afterwards the King of Italy was received

1881 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 167

with enthusiasm at Vienna. In the Speech from the throne at
the opening of the German Reichstag it was announced that the
agreement of the three Empires was " a trustworthy pledge for
the preservation of European peace." Whether Italy was or
was not included in the spirit of this declaration may be
questioned, but the Tunisian enterprise of France has alienated
the Italians from their nearest neighbours.

The bearing of these events on the future of the Balkan
Peninsula has been the subject of controversy and alarmist
rumours. Austria has acquired influence in Servia and has
exercised pressure upon Roumania, a principality which was
elevated to the rank of a kingdom during the year. The
ultimate object of Austrian policy is said to be the acquisition
of Salonica, and the creation on the Mgean of another Trieste.
But this is not likely to be attempted while the understanding
between Russia and Germany lasts. For the same reason
Russia will not use for disturbing purposes her influence over
Bulgaria, strengthened by Prince Alexander's coup d'dat last
summer, which struck down the native revolutionary party.
The Prince, protesting that the democratic constitution of
Tirnova was unworkable, demanded a plebiscite, to decide
whether his abdication and withdrawal were to be accepted, or
whether he was to be granted dictatorial powers for seven
years. The elections resulted as a matter of course in the
victory of the Prince, which for the moment appears, among
other things, to have checked the intrigues for the reconstruction
of the " Great Bulgaria " of the San Stefano treaty.

The parts of the Ottoman Empire still under the direct rule
of the Sultan have not witnessed any important political move-
ments, though the Porte has been busy with the afi'airs of Tunis
and Tripoli, of Egypt and Arabia. The personal authority of
Abdul Hamid has been strengthened by the downfall of some of
the best known of "the Pashas," several of whom, including
Midhat, were convicted, after an inquiry of a doubtful character,
of complicity in the murder of Abdul Aziz. The financial
embarrassments of the Porte have been growing, and the neces-
sity of doing something to re-establish Turkish credit has led to
a new arrangement with the bondholders, whose interests were
represented by Mr. Bourke during the negotiations. The Irad6
settling the new terras has just been published, and it is not
yet certainly known what action the Russian Government will

168 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1881

take in the interest of the war indemnity claim. The reduction
of the nominal principal of the debt to the amount actually
received and the payment of a reduced interest, to be gradually
increased, are the terms on which a new hypothecation of
revenues is conceded, partly for the advantage of the bond-
holders, and partly for that of the Galata bankers, lately unable
to make further cash advances to the Porte. The influence of
the German Government at Constantinople is one of the most
singular developments of Ottoman intrigue, but its effect upon
the politics of Eastern Europe has not yet been apparent.

The difficulties of the Turkish Government have probably
fostered more than one of the *' questions " which have arisen
during the year on the outskirts of the Empire. The ambiguous
relations between the Porte and the countries on the Mediter-
ranean coast of Africa are complicated by the authority of the
Sultan as Caliph over independent, or semi - independent,
Mahomedan populations.

Egypt during the early part of the year was unusually
tranquil and prosperous. The Government of the Khedive
Tewfik, under the European Control, had been, it seemed, fairly
established, although the new system was not free from the
dangers of international jealousies and intrigues. In September
Arabi Bey, a colonel in the Egyptian service, headed a mutiny
of the troops, surrounding Tewfik Pasha in his palace, and
dictating the dismissal of Riaz Pasha's Ministry. The mutineers
professed to be actuated by " national " aims, and they were, it
seems, equally jealous of European interference and of the
influence of the Sultan. Sherif Pasha, who succeeded Riaz,
had to soothe the restless spirit of the military class by partial
concessions. The Porte attempted, though vainly, to guide the
progress of events by sending a Mission to Cairo.

Meanwhile the difficulties of the Dual Control were forcibly
illustrated by the divergence between English and French
opinion. It was plain that anarchy in Egypt could not be
tolerated, but every method of dealing with it — an Anglo-
French expedition, or a separate expedition by either Power, or
an appeal to the Sultan — would have met with violent opposi-
tion in France or in England. Order has been for the present
restored, but the elements of disturbance have not been
removed. Cordial and complete harmony between French
and English policy in Egyptian affairs has not been rendered

1881 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 169

easier by what has happened in Tunis. French ambition had
long been attracted to Tunis, and was whetted rather than
checked by Italian rivalry. The interference of M. Roustan,
the French Consul -General, with a claim in which a British
subject was opposed by a French speculative company had
attracted attention early in the year, but a new question was
raised in the spring, when French complaints of the misdoings
of a border tribe, the Kroumirs, began to take a serious form.
Preparations for war were made, but M. St. Hilaire, the French
Foreign Minister, gave assurances, which for the time satisfied
both England and Italy, that only the chastisement of the
robber tribesmen was intended. The Prime Minister, M. Jules
Ferry, made the same statement to the Chambers. But the
moment the French troops crossed the Algerian frontier the
pretence of chastising the Kroumirs was dropped ; General
Br^art advanced with an imposing force upon the capital, which
he entered without resistance or declaration of war, and after a
military display before the palace the Bey yielded and signed
a treaty by which France was practically invested with a
Protectorate, the right of occupying any necessary points in
Tunisian territory, the control of foreign and financial policy,
and the nomination of M. Roustan as " Resident."

The protests of England and Italy, as well as Turkey, were
disregarded, but the aggression soon bore painful fruit, which
damped the enthusiasm of the Chauvinists. Mahomedan
fanaticism was stirred from Tripoli, where the Turkish troops
were reinforced, to Morocco. An insurrection broke out in
Southern Algeria, and an Arab rising in the Regency of Tunis
itself compelled the French to lay siege to Sfax, and to strike
repeated blows at an almost ubiquitous and invisible enemy.
At length, after extravagant efforts, an expedition to the sacred
city of Kairwan, which the French troops occupied without
difficulty, appeared for a short time to have cowed the tribes.
But troubles have again broken out, the French troops are again
in the field against the Arabs, and it is not to be supposed that
the last has been heard of the new foes whom France has called
into activity.

The Tunisian expedition had an important effect on the
domestic politics and the foreign relations of France. The
pretensions of M. Gambetta to the first place in the political
sphere had been practically admitted by all parties, yet M,

170 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1881

Ferry's Ministry still remained nominally in power. The great
internal question on which opinion was divided was raised in
May by the Scrutin de Liste Bill, which was carried in the
Chamber of Deputies, though by a smaller majority than had
been anticipated. M. Gambetta's friends were confident of his
victory ; in a series of speeches at Cahors he took a Conservative
tone, and pronounced the revision of the Constitution inoppor-
tune. But the Senate unexpectedly mustered up courage to
throw out the Election Bill, and M. Gambetta's attempt there-
upon to precipitate an appeal to the country was ill received by
the Lower Chamber. M. Ferry strove to rally an independent
Republican party with the cry, "iVt revision, ni division," but
the only effect was to accentuate M. Gambetta's advanced views,
and to relieve the latter from a part of the animosity of the
Extreme Left which was arrayed against him under M.
Clemenceau. The elections resulted in the return of a large
Gambettist majority, the Bonapartist and Bourbonist sections
were almost annulled, numbering together barely one-sixth
of the Chamber, while the Extreme Left was almost equally
weak.

It was at first imagined that M. Ferry might remain in
office, but the gloss had by this time been taken off the
Tunisian enterprise, and M. Gambetta shrewdly evaded direct
responsibility for a doubtful policy. The Chambers met in
November, and M. Ferry had to face a debate on Tunis, in
which, though the treaty with the Bey was approved, much
damaging criticism, both on the motives and the conduct of the
expedition, made itself heard. M. Ferry resigned, and only
one successor was possible. M. Gambetta failed to secure as
colleagues such men as M. Leon Say and M. de Freycinet, and
fell back upon a Cabinet of which the only well-known member
was the Minister of Public Worship and Public Instruction, M.
Paul Bert, a vehement Anti-Clerical.

Of the policy of the new Government no striking indications
have yet been given. Though the separation from Radicalism
marked by M. Gambetta's defeat at the Belleville election has
been defined by the hostile attitude of the Extreme Left, the
Ministerial programme embraces several advanced measures,
and even Moderate Republicans have been compelled to declare
for the abolition of life senatorships. The Church has been
alarmed by the avowed intention of the Government to insist

1881 AKNUAL SUMMARIES 171

on a strict interpretation of the Concordat. The attacks of the
Radical Press upon the Tunisian enterprise forced M. Roustan,
the " Resident " imposed upon the Bey, to proceed for damages
in Paris against M. Rochefort and others. It had been asserted
that the expedition originated in scandalous stock -jobbing
schemes, and that M. Roustan was involved in corrupt and
discreditable intrigues. The charges were denied, but the jury
believed that there was sufficient ground for them to justify a
verdict in M. Rochefort's favour.

The aggressive designs of France in North Africa have
alienated the Italian people from the French connection. Italy
felt that she had been not only despoiled, but tricked, and the
immediate effect of the French policy was to shatter party
organisation in the Parliament at Rome. The Cairoli Cabinet
resigned ; the Liberal majority was torn by dissensions, and the
present " Ministry of Affairs," formed by Signor Depretis, is
insecure. Popular movements and Ministerial declarations have
disclosed the feeling towards France, and the royal visit to
Vienna was planned to throw Italian influence openly into the
scale with the Imperial allies. The isolation of France, and,
perhaps, too, the proof afforded by the Tunisian campaign that
her military system is far from perfect, have justified the con-
fidence with which Prince Bismarck has lately spoken on the
results of the foreign policy of Germany.

Italy in the meantime, restless and unstable, urged by her
Radicals to a rupture with the Papacy — so that the Pope's
removal to Malta or Salzburg has been again discussed — is
about to try the hazardous experiment of an extension of the
franchise.

The internal politics of Germany have been scarcely less
troubled. Prince Bismarck, irritated at the Liberal opposition
to his financial schemes and his " State Socialism " in the last
Reichstag, has inclined to a compromise with the Ultramon-
tanes. The elections, however, cast doubts on the expediency
of a Conservative -Clerical alliance. The supporters of the
Chancellor were badly beaten, but neither the Liberals nor the
Clericals secured a working majority, though the more advanced
section of the former was both numerically and morally
strengthened. The Speech from the throne proved that
Prince Bismarck, in spite of his defeat, was resolved not to
concede anything. Relying upon the divisions of his opponents,

172 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1881

the Chancellor announced that the rejected Bills would be
brought in again. The negotiations with the Vatican are still
proceeding, and until their issue is known speculation as to the
course of German policy will be futile.

The domestic annals of Austria-Hungary, in spite of the
perennial jealousies of Germans and Czechs and the antipathy
of the Magyars to Slavonic development in the Balkan Penin-
sula, have been uneventful. No change of policy has followed
the choice of Count Kalnoky as the late Baron Haymerle's
successor as Foreign Minister.

Turning to a different quarter, we have to record a Minis-
terial crisis and a general election in Spain. The Conservative
Cabinet of Seiior Canovas del Castillo was overthrown early in
the year, and a coalition between Senor Sagasta and General
Martinez Campos came into power. The change was not
violent, and has been beneficial to the country politically and
financially. As usual, the elections have gone in favour of the
party in power, and in the new Cortes the Ministerialists are
five or six times as many as the Conservatives and Republicans
together. It may be noted that not long before the elections
Don Carlos was ordered to leave France. Spanish pride has
been gratified by the Special Mission from England which
carried the Garter to King Alfonso in the autumn, though this
has not prevented a revival of the outcry for the cession of
Gibraltar. The grant of a charter by the British Government
to a company claiming sovereignty in North Borneo by grant
from the Sultan of Sooloo has excited Spanish jealousy, and a
similar spirit has induced the Portuguese Legislature to refuse
to ratify the Lourengo Marques Treaty.

In the United States it seemed that prosperity had put an
end to political activity when General Garfield succeeded
President Hayes in March last In Mr. Garfield's Cabinet the
most conspicuous member was Mr. Blaine. The rivalry between
Mr. Blaine and Senator Conkling, of New York, the chief of
the Republican party in the Senate, led to a fierce contest over
some of the President's appointments, in which, after delays and
dead-locks, Mr. Conkling was beaten. He resigned, and appealed
to his party to re-elect him as a rebuke to the President. The
bitter party feeling produced by this strife had unexpected and
terrible consequences. Charles Guiteau, a flighty and disreput-
able adherent of the "Stalwart" faction, lay in wait for

1881 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 173

President Garfield at the railway station in Washington, and
shot him twice in the back. The wounds were not immediately
fatal, and the President's vigorous constitution enabled him to
battle long and strenuously for life. The shock caused by this
crime, which had, however, no political significance, was deep
and world-wide. The opponents of General Garfield for the
time effaced themselves, and Mr. Arthur, the Vice-President,
was prompt in showing that he had no sympathy with them.
General Garfield's dying scenes, full of pathos and dignity, fixed
the attention of the civilised world. His death, after eleven
weeks of cruel suffering, drew the English and American
peoples close together by a spontaneous movement of feeling, a
fact recognised gracefully by President Arthur in ordering the
salute of the British flag at the anniversary festival of the
Vorktown surrender.

It is to be regretted that the impression of General Garfield's
death has been weakened by the protracted and unbecoming
wrangles into which Guiteau's trial at Washington, not yet
ended, was allowed to degenerate. President Arthur, while
professing a desire not to separate himself from the traditions of
his predecessor's administration, has got rid of several of his
Ministers, among them Mr. Blaine. There would be less reason
to regret this if we could hope that Mr. Frelinghuysen, Mr.
Blaine's successor, would follow a more moderate course in
international politics than the late Secretary of State. Mr.
Blaine's despatches on the Panama Canal question and the
relations between Chili and Peru have given rise to the belief
that the American Republicans are tending towards a Chauvinist
policy. The pretensions of the United States to an exclusive
right of intervention in Central and South America are quite
new corollaries from the original Monroe doctrine. The
Chilians, who obtained the victory in a just war, which was
crowned by the capture of Lima in January, will not be
inclined to submit to dictation, at least unless the army and
navy of the United States should be largely reinforced.

The death-roll of the year includes many illustrious names.
We have already noticed in passing the crimes by which the
Czar of All the Russias and the President of the United States
were cut off. At home a remarkable and almost unique figure
disappeared from the political scene. The loss of Lord Beacons-
field has profoundly modified the attitude and prospects of the

174 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1881

Conservative party and deprived the nation of a rare type of
genius.

One still rarer, though more akin to English character, was
removed in Carlyle, whose influence was rapidly fading, but
whose intense spirit had left a deep mark on the intellectual
and moral movement of the last generation. In Dean Stanley
literature and popular enlightenment, even more than the
Church, lost a singular and most striking exemplar of " sweet
reasonableness."

Lord Hatherley, Lord Justice James, and Lord Justice Lush
were great lawyers and something more, and Sir John Karslake,
but for the blindness which darkened his later days, would have
stood on the same level. It is sufficient to name Mr. Adam,
one of the ablest of Liberal " whips," who did not long survive
his appointment as Governor of Madras ; Archbishop MacHale,
formerly one of the most energetic and audacious of the Irish
Eoman Catholic prelates ; Dr. Cumming, once the best known
of popular preachers ; Mr. James Spedding, the editor and
biographer of Bacon ; Mr. W. E. Greg, a vigorous and incisive
critic in letters and politics ; Mr. Street, the most successful of
recent architects ; Mr. Edward Miall, a pillar of British Non-
conformity ; and Mr. Sothern, the creator of Lord Dundreary.

France, too, lost many eminent men, among them M.
Dufaure, M. Littre, and M. de Girardin ; Germany, Professor
Bliintschli, a high authority on international law ; Austria,
Baron Haymerle, Minister of Foreign Affairs, and General
Benedek ; and Italy, Count Arrivabene.

The census for the United Kingdom was taken in April,
and showed that the population was, in round numbers,
35,000,000 ^nearly 26,000,000 in England and Wales, under
4,000,000 in Scotland, and over 5,000,000 in Ireland. The
increase during the past decade was ascertained to be 3,600,000
in Great Britain, against a decrease in Ireland of 225,000.
In India the census showed a total population of nearly
253,000,000, about 13,000,000 over the previous enumeration.

The year was not specially remarkable for social incidents,
or for literary, scientific, and artistic events. The publication
of the revised edition of the New Testament excited very general
interest There were few sensational trials, civil or criminal,
and, happily, not many great crimes. The conviction of Lefroy
for the murder of Mr. Gold may be held to deserve mention.

1881 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 175

An extraordinary outrage — the theft of Lord Crawford's body
from the family tomb at Dunecht — remains still a mystery, but
it is believed that the police are at last on the track of the
guilty. Though public opinion seems resolved to put down
electoral corruption by law, the sentences on the Macclesfield
and Sandwich bribers produced something like a popular
agitation, and a protest to which the Government very properly
turned a deaf ear. In another department of judicial inter-
pretation of law, the Court of Appeal has interfered to prevent
an unintended and enormous extension of household suffrage in
boroughs through the construction put by the judges in the
first instance upon the definitions of a statute of secondary
importance passed in 1878. The world of "sport" was amazed
and exercised by the victories of the American horses Iroquois
and Foxhall, the latter almost unmatched for successes in the
annals of racing.

Among miscellaneous occurrences may be noted the
accident to the Saladin balloon, which carried off Mr. Powell,
M.P. for Malmesbury, and of which nothing has since been
heard ; the vast landslip which buried a whole village at Elm,
in Switzerland ; and the burning of the Ring Theatre, in
Vienna, involving, it is computed, a loss of 447 lives. Another
disaster of a similar kind at Warsaw has led to a shameful
outbreak of persecuting spirit against the Polish Jews, who were
wrongfully held responsible for raising a false alarm of fire.

1882

The year which ends to-morrow has been remarkable for a
succession of unexpected and stirring events in the domain of
politics, foreign as well as domestic, but in other respects it has
not risen above the level of the commonplace. In business, in
society, in literature and art, there have been no dramatic
incidents to record. Even political vicissitudes, though full of
interest for the people of the United Kingdom, will not, with
one exception, be remembered among the cardinal movements
of history.

The Egyptian expedition, notwithstanding its brilliant and
complete success and the important issues of policy opened up
by the achievement, can hardly be compared, for its hold upon
the national mind, with the Crimean War, the Indian Mutiny,
the Secession conflict in the United States, or the death-struggle
between France and Germany. No one of the great Powers of
Europe has been tried during the past twelve months by the
clash of international ambitions or by the upheavals of revolu-
tion. The peace of the Continent has been preserved, and, in
spite of some outbreaks of popular bitterness abroad, ostensibly
or actually moved by jealousy of English influence in Egypt,
diplomatic relations have been maintained on the satisfactory
basis of a good understanding between the leading States and a
general desire to avoid occasions of quarrel.

At home, the reform of Parliamentary procedure and the
state of Ireland divided public attention. The Irish policy of
the Government has been complicated by a series of sudden
changes, into which Mr. Gladstone and his colleagues have been
led by a natural disinclination to recognise the fact that the
working of the Land Act has not yet removed, or even

1882 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 177

diminished in any perceptible way, disaffection and organised
crime in Ireland. During the first half of the year the
Opposition appeared to be steadily gaining ground upon the
party in power. The bye-elections in North Yorkshire, Preston,
Northampton, East Cornwall, the West Riding, and Taunton
showed generally a falling -off in the Liberal polls, and a
corresponding increase in the Conservative polls, compared with
the results of the previous contests. The Ministry, to outward
seeming, suffered by the successive secession from the Cabinet of
Mr. Forster and Mr. Bright, even more than by the withdrawal
of the Duke of Argyll the year before. The condemnation of
Mr. Gladstone's policy upon two vital issues by the seceding
Ministers was not without support outside. A section of the
Advanced Liberals denounced British intervention in Egypt,
while the concessions to Irish agitation were censured by several
eminent Whigs, such as Lord Grey, Lord Fitzwilliam, and Lord
Fortescue, and induced a few — Lord Zetland and Lord Bra-
bourne, for example — to declare themselves Conservatives.

It was one of the surprises of modern politics that the
Egyptian expedition — a measure, as many of his own followers
contended, inconsistent with the principles maintained by the
Prime Minister when attacking the Beaconsfield Government —
renewed the popularity and extended the influence of the
Administration. A few fanatical devotees of non-intervention
continued to protest, but the nation at large, almost without
distinction of party, applauded the means taken for the pro-
tection of British interests in Egypt, and regarded with keen
satisfaction the proof given that the naval and military services
were ably organised and skilfully handled. A revival of the
warlike spirit of Englishmen, such as the country has seen from
time to time, and usually without warning, was stimulated by
the achievements of the fleet and the army. Conservative
criticism was forced to take into account the drift of public
opinion, especially as it lay in the direction of what was deemed
a Conservative foreign policy. Ministers were able to hold
their ground without difficulty against any attacks so long as
the attention of the country was turned towards the Egyptian
successes. To this was mainly due the comparative ease with
which Mr. Gladstone, in the autumn session, carried through the
cloture and the other reforms of procedure, although in the
preceding May he had been willing to make a concession to his

VOL. II N

178 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1882

opponents, which would have saved the authority and responsi-
bility of the Opposition.

The autumnal campaign in politics had been energetic
and untiring, but politicians for the most part were fighting
with their hands tied. The future of English policy in Egypt
was unknown, and in the absence of light public men were
wisely unwilling to commit themselves to any decisive utter-
ances. Perhaps the most curious feature in the campaign was
the oratorical invasion of Scotland — first by Sir Stafford
Northcote in October, and afterwards by Lord Salisbury in
November. The autumn session was occupied by protracted
debates on procedure, which showed that the discipline of the
Liberals was strict, and that in the House of Commons, despite
notorious differences of opinion, the Ministry were still sure
of an ample working majority. In the country, however, the
edge was taken off the Ministerial success in Egypt by the pro-
minence given to other topics. The renewal of troubles in
Ireland and the doubts cast anew upon the satisfactory working
of the Land and the Arrears Acts aided in bringing out
evidences of a partial reaction. The Conservatives exulted in
their victory at Salisbury, where the Liberal sitting member had
vacated his seat on accepting a subordinate office in the Koyal
liousehold, and in their greatly augmented majority at Wigan.
But these gains were much more than counterbalanced by their
unexpected defeat at Liverpool ; though, as two-fifths of the
constituency did not go to the poll, it is doubtful how far the
issue can be regarded as showing the tendency of public
opinion. Mr. Forster, who visited Glasgow in December,
pointed to the Liverpool election as a proof of the popularity
of the Government, the policy of which, in one vital part —
the treatment of Irish disaffection — he, nevertheless, severely
criticised.

The path of the Government was smoothed by the complete
extinction of the Protectionist movement masquerading under
the title of " Fair Trade " and the subsidence of discontent and
agitation among the agricultural classes in Great Britain. The
improvement in trade prospects, both industrial and commercial,
w^as undoubted, though the corresponding increase of revenue
was slow in answering to the hopes of financiers, and some
branches of business remained in a state of depression. Public
securities of recognised solidity were high in price throughout

1882 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 179

the year, and the Money-market, notwithstanding spasmodic
movements due to the alarms of foreign politics, was, on the
whole, steady. There were no disastrous panics, no serious
conflicts between labour and capital. It is a proof of the
stability produced by the lean years which had gone before,
with their lessons of thrift and caution, that this country
scarcely felt the shock of the financial collapse of the Union
G^n^rale in Paris or the vicissitudes of the Egyptian crisis.

Protective tariflFs in foreign countries, and even in some of
our own colonies, continue to restrict the development of
British trade with other communities. The negotiations for a
renewal of the commercial treaty with France, after repeated
eflForts, were abandoned in April last as hopeless, but arrange-
ments were concluded on "the most favoured nation" basis
which have worked fairly well. Commerce and manufactures
at home, though free from serious disturbances, showed an
incurable tendency to fluctuation.

Agriculture, after all the greatest of British industries, has
not yet been rewarded by a really plenteous harvest for the
trials of recent years ; but the crops have, at all events, yielded
a return far above the miserable averages of 1879, 1880, and
1881. The mild winter, which was noticed as full of promise
for the farmers in the Speech from the throne in February, was
followed by fairly seasonable weather up to June, when heavy
rains did much damage to the hops and wheat, and ruinously
drenched a splendid hay crop. In July and August the
weather was chequered, but some intervals of sunshine and
drying winds allowed the cereals generally to be harvested
without much deterioration. Pasture, roots, and green crops
were excellent and abundant. Unfortunately, live stock have
been largely reduced in numbers during the period of depression,
so that the supply of "feed" exceeded the demand. The
improvement in the farmers' position was marked by the failure
of political schemes for inoculating England with the agrarian
designs which had convulsed Ireland. In the extreme North,
however, the contagion was more readily transmitted, and in
Skye violent resistance was offered by a portion of the
" crofters " to evictions for non-payment of rent.

Among the most interesting social characteristics of the year
may be noted a succession of events in which the Queen and
the Koyal Family bore a prominent part. The attempt on Her

180 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1882

Majesty's life, at Windsor, by a half- crazed creature named
Maclean, was followed by the Queen's visit, for much needed
quiet and rest, to Mentone. Soon after her return, Prince
Leopold, Duke of Albany, was married to the Princess Helen of
Waldeck. This splendid ceremony was succeeded by one of
more popular interest, the formal , dedication of Epping Forest
— secured from further "enclosure" by the exertions of the
Corporation of London — to the use and enjoyment of the
people. The Queen's appearance in state on this occasion, and
again, much later in the year, when she reviewed in St. James's
Park the troops returned from the Egyptian expedition, was
surpassed in the imposing effect of magnificent costumes and
applauding multitudes by Her Majesty's visit to the Royal
Courts of Justice, which were opened formally on the 4th of
December. For years Londoners, and, indeed, Englishmen in
general, have not witnessed so many state pageants. The
personal loyalty of the nation to the Sovereign and the reigning
House has been not less clearly shown on minor occasions, on
the return of the Prince of Wales' sons from their cruise in the
Bacchante^ and during the illnesses of the Duke of Albany and
the Duke of Edinburgh. The Duke of Connaught's good
service in command of a division in Egypt was cordially
acknowledged by the public.

There have, however, been other proofs that individual
influences exercise an undiminished sway over opinion and
sentiment in these kingdoms. Though the political strength of
the Ministry may have been impaired by the wear and tear of
three years' tenure of ofiice, Mr. Gladstone's personal popularity
is as great as ever. The Prime Minister's marvellous and self-
sufficing powers extort admiration, while the vigour of his will
generates antipathies as outspoken almost as those which beset
the latter days of Lord Beaconsfield. During the present
month Mr. Gladstone's " political jubilee " — the completion of
the fiftieth year of his Parliamentary service — was celebrated,
and he has entered this week on his seventy-fourth year. It
was, however, manifest that even Mr. Gladstone could not
continue to bear the threefold burden of the Premiership, the
leadership of the House of Commons, and the Chancellorship of
the Exchequer. There were, too, other provisional arrange-
ments in the Ministry which must soon be corrected. Lord
Spencer, while acting as Viceroy of Ireland and a member of

1882 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 181

the Cabinet, w^s also nominally President of the Council, and
Lord Kimberley had added the ofl&ce of Chancellor of the Duchy
of Lancaster to that of Secretary of State for the Colonies.

The chief changes in the Administration, besides those in
Ireland, which will be presently noticed, were not effected till
after the autumn session. Lord Derby then entered the Cabinet
as Secretary for the Colonies, Lord Kimberley was removed to
the India Office, Lord Hartington to the War Office, and Mr.
Childers to the Chancellorship of the Exchequer, at length
vacated by Mr. Gladstone. A place in the Cabinet was subse-
quently found for Sir Charles Dilke by Mr. Dodson's transfer
from the Presidency of the Local Government Board to the
Chancellorship of the Duchy of Lancaster. Mr. Fawcett's
dangerous illness, which moved universal sympathy, and from
which he is now happily recovering, also drew attention to the
claims, which cannot long remain without further recognition, of
one of the soundest politicians and the ablest administrators in
the Government.

A large number of baronetcies and knighthoods, in addition
to the rewards for the Egyptian campaign, have been distributed
in the past twelve months, but few honours of the highest
class. The Lord Chancellor was advanced to the dignity of an
earldom on the opening of the Law Courts, and is now Earl of
Selborne and Viscount Wolmer ; Sir Garnet Wolseley and Sir
Beauchamp Seymour were respectively created Lord Wolseley
of Cairo and Lord Alcester on their return from Egypt.

The dual leadership of the Conservative party — Lord
Salisbury guiding the majority in the Peers, and Sir Stafford
Northcote the minority in the House of Commons — has fairly
stood the test of active operations in the face of adversity.
Lord Kandolph Churchill and his associates of the Fourth Party
dislike the tactics of moderation and watchfulness to which the
leaders of the Opposition have adhered ; but there is no reason
for believing that the Conservative party at large desire to break
away from the counsels in which both Lord Salisbury and Sir
Stafford Northcote are agreed, and to precipitate, even were it
possible, by obstructive measures and alliances with the Irish
Secessionist faction, an appeal to the constituencies. The
autumn session has shown that the Conservatives, in spite of
the effervescing zeal or ambition of a few bold theorists of
" Tory Democracy," are united, well disciplined, and resolved to

182 ATTNUAL SUMMARIES 1882

maintain a character for sobriety and public spirit. Sir
Stafford Northcote's failure of strength — already, it is hoped,
repaired by a brief period of rest — was a loss to his party. It
was also a warning that statesmen of less adamantine frame than
the Prime Minister cannot stand the high pressure and the pro-
longed duration of recent Parliaments. From this point of
view men of all opinions may be satisfied if the hopes should be
realised which the Ministry found upon the reform of Parlia-
mentary procedure, almost the only political work, so far as
England is concerned, of a session extending from the beginning
of February to the beginning of December, and following two
sessions of abnormal length, of excessive activity, and of singular
barrenness in measures of general advantage to the community.

If, however. Parliament has done little for Great Britain
during the year, it has again devoted by far the greater portion
of its time to Irish affairs. The administrative energies of the
Executive, moreover, have been fully as much absorbed by
Ireland as by Egypt. At the opening of 1882 the effect of the
Land Act was becoming visible, though only a small fraction of
the cases entered for hearing, constituting in themselves only
a small fraction of the total number of tenancies, had been
decided. The landlords, however, were alarmed at the almost
invariable reductions of rent, averaging from one-fifth to one-
third of the previous rentals. The tenants, still believing in the
policy of the " No-Eent " manifesto, held aloof in great numbers
from the Courts, and agrarian crime continued to exact terrible
penalties from landlords, agents, or officers of the law who
dared to press for the payment of rent due. Mr. Parnell was
in Kilmainham Gaol; the Protection Act was administered
with resolution and courage by Mr. Forster ; the harvest had
been plentiful, and there was no distress.

Nevertheless, the situation was discouraging. Not only the
landlords and other loyalists, but the very authors of the Land
Act, were denounced throughout Ireland as cruel tyrants and
irreconcilable enemies. The Land League, though suppressed
by law, strove to make its power felt in various indirect ways,
and the waverings of the farmers in their adherence to the
" No-Eent " decree, as well as the recovery of rent or land by
legal processes, were punished by outrages which remained long
unpunished. Among the most horrible of these crimes was the
mysterious murder of an old man and a lad in Lord Ardilaun's

1882 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 183

employment, whose bodies were afterwards found sunk in
Lough Mask. The darkness which shrouded this and other
evil deeds was disquieting to the Government and to all
loyal men. Mr. Forster steadily persevered in his efforts
to break the power and defeat the aims of the Land League,
with the conviction that success therein would cut at the
root of organised crime. At the Cork Winter Assizes, with
a restricted jury panel, some important convictions were
obtained, on the testimony of an approver, which cleared
up much of the mystery that covered the proceedings of
" Captain Moonlight " and his murderous gangs ; but generally
the ordinary juries failed, either through terror or sympathy,
to convict even upon the clearest evidence. That terror-
ism was at work in this as in other directions was shown
by the murder of Mr. Herbert, a magistrate for Kerry, who had
become obnoxious to the enemies of the law by his courageous
firmness in the jury box. This crime was closely followed by
the murder in Westmeath of Mrs. Smythe, who was shot in her
brother-in-law's carriage on her way from church.

Public opinion in England was deeply moved by these
events, but, as Judges pointed out on the Bench and Ministers
in Parliament, by far the greater number of the victims were
poor men, tenants suspected of paying rent, farm-servants
daring to work for boycotted persons, or bailiffs and others
venturing to serve notices of legal process. Some threatening
attacks were made on the police, and actual or suspected in-
formers were stabbed and shot in the streets of Dublin. The
state of Ireland weja incessantly discussed in Parliament, but
down to the hour of Mr. Forster's resignation the Government
made no sign of concession to the party of disorder.

A number of Radical politicians, especially those in whose con-
stituencies the Irish vote was powerful, were zealous for the re-
lease of Mr. Parnell and the employment of the power of the Land
League to restore tranquillity in Ireland. Mr. Forster stoutly
resisted this policy, which found determined advocates in the
Cabinet, and his resignation, with Lord Cowper's, first made
known the Ministerial change of policy. The abandonment of
the Protection Act was announced, Mr. Parnell, Mr. O'Kelly, and
Mr. Dillon were released and appeared in the House of Commons,
where Mr. Forster defended his own views, maintaining that
the extraordinary powers entrusted to the Executive ought not

184 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1882

to be surrendered until at least alternative measures for grappling
with crime were adopted, and that it would be better to struggle,
even unsuccessfully, against crime than to rely for its repression
upon the aid of its organisers. Subsequently the grounds of
the understanding between the Government and the Land League
party, which the Opposition nick-named the Kilmainham
Treaty, were hotly discussed in Parliament. Mr. Gladstone
affirmed that the Cabinet had acted upon " information " of Mr.
Parnell's willingness to help the cause of order, which was
contained, as it proved, in a letter to Mr. O'Shea. The promise
was conditional upon the passing of an Arrears Bill and the
abandonment of coercion ; but the course of subsequent events
to a great extent deprived the arrangement of more than historic
interest.

Lord Spencer's appointment as Viceroy, with Lord Frederick
Cavendish as Chief Secretary, was too speedily followed by a
terrible justification of Mr. Forster's warnings. In official
circles there was an unbounded confidence in the conciliation
and pacification of Irish feeling by the abandonment of coercion.
Lord Spencer's reception at Dublin Castle was encouraging, but
on the evening of that very day Lord Frederick Cavendish and
the Under - Secretary, Mr. Burke, were assassinated in the
Phoenix Park, within sight of the Viceregal Lodge. The
murderers, dressed in American fashion and armed, as was
conjectured, with bowie knives, escaped, nor down to the
present hour, in spite of extraordinary efforts and immense
rewards, have they been brought to justice. This atrocity made
a profound impression upon English opinion, and even in
Ireland there was a momentary recoil from the cause identified
with such horrors. But it soon became clear that neither the
agitators nor the masses in Ireland were able, if, indeed, they
were willing, to put down crime, whether agrarian or political.
A few weeks after the Phoenix Park tragedy two double
murders were perpetrated in Connaught. A retired Anglo-
Indian, Mr. Bourke, and a soldier escorting him, were shot
from behind a loopholed wall, and in the same manner, three
weeks later, Mr. Blake, Lord Clanricarde's agent, and his
steward were killed. Attacks on policemen, on bailiffs, on
deserters of the Land League policy, and especially on persons
suspected of giving aid or information to the police, were not
diminishing.

1882 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 186

The Government had the support of all parties, except Mr.
Parnell and his extreme followers, in passing the Prevention of
Crimes Bill, the strongest measure of the kind ever introduced,
with the exception of Lord Grey's Coercion Act. Mr. Trevelyan,
who had succeeded to the Chief Secretaryship, laboured actively
under Lord Spencer to reorganise the police force, and to make
the application of the law swift and sure. The task was in-
terrupted and complicated by difficulties with the Koyal Irish
Constabulary and with the Dublin Metropolitan Police, which
more than once threatened to end in a formidable strike. The
Executive, without refusing to meet reasonable demands, firmly
upheld discipline, and the excitement rapidly died away. In
the autumn the police, both in Dublin and in the provinces,
displayed, under severe trials, a devotion and courage worthy of
all praise.

The strenuous administration of the Crimes Act had im-
mediate effect in the reduction of outrages, chiefly, however, as
several of the Irish judges pointed out, of the less serious type.
The massacre of the Joyce family at Maamtrasna, believed to be
instigated by those who feared the disclosure of the Lough
Mask murder, was tracked to its authors, and it was hoped that
other agrarian crimes would, under the new arrangements for
trial before special juries in Dublin and other large towns, be
promptly and adequately punished. The power of trying
prisoners without juries was held in reserve. Some important
convictions were obtained before the Dublin Special Commission
in August, but the effect was impaired by an attack made upon
the jury and the Bench in one notable case, in a newspaper
owned and edited by the High Sheriff, Mr. Gray, M.P. Mr.
Justice Lawson at once committed Mr. Gray for contempt, and
a Parliamentary controversy ensued, which was referred in the
autumn session to a select committee. ]\ ^t Gray had meanwhile
been released, and the judge's exercise oi authority, in spite of
this unsuccessful challenge, protected the Courts against menaces
disguised as criticism.

The operation of the law, nevertheless, was not left un-
impeded. Important trials were coming on at the November
Commission ; the Maamtrasna and the Lough Mask murders
were to be investigated, and, though these were undoubtedly
agrarian crimes committed in the remote West, the inquiry
alarmed the desperate confederacy which defied the police in

186 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1882

Dublin. Mr. Justice Lawson narrowly escaped the meditated
attack of an armed assassin ; a small body of detectives
employed in watching suspicious characters were set upon by
armed men, and one was killed ; Mr. Field, a juror in one of
the agrarian cases at the former Commission, was stabbed and
left for dead before his own door. The Irish Government
grappled at once with the evil ; the police were reinforced by
patrols of Marines ; and the trials before special juries were
proceeded with. In the Maamtrasna case, which revealed un-
known depths of savagery, eight men were convicted, of whom
three were executed. Convictions were also obtained, though
not without a second trial, in the Lough Mask case.

While this struggle with Irish crime was going on Mr.
Gladstone continued to predict that his remedial measures
would strike at the root of the evil. It is difl&cult as yet to
determine whether the Land Act has won over many of the
peasantry to the cause of order. The Land Commission has
been at work since November 1881, but at first it was greatly
undermanned, and its apparent effects have been obscured by
the introduction of the Arrears Act, which was intended to
bring within the Land Act indebted tenants otherwise unable
to apply under the fair rent clauses. The extent to which this
relief was required proved to be much overrated, and the
arguments on both sides, when the Bill was before Parliament,
look now somewhat out of proportion to the results. But until
the Arrears question was finally settled, which was not until the
Prime Minister at the close of the autumn session declared that
the Government could go no further, the normal relations
between landlords and tenants could not be subjected to the
decisions of the Courts. How rents, judicial or other, were to
be paid, could not be determined until the irregular arrange-
ments for the paymefi^ of arrears were concluded.

The Land League party, in spite of the Treaty of Kilmain-
ham and the concessions of the Government, declared that the
Imperial Parliament had failed to conciliate Ireland. Mr.
Parnell and his immediate friends were, nevertheless, in favour
of persevering in Parliamentary action, calculating upon the
"squeezability" of English politicians. Mr. Davitt, followed
by another section, was for more violent measures. At a
conference held in Dublin in October these conflicting views
almost led to an open rupture, but Mr. Parnell prevailed, and

1882 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 187

his policy is now on its triaL The Land League and the Home
Rule League have merged in the Irish National League which
was established at the conference. There, also, the demands of
the " popular party " in Ireland, f^om which were excluded not
only Irish Liberals and Irish Conservatives, but moderate Home
Rulers, such as Mr. Shaw, were thrown into a compact form.

Mr. Parnell stands pledged, as he avowed in his recent
speeches at Cork, to force the Government to give effect to those
demands, to enlarge the scope of the Land Act, and to establish
centres of Nationalist strength in county boards, controlling
local taxation, electing magistrates and sheriffs, managing the
police and electing the members of the administrative bodies
concerned with education, the poor law, and public works.
The disturbance of the agrarian settlement adopted by Parlia-
ment in the Land Act has been protested against by Lord
Derby, just before his entrance into the Cabinet, and by Mr.
Forster. Distress, unhappily, prevails in many parts of Ireland,
where the cottier tenants have received no benefit — as, indeed,
it was impossible they should — from the Land Act and the
Arrears Act The Government declined to sanction relief
works, and desire to supplement the poor law by emigration.
To this policy Mr. Parnell and his party are opposed, contending
that the starving cottiers of Connaught ought rather to be
settled, at the cost of the State, on the rich lands now devoted
to stock breeding with a success visible in no other branch of
Irish farming.

In Egypt, at the beginning of the year, the Khedive was
pressed by the growing pretensions of the Council of Notables,
and Arabi's restoration to the War Department seemed to
portend the complete triumph of the National party. England
and France — the latter under the rule of M. Gambetta, whose
power had been apparently confirmed by the Senatorial elections
— presented a Joint Note, declaring the maintenance of the
Khedive's authority " the only possible guarantee " for order,
and expressing their hope of preventing dangers which, should
they arise, " would certainly find England and France united to
face them." The Porte protested, and in Germany, Austria,
Italy, and Russia there were signs of impatience and jealousy,
which encouraged the Notables to attack the Control and
European influence in Egypt. Arabi and the army had, in
fact, a monopoly of power ; the Khedive was forced to accept a

188 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1882

National Ministry, and the Organic Law, adopted in defiance of
the protests of the Controllers, placed the Budget in the hands
of the Notables, thus subverting the authority of England and
France embodied in the Control. M. Gambetta's downfall and
the minimising and dilatory policy of M. de Freycinet, with the
belief that England would not intervene alone, spurred Arabi,
now substantially Dictator and supported almost undisguisedly
by the Sultan, to more daring measures. A quarrel with the
Khedive and a pretext for the ejection of the Europeans were
sought, but the military party overshot their mark. Tewfik
Pasha refused to sanction the execution of some Circassian
officers condemned for alleged conspiracy against Arabi. The
Notables drew back from opposing the Khedive at the bidding
of the soldiery. The Sultan saw his way to seizing the crisis as
a pretext for action on his own behalf.

Throughout Europe it began to be understood that the
defeat of the Western Powers in Egypt would mean the ruin of
civilisation and all European interests. Finally, the urgency of
the case brought England and France to an agreement that any
disturbance of the status quo must be prevented. In pursuance
of this policy, a British and a French squadron anchored in the
harbour of Alexandria in the latter part of May. Meanwhile,
a panic prevailed among the Europeans ; the Khedive, hoping
to avoid a collision, recalled Arabi and his party to office ; it
was known that England and France were considering how the
Sultan's suzerainty could be employed to put down the military
dictatorship.

On the 25th of May the English and French Consuls-General
presented an ultimatum to the Egyptian Ministers, demanding
the temporary removal from the country of Arabi and two other
leaders of the mutinous soldiery, and the resignation of the
Ministry. The Khedive gladly assented to these terms, but the
army and the Nationalists, not believing that the fleets would
be allowed to fire a shot, and believing, with better reason, that
the Sultan would not jeopardise his power as Caliph in a
conflict for Christians against Moslems, were obstinate and
threatening. The Ministers resigned, but the Khedive could
find none to succeed them. His appeals to the Ulema, the
Notables, the heads of departments, and the officers were met
with insolent defiance. The army clamoured for the restoration
of Arabi, and warned the trading classes that, unless the

1882 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 189

Khedive yielded, life and property would not be safe. The
Khedive did yield, and quickened the flight of Europeans from
Cairo to Alexandria, where hundreds crowded into the ships in
the roads. Whether Arabi remained master of the situation or
the Western Powers forcibly interfered, the danger appeared
equally great.

But intervention of another kind was first essayed. The
proposal for a Conference at Constantinople had not yet been
accepted by all the great Powers, and the Porte had taken the
initiative alone. Dervish Pasha was sent to Cairo on a special
mission, and was welcomed there avowedly as representing the
cause of Islam. His policy was, it appeared, to reduce the
Khedive to impotence, and, either through Arabi or by sup-
planting him, to get control over the Egyptian army. His
schemes were interrupted on the 11th of June by the explosion
for which the military conspirators had laid the train. A street
brawl in Alexandria between a Maltese and an Arab gave the
signal for a Mussulman rising, undoubtedly preconcerted, in
which the rioters assaulted, wounded, and killed a great number
of Europeans and pillaged their houses. The British Consul,
Mr. Cookson, was seriously injured, and some officers and men
of the British squadron were among the victims. With some
exceptions the troops and police stood aloof till the mischief
was done. Arabi did not interfere till he had convinced
Dervish Pasha that Turkey was powerless to solve the difiiculty.
The Khedive and Dervish, accompanied by the European
Consuls -General, hastened to Alexandria, leaving Arabi as
autocrat at Cairo. The panic of the Europeans increased with
the insolence of the Arabs. In vain the Khedive and his
Ministers strove to allay the excitement by vague promises.
Arabi's supremacy was recognised at the Porte by his elevation
to the highest rank of the Medjidie ; he was openly preparing
resistance at Alexandria and a raid on the Suez Canal.

International jealousies were for the moment hushed ; the
Conference met ; a " self-denying protocol " was signed by all
the Powers, and, in the absence of a formal mandate entrusted
to the Western Powers, efforts were made to induce the Porte to
act under strict limitations as mandatory of Europe. The
Sultan's shifty delays prolonged the uncertainty. It was clear
that France was unwilling to intervene, and the Egyptian rebels
believed that England would not act without support. Arabi,

190 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1882

as Mr. Gladstone said in Parliament, had thrown off the mask,
and was aiming at the deposition of the Khedive and the ex-
pulsion of the Europeans. England, however, had determined
to act — if possible, with the authority of Europe, with the
support of France and the co-operation of Turkey ; but, if
necessary, alone.

In view of probable action, Arabi's preparations for resist-
ance at Alexandria could not be overlooked. In spite of broken
pledges, and orders from the Khedive and the Sultan, Sir
Beauchamp Seymour reported that the works on the forts were
actively carried on, and on the 6th of July the Admiral
demanded their instant cessation under penalty of bombard-
ment. Protests by the Khedive and the foreign Consuls were
outweighed by Arabi's practical defiance, and on the 10th Sir
Beauchamp Seymour finally insisted on the surrender of the
forts at the mouth of the harbour as a material guarantee.
The Egyptian Ministers strove to negotiate, but the Admiral's
resolution was fixed, and Arabi, confident in the strength of the
forts, had no thought of yielding. In the early morning of the
11th eight British ironclads and five gunboats advanced to the
attack. The Egyptian guns, of large calibre and modern
construction, were well served ; but in a few hours the forts
were battered down or silenced, with slight loss on the British
side and with trifling damage to the ships. Next day, as the
bombardment was about to be renewed, negotiations were
opened by the display of flags of truce, under cover of which
the Egyptian forces evacuated the town, setting fire to the
European quarter and letting loose upon it gangs of reckless
plunderers. Fortunately a plan for the Khedive's murder was
balked, and the British bluejackets and marines quickly restored
order in the streets. In a few days a small body of British
troops was landed under Sir Archibald Alison, who was, how-
ever, neither able nor authorised to strike a blow at Arabi's
army.

The vigorous action of England in Egypt was in striking
contrast with the retirement of the French squadron to Port
Said before the bombardment, nor, in spite of the protests of
M. Gambetta and his friends, was the French Government
tempted to follow the English initiative. The majority of the
chamber, shrinking from intervention, gave a hostile vote on M.
de Freycinet's demand for funds to provide for the protection of

1882 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 191

French interests in the Canal. England was thus left to act
alone ; the Powers did not interfere ; the delays at the Porte as
to entering the Conference and settling the terms of military
co-operation left English policy practically unfettered. The
despatch of an expeditionary force to secure British interests
and to restore order was resolved upon with scarcely a show of
opposition, though Mr. Bright, who had sanctioned the despatch
of the fleet to Alexandria, left the Cabinet on the ground that
further intervention was a breach of " the moral law."

Mr. Gladstone asked on the 24th of July for a vote of credit
for £2,300,000, which he proposed to meet by an increase of
the income-tax. The vote was passed, and consent to the
employment of an Indian Contingent was also granted. The
Prime Minister denied that Arabi was a national leader, and
charged the ruin of Egypt upon "lawless military violence,
aggravated by wanton and cruel crime." The War Office and
the Admiralty prepared for the campaign with unusual energy
and promptitude. It was impossible, however, to crush Arabi at
once ; the insurgent army, encouraged by the delay, threatened
Alexandria, the Khedive, and Sir A Alison's force, cut off the
supply of fresh water by the Mahmoudieh Canal, denounced
Tewfik Pasha as a traitor, and involved the populace in guilt by
abominable outrages on Europeans.

The Khedive at length proclaimed Arabi a rebel, and Lord
Dufferin invited the Sultan to issue a similar proclamation
before joining in the expedition. The procrastinations of the
Porte tided the British Government over a difficult crisis.
Diplomatic questions were still at issue when the reinforcements
from England began to land at Alexandria, on the 10th of
August. Admiral Hewett had occupied Suez, to be ready for
the Indian contingent, a week earlier. Sir Garnet Wolseley, the
commander of the expedition, arrived in Egypt on the 15th, a
day or two before the Parliamentary adjournment, with Sir
John Adye as Chief of the Staff and second in command ; and
General Macpherson, with the Indian troops, appeared at the
Red Sea port a few days later. The plan of operations arranged
before the General and his staff left England was at first kept
studiously secret. Under colour of a projected attack on the
Aboukir forts. Sir Garnet Wolseley sailed from Alexandria with
the main body of the army on the 19th, and within a few hours
the entire course of the Canal was occupied, the British head-

192 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1882

quarters being fixed at Ismailia, The whole of the Indian
Contingent was under arms a few days later at Suez ; but
active operations from the new base, the Canal, were delayed
through deficiency of transport and supplies. Arabi's forces
were not idle ; they kept the garrison at Alexandria busy, and
harassed the British on the Canal by cutting off the provision
of fresh water.

M. de Lesseps, who had been in close relations with Arabi,
protested loudly against the violation of the neutrality of the
international waterway, but his complaints were backed by none
of the Powers. Proposals, indeed, were made by Italy and
accepted by the Powers that the Canal should be placed in
charge of an international police. Events, however, outstripped
this scheme as well as the hesitating movements of the Porte.

Sir Garnet Wolseley's plan of campaign was to advance on
Cairo by the Freshwater Canal. Though supplies were short
and the railway almost useless from lack of engines and rolling
stock carried off by Arabi, it was thought necessary to push on.
After the repulse of an attack on our advanced posts at
Kassassin on the 28th, Arabi and his army retired on a strongly
intrenched position at Tel-el-Kebir. For a fortnight the British
General reserved his final blow ; even successful skirmishes were
not followed up. At length, on the evening of the 12th of
September, orders were issued for an assault on the Egyptian
position. The troops, numbering under 14,000 men, with sixty
guns, began to move before dawn, and had drawn close to the
Tel-el-Kebir lines unnoticed before five o'clock. The instant the
alarm was given the British soldiery charged, and after a few
minutes' struggle the enemy's intrenchments were won. The
Egyptian army fled in wild rout towards Cairo, outrun by Arabi
himself.

No time was lost in piirsuing the advantage of this complete
and crushing victory. General Drury-Lowe advanced by a
forced march on the capital, which was instantly surrendered
by the Governor, and occupied peaceably by a mere handful of
British troops. Arabi and his lieutenant, Toulba Pasha, gave
themselves up, and Cairo welcomed the victors, as they rapidly
arrived, with demonstrations of hostility to the rebels. Within
a couple of weeks the last embers of the rebellion had died out ;
strong positions at Kafr-dawar, Aboukir, and Damietta were
successively surrendered, the insurgent army disbanded, and

1882 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 193

only a few of the chiefs held in custody for trial. The Khedive
returned in triumph from Alexandria to Cairo, where, on the
30th of September, the victorious British troops were paraded
before him.

The battle of Tel-el-Kebir, involving a loss on the British
side in killed and wounded of just 400 officers and men, ended
the war. The rebels numbered nearly 30,000 men, but they
did not fight with obstinacy, and their loss was under 1500
men. The success of Sir Garnet Wolseley and his gallant
troops was generously recognised at home and abroad. De-
traction and cynical criticism were hushed. Foreign opinion
generally recognised the service rendered to civilisation. Even
the Porte was forced to acquiesce in the logic of facts. The
withdrawal of the English forces began immediately, though
an army of occupation of 12,000 men, under Sir A. Alison, was
left to restore order and to protect the Khedive. The total
charge for the naval, military, and Indian services down to the
close of the war was ascertained to be £4,600,000, but no
special provision was made during the autumn session for the
excess over the estimate of July. Rewards were freely bestowed
on the returning victors ; peerages on the naval and military
chiefs, knightly orders on the Generals and Admirals of Division
and the diplomatic and consular agents, and medals in profusion
upon the soldiery. The review before the Queen in St. James's
Park was an occasion of national rejoicing.

But there remained causes of anxiety for the future. Neither
the Opposition at home nor the Great Powers pressed the
Government unduly for a disclosure of its policy in Egypt
Mr. Gladstone and other Ministers repudiated the notion of
annexing that country, and declared that England was ready to
withdraw from the supervision of Egyptian affairs when
securities had been taken against renewed anarchy. The
difficulty of maintaining this position, still more of accepting
Mr. Courtney's policy of leaving the Egyptians to stew in their
own juice, has become more apparent since the return of peace.
England has been compelled repeatedly to interfere, with
advice indistinguishable from commands. The restoration of
the Dual Control has been forbidden ; the creation of an
Egyptian army has been committed to Sir Evelyn Wood, while
the gendarmerie has been placed under Baker Pasha.

The most remarkable instance of British intervention was

VOL. II o

194 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1882

the rescue of Arabi from the Egyptian Courts. The rebel
leader was given up to be tried by an Egyptian Court-Martial ;
then a Special Commission was appointed to try him on charges
of mutiny, treason, and violation of the laws of war. A strong
feeling, however, grew up in England that our vanquished
enemy should not be treated as an ordinary criminal ; English
opinion prevailed ; the Khedive and his Ministers yielded
reluctantly to the pressure of Lord Dufferin, who had left
Constantinople to arrange the terms of the new settlement in
Egypt. Arabi pleaded guilty on the least grave charges ; his
sentence was commuted to banishment, and he and some of his
fellow-prisoners are now on their way to Ceylon, there to be
detained in English custody. Lord Derby's desire, expressed
just before his acceptance of office, that we should leave Egypt
the moment the Khedive can " stand alone " does not, in these
circumstances, appear likely to be soon realised.

On the Continent the year, apart from the Egyptian com-
plications, was not marked by any international events of
exceptional importance. The domestic politics of France were
largely influenced by foreign affairs. M. Gambetta's Ministry
was overthrown in January, on the scrutin de liste proposal, by
a majority in the Chamber of 305 to 110. Moderate men had
been alarmed by the restlessness of Ministers, while the Eadicals
detested their " opportunism." M. de Freycinet was recalled to
power, with M. L^on Say, M. Jules Ferry, M. Tirard, Admiral
Jaur^guiberry, and other men of experience and Parliamentary
weight as his colleagues. M. Gambetta's friends and the
Extreme Left proved equally powerless against M. de Freycinet
in domestic affairs. Many "burning questions" were dealt
with or discussed — the election of mayors, primary education,
the Concordat, and divorce — the Ministry steering skilfully
between extreme opinions. There was no suspicion that M. de
Freycinet's Government was destined to fall through a too
cautious evasion of national responsibility.

France, as we have seen, went hand in hand with England,
though slowly and hesitatingly, down to the critical moment
when it became necessary to support diplomacy by action.
Then she drew back, as M. Gambetta pointed out, with fatal
consequences to her authority and influence in Egypt. M.
de Freycinet's modest proposals for safeguarding the Suez
Canal were rejected by a majority of 416 to 75, combining

1882 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 195

against him members in favour of energetic intervention as well
as complete non-intervention.

After many difficulties, President Gr^vy succeeded in form-
ing a " Ministry of affairs," under M. Duclerc, whicli has held
its ground since in spite of popular discontent at the course of
events in Egypt and the alarm caused by Socialist riots at
Montceau-les-Mines. The revival of a spirit of intervention
abroad — the reaction against the retreat in Egypt — has been
shown by projects for asserting French influence with a high
hand in Tonquin, Madagascar, and Equatorial Africa. As yet no
irreparable steps have been taken in this direction, but the party
in power believe they have much to gain and little to lose by
this form of a spirited foreign policy " with limited liability."
The Socialists and the Legitimists have been equally noisy and
equally impotent. A recent accident to M. Gambetta has caused
much anxiety to his friends, and the year closes with gloomy
anticipations — not, we hope, to be realised — among those who
still view M. Gambetta as the main hope of Republican France.

Prince Bismarck temporarily withdrew from active politics
some time ago. The German Chancellor had met with more
than one rebuff at home, though the Prussian elections in the
autumn showed signs of Conservative reaction. In January a
"royal rescript" addressed to the Landtag had asserted the
independence and initiative of the Crown. Officials were
warned to vote for and with the King's Ministers. Prince
Bismarck was resolved to carry his measures of State Socialism
and to affirm his alliance with the Clericals by the revision of
the Falk Laws. The battle begun in the Prussian Parliament
was continued in the Reichstag without decisive results. The
Chancellor's Tobacco Monopoly Bill was rejected by a great
majority, as was his scheme, introduced in the autumn, for a
biennial budget.

But attention was drawn away more and more to foreign affairs.
Germany, while abstaining from direct intervention in the East,
carefully watched events in Egypt and Turkey. The smothered
feud between Teuton and Slav threatened more than once to
break out. General Skobeleff, not long before his death,
attacked Germany in a speech at Paris to a Servian deputation,
and revived the notions of a Franco-Russian alliance. Another
scare troubled the German and Austrian Exchanges a couple of
weeks ago, when rumours of Russia's warlike preparations on

196 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1882

her western and south-western frontiers elicited a " reminder "
that the Austro - German alliance was a strict and enduring
compact. Austrian policy has closely followed that of Germany ;
the two Powers have successfully laboured to prevent the re-
opening of the Eastern Question. The English intervention in
Egypt was tacitly favoured by the German and Austrian Govern-
ments, and the unjust criticisms of a part of the popular Press
were drowned in the general chorus of congratulation which
greeted Sir Garnet Wolseley's success.

Austria had troubles of her own in Dalmatia and Herze-
govina, where an obstinate insurrection, aided by Panslavist
propagandists in Montenegro, Servia, Russia, and Italy, was only
overcome after months of fighting and the expenditure of a large
sum, their share of which the Hungarian Delegation, jealous of
the increase of Slav subjects, did not vote willingly. At Trieste
the fanatics of Italia Irredenta thrice took advantage of the
visits of the Emperor and his family to attempt murder by
explosive bombs. These outrages, it is just to say, were con-
demned by public opinion in Italy, where the Irredentist
agitation has been visibly losing ground.

The relations between the Vatican and the Italian Govern-
ment have been severely strained, while the Republicans have
assailed the throne with indecent and unscrupulous bitterness.
The budget produced by Signor Magliani was the most satis-
factory since the restoration of Italian unity, but it is doubtful
whether the restlessness of the Italians, which has to be satisfied
by large naval and military expenditure, will permit of a con-
sistent economical policy. The excitement caused by the
French occupation of Tunis was diverted to the Egyptian
Expedition, which was nowhere more violently denounced.
The Italian Government, though the mark for much censure,
deserved and undeserved, obtained a good working majority at
the autumn elections, the first taken under the extended suffrage
and scrutin de liste. The character of the Parliament, however,
has not, apparently, been improved.

Parliamentary government in Spain, as in Italy, is passing
through a period of trial. Senor Sagasta's Government has
been threatened by the Advanced Liberals, led by Marshal
Serrano, and though the Cortes have refused to restore the
Democratic Constitution of 1869, it is probable that the King
and the country are willing to move further in a Liberal

1882 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 197

direction. The surrender of three Cuban prisoners to the
Spanish police by the authorities at Gibraltar was an inexcus-
able blunder, promptly condemned and punished by the Home
Government. The controversy has not improved our relations
with Spain. The conclusion of a satisfactory commercial treaty
with that country seems to be as far off as ever.

Of the smaller European States there is little to record.
Holland and Belgium, Switzerland and Denmark, Sweden and
Norway, and even Portugal, have enjoyed peace and prosperity
which their greater neighbours might envy. Servia has raised
herself to the rank of a kingdom ; Bulgaria and Eastern
Roumelia have been disturbed by political intrigues, which,
fortunately, have not called for the interference of the great
Powers. In Greece, M. Tricoupis has succeeded M. Coumoun-
douros as Prime Minister, and disturbances on the Thessalian
border have extorted fresh concessions from Turkey.

The state of Russia has been disquieting, though the
revolutionary forces have been controlled by extraordinary
measures of repression. A State trial, in which twenty Nihilist
prisoners were arraigned for complicity in the late Czar's murder
and similar crimes, was followed by fresh, outrages and fresh
arrests. It was discovered that the conspirators had accomplices,
some even of high rank, among the officials, civil and military.
The Czar's dread of sharing his father's fate was not lessened by
these disclosures. His retirement from public life still continues.
The persecution of the Jews, somewhat checked by the indignant
protests of the civilised world, is by no means at an end, and
Russia from this cause has lost many thousands of her best
citizens.

In foreign affairs Russia has shown unusual reserve, due,
perhaps, to her internal anxieties. The Egyptian difficulties
and the torpor of the Porte gave occasion for protests which
were not allowed to pass into action. The Central Asian con-
quests were consolidated, though no step in advance was taken.
The retrocession of a part of Kuldja to China, settled in the
previous year, was accomplished. The Panslavist agitation,
which brings Russia into repressed conflict with Germany,
Austria, and Turkey, has been discouraged by the appointment
of M. de Giers as Prince GortchakofPs successor, by the dismissal
of Count Ignatieff, and by the censures passed on General
SkobelefFs harangues. It has been active, though with no

198 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1882

serious consequences, in Turkey and the border lands, checked,
however, by the influence of Germany at the Porte. Questions
arising out of the war indemnity threatened to embroil Turkey
and Russia, but they were settled after a series of palace
intrigues and Ministerial changes. The policy of the Sultan
on this and other points was vacillating and feeble. In Egypt
its mischiefs were outweighed by the fact that it fortunately
left England free. Abdul Hamid, in his recent abrupt and
inexplicable changes of Ministry, has been manifestly governed
by the fear of arousing Moslem fanaticism against him. He
believes, if no one else does, in the revival of Islam, which has
taken menacing shape in Tripoli, the Soudan, and Arabia.

Happily, it has been proved that this movement does not
affect the Mussulmans of India. The Indian Contingent was
sent to Egypt with the full approval of the co-religionists of
Arabi. The Indian Empire has enjoyed unbroken peace. A
British agent has been welcomed at Cabul. Beyond the North-
West frontier there has arisen no serious cause for disquietude ;
the provocations of the King of Burmah have been restrained
by a late-learned prudence ; an impending revolution in Nepal
has been averted. The Government of India has been able to
give exclusive attention to internal affairs. The policy of de-
centralisation and local government has been extended in several
parts of India. In Bengal its administrative success under Sir
Ashley Eden has been vigorously followed up by Mr. Rivers
Thompson. Lord Ripon's scheme, however, met with consider-
able criticism in Bombay, and the expediency of giving the
natives g^uasi-representative institutions has been much ques-
tioned. A gratifying improvement in the finances was
announced in Major Baring's budget, which removed the
remaining import duties on cotton goods and reduced the salt-
tax to a low and equal level.

Turning from India to the Colonies, we have again to
chi'onicle tranquil and uneventful progress. South Africa is
not yet free from the ground-swell left by former troubles, but
even in the Transvaal and Zululand no grave dangers have
appeared. The Boers have been in conflict with their native
neighbours, and the resolution of the Home Government to
restore Cetywayo in spite of protests from Natal may, when
carried out, bring the Zulu King into collision with John Dunn
and the other chiefs among whom the country was divided.

1882 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 199

Basutoland is still in part unreconciled to the Cape Government,
and the hesitating measures of the Scanlan Ministry have led to
a breach with " Chinese Gordon," who had been selected for the
task of restoring peace on the frontier. The colony, neverthe-
less, has prospered, though not, of course, to the same extent
as colonies like those of Australia, untroubled by a "native
question."

The Australian colonies have been encouraged by their
abounding prosperity to borrow largely, mainly for the con-
struction of railways and other public works, so that the assets,
in addition to the unsold lands, are considerable. In Victoria,
which still adheres to a Protectionist policy. Sir Bryan O'Loghlen's
Ministry continues in power. In New South Wales, where
free trade principles are in the ascendant, the Parkes-Kobertson
Cabinet has been defeated on an appeal to the constituencies in
favour of the long-tried but, it is said, much-abused system of
" free selection " of the public domain.

In New Zealand, where the land question is complicated by
the claims of the Maories, the native diflficulty has almost dis-
appeared since the arrest of Te Whiti. The frequent political
changes are of little interest outside the colony, which goes on
borrowing and making railways with unabated confidence.

The Canadian Dominion presents scarcely one point of
resemblance to the colonies of the south. Its policy is in-
fluenced by the great neighbouring Eepublic, both in the way
of attraction and of repulsion. Sir John Macdonald's Ministry
appealed this year to the constituencies on the Protection
question, when the free-trade Opposition were beaten by nearly
two to one. An important section of the Canadian Pacific
Railway has been completed, and the work of welding together
the different sections of the Dominion has at length been
fairly taken in hand.

The quietude of Canada has been promoted by the absence
of political excitement in the United States. President Arthur's
Administration having fallen, as had been anticipated, under
the control of the " stalwart " wing of the Republican party, a
schism became inevitable. The " reformers " and " independ-
ents" protested against the power placed in the hands of
" machine politicians," though for the time in vain. An
attempt to stir up American sentiment against England, on the
ground of the arrests and detention of Irish-Americans under

200 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1882

Mr. Forster's warrants, culminated in the denunciation of Mr.
Lowell as a traitor to his country's traditions. This mischievous
folly was checked by the Phcenix Park tragedy. The President
vetoed a Bill prohibiting Chinese immigration, but afterwards
allowed another to pass limited to a period of ten years.
Mormonism was also struck at by Congress, though as yet with-
out visible results.

In spite of a prolonged and disastrous strike in the iron and
steel trade, the United States have prospered exceedingly in
commerce and industry, and the Secretary of the Treasury in
his annual report was able to show that an unprecedented
reduction of the public debt had been achieved. It is now
proposed by the President and his Ministers to put a drag on
this reduction, lest the protective system should be imperilled.
It is not probable, however, that the tariff will be left un-
changed. Even the Protectionists on the Tariff Commission
recognise the necessity of making large concessions in order to
save something. To this point they have been brought by the
unexpected issue of the "Fall Elections." The Kepublicans,
divided and discontented, are now vastly outnumbered by the
Democrats in the House of Eepresentatives, and retain only a
bare majority in the Senate. President Arthur's Administra-
tion has hopelessly lost credit and authority in the country, and
the Democratic party, in the main a free-trade party, are con-
fident that they will succeed in obtaining the control of the
Executive two years hence.

Among non-political events, unnoticed elsewhere, the use of
electricity for illumination has been furthered by the exhibitions
at the Crystal Palace and at Munich, as well as by the successful
experiments in street-lighting in London and other towns.

In the literary world much interest was caused by the sales
of the Hamilton and the Sunderland Libraries by their ducal
owners. Though many entertaining and instructive books
have been published during the year, none of them can be
described as epoch-making, and the same thing may be said of
the fine arts in England.

Among many remarkable trials at home and abroad, the
most remarkable was the case of " Belt v. Lawes," lasting forty-
three days and ending in a verdict for the plaintiff with .£5000
damages. The convictions of Lamson for the murder of his
brother-in-law, and of Mary Furneaux for personation and fraud,

1882 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 201

attracted attention, but nothing like the trial of the Fenayrous
for murder and of the managers of the Union G^n^rale for
fraud in France, or the prosecution of the Peltzers in Belgium
and of officials charged with responsibility for the Ring
Theatre fire at Vienna. The trial of Guiteau at Washington
for the murder of General Garfield degenerated into an unseemly
farce, to which the postponement of the convict's execution
added a ghastly element.

An extraordinary number of destructive fires in this and
other countries has been recorded during the past few weeks.
The Alhambra Theatre was destroyed ; a mass of valuable
warehouses near Wood Street were burned down, and Hampton
Court Palace narrowly escaped the same fate. More than one
country house rich in art treasures and historic associations was
laid in ruins ; the co-operative stores in Dublin were burned
out ; the business quarter of Kingston, in Jamaica, was con-
sumed.

Among other miscellaneous topics of interest may be noticed
the Channel Tunnel controversy, which for the present has
been ended by the report of the military authorities adverse to
the scheme ; the spread of temperance, especially through, the
" Blue Riband " movement, and the campaigns, attended by
disturbances in many parts, of the Salvation Army. The
election of the School Board for London, which took place in
November, was remarkable for the absence of popular excite-
ment and party bitterness. The policy of the former Board is
likely to be, in the main, upheld for the next three years.

The year has been fatal to an unusual number of distin-
guished men. We have already noticed the tragic fate of Lord
Frederick Cavendish and Mr. Burke. Archbishop Tait was a
worthy representative of the moderation and the earnestness,
the spirit of compromise and the wideness of view, which are
the most characteristic marks of the Anglican communion and
the ripest fruit of a rational and honourable union between
Church and State. The late Primate, the appointment of whose
successor. Dr. Benson, Bishop of Truro, has been announced,
never gave up to party what was consecrated to a church em-
bracing many parties. Of a very different type was Dr. Pusey,
the chief — perhaps against his will — of a party and a move-
ment, excelling Dr. Tait as much in force of character as in
profundity of learning, but certainly not distinguished by the

202 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1882

same solid judgment. Another coeval of these, Dr. W. G.
Ward, whose "Ideal of a Christian Church" was one of the
turning-points of the Tractarian crisis, died, as he had lived for
more than a generation, a devoted servant of the Church of
Rome. At the opposite pole of religious thought stood Dr.
Close, Dean of Carlisle, the most thorough-going of "Evan-
gelicals." Dr. OUivant, Bishop of Llandaff, was widely known
as a scholar, and enjoyed a high reputation throughout the
Principality.

In the political world will be missed Mr. Bernal Osborne,
the brightest and most incisive of Parliamentary satirists ; Sir
George Grey, a Whig statesman of long experience ; Lord
Harrowby, a moderate Conservative ; Lord Tenterden, Per-
manent Under-Secretary at the Foreign Office, cut off in middle
life ; Mr. Mountague Bernard, a jurist, popularly known as one
of the negotiators of the Washington Treaty ; and Sir Erskine
Perry, of the Council of India. Sir John Holker, the most
genial and popular of Tory lawyers, filled only for a brief
space the office of Lord Justice of Appeal, to which he was
raised by his political opponents.

Turning to literature, we have to record the death of Mr.
Anthony TroUope, whose kindly and pleasant pictures of
English society have delighted thousands incapable of appreciat-
ing the moral tragedy of George Eliot or the ironic mingling of
laughter and tears in Thackeray. Mr. Harrison Ainsworth, a
veteran in an almost forgotten school of novel- writing, and Mr.
Rice, associated with Mr. Besant in admirable fictions of a new
school, have passed away. Sir Henry Cole, the embodiment of
South Kensington ; Dr. John Brown, of Edinburgh, the genial
author of Horoe Subsecivce ; and Denis Florence McCarthy, an
Irish poet, best known as the translator of Calderon, demand
their places in the obituary of the year.

Art has lost the great names of Dante Gabriel Rossetti and
John Linnell, of Hablot Knight Browne, familiar to two genera-
tions as " Phiz," and of Cecil Lawson. Science has suffered
still more severely. In the " immortal bead-roll " of scientific
glory there is no greater name since Newton's than that of
Charles Darwin. The work of Darwin's life was well-nigh done
when he was taken away in the ripeness of years, and when the
clouds of controversial bitterness which long darkened his
reputation had been dispersed. Francis Balfour, a young man.

1882 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 203

whose promise and performance at the age of thirty justified the
hopes of his friends that his name might be one day ranked
with Darwin's, lost his life in an unfortunate Alpine ascent
Sir C. Wyville Thompson, who will be remembered in connec-
tion with the Challenger Expedition, and Mr. Scott Russell, the
illustrious engineer and shipbuilder, are also gone. Professor
Cliffe Leslie, Professor Jevons, and Mr. Newraarch, representa-
tives of very different types and schools of thought, have been
lost to political economy.

In medicine, three men of eminence in a former generation —
Sir Robert Christison, Sir James Alderson, and Sir Thomas
Watson — have passed away. Professor Palmer, an accomplished
Orientalist, sacrificed his life in a patriotic effort to do service
to his country by securing the aid or neutrality of the Bedouins
on the Red Sea coast during the Egyptian campaign. With
him perished Captain Gill, one of the most enterprising of
Asiatic explorers, and Lieutenant Charrington.

In France have been recorded the deaths of Maitre Lachaud,
the eminent criminal lawyer, of General de Cissey and General
Ducrot, of the economist Le Play, and of Louis Blanc, the
ablest literary advocate of Socialism, long a resident in England ;
in Germany, of the novelist Auerbach, the physiologist Schwann,
and the historian Pauli; in Spain, of the Carlist chief Dorregaray ;
in Russia, of General Kaufmann, the conqueror and organiser of
Turkestan, and of General Skobeleff, the popular hero of the
campaign against Turkey.

Italy has to mourn a greater name, though for years past
Garibaldi had ceased to be more than nominis umhra. His
task as the knight -errant of Italian unity and freedom had
been accomplished, and the practical results did not realise the
ideal shaped in his imagination and his heart by the teachings
of Mazzini. Another Italian patriot, though very unlike
Garibaldi, Signor Lanza, formerly Prime Minister and one of
those Piedmontese who laboured to engraft the robust political
quality of Cavour's country upon the laxer growths of South
Italian character, died early in the year.

The United States have lost two of the greatest names in the
literature of America — Longfellow, perhaps the most popular of
modern poets, and Emerson, the most original thinker the New
World has yet produced. Mr. R. H. Dana, the author of that
charming book Two Years before the Mast, who achieved a high

204 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1882

reputation in later life as an authority on international law,
had not reached the patriarchal age of Longfellow and Emerson ;
but even the years of the latter were surpassed by the veteran
wire-puller Thurlow Weed, a potent though inconspicuous actor
in American politics during more than half a century.

1883

The year 1883, though it will not be remembered for
any political events of the first order of importance, leaves
behind it a record of diversified interest. Uneasiness and
anxiety are not wanting, but there are also consoling and hope-
ful elements to be taken into account. At home, party spirit
has not mastered the common sense and moderation of the
country. Mr. Gladstone's Government, so far as can be dis-
covered, retains a large part, if not the whole, of the popularity
with which it began its career nearly four years ago. The
Opposition have obviously not obtained such a hold upon the
confidence of the electors as would enable them to challenge a
contest with any assured hope of forming, in the event of
success, a strong Administration. At the same time there are
sufficient indications of the prevalence of Conservative opinions
among all classes to discourage rash adventures into the region of
organic change. The efforts to restore the authority of the law
in Ireland have been generally successful, though there are as
yet few, if any, signs that the boons liberally bestowed by Par-
liament on the tenantry have rallied the Celtic masses to the
cause of order and loyalty.

On the Continent the attitude of the great military States is
so far in favour of the maintenance of peace on the basis of the
status quo that all appear to have realised the tremendous risks
of a war, for which, nevertheless, they are incessantly sharpen-
ing their weapons. France, impatient at her enforced impotence
in Europe, has sought for compensation in a policy of restless-
ness and aggression in lands where, though she is freed from
the danger of conflict with Germany, she is in contact with
the ubiquitous commercial activity and the widely ramifying

206 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1883

political interests of the British Empire. We are more for-
tunate in Egypt, in spite of recent complications, since the task
we have there taken in hand is recognised by common consent
as one which England only can adequately carry out. The
problems presented for the time being by our Colonial and
Indian policy are not without difficulties of their own, but they
are such as must always be looked for in the large and complex
business of Imperial government. The revenue has not answered
to the high hopes which were formed when, two or three years
ago, it was believed that the country was about to enter on
a period of prosperity. There has been no positive decline, but
the Chancellor of the Exchequer, as well as non-official critics,
has pointed out a want of elasticity in the main sources of the
national income.

It is probable that the calculations of the Budget introduced
in April last will be borne out by the receipts during the
remainder of the financial year, but the state of trade and
industry is not such as to lead us to look for a rapid and start-
ling change for the better. The fitful and trying vicissitudes of
the climate of these islands have once more blighted the pro-
spects of the agricultural classes, after encouraging the hope
that at last the rancour of fortune had worn itself out. A wet
and stormy winter was followed by a spring which, though
scourged by bitter east winds, allowed the soil to dry and get
freed from weeds. There was a short spell of very fine weather
in May and June, but July, the most critical month for the
harvest, was for the most part cold and damp ; and though
there was a decided improvement afterwards, it came too late
to make the wheat crop more than an average one. The hay
suffered at first from drought and subsequently from excessive
rain ; the hops and the fruit crops, which were most promising
almost to the end of the summer, were disastrously beaten
about by the storms of August and September. On the whole,
the harvest, though far above the level of the melancholy years
1879-80, was scarcely as satisfactory as in 1882. The farming
interest, too, suffered severely by the repeated outbreaks of
foot-and-mouth disease during the summer and autumn,
which were the more felt because the increase of live stock
shown by the agricultural returns proved that there had been
a disposition to substitute the breeding of cattle and sheep
for unremunerative forms of tillage. How far this tendency

1883 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 207

will be checked by tbe recent ravages of cattle disease it is
difficult to say.

Meanwhile, the depression of agriculture, which is still our
most important industry, continues to affect every branch of our
home trade and, indirectly, to interfere with the growth of the
revenue. These losses have not been counterbalanced by any
development of foreign commerce. Both in Europe and in
America manufacturing enterprise is fostered by protective
duties, which exclude or hamper British trade, and of which
there is at present little prospect of obtaining the repeal, or
even the mitigation. It is matter for congratulation in these
circumstances that business of the "hand-to-mouth" sort is
fairly maintained, and that strikes and lockouts, which have
threatened a suspension of operations in several important
departments of industry, have been in several cases averted, or
at all events postponed.

The Ministerial changes at the close of last year, resulting
from Mr. Gladstone's resignation of the Exchequer, an exchange
of offices between Mr. Childers, Lord Kimberley, Lord Harting-
ton, and Mr. Dodson, and the admission to the Cabinet of Lord
Derby and Sir Charles Dilke, were completed at the beginning
of January by some important, though inferior, appointments.
Lord Edmond Fitzmaurice became Under-Secretary at the
Foreign Office, and Mr. J. K. Cross at the India Office. Mr.
Brand, the Speaker's son, was made Surveyor-General of the
Ordnance. Some months later, on the resignation of Lord
Kosebery, Mr. Hibbert was appointed Under-Secretary for the
Home Department, and a place was found for Mr. George
Russell as Secretary of the Local Government Board. But in
its essential composition the Administration remained unchanged
throughout the year.

It was expected that the Prime Minister would have
addressed his constituents, as his leading colleagues had done,
before the meeting of Parliament, which was fixed for the 1 5 th
of February ; but, in deference to urgent medical advice, the
Midlothian visit was postponed, and Mr. Gladstone went for
a few weeks to Cannes, returning with renewed health and
strength in time to face the toils of the session. Political feel-
ing was not strongly moved out of doors by the movements and
counter-movements of Parliamentary parties, and the unceasing
efforts of politicians on both sides to damage their opponents by

208 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1883

platform attacks produced, apparently, little effect. The battle-
ground of parties has, indeed, been to a great extent transferred
from the Legislature to the constituencies, and the party leaders,
as well as the rank and file, feel themselves called upon to
defend their position and assail their enemies at public meet-
ings, in the newspapers, and in periodical publications. An
incessant fire is thus kept up out of doors as well as in Parlia-
ment, and popular attention is no longer fixed only upon the
measures immediately prosecuted by the Government. The
Prime Minister, in the midst of the labours of the session, en-
couraged his party in a powerful speech delivered at the open-
ing of the National Liberal Club ; Mr. Chamberlain, both before
and afterwards, has boldly "carried the war into Africa," de.
nouncing those " who toil not, neither do they spin," with
special application to the peers and individually to Lord
Salisbury.

On the other hand, the Conservative chiefs were not less
energetic and aggressive. Lord Salisbury and Sir Stafford
Northcote, as well as others of less conspicuous and responsible
position, seized every opportunity of placing^ their views before
the country. It was probably deemed prudent to disperse by a
striking manifestation of concord the rumours of rivalry and
strife to which Lord Kandolph Churchill had given colour by a
letter published in the Times soon after Easter, Both on the
Liberal and on the Conservative side the exigencies of party
mastered any differences of opinion and personal jealousies. It was
noted that this session was the first since the general election in
which the Government had lost none of its members through a
disagreement on matters of policy, for Lord Eosebery's resign-
ation, avowedly to facilitate the Ministerial arrangements, was
not to be compared with the successive losses of the Marquis of
Lansdowne, the Duke of Argyll, Mr. Forster, and Mr. Bright.

No sooner was Parliament prorogued than the flood-gates of
platform oratory were opened wider than ever. Both parties
seemed to feel that the next session would be a critical one.
The Conservative Opposition assailed the whole policy of
Ministers at home and abroad, denouncing especially the con-
duct of affairs in Ireland, Egypt, and South Africa. The
Liberals believed they had a good defence to offer on all the
points attacked, but a purely defensive position is always more
or less a weak one in politics ; and it was felt that the time had

1883 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 209

come to lay aside secondary projects of legislation and to bring
forward prominently measures which might be supposed to
address themselves more powerfully to popular conviction and
sentiment. The London Municipality Bill, which had been
thrust aside during the session by the Corrupt Practices Bill
and the Agricultural Holdings Bill, was not deemed strong
enough for the main pillar of a policy leading, perhaps, to an
obstinate Parliamentary conflict and an appeal to the con-
stituencies. A conference of the representatives of Liberal
organisations was held at Leeds, at which it was resolved, in
spite of the objections urged by those interested in the abolition
of the old Corporation of London and of the existing adminis-
trative authorities in the counties, to insist that the Government
should give precedence next year to the promised measure of
Parliamentary reform. The cry of " Franchise first " was gener-
ally taken up by Liberal politicians, and appeared to have the
approval of Liberal gatherings. The advocates of the other
measures were placated by the assurance that the session would
not be devoted to the extension of the suffrage only.

The attitude of the Conservatives was one of " cautious ob-
servation," a policy commended to his friends subsequently by
Sir Stafford Northcote, but not one calculated to produce a
striking effect upon public opinion. Even the more energetic
spokesmen of the Opposition, Lord Salisbury in England and
Mr. Gibson in Scotland, contented themselves with suggesting
difficulties and demanding that the whole of the Government
scheme should be disclosed before a decisive judgment was
demanded upon it from Parliament and the country.

At the Guildhall banquet on Lord Mayor's Day the Prime
Minister ridiculed the precision of the current rumours with
respect to the order and the character of coming legislation, but
Mr. Chamberlain, speaking not long after at Bristol, left no
doubt that the matter was practically settled. Declaring his
personal preference for manhood suffrage, he insisted that the
Liberal party was pledged, at the least, to the introduction of
household suffrage in the counties throughout the whole of the
United Kingdom, and that the work was too weighty and diffi-
cult to be postponed to any other. Redistribution, he con-
tended, must be left to be dealt with in a later measure. Lord
Hartington, in a speech delivered immediately afterwards at
Manchester, was understood to throw some doubts on the points

VOL. II P

210 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1883

which Mr. Chamberlain treated as incontestable. He pointed
out that there were many practical difficulties to be surmounted
which the Leeds Conference had not considered, that the inclu-
sion of Ireland in the Bill would excite Liberal as well as Con-
servative resistance, that the abolition of the property qualifica-
tions in counties would be unpopular, and that the separation
of the franchise question from that of redistribution might, as
in 1866, endanger the whole scheme. From this hesitating
attitude the Secretary for War apparently receded in a subse-
quent speech at Manchester. At all events, the advanced
section of the Liberals did not alter their chosen line of
policy, in which many politicians of the moderate school,
such as Mr. Goschen and Mr. Forster, seemed not unwilling
to follow them.

The Reform controversy, though it produced no popular
excitement, was the chief political topic of domestic interest in
the latter half of the year. At the beginning of the recess Mr.
Gladstone, exhausted by the labours of the session, went, in
company with Mr. Tennyson and others, for a cruise round the
coast of Scotland, and thence to the Baltic, in one of Sir Donald
Currie's steamers. At Copenhagen the Emperor and Empress
of Russia, and the King of Greece, who, with the Princess of
Wales and her children, formed part of the family circle at the
Danish Court, visited the Pembrohe Castle, and an interchange
of complimentary speeches took place, on which some political
gossips abroad and at home founded absurd conjectures of anti-
German alliances. Little attention, however, was paid to these
speculations, which the course of events as well as the reason of
the case showed to be wholly unfounded.

While Sir Stafford Northcote undertook a political pilgrim-
age through Ulster and North Wales, Lord Salisbury denounced
the policy of the Government, foreign and domestic, in an
article published under the title of "Disintegration" in the
Quarterly Review. A more practical and less indefinite issue
was brought conspicuously forward by him in a paper " On the
Housing of the Poor." The evils of overcrowding and of un-
wholesome dwellings had been pointed at, not for the first time,
as a public scandal by religious and philanthropic workers
among the poor, but Lord Salisbury's statement of the case
commanded the attention of statesmen. The same tone of
moderation and caution has not been observed throughout the

1883 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 211

discussion. Mr. Chamberlain, in taking up the question, made
it a text for an attack on the landowning classes on whom he
proposed to throw the charge of removing insanitary dwellings
and replacing them by good houses built under municipal
direction. Lord Shaftesbury and others practically acquainted
with the condition of the poor protested against this method of
proceeding, not only as unjust, but as fatal to voluntary effort
and the working out of natural remedies. The demand, how-
ever, was taken up by the advocates of municipal reform for
London, who, accepting the fact that the existing law was
strong enough if put in force, contended that the fault lay with
the vestrymen, and that a change could only be hoped for by
placing local administration in other hands. The more drastic
remedies suggested for evils deplored by all were looked upon
with the more alarm and suspicion by moderate men, inasmuch
as during the year a Socialist propaganda, advocating the doc-
trines of " Land Nationalisation " developed in America by Mr.
Henry George, had been active and noisy. At the same time
the popular distrust of State interference has been much
weakened, as was shown by the absence of opposition to the
extension of ofl&cial control and patronage under the Bankruptcy
Act, and the confidence with which Mr. Chamberlain has put
forward a scheme for getting rid of unsea worthy ships by limit-
ing the right of shipowners and shippers to protect themselves
by insurance against loss.

The bye-elections of the year afforded few opportunities of
testing the movements of public opinion. In Ireland they
went almost without exception in Mr. Parnell's favour. Whigs,
advanced Liberals, and moderate Home Rulers had to give way
to his candidates in the South. In Ulster the Orange revival
generally aided the Conservatives. In Great Britain gains and
losses were pretty evenly balanced. Liberal and Conservative
seats were in most cases retained. The Rutland contest seemed
to show that the farmers had not been won over by Liberal
legislation. At Manchester a Radical and an advocate of Home
Rule for Ireland was discountenanced by the local organisation,
and his Conservative opponent secured an easy victory. Later
in the year the Opposition captured a Liberal seat at York and
the Ministerialists a Conservative seat at Ipswich.

It was rumoured early in the year that Sir Henry Brand
was unwilling to face the fatigues of another session in the

212 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1883

Speaker's chair, and the choice of his successor, for whom a
Government with a large majority would, of course, be able to
secure the nomination, was awaited with much interest. It
became known that the offer had been made informally to Mr.
Goschen, who declined it on the ground of his imperfect eye-
sight, and that the law ofl&cers of the Crown also wonld have
been nominated if they had wished it. The choice of the
Government fell finally upon Mr. Arthur Peel, M.P. for War-
wick, the youngest son of the great statesman, who had filled
some minor ofl&ces under Mr. Gladstone, and had even been
appointed "Whip" in 1873, though he had never discharged
the duties of that post. It has been reported that the Oppo-
sition will put forward a candidate against Mr. Peel, but the
Ministerial majority is too great to render this at all probable.

Early in January the authority of the law in Ireland was
powerfully vindicated in many different directions. Mr. Healy
and Mr. Davitt, with one of their associates, were committed to
prison by the Queen's Bench for contempt of Court, having
refused to engage not to repeat language provocative of a breach
of the peace. Mr. O'Brien, editor of United Ireland, was in-
dicted for a libel charging Lord Spencer with having bribed
juries to secure convictions for murder, but in this case a con-
viction was defeated by a disagreement of the jury. Mr.
O'Brien, while his trial was pending, was elected M.P. for
Mallow, obtaining a large majority over the Solicitor-General.
Mr. Healy, who resigned his seat for Wexford at the beginning
of his imprisonment, stood for Monaghan, where a Liberal
vacancy had been created, soon after his release, and was
returned by a sufficient number of votes over the Conserva-
tive candidate, leaving the Liberal with a mere handful at the
bottom of the poll.

But these political developments were preceded by events of
a more stirring sort. While the authors of the Lough Mask
and the Castleisland murders were expiating their guilt with
their lives, the detective police in Dublin, who had been brought
to a high state of efficiency under Mr. Jenkinson, and who had
got hold of a clue by means of the secret inquiries held under
the Crimes Act, suddenly swooped down upon and captured a
number of men suspected of complicity in criminal organisations.
The examination before the magistrates at Kilmainham incul-
pated the prisoners not only in connection with the attempt on

1883 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 213

Mr. Field's life, but with tlie Phoenix Park tragedy. Two or
three informers were produced, whose revelations, especially in
regard to a series of abortive attempts to murder Mr. Forster,
were startling enough, but they were all thrown into the shade
by the transfer from the dock to the witness-box of James
Carey, the most important personage among the prisoners, a
well-known Nationalist, a devout Roman Catholic, and a coun-
cillor of the City Corporation. Carey had been, as it proved,
the centre of a murderous conspiracy, taking the name of
" The Invincibles " ; the Phoenix Park atrocity was planned
and' in a measure accomplished by him, the actual assassins
being among the men in custody. Before the magistrates, and
afterwards at the trial, Carey gave an elaborate and unrefuted
account of the manner in which the scheme for the " removal "
of Mr. Burke, the Under-Secretary, was carried out, affirming
that Lord Frederick Cavendish was unknown to the murderers,
and became a victim through his accidental presence on the
scene. He identified Brady, Kelly, Curley, and others as con-
cerned in the affair, and sufficient corroborative evidence was
forthcoming to justify the Crown, ably represented by Mr.
Murphy, Q.C., who was soon after raised to the Bench, in
indicting several of the prisoners for the murder in the Phoenix
Park, others for the attack on Mr. Field, and the remainder for
conspiracy to murder.

The trials took place in April before Mr. Justice O'Brien,
who displayed remarkable ability, firmness, and patience
throughout, assisted, it must be said, by juries who did their
duty with dignity and courage. Brady, Curley, and Fagan
were convicted of murder, as was also Kelly, who nearly
escaped, however, through repeated disagreements of the jury ;
Caffrey and Delaney pleaded guilty on the same charge, the
latter, who had been serving a term of penal servitude for the
attempt on Judge Lawson's life, protesting that he was driven
by threats into these criminal courses, and confirming the truth
of Carey's chief statements. Five of the prisoners suffered the
extreme penalty of the law, and they have since been treated by
the Nationalist party in America and in Ireland as martyrs.
The storm of execration which burst upon Carey was due quite
as much to the semi-political disclosures in his evidence as to
the fact that he gave Brady and his comrades to the gallows.
He let in the light on the nature and working of the organisa-

214 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1883

tions through which the terrorism of the preceding years had
been enforced ; he showed how they were connected with the
Land League through men like Sheridan, who had prompted
" The Invincibles " to the murder of Mr. Forster, and who was,
nevertheless, one of the agents recommended to the Government
by Mr. Pamell at the time of the Kilmainham transaction
as capable of " pacifying " the country. True Bills were found
against Sheridan and two other persons who had been in close
relations with Carey — Walsh and Tynan, the latter being
identified with the mysterious figure " No. 1 " — by the Dublin
Grand Jury, but there was no chance of obtaining their extra-
dition from the United States.

The Government for some time detained Carey and the other
informers in safe custody, but arrangements were finally made
for sending them as privately as possible abroad, which were
unexpectedly obstructed by the reluctance of the Colonies to
receive or be responsible for them. In Victoria the Govern-
ment directly interfered to prevent the landing of a batch of
informers. Carey was less fortunate. Sailing for South Africa,
under an assumed name, he was shot at sea between the Cape
and Natal by a fellow-passenger, who turned out to be an Irish-
American named O'Donnell. This murder was hailed with a
shout of savage joy in Ireland and the United States, and money
was duly subscribed for O'Donnell's defence when he was placed
on his trial at the Old Bailey. In spite of the brilliant and
ingenious advocacy of Mr. Charles Eussell — which has raised
the curious question, as yet unsettled in principle, of the right
of counsel to lay statements of fact before the jury on behalf of
prisoners — there could be no doubt whatever of O'Donnell's
guilt, and his conviction was promptly followed by his execu-
tion. The demand for a respite, preferred by the American
Government in deference to the Irish vote, was courteously, but
firmly, rejected.

The punishment of the Phoenix Park assassins, following
chat of the Maamtrasna, Lough Mask, and Castleisland mur-
derers, tended to break up the remaining centres of local
terrorism, and in the North, as well as in the South and West,
some less important " murder conspiracies " were exposed and
hunted down. The result was that towards the close of the
year Mr. Trevelyan was able to announce a great diminution of
outrage.

1883 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 215

Spasmodic efforts had, however, been made to transfer the
campaign to England. Early in the spring London was
startled by the simultaneous attempts to blow up the Local
Government Board buildings and the office of this journal.
Other projects of the same wicked sort were detected or sus-
pected elsewhere. At Birmingham the police, following up a
slender clue with much patience and skill, discovered a secret
manufactory of nitro-glycerine and evidence of the proprietor's
communications with a number of men, chiefly Irish- Americans,
arrested in London, Glasgow, and elsewhere, with explosives in
their possession. Parliament meanwhile had passed the Ex-
plosives Bill with exemplary promptitude. On the trial
Norman, one of the prisoners, appeared as an informer, and
four of the others, convicted of having planned the destruction
of several public buildings, of having brought over funds from
America for the purpose, and of having explosives in readiness
for use, were sentenced to penal servitude for life. A similar
conspiracy at Glasgow was afterwards brought to light, and the
criminals have recently been convicted and punished at Edin-
burgh. Alarm sprang up afresh a few months later, when an
attempt was made with partial success to produce a destructive
explosion at two points on the Metropolitan and District Rail-
ways about the same hour. Though a good deal of injury was
done to a train near Praed Street, the design was on the whole
baffled ; the authors have not been discovered, though no doubt
remains that the means and the motives were the same as in
the earlier outrages.

The formation of the '* National League " in Ireland at the
close of 1882 was followed up this year by attempts to extend
the new organisation — the Land League, under a slight dis-
guise— throughout the country. Meetings were convened for
this purpose, at which the spokesmen of the Separatist party
denounced the Government, and painted glowing pictures of
the advantages, political and material, to be gained by " Home
Rule." The authorities refrained from interference unless when
there was reason to believe that these appeals to popular passion
would lead to actual crime. In several cases where a renewal
of outrages was feared, proclamations under the Crimes Act
were issued, and later on, though after some hesitation, the
Government decided on adopting the same course in Ulster,
where the " Nationalist invasion " had roused the opposition of

216 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1883

the Orangemen. Mr. Healy's election in Monaghan encouraged
his party to hope that Ulster might be won over, but the pro-
posal to organise the National League in the North provoked,
not only in Monaghan, but in Tyrone and Fermanagh, and in
the towns of Derry and Newry, so violent a demonstration of
hostility to the disloyal that at length the meetings on both
sides were "proclaimed" in order to prevent danger to the
public peace. While the tide of Orange feeling was rising high
Sir Stafford Northcote paid a long-promised visit to Belfast.
His speeches were in a reserved and tolerant tone, but he was,
of course, unable to avoid recognising the manifestation of the
loyal spirit, even when disfigured by obsolete and sectarian
war-cries.

The Nationalists have now practically abandoned the hope
of getting a footing in Ulster, and in their disappointment
they have charged the Government with partiality towards the
Tories and the Orangemen. The accusation is an absurd one,
for the Orangemen are not less bitter against Lord Spencer and
his advisers. Lord Eossmore's removal from the Commission
of the Peace, on the ground that he had taken an active part in
organising one of the Orange counter-demonstrations, did not
satisfy the Nationalists, who have even refused to give evidence
before the Commissioners sent to inquire into the Derry dis-
turbances.

Mr. Parnell, who had maintained a perplexing reserve during
the greater part of the year, was preparing to reveal his policy.
It was thought that he might draw nearer to the Government
on the common ground of the Franchise Bill, but his speech at
the Dublin banquet on the 10th inst., when it was announced
that a "national tribute" of .£38,000 had been collected for
him, showed that he was resolved to continue the struggle for
"independence" by the old irreconcilable methods. The
" tribute " had originated nominally as a protest against Mr.
Forster's exposure of the Land League and its chief, but it was
more energetically promoted as a counter-stroke to the condem-
nation of the League in the Pope's letter to the Irish bishops.
Dr. Croke, Archbishop of Cashel, who had met with a rebuke
from the Vatican for his activity on behalf of Mr. Parnell, con-
tinued to support the fund, and wherever the National League
established its branches the "tribute" throve. The present-
ation was made the occasion for the delivery of speeches of

1883 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 217

which the object was apparently to prove that neither the
tolerance and the concessions of the British Government, nor
the protests of the Vatican, would be permitted to deflect the
party of the League in the smallest degree from the policy of
spoliation and separation.

The disruption of the Kepublican party, which seemed to be
imminent when M. Gambetta's death came upon France like a
thunderbolt, was averted by the folly of Prince Napoleon. His
manifesto, treating the Republic as moribund and demanding
a plSiscite, closed up the Republican ranks. The feeble
Cabinets of M. Duclerc and M. de Falliferes were succeeded by
that of M. Jules Ferry, who has shown plenty of force of
character, and, in spite of many grave errors, has rallied to him
a strong and steady majority in the Chambers. Of his policy
at home or abroad it is impossible to speak with approval. The
Bonapartist movement could scarcely be treated seriously, yet it
was made an excuse for the introduction of penal measures
directed not against Prince Napoleon and his son, but against
the Orleans family. When the Senate refused to assent to this
proscription, it was enforced by a Presidential decree, issued on
the advice of Ministers, removing the Orleanist princes from
the army.

Having paid this tribute to Republican prejudice, and at the
same time tranquillised those who dreaded new political tur-
moil, M. Ferry felt himself strong enough to encounter the
Radicals, led by M. Cl^menceau, with a declaration against the
revision of the Constitution. In this he was so decidedly
backed by public opinion as well as by a Parliamentary majority
that he was able to confront firmly the Socialist agitation which
attempted to raise its head in the spring. Louise Michel and
other instigators of some disquieting "bread riots" in Paris
were prosecuted and punished, and the commemoration of the
Commune on the 18th of March was kept sternly within
bounds. Internally the Republican position was strengthened
further in the autumn by the Comte de Chambord's death, for
though the Comte de Paris was formally recognised as head of
the Royalist party, the activity of the Legitimists was quenched.

The Ferry Ministry unfortunately conceived, at an early
period, that they were called upon to indemnify the restless
spirits of the country for enforced quiet at home by a policy of
foreign adventure. It was not that M. Ferry was at all disposed

218 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1883

to revive the cry for the Revanche with which M. Gambetta had
been popularly identified, but rather that he saw further oppor-
tunities for that " Ghauvinisme with limited liability " of which
the subjugation of Tunis was the outcome. A controversy
with the Hova Government in Madagascar had arisen the year
before, and in the spring Admiral Pierre's squadron was sent
out to re-establish " French rights " over the north-west of the "
island. On the rejection by the Government of Queen Rana-
volana of an ultimatum insisting on a cession of territory and a
large indemnity, the Admiral bombarded and occupied the port
of Tamatave. The stress of these measures was chiefly felt by
the European residents, for the most part English merchants or
missionaries. The Hovas at once retired into the interior,
where the French appear to have been unable for months past
to make any further impression upon them. The Queen died
during these events, but her niece was quickly accepted as her
successor, and French rumours of dissension and revolution
among the Hovas have not hitherto proved to be well founded.

Much indignation was excited in this country by the news of
Admiral Pierre's high-handed conduct at Tamatave, not only
towards the Malagasy inhabitants, but towards the British
Consul, towards the commander of Her Majesty's ship Dryad^
and especially towards Mr. Shaw, an English missionary, who
was arrested, on charges afterwards abandoned as baseless, and
long detained in strict custody, not being even allowed to see
his wife, on board a French ship. For this the French
Government made an apology later on, and offered Mr. Shaw —
who meanwhile had received the honours of a martyr at Exeter
Hall — a pecuniary solatium. The British Government could
scarcely refuse to accept this reparation, particularly as the
behaviour of Admiral Pierre towards the Consul — of which Mr.
Gladstone had spoken, upon the first reports, in strong language
— turned out to be less objectionable than had been sup-
posed. His treatment of Captain Johnstone, of the Dryad, who
showed both spirit and dignity in very trying circumstances,
was less capable of defence. But the death of the Admiral, on
his return to France in the autumn, and the fact that he had
been suffering throughout from a painful and enfeebling disease,
justified the abandonment of any personal questions.

While France was thus attempting to extend what is mis-
called her "colonial empire" in Madagascar, she had begun

1883 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 219

another task of the same kind, but of still greater difficulty and
uncertainty, in the "Far East." It is probably due to the pro-
gress of the dispute with China that operations in Madagascar
have languished of late. The French claims to political and
commercial influence over the kingdom of Annam have been
the subject of a complicated diplomatic controversy, but the
facts out of which the collision has actually arisen are simple
enough. The Colonial Government of Cochin-China had griev-
ances of long standing against the Annamese respecting the
obstacles to trade in the northern province of Tonquin, where
the " Black Flags," semi-piratical bands, as the French alleged,
obstinately resisted a small force despatched under Commander
Kivifere.

M. Ferry's Cabinet resolved to prosecute the matter warmly,
to insist upon the reduction of Annam to a position of depend-
ency, and to obtain the mastery in Tonquin ; but though the
Chamber voted for the Minister's proposals, it is doubtful
whether public opinion would have supported an adventurous
policy — especially as China had already entered a grave protest
— if the national pride had not been touched by the repulse of
Riviere's expedition and the death of its brave leader. Rein-
forcements were at once despatched under Admiral Courbet,
and in July the French were able to resume the offensive in
Tonquin. After some successes they were forced by the flood-
ing of the river-banks to retire. Meantime, Admiral Courbet
advanced on Hu^, the capital of Annam, deposing the King, the
nephew of Tu Due, the old enemy of the French, who had suc-
ceeded his uncle a month earlier. The anti-war party in
Annam, encouraged by this turn of afiairs, set up a King who
was ready to agree to all the terms exacted by Dr. Harmand,
the French Commissioner, placing the kingdom, including
Tonquin, directly under the protectorate of France.

But while these military operations were going on diplomacy
was weaving a tangled web. China had from the outset asserted
her suzerainty over the Annamese dominions, and especially
Tonquin. Negotiations had been opened with the Chinese
Government by M. Bouree, M. Tricou, and M. Patenotre, but
without result. The scene was then shifted to Europe, where
the Marquis Tseng defended the interests of his country with a
patience and tact which won the admiration of trained diplo-
matists. Mediation between France and China was spoken of

220 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1883

from time to time, but the pretensions of the rival Powers were
in fact irreconcilable, and neither would go back. China
declared throughout that she would neither recognise the Treaty
of Hu^ nor consent to the occupation of Tonquin by France.
The French demands were based upon an idea that China would
yield when she found herself confronted by an inflexible policy,
and M. Ferry, in spite of severe and just criticisms on the in-
consistencies and unfairness of his treatment of the Chinese
ambassador, carried the Chamber with him on what was
nominally a vote of credit, but really one of confidence, early in
December. The Senate showed itself still more decided, and
the appeal of the Minister of War to the army was answered
by a vast number of volunteers. In spite of the distinct inti-
mation that Sontay and Bacninh, against which the French
troops were advancing, were held by regular Chinese soldiers,
and in spite of a dangerous movement at Hu^, where the philo-
French King was poisoned and the " National party " regained
the ascendency. Admiral Courbet pressed on, and after some
sharp fighting captured Sontay on the 18th inst.

During these Oriental adventures the position of France in
Europe was in many ways an uneasy one. Though it was
officially stated on both sides that there was no cause of quarrel
with Germany, much ill-feeling, suspicion, and recrimination
found vent in the Press, and culminated in the scandalous treat-
ment of King Alfonso in Paris. The German complaints of
French malignity appeared to be fully justified when the King
of Spain was singled out for insult, because he had accepted at
Berlin an honorary colonelcy of an Uhlan regiment. The
Ministry showed decided coolness towards the King, but the
insolent violence of a mob, which hooted the royal visitor on
his arrival and on calling on President Gr^vy, forced on
them an ungracious and lame apology. The result was that
Spain followed the example of Italy in connecting herself with
the Austro-German Alliance, a fact which soon after was em-
phasised by the tour of the German Crown Prince through the
Iberian and Italian peninsulas, taking in not only the Courts of
King Alfonso and King Humbert, but the Vatican as well. It
may be remarked further that France had, rightly or wrongly,
aroused the jealousy of Portugal by her proceedings on the
Congo and the Niger, and of Switzerland by a military demon-
stration in Savoy. Thus the isolation of France on the Conti-

1883 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 221

nent was almost complete. The retirement of M. Challemel-
Lacour from the French Foreign Ofl&ce, where he was succeeded
by M. Ferry himself, was rendered inevitable by an impractic-
able temper which nullified considerable abilities. During his
tenure of office the breach with the Vatican as well as with
Germany and her allies slowly but steadily widened, and the
alienation of Roman Catholic feeling from the Republic was
hardly compensated by the increased influence secured — unfairly
as the Moderate party contended — in the removal of magistrates
distrusted as attached to former regimes.

The errors of the French Government have crippled the
Republican cause in the other Latin States. In Spain, during
the greater part of the year, the Sagasta Ministry have retained
office by the support of a coalition, a threatening Socialist move-
ment in the south came to nothing, military risings, supposed to
have originated in the ambitious designs of the exiled leader,
Senor Zorrilla, were promptly repressed, and the King's popu-
larity was augmented beyond all expectation by the discourteous
folly of the Parisian mob. A Ministry under Senor Herrera,
pledged to universal suffrage, may not be able to carry out that
hazardous policy. Meanwhile, Spanish diplomacy has not only
effected a rapprochement with Germany, but has laid the founda-
tion of a commercial agreement with England, advantageous, it
may be hoped, to both parties.

In Italy " a conformity of diplomatic action " with Germany
and Austria was announced, the extravagances of the Irre-
dentists has been disavowed, and a Ministerial reconstruction
has separated Signor Depretis from his more advanced colleagues
and drawn him into an alliance with the Constitutional poli-
ticians of the Right. The Left would be aggressive if it dared,
but the position of the Government has been not only strength-
ened by the improvement in the finances and by diplomatic
success, but by the factious schisms and quarrels of the Opposi-
tion. There is no change to be noted in the attitude of the
Vatican towards the Italian Monarchy, though towards other
Powers Leo XIII. has been eminently conciliatory.

The Pope's desire to employ the influence of the Church in
repressing revolutionary tendencies has been proved by his
intervention in Ireland to deter the clergy from giving active
aid to the Land League party. Mr. Errington's functions at
Rome remain still undefined, but through him and others the

222 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1883

Pope is now kept informed of the real state of Irish affairs.
This disposition has naturally smoothed the way for a recon-
ciliation with Germany, on which the seal was believed —
perhaps prematurely — to be set by the visit of the Crown
Prince.

Prince Bismarck had already taken a decisive step towards
the resumption of friendly relations with Rome by carrying in
the Prussian Landtag a measure repealing the famous " Falk
Laws," and though no actual working compromise has been
agreed on, it is plain that the Chancellor's wish is to govern
henceforward not in spite of, but with the help of the Vatican.
His tendency is to rely more and more in the Imperial Parlia-
ment upon the Centres, of whom the clericals form an important
section, against the Socialists, the Advanced Liberals, and the
Separatist factions. The Reichstag have complied, though some-
what sulkily, with the Emperor's urgent request to vote the
Estimates for two years, but have thrown over more than one of
Prince Bismarck's favourite measures. The foreign policy of
the Government has been vigilant, but not restless. A better
understanding with Russia has prevailed since the visits paid by
M. de Giers, Prince GortchakofFs successor, to Berlin, Vienna,
and Rome early in the year.

Austria has needed all the support that Germany could give
her, as well as relief from Russian pressure, to enable her to
cope with grave internal troubles. Scandals showing the exist-
ence of much political corruption. Socialist conspiracies and
prosecutions, street riots and strikes, disquieted the Cisleithan
kingdoms, while in Hungary the ill-feeling against the Jews, a
source of social trouble, culminated during the trial of the
Tisza-Esslar murder case. The charges against the Jews of
having sacrificed a Christian girl at Passover in the previous
year were proved to be of the flimsiest kind, depending almost
wholly on the evidence of the son of one of the prisoners, who,
partly by threats and partly by promises, was induced to swear
to a monstrous story. The whole case broke down on the trial,
but the populace throughout the country, and even in Russia,
were furious at the escape of the Jews. A still more serious
cause of disturbance in the Transleithan kingdom arose out of
the hostility of the Croatians to Magyar rule. The extension
of Hungarian authority was openly resisted, martial law had to
be proclaimed, and riots put down by military force. The

1883 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 223

Ban's resignation showed the sympathy in high places with the
Slavonic claims, and even at Pesth the necessity for concessions
has been recognised.

At Vienna, and, indeed, at Berlin also, the importance of
seeking a counterpoise for Russian influence in the Balkan
peninsula was clearly seen. Close relations have been estab-
lished with the Servian kingdom, and King Milan's visit to
Austria and Germany in the autumn was generally regarded as
significant. A successful attempt to emancipate the Orthodox
Church in Servia from Russian control had alienated Bang
Milan and his subjects from their former protectors, and Servian
suspicion had been whetted by the marriage of a claimant to
the Servian throne with a daughter of the Prince of Montenegro.
The latter State has been conspicuously patronised by Russia
and specially favoured by the Porte, its hereditary foe, in the
suppression of the Albanian insurrection.

Russia was the more tempted to lean on Montenegro since
in Bulgaria and Eastern Roumelia her power was on the wane.
In the latter province, as well as in Prince Alexander's
dominions, the interference of the Russian officials was bitterly
resented, but in both countries the quarrel was outwardly com-
posed, though Bulgaria has got rid of the Russian members of
the Cabinet. Roumania has shown jealousy of Austria and
disappointment at her exclusion from the Danubian Conference
held in London early in the year. The relations of the Balkan
States might have been more seriously troubled by the efforts
to bring about a revolution in Servia in the autumn, but after
King Milan's display of vigour in dealing with impracticable
factions, the energy, tempered by clemency, of his measures
directed against an abortive rising merited and secured success.
The foreign policy of Russia, however, was less active than in
former years, which was greatly due to the domestic difficulties
of the Government, and in part to the reticulated restraints of
German diplomacy. Nihilist arrests and prosecutions were
reported from time to time ; but social terrors were visibly
abating. On New Year's Day it was announced that the
long-delayed coronation of the Emperor and Empress would
be performed at Moscow in May. A splendid national and
international ceremonial was organised, with extraordinary pre-
cautions against outrage, and was successfully carried through.
The splendour of the scene was, perhaps, unequalled ; every

224 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1883

important State in the civilised world, every province and town
of the Empire of the Czars, was represented in the brilliant
gathering *' before the sacred relics of the Kremlin," and for the
populace there was a carnival of mediaeval magnificence and
lavishness.

Though no warning signs broke the monotony of congratu-
lations, few could forget the events that had gone before, and
many regretted that the opportunity had not been seized for
making advances towards constitutionalism and neutralising
revolutionary ideas. The Scandinavian kingdoms are less con-
nected than they once were with Eussia, and their difficulties
are unlike hers. In Denmark a chronic struggle between the
throne and the Parliamentary Radicals has become acute. A
far more formidable question of the same kind has arisen in
Norway, where the Ministers have been not only censured but
impeached and imprisoned, and the King personally denounced.
Sweden, however, remains loyal, tranquil, and prosperous. The
same may be said of Holland, the wealth and progress of which
were strikingly illustrated at the Amsterdam Exhibition. It is,
nevertheless, remarkable that in all these countries, as well as
in Belgium, some anxiety was . inspired by Socialist demonstra-
tions and organisations, which, however, came to nothing.

Apart from Egyptian affairs, the Turkish Empire has not
come prominently before the world during the past twelve
months. The Sultan's peculiarities of character have been an
obstacle to progress, and no confidence is felt in the stability of
any Ministry or policy dependent on his will. He has been
gravely disquieted by the rumours of religious revolutions in
the Mussulman world, and especially by the success of the
Mahdi in the Soudan, but he is not more inclined to remove
the grievances of his Christian subjects. The agitation in
Armenia has not subsided, and no attempt has been made to
carry out the long-promised reforms. We owe, however, this
much to Turkey, that she has not attempted to complicate the
problem in Egypt by interference as suzerain.

The attitude of the European Powers towards the English
occupation of Egypt was at the opening of the year one of
acquiescence tempered by expectancy. Aj-abi and his associates
had just been deported to Ceylon and Lord Granville had
announced that this country would not re-establish the Dual
Control. The Egyptian Government having swept away the

1883 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 225

Control, and in other respects created a tabula rasa, Lord
Dufferin, assisted by a number of able Englishmen, proceeded
to elaborate a scheme of administrative and social reforms,
including the germs of a national representative system. These
recommendations, set forth in a remarkable despatch laid before
Parliament in the spring, were adopted without demur by the
Khedive, and when, after a brief visit to England, the British
ambassador returned to Constantinople, he left affairs at Cairo
in an encouraging state.

It was apparently agreed on all hands that though Egypt
was to be educated for self-government, it was impossible for
the present to dispense with British predominance or to with-
draw the British troops. The changes in administration, in the
judiciary and the army, as well as the development of political
institutions, must be necessarily slow. Sir Evelyn Wood had
undertaken the organisation of the army and Baker Pasha that
of the gendarmerie. Sir Auckland Colvin became " Financial
Adviser " to the Khedive, to be replaced, a few months later, by
Mr. Vincent. Sir E. Malet, the Consul-General, retired, and
was succeeded, with increased powers and dignity, by Sir. E.
Baring, previously Financial Member of Council at Calcutta.
The Bedouins who had murdered Professor Palmer and his
companions were brought to justice in January, and somewhat
later the authors of the Alexandria conflagrations were convicted
and punished in spite of an outcry raised in Parliament by
Lord Randolph Churchill.

The withdrawal of the British troops was loudly called for
during the autumn by some advanced Liberals in this country,
and at the Guildhall banquet on Lord Mayor's Day the Prime
Minister announced that their number would be largely reduced.
But before this order could be carried out an unexpected catas-
trophe in the Soudan enforced a reversal of policy. The re-
conquest of the Soudan from the " Mahdi," a pretended prophet
or reformer of Islam, who during the troubles at Cairo had
become supreme throughout the vast and vague regions south of
Khartoum, was attempted in March, when Colonel Hicks, a
retired Anglo-Indian officer, was despatched as chief of the
staff", and with the Egyptian troops achieved, a few weeks later,
a victory over the Mahdi's forces, which, however, was not
decisive. Hicks Pasha subsequently became Commander-in-
Chief, and in the autumn advanced again upon the centre of

VOL. II Q

226 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1883

the Mahdi's strength at Obeid. For weeks nothing was known
of his movements, but at length the news reached Khartoum
that the whole of the Egyptian army, with the General and the
other European officers, had been surrounded and destroyed by
the rebels. The consternation at Cairo was profound, for not
long before some troops moving near Suakin, the post on the
Red Sea through which intercourse with Khartoum was kept
up, had suffered heavy loss, the British Consul, Captain Mon-
crieff, having fallen among others. The remnants of Hicks
Pasha's force were, for the most part, drawn together in Khar-
toum by another English officer, though some outlying posts
were left to themselves. It was doubted whether Khartoum
could hold out, and the difficulty was increased by the folly of
the Governor of Suakin, who sacrificed some hundreds of his
best soldiers in a mismanaged sortie.

The British Government, which had at once countermanded
the withdrawal of the troops from Cairo, advised the Khedive
not to attempt the re-conquest of the Soudan, but, having
relieved the invested posts, to hold the Red Sea coast and the
Nile Valley as far as Wady Haifa, to maintain the defensive.
It was intimated that though neither British nor Indian soldiers
would be sent out, a fleet would in case of need be ordered to
Alexandria. The Khedive's Government, meanwhile, has de-
spatched Baker Pasha to Suakin with a native force under
strict orders to observe caution. The reports of the Mahdi's
position are conflicting, but down to the present no important
movement has been made on either side.

These stirring events have partially diverted attention from
the Suez Canal controversy. The action of the British ship-
owners who protested against the exactions of the Canal Com-
pany early in the year resulted most unexpectedly in the
provisional agreement which Parliament and public opinion
so emphatically disapproved, and which the Government had to
withdraw. In the autumn negotiations were privately renewed
between M. de Lesseps and the shipowners, the Government
holding aloof. The President of the Canal Company visited the
chief commercial and shipping centres — Liverpool, Manchester,
Newcastle — and, finally, after a series of interviews in London,
the bases of an agreement were arranged, which differed from
that previously proposed by the Government in many important
points. No public money was to be advanced, in lieu of the

1883 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 227

£8,000,000 the Government had been ready to grant ; a second
canal cut at the cost of the Company ; this country was to be
represented on the governing council not only by the ofl&cial
directors, but by seven delegates of the shipowners, forming also
a consultative body in London. At the same time, it was
urged that the gravest objections to the Ministerial arrangement
had not been removed. The administration of the old Canal
was still to remain French, and that of the new one was to be
French also. M. de Lesseps declared that during his lifetime
and that of his son the Canal would never cease to be French.
The claim of the Company to a monopoly was asserted as
strongly as ever, and the demand that the shares held by the
English Government should be given full voting power was
rejected. On the other hand, the Egyptian Government have
entered a protest beforehand against any alteration in the status
of the Canal Company under the existing concession without
the Khedive's assent.

The Government of India was favoured by many of the
principal conditions of prosperity and peace. The finances
were in a healthy state, and neither war nor famine threatened
any unusual drain. Lord Ripon, however, involved himself
early in the year in a conflict with the non-official European
inhabitants of unprecedented bitterness. Mr. Ilbert, the Legal
Member of Council, introduced a Bill, which came to bear his
name, giving native magistrates up country, in contravention of
the compromise settled in 1872, the power to try Europeans.
The change, which was originally recommended as a modest
administrative reform, was afterwards extended and put forward
as a fulfilment of the promise of "equal rights" held out to
natives by the Queen's Proclamation. The non-official Euro-
peans, who since the development of tea - planting, railway
construction, and other forms of private enterprise have become
an important element, protested against the withdrawal of their
acknowledged right to be tried by " their peers " in deference to
a sentimental and theoretical claim affecting only a limited
number of native civil servants and in defiance of the pre-
ponderant opinion of the Anglo-Indian official class. A power-
ful organisation was established in India to oppose the Ilbert
Bill, and was supported at home by the vast majority of retired
Indian officials. It turned out also, in spite of maladroit
attempts to disguise the truth, that the opinions of the officers

228 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1883

consulted by the Government were by nearly four to one in
favour of withdrawing the Bill, while of its nominal supporters
all save a few recommended a compromise.

Unluckily, not only European but native feelings had been
excited. Mr. Bright and other advanced Liberals, without
taking the pains to master the details of the measure, advocated
it on English platforms as " Justice to India," and the spokes-
men of the Government, both in India and at home, declared
that it would be prosecuted unflinchingly. The opposition of
the Europeans did not abate, and, indeed, Lord Kipon has met
at Calcutta with more signal marks of disfavour among his own
countrymen than any Viceroy since the extinction of the Com-
pany. At Bristol, towards the close of the year, Lord North-
brook announced, in terms which were generally misconstrued,
that a compromise would be proposed. The limitations sug-
gested were not regarded as sufficient by the Anglo-Indian
community, and finally, when the consideration of the measure
had been adjourned till after Christmas, an understanding was
entered into with the opponents of the measure, by which
Europeans objecting to be tried by a native magistrate might
demand a jury of whom the majority should be non- native.
This arrangement entails some administrative inconveniences
and practical anomalies, but it protects the Europeans against
injustice and secures the Government such credit as may be
given to the passing of the Bill thus altered. This controversy
has overshadowed all other topics of Indian politics during the
year. It is important, however, to note the Bengal Eent Bill,
introduced to give the ryots " security of tenure," and generally
to place them in the position of Irish tenants under the Act
of 1870.

Among the Colonial dominions of the Crown, those in South
Africa are still the cause of the greatest anxiety. The Cape
Colony, after some experience of the difficulties of an ambitious
policy, has prevailed on the Imperial Government to resume
the administration of Basutoland. Natal has been disquieted
by the results of Cetywayo's restoration in Zululand. Against
this measure the Zulus rose under Usibepu, defeating and
driving out their former King, who took refuge with the British
Resident in the " Reserve." The future of the Zulus is wrapt
in doubt, and the position of the Natal colonists is in the mean-
time an anxious one. The situation is not more assured in the

1883 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 229

Transvaal, where the Boers are in conflict with the Bechuanas
on the west and the Swazis on the east. The native difl&culty
is probably at the root of the active measures which the Boers
are now taking to procure the revision, or rather the abrogation,
of the Convention of Pretoria. The attempts of the Transvaal
Boers to get the mastery over the Bechuanas and to secure not
only the lands of the native tribes but the control of the trade
routes from the Cape to the interior were warmly discussed in
Parliament when the revision of the Convention was mooted.
It was at first thought advisable to send out a Commission from
this country, and Lord Reay, a Dutchman by birth, was
selected ; but the Boers preferred to send their delegates here,
and in the autumn President Kruger, with two others, laid the
demands of the Government at Pretoria before the Colonial
OflBce. It is understood that the Boers demand the restoration
of their complete independence, as secured by the Sand River
Conventions ; but Lord Derby's answer has not yet been made
known.

In the Australasian Colonies we have to record the vigorous
movement of active and intelligent communities. Victoria,
which claims the undisputed hegemony of these youthful States,
was happily freed at the opening of the year from chronic
political troubles by the defeat of the O'Loghlen Ministry, and
an "administrative" coalition between the Constitutionalists
under Mr. Service and the Radicals under Mr. Berry. It was
acknowledged that the old political issues were worn out, and
that a larger policy would be welcomed on all hands. A similar
spirit was found to prevail in the neighbouring Colonies, and
Lord Normanby's reference to Australian Federation, in his
speech to the Parliament at Melbourne in July, met with a
hearty response. Queensland had already set the match to the
train by the unauthorised annexation of a part of the coasts of
New Guinea.

Colonial opinion had been much excited by rumours that
France and Germany were about to assert claims to the sove-
reignty of New Guinea, the New Hebrides, and other islands
not far distant from Australia, and in April the Queensland
Government, as a measure of precaution, sent an officer to Port
Moresby to declare New Guinea a part of the dominions of the
Queen. The act was disavowed by the Colonial officials, but in
reply to arguments strongly urged on him by delegates from all

230 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1883

the Colonies, Lord Derby pointed to confederation as a possible
solution, especially with respect to New Guinea. The Colonies
took him, rather unexpectedly, at his word. The germ of a
federal convention had been already developed in negotiations
for an intercolonial postal system, and public sentiment in all
the Colonies was fully prepared to take a more decided step. A
conference of the Governments of all the Australasian Colonies
was convoked at Sydney, and adopted a series of resolutions of
the highest importance, not only calling upon the mother
country to annex New Guinea and the New Hebrides, but to
forbid any further extensions of non- English power in the
Pacific south of the Equator. At the same time the outlines of
a loose system of federal organisation were sketched and sub-
mitted to the Imperial Government.

No such large questions have been raised in the Canadian
Dominion, where the chief incident in the history of this year
was the retirement of the Governor-General, the Marquis of
Lome, and the nomination of the Marquis of Lansdowne as
his successor. The latter, a well-known Irish landlord, was
violently denounced by some of the American -Irish agitators,
but there was no response to their brutal appeals in Canada.

Politics in the United States have been unusually torpid,
though there has lately been a revival of life as the Presidential
contest of 1884 draws near. The tariff has been the principal
topic before the country. Just at the close of the last session
of Congress in March the Republican majority, knowing that
the Democrats, who had won at the previous " Fall " elections,
would command the next Congress, strained every nerve to
carry a " revised " tariff, which, with some ostensible concessions,
would really secure the protective system. The Democrats
might have acquiesced in this arrangement if they had not
suffered so much at the recent elections, when General Butler,
among others, was so badly beaten in Massachusetts that they saw
need for a new cry. In the choice of the Speaker of the House
of Representatives the Democratic majority threw over Mr.
Randall and the Pennsylvania Protectionists, and declared for
tariff reform. On that issue it seems probable the next Presi-
dential contest will be fought out. The foreign relations of
the Union have been equally devoid of interest. The Irish-
Americans, irritated by the punishment inflicted on their allies
at home, have been unusually virulent, and the pressure of the

1883 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 231

Irish vote has compelled President Arthur's Government to
protest against the alleged " pauper emigration " from Con-
naught. The desire to mediate between Chili and Peru has
once more been frustrated by the obstinate animosities of the
combatants. The proposed pacification arranged between the
Chilian Government and General Iglesias is still repudiated by
a faction among the Peruvians.

The obituary of the year, though the list is of the average
length, does not include, at home at all events, many names of
the highest importance. Among English public men who have
passed away may be mentioned the Duke of Marlborough, who
was best known as Viceroy of Ireland under Lord Beaconsfield ;
Lord Overstone, the ablest and most influential of English
capitalists and the highest authority for many years on financial
questions ; Sir George Jessel, Master of the Rolls, by universal
admission the greatest judge who in modern times has sat upon
the Bench in this country ; Mr. Law, Lord Chancellor of Ire-
land, who had a large share in the authorship and conduct
through Parliament of the Land Act ; Dr. Colenso, Bishop of
Natal, who will be remembered not more for his once famous
book on the Pentateuch and the conflicts in which it involved
the Church than for his warm-hearted, if somewhat wrong-
headed championship of the native races of South Africa ; two
ex -judges of distinguished merit. Sir Richard Amphlett and
Sir Charles Hall ; and General Sir "VV. F. Williams, whose
defence of Kars will live in history.

Science has lost Mr. Spottiswoode, the President of the
Royal Society ; Sir Edward Sabine, one of his predecessors; Sir
William Siemens, the eminent electrician ; and Professor Henry
Smith, of Oxford, a profound mathematician, but also a man of
the most brilliant social gifts and the most varied intellectual
culture. English literature has suffered severely by the early
death of Mr. J. R. Green, the historian.

Among other deaths may be mentioned those of Dr. William
Chambers, of Edinburgh, the head of the well-known publish-
ing firm, who had received the off"er of a baronetcy almost on
his dying bed ; Dr. Moffat, Livingstone's father - in - law and
friend, the patriarch of South African missionaries ; Prince
Batthyany, a distinguished patron of the Turf, who was
suddenly struck down on the racecourse at Newmarket; Lord
Justice Deasy of the Irish Appeal Court ; Colonel Taylor,

232 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1883

M.P., for many years the " Whip " of the Conservative party
in the House of Commons ; Sir William Knollys, Gentleman
Usher of the Black Kod ; Richard Doyle, an artist whose work,
abounding in fancy and in humour, was scarcely appreciated by
his contemporaries ; Dr. Begg, one of the leaders of the Free
Kirk of Scotland ; Captain Mayne Reid, a favourite author with
two generations of schoolboys ; Captain Webb, the champion
swimmer, who was drowned in a mad attempt to cross the
rapids below Niagara ; and Mr. John Brown, the faithful
servant of the Royal Family.

France has lost several men of mark. M. Gambetta's death
a few minutes before the close of the year 1882 completely
transformed the political situation ; but perhaps even a more
important change was produced in the political world by the
death, some months later, of the Comte de Chambord. General
Chanzy survived his party chief, M. Gambetta, only a few days.
M. Henri Martin, an advanced Republican, but a historian dis-
tinguished for strength and sanity, was also lost to the Republic.
M. Louis Veuillot, the most powerful and uncompromising of
Clerical and Legitimist journalists, did not live to see the claims
of the House of Bourbon merged in those of the House of
Orleans. M. Lenormant's death has left a gap in the ranks of
Oriental scholars. In art, M. Gustave Dor6 ; and in letters, M.
Laboulaye, M. HaMvy, and M. Jules Sandeau; in science, M.
Plateau ; and in society, the Comte de Lagrange, have left
places vacant which it will not be easy to fill.

Germany has mourned for Richard Wagner, whose genius as
a composer none will now deny, even though his claims to have
called into existence the " music of the future " may be ques-
tioned ; for Flotow, a popular musician, but of far lower calibre ;
and for the veteran scholar Dindorf. Karl Marx, who may
be called the founder of modern Socialism, has also passed
away.

Russia has lost not only Prince GortchakofF, so long the im-
personation of Muscovite foreign policy, but, at a much earlier
age, Ivan TurgueniefF, the most powerful imaginative writer
whom Slavonic literature can boast.

The death of another novelist, Henri Conscience, who had
achieved more than local distinction, has deprived the struggling
language and literature of Flanders of one of its few celebrated
names.

1883 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 233

Italy and the whole musical world had to lament the death
of the most famous of tenors, Mario.

In India, the loss of Sir Salar Jung, perhaps the ablest of
Mussulman statesmen, has been deplored alike by natives and
by Anglo-Indians. In Japan, Iwakura, an earnest advocate of
progress and well known in Europe as a diplomatist, was pre-
maturely cut otL

1884

The year 1884 has been crowded with events, at home and
abroad, which will fix upon its annals the attention of the future
student of history. Domestic politics have passed through the
crucible of agitation, and it would be rash to predict that their
ruling tendencies will remain the same as heretofore when the
results of the process become clearly visible. A vast addition
has been sanctioned to the number of enfranchised citizens of
the United Kingdom, a far-reaching redistribution of political
power has been projected, a long stride has been taken — hope-
fully, it is true, and almost without a dissentient voice — in the
direction of pure democratic government At the same time
every part of the fabric of the Empire has passed through the
ordeal either of anxious experience or of exciting criticism.

In spite of the conventional language of confidence employed
in royal speeches and ofl&cial statements, clear-sighted men
cannot refuse to see that our relations with the Great Powers of
the Continent are not marked, to say the least, by an excess of
cordiality, while we are brought into contact with those Powers
upon controversial issues of policy all over the world. The
revival of " the League of the Three Emperors," the rapproche-
ment between France and Germany, the activity of the former
Power in the far East and of the latter on the West Coast of
Africa, the attitude of Europe towards the English occupation
of Egypt, remind us that the functions of diplomacy as a branch
of statesmanship have not ceased to exist. In these critical times
it is not pleasant to learn that the navy, our first line of
national defence, no longer secures for this country an indis-
putable supremacy on the seas, and that the deficiency cannot be
made good without a large expenditure.

1884 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 235

The public credit has been well maintained, though the
Chancellor of the Exchequer's scheme for the conversion of the
Three per Cents has not been particularly successful. But
trade has been torpid, and in some branches suffering ; agricul-
ture remains still depressed, in spite of a genial winter, a sunny-
summer and autumn, and a moderately abundant harvest,
countervailed, however, by low prices ; and the elasticity of the
revenue cannot be counted upon without risk.

In other departments of policy the causes of anxiety are less
definite and measurable. The peace is preserved in Ireland
under Lord Spencer's rule, but the violent language of the
"popular party" on the platform and in the Press keeps alive
the anti-English passion among the masses and perpetuates a
state of feeling which, as we are warned from time to time, waits
only for an opportunity to show its quality in outrage and
treason. India, on the whole, is tranquil and prosperous,
though the movements of Russia on the Afghan frontier have
again begun to breed alarm, and attention has been seriously
directed to the dangers involved in the maintenance of the
armies of the native States. Colonial policy has its encouraging
and its discouraging aspects. The political energy shown by the
Australians in promoting measures of intercolonial union, and
in asserting the rights of British colonists in the Southern Seas,
must command admiration and sympathy in the mother country ;
but if misdirected it might easily prove a peril rather than a
security to the Empire. The difl&culties in South Africa and
the financial embarrassments of the West Indies, which have led
to an abortive scheme for a commercial union of the latter with
Canada, have contributed to give prominence to colonial ques-
tions, and for the first time English public men have been
induced to take gravely into consideration the problem how to
embrace in some form of federal system the widely-scattered
dominions of the Crown.

With all these preoccupations of policy, our statesmen have
not been free from the cares of war. The operations in the
Eastern Soudan under Sir Gerald Graham, the expedition to
Bechuanaland under Sir Charles Warren, and, above all. Lord
Wolseley's campaign for the relief of Khartoum, have subjected
our military organisation to a severe strain, but hitherto with
no unsatisfactory results. In Europe the new system of alliances,
or rather of political intimacies, is, for the present at least, a

236 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1884

guarantee of peace. France, Germany, and Russia have ostenta-
tiously put aside their former jealousies and are busying them-
selves conspicuously with external and independent objects. If
it had not been for the alarm produced by the outbreak of the
cholera, the Continent might look back on the year that is closing
to-day with contentment, in spite of the sinister activity of
" Anarchism " under various forms, the violence of Radicals and
Clericals as displayed, in defiance even of the most liberal
Constitutional system, in Belgium, the advance of the Socialists
in Germany to a place among recognised political parties, the
distress and discontent of the working classes in France, and
the evils, as yet imperfectly comprehended, of a restless policy
pursuing the objects of a vague ambition without reference to
their lasting value.

No change of importance is to be recorded in the composition
of the Ministry. Not only does Mr. Gladstone remain Prime
Minister, but his personal ascendency in English politics has
been established more indisputably than ever. During the two
sessions of Parliament he bore the brunt of the oratorical battle
on every great occasion, and in his expedition to Scotland in the
autumn he showed as decisively his undiminished power as a
popular speaker. His predominance has rather overshadowed
his colleagues. Mr. Chamberlain has, perhaps, been made an
exception by the persistence with which the Opposition have
denounced him and the boldness with which he has faced every
attack. Mr. Dodson's retirement from the Cabinet on his
elevation to the peerage offered an opportunity for the promotion
of Mr. Trevelyan, who became Chancellor of the Duchy, and was
succeeded as Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant by Mr.
Campbell-Bannerman. The place of the latter as Secretary of
the Admiralty was filled by Sir Thomas Brassey, and the vacant
Civil Lordship was bestowed on Mr. Caine. The lamented death
of Mr. Fawcett and the resignation of Mr. Courtney opened a
new series of official migrations. Mr. Shaw-Lefevre became
Postmaster-General, and Mr. Hibbert Secretary to the Treasury,
while Mr. Henry Fowler entered the Government as Under-
Secretary for the Home Department.

The autumnal campaign settled the question of the leadership
of the Opposition. Lord Salisbury's mastery of rhetoric and the
clearness of vision with which he pursued his aims, right or
wrong, confirmed his authority over the whole of the Conserva-

1884 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 237

tive party, and whatever may be thought of the compromise in
which he was the principal actor on his side, his followers are
ready to believe that he has secured for them more advantages
than could have been gained by either a more cautious or a more
reckless champion. It remains to be shown how far Lord
Salisbury's personal character has impressed itself, favourably or
otherwise, on the electors. As a platform orator he is believed
to be less attractive than Lord Randolph Churchill, whose faith
in " Tory democracy " does not deter him from consistently
applying the doctrine "Who peppers the highest is surest to
please," and whose influence over the popular element on the
Conservative side was demonstrated by his triumph in the
struggle for the control of the representative organisation of his
party early in the year.

The attitude of the opposing parties in the State before the
meeting of Parliament foreshadowed the final result. The Con-
servatives, as a party, did not contest the principle of the
equalisation of the franchise, but took exception to the inclusion
of Ireland and the postponement to another session of the redis-
tribution of seats. The Liberals defended these features in the
policy on which, after some hesitation, they had found themselves
able to unite. When the Franchise Bill was brought in the
questions at issue were left in the first instance to be settled by
Parliamentary methods. Liberal meetings generally gave a
thorough-going support to their party chiefs, and Conservative
meetings applauded in like manner the resistance of Lord
Salisbury. There was for many months little sign of excitement
in the country, but the opinion that somehow or other the
question must be settled, and that great national interests must
not be postponed from year to year for the sake of changes in
political machinery and the calculations of party involved
therein, was silently becoming a predominant influence. When
the House of Lords adopted Lord Cairns's amendment to the
second reading of the Franchise Bill, the prospect of a prolonged
crisis, and of an agitation threatening many other things besides
Lord Salisbury's supremacy, produced alarm and irritation, and
the action of the Peers would have been probably condemned by
a majority of the nation if on that issue alone an appeal to the
constituencies had been possible just before the close of the
session.

The question, however, to be submitted to the popular judg-

238 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1884

ment was not of this simple character, and when the two parties
were fairly engaged in a competition of demonstrations it was
difl&cult to arrive at a clear conclusion. The great Reform
procession which passed through the streets of London on 21st
July was rivalled, and even in some cases surpassed, by an
immense number of similar gatherings on the same side through-
out England and Scotland, but on the other hand the Conserva-
tive demonstrations in supporting the House of Lords, though
less frequent, were in one or two instances almost as imposing.
Each party taunted the other with relying upon " political
picnics," and the description was not an unfair one of many
meetings, especially those held in the parks of Conservative
peers.

Mr. Gladstone's visit to his constituents in Midlothian soon
after the prorogation elicited the greatest enthusiasm throughout
Scotland, but the Scotch did not need to be converted. The
Opposition, if they were not successful in showing that the
nation was on their side, produced evidence enough of a division
of popular opinion on those points of procedure as to which
alone, after the transactions with which the earlier session closed,
there was any room for controversy. For it was noted that the
House of Lords, while postponing the second reading of the
Franchise Bill in July, had formally and unanimously recorded
its acceptance, on Lord Dunraven's motion, of " the principles
of representation contained in the Bill ; " and that the Peers, a
few days later, had given adhesion to Lord Cadogan's amendment
suggesting the reintroduction and passing of the Franchise Bill
in the Commons in the proposed autumn session and the pro-
duction of the Redistribution Bill concurrently with the trans-
mission of the other measure to the Upper House.

The Liberal party had thus induced their opponents to move
a long way in the direction of immediate enfranchisement, and
during the autumn campaign it was apparent that this practical
approximation would render it difficult for the Government to
resort to extremities were the Conservative Peers to insert a
suspensory amendment and to insist again upon knowing what
was to be the new distribution of political power. The Consti-
tutional position of the House of Lords had been assailed by the
advanced wing of the Liberals with more vehemence and deter-
mination than at any time during the last fifty years. But
from a direct attack upon the Second Chamber, though a dis-

1884 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 239

position to consider seriously schemes for its reform had been
growing since Lord Rosebery's motion, the Prime Minister and
his chief colleagues, as well as the bulk of their moderate
followers, recoiled.

In these circumstances, when Parliament reassembled for the
autumn session on 23rd October, though high and defiant language
was still used on both sides, events and the desires of reasonable
men were working towards a compromise. The debates on the
Speech from the throne were prolonged, mainly by the Parnel-
lite members, but a safety-valve was found for the party spirit
which had been gathering in Lord Randolph Churchill's motion
accusing Mr. Chamberlain of having incited the masses to attack
and break up Tory meetings, and especially a Conservative
demonstration at Aston Park, near Birmingham. Mr. Chamber-
lain, in his reply, defended his language on general grounds, but
relied largely, in dealing with the Aston case, on afl&davits
showing designed provocation on the part of "Tory roughs."
These statements were afterwards made the ground of legal
proceedings both by Conservatives and Liberals at Birmingham,
but with no decisive result, except that only one of the men
who had sworn the afl&davits was forthcoming at the trial.

This skirmishing in the debates on the Address gave time for
informal negotiations, which soon after bore fruit. At first,
however, it seemed that nothing could be done to bridge over
the chasm, albeit a narrow one, which separated the Ministerial
position, as defined in Lord Granville's proposals in July, from
that of the Conservatives, as stated in Lord Cadogan's amend-
ment. The simplicity of the task was too manifest to escape
public notice, and leading personages on both sides began to fear
that if the country were flung into a new crisis by their obstinacy
they would suffer in character and influence. The rapid pro-
gress of the Bill through the House of Commons, where the
second reading was carried, with the somewhat unexpected aid
of the Parnellites, by a majority of 140, enforced an immediate
decision. The main lines of the Government plan with respect
to Redistribution were tolerably well known from Mr. Gladstone's
speeches and other Ministerial disclosures, and it was only
necessary to compare with this scheme the views entertained by
the leaders of the Opposition. Moderate men felt rightly con-
fident that by such a comparison a sound working compromise
would be easily discovered.

240 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1884

When communications were opened between the two parties
it was found that the Conservatives were prepared to go even
further than the Government in disfranchising unimportant
places, and were not desirous of insisting upon any unpopular or
impracticable method of securing the representation of minorities.
For a moment the decisive victory won by Mr. Sampson Lloyd
in South Warwickshire moved the High Tories of the counties
to revolt ; Mr. Lowtber was permitted to disavow the conciliatory
language of Sir Richard Cross, but unwise counsels did not long
prevail. It was agreed that the draft Redistribution Bill should
be submitted to the Conservative leaders and amended to meet
their views, that on their acceptance of this measure they were
to give the Government "adequate assurance" of their intention
to carry the Franchise Bill through the House of Lords, that
thereupon the Government should introduce the Redistribution
Bill in the Lower House and carry it to the second reading, while
the Opposition should at the same time redeem their pledge by
allowing the Franchise Bill to become law. In this agreement
the Government were content to trust for the " adequate assur-
ance " demanded to the honour of English gentlemen, and in the
same spirit the Conservative chiefs accepted the Ministerial
promise that the Redistribution Bill would be pushed on as
early as possible after the adjournment for Christmas, and that
in the Lower House, where the Liberals command a majority,
its passing would be considered a vital question by the Cabinet.
This exchange of honourable engagements was amply sufficient.
Lord Salisbury and Sir StaflFord Northcote had a series of inter-
views with a special committee of the Cabinet, consisting of the
Prime Minister, Lord Hartington, and Sir Charles Dilke, and
the Redistribution Bill as settled between these " high contracting
powers" was brought in by Mr. Gladstone on 1st December. The
second reading was taken three days later and carried without a
division, and the House of Lords at the same time passed the
Franchise Bill through its remaining stages. Parliament
adjourned on 6th December to 19th February, when the Redistri-
bution Bill will be thoroughly discussed on the motion for going
into Committee, and proceeded with de die in diem.

The details of this measure attracted more attention than the
Franchise Bill itself, which was quietly placed upon the Statute-
book, and which, from the beginning of the new year, bestows
the right to vote upon all rated householders, whether in counties

1884 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 241

or boroughs, adding, it is estimated, some 2,000,000 of voters
to tlie electoral rolls. Redistribution touches not the new voters
so much as the old constituencies. The scheme now before
Parliament, to which the leading men of both parties are
pledged, evades some difficulties, and does not, perhaps, choose
the best way out of others. Ireland and Wales retain their
excess of representation, and the claims of Scotland are partially
satisfied by an addition to the House, raising its numbers to 670.
Boroughs with less than 15,000 inhabitants are to be merged in
the surrounding county districts ; those with less than 50,000
inhabitants are to have only one member each ; those between
50,000 and 165,000 are to retain two members each. All urban
constituencies with more than 165,000 inhabitants and all
counties without exception are to be divided into districts
represented each by a single member.

This system was intended to secure, through the medium of
the instructions given, with the sanction of Parliament, to an
independent body of Boundary Commissioners, the substantial
representation of minorities, or rather of various interests, by
separating the rural from the urban voters. The advocates of
proportional representation were hostile to this scheme, which
was also opposed by some of the large cities on the ground that
it would destroy their corporate unity. Mr. Courtney gave
point to his dissent by resigning his office as Secretary of the
Treasury and by stating that Mr. Fawcett, if he had lived, would
have taken the same course. Some Conservatives were found
to support these views, but by far the greater number agreed
that Lord Salisbury and Sir Stafford Northcote had acted wisely
in securing the single-member system, since scrUtin de liste would
be manifestly unjust and ruinous, and there was no chance of
bringing into operation either Sir John Lubbock's plan of trans-
ferable voting, or the restrictive vote or cumulative vote already
tried in " three-cornered " constituencies and at School Board
elections. Moreover, there was, and is, a strong and a growing
feeling that the honour of the leading statesmen on both sides
was involved in the maintenance of the compromise, and that no
improvement in electoral machinery could be a compensation
either for a breach of faith discreditable to one or both parties,
or for the withdrawal from political life of the ablest public men
in the country.

The question of Parliamentary reform had almost a monopoly

VOL. II R

242 ANNUAL- SUMMARIES 1884

of political interest — in the region, at least, of domestic affairs
— during the year. The rest of the legislation promoted or
projected by Ministers was viewed almost with indifference.
Whatever hopes were founded on the Home Secretary's plan for
the reconstruction of London government, and of Mr. Chamber-
lain's measure for the prevention of loss of life at sea, dis-
appeared as soon as it became evident that the discussion could
lead to no immediate result. The London Municipality Bill,
it is plain, must now be relegated, with the whole group of
problems connected with local government of which it forms a
part, to the next reformed Parliament. The same tribunal must
deal with the matters in controversy between the President of
the Board of Trade and the shipping interest. A preliminary
inquiry has been entrusted to a Royal Commission, the com-
position of which involved Mr. Chamberlain once more in a con-
flict with the shipowners, and was finally arranged by extensive
concessions on the official side. The general belief is that Mr.
Chamberlain had a strong case upon the facts, but that it was
not wisely handled, and that the opposition of the shipowners
had been stirred up as much by personal feelings unnecessarily
provoked as by difficulties on points of principle. The com-
plaints of the farmers at the spread of foot-and-mouth disease
have been satisfied by the Act strengthening the powers of the
Privy Council which was passed in May last, of which the most
stringent provisions were forced on Mr. Dodson by a combination
of county members. Whig and Tory.

Mr. Childers, though by no fault of his own, has missed the
chance of achieving any financial triumphs. His budget barely
showed an estimated surplus of a quarter of a million, without
taking into account supplementary estimates, which of late years
have generally upset the earlier calculations of the Chancellor of
the Exchequer. The additional demands, which it was impos-
sible to ignore, during the autumn session for the expeditions
under Lord Wolseley and Sir Charles Warren were met, though
in part only, by raising the income-tax from 5d. to 6d. in the
pound for the year, so that, in the most favourable circumstances,
a balance on the wrong side must be carried over to next year's
account. The continued depression both in manufacturing
industries and in agriculture makes it a difficult matter to in-
crease the revenue without adding to the burdens of those already
overtaxed. Yet, even if the work undertaken on the Nile and

1884 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 243

in South Africa should be happily and economically concluded,
the next budget will have to make provision for increased army
and navy estimates.

Public attention has been directed to the defenceless condition
of the coaling stations, which touches the efficiency of our
existing system of imperial defence, to the slow progress made
with the heavy ordnance required for ships of war and forts,
and, above all, to the relative inferiority into which the naval
forces of the country had been allowed to lapse. Lord North-
brook had in the month of July declared his entire satisfaction
with the state of his department, and had even insisted that the
Admiralty would find some difficulty in spending three or four
millions, if voted by Parliament But on his return from Egj^t,
soon after the opening of the autumn session, he discovered that
public opinion had been aroused, and that the facts disclosed in
speeches and letters, not only by independent persons like Sir
Edward Keed, but by officials like Sir Thomas Brassey, were
being debated with much warmth.

It was accordingly at once announced that something would
be done, and before the Parliamentary adjournment the First
Lord and the Secretary to the Admiralty made statements in
both Houses purporting to show that large additions to the iron-
clad fleet, to the swift cruisers, and to the torpedo defences
would be undertaken, involving an expenditure of more than
£3,000,000, besides additional grants for ordnance and coaling
stations, raising the total of extraordinary estimates to about
£6,500,000. This outlay was, however, to be distributed over
five years, and to be shared between the War Office and the
Admiralty. Looking at the dealings of the Treasury with the
report of the Royal Commission on coaling stations and colonial
defences, the expenditure on which, after years of delay, had
been cut down, by ingenious postponements and audacious
reductions, to an almost nominal sum, the country is justified in
refusing to accept as sufficient Lord Northbrook's amended policy,
falling short as it does of what Sir Edward Reed has declared to
be the absolute minimum of our urgent requirements, and con-
templating a rate of progress so deliberate as to leave a doubt
whether anything more would be accomplished within the five
years than the Admiralty was already pledged to perform accord-
ing to the most modern reckonings.

The government of Ireland during the year was carried on

244 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1884

under peculiar difficulties, and witli moderate success. The
Separatist party, recovering from the shock of the conspiracy-
disclosures of the previous year, assailed the Executive in Dublin
from behind the intrenchments of Parliamentary privilege with
increasing audacity. Lord Spencer's conduct in failing to provide
sufficient protection for the "right of public meeting," as
exhibited in the Nationalist " invasion of Ulster," and in paying
too much attention to the complaints of the Orangemen, was
denounced ; while the authorities on this side of the Channel
were condemned by the same voices for allowing the procession
at Cleator Moor under conditions closely resembling those which
prevailed in the north of Ireland. The Irish Protestants, on
their part, were wroth with the Government for permitting Mr.
Healy and Mr. O'Brien to preach treason among them, and the
effort to keep the ship of State on an " even keel " had to be
content with the usual reward of virtue.

Meanwhile the operation of the Crimes Act, which must be
renewed next year, was vehemently attacked, and a new system
of tactics was brought into play with the object of discrediting
the convictions obtained in the prosecutions under that statute.
Evidence, or what purported to be such, was produced impeaching
the testimony of approvers relied on by the Crown, in some cases
supported by the admission of the informers themselves. The
good faith of these recantations was obviously most questionable,
but when Lord Spencer refused to act upon them and to reverse
the decisions of the Courts of Law he was held up to infamy in
the Nationalist Press and in Parliament as having compassed the
death of innocent men by subornation of perjury and suppression
of evidence. With these charges were mixed up others of a still
more abominable kind, founded upon the fact that one or two
officials were being prosecuted for gross offences against morality,
and on the untruthful suggestion that the Lord-Lieutenant and
his Chief Secretary had striven to shield them. The scandalous
language employed with impunity in the principal organ of the
Nationalists, under the editorship of Mr. O'Brien, was not
checked by a verdict for damages obtained by Mr. Bolton, one
of the Crown solicitors, which was covered by a popular sub-
scription on Mr. O'Brien's behalf.

The campaign was renewed with augmented vigour when it
was found that Mr. Trevelyan's promotion to the Cabinet did
not imply a surrender to those who were clamouring for his

1884 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 245

disgrace, aud that Lord Spencer, who, it was known, regarded
the Crimes Act as indispensable to the maintenance of order,
was to remain supreme in Dublin Castle. The debates during
the autumn session on the Maamtrasna case and other prosecu-
tions brought to light some doubtful points of procedure, but
showed no ground for crediting the informers' recantations or
reversing the decision of the Irish Executive. Irish lawlessness
has been more active outside of Ireland than within the juris-
diction of the Crimes Act, though the partially successful attempt
to blow up Mr. Hussey's house near Tralee may warn optimists
that the dangerous spirit has not been stamped out.

The "party of dynamite" have been more daring and
persistent in their attempts in this country. Happily their
skill has not been equal to their malignity. Three times within
the past twelve months has the destruction of life and property
in London been attempted through the agency of dynamite — in
February, when an explosion occurred at Victoria Station, and
preparations for a similar crime were discovered at Paddington,
Charing Cross, and Ludgate Hill ; in May, when simultaneous
explosions took place in St. James's Square and at Scotland Yard ;
and during the present month, when an attempt was made to
blow up London Bridge. For complicity in the importation of
explosives with criminal intent, two Irishmen residing in the
Midlands were brought to justice, but the authorship of the
greater number of these crimes remains up to the present
undetected and unpunished.

The contagion of Irish lawlessness has made itself felt among
the Celtic population on the west coast of Scotland. The Keport
of the Koyal Commission on the state of the crofters has not
been followed up by legislation, and the peasantry in the island
of Skye, under the pressure, no doubt, of painful distress,
threatened not only resistance to legal claims, but violence
against obnoxious individuals. They have, however, not gone
beyond menaces, and have declined at the last moment to engage,
after the fatal Irish example, in conflict with the law. The
Government have upheld lawful authority even to the extent of
ordering the use of troops if required, though the language of
the Home Secretary in the House of Commons has not always
been as prudent and firm as his oflBicial action.

In other parts of the kingdom the wild doctrines preached
by Mr. Henry George have met with little acceptance, and even

2i6 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1884

in Ireland Mr. Davitt's apostolate of land nationalisation has
called forth no warm response. Almost as fruitless hitherto
have been the labours of the " fair trade " agitators, notwith-
standing the indirect encouragement they have received from
some Conservative statesmen, and the favourable conditions for
their propaganda supplied by the continued depression of agri-
culture and the paralysis of some of our chief manufacturing
industries. The denunciation of the sugar bounties given by
foreign Governments and the demand for the imposition of
countervailing duties have not been stayed by the arguments,
conclusive as they appear on economical grounds, of the officials
of the Board of Trade.

At the beginning, as at the close of the year, Egypt was the
centre of the gravest political preoccupations. The policy of
the Government was kept throughout in concealment, or at the
best in a perplexing half-light, and there was no time at which
some pretext for postponing the public judgment was not
plausibly available. The dismissal of Sherif Pasha's Ministry
at the instance, or rather under the orders, of England, for
refusing to carry out the complete evacuation of the Soudan, was
followed by Nubar Pasha's restoration to power and the osten-
sible strengthening of the English element in the Egyptian
Administration. For three or four months reforms made,
according to Ministerial accounts, very satisfactory progress, in
spite of underground intrigues and official bickerings. The
support of Sir Evelyn Baring was cordially given to General
Wood, Colonel Scott Moncrieff, and Mr. Clifford Lloyd, acting
nominally under the Egyptian Ministers, but really representing
English influence. Nubar Pasha, however, by a threat of
resignation at a moment when the financial difficulty was
becoming serious, succeeded in getting rid of Mr. Clifford Lloyd
and in restoring the authority of the "native element" in the
Administration.

Meanwhile, this country had become more than ever involved
in the affairs of Egypt. General Gordon had been hastily de-
spatched to Khartoum in January to arrange for the withdrawal
of the Egyptian garrisons and the establishment of some local
government, but it was ostentatiously announced that he would
not receive any military support. He was warmly welcomed by
the people, and his personal influence put some heart into the
Egyptian soldiery. The Mahdi, however, refused to accept any

1884 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 247

terms short of an unconditional surrender, and General Gordon
was forced back on a plan for employing the slave-hunter Zebehr
to assume the command at Khartoum after his departure. To
this the Government at home could not assent, but neither would
they strengthen General Gordon's hands so as to allow him to
act for himself. The appearance of hesitation and the rumours
of withdrawal encouraged the enemy. Khartoum was threatened
by hosts of the Mahdi's followers, and though they were repeat-
edly routed and repulsed by General Gordon, in spite of the
treachery of some of his native officers and the cowardice of their
troops, the city was slowly but surely cut off from communica-
tion with Lower Egypt and the outer world. Before the invest-
ment was completed indignant despatches from General Gordon,
charging upon the Government the " indelible disgrace " of the
abandonment, not of himself, but of the garrisons and the loyal
people of Khartoum, were published in England, and aroused
feelings which were inadequately represented by the wavering
and inconclusive debates on the subject.

Still greater interest was awakened by the telegrams published
in these columns from our correspondent, Mr. Power, who had
remained in Khartoum with the remnant of Hicks Pasha's army,
and was, beside General Gordon and Colonel Stewart, the only
British subject left in the place when the siege began. Mr.
Power's striking account of the defence, which was brought
down in his journal, received at a much later date, to the close
of July, made the public mind familiar with the chief traits of
General Gordon's character, his undaunted courage, his inex-
haustible resource, his singular gift of influencing men, savage
or civilised, his high and chivalrous devotion to his country and
to the cause of humanity. From time to time General Gordon's
gunboats cleared the Nile of his enemies, and if he had been
content to escape alone, leaving his mission unaccomplished and
the memory of broken faith behind him, he might, doubtless,
have retired, as some persons in this country apparently expected.
But this course was with him morally impossible. The British
Government took no active measures on his behalf, and even
refused to state explicitly down to the close of the earlier session
of Parliament whether or not an expedition would be sent for
his relief.

A succession of priceless opportunities was thus irreparably
lost. On the coast of the Red Sea important operations had been

248 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1884

undertaken, at a heavy cost and with no little bloodshed, the
results of which, in the opinion of the most competent judges,
might have been utilised for General Gordon's benefit. Osman
Digma, an Arab chief professing attachment to the Mahdi, was
pressing hard, at the beginning of the year, upon the port of
Suakin and the neighbouring garrisons of Sinkat and Tokar,
when he found himself threatened by Baker Pasha, who was
hastily despatched from Cairo with an ill-organised army of
Egyptians and Nubians. The Arabs fell upon them, slaughtering
a vast number ; the rest fled in hopeless rout and palsied terror.
The event might have been foreseen. It proved even more
decisively than the ill-conduct of the Egyptian soldiery at Khar-
toum that if Egypt, including the Red Sea littoral and the Lower
Nile Valley, was to be defended against the rising tide of fanaticism
native troops could not be trusted.

The Ministry, after some w^eeks' painful suspense, resolved,
immediately after the opening of Parliament, to send out General
Graham with a British force to restore order. General Graham
fought two pitched battles at Teb and Tamasi at the end of
February and the beginning of March, defeating the Arabs, who
displayed extraordinary bravery and determination, and driving
Osman Digma into flight. No effort, however, was sanctioned
by the Government for the opening of communications with
Khartoum by the Suakin-Berber route, as General Gordon had
suggested, nor was the design approved of a light railway to
connect the Red Sea coast with the Nile Valley in view of a
relief expedition. General Graham and the bulk of his troops
were withdrawn, and Suakin, left under the protection of a few
marines and some native levies, was soon harassed once more
by Osman Digma and his adherents. A treaty concluded by
Admiral Hewett with the King of Abyssinia has had no per-
ceptible influence on the power of the Mahdi.

Just before the close of the session in August, the Govern-
ment obtained a vote of credit to provide for preliminary
expenses in case an expedition to Khartoum should become
necessary, but the matter was still left dubious. Preparations,
however, were actively begun ; and at the close of the month
Lord Wolseley left London, arriving at Cairo early in September.
It was by that time decided that the expedition must be sent,
and that the Nile route must be selected instead of the Suakin-
Berber route. For the latter an earlier movement was indis-

1884 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 249

pensable, and the fall of Berber, in spite of General Gordon's
efforts to rescue the place, was a paralysing loss.

Lord Wolseley's preparations for the advance were of the most
elaborate and costly character, but the difficulties of the river
route at a season when the Nile had begun to fall have proved
even more serious than had been anticipated. Fortunately, the
Mudir of Dongola, on whose fidelity some doubts had been
thrown, chiefly in consequence of his own ambiguous and con-
tradictory messages, acted at the most critical time as a bulwark
against the Mahdi's progress, and furnished a base of operations
for the expeditionary force. The transport beyond Sarras, to
which point the railway had been extended, was performed for
the most part by whaleboats managed by Canadian boatmen,
specially acquainted with the navigation of rapids. The work
was both arduous and hazardous, and though Lord Wolseley's
arrangements have hitherto kept the details of the campaign
from the knowledge of people at home, his offer of a large reward
to the regiment which should first reach Debbeh is a proof that
he deems it necessary to resort to extraordinary expedients.

It is calculated that by the first week of January Lord
Wolseley wiU have 7000 men at Ambukol, but of these prob-
ably less than one-third will be equipped for a dash across the
desert to Shendy, whence the actual measures for the relief of
Gordon, if it is not to be indefinitely delayed, must be under-
taken. Of the situation in Khartoum scarcely any intelligence
has of late reached this country, and the news received from
General Gordon himself, confirming the report that Colonel
Stewart, Mr. Power, and a body of troops sent forward with
them from- the beleaguered city had been stranded near Berber
and massacred by hostile tribes, can hardly be taken as of good
omen.

While a timid and hesitating policy has involved the country
in an extravagant expenditure on the Upper Nile, the extent of
which Ministers themselves are at present afraid to contemplate
— for the vote of .£1,000,000, obtained in the autumn session, is
obviously a mere contribution "on account" — the position of
ascendency in Lower Egypt secured for England by the labours
and sacrifices of the war against Arabi has been brought into
peril, or at least into question, by the financial difficulty.
Early in the year it was made evident to the British Govern-
ment that, owing in part to accumulated deficits and to the

250 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1884

expense of the war in the Soudan, but chiefly to the indemnities
for the losses caused by the Alexandria riots, the Egyptian
Treasury must either make default or obtain a suspension of
the Law of Liquidation. Lord Granville invited the European
Powers to a Conference to discuss this alleged necessity and to
consider the demand for a relaxation of the terms by which
Egypt was bound. Unfortunately, it was thought expedient to
purchase the goodwill of France by the promise, subject to the
acceptance of the English financial proposals, of concessions
amounting to a surrender of English ascendency in Egypt. The
" Anglo-French Agreement " stipulated for the withdrawal of the
British troops at a fixed date, unless Europe should insist on
their remaining, for the adoption of a scheme to constitute the
Khedive's dominions "an African Belgium," and for the strength-
ening of the powers of the Caisse de la Dette Publique so as to
establish in fact, if not in form, an " International Control."

The Conference met, but the English financial proposals, in-
volving a reduction all round on the interest payable to the
creditors of Egypt, were opposed by the French representatives,
and, as no understanding appeared to be attainable, the question
was left without a solution. The Conference was dissolved in
a somewhat peremptory manner by Lord Granville, and it was
announced that Lord Northbrook would be at once sent out to
Cairo to inquire into the subject independently. There seemed
to be a hope that the Government would recognise facts, and in
some manner induce the bondholders and the Powers behind
them to relax the pressure of their legal claims. The security
afforded by an English guarantee or by the formal acceptance by
England of responsibility for the government of Egypt would
have been adequate compensation for even a large reduction of
interest. But Mr, Gladstone and his colleagues were unwilling
to acknowledge their errors.

Lord Northbrook returned from Cairo with a plan which
was kept concealed from the public, but which, there is the best
reason to believe, attempted to escape from the difficulty without
accepting new responsibilities, by leaving the bondholders' interest
untouched and relieving Egypt mainly by transferring the bur-
den of the Army of Occupation to the broad back of the English
taxpayer. The Cabinet could not be brought to consent to such
a proposal as this, and after some delay an alternative scheme
was propounded and laid before the Powers ; a loan was to be

1884 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 251

advanced by England, secured on the lands hitherto pledged to
the Domains and Daira creditors, and the latter obligations were
to be merged in the Preference and Unified Debts respectively ;
to the Preference Debt were to be added new bonds to the
amount of the Alexandria indemnities, but the interest was not
to be reduced, while J per cent was to be taken off the interest
on the increased mass of the Unified stock and the capital of
the Suez Canal shares held by the British Government. How
far this plan would permanently balance the Budget may be
doubtful

The assent of the Powers to the change in the Law of Liqui-
dation has not yet been obtained, nor, indeed, has any formal
answer been given, but the policy of England has been violently
assailed both in France and Germany. A pretext for interven-
tion has been afforded by the suspension of the Sinking Fund
of the Unified Debt to meet the immediate emergency which
Lord Northbrook pressed upon the Egyptian Government in the
autumn. For this breach of the Law of Liquidation the Com-
missioners of the Public Debt have prosecuted and obtained
judgment against the Egyptian Government before the Interna-
tional tribunals, and though, in the interval allowed for appeal,
the judgment cannot be enforced, it is plain that the issue can-
not be much longer staved off. It is important to note that
Germany and Russia have chosen this moment to insist that
their representatives shall be admitted to share in the rights and
powers of the Caisse, and that the temporising reply of the
Khedive's Ministers has been followed by renewed and more
urgent demands.

It is not in Egypt alone that England has found her policy
crossed or criticised by other Powers. " The scramble for
Africa " has become the subject of high diplomatic negotiations,
and the final result is at present uncertain. The competition of
rival explorers on the upper course of the Congo induced the
British Foreign Office to recognise the obsolete claims of Por-
tugal to the territorial possession of the lower part of the river,
and a treaty embodying this recognition, with guarantees for
freedom of trade, was laid before Parliament. The transaction
was looked on with jealousy by the Portuguese, but it would
probably have been ratified if Germany, followed by France
and other Powers, had not declined to sanction it. An attempt
was then made by England to procure the appointment of an

252 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1884

International Commission to control and regulate the navigation
and commerce of the Congo.

Nothing, however, was done till the autumn, when, after a
separate negotiation between Germany and France — at this time
drawn closely together by Prince Bismarck's policy — a Conference
was convened at Berlin to consider the subject. The German
Chancellor had been affronted by the hesitating and illogical
policy of the British Government in dealing with English claims
over the territory extending from the recognised frontier of the
Cape Colony to the Portuguese dominions. England had, in
the first place, refused to give protection to German subjects in
those regions, as not being British territory. Then, after Ger-
many had asserted her right to annex the unoccupied coast, it
was seriously argued that though this country had not annexed
the territory in question, the possibility of annexing it in the
future must not be parted with. Neither this position nor the
encouragement given to the claims advanced when too late by
the Cape Government could be maintained after the earlier dis-
claimers of Ministers at home, and Prince Bismarck's peremp-
tory language was at length answered by a complete surrender.
The French Government, which had acquired the right to a
reversion of the claims of the International Association on the
Congo, was as much in favour with the Chancellor as the English
Government was the contrary.

Luckily, at the Conference this country stood on firm ground ;
the ostensible object of the negotiations was to open the African
continent to commerce, and English commercial policy has been
strikingly distinguished from that of Germany and of France by
the uncompromising acceptance of free trade. "We have nothing
to lose but everything to gain by the opening of the Congo on
equal terms to traders of all nations, and if the French and
German colonies in Africa were to carry out the liberal prin-
ciples adopted at Berlin the advantage to England would be
considerable. The project of placing the Niger, of which the
lower course is practically under an English protectorate, under
the system of international control proposed for the Congo was
not pressed against the British protest, and the Government
will substantially have no change to make in the existing state
of things, while the complications of a Commission including re-
presentatives of several countries will be averted.

A more difficult question remains to be determined in refer-

1884 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 253

ence to tlie future of the International Association, whicli has
now been recognised as an established State by all the Great
Powers. France has secured reversionary rights which she has
agreed to share so far as trade is concerned with Germany, but
both are pledged by the Berlin agreement to maintain com-
mercial freedom and equality. The conditions of the reversion
are still unsettled, and there is a boundary question between
France and the Association which, in the interests of peace,
ought to be closed.

It is to be hoped that the British Government have not
mismanaged another South African question as badly as that of
Angra Pequena. The condition of Zululand has been one of
turbulence and anarchy ever since the ill-judged recall of
Cetywayo. Outside the Eeserve, in the presence of a declara-
tion that the British authorities could not and would not inter-
fere on either side, one section of the natives invoked the
assistance of the Transvaal Boers, by whose aid they overthrew
Usibepu, the victorious rival of Cetywayo. After this victory
the Boers, as was to be expected, proceeded to establish for
themselves a republican government in Zululand, of which they
offered the presidency to General Joubert. Whether or not
Joubert has been disposed to accept is doubtful. The most
important point, however, is that, after the English declarations
of non-interference have been reiterated and accentuated, it is
rumoured that Germany has taken, or is about to take, possession
of Ajnatonga Land, or to obtain from Portugal a grant of Delagoa
Bay. St. Lucia Bay, ceded to England by the Zulu King Panda
more than forty years ago, and situated on the east coast of
South Africa, midway between Natal and Delagoa Bay, has also
been pointed at as an object of German ambition, but this con-
tingency seems to have been anticipated by the action of the
Natal Government in raising the British flag on this debatable
ground within the past few days.

These difficulties are intimately connected with the tedious
controversy relating to the Transvaal border. President Kruger
and two other representatives of the Boers visited England early
in the year and obtained important modifications, in the interest
of the Transvaal, of the Pretoria Convention. The British
Government, however, refused to deliver up the Bechuanas, who
had some claim to be considered our allies, and the command of
the main trade route of South Africa to the Boer adventurers.

254 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1884

A British protectorate over Bechuanaland was established by
the revised Convention, which was duly signed by the delegates
and afterwards ratified by the Volksraad, and Mr. Mackenzie
was appointed British Agent under Sir Hercules Eobinson, the
Governor of Cape Colony and High Commissioner.

The Boers, however, who had set up what they called inde-
pendent republics in Bechuanaland, imagined that they could
extort further concessions by obstinate resistance. They set Mr.
Mackenzie's authority at nought, waged war against the chief
Montsioa, whose rights had been specially reserved, and com-
pelled him to accept a treaty which virtually placed his lands
at their disposal. The High Commissioner and the English
Government were treated with gross insolence, and Mr. Bethell,
an English gentleman acting as agent for one of the Bechuana
chiefs, was brutally and treacherously murdered. When Par-
liament met in the autumn. Ministers hastened to avert a
damaging debate by the announcement that the Boers would be
made to respect the terms of the Convention, if necessary by
force of arms. The Ministerial project, however, of placing
Bechuanaland under the Cape Government appeared to be open
to question, when it was seen that a powerful party among the
colonists, including the Premier, Mr. Upington, sympathised
with the Boers.

The task of restoring order in Bechuanaland, of enforcing
the terms of the Convention, and of protecting Montsioa was at
length undertaken directly by the Imperial Government. A
vote of three-quarters of a million sterling was granted by
Parliament in November for the expenses of the expedition,
which has been placed under the command of Sir Charles
Warren, with full powers, both military and political. The
ultimate settlement of the questions in dispute is, it is said, to
be left to the Cape Parliament, subject to the approval of the
Imperial Government. It is necessary to remember, in con-
sidering the effect of these complications, that the Boer delegates,
before returning to Africa, visited Holland and Germany, and
claimed, on the score of kinship, the sympathy and aid of the
German Empire.

No other part of our Colonial Empire has been exposed to
the same trials as South Africa, but in Australia a group of
questions has arisen for debate which must be delicately, and
at the same time firmly, handled. The Australian colonists,

1884 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 255

reasonably alarmed at the growth of the Ftench penal settle-
ments in New Caledonia, and the probability that by the
Recidivists Bill, introduced by M. Ferry's Ministry, the evil
would be enormously increased, pressed upon the Home Govern-
ment the necessity not only of resisting the exportation of the
off-scouring of European gaols to the Southern Pacific, but of
annexing New Guinea and the neighbouring islands, where, it
was believed, German occupation was meditated.

The Colonial Office put in as a plea for delay the demand,
which it was not expected the colonists would speedily comply
with, for a preliminary scheme of intercolonial federation. But
colonial opinion was so keenly excited that a federal scheme
was at once prepared by the delegates of the several colonies
assembled in conference at Sydney ; and though the Government
of New South Wales subsequently withdrew from the under-
standing, the Governments of Victoria, South Australia, Queens-
land, West Australia, and Tasmania formally approved it, and
petitioned the Imperial Ministers to pass an " enabling " Act
without delay. The offence taken by New South Wales has,
however, rendered any Imperial legislation most difficult, even if
time could have been found for it at the close of last session or
before the recent adjournment, and Lord Derby has sent out a
despatch to the Governments of the various colonies suggesting
several emendations. Meanwhile, the Foreign Office has been
negotiating with France on the subject of the Recidivists Bill,
and has at least succeeded in postponing any decision adverse to
the claims of the colonists, who, it should be understood, are
fully prepared to take measures to protect themselves if the
French do not recede.

In regard to the annexation of New Guinea, the hand of the
Imperial Government had been forced by the unauthorised act
of the Queensland authorities at the close of last year. In
October a British protectorate over a portion of the southern
coast of the island was proclaimed, which, however, by no
means satisfied colonial aspirations. It is announced, as the
year closes, that the German Government have occupied the
northern coast of New Guinea, as well as New Britain and the
adjacent isles, and if this be so the case is a parallel one to that
of Angra Pequena.

Of the other colonies there is little to record. The West
Indies have been suffering severely, in part from depression of

256 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1884

trade, but more, perhaps, from the results of an unsound fiscal
system. Jamaica has not, however, been tempted to enter into
a commercial confederacy with Canada, where the protectionist
spirit is as strong as ever. These questions of conflicting tariffs
are among the diflB.culties which stand in the way of the accom-
plishment of any project of Imperial federation. The desire,
both among colonists and in the mother country, that the unity
of the Empire should be maintained has been expressed in a
striking form at a conference which met in the summer and
reassembled in the autumn at the Westminster Palace Hotel.
Several distinguished men of both parties in the State gave
their aid and approval to the movement, and an "Imperial
Federation League " was formed, which will, at all events, make
the country familiar with the conditions of an interesting
problem.

The internal tranquillity of India, which was broken last
year by Lord Ripon's unlucky attempt to conciliate the senti-
ment of a small minority of ambitious natives at the expense of
administrative efficiency and the convictions of Anglo-Indians,
was outwardly restored by the enactment of the compromise
on the Ilbert Bill agreed upon before New Year's Day. But the
irritation on both sides has not, unfortunately, disappeared, and
the retirement of Lord Ripon has been made the occasion for
a display of feeling, favourable and unfavourable to the late
Viceroy, which is without precedent in the history of India.

Lord Dufferin, who has been appointed to succeed Lord
Ripon, has been welcomed without reserve by all classes, and
each side probably cherishes the hope of winning him over to
its views. The new Governor-General has practical problems
to deal with, which are even more serious than those raised by
the sentimental jealousies of race and the attempts of agitators
to pour the new wine of European democracy into the old
bottles of Hindoo society. We published during the autumn a
careful account of the armies and military organisations of the
Native States of India, in which it was shown that the feudatory
Princes, some of whom, at least, are of doubtful loyalty, kept
on foot just 350,000 soldiers, with 4237 pieces of artillery.
As the Anglo-Indian army, which has to maintain order among
a population four times as numerous as that of the feudatory
States, numbers only some 65,000 Europeans and 125,000
natives, the disproportion is a grave matter, especially at a time

1884 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 257

when some experienced officials do not disguise their apprehen-
sion of internal dangers, and when the activity of Russia on the
side of Afghanistan has heen renewed.

Lord Dufferin, on the eve of his departure for India, laid
down the sound principle that the security of a nation's frontiers
must not be allowed to remain dependent on the goodwill or the
forbearance of any foreign Power. The delimitation of the
Russian and Afghan frontiers, in which it was agreed that
English officers should take part on behalf of the Ameer, has
not yet been practically begun ; but the engineers and scientific
men who left India in the autumn and joined their chief, Sir
Peter Lumsden, on the western borders of Afghanistan are
established on the banks of the Murghab for the winter. The
Russian Commissioners were to have met them there in February,
but it has been somewhat audaciously announced that the Chief
Commissioner on the part of the Czar, General Zelenoy, has just
started to make holiday, at this critical juncture, at his country
residence near Tiflis. Meanwhile, the Russian troops are re-
ported to be busy, whether in the guise of surveying parties or
not, in the districts which are to be " delimited," and Sir Peter
Lumsden appears to have found a Russian force encamped at
Pul-i-Khatun, which is within the debatable region claimed by
the Afghans.

In the United States the Presidential election has been the
absorbing topic throughout the year. The session of Congress
which ended in March was rendered abortive by the desire of
both parties to avoid a direct issue on the Free Trade question,
which for the present has been shelved. The Democrats laid
themselves out for a "waiting game," patching up their intestine
differences with regard to the tariff and founding their hopes of
regaining control of the Executive after an ostracism of nearly a
quarter of a century on the probability that the Republicans
would select an objectionable candidate. This anticipation was
realised when the Republican Convention at Chicago nominated
Mr. Blaine, a politician of long and varied experience and of
unequalled influence both as an orator and as a wirepuller, but
conspicuously hostile to the movement for administrative reform
and the purification of politics. The "Independent" or
"reforming" section of the Republicans at once declared that
if the Democrats chose at their Convention a candidate of high
public character, such as Mr. Cleveland, the Governor of New
VOL. II S

258 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1884

York State, they would sink party considerations and vote for
the " Democratic ticket"

Mr. Cleveland, accordingly, was chosen, and the campaign of
the autumn turned upon a comparison between his personal
claims and those of Mr. Blaine. The latter was accused of
having misused his power as Speaker of the House of Repre-
sentatives for private and corrupt objects, and of having pursued,
as Secretary of State and as leader of the Republican party in
the Senate, a pernicious and turbulent policy at home and
abroad. Mr. Cleveland was known as having courageously com-
bated in his office as Governor both municipal corruption and
" rings " dominated by intriguing capitalists ; but charges against
his individual purity of life were employed with effect to deter
wavering Republicans from voting against their party. The
situation was complicated by the appearance of General Butler
as a candidate of the Repudiationists and the so-called " Friends
of Labour," and of Mr. St. John as the standard-bearer of the
" liquor-prohibitionists." These, however, were looked upon as
merely diversions, and did not seriously affect the result.

Mr. Blaine's appeals to the anti-English spirit of the Irish
voters failed to draw them away from their established alliance
with the Democrats ; the " Tammany hall " wire-pullers, after
some hesitation, found that they must support Mr. Cleveland ;
and the south " went solid " on the same side. The elections
of 4th November showed that Mr. Cleveland had undoubtedly
carried, apart from the south, the States of New Jersey, Con-
necticut, and Indiana, the rest of the north and west being
conceded to Mr. Blaine. The opposing parties were thus left
almost precisely on an equality, and the decision rested with
New York, which was for a day or two in doubt, but which was
ultimately acknowledged to have "gone Democratic" by a
narrow majority. The project of a treaty with Nicaragua giving
the United States control over the proposed inter-oceanic canal
has found little favour, and can hardly be ratified by the present
Congress.

Continental politics during the year were important rather
for their tendencies than their incidents. Prince Bismarck has
succeeded, to all appearance, in consolidating the good under-
standing with France which has been for some time a main
object with him ; England has been to a great extent " isolated,"
and Italy, according to the prevalent belief in Germany, has

1884 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 259

been punished for assuming an attitude of criticism and reserve
by reduction to a state of comparative insignificance. The
original " League of the Three Emperors " was formally renewed
in the autumn at a meeting of the sovereigns of Germany,
Austria, and Russia in Poland. The effect of these diplomatic
achievements may, perhaps, be already traced in the develop-
ments of the Egyptian and West African diflBculties. On the
Continent, however, they have been favourable to the mainten-
ance of international peace, nor, in spite of the terror inspired
by Anarchist conspiracies, have there been in any European
country any noteworthy political changes. The recent elections
to the German Parliament have strengthened the Conservatives,
the Clericals, and the Moderate Liberals at the expense of
the Radical party ; but they have also revealed the great
and growing strength of the Socialist Democrats in the large
towns.

The Chancellor and the new Reichstag have been from the
outset at cross purposes. Prince Bismarck has treated the
Liberals and the Clericals in turn with something like con-
tumely ; he has refused to satisfy either side in dealing with
the Falk Laws, and he has declined to sanction the payment of
members ; he has had to face overpowering hostile majorities,
and has even been affronted by a denial of the assistance which
he demanded in the Foreign Department. These domestic
wrangles are in curious contrast with the influence of the
Chancellor in Continental politics. Austria follows submis-
sively in the wake of Germany, and Russia has postponed her
European to her Asiatic ambitions in deference to German
susceptibilities.

The minor States have been, on the whole, untroubled. In
Spain King Alfonso early in the year called Senor Canovas del
Castillo to office, in view of the quarrels between the supporters
of Senor Sagasta and the discontented Liberals, and the Con-
servative Government, being assured of the support of the new
Cortes, appear to be firmly established in power. The designs
of Senor Zorrilla and the extreme Radicals, which once seemed
to portend another appeal to military force, have come to no-
thing. A commercial treaty has been arranged with the United
States, and it is believed that the long-standing controversy with
this country on the subject of the wine duties will soon be closed.
In Italy politics were paralysed by the ravages of the cholera,

260 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1884

against whicli ridiculous and offensive quarantine measures
proved entirely ineffectual.

The most serious political crisis has arisen in Belgium, where
a sudden shift of public opinion overthrew a Liberal majority
and placed a Clerical Government in power. A reaction, as was
natural, has quickly followed this sudden transformation of
parts ; the educational policy of the new Ministry provoked
violent popular protests, culminating in serious riots and a
demand that the King should use his prerogative to cut the
knot ; and, finally, the Administration was modified, while still
remaining Clerical, by the retirement of the Premier, M. Malou.
The agitation in Belgium is in contrast with the quietude of
Dutch politics, though the death of the Prince of Orange pro-
duced a slight feeling of uneasiness lest the succession of a
Princess should give rise to controversy. Eastern Europe has
been comparatively at rest. Turkish misgovernment or mal-
administration has led to rumours of disturbances both in
Macedonia and Armenia. The diplomacy of the Porte has been
principally engaged in attempting, without much practical suc-
cess, to obtain the recognition of the Sultan's authority over
Egypt and to reassert the influence of Turkey in the counsels of
the Great Powers.

In France M. Jules Ferry maintains his position, in spite of
repeated checks, as, apparently, the only possible Minister. A
" Congress " of the two Chambers assembled in the springs to
discuss the proposed revision of the Constitution, and, after
some Parliamentary controversy on the details of the measure,
a compromise was arranged, with which the Moderates were
fairly content, while the Extreme parties on both sides were
disappointed. No new life Senators, it was agreed, were to be
chosen. The Senatorial electors of the future are to be delegates
of the municipal bodies. In the more recent debates on the
Bill embodying these changes an amendment was carried in the
Chamber of Deputies, on the motion of M. Floquet, insisting on
the election of Senators by universal suffrage. M. Ferry, how-
ever, ventured to disregard this vote of a Kadical-Royalist coali-
tion, and when the Bill went up to the Senate the Floquet
amendment was excised. Some minor concessions, however,
were made to the advanced Republicans ; the Chamber then
renewed its fidelity to M. Ferry by a majority of fifty- three, and the
Bill passed substantially in its original form. We may men-

1884 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 261

tion, also, the legal establishment of divorce by M. Naquet's
Bill and the continued disputes between Prince Napoleon and
his son, Prince Victor, which have paralysed Bonapartism.

But the political interest of the year in France was mainly
fixed upon external affairs, and especially upon the difficulties
with China. The fall of Bac-ninh early in the spring led to an
apparent collapse of the Chinese resistance. The fighting ceased
in Tonquin, and in May a provisional treaty was signed between
Li-Hung-Chang, who was believed to be at the head of the
peace party, and a French naval officer. Captain Fournier. It
is a hotly-contested point whether this arrangement was intended
to be definitive and immediate or not ; but the French com-
mander in Tonquin proceeded at once to enforce the cession of
the posts in the border country which were mentioned in the
treaty. The Chinese troops resisted the march of the French
on Langson, and fired upon them. France, of course, protested
against this breach of faith, and demanded the payment of an
indemnity ; but the Government at Pekin proved to be in no
yielding mood. When diplomatic menaces had failed, a French
squadron attacked the forts near the entrance of the harbour of
Foochow and inflicted some damage on them, as well as on the
arsenal and some worthless Chinese vessels. China still refused
to come to terms, and France then sought a " material guarantee "
in the island of Formosa, where Kelung and other important
but unhealthy positions have been seized, and where a per-
manent occupation is said to be contemplated, unless the Pekin
Government agree to make reparation for the affair at Langson.

As China has not accepted the English mediation, which was
invited by France, and to which Lord Granville at the Guildhall
dinner in November declared himself favourable, it is probable
that the policy of occupying Formosa will have to be supple-
mented by more vigorous measures. These, indeed, were ob-
viously kept in view by the Chamber, which has lately voted
large war credits for M. Ferry, in spite of the bitter opposition
of M. Clemenceau. Meanwhile the operations in Tonquin are
said to be languishing, and the Chinese defences are being con-
stantly strengthened. It is clear, also, that Li-Hung-Chang has
finally cast in his lot with the party of war. The recent
revolution in Corea has not as yet acted powerfully as a
diversion. In Madagascar the Hovas are not yet subdued, and
in Morocco French intrigues, which for a moment looked

262 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1884

serious, liave resulted only in tlie irritation and the alienation
of Spain.

Many events, at home and abroad, deserve a passing record
apart from politics. The outbreak of cholera in the south of
France early in the summer produced widespread dismay all
over the Continent, and great inconvenience through the imposi-
tion of quarantine. The disease subsequently appeared in
Italy, and late in the autumn there was a sharp and short
epidemic in Paris. But it was, on the whole, more restricted
and less fatal than former visitations.

We have noticed the repeated attempts to destroy life and
property by dynamite in this country, and wicked designs of the
same sort were brought to light both in Europe and America.
Among these may be specially mentioned the conspiracy for the
destruction of the German Emperor and the vast gathering of
spectators assembled at the unveiling of the Niederwald monu-
ment ; of this crime, and of an explosion planned at Elberfeld,
several men were convicted lately, after a long and interesting
trial, at Leipsic. In Kussia the Government is engaged in a
constant warfare with Nihilists ; and in Austria the Anarchist
terror divides the public interest with the commercial frauds,
which have led to several sensational trials and suicides.

In our own country there have been an unusual number of
striking cases before the Courts of Law. Mrs. Weldon's endless
litigations and her very considerable success in pleading her own
cause have multiplied the nuisance of the " suitor in person."
The question of Mr. Bradlaugh's right to be sworn, and of his
liability for damages for having administered the oath to him-
self, remains to be settled by the highest tribunaL The case of
" Adams v. Coleridge " attracted attention from the connections
of the defendant and the overriding of the verdict of the jury
by Mr. Justice Manisty. The interest excited by Miss Finney's
breach-of-promise action against Lord Garmoyle was abated by
the fact that the question left for decision in court was one of
damages only, though the sum awarded was the largest ever
obtained in a case of the kind. The trial of the survivors of the
crew of the Mignonette on a charge of cannibalism at sea ended
in the conviction of the accused, which was upheld by the
Court of Appeal ; but the death sentence was reduced by the
Crown to one of six months' imprisonment. The release of
Orton, at the close of his term of penal servitude, has been

1884 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 263

followed by an abortive attempt to revive the "Ticbborne"
craze.

Tbe captivity of the crew of the Nisero in Sumatra excited
general sympathy. Of naval disasters, unfortunately too fre-
quent, the most painful was the wreck of Her Majesty's ship
Wasp on the west coast of Ireland.

Among social occurrences may be noted the elevation of the
Poet Laureate to the peerage, the retirement of Archbishop
Trench from the See of Dublin, in which he was succeeded by
Lord Plunket, and the appointment of Mr. Warre as Head-
master of Eton. Of more universal interest is the announcement
made in the last hours of the year of the betrothal of Princess
Beatrice, Her Majesty's youngest and only unmarried daughter,
to Prince Henry of Battenberg. The Health Exhibition at
South Kensington proved even a more remarkable success than
the Fisheries Exhibition of the preceding year. The revival of
industrial activity in the Southern States is shown in the New
Orleans Exhibition. It is worth while to mention the contro-
versy on " over-pressure " in Board schools between the Educa-
tion Department and Dr. Crichton Browne, and one of a still
more personal kind between Mr. Chamberlain and Professor
Tyndall.

Society in France has been shocked by the frequency of
murders, prompted by sordid or revengeful motives, the most
recent and conspicuous case being that of Madame Clovis Hugues,
the wife of a well-known Kadical deputy, who shot a private
detective, against whom she had been successfully pressing a
charge of criminal libel. As the year closes Southern Spain
has been devastated by terrible and disastrous earthquakes.
England, which has rarely suffered from such natural convul-
sions, will long remember the shock which alarmed the inhabit-
ants of Essex in the spring.

The death-roll of the year embraces many famous and
remarkable names, though none, perhaps, of such eminence as
to signalise an irreparable loss or a national disaster. The
domestic happiness of the Eoyal Family was cruelly broken in
upon by the unexpected blow which struck down the Duke of
Albany in the full prime of his early promise at Cannes. Two
foreign princes have passed away whose deaths, unlike that of
the Queen's youngest son, have set political speculation at work.
The descent of the crown of the Netherlands on the decease of

264 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1884

tlie last Crown Prince of Orange has, indeed, been provided for
by local legislation, and the succession to the Duchy of Bruns-
wick has in like manner been pre-arranged, at least negatively,
by the exclusion of the Duke of Cumberland, unless he consents
to renounce his claim to Hanover in favour of Prussia.

Among public men at home the death of Mr. Fawcett was
most widely and sincerely lamented. His manly independence
of character, his intellectual honesty, his genial and kindly
temper, and above all the simplicity, the dignity, and the patient
courage with which he bore the disabilities and the disappoint-
ments of his blindness won for Mr. Fawcett a high place in the
esteem of opponents as well as allies, and as Postmaster-General
he had shown administrative ability of a high order.

In Lord Ampthill, British Ambassador at Berlin, this country
lost one of the most accomplished of diplomatists, and in Sir
Bartle Frere a striking example of that masterful and enter-
prising genius, too daring for the strict limitations of modern
statesmanship, which is developed in the school of Indian and
colonial government. The figure of Mr. Milner-Gibson, once a
pillar, with Mr. Cobden and Mr. Bright, of the Manchester
school, had almost faded out of the public memory when he
died, and the same thing may be said of a more vigorous and
healthy type of politician, Mr. Henley.

Among other deaths we may note those of the Duke of
Buccleuch and the Duke of Wellington ; of Mr. Bass, the head
of the great brewing firm, long known as one of the patriarchs
of the House of Commons ; of Mr. Judah P. Benjamin, who,
after a successful forensic and political career on the other side
of the Atlantic, won when past middle life the very highest
position at the English Bar as an advocate and an authority on
commercial and international law ; of Mr. Charles Reade, a
striking and original novelist ; of Mr. Abraham Hayward, a
brilliant and entertaining essayist, even more famous for his
powers of conversation and his Wealth of anecdote ; of Mr.
Thomas Chenery, an eminent Oriental scholar, and for several
years the editor of this journal ; of Mr. Home and Mr. Calver-
ley, both known as poets, though of very diverse gifts ; of
Bishop Jacobson ; of Sir Alexander Grant, Principal of the Uni-
versity of Edinburgh ; of the Eev. Mark Pattison, Rector of
Lincoln College, Oxford ; of Dr. Goodford, Provost of Eton ;
of Sir Erasmus Wilson, professionally celebrated as a dermatolo-

1884 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 265

gist, but popularly known by his munificent contribution to the
cost of bringing Cleopatra's Needle to England ; of Sir Michael
Costa, the composer ; and of Mr. H. J. Byron, one of the most
prolific and successful of contemporary dramatists.

In France the deaths were recorded of M. Rouher, the once
all-powerful Minister — the " Vice-Emperor," as he was called —
of Napoleon III. ; of M. Jean Baptiste Dumas, the distinguished
chemist ; of M. Eugene Pelletan, a sincere and high-minded
member of the Republican party in the Senate ; of M. Mignet,
the historian and life-long friend of Thiers; of M. Bastien
Lepage, the artist ; and of M. Tissot, formerly Ambassador in
London and Constantinople.

Germany lost Lasker, the Parliamentary orator ; Geibel, the
poet ; Karl Hillebrand, the critic ; and Lepsius, the Egyptolo-
gist ; Austria, Hans Makart, the painter ; Italy, Quintino Sella,
a statesman of high character and large experience ; Russia,
General Todleben, the great engineer who defended Sebastopol
against the Allies, and who, long afterwards, was Commander-
in-Chief during the latter part of the war with Turkey.

In the obituary of the United States the most conspicuous
name is that of Mr. Wendell Phillips, the Abolitionist, whose
splendid gifts of oratory were wasted or turned to mischievous
purposes in his declining years through an incurable incapacity
in politics and a violently intolerant tempet.

Among other persons worthy of note for various reasons who
died during the past twelve months we may mention Midhat
Pasha, once Prime Minister of the Sultan, but lately a prisoner
of State ; Keshub Chunder Sen, the founder of the Brahmo-
Somaj ; Cetywayo, the unfortunate Zulu King ; and Taglioni
and Fanny Elssler, both among the most famous of opera-dancers.

1885

Not many of the years that have elapsed since the beginning
of the century have been so thronged with great and pregnant
events, at home and abroad, as that which has just closed. It
has seen the entire reconstruction of the representative system
of the United Kingdom on the basis of household suffrage in
the counties as well as in the boroughs, and the consequent
redistribution of political power, the development of the Seces-
sionist movement in Ireland, the abandonment of the Crimes
Act, and the revival of the tyranny of the National League,
the downfall of Mr. Gladstone's Administration and the
acceptance of office by Lord Salisbury, the oratorical campaign
of the autumn, the pretensions of the Radical leaders to impose
a Socialistic programme upon the Liberal party, the vicissitudes
of the general election, and the attempt to put forward Home
Rule for Ireland as a measure of constitutional reform favoured
by the leader of one of the historic English parties.

The denouement of the Egyptian tragedy, the negotiations
with Russia upon the Afghan boundary dispute, and the re-
opening of the Eastern question have kept public interest on
the stretch from January to December. The dangers and
difficulties in which the mother country seemed to be involved
drew the colonists closer to her and to each other and quickened
the spirit of imperial union, while the fidelity both of our
fellow -subjects in India and of the feudatory Princes was
attested by substantial proofs. Under the pressure of potent
forces, against which a halting statesmanship protests and
struggles in vain, the circle of Empire is ever widening. The
establishment of one protectorate in Bechuanaland and of
another over a large portion of New Guinea were concessions

1885 ANKUAL SUMMARIES 267

to a forward policy which even Mr. Gladstone's Government
could not refuse, and, for the first time since the retirement of
Lord Dalhousie, the British dominions in India have been
extended by the overthrow of Upper Burmah as an independent
State.

In Germany the development of Prince Bismarck's con-
ception of a Colonial Empire, though by no means abandoned,
has been recently thrown into the shade by the struggle in the
Balkan Peninsula, which has brought clearly into view the
rival ambitions of Eussia and Austria, and has cast doubts on
the possibility of maintaining the DreiJcaiserhund. In France
a violent and abrupt reaction against the adventures into which
M. Ferry had too lightly plunged in Tonquin and Madagascar
precipitated the fall of his Government, and the general election
which followed a few months later showed how deeply the
Opportunists had been discredited, giving the Monarchist Con-
servatives a formidable minority in the Chamber and strengthen-
ing the Extreme Left. In Spain the death of King Alfonso
seemed to place in jeopardy the restored Monarchy and has
added to the anxieties of the statesmen of Europe.

Parliament had adjourned, after the arrangement between
the two parties on the Franchise Bill and the Seats Bill, to
the 19th of February, and during the interval the principal
topics of discussion in domestic politics were the operations of
the Boundary Commissioners, who had to work out the redis-
tribution scheme, and the policy disclosed by Mr. Chamberlain
in his speeches at Birmingham and Ipswich. The former
proved to be chiefly of local interest, nor were the efforts of
Mr. Courtney and Sir John Lubbock to raise a popular pro-
test against the single-member system and to organise public
opinion in favour of proportional representation in any appreci-
able degree successful. The enactment of the Kedistribution
Bill had come to be a foregone conclusion before Parliament
met, and, in fact, many candidates on both sides had abeady
begun to court the new constituencies.

The "new departure" in Liberal policy announced by
Mr. Chamberlain was a far more serious matter. It was
avowedly intended to appeal to the newly enfranchised masses,,
and proclaimed, with this object, doctrines and proposals
repudiated down to that time by all responsible politicians,
Liberal and Conservative. What "ransom," Mr. Chamberlain

268 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1885

asked, were the well-to-do classes prepared to pay to those who
otherwise would " make short work " of private property 1
He disinterred the revolutionary doctrine of " natural rights,"
derived from the teachings of Rousseau, and claimed in principle,
for every man, "an apportioned share in the great natural
inheritance of the race," meaning the soil of the country.
The "ransom" — or, as he afterwards phrased it, the "in-
surance " — which he proposed to exact from the owners of
property and the thrifty contained many different elements,
and was gradually developed, — free education, improved
dwellings for the labouring classes at " fair rents," a Land Bill
on the Irish model for the farmers, the purchase of land for
allotments and the provision of free libraries and other
advantages by local elected bodies at the charge of the rate-
payers, and the abolition of indirect taxes.

Mr. Chamberlain also insisted that the country was bound
to " find work and employment for our artisans at home,"
though little has since been heard of this particular loan from
the armoury of Continental Socialism. Property was to contri-
bute towards this re-endowment of natural rights through a
system of graduated taxation and special burdens on land-
owners, while, at the same time, it was threatened with
" restitution " as well as " ransom," Mr. Chamberlain and Sir
Charles Dilke warmly approving of Mr. Jesse Collings' proposal
to set aside existing statutes of limitation and the doctrine of
prescription, one of the first steps towards civilisation and
settled law, by resuming possession of enclosed commons for
the benefit, not of the commoners, but of the community. The
resources, however, to be derived from the appropriation of the
possession of the Established Church were the means to which
the new school of Radicals mainly looked in forming their
plans.

The Liberal party were fluttered by Mr. Chamberlain's
bold attempt to place himself at the head of a separate move-
ment, but, though several of the Parliamentary leaders depre-
cated alarm, and contended, with Mr. Trevelyan, that there
was no reason to fear the success of projects of " confiscation
and communism" with the new electorate, none of them,
except Mr. Goschen, had the courage to record, at this stage,
an emphatic and explicit protest against pretensions incom-
patible with the best traditions of English Liberalism. Just

1885 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 269

before the meeting of Parliament Mr. Gladstone took occasion
to strengthen his Government by admitting to the Cabinet
Lord Eosebery, who had identified himself with an imperial
as distinguished from an insular policy, and Mr. Shaw-Lefevre,
who, if a Kadical, was also an economist. But intestine
contentions were for a time suspended while the disaster at
Khartoum and the controversy with Russia absorbed the
attention of Parliament and of the nation. The same causes,
no doubt, contributed to help the Redistribution and Registra-
tion Bills through the House of Commons.

The most remarkable and ominous sign of what was coming
was Mr. Parnell's frank statement of what he intended to work
for and was confident of achieving after the admission of the
new voters. The absolute minimum of the Irish demand, he
declared, was the restoration of "Grattan's Parliament," but
he could not promise that this would suffice ; " we have never
attempted to fix the ne plus ultra of Ireland's nationhood, and
we never shall." This defiance was accompanied by a denuncia-
tion of the Land Court and the judicial rents, and a significant
eulogium on the National League, which Mr. Trevelyan, gulled
by the adroit use of constitutional phrases, had allowed to grow
up in the place and with all the powers of the Land League.
On the subject of the dynamite outrages at the Tower and the
Houses of Parliament, undoubtedly the work of Irish- American
conspirators, Mr. Pamell was significantly silent.

The news that the Prince and Princess of Wales were to
visit Ireland excited much attention and some adverse comment
on both sides of St George's Channel. The visit turned out a
success, in spite of the fervid appeals of Mt. Sexton and the
unmanly conduct of the municipal bodies ; the Loyalists of all
creeds and classes united in welcoming the heir - apparent
and his family, but, though the masses showed, on the whole,
a better temper than their leaders, there was no sign of a
friendlier disposition towards the English Government.

Mr. Parneir rigorously and effectually trampled upon every
stirring of independence, and, as his supremacy became more
manifest, it exercised a more powerful fascination over some
keen partisans in England. The nearer the House of Commons
drew to the completion of the task of reform, the more serious
grew the indications that the renewal of the Crimes Act would
not be opposed by the Parnellites alone. A section of Advanced

270 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1885

Liberals, of whom Mr. John Morley was the most conspicuous,
denounced "exceptional legislation" as intolerable and im-
practicable, and Lord Randolph Churchill, with a certain
following on the Conservative side, inclined to the same view.
It soon came to be confidently rumoured that the Cabinet was
unable to come to an agreement on the question of renewal,
and it was affirmed that three Ministers, Mr. Chamberlain,
Sir Charles Dilke, and Mr. Shaw-Lefevre, were ready to resign
rather than consent to give Lord Spencer the powers he con-
sidered necessary for the preservation of order. Affairs were
in this position, though an open rupture had been for the
moment averted, when Mr. Gladstone's Government was
defeated on the Budget proposals, and, after delays and negotia-
tions which properly belong to the history of the Parlia-
mentary session, Lord Salisbury accepted office.

The new Ministry came into power under many disad-
vantages, some of their own making. It was resolved, no doubt
under Lord Randolph Churchill's impulsion, to try the experi-
ment of ruling Ireland without exceptional powers. The
attitude of the Radicals confirmed Ministers in ,this resolution.
Mr. Chamberlain, the moment he was released from the
trammels of office, had gone out of his way to find in the Govern-
ment of Ireland, such as it had been during Lord Spencer's
Viceroyalty and under Mr. Gladstone's responsibility, a de-
grading resemblance to Russian tyranny in Poland and Austrian
tyranny in Venice. This was before the Conservatives had
shown their hand, for afterwards the Radicals gave free
expression to the just indignation which other people felt at
Lord Spencer's treatment in the Maamtrasna debate, and which
took shape formally in a banquet to the honour of the late
Lord-Lieutenant, when representatives of all shades of Liberalism
were present.

Lord Carnarvon too confidently declared that Ireland could
be governed without other powers than those of the ordinary
law, and his reception in the course of a tour throughout the
island soon after the close of the session gave some encourage-
ment to these fond hopes. Mr. Parnell and his friends, it is
true, were as outspoken as ever, but it was clear that, while
strengthening the organisation of the National League and
declaring war against rent and landlords, they desired, till after
the general election, to avoid a conflict with the law and to

1885 ANNUAL SUMMAKIES 271

repress outrages which would excite English opinion. At the
same time, the projected visit to Ireland of Mr. Chamberlain
and Sir Charles Dilke, which had been announced as soon as
Lord Salisbury came into ofl&ce, was dropped in view of the
open display of hostility to Liberal politicians on the part of
the Separatist leaders.

The activity of mind and body which Mr. Gladstone had
shown, principally in the Egyptian and Afghan debates, had
been suspended after the resignation of his Government, owing
to an affection of the throat and voice, which for the time
withdrew the Liberal leader from Parliamentary life. He
announced, however, in . an address to the electors of Mid-
lothian, his intention of again seeking their suffrages, con-
sidering that the decision of the new electorate involved a
direct judgment upon his official conduct and his policy at the
head of affairs. His attitude, meanwhile, towards the Con-
servative Ministry was dignified and tolerant, and, though
Mr. Chamberlain exhausted the vocabulary of contemptuous
invective in denouncing the "Cabinet of Caretakers," at the
close of the session Lord Salisbury and his colleagues had
distinctly gained ground. They had been fairly successful
with legislation, and our foreign relations were put upon a
better footing.

An interval of welcome respite from anxiety and agitation
followed, but it was not of long duration. Mr. Chamberlain
was the earliest and the most untiring in his efforts to kindle
enthusiasm among the voters, old and new ; he spoke with
undisguised scorn of the commonplace measures of local self-
government and so forth, which might " make the hot blood of
a Whig course more rapidly through his veins," but would not
touch the people; he met the expostulations and reserves
of his moderate allies with sneers at " the political Rip van
Winkle " and " the arm-chair politician," and, backed by the
National Liberal Federation, the central convention of the
Caucuses, he developed, in a series of speeches marked by
increasing mastery of language and vigour of thought, the
practical application of his " ransom " and " restitution " doc-
trines. His campaign, including a raid into Scotland, where
he threw himself, at Glasgow, into the heart of the crofters'
agitation, spread alarm among the Moderate Liberals ; and he
took a still more imprudent step at Bradford by putting for-

272 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1885

ward the demand for disestablishmeiit. A very large pro-
portion of the Liberal candidates, under pressure from the
Liberation Society, gave more or less explicit pledges to vote
against the connection of Church and State ; and other ex-
treme proposals embodied in The Radical Programme, a work
recommended by Mr. Chamberlain and circulated by the
National Liberal Federation, were adopted in as reckless a
spirit.

It was time for Mr. Gladstone to intervene. Returning
with reinvigorated health from a sea trip to Norway, he issued
a long letter to his constituents, in which he traced the outlines
of a modest and almost colourless policy, involving no issues
likely to divide Liberals, and marking out a scheme of almost
non-contentious legislation for the next Parliament. Local
self-government. Parliamentary procedure, the cheapening of
land transfer, the simplification of registration were not
questions with which the Conservatives could be pronounced
either unwilling or unable to deal. Mr. Gladstone's treatment
of the more drastic projects of the Radicals was eminently
opportunist. He threw cold water on the free education
scheme, pointed out the objections to graduated taxation,
hinted at the difficulties in the way of abolishing the House
of Lords, and, looking on disestablishment as a remote issue,
refused to speculate on "the dim and distant courses of the
future."

This manifesto failed to produce the effect intended. The
divisions in the Liberal ranks were no longer to be glossed
over. Lord Hartington laboured industriously to show that
Mr. Gladstone's "four points" afforded ample ground on
which to fight, and objected to have " measures of a Socialistic
tendency" grafted on the old Liberal creed. Lord Rosebery
besought all Liberals to unite " under Mr. Gladstone's umbrella."
But the task of defending sound Liberal principles fell mainly
on Mr. Goschen, who was opposed as a candidate for the Eastern
Division of Edinburgh by an avowed adherent of Mr. Cham-
berlain and nominee of the Caucus. Both in Scotland and in
England, Mr. Goschen, while maintaining his position as a Liberal
and not concealing his distrust of Lord Salisbury, exposed,
in a series of powerful speeches, the economical and political
vices of what had come to be known as Mr. Chamberlain's
"unauthorised programme." The latter did not decline the

1885 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 273

conflict. He held up Mr. Goschen to ridicule as " the Egyptian
skeleton " of the Liberal party, and insisted on his schemes of
graduated taxation, free education, and the provision of land
for allotments by local elected bodies, declaring that since the
old economic system had failed to abolish poverty, its advocates
were bound to " stand aside " while other methods got a trial.
It was noted by those skilled in political meteorology that Sir
William Harcourt conspicuously attached himself to Mr.
Chamberlain.

In the meantime the Conservatives were not idle. Lord
Randolph Churchill, who had measured himself against Mr.
Bright as candidate in the Central Division of Birmingham,
entered on a vigorous campaign, chiefly selecting Mr. Chamber-
lain's policy for attack, but also recalling to the memory of
the people with considerable effect the miscarriages of Mr.
Gladstone's Government in dealing with foreign affairs. Lord
Salisbury, soon after Mr. Gladstone's manifesto appeared, took
the opportunity at Newport of defining his own position,
analysing the disagreements in the Liberal camp, showing how
he had been able to conduct the business of the country suc-
cessfully at home and abroad, declaring his readiness to bring
in well-considered measures of reform in relation to local
government and land transfer, but announcing the intention
of the Conservative party to resist to the utmost the threatened
assault on the Church.

Both Lord Salisbury and Lord Randolph Churchill invited
the co-operation of the Moderate Liberals in withstanding the
destructive schemes of Radicalism. Their invitations were
repelled by Lord Hartington and by Mr. Goschen, partly on
the ground of their attitude towards the Parnellites, but still
more on account of their coquetry with the so-called fair trade
policy. The Royal Commission over which Lord Iddesleigh
presided did little to realise the hopes fostered among the
ignorant when its appointment was announced in Parliament.
With very few exceptions Liberals and professed economists
refused to take part in its proceedings, while the Chambers of
Commerce and other bodies representing English business men
in many cases met its " fishing " inquiries with a snub.

The Irish difficulty was no longer to be concealed or evaded.
Lord Salisbury and Sir Michael Hicks-Beach strove to make
out that the state of the country under Lord Carnarvon con-

VOL. II T

274 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1885

trasted favourably with the results of Lord Spencer's rule, but
the logic of facts became too strong for them, and extorted the
declaration that if the ordinary law were found to be inadequate
the Government would appeal to Parliament for exceptional
powers. The despotism of the National League, carried out by
a stringent system of boycotting, was openly enforced, with the
double object of reducing the value of land by " freeing the
peasant from the fetters of rent" and of compelling the
Loyalists to submission in view of the coming elections.
Isolated and ineffectual attempts were made to set bounds to
this tyranny by prosecutions and exacting securities for good
behaviour, but with the prospect of trial before sympathetic
juries this expedient was of no avail. As was foreseen when
the Crimes Act was dropped, advantage was taken of the
agricultural depression to demand a general reduction of rents,
including those fixed by the Land Courts, and boycotting
was reinforced by outrages, which even the influence of the
Separatist leaders was unable to prevent. An attack on Mr.
Hussey's house near Killarney was followed by the murder,
near Listowel, of a farmer named Curtin, who had bravely
resisted a " moonlighters' " raid for arms.

Mr. Parnell's organs urged on the landlords and the Loyalists
the necessity of submission ; tempting them with the lure of
an abolition of mortgages and other charges, but the bait did
not take. The Cork Defence Union, in which the victims of
boycotting, landlords and tenants, combined to protect them-
selves, arranged to send cattle direct to English markets by
the Cork Steamship Company, which was at once boycotted by
the Cattle Dealers' Association. The refusal of the company
to break the law by declining to ship the Defence Union's cattle
has been punished, with the approval and aid of the National
League, by an effort to divert trade to other channels. An
organisation, the " Irish Loyal and Patriotic Union," sinking
party distinctions of Whig and Tory, was formed, though
without any hope of success, to contest seats in Munster,
Leinster, and Connaught against the Parnellite candidates, who
had expected a " walk over."

Mr. Parnell, drawing encouragement not only from the
timidity of Lord Carnarvon's administration, but from advances
on the other side — Mr. Chamberlain's offer of a system of
National Councils, Mr. Childers' proposal to hand over the

1885 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 275

police in Ireland to local elected boards, and Sir Charles Dilke's
scheme of local government starting with the revival of the
open vestry — reaffirmed his original position, refusing even to
modify the claim of an Irish Legislature to impose protective
duties, which had shocked English Kadicalism. Anticipating
his return to Westminster with from eighty to ninety followers,
he announced that he would not allow any Government to
carry on public business until it had dealt with the Irish
demand, and this challenge was at once taken up by Mr.
Gladstone in his first Midlothian speech, when he appealed to
the country to give him an overwhelming Liberal majority, so
that he might maintain the unity of the Empire against its
avowed enemies.

This important declaration, according precedence to the
Irish question, diminished the importance of the Hawarden
manifesto, and, though Lord Hartington, Mr. Goschen, and
Mr. Gladstone himself attempted to show that the "four
points " only were before the country, the area of controversy
was irresistibly widened. Mr. Chamberlain, in his address to
the electors of the Western Division of Birmingham, omitted,
significantly, to mention Mr. Gladstone's manifesto, or even
his name. The alarm taken by the friends of the Church at
Mr. Chamberlain's Bradford speech, the boasts of the Libera-
tion Society, and the issue of the *' Radical Programme " with
the authority of the Radical leader and of the National Liberal
Federation gave prominence to the disestablishment question,
and elicited a remarkable protest, insisting on the urgency of
Church Defence, which was signed by many Whig Peers and
many other eminent Liberals, including the Dukes of West-
minster and Bedford, Lord Selborne, Lord Grey, Lord Fitz-
william. Lord Fortescue, Lord Penzance, Lord Ebury, and
Mr. Thomas Hughes. Mr. Gladstone, Lord Hartington, Lord
Granville, and Lord Derby assured Liberal Churchmen that
there was no immediate wish to raise the question, and even
Mr. Chamberlain, Mr. John Morley, and the leaders of the
Liberationists were eager to make known that its postponement
was deemed expedient.

But no assurances were forthcoming going beyond the term
of the new Parliament, which, in the opinion of experts on
both sides, was likely to be a short one. Mr. Gladstone
personally found the question complicated with the question of

276 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1885

disestablishment in Scotland, which had been more vigorously
pushed, having to deal, on the one hand, with the active
abolitionists, and, on the other, with a strong and determined
body of Liberals attached to the Kirk, regarded as it was by
them as one of the great historic conquests of Liberalism. Mr.
Gladstone, followed in this by Lord Eosebery, Mr. Goschen,
and others, could only promise to comply with the deliberate
expression of the will of Scotland, which he refused to find in
the present election, though, at the last moment, he made an
impassioned appeal to Scotch Liberals not to divide the party
on such an issue.

Mr. Gladstone's Midlothian speeches, and the Parnellite
manifesto to the Irish electors in Great Britain calling on them
to support the Conservative candidates against the Liberals,
except in a few specially reserved cases, closed the campaign.
Parliament was dissolved by proclamation on the 18th of
November, and the contested borough elections began on the
24th. They showed throughout remarkable gains for the Con-
servatives. In the metropolitan boroughs twenty-five Liberals
were returned against thirty-seven Conservatives ; in Liverpool
the return was eight Conservatives and one Nationalist ; in
Manchester, five Conservatives and one Liberal ; in Leeds, three
Conservatives and two Liberals ; in Sheffield, three Con-
servatives and two Liberals. Birmingham remained faithful
to the Liberal cause, sending to Parliament seven Liberals,
though Lord Kandolph Churchill, who was afterwards returned
for South Paddington, ran Mr. Bright close, and the total
Conservative poll showed an enormous increase on 1880.

In the towns of the second rank the Liberals did better,
but even there they hardly held their own, and in the smaller
boroughs they were routed. Scotland and Wales redressed
the balance, though the Conservative minorities exhibited an
ominous increase. Glasgow sent seven Liberals to Parliament,
but the aggregate Conservative vote was 26,000 against a
Liberal vote of 32,000, while in Edinburgh, though four
Liberals were returned, Mr. Goschen and Sir George Harrison
defeated the nominees of the Caucus. The earliest county elec-
tions seemed to show that the new electors were going the same
way ; after three days' polling the Conservatives had gained thirty-
nine seats and the Liberals thirty-three. The agricultural con-
stituencies, however, had been attracted by Mr. Chamberlain's

1885 ANNUAL SUMMARIES ^ 277

" ransom " doctrine, which obtained popular currency as " three
acres and a cow," and except around London and in Lancashire
the counties in the main returned Liberals, reversing the
verdict of the urban voters, and giving Mr. Gladstone, with
the aid of Scotland and Wales, a considerable majority over
Lord Salisbury in Great Britain.

Ireland remained to be taken into account ; the terrorism
of the League suppressed freedom of speech and voting in the
three southern provinces, where the Loyalist candidates, except
in the city of Dublin, made no real fight. In Ulster the
Conservatives secured all the seats that were not won by the
Separatists, and not one Liberal was returned from the whole
of Ireland. In the new House of Commons there will be
333 Liberals, 251 Conservatives, and 86 Pamellites. Twelve
members of Mr. Gladstone's Administration, including two of
Cabinet rank, Mr. Childers and Mr. Shaw-Lefevre, were left
out in the cold — a disaster without precedent — and four of
Lord Salisbury's colleagues met with the same fate.

Mr. Gladstone, Mr. Chamberlain, and Sir William Harcourt
set at once about proving that the result of the elections was
really a Liberal triumph, though it left the Liberals without
a majority in the House of Commons. But the truth became
apparent when, despite Mr. Gladstone's wrath at the supposed
Tory-Pamellite alliance and his appeal for power to meet Mr.
Parnell's tactics effectively, it was made known that he had
determined to concede the principle of Home Rule. The
"authenticity" of these rumours has been denied on Mr.
Gladstone's behalf, but it is not doubted, nor has it been in
fact disputed, that Mr. Gladstone would be willing to grant a
Parliament to Ireland, subject to some formal guarantees.
Lord Hartington has stated that no such scheme has been sub-
mitted to him, and it may be inferred that he would not
approve of anything so clearly contradictory of public pledges
to which he has reaffirmed his adhesion. Mr. Forster and
Mr. Goschen have in plain terms repudiated the policy of
Home Rule. Even Mr. Chamberlain and Sir Charles Dilke
have shown a significant reserve in treating proposals which
have been sprung upon the country without notice, and were
not before the electors during the recent contest.

It is felt that if those who are now arguing in favour of
turning the Liberal minority into a majority by a junction

278 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1885

with the Parnellites had declared for an Irish Parliament
before the elections, they would in all probability have been
rejected. The attraction, however, of the Parnellite phalanx
for politicians unfettered by scruples has been greatly increased,
not only by the defeats of the Irish Loyalists, but by the
alliance concluded between the Roman Catholic Church and
the Separatists. The efforts made by the late Government,
through Sir George Errington's influence at the Vatican, to
prevent the appointment of Dr. Walsh, a pronounced Nationalist,
as Archbishop of Dublin, were not successful, and Dr. Walsh
has since placed the management of the Education question
and other ecclesiastical interests in Mr. Parnell's hands, giving
him in return all the support of the Church.

It can hardly be doubted that the miscarriages of the
Foreign and Colonial Offices under Mr. Gladstone contributed
as largely to the Liberal disasters as the revolt against Mr.
Chamberlain, the alarms of Churchmen, or the Irish vote.
Early in the year a series of blundering controversies with
Germany were brought to light in official publications abroad
and at home, which showed a failure on Lord Granville's part
to understand or to come to an understanding with Prince
Bismarck on the ground of his new colonial policy. Having
dallied with the Australian claims to New Guinea, Lord Derby
and Lord Granville were " quite unprepared," as they naively
admitted, for the German annexation of the north coast ; and
the assumption of authority over the south coast did not
satisfy the colonists, who considered themselves, according to
our Melbourne correspondent, "deceived and betrayed."

The same dawdling policy led to similar results in West
and South Africa. After full notice on the German side and
inexplicable delays on the English side, the acquisitions of
German subjects near Angra Pequena and Wallfisch Bay were
recognised, and German protection was solicited for British
trade. In the Cameroons the same laches allowed Dr. Nachtigal
to establish a German protectorate over the native chiefs, who
had been eager to secure English protection. Fortunately, an
actual collision was avoided, and public opinion compelled
Lord Granville and Lord Derby to act with more promptitude
and vigour, opportunely asserting our rights over St. Lucia
Bay on the East and over the trade of the Niger on the West,
and repelling dangerous pretensions to interference with

1885 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 279

Britisli commerce put forward at the Congo Conference at
Berlin. The recognition of the Congo State, even with the
possibility of a reversion to France, was not seriously contested.

In Egypt the English power was sufficiently active, if
activity only was desired, at the beginning of the year. Lord
Wolseley's Expedition up the Nile for the relief of Khartoum
had reached Korti, whence an advance across the desert to
Metammeh and along the river to Abu Hamad and Berber was
planned. Sir Herbert Stewart, making a gallant dash for the
first of these objects, encountered the Mahdi's forces at Abu
Klea, defeating and driving them back, though not without
heavy loss, and then pushing forward to the river bank at
Gubat, almost within striking distance of Khartoum. At Abu
Kru, near Gubat, Sir Herbert Stewart again fought and con-
quered, but his small force was weakened and he was himself
wounded — as it turned out, mortally. Sir Charles Wilson,
who took the command, was met by Gordon's steamers, which
had come down the Nile to seek the long-expected aid ; after
a short delay, which became the subject of an angry controversy,
he proceeded to Khartoum by river, arriving on the 28th of
January, when he found that the city had fallen two days
before, that Gordon was probably dead — though the details of
his death did not become known till later — and that the city
was in the hands of the Mahdi. On Sir Charles Wilson's
return his steamers met with disaster, but he was rescued,
with conspicuous gallantry and resource, by Lord Charles
Beresford, and reached Gubat in safety.

Meanwhile General Earle's column had marched by the
river route, defeating the Arabs in a brilliant engagement at
Kirbekan, where General Earle lost his life, the command
passing to General Brackenbury, who advanced steadily on
Abu Hamad. But orders to retreat quickly brought back the
troops on both lines. The instructions for concentration at
Korti were accompanied with the announcement that in the
autumn the Mahdi was to be " smashed " at Khartoum, that
Dongola was to be held, and that General Graham, with 9000
men, some Indian troops, and an Australian Contingent, was
to grapple with Osman Digma on the Bed Sea coast, opening
up the route from Suakin to Berber and laying down a railway.
These operations were partially carried out at great cost ; railway
plant was brought from England, a few miles of line were

280 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1885

laid down, and General Graham's troops again proved their
quality by repeatedly routing the Arabs, though the night
attack on the zariba held by Sir John M'Neill's command showed
a lack of vigilance too closely resembling the Isandlana disaster.

The necessity of providing against an impending war with
Kussia was put forward by the Government as the reason for a
sudden change of plans. In April Lord Wolseley was in-
formed that the policy of smashing the Mahdi at Khartoum
had been abandoned, and that the British forces must be with-
drawn to Wady Haifa, surrendering to the enemy even the faithful
province of Dongola. To the remonstrances of Lord Wolseley
against this course, backed on several points by Sir Evelyn
Baring, Nubar Pasha, and General Stephenson, the Government
turned a deaf ear. The Suakin railway was given up, and
the material brought back to England ; while, following the
precedent of 1884, the greater part of General Graham's force
was withdrawn, a small garrison being left at the port.

The danger of Arab aggression in these circumstances was
sufficiently serious ; when the Conservatives came into power
it was found that the civil population had been removed from
Dongola to Lower Egypt, leaving neither stores nor supplies
requisite for the maintenance of a permanent garrison. It
was resolved, however, to hold the river as far as Akasheh,
the present terminus of the Nile railway. The attitude of the
Arabs was frequently threatening, though a respite was secured
by the Mahdi's death, and Suakin was relieved from pressure
by Osman Digma's ill -fortune in a campaign against the
Abyssinian army, under Eas Alula, despatched to the rescue
of the beleaguered Egyptians at Kassala. Towards the close of
the year the British positions beyond Assouan were again
attacked. General Stephenson hastened in person to the front
with all the troops available, and on the last day but one of
December gave battle to the Soudanese collected near Kosheh
with complete success, occupying their entrenchments at
Ginniss, and pursuing their retreat with his cavalry. It may
be hoped that the security of Lower Egypt is thus assured.

The relations of the British Government with Egypt were
kept in a doubtful state by the financial difficulty and the
interference of the Powers. Mr. Gladstone had induced Parlia-
ment last spring to accept, as a matter of extreme urgency,
the Convention agreed on with the Powers, by which the loan

1885 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 281

of £9,000,000 required for the payment of the Alexandria
indemnities and the restoration of the equilibrium was to be
issued under an international guarantee. But as soon as
England had thus tied her hands, the European Governments
seemed in no haste to take up their obligations. Some post-
poned the matter indefinitely, others apparently thought of
repudiating it altogether. Though in the Bosphore J^gyptien
affair England and Egypt made amends handsomely to France
for a technical error, the spirit of French policy remained as
unfriendly as ever. When the change of Government took
place, the delay in the issue of the loan had brought Egypt,
after exhausting every temporary expedient, within sight of
bankruptcy. Lord Salisbury was able to conciliate the good-
will of the Powers, and, by making arrangements for placing
the stock on the Continental as well as the London market,
to expedite the issue of the loan and relieve the Egyptian
Government from the most urgent demands.

The objects of the special mission on which Sir Henry
Dmmmond Wolff was despatched were not discussed in Parlia-
ment, but it soon became evident that the measure was con-
nected with the political rather than the financial situation.
The co-operation of Turkey was needed to legitimatise and
give a peculiar authority to the English position in Egypt,
and, as the Sultan was eager to obtain a formal recognition of
his rights, which, though never annulled, had been in fact set
aside, an agreement did not seem impracticable. Sir Henry
Wolff's diplomatic tact and his patience in dealing with
Ottoman dilatoriness were powerfully aided by the reopening
of the Bulgarian question, and were at length rewarded by the
adoption of a Convention which practically gave England the
right to control administration in Egypt with the Sultan's
authority, which neither Mohamedan rebels nor obstructive
officials would find it easy to withstand. Mukhtar Pasha has,
after considerable delay, been sent from Constantinople as Sir
Henry Wolff's colleague, and it is hoped that his influence may
be employed to abate the troubles on the Soudan frontier.
Unfortunately, Mr. Gladstone's Midlothian address embraced a
pledge to put an end as soon as possible to the English occupa-
tion, and this disturbing element has lost none of its gravity
since the indecisive result of the general election.

The Afghan controversy, which for a time overshadowed the

282 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1885

Egyptian question, had scarcely become known to the public
when Parliament met. The agreement between England and
Russia for the delimitation of the frontier eastward from
Sarakhs was suspended by the delay of General Zelenoy, the
Russian Commissioner, in joining Sir Peter Lumsden and his
staff, while the mission of M. Lessar to London, with a view to
changing the basis of negotiation, the Russian claim to Penjdeh,
and the advance of General Komaroff 's force to the very posi-
tions in dispute, rapidly altered the relations of the two
Powers. The visit of the Ameer Abdurrahman to Lord
Dufferin, at Rawul Pindi, was looked on throughout Asia as a
pledge that no more demands for doing right to the Afghans
would be allowed " to lapse," but few were prepared for the
Russian counter-move, General Komaroff's slaughter of the
Afghan soldiery on the Kushk, and his clearing them out of
the Penjdeh oasis. The indignation with which this outrage
was received in the House of Commons, the appeal to the " sacred
covenant," the vote of credit of £11,000,000, and the sudden de-
scent to a proposal for arbitration on a point which few besides
Mr. Gladstone regarded as of the smallest importance, made up
one of the most painful chapters in the history of Parliament.

But peace was not finally purchased by concession. The
surrender of Penjdeh to Russia, which was justified by the
Ameer's communications with Lord Dufferin, was ratified in
consideration of the recognition of the right of the Afghans to
possess the Zulfikar Pass. As soon as the arbitration was
agreed on, the meaning of the other portion of the bargain
began to be contested ; Russia, through M. Lessar, claimed to
retain positions which would practically have given her the
command of the pass, on the ground that they were necessary
to secure her troops free passage and access to water within her
new limits. Sir Peter Lumsden, whose recall from the Afghan
border was interpreted abroad as a triumph for General
Komaroff and was much criticised at home, had not disguised
his disapproval of the manner in which the Penjdeh incident
had been dealt with by Mr. Gladstone's Government, but his ad-
vice was, nevertheless, taken on the Zulfikar question, which
was known to be considered of vital importance by the Ameer
and the Viceroy of India.

It was decided by Lord Granville that the strict performance
of the Russian engagement must be insisted upon, and, Russia

1885 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 283

still refusing to yield, the point remained unsettled when Lord
Salisbury went to the Foreign Office. After some further
fencing on the Eussian side, a modification of the boundary
was suggested — with the approval of Lord Dufferin, Sir Peter
Lumsden, and Sir West Ridgeway, the officer in charge of the
frontier survey — which secured the Afghans the complete com-
mand of the pass and its approaches, while giving the Russians
the road at the foot of the hills. The arrangement has been
accepted on both sides as final, and the work of delimitation is now
being carried out, though, at the last moment, further disputes
have arisen about the boundaries eastward. Even Mr. Gladstone
has ceased to affect an interest in the Penjdeh arbitration, and
the King of Denmark, the chosen umpire, has made award.

It is not, however, questioned in India that Herat has been
gravely endangered by the advance of the Russians on the Heri-
rud and the Kushk. English influence and Afghan independ-
ence alike received a heavy blow from General Komaroff on the
30th of March. The Government of India hastened to make
provision against the peril ; active preparations were undertaken
for a movement in force on Candahar ; assurances of loyalty
were given by all classes of the people, and the native Princes,
Hindoo and Mussulman, promptly came forward with offers of
aid in men and money. When the immediate risk of a rupture
with Russia was removed, the need for permanent measures of
precaution was recognised. The army was strengthened and
the Quetta railway, which had been abandoned in 1881, was
resumed and rapidly pushed forward. In the first place Lord
Kimberley, and afterwards Lord Salisbury and Lord Randolph
Churchill, with the concurrence of Mr. Gladstone himself,
publicly declared that India could no longer trust to under-
standings or even treaties on the Afghan frontier, but must be
in a position to act at once, on the defensive or offensive, should
danger threaten from the North- West. This policy has since
been steadily pursued, and the appointment of Sir Frederick
Roberts, in succession to Sir Donald Stewart, as Commander-
in-Chief in India, has been welcomed as a proof that all that
energy and skill can do to make the frontier safe and to keep
disquieting elements at a distance will be done.

The distractions of the Afghan trouble probably delayed the
settlement of a long-standing account with the King of Burmah,
whose half-crazy, half-drunken tyranny had been a scandal and

284 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1885

a menace to his neighbours, and especially to British Burmah.
The question assumed a more serious aspect, in view of the
activity of the French on the other side of the Indo-Chinese
Peninsula, when Thebaw's exactions and cruelties were compli-
cated with an intrigue to secure to French speculators the
control of the resources of the country. It was foreseen that
this project, if allowed to succeed, would give opportunity for
the intervention of France in territory lying between the
frontiers of India and China, and would result, even if nothing
worse happened, in the exclusion of British trade from Burmese,
and, indeed, Chinese markets, the importance of which was
shown to be fully realised in France by the report of a Com-
mittee of the Chamber on the draft of a commercial treaty ob-
tained by M. Haas, the French Consular Agent at Mandalay.
A direct attack by Thebaw on the interests of British subjects
in Burmah, invalidating the contract made with the Bombay
Burmah Trading Company and imposing a ruinous fine, was
clearly connected with a monopoly obtained by M. Haas for a
French Syndicate, which the Government at Paris subsequently
refused to support.

Mr. Bernard, the Chief Commissioner of British Burmah, at
once entered an energetic protest, and Lord Dufferin, to whom
the decision in the matter was wisely left by the home Govern-
ment, resolved to send an ultimatum to Mandalay, demanding
the removal of the impediments to British trade and the ac-
ceptance of a British Resident to direct and control Burmese
policy. If no satisfactory answer was returned by a fixed date,
an expedition organised under General Prendergast's command
was to start at once, with orders to treat only in the capital.
Thebaw at first attempted evasion, and then sent an insolent
refusal to treat, relying on some vague hopes of European aid.
While negotiations and preparations were proceeding, the ques-
tion was much discussed at home and in India whether a pro-
tectorate or annexation were the preferable course, for on all
hands it was admitted that Burmah could no longer be allowed
to be independent. Lord Ripon favoured the former alterna-
tive, but the weight of authority was for the latter. The
Viceroy and the Secretary of State kept their own counsel.

General Prendergast's operations were completely successful
After crossing the frontier at the appointed time, the flotilla
advancing with the troops up the Irrawaddy met with some

1885 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 286

resistance at the Minhla forts, but the Burmese were easily
overthrown and made no further stand. Thebaw's appeal for
an armistice was refused till General Prendergast had entered
Mandalay ; the Ava forts were surrendered and the capital was
placed in the hands of the British. Thebaw's deposition was at
once announced, and he was sent with his family to Madras.
It was found that the threatened massacre of Europeans had
not been generally carried out, though some employes of the
Trading Company were murdered high up the river, but the
civil administration of the country, disturbed by robber gangs
and disbanded soldiers, presents many difficulties.

The attention of Kussia has lately been diverted from the
Afghan question, and the pressure on India has consequently
been relieved by events in Eastern Europe. The main object
of Prince Bismarck's Continental policy has been to maintain
the alliance of the three Empires, and to this end he was
willing to encourage, or at least not to discourage, Russian am-
bitions in Asia. The bond appeared to be more closely drawn
than ever after the meeting in the summer between the Austrian
and Russian^ sovereigns at Kremsier, though differences between
Vienna and Berlin on the tariff question and the expulsion of
Poles, Russian and Austrian subjects, from the Eastern provinces
of Prussia produced not a little tension. There had been signs
of restlessness among the subjects of the Porte in Macedonia
and Albania, and the Montenegro boundary was still unsettled,
but few supposed that peace was in danger, or that the Treaty
of Berlin was likely to be for the present disturbed. Suddenly
Europe was startled by the news that a revolutionary move-
ment had overthrown Gavril Pasha's Government at Philip-
popolis, and that the union of Eastern Roumelia to Bulgaria,
which the popular voice had decreed, had been accepted by
Prince Alexander, who hastened from Sofia to take possession
of his new province.

The Porte, following the advice of the Ambassadors of the
great Powers, determined not to act precipitately. At St.
Petersburg and Berlin, as well as, after some hesitation, at
Vienna, the coup d'etat was condemned ; but in England,
France, and Italy general sympathy was felt, by Liberals and
Conservatives alike, with a movement to which the political
objections existing in 1878 had disappeared. Servia and
Greece at once put forward a claim to be compensated for the

286 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1885

disturbance of the equilibrium by the Bulgarian union, and it
seemed that Macedonia was about to be attacked. The Turks,
however, availed themselves of the delay and hesitation at
Belgrade and Athens, and with more than usual promptitude
brought up troops from Asia Minor in sufficient strength to
give their enemies pause. The German, Austrian, and Russian
Governments united in proposing a Conference of the great
Powers at Constantinople to consider the situation with the
object of restoring the status quo ante, in which, after some
negotiation, England, France, and Italy agreed to take part.
Lord Salisbury's frank declaration that no settlement could be
regarded as permanent which sought to perpetuate the separa-
tion of the two Bulgarian provinces against the will of the in-
habitants was approved by English opinion and endorsed by
his principal opponent.

When the Conference met, it was found that no agreement
on the basis of the status quo was possible ; and in Russia Lord
Salisbury and Sir William White, our able representative, were
violently assailed for obstructing the will of Europe, But
events were working in favour of Lord Salisbury's policy.
Servia, abandoning her pretensions to North- Western Macedonia,
turned for compensation where, it was thought, less resistance
could be offered, and menaced Bulgaria with attack, encouraged
not only by Austrian patronage and assistance, but by the
rancour exhibited in Russia, and to some extent in Germany,
against Prince Alexander, whose deposition had been advocated
in high quarters, and whom the Czar summarily deprived of
his honorary rank in the Russian army. The pacific overtures
of the Bulgarian Government were spurned, and King Milan
declared war on his neighbour, anticipating an easy march to
Sofia. At first the Servian successes seemed to confirm this
confidence. The Widdin district was occupied, and an advance
in three columns on Sofia was apparently irresistible, when
Prince Alexander turned the tide of fortune by his spirit and
generalship at Slivnitza, where the Servian centre was repulsed,
and had to retreat with loss through the Dragoman Pass. This
was followed up by other victories, the Bulgarians being roused
to great enthusiasm, and showing excellent soldierly qualities.
Prince Alexander crossed the Servian frontier, advancing on and
capturing Pirot. The Bulgarian victories proved that it would
neither be safe nor practicable to insist on restoring the status quo.

1885 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 287

The Conference, whicli had been adjourned during the clash
of arms, was not resumed. A suspension of hostilities was en-
forced by a threat of Austrian intervention, and, after some
fencing with the inevitable, the Powers agreed that a settlement
must be sought substantially on the basis of recognising Bul-
garian unity. A Military Commission appointed by the Powers
has arranged for the evacuation by the belligerents of Widdin
on the one side and Pirot on the other, and for the continuation
of the armistice till March.

France, though she has lately supported the English policy,
has not been an active factor in the Eastern question. Her
schemes of colonial adventure have crippled her. M. Ferry's
Government, though apparently without any competitors to
dread, was undermined at the beginning of the year by public
impatience at the desultory operations against China in Tonquin
and Formosa, which, instead of terrifying the Chinese, incited
them to renew the war. At the end of March a large Chinese
army attacked and routed General Negrier, recapturing Lang-
son, and compelling the French Commander-in-Chief to tele-
graph urgently for reinforcements, with a not too confident
hope that meanwhile he might be able to " hold the Delta."

There was a furious explosion of popular wrath in Paris, and
M. Ferry, applying to the Chamber for a vote of credit of
200,000,000 of francs, was defeated by 308 votes against 161.
His resignation was followed by an interregnum ; many proposed
Ministerial combinations broke down, but at last M. Brisson,
President of the Chamber, was able to form a Cabinet, with M.
de Freycinet as Minister for Foreign Affairs. M. Ferry had
already arranged the preliminaries of peace, though the fact
was not known, and President Gr^vy concluded the business,
which the Chinese had placed in the hands of Sir R. Hart, of
the Imperial Customs, before the new Ministers entered on
their duties. China recognised the protectorate claimed by
France over Annam as well as the possession of Tonquin, but
the practical difficulties were not removed ; the delimitation of
the frontier has not yet been carried out, the Annamese are
turbulent, native Christians have been massacred, and the
" Black Flags " give the French incessant trouble even in the
neighbourhood of the Delta. M. Ferry was not rehabilitated
by the peace with China, though it saved him from the extinc-
tion which is the usual fate of defeated Ministers in France.

288 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1885

M. Brisson's Ministry has been cautious and uneventful
The approach of the general election — the first under the re-
vived scrutin de liste — paralysed political activity. The feud
between the Opportunists and the Radicals grew more bitter
as the campaign went on. M. Clemenceau accentuated his
opinions, while the Ministerialists and M. Ferry raised their
bids for the Radical vote. The Conservative instincts of the
peasantry took alarm at undisguised attacks on religion and
property, and the earlier elections showed a decided reaction,
the Monarchists, united for belligerent purposes, carrying 187
seats, and both sections of the Republicans only 136. Before
the second ballots came on the Republicans waived their differ-
ences and closed their ranks, securing a decisive victory. Still
the new Chamber was composed of some 200 Conservatives, 230
Opportunists, and 150 Radicals. M. Floquet, who had succeeded
M. Brisson in the chair, was re-elected President. The majority
have lately been busy invalidating the Conservative returns,
and threatening all sorts of vengeance for the perversity of the
voters. M. Ferry's colonial policy has been condemned beyond
reprieve ; the demands of the Generals in Tonquin for reinforce-
ments are impatiently received.

In the course of the Parliamentary inquiry into the conduct
of the war scandalous charges have been bandied about by
ofl&cers of high rank, exceeding even the bluntness of the late
Admiral Courbet's accusations against the Government, which
played an important part in the election campaign. Two Com-
mittees of the Chamber recently reported in favour of cutting
down the Tonquin and Madagascar Credits, and of bringing the
operations in both cases to an early close. The opportune news
of a peace concluded with the Hovas on favourable terms saved
the Government from defeat, and even the Tonquin Credits
were voted, though by a bare majority. The expiration of M.
Gravy's term as President rendered a Congress of both Chambers
necessary to fill the vacancy. Though opposition was threatened
and attempted, there was really no competitor in the field, and
M. Gr^vy was re-elected by an overwhelming majority. M.
Brisson, however, has tendered his resignation, and the im-
mediate course of French politics remains far from clear.

The colonial policy of Prince Bismarck has been more
fortunate than that of M. Ferry, though it has involved trouble-
some disputes, not only with England, but with Spain. The

1885 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 289

occupation of one of the Caroline Islands, near the Philippines,
by Germany excited Spanish feeling to the pitch of madness.
The Spanish claim to the islands was unsupported by recent
possession, and had been contested by England as well as
Germany. Prince Bismarck, however, had no wish to drive
matters to extremity, seeing that King Alfonso was in the
hands of politicians who, Liberals and Conservatives alike, had
lost their heads.

The same levity that had been displayed in the repudiation
of the commercial understanding with this country was again
shown, both by Senor Canovas and Senor Sagasta, when the
masses needed firm guidance to save them from the miseries of
an unequal war, while the King, though in rapidly failing
health, exhibited as much coolness and courage as when he
visited the victims of the cholera epidemic. Arbitration was
suggested by Germany, and when Spanish heat cooled down
the Pope was accepted by both parties as umpire. Though his
decision was favourable to Spain, its announcement was scarcely
noticed, for the death of the King, at the age of twenty-eight,
leaving as his heir a daughter of five years old, under the regency
of her mother, Queen Christina, once more seemed to imperil
the fortunes of the Monarchy. A Liberal Cabinet was formed
by Senor Sagasta, with General Jovellar as Minister of War, and
strenuous efforts have been made to unite men of all parties in
support of the throne. Don Carlos has appealed to the Re-
actionists, and Senor Ruiz Zorrilla to the Revolutionists, but as
yet without effect.

Italy, by comparison with her neighbours, has enjoyed the
happiness of having almost no history. The temptation of a
colonial policy led the Italians into some rather spasmodic
essays, encouraged by Mr. Gladstone, to establish themselves on
the Red Sea coast, but the experiment has not been popular,
and probably contributed to the check of the Depretis Cabinet,
which was followed by resignation and reconstruction. In
Denmark the constitutional tension between King and Parlia-
ment has not been abated, and has led to some ominous
outbreaks of violence.

The United States have been tranquil during the year, and
have felt something like a revival of commercial prosperity.
The transfer of the Federal Government from the Republican
to the Democratic party was quietly cairied out, and President

VOL. TI U

290 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1885

Cleveland has fairly justified the hopes founded on his honesty
of purpose and firmness. His Cabinet has proved a strong one ;
Mr. Bayard, the Secretary of State, has shown conspicuous
courage and dignity in the conduct of foreign aff'airs, especially
in dealing with the protests of the American-Irish against inter-
ference with the dynamite party and their schemes. The
necessity for the intervention of the United States in Central
America, where Guatemala under President Barrios had en-
deavoured to coerce and annex Nicaragua, San Salvador, and
Honduras, was demanded in the interests of the proposed Canal,
but the necessity was averted by the defeat and death of
Barrios.

On the whole, Mr. Cleveland's exercise of his patronage has
been creditable ; removals from ofiice on political grounds have
been few, and the spoils' system, much to the disgust of many
Democrats, has been practically abandoned. Some changes
have been inevitable, among them the resignation by Mr.
Lowell of the London Mission, which has been felt with a sense
of personal loss by great numbers of Englishmen, though his
successor, Mr. Phelps, has already won esteem and confidence
on his own account.

The goodwill and the fairness of the American people were
tested during the painful trial to which Canada was exposed in
the spring, when Kiel, the pardoned author of the Eed Kiver
rebellion, in suppressing which Lord Wolseley won his spurs,
raised the half-breeds and the Indians in the North-West
Territory against the Government. The unfortunate settlers,
who were unable to escape in the rigorous winter weather,
were given over to rapine, outrage, and massacre. The
Dominion Ministry acted with promptitude and energy, and a
considerable force was collected beyond Winnipeg under General
Middleton, but operations were delayed by the snow and the
spring floods, and Kiel, with his savage allies, seemed confident
that the troops would be worn out and cut off in detail.
General Middleton, however, was steadily successful ; Kiel
and his half-breeds and desperate refugees from the States
were beaten and finally captured, and the insurgent Indian
chiefs submitted or were hunted down. Much excitement was
caused among the French Canadians by the trial and conviction
of Kiel, whose treason was blackened by complicity in acts of
massacre. An appeal to the Judicial Committee of the Privy

1885 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 291

Council on technical grounds, and also alleging that Riel was
of unsound mind, was rejected after a careful hearing, and the
Dominion Government had the courage to carry out the
sentence of death in spite of threats and violence in Montreal
and other Lower Canadian towns. The turbulence of this
part of the population was further shown when a serious
outbreak of smallpox led to the enforcement of a com-
pulsory vaccination law, Montreal being endangered by a
serious of shameful riots, fomented, it was said, by French
Communists.

The vigour shown by the Canadians in grappling with the
rebellion in the North- West has been matched in Australia by
the spontaneous offers of assistance to the mother country
during the Egyptian and Russian troubles. Though the New
South Wales contingent was the only one which actually served
with the colours, the Colonists have felt their own strength,
and are to be reckoned with in the future by any enemy of the
British Empire. On the other hand they are resolved not to
tolerate such sloth or timidity at home as that which allowed
Northern New Guinea to pass from under the control of
England. The union for certain common objects of all the
Australian Colonies under the Federation Act, passed at the
close of last session, has been carried out, except that New
South Wales, from a rooted jealousy of the influence of
Victoria, still holds aloot The Federal Council, however, in
which Victoria, South Australia, West Australia, Queensland,
and Tasmania are now represented, will, at no distant day,
embrace not only New South Wales, but New Zealand, and
even in the meantime it will constitute a powerful representa-
tion of colonial opinion and sentiment.

The South African colonies, owing to differences of race and
the difficulties of an urgent native question, are less rapidly
advancing to union and independent energy. Imperial policy
has wavered between relieving the colonists from responsibility
by the exertion of the power of the Crown and yielding to the
wishes of Colonial Legislatures. Sir Charles Warren's appoint-
ment as Special Commissioner in Bechuanaland was an example
of the former tendency, and his recall at the instance of Sir
Hercules Robinson, acting in deference to the feeling of the
majority at the Cape, was an example of the latter. The
controversy between Sir Charles Warren and Mr. Mackenzie

292 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1885

on the one side and the Cape Government and Mr. Rhodes on
the other is complicated and obscure ; but it is clear that the
sympathies of the Colony were to a large extent with the Boers,
whose operations the Special Commissioner had endeavoured
to restrain. Bechuanaland is now administered, under Sir
Hercules Robinson, by Mr. Shippard, lately one of the judges
at Cape Town, but it is doubtful whether the dangers arising
from the Transvaal filibusters have been averted or only
postponed.

Among the social events of the year we have to mention
the marriage of the Princess Beatrice to Prince Henry of
Battenberg and the visit of the Prince and Princess of Wales
to Ireland.

The growth of the Imperial Federation movement, in which
Mr. Forster and Lord Rosebery have taken a prominent part,
is a fact of more than political importance. Less gratifying to
those who believe in cautious and orderly progress is the
appearance of Democratic Socialism of the Continental type in
this country. The Dod Street demonstration and the Hyde
Park protest against the action of the police and the magistrates
were in themselves insignificant ; but, looked at in connection
with the proceedings of the National party in Ireland and the
crofters' agitation in Scotland, as well as some of the doctrines
preached by politicians calling themselves Advanced Liberals,
they portend the appearance of a new force in politics. Both
in England and in America the sympathies of honest men have
been alienated from the Revolutionary party by the persistent
attempts of fanatical enemies of society to carry on a war of
dynamite after the worst Nihilist examples. The reappearance
of cholera in Europe contributed to the depression of the year
abroad, while in this country perhaps it was of service by
calling attention to the polluted state of the rivers near
London. The issue of the general election was, in the opinion
of some observers, foreshadowed by the success of the party
in favour of voluntary schools, religious education, and
economy in administering the rates at the School Board
elections in the metropolis and some of the chief provincial
towns.

Unusual interest was felt in the registration proceedings
before the revising barristers under the Franchise Act and in
the important appeals from those decisions. The intention of

1885 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 293

Parliament was in several cases frustrated by tlie interpretation
of the law; the undergraduates at Oxford and Cambridge
were pronounced without hesitation to be disqualified ; and
the service franchise was denied to large classes for whose
benefit it was apparently intended. The Irish difficulty
was exacerbated not only by agricultural distress, but by
the lamentable failure of the Munster Bank, which gravely
affected the credit of the farmers throughout the southern
provinces.

An unsavoury agitation, in which the Salvation Army joined
with the purveyors of sensational news to bring home to the
public the necessity for passing the Criminal Law Ajnendment
Bill, inflicted serious mischief by drawing attention in the
streets to descriptions of abominable immorality ; and some
eminent persons, including the Archbishop of Canterbury,
Cardinal Manning, the Bishop of London, and Mr. Samuel
Morley, too easily gave credence to and vouched for the good
faith of these culpable extravagances. It was afterwards
proved, on the prosecution of Mr. Stead and his associates for
the abduction of a girl, Eliza Armstrong, represented as having
been sacrificed by her own mother to a vile traffic, that some
of the most explicit statements relied on were in part fabri-
cated by a disreputable woman and in part evolved from a
morbid imagination. The punishment inflicted on the wrong-
doers was not severe, but the exposure has practically put an
end to a demoralising and disgusting controversy.

The obituary of the year comprises an unusual number of
distinguished names. The death of Gordon at Khartoum went
straight to the heart of the English people, and with shame
and indignation as well as unavailing sorrow his countrymen
learned too late to feel that while he lived " one of Plutarch's
men talked with us face to face." In this grievous and wasteful
sacrifice were involved Colonel Burnaby, who fell at Abu Klea ;
Sir Herbert Stewart, who died of his wounds after Abu Kru ;
General Earle, who was slain in command of the river column ;
many other officers of distinction, and some well-known news-
paper correspondents.

At home the country lost in Lord Cairns a lawyer and
statesman of clear judgment and strong moral fibre whose
counsels were grievously missed by his party, in Lord Shaftes-
bury one who devoted to philanthropic causes throughout a

294 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1885

long life powers that might have won him a high place in
politics, in Lord Halifax a Whig veteran who played in his
time a considerable rather than a conspicuous part in public
affairs, and in Lord Houghton a genial and accomplished man
of letters, perhaps more likely to be remembered as the friend
and confidant of three generations of authors, artists, and
refugees.

Among others who have passed away must be mentioned
the Archbishop of Armagh, Primate of Ireland ; Dr. Fraser,
Bishop of Manchester, a prelate whose large -mindedness and
lofty character gave him far more than an ecclesiastical in-
fluence ; Dr. Moberly, Bishop of Salisbury ; Dr. Jackson,
Bishop of London ; Dr. Woodford, Bishop of Ely ; and Dr.
Wordsworth, who not long before had retired from the See of
Lincoln ; the Duke of Abercom, Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland
under Lord Derby and Mr. Disraeli; the Duke of Somerset,
a member of more than one Liberal Ministry; Sir Kobert
Phillimore, long Judge of the Admiralty Court and Dean of
Arches ; Lord O'Hagan, formerly Lord Chancellor of Ireland,
and Sir Edward Sullivan, who held the Great Seal of Ireland
when he died ; Cardinal MacCabe, Koman Catholic Archbishop
of Dublin ; Lord Strathnairn, memorable in the annals of the
army as Sir Hugh Rose ; Sir Harry Parkes, British Minister
at Pekin ; Sir John Glover, Governor of Newfoundland ; Sir
Peter Scratchley, High Commissioner in New Guinea; Sir
James Hudson, a diplomatist to whom, as Cavour's faithful
friend and fellow -worker, "United Italy" owes much; Sir
Moses Montefiore, who passed away in his 101st year ; Sir
Arthur Phayre, who for years governed British Burmah ;
Lord Mayor Nottage, who died during his term of office ; Dr.
Howson, Dean of Chester ; Dr. W. B. Carpenter, the physi-
ologist ; Principal Shairp, a graceful poet and a delicate critic ;
Dean Blakesley, perhaps most widely known by his contribu-
tions to our columns under the signature of " A Hertfordshire
Incumbent" ; Cluny Macpherson, one of the last survivors of
the old race of Highland Chiefs ; Sir Watkin Williams Wynn,
of Wynnstay, the " King of Wales," whose traditional power
has been shattered in Denbighshire, as the general election has
shown, by the extension of the suffrage ; Mr. P. J. Smyth, an
Irish " patriot " of a different metal from that coined at Mr.
Parnell's mint ; Mr. Montagu Chambers, long a familiar figure

1885 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 295

in Parliament and at the Bar; Sir Julius Benedict, the
composer ; Sir George Harrison, lately elected M.P. for
Edinburgh ; Sir Kalph Gosset, till recently Serjeant-at-Arms ;
Dr. Birch, the Egyptologist ; Mr. Ansdell, R.A. ; Professor
Fleeming Jenkin, the electrician ; and Mr. Fargus, a novelist
who had leaped to sudden fame under the pseudonym of
" Hugh Conway."

Abroad the list of public losses is as long and as striking.
King Ferdinand, formerly Regent of Portugal, who had shown
" the strong Coburg sense " in his public career, had retired for
years before his death into complete privacy.

In Spain the death of the young King Alfonso was im-
mediately followed by that of Marshal Serrano, so intimately
associated with the political changes which prepared the way
for the Monarchical restoration, and not disconnected, it is
believed, with the intrigues which seemed of late to threaten a
reversal of that measure.

France has lost in Victor Hugo a great, if an eccentric and
intractable genius, much of whose work, though not all, the
world will never let die ; and in Edmond About an admirable
representative of the clear, incisive, limited intelligence, spark-
ling with wit and equipped with a trenchant logic, which finds
a place more easily in French literature than humour, pathos,
or sublimity. Admiral Courbet was a victim of the ill-fated
Tonquin policy of M. Ferry. The Com^die Frangaise was
deprived in M. Perrin of an experienced director.

Germany has mourned Prince Frederick Charles, the " Red
Prince," the ablest soldier whom the martial House of Hohen-
zollern has produced since Frederick the Great ; Field-Marshal
Manteuffel, for many years Viceroy of Alsace-Loraine, another
of the iron warriors who have built up the Empire ; and Dr.
Nachtigal, the traveller, an energetic labourer for Prince
Bismarck's colonial policy.

In the United States the long struggle of General Grant
with a cruelly painful and hopeless disease was watched with
intense public sympathy, which, it may be said, extended all
over the civilised world. When the end came, the short-
comings of Grant's political career were buried in oblivion,
and the nation only remembered his splendid services to the
cause of the Union in the time of trial. The death of Vice-
President Hendricks drew attention to a weak point in the

296 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1885

Constitutional system ; those of General M'Clellan, formerly
Commander of the Federal Army, and of Cardinal M'Closkey,
the head of the Roman Catholic Church in the United States,
attracted less notice than that of Mr. William Vanderbilt, the
millionaire and " Railway King."

1886

In the course of the year which closes to-day many remarkable
events have happened in all parts of the world, but the most
important among them belong to the history of our own country.
Mr. Gladstone's alliance with Mr. Parnell was followed, as an
inevitable consequence, by the disruption of the Liberal party,
the disorganisation of Parliament, and a renewed appeal, after
an interval of little more than half a year, to the constituencies.
The decision of the country on the great issues raised by
Mr. Gladstone was taken after a prolonged and searching con-
troversy in Parliament and in the press, and it was unmistakably
pronounced.

Setting aside the following of Mr. Parnell, the adherents of
Mr. Gladstone are outnumbered in the present House of
Commons by two to one, and, even reckoning the Gladstonian
and Parnellite forces as a solid body, the majority of Unionists
over Separatists is more than a hundred. Nor has there been
hitherto the faintest sign of any change in the opinion of the
nation. On the contrary, it is apparent that since his defeat at
the last general election Mr. Gladstone's influence over public
opinion has been fading away ; his erratic appeals to public
opinion have only revealed more clearly to his countrymen his
incapacity to enter into the sentiment and the character of
Englishmen, his slavish subjection to Parnellism, and his
readiness to evoke on his side all the disintegrating forces
tm-oughout the United Kingdom, in Scotland and Wales as
well as in Ireland, His adherents, are divided ; some want to
press forward, some would like to hark back, and, between
them, their overtures to the Liberal Unionists, which have
been rendered completely illusory and illogical by the neces-

298 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1886

sity for keeping Mr. Parnell in hand, have only resulted in
ridicule.

This far-reaching and unexpected change in the state of
political parties at home has profoundly affected the policy of
the British Empire at home and abroad. The fear that the
traditions of English statesmanship are destined to perish under
the solvents of democratic impatience has to a large extent
disappeared. At the same time there are new and most
formidable difficulties to be confronted. The secession of Lord
Randolph Churchill has weakened the Conservative Government
at a most critical time, and it is highly improbable that the loss
will be made good by a coalition with Lord Hartington and his
followers. The state of Ireland has given cause for the gravest
anxieties, and it still remains to be seen how far lawlessness
will be successful in defying law.

The diplomatic situation in Europe is shadowed with dark
omens. It is doubtful whether the Powers which are on the
side of peace and treaty rights will be able to set bounds to the
ambition of Russia, and Germany appears to be paralysed in
the fulfilment of her natural function by the dread of a Franco-
Russian alliance. The most hopeful signs are to be looked for
in the relations between this country and her great colonial
dependencies, which seem to hold out a promise that the strength
of the British Empire, offensive and defensive, may be immensely
augmented in the near future.

When the year opened the suspected, but as yet not proved,
conversion of Mr. Gladstone to Home Rule was the theme of
universal discussion. Early in the controversy, before it had
yet passed into the Parliamentary phase, Sir James Stephen
and Mr. Lecky attacked the Separatists in our columns, and
doubting Liberals, uncertain how far Mr. Gladstone was pre-
pared to go, avoided coming to close quarters. Many of them
still clung to the conviction that their leader had no thought of
deserting the cause of union and loyalty, and dismissed all
disquieting rumours as inventions of the enemy. Others,
better acquainted with the facts, maintained a discreet and
watchful reserve.

The Conservative Government, meanwhile, had begun to see
that the contemptuous tolerance extended to them by the
National League would be withdrawn the moment Mr. Glad-
stone's alliance with Mr. Parnell was finally concluded. The

1886 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 299

terrorism exercised by the branches of the League had been
allowed to consolidate and extend its operations during the
preceding six months, and, though outrages had diminished, the
boycotting system had grown more stringent and cruel. It was
obviously necessary that an effort should be made to reassert
the authority of the law. Lord Carnarvon's resignation of the
Viceroyalty, which he had accepted on condition that it was to
be only a temporary appointment, involved that of Sir William
Hart-Dyke, but there were curious delays in disclosing the policy
to be adopted in Ireland. The development of the Irish
question in Parliament belongs to the history of the session,
and has been already narrated.

It is enough to observe here that the overthrow of Lord
Salisbury's Government on a side issue, and the formation of
Mr. Gladstone's third Cabinet, with Mr. Morley at the Irish
Office, before the results of Mr. W. H. Smith's appointment as
Chief Secretary were visible and the Ministerial Bill for
strengthening the law in Ireland was produced, paved the way
for a period during which "social order" was avowedly sub-
ordinated to political changes, or at least declared to be only
attainable through them. The effect was traceable in many
directions — in the demoralisation of the magistracy and the
police, the growing ascendency of the League, the excitement of
the Protestants of Ulster, the depression of the Loyalists, the
depreciation in the value not only of land but of every kind of
property, including banks and railways. Nor was it until the
constituencies pronounced emphatically against Mr. Gladstone
that there were renewed signs of improvement.

Before Lord Salisbury's resignation an appeal had been
addressed to him for protection by the representatives of all the
great interests connected with Ireland — commercial, industrial,
financial, and proprietary ; and when Mr. Gladstone entered
upon office he had to deal with the same demand. He put it
aside with a plea for " inquiry and examination," which would
have been more satisfactory if it had been accompanied by a
pledge that meanwhile "social order" would be maintained.
The Irish Loyal and Patriotic Union furnished Mr. Gladstone
with a statement of facts and authorities bearing on the question
of government in Ireland, and set to work energetically to inform
not only the Ministry, but the British public, through meetings,
pamphlets, and other means, of the real state of the case.

300 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1886

"While the Government scheme was ripening many amateur
projects for dealing with the question were put forward by
private persons and kept up a brisk critical discussion. In no
plan suggested, whether by Radical politicians or philosophical
speculators, was it shown that any adequate guarantee for the
protection of the loyal minority in Ireland was possible, or that
any sanction could be devised ensuring the fulfilment of the
conditions of a federal pact by an Irish Government and Legis-
lature. The controversy was marked as it went on by a series
of secessions from the ranks of Mr. Gladstone's followers. The
heads of the great Whig houses — the Grosvenors, the Russells,
the Cavendishes, the Greys, the Fitzwilliams — declared against
the disruption of the Empire and the surrender of property
to be dealt with by the apostles of public plunder. Lord
Hartington, Lord Selborne, the Duke of Argyll, Lord Derby,
Lord Northbrook, Mr. Bright, Mr. Goschen, Sir Henry James,
and Mr. Courtney stood conspicuously aloof from Mr. Gladstone's
new combination with Mr. John Morley as his standard bearer
and Mr. Parnell as his backer. It is true they reserved their
judgment on plans not yet revealed and refused to join the
Conservatives in attacking Mr. Gladstone before the production
of his measures. But Lord Hartington, speaking early in
March at the " Eighty Club," protested firmly, though temper-
ately, against attempts to identify the Liberal party with the
movements of Mr. Gladstone's mind, and indicated beyond doubt
that proposals dangerous to Imperial unity would be resisted.
His tone might have been more decided if Mr. Chamberlain
and Mr. Trevelyan had not been still members of the Cabinet,
for the former had pronounced against any concessions in the
direction of autonomy which were not safeguarded by an eff'ective
Imperial control, and the latter had declared the surrender of
the Executive power to be wholly inadmissible.

So matters stood when Mr. Gladstone's twin Bills were at
last laid before the Cabinet. The retirement of Mr. Chamber-
lain and Mr. Trevelyan proved that their conditions had not
been satisfied, and Mr. Gladstone's speeches, illustrated by the
text of the Bills and by the explanations of his retiring colleagues,
completed the case against Home Rule.

It is doubtful how far repeated delays in the production of
the Bills, which were suspected of being intentional and were
certainly provoking, told for or against the Government. Oti

1886 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 301

reviewing the situation during the Easter recess Mr. Gladstone
found that he had arrayed against him the most eminent
representatives, not only of rank, birth, landed property, and
public service, but of all the great professions, of every intel-
lectual movement, of literature, art, and science, of commerce,
industry, and finance. Many of those who declared their
sympathy with the Unionist cause had always been ranked as
Liberals. Lord Tennyson, Lord Wolseley, Lord Bramwell, Sir
James Stephen, Mr. Matthew Arnold, Mr. Goldwin Smith, Mr.
Froude, Mr. Lecky, Professor Huxley, Professor Tyndall, Sir. F.
Leighton, the Warden of Merton, Mr. Swinburne, the Roths-
childs, the Barings were among those, with very many others,
whom Mr. Gladstone included in the comprehensive indictment
of his opponents which he sent forth from Hawarden just
before the reassembling of Parliament. In this appeared all
the characteristic marks of his Pamellite development, his con-
tention that the issue lay between "the masses" and "the
classes," his appeal to the most dangerous forms of democratic
passion, his denunciation of the Union and of English statesmen
who have supported it upon evidence with which, if it existed,
he ought to have been familiar fifty years ago, and his endeavours
to excite among the people of Great Britain the Separatist
spirit he was labouring to satisfy in Ireland.

Mr. Gladstone's Bills, his speeches, and his manifesto were
subjected to a searching criticism, and when Parliament re-
assembled it was clear that the Unionist cause had made great
progress in the country. The movement may be said to have
had its formal beginning in the great meeting at Her Majesty's
Theatre, when Lord Hartingtoh, Mr. Goschen, Mr. Rylands,
and Lord Fife appeared on the same platform with Lord
Salisbury, Mr. W. H. Smith, and Mr. Plunket. Mr. Caine's
election for Barrow as a Radical who refused to support Mr.
Gladstone in destroying the supremacy of the Imperial Parlia-
ment was followed up by other evidence that, even in the ranks
of the most advanced Liberalism, the Unionist spirit was strong.

Those, however, who accepted Lord Hartington's leadership
were the first to organise themselves, and the Liberal Unionist
Committee was originally drawn almost exclusively from this
section, in which the most active of the younger members were
Mr, Brand and Mr. Albert Grey. Mr. Chamberlain, who had
as his lieutenants Mr. Jesse Collings and Mr. Caine, was not

302 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1886

slow in taking example by his allies, and when the time came
both sections were prepared to unite in opposing the Prime
Minister's fatal policy not only in Parliament but before the
country. For the Gladstonian measures the principal apologists
were Mr. Morley and Lord Spencer. The Duke of Argyll,
Lord Selborne, and Lord Northbrook rendered good service on
the other side both with tongue and pen, but Lord Hartington
and Mr. Goschen were the protagonists. Mr. Chamberlain met
and argued down the Birmingham Caucus, and Mr. Bright in
two or three outspoken letters affirmed that he would never
consent to place Ireland in the hands of rebels and terrorists.
The local wire-pullers, however, of the Liberal party, convinced
of Mr. Gladstone's ascendency, declared, except in a very few
cases, for the Ministerial policy, and to their pressure were
certainly due the Parliamentary vicissitudes of the controversy,
in which the public took little interest and which it did not
clearly understand. The concessions held out to the Radical
Unionists by Mr. Gladstone and the hesitation of some members
in trouble about their seats left the result doubtful down almost
to the moment of the final decision.

The rejection of the Home Eule Bill by so large a majority
as thirty encouraged the Unionist Opposition, and as soon as
Parliament was dissolved the battle in the constituencies was
begun with extraordinary vigour. The Government relied
mainly on Mr. Gladstone's personal popularity and on Mr.
Morley's appeals to the fears, the weariness, and the weakness
of the electors. On the other side, the weight of varied
authority counted for much, and the attempt to represent as a
mere Tory attack a movement in which Mr. Bright, Lord
Hartington, and Mr. Chamberlain took part recoiled upon its
authors. One most potent factor in the formation of opinion
was, no doubt, the dislike of the Land Purchase Bill — that is,
of a measure for lending to a Home Eule Government in Dublin
a vast sum, variously estimated at from £50,000,000 to
£200,000,000, raised on the responsibility of the British tax-
payers and secured only by the credit and good faith of an Irish
Legislature ; though, as Mr. Chamberlain has said, there is no
reluctance to employ the credit of the State for the settlement
on just and reasonable terms of the Irish agrarian difficulty, if
only the supremacy of the Imperial Government were maintained.
But, broadly, the issue before the country was whether Ireland

1S86 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 303

should be given up to the Irish Separatists, organised and
subsidised by alien enemies, or whether the Union should be
upheld.

Mr. Gladstone, in his address to his constituents, tried to fix
on the Conservatives and their Liberal Unionist allies the policy
of unmitigated coercion, basing the charge on Lord Salisbury's
assertion that Ireland needed most of all twenty years of
resolute government, and, in his speeches in Midlothian,
repeated Mr. Parnell's insinuation that the Conservative
Government had held out to the latter the concession of Home
Rule — a statement distinctly contradicted by the alleged
negotiator. Lord Carnarvon. His real grievance, however, was
the understanding arrived at between all sections of the
Unionists — Tory, Whig, and Radical — to fight shoulder to
shoulder, and, with one or two insignificant exceptions, faith-
fully observed by all. Though attacked, of course, energetically
by the Conservatives, and especially with deplorable violence
and lack of taste by Lord Randolph Churchill in his Padding-
ton address, Mr. Gladstone directed his most strenuous efforts,
personally or by delegation, against the Liberal Unionists,
assailing Mr. Goschen in Edinburgh, sending out his emissaries
against Lord Hartington and Mr. Chamberlain, and angrily
controverting Mr. Bright's damaging exposure of the incon-
sistency, recklessness, and blundering of the Home Rule volte-
face.

The Unionists held their ground manfully. Lord Harting-
ton and Mr. Chamberlain not only fought out the question in
their own constituencies, but carried the war into the enemy's
country ; Mr. Goschen and Mr. Trevelyan, who had become by
his father's death Sir George, struggled against the Gladstone
worship of the Scottish democracy ; and Mr. Rylands, Mr.
Caine, Mr. Brand, Mr. Albert Grey, and many others played
their part with varying fortunes, but always with dignity and
public spirit. Mr. Parnell and several of his followers came
forward to aid the Gladstonian cause on English platforms, but
it is certain that their intervention was more damaging than
helpful, nor was Cardinal Manning's maladroit advocacy more
serviceable.

The Government were defeated on the 8th of June, and
before the close of the month Parliament was dissolved, the new
elections being completed soon after the middle of July. The

304 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1886

campaign was thus short and sharp, but the prolonged contro-
versy in and out of Parliament on the single issue presented
for decision had precluded the possibility of a surprise. In a
great number of constituencies the sitting members held their
seats without a contest ; in England most of these were
Conservative and in Ireland Parnellites.

The Unionists started with a majority which the polling in
the English boroughs greatly increased, in spite of the Parnellite
boast, greedily swallowed by Mr. Gladstone, that the Irish vote
could secure 40 or 50 seats. The prospects of the Separatists
were not much improved by the contests in the English counties,
for, though the North-Eastern region from the Humber to the
Tweed followed Mr. Gladstone, the Parnellite alliance was
almost everywhere else decisively rejected — in the Eastern
Counties, in Lancashire, in the West Country, and, above all,
in the Home Counties from Hampshire to Essex and from
Oxfordshire to Kent. In the metropolitan district 49 Con-
servatives and 2 Liberal Unionists were returned against 11
Gladstonians, and, taking England as a whole, the division of
parties was shown to be 284 Conservatives, 54 Liberal Unionists,
126 Gladstonians, and 1 Parnellite. The Separatists looked to
the outlying countries to make up for the defection of England ;
but even here the Unionist cause was by no means unrepresented.
In Scotland Mr. Gladstone's personal influence secured the
return of 43 Separatists against 12 Conservatives and 17
Liberal Unionists ; in Wales the return of 23 Separatists
against 4 Conservatives and 3 Liberal Unionists. The Par-
nellites carried 85 seats in Ireland (to which they subsequently
added one by a successful petition against Mr. C. Lewis in
Derry), the Conservatives 16, and the Liberal Unionists 2.

The new House of Commons, therefore, consisted of 316
Conservatives, 76 Liberal Unionists, 192 Gladstonians, and 86
Parnellites. The rejection of Mr. Goschen, Sir George Trevelyan,
Mr. Brand, Mr. Albert Grey, and other Unionist Liberals was
lamentable ; but, on the other hand, great triumphs had been
achieved ; the Unionists elected all the seven members for
Birmingham, including Mr. Henry Matthews, a Tory Democrat
and Koman Catholic ; in Glasgow a Conservative obtained a
seat ; three Conservatives were returned for Salford ; and even
in Liverpool, Manchester, and Leeds the transfer of the Irish
vote only caused a loss of four seats. The Conservative leaders

1886 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 305

were generally returned by great majorities, Sir Matthew Ridley
being almost alone in his ill-success, subsequently repaired by
his election to succeed Sir Frederick Stanley in the Blackpool
Division. The absence of Mr. Ai-ch, Mr. Leicester, and Mr.
Thorold Rogers was not regretted by those solicitous for the
traditional character of Parliament. Sir Charles Dilke's defeat
in Chelsea was partly due to other than political reasons. In
Ireland two conspicuous Parnellites — Mr. Healy and Mr.
William O'Brien — who had held seats in Ulster, were thrown
out by the rising tide of Protestant and Unionist feeling in the
North ; but Mr. Sexton secured a seat in the Western Division
of Belfast, where the Catholic population is chiefly congregated.

The condition of Ireland, North and South, was the first
problem which confronted Lord Salisbury when, on Mr. Glad-
stone's prompt recognition of the verdict of the constituencies,
he had once more to form a Cabinet. The situation was alarm-
ing enough. Mr. Morley had predicted, and the spokesmen of
the National League had threatened, that, if the Home Rule
Bill were rejected, war would be declared on the British
Government in Ireland ; and it was to be expected that an
effort to make these menaces and prophecies come true would
not be wanting. The League had already been preparing for
action at the beginning of the year, but, in order to clear the
way for the passing of Mr. Gladstone's scheme, the organisers
exerted themselves, with considerable success, to restrain outrage
and disorder, and even to facilitate, for the time, the fulfilment
of contracts. The machinery of mischief, however, could not
be easily checked. Agrarian crime harassed Kerry and the
adjacent parts of Cork, Clare, and Limerick, and in other
districts attempts to obtain payment of rent by eviction, even
when several years' arrears were due, were forcibly resisted or
cruelly avenged.

The truce, so far as it was carried into effect, originated
partly in the desire of the League not to interfere with the
prospects of Mr. Gladstone's measures, and partly in the
paralysing fear which fell upon the landlords when it seemed
probable that they would be handed over to the mercies of a
Home Rule Government. Moreover, Mr. Morley's well-known
opinions and his language about evictions, accentuated by Sir
Robert Hamilton's position at the Castle, contributed to damp
the zeal of the magistracy and the constabulary in carrying
VOL. II X

306 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1886

out the law. The Under Secretary was in direct and constant
communication with those responsible for the peace of the
country, and the fact that, though a permanent official, he
had been publicly referred to again and again as an authority
on the side of Home Rule could not fail to affect those under
his orders.

In the North passions were still more inflamed. Un-
fortunately, the Protestant population, resolved not to be
handed over to the rule of the League, had caught fire at the
threats of the Parnellites that the police would be used to coerce
the opponents of Home Rule. The Ulster Liberals had to the
last refused to believe that Mr. Gladstone contemplated the
betrayal of the loyal province, but the discussions on the Bill
finally undeceived them, and almost all the Protestants, with
many of the better order of Roman Catholics, ranged themselves
thenceforward side by side with the Conservatives. In February
Lord Randolph Churchill had visited Belfast to assure the
Ulstermen of the sympathy of their fellow - citizens in Great
Britain, and had used language hypothetically justifying resist-
ance to a Government dominated by the League. On this
ground a far-fetched and uncandid criticism held him responsible
for the lamentable riots of the summer, but several months of
quietude intervened.

It was not until the very crisis of the Parliamentary struggle
that the rival mobs, Protestant and Catholic, of Belfast, long
notorious for violence and faction, broke out, after mutual
provocations, into conflicts almost approaching civil war. On
6th June the first street battle took place, but the Protestants
soon obtained the upper hand, and thenceforward, excited by a
deplorable and unfounded prejudice, they turned their obstinate
fury against the constabulary. The rioting and the attacks on the
police were repeatedly renewed during July ; and when Lord
Salisbury's Government came into otiice they had to deal with
a serious menace to order and property in Belfast. There could
be little doubt that the responsibility mainly rested on the
Protestant workmen, especially the shipwrights ; but it is also
clear that the local magistracy were weak and vacillating, that
the police were not at first discreetly managed and sometimes
got out of hand, and that the military might have been
employed with good effect before the disorder reached its
height.

1886 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 307

Lord Salisbury, on being called in by the Queen and requested
to form a Government, took counsel in the first instance with
the leaders of the Liberal Unionists. The negotiations were
brief, for it was found that, though there were no great
dividing questions, a coalition was, for the moment, impossible.
Owing mainly to the repugnance of his followers to enter into
a Government with the Conservatives, Lord Hartington felt
himself compelled to decline Lord Salisbury's magnanimous
offer to serve in a Ministry under him. The new Administra-
tion was, therefore, exclusively Conservative.

A meeting of the party was held a few days before the
meeting of Parliament at the Carlton Club, at which Lord
Salisbury's action was approved. Lord Randolph Churchill
became Chancellor of the Exchequer with the leadership of the
House of Commons, Lord Iddesleigh Foreign Secretary, and Sir
Michael Hicks-Beach Irish Secretary. More surprising was the
appointment of Mr. Matthews, the Conservative member for
Birmingham, to the Home Office. Mr. Matthews' re-election
was challenged by his former opponent, Mr. Alderman Cook,
and, in spite of the renewed pledges of support given to the
Government at a meeting of Liberal Unionists of both sections
at Devonshire House, it seemed, for a while, that the Unionist
alliance was in peril ; but, when it became clear to Mr. Cook
that the Radical Unionists in Birmingham would not support
him till he had thoroughly purged himself of his Gladstonian-
ism, he retired, rather ungraciously, from the field, and the
Home Secretary was returned unopposed, as were all the other
Ministers, except Mr. Ritchie, President of the Local Govern-
ment Board, who defeated his rash opponent in the Tower
Hamlets by nearly two to one.

The Separatist faction in Ireland made Lord Aberdeen's
departure from Dublin the pretext for a theatrical demonstration
of confidence in the Gladstonian party, but, in spite of the
organised enthusiasm of Irish mobs, there was no disposition
among the Parnellites to wait upon the restoration of Mr.
Gladstone's fallen fortunes. If they had been so inclined, they
were warned from the other side of the Atlantic that they
were expected to keep in touch with their paymasters. The
Chicago Convention, convened by the National League in
the United States, at which the representatives of the most
violent Irish -American revolutionists welcomed and dictated

308 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1886

a policy to Mr. Davitt, Mr. O'Brien, and Mr. Redmond,
announced before Mr. Parnell opened his parallels in the
debate on the Address the objects and methods of the coming
campaign.

While the Parnellites had been backing Mr. Gladstone, and
accordingly sustaining his contention that the Land Purchase
Bill provided ample security for the advance of many millions
by the Imperial Government, no attack had been made on
judicial tenancies in Ireland, which, indeed, the Bill treated as
unalterable. As soon, however, as Lord Salisbury came into
ofl&ce a loud outcry was raised against what were called " im-
possible rents," and a revision of the rental fixed by the Land
Court was demanded on the ground of a fall in agricultural
prices. This move, which was obviously designed, according
to the Chicago programme, to provoke a "rent war," was
openly aided or covertly encouraged by the Gladstonians ; and
the defeat of Mr. Parnell's Belief Bill was declared by the
opponents of the Government to be the certain beginning of
troubles in Ireland.

At the outset these sinister predictions were not verified.
The Government had begun by giving pledges of an energetic
course of action which had an immediate effect in Ireland.
Sir Michael Hicks-Beach sent down the Inspector-General of
Constabulary to Belfast with large reinforcements of soldiery as
well as police, and though the rioting was renewed for some
days, the spirit of disorder was finally got under. Mr. Morley,
before his resignation, had appointed a Commission of Inquiry,
which was enlarged and strengthened by his successor and
placed under the presidency of Mr. Justice Day. At the same
time other Commissions were announced — one to examine into
the material resources of Ireland, and another, over which Lord
Cowper was chosen to preside, to investigate the working of the
Land Acts, and the obstacles to the payment of rents.

The speeches of Mr. Gladstone and his colleagues in the
debate on the Address, chiming in curiously with the orders of
the Chicago Convention, were followed by Mr. Parnell's Bill,
the defeat of which was assured by the support given by the
Unionist Liberals to the Government, on the condition that the
law would be firmly enforced and the obligation of contracts
maintained. Nothing could be stronger than the language of
Lord Randolph Churchill and the Chief Secretary on this point ;

1886 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 309

and the selection of Sir Redvers Buller to organise and in-
vigorate the police in Kerry was accepted as a practical step
towards the fulfilment of the pledge. The results were visible
during September and the early part of October in the readiness
shown by tenants in paying their rent, very often in full, and
in the decline in numbers and influence of the League branches.
The Government had exhorted the landlords to be considerate
in the enforcement of their rights ; and, in almost all cases
where cause was shown, and in many where there was little
ground for indulgence, the advice was acted upon. The allega-
tion that the fall in prices had made judicial rents impossible
was refuted by the actual payments made.

The leaders of the League were dismayed at the turn of
aflFairs ; Mr. Parnell had absented himself from the field, and
some of his leading followers were for a long time silent. Mr.
Dillon, however, began, towards the close of October, to incite
the tenantry to refuse to pay rent unless they obtained whole-
sale reductions fixed by themselves, and a Plan of Campaign
was preached, of which the point was that, in case of the land-
lord's refusal to accept the tenants* terms, they should lodge the
amount offered with so-called trustees, who were to spend it in
supporting any farmers evicted in consequence of these measures.
The tenantry were, apparently, in no hurry to adopt these
hazardous tactics, and, if the belief that the Government would
enforce the law rigorously had still prevailed, it is probable that
the winter would have passed over quietly enough.

Unluckily the impression got abroad that the Executive, not
content with advising the landlords to forbearance, were exercis-
ing a " dispensing power," through Sir Redvers Buller and other
officers in similar positions ; and the peasantry were easily
persuaded, when rumours to this effect remained for a long
time uncontradicted, that, if the landlords refused the abate-
ments demanded, they would not have the aid of the Executive
in carrying out ejectments. Mr. Dillon's impunity in his open
incitement to what Lord Salisbury afterwards described as
" organised embezzlement " naturally fed the flame ; the Plan of
Campaign was advocated week after week, with increasing
audacity, in the Press and on the platform, and the populace
were assured that the Government had neither the power nor
the will to strike. The next step was to terrorise the jurors at
the winter assizes by public meetings and denunciatory articles.

310 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1886

Archbishop Walsh, in the name of his Church, blessed the
banners of the campaigners.

The removal of Sir Robert Hamilton from the Under-
Secretaryship, by his promotion to the Governorship of Tasmania,
was evidently necessary, since the popular belief in the weaken-
ing of the magistracy and the police could not fail to be
strengthened by the presence at the centre of affairs of a con-
spicuous advocate of surrender to the League. The attempt of
a few partisans to represent Sir Robert Hamilton's promotion
as an infraction of the rights of permanent officials under the
Crown was easily repelled by reference to the course taken
by Mr. Gladstone in Sir Edward Wetherall's case. The
Government intending to appoint a Parliamentary Under-
Secretary as soon as the consent of Parliament could be
obtained. Sir Robert Hamilton's post was only filled up ad
interim^ and Sir Redvers Buller was selected to fill it. It was
all the more to be regretted that the rumours as to the exercise
of a dispensing power in enforcing judicial decrees were not
more speedily confuted and any indiscretions of that sort
sharply rebuked. The masses quickly arrived at the conclusion
that the law could be set at nought by raising tumults and
frightening the Executive, and the Plan of Campaign was
preached with increasing vehemence by Mr. Dillon and others
animated by the same spirit, and threats were openly held over
the jurors at the coming winter assizes.

The Government at length interfered. Mr. Dillon, after
one of his most violent speeches, was brought before the Court
of Queen's Bench and called upon to give security for good
behaviour, and some meetings which were obviously intended
to coerce the juries were proclaimed. The proceedings, how-
ever, hung fire, and, meanwhile, Mr. Dillon repeated the offence,
and was even outdone by Mr. O'Brien, while Archbishop Walsh
reiterated his vindication of the Plan of Campaign and his
denunciation of the jury system. The judgment on Mr.
Dillon's case, exacting bail for £1000 from himself and two
sureties, was of less importance than the distinct declaration of
the judges that the Plan of Campaign was an illegal and
criminal conspiracy.

The Executive immediately acted on this authoritative
interpretation of the law. The police made a descent upon the
rent-receiving agitators at Loughrea, seized a part of the money

1886 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 311

paid over by the tenants, and summoned Mr. Dillon and several
of his colleagues before the magistrates. This step, which
alarmed the tenants, was followed up by a proclamation of
the Lords Justices declaring the Plan of Campaign illegal and
criminal, and threatening prosecutions against all concerned in
it. Mr. Dillon and the other leaders of the League were, at
the same time, cited to appear to answer a charge of conspiracy
carried on in Dublin, of which the Plan of Campaign was the
outcome. Proceedings in this matter are at present pending,
but meanwhile Mr. Parnell, who has been ill, has reappeared
in London, and has astonished the world by affirming that he
knows nothing of the Plan of Campaign and suspends judgment
upon it. His statement has been received with significantly
cold silence by the agitators. The result is that, though the
Plan is said to be worked surreptitiously, the tenantry are
careful not to commit themselves to it until they see whether
or not the law is to be reinforced. In this respect the proceed-
ings at the Winter Assizes, where juries disagreed or acquitted
in many cases where the presumption of guilt was strong, cannot
be called encouraging.

The open attacks of the party of disorder in Ireland on the
institution of property and the authority of law produced a
considerable effect upon English opinion, but not at all that
which the Separatists had anticipated. They had hoped that
the prospect of anarchy in Ireland would drive the Liberal
Unionists, not into supporting stern measures for the suppression
of outrage and fraud, but into making terms with the League
on the basis of Mr. Gladstone's plan. Mr. Gladstone himself,
since his overthrow at the elections, had done nothing to open
the door for reconciliation, and while sometimes pleading
vaguely for reunion he had always shown that the Liberal
opponents of his Bill must come back, if at all, submitting
themselves to the general principles of his policy and to the
alliance with the Parnellites. Moreover, the pamphlet which
he published when he started on a visit to Bavaria during the
autumn session, and his speech when he received the depu-
tation from the Irish Corporations at Hawarden soon after the
prorogation, revealed his persistent brooding over his newly-
developed ideas, over the iniquity of the Union, over the
tendencies in favour of Separation, not in Ireland alone, but in
England, Scotland, and Wales, and the impossibility of up-

312 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1886

holding law and order among the Irish people except by
surrender to the League. His colleagues generally followed
his lead. Lord Spencer, Sir William Harcourt, and Mr. Morley
invited the Liberal Unionists to return to their allegiance,
mocked at the absurdity of maintaining the Unionist alliance
in Parliament, and pointed with triumph to the difficulties of
the Irish Government, but they said no word to repudiate the
extravagances of Mr. Gladstone's latest theories or the conduct
of his allies of the League.

At a conference of Gladstonian caucuses held at Leeds the
Home Rule flag was deliberately nailed to the mast, and, though
Mr. Morley afterwards intimated that the details were open to
discussion, it was clear that the central provisions in Mr. Glad-
stone's Bill — establishing an Irish Parliament and an Irish
Executive — would be retained, as, indeed, they must be, if the
Parnellites were not to be cut loose.

The historical arguments on which Mr. Gladstone so much
relied had been completely demolished by Lord Brabourne, and
the constitutional case against Home Rule was opportunely
restated by Professor Dicey in a work of singular moderation,
lucidity, and logical force. Public opinion was ripening for a
vigorous protest, and the conference of the Liberal Unionists
held in London on the 7 th Inst, displayed even a greater
enthusiasm among the rank and file than among the leaders.
The attitude of the leaders, however, was uncompromisingly
firm. Lord Hartington, Lord Selborne, Lord Derby, Lord
Northbrook, Mr. Goschen, Sir Henry James, Sir George Trevel-
yan, and many others spoke out eloquently and manfully
against the attempt to drag Liberalism through the mire at the
tail of the National League. Even the mischiefs of the Home
Rule policy to which the Gladstonians were committed excited
less disgust than the tolerance of the tactics of spoliation in
Ireland, which some Radical politicians openly favoured and
from which others conveniently averted their eyes. This con-
demnation was expressed with peculiar earnestness in a letter
from Mr. Bright, and Lord Hartington's challenge to Mr. Glad-
stone to declare whether he was on the side of the law or on
that of the League was cheered to the echo. Some influential
Gladstonians now began to protest that in supporting Home Rule
they had no thought of abetting lawlessness and plunder, and
the hardening of Conservative statesmanship, which was not a

1886 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 313

little needed, was observable, immediately after the Unionist
gathering, in Lord Salisbury's speech in the City.

Thus matters stood when the political world was convulsed
by the unexpected news of Lord Randolph Churchill's resigna-
tion. It was known that he and some of his colleagues were
not agreed as to the details of the coming Local Government
Bill, but that question had not been thoroughly discussed, and
the ground which the Chancellor of the Exchequer chose for
breaking up the Unionist Ministry was quite different. Aiming
at a reduction of taxation to be disclosed in his budget, he
refused, as Chancellor of the Exchequer, to be responsible for
raising the money required for the army and navy, though,
it is understood, the estimates will show no extraordinary
increase.

In the alarming state of Europe and the disturbed condition
of Ireland, Lord Salisbury had no choice. He was bound to
stand by what the War Office and the Admiralty declared to
be indispensable, and Lord Randolph Churchill accordingly
resigned. The loss of the Ministerial leader in the House of
Commons threw public business out of gear and seriously
weakened the Government. Lord Salisbury, therefore, turned
once more to Lord Hartington and the Liberal Unionists and
renewed the self-sacrificing offers he had made in the summer.
A period of suspense followed, while Lord Hartington's return
from Rome was awaited ; but the immediate formation of a
Coalition Ministry was prevented by the protest of the Con-
servative rank and file. The Ministry must therefore for the
present be reconstructed on purely party lines. Lord Hartington
continuing to support them from outside.

The Irish controversy so completely overshadowed all other
questions of domestic politics that the record of political events
exclusively connected with Great Britain is somewhat meagre.
The effect of agitation in Ireland was traceable, however, in
Scotland and Wales, and even in England. The agrarian Mar-
fare which had already broken out in the Highlands and Islands
was carried on by fits and starts, and it was with difficulty that
the police, sometimes aided by the military, maintained the
authority of the law in Skye and elsewhere. The passing of
the Crofters Bill in the earlier session of this year failed to
satisfy a peasantry among whom extravagant hopes had been
aroused. The law was forcibly resisted in Tiree, and resistance

314 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1886

was justified by a certain number of Scotcb members in the
House of Commons, who subsequently resumed the agitation
out of doors, denouncing the conviction of the ringleaders in
the disturbances, and proclaiming the destruction of landlordism
as their object.

Early in the year Mr. Davitt, in the interests of Irish
Separatism, had begun to sow the seed of a land war in Wales,
and his doctrines, though they made little way at the time,
were soon fertilised by contact with the zeal of the Noncon-
formist ministers for the overthrow of the Church and with the
spirit of bastard nationality fostered by Mr. Gladstone. Out of
these elements sprang the movement against tithes, which,
originating in Denbighshire, spread to many other parts of
the Principality, and, in a mitigated form, to some English
districts.

In England, happily, disintegrating tendencies found little
foothold. The agitations against the Church and the land-
owners visibly lost ground, and the behaviour of Mr. Gladstone's
Irish allies operated upon English Radicalism rather as a
deterrent than as an incentive. Consequently, , the transfer of
power from Mr. Gladstone to Lord Salisbury was regarded with
equanimity by the people at large, especially when it was seen
that the Unionist alliance had not only toned down the extreme
opinions of its Liberal section, but had enlarged the narrow
views of its Conservative section.

Lord Randolph Churchill's speech at Dartford after the pro-
rogation announced a policy of reform so comprehensive and
progressive as almost to take the old Tories' breath away.
Parliamentary procedure, local government and taxation, land
transfer, the incidence of tithes, the provision of allotments, and
half a dozen other subjects of great importance, were to be dealt
with in a generous and enterprising spirit. The Gladstonians
at once raised the cry that the Government were " stealing the
brooms ready-made " ; but a more serious protest arose on the
other side. Mr. Chaplin expressed the repugnance of a large
section of the Conservatives to the proposal for closing debate
by a bare majority of the House, which the Chancellor of the
Exchequer apparently favoured. In one or two subsequent
speeches the latter watered down in some degree the Radicalism
of his other projects, but did not show any sign of yielding
upon the closure. The Prime Minister and some of his

1886 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 315

colleagues spoke with more qualification and doubt, and among
the Conservative rank and file there was much murmuring.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer excited not less discontent
among the rear-guard of his party by his endeavours to establish
his credit for economic orthodoxy, and to obliterate the memory
of certain of his performances in Opposition. He dealt with
finance in his recess speeches with almost rigid purism, and his
refusal of the request of the Metropolitan Board of Works to
assist in obtaining a renewal of the coal and wine dues was
conceived quite in Mr. Gladstone's manner. But no one was
prepared for the exaggerated assertion of the claims of retrench-
ment, which, as we have said, he made the foundation of his
quarrel with his colleagues and their estimates.

The Postmaster-General, also pursuing a strictly economic
policy, was exposed to sharp criticism when he terminated the
contracts for the Atlantic mail service with the Cunard and
White Star Lines, and introduced a more open system, giving a^
share of the business to the North German Lloyd's boats touch-
ing at Southampton, and thus arousing the wrath of Liverpool
and Ireland.

For the rest, many burning questions were temporarily
extinguished by the Royal Commissions appointed at the close
of the autumn session. Lord Cowper and his colleagues were
at work upon the Irish agrarian problem, and a smaller
Commission had to deal with the development of the industrial
resources of Ireland. To a third set of Commissioners was
assigned the group of questions connected with the currency
which had been forced upon the attention of the State by the
fall in the value of silver, and to a fourth the organisation and
working of the great spending departments. The condition of
the army and navy, which Mr. Childers pronounced to be
incomparable in January, was soon admitted to be, in respect
of armament, mat^rielj and stores, very far from satisfactory.
Bayonets and swords of soft metal and cheap German manu-
facture, rifles and Catlings that "jammed" in action, and heavy
ordnance subject to the risk of bursting from structural defects
or careless handling did not show an efficient state of prepara-
tion for war, and though Colonel Hope's charges of official
corruption were not found to be based on any trustworthy or
even tangible evidence, it was clear that a thorough overhauling
of the departments was necessary.

316 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1886

The gravest problems, however, of domestic politics, though
not the most conspicuous, were those connected with the labour
market and the revolutionary propaganda among the working
classes. Throughout the year the cry of the unemployed was
loudly heard, and it was turned to their own purposes by
agitators imitating the Socialists and Anarchists of the Conti-
nent, and encouraged by the menacing attacks on capital in
France, Belgium, and the United States. The Social Demo-
cratic Federation, a body headed by Mr. Hyndman and other
notorious fanatics, assumed the right — which ought never to
have been admitted, even by implication — of negotiating on
equal terms with the police and the Government in the name
of the unemployed. A demonstration organised by this body
brought together in Trafalgar Square on the 8th of February a
crowd of roughs and criminals, as well as some sincere believers
in the saving virtues of spoliation and anarchy.

The moment was well chosen for mischief. Lord Salisbury's
Government had resigned and Mr. Gladstone's had nominally
entered upon office, but Mr. Childers was not yet installed at
the Home Office, and Sir Edmund Henderson, the Chief
Commissioner of Police, either was ignorant of the danger or
provided inadequately for meeting it. After inflammatory
speeches from the leading agitators the excited mob was allowed
to drift in a strong tide through Pall Mall and St. James's
Street, smashing the windows of obnoxious clubs, and thence
into Hyde Park and some of the principal streets of the West
End, where jewellers' shops and others were looted, ladies and
gentlemen hustled and robbed, and a panic created which lasted
for many days. When at last the police were brought on the
scene in force, they put an end easily enough to the rioting and
plundering. Sir Edmund Henderson's resignation of his post
was the natural result of the riots, of which the damage, under
a special statute, was borne by the metropolitan ratepayers, and
of the inquiries of a Committee appointed to investigate the
affair, before which the Chief Commissioner appeared as a
witness. Sir Charles Warren, distinguished for his services in
South Africa, became Sir Edmund Henderson's successor, and
had to carry out the changes in the organisation of the London
police recommended by another Committee.

A prosecution had been instituted, meanwhile, against the
ringleaders of the Socialist agitation, but it was conducted in

1886 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 317

sucli a manner that the public believed the new Attorney-
General, Sir Charles Russell, to be " riding for a fall," and were
not astonished at the acquittal of the prisoners. The agitators
at once renewed their attacks, and, as the winter approached,
their declamation, backed by the sympathies of a good many
soft-hearted and soft-headed people, was echoed by the demand
" that something should be done," and various plans for relief
funds and so forth were set on foot. Common sense, fortunately,
entered an opportune and effectual protest against the cry for
hasty and inconsiderate remedies for a grossly exaggerated
evil.

The Socialists, however, were determined to thrust themselves
forward as the champions of the poor, and, emulating the Irish
agitators, whose success statesmen of Mr. Morley's school had
recognised almost as the working of a law of nature, they coolly
proposed to organise a procession in the streets concurrently
with the Lord Mayor's Show on the 9th of November. Sir
James Fraser, the City Commissioner of Police, condescended
at first to argue with the faction of disorder, and to point out
the dangers of a collision with the crowds of sightseers ; but the
mischievous project, which reminded Londoners too forcibly of
the riots of February, was not abandoned until it had been
peremptorily forbidden. Then a demonstration in Trafalgar
Square was planned, but was prohibited by Sir Charles Warren.
A very strong force of police was assembled near the Square
and the Household Cavalry were held in readiness for contin-
gencies ; but though large crowds assembled, they were not
allowed to come in contact with the civic procession. Some
speeches were delivered at the foot of' Nelson's Column in
defiance of the proclamation. The mob, however, including
evidently many dangerous elements, was broken and scattered
as it left the Square and was not permitted to move westward
in threatening masses. This was the last serious attempt of
the Socialists to coerce "the classes." A subsequent meeting
in Hyde Park was a dismal failure and later threats have come
to nothing.

The effect of the Home Rule controversy was traceable in
quite another direction, by way not of emulation, but of reaction.
The movement in favour of drawing closer the bonds of union
between the mother country and her dependencies beyond the
seas made rapid strides forward from the region of theory into

318 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1886

that of practice. The Imperial Federation League convened a
very successful and enthusiastic conference soon after the meet-
ing of Parliament, and though the projects debated were still
somewhat vague, and agreement in matters of detail was
judiciously left to be settled in the future, the discussion fixed
public attention on questions too long ignored. The necessity
of making better provision for the naval and military defence
of the outlying portions of the Empire was no longer contested
in principle, either in or out of Parliament, and Lord Granville
himself was moved, at a banquet to Mr. Murray Smith, the
retiring Agent-General of Victoria, to express his warm sympathy
with Imperial unity.

The progress of Imperialist ideas was quickened by the
popular success of the Colonial and Indian Exhibition at South
Kensington, which brought home to the minds of the masses
the vast extent and the inexhaustible resources of the Empire.
Complaint was made, however, that the Exhibition had been
allowed to degenerate into a big showplace and miscellaneous
garden party, and that the interests of the colonists had been
in many respects neglected and set at nought. 3ut the central
conception could not be wholly smothered by administrative
blunders and the levity of pleasure-seekers, and the presence in
London of a great number of distinguished public men from the
colonies led to further and more important developments of a
practical Imperialism. It was a happy thought to select as one
of the achievements of the Queen's Jubilee year the foundation
of an Imperial Institute permanently representing the interests
of all the dependencies of the Crown and especially forwarding
trade with the mother country.

The risk, which at one time seemed rather serious, that this
important movement, headed as it was by the Prince of Wales,
would be perverted into a mere stereotyped copy of the South
Kensington Show was happily averted by the intervention of
public opinion. The report of the Committee appointed to
frame a scheme is animated by a higher ideal. Another con-
sequence of this stirring of the national mind was seen in the
acceptance in principle by Ministers of the suggestion, put
forward by the Imperial Federation League, that the colonies
should be invited to confer, through their representatives, with
the Home Government on the means of common defence, the
mails, postal and telegraphic communications, and similar

1886 ^ ANNUAL SUMMARIES 319

subjects. The Speech from the throne at the close of the
second session of Parliament promised that negotiations would
be opened up with the Colonial Governments, and the arrange-
ments for the conference to be held in the spring have been
lately made public. The movement for closer union has been
obstructed by local jealousies. In Australia, where the colonies
had been empowered by Imperial statute to form a loose federal
union. New South Wales stood aloof from her neighbours ; and
the other States, though entering cordially into the federal
negotiations, were by no means satisfied with the action of the
Home Government in restraining the advance of other European
Powers in the New Hebrides and New Guinea.

India, also, remained internally undisturbed. The long-
protracted delimitation of the Afghan frontier from time to
time revived alarmist speculations. Although its task was not
absolutely completed, the Commission under Sir West Ridge way
was withdrawn. The occupation of Burmah proved a more
serious task than had been generally anticipated. On New
Year's Day the annexation was formally proclaimed ; but our
difficulties were only beginning when the British troops and the
civil authorities were installed at Mandalay. The country was
to be conquered in detail, and after twelve months of toil and
struggle the work is not yet complete. Lord Dufferin himself
visited Burmah in February, and it was hoped that the civil
administration under Sir Charles Bernard and the military
under General Prendergast would quickly restore order.

The hope was not realised. Insurgent tribes and shadowy
pretenders in the hills or swamps and on the frontier harassed
the army, while the dacoits, or gang-robbers, swept the country
wherever the troops were not in force, and even soared to the
audacity of sacking and burning a part of Mandalay. Other
calamities followed, of which the most serious was the inunda-
tion of the city, involving much loss of life and property, by
the bursting of a neglected embankment The situation was
further complicated by the death of Sir Herbert Macpherson,
who had taken command of the troops in Upper Burmah, and
it was then determined that the Indian Commander-in-Chief,
Sir Frederick Roberts, should be sent in person to strive to
unravel the tangled web of brigandage, disaffection, and
rebellion. The task has proceeded slowly, but already good
progress has been made.

320 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1886

Our relations with China, in this quarter, were regulated by
a convention, concluded by Lord Rosebery just before he left
the Foreign Office, which conceded two points to the Chinese
Government. The recognition of formal suzerainty by the
decennial mission to Pekin was continued, and the mission of
Mr. Macaulay to Tibet, for which permission had been previously
obtained, was abandoned. China, however, gave up her claim
to Bhamo, and promised to open the trade with Yunnan, as
well as, more vaguely, to take steps to promote the opening
of the Tibetan trade with India.

The restlessness of Russia and France has been an important
factor in Chinese policy, though of late both Powers have been
less active in the East. The settlement of the Tonquin frontier
by the Delimitation Commissioners is proceeding slowly but
steadily, and the enterprises of Russia in Corea have been so
far laid aside that the British Government have considered it
not imprudent to make arrangements for the surrender of Port
Hamilton, acquired in the previous year, to the charge of the
Chinese. The pretensions of France to a protectorate of the
Roman Catholics in China led, in the case of the Peh-tang
Cathedral, to direct negotiations between the Pekin Government
and the Vatican and the practical exclusion of French influence
from this branch of affairs.

The governing fact in European politics during the year has
been the restlessness of Russia and France. The possibility of
an alliance between two ambitious and unsatisfied Powers was
always present to Prince Bismarck's mind, and gave a bent to
the policy of Germany, dragging Austria-Hungary along with
her, which seemed ol^herwise unnatural and inexplicable. In
Russia, so far as it was possible for the outer world to discover,
the policy of the State was the creation of the perverse caprices
of the Czar ; but in France weakness and levity at home,
affecting all parties and the whole frame of government, pro-
duced disquietude abroad. M. de Freycinet's return to office,
after M. Gravy's re-election and the resignation of M. Brisson,
was looked upon as an attempt to renew the politique de bascule^
but it soon appeared that this Ministry, like those which had
gone before, would be compelled to pay a fatal tribute to the
demands of the Extremists. M. de Freycinet came in with
promises of retrenchment as well as reform and peace ; he was
to abolish the floating debt, and yet add nothing to the funded

1886 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 321

debt, while General Boulanger and Admiral Aube were to
reduce largely the cost of army and navy, though increasing
the strength of France for offence and defence.

Radicalism, however, was bent on other objects. M. Roche-
fort's Amnesty Bill, indeed, fell through, as did the first pro-
posal for the expulsion of the Princes ; but the Government
were soon forced to enter on the same path. Meanwhile the
attitude of Ministers towards the Anarchists and Communists
was unpleasantly illustrated during the discussion on the alarm-
ing labour conflicts of the winter and spring, especially the
strike of the iron -miners against the Decazeville Company.
Without apologising for such infamous crimes as the murder of
M. Watrin the Government hinted their disapproval of the
conduct of capitalists and their reluctance to use force for the
vindication of law. At the same time, the protest addressed to
the President by the Archbishop of Paris showed how deep was
the irritation of all Roman Catholics at the petty persecutions
identified with Republicanism.

Pressed by M. Cl^menceau's rivalry in the Chamber and by
the bullying of the Paris Radicals established at the H6tel de
Ville, M. de Freycinet at length adopted the principle of the
Expulsion proposal. The pretext chosen was that the Comte
de Paris had held a gathering of his adherents on the occasion
of his daughter's marriage, which was ridiculously described as
evidence of an " occult " and " rival " Government casting its
shadow over the Republic. The Bill, absurd and unjust as it
was, passed without much difficulty, though both in the Chamber
and the Senate the evils of such legislation were effectively
exposed. All the heirs to the rights or claims of those who
had reigned in France since the Revolution were driven into
exile. The Comte de Paris quitted the country with calm
dignity, while Prince Napoleon took the opportunity of firing
a parting shot in a scathing review of Republican policy. The
Due d'Aumale was the next victim. He had protested — no
doubt, irregularly — in a letter to M. Gr^vy, against the treat-
ment of officers of unpopular opinions by General Boulanger,
the Minister of War, and the latter, in denouncing his censor,
was so unlucky as to forget that he had placed on record his
personal obligations to the Duke.

General Boulanger's denial of his own handwriting did not,
strange to say, interfere with the growth of his popularity

VOL. II Y

322 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1886

among the masses. His boastful attitude, reproduced in
caricature or eulogy in countless broadsheets, was taken as
substantial proof that the French army was eager for war, and
his hint that France was ready to resume the offensive was
seriously discussed in every European capital.

It was significant that an outcry was raised against England
in the French Press, and that several causes of quarrel, great
and small, were, on a sudden, brought prominently into view
just at the moment when Russian projects in the Balkans were
ripening. The alliance of Russia with France did not become
a reality, and the French insistence on the evacuation of Egypt
by England was left unsupported, while Germany had taken
grave umbrage at the increase of the French army and the
revived cry for the revanche. The debates on the Budget
showed both vacillation of purpose and confusion of thought
in the Government and the Chambers, and the state of things
laid bare by M. Sadi-Carnot was sufficiently alarming to the
tax -paying bourgeoisie and peasantry. M. de Freycinet's colonial
policy was not more satisfactory than his finance and his
European diplomacy. Tonquin, for which increasing credits
were demanded, had developed only a trifling trade, and had
cost the country the life of M. Paul Bert. The Madagascar
Treaty, paraded a year before as a diplomatic triumph and a
final settlement of a costly and protracted controversy, has
turned out to be only a new subject of dispute, France re-
pudiating the Appendix defining the terms of the main instru-
ment and the Hova Government refusing to abandon that
security for their reserved right of freedom from internal
interference.

In these circumstances M. de Freycinet, not unnaturally,
slipped out of office on an adverse resolution of the Chamber
which was not meant as a vote of want of confidence. His
successor was found in M. Goblet, one of the most colourless of
his colleagues, who put together as best he could the fragments
of M. de Freycinet's Cabinet, including General Boulanger, but
was driven, after meeting with refusals in various quarters
among tried statesmen and diplomatists, to bestow the portfolio
of Foreign Affairs on M. Flourens, a respectable and obscure
official of the Council of State.

The ineptitude of French politics ought, it may be supposed,
to have tranquillised Germany, but Prince Bismarck seems to

1886 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 323

have thought the numbers of the French array, the vapouring
of General Boulanger, and the advances towards Russia more
worthy of consideration than the intestine divisions, the financial
embarrassments, and the unstable Government of France.
German policy was obviously guided by a desire to prevent
Russia from drawing nearer to France, and, doubtless for this
reason, the two central Empires have allowed the Czar to go
dangerously far in a course menacing to the peace of Europe
and the objects of the Imperial alliance.

The sullen resistance of Russia was the only obstacle to the
settlement of the Bulgarian question after the defeat of the
Servians and the suspension of hostilities ; but the opening
year found that resistance unbroken, the Russian Government
opposing the union of Bulgaria and Eastern Roumelia under
Prince Alexander, and insisting on the restoration of the status
quo ante according to the strict letter of the Berlin Treaty.
This was seen by the other Powers to be impracticable, but it
was still possible to obstruct the formation of a strong Bulgarian
State, independent of Russian influences, by organised delays
and by forcing the Prince into a position of ridiculous impotence.
With this object the provision of the Treaty declaring that the
Governor-General of Eastern Roumelia was to be nominated by
the Porte, with the assent of the Powers, for five years, was
enforced on the demand of Russia, and in spite of the remon-
strances of England, Austria, and Italy. The Prince refused
to acquiesce in conditions which made, and were intended to
make, the union of the provinces a precarious one ; but ulti-
mately the representatives of the Powers signed the agreement
on this basis.

Meanwhile, intrigues had been going on which threatened
serious disturbances in Macedonia, and which it was feared
might at any moment reopen the whole Eastern question. The
Greek Government, under M. Delyannis, put forward a monstrous
demand to be indemnified for the Bulgarian union, and that
at the cost of Turkey. For some months Europe was kept in
a ferment by preposterous pretensions and absurd armaments.

In France alone did the Greeks meet with any encourage-
ment, for even Philhellenic sentimentalism in this country
promptly recognised the fact that M. Delyannis was playing
with a match in a powder magazine. Before Lord Salisbury
went out of ofiice Mr. Gladstone, in answer to an appeal from

324 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1886

the Demarch of Athens, condemned the inopportune movements
of Greek ambition, and when the Liberals came in Lord
Kosebery's influence was exerted most strenuously — though not
without opposition, it was believed, from Mr. Chamberlain, who
had previously championed the Hellenic claims with more zeal
than discretion — to put an end to a situation of grave peril.
Turkey was compelled to guard her frontier against the Greek
army which had been recklessly summoned to the field ; and
a collision which would have set Macedonia, and indeed the
whole Peninsula, in a flame, was averted only by extraordinary
good fortune. Diplomacy moved slowly, and the tortuous
policy of France multiplied delays, but at length the contumacious
evasions of M. Delyannis drove the Powers to withdraw their
Ministers from Athens and to send a squadron to blockade the
Greek ports. M. Delyannis then resigned and left it to others
to deal with the difficulties and the discredit in which his
policy had involved his country. A Cabinet, formed by M.
Tricoupis, took office to carry out disarmament, and not at all
too soon ; for serious conflicts between Greek and Turkish troops
occurred at the last moment in the borderland.

This troubled state of affairs inevitably bred disquietude
among the Bulgarians, nor was their alarm abated by the
warlike manifesto of the Czar to the Black Sea fleet, and by
the patriotic addresses of Kussian societies and municipalities
reminding him of the national aspiration to plant the cross on
St. Sophia. Among the Bulgarians and Eoumelians Eussian
and Montenegrin emissaries were busy, urging that no real and
lasting union could be hoped for till they were rid of Prince
Alexander. Plots followed, of which the most alarming was
detected and defeated at Bourgas in May, for overthrowing the
Government and kidnapping and killing the Prince. These
and similar events may be traced, according to a statement
made some months later in the Hungarian Delegation by Count
Eugen Zichy, to a secret treaty which was concluded in
Montenegro during the summer of 1885, aiming at the removal
of King Milan and Prince Alexander and the partition of the
Balkan States among the family of Prince Nicholas and the
Kara^eorgevitch Pretenders.

The allegiance of the Bulgarians, however, was not shaken.
The elections to the Sobranje in June showed a great National
majority led by M. Karaveloff, while the Kussian party, under

1886 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 325

M. Zankoff, were completely outnumbered. The latter carried
on the fight with the poisoned weapons of calumny, bribery,
and intrigue, and with the aid of foreign gold they were able
to bring over to their side a considerable number of oJ5icers and
two or three regiments. While the menacing reserve of Kussia
and the sinister activity of the Zankoffists depressed the spirit
of the Bulgarians, the plot ripened. Europe was startled towards
the close of August by the news that the Prince had been
surrounded at night in his palace at Sofia by a body of bribed
or disaffected troops, had been seized by a gang of violent
oflicers, had been compelled to sign something purporting to be
an abdication, and had been spirited secretly away to some un-
known destination. It then became known that he had been
put on board one of his own steamers, commanded by a Kussian
ofl&cer, on the Danube, and carried straightway to Reni Eussi,
in Bessarabia, where the Russian authorities declined either
to keep him in custody or to allow him to cross the river to
Roumanian territory. Orders presently arrived from St. Peters-
burg that he was to be sent to Germany through Russia. He
was exposed to insult on the way, but when he passed into
Austrian territory was enthusiastically welcomed. At Lemberg
the Prince learned by telegraph that the conspiracy at Sofia had
collapsed, and set out at once on his return journey amid the
congratulations of Poles, Roumanians, and Germans. Im-
mediately after the capture of the Prince, Zankoff and the
other plotters had proclaimed a provisional Government,
audaciously joining the names of the leaders of the National
party with their own. The people were perplexed and doubt-
ful, but they were easily undeceived. Colonel Mutkuroff and
the best part of the army declared against the conspirators, and,
after a vain attempt of Zankoff, aided by his confidant, the
Metropolitan Clement, to establish a thoroughly pro -Russian
Government, they submitted or fled, and the Prince was once
more proclaimed by the voice of the nation. His reception, on
his return from Lemberg, was impressive and touching, but
it was found that, if the masses and the soldiery were true,
the officers and the clergy could not be trusted. After the
failure of her partisans, Russia, it was clear, would work all
the more by menace and intrigue to reverse the judgment of
events.

The Prince made a last appeal, humble and almost abject in

326 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1886

its submissiveness, to the Czar, and the Czar replied in language
at once insulting and implacable, intimating that he could not
tolerate the conduct of the Bulgarian people in adhering to their
legitimate ruler and chosen chief. Thereupon Prince Alexander
formally signed his abdication and, committing his powers to
the charge of a Regency consisting of the National leaders
Stambouloff, Mutkuroff, and Karaveloff, he left the country
amid the lamentations of his subjects. The Regents — of whom
M. Karaveloff, generally suspected of complicity in the recent
plots, afterwards ceased to be one — had no difficulty in restoring
a fair measure of order, and the elections for a new Sobranje
were quietly completed in spite of the most extraordinary
provocations.

General Kaulbars, the Russian Envoy, began a course of
proceeding towards the Bulgarians to the like of which no
independent community had been subjected in time of peace
since the days of Napoleon. He threatened, scolded, presented
dictatorial notes, insisted on the release of prisoners accused of
treason and other crimes, and produced the universal impression
that he desired to provoke the Bulgarians to some act of violence
which would justify the interference of Russia. The Bulgarian
Government acted with admirable prudence and firmness, and
General Kaulbars succeeded only in moving sometimes the
indignation and sometimes the laughter of Europe. At length
he retired worsted from the field, and Russia, owing to diplo-
matic pressure, was forced to content herself with opposing the
election of Prince Waldemar of Denmark and of any other
elegible candidate for the vacant Princedom. Her own candidate,
a Prince of Mingrelia in the Caucasus, never received any
support from the Bulgarians, whose Delegates have lately
travelled around the European capitals to explain why they
cannot accept as their ruler a subject and creature of the Czar.
Yet the Russian veto has sufficed to extinguish the chances of
Prince Ferdinand of Coburg, to whom the Delegates had made
an informal offer, and the German Government, for reasons of
its own, is apparently using its influence to induce the Bulgarians
to make submission to Russia.

The issue of the singular conflict carried on in Bulgaria was
dependent on forces at work elsewhere. The arrogance of
Russia and the fall of Prince Alexander were directly due to
the cynical attitude of Germany and, in a less degree, of Austria-

1886 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 327

Hungary. In those countries the calculated and proclaimed
indifference of the Governments to the politics of the Balkans
was at first reflected by public opinion, but the outrage at Sofia,
the pranks of General Kaulbars, and the imperious contempt of
the Czar for the autonomy of Russia's former clients wrought
a change. Pesth, Vienna, and Berlin in succession protested
indignantly against conduct which was assumed to be sheltered
by the Dreikaiserbund, and in Austria-Hungary it was openly
argued that the German alliance was not enough to cover the
cost of these humiliations and sacrifices.

In England and in Italy the public were equally outspoken.
To France Bulgarian liberties were as nothing compared with
the chance of a good understanding with Russia. But Turkey
was Russia's most serviceable tool, and Gadban Pasha, the
Sultan's Envoy, was as active as General Kaulbars himself in
striving to induce the Regency to make submission to the
Czar. Throughout Europe, however, excluding France and
Russia, not only was public opinion hotly indignant, but the
most calculating of statesmen were becoming alive to the
political dangers of the Czar's reckless career. Prince Bismarck
had been willing to give Russia, to a great extent, a "free
hand" in order to lessen the chances of a Russo- French
alliance, but he had to face the question whether, even to
secure this object, Germany could afford to be drawn apart
from Austria.

The Hungarians, first of all, and then the Austrian Germans,
took alarm at the designs of Russia, now clearly revealed, and
independent German opinion quickly became convinced that the
two Empires could not be indifferent to Russian domination
on the Lower Danube and in the Balkans. The semi-ofl&cial
Press at Berlin, was even permitted to censure and satirise
General Kaulbars. But the Governments were still silent.
No voice of authority had been raised in Europe to protest
publicly against the oppression of Bulgaria when Lord Salisbury
spoke at the Guildhall on Lord Mayor's Day. His language,
though temperate and reserved, was plain. A Russian occupation
of Bulgaria, which the Czar's Government had disavowed, would
not be endured ; but, though England would not take the
initiative, which properly belonged to Austria, the Power
immediately concerned, she would, if necessary, stand by
Austria in defence of treaties and European freedom. Mr.

328 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1886

Gladstone, at the same time, apologised, in his peculiar manner,
for not intervening before in favour of Bulgaria, condemning
not less distinctly than Lord Salisbury, though much less
emphatically, the dictation of Russia and her agents.

The meeting of the Hungarian and Austrian Delegations
followed hard upon the Guildhall speech, and Count Kalnoky,
pressed by Count Andrassy and Count Zichy, who made the
statement already referred to regarding the Secret Partition
Treaty, declared that Austria would not tolerate a Russian
occupation of Bulgaria, and was confident that the logic of
events must retain Germany as ultimate surety for Austrian
interests in any possible struggle. The German Government
maintained a significant silence, but Count Robilant, the
Foreign Minister of Italy, declared in the most uncompromising
language that his Government would uphold respect for treaties
and would maintain and, if necessary, develop the understanding
with Austria and England. General Kaulbars, meanwhile,
had withdrawn with words of menace and insult judiciously
ignored by the Bulgarians, who have managed to exist ever
since without the light of the presence of Bussian Consular
officials. If, however, the weight of German influence is to
be thrown into the scale in favour of Russia, Austria and
Bulgaria will be left to face a dangerous storm. Germany, it
seems, is palsied with alarm at the near prospect of a desperate
European struggle for mastery, and her tendencies towards the
Russian alliance have been confirmed by the blow Lord
Randolph Churchill has dealt at the stability of the English
Government.

It is probable that the decided attitude of Italy was due,
at least in part, to the bitterness which has grown up of late
years between the Italians and the French. When France
endeavoured to obtain Italian aid in forcing England out of
Egypt, the recollection that France had accomplished in Tunis
more than all that she charged England with plotting to
accomplish on the Nile settled the matter so far as Italy was
concerned. The criticisms of M. Waddington were met by
Lord Salisbury and Lord Iddesleigh with the obvious answer
that our occupation of Egypt would come to an end when the
task we had undertaken was finished, when a stable and pros-
perous Government was founded, and when neither anarchy
nor foreign intervention was to be feared.

1886 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 329

The negotiations between Sir Henry Drummond Wolff and
the Ottoman Commissioner, Mukhtar Pasha, were prolonged
during the year without reaching a satisfactory conclusion.
The demands at first put forward by Turkey for the control
of the army were quite impracticable, looking at the fact that
the Turks have always longed to regain their dominion in
Egypt which Mehemet Ali overthrew. But the Porte, though
admitting without protest Kussia's repudiation of the engage-
ment to maintain Batoum as a free port, and interfering in
Bulgarian affairs too obviously in the interests of Russia, took
no serious measures to promote French policy in Egypt. It
is believed that Her Majesty's Government have had to give a
sharp warning of some sort to the Porte, and the Turkish war
preparations are, therefore, the more disquieting. We may
hope, nevertheless, that the Porte may be brought to see that
on many points connected with Egyptian aflfairs the interests
of Turkey and of England are closely connected, if not the
same.

The internal politics of the chief European States were
largely influenced by the diplomatic situation. By far the
most important event in Germany was the demand of the
Government, towards the close of the year, for an addition,
for a term of seven years, of more than 40,000 men to the
army, which the Reichstag refused, in the first instance, to
grant in full either as to numbers or time. The veteran
Moltke intervened to support Prince Bismarck's policy, on the
ground of its urgent and imperative necessity. The question
was still unsettled when the Reichstag adjourned over Christmas.
It is the more significant that the Government should thus
propose an addition at once to the burden of military service
and of Imperial taxation that already those burdens provoke
not a little discontent.

The Socialists, who have continued to trouble the repose
both of Germany and Austria, and against whom both Empires
have adopted stringent legislative measures, find their account
in the murmurs of the masses. Nevertheless, neither in
Germany nor in Austria has the labour question presented
itself in a form so threatening as in the Latin countries. The
strikes in France, to which reference has been made, were
paralleled or outdone in Belgium, where Mons, Lidge, and
Charleroi were terrorised by riotous bands of workmen, and

330 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1886

aftei terrible destruction of property the disorders were only
quelled by the vigorous exercise of military force.

It is curious that Spain, the least settled of the Latin
nations, and peculiarly exposed since the death of King
Alfonso to revolutionary shocks, should have escaped disaster
during a time of so much trial. The birth of the young King
in May did much to consolidate the authority of the Regency
under the Queen-mother, and the abortive attempts to change
the Government by pronunciamientos at Cartagena early in the
year and some months later at Madrid discredited the revolu-
tionary factions and especially the adherents of Zorilla as
much as they strengthened the Sagasta Ministry.

In the United States the difl&culties from which so many
old countries were suffering began to take a formidable shape.
Strikes broke out in the winter among the colliers, the iron-
workers, and the employes on the tramways and railways. The
conflict assumed a more serious character from the intervention
of a widely-spread organisation, the " Knights of Labour," who
asserted the right to dictate terms everywhere to the masters.
The attempts of the Socialists to get the labour movement into
their hands were frustrated by the Chicago riots, in which the
police were compelled to use firearms against a frantic mob,
and order was with difficulty restored. The lesson was not
thrown away, and when Most, the well-known firebrand,
tried to provoke a rising of the unemployed in New York,
he was at once arrested, condemned, and sentenced to im-
prisonment.

The labour party kept themselves generally separate from
the extreme Socialists, and in the autumn put forward Mr.
Henry George, the author of Poverty and Progress and the
economic parent of the Land League in Ireland, as candidate
for the important office of Mayor of New York. The muni-
cipality had been lately discredited by the discovery of
scandalous frauds, and the " Fall " elections — which greatly re-
duced the Democratic majority in Congress, and placed parties
very nearly on a level — increased the chance of an outsider.
Mr. George was defeated by Mr. Hewitt, an exceptionally good
Democratic candidate ; but it is a striking fact that some
67,000 votes were polled for the spokesman of such doctrines
as his in the commercial capital of the New World. The
Congressional elections were of little more than local import-

1886 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 331

ance, except that they seem for the present to have given the
coup de grdce to free trade in the United States. The President's
Message at the beginning of the December session is occupied
mainly with questions of finance. A dispute with Mexico over
what was known as the " Cutting Case " has been settled, but
the Fisheries controversy with Canada and England has not
yet been satisfactorily arranged.

It is worth while to notice briefly the prevalence during the
year of unpleasant cases in the law courts spun out to excessive
length and given an injurious publicity. The divorce suit,
" Crawford v. Crawford and Dilke," ended in a judgment for
the petitioner, but not against the co-respondent, who declined
to go into the witness-box. As hardly any one affected to
think that Sir Charles Dilke's character had thus been cleared,
the intervention of the Queen's Proctor was subsequently sought,
but the original judgment, in spite of Sir Charles Dilke's
evidence, was sustained. Not less painful was the prolonged
litigation between Lord Colin Campbell and his wife, in which,
after the most disgraceful accusations had been bandied about
on both sides, the cross actions for divorce were dismissed,
The action brought by Mr. Adams against his father-in-law.
Lord Coleridge, involved a monstrous waste of public time.
The conviction of Kichard Belt, the sculptor, on a charge of
fraud, attracted much interest early in the year ; but a more
sensational case — in which the present Solicitor-General, Sir
Edward Clarke, raised his reputation as an advocate to the
highest point — was the trial of Adelaide Bartlett for the
murder of her husband, ending in her acquittal, in spite of
the damaging evidence of Mr. Dyson, her alleged lover and
accomplice.

The horrors of the destruction of Pompeii were almost
renewed by the volcanic eruption in New Zealand, which
swept away the renowned picturesque surroundings of the
famous hot springs. Turning from the convulsions of nature
to the achievements of man, we find that M. de Lesseps is
hampered in his Panama Canal scheme by the same pecuniary
difl&culties which on a much smaller scale have for a time put
an end to the Manchester Ship Canal. In remarkable contrast
with this attitude of capitalists was the extraordinary rush for
shares in the brewing business of Messrs. Guinness in Dublin
on its conversion into a limited liability company. Public

332 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1886

interest has been vividly aroused by M. Pasteur's experimental
treatment of hydrophobia by inoculation, on which the judgment
of science is still suspended. Geographers, philanthropists, and
politicians are at one in hoping that a successful effort may be
made to rescue Gordon's gallant lieutenant, Emin Pasha, who
is still holding out, with a scanty garrison and without news
from the civilised world, against savage foes.

The obituary of the year, though including many notable
names, records few losses of the most serious kind. Mr.
Forster, who died just when the Home Eule crisis was
ripening, was a statesman opposed throughout a considerable
part of his career to the most fatal aberrations of Mr. Gladstone's
policy. His blunt, unadorned, but most impressive eloquence
was missed, in spite of the abundance of oratory and reasoning
on the Unionist side, when measures ruinous at once to England
and to Ireland, as Mr. Forster was convinced, were brought
forward.

Lord Cardwell, the last survivor of the legitimate Peelites,
had outlived his reputation and his powers of active work, but
his sound judgment and his administrative capacity had at an
earlier day given him a high place among the colleagues of
Lord Palmerston and Mr. Gladstone. Sir Erskine May, the
highest authority in our time on the law of Parliament, was
raised to the peerage, on his retirement from the Clerkship of
the House of Commons, as Lord Farnborough, but died before
he had taken his place in the Upper House. About the same
time the House of Lords lost in Lord Redesdale an able and
experienced, though an imperious and sometimes pedantic
Chairman of Committees.

Dr. Trench, formerly Dean of Westminster and Archbishop
of Dublin ; Dr. Thompson, Master of Trinity College, Cambridge ;
and Dr. Tulloch, Principal of St. Andrews University, were all
men of mark in the academic and ecclesiastical world.

Among other deaths must be mentioned those of Lord
Monkswell, better known as Sir Robert Collier, an eminent
judge and an excellent artist ; Mr. Ayrton, an able though
unpopular member of Mr. Gladstone's first Administration ;
Sir Charles Trevelyan, Lord Macaulay's brother-in-law, a dis-
tinguished Indian civilian, and one of the authors of the com-
petitive examination system ; Lord Waveney, who was one of
the leaders of the Ulster Liberals in their revolt against Home

1886 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 333

Rule ; Lord Dalkeith, the heir of the dukedom of Buccleuch,
cut off in his early promise by a lamentable accident while
deer -stalking; Sir Douglas Forsyth, a high authority on the
politics and geography of Central Asia; Sir Henry Taylor, a
patriarch of English letters ; Sir Herbert Macpherson, who,
after brilliant service in the Afghan and Egyptian campaigns,
was in command of the forces in Burmah ; Mr. Justice Pearson,
a sound Equity Judge ; Mr. Samuel Morley, Admiral Bedford
Pim, and Mr. Duncan Maclaren, once familiar figures in the
House of Commons ; Mr. Flowers, a most able police magistrate ;
Mr. Barnes, the author of some delightful poems in the Dorset-
shire dialect ; Mr. Bennett, of Frome, formerly of St. Barnabas,
Pimlico, a leader in his day of the Ritualistic movement ; Mr.
J. L. Hatton, the composer ; Mr. Caldecott, the artist ; and
Fred. Archer, the most renowned of jockeys.

France has lost in the Due Decazes an ex-Minister who was
in his time a considerable personage in politics ; in the Comte
de St. Vallier a skilful and trusty diplomatist ; in M. Paul
Bert an eminent man of science, but less successful statesman,
sacrificed to the pestilential climate of Tonquin; and in M.
Gabriel Charmes an indefatigable critic of English policy in
Egypt.

The lamentable death, by suicide, at Tegemsee, where he
was secluded under medical care, of King Ludwig of Bavaria,
followed almost immediately upon his deposition, only adopted
under urgent necessity and after his mental alienation had
been superabundantly proved. The illustrious names of Ranke
and Scheffel will be missed from the roll of German men of
letters. Count Beust had taken a leading part in the recon-
struction of the Austrian polity, and Signor Minghetti had
been one of the foremost statesmen of United Italy, but for
some years they had ceased to be active political forces. Liszt,
the most gifted and the most eccentric of musicians, passed
away in the splendour of a revived fama Hobart Pasha, an
English sailor of traditional enterprise and courage, was better
known in the closing years of his energetic life as the organiser
of the Turkish navy.

The United States lost Mr. Arthur, who had succeeded to
the Presidency on General Garfield's death, Mr. C. F. Adams,
American Minister to this country during the Civil War, and
Mr. Tilden, for a long time the leader of the Democratic party

334 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1886

and candidate for the Presidency at the contested election of
1876.

In India two great feudatory Princes, the Maharajah Scindia
and the Maharajah Holkar, the rulers of the rival Mahratta
States, Gwalior and Indore, were cut off, in middle life, about
the same time.

1887

The year which comes to an end to-day, though not distin-
guished by any events of firstrate importance either at home or
abroad, will leave its mark in the national annals. It was, in
the first place, signalised by the celebration, on a magnificent
scale and with a matchless representation of all the constituent
peoples and polities in the British Empire, of the Queen's
Jubilee. The gloomiest of pessimists were compelled to
admit that this spontaneous movement of loyalty, fortified by
affectionate reverence for the person and the dignity of the
Sovereign, afforded strong and most encouraging proof of the
stability of monarchical institutions among the English race ;
and the impression has been deepened by the troubles through
which our nearest neighbours are passing. The splendid
ceremony in Westminster Abbey, and the military and naval
pageants which followed, may have been rivalled or surpassed in
other countries, but the enormous concourse of people in the
streets of London, the very eccentricities of ornament and
illumination, and the presence of spokesmen for Her Majesty's
faithful subjects from every quarter of the globe, made up a
spectacle as imposing as it was unique.

Nor was this solemn national thanksgiving for the un-
paralleled progress of the Empire during the fifty years of the
Queen's reign devoid of political results. The tendency to a
closer union between the mother country and her daughter
nations has been stimulated, and the loyal attachment of the
feudatory Princes of India has been manifested by the example
of the Nizam's munificent gift. The interest aroused by this
interlude of sentiment in the midst of keen political struggles
has been prolonged by popular sympathy with the Queen and

336 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1887

her family in the sorrow that has fallen upon them through the
grave illness of the Crown Prince of Germany, the husband of
our own Princess Royal.

The pleasant associations of the Jubilee year will not be
poisoned by the memory of public misfortunes. In spite of an
organised attempt to turn to political account the discontent of
the unemployed, always numerous in so vast an agglomeration
of human beings as London, it is certain that during the year
the social condition of the United Kingdom has been steadily
improving. There are some signs that the long depression
from which commerce, industry, and agriculture have been
suffering is yielding to more favourable influences, so far, at
least, as traders and manufacturers are concerned. The farming
interest is still overweighted by low prices and foreign com-
petition, though the statements as to the amount of land that
has gone out of cultivation have been shown to be exaggerated.
The harvest, in spite of a prolonged drought, was fairly
abundant, but the market values were unremunerative, while live
stock suffered from scarcity of feed. Hence the revival of the
fair trade agitation, which, under its new name of fiscal reform,
was sprung upon the Convention of Conservative caucuses at
Oxford, where Mr. Howard Vincent carried a resolution con-
demning free imports by a large majority, though not without
a protest.

Mr. Chaplin, however, at a subsequent meeting of the
Chamber of Agriculture, disavowed protectionist doctrines, and
the impossibility of reconciling the demands of the farmers and
of the manufacturers was tacitly acknowledged by the absence
of almost all representative politicians from the meeting of
fiscal reformers at St. James's Hall. The discontent among
the commercial and industrial classes had abated as the
prospects of trade improved. The Board of Trade returns,
despite the perturbing eff'ect of European war scares, grew more
and more encouraging, and the movement in the United States
against excessive duties was accepted as a warning. Statesmen
were the less disposed to trifle with the fair trade cry, because
the state of public credit was so good as to bring the conversion
of the national debt once more within the range of possibility,
and the revenue was coming in satisfactorily. Liberals of all
shades of opinion denounced a retrograde policy, the Con-
servative leaders threw cold water on Mr. Howard Vincent's

1887 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 337

inopportune move, and the demand of the Convention, cleverly
captured at Oxford, elicited no popular response. The
Government have been happily able to strengthen a weak point
in the free trade position by the conclusion of the Sugar
Bounties Convention, binding the leading States of the civilised
world to make a simultaneous effort to shake off the burden of
the bounty system.

It is largely due to the loyalty and steadiness with which
the Unionist alliance was maintained during the year that
Lord Hartington was able at a critical moment to protest
decisively against any attempt to return to a protective system.
The Separatists did not for a long time abandon the hope that
the Liberal Unionists would be lured or driven back to the
Gladstonian camp. They rejoiced over the difficulties in which
Lord Salisbury's Government was plunged, as the year opened, by
Lord Randolph Churchill's resignation ; they tried to find matter
for consolation in the alleged ill-treatment of Lord Iddesleigh and
the discontent of his friends, in Mr. Goschen's defeat at Liver-
pool after his acceptance of office, and in the vacancy created by
Sir Michael Hicks-Beach's withdrawal from active political life
on the eve of the introduction of the Crimes Bill.

But these expectations were disappointed. The Government,
with Lord Salisbury at the Foreign Office, Mr. W. H. Smith as
leader of the House of Commons, Mr. Goschen as Chancellor of
the Exchequer, and Mr. Balfour as Irish Secretary, soon
appeared to be stronger instead of weaker ; and, on all
questions involving the maintenance of Ministers in power, the
Liberal Unionists refused to give any vote that would have had
the effect of reviving Mr. Gladstone's ill-omened Irish policy
and restoring him to office. As this became clear, the
Gladstonians adopted the tactics avowed from the first by the
more unscrupulous of the Radicals and by the Parnellites, who
declared that the Government should not be allowed either to
administer or to legislate, and especially that measures for
restoring the authority of law in Ireland must be prevented
from passing. Obstruction, direct and indirect, was carried to
lengths unheard of before, and the longest and most laborious
Parliamentary session on record was saved from complete
futility only by the repeated and rigorous application of the
closure.

In Ireland, at the same time, the National League was

VOL. II z

338 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1887

working hard to make good its assertion that it could trample
on the Queen's writ and defy the forces of the Crown. The
Plan of Campaign was brought into operation over a large area,
and not only against landlords whose conduct was open to
severe criticism, such as Lord Clanricarde or Colonel O'Callaghan,
but upon the Lansdowne and the Brooke estates, where the
owners were liberal and the tenants well-to-do. Resistance by-
organised mob violence to eviction and other forms of legal
process was backed up by a systematic terrorism, by boycotting,
and, when necessary to enforce the "unwritten law" by
outrage. Mr. O'Brien's expedition to Canada to denounce Lord
Lansdowne merely excited the contemptuous anger of the
Canadians, and ended in dismal failure, while it helped to open
the eyes of Englishmen to the real aims and methods of the
League.

Meanwhile the Separatists had another string to their bow.
The "round table" negotiations, between Lord Herschell, Sir
"William Harcourt, and Mr. Morley on one side, and Mr.
Chamberlain and Sir George Trevelyan on the other, were
intended to reconcile Mr. Gladstone's Home Rule policy with
the views of the Liberal Unionists ; and, though Lord
Hartington refused to commit himself beforehand, the Home
Rulers were confident that the Liberals who had rejected the
measures of 1886 would be satisfied with the assurance that the
Bills were " dead." If Sir George Trevelyan already showed
signs of weakness, Mr. Chamberlain was not likely to be
contented with vague promises and undefined concessions on
points of detail, so long as Mr. Gladstone held the ground he
took up when he allied himself with the Parnellites. Mr.
Chamberlain dwelt on this in some forcible speeches, insisting
also on the impossibility of re-union while the Gladstonians en-
couraged lawlessness in Ireland and obstruction in Parliament.
Sir William Harcourt and his friends seized the opportunity to
break off the negotiations, casting the blame of their failure on
Mr. Chamberlain, and Mr. Gladstone attempted to put his
formidable critic in the wrong by offering at Swansea to treat
every point in his Home Rule scheme as open to discussion.

The Liberal Unionists, however, were not satisfied with
undefined concessions, which were still dominated by the
paramount condition that the settlement should be satisfactory
to the Parnellites. The conduct of the Gladstonians had

1887 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 339

shown that they could not be trusted without the most strin-
gent guarantees. Not only had they abetted obstruction and
tolerated rowdyism in Parliament, apologised for resistance to
the law and defended the Plan of Campaign, but they had
shown a cynical indifference to the close and continuing rela-
tions, established in the Times, mainly on the unimpeachable
evidence of Separatist writings and speeches in Ireland and the
United States, between " Parnellism and Crime," and to the fact
that their allies were, as they still are, drawing their pay from
the Irish-American advocates and organisers of murderous
outrage and dynamite plots. The warnings published in the
Times against plans for signalising the Jubilee by some terrible
crime — warnings which have since been confirmed by the action
of the police — were derided, and the assistance of Parnellite
speakers in political campaigning was eagerly welcomed. Lord
Hartington was compelled to remark upon this altered position
of the Gladstonians, while he urged that the dangerous
principles discerned in the Home Rule Bill had not been
withdrawn in the Swansea speech. Mr. Gladstone, however,
succeeded in winning over Sir George Trevelyan, a willing
convert, who was not long afterwards returned as a Gladstonian
candidate for the Bridgeton division of Glasgow.

In contesting the seats which fell vacant during the summer
the opponents of the Government relied mainly on the anti-
coercion cry, but owed, perhaps, more to the irritation against
administrative errors, from which all Ministries after a
time begin to suffer. The gain of four seats by the Glad-
stonians, at Burnley, Northwich, Coventry, a^d Spalding,
and the diminution of the Unionist majority elsewhere,
bred the most extravagant hopes among the Separatists.
They persuaded themselves that, though Parliament had passed
the Crimes Act, it would be possible to nullify it in practice,
and English politicians, mostly Radicals of no particular mark,
joined with the leaders of the League in encouraging the Irish
masses to resist the law. Great efforts were required to
organise resistance, for the proclamations promptly issued under
the Crimes Act had cowed the forces of disorder.

Mr. Parnell, who had retired from active politics during the
session, now altogether disappeared, and, as it afterwards
turned out, was living under an assumed name in the suburbs
of London, leaving Mr. O'Brien and Mr. Dillon to "stand in

340 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1887

the gap." Mr. O'Brien was the first to come into conflict with
the law. On the day appointed for his trial under the Crimes
Act at Mitchelstown for inciting to resist legal process, a
disorderly crowd gathered to overawe the Bench, and a
collision with the police ensued, in which the latter were
roughly handled, and, after flying for shelter to the barracks,
fired on their assailants, and killed three of them. A verdict
of wilful murder was found, after a long and disorderly inquiry
before the coroner, against the police. Mr. O'Brien, on the
other hand, was convicted by the magistrates, and sentenced to
three months' imprisonment. The Act, however, provided for
an appeal, which could only be heard at the ensuing Quarter
Sessions.

Other prosecutions for similar offences followed, but while
the appeals were pending the accused continued their defiant
speeches. The charge against Mr. Sullivan, Lord Mayor of
Dublin, for publishing reports of the meetings of suppressed
branches of the League was dismissed on a technical point, but
the decision was overruled by the higher Court, and Mr. Sullivan
was subsequently imprisoned on another conviction for a similar
offence. Mr. O'Brien's appeal had been previously rejected at
Quarter Sessions, and he was committed at first to Cork and
then to TuUamore Gaol. Mr. Wilfrid Blunt, one of the
Separatist emissaries, was convicted at Woodford for inciting to
resist the law, and his appeal remains to be decided. Other
patriots evaded summonses and warrants and betook themselves
to flight, while Mr. Dillon thought it an opportune time for
imparting political instruction to Englishmen. But, in spite
of delays, whether avoidable or otherwise, the Crimes Act
began to make itself felt, under Mr. Balfour's firm and able
administration, and the power of the League has already been
much weakened.

The outcry against " coercion " as a policy was now
augmented by clamour against the administration of the law,
and the Separatists developed a system of tactics in which
reckless misstatement, unabashed by the exaction of apologies,
was reinforced by attempts, in the interests of a party claiming
to be the special champions of free speech, to break up
Unionist meetings. Mr. Gladstone, in addressing the National
Liberal Federation at Nottingham, went out of his way to
repeat and reiterate the war-cry he had already invented.

1887 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 341

" Remember Mitchelstown " ; he further suggested for the
edification of mobs that " the people " had a right to determine
whether the police were justified in interfering with them, and,
if there appeared to be no justification, might lawfully resist
These doctrines were soon applied where they were less easily
tolerated than in Ireland. Large gatherings of the unemployed
in Trafalgar Square were addressed by Socialistic agitators with
the undisguised object of terrorising the well-to-do, and great
injury was inflicted on business in the West End.

After some hesitation, the authorities prohibited the
meetings, but the promoters of the agitation attempted to have
their way. Fortunately, the police were too strong for the
disorderly, but some serious conflicts occurred on Sunday,
13 th November, and the rioters were not finally cowed till the
Guards had been called out A further proclamation was
issued by Sir Charles . Warren, forbidding all meetings in the
Square, and all processions in the neighbourhood, and a large
number of special constables were sworn in. After one more
unsuccessful attempt to defy the order, the movement collapsed.
When the critical fight had been won, a letter was published,
in which Mr. Gladstone recanted his Nottingham doctrines,
and counselled the people in London to give way to the
police pending the trial of any legal questions that might
be raised, as in the case of Mr. Cunninghame Graham,
M.P., who has been prosecuted for resisting and assaulting
the police.

Nor was this the only topic touched upon by Mr. Gladstone
at Nottingham, which, if he had retained any hope of winning
back the allegiance of the Liberal Unionists, he would have
done well to avoid. The currency which he gave, on the
hearsay evidence of Professor Stuart, to an unfounded charge
against Colonel Dopping, a land agent in Donegal, led to a
threat of legal proceedings, averted by a humiliating retractation,
of which it must be said that it only becomes intelligible when
we treat the original statement as meaningless. Of still graver
import, as a moral symptom, was his treatment of the question
of disestablishment. Throwing overboard all his former
convictions on this subject, Mr. Gladstone placed himself in an
attitude of avowed opportunism, inciting the opponents of
establishment in Scotland to take example by Wales and to
return an overwhelming Home Rule majority, and intimating

342 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1887

that, when they had carried out the Gladstonian policy in
Ireland, they might do as they pleased with the Church.

Mr. Gladstone's sophistries were echoed and expanded by
Sir William Harcourt, Lord Rosebery, and Sir George Trevelyan ;
and other Gladstonians strove to make a grievance out of Mr.
O'Brien's treatment in gaol, where, having refused to wear
prison clothes, he took to his bed till a new tweed suit was
smuggled in for his use. Mr. Childers, copying the absurd
declamation of the Irish town councils, denounced this as
"moral torture" ; but the British public laughed at the woes
of Mr. O'Brien and his wardrobe, more especially when it was
shown that Sir George Trevelyan had put several of Mr.
O'Brien's colleagues into prison clothes and on the plank
bed. Both Mr. O'Brien and Mr. Sullivan, indeed, met with
exceptional indulgence— the former on grounds of health, the
latter on those of age.

At the same time the Government were resolved that the
deterrent effect of the law should not be watered down, and Mr.
Balfour's quiet determination, together with his cheery indiffer-
ence to abuse, has brought him a large measure of popularity.
The Liberal Unionists, too, have done their part in repelling the
dangerous alliance of unscrupulous opportunism with revolu-
tionists and anarchists. Mr. Chamberlain, shortly before
leaving for the United States as a member of the Canadian
Fisheries Commission, visited Ulster, and in a series of
vigorous speeches drew attention to the importance of the loyal,
industrious, prosperous, and mainly Protestant people of North-
Eastern Ireland as a factor in the problem ignored by those who
made their bargain with the stipendaries of Ford and Egan. Not
long afterwards Lord Hartington and Mr. Goschen were invited
to Dublin, where they were welcomed with hearty enthusiasm
by the representatives of commerce, industry, education, and
professional skill. Lord Hartington's language in declaring for
the maintenance of the Union and the support of legality
against lawlessness was more uncompromising than ever, and
afterwards, when addressing his constituents in Rossendale, he
showed why it was impossible, as matters stand, to come to
terms with Mr. Gladstone.

This view was more fully developed at the great Liberal
Unionist demonstration in the Westminster Town Hall, when
the Gladstonian position, the state of Ireland, and the duty of

1887 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 343

those Liberals who stand by union and by law were discussed
in a series of brilliant and weighty speeches by Lord Hartington,
Lord Derby, Lord Selborne, Mr. Goschen, Sir Henry James,
and the Duke of Argyll, the last, perhaps, bearing away the
palm for trenchant epigram and conclusive reasoning. Mr.
Balfour clenched the practical argument against the Separatists,
before his constituents at Manchester, by a frank and telling
vindication of the conduct of the Irish Executive and a
damaging exposure of Gladstonian misrepresentations, the
effect of which has since been manifest in the impotent anger of
Sir William Harcourt. Mr. Gladstone's appeals to anarchic
and Separatist passions have produced some dangerous con-
sequences in Wales, where resistance to the payment of tithes
has been organised, and the doctrines of spurious Nationalism
are strengthened by a movement against the Church and the
landlords.

The European situation remains at the close of the year, as
at its opening, wrapped in anxious uncertainty. It is possible
that international rivalries, which are so manifest and unabated
that even Ministerial optimism only ventures to discredit appre-
hensions of immediate conflict, would have brought the Con-
tinental Powers to an open rupture if France had not been
paralysed by internal dissensions. M. Goblet's Ministry was
never regarded as long-lived, and the feelings aroused by General
Boulanger's behaviour at the War Department precipitated a
crisis which, though staved off for a while, enforced the resigna-
tion of the Government in May, nominally on a question of
finance.

M. Goblet was succeeded by M. Rouvier, the twenty-second
Premier of France since the proclamation of the Republic in
1870, who was destined to as brief a tenure of office. President
Grevy was believed to have resolved not only to exclude General
Boulanger, whose reckless language, as well as his demands for
an increased army vote, had given an excuse for German alarms,
but also M. Clemenceau, the most powerful and politic chief of
the Radicals. This would not, however, have been possible if
the Monarchists had not taken advantage of the divisions among
the Republicans, throwing their weight now to the side of the
Moderates, now to that of the Extremists, as it appeared that
there was the greater chance of creating troubles.

The activity of the Orleanists was most conspicuous, though

344 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1887

both Prince Victor and his father, Prince Napoleon, issued
appeals to the nation to keep the memory of their cause alive.
The Eepublican feuds became more fierce ; General Boulanger
replied to the bitter criticisms of M. Ferry by a challenge, which
was not accepted ; and the situation was complicated by the
prominence given to the party of the revanche headed by M.
D^roul^de, a Chauvinist fanatic, and patronised for the moment
by revolutionists like M. Rochefort. This outburst of Chauvinism
was stimulated by the provocative language of the German Press
early in the year, when Prince Bismarck was eager to get his
Army Bill passed, by the trials for treason at Leipsic of the
Alsatian Separatists, and by the unfortunate occurrences on the
frontier, when M. Schnaebele was arrested, and afterwards when
a German sentinel fired on a party of French sportsmen. The
German Government made amends handsomely for any wrong
done in these cases, but the effect on public opinion could not
be obliterated. The Comte de Paris prepared for the possibility
of a restoration by issuing a manifesto practically identifying the
policy of his party with that of the anti-Parliamentary Bona-
partists. When the Chambers reassembled in the autumn, there
was a determination in several quarters to bring about an
explosion, and the materials, unhappily, were not wanting.
The accidental discovery of corrupt transactions, in which some
officials connected with the War Department were implicated,
set the spark to the train.

Charges of corruption were urged both by Radicals and
Reactionaries against M. Wilson, the President's son-in-law, and
the Ministry were weak enough to attempt to avert a full
inquiry. Taking advantage of this blunder, the Right abandoned
M. Rouvier and joined the Extreme Left in defeating Ministers,
who thereupon resigned. But the Ministerial crisis forthwith
became a Presidential one. The legal investigation, tardily
consented to, brought to light the complicity of the police in
alleged tampering with documents and suppression of evidence
in M. Wilson's interest; and popular opinion, excited by the
violent invectives of the Press, refused to exonerate M. Gr^vy,
who found it impossible to replace M. Rouvier, and was told by
the Republican leaders of all shades that his resignation had
become a necessity. After a considerable delay, during which
public excitement was dangerously stimulated, M. Gr^vy resigned,
protesting against proceedings which compromised the dignity

1887 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 345

and stability of the Presidency ; the Senate and the Chamber were
convened as a Congress for the election of his successor, and the
Right had the power of securing the victory for M. Ferry, the
head of the Opportunists, who was opposed by M. de Freycinet,
the nominee of M. Cl^menceau and the Radicals.

Acting, however, on the cynical calculation that their interests
would be served by prolonging the crisis and discrediting the
Republic, the Right threw away their votes on General Saussier ;
while the Republicans, closing up their ranks in view of the
dangers of continued uncertainty, withdrew the original com-
petitors and elected M. Sadi-Carnot, grandson of the famous
War Minister of the Revolution, as M. Gravy's successor. The
Monarchists, whose intrigues and manifestoes had multiplied
during the autumn, were thus checkmated, but the truce of
parties could not be deemed permanent. President Carnot was
unable to get together any strong Republican combination, owing
to the mutual jealousies of Opportunists and Radicals. M.
Tirard's stop-gap Cabinet is not expected to last, but for the
present the strife of factions is suspended, at least till after le
Jour de VAn. The violence of partisanship has been somewhat
shamed by the attempt to murder M. Ferry in the lobby of the
Chamber ; for, though the assassin has been recognised as a
lunatic, it cannot be doubted that the direction was given to his
madness by the frantic language of the Radical Press.

The activity displayed by General Boulanger when in ofl&ce,
his airs as a popular hero since he was relegated to a provincial
command, and the adulation of Russia professed by M. D^roulede
and the partisans of the revanche, have furnished Prince Bismarck
throughout with reasons for insisting that Germany should
maintain her attitude of armed watchfulness. The rejection by
the Reichstag of the Army Bill, granting estimates for an in-
creased force and for a term of seven years, was met early in the
year by a dissolution, which gave the Chancellor a working
majority of Conservatives and National Liberals and paralysed
the Radicals, while it showed a disquieting augmentation of the
Socialist vote. The war scare which shook the European Bourses
quickly died away, but the relations between the Continental
Powers remained uneasy.

The language of the Russian newspapers towards Germany
as well as Austria became more and more bitter, and though
the menacing speech of the Grand Duke Nicholas in toasting

346 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1887

the French alliance was disavowed, more or less candidly, the
presence of M. D^roul^de at M. Katkoff s funeral was taken as a
sign of the drift of national sympathies. It could not be dis-
guised, however, that French sympathies and antipathies were
an unsafe standing-ground for Russian policy while the political
future of France remained dark and doubtful.

Accordingly Russia maintained an attitude of reserve on the
Bulgarian question while resisting any settlement. The Regency,
failing to obtain the sanction of the Powers, but successfully
keeping order in spite of Russian intrigue and occasional hostile
pressure from Turkey, at last induced Prince Ferdinand of
Coburg to accept the offer of the vacant princedom, though not
without delays and futile overtures to the Czar which threw
doubt on his good faith. Without encouragement from any
quarter, Prince Ferdinand repaired to Sofia, was cordially re-
ceived by the Bulgarians, and, in spite of the provisional
character of his power, which Germany as well as Russia refused
to recognise, established his position, as was shown at the recent
general election, with a fair measure of success. Still the
question is not closed, and Russia may at any moment take
advantage of it to force on a contest with Austria. Moreover,
in Berlin and Vienna the feeling has gained ground that it may
be the interest of Germany and Austria to bring about a quarrel
before Russia gets too strong and has France as an active ally.
Whether one or other side will choose to precipitate a strife of
doubtful issue is the problem of the hour.

The concentration of Russian troops on the frontier of
Austrian Poland has caused grave uneasiness both in Berlin and
Vienna, and the German newspapers have been urging upon
Austria the imperative necessity for adopting vigorous measures
of defence or counter-movement. Prince Bismarck also has been
labouring by diplomatic means to smooth over the difl&culty.
He had already been temporarily successful, for when the Czar
visited Berlin in the autumn he received from the Chancellor
satisfactory explanations of statements, based, it is alleged, on
forgeries concocted in the interest of Prince Ferdinand, tending
to alienate Russia from Germany. It is impossible, however,
to explain away the cardinal facts of the situation.

Prince Bismarck's policy has piled up what seems a higher
and more solid barrier in the path of Russian ambition. The
national enthusiasm for the unity and the greatness of Germany

1887 ANNUAL SUMMARIES $i7

was displayed when the Emperor's ninetieth birthday was
celebrated, and this sentiment is now incorporated with the
maintenance of the alliance with Austria-Hungary, regarded as
an outpost of German civilisation.

It is not unimportant to note that a better understanding
was established with the Vatican before the general election in
the spring. But far more significant is the open adhesion of
Italy to the alliance of the Central Powers. It was feared that
the death of Signor Depretis would weaken the bonds uniting
Italian policy with that of Germany and Austria; but these
bonds, on the contrary, have been strengthened under Signor
Crispi, who visited Prince Bismarck at Friedrichsruh early in
October, and on his return home announced that Italy had
allied herself with the two Empires for the maintenance of
European peace. He also intimated, though more obscurely,
that an understanding between Italy and England had secured
the status quo in the Mediterranean. The German Press gave
prominence to these statements ; and it is now generally under-
stood that if Austria should be menaced by Russia or Germany
by France, the Italian army will form part of the defensive
system, and the English fleet, in conjunction with the Italian
navy, will be able absolutely to guarantee the coasts and the
ports of Italy against a French descent.

How far the guarantee of the status quo in the Mediterranean
practically embraces the British occupation of Egypt may be a
matter of controversy, but the turn affairs have taken may cause
Frenchmen, at least, to regret that French and Russian influences
were exerted at Constantinople to obstruct the Convention
regulating the Egyptian situation negotiated by Sir Henry
Drummond Wolff. Henceforward, at any rate, it will be im-
possible to assert that England has not made a reasonable offer
for the fulfilment of the pledges given by Mr. Gladstone's
Government. The Convention for securing the neutrality of the
Suez Canal exempts the artificial water-way from blockade and
military operations, and ensures free passage to ships of all
nations both during peace and war. In other respects the policy
of the Porte has been shifty and uncertain, now leaning towards
Russia, now towards England, and again fitfully following German
counsels.

Of other European States there is little to be said. Spain, if
a judgment may be formed from the welcome given to the

348 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1887

infant King by the Cortes, is settling down under the rule of
the Queen Regent, and, in spite of factious rancour, the danger
of a reckless policy in Morocco, where jealousy of French
intrigues seemed likely to bring about a collision, has been
averted. Many Continental Governments have been seriously
disturbed by the progress of Socialism, which is rampant among
the working men in Belgium, in Austria, and in Germany, as
well as in France. No open reconciliation has yet been effected
between the Italian Government and the Papacy, but the tension
so long maintained has been in some degree relaxed. The Pope,
who has this year celebrated the completion of the fiftieth year
of his sacerdotal life, has exchanged courtesies with our own
Government as with other Protestant Powers. Monsignor Ruffo
Scilla was present to congratulate the Queen at the Jubilee, and
the Duke of Norfolk has since been sent on behalf of Her
Majesty to reciprocate the good wishes of His Holiness. Greater
political importance attaches to Monsignor Persico's mission to
Ireland, where he has been inquiring into the relations between
the Church and the revolutionary party, but nothing is as yet
certainly known of the results of his investigation.

In Asia, as in Europe, the year has been marked rather by
expectancy and preparation than by decisive events. The long
struggle over the delimitation of the Russo- Afghan boundary
has been temporarily closed, and Sir West Ridgeway, after
settling some outstanding questions at St. Petersburg, has sought
another field of action at Dublin Castle. It is clearly under-
stood, however, that Russia is now at the gates of Afghanistan, and
that the Indian Government must be prepared for all the conse-
quences of that proximity. The power of the Ameer was
threatened by a rising of the Ghilzais and by the escape of his
rival, Ayoob Khan, who failed, however, to obtain support, and
surrendered himself to the British agent at Meshed.

The visit of Lord Dufferin and Sir Frederick Roberts to the
North-Western frontier and Quetta has been marked by the
formal incorporation of the latter district in the Anglo-Indian
dominions under the title of British Beloochistan, and by new
plans for the extension of the Indian railway system in those
regions and in the direction of Candahar. The Nizam's gift to
the Indian Government was, no doubt, inspired by the convic-
tion, widely diffused among the native princes, that the military
power of England alone stands between them and the advance

1887 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 349

of Kussian autocracy. The absurd pretensions of the Maharajah
Dhuleep Singh, who has been masquerading, under Russian
patronage, as a champion of Indian nationalism, have met with
no response. It is satisfactory to know that even in Burmah,
where the difficulties of assimilation are the greatest and the
most recent, the establishment of order has been carried far.

The conception rather than the policy of Imperial Federation
was advanced by the associations of the Jubilee year. The
Conference of Colonial Agents-General and other delegates pro-
duced much interesting exchange of views, some valuable sugges-
tions for measures of common defence, and for improvements in
the postal and telegraphic services, but not even the rudiments of
a federal scheme. Both the Colonies and the mother country
shunned the discussion of the difficulties of their incongruous
tariffs. The most satisfactory result as yet attained — for little
advance has been made hitherto towards protecting ports and
coaling stations — is the diplomatic action, undertaken concur-
rently with the Suez Canal negotiations, by which France has
been induced to despatch orders for the withdrawal of her troops
from the New Hebrides. The retirement from Port Hamilton,
in deference to Chinese objections, is probably wise, if China
can be trusted to hold the place in her own interest and ours.
East Zululand has been annexed to Natal to prevent the Boers,
who have " eaten up " the rest of the country, from driving the
natives to despair. Recently attention has been called to the
renewed activity of German adventurers in this quarter, especi-
ally in regard to Delagoa Bay, and to the necessity for looking
in good time after Imperial and Colonial interests. We may
also note in this connection the expedition organised for the
relief of Emin Pasha, one of Gordon's lieutenants, which Mr.
Stanley has undertaken to conduct from the Congo region to the
White Nile, but of which the success is still a subject of anxiety.

The question which has given most trouble to the Colonial
Office is the long-standing Canadian fisheries dispute, lately
exacerbated by the violence of some politicians in the United
States. The Government at Washington, however, have shown
moderation and courtesy, and there is ground for hope that the
Joint Commission appointed to inquire into the subject and to
suggest the terms of a compromise may be successful in its
labours. The choice of Mr. Chamberlain as Chief Commissioner
for this country is a pledge that British policy will not be

350 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1887

governed by mere diplomatic traditions, but by a business-like
view of the whole case. It is unfortunate, no doubt, that the
work of the Commission should have to be done on the eve of a
Presidential election, when party spirit is at its height.

Mr. Cleveland's Message to Congress at the opening of the
present session is likely to reanimate the moribund parties of the
United States by raising a new and vital issue. The President's
condemnation of the existing tariff is not based theoretically on
free trade grounds, but on the practical argument that it is
monstrous to extract from the pockets of the community taxes,
to the amount of many millions, not required for the ordinary
business of government. Nevertheless, both Protectionists and
Freetraders perceive that, if Mr. Cleveland's policy be carried
out, a great advance will be made towards free trade. On this
issue, it seems probable, parties will be reconstructed and the
Presidential contest of 1888 decided. It is still possible, how-
ever, that Mr. Cleveland may be forced to recede from his
position by the timidity and the divisions of his followers.

The most important name in the obituary of the year is that
of Lord Iddesleigh, better known as Sir- Stafford Northcote,
whose scrupulous fairness of mind and unruffled geniality of
temper in the trying position of leader of the House of Commons
had won him the affectionate regard of men of all parties.
Lord Lyons, the most accomplished and experienced of English
diplomatists, had retired from the Paris embassy, where he has
been succeeded by Lord Lytton, just before he was struck down
by his last illness.

Among others well known in the political or social world of
England who have passed away during the year may be men-
tioned Mr. Beresford Hope, Mr. Newdegate, Sir William
M 'Arthur, and Mr. Ry lands, who had been so long familiar
figures in Parliament ; Lord "Wolverton, the most faithful of
Mr. Gladstone's followers ; Lord and Lady Dalhousie, cut off by
a strange and sad fate within a few days of one another ; General
Valentine Baker, best known as Baker Pasha, the rank he had
won in the Turkish and Egyptian armies ; Sir Joseph Whit-
worth, a great name in the world of industry and invention ;
Sir Philip Wodehouse, Sir Ashley Eden, Sir Henry Gordon, Sir
Robert Montgomery, Sir John Mellor, and Mr. Justice Lawson,
who had served the State well in different spheres of duty ;
Jenny Lind, in her day the most renowned of operatic singers ;

1887 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 351

Sir George Macfarren, a life-long labourer in the cause of musical
education ; Mr. Thring, head master of Uppingham ; Serjeant
Ballantine, Lady Brassey, Professor Spencer Baynes, Mr. Mac-
konochie of St. Albans, Holborn ; Mrs. Craik, the author of
John Halifax; Mr. Kichard Jefferies, the author of The Game-
keeper at Home ; Sir George Burrows, the Nestor of the medical
profession ; Mr. Palgrave Simpson, the dramatist ; and Arch-
bishop M'Gettigan, the Roman Catholic Primate of Ireland.

Abroad the list of eminent men who have passed away during
the year is a scanty one. In Michael Katkoflf, the famous editor
of the Moscow Gazette, Russia parted with the very embodiment
of her national spirit and a power in the State scarcely second
to the Czar himself. France lost M. Raoul Duval, a Conserva-
tive who had frankly accepted the Republic ; Admiral Jaur^-
guiberry, and M. Paul F^val, a veteran romancist ; Germany,
Herr Krupp, the founder of the vast ironworks and gun factories
at Essen ; and Professor Ronge, the theologian ; Italy, Signor
Depretis, one of the ablest of the statesmen of the monarchy,
and Cardinal Jacobini, the Papal Secretary of State ; Belgium,
M. Gallait, the painter ; the United States, Mr. Tilden, the
Democratic candidate for the Presidency in 1876, and Mr.
Washburne, formerly Minister in Paris. Langiewicz, the leader
of the Poles in the insurrection of 1863, and Father Beckx,
formerly " General " of the Jesuits, can hardly be described as
belonging to any country.

1888

The increasing violence of party spirit in domestic politics and
the continued sense of an unstable equilibrium in the inter-
national relations of all the leading Powers have marked 1888
as a year of turbulence and disquietude at home and abroad.
Europe has witnessed, what is without example in modern
history, the death, in swift succession, of two German Emperors,
now the most powerful of Continental rulers. In the United
Kingdom there has been a moderate and steady revival of
trade, a tolerably favourable harvest, and an improvement in
the public credit mainly due to Mr. Goschen's financial opera-
tions ; but prosperity has not been so striking as to quench the
hopes of agitators.

The Gladstonian and Parnellite Opposition, fused together
by the compact of their leaders and the common purpose of
reconquering power, assailed the Ministry and the Ministerial
policy with a vehemence and a disregard for scruples which
might have been expected, perhaps, to produce a greater effect.
After a succession of " excursions and alarms," the Opposition,
though they have gained a couple of seats, stand at the end of
the year pretty nearly where they stood at the beginning.
They have failed either to create a reaction in favour of Home
Rule in the constituencies or to shake the Government in the
House of Commons.

The only important Ministerial change has been the return
of Sir Michael Hicks-Beach to the Cabinet as President of the
Board of Trade in succession to Lord Stanley of Preston. Lord
Salisbury and his colleagues have lost no ground in public
esteem. Mr. Goschen has added to his high reputation as a
financier, Mr. Ritchie has established his position as a politician

1888 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 353

capable of dealing ably with large measures, and, above all, Mr.
Balfour's courage and resolution, his imperturbable temper, his
skill in oratorical fence and his trenchant powers of reasoning
have brought him into the very front rank of contemporary
statesmen.

On the other side there is little change to be noted. Mr.
Gladstone continues to display energy and spirit marvellous in
a man entering on his eightieth year, and, at the same time, to
exhibit an ever-diminishing amount of discretion and dignity ;
Sir William Harcourt has completely assimilated the methods
and the manners of his Parnellite allies, and Mr. Morley has
shown how it is possible for the speculative theorist to sink, in
the whirl of faction, into the reckless partisan. Mr. Parnell,
even before the Special Commission was appointed, assumed an
attitude of curious reserve, leaving the active labours and risks
of confronting the law to Mr. Dillon and Mr. O'Brien. He was
entertained at the " purged " Eighty Club in the spring, and
then astonished his hosts, whose chiefs had been vindicating or
apologising for the Plan of Campaign, by his condemnation of
that policy.

The extraordinary attention paid, especially by the Opposi-
tion, to bye-elections throughout the year surpassed even the
anxiety shown by Mr. Gladstone in presence of a much more
striking series of contests fifteen years ago, culminating in the
disaster at Stroud which precipitated the dissolution of 1874.
The Winchester election, which showed a considerable increase
in the Conservative vote, and that at Dundee, which showed a
considerable decrease in the Separatist vote, were encouraging
to the Unionists, but the large Eadical gain on the polling in
Southwark and Mr. Buchanan's return in West Edinburgh after
his perversion to Home Rule more than redressed the balance,
until the Doncaster division was won by a Unionist and the
seat at Deptford, where Mr. Evelyn, the retiring Conservative
member, had placed his influence at the disposal of Mr. Wilfrid
Blunt, was held, notwithstanding, against the Separatists by an
adequate majority. In Mid Lanark the Gladstonians main-
tained their ground, in spite of a split with the extreme Labour
party. In the Gower division, however, among the most
Radical of Welshmen, the Gladstonian majority was reduced
from 3000 to 600.

The Separatists, it may be admitted, had more to boast of at
VOL. II 2 a

354 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1888

Southampton and in the Ayr Burghs, where they won two
seats, mainly through the unfortunate selection of Unionist
candidates. In the Isle of Thanet Mr. James Lowther, who
was opposed by a popular Gladstonian, fell far short of Colonel
King-Harman's poll. At Dewsbury, on the other hand, Mr.
Arnold Forster added largely to the Unionist vote, against an
influential local Home Ruler. Nor had the Opposition much to
congratulate themselves upon in Merthyr, where the nominee of
the Caucus, with special credentials from Mr. Gladstone himself,
was severely beaten by an independent Radical. In Holborn,
though the Unionist battle was fought under every disadvantage
as compared with that of 1886, Lord Compton was defeated by
nearly 1000 votes. At Maidstone, also, the seat was held,
though the Unionist majority was lowered. At Colchester the
Unionist majority was largely augmented, and at Stockton,
though Sir Horace Davey was returned, his Conservative oppo-
nent, who had been beaten by upwards of 1000 in 1885 and
1886, fell short of success by only 395 votes, the result, in both
cases, being largely due to the energy of the Liberal section of
the Unionist party.

During the year, furthermore, the Unionists vacated and
recovered without an attempt at contest no fewer than seven
seats in Great Britain, and the Separatists one only. In
Ireland the Parnellites still "hold the field." The local
fluctuations of electoral fortune give no support to Mr. Glad-
stone's theory that the Liberal Unionist voters are coming round
to his side, and that the Liberal Unionist leaders will soon
be left without a following. The latter, certainly, have never
been more determined or more energetic in their resistance to
Mr. Gladstone's policy, which has now taken the form not only
of Separatism applied directly to Ireland, and dangled as a
bribe before sectional interests in Wales and Scotland, but of
anarchy and defiance of all constituted authority wherever it
suits a local majority to resist the law. The adoption by the
Gladstonians, in spite of repeated disproof, of the grossest
calumnies and misrepresentations of the Parnellites has
strengthened the Liberal Unionist protest, and, since the
failure of the hopes entertained by the Separatists that their
opponents would quarrel over the question of local government,
nothing has been heard on either side of. compromises and
negotiations,

1888 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 355

Lord Hartington and his followers have addressed public
meetings in every part of the country, and from Mr. Bright,
before he was completely prostrated by illness, there came brief
but impressive letters, putting the Unionist case in the most
striking and popular way. Mr. Chamberlain, on his return
from negotiating the Fisheries Treaty at Washington, was
warmly welcomed at Birmingham, and, withdrawing from the
Liberal caucus in which Gladstonian intolerance had got the
upper hand, he founded a new Association, destined to prove its
strength at the municipal elections in the autumn. After the
Parliamentary adjournment the Prime Minister, Mr. Balfour,
Mr. Goschen, and other members of the Government took their
share in the work, and in London, Lancashire, and Yorkshire,
in the North and the South, in Wales and in Scotland, the
truth was placed side by side with statements borrowed from
the Pamellites by the Gladstonians.

Mr. Blunt's imprisonment for an attempt to hold an illegal
meeting at Woodford was rewarded by his acceptance as a
candidate by the Deptford Gladstonians, but his attempt to
recover damages for his arrest only exposed the absurdity of his
conduct, and drew from Chief Baron Palles an emphatic con-
demnation of the terrorist system. While Mr. Blunt's case was
still the theme of discussion, Lord Ripon and Mr. Morley visited
Dublin, and were welcomed by a large gathering, which showed
that their cause was not supported by any appreciable fraction
of the wealth, enterprise, and intelligence of Ireland. Mean-
while the clamour was kept up about the rape of Mr. O'Brien's
small clothes and the effect of prison treatment on his fragile
frame until he was released, whereupon Mr. Dillon was at
liberty to qualify in like manner for martyrdom by breaking
the law anrl to trade for English sympathies on the delicacy of
his health.

We need scarcely add that these political lawbreakers
usually resorted to every quirk and quibble of the law to avoid
punishment, falling back, after defeat, on the legend, supported
by Mr. Blunt's silly tittle-tattle, that the Chief Secretary was
plotting to get rid of his political opponents in prison. This
sort of stuff was greedily swallowed by Mr. Gladstone, who,
during the inquest on Mr. Mandeville, declared, without waiting
to hear what evidence there was on the other side, that the
treatment of the deceased in Tullamore Gaol had been brutal

356 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1888

and shameful. Dr. Ridley, the medical officer, who committed
suicide during the proceedings, was shown to have been already
the object of cruel Nationalist persecution, and to have broken
down under the terrible charges urged against him before the
hostile tribunal of the coroner. The two inquiries, though
conducted with a scandalous disregard for decency and fairness,
at least brought the facts to light. Mr. Mandeville, who died
of a disease that runs a brief course, had been seven months out
of gaol, leading an active life and boasting of his robust health.
Yet the Gladstonians continue to repeat the fabricated legend of
his martyrdom. Mr. Gladstone, indeed, added in the autumn a
touch of heightened colour to the picture, denouncing Mr.
Balfour as worse than King Bomba because he made political
prisoners associate with ordinary criminals. Confronted with
his own account of the Neapolitan horrors, among which it
appeared that he had seen Italian patriots herded with the
vilest wretches and actually chained to murderers, he had
nothing better to say than that he had seen at Naples one
prisoner who was not so treated. He still maintains, in spite
of Mr. Balfour's detailed refutation, his mythical stories of
Mitchelstown and Mr. Mandeville, and apparently believes, in
the teeth of the evidence, that his Government never treated
the "political offence" of intimidation with the severity pre-
scribed by law. In this mystification he has been zealously
assisted by Sir William Harcourt, Sir George Trevelyan, and
Lord Spencer.

The support given by the Nonconformist ministers of this
country, who know nothing of Ireland and would risk nothing
by Home Rule, was exhibited earlier in the year, at the
Farringdon Street Memorial Hall, where the leader of the
Opposition responded to their expression of confidence in a
fervid and vague harangue. The answer came several months
later, when a large gathering of Nonconformists, chiefly lay-
men, welcomed Lord Salisbury and Lord Hartington at the
Whitehall Rooms of the Hotel M^tropole, and an address signed
by nine- tenths of the non-Episcopalian clergy of Ireland was
presented to the Unionist leaders, protesting against the Separa-
tist designs. The enthusiastic reception which Lord Hartington
had met with not long before at Belfast from those who had
been the staunchest Liberal supporters of Mr. Gladstone told the
same tale.

1888 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 357

Meanwhile tlie anarchic fury of the Separatists had convinced
some who had been doubtful that " coercion " in Ireland was a
necessity so long as the League set itself up against the law ;
and the Papal rescript, condemning boycotting and the Plan of
Campaign, which was followed up by further letters and orders,
struck a heavy blow at the terrorist system, by enjoining the
priesthood not to take part, directly or indirectly, in the
forbidden proceedings. " Patriot priests" like Father M'Fadden
still defied the voice of the Church as well as the law of the
land, but the double pressure was more and more felt. The
steady operation of the summary jurisdiction provided by the
Crimes Act rendered organised intimidation more difficult and
dangerous, and, freedom being in part restored, evicted farms
began to be taken and land to be dealt with on economic prin-
ciples. Speeches were still delivered surreptitiously and illegally
inciting to terrorism, and crimes like the murders of Fitz-
maurice, Quirke, and Murphy, in Kerry, were still perpetrated
from time to time. Of these the worst were brought to
justice, under the change of venue, at the Wicklow Assizes.
Whether or not the speeches and the outrages were connected
it would be improper to pronounce an opinion while the
Special Commission appointed under the Act of Parliament
is inquiring into that and other kindred issues. "We have
only here to note the fact that the Commission, after a pre-
liminary meeting in September, entered upon its regular
work on the 22nd of October, sitting mostly on four days
in the week, and adjourned on the 14th of December to the
15th of January.

It was to be expected that the alliance of the Gladstonians
with the party of violence, anarchy, and disintegration in
Ireland would not remain without effect in Great Britain.
Separatist doctrines have made rapid progress in Wales, allying
themselves with schemes for the overthrow of the Church and
the spoliation of the landowners, and employing in the attempt
to organise a tithe war those methods of furious denunciation,
calumny, and appeals to popular greed which we recognise as
borrowed from the Irish armoury. The same doctrines have
shown themselves in Scotland, though there they are as yet
adopted by few persons of any political note. Mr. Gladstone
and his acolytes. Sir William Harcourt, Sir George Trevelyan,
and Mr. Morley, have turned an approving eye on the move-

Z5S ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1888

ment in Wales, and have intimated that they have an open
mind in the case of Scotland.

Apart from the abstract attractions of separatism, anywhere
and everywhere, the champions of the League cannot affect
indignation at forcible resistance to the execution of the law in
Skye or the Lewis, or at the attacks on auctioneers and bailiffs
when goods are seized for tithes in Wales. It is a little more
doubtful whether it is good policy to take sides with violence in
London, for London, according to Mr. Morley, must be won if
Home Rule is to be carried, so that Mr. Cunninghame Graham
and Mr. Burns have been unpitied martyrs during their im-
prisonment. But the facilities afforded by the " open mind "
are great, and Mr. Gladstone showed in his speeches at Birming-
ham in November, and at Limehouse little more than a
fortnight ago, that, though he gives the first place to the Irish
craze, he is willing to add any number of new articles of faith
to the party creed, if by so doing he can gain votes.

The National Liberal Federation, which met under the
shadow of the Unionist victories at the municipal elections in
Birmingham, and in the absence of Mr. Chamberlain, who had
started for Washington to get married, must have been con-
founded at the mass of accepted dogmas which Mr. Gladstone
had either repudiated three years before or, at the most, had
tolerated as " pious opinions." To Home Rule for Ireland and
possibly for Wales are to be added Welsh disestablishment,
local option, "one man one vote," payment of members, the
repeal of the Septennial Act, the Channel Tunnel, and half a
dozen other "fads," while the door is invitingly held open to
as many more, from anti- vaccination to free schools. Mr.
Morley's plan, indeed, for winning over London was adopted
en bloc by Mr. Gladstone in his visit to Limehouse, and, put
into plain language, it amounts to this, that the " open mind "
of the Liberal party will embrace anything Londoners choose to
ask for, if they are only able to give votes enough in exchange
for a speculative promise to pay.

A good deal has been heard this year about the metropolitan
police, and the visible friction between the Commissioner, Sir
Charles Warren, and the Home Secretary was brought to a
crisis by the publication by the former of a controversial
magazine article, which Mr. Matthews pronounced to be contrary
to rule. Sir Charles Warren thereupon resigned, and was sue-

1888 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 359

ceeded by Mr. Monro, who, as chief of the detective department,
had been involved in the previous misunderstandings, but who,
it is hoped, may now be able to make the whole machine work
more smoothly. Sir Charles Warren was most unfairly held
responsible by some foolish persons for the failure of the police
to discover the author of the horrible series of murders and
mutilations perpetrated at intervals during the year in the
Whitechapel district. Another remarkable resignation was that
of Lord Charles Beresford, whose conduct at the Admiralty was
probably too imperious for a subordinate, but who has done his
part in drawing attention to the now acknowledged weakness of
the navy.

From the recent speeches of the Prime Minister, the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer, and other members of the Government
it may be inferred that a vigorous attempt will be made in the
coming year to supply the patent defects in our military and
naval systems which were brought to light by the success of the
attacking squadron in the naval manoeuvres. The reluctance of
the Duke of Cambridge to renew the privileges of the National
Rifle Association at Wimbledon and the refusal of the Crown to
grant similar privileges at Richmond Park alarmed the volun-
teers, but, after the consideration of other sites, the removal of
the meeting - place to Brookwood, near Woking, has been
accepted as a working compromise.

The Armada Tercentenary and the Italian, Irish, and Anglo-
Danish Exhibitions in London were among the minor events of
the year. The Local Government Act has put an end to the
Metropolitan Board of Works, which, in any ca^e, could hardly
have survived the report of the Commission presided over by
Lord Herschell, and the preparations for the first election of its
successor, the County Council of London, are now in progress.
The School Board for London has been elected for another term
of three years, and the party identified with economy and
voluntary schools remains in power, with a slightly diminished
majority. We may note also the appearance of the Report of
the Education Commission, containing so much controversial
matter that it is not likely to be acted upon. Education was
naturally one of the chief topics discussed at the Church
Congress, where, however, Mr. Balfour's eloquent and thoughtful
address on " The Religion of Humanity" was the most interesting
feature.

360 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1888

Though France has ceased to be the centre round which
European politics revolve, French affairs are always interesting
to other nations, if only because reaction or revolution in France
may instantaneously change the aspect of international relations
throughout the civilised world. Having passed the eighteenth
anniversary of the proclamation of the Third Republic, and
having tried a new Ministerial combination, the twenty-fourth
since September 1870, France seems to have once more reached
that critical stage in which institutions and individuals have
alike fallen into discredit, and desperate, unreasoning attempts
to recover public confidence open a way both for selfish ambition
and for anarchical impatience. It is hoped rather than believed
that the crisis may, at least, be deferred till after the Exhibition
of the coming year, which is to commemorate the opening of
the revolutionary period a century ago.

In foreign affairs the main fact to be noted is the exacerbation
of the quarrel, now of long standing, with Italy, in which,
however, the faults, of manner at any rate, have not all been
on the side of France. While Signor Crispi's despatches have
not been conciliatory in regard to either the rights of Italian
subjects in Tunis or the abrogation by Italy of the capitulations
at Massowah, French jealousy and bitterness were unmistakably
shown in the harsh treatment of Italian workmen in France,
and in the diplomatic obstruction which Italy had to meet on
every question which brought the two nations into contact.
Towards Germany France has behaved, on the whole, with
prudence and reserve, not officially noticing provocative lan-
guage, but steadily keeping up with, or perhaps outstripping,
the German expenditure on the army and navy.

The French Press has been sharp in its comments on English
policy, and French diplomacy has been dilatory and litigious,
but no serious causes of strife with this country have arisen.
Frenchmen, indeed, have been too absorbed in the anxieties of
domestic politics to have much attention to spare for foreign
affairs, except so far as they seem to bear upon the necessity for
organising the national defences. To the vast increase of mili-
tary and naval expenditure, incurred when the finances were
crippled, the yield of taxes dwindling, and the debt double that
of this country, no opposition was practically offered. Yet
faction had risen to an unprecedented height, and charges of
corruption were bandied about on all sides.

1888 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 361

The trial of M. Wilson and the severe sentence passed upon him
did not serve M. Tirard's Government, nor was its position im-
proved by the cashiering of General Boulanger, on the ground of
disobedience to the orders of the War Minister. The General
was dangerous, no doubt, as a political intriguer who had
obtained votes in seven departments, and still held a military
command, but he became more troublesome as a " martyr."
M. Tirard was succeeded by M. Floquet, with M. Goblet as Foreign
Minister, and the new Cabinet immediately set about " dishing "
General Boulanger, who was returned both in the Dordogne
and in the Nord, and who put himself forward as the champion
of a revision of the Constitution. After some shuffling M.
Floquet adopted the revision cry, against the judgment of the
most sagacious and patriotic Frenchmen ; but General Boulanger,
supported with various ulterior views by Royalists, Bonapartists,
and some extreme Revolutionists, is likely to get what credit is
to be derived from this move. His tactics have been peculiar.
By standing in a number of constituencies — the last being
Paris, where he is at this moment a candidate, — he has con-
trived to take a sort of informal pMhisdte, and, in spite of more
than one check, the results have been on the whole so decidedly
in his favour that the Government are afraid he will become a
candidate at the elections of next year for some forty seats, and
will thus enter the Chamber with overwhelming prestige. Last
summer the quarrel between M. Floquet and General Boulanger
ran so high that a duel took place, in which the latter was
severely wounded, and scandal has since been busy in many
ways with his name. All this, however, advertises him, and
the revision scheme of the Ministry, being obviously intended
to maintain the present majority permanently in power and to
render a real appeal to the country impossible, does not grow in
favour.

The weakness of the Ministerial attempt to substitute once
more the scrutin d'arrondissement for the scrutin de liste, which
in the time of Gambetta was accepted as the Radical policy, is
so manifest that the partisans of the Government hardly
disguise it themselves. The Baudin demonstration a few weeks
ago proves that M. Floquet and his allies, with all their sub-
servience to Radical demands, are distrusted by the Revolu-
tionists as well as by the Conservatives. The trial of M.
Numa Gilly, Mayor of Nimes, for a libel on the Budget

362 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1888

Commission has brought to light a crop of those scandals which
in France are among the symptoms of revolution.

That nothing might be wanting to complete the parallel
with the days preceding the fall of Louis Philippe and that of
Napoleon III., the position of the Panama Canal, in which
millions of Frenchmen have invested their savings, has become
most serious. M. de Lesseps having changed his plans and
undertaken to construct a canal with locks instead of an open
waterway, the issue of a Lottery Loan to cover the increased
expenses was resolved on by the shareholders and sanctioned by
the Chambers ; but when issued, owing to a false report of M.
de Lesseps' death — denounced as a Stock Exchange manoeuvre
— or to other causes, not half the loan was taken up, and, subse-
quent efforts to float it failing, an appeal was made to the
Government and to the Chambers. The Government sanctioned
a modest relief Bill, giving M. de Lesseps' company time to
meet its obligations, but the Chamber, fearing that this would
involve the acceptance of responsibility, nationally and inter-
nationally, for the scheme, threw out the Bill by a large
majority. The discontent of a large body of small investors is
a formidable element at a time when the temper of a large
section of the voters has been shown by the election of the
Communist General Cluseret to the Chamber of Deputies.

The prolongation of the French crisis was keenly watched in
Germany, and Prince Bismarck's policy was throughout directed
to the isolation of France. Before the introduction of the
Army Bill, the Chancellor emphasised the significance of the
alliance of the Central Powers by authorising the publication at
Berlin and Vienna of the Treaty of 1879, providing against the
eventualities of an attack on either Empire by France or
Russia, and the measure, which was promptly voted by the
Reichstag, led the way for similar augmentations of military
expenditure in France, Austria, Russia, and Italy. While
taking his stand firmly on the Austrian alliance, the Chan-
cellor strove to conciliate Russia by speaking contemptuously
of Bulgaria, where Prince Ferdinand held his ground, in
spite of the renewed protest of the Porte against the illegality
of his position. Nevertheless, the relations between Germany
and Russia were by no means cordial. The German news-
papers under Prince Bismarck's influence, which have since
been allowed to attack not only France, but England and even

1888 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 363

Austria, with «as little courtesy as fairness, engaged in a sharp
polemic, repeatedly renewed, with the Kussian Press, and the
German money-market at one time created a panic by a hasty
attempt to get rid of its excessive burden of Russian securities.

Attention was soon diverted from these controversies by the
fatal illness of the Emperor William and the alarming reports
of the health of his son, who was at San Remo when his father
died. Though the Emperor William had reached a patriarchal
age, his death was deeply felt by the German people. The
funeral ceremony was carried out with an impressive magnifi-
cence never surpassed. The wildest hopes and fears were
excited in France and elsewhere by the accession of the
Emperor Frederick, in whose state a temporary improvement
was visible after his arrival in Berlin. That his views in
domestic policy were much more liberal than those of his
father and that he was sincerely desirous of peace became soon
apparent, and a certain amount of friction arose between him
and the Chancellor, threatening to end at one time in the
resignation of the latter, who opposed the projected marriage
between the Princess Victoria and Prince Alexander, the former
ruler of Bulgaria. In these controversies the Crown Prince,
who has now become the Emperor William II., ranged himself
apparently on the side of the Chancellor. The Emperor
Frederick slowly sank under a malady which the post-mortem
examination showed to be incurable, and, though the event was
long expected, it produced an outburst of unfeigned and disin-
terested grief, not only in Germany, but throughout Europe,
and especially in Great Britain, which was the highest tribute
to a lofty character and a noble life. The new Emperor in his
earliest proclamations and speeches reproduced the spirit and the
language of his grandfather, with a less pacific temper and a
more outspoken dislike of German Liberalism.

We need only notice in passing the painful and not
very creditable squabbles which arose out of the illness of
the Emperor Frederick, the charges and counter-charges of Sir
Morell Mackenzie and Professor von Bergmann, the publication
of the late Emperor's diary, and the arrest and prosecution of
Dr. Geffcken for alleged complicity in that offence. The foreign
policy of the Empire, which practically governs that of Central
Europe, has undergone no change, though much alarm was
caused both in Austria-Hungary and in France by the visit of

364 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1888

the young Emperor William, soon after his accession, to the
Czar at Peterhof. The German semi-official Press continued
to write contemptuously and abusively of Bulgaria, and the
friendly relations between the German and the Russian Courts
were the subject of various comment It soon appeared, how-
ever, that the " League of Peace," the alliance of Germany with
Austria and Italy, was still the keystone of German policy.
The visits of Signor Crispi and Count Kalnoky to Prince
Bismarck were followed by the more formal and significant
progress of the Emperor himself to Vienna and to Rome, where,
as also in Sweden and in the South German capitals, he was
welcomed with great enthusiasm. The solidarity of the
interests of the three Powers constituting the " League of
Peace" was emphatically asserted in these interchanges of
courtesy. An interview between the Emperor and the Pope
at the Vatican was maladroitly managed either on one side or
on both, and has weakened the friendly feelings which had of
late grown up between the German Government and the Roman
Catholic Church.

In Austria the necessity of the German, alliance had been
affirmed by the threatening concentration of Russian troops in
Galicia, which drew forth a vigorous protest in the Hungarian
Parliament from M. Tisza, and was met by immediate counter-
preparations. The situation on the Austrian frontier was
supposed to be connected with the retirement of Count Moltke
from his place as Chief of the Staff of the German army, in
which he was succeeded by General Waldersee, on the ground
that his great age rendered him unfit for active service at a
time when war might at any moment break out. The demands
of the Austrian Government for increased military strength met
with a cordial response both in Hungary and in the Cisleithan
provinces, though in the latter the growing restlessness of the
Czech and other Panslavist elements, headed by such enthusiasts
as Bishop Strossmeyer, have produced strained relations be-
tween the Grerman parties, encouraged by the recent visit of
the Emperor William, and the Ministry of Count Taafi'e. The
celebration of the fortieth anniversary of the Emperor Francis
Joseph's accession showed that the personal popularity of the
Sovereign and the moderating influence of the Imperial family
are still most powerful factors in the Austro-Hungarian polity.

At the same time the prospects of Austria have not improved

1888 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 366

during the year. The German alliance, notwithstanding some
bickering between the German and Austrian newspapers, may
be depended upon, and Russia, though always assuming a
menacing attitude, is seemingly no nearer to an actual rupture
than she was twelve months ago. But the smaller States of
Eastern Europe, which appeared ready to range themselves
under Austrian leadership in opposition to Russia, are now less
to be relied upon. In Servia the mismanagement of King
Milan has thrown a dangerous share of influence into the hands
of the Radicals and the avowed or unavowed partisans of
Russia ; the divorce of Queen Natalie has aggravated the dis-
credit of political weakness, and the revision of the Constitution,
as well as the irregular measures adopted to avert its immediate
mischiefs, has so strengthened the factions who look to revolution
as a stepping-stone to Panslavism that the King's abdication
has even been spoken of. In Rou mania, the downfall of M.
Bratiano, whether by his own fault or by the machinations of
his enemies, has opened the way for a policy influenced by
Russia, while social and agrarian disturbances have decreased
the national capacity for resistance. In Bulgaria, though
Prince Ferdinand has held his own, and though the protest of
the Porte already referred to has been a brutum fulmen, the
strife of parties has risen to a perilously violent height, and the
personal intervention of the Prince was needed in the case of
Major Popoff to prevent even patriotic Bulgarian statesmen from
committing a shameful act of injustice. In Greece little has
occurred worth noting, except the ceremonies on the twenty-
fifth anniversary of the King's accession and the astonishing dis-
covery of an accumulation of unacknowledged funds in the
Treasury. But Greece, which has strengthened her dynastic
position by the betrothal of the heir to the throne to a Prussian
Princess, is watching, like Bulgaria, Servia, and Montenegro,
the smouldering fires of revolt, aggravated and complicated by
jealousies of race and creed, which have long been threatening
to break into flame in Macedonia. Turkey, it is scarcely
necessary to say, has done nothing to escape from the dangers
of revolution by carrying out long-promised and much-needed
reforms in internal government. The minor States of Western
Europe have been tranquil, and Spain, Belgium, and Denmark
have striven to give proof of their material progress by the
Exhibitions at Barcelona, Brussels, and Copenhagen.

366 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1888

In India the year opened gloomily enough. The financial
difficulties of the preceding years, due partly to Lord Ripon's
remissions of taxation, partly to the fall in silver, partly to the
military expenditure on the North-West frontier and in Burmah,
had become more urgent, so that, after diverting the famine
assurance fund and withdrawing part of the resources assigned
to the provincial governments, it became necessary to increase
the salt duty and to reimpose the income tax. General regret
was felt that the closing months of Lord Dufferin's successful
Viceroyalty — for the resignation of the Governor-General, who
was raised a step in the peerage and became Marquis of Dufferin
and Ava, was announced early in the year, though it did not
take effect till within the last few weeks — should have been
thus darkened. While the continued disturbances in Burmah
have involved the Indian Government in trouble and expense,
affairs have gone smoothly in India proper. It is true there
has been some heartburning between the Hindoo and Ma-
homedan subjects of the Queen-Empress, and a good deal of
embarrassment has been caused by the ambitious pretensions
and even by the exuberant loyalty of the native princes. The
claims to constitutional recognition put forward on behalf of
the teeming inarticulate millions of India, comprising an extra-
ordinary variety of races and creeds, have been conjoined with
an outbreak of virulent calumny and vituperation in the native
Press, both traceable to the restless activity of a small section of
" educated natives," mainly belonging to the weaker races.

Before resigning the reins of government at Calcutta to Lord
Lansdowne, who had been appointed his successor. Lord Dufferin
spoke out strongly on the subject of the so-called native demand
for self-government, and pointed out that to concede it would be
to establish in power a privileged class of doubtful fitness, and
not in any sense to give representative government to India.
This grave warning may have led to the comparative moderation
of the " National Congress," which has just concluded its meet-
ing at Allahabad. The most important question of domestic
policy in India is, perhaps, insoluble. At least the Report of
the Commissioners on the Precious Metals, showing an equal
division of opinion between monometallists and bi-metallists,
has been able to suggest no comforting solution.

The Empire has not escaped the worry of "little wars." A
Pathan tribe, occupying the Black Mountain on the North- West

1888 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 367

frontier, having raided into British territory and attacked
British troops, were chastised in a troublesome, though suc-
cessful, expedition during the autumn. A more embarrassing
task was imposed upon the Viceroy on the Northern frontier,
where the Tibetans had committed a similar aggression in
Sikkim, a State under the protection of the Anglo-Indian
Government. China, which claims supreme power over Tibet,
while condemning the offence, was opposed to retaliation;
When at length operations were begun, the Tibetans were
severely defeated, and an attempt was then once more made,
at first not very hopefully, but lately with better prospects of
success, to arrange an amicable settlement through the Chinese,
though the Anglo-Indian troops hold Gnatong and Gantok till
a definitive peace is concluded.

It seemed at one time that much more serious difficulties
would arise in Afghanistan, where Abdurrahman was threatened
by his rival Ayoob, whose plans failed, and who is now a
prisoner in India. It was feared subsequently that a rebellion
against the Ameer, headed by Ishak Khan, would be turned to
the advantage of Eussia. Ishak Khan, however, was beaten
and took to flight, and Abdurrahman's power is for the time
unchallenged. The watchful jealousy of Russia about anything
that may strengthen British predominance in Asia has broken
out significantly in the outcry against the results of Sir Henry
Wolff's influence at the Persian Court, and especially the open-
ing up of the Karun river, and consequently of access to the
interior from the Persian Gulf, to the trade, not of England
only, but of all nations.

The position of England in Egypt, closely connected as it is
with the interests of the Indian Empire, is regulated by inter-
national engagements which have recently been in practical
abeyance. It is generally recognised that Egypt has not
reached such a position of security, either internally or ex-
ternally, as to dispense with British supervision. Nubar Pasha,
who was no favourite with the Khedive, and who had shown a
disposition to put aside Sir Evelyn Baring's advice, has been
succeeded as Premier by Riaz Pasha, but no remarkable change
of policy has been the result. The part taken by Sir William
Marriott, while holding office at home as Judge Advocate-
General, in bringing about a settlement of the claims of the
ex-Khedive Ismail upon the Egyptian Government was criticised

368 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1888

in Parliament ; but the arrangement appears to be a reasonable
and a practical one. It is to be feared tbat Sir Edgar Vincent's
efforts to place the Egyptian finances on a steady basis may be
counteracted by the effect of a low Nile and by the pressure of
the Dervishes, representing the fighting force of the Mahdi's
successor, both at Wady Haifa and at Suakin.

Wild hopes had been excited by rumours of the appearance
of a " White Pasha," variously conjectured to be Emin Pasha or
Stanley, on the upper waters of the Nile, who, it was thought,
might break down the Mahdist power at Khartoum, and join
hands with the Anglo-Egyptians either on the north or on the
east. Gloomier reports, it is true, more recently prevailed.
The Mahdists asserted that Emin Pasha and a white traveller
had fallen into their hands, and, though their testimony was
highly suspicious, it was admitted that there was grave reason
for alarm. For more than a year nothing had been heard of
Stanley, who had started by the Congo route to relieve Emin
Pasha at Wadelai, and the destruction of his rear-guard under
Major Barttelot was of ill omen. The most recent accounts, as
yet unconfirmed but eminently probable, point decidedly to the
meeting of Stanley and Emin, and their actual safety.

Meanwhile the Dervishes under Osman Digna had been
pressing Suakin hard, and the Government consented, on the
appeal of the British ofiicers in Egypt, to send British troops
there to reinforce the Egyptian garrison. In deference to
remonstrances in and out of Parliament a larger force was
despatched than General Grenfell had asked for, and a brilliant
victory over the Dervishes was won, the black Egyptian troops
especially fighting bravely.

It is, however, a subject of general and just complaint that
this country seems to have no clear and settled policy except
that of holding a position which, if abandoned, would be seized
by some other European Power, under the impulse which has
led the Italians to establish themselves at Massowah and the
Germans on the coast near Zanzibar. Italy has been involved
in a troublesome and costly war with the Abyssinians, and has
suffered more than one disaster, but has not been shaken in her
possession of Massowah. The results of the imperious diplomacy
of Germany, by which she induced the Sultan of Zanzibar to
surrender to a German company a valuable stretch of coast-
line and a proportionate " sphere of predominance " inland, have

1888 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 369

been jeopardised by a revolt of the Arabs, in the interests, it is
asserted, of the slave-trade. The position of the Germans is
precarious, and must in some degree affect the British East
Africa Company. The quarrel has also produced grave alarm
among the British missionaries, who have done so much to
introduce the elements of civilisation, not only along the coast,
but in the interior. Public opinion in Europe had been moved
by the crusade against the slave-traders preached by Cardinal
de Lavigerie, and this country, together with Germany, Italy,
and Portugal, has agreed, in spite of some technical objections
on the part of France, to establish a blockade of the East Coast
of Africa and prevent the import of arms and the export of
slaves.

The jealousy excited by the " scramble for Africa " extends
to every portion of the Continent. It is visible in speculations
about the future of Tripoli, Morocco, and the Congo State,
as well as in the anxiety shown by English merchants and Cape
colonists in regard to the schemes for connecting the Transvaal
with Delagoa Bay by a railway actually, if not ostensibly, under
German or Dutch control. In view of the danger of a further
extension of Boer domination in Zululand, the Government
were compelled to interfere to put down an insurrection in that
country under Cetywayo's son, Dinizulu, which had caused
some alarm in Natal. After some vexatious delays, due to the
inadequacy of the force employed, the insurgents were defeated
and Dinizulu was taken prisoner. The result will probably be
the consolidation of British power over all Zululand outside the
limits of the Boer Kepublic. At the Cape the pressure in
favour of annexation on the side of Bechuanaland must also be
reckoned with.

Imperial Federation has become a popular doctrine, and the
efforts of Lord Kosebery and other politicians of both parties to
arouse public enthusiasm in its favour have at least drawn
attention to the present value and the future development of our
colonies. But while the organisation in the mother country
evades difficulties by the vagueness of its declarations of policy,
events and controversies in the colonies have shown of what
kind those difficulties may be found in practice to be. On the
question of Chinese immigration, for instance, which has been
much agitated throughout Australia during the year, and which
was considered at a conference at Sydney, the views of the
VOL. II 2 b

370 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1888

colonists differ widely from those prevailing at home. Queens-
land has declined to ratify the Naval Defence Bill, which has
been adopted by the other Australian Governments, as well as
by the Imperial Parliament, and has since compelled the with-
drawal of Sir Henry Blake, whose appointment as Governor had
been announced, and in whose place Sir Henry Norman has
been nominated.

In British North America questions of a different nature, but
not less embarrassing, have arisen, partly out of the complicated
machinery of the federal system, and partly out of the disturb-
ing influence of the United States. Lord Stanley of Preston,
who succeeded Lord Lansdowne as Governor-General of the
Canadian Dominion, finds many anxious problems awaiting
him. The squabble between the Canadian Pacific Railway
Company, supported by the Dominion Government, and the
Provincial Government of Manitoba, which favoured the opening
of direct railway connection between the Eed Eiver district and
the railway system of the United States, led to a threatening
conflict, in which both sides seemed ready to appeal to arms, and,
though a collision has been averted, the causes of jealousy re-
main. The movement for a commercial union with the United
States, which may be regarded as an alternative policy to that
of fiscal reciprocity with the mother country, received a check
in the Dominion Parliament, but it has an active body of sup-
porters, and the stringent measures threatened under the name
of retaliation by the Government at Washington, since the
Fisheries dispute has been once more opened up, are perhaps
intended to reinforce this party. On the other hand, the
advocates of Imperial Federation have not been idle. The
Dominion Government has consented, at their instance, to
summon a conference, representing all the self-governing
colonies, to consider the commercial and fiscal relations of the
different parts of the Empire.

Much disappointment has been caused in Canada by the
refusal of the Republican majority in the Senate of the United
States to ratify the treaty, provisionally concluded at Washing-
ton in the spring, between Mr. Bayard, acting for the American
Government, and Mr. Chamberlain and Sir Charles Tupper,
representing the Imperial and Canadian Governments. It was
felt that it was worth while to make large concessions, in order
to put an end to a controversy which fostered both dangerous local

1888 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 371

conflicts and embarrassing international jealousies. The loss of
the treaty threw back Canada upon the arrangement of 1818,
which the Americans consider onerous and unfair, but which
cannot be surrendered without, at least, the abandonment in
return of extravagant claims.

It was hoped that the American Government would abide
by the modits viveiidi previously arranged, but the Presidential
election was at hand, and Mr. Cleveland was determined not to
give his opponents the opportunity of denouncing him as a
friend of England. Though the treaty had been supported by
his own party, he made its rejection by the Republican majority
in the Senate the excuse for sending a message to Congress
recommending retaliatory measures against Canada. No steps
have been hitherto taken in this direction, and the result of the
Presidential contest diminished the importance of the Message.

Mr. Cleveland was chosen, without opposition, as the Demo-
cratic candidate for the Presidency, but the Republican Con-
vention, divided between the half-recognised claims of Mr.
Blaine and the bitter hostility to his nomination in many
powerful quarters, showed much more hesitation in its choice,
which fell at last on General Harrison, of Indiana. The tariff
question, raised in an imperfect form by the abortive " Mills "
Bill, was the main issue, though Mr. Cleveland's views, which
he has reiterated since his defeat, were clearer and stronger than
those of his party. The Republicans relied on their appeals
not only to Protectionist interests, but to popular prejudices
In order to discredit Mr. Cleveland and the Democrats, a trap
was laid for Lord Sackville, the British Minister at Washington,
who was induced to write a private letter to a soi-disant
Englishman, expressing the opinion that Mr. Cleveland's policy
was not really hostile to England. The Republican outcry,
which this trick was devised to justify, was as absurd as it was
insincere ; but Lord Sackville, unfortunately, repeated his
offence, such as it was, in an interview with the reporter of a
newspaper, and gave the Democrats an opportunity of playing
what they thought a good card.

Mr. Cleveland and his Secretary of State, Mr. Bayard, outdid
their rivals by hastily preferring a complaint to the British
Government, and then, without offering any evidence except
the telegrams in the newspapers, or allowing time for inquiry
in this country, rudely declaring that Lord Sackville could no

372 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1888

longer be received as the British representative at Washington.
This act of international discourtesy did not bring good fortune
to the Democratic cause. In the elections of 6th November the
Kepublicans carried New York, in which the Democrats were
hampered by feuds and intrigues within the party, and all the
rest of the Northern States, except New Jersey and Connecticut,
General Harrison thus obtaining 233 electoral votes against 168
secured for Mr. Cleveland. In the House of Eepresentatives,
hitherto Democratic, the Kepublicans will have probably a small
majority in March next, and they will also be strengthened in
the Senate. For the time the Protectionist policy is triumphant.
The obituary of the year contains several eminent names,
though few of the highest distinction. We have already noticed
the deaths of the Emperors William and Frederick in Germany.
At home the most remarkable losses have been those of Lord
Eversley, for many years the Speaker of the House of Commons,
before that body had begun to decline ; Sir Henry Maine, a
courageous thinker and a powerful writer on all questions of
political theory and scientific jurisprudence ; Mr. Matthew
Arnold, an admirable poet and a penetrating, though too
fastidious, critic ; Mr. Laurence Oliphant, whose brilliant,
though eccentric, genius is not adequately represented by his
published works ; and Mr. Frank HoU, perhaps the most
forcible of our portrait painters.

Among other deaths we may mention those of the Duke of
Rutland, who was succeeded by his brother, so well known as
Lord John Manners ; the Duchess of Sutherland ; Lord Lucan,
whose name is associated with the Balaclava charge ; Lord
Devon ; Lord Mount-Temple ; Sir Frederick Pollock, whose
entertaining Reminiscences were published not long ago ; Sir
Robert Garden ; Sir Richard Baggallay, formerly Lord Justice
of Appeal ; and another ex- Judge of high merit, Sir H. Keating ;
Dr. Burgon, Dean of Chichester ; Dr. Jellett, the Provost of
Trinity College, Dublin ; and the Rev. G. Gleig, long the
Chaplain-General of the army. Colonel King-Harman, Colonel
Duncan, and Mr. Henry Richard will be missed from the House
of Commons ; literature in various departments has to mourn
the loss of Mrs. Proctor, the widow of " Barry Cornwall," and
of Mary Howitt, two links with a bygone time ; of Sir Francis
Doyle, Professor Bonamy Price, Mr. Cotter Morison, Mr. W. G.
Pal grave, Professor Leone Levi, Mr. Richard Proctor, and Mr.

1888 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 373

G. S. Yenables ; Sir Charles Bright, the electrician ; Dr. Latham,
the ethnologist, and Mr. Jameson, the naturalist, have left gaps
in the ranks of science ; while in the official world, besides
some named above. Admiral Hewett and Admiral Cooper Key,
Sir Anthony Musgrave, Sir Ronald Thomson, and Mr. Rothery,
the Wreck Commissioner, have passed away.

Abroad there are not many remarkable deaths to record. In
France the President's father, M. H. Carnot, died at a great age,
as well as M. Duclerc, a former Premier ; Bazaine and Lebceuf,
two Marshals identified with the disasters of 1870 ; the Due de
Padoue, a leader of the Bonapartists ; Boulanger, the painter ;
Monselet, the critic ; Labiche, the dramatist ; and Raj on, the
etcher.

Italy has lost the Count di Robilant, Ambassador at the
English Court, and his predecessor, Count Corti, who retired a
year ago, as well as Signor Mancini, a distinguished jurist and
ex-Minister.

In the United States General Sheridan, one of the heroes of
the Civil War, has passed away ; and in Russia Count Loris
MelikoflF, who, at a critical time, was called to the task of
grappling with Nihilism. The President of the Orange Free
State, Sir J. H. Brand, and the Sultan of Zanzibar were
known, in their several spheres, as staunch and faithful allies
of this country.

1889

Except that the year 1889 is marked as the centenary of the
French Revolution and of the International Exhibition which
commemorated that great event, there is little in its records to
command a permanent place in history. It has been character-
ised at home by a continuance of political stagnation and a
revival of commercial activity ; the relative position of parties
has not been materially altered, though the more aggressive
attitude assumed by the spokesmen of labour towards capital
and the interests connected with it have begun to inspire some
anxiety for the future. Abroad the status quo has been pre-
served in Europe, and, indeed, it might have been said, all over
the world, had it not been for the unexpected and easy over-
throw of the Empire of Brazil ; but it can hardly be affirmed
that the sense of unrest engendered by the presence of immense
and increasing armies has in any way abated.

The commercial revival has not been confined to this country,
where its development has been to some extent interfered with
by the recurrent conflicts in the labour market. The harvest,
which down to the end of June gave promise of being far above
the average, sufi'ered severely from the bad weather of July and
August, and though, happily, the worst anticipations were by no
means realised, the disappointment of the farmers reacted gener-
ally on trade. Still the evidence of progress and prosperity was
indisputable. The growth of railway traffic, of the Post Office
revenues, and of the savings banks deposits, as well as the
receipts from taxation, both direct and indirect, must be regarded
as thoroughly satisfactory. The rapid rise in the price of Govern-
ment securities and other sound investments and the great in-
crease in the amount of capital poured into new undertakings

1889 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 375

show that the frugality enforced by " hard times " has accumu-
lated resources for the future. At the same time industry and
commerce, in view of keen and aggressive foreign competition,
cannot hope for the return of those advances " by leaps and
bounds " over which Mr. Gladstone was able to exult during his
first administration.

The improvement in business, however, was suflficiently
marked to induce a large section of the working men to look
for higher wages, and the movement was controlled to a great
extent by those who had more ambitious schemes of political
and social reform in view. There had been some preliminary
skirmishing before the strike of the dock labourers, which began
in August and which was stimulated by public sympathy with
the sufferings of unskilled labour, brought to light by the Parlia-
mentary inquiry into the " sweating " system, as well as by the
unpopularity of the dock authorities in commercial circles. The
demands of the ordinary " dockers " for an increase of wages
from 5d. to 6d. an hour and the abolition of the contract system
were soon supported by other classes of labourers — porters,
stevedores, firemen, carmen, lightermen, and watermen — of whom
some had grievances of their own, while others struck to help
the dockers. Subscriptions were opened, demonstrations were
held in Hyde Park and elsewhere, and influential interests
among the shipowners, wharfingers, and brokers, alarmed at the
stoppage of trade, navigation, and industry, strove to bring
about a compromise that would bring back the strikers, over
100,000 in number, to work.

The Dock Committee, after deciding not to embitter the
struggle by bringing in foreign labour, made what the leaders of
the strike deemed an inadequate off"er, to which they replied by
an indiscreet manifesto ordering a general strike. This had to
be withdrawn, but the effect on public opinion remained, and,
in spite of large contributions received from Australia and else-
where the movement was morally weakened. The Lord Mayor,
Cardinal Manning, and the Bishop of London organised a Com-
mittee of Conciliation at the Mansion House, and after several
unsuccessful attempts to negotiate, in one of which the Committee
were compelled to reprehend severely an apparent want of good
faith shown by Mr. Burns and Mr. Tillett, the representatives of
the men on strike, an arrangement was agreed to by the Dock
Companies, to come into force on the 4 th of November, practi-

376 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1889

cally including the demands originally put forward, but insisting
that the non-strikers should not be molested. In spite of the
influence of Mr. Burns, who, notwithstanding some mistakes, had
endeavoured to avert appeals to violence, this understanding was
not loyally observed when the dockers had returned to work.

Various sporadic strikes occurred, or were threatened, among
the tailors, the bakers, and the tramway and omnibus men, all
asking for more pay and shorter hours, in which they were
generally successful. A similar movement among the guttapercha
workmen at Silvertown collapsed after a long and ruinous strife,
and one among the postmen was discouraged by the labour
party. A still more serious danger seemed to menace London
when the gas stokers of the South Metropolitan Company " went
out" because the directors had introduced a system of profit
sharing, which the men thought would strike a fatal blow at
their Union. The men were supported by the coal porters and
seamen ; but the company stood firm, brought in new men in
large numbers, and, despite predictions of failure, continued to
supply the means of public and private lighting without serious
difficulty or inconvenience. The same result followed a similar
struggle in Manchester. The threat to plunge a vast urban
community into darkness, and in furtherance of this design to
stop the coal traffic by the aid of the coal porters and firemen,
has produced a strong reaction against the organisers of these
strikes, which, if extended and persisted in, must disastrously
check the revival of trade.

The labour agitation is a symptom of the stirring in all social
questions, which must be reckoned with in politics. The elections
to the London County Council at the beginning of the year were
fought by the Eadical party on political issues, while the moderate
section generally strove to exclude politics. A large " Progres-
sive " majority was returned, pledged to various " social reforms,"
with most of which the Council has no power to deal under the
Local Government Act. This party was further strengthened
by the co-optation of eighteen aldermen, of whom one only was
a " Moderate." A beneficial restraint was imposed by the choice
of Lord Eosebery as chairman, with Sir John Lubbock as
vice-chairman. Mr. Firth was appointed to the deputy-chair-
manship, a salaried office, since vacated by Mr. Firth's death at
Chamounix in the autumn, and filled again by the election of
Mr. Haggis. Though an increase of the rates was inevitable,

1889 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 377

the Council joined in resisting successfully the renewal of the
Coal Dues.

Lord Kosebery's influence saved the Council from many
follies, and contributed to the popularity of a new Two-and-a-
Half per Cent Loan of £1,000,000, offered to tender at a
minimum price of 88 and taken up at over 91^. A well-
intentioned but fussy interference with music-hall performances
was approved by a committee, but was promptly checked for
this year by the members at large. A scheme for taxing
"betterments," or seizing the "unearned increment" of value
for the ratepayers, where improvements had been made out of
the rates, not only appears highly questionable, but must un-
doubtedly depend on the decision of Parliament, and not on the
claims of any local body. The apparent victory of Radical ideas
at the London County Council elections accentuated the eager-
ness of the Opposition in pushing forward social questions, while
Home Rule, though Mr. Gladstone still gave his whole mind to
it, was allowed to slip into a secondary place.

The housing of the poor, the taxation of ground-rents, the
right to the " unearned increment," the abolition of elementary
school fees, the limitation of the hours of labour, and similar
topics began to be habitually discussed on political platforms.
To these were added, as the bye-elections transferred three or
four doubtful seats from the Unionist to the Separatist side, the
main pillars of a new Reform Bill — the adoption of the " one
man one vote " principle, by sweeping away the small share of
electoral power that had been left to property by the changes of
1885, and the repeal of the Septennial Act. At the same time
the movements for disestablishment and for Home Rule in
Wales and Scotland were growing louder, if not weightier, and
Mr. Gladstone was sharply rebuked by the Welsh Radicals for
hesitating to vote with Mr, Dillwyn. During a political tour in
the South- Western counties Mr. Gladstone yielded the required
assurances, and intimated that all sectional interests which
would unite to give him a majority might hope to employ that
instrument, after he had made use of it to carry Home Rule,
for securing their own ends.

Meanwhile it had become evident that the original proposal
to exclude the Irish members from the Westminster Parliament
had been abandoned, and that Home Rule, now claimed by
Welsh and Scotch Gladstonians, must imply either a complete

378 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1889

reconstruction of the United Kingdom on the federal system or
the reduction of England to a position of scandalous inequality.
The issue was grappled with at once by the Unionists, who
carried on an active platform warfare throughout the year,
Lord Hartington and Mr. Chamberlain showing especial energy,
though followed close, despite the demands of official work, by
Mr. Balfour — who undertook the task of exposing Mr. Glad-
stone's incessant misstatements about Irish affairs — by Mr.
Goschen, and by Lord Salisbury himself. Sir William
Harcourt, Mr. Morley, and Lord Rosebery were most conspicu-
ous on the other side. Taking their cue from Mr. Gladstone,
they all evaded the question whether or not Home Rule meant
federalism, which, indeed, to this hour remains unanswered,
except for the significant fact that the Scottish Gladstonian
caucus has declared for a federal plan, notwithstanding Lord
Rosebery's protest. They were not equally reticent about the
proceedings before the Special Commission — in which, as Mr.
Parnell's allies, they were personally interested — anticipating
the conclusions of the judges and making charges, in a manner
without precedent in this country, against persons whose mouths
were closed by a decent respect for justice. For our own part,
as the report of the Commission has not yet been issued, we
think it proper to maintain the silence we have observed all
along till we have a right to speak.

It is only necessary to state here that the Commission con-
tinued to sit practically from the beginning to the end of the
year. It closed its sittings in Court on the 22nd of November,
having met in all on 129 days and examined some 500
witnesses. Months before, the Gladstonians had taken it upon
them to declare that the charges the judges were investigating
had been disproved, and to welcome Mr. Parnell among them
as a conquering hero. A narrow majority in the Town
Council of Edinburgh persisted in conferring upon him the
freedom of the city, in the teeth of an informal canvass of
the citizens, which showed an immense preponderance of opinion
on the other side. Mr. Parnell on this occasion spoke with a
studied moderation, which was even more remarkable in his
speeches at Nottingham and Liverpool later in the year, when
also he was Mr. Gladstone's guest at Hawarden.

The Gladstonians, in fact, showed themselves more
Parnellite than Mr. Parnell ; they not only magnified Home

1889 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 379

Rule, but denounced every attempt to enforce the law in
Ireland, Lord Spencer and Sir George Trevelyan taking an
ignominious pleasure in attacking Mr. Balfour for what they
had done themselves. The result was that the two sections of
the Unionists were drawn more and more closely together ;
Lord Hartington and Mr. Chamberlain, seeing the gulf that
separated them from the apologists of anarchy, and recognising
the willingness of the Conservatives to carry out what not long
ago would have been deemed a more than Liberal policy, began
to talk of the possibilities of a National party. The idea has
already become familiar, and its acceptance has been doubtless
quickened in many minds by the difficulties of working
together with two independent organisations, which is believed
to have had a large share in the Unionist losses at the bye-
elections. At the Conference of the Conservative organisations
at Nottingham a resolution in favour of forming a National
party was carried by a great majority, and Lord Salisbury not
only gave his approval to the suggestion, though he said that it
could take effect only through the spontaneous action of the
rank and file, but stated that he was willing to resign the office
of Premier if that would facilitate the fusion. From more
recent declarations of the Liberal Unionist leaders it appears
that, while no immediate necessity is believed to exist for
taking formal steps in this direction, the contingency is regarded
as possible, and, in certain circumstances, desirable.

Mr. Gladstone's chagrin at the complete emancipation from
his influence of the Liberal Unionists has heightened his
rhetorical exultation over the bye-elections, from which he
argues that the next general election — he has now entered on
his eighty -first year and the present Parliament is only
three years and a half old — will give him a great majority
and crush his opponents to powder. This is a large inference
to draw from so narrow a basis of induction as the fact that
within the past twelve months the Separatists have won five
seats — in Govan, Kennington, Rochester, Peterborough, and
North Bucks. The transfer of five votes on a division is not an
insignificant matter, but it cannot be accepted as proof that
the constituencies on the next appeal will reverse the verdict
of 1886.

The Unionists, too, can reflect with satisfaction on the
repulse of Sir Robert Peel's attempt to capture Brighton, and

380 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1889

still more on the contest for the seat vacated by Mr. Bright's
death in Birmingham, where the Unionist alliance emerged
triumphant from a severe trial. The dispute which then arose
between the Liberal Unionists and the Conservatives of
Birmingham, as to whether the latter had not a right to more
than one seat out of seven, has been referred to the decision
of Lord Salisbury and Lord Hartington. Lord Eandolph
Churchill's eccentric course has possibly been effected by the
refusal of the Liberal Unionists to allow him to step into Mr.
Bright's place. He has, on occasions, spoken out boldly for the
Union, but, again, emulating the coquetry of the Gladstonians
with Socialism, he has taunted his own party with not out-
bidding their opponents, and only the other day he declared for
the principle of the Eight Hours Bill, which Mr. Morley had
repeatedly rejected, and which Mr. Gladstone, in spite of a
direct challenge from the Socialists, had, at the Manchester
Conference of the National Liberal Federation, passed over in
absolute silence. It is to be noted that Lord Salisbury, while
pointing out the injurious effect of limiting the hours of work
by law, disclaimed the wish to oppose all measures tending to
State Socialism, and, in particular, announced that he had been
converted to the principle of Free Education.

Ireland has, on the whole, enjoyed a larger share of peace
and prosperity than has fallen to her lot for years. The Crimes
Act was firmly, but temperately, administered ; agrarian
outrage rapidly diminished in spite of incitements applied, with
decreasing boldness and effect, it is true, by the party of
disorder, many of whom seemed to have had a surfeit of the
glories of martyrdom ; and even boycotting, of which the
Gladstonians constituted themselves the apologists, relaxed its
pressure. A rise in agricultural prices and a good harvest had
a share in this improvement, which was shown as well by the
criminal statistics as by the avidity with which applications to
the full extent of the grant under the Ashbourne Act were
made by tenants desirous of purchasing their holdings, and
this notwithstanding the efforts both of professional agitators
and of political ecclesiastics like Archbishop Walsh.

The Plan of Campaign was not carried further on the
original basis, and on some properties where it had been
adopted was visibly breaking down, but a violent struggle was
prolonged on Mr. Olphert's estate near Gweedore, in Donegal,

1889 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 381

where Father M'Fadden led the resistance, and on Mr. Pon-
sonby's estate near Youghal, in East Cork. Father M'Fadden's
attempts to evade arrest for inciting to non-payment of rent led
to an attack on the police in the Derrybeg chapelyard on
3rd February, in which District-Inspector Martin was brutally
murdered, and later in the year Captain Plunkett, one of the
ablest of the Irish police magistrates, died from the effects of
a blow on the head, received twelve months before in a riot
of the same sort at Youghal. The landlords, both in Donegal
and in Cork, offered most liberal terms for the sake of peace,
which the tenants would have gladly accepted had not the
League interfered. When, on the other hand, Mr. Ponsonby
was supported, as fighting for the common interest, by a
syndicate of landlords, at the head of which was Mr. Smith
Barry, the tenants of the latter in Tipperary, tradesmen in
town as well as peasants, were ordered to pay no rent, and
those who refused to obey — for none of them had any quarrel
with their landlord — were compelled, under the penalties of
boycotting, to join the movement.

These tactics the Gladstonians, openly or tacitly, approved,
reserving all their indignation for the imprisonment of Mr.
O'Brien, Mr. Conybeare, and other organisers of a system of
mingled violence and fraud. The dread, however, of coming
openly into conflict with the law and the necessity for raising
funds, ostensibly for legal objects, to replace the waning
subscriptions from America since the revelations in the Cronin
case, have brought about the formation of a new Tenants'
Defence League, of which Mr. Parnell, now contemplating Irish
politics, as he has lately stated, from the impartial position of a
looker-on, has assumed the sponsorship. The resolution of the
Government to put down terrorism in every shape may assist
in confining the League, under its last disguise, within the
bounds of legality, but, in that case, how are the " campaigners "
to be aided in holding their illegal position ? The vindication
of the law at the Maryborough trials, where several persons
implicated in the riot that led to Inspector Martin's murder
pleaded guilty on the charge of manslaughter, and received
heavy sentences, was, as usual, denounced by the Opposition,
in order to damage the character of the Attorney-General, who
had administered the Crimes Act with fearlessness and success,
and has now been promoted to the Irish Chief Justiceship, in

382 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1889

place of Sir Micliael Morris, who has become a Lord of Appeal.
Impartial evidence, however, showed that the trials were
perfectly fair, and the contention of the Gladstonians that the
law in Ireland differs from that of England becomes absurd, in
face of the recent conviction at the Liverpool assizes for the
boycotting of Irish cattle at Salford, and the prompt dismissal
by a Manchester jury of Mr. William O'Brien's libel action
against Lord Salisbury.

The Viceroyalty became vacant in the autumn by the
retirement of Lord Londonderry, who had filled the office
creditably for three years. He has been succeeded by Lord
Zetland, who has just met with a cordial reception in Dublin.
Mr. Balfour, happily, remains at the helm, and has no intention
of leaving it while the policy, at once firm and generous,
which he has set before him is incomplete. Much criticism
and hostility had been aroused by his suggestion, at the close
of the session, that the higher education of the majority of the
Irish might be assisted by the endowment of a Roman Catholic
College, and he has admitted himself that it cannot be carried
out except under conditions of general goodwill that are for
the time wanting. No such difficulties threaten the proposed
extension of the creation of Irish peasant owners by State
aid upon the voluntary system. This measure, on which
the Cabinet has been recently engaged, will be pushed
forward next session, and will be opposed only by those
whose opposition, as hostile to any settlement, is to be taken
as a matter of course.

Among the non-political topics which were discussed during
the year, the state of the national defences was prominent. The
avowed intention of the Government to strengthen the navy
met with some adverse criticism on the part of the Opposition,
though no attempt was made to follow up the attack in
Parliament Public opinion was decidedly in favour of the
Ministerial policy, and steadily refused to be drawn aside by
schemes for building fortifications or reorganising land forces.
The sinking of the ironclad Sultan, near Malta, was a warning
that no addition to our naval strength could make up for lack
of prudence or seamanship, and the lesson ought not to be
neglected either because of the subsequent raising of the vessel
by a firm of contractors or because Captain Kane's brilliant
feat in bringing the Calliope safely out of the hurricane at

1889 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 383

Samoa proves that the qualities desired are still forthcoming
when the need arises. There has been much controversy
about the type of ships to be built, but on the whole the judg-
ment of experts has been in favour of the plans adopted by the
Admiralty. The naval manceuvres of the autumn were, in these
circumstances, followed with peculiar interest. The presence
of the German Emperor at the Spithead Eeview was observed
with much satisfaction in this country, as were also the marked
compliments which His Majesty subsequently paid to an
English squadron that visited German waters.

The strength of the army was less frequently discussed,
though Lord Wolseley's outspoken complaints at Oxford against
the consequences of yielding to the pressure of unpatriotic
politicians attracted a good deal of attention. An important
movement for the better equipment of the Metropolitan
Volunteers was started by Sir James Whitehead, then Lord
Mayor, in the summer.

The Courts have dealt with several cases raising grave
questions of ecclesiastical law, such as the jurisdiction of the
Archbishop of Canterbury in the proceedings against the
Bishop of Lincoln, the right of the Bishop of London to exercise
a discretionary power in the St. Paul's reredos case, and the
suspension of the Vicar of Hoo for refusing the sacrament to a
parishioner on the ground of alleged " schism." The campaign
against the payment of tithes in Wales has been carried on
with the encouragement of Sir William Harcourt and other
Gladstonians, and with a practical adoption of Parnellite
methods of action.

In the ordinary Courts the trial of Mrs. Maybrick for the
murder of her husband resulted in a conviction which was
accompanied by a scandalous exhibition of public excitement,
and a conviction was also secured in the trial of Laurie for the
Arran murder ; but in both cases the mercy of the Crown was
extended to the criminals. The dispute between Sir George
Chetwynd and Lord Durham was referred to the arbitration of
Mr. Lowther and two other assessors, and the award, though
acquitting the plaintiff of personal wrongdoing, was held to
justify in the main the defendant's strictures. The attempt to
murder a County Court Judge by a disappointed suitor, a
foreigner, is a new form of crime in England. The visit of the
Shah of Persia attracted much less notice than in 1873. The

384 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1889

"social reform" movement has made itself felt not only in
Sir Edward Guinness's munificent gift of a quarter of a million
sterling to provide improved dwellings for the poor of London
and Dublin, but in the efforts of private persons to bring the
existing law into operation against the owners of insanitary
habitations.

Alarms about the public health have been not infrequent.
The spread of leprosy is being inquired into by a Commission
of Experts ; the increase of rabies in dogs led to a " muzzling
order," issued by the Privy Council, which the London County
Council declined to carry out, and which was then enforced
by the police ; and, as the year closes, it is feared that the
influenza epidemic which has swept over the Continent is
gaining a footing among us.

France, though no longer the mainspring of European
politics, has been once more " the cynosure of neighbouring
eyes." When the year opened the Republic seemed to be in
the greatest danger, and there was a prospect that the torrent
of accumulated discontent would bear General Boulanger to
supreme power on its swelling crest. The feebleness of some
of the Republican leaders and the violence of others provoked
the distrust which found expression in the Paris election, when
the "plebiscitary candidate" was returned by a majority of
245,000 against 162,000 recorded for his Radical opponent.
While the Government was staggering under this blow, the
collapse of the Panama Canal Company, almost immediately
followed by the breakdown of the speculative efforts to keep
up the price of copper, and by the consequent difiiculties of the
Comptoir d'Escompte, gave a shake to public credit and inflicted
grievous losses upon individuals.

France has struggled manfully with these misfortunes and
has overcome them. General Boulanger's pretensions were
first attacked by M. Floquet's Cabinet in a measure substituting
scrutin d' arrondissement once again for scrutin de liste, and this
stroke was followed up by orders for the General's prosecution,
on the mere rumour of which he fled to Belgium, and subse-
quently to England. Nevertheless M. Floquet and his
colleagues did not command confidence, and their fall on a side
issue occasioned no surprise. After many difficulties and
delays M. Tirard succeeded in forming a Cabinet of no pro-
nounced political colour, with the principal object, as it was

1889 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 385

understood, of presiding over the Exhibition and preparing for
a dissolution in the autumn. But it turned out that M.
Constans and some of his colleagues were "fighting Ministers,"
and when General Boulanger's flight betrayed his sense of
weakness the Departments of the Interior and of Justice began
an active campaign, which has been vindicated by a complete
victory. The prosecution of the General, with his adherents,
M. Eochefort and M. Dillon, hung fire for some time, but at
length the Senate, constituted as a High Court of Justice,
found all the accused guilty and sentenced them in their
absence to deportation. Some doubt still rests on the truth
of the charges, and in minor matters it was admitted that
mistakes had been made, but the Government were successful
in the main point, which was to keep the General out of France
and to discredit him with the masses.

Meanwhile the Exhibition was opened in May, immediately
after the celebration of the centenary of the meeting of the
States General ; and though the chief Governments of the
civilised world, excepting the United States and Switzerland,
declined to take part in an avowed demonstration against
Monarchy, public curiosity brought visitors, both French and
foreigners, to Paris in greater crowds than on any former
occasion. Even the Eiffel Tower, against which a vain protest
had been made on aesthetic grounds, became extraordinarily
popular. The Prince of Wales, the King of Greece, the Shah,
and other illustrious personages were among the visitors, who
were computed to have reached in all the enormous number of
6,500,000, nearly one-fourth coming from foreign countries.

The success of the Exhibition and the condemnation of
General Boulanger encouraged the Government to strike while
the iron was hot. In September the appeal to the constituencies
was hastened on, and M. Constans used with vigour and, it is
alleged, without scruple all the well-known resources of the
Ministry of the Interior to secure the triumph of his party.
On the other hand, a close alliance was formed between the
Boulangists, the Bonapartists, and the various sections of the
Monarchists, and the Comte de Paris issued a manifesto, which
was severely criticised, calling on his friends, where they had
no candidates of their own, to vote for the General's supporters.
The internal feuds among the Republicans were suppressed
during the electoral period, and the result showed that France
VOL. II 2 c

386 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1889

was not in favour of a policy of agitation and adventure. The
Republicans returned 325 members to the new Chamber, while
all sections of the Opposition had only 246, of whom not more
than 41 were Boulangists. The first act of the new Assembly
was to reject a proposal for the revision of the Constitution by
345 against 123 votes, and the strengthening of the Moderate
Republicans held out the hope that a truce of parties might
end in bringing over reasonable Conservatives to the cause of
the Republic. The majority, however, have been invalidating
the elections of their opponents, including that of General
Boulanger himself, in a manner that gives little promise of
peace, and the financial difficulties of the Government are likely
to become pressing in the coming year.

The foreign policy of France has been unusually subdued and
modest. She refused, indeed, in a churlish spirit to assent to
the scheme for the reduction of the interest on the Egyptian
Preference Debt from 5 to 4 per cent, which had been arranged
by Sir Edgar Vincent before he resigned the office of Financial
Adviser to the Khedive to assume the direction of the Ottoman
Bank. The other Powers were prepared to-agree, but France
insisted on a pledge of immediate evacuation by England,
which, in presence of the threatening movements of the
"Dervishes" on the Upper Nile, was absurd. As the year
closes she seems desirous of withdrawing from this position, but
a compromise has not yet been assured.

The strained relations between the French and Italian Govern-
ments still continue, though here also there are signs of improve-
ment. Signor Crispi, who appears to be more firmly seated in
power by the reconstruction of his Ministry and the attempt
upon his life, has accentuated his belief in the importance to
Italy of retaining her place in the Triple Alliance both in the
Chamber at Rome and at a banquet in his honour at Palermo,
The rumours of a treaty between Italy and England have been
officially contradicted, but it is perfectly well understood, in
spite of protests supposed to be inspired by Mr. Gladstone, that
this country could not allow the status quo in the Mediterranean
to be overturned by the destruction of the Italian navy.

Spain has, on the whole, been tranquil. Senor Sagasta's
Ministry still holds its ground, though opposed by Canovist
Conservatives on the one side and Radicals and Republicans on
the other. The Queen Regent has presided over the Govern-

1889 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 387

ment of lier infant son with success, and the visit which was
paid to her by our own gracious Sovereign, during her stay at
Biarritz, was generally accepted as the tribute of one best entitled
to judge of public and private merit in a situation so critical.

Portugal has been undisturbed at home, in spite of the
succession of a new sovereign and a Ministerial crisis, but both
the Iberian kingdoms have felt the shock of the overthrow of
the Brazilian Empire by a military revolt, and the foreign
policy of the country, especially in regard to England, has been
both undignified and unwise. The Republicans have been
stirring, or at least noisy — not, it is suspected, without concert
— among the Portuguese and the Spaniards alike. In Holland
the King has been at death's door, and all arrangements were
made for the severance of Luxemburg from the Netherlands, but
the crisis has been postponed by an unexpected improvement in
the King's health.

Towards her great rival, Germany, the policy of France
was prudent and circumspect, while the German Government,
evidently better pleased that the control of French affairs should
remain in the hands of the Republicans than that they should
pass into those of General Boulanger, did not encourage the
polemics of the Press, That national susceptibilities were still
on the watch for slights and menaces was shown by the indignant
outbreak of the French newspapers and the scornful reply of the
Germans which followed an unfounded rumour that the King of
Italy was to be present with the Emperor at a review at Stras-
burg. The "League of Peace," indeed, has lost none of its
importance under the new reign, and though German policy
strives to maintain friendly relations with Russia, the separation
of interests has produced visible coldness between the Courts
and friction between the peoples. The unpleasant incident of
the attack on Sir Robert Morier, for which Count Herbert
Bismarck was justly held responsible, led to a momentary tension
of feeling on the side of England, which, however, was removed
by Prince Bismarck's cordial reference to this country in his
speech on the opening of the Reichstag. A diplomatic contro-
versy with Switzerland about the expulsion of the police agent
Wohlgemuth looked serious, but has been amicably settled.
The prosecution of Dr. Geffcken, which excited much interest at
the close of last year, was dismissed by the Supreme Court.

But the most remarkable factor in German politics was tlie

388 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1889

energy with which the young Emperor impressed his personality
on his own subjects and on all Europe. His almost restless
activity was displayed in the frequent interchange of visits with
other sovereigns. He came to England in the summer, and
was much impressed by the naval review at Spithead. In Berlin
he entertained the Emperor of Austria and the Kings of Italy,
Sweden, and Denmark, and, finally, after delays which gave rise
to much gossip, the Czar. In the autumn he went to Athens,
taking Italy on his way, in order to be present at the marriage
of his sister, the Princess Sophia, to the Duke of Sparta, the
heir to the throne of Greece, and thence proceeded to Constanti-
nople, where he met with a splendid welcome from the Sultan.

Austria -Hungary, meanwhile, has been going through a
period of anxious trial. The death of the Crown Prince, the
Emperor's only son, in circumstances the most distressing, is an
event of importance in a monarchy where the personal influence
of the Sovereign is the main bond between disconnected nation-
alities and diverging interests. The Emperor has refused to
give any sanction to the movement for the recognition of
Bohemia as an independent nation, united to the other parts of
the Empire by the Crown only, and has roused the anger of the
Slavs. In Hungary also the system of Dualism appears to be
endangered by the revival of anti- Austrian feelings and the
unpopularity of M. Tisza. Austria, Germany, and Belgium
have been not less troubled than our own country by the labour
question, strikes, actual or threatened, among the coal miners
being most prominent, and connected, as it is feared, with the
spread of organised Socialism.

The relations between Austria and Russia, arising out of
their rivalry for influence in Eastern Europe, have been em-
bittered on the one side by the predominance that Russian
partisans have won in Servia and by the menacing concentration
of Russian troops on the Galician frontier, and on the other by
the sympathy bestowed in Austria -Hungary on the efforts of
Prince Ferdinand and the patriotic Bulgarian party to escape
from foreign dictation and obtain recognition from the Great
Powers. Though Germany has shown not the least favour to
the Bulgarians, Russia seems to have expected still more from
her, and, in a moment of candid temper, the Czar startled the
Continent by declaring that Montenegro was "Russia's only
friend." Servia may now be added to this category, if not

1889 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 389

Eoumania also. King Milan, who had skilfully played off the
Servian parties against one another and kept a firm hold on the
Austrian alliance, suddenly threw up the game early in the
year, abdicating in favour of his son Alexander, a lad of thirteen,
who was quietly installed as sovereign under a Council of
Regents. The pro -Russian party have been from the outset
dominant in the Regency and the Assembly ; Queen Natalie,
Milan's divorced wife, has been allowed to return to Belgrade,
and a policy of ostentatious hostility towards Austria has been
adopted.

The situation, however, is evidently one of unstable equi-
librium. In Bulgaria Prince Ferdinand has held his ground, in
spite of threats and discouragement, and the opponents of Russia,
under M. Stambouloff, continue in power. The Porte has shown
a more favourable disposition towards the existing order of
things, which is still irregular. During Prince Ferdinand's torn-
through Austria, Bavaria, and France he was able to strengthen
the credit of his adopted country by getting a railway loan of
^1,000,000 contracted for with the Vienna Landerbank. In
Roumania the disasters that befell M. Bratiano, the fall of the
short-lived Cabinet which followed, and the accession to office of
M. Catargi were looked upon as amounting to another Russian
triumph ; but, after a few months of confused struggle, M.
Catargi has, in turn, been overthrown, and as to the future of
Roumanian politics it can only be said that here, too, Austrian
and German influences have waned.

Turkey, regarded as a European Power, is chronically afflicted
with the dread of a rising in Macedonia, for which Servians,
Bulgarians, Montenegrins, and Greeks, not to speak of more
distant and more important States, are eagerly watching. So
far as Greece is concerned, the same thing may be said of the
disturbances in Crete, which, however, were much exaggerated
in the reports published by the enemies of Turkey. Such as
they were, they did not originate in Turkish misgovemment,
but in the local feuds of the Christian population under a Home
Rule system. Chakir Pasha, the Governor appointed by the
Porte, armed the Mussulman inhabitants of the towns, and acts
of violence subsequently occurred ; but affairs are settling down
quietly, and the appointment of a Christian Governor instead of
Chakir Pasha may, it is hoped, lead to the pacification of the
island. The position in Armenia is more embarrassing, for there

390 ANNUAL SUMMARIES • 1889

it is Eussia that is on the look-out for what may turn up, and
as Turkey had not fulfilled her promises of reform, she cannot
plead, as in Crete, that autonomy has broken down. Exaggera-
tion, no doubt, there has been in this case also, but that outrages
have been inflicted by the Kurds on their Christian neighbours
is certain, and that the Porte is unable or unwilling to punish
the guilty seems to be only too clearly proved by the escape of
Moussa Bey, the chief offender, after an illusory, though pro-
longed, inquiry, which, according to the most recent accounts, is
to be reopened.

Egypt is still, nominally, a province of the Ottoman Empire,
but Egyptian politics form, in fact, a part of that African problem
which, as Lord Salisbury lately observed, is studied with a keener
interest by the Great Powers than any European questions.
The English administration in Egypt has already produced
excellent results, which have been made plain by the improve-
ment in the financial situation, and would be even more so were
France to assent to the plan for the Conversion of the Preference
Debt. But that these gains would be swept away by an invading
torrent of barbarism and fanaticism from the South, if England
were to withdraw her military force and no other Power were
to step into her place, has been repeatedly shown by the
demands made upon the British troops for the protection of the
frontier. The Dervishes have been again and again repulsed,
and in August Sir Francis Grenfell inflicted a heavy defeat upon
them at Toski, killing their chief, Wad el Njumi. The Egyptians
are not ungrateful for these services, which they know may at
any moment be required once more, and when the Prince of
Wales, during his visit to Cairo, put himself at the head of the
British troops when they were paraded before the Khedive, the
act was welcomed as a pledge of future protection.

It is not in Egypt alone that the concentration of the Mahdist
power at Khartoum has produced serious consequences. The
Abyssinians were defeated by the Mahdi's followers in the spring,
when the Negus, King John, lost his life. Further to the south
the last vestiges of the conquests made in the name of the
Egyptian Government and in the cause of civilisation by Baker,
Gordon, and their lieutenants may be said to have been obliter-
ated. Emin Pasha's equatorial province has been submerged in
a flood of anarchy, and the slave trade is dominant over the
whole Soudan. Sinister rumours of the loss of Mr. Stanley's

1889 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 391

relief expedition, as well as of Emin Pasha and his companions,
prevailed during the spring and summer, but in November came
the wonderful story of Emin's rescue and the march of Stanley's
party to the coast, during which important contributions were
made to geographical science. A serious accident to Emin has
clouded the rejoicings over this success.

It cannot be denied, at the same time, that civilising influ-
ences both on the side of the Congo and on that of Zanzibar
have been gravely compromised by the victories of the slave-
dealers. Cardinal Lavigerie's crusade has, however, aroused the
conscience of Europe, and we may hope that the Anti-Slavery
Congress at Brussels will result in practical measures for exclud-
ing the slavers from their foreign markets. Meanwhile the
Germans have been struggling with native hostility within their
" sphere of influence," and Major Wissmann's vigour seems for
the time to have got the better of the enemy. But passions
have been stirred up which are not to be easily allayed. Dr.
Peters's expedition, undertaken without the authority of the
German Government, has met, according to persistent reports
and probable conjecture, with a disastrous fate, and the quieter
operations of the British East Africa Company, as well as of the
missionaries on the East Coast, have been obstructed by the
animosities bred during recent conflicts.

Another difficulty, threatening the prospects of British com-
merce and of British missions on the Zambesi and Shir6 rivers
and on Lake Nyassa, has arisen out of the revived ambition of
Portugal to make herself a great African Power. This policy
was foreshadowed early in the year by the action of the Portu-
guese Government in seizing the Delagoa Bay railway, under
construction by an English Company, and handing over the
works to a Portuguese Company, backed, it was stated, by Dutch
and German capitalists, and designed to monopolise the traffic
between the Transvaal and the sea. The organisation, under a
Royal Charter, of the British South Africa Company, which had
concluded alliances with native chiefs south of the Zambesi,
seems to have spurred on Portugal to further advances, for in
the autumn a decree was issued establishing a new Portuguese
province inland on both banks of the Zambesi and practically
barring the advance of other nations in the interior. Lord
Salisbury promptly protested against this step, whicli would
have carried the nominal sovereignty of Portugal from the

392 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1889

settlements on the East Coast to those on the West, but while
negotiations between London and Lisbon were still going on the
news arrived of Major Serpa Pinto's attack on our allies, the
Makololo, and his boasted intention of conquering the country
up to Lake Nyassa. The Portuguese did not shrink from
defending this aggression by bringing gross charges against the
British Consul, Mr. Johnston, and the missionaries. The con-
troversy is still pending as the year closes, and English war
vessels have been ordered to Delagoa Bay.

British interests, indeed, in South Africa are of growing
importance. Even in the Transvaal the English element, though
denied political rights by the Boers, is steadily asserting itself,
through the vast development of the gold and diamond mining
industries. The Africander movement at the Cape had been
encouraged by the late Governor, Sir Hercules Kobinson, contrary
to the views of the Home Government. He has been succeeded
by Sir H. B. Loch, lately Governor of Victoria, whose place in
Australia has been taken by Lord Hopetoun.

In the Australian Colonies the question of federation, both
Imperial and internal, has been much discussed, but has made
little practical progress, mainly owing to the rivalry between
Victoria and New South Wales. The proposal of Sir H. Parkes
for a Convention of all the Australasian Colonies to consider the
question has not yet led to any practical result.

Canada, which is the typical example of colonial federalism,
has had her own internal difficulties, but, at present, her principal
anxiety is due to the pending controversies about fishing rights
with the United States, both on the Atlantic seaboard and in
Behring Sea. It was at one time feared that the return of the
Kepublican party to power, especially when President Harrison
made Mr. Blaine his Secretary of State, would embitter these
long-standing disputes. Good sense, however, has hitherto pre-
vailed. Though the modus vivendi is not to be continued, and
no new agreement has been arrived at, the President, in his
recent Message to Congress, speaks hopefully of the maintenance
of friendly relations.

In domestic politics the Americans have been troubled once
more with an excessive surplus of revenue and the difficulty of
disposing of it. Four new States, North and South Dakota,
Montana, and Washington, were admitted to the Union and
have organised their Governments. The prosecution at Chicago

1889 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 393

of the murderers of Dr. Cronin has, after a trial of unprecedented
length, laid bare the machinations of the Clan-na-Gael, and,
though the punishment meted out to the convicted criminals
fell far short of their deserts, the proceedings have rivetted the
attention of the American public and weakened the influence of
the Irish vote. The Pan-American Congress, consisting of
representatives from the principal States of North and South
America, has met at Washington, and is looked upon as a
recognition both of the Monroe doctrine and of the primacy of
the United States. Another step in the same direction has been
taken in the sanction given by Congress to the Nicaragua Canal,
of which the works were begun in November, and which, it is
believed, will fill the place of the abortive Panama scheme. The
collapse of the Empire in Brazil at the first touch of a pro-
nunciamiento, the exile of the Imperial family, and the proclama-
tion of a federal Republic were naturally hailed with satisfaction
in the United States. The history of this extraordinary revolu-
tion is still incomplete, for though the change of Government
was cai'ried out, apparently, without the least attempt at re-
sistance, discontent and disintegrating forces have, apparently,
already begun to work.

The high-handed proceedings of the Germans at Samoa early
in the spring drew an emphatic protest from the United States,
and the matters in dispute were finally settled at a conference
in Berlin, on the basis of preserving the respective rights of all
the Powers concerned, and of providing for the return to his
native land of Malietoa, the chief whom the German authorities
had arrested and deported.

In the Far East Japan has advanced in her imitation of
European institutions, but that this movement is opposed by
many is certain. The attempt to assassinate Count Okuma, who
was, until the recent change of Government, Foreign Minister,
is a proof that all is not as peaceful as it looks. In China the
development of a railway system by native agencies has been
avowed as the policy of the Government, but no practical
measures have yet been taken to give efi'ect to it.

Lord Lansdowne's Viceregal administration in India has, so
far, been eminently successful. Sir D. Barbour's Budget was,
on the whole, the most satisfactory produced for many years.
The visit of Prince Albert Victor to our great Eastern depend-
ency occurs, therefore, at a favourable time. The position of

394 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1889

the native feudatory States has been much discussed. The con-
tinued misgovernment of the Maharaja of Cashmere has compelled
the Viceroy in Council to recommend, and the Secretary of State
to sanction, his removal from active rule, practical power being
entrusted to a council under the British Resident.

The obituary of the year includes a varied list of eminent
names. The melancholy death by his own hand of the Crown
Prince Rudolph, the heir of the Hapsburgs, left a more serious
gap than that of King Luis of Portugal in the ranks of the
Royal caste in Europe, to which also the Queen Dowager of
Bavaria, the ex-Empress of Brazil, the Duchess of Cambridge,
mother of the present Duke, the Prince of Carignan, uncle of
the King of Italy, and, perhaps. Prince Charles of Monaco may
be said to belong.

At home we have lost in Mr. Bright the greatest of recent
orators, and in Mr. Browning one of the greatest of recent poets.
The Church of England can ill spare Bishop Lightfoot of
Durham, the most learned of contemporary prelates. Though
no other names can be ranked with these, public life and society
will miss the Duke of Buckingham and Lord Malmesbury, two
Conservative ex -Ministers ; Lord Falmouth, a distinguished
patron of the turf ; Lord Fitzgerald, a most capable and high-
minded Irish Judge, and latterly a Lord of Appeal ; Bishop
Mackarness, Lord Addington, Lord Blachford, Sir Henry Yule,
Lord Sydney Godolphin Osborne, better known by his letters in
this journal signed " S. G. 0." ; Lady Holland, who worthily
sustained the traditions of Holland House ; Mr. E. P. Bouverie
and Mr. A. M. Kavanagh, two Privy Councillors, who were once
familiar figures in the House of Commons ; Sir Charles Ducane,
Sir Daniel Gooch, Sir Tindal Robertson, Sir Francis Adams,
Mr. Firth, M.P., and The O'Donoghue.

In the world of science, literature, and art there have passed
away Mr. Wilkie Collins, the novelist ; Mr. William Allingham,
the poet ; Mr. John Ball, a distinguished scientific man, as well
as author of the Alpine Guide ; Dr. Joule, whose discoveries in
science have been among the most fruitful of our day ; Mr.
Warren De la Rue, Sir F. Ouseley, Mr. Halliwell-Phillipps, the
Shakespearian scholar ; Mr. MacDonald, the manager, and Dr.
Francis Hueffer, the musical critic, of the Times ; Dr. Kennedy,
Regius Professor of Greek at Cambridge ; Dr. Percy, of the
School of Mines ; Mr. T. 0. Barlow, R.A., Mr. W. Ralston, the

1889 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 395

Kev. J. G. Wood, the popular writer on natural history ; Mr.
Carl Kosa, the operatic manager ; Mrs. Dallas, formerly Miss
Glyn, an actress of much power ; Mr. Pellegrini, the caricaturist ;
Mr. Albery and Mr. F. Marshall, the dramatists ; Mr. F. Clay,
the composer ; Mr. Martin Tupper, Mr. S. C. Hall, and Miss
Eliza Cook.

France has lost General Faidherbe, who won some partial
successes against the Germans in 1870-71; Admiral Jaur^s,
M. Chevreul, the centenarian chemist ; M. Scherer, an acute
literary critic, and lately a Senator ; M. Augier, the dramat-
ist ; M. Ulbach, the novelist ; M. F^lix Pyat, a Republican
politician of the most extreme type ; and Dr. Ricord, the
patriarch of the medical profession. In Italy, Signor Cairoli,
formerly Premier; in Russia, Count Peter Schouvaloff, once
well known as the Czar's Ambassador in this country ; and
Count Tolstoi, the Minister of the Interior ; in Austria, Count
Karolyi, who represented his country successively at the Berlin
Congress and in London ; in Germany, Dr. Peters, the leader
of one of the East African exploring expeditions ; in Spain,
Marshal Quesada, a veteran of the civil wars, have been mourned.
In the United States, Jefferson Davis, who so nearly " made a
nation" of the seceding Confederacy, has passed away. Father
Damien, the devoted priest who died among the lepers of the
Sandwich Islands, was a Belgian by birth, but his memory
belongs to civilisation and humanity.

1890

Though no events of world-wide importance have signalised
the year, there have been, both at home and abroad, premonitory
movements such as portend coming changes in the political and
social organisation. The most significant of these, which point
perhaps to a change in the political centre of gravity in the
not distant future, have taken place outside of Europe, but
even at home there are signs of the break-up of old parties,
the consolidation of new forces, and the development of grave
issues not hitherto presented in a practical form to the public
mind. Mr. Gladstone's policy of Home Kule has been shattered
by the disruption of the Irish Separatist faction and by Mr.
Parnell's reassertion of Nationalist principles in their most
extreme and impracticable shape. This surprising transforma-
tion scene has already begun to take effect upon the attitude
of English politicians and to give prominence to the social
controversies that Home Rule had thrust aside. It would be
rash to forecast the ultimate relations of parties on this new
ground.

What is going on, however, in other European countries
and even in the United States can hardly be misconstrued.
A large and powerful section of the working classes in every
old community, and in some new ones, are eager to enter on
a course of Socialistic legislation, which some who have no
illusions as to its success would allow to be tried by way of
experiment, without considering the danger of reconstructing
the ancient and complex fabric of civilised society. The
obscure and vague sense of uneasiness thus produced has
probably contributed to check the militant ardour of the
great States of the Continent. Peace, though an armed peace,

1890 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 397

has been maintained during the year. In the United States,
as in this country, parties are in a transition phase ; the issues
raised at the Congressional elections have produced a new line
of political cleavage, of which, however, the effect will not be
entirely visible before the next struggle for the Presidency.
The ambition of older States to acquire colonial dominion has
been largely gratified by the treaty arrangements concluded
during the past twelve months for the demarcation of " spheres
of influence " in Africa. Germany, in particular, has shown
remarkable activity in this direction since the retirement of
Prince Bismarck and the striking assertion of his individual
initiative by the Emperor William. In the older colonial
settlements, too, there are symptoms of impending change.
Among the Australasian colonists the question of federation has
been discussed in a more practical spirit than at any former
time, and in British North America the aggressive policy of
the Washington Government has provoked a healthy outburst
of independent feeling.

At home economical questions have been imperatively
calling for attention. From a business point of view the
year has been disappointing. The revival of trade in 1889
was not checked for some months, and when Mr. Goschen
produced his Budget he was criticised for having taken an
unnecessarily cautious estimate of the future. But in the
summer various adverse influences began to make themselves
felt. Agitation and conflict in the labour market, the decline
in the price of Stock Exchange securities from a too high level,
the fluctuations due to the silver legislation and the tariff
controversy in America, and the bad weather of the harvest
period caused anxiety and discouraged enterprise. Though
the crops generally turned out better than had been expected
towards the end of August, other elements of trouble were not
removed, and after several weeks of restlessness and tension a
crisis of the most formidable character was barely averted in
November, when the great house of Baring Brothers, embarrassed
by unwise commitments, chiefly in South American loans and
undertakings, had to apply for aid to the Bank of England
and was rescued and reconstructed by the action of the Bank,
guided by its able Governor, Mr. Lidderdale, and supported
by the guarantee of the principal firms in the city.

The situation was complicated by a separate financial crisis,

398 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1890

in the United States, but the prompt and energetic measures
adopted by the Bank, which imported large sums in gold from
France and Russia, stayed the movement towards panic. The
reaction which followed has not carried back prices to their
former level. Consols, which had touched par just after the
conversion in 1888, fell in November to nearly ninety-three,
and the "shrinkage" in other high-class stocks was alarming.
The rise in the bank-rate and the protectionist policy adopted
in America have retarded the upward movement of industry
and commerce, as the latest returns show.

The most serious dilB&culty, however, was due to labour
disputes. At the beginning of the year the gas strike in
South London had ended in the defeat of the men, but the
wire-pullers of the labour agitation soon renewed offensive opera-
tions. It is satisfactory that during the financial crisis and the
fall in values there was no collapse of credit on a great scale.
The machinery of the bankruptcy law, amended in some im-
portant points by Sir Albert Rollit's Bill, which was passed at
the close of last session after a careful examination before the
Standing Committees in both Houses, was subjected to no
excessive strain. The extraordinarily severe winter — the
coldest recorded for nearly fourscore years — has happily
occurred too early in the season to interfere seriously with
agriculture. Its effects, however, have been felt in the public
health, and it has caused much suffering among the poor.

The friction left behind it by the dock strike of 1889
lasted throughout this year, leading to local conflicts and
restlessness, and in many branches of business has induced the
capitalists interested to make efforts to substitute permanent
for casual labour wherever possible. At the docks and in the
allied industries no serious strike occurred in London, though
more than one was threatened, but the dockers at Liverpool,
Glasgow, and Cardiff tried with no great success to coerce
their employers. A more alarming struggle broke out at
Southampton, where mob violence was at first met by the
local authorities in a weak and temporising spirit, while, as
soon as determination was shown, the strike collapsed, and
was disavowed by the leaders of the movement at head-
quarters.

The attempt to proscribe the employment of non-Unionist
labour was pursued with equal vigour in other directions

1890 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 399

In the gas strike at Leeds the men won a complete, and in
the South Wales railway strike a partial, victory. Their
aggression was firmly resisted in the shipping trades, but the
necessity for defensive combination was quickly brought home
to the employers. In the autumn a Shipping Federation was
formed, which has already embraced the principal firms in the
United Kingdom, and has intimated that if sailors, firemen, and
stevedores persist in their tactics of exasperation and obstruction,
it may become necessary to lay up all British shipping for a
time. Though as the year closes the tension has been renewed,
this kind of life-and-death contest, with all its perils and losses,
has hitherto been avoided, for which the public ought to be
duly thankful. Just before Christmas a railway stril^e in
Scotland has caused much public inconvenience. The hostilities
in the shipping trades had their immediate origin in the gas
strike, and were dictated by the policy which underlies what
is popularly called the "new unionism," and which aims at
coercing capitalists by subjecting the community to inconvenience,
damage, and danger.

So far were these tactics carried that attempts were made
not only to turn coal-miners, gas-stokers, and sailors into the
instruments of this coercion, but to subvert discipline in services
controlled by the State, such as the Police and the Post Office.
The paralysis of the former would have exposed society to the
perils of an unchecked outbreak of crime, and that of the
latter, as was plainly avowed, would have struck a deadly
blow at all business. There had for some time been a dispute
between the Metropolitan Police and the Home Office with
respect to superannuation, pay, and hours of duty, which
came to a head when the differences between Mr. Matthews
and Mr. Monro, the Chief Commissioner, resulted in the
resignation of the latter. Socialist agitators had begun to
proselytise among the force and had gained influence over
many of the younger men ; but though concessions were still
urgently demanded, it was only in one division that a strike
was imminent. At Bow Street, soon after Sir Edward Bradford's
appointment as Mr. Monro's successor, a number of the younger
men refused to go on duty, and when the worst offenders were
promptly dismissed, a general turn-out of the division was
threatened for the following night. The attempt, which
assembled a dangerous crowd of the criminal and disorderly

400 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1890

classes opposite the police-station, was a complete failure, the
loyal men and the military easily coping with incipient
disturbances.

The agitation among the men employed in postal and
telegraphic work came to a head just before the police crisis,
when the Postmen's Union, which had been formed in defiance
of official orders, promoted a demonstration in Hyde Park and
a meeting in Holborn Town -hall, where an ultimatum was
addressed to the Postmaster -General. The department had
already prepared for a conflict by drawing on the non-Unionists
and on casual men. While efforts were made to precipitate
a general strike, the non-Unionists were maltreated and ejected
from the Mount Pleasant parcel post depot, and at a meeting
on Clerkenwell Green Mr. Eaikes was warned that, unless all
" blacklegs " were dismissed, the despatch and delivery of letters
would be stopped. Decisive measures were taken to meet the
danger. After full reliefs of non-Union men had been organised,
the officials made a descent on the Mount Pleasant depot, and
the riotous Unionists were dismissed. The delivery of letters
was carried out next morning with little difficulty or delay, and
after some penal dismissals the discipline of the service was fully
restored. A similar movement in the telegraph service collapsed
without an open struggle. The outbreak of insubordination at
Wellington Barracks, which' led to the despatch of the Second
Battalion of the Grenadier Guards to Bermuda and the imprison-
ment of several of the ringleaders, was probably unconnected
with these events, except as showing that the spirit of social
strife was in the air. The threatened stoppage of the coal
supply early in the year, in connection with the gas strike
and the eight hours' cry, would have been not less formidable.
A modus vivendij however, between mine -owners and miners
was secured.

Meanwhile, the question drifted into politics. Opinion
among the working classes generally, and even among the
coal -miners, is much divided in regard to the eight hours'
movement, which was stimulated from the outside by the
German Emperor's proposal for a congress on the labour
question and by the working-men's May -Day demonstration.
A section of the coal-miners, who were the first to make this
a political issue, obtained from Lord Randolph Churchill a
pledge in favour of the Eight Hours Bill, but were discouraged

1890 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 401

by Mr. Gladstone's avowed preference, afterwards whittled
away in Midlothian, for non- legislative action. Some of
the ablest leaders of the working men, including Mr. Burt,
Mr. George Howell, Mr. Broadhurst, Mr. Fenwick, and Mr.
Bradlaugh, declared against legal compulsion, and Mr. John
Morley told the Newcastle miners that he could not vote
for it. The May demonstration in London turned out to be
quite insignificant.

At the Trade Union Congress held at Liverpool in September,
the party of compulsion, strengthened by the recent organisation
of unskilled labour, overcame the old Unionists, though by narrow
majorities ; but their victory has alienated many of the best
working men, especially among the skilled Lancashire artisans.
At the bye-elections for the Eccles and Bassetlaw Divisions this
issue determined the mining vote. Mr. Gladstone's most recent
utterances on the subject at West Calder indicate that he is
now willing to limit by law the hours of labour in mines.
Lord Salisbury has forcibly pointed out the economical danger
of thus admitting a principle which, logically carried out, must
land us in general State interference.

Though when the year opened Home Rule was still the
main plank of the Gladstonian platform, Mr. Gladstone and
his party were careful to give prominence in their speeches
to other issues. Besides the labour question, a further re-
arrangement of the franchise law was demanded, Sir George
Trevelyan being especially loud in this cry ; disestablishment
in Wales, and, after a little more show of coyness, in Scotland,
was accepted as an article of the Gladstonian faith ; stringent
legislation against the liquor trades was advocated, the land
laws were to be reformed, ground-rents were to be taxed, local
government was to be extended to parishes, and, generally," a new
heaven and a new earth," as some hysterical persons boasted, .
were to be created by Mr. Gladstone's triumph at the polls.

As there seemed to be no immediate probability that an
opportunity would be afforded of putting this prediction to a
practical test, the Opposition continued to declare that an appeal
to the constituencies was inevitable and near at hand. The
Unionists contended, with more reason, that, as Parliament
had over three years of its legal term to run and as their
majorities in the House of Commons were steadily maintained,
no dissolution was at all likely.

VOL. II 2d

402 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1890

Mr. Gladstone amused himself after Ms fashion with calcula-
tions based on the pollings at bye -elections, though material
was less abundant than in former years. The fortunes of the
fray were chequered, though the balance inclined, on the whole,
to the side of the Opposition. A Home Eule attack on the
seat vacated in the Partick Division was repelled by the return
of Mr. Parker Smith ; the Unionists won back the seat they
had lost in the Ayr Burghs, while at Windsor, and later in the
year in the Bassetlaw Division, they largely increased the
Conservative majorities of 1885. The Gladstonians, on the
other hand, captured Unionist seats in Carnarvon, where the
majority was still smaller than it had been the other way in
1886, in North St. Pancras, in Barrow, where the resignation
of Mr. Caine and his appearance as a so-called Independent
candidate allowed the Gladstonian to come in slightly ahead of
the Conservative, and in the Eccles Division, where Mr. Koby
boldly swallowed the Eight Hours Bill, a feat imitated with less
success by the Separatist candidate in the Bassetlaw Division.

Mr. Gladstone, however, was as jubilant as if his gains had
been three times more numerous, and some of his party adopted
his arguments as an excuse for preaching and practising obstruc-
tion. The public were unmoved by these tactics until the
proposals of the Government on the liquor question, adroitly
misrepresented by the Opposition, stirred the fanaticism of the
teetotalers. This force, before it spent itself in unreasoning
extravagance, was of greater use to Mr. Gladstone than his
wearisome repetitions of his fallacies and mythical tales about
Ireland or his efforts to gratify the sectional and sectarian
demands of Welsh and Scotch Radicals without compromising
himself. It is scarcely necessary to mention that both parties
carried on the political war, not only in Parliament, but on
the platform, with unceasing activity.

Though the Irish controversy was followed, during the
greater part of the year, with only a languid interest by the
British public, it necessarily had a large share of the attention
of Home Rule politicians. Mr. Gladstone was pressed, not
only by Unionists, but by some of his own followers, like Mr.
Asquith, to state what modifications he had made in his original
Home Rule policy. For reasons, however, that have since
become apparent, he maintained a rigid reserve, which he has
not yet broken. He and his followers preferred to deal in loose

1890 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 403

charges against the Irish Executive and to profess an unbounded
faith in the honesty, purity, and veracity of Mr. Parnell and
his party.

The Report of the Special Commission, published at the
moment when Parliament met in February, found not only
that Mr. Parnell and the majority of his following had engaged
in a " criminal conspiracy " to defeat the law and to despoil
owners of property in Ireland, had been allied with and sub-
sidised by the anti-English faction among the American Irish,
and had habitually incited to intimidation, knowing well that
such intimidation led to crime and outrage, but that Mr. Davitt,
Mr. O'Brien, Mr. Dillon, and five other members of the
" Parliamentary party " had conspired to establish the Land
League in order to bring about "the absolute independence
of Ireland as a separate nation." These findings did not check
the enthusiasm of the Gladstonians, who dwelt triumphantly
on the fact that the personal charges against Mr. Parnell had
not been held to be proved.

While Mr. Parnell was being praised and feasted by the
Gladstonians, his lieutenants had entered on a rash course in
Ireland. Mr. Dillon and Mr. O'Brien had committed themselves
deeply to the Plan of Campaign and the attempt to back it up
on the Ponsonby estate by inducing or compelling Mr. Smith-
Barry's tenants in Tipperary, who had no connection whatever
with the original dispute, to refuse to pay rent, on the ground
that their landlord had supported Mr. Ponsonby. A large
number of the Tipperary tenants gave up their holdings, their
prosperous shops and comfortable houses in the town, and be-
took themselves to a village of rude shanties erected on ground
outside, where they were to wait for their restoration to their
homes after Mr. Gladstone's victory.

" New Tipperary," as it was called, was opened in the spring
by Mr. O'Brien, escorted by some Gladstonian admirers, with
flaming and defiant speeches ; but the evicted tenants, who,
though well able to pay, had been coerced into joining the
conspiracy, complained that the promises held out to them of
pecuniary and other support had not been kept. Nevertheless
Tipperary and the Ponsonby estate depleted the Leaguers'
exchequer. There were, moreover, the stipends of the " Parlia-
mentary party " to be met, as well as the expenses of the next
electioneering campaign.

404 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1890

A mission to America was resolved upon, though, as the
anti- English fanatics had shown impatient contempt for the
Gladstonian alliance, the envoys were not easily found. At
last it was settled that Mr. O'Brien and Mr. Dillon were to go,
with others not at first named, and the prospect of a partial
failure of the potato along the west coast, where the summer
had been disastrously wet, furnished an excuse for another
appeal to American liberality. Meanwhile Mr. O'Brien and
his friends had been working vigorously in Tipperary to raise
the spirits of those who believed in them and to frighten doubters
and dissentients into submission. Coercion by boycotting and
outrage had never been more stringently applied. Nowhere
had incitements to these criminal methods been more openly
employed. When, soon after the prorogation of Parliament,
the Irish Executive decided on prosecuting Mr. O'Brien and
his chief associates for speeches inciting to crime and intimida-
tion, indignant wrath was expressed among Gladstonians at
the arrest of the delinquents on warrants, since, it was said, the
Crown was bound to have trusted to their honour to appear on
summons.

When the trial came on Mr. Morley was induced to accompany
his Irish friends to Tipperary as a sort of compurgator. A riot
ensued, in which the police charged the mob who were trying
to force their way into the court-house. "This outrage"
figured conspicuously in Opposition speeches till even Mr.
Morley recognised that not much could be made out of it while
Irish patriots were bludgeoning one another in Kilkenny.
Proceedings arising out of this riot were commenced, but have
been indefinitely postponed. There is a conflict of testimony
between the witnesses, including Mr. Morley himself, on the
main issues. At the Tipperary trial Mr. Konan, Q.C., the
Crown counsel, was able to prove by cumulative and conclusive
evidence that intimidation had been cruelly practised, and that
the defendants had organised and advised it.

Midway in the inquiry Mr. O'Brien and Mr. Dillon, released
on bail during an adjournment, fled to France, and thence to
America, where they began to collect money, not, as had been
announced, for the relief of distress, but avowedly for the
political "war -chest." A "Famine Fund " previously started
by politicians anxious to please the Irish voters collapsed.
Meantime the Tipperary trial went on j no serious defence was

1890 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 405

offered, but every form of obstruction and insult was used to
discredit and delay the judgment. The magistrates showed
almost excessive patience and tolerance in dealing with baseless
objections to their jurisdiction and disgraceful rowdyism in
Court. In the end several of the defendants were convicted,
others getting the benefit of a doubt. Mr. O'Brien and Mr.
Dillon were sentenced to six months' imprisonment each.
Their defiant language on the safe side of the Atlantic at first
stimulated subscriptions, but Americans soon found out not
only that the famine cry was a sham, but that the Irish
Executive were taking all due care to meet local and temporary
distress.

Mr. Balfour, who had been assailed for the brevity of his
stay in Ireland, paid an unexpected visit to Western Connaught
at the beginning of November, and a few days later one equally
unlooked for to Donegal, in order to discover the best way of
utilising the promised development of the light railways' policy,
so as to provide employment for the cottiers whose potatoes
had failed, and to ascertain what supplementary relief measures
could be safely adopted. His conclusions on these points were
afterwards explained in the House of Commons. At the time
public interest was fixed chiefly on the very encouraging recep-
tion he met with from the peasantry, and in some cases from
the priests. The anti-English Press were puzzled and chagrined
at the discovery that their daily denunciations of Mr. Balfour
did not deter the people from looking to him for real help in
time of trouble.

The Tipperary case was a stock piece with the Opposition
in the autumn campaign. Mr. Gladstone, in his Midlothian
speeches, expatiated on the iniquities of the Irish Government
with more zest than on the topics directly interesting to his
Scotch audiences ; Mr. Morley recounted on various platforms
his highly - coloured story of the Tipperary affair ; and Sir
William Harcourt, at the National Liberal Federation, proved
that the Eccles election expressed the public judgment against
the Unionists. On the other hand, Lord Hartington, Mr.
Goschen, Mr. Balfour, and the Prime Minister in their speeches
riddled the Separatist case. The Chief Secretary exposed the
Gladstonian misrepresentations about Tipperary. Lord Harting-
ton asked what proof there was that the Irish masses would
acquiesce in limited Home Eule, to which Mr. Morley in-

406 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1890

dignantly replied that they had Mr. Parnell's assurances of
1886. This was rather an audacious appeal to character after
the Special Commissioners had repeatedly discredited Mr. Parnell's
statements.

Immediately afterwards, in the middle of November, came
the trial of the divorce case, " O'Shea v. O'Shea and Parnell,"
in which the respondent did not produce any evidence or
practically resist the decree, while the co- respondent, despite
his declarations of innocence, accepted by the Gladstonians as
unhesitatingly as those about Home Rule, was not even represented
by counsel. The case which the Solicitor-General established
by unchallenged testimony on Captain O'Shea's behalf disclosed
a long course of low intrigue and unblushing mendacity,
diversified by disguises, aliases, and ludicrous flights, quite
consonant with the Unionist view of Mr. Parnell, but astound-
ing to honest and ignorant Home Rulers.

Mr. Gladstone and his colleagues held their tongues, however,
for many days, while some Radicals, like Mr. Labouchere,
declared that the matter was one to be settled by the Irish
party alone. This the party proceeded to do at a meeting in
Dublin, where the Lord Mayor presided, and Mr. McCarthy,
Mr. Healy, and Mr. Gladstone's former law-officers expressed
unabated confidence in Mr. Parnell and unqualified contempt
for English meddling in this peculiarly Irish affair. The
Roman Catholic hierarchy and clergy were silent. But on
public opinion in England and Scotland the exhibition of Mr.
Parnell's depravity had a deep effect. As Sir Charles Russell
admitted, popular indignation, especially among the Noncon-
formists, compelled Mr. Gladstone to intervene. Suggestions
of retirement " for a time " were pressed on Mr. Parnell, but
he would not listen, and before Mr. Gladstone's objections were
made public the Irish party, on the first day of the winter
Session, re-elected their leader without a dissentient voice. Mr.
Gladstone then published a letter to Mr. Morley declaring that
the retention by Mr. Parnell of the Irish leadership " at the
present moment" would reduce his own leadership "almost
to a nullity."

Mr. Parnell replied in an address to the Irish people, giving
details of his confidential negotiations at Hawarden, denouncing
the intended withdrawal of the control of the police and the
settlement of the land question from the Irish Legislature, and

1890 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 407

asserting the independence of the Irish party against corrupting
oflfers of place and dictatorial interference. Mr. Parnell's state-
ments were contested on several points by Mr. Gladstone and
Mr. Morley, but the fact remained that Mr. Parnell repudiated
limited Home Eule and appealed to the Irish Nationalists on
that issue.

A violent struggle followed at a meeting of the Parliamentary
party. Mr. Pamell was in the chair, though by no means neutral.
All those whose ambitions he had curbed or whose feelings he
had wounded joined to enforce the Gladstonian excommunication.
Mr. McCarthy and Mr. Healy led the attack, forgetful of their
Dublin speeches, and were aided by Mr. Sexton ; but a zealous
band, including the extreme men, stuck to Mr. Parnell. The
Irish Bishops at length took heart to denounce the man spurned
by Mr. Gladstone. The "envoys" in America, except Mr.
Harrington, declared against him, though not very decisively.
After days of passionate discussion, over which Mr. Parnell
presided with unscrupulous partiality, he induced his opponents
to adopt a so-called compromise, offering to resign should Mr.
Gladstone's reply to a demand for a statement of his views
on the land and police questions be held satisfactory by the
majority.

As Mr. Gladstone refused to give any answer at all, the
majority had nothing to discuss, and had either to surrender
or to withdraw. They chose the latter course, though it broke
the compromise they had accepted, and forty-five of them, led
by Mr. McCarthy, held a separate caucus, at which they voted
Mr. McCarthy into Mr. Parnell's place. This vote the Parnellites
treated as null and void. The contest was immediately trans-
ferred to Ireland, where a seat was vacant in North Kilkenny,
for which Sir John Pope Hennessy was a candidate. Mr.
Parnell hastened to Dublin, where the mob was with him as
well as the organisation of the League, the "physical force
party," and the Freeman's Journal. He took forcible possession
of United Ireland, turning out, with crowbar and cudgel, the
staff who were working it in Mr. O'Brien's interest, and then
proceeded to Cork, where he was enthusiastically welcomed,
and where his opponents could hardly get a hearing.

At Kilkenny it was different. The priests, for whom Sir
J. P. Hennessy had declared, were active and powerful ; Mr.
Scully, the Parnellite nominee, had no special influence ; the

408 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1890

Fenian element was only strong in the towns. The strength
of the anti-Parnellites was put forth in Sir J. P. Hennessy's
cause. Mr. Davitt and Mr. Healy, both known to be unfriendly
to their former leader, bitterly assailed him, and Mr. Parnell
retorted still more fiercely.

The language used on both sides far surpassed the worst
licence of election times in England ; rival mobs, armed with
shillelaghs, met hand to hand ; and priests and patriots in-
discriminately took part in the fray. While the issue of the
strife was doubtful, Mr. Harrington, who stood by Mr. Parnell,
returned from America ; Mr. O'Brien, who, as well as Mr.
Dillon, was inclined to remain on the fence, started for Paris,
to avoid arrest, on landing in Ireland, under the Tipperary
conviction. Eventually Sir. J. P. Hennessy was returned by
a majority of nearly two to one over Mr. Scully. But Mr. Parnell
continued to face his foes defiantly, promising to fight the battle
out all through Ireland. At the last moment negotiations
between the two hostile factions have been opened in France
with Mr. O'Brien as intermediary, but the prospect of a com-
promise is not clear.

The spectacle presented by the strife of Parnellites and anti-
Parnellites in Ireland shook the faith of many Gladstonians in
Home Kule. Though the Kilkenny election slightly revived
their spirits, few of them continued seriously to believe that,
after the exposure of the real character and objects of the Irish
Home Rulers, Mr. McCarthy could be treated with exactly on
the same terms as Mr. Parnell. The Liberal Unionists were
not inclined to stake anything on the shifting purposes of the
Gladstonians, and Mr. Chamberlain took occasion, during the
Irish crisis, to propose a closer co-operation in Birmingham
between Conservative and Liberal opponents of Separatism, in
the spirit of the general policy necessitated by the anarchical
attitude of the Opposition in and out of Parliament, and, indeed,
publicly avowed by Lord Hartington and Sir Henry James.

The situation thus created was further strengthened for the
Unionists by the success with which they started their legislative
measures on the meeting of Parliament in November, when
the Opposition, utterly dismayed by the faction -fighting of
their Irish allies, made no effort to carry out Mr. Labouchere's
threats of obstruction. In the Speaker's absence, through
domestic affliction, the chair was occupied by Llr. Courtney^

1890 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 409

but no question of Parliamentary law arose ; the new form of
reply to the Royal Message, proposed by Ministers to expedite
debate, proved needless, and the Address was voted on the
first evening of the session without a division. The foremost
place was given to the Tithe Bill, in a less complicated form
than that of last session ; and the Land Purchase Bill, divided
into two for tactical convenience. Next in order came measures
dealing with Private Bill business in Scotland and Ireland and
with Assisted Education in England. Mr. W. H. Smith, in ask-
ing for the whole time of the House, promised that, if the Speaker
were got out of the chair on the Tithe and Purchase Bills, and
if Mr. Balfour's measures of Irish relief were put through before
Christmas, he would consent to a moderately long adjournment.
In fact, this amount of work, which usually would have been
spread over several weeks, was despatched in just a fortnight,
when the Irish Seed Potatoes and Railway Transfer Bills be-
came law, and the Houses adjourned to the 22nd of January.

Both the London County Council and the London School
Board will have to face new elections in the coming year — a
fact not without effect on their recent conduct. In both cases
the rates have gone up ; while the County Council alleges that
the sole cause is the loss of the coal duties, the Board throws
the responsibility on its predecessors for lavish outlay on jerry-
building. Neither body can be said to be at present popular
with the public. Lord Rosebery's resignation of the chairman-
ship was felt to be a serious blow to the reputation of the
Council in spite of the high character of the new chairman,
Sir John Lubbock, who has been succeeded as Vice-chairman by
Sir Thomas Farrer. The dog-in-the-manger policy advocated
by the majority, after the betterment scheme had been rejected
by Parliament, and their disposition to interfere in non-
municipal affairs, have not tended to restore confidence. The
incapacity of women for sitting on such bodies has been re-
affirmed by the imposition of penalties on Miss Cobden for
voting in defiance of the law laid down in Lady Sandhurst's
case. Miss Fawcett's victory over the Senior Wrangler at
Cambridge may be regarded as a consolation prize for the
women's rights' party.

Among many important judicial decisions that delivered by
the Primate in the Bishop of Lincoln's case was memorable for
painstaking research and a desire to hold the balance even

410 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1890

between all ecclesiastical parties. Dr. Barnardo has once
more come into collision with the Courts through a zeal that
seems rather careless of the rights of others.

" General " Booth, a religious philanthropist on a larger
scale, has appealed to the public on behalf of what he calls
the "submerged" classes in "Darkest England." He has
already got a considerable sum towards the million sterling he
asks for, but his plan and his methods have been subjected to
a severe and damaging criticism from the civil, the religious,
the philanthropic, and the economical point of view by Professor
Huxley, Dean Plumptre, Mr. C. S. Loch, and other competent
persons. An equally warm but less important controversy on
publishers' profits originated in a paper read by Archdeacon
Farrar at the Church Congress, and as the year closes the
question of American copyright has again come up for discussion,
owing to the unexpected disposition shown by Congress to grant
copyright to British authors. Dissatisfaction with the adminis-
tration of the War Ofiice and the Admiralty has been justified
by the doubts cast on the serviceable qualities of the magazine
rifle and of our heavy ordnance, as well as by disasters like the
loss of the Serpent

The European situation has not changed during the year.
The " League of Peace " still confronts France on the one side
and Kussia on the other, and the strengthening of armaments
continues. The retirement of Prince Bismarck has had a more
marked effect on the domestic than on the foreign policy of
Germany. The Emperor and his new Chancellor, General von
Caprivi, have abandoned the Bismarckian attitude of reserve
towards projects of colonial development, and, after the general
elections to the Reichstag, which wrecked the National Liberals
and weakened their Conservative allies, the anti-Socialist laws
were dropped. The Radicals and Social Democrats are no longer
insignificant, and the Clerical Centre has been largely reinforced.
It remains to be seen how far the Socialists will be contented
with such overtures as those of the Labour Conference, of which
the results fell short of the Emperor's too ambitious views, and
merely recommended changes amounting to what law and custom
prescribe in England.

The interest in the parting between Prince Bismarck and
his master, which led to some acrimonious controversy, soon
waned. It is obvious that there were wide differences on

1890 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 411

questions of policy between the Emperor and the ex-Chancellor,
as well as incompatibility of temper ; but, though the precise
grounds of the separation have not yet become known, it is
tolerably certain that the question of Ministerial responsibility,
which is hardly to be reconciled with autocratic initiative, was
at the bottom of the quarrel.

The compromise with England in Africa, the acquisition of
Heligoland, the Imperial utterances on the Education question,
and the alleged discovery of a cure for consumption by Dr.
Koch have more recently attracted public notice. The Emperor
visited the Queen, his grandmother, at Osborne, and the Czar
at Narva in the summer, and welcomed the Austrian Sovereign
in Silesia.

Some alarm was excited in Austria when Prince Bismarck's
resignation quickly followed that of M. Tisza, the Hungarian
Premier, when Count Taaffe's Cisleithan Ministry was imperilled
by the extravagance of the advanced Home Rule party in
Bohemia, and when it seemed doubtful whether Signor Crispi's
policy would not be warped by the Irredentist agitation.

Other causes of uneasiness were the continued agitation in
the Balkan States, the prevalence of labour riots and strikes,
and the damage inflicted on Austrian industry by the M'Kinley
tariff. As the year closes the prospect is somewhat brighter.
The elections to the Italian Parliament have given Signor
Crispi an overwhelming majority, the Irredentists having failed
to arouse any national feeling. The interview between the
Italian Premier and the German Chancellor at Milan confirmed
the belief that Italy is steady in her support of the League of
Peace. The danger in Italy is mainly a financial one, for in
no other country is the burden of increased armaments so
severely felt.

The French were not much occupied during the year with
foreign affairs. The complete collapse of Boulangism at the
municipal elections in the spring led to a violent split soon
afterwards in the "plebiscitary party" and to the publication
by M. Mermeix of damaging disclosures bearing upon the
intrigues and corruption of his former associates. It was
established that much of the General's popularity was produced
by the free expenditure of money largely derived from Mon-
archical sources. The Comte de Paris, in a letter published in
the autumn, did not dispute this fact, admitting that he considered

412 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1890

any instrument legitimate to use against the Republic. He thus
lost the advantage which the Monarchical cause had gained
earlier in the year by the imprisonment of his son and heir,
the Duke of Orleans, who was arrested on presenting himself
for service in the ranks of the army as a French citizen.

The Republic has decidedly recovered lost ground through
the mistakes of its adversaries, and M. de Freycinet's Ministry,
which succeeded that of M. Tirard in March, has avoided
the risks of intemperate Radicalism. Cardinal Lavigerie, a
highly respected representative of the Roman Catholic Church,
has lately intimated that if the Republicans dropped their
aggressive anti-clerical policy there would be nothing to prevent
all classes of Frenchmen from recognising and working in harmony
with existing institutions. The financial situation, however,
remains the same, and the proposed new tariff raises questions
as thorny as those which have agitated the United States. It
has lately been thought probable that there would be another
Ministerial shuffling of the cards.

While France has escaped the revolutionary storms that not
long ago seemed impending, some of her neighbours have been
less fortunate. The usual tranquillity of Switzerland was
disturbed by a "tempest in a tea-cup" at Bellinzona, where
the Radicals revolted and forcibly overthrew the Conservative
Government of Canton Ticino, and one of the members of the
latter was shot. The extradition of the alleged murderer was
demanded by the Swiss authorities, and was ordered by the
magistrate at Bow Street, but it was decided by the Queen's
Bench Division that the shot was fired during disturbances
approximating to civil war, and that the case, therefore, came
within the rule exempting political offences from the provisions
of the Extradition Treaty. Peace was restored at Ticino by
the armed intervention of the Federal Government, and attempts
have been made to establish a permanent modus vivendi between
the warring factions.

Of a graver kind was the restlessness in the Iberian Peninsula.
In Spain alarm was created early in the year by the illness of
the little King, from which he happily recovered ; Seiior Sagasta,
after overcoming the difficulties which threatened his Cabinet
twelve months ago and passing a measure of universal suffrage,
which seems of doubtful expediency at the present stage of
Spanish progress, resigned in the summer, and was succeeded

1890 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 413

by Senor Canovas del Castillo at the head of a Conservative
Cabinet, who has since contrived to secure an official majority
at the general election. Spain has felt the anti-Monarchical
agitation bred in Portugal by the fall of the Brazilian Empire,
and revolutionary ideas have gained some ground in the large
towns.

In Portugal the extreme weakness and timidity of public
men combine with the violence of an ignorant populace to
create a dangerous sense of political instability. Twice during
the year the Ministers at Lisbon have fled from office in fear
of mob fury rather than face the responsibility of dealing fairly
with English rights and ratifying official pledges. The dispute
with Portugal is a part of the African question, and it is only
here referred to as illustrating defects in the national character
that are likely enough to be practised upon by Kepublican
zealots or intriguers.

The death of the King of the Netherlands had been so long
foreseen that its recent announcement produced no political
sensation. In Holland the succession of the Princess Wilhel-
mine had been settled by law, and Queen Emma, who had
been installed as Kegent during her husband's last days,
continues to govern constitutionally for her daughter. In
accordance with treaties, Luxemburg, separated from the Dutch
Crown, becomes an independent neutral State under the nearest
agnate, the Duke of Nassau.

Holland and, still more, her neighbour, Belgium, have been
stirred by the labour movement. Their relations have remained
friendly, except for the opposition of Holland to the levying
of import duties in the Congo State, as recommended by the
conference on the slave trade, which sat at Brussels in the spring
and drew up a code of rules for the suppression of that infamous
traffic. Belgium is interested in this question, for to her has
been secured the reversion of the King's rights. If the conference
plan be carried out the Congo State must either raise additional
income or go bankrupt, and the persistence of the Dutch in
opposing the duties would therefore nullify the action agreed
upon by all the other Powers in the interests of civilisation.
Happily the reluctance of Holland has been at last overcome,
and at the very close of the year the Dutch Minister signed at
Brussels the General Act of the anti-Slavery Conference.

The attitude of reserve which Russia has lately maintained

414 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1890

politically has not been departed from, though the notion that
a closer connection with Germany, out of distrust of French
fickleness, was probable remains unconfirmed. The reported
cruelties in Siberia and, at a later date, the more rigorous
enforcement of the penal laws against the Jews moved public
opinion throughout Europe. In this country especially a strong
appeal was made to the justice of the Czar on behalf of the
latter class of victims. In the Balkan Peninsula the traditional
policy of Kussia has been cautiously pursued. Without any
breach of the peace a pervading sense of uneasiness has been
created, while tempting offers of Eussian protection and alliance
are contrasted with vague menaces of evil in case of obstinate
resistance.

In Servia these tactics have been aided by the claims of
Queen Natalie to have her divorce set aside and her rights over
the young King recognised, but the Regency has not yet quite
succumbed. In Bulgaria, Prince Ferdinand's position remains
unchanged ; M. Stambouloff's power was not shaken by his
high-handed treatment of his opponents, the trial and execution
of Major Panitza, the still unanswered challenge to the Porte
to recognise the Prince, or the defiant disclosure of Russia's
overtures. Servia and Bulgaria are both watching the situation
in Macedonia, with mutual threats of war, and Greece also is
looking for her share in the " sick man's " succession. It was
feared at first that the fall of M. Tricoupis, the Greek Premier,
who was quite unexpectedly beaten by two to one at the general
election in the autumn, would precipitate a struggle, but the
Cabinet of M. Delyannis has hitherto steered a pacific course.

Turkey, in the presence of these rivalries, has wisely kept
quiet ; though her financial position is still deplorable, there
are signs of improvement. There remain the perennial mis-
government of Armenia, which, however exaggerated, is real,
and which appeals not alone to the public opinion of Europe
but to the vigilant ambition of Russia, and the agitation,
mainly factitious, which convulses Crete, in spite of liberal
concessions.

Egypt, under British control, presents a striking contrast to
the rest of the Ottoman Empire. Order and solvency have
been so well-established that Mr. Chamberlain, once an advocate
of immediate evacuation, returned a convert, as he has confessed,
to the occupation policy, after his visit early in the year. The

1890 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 415

improved financial position justified the Government in asking
the Powers to agree to the conversion of the debt, which
France had resisted in 1889, but to which, after much
diplomatic fencing, she has since consented, into a Three-and-
a-Half per Cent stock. The Egyptian taxpayers would be in
a still better position were the Government not hampered by
the conditions France has imposed. Alarm was created by the
movements of the "dervishes" both above Wady Haifa and
near Suakin, but nothing has occurred to justify it in either
quarter.

The growing political interest in the " scramble for Africa "
was quickened by the news of Major Serpa Pinto's aggression
among the Makalolo and a little later by Mr. Stanley's return
in triumph from his " quest " for Emin Pasha. The recall of
the filibustering Portuguese was demanded by our Government,
and, after much procrastination, was conceded by the Cabinet
at Lisbon, which was immediately swept away in a convulsion
of foolish anti-English wrath on the part of the mob.

Meantime Mr. Stanley had come back to Europe with the
thrilling story of his journey from the Congo to the Albert Nyanza
and thence to the East Coast. There he left Emin Pasha, who soon
after entered the German colonial service, but was found so unfit
either for obedience or command that he has lately been sent
home by Major Wissmann. Mr. Stanley met with an enthusi-
astic welcome in this country, where his marriage with Miss
Tennant excited warm public interest. He did much to keep
popular attention fixed on the development of Africa and the
risk of allowing other nations to elbow us out of a continent
mainly opened up by British enterprise. It is to be deplored
that Mr. Stanley's services have been overshadowed by the
painful controversy that has arisen about the conduct of his
rear column, his charges against Major Barttelot, Mr. Jameson,
and others, and the counter -charges of the friends of these
dead men.

Lord Salisbury's policy was not justly liable to Mr. Stanley's
criticisms, as was soon shown by the negotiations that ended
in the Anglo-German agreement. Germany surrendered Vitu
and the region north of the territory of the British East Africa
Company's, and acknowledged a British protectorate over Zan-
zibar, obtaining in exchange the recognition of her rights over
the coast southwards from the river Umba to the Mozambique

416 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1890

border. In the "Hinterland," up to Lake Tanganyika and
tlie Congo State, German influence was recognised within the
vast region bounded by a line running through the Victoria
Nyanza and by the " Stevenson road " from Lake Tanganyika
to Lake Nyassa. British influence was acknowledged to extend
north of the former limit as far as the Equatorial Province and
the head waters of the Nile. The right of England to open
.up the country beyond her South African possessions in the
direction of the Zambesi, and including Ngamiland, was con-
ceded, while Germany was given access to the upper waters of
the great river from her acquisitions on the West Coast.

In Europe, England ceded Heligoland to the German Empire
with the approval of all sensible and practical men. In Africa,
however, the settlement could not be considered complete as
regards British interests without supplementary arrangements
in which other Powers were concerned. France raised objections
to our protectorate in Zanzibar on the ground of old engagements
which she had herself disregarded in Madagascar. It was
ultimately settled that the situation in Zanzibar and that in
Madagascar should be placed on the same footing, while a
" sphere of influence " was appropriated to France, giving her
the command of the Sahara from the southern borders of
Algeria to the Upper Niger and Lake Tchad.

Negotiations with Italy, for the delimitation of her " sphere
of influence " in the region behind her stations on the Bed Sea
and her Abyssinian protectorate, have been hitherto defeated,
in spite of Lord Salisbury's optimist language at the Guildhall,
by the difficulty of reconciling the Italian claim to Kassala with
the rights of Egypt, though not the least ill-feeling has arisen
in consequence.

A convention with Portugal was arranged, giving the
Portuguese more than they had ever reduced to actual posses-
sion, and securing for England the right to colonise the central
territory up to the Congo State and the Stevenson road, as well
as supremacy over the Shir6 highlands and the freedom of the
Lower Zambesi. But the Ministers at Lisbon possessed no more
sagacity and courage than their predecessors who had fled before
the Serpa Pinto agitation ; they resigned when the Cortes
refused to ratify the treaty, and for weeks the political life of
the kingdom was suspended by mob violence. A modus vivendi
has been since arranged with a make-shift Portuguese Cabinet,

1890 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 417

provisionally maintaining both parties in the previous positions
for a period of six months.

Events in South Africa, however, are not standing still, and
the status quo is no longer what it was half a year ago. The
Cape Colonists have protested against the settlement of European
" spheres of influence " without consulting them, and their
attitude is the more important because Mr. Rhodes, the able
and enterprising head of the British South Africa Company,
became last summer Prime Minister at Cape Town. Mr.
Rhodes's company has already sent a successful expedition to
Mashonaland, where gold is believed to exist in quantity, and
an exploring force in Manicaland has come into collision with
Portuguese officials, producing another outbreak of popular rage
at Lisbon and an undignified as well as ineffectual appeal by
Portugal to the Powers. When Mr. Rhodes arrives in England
his explanations must be dispassionately compared with the
Portuguese complaints, but Portugal cannot fail to see that
she has much to lose by delaying the ratification of the
treaty.

In North America the commercial prosperity of Canada has
been directly attacked by the new tariff legislation of the United
States, with the intent, avowed by some American politicians,
of forcing the Canadians to enter the Union. Hitherto this
policy has had a quite opposite effect, not only irritating
Canadian feeling, but arousing the Canadians, as Sir John
Macdonald hastened to declare, to strike out new schemes for
the development of their trade. The conduct of the Washington
Government on the Behring Sea question has not been more
conciliatory, and President Harrison's reply to the suggestion
of arbitration is a proof that there is no desire to adopt a
reasonable compromise so long as votes can be angled for by
demanding an unconditional surrender of international rights
on our part. The controversy with the French about the
Newfoundland fisheries does not present so clear an issue.
Unfortunately the colonists are quite as obstinate as the French,
and can point to a real grievance in the bounty system. Both
these questions remain unsettled as the year closes.

Australasia is happily removed from the complications of

foreign politics. The Federation question has made considerable

progress, though the conference held at Melbourne in the spring

brought to light many suppressed jealousies. The delegates of

VOL. II 2 b

418 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1890

all the colonies — including West Australia, which has this year
been granted responsible government and the absolute control
of an immense unsettled territory — have declared in favour of
union under one Legislature and Executive. Their decision
has been notified to the Imperial Government, and from this
point of departure the discussion is to be resumed.

A change of Ministry in Victoria was precipitated by the
revolt of the labour representatives, because support had been
refused to the great shipping strike, but this was not the sole
reason, since many interests had become disgusted with reckless
expenditure on unremunerative railways for political objects.
The strike, which was an attempt to exclude non-union labour,
spread through all the Australasian colonies and was subsidised
by the English unions. It was boldly met by the shipowners
and other capitalists ; and, its organisers having alienated all
outside sympathy by cynical indifference to the public interest,
and being deserted by their friends at home, the movement
ended in a complete collapse.

Our Indian Empire has been prosperous and tranquil. The
finances show a decided improvement. A -certain amount of
relief has been derived from the rise in silver, though not as
much as was hoped for. The visit of the Prince of Wales's
eldest son at the beginning of the year has been followed at
its close by a still more striking visit, that of the Czarewitch.
The so-called " National Congress " is now meeting at Calcutta.
A powerful section of the Hindoos are opposed to any discussion
of the question of child marriage, which has been brought
prominently before the British public by Mr. Malabari and
other advocates of reform. On the other hand, Mahomedan
opinion has raised a cry against the principle of elective local
councils, imperfectly acknowledged in Lord Cross's Bill, for which
the Hindoo majority are naturally eager.

In South America Brazil has settled down, more quietly
than many expected, as a Republic ; but the Argentine Con-
federation has passed through a revolution which has had the
gravest financial results. A military revolt against the govern-
ment of Dr. Celman, the President, who was accused of ex-
travagance and malversation, made the streets of Buenos Ayres
the scene of civil conflict and went far to shatter the tottering
credit of the State. The President, for a moment triumphant,
was in the end abandoned by his colleagues and forced to resign.

1890 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 419

Since then the Confederation has been at peace and has striven,
not wholly in vain, to recover lost ground, but the shock to
Argentine, and, indirectly, to Uruguayan, credit has been
disastrous. It was, as we have seen, the proximate cause of
the financial crisis in London.

The disturbed condition of South America has rather checked
the enthusiasm of the people of the United States for Mr.
Blaine's policy as illustrated by the Pan-American Congress.
The Kepublicans, however, have not been content to rely on
this appeal to Chauvinist sentiment or on the usual resource
of worrying England. Having command, for the moment, of
the Executive and of both branches of the Legislature, the
party in power at Washington deemed the occasion fitting for
conciliating the interests identified with Protection in view of
the autumn elections and the next struggle for the Presidency.
The Silver Bill was first carried in order to make sure of the
support of the Western States, but after a temporary advantage
had been gained production has once more overtaken demand,
and caused a new cry for more silver legislation.

A more momentous step in the same direction was the new
tariflF, which took its name from Mr. M'Kinley, one of the
representatives of Ohio in the Lower House. This measure,
framed on the highest protective principles, and, in fact,
prohibitive of many foreign products, was passed after an
obstinate fight by the Republican majority with the assistance
of Speaker Reed, who used all the powers of his office to secure
the victory of his party. The Republicans were jubilant, and
few among them doubted that, at least for the time, they had
secured popular support. The elections, however, for the new
House of Representatives, which took place in the autumn,
soon after the M'Kinley Bill had become law, showed a swift
and complete revulsion of opinion. Consumers at once felt
the burden of the new duties, and producers grew more and
more doubtful of the promised > benefits. The Congressional
elections gave the Democrats an overwhelming majority in the
House, and the state elections secured them indirectly several
votes in the Senate. It is now certain that the next great party
battle will be fought out on the question of the tariff".

An outbreak of the Indians on the reserves of the Far West
caused more excitement and apprehension than seem to be
reasonable considering the strength of the United States and

420 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1890

the scanty numbers of the "red men." The expedition sent
to suppress the revolt has, however, led to a deplorable collision,
in which the troops, suddenly attacked, seem to have lost their
heads and to have slaughtered a large number of the Indians,
including women and children.

The obituary of the year includes some illustrious and many
conspicuous names. To the political consequences of the death
of the King of the Netherlands we have already alluded. The
Empress Augusta of Germany ; the Duke of Aosta, formerly
King Amadeo of Spain ; the Duke of Montpensier, once a
competitor for the same throne ; and the Sultan of Zanzibar,
who also may be said to have belonged to the royal caste, are
gone.

At home the list of our numerous losses is headed by one
of the greatest of contemporary writers — Cardinal Newman,
one of the masters of English prose, as well as a potent force
in the religious movement of the age. The Church of England,
in which Newman was bred and to which in a certain sense he
never ceased to belong, has been deprived in the Archbishop of
York of an able and energetic prelate, in the Dean of St. Paul's
of a scholarly and accomplished successor to Milman and other
eminent men of letters, in Canon Liddon of the most eloquent
and fascinating pulpit orator of our time. She has lost also
Dean Oakley of Manchester, the Eev. Henry White of the
Savoy, Bishop Parry, and Dr. Littledale. Lord Carnarvon, an
amiable and accomplished statesman, was cut off at a compara-
tively early age ; Lord Napier of Magdala, the conqueror of
Abyssinia, Lord Lamington, a survivor of the Young England
coterie, Lord Cottesloe, who had been Chief Secretary in Ireland
at a time that now seems to belong to ancient history. Lord
ToUemache, a most conscientious and liberal-minded repre-
sentative of English "landlordism," Lord Hammond, long
connected with the Foreign Office, Sir Edwin Chadwick, the
veteran sanitary reformer. Sir Edward Baines, who represented
Leeds for many years. Sir William Gull, the distinguished
physician. Sir Eichard Wallace, famous for his art collections
and his liberality, and Dr. Nathan Adler, the Chief Eabbi of
the English Jews, had passed the Psalmist's span.

In England, among those who had sat on the Bench, judicial
or magisterial, we miss the names of Sir Barnes Peacock, of the
Privy Council, Mr. Justice Manisty, Mr. Baron Huddleston,

1890 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 421

Sir James Ingham, and Sir William Hardman ; in Ireland,
those of Lord Justice Naish, Baron Dowse, Judge O'Hagan,
and Judge Litton. The deaths of Lady Eosebery and Mrs.
Peel were mourned not only by a large social circle, but by
the political friends of Mr. Gladstone's Foreign Secretary and of
the Speaker.

Among others, remarkable for various reasons, who have
departed, may be mentioned Lord Magheramorne, ex-Chairman
of the Metropolitan Board ; Lord Rosslyn, a writer of graceful
verse; Mr. Craig Sellar, an able and upright member of
Parliament ; his brother. Professor Sellar, a fine classical
scholar ; Sir Richard Burton, the traveller and Orientalist ;
Professor Thorold Rogers, an intemperate politician, but the
author of some useful works on political economy ; Mr. Baxter,
formerly a member of Mr. Gladstone's Government ; Mr.
Nasmyth, the inventor of the steam-hammer ; Mr. Christopher
Talbot, the " Father " of the House of Commons ; Mr. Biggar,
one of Mr. Parnell's earliest allies ; Sir George Burns, of the
Cunard Company ; Mr. Boucicault, actor and dramatist ; Sir
Edgar Boehm, the sculptor ; Sir Louis Mallet, the economist ;
Mr. Herbert and Mr. Cope, both retired Academicians ; Dr.
Matthews Duncan, an eminent medical specialist ; Mr. George
Hooper, the biographer of Wellington ; Mr. Charles Gibbon,
the novelist; and Mr. Mudie, founder of the well-known
circulating library.

Abroad the deaths were announced — in Austria, of Count
Andrassy, formerly Foreign Minister of the Monarchy, and of
Count Karolyi, lately Ambassador in London; in Germany,
of Dr. Dollinger and Professor Delitsch, both great scholars
and theologians, though of very diflferent schools, and of Dr.
Schliemann, the archaeologist ; in France, of the veteran author,
M. Alphonse Karr, of M. Octave Feuillet, a prolific and grace-
ful romancist, of M. Chatrian, the literary yoke-fellow of M.
Erckmann, with whom he had lately been at bitter feud, of M.
Gayarre, the opera-singer, and of Mile. Samary, the actress ;
in Switzerland, of General Ochsenbein, who put down the
revolt of the Sonderbund ; in China, of the Marquis Tseng,
well known in Europe as an intelligent and courteous diplo-
matist ; and in the United States, of Sitting Bull, the famous
Indian chie£

1891

A GENERAL feeling of restlessness and uncertainty, rather than
any decisive events or definite changes in the political and social
world, is the most conspicuous characteristic of the year 1891.
At home the shadow of the approaching appeal to the con-
stituencies has fallen over public affairs, and given an election-
eering character to all the acts and utterances of public men.
The schism in the Irish Home Eule camp, which was completed
before the close of 1890, continues, in spite of the death of Mr.
Parnell and the repeated defeats, till the record was broken at
Waterford, of Parnellite candidates. The Gladstonians, for this
and other reasons, have devoted an increasing share of attention
to other subjects, and have especially begun to pay court to the
rural voters.

The " multifarious programme " adopted by the party at
Newcastle-on-Tyne indicates the desire of Mr. Schnadhorst and
other tacticians not to present a simple issue to the electorate
at the general election, but a bundle of promises, which, if
successful in winning a majority, will, nevertheless, place power
unconditionally in Mr. Gladstone's hands. Mr. Gladstone him-
self remains as infatuated as ever with his dream of Home Kule,
which he refuses to define, and, perhaps, has not yet made clear
even to his own mind. Though Sir William Harcourt is,
obviously, not in love with that policy, his energy as a fighting
politician and his robust platform oratory have enabled him to
distance all competitors for the succession to the leadership.
Mr. Morley has fallen into the background ; Mr. Fowler has
not come to the front ; Sir George Trevelyan has almost sunk
out of sight ; and Mr. Labouchere has not persuaded the public
to take him seriously.

1891 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 423

On the Unionist side, while the loss of Mr. W. H. Smith has
been universally deplored, Mr. Balfour's appointment as his
successor has been cordially welcomed by both sections of the
party, and was, indeed, designated beforehand by public opinion.
Lord Eandolph Churchill has prudently effaced himself during
the greater part of the year by his absence in South Africa.
The subsidiary changes necessitated by the death, not only of
Mr. Smith, but of Mr. Eaikes, have, on the whole, given satis-
faction. Mr. Jackson had worked as Financial Secretary to the
Treasury in harmony with Mr. Balfour both in the measures for
meeting distress and in the development of public works in
Ireland, and is likely to make an efficient and clear-sighted
Chief Secretary, while Sir John Gorst, who has succeeded him
in his former office, is a man of undoubted, if somewhat undis-
ciplined, ability. Sir James Fergusson took Mr. Kaikes's place
at the Post Office, and Mr. James W. Lowther was then made
Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs, Mr. George Curzon soon
afterwards becoming Under-Secretary for India.

In other respects the constitution of the Ministry has been
unchanged. The alliance between the Conservatives and Liberal
Unionists has borne the test of time, and there is now no reason
to believe that Lord Hartington's removal to the Upper House
will exercise any dissolvent effect. Mr. Chamberlain has lately
stated more clearly than ever the impossibility that Liberals
who care for the preservation of the Empire and the maintenance
of law should co-operate with the Gladstonians, including, as
they do, an English Nihilist faction as well as the Irish Home
Kulers. Moreover, Lord Salisbury's Government have done much
more in the direction of reform than Mr. Gladstone had even
promised six years ago when he suddenly veered round to Home
Rule. The administration of the country has been conducted
with brilliant and steady success in diplomacy, in finance, and
in the principal departments of State.

It is, nevertheless, true that, by the action of forces which
always tell against a party in power and by the unscrupulous
use of promises on the part of the Opposition, several bye-elec-
tions have been won by the Gladstonians, mostly in country
districts. The greater number of vacancies occurred, not only
positively, but relatively, on the Unionist side. The two seats
for the City of London were retained without a contest by the
Conservatives, as well as those for Cambridge University, where

424 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1891

Professor Jebb was chosen as successor to Mr. Raikes, for Leeds,
and for the Chichester Division, Mr. Victor Cavendish was
unopposed when coming forward in place of his father, Lord
Edward, for West Derbyshire. In Aston Manor, in the Strand
Division, and in Lewisham, Gladstonian attacks were repelled
by overwhelming majorities, and Unionist seats were also held,
though in some cases by greatly diminished majorities, in East
and South Dorsetshire, in Mid Oxfordshire, in Whitehaven, in
North-East Manchester, and in Buteshire. The Gladstonians
held Northampton, North Bucks, Paisley, and Walsall, while
they wrested Hartlepool, the Harborough, the Stowmarket, the
Wisbech, and the South Molton Divisions from the Unionists.

In Ireland the struggle has been mostly between Parnellites
and anti-Parnellites,the latter defeating the former decisively after
obstinate fighting in North Sligo, Carlow, and Cork, but being,
in turn, defeated, not less decisively, in Waterford. An anti-
Parnellite was returned unopposed in North Kilkenny. Neither
of the Separatist factions ventured to contest the Conservative
seat for South Armagh.

At the beginning of the year the Gladstonians were still dis-
mayed and disconcerted by the split among their Irish allies, so
much so that their complaints against the Government were
dropped without apology and practically were never revived.
No more was heard of the threatened famine and hardly more
of the iniquities of the magistrates at Tipperary and elsewhere.
Sir William Harcourt wrote to express his preference in these
circumstances for his own fireside over the platform, and at the
same time to point out that Home Rule could only be conceded
to a practically unanimous Irish demand, within limits accept-
able to Englishmen. These conditions have not been at any time
fulfilled during the year, though the language of the Opposition,
if not their real sentiments, has more than once changed.

The labour question was no less prominent than in the
previous year, but the schism between the trade unionists of the
new and the old schools on the demand for a compulsory eight
hours' day and other points continued and was widened, and
several threatening strikes were compromised or collapsed.
Among these may be mentioned the Scotch railway strike, which
was at its height a year ago, the Cardiff dock and shipping
strike, and the London omnibus strike. But the value of the
labour vote at pending future elections was hardly diminished

1891 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 425

by these vicissitudes. The Opposition, notwithstanding the
objections of Mr. Morley and a few others to a compulsory
limitation of working hours, held themselves out to be the only
friends of the working man, while the Government found it
desirable to appoint a Koyal Commission to inquire into the
labour question, of which Lord Hartington became the chairman,
and which, after some months' work, has dealt with a com-
paratively small part of a vast and complex subject. The edge
was somewhat taken off the bitterness of the controversy as it
became clear that the activity of trade was on the decline.

The May-day demonstrations in this country were of no
importance, and the obvious desire of Ministers and of Parliament
to do whatever was possible to assist the labouring classes was
not without effect. The abolition of school fees, the amendment
of the Factory Acts, and the attempts to multiply allotments and
small holdings were evidence of this spirit, which was further
shown in Mr. Chamberlain's proposals, as to the practicability of
which, however, there was much difference of opinion, for
securing State-aided pensions to workmen in old age. The
Gladstonians at once began to bid higher, though of course only
in promises. While the Irish faction fight was at its height
they occupied themselves more with the labour question than
with Ireland, and w^ere led by their success in some county con-
stituencies to set about cultivating the rural voter, of whom little
notice had been previously taken.

So matters stood at the end of the session, though, when the
National Liberal Federation met in October, the situation had
again been modified, for the priests had defeated Mr. Parnell's
candidates everywhere in Ireland, and it was evident that the
most serious danger to Mr. Gladstone's new allies was that of
being suspected of a design to conspire with English politicians
in postponing or minimising Home Kule. Mr. ParneU's death,
too, operated in the same direction.

During the session, Mr. Gladstone, who completed his eighty-
second year on the 29th of December, had exhibited much energy
from time to time, but had taken a less systematic part in public
affairs than had been his custom, declining, for instance, to
defend in detail the vehement censures he had passed in a
speech at Hastings on Mr. Goschen's finance. His health had
temporarily broken down in the summer owing to an attack of
influenza, then making painful havoc in the House of Commons,

426 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1891

and his recovery was delayed by the shock of his eldest son's
death. He returned, however, to the fight on the occasion of
the Newcastle meeting of the National Liberal Federation,
having just before gone up to Perthshire to speak at the jubilee
of Glenalmond College, as the survivor of the founders.

At Newcastle a wonderful programme, semi-officially described
by Sir "William Harcourt as " multifarious," was drawn up and
carried through without any attempt at or opportunity for real
discussion. Mr. Gladstone was compelled to make a similar
mosaic of his speech, though he placed Home Rule in the front
rank both from personal bias and from a conviction that other-
wise his Irish allies could not be retained. The disestablish-
ment party got a promise of an instalment of their policy in
Wales and in Scotland ; parish councils, small holdings and
allotments, supplied by public aid, were to make the rural voters
happy and to cover the derelict fields with " golden grain " ; the
House of Lords was to be mended or ended, preferably the
latter; and the House^of Commons to be reorganised on the
basis of " one man one vote " and a short residential period for
registration. Land law reform, with taxation of ground-rents,
free sale of land, with compensation to tenants, powers to local
authorities to buy and sell land, popular veto on the liquor
traffic, international arbitration, housing of the working classes,
extension of the Factory Acts — these were only some of the
remaining projects embraced in the bill of fare at Newcastle.
Mr. Gladstone added a gratuitous intimation, following Mr.
Morley's lead, that he was in favour of withdrawing our forces
from Egypt, and this — though a sort of minimising explanation
was afterwards given, not by Mr. Gladstone himseK — was caught
up by the French Press, and raised the hopes of the old Turkish
party at Cairo.

Hardly had the Newcastle meeting broken up, when Mr.
W. H. Smith and Mr. Pamell died on the same day. The former
was deeply and universally lamented, but, great as his loss was,
it was not wholly a surprise, and there could hardly be a doubt
as to his successor. Mr. Balfour's claims to the leadership
whenever it became vacant had been recognised as high when
Mr. Smith's retirement had been talked about more than twelve
months earlier, but they had been strengthened in the interval
by the success of his Irish administration and by the remarkable
development of his Parliamentary capacity and character.

1891 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 427

Notable as were the pretensions and admirable the services of
the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who had declined the leader-
ship in 1887, not to dwell on those of Sir Michael Hicks-Beach,
who had taken the same course in 1886, there was no one to
compare with Mr. Balfour as impressing the imagination of the
English people and commanding the confidence of the whole of
the Unionist party. The only point of doubt had been whether
or not Mr. Balfour could be spared from the Irish Ofl&ce, but
the tranquillisation of Ireland had gone so far that this doubt
was removed before the vacancy in the leadership occurred.

The measures adopted to cope with the distress caused by the
failure of the potato crop in some districts, which proved to be
grossly exaggerated, were received with more signs of gratitude
and confidence than had been shown by the Irish masses to the
British Government for many a day, and the patience with
which the Lord Lieutenant and Mr. Balfour, ably assisted by
Mr. Jackson, the Secretary to the Treasury, conducted the
investigation into the light railways' schemes, as well as the
administration of the relief system, public and private, at length
overcame prejudice and elicited a becoming response. In the
West a cordial welcome was given to Lady Zetland and Miss
Balfour in recognition of the good work done by them in the
distribution of clothing in the distressed districts, and in their
co-operation in the appeal made for public help by the Lord
Lieutenant and the Chief Secretary.

Moreover, it soon became apparent that the conspiracy to
defy the law and to constrain individual liberty, which Mr.
Pamell and Mr. Davitt had set on foot twelve years before, was
rapidly breaking up. The majority of the tenants who had
been induced to enter into the Plan of Campaign came to terms
with their landlords ; " New Tipperary " was deserted and
ultimately sold up ; the endeavour to make out in the law
Courts that the magistrates and police had acted harshly and
illegally in the riots of 1890, though supported by Mr. Morley's
testimony, wholly failed ; boycotting and agrarian crime
dwindled, and before the autumn Mr. Balfour was able to
announce that the more stringent clauses of the Crimes Act
had been withdrawn except in Clare and in one or two isolated
districts elsewhere.

The firm administration of the law was aided by the state of
the finances of the party of disorder. After the rupture between

428 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1891

Mr. Parnell and the majority of his faction, the American sub-
sidies were stopped, and neither Mr. Parnell nor Mr. McCarthy,
the joint trustees of the " Paris fund," would allow the handling
of this money to pass into a rival's hands. When Mr. Dillon
and Mr. O'Brien, who had fled from trial and forfeited their
bail, returned from America to France, without any hope of
pecuniary aid, it seemed doubtful whether they would side with
the Parnellites or the anti-Parnellites. Negotiations were
opened at Boulogne, in which, so far as can be judged from later
recriminations and disclosures, each party tried to hoodwink the
other, while both strove to gull the Gladstonians, and all com-
bined to throw dust in the eyes of the British public. No
compromise was found possible, Mr. Parnell standing out for a
pledge from Mr. Gladstone to make the Irish Parliament really
independent, while Mr. McCarthy was satisfied with assurances
that the powers of that Parliament under the Bill of 1886 would
be extended to the control of the police and the settlement of
the land question.

Peace being thus found impossible, or their minds not being
made up, Mr. Dillon and Mr. O'Brien retired to' the safe seclusion
of a gaol, while the priests on the one side, backed by Mr.
Healy's powers of scurrilous invective, and Mr. Parnell on the
other, battled obstinately for supremacy, in the Press and on the
platform. The latter steadily lost ground ; he was beaten in
North Sligo and in Carlow, even more decisively than he had
been in Kilkenny, and when Mr, Dillon and Mr. O'Brien were
released in July they had no difficulty in determining which was
the winning cause. They declared, at first temperately, but soon
with violent charges and counter-charges, against Mr. Parnell,
whom Mr. Healy had already accused in the new clerical organ
of peculation and fraud.

The next blow was the defection of the Freeman's Journal^
decided, according to the statement of the principal proprietor,
by Mr. Parnell's marriage with Mrs. O'Shea. The effects of the
split were felt in the United States not less than in Ireland.
AH told in favour of the restoration of order, in spite of the
frantic attempts of Mr. Dillon to stir up the dying fires of faction
and terrorism and to defeat the operation of the Land Purchase
■Act.

In this position of affairs the unexpected death of Mr. Parnell
occurred, owing to a chill received during his campaigning in

1891 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 429

Ireland, and the Gladstonians were for a moment cheered by the
hope that the " union of hearts " would be patched up till the
general election, and that they would have a " free hand " in
dealing with Home Rule. But passion was too strong for
prudence ; Pamellite mobs threatened and even used violence
against anti-Parnellite leaders ; the priests threw themselves
into the struggle and exerted all their powers of "spiritual
coercion " ; a desperate battle was fought in Cork, where Mr.
Redmond stood for Mr. Parnell's seat and was badly beaten,
while Mr. Dillon and Mr. O'Brien were only saved from the rage
of their fellow-patriots by the activity of the police. A similar
conflict in Waterford followed the death of Mr. Richard Power,
Mr. Davitt, after he had been roughly assaulted, consenting to
stand against Mr. Redmond. After an embittered conflict, the
decision of Cork was reversed, Mr. Redmond defeating Mr.
Davitt by a majority of 546 on a poll of about 3000. In these
circumstances the Gladstonians found it equally difficult to drop
their Home Rule policy or to defend it.

The nomination of Mr. Balfour as the Ministerial leader in
the Lower House was cordially welcomed by all sections of the
Unionists, and a good deal of activity was at once infused into
the campaign. There were some indications of discontent among
the Conservatives, to whom the Free Education Act had been
disturbing, if not repellant, and who did not look with much
favour on the principal measure promised for next year — the
extension of local government in Ireland. At the close of last
session Mr. Balfour had repeated the statement, already made
by all the leading Unionists, that the Government were bound
by sacred pledges to deal with the latter question, and to this
opinion he adhered, as did all his colleagues, when he succeeded
to the leadership. Though the boon of the abolition of school
fees had not apparently moved the gratitude of the electors
generally, the Conservatives had a good record to show, if not
one which could be compared with the reckless promises of the
Newcastle programme.

The Prime Minister, Mr. Balfour, Mr. Goschen, and other
Ministers did their duty manfully in placing the facts of the
situation before the constituencies, and they were energetically
seconded by the Liberal Unionist leaders. In every part of
England, in Wales, and in Scotland the controversy was
vigorously carried on. There were many points which seemed

430 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1891

to be established in favour of the Unionists. At a Liberal
Unionist gathering at Manchester, the Duke of Argyll showed
that Mr. Gladstone was still pledged to all the worst features of
the Home Eule Bill of 1886, with further indefinite concessions
to the demands of his Irish allies. The latter, since Mr.
Parnell's disappearance from the scene, had become more dis-
tinctly than ever a clerical faction, employing for their own
objects the instruments and methods of revolution. This fact
was not without effect in Scotland, where the adoption of the
disestablishment policy by the Gladstonians had shaken many
Liberals, who had thought that Home Eule might be feasible, as
was shown by the appeal made to Mr. Childers, on the announce-
ment, universally regretted, of his retirement from public life,
not to create an immediate vacancy in South Edinburgh. The
bearing of the " one man one vote " principle on the gross over-
representation of Ireland and Wales was another point pressed
home by the Unionists.

The Home Rulers were not less active. Sir William Har-
court stumped the country perseveringly, and Mr. Morley, Mr.
Fowler, Lord Spencer, and Sir George Trevelyan did their best,
in a somewhat lugubrious fashion, to imitate his boisterous and
not unamusing performances. A Conservative meeting of dele-
gates at Birmingham, where Mr. Chamberlain appeared on the
same platform with Lord Salisbury, and declared that he neither
desired nor hoped for reunion with the Gladstonians while they
continued to pursue their revolutionary course, furnished Sir
William Harcourt and the other Opposition orators with material
for invective and sarcasm. Of these, part was directed against
what was audaciously styled Mr. Chamberlian's apostasy, and
part against the lack of discipline among the Conservative dele-
gates, who, in spite of the avowed intentions of the Ministry,
had expressed disapproval of the Irish Local Government Bill,
and had passed a futile resolution aimed against Free Trade.

It was easier to dilate on these topics than to come to close
quarters with the Home Eule question at a time when mini-
mising assurances, whether honestly given or not, could be used
against the clerical candidates in Ireland. Though Mr. Eedmond
had been badly beaten in Cork, Mr. Dillon and Mr. O'Brien had
failed to conciliate the semi-Fenian masses, and even Mr. Davitt,
in the subsequent contest at Waterford, was unable to win over
the mob. It was almost as risky for the Gladstonians to attempt

1891 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 431

to show how tlie Newcastle promises were to be performed.
Unfortunately, the rural electors seemed too ready to swallow
promises wholesale without any explanation whatever, and it
was thought safe to allow Mr. Gladstone to address a carefully-
selected gathering of so-called delegates from the agricultural
labourers at the Holborn Restaurant in a speech reiterating vague
pledges, and endeavouring to persuade the rural voters that
their cause was identical with that of the Irish disruptionists.

A curious episode in these controversies was the attack on
Mr. Goschen's finance, initiated by Sir William Harcourt, and
repeated by some Gladstonian members, who, having made the
mistake of treating that critic seriously, exposed themselves and
him to a severe and well-deserved castigation from the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer. The public, remembering Mr. Glad-
stone's earlier record as a financier, lamented the discredit
inflicted upon him by these aberrations of his followers ; but he
hastened to show that he had himself descended the same steep
slope. On his journey to London to denounce to the delegates
at the Holborn Restaurant the common law of conspiracy, the
evils of which, like those of the Septennial Act, he had never
discovered during all the years he was in power, Mr. Gladstone
went out of his way to denounce af a railway station a scheme
of currency reform laid before the business community by Mr.
Goschen as a " quack measure," though he had himself invited
Mr. Goschen to take up the subject as one lying outside party
politics.

Early in the year Mr. Goschen, in a speech at Leeds, had
drawn attention to the dangers revealed by the Baring crisis,
and had appealed, not wholly in vain, to the joint-stock banks
to co-operate in keeping larger reserves. Though further
troubles in the city had been averted, it was felt that to secure
a larger and more permanent metallic reserve as well as to
provide against irregular suspensions of the Bank Charter Act of
1844 would be highly expedient, and Mr. Goschen brought
forward tentatively an ingenious scheme, depending on the sub-
stitution of one-pound notes for a part of the circulating gold to
be added to the reserve. There are grave practical difiiculties in
the way of this plan, and at present it has met with little
popular support, but it ought not to be dismissed by any respon-
sible statesman as a " quack measure."

The same partisan spirit which renders the financial criticism

432 AT^NUAL SUMMARIES 1891

of the Opposition utterly worthless reduces their influence almost
to nothing on such important national questions as those of the
organisation and efficiency of the national defences, discussed
during the autumn in our own columns, and in the letters of
" Vetus " and Mr. Arnold Forster. Public opinion, however, is
moving steadily in the direction of a demand that the recon-
stitution of the War Office shall be no longer delay ed.-

The transfer of the charge for fees in elementary schools from
the parents to the tax-payers, which has come into effect since
September, has not made the ratepaying classes more inclined
to tolerate the increasing burdens of local government, often
administered by faddists and fanatics without the smallest regard
for economy.

The election for the London School Board in November
resulted in the signal defeat of the " Progressists," who are still
more numerous and more mischievous upon the London County
Council, whence they may be expelled to much greater practical
advantage at the approaching renewal of that perverse and dis-
appointing body. Lord Rosebery, who has taken no part in
public life since his wife's death, unless in the publication of his
striking little book on Pitt, has retired from the Chairmanship,
and Sir John Lubbock will follow his example on the dissolution
of the present Council. Lord Lingen and other members of
ability and experience have been snubbed and set at nought
by a majority of obstinate and wrong-headed busy bodies, who
have worried tried officials like Captain Shaw out of their
service, have put a stop to street improvements in the pursuit of
political ends outside the scope of their functions, have added
seriously to the burdens of the ratepayers, and' have embarked
upon the policy of buying up the tramways, with the prospect
of even more serious financial consequences in the immediate
future.

In his speech at the Guildhall on Lord Mayor's Day the
Prime Minister, while emphatically repudiating the " scuttling "
policy in Egypt, suggested at Newcastle by Mr. Gladstone, ex-
pressed his belief that the calamity of a general war in Europe
had become less probable since commercial conflicts were taking
the place of military strife. This confidence, which was in
harmony with the public utterances of M. Ribot, General
Caprivi, M. de Giers, Count Kalnoky, and the Marquis di
Rudini, was borne out by events, in spite of a considerable

1891 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 433

amount of friction from time to time and of provocative moves
and countermoves.

No serious question had arisen between France and Germany
or between Austria and Russia, but the old causes of jealousy-
were not removed. The fall of Signor Crispi, who had over-
estimated the personal security given him by the fresh majority
returned to support him in the Italian Parliament, excited hopes
in France, which were dashed by the discovery that the Marquis
di Rudini was resolved to adhere to the Triple Alliance and to
maintain substantially the same attitude as his predecessor. The
protectionist policy which the French were already pursuing,
and which was evidenced by the denunciation of existing
commercial treaties, was thus stimulated, nor were the Italians
reluctant to retaliate.

The German Emperor had sometimes shown a lack of dis-
cretion in his language. His breach with Prince Bismarck had
been widened by the undisguised hostility of the latter, who was
elected to the Reichstag for Geestemiinde in March, just after
the death of Count Moltke, though he has not since returned to
active Parliamentary life, while somewhat earlier Count Wal-
dersee resigned his position as Chief of the Staff. Nevertheless,
the Government was in no way shaken, and German opinion
was gratified by the formal signature in June of treaties with
Austria-Hungary and Italy, renewing the Triple Alliance for
a further term of six years. This renewal was welcomed with
equal cordiality in the other countries concerned, and was
hailed here as a fresh security for peace on the basis of the
statm quo.

Soon afterwards the Emperor paid a public visit to the
Queen, his grandmother, and the brilliant reception he met
with, both at the Court and in the City, caused some restlessness
in France and Russia. It was arranged that the French fleet
should be sent to Cronstadt, where the Russian Government, and
the Czar himself, foregoing all antipathies to Republicanism,
played the host in the most splendid manner to the representa-
tives of France. Though the same fleet was subsequently
received with high honour at Portsmouth, and there reviewed
by the Queen, the French leaped instantly to the conclusion
that the European balance of power had been suddenly altered
in their favour, and that an offensive and defensive alliance
with Russia had been actually concluded. This came to be

VOL. II 2 F

434 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1891

doubted later on, when M. de Giers went out of his way to meet
the Italian Prime Minister at Monza, and, subsequently, it
became clear that the Czar was not disposed to pick a quarrel
with the Triple Alliance.

In spite of occasional lapses from prudence on the part of
the German Emperor, the policy of the German Government
was sagacious and conciliatory, though the objects of the Triple
Alliance were steadily kept in view. No notice was taken of
the absurd stir in Paris over the visit of the Empress Frederick,
and again over the production of Wagner's Lohengrin, when the
French Ministry behaved with more firmness in defying mob
dictation than had been previously shown in the analogous case
of Thermidor. In the autumn the German Government volun-
tarily relaxed the stringent rules as to passports which obstructed
communication between France and Alsace-Lorraine.

Meanwhile, however, the Triple Alliance was consolidated.
The German Emperor's visit to England, preceded by one to
Holland, was followed by a meeting with the Emperor of
Austria, and by his presence, together with the King of Saxony,
at the manoeuvres of the Bavarian troops ^ear Munich. At
Fiume the Emperor Francis Joseph was welcomed on board the
flagship of the British Mediterranean Squadron, which after-
wards visited Venice to do similar honour to King Humbert.
Other international courtesies were exchanged. The heir to the
Italian throne was the Queen's guest in the summer ; the King
of Eoumania was entertained at the Italian and German Courts,
and the King of Servia, after visiting the Czar, was welcomed by
the Emperor of Austria at Ischl.

The Russo-French friendship was less perseveringly followed
up, at least on the part of the Czar, who was, perhaps, afraid to
administer too powerful stimulants to over-excitable friends, and
was also occupied at home with financial difficulties and an
alarm of famine. But while the enthusiasm of the French was
still fervid, advantage was taken of it to secure the placing of a
new Russian loan, which was almost wholly subscribed for in
Paris, the Berlin bankers having withdrawn from the affair. The
political and fiscal tactics of the French Government hastened
the completion of the new system of commercial treaties, by
which it was sought to strengthen and extend the operations of
the Triple Alliance.

Prince Bismarck's policy of strict protection was abandoned,

1891 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 435

and treaties were framed on the basis of equivalent tariff
reductions, wliicli were submitted simultaneously to the Parlia-
ments of Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy ; while similar
arrangements were concluded by the three Powers with Belgium
and Switzerland, were being negotiated with Servia, Bulgaria,
and Eoumania, and were at least contemplated with Holland
and Spain. The object was not, indeed, to establish a ZoUverein
for Central Europe, but to approximate to it, and to exclude
from the new commercial system the States outside the Triple
Alliance, especially France, which had, in pursuance of her
protectionist policy, denounced the treaties regulating her
relations with other countries. The right of the Central Powers
to take this course could not be denied even in France, and the
discussion of the treaties produced on the whole a tranquillising
effect. Prince Bismarck did not, as some had anticipated, appear
in the Reichstag to condemn this departure from his own system.
General Caprivi, Count Kalnoky, and the Marquis di Rudini
were all careful to use reassuring language. A scare got up, for
Stock Exchange purposes, at Vienna, on the false pretence that
the Emperor Francis Joseph had spoken of war as hardly to be
avoided, inflicted serious losses on individuals, but was quickly
allayed by assurances given in the Delegations which were
regarded as satisfactory by the public.

France has been undisturbed internally, though signs of
future troubles are not wanting. The Senatorial elections at the
beginning of the year struck the decisive blow at the remnant
of the Boulangist faction, which finally expired with the unfor-
tunate would-be dictator himself when he killed himself on his
mistress's grave near Brussels. The Royalists, now led by Count
d'Haussonville, were reduced to insignificance, and the defection
of the higher clergy, for which Cardinal Lavigerie had given the
signal, made progress till it was checked, towards the end of the
year, by a renewed Radical campaign on the Church and State
question. This was a part of the price paid by M. de Freycinet's
Government for practical success accompanied by rash promises.
The vigorous administration of M. Constans had crushed
Socialist terrorism and mob violence, as well as political con-
spiracy. The May-day demonstrations were kept under stern
control, and at Fourmies the soldiery were forced to shed
blood.

Though the autumn manoeuvres strengthened the Government

436 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1891

by showing what M. de Freycinet had done for the army ; though
general admiration was expressed in England as well as in
Russia and Denmark for the fleet and sailors ; though M. Ribot's
conduct of foreign affairs had avoided quarrels, yet maintained
the national dignity ; though the country was dazzled by the
condescension of the Czar ; though trade w^as fairly prosperous
and financial demoralisation had been checked, the Radicals
were still discontented. M. Constans was not forgiven for
putting down mobs and removing Marat's statue ; and, on the
meeting of the Chambers, M. Cl^menceau attacked the Govern-
ment for shrinking from a truly Republican policy, and, if the
Reactionaries had not refrained from voting, would have turned
out M. de Freycinet's Ministry.

The prosecution of the Archbishop of Aix, who had published
censures on the Government for prohibiting French pilgrimages
to Rome — a step necessitated by the violence of the Italian
populace, who had attacked pilgrims charged, justly or unjustly,
with insulting Victor Emmanuel's tomb in the Pantheon — was
regarded as a concession to the Radicals, and this belief was
confirmed by M. de Freycinet's attitude in the Church and State
debate. The disturbances at Rome were a symptom of the
Italian recoil from France, which was not lessened by M. Crispi's
retirement.

Italy, too, had her May-day labour troubles, with conflicts
between the troops and the mob at Rome and Florence, while a
disgraceful street battle in Bologna was caused by the reckless
rudeness of some officers and the popular jealousy of the army.
The financial difficulty remains unsettled ; the military and
naval expenditure is immense, and Italy is excluded from French
markets.

A similar difficulty on a still grander scale .exists in Russia,
but the details are carefully concealed and immediate pressure
is staved off by external loans. The persecution of the Jews was
not relaxed, the Czar refusing even to receive a respectful protest
adopted in accordance with resolutions passed at the Mansion-
house meeting. The Russification of Finland is being steadily
advanced. The failure of the crops over a large part of the
Empire produced a famine and an Imperial decree restricting
the importation of grain.

The attacks of the German Press on Russia were renewed
just before the issue of the loan, and the relations between the

1891 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 437

Czar and the Emperor "William were frigid, if not strained.
Prince Bismarck's disparagement of the Triple Alliance and his
championship of Russia tended rather to drive his master in the
opposite direction, for a Sovereign convinced that "the voice of
the King " is " the highest law " was unlikely to succumb to the
dictation of an ex-Minister without a party. Public confidence
in General Caprivi's capacity and prudence was confirmed by
events and by his sagacious and pacific speeches in the Reichstag
and in the country, and his services have been lately recognised
by his elevation to the rank of count. Though the insurance
law and kindred measures had not succeeded in shattering the
Socialist party, Germany escaped better than her neighbours
from the labour troubles, but trade was dull and workmen
were disquieted and dissatisfied, partly in consequence of the
M'Kinley tariff, both in the German and Austro-Hungarian
Empires.

The " Home Rule " system in the Cisleithan and Transleithan
kingdoms was a seed-bed of continual strife. In Bohemia
especially the "Young Czechs," who are pressing for complete
autonomy and the suppression of the German elements, have
got the upper hand of the more moderate " Old Czechs," just as
Mr. Parnell's faction supplanted Mr. Butt's. Count Taafi'e,
however, in spite of the shifting of parties in the new Reichsrath
and of his failing health, remains at the head of afi'airs in
Austria, and has strengthened the German element in his
Cabinet. Hungarian politics have been unsettled since the
retirement of M. Tisza. The attitude of the high Magyar
Nationalists, under Count Apponyi, has forced the Szapary
Government to appeal to the electors. The Imperial Foreign
Office is still, as it has been for more than ten years, in the
charge of Count Kalnoky.

The Iberian Peninsula has suffered from many causes of
uneasiness, and the revolutionary spirit, though for the present
kept under, is evidently at work. In Portugal there were abor-
tive attempts at a military revolt at Oporto. An excessive issue
of a depreciated paper currency and other disquieting symptoms
justified the alarm which has brought down the price of Portu-
guese securities. The Ministry formed in 1890 to carry the
Anglo-Portuguese Convention shrank from the task at the critical
moment, and was succeeded in May by another Coalition Cabinet
under General Chrysostomo, which, yielding to the pressure of

438 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1891

events, was able to settle the dispute, and lias on the whole
contrived to avoid further conflicts with England in Africa.

In Spain the Government, guided by the sagacity and firm-
ness of the Queen Regent and the political experience of Senor
Canovas del Castillo, has steered its way through many diffi-
culties. The Cortes which was elected at the beginning of the
year is controlled by a large Conservative majority, the sup-
porters of Senor Canovas outnumbering those of Senor Sagasta
by three to one. The financial question in Spain has become
more serious since the disastrous floods which in the autumn
swept away the crops in several provinces, as they did also in
South France and North Italy, and caused great destruction of
life. Parisian speculators and investors have been crippled by
the decline in Spanish and Portuguese stocks, which are largely
held in France. The Low Countries, once among the jewels of
the Spanish crown, are now involved in the industrial and com-
mercial movement of Central Europe. In Belgium the labour
question and the Socialist propaganda have stirred up the
working classes to demand a revision of the Constitution. The
commercial treaties with Germany, Austria, and Italy will, it is
hoped, exercise a tranquillising influence by opening new markets
for Belgian products.

In Holland, now under a regency, these questions, though
not to be ignored, are less urgent. There has been a change of
Ministry with no remarkable results. It is much debated
whether the country can keep aloof from the fiscal federation of
Central Europe.

In the Scandinavian kingdoms the most important event
was the demand of the majority in the Storthing that Home
Rule should be extended so as to allow Norway to pursue an
independent foreign policy, though in all other respects the
country has been free from the control of its greater partner,
Sweden. A new Ministry was formed on M. Stang's defeat by
M. Steen. The elections in November showed that the anti-
Unionists were overwhelmingly strong in the constituencies, a
fact worth noting in connection with Mr. Gladstone's assurances
that Irish Home Rule would put an end to Separatist agitation.
Switzerland celebrated in August the six-hundredth anniversary
of the establishment of the original Bund.

The political development of the Balkan States has neither
advanced nor receded. Like the smaller countries of the West,

1891 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 439

they are subjected to the powerful attractive force of the new
commercial union that has grown out of the Triple Alliance, in
spite of the influence that still remains to Russia. In Servia
the Regency forcibly expelled Queen Natalie and concluded a
commercial treaty with the Montenegrins, striving, in alarm for
the export trade, chiefly in pigs, to conciliate Austria-Hungary
without alienating the Czar. The young King was allowed to
visit his father in Switzerland.

In Bulgaria Prince Ferdinand's position has not yet been
made regular. M. Stambouloff's authority remains supreme,
but his high-handed methods of rule and his rancour against
opponents have often darkened his reputation and endangered
his power. The murder of M. Beltcheff, one of M. Stambouloff's
colleagues, by mistake, it was inferred, for his chief, who was
walking with him at the time, was made the pretext for a cam-
paign against persons suspected of disloyalty. At a later date
M. Stambouloff, irritated by malicious criticism, expelled a
French journalist, M. Chadourne, in contravention, it is said, of
the Capitulations, and thus drew upon Bulgaria the wrath of
France, the French Agent being at once withdrawn from Sofia.
Not quite consistently M. Ribot, at the same time, appealed to
the Porte as the paramount Power. Though this was probably
done to please the Czar, it is doubtful whether it has met with
approval in Russia, where the wisdom of direct interference in
Bulgaria has for some time been questioned. The Bulgarian
Legislature have voted a grant to Prince Alexander, their former
ruler and leader in the struggle against Servia, who, as " Count
Hartenau," is serving in the Austrian army.

Roumanian politics have been troubled by the disintegration
of parties and the instability of Ministries, and by the rumoured
engagement of Prince Ferdinand, King Charles's heir, to Mile.
Vacaresco, one of the Queen's maids of honour, which was
broken off on political grounds. The Queen herself, well known
in literature as " Carmen Sylva," has lately been in bad health.

In Greece the Delyannis Cabinet, which came into power
after the defeat of M. Tricoupis at the polls, seems firmly seated
in office. The Greeks have unhappily followed the Russian
example by attacks upon the Jews, especially in the Ionian
Islands.

The Porte has not responded warmly to the French sugges-
tion that pressure should be brought to bear upon Bulgaria,

440 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1891

though in some other matters the Turkish Government has shown
a disposition to escape from German and English influence, and
to follow fitfully the lead of Russia and France. The dismissal
of Kiamil Pasha, the Grand Vizier, and the question of the
right of Russian vessels of the so-called Volunteer Fleet to pass
through the Dardanelles, which, disputed at first, was finally
conceded, would have made less stir if the Sultan had not
exhibited some coolness towards the British Ambassador, a slight
and passing symptom, which was used to give probability to
the ridiculous story that England had seized Mitylene when
merely a few sailors had landed for artillery and torpedo prac-
tice at Sigri.

In Egypt, as in Bulgaria, the Turks, while asserting claims
that can neither be practically admitted nor theoretically denied,
did not go far with their French and Russian prompters. The
usual arguments in favour of the withdrawal of the British
troops have been put forward in the French Press, and more
cautiously by French statesmen, who, indeed, were only taking
the hint from Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Morley ; but no serious
international question has been raised, and progress has gone on
quietly and steadily in Egypt, in spite of difficulties created by
the treaty rights of the other European Powers. Mr. Justice
Scott's scheme of judicial reform having met with obstruction,
the Khedive interfered to enforce its acceptance, and a compro-
mise was finally adopted, securing the main points contended
for by the English advisers of the Egyptian Government. A
plan for the reorganisation of the police was also carried through
by the influence of Mr. Justice Scott. Riaz Pasha's Ministry
resigned and was succeeded by a Cabinet under Mustapha Pasha
Fehmy, with Tigrane Pasha as Minister for Foreign Aff'airs.
The "dervishes" again began to give trouble, and successful
operations were undertaken against them by the Egyptian army
under English officers, Tokar being taken and the sheikhs being
reduced to submission. Information brought by Christian cap-
tives who have escaped from Khartoum points to the dissolution
of the Mahdist despotism.

The Anglo -Portuguese Convention, substantially the same
arrangement as that of which the Lisbon mob had procured the
rejection last year, completes the division of Africa into " spheres
of influence " assigned to the leading European Powers. Under
the British protectorate, now formally established, the trade of

1891 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 441

Zanzibar has made rapid progress. The British East Africa
Company, deprived of the prospect of a Government grant in
aid of the railway from Mombasa, declared that Uganda must
be given up, to the ruin of missionary work and the benefit of
the slave-traders ; but these results have been for the present
averted by the liberality of private persons. The Company's
forces have defeated the Uganda rebels. Germany has had more
serious trouble to contend with on the coast opposite Zanzibar,
and African dominion is no longer as much desired as it used to
be at Berlin. Emin Pasha's intrusion into the British sphere of
influence has been disavowed by his Government. In the Shire
highlands Mr. Johnston, the British Commissioner, has been
waging war successfully against the slave trade. The attempts
of the Portuguese to make their rule south of the Zambesi a
reality have led as yet only to waste of money and life. The
notion that English enterprise could be shut out, in defiance of
the Convention, from access to the interior by the Pungw^ river
has apparently been abandoned. Attention has been drawn to
the colonisation of Mashonaland by the British South Africa
Company, under the energetic direction of Mr. Cecil Rhodes,
now Prime Minister of the Cape Colony, by Lord Randolph
Churchill's travels in that part of the world.

It is too soon to decide whether or not the resources of these
new fields for English enterprise have been over-estimated, but
Mr. Rhodes is as confident as ever. His visit to England in the
spring and his conferences with Lord Salisbury were interpreted
to mean that his " Afrikander " policy at the Cape was not in-
consistent with large Imperialist views. The Cape Colony itself
and the neighbouring Dutch republics have been undisturbed.
The threatened raid of the Boers into Mashonaland was nipped
in the bud. In Natal the concession of responsible government
has been settled in principle, but has not yet been carried out.
France on the west coast has met the same difficulties as Ger-
many on the east coast ; her endeavours to connect her posses-
sions in Senegal and Gambia with Algeria have been checked
by the disasters that befell the expeditions under M. Crampel
and M. Fourneau. The British traders of the coast complain
that the French advances inland are injurious to our commercial
prospects in that quarter.

In Asia the activity of Russia, pursuing political designs
under cover of geographical exploration, has been a disturbing

442 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1891

element. Colonel Yanof, with a small military force, traversed
the Pamirs, arresting Lieutenant Davison and turning back
Captain Younghusband in districts lying, it is alleged, outside
the Kussian sphere of influence, and penetrated as far as Chitral.
It is uncertain how far these movements affected the border
tribes, who have been unusually restless. In Gilgit, beyond the
Kashmir frontier, the attack of the tribesmen on Colonel Durand's
force, which has been promptly and sharply chastised, may be
plausibly connected, though doubtless indirectly, with Russian
explorers.

No such cause can be assigned to the outbreak in the little
protected State of Manipur, where Mr. Quinton, the Chief Com-
missioner of Assam, who had gone with a Goorkha escort to
inquire into the deposition of the Maharajah by his brothers,
was attacked, captured, and massacred with the Resident, Mr.
Grimwood, and several officers and men. Mrs. Grimwood's
pluck on the retreat and Lieutenant Grant's gallantry in defend-
ing a weak fort with a handful of men were the redeeming
features in this wretched business, which was found on subse-
quent investigation to have been due to Mr. Quinton's rashness
in planning the arrest of the leader of the revolt in Durbar, and
to the unskilful handling of the troops by Colonel Skene, Two
other officers have since been dismissed from the army for failure
to do their duty in this crisis.

The restrictions placed on child marriage by the Age of
Consent Act, passed early in the year, were opposed and
denounced by a section of the Hindoo community. The license
of invective indulged in by the vernacular Press on this and
other questions compelled the Viceroy to order the prosecution
of the Bangahasi for a series of libels on the Government. It
was doubted whether the law applied to such offences, but the
judges held that it did, and though the jury could not agree
and the trial was postponed, the defendants thought it prudent
to apologise for their misconduct and to promise amendment for
the future, whereupon the proceedings were stayed. Some
alarm was caused by the resolution condemning the opium
revenue, which was carried by a snap vote in the House of
Commons, but the feeling died out when it appeared that the
Government had no notion of tampering with an essential factor
in the financial system of India.

Our position in Upper Burmah now gives us a direct interest

1891 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 443

in the internal state of China, which is also in contact with
France in Tonquin, and with Russia on the northern border.
The state of the Chinese Empire has been sufficiently disquieting.
The authorities have been unable to prevent and punish out-
breaks against foreigners in general, and missionaries and their
converts in particular, fomented seemingly in some cases by
officials, and stimulated by gross libels circulated among the
masses. Diplomatic protests have been made, but the Powers
have not agreed on any common line of action, and the situation
has lately been complicated by reports of risings against the
Government itself beyond the Great Wall.

Japan presents a remarkable contrast to its mighty neighbour.
It has enjoyed peace even under the dissolvent influences of
Western civilisation, with Parliamentary government and Minis-
terial crises. The murderous attack on the Czarewitch, who
visited Japan after India and China, seemed at first to bear a
political aspect, but was ascertained to be the individual act of
a crazy fanatic. In the autumn a frightful earthquake, resulting
in terrible loss of life and vast injury to property, wrecked
several of the coast towns.

The New World has been even more unsettled than the Old.
Chili has been rent asunder by a revolutionary struggle, a legacy
from the Peruvian war, which brought the curse of militarism
on the country. This gave the President Balmaceda the means
of securing despotic power, which he used to expel a hostile
majority from Congress and to pack a new one with his own
creatures. The Congressional party, including the more respect-
able elements in Chilian society, revolted, and, with the aid of
the larger part of the navy, engaged in a life and death struggle
with the Dictator, having the nitrate region as their base of
operations. The issue was long held to be doubtful ; Balmaceda
controlled the main channels of news, and had the sympathetic
support of the American Minister, Mr. Patrick Egan, of Land
League fame ; but at length, after some interesting naval con-
flicts, the Balmacedists were defeated in a great battle near
Valparaiso, the Congressional party at once assumed the govern-
ment, and the Dictator, who had taken refuge in the Argentine
Legation, escaped trial and punishment by shooting himself.
An attack by the mob on some sailors from an American warship
led to an angry controversy with the United States, which Mr.
Blaine's spread-eagle policy and Mr. Egan's truculent diplomacy

444 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1891

blew into a flame, thougli it was rapidly allowed to subside wben
the New York and Ohio elections were over. There are still
rumours of trouble, but the Chilian Government, of which Senor
Jorge Montt has become the head, is apparently inclined to give
reasonable satisfaction, and in the United States there is no
desire for war.

The "tall talk" of President Harrison and Mr. Blaine has
not forwarded the idea of a confederacy of American republics,
under the hegemony of the United States, which had been
favoured by the Pan-American Conference. That policy was
also discouraged by the turmoil in Brazil, Uruguay, and the
Argentine States.

In Brazil the first year of the Republic brought neither peace
nor prosperity ; reckless issues of paper money led to a financial
crisis ; the President, Marshal Fonseca, quarrelled with the
Congress, and, copying Balmaceda, got rid of his opponents with
the help of the army ; but his dictatorship was challenged in
several provinces, disintegration seemed inevitable, and the tend-
ency has not been completely stayed by the counter-revolution,
originating, as in Chili, with the navy, which has restored the
Congress almost without striking a blow, and has put General
Peixoto as President in Fonseca's place.

In the Argentine States the financial difficulties which were
the chief cause of the Baring collapse have not been removed,
and are not likely to be, so long as the politics of the Republic
are agitated by revolutionary movements, sanguinary riots, and
the conflicts of ambitious aspirants for supreme power.

The politics of the United States, foreign and domestic, have
been modified by electioneering devices bearing upon the Presi-
dential contest of 1892. Expenditure has been lavish, and the
Treasury is not likely to be soon troubled again with the task
of getting rid of a surplus. President Harrison and Mr. Blaine
have cultivated the national vanity by their language towards
other Powers, and at home the reaction against the high protec-
tive system seems to have spent much of its force, Mr. M'Kinley
being elected Governor of Ohio, where he had lost his seat as
Congressman twelve months before.

The Democrats, not content with standing on the anti-
protection platform, have coquetted with the " free silver " cry,
and, in spite of their defeat in Ohio, where their candidate
supported " free silver," and their victory in New York, where

1891 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 445

Mr. Cleveland's influence excluded that issue, tlie choice of Mr.
Crisp as Speaker of the House of Kepresentatives is held to
indicate that they are still wavering. The Kepublican leaders
firmly adhere to the " honest money " policy, which constitutes a
more respectable claim to public support than all Mr. Blaine's
despatches.

The lynching of the Italian members of a secret society in
New Orleans, who, when charged with the murder of a police
officer, had escaped, it was alleged, by the terrorising of the jury,
raised a difficult question with Italy, the Government at Wash-
ington ultimately evading responsibility by pointing out the
limitations of the Federal Constitution.

The Behring Sea controversy has been brought within the
scope of arbitration by the abandonment of Mr. Blaine's most
extravagant claims and the adoption of a modus vivendi pending
the award, a result largely due to proceedings commenced in the
Supreme Court at Washington by the owners of a Canadian
sealing ship, which raised the question whether the laws regu-
lating the seal-fishing had any foundation in international custom
and obligations and had been constitutionally enacted. The
relations between Canada and the United States were affected
by this question, for the sealers arrested by the American
cruisers were from British Columbia, and the fact did not tend
to make the United States popular in the Dominion at the
general election, when the Opposition stood on the ground of
commercial union, and Sir John Macdonald appealed to the
people on his national policy and allegiance to the British
Crown. The result of the contest was that Ministers obtained
a majority, though not a large one, but Sir John Macdonald soon
afterwards died.

The Conservative Government received another severe shock
in the disclosure of administrative corruption used for political
purposes, in which Sir Hector Langevin, a member of the
Cabinet, was implicated, and, though acquitted of personal mal-
versation, was forced to resign. A similar scandal has come to
light, implicating Mr. Mercier, the Radical and Ultramontane
Premier of the Provincial Government of Quebec, who was dis-
missed by the Lieutenant-Governor after the adverse report of a
Judicial Commission. Mr. Mercier's party are endeavouring to
transfer the discussion from the question of their chief's guilt to
that of the Lieutenant-Governor's constitutional power to dismiss

446 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1891

him, and are appealing openly to the Separatist element. New-
foundland, which had to yield to the pressure of the Imperial
Parliament and to abandon hostile proceedings against the French
fishermen till the result of the arbitration is made known, has
picked a quarrel with Canada and entered upon a foolish war of
tariffs.

The Federation question is still the most important in the
Australasian colonies, though, as the Canadian example shows,
the system does not get rid of all existing difficulties, and even
breeds new ones of its own. A representative Convention held
in Sydney adopted in April a Federal Constitution for "the
Commonwealth of Australia," which at present awaits the ratifi-
cation of the Legislatures of some of the colonies, and must
subsequently be submitted for sanction to the Imperial Parlia-
ment. Progress has been somewhat retarded in this direction
by the unsettled state of internal politics in the leading colonies,
partly owing to the controversies arising out of the Federation
question itself, but still more to the pressure of the labour
question.

In New South Wales Sir Henry Parkes, after an appeal to
the constituencies, which left him in a minority, was ejected
from office by the alliance of an organised labour party in the
Legislature with his protectionist opponents, and Mr. Dibbs has
formed an avowedly protectionist Ministry in the only one of
the greater colonies that could have been described as loyal to
Free Trade. In Victoria the labour party received a check in the
defeat of the shipping and dock strike, but the situation is one
of unstable equilibrium, and a dissolution is at hand. In
Queensland the trade unionists attempted armed coercion, and
had to be put down by military force. All the Australasian
colonies have suffered more or less in their credit, English
investors having taken fright at the rapidity with which loans
were raised, and, in part, expended, for political objects, nor has
confidence been restored by the reckless projects of legislation
attributed to the labour party.

Among the events of the year, outside the domain of politics,
the most interesting to Englishmen was the engagement of the
Duke of Clarence and Avondale, the eldest son of the Prince of
Wales, to his cousin, the charming and popular daughter of the
Duke of Teck and the Princess Mary of Cambridge. This was
the more welcome because much anxiety, which happily soon

1891 ANNUAL SUMMARIES , 447

passed away, had been created by the serious illness of his
brother, Prince George. Painful interest was excited by the
accident which caused the loss of Prince Christian's eye. Earlier
in the year a daughter had been born to the Duchess of Fife.
The visit of the German Emperor in the summer has been
already noticed in its political bearings, but, apart from such
considerations, it undoubtedly served to draw closer the ties of
amity and kinship between the English and German peoples.

In other respects the season was dull and uneventful, owing
partly to the inclemency of the weather, partly to the depression
in financial and commercial circles, and partly to the prevalence
of the influenza. We fear it can hardly be doubted that our
trade has met with a check, the effect of which is already per-
ceptible in the revenue returns. The public health has been
seriously affected by the cold and gloomy winter, the " blizzard "
that visited us in March, the broken and unhealthy summer,
and the changeable autumn, winding up with a Christmas of
bitter frost and, for Londoners at least, of stifling fog. These
conditions have also had an injurious effect on the prospects of
agriculture, though to a less extent than was at one time feared.
An unusual number of gales and storms have inflicted much
damage, not only on the crops, but on shipping at home and
abroad.

Changes in social rank were few. Sir Edward Cecil Guinness,
Sir Francis Sandford, and Sir George Stephen became Lord
Iveagh, Lord Sandford, and Lord Mount Stephen, while the
widows of Mr. W. H. Smith and of Sir John A. Macdonald were
made peeresses in their own right. Baronetcies were conferred
on Sir Peter O'Brien, Chief Justice of Ireland, Sir James Fitz-
james Stephen, Sir Kichard Quain, Sir Henry Rawlinson, and
others ; and Mr. Lidderdale, the Governor of the Bank of
England, who had ably piloted the city through the Baring
crisis, was called to the Privy Council Sir Francis Jeune, Sir
R H. Collins, and Sir Robert Wright became Judges of the High
Court, and Sir James Hannen was created a Lord of Appeal.
The late Lord Advocate of Scotland, Mr. J. P. Bannerman
Robertson, became Lord Justice-General. The Prime Minister
had to appoint twice during the year to the Archbishopric of
York, Dr. Magee being first translated from Peterborough and
afterwards Dr. Maclagan from Lichfield ; Dr. Creighton became
Bishop of Peterborough, Dr. Legge Bishop of Lichfield, and Dr.

448 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1891

Gott Bishop of Truro, while, on the translation of Dr. Bardsley
to Carlisle, Archdeacon Straton became Bishop of Sodor and
Man. The foundation-stone of the Church House at Westmin-
ster was laid in June by the Duke of Connaught, and the Church
Congress was held at Rhyl in October, but Church questions
were little discussed.

At the Universities much interest was excited by the Cam-
bridge movement for the abolition of Greek as a compulsory
subject, on which academic opinion was divided, though the pro-
posal was ultimately rejected in the Senate by a majority of
nearly three to one. At Oxford Dean Liddell retired from the
headship of Christ Church, and was succeeded by Dr. Paget.
Three remarkable rectorial addresses were delivered to the
students of the Scotch Universities — by Lord Dufferin at St.
Andrews, Mr. Goschen at Glasgow, and Mr. Balfour at Edin-
burgh, and with these may be associated Mr. Gladstone's Glen-
almond speech.

It may here be noted that in the office of Lord Warden of
the Cinque Ports Lord Granville was succeeded by Mr. W. H.
Smith. After the death of Mr. Smith at Walmer Castle, it was
bestowed on Lord Dufferin, who was appointed a little later to the
British Embassy at Paris in succession to Lord Lytton, and was
succeeded at Rome by Sir Robert Morier, Lord Vivian taking
the latter's place at St. Petersburg. The Naval Exhibition, in
spite of the dulness of the season, was a marked success. The
centenary of the death of Wesley was celebrated not only by the
Methodists, but by many sympathisers outside the Connection.
The year is closing as it opened with a controversy between
" General " Booth and the critics of his pretentious plan for
rescuing the " submerged tenth," in aid of which he has recently
been levying contributions in Australia.

There has been an unusual multiplicity of causes ceUhres, to
the great injury and inconvenience of ordinary suitors. Import-
ant questions of law were raised and decided in the Vagliano
banking case, in the licensing case of " Sharp v. Wakefield," in
the litigation about the sale of Savernake, and in the Mogul
Steamship case ; and, less regularly and satisfactorily, in the
Clitheroe abduction case. The baccarat scandal, the charge
against Captain Verney, the Clutterbuck frauds, Mr. Bottomley's
proceedings in connection with the Hansard Union and other
enterprises, the breach of promise action against Mr. Hurlbert,

1891 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 449

the Ilussell- and St. John divorce suits, the Torquay jewel rob-
bery, and the Salvation Army disturbances at Eastbourne were
some of the sensational matters investigated in the Law Courts.
Hypnotism and theosophy were among the fashionable crazes of
the period.

The obituary of the year includes a too lengthy list of notable
names. The three most remarkable deaths were those of Count
Moltke, Mr. Parnell, and General Boulanger. The first was one
of the makers of that great political work of our time, the new
German Empire ; the two others were dangerous elements of
destruction and illusion, who knew how to play upon the weak-
nesses of the democracy.

At home some striking gaps have been caused in the ranks
of politicians of every party and among the higher nobility.
In Mr. W. H. Smith the Conservative party lost a staunch but
moderate leader, whose weight in council was far greater than
was publicly known, and who was beloved and esteemed by all,
while in Lord Granville the small body of Opposition peers
were deprived of an amiable and prudent chief, of ripe experi-
ence in public affairs. The death of the Duke of Devonshire,
though he had never been prominent in party strife, had an
important political bearing by removing Lord Hartington to the
Upper House. The Duke of Bedford, the head of another great
Whig family which stood manfully by the cause of the Union,
and Lord Portsmouth, also an old Whig and a loyal Unionist,
have passed away; as well as the Duke of Spmerset ; Lord Lytton,
a brilliant personage as diplomatist, Indian Viceroy, and man of
letters ; Dr. Magee, who had just been raised to the Archbishopric
of York, one of the most impressive and original of contemporary
orators ; Mr. Raikes, the Postmaster-General in Lord Salisbury's
Government ; Sir William White, British Ambassador at Con-
stantinople ; Lord Powis, High Steward of Cambridge University ;
Sir Robert Fowler and Mr. Baring, the two members for the
City of London, who were cut off within a few weeks of each
other; Lord Edward Cavendish ; Lord Beauchamp ; Mr. Kinglake,
the historian of the Crimean War ; Dr. Goodwin, Bishop of Car-
lisle ; Lord Albemarle, a Waterloo veteran ; Sir Charles Forster,
who had long had the charge of Private Bill business in the
House of Commons ; Dr. Harold Browne, formerly Bishop of
Winchester ; Dr. Perry, formerly Bishop of Melbourne ; Mr.
Cavendish-Bentinck ; Mr. Bradlaugh, whose conflicts with Par-
VOL. II 2 o

450 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1891

liament had been wellnigh forgotten when he died ; Sir W.
Kirby Green, British Minister in Morocco ; Baron Hiiddleston ;
Lord Justice-General Inglis ; Judge Woulfe Flanagan, for many
years at the head of the Irish Landed Estates Court ; Sir Thomas
Chambers, Kecorder of London ; Dean Plumptre ; Dean Elliott ;
Archdeacon Norris, who had just been appointed Dean of
Chichester ; Mr. Thomas Hare, one of the Charity Commissioners
and the author of the plan of " proportional representation ;" Sir
Montague Smith, an ex- Judge of high repute ; Mr. Clifford Lloyd,
Consul at Erzeroum, and well known as a chief divisional magis-
trate in Ireland ; Dr. Luard, the Eegistrary of Cambridge ; Sir
J. P. Corry ; Sir Prescott Hewett and Sir Risdon Bennett, both
eminent in the medical profession ; Mr. Hensleigh Wedgwood,
the philologist ; Mr. Edwin Long, the academician ; Mr. Keeley
Halswelle, the landscape painter ; Mr. W. G. Wills, the dramatist ;
Mr. Haggis, the Deputy Chairman of the London County
Council ; the distinguished engineers Sir John Hawkshaw and
Sir Joseph Bazalgette; Mr. Charles Keene, the cleverest of
Punch's draughtsmen ; Professor Mosely, the biologist ; Sir.
W. F. Douglas, President of the Scottish Academy ; Mr. Alfred
Cellier, the composer ; Colonel Shadwell Gierke ; Mr. Lewis
Wingfield ; and Mr. Maddison Morton, the veteran playwright ;
and among former members of the House of Commons Mr. W. H.
Gladstone, the eldest son of the ex-Prime Minister ; Colonel
Harcourt ; Mr. Peter Taylor ; Mr. John Holms ; Mr. W. P. Price,
the Railway Commissioner ; and Mr. Norwood, the leader of the
resistance to the dock strike. Mr. Parnell's death, at the very
crisis of his struggle against the Clerical party in Ireland, was
accompanied by that of Sir John Pope Hennessy, one of the
most astute and obstinate of his opponents, and was quickly
followed by that of the most faithful of his adherents, Mr.
Richard Power. The O'Gorman Mahon, the patriarch of the
Irish Nationalists, had died earlier in the year.

Among the royal caste abroad, the King of Wiirtemberg, the
ex-Emperor of Brazil, and Prince Baldwin of Flanders, who
stood in the immediate line of the Belgian succession, have been
removed. Prince Napoleon, familiarly known as " Plonplon,"
belonged rather to the class of pretenders, though his claims
had never been so alarming to the French Republic as those of
General Boulariger, who committed suicide after witnessing the
final extinction of his political hopes.

1891 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 451

The death-roll of France embraces many other remarkable
names, among them those of ex-President Grevy ; of Prince
Lucien Bonaparte, who drew a pension from the English Civil
List for his scientific labours ; of Bishop Freppel, the champion
of the Clericals in the Chamber ; of Baron Haussmann, the creator
of modern Paris ; of M. Pouyer-Quertier, once leader of the
French Protectionists ; of Meissonier, the artist ; of Octave
Feuillet, the novelist ; of Theodore de Banville, the poet ; of
Weiss, the journalist and Foreign Office writer ; of Albert Wolff,
of the Figaro ; of Du Boisgobey, the romancist ; of Pressens^,
Protestant pastor and Parliamentarian ; and of Foucher de Careil,
the diplomatist.

Germany has lost, beside Count Moltke, Dr. Windthorst, the
able and eloquent leader of the Catholic party in the Reichstag.
In other European countries we have to record the death of
Musurus Pasha, formerly Turkish Minister in England, and the
accomplished translator of Dante into Greek ; of Dr. Kuenen,
the pride of Dutch Biblical erudition ; of Cardinal Paya, Arch-
bishop of Toledo ; of Herr Berg, the leader of the Danish radicals ;
of M. Bratiano, the Roumanian statesman ; and of M. Beltcheff,
who was murdered in Bulgaria by mistake for M. Stambouloff.

The United States lost General Sherman, perhaps the ablest
soldier produced on the Federal side in the Civil War ; Admiral
Porter, who served well in the sister service during the same
struggle ; Mr. Bancroft, the venerable historian ; Mr. Lowell, the
most accomplished of American men of letters, who was at
least as well known and highly honoured in England as in his
own country ; Mr. Windom, the Secretary of the Treasury, who
died suddenly in January; Mr. Hamlin, formerly Vice-President;
and Mr. Barnum, the greatest of showmen.

The suicide of ex-President Balmaceda resembled that of
Boulanger. In Sir John A. Macdonald, the Prime Minister of
the Dominion, there passed away the strongest individual influ-
ence and the most striking personality among Canadian public
men, with whose name may be associated those of Sir John
Robertson, thrice Premier of New South Wales ; Sir Francis
Weld and Sir William Fitzherbert, both conspicuous politicians
in New Zealand ; and Sir Arthur Blyth, Agent-General for
South Australia. Sir Madhava Rao was one of the most capable
and trustworthy of native Indian statesmen. It is not easy to
classify Mme. Blavatsky, the propagandist of "Theosophy."

1892.

The year 1892 has been a year, on the whole, of anxiety and
public trouble. Although peace has been preserved, many of
the nations of the world have suffered severe misfortunes, and
this country has been by no means exempt. A gloomy January
brought with it an increase of the distressing disease which for
want of a better name has been called influenza ; and from the
outset this claimed many victims. In the second week the
country learned that the young Duke of Clarence and Avondale,
the direct heir after his father to the throne, had taken it in its
severest form ; and from the time of the first announcement the
physicians' reports gave little room for hope. He died within
a few days, on 14th January, at Sandringham, one week after
completing his twenty-eighth year, and just when it had been
hoped that he was about to enter upon a happy marriage with
his cousin, the Princess Victoria Mary of Teck. The cutting
short of this romance by the hand of death was keenly felt by
the people of the United Kingdom ; and for the sake of the young
Princess, for his own sake and that of his parents, and by no
means least for the sake of the Queen, the loss which the
country had sustained became a personal grief to every one.
The Duke of Clarence was buried at Windsor, amid signs of
general mourning.

On the 26th there was published a letter from the Queen to the
nation, a model, as is everything of the kind that comes from Her
Majesty's hand, of the simple expression of profound feeling. It
spoke of the young man "suddenly cut off in the flower of
his age, full of promise for the future, amiable and gentle, and
endearing himself to all " ; of the grandson " whom I loved as
a son and whose devotion to me was as great as that of a son";

1892 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 453

and it ended in words that no subject of Her Majesty could
read unmoved — " My bereavements during the last thirty years
of my reign have indeed been heavy. Though the labours and
anxieties and responsibilities inseparable from my position
have been great, yet it is my earnest prayer that God may
continue to give me health and strength to work for the good
and happiness of my dear country and Empire while life lasts."

It is pleasant to be able to record that the Queen's health
and that of the Prince and Princess of Wales, since the first shock
of the blow passed away, have been good. Her Majesty greatly
enjoyed five weeks of the early spring at Hyeres, one of the quietest
as well as one of the most beautiful of southern health-resorts ;
and since then, though there have been, of course, no Court
festivities except on a very modified scale, the life of the Court
has followed the usual routine. On the Queen's birthday it
was announced that Prince George of Wales had been created
Duke of York ; in June his very youthful cousin Princess
Marie of Edinburgh was betrothed to the Crown Prince
Ferdinand of Boumania, and as a consequence, both the young
Prince and King Charles, his uncle, have visited the Queen.

The political work of the year began under curious condi-
tions. It was generally understood that the session was to be
the last of the Parliament, and the coming dissolution hung like
a cloud over all the work of the House of Commons from the
beginning. Mr. Gladstone was away, recruiting at Valescure
those forces which he was again to try to the utmost in the
session, in the campaign of the general election, and afterwards
as once more the head of the Government. And if the regular
Opposition was thus weakened by the absence of its leader,
three of the other five parties were still more weakened by the
fatal hand of death. Since the House had risen Mr. W. H.
Smith and Mr. Par n ell had passed beyond the sound of con-
troversy, and the death of the Duke of Devonshire, at the very
end of the year 1891, had called the Marquis of Hartington up
to the House of Lords and made it necessary for a new leader
to be chosen for the Liberal Unionist party.

To Mr. W. H. Smith succeeded Mr. Balfour, an inevitable
appointment if it could fairly be said that the state of Ireland
was such that the services of the unrivalled Irish Secretary could
safely be transferred from the Irish Oflice. Happily the condition
of affairs was such as to make the change quite possible. The

454 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1892

calm and unswerving enforcement of the law during nearly five
years had brought about its natural effect ; the Plan of Campaign
was conquered ; the village ruffians had fled to America, or were
kept safe in the prisons to which just sentences had consigned
them ; Ireland was peaceful, and was beginning to be prosperous.
If the peace was ever broken, it was between the rival factions
which represented the once formidable party of Mr. Parnell.
For a whole year the breach had existed, and it had rather
widened than closed. Mr. Parnell's death had done nothing to
heal it ; for the difference between the factions was really a far
wider difference than can be composed by any man less strong
than Mr. Parnell — it was, and is, the difference between the
priests and the Eevolution. The difference showed itself at
every point and at every moment, during the session, and at
bye-elections, in the struggle for the possession of the Freeman's
Journal, and, above all, in the general election. But the
existence of this division had among other excellent results that
of setting Mr. Balfour free to lead the House of Commons. The
migration of Lord Hartington to the Upper House was followed
by the unanimous election of Mr. Chamberlain to lead the
Liberal Unionist party in the Commons.

Parliament met on 9 th February with a comparatively un-
ambitious programme before it, as became a House that was
entering upon its last session. It was soon seen, however, that
the Government was anxious to legislate, while the responsible
Opposition no longer indulged in those wild demands for an im-
mediate appeal to the constituencies, which had been the staple of
many of the autumn speeches. There was nothing heroic in the
list of Bills proposed in the Queen's Speech ; it was a moderate
yet sufficient bill of fare, indicating that the Government did
not regard the work of the Parliament as complete, while it
did not offer anything too large to be properly dealt with in a
last session. The principal measures promised related to local
government in Ireland and small holdings in England. The
Address was disposed of in a reasonable time, the debate dealing
chiefly with the two questions of amnesty for the dynamitards
(raised by Mr. Kedmond) and of Home Kule (raised by Mr.
Sexton).

On both questions what was interesting was to note the attitude
of the Irish parties towards each other and of the Gladstonians
towards the Parnellite wing. Mr. Sexton and his friends were

1892 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 455

almost silent about the amnesty ; Mr. Redmond was most
precise and most embarrassing about Home Rule. It was in
this debate that he challenged Sir William Harcourt to say
whether or not he meant to oppose Mr. Parnell's Home Rule ;
and Sir William Harcourt, instead of answering, went home.
Mr. Gladstone, in a letter to his lieutenant just before the
beginning of the session, had declared that "the House would
have no cause to regret his absence." Certainly the Unionist
party had none, for the preference shown by Sir William
Harcourt on this awkward occasion for his " own fireside " was
of even more value to the Unionist cause than would have been
the cloud of ambiguous subtleties wherewith Mr. Gladstone, had
he been there, would have met Mr. Redmond's straight question.
The amnesty motion was easily disposed of, but by a piece of
bad management that was not soon forgiven to the Government
Mr. Sexton was allowed to snatch a division which brought him
within twenty-one of carrying his Home Rule amendment.

The narrowness of this majority probably had something to do
with the behaviour of the Opposition when, three days later, Mr.
Balfour brought in his Irish Local Government Bill. He well
knew, as did the Government, that to attempt to legislate on
the question at all was to court danger ; that there was little
enthusiasm among his own followers for such a measure, and
that the Nationalists and their Gladstonian allies were bound
in honour to have none of it ; and that in the last session of a
Parliament the time to carry any such Bill would probably be
wanting even if the objections of his friends could be overcome.
But he felt bound to make the attempt, which was, it must
always be admitted, an honest attempt to legislate for Ireland
on Unionist principles — that is, to extend to Ireland, as far as
was possible, the same facilities of local self-government that
had been granted by Mr. Ritchie's Bill to England.

The reception accorded to the mover's speech was of the most
hostile description, but it was the hostility of a parti pris. The
Irish group, with more than an ordinary display of their accus-
tomed courtesy, tried to laugh Mr. Balfour down, and such
words as " sham," " imposture," and " insult " were among the
mildest by which the Bill was afterwards characterised by Mr.
Healy and Mr. Redmond. Mr. Morley and Sir William
Harcourt were a little more decent, but, as Mr. Balfour said,
not less "pre- arranged."

456 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1892

The Bill was intended, in the proposer's words, to be a County
Councils Bill and a District Councils Bill in one ; to establish
elective councils for counties and also for baronies, the smallest
adminstrative unit which exists in Ireland. These were to take
over all the administrative duties now performed by the grand
juries and by the baronial sessions, while not interfering with their
judicial duties or with the granting of compensation for malicious
injuries. They were to have in their hands the complete local
administration of the country — its roads and woodlands, its
sanitation, its lunatic asylums, its coroners, and so on.

While describing these as the duties of the future councils,
and speaking of the widely-extended franchise under which the
councils were to be elected, Mr. Balfour was heard with some-
thing like toleration, but the case was altered when he began to
speak of the extremely necessary provisions which the Govern-
ment had inserted for the protection of minorities. Now, Mr.
Healy and Mr. Redmond are resolved that minorities, except,
perhaps, in Ulster, shall not be protected, and Mr. Gladstone
professes to believe that they do not need it ; so that, when Mr.
Balfour announced that stringent clauses in the Bill would take
care of the interests of the minorities, the desire of the Irish
Opposition and of some of their English allies was to laugh or
shout him down. One clause contained the principle of the
cumulative vote, another the establishment of a partly nominated
Board to control capital expenditure and permanent charges.
Another and still more important clause provided that, on the
petition of twenty oesspayers, a council charged with malversation
or oppression should be tried by two election judges, and, if found
guilty, should be removed, and their places filled by persons
appointed by the Lord Lieutenant.

This was the unpardonable element in the Bill ; the clause
which one Irish member after another, with well -simulated
indignation, declared to be an insult and an outrage ; the
clause, apparently, which made Sir George Trevelyan declare
that " ascendency was written in every line of the Bill " ; the
clause that made Sir William Harcourt and Mr. Morley talk of
"monstrous proposals" and pathetically appeal to outraged
common-sense. The idea that oppression was possible in an
Irish elective assembly was shocking to the faith of Mr. Morley ;
but, strange to say, when, some months later, he was speaking
to a popular audience on Home Rule, and on the thorny question

1892 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 457

of the relations between the Imperial and the future Irish Parlia-
ment, he declared that in cases of " oppression " it would be the
duty of the Imperial Parliament to interfere. Thus, what Mr.
Balfour might not hint with regard to a County Council, Mr.
Morley might freely say of the much more august body to be
gathered on St. Stephen's Green.

The months before Easter were fully occupied. In the last
week Mr. Goschen introduced his Budget, which announced
the small surplus of .£224,000 — no great balance, it is true, but
better than had been anticipated by many prudent observers of
the stagnant trade, the low rate of profits, and general anxiety
which prevailed in the business world. The holidays then
intervened, and were followed by much other business, so that it
was not till the latter end of May that Mr. Balfour had an
opportunity of proposing the second reading of his Bill. The
debate was much more serious than that on the introduction
of the measure ; the note of " pre-arrangement " had vanished ;
the Irish members no longer pretended to laugh the Bill down.
Tlie occasion was remarkable for the speeches of Mr, Chamber-
lain and Mr. Gladstone. The latter's appearances during the
session were comparatively few, but in attacking this Bill he
showed much of both his old subtlety and his old fire.

The Unionist party, as though to wipe out once for all the
memory of their remissness during the debate on the Address,
mustered in full force, and the second reading was carried in a
crowded House by the great majority of 92, the numbers being
339 against 247. But this was the last that was heard of the Con-
servative Local Government Bill for Ireland. - It was impossible,
if the dissolution was to take place before the harvest, to carry
so contested a measure through Committee at so late a period of
the session, and accordingly no one was surprised when, on
1 3th June, Mr. Balfour announced that the Bill, with that for
amending Private Bill Procedure, would not be persevered with.

The Government was more fortunate with its second chief
measure, that for encouraging the creation of small agricultural
holdings, which was introduced by Mr. Chaplin on 22nd February,
got into Conmiittee in April, and was duly passed into law.
The Bill, which was piloted with no little skill by Mr. Chaplin,
provided for the acquisition of land by the county councils for the
purpose of reselling it or letting it to small working freeholders
or occupiers. The object, of course, was to do something to replace

458 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1892

the yeoman on the soil, and to check that depopulation of the
country districts which in so many parts of England is a real
eviL The Bill permitted county councils to borrow money on
easy terms, in amounts which would not in any year add more
than a penny in the pound to the rates, and to spend the money
in purchasing land by agreement with the owner, and to sell in
parcels under fifty acres or to let in parcels not exceeding ten
acres. The payments by the purchaser were to be one-fourth
in cash, one-fourth in form of a perpetual rent-charge, and the
remaining half by easy instalments.

The weak point of the Bill was certainly its dependence
upon the county councils, which represent large areas ; and the
Opposition endeavoured to compel a change in this respect,
placing the matter in the hands of parish councils. But
parish councils do not yet exist, nor did the House feel disposed
to call them into existence on what, after all, is but a side issue;
and in the end Mr. Chaplin easily carried his Bill, without
even a division on the second reading. He made several con-
cessions, all in favour of the future occupier or freeholder ; and
the Bill was sent up to the House of Lords with general approval
just before Whitsuntide. The Opposition would have greatly
preferred to give the county councils compulsory powers of
purchase, and it is quite possible that the new Parliament may
be asked to do so ; but such a proposal naturally failed to gain
the assent of a Conservative Minister and of his majority.

There was a good deal of wrangling over two other Government
Bills, as is always the case where it is a question of distributing
public money. The Scotch Equivalent Grant Bill intended to
provide for the allocation, in Scotland, of a sum such as the
country would have been entitled to receive when school fees
were abolished, had it not already received free elementary
education. The Irish Education Bill did much the same for
Ireland. In the former case, the proposal to distribute the
money partly among secondary education and the Universities,
partly in aid of pauper lunatics, and partly in relief of local rates,
was carried after a good deal of time had been wasted. In the Irish
matter, all went well till Archbishop Walsh declared against
the clauses which proposed to introduce modified compulsion
into elementary education in the towns ; and Mr. Sexton, his
mouthpiece, endeavoured to force the Government to alter their
measure. After much delay, Mr. Jackson threatened to with-

1892 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 459

draw the Bill, and, of course, tlie grant ; the Irish members
began to explain away their opposition ; and the Bill, with
certain alterations, became law.

So did the Indian Councils Bill, which provided for the
tentative introduction, under severe limitations, of the elective
principle into the Constitution of the Viceroy's and the Provincial
Councils. The Clergy Discipline Bill was also passed after
much delay, caused by the desire of a little group of Welsh
obstructives to force upon the House their own views upon
Disestablishment. Mr. Samuel Smith had duly brought forward a
Welsh Disestablishment motion in February, and had mustered
220 supporters against 267 ; but this was not enough for the zeal
of Messrs. Evans, Lloyd-George, and Philipps. These gentlemen,
however, after all their ingenious efforts to waste the time of the
House, were beaten when the Bill came on for the third reading
by 145 to 17.

A more important incident in the history of the Church of
England than even the passing of this Bill may here be
mentioned — namely, the confirmation on 2nd August by the
Privy Council of the judgment of the Archbishop of Canterbury
in the Bishop of Lincoln's case. This decision, which practically
upholds the Bishop in the acts of which the Low Churchmen
complained, is not easy to reconcile with some former judgments
of the same tribunal ; but it has probably settled the law of cere-
monial in the English Church for a long time to come. A number
of measures introduced by private members took up much of the
time of Parliament, as did the necessary voting of Supply ; and
it was generally thought to be quick work when the Govern-
ment found themselves able to wind up the session and to
dissolve Parliament so early as 28th June.

For some time before the 28th, however, the interest of the
country had been directed elsewhere than to the expiring House
of Commons. Half the members were away among their con-
stituents, preparing for the battle that was at hand ; and during
the week before the Dissolution the addresses of the different
leaders put the issues of the conflict definitely before the people.
But an event of peculiar significance had done even more to fix
the attention of the country upon the real question of the day.
On the 17th an immense gathering of Ulstermenhad taken place
at Belfast to protest in unmistakable language against the
policy of Home Rule, whether Gladstonian or Fenian, or both.

460 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1892

A vast pavilion had been erected for the purpose, and here some
20,000 persons met together, 12,000 of them delegates, chosen,
after full discussion, from every electoral division of Ulster.
The Duke of Abercorn presided, but the speakers were pur-
posely chosen from among the men known chiefly in their locali-
ties as tenant-farmers, workmen, chairmen of clubs, and so forth.

The steady, determined, and yet moderate language of the
delegates and the attitude of the Convention made a great
impression, and Mr. Gladstone was never feebler than when,
the next day, he attempted before a Nonconformist audience at
Clapham to explain it all away. One point that he made may
be here recorded, for it is typical. " He had heard," he said,
"of a protest of the 990 Nonconformist ministers in Ireland.
Where were their signatures ? They had never been produced."
This was said on a Saturday. On the Monday following the
protest in question, dating from 1888, was reprinted in the
Times, and the signatures to it occupied two and a half columns
of the paper.

At the time of the dissolution Lord Salisbury, having no
constituents to address, took the unusual, but perfectly natural
and legitimate step of issuing a manifesto to the electors of the
United Kingdom ; and the burden of it throughout was the
Ulster Convention. It was a stirring appeal to the honour of
the United Kingdom against " the abandonment of the Loyalists
of Ireland, and especially the Protestants of Ulster, to the un-
restrained and absolute power of those with whom they had been
in conflict for centuries, of the men, and the followers of the men,
whose crimes were denounced before the whole world by the
judgment of impartial judges sitting in the Special Commission."

Mr. Gladstone ignored the whole of that side of the question,
treated the electors to a good deal of dubious history, talked of
"the happy omen of reciprocal affection which cannot but follow
the frank concession of Home Rule," and then passed on to
the milennium of benefits which the country was to enjoy under
a Liberal Government when once Ireland was out of the way.

Mr. Balfour declared that a Gladstonian settlement of Ireland
would be an unsettlement, and pointed with calm satisfaction to
the positive achievements of six years of Unionist Government.
The official leaders, however, are not by any means to be con-
sidered alone in estimating the course and significance of the
general election of 1892.

1892 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 461

On the Gladstonian side, at all events, there fought a number
of semi-independent auxiliaries, each with his own banner, and
each with his own intentions. There was Mr. Stuart Eendel, for
instance, who gathered the forces of Wales under a flag on
which the words "Home Eule " were overshadowed by those
of "Welsh Disestablishment." There was Mr. Labouchere
who neither before, nor during, nor after the election showed
himself at all ready to follow anybody's lead but his own ; and
there were the ominously increased number of Labour candi-
dates who supported Mr. Gladstone not for his ends, but for
those of their new party, which is formidable beyond its numeri-
cal strength. Of this small party Mr. John Burns is the best
known and the strongest member. He was returned for Bat-
tersea by a large majority, polling no fewer than 5616 votes.

After three weeks of hard fighting the new Parliament was duly
elected, and was found to contain a majority of 40 (since some-
what altered by election petitions, etc.) on the Separatist side.
The Conservatives numbered 268, their Liberal Unionist allies
47, and against this total of 315 were arrayed 270 Gladstonians,
4 Labour members, 72 anti - Parnellites or Irish Clericalists,
and 9 Parnellites — a total of 355. The Separatists entirely
depended for their majority upon the Irish Nationalist
factions ; Great Britain by a small majority, and England
alone by a large one, declared against Home Rule. In Great
Britain the number stood at 292 for the Union to 275 against it,
a Unionist majority of 17 ; in England, there were 268 Unionists
against 197 Home Rulers, a majority of 71. This dominating
fact is not likely to be forgotten by the country when the
struggle over Mr. Gladstone's Home Rule measure begins in
Parliament.

A feature of the election was the comparative success of the
Liberal Unionists, whose political extinction had been freely
proclaimed by Sir William Harcourt and other prophets.
Their victories, at all events in the Midlands, were largely
owing to the energy and zeal of Mr. Chamberlain. His majori-
ties in Birmingham were overwhelming ; they were sufficient
in Worcestershire, Staffordshire, and Warwickshire. The great
towns of England were divided on principles very difficult to
explain, Lancashire being mainly Conservative and Yorkshire
Liberal, and other curious results appearing all over the map.

In the counties there were many Gladstonian successes, gained

462 All^NUAI. SUMMARIES 1892

for the most part through the candidates having studiously ignored
Mr. Gladstone's programme of Home Eule, and having gone for
the labourer's vote on the broad ground that a Liberal Govern-
ment would mean high wages, cheap food, and somebody-
else's land. The most conspicuous personal defeats were those
of Mr. Eitchie in St. George's -in -the -East, and of Mr. Walter
Long in the Devizes Division of Wiltshire, of Lord Cranborne in
the Darwen Division, of Sir E. Birkbeck in Norfolk, and of Mr.
Arthur Elliot in Koxburghshire ; but more important than
any of these were the extraordinary diminutions in the ma-
jorities by which Mr. Gladstone was returned in Midlothian,
and Mr. Morley in Newcastle. The latter headed the poll in
1886, and at a bye-election soon afterwards beat Alderman
Hamond by more than 2000 ; but now he was the same
distance behind his old opponent. It is only fair to say, however,
that on offering himself for re-election a few weeks later, after
accepting office, his supporters made a better show, and he beat
Mr. Pandeli Ralli by a considerable majority. In Midlothian
Mr. Gladstone, who had carried the seat in 1885 by a majority
of over 4000, was now only 690 ahead of his opponent ; a fall
which inevitably recalls his experiences of similar defection at
Oxford, South Lancashire, and Greenwich.

Lord Salisbury having determined not to resign without
meeting Parliament, the session opened on 4th August. Mr.
Peel was unanimously re-elected Speaker, and on 8th August
the struggle began. The honour of moving a No -Confidence
amendment to the Address was confided to Mr. Asquith, whose
steady rise in Parliamentary position during the last two or
three years had marked him out for work of the kind, and for
high office. After three nights' debate, in which the rank and
file of the Gladstonians preserved an absolute silence, and in
which Mr. Balfour, Mr. Chamberlain, and Mr. Gladstone made
remarkable speeches, the division was taken in the fullest House
on record, and the Gladstonian party polled its entire majority
of 40 against the Government.

Lord Salisbury of course resigned, and in about a week the
new Government was constructed, with Mr. Gladstone for the
fourth time Prime Minister. He was then within four months
of his eighty -third birthday. Sir William Harcourt became
Chancellor of the Exchequer, with the lead of the House in Mr.
Gladstone's absence ; Mr. John Morley went to the Irish

1892 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 463

Office ; and Lord Rosebery after some persuasion consented to
become Foreign Secretary once more. Besides these, the most
interesting nominations were those of Mr. Asquith to the Home
Office, of Mr. Arthur Acland to the Vice-Presidency of the
Council, and of Mr. Henry Fowler to the Local Government
Board. Parliament was at once prorogued, and up to the
present time the Ministry has not generally shown its hand ;
its leading members having been markedly absent from the
Lord Mayor's Banquet, where some hint of the work of the
coming session is commonly given by the Prime Minister.

Public attention has been directed to three questions only on
which Ministers have taken action. Thanks to Lord Eosebery's
presence and influence in the Cabinet, the abandonment of
Uganda is " postponed " — we trust indefinitely ; Mr. Asquith
has opened Trafalgar Square to " the people," but only on Satur-
days, Sundays, and Bank Holidays, and then under conditions ;
and Mr. Morley has appointed an Evicted Tenants Commission,
which, in consequence of the intemperate opening speech and
action of its Chairman, Mr. Justice Mathew, has already proved
a complete failure, the landlords one and all having refused to
priesent themselves before it.

A more serious concession to Irish disaffection was the
release, on Christmas Eve, of the Gweedore prisoners, convicted
of the slaughter of District Inspector Martin. This deplorable
act of weakness was immediately followed by a dynamite
explosion at Dublin Castle, which destroyed the life of a detective.

Before we leave the history of the domestic politics of the
year, we may refer to the election petitions of which a fairly
abundant crop has followed the election. A vexatious attempt
to unseat Mr. Arthur Balfour was very easily repelled ; Mr. F.
James lost his seat for Walsall owing to some transgressions on
the part of his agents of an annoyingly insignificant kind ; and
the elections for Hexham and Rochester were also declared void.
Far more important than these were the petitions presented by
the Parnellites in South Meath and North Meath against their
victorious rivals, for whom the priests had exercised their well-
known machinery of spiritual intimidation. Both seats — the
latter held by Mr. Davitt — were pronounced vacant, and the
public of Great Britain received an invaluable object-lesson in
the meaning of Home Rule and free election in Catholic
Ireland.

464 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1892

It is impossible to treat under any other liead than that of
domestic politics such an event as the election of the second
London County Council, which took place in March, or such
actions as those which have characterised its nine months of
office. The election excited a great deal of interest, but chiefly
on one side only, and, in spite of abundant warnings, the
" Moderates," or Conservatives, allowed the decision of the polls
to go against them by default. Of a total number of 489,704
qualified electors only 238,631 voted, while 251,073 abstained.
The number of Progressives chosen was 83, and that of Moderates
35 ; so that, as the proportions of the "Aldermen" are still
more in favour of the Progressives, the advanced party has had
it all its own way.

Lord Eosebery was elected for East Finsbury without coming
forward as a candidate. For a few weeks he resumed the Chair-
manship, but since then he has not often attended, though he
has given the support of his name to one important demand
made by Progressive Councillors and others — that the County
Council should be now permitted to absorb the Corporation of
the City of London. The new Chairman is^Mr. John Hutton ;
the Vice - Chairman, Mr. Charles Harrison, the leader of the
party whose watchword is " betterment." The best work of the
year has been the adoption of the project for an important new
street from Holborn to the Strand ; but it appears that no
progress will be made in carrying out this scheme until Parlia-
ment has consented to tax the landlords upon the new principle
contained in the Council's " Owners' Improvement Kate Bill."

Meantime the Council, inspired by its members, Mr. John
Burns and Mr. Sidney Webb, has developed a new labour
policy, the chief features of which are twofold — that it will be
as far as possible its own contractor, and that it will pay what
is called " the trade union rate of wages." In other words, it
purposes to become an enormous employer of labour, and to
invite the trade unions to fix the wages for which their members
— who are also the Council's constituents — will condescend to
work. In vain did Sir Thomas Farrer, himself at first one of
the leaders of the Progressives, make a solemn protest against the
ruinous cost of this policy. The majority talked of its " man-
date," and voted the principle.

Throughout Europe there has been general anxiety, though
no serious alarm of war. The influenza in the winter and

1892 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 465

spring and the cholera later have caused infinite loss and
perturbation ; and the year has been marked by political crises
everywhere, by scandals in high places, and by the Anarchists'
terrorising activity. In the United States a Presidential
election, in which Mr. Cleveland, the Democrat, was successful,
has resulted in a complete change in the political and com-
mercial outlook. In South America the tendency has been
towards pacification and improvement.

In the internal aff'airs of the great Continental Powers there
has been no lack of interesting incidents. France has had two
changes of Government, but the importance of both crises has
yielded to that of the Anarchist outrages in the spring, of the
Carmaux strike in the autumn, and of the Panama scandals,
which are at this present moment a subject of intense interest
not only to Paris but, in a less degree, to the whole world.
M. de Freycinet's Cabinet fell last February, because it had been
long enough in office and because M. de Freycinet wished to
extinguish his too powerful colleague, M. Constans ; and M.
Constans helped him by an unseemly scuffle into which he
allowed himself to be drawn by the impertinences of M. Laur, a
Boulangist deputy, now a fugitive from arrest on charges con-
nected with Panama. M. Loubet, the next Premier, was com-
paratively unknown, except as a personal friend of President
Carnot. With the old Ministers at the War Office and the
Foreign Office he conducted the affairs of France better than
had been expected, till his Cabinet fell in one of the squalls
that together form the Panama tempest in which the ship of
the Kepublic is now labouring. In the spring a series of
abominable dynamite outrages in Paris warned the Republic
that it had enemies below, and the capture and eventual
execution of the ringleader Ravachol did not prevent a re-
petition of his crime, with fatal results, in the autumn.

But a more serious danger has been found to threaten the
Republic from within ; and the corruption laid to the charge of
certain groups of Senators and Deputies, including several ex-
Ministers, has been made the pretext for an organised attack on
Republican institutions which may, if it is intelligently directed,
prove more formidable than any that they have experienced
since the Royalists were beaten in 1877. The new Premier,
M. Ribot, was Foreign Minister in the last two Cabinets. He
is a man of ability and unquestioned honour, but it may be

VOL. II 2 li

466 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1892

doubted whether his somewhat pedantic manner and lawyer-like
mind will enable his Government successfully to withstand the
assaults and intrigues of which it is the object.

The Triple Alliance remains unshaken, and neither the signs
of faction and internal weakness in France nor the frightful
ravages of the cholera in Russia have persuaded the Sovereigns
and statesmen of Central Europe that the need for that Alliance
is any less than it was. On the contrary, the German Govern-
ment is straining every nerve to strengthen the forces of the
country by a new and severe Army Bill, opposed as yet by the
Liberals and the Centre, and sharply criticised by the organs of
Prince Bismarck, who has lost no opportunity of proclaiming,
often in a very unseemly fashion, that under Count Caprivi
" the country is going to the dogs." The principal occasion of
these denunciations was when the ex- Chancellor visited Vienna
for his son's wedding, and had a great popular reception at
Dresden, at Vienna, at Munich, and elsewhere. Stung to
wrath by the instructions given to the German Embassy at
Vienna that he should not be officially noticed, and by the
ostentatious refusal of the Courts to welcome him, he spoke
with much bitterness both in public and in conversation with
newspaper reporters. Semi-oflEicial threats of a prosecution were
uttered ; but fortunately Germany and the world were spared
such a scandal.

The Emperor has made one or two astonishing speeches,
chiefly directed against the " grumblers " who objected to his
reactionary Prussian Education Bill; and the anti-Semitic
agitation still continues to smoulder, its most noteworthy
incident being the publication by one Ahlwardt of a libellous
pamphlet against "Jewish Rifles" — the rifles supplied to the
German army by the well-known house of Loewe.

Russia has gone on mercilessly driving out the Jews, losing
250,000 souls by the cholera, "exploring" the Pamirs, and
quietly hoarding gold for use in the next war. In Greece a
general election has sent back to power M. Tricoupi, the only
statesman who frankly recognises that Greece is as yet a weak
Power and unable to dispense with the goodwill of Europe.
There is a new Prime Minister in Hungary ; and in Italy the Di
Rudini Cabinet has made way for one presided over by Signor
Giolitti, the Moderate Left displacing the Moderate Right. In
Spain, where the boy king unfortunately has to struggle against

1892 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 467

weak health, the indispensable Conservative Premier, Senor
Canovas, has given place to the indispensable Liberal, Senor
Sagasta. Portugal has been tranquil ; the mob has neither
attacked the King nor insulted England ; and the Mozambique
Company has been reconstituted with English capital. Belgium
has been a good deal vexed with labour troubles and by the
mutual hatred of Catholics and Liberals ; the bonds uniting
Sweden and Norway have become more strained ; while Holland
and Denmark seem for the moment to have attained to the
happiness of those people who have no history.

In our diplomatic service a good many changes have occurred.
Lord Dufferin's nomination to Paris, in consequence of the death
of Lord Lytton, had taken place just before the end of 1891,
but the changes consequent upon it and upon the much-lamented
death of Sir William White were not finally determined for
some time. In the end Sir Clare Ford went to Constantinople,
and was succeeded at Madrid by Sir Henry Drummond Wolff ;
Sir Kobert Morier stayed at St. Petersburg, though he had
almost left for Rome ; Lord Vivian went to Eome from Brussels,
Sir E. Monson to Brussels from Athens, Mr. Egerton to Athens
from the post of First Secretary in Paris ; and later Sir John
Walsham left Pekin for Bucharest, Mr. O'Conor went to Pekin,
and Mr. Dering to Sofia.

Looking abroad to the dependencies and colonies of England
and to the country where as yet her influence is supreme, we
find few events of great moment to record. India has been
peaceful, though anxiety has been felt as to events in Afghan-
istan, and during the autumn there was much talk of a meeting
between the Ameer and Lord Roberts. That General's time as
Commander-in-Chief having expired, he is to be succeeded by
General Sir George White, an officer of great Indian reputation.
There has been a small expedition or two on the frontier ; but
the most remarkable has been the purely pacific one of Mr.
Conway and a few other mountaineers to a height in the
Himalayas far in excess of anything that has been reached by
human foot before.

Anglo-Indians have specially felt the trouble which has
weighed, this year more than ever, upon the whole commercial
world, the decline in the value of silver as compared with gold,
which to them means the fall in the rupee, and the consequent
fall in official incomes. The formation of the Indian Currency

468 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1892

Association, whicli urges the adoption of a gold standard for
India, has been one of the important steps taken in view of
this fall ; another, which may or may not have some practical
result, has been the appointment of a strong Committee at
home, with Lord Herschell as chairman, charged with investi-
gating the whole question as it affects India.

In Egypt the Khedive Tewfik has been succeeded by his
son, Abbas, a youth of eighteen, and the revival of prosperity
in the country has proceeded unchecked. Mr. Palmer's Budget,
brought out in February, showed a truly magnificent advance ;
and all but the extreme Left of the Gladstonians admit the
success of the work which England is doing on the Nile, and the
terrible danger which would come from our withdrawal.

The colonies have gone on their way without phenomenal
accidents, unless we are to except the overthrow of Mr. Mercier
and the so-called Liberal — really ultramontane and anti-
English — party in the Province of Quebec. In Australia there
has been a great strike at the Broken Hill Mines, in which the
men have had to confess defeat ; and the question of the
division of Queensland has advanced a stager.

South Africa continues its course of rapid development,
thanks to the continued prosperity of the gold fields in the
Transvaal and the diamond fields of Kimberley, the encourag-
ing reports from Mashonaland, the Zambesi, and Nyassaland,
and the phenomenal energy of Mr. Ehodes. Further north
there have been, serious difficulties with regard to Uganda, the
British East Africa Company finding it impossible to manage
the territory and make it pay with its limited resources, and
there having been feuds and bloodshed between rival factions,
magnified, by the journalists of Paris, into "massacres,"
organised by the English, of Catholics and French sympathisers.
The whole matter has been carefully considered by the Cabinet,
in the light of Captain Lugard's reports ; the company, in
consideration of a grant from the Government, has agreed to
postpone evacuation for three months ; and Sir Gerald Portal,
the British Consul-General in Zanzibar, has been ordered to
proceed at once to Uganda with a sufficient escort to examine
and report upon the situation.

If we are to look back upon the general non-political aspects
of the year, we find the retrospect far from pleasant. Epidemic
illness, one of the poorest harvests of recent years, bad trade

1892 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 469

made worse by labour troubles, and, at home and in the colonies,
several great disasters — these might, with little injustice, be
held to make up the main substance of the history of 1892.
During the winter and spring the influenza was everywhere ; in
August the cholera, which had been ravaging Persia and the
Russian Empire, broke out at Hamburg, and took many
thousands of lives. It visited Paris, Havre, and Antwerp, but
the vigilance of the authorities fortunately prevented its gaining
a footing in England. After a dry spring there followed a
stormy June and July, with the result that the harvest was
throughout the country far below the average. As the price of
com is lower than ever before, this meant disaster to the
farmer ; especially as the dearness of hay has compelled him to
sell his stock at a ruinous sacrifice. The very serious condition
of agriculture led to the assembling of a great conference in
London a few weeks ago; but, unfortunately, the assembled
farmers and their friends could devise no better remedy than
bimetallism and protection.

Trade in general, which might by this time have recovered
from the effects of the Baring collapse, has been depressed by
the silver crisis ; a difiiculty at once extremely serious, and, as
would appear by the failure of the strongly-manned International
Monetary Conference at Brussels, beyond the reach of any
remedy known to bankers or to statesmen. If there has been
no great disaster among highly-placed business houses, there has
been during the autumn widespread trouble among small
investors caused by the failure of the Liberator Building Society
and a number of kindred companies ; and at one time the panic
among depositors in such establishments was such that even the
Birkbeck was seriously assailed.

Of the labour troubles of the year the most conspicuous
instance is that ofi'ered by the great strike of colliers in Durham,
which lasted for twelve weeks (March to June), and ended in
the men having to accept the wages originally offered by the
masters. At this moment a very similar strike of cotton
operatives in Lancashire, bringing misery and privation to many
thousands of homes, is proceeding on much the same lines.
More conspicuous but perhaps not more ruinous disasters have
been the fire which destroyed the greater part of St. John's,
Newfoundland, and the hurricane which in April devastated
Mauritius.

470 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1892

Of the shipwrecks of the year, two, in the late autumn, were
unusually tragic in character — that of the P. and 0. steamer
Bokhara in the China Sea, and that of the Roumania on the
coast of Portugal. In each case there was a terrible loss of
life. The royal navy has not escaped, for in the spring the
Victoria went ashore on the coast of Greece, and in November
the Howe struck the rocks of Ferrol Harbour. The Victoria
had the good luck to be floated by the next tide, but whether
the Howe can be saved is as yet uncertain. There have been
perhaps fewer railway accidents than usual, but the telescoping
of an express against a luggage train at Thirsk on the night of
Ist November, owing to the fault of an overwrought signalman,
was of itself a disaster sufficient to mark the year. If crimes
are to be classed under the head of calamities, we may here
reckon those which sent to the gallows two of the most atrocious
murderers on record — Deeming and Thomas Neill Cream.

A year which has seen the death of the great English poet of
our age must have a place for ever marked in the history of
literature. When he died a last volume of Lord Tennyson's
poems was actually in the press, and has been published since ;
but, except for this small book, the chief event to interest
readers of poetry has been the sudden emergence of a writer
formerly known only to a few — Mr. William Watson ; most
unfortunately, his success has for the time affected an excitable
brain, but recent accounts promise that this excellent young
poet will soon recover his health and the power to work. In
fiction the year has produced, among a mass of writings already
almost forgotten, three or four books that have made a deep
impression ; in history the chief events have not been any
publications, but the death of Professor Freeman and the
appointment of Mr. Froude to fill his chair. Biographies and
reminiscences have been without end ; many might have been
spared altogether, and almost the only one that is too short is
the brief record of the life and work of Sir Henry Maine
that has just been published by Sir Mountstuart Grant Duff.

Except the happy close of the long negotiations with Mr.
Tate for the founding of a Gallery for British Art, there is little
to record in the history of the Fine Arts, where we have the
curiously contradictory phenomena of dull markets and incessant
new exhibitions. There are far too many painters for the
demand ; some of the wisest of them are learning to confine

1892 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 471

themselves to the illustration of books, for which the rapidly
increasing perfection of " process-blocks " is giving every day a
larger scope.

The history of the auction room is of particular interest this
year, not only on account of such sales as those of the late Mr.
David Price's and the late Lord Cheylesmore's collections of
modern pictures, but still more for the Dudley, Magniac, and
Fisher sales. Lord Dudley's and the late Mr. Magniac's
collections each realised over £100,000, the former attaining
that sum in one afternoon, when an early work of Eaphael and
a lovely Hobbema each sold for over .£10,000. Unprecedented
prices were reached also by some of the late Mr. Richard
Fisher's old prints. But the great sale of the year in the world
of art and curiosity was undoubtedly that of the Althorp library
to Mrs. Rylands, who intends to present it, housed in a suitable
building, to Manchester.

In the theatrical world the chief events have been the two
Lyceum " revivals " of Henry VIII. and King Lear ; the pro-
duction of successful comedies by Mr. Wilde, Mr. J. M. Barrie,
and Mr. Carton ; and — most significant of all — the transforma-
tion of the Royal English Opera House into a music hall. The
chief contriver of this change has also been running melodrama
and pantomime at Drury Lane and opera (in Italian, German,
and French) at Covent Garden. Elsewhere musical history has
been relatively uneventful, except perhaps for the two or three
appearances, and triumphs, of M. Paderewski.

The death list of the year has been long and full of consider-
able names. We have spoken of the Duke of Clarence, dying
just as his flowering time of life was beginning. A little later
the Queen had another bereavement in the death of her son-in-
law, the Grand Duke of Hesse. On the same day as the Duke
of Clarence died Cardinal Manning, at the great age of eighty-
three ; and before the month ended there died at Mentone the
great preacher of the lower middle class, Mr. Spurgeon. Cardinal
Manning was in many ways remarkable ; he was almost great
from the insight with which he recognised, and the energy with
which he strove to put into effect, the power which might come
to the Roman Catholic Church from a union with the demo-
cracy. Had he been twenty years younger he might have had
time to become exceedingly dangerous.

Among many other names which fill the year's obituary we

472 ANNUAL SUMMARIES 1892

may here mention Lord Bramwell, a great lawyer, and always
to be remembered by the readers of this paper for the keenness
with which, in letters signed " B.," he used to bring common-
sense to cut through political and economical sophisms ; Viscount
Sherbrooke, better known as Robert Lowe ; Viscount Hampden,
formerly Speaker Brand ; Sir James Caird, the greatest authority
on agricultural statistics of his time ; Sir Provo Wallis, a
centenarian admiral ; the two illustrious veterans of science.
Sir George Airy and Sir Richard Owen, and Professor Adams,
the discoverer of the planet Neptune ; and Professor Freeman,
the most diligent of historical students and the most vehement
of historical controversialists.

In Tewfik Pasha, Khedive of Egypt, there has passed away
a faithful ally of this country; in Marshal Deodoro da Fonseca,
the founder and first President of the Republic of Brazil.

America has lost the least beloved of her millionaires. Jay
Gould, and two of her poets, Walt Whitman and the Quaker
Whittier ; and France has lost her most distinguished Church-
man, Cardinal Lavigerie, and the greatest of her prose writers
and the most stimulating of her critics of' religious history,
Ernest Renan. But to the English-reading world the loss
which stamps the year is that of Lord Tennyson, for over a
generation the unquestioned head of English literature. He
died on 6 th October at his house at Aid worth, on the beautiful
edge of Blackdown, and was buried, as was fitting, in West-
minster Abbey, close to Chaucer, Spenser, and Dryden.

INDEX

Abyssinia, 18, 110

Adam, Mr., 124, 159

Adams v. Coleridge, 262

Adye, Sir John, 191

Afghanistan, 68, 89, 137 ; frontier
delimitation, 257, 281, 319, 348 ;
Ishak Khan's rebellion, 367

Africa, "the scramble for," 251 seq.,
369, 415

Agriculture — depression, 86 seq. ;
100, 148 ; passing away, 179,
206-207

Albany, Duke of, 180

Albert Victor, Prince, 393, 446, 452

Alhambra Theatre burnt, 201

Alison, Sir Archibald, 190

Arabi Pasha, 168, 187 seq., 194

Argentine Eepublic, 142, 418, 444

Argyll, Duke of, 90, 99, 122, 159

Armada Tercentenary j 359

Armstrong case, the, 293

Atalanta, the, 143

Austria- Hungary — and the Porte,
18, 76 ; alliance with Germany,
103 ; Andrassy retires, 103 ; cen-
tenary of Joseph II., 143 ; 172 ;
Ring Theatre at Vienna burnt,
175, 201 ; Dalmatian insurrec-
tion, 196 ; attempted murder of
Emperor, ib. ; Socialist and anti-
Semitic disturbances,222; "League
of Three Emperors " renewed, 259 ;
Anarchist terrors and commercial
frauds, 262 ; Triple Alliance,
347, 433 ; death of Crown Prince,
388

Baccarat Case, the, 448

Bacchante, cruise of the, 180

Baker Pasha, 103, 225, 226, 248

Balfour, Mr. A. J., Irish Secretary,
337 ; on "Religion of Humanity,"
359 ; in Donegal, 405 ; leader of
House, 423, 448

Bank rate, 15, 26, 57, 87

Barbadoes, 14

Baring crisis, the, 397

Baring, Mr. (afterwards Sir) E., and
Bulgarian massacres, 21 ; in Egypt,
110, 225, 246

Barnardo, Dr., 410

Barry, Mr. Justice, 128

Bartlett murder case, 331

Barttelot, Major, 368, 415

BastendorfF, 115

Bateman, Lord, 88

Battenberg, Prince Henry of, 263,
292

Beach, Sir M. Hicks, 16, 112

Beaconsfield, Lord, takes Privy Seal,
16 ; Bulgarian atrocities, 22 ; at
Berlin, 63 ; and free trade, 88,
98 ; and election of 1880, 120 ;
resigns, 121

Beatrice, Princess, 263, 292

Bechuanaland, 254

Belgium— riots in, 6; 108, 135;
Peltzer prosecution, 201 ; Clericals
in power, 260 ; strike riots, 329 ;
Anti-slavery Conference at Brus-
sels, 391, 413 ; Monetary Confer-
ence at Brussels, 469

Belt V. Lawes, 200, 331

474

ANNUAL SUMMARIES

Benson, Archbishop, 201

Beresford, Lord C, 359

Berlin Conference and Treaty, 63,
101, 129

Bernhardt, Mdlle. Sarah, 142

Bessborough, Lord, 151

Beth ell, Mr., murdered, 254

Bismarck, Prince, 42, 74 ; Conversa-
tions of, 85 ; 104, 134, 171 ;
temporary withdrawal from poli-
tics, 195 ; repeals Falk Laws,
222; African Conference at Berlin,
252; promotes understanding with
France, 258 ; and the Reichstag,
259 ; dismissal, 410 ; election to
Reichstag, 433 ; in Vienna, 466

Blake, Sir H., 370

Blignieres, M. de, 110

Blue Riband movement, 201

Boer War, see South Africa

Bokhara disaster, 470

Bolton, Mr., 244

Bonaparte, Prince Louis, 114, 116,
143

Booth, General, 410, 448

Bourke, Mr., 167

Boycott, Captain, 128

Boyd, Mr., murdered in Ireland,
126

Brabourne, Lord, 177

Bradlaugh, Mr. C, 123, 262

Brand, Mr., 207

Brand, President, 14, 161

Brand, Sir H., resigns office of
Speaker, 211

Brassey, Sir T. (afterwards Lord),
236, 243

Brazil Empire overthrown, 387, 393,
418, 444

Bright, Mr., 55, 62, 112, 119, 122,
127 ; leaves Cabinet, 177, 191 ;
and "Justice to India," 228

Bromhead, Major, V.C, 92

Browne, Dr. Crichton, 263

Buccleuch, Duke of, 88

Bulgaria — Christians v. Mussulmans,
21; Prince Alexander elected, 102,
167 ; union with Eastern Rou-
melia, 285, 323 ; war with Servia,
286 ; Prince Alexander resigns,
326 ; Ferdinand chosen, 346

Buller, Sir R., 309, 310
Burmah, 110, 139, 283, 319
Burns, Mr. John, 358, 375, 464
Burton, Captain, 85
Busch, Herr M., 85
Butt, Mr., 80, 96

Cadogan, Lord, 238

Caine, Mr. W. S., 236

Cairns, Lord, 237

Galliope, H.M.S., 382

Campbell-Bannerman, Mr., 236

Campbell case, the, 331

Canada, 52, 78, 111, 163, 199
Lord Lansdowne appointed, 230 ;
North- West rebellion, 290 ; Mr.
O'Brien in, 338 ; fisheries dis-
pute, 349, 370, 392, 445 ; Lord
Stanley appointed, 370 ; Re<l
River Railway dispute, 370 ;
American tariff charges, 417 ;
corruption scandals, 445

Cardwell, Lord, 123

Carey, Captain, 114, 116

Carey, James, ^213, 214

Carlingford, Lord, 123, 159

Carnarvon, Lord, 14, 60, 270, 299

Cattle Diseases Act, 59

Cavagnari, Major, 69, 90

Cave, Mr. (afterwards Sir S.), 17,
144

Cavendish, Lord F., 184

Census of 1881, 174

Cetywayo, 91

Chamberlain, Mr., 55, 120 ; enters
Cabinet, 123 ; 127 ; denounces the
peers, 208 ; and franchise reform,
209 ; and housing of poor, 211
and unseaworthy ships, 211, 242
attacked by Conservatives, 236
and Aston riots, 239 ; contro
versy with Professor Tyndall, 263
and doctrine of ransom, 267 ; and
the Radical Programme, 272 ; iu
Ulster, 342 ; member of Fisheries
Commission, 342 ; returns to
England, 355 ; and old age
pensions, 425

Chamberlain, Sir Neville, 69

Chambers, Su- T., 81

Channel Tunnel, 201

INDEX

475

Chaplin, Mr., 88

Chard, Major, V.C, 92

Charley, Mr., 81

Chelmsford, Lord, 91, 114

Chetwynd v. Durham, 383

Childers, Mr., 98, 122, 181, 242,
277

Chili, 113, 142, 173, 231, 443

China, new treaty with, 15 ; famine,
77 ; and Russia, 139, 166 ; French
in Annam, 219 ; difficulties with
France, 261 ; English relations
with, 320 ; attacks on mission-
aries, 443

Cholera, the, 292, 469

Christian, Lord Justice, 81

Church Defence protest, 275

Churchill, Lord R., 181, 208, 225,
237, 239, 270 ; attack on Mr.
Gladstone, 303 ; Chancellor of
the Exchequer, 307 ; resigns,
313 ; and Birmingham election,
380 ; in South Africa, 423

Clarke, Mr. (afterwards Sir) K, 120

Cleopatra's Needle, 85

Clitheroe abdiiction case, 448

Clutterbuck frauds, 448

Cobden, Miss, 409

Coleridge, Lord Chief Justice, 145

Colley, SirG., 160

Colliery explosions — Risca and
Pen-y-Graig, 143

Collings, Mr. Jesse, 268

Colvin, Sir A., 225

Connaught, Duke of, 115, 180

Cookson, Mr., 189

Courtney, Mr. L., 159, 193, 236,
241, 267

Cowen, Mr. J., 130

Cowper, Lord, 123

Cranbrook, Lord, 62

Crawford case, the, 331

Crawford, Lord (body stolen), 175

Cream, the murderer, 470

Crete, disturbances in, 389

Crofter disturbances in Skye, 245,
313

Croke, Archbishop, 156, 216

Cross, Mr. (afterwards Lord), 12,
42. 98, 115, 240

Cross, Mr. J. K., 207

Cuba, 135

Cumberland, Duke of, 264

Cyprus, 65

Dale, Mr. Pelham, 143

Davitt, Mr. Michael, advocates
violent measures, 186 ; im-
prisoned, 212 ; apostle of land
nationalisation, 246 ; in Wales,
314

Deeming, the murderer, 470

Derby, Lord, and the Bulgarian
massacres, 22 ; retires from office,
60 ; 62; joins Liberal party, 121 ;
secretary for colonies, 181, 255

Dicey, Professor, 312

Dilke, Sir C, 93, 98, 123, 181, 268,
305, 331

Dillon, Mr. John, 125, 152, 155, 183 ;
and Plan of Campaign, 309, 404,
428

Dobbs, Hannah, 115

Dodson, Mr., 122, 181, 236

Boterel, the, 153

Dowse, Mr. Baron, 128

Drury-Lowe, General, 192

Dryad, the, incident, 218

Duff, Mr. (afterwards Sir) M. Grant,
90, 98, 159

Dufferin, Lord, 101, 191, 194, 225 ;
Viceroy of India, 256 ; resigns,
366 ; 448

Duffy, Sir C. Gavan, 154

Dulcigno, the suiTender of, 131

Dunraven, Lonl, 238

Dynamite outrages, 215, 245, 262

Earthquake in Essex, 263

Eastern Question, the — acute stage
in 1876, 18

Ecroyd, Mr., 149

Eden, Sir A., 198

Edinburgh, Duke of, 180

Edison, Mr., 84

Egypt — finances, 17, 76, 109 ;
Arabi's mutiny, 168 ; story of
the Egyptian expedition to crush
Arabi, 187 seq. ; Tel-el-Kebir,
192 ; Arabi banished, 194, 224
Professor Palmer's murder, 225
Mahdist disturbances, 225

476

ANNUAL SUMMARIES

General Gordon sent out, 246 ;
financial distress — Anglo-French
agreement, 250 ; Khartoum re-
lief expedition, 248, 279 ; loan
floated, 281; defeats of Dervishes,
368, 390, 440 ; judicial reforms,
440 ; Abi3as succeeds Tewfik, 468

Eight hours' day movement, 400

Electric lighting, 84, 200

Elliot, SirH., 23, 29

Emin Pasha, 332, 368, 391, 415

Enraght, Mr., 143

Epping Forest, "dedication," 180

Errington, Mr., afterwards Sir G.,
221, 278

Eur y dice, the, 80

Exhibitions — Philadelphia, 11 ;
Paris, 72; Sydney, 112; Mel-
bourne, 141 ; Amsterdam, 224 ;
Fisheries and Health, at South
Kensington, 263 ; New Orleans,
263 ; Colonial and Indian, 318 ;
Italian, Irish, and Anglo-Danish,
359 ; Paris, 385 ; Naval, 448

Factories and Workshops Act, 59

Fair Trade League and movement,
149, 178, 336

Farrar, Archdeacon, 410,

Farrer, SirT., 409, 464

Fawcett, Miss Philippa, 409

Fawcett, Mr., 60, 71, 122, 181,
236

Fitzgerald, Mr. Justice, 128

Fitzmaurice, Lord E., 207

Fitzwilliam, Lord, 177

Porster, Mr., 60, 80, 99, 122 ; and
Coercion Bill for Ireland, 152 ;
leaves Cabinet, 177

Fortescue, Lord, 177

Fowler, Mr. H. H., 236

Foxhall, 175

France — in 1876, 6-11 ; elections,
1877, 44 ; Paris Exhibition, 1878,
72 ; Voltaire Centenary, 85 ;
Grevy, President, 106 ; M.
Ferry's Education Bill, 106, 136 ;
Bastille anniversary, 143 ; and
Tunis, 169 ; M. Ferry re-
signs, 170 ; and Egypt, 187 seq.;
in 1882, 194 ; Fenayrous and

Union Generale trials, 201 ;
Madagascar expedition, 218,
261 ; in Annam and Tonquin,
219, 261 ; Egyptian Anglo-French
agreement, 250 ; and New Cale-
donia, 255 ; and China, 261 ;
cholera in, 262 ; murder by
Madame Clovis Hugues, 263 ; in
1885, 287; in 1886, 320; rise
of General Boulanger, 321, 343,
361 ; Carnot succeeds Grevy,
345 ; the Paris Exhibition, 385 ;
fall of General Boulanger, 385,
411, 435 ; Lohengrin produced
in Paris, visit of Empress
Frederick, 434 ; Archbishop of
Aix prosecuted, 436 ; Anarchist
outrages, Panama scandals, 465

Eraser, Sir J., 317

Frere, Sir Bartle, 54, 79, 91,
140

Furneaux case, the, 200

Galley's Case, 115
Garmoyle, Lord, 262
George, Mr. Henry, 211, 245
Germany — and the Porte, 18, 42 ;
attempts on Emperor's life, 73 ;
alliance with Austria, 103, 105 ;
increase of army, 133; "May
Laws," 134 ; Jewish persecution,
ib. ; Cologne Cathedral completed,
143 ; Bismarck defeated at
elections, 171 ; Bismarck and the
Emperor, 195 ; Falk Laws
repealed, 222 ; interferes in
Egypt, 251 ; African Conference
at Berlin, 252 ; Bismarck and
the Eeichstag, 259 ; " League
of Three Emperors " renewed,
259 ; dynamite conspiracies, 262 ;
and Spain, 288 ; increase of
army demanded, 329 ; and re-
fused, 345 ; Triple Alliance, 347,
433 ; death of two Emperors,
363 ; Count H. Bismarck and
Sir R. Morier, 387 ; Geffcken
prosecution, 387 ; Emperor's
visits, 388 ; Bismarck dismissed,
410 ; Dr. Koch's cure, 411 ;
African boundary agreement, 415

INDEX

477

Gibson, Mr., 209

Gladstone, Mr., and the Bulgarian
atrocities, 22 ; opposes prepara-
tions for war, 62 ; on Anglo -
Turkish Convention, 64, 98 ;
in Midlothian, 99, 121 ; in office,
1880, 122; illness, 124, 143;
on Irish disturbances, 127, 155 ;
apologises to Count Karolyi, 130 ;
speeches at Leeds (1881), 158 ;
reforms procedure of House, 177 ;
"political jubilee," 180; health
restored at Cannes, 207 ; at
opening of National Liberal Club,
208 ; cruise in Penibroke Castle,
210 ; and troops in Egypt, 225 ;
undiminished power and popu-
larity, 236 ; in Midlothian (1884),
238 ; defeated in 1886, 270 ;
" four points " programme, 272 ;
and Home Rule, 277 ; in office
again, 299 ; Home Rule pro-
posals, 300 ; "Remember Mit-
chelstown," 340 ; and Colonel
Dopping, 341 ; and Nonconformist
Home Rulers, 356 ; and the
London programme, 358 ; and
Welsh and Scottish demands,
377 ; and Mr. Parnell's retire-
ment, 406 ; attack of influenza,
425 ; at Newcastle, 420 ; takes
office, 462
Glasgow Bank failure, 57, 115
Gordon, General, 110, 139, 199,

246
Goschen, Mr., in Egypt, 18, 76 ;
88, 98 ; at Constantinople, 123,
130 ; 160 ; declines office of
Speaker, 212 ; and Mr, Chamber-
lain's programme, 268 seq^. ;
Chancellor of Exchequer, 337 ; in
Dublin, 342 ; finance attacked,
431 ; and currency reform, 431,
448
Graham, General Sir G., 241
Graham, Mr. Cunninghame, 341
Granville, Lord, 121, 122, 130;
summons conference on Egyptian
finances, 250 ; 261 ; and Imperial
unity, 318
Gray, Mr. Dwyer, 185

Greece, 41, 165 ; M. Tricoupis in

power, 197 ; 323 -
Grey, Lord, 177
Grissell, Mr., 116
Grosser Kurfiirst, the, 81
Guards' insubordination, 400
Guinness gift, the, 384
Gurney, Mr. Russell, 81
Guy's Hospital, 143

Habron, 115

Halifax, Lord, 71

Hamilton Library sale, 200

Hamilton, Lord G., 98

Hamilton, Sir R., 310

Hampton Court Palace fire, 201

Hansard Union, 448

Harcourt, Sir W., 98, 119 ; Home
Secretary, 122 ; Chancellor of
Exchequer, 462

Harrison, Sir G., 276

Hartington, Lord, 55, 60, 89, 98,
120 ; consulted by Queen, 121,
122; War Minister, 181; and
franchise reform, 209 ; refuses
office under Lord Salisbury, 307 ;
342

Healy, Mr. T., 154, 212

Heligoland, 411

Henderson, Sir E., 316

Hennessy, Mr. J. Pope (afterwards
Sir), 14

Henry, Mr. Mitchell, 88

Hewett, Admiral, 191, 248

Hibbert, Mr., 207, 236

Hicks-Beach, Sir M., 307, 337

Hicks Pasha, 225

Highways Act, 59

Hoo, Vicar of, case, 383

Hopetoun, Lord, 392

Hornby, Admiral, 60

Heme, H.M.S., 470

Hurlbert case, the, 448

Hussey, Mr., 245

Hyndman, Mr. H. M., 316

Imperial Federation League, 256,

292, 318, 349, 369
Imperial Institute, 318
India — Queen crowned Empress, 15,

54 ; depreciation of silver, 15 ;

478

ANNUAL SUMMARIES

famine, 26, 54 ; Lord Ripon
Viceroy, 138 ; the change of
policy, 163 ; census taken, 174 ;
local government and decentralisa-
tion, 198 ; Lord Ripon's difficulties
— Ilbert Bill, 227 ; Bengal Rent
Bill, 228 ; Lord Dufferin Viceroy,
256 ; Russian scare, 283 ; British
Beloochistan, 348 ; financial de-
pression, 366 ; Lord Lansdowne
succeeds Lord Dufferin, 366 ;
visit of Prince Albert Victor,
393 ; visit of Czarewitch, 418 ;
Manipur, 442 ; Age of Consent
Act, 442 ; Currency Association
formed, 468
Influenza, the, 384, 425, 464, 469
Ireland — Intermediate Education
Act, 59 ; murder of Lord
Leitrim, 80; "fair rent" agita-
tion, 97 ; lawlessness in, 118,

124 seq^. ; Land League activity,

125 ; murders of Lord Mount-
morres and others, 126 ; " reign
of terror," 150 ; Coercion and
Land Bills, 150 seq. ; the League
proclaimed, 155; "boycotting,"
128, 157 ; Mansion House fund
for landlords, 157 ; Lough Mask,
Herbert, and Smythe murders,
183 ; Lord F. Cavendish and
Mr. Burke murdered, 184 ; Bourke
and Blake murders, 184 ; police
strike threatened, 185 ; Joyce
murder, 185 ; Dwyer Gray's
contempt, 185 ; Field attacked,
186 ; Coercion Bill, 185 ; Arrears
Act, 186 ; Dublin stores burnt,
201 ; Phoenix Park murder trials,
212 ; National League formed,
215 ; outrage on Mr. Hussey,
245 ; Prince of Wales in, 269 ;
Hussey and Curtin crimes, 274 ;
Archbishop Walsh supports Mr.
Parnell, 278 ; failure of Munster
Bank, 293 ; Belfast riots, 306 ;
Plan of Campaign, 309, 338, 380 ;
Mitchelstown, 340 ; charges
against T. D. Sullivan and
Mr. Blunt, 340, 355 ; Mons^
Persico's mission, 348 ; Mande-

ville case, 356 ; Papal rescript
on, 357 ; Inspector Martin mur-
dered, 381 ; Tenants Defence
League, 381 ; " New Tipperary,"
403 ; the break - up of the
Nationalist party, 407, 408 ; tour
of Lady Zetland and Miss Balfour,
427 ; seed potatoes and light
railways, 409, 427 ; Crimes Act
suspended, 427 ; Belfast Anti-
Home Rule meeting, 459 ; release
of Gweedore prisoners, dynamite
explosion in Dublin, 463

Iroquois, 175

Italy — Depretis in power, 4-6 ; 43 ;
new King and new Pope, 74 ;
Depretis resigns, 74 ; reinstated,
75 ; overthrown, 104 ; 134, 171,
196 ; and Austro-Gerraan alliance,
221, 347, 433 ; cholera in, 259

Jackson, Colonel R., 58
Jackson case, the, 448
Jamaica, fire at Kingston, 201
Japan, earthquakes in, 443
Jenkinson, Mr., 212
Jones, Mr. Bence, 129
Joubert, General, 253
Jubilee of Queen Victoria, 335 seq.

KiMBERLEY, Lord, 122, 162, 181
Knatchbull-Hugessen, Mr. (Lord

Brabourne), 123
Konig Willielm, the, 81
Kriiger, President, 140, 229, 253

Lamson Thial, 200

Lansdowne, Lord, 93, 230, 338, 366

Laurie, the murderer, 383

Law, Mr., 156

Lawrence, Lord, 69

Lawson, Mr. Justice, 128, 185, 186

Lawson, Sir W., 62

Layard, Mr. (afterwards Sir H.), 29,

67, 103 ; retires, 123, 129
Lefroy, the murderer, 174
Leighton, Sir F., 85
Leitrim, Lord, 80
Leprosy Commission, 384
Lesseps, M. de, 142, 192, 226, 331,

362

INDEX

479

Liberal Unionist party formed, 300

Liberator Building Society, 469

Lincoln, Bishop of, case, 383, 409,
459

Litton, Mr., 154

Lloyd, Mr. Clifford, 248

Lloyd, Mr. S., 240

Local Government Board Office, at-
tempt to destroy, 215

Loch, Sir H. B., 392

Lockyer, Mr. Norman, 85

London County Council, 376, 409,
432, 464

London School Board, 115, 201, 432

Londonderry, Lord, 382

Lome, Marquis of. 111, 163, 230

Lowe, Mr. (afterwards Lord Sher-
brooke), 99, 122

Lowther, Mr., 96, 150, 240

Lubbock, Sir J., 241, 267, 376, 409

Lumsden, Sir P., 257

Lytton, Lord, 15, 69, 138, 350

MacCarthy, Mr. Justin, 407
Mackenzie, Mr., 254
Mackonochie case, the, 81
Macphersou, General, 191
Madagascar, French in, 218
Mainwaring case, 115
Malay Peninsula, war in, 14
Malmesbury, Lord, 16
Manchester Ship Canal, 331
Marlborough, Duchess of, 98
Matthews, Mr. , Home Secretary, 307
Mauritius hurricane, 469
Maybrick case, the, 383
Metropolitan Board of Works, 359
Mexico, 13, 53
Microphone, the, 84
Mignonette, cannibalism case, 262
Milan, Prince, afterwards King, 23
Mogul steamship case, 448
Moirosi, 95
Monro, Mr., 359
Montenegro, 22
Morley, Mr. John, and coercion,

270 ; at Tipperary trials, 404 ;

Irish Secretary, 462
Mountmorres, Lord, 126
Mundella, Mr., 123
Murphy, Mr. N. D., 125

National Rifle Association, 359

Navy, increase of, 382

New Caledonia, the question of, 255

Newfoundland, fire at St. John's,
469

New Guinea, 229, 255, 278

Newman, Cardinal, 115

New South Wales — Sydney Exhibi-
tion, 112, 199 ; Australasian Con-
ference at Sydney, 230, 255, 446

New Testament revised, 174

New Zealand, 112, 162, 199, 331

Nisero, the, 263

Nordenskjold, Professor, 85

Norman, Sir H., 370

Normanby, Lord, 229

Northbrook, Lord, 15, 69, 122, 228,
243 ; sent to Cairo, 250

Northcote, Sir S. (afterwards Lord
Iddesleigh), 58, 96, 100, 150,
159 ; in Scotland, 178 ; in
Ulster and North Wales, 210.
216 ; Foreign Secretary, 307

Nynee Tal landslip, 143

Obituary —

Abercorn, Duke of, 294
About, Edmond, 295
Adam, Mr., 174
Adams, Mr. C. F., 333
Adams, Professor, 472
Adams, Sir F., 394
Addiugton, Lord, 394
Adler, Rabbi, Nathan, 420
Ainsworth, Hairison, 202
Airy, Sir R., 472
Albany, Duke of, 263
Albemarle, Earl of, 449
Albery, James, 395
Alderson, Sir J., 203
Alfonso, King of Spain, 267
Alice, Princess, 81
Allingham, William, 394
Amphlett, Sir R., 231
Ampthill, Lord, 264
Andrassy, Count, 421
Ansdell, Mr., 295
Antonelli, Cardinal, 17
Aosta, Duke of, 420
Archer, Fred, 333
Armagh, Archbishop of, 294

480

ANNUAL SUMMARIES

Obituary —

Arnold, Matthew, 372

Arrivabene, Count, 174

Arthur, Mr., 333

Auerbach, 203

Augier, M., 395

Ayrton, Mr., 332

Baggallay, Sir E., 372

Baines, Sir E., 420

Baker Pasha, 350

Baldwin, Prince, 450

Balfour, Francis, 202

Ball, Mr. John, 394

Ballantine, Sergeant, 351

Balmaceda, ex- President, 451

Bancroft, Mr., 451

Banville, Theodore de, 451

Baring, Mr., 449

Barlow, Mr. T. 0., 394

Barnes, Mr., 333

Barnum, Mr. P. T., 451

Barry, Mr. E. M., 145

Bass, Mr., 264

Batthyany, Prince, 231

Bavaria, Queen Dowager of, 394

Baxter, Mr., 421

Baynes, Professor S., 351

Bazaine, Marshal, 373

Bazalgette, Sir J., 450

Beaconsfield, Earl of, 173

Beauchamp, Lord, 449

Beckx, Father, 351

Bedford, Duke of, 449

Begg, Dr., 232

Beltcheff, M., 451

Benedek, General, 174

Benedict, Sir J., 295

Benjamin, Mr. J. P., 264

Bennett, Mr., 333

Bennett, Sir E., 450

Berg, Herr, 451

Bernard, Mr. M., 202

Bert, M. Paul, 333

Beust, Count, 333

Biggar, Mr., 421

Birch, Dr., 295

Blachford, Lord, 394

Blakesley, Dean, 294

Blanc, Louis, 203

Blavatsky, Madame, 451

Bluntschli, Professor, 174

Obituary —

Blyth, Sir A., 451
Boehm, Sir E., 421
Bonaparte, Prince Lucien, 451
Boucicault, Mr. Dion, 421
Boulanger, M., 373
Boulanger, General, 449
Bouverie, Mr. E. P., 394
Bradlaugh, Mr., 449
Bramwell, Lord, 472
Brand, Sir J. H., 373
Brassey, Lady, 351
Bratiano, M., 451
Brazil, ex-Emperor of, 450
Brazil, ex-Empress of, 394
Bright, Mr. John, 394
Bright, Sir C, 373
Brown, Mr. John, 202
Brown, John, 232
Browne, Dr. Harold, 449
Browne, H. K., 202
Browning, Eobert, 394
Bryant, Mr. Cullen, 84
Buccleuch, Duke of, 264
Buckingham, Duke of, 394
Buckland, Mr. F., 146
Buckstone, Mr. J. B., 117
Bulgaris, M., 84
Burgon, Dean, 372
Burke, Mr., 184
Burnaby, Colonel, 293
Burns, Sir E., 421
Burrows, Sir G., 351
Burton, Sir E., 421
Butt, Mr., 117
Byron, Mr. H. J., 265
Caird, Sir J., 472
Cairns, Lord, 293
Cairoli, Signer, 395
Caldecott, E., 333
Calverley, C. S., 264
Cambridge, Duchess of, 394
Canaris, 41
Garden, Sir E., 372
Cardwell, Lord, 332
Careil, F. de, 451
Carey, Mr. C, 117
Carignan, Prince of, 394
Carlyle, Thomas, 174
Carnarvon, Lord, 420
Carnot, M. H., 373

INDEX

481

Obituary —

Carpenter, Dr. W. B., 294
Cassagnac, G. de, 146
Cave, Sirs., 144
Cavendish, Lord E., 449
Cavendish, LordF., 184
Cavendish-Bentinck, Mr., 449
Cellier, Mr. Alfred, 450
Cetewayo, 265
Chadwick, SirE., 420
Chambers, Dr., 231
Chambers, Mr. M., 294
Chambers, Sir T., 450
Chambord, Comte de, 232
Changarnier, 50
Chanzy, General, 232
Charmes, M. G,, 333
Charrington, Lieutenant, 203
Chatrian, M., 421
Chelmsford, Lord, 82
Chenery, Mr. T., 264
Chevalier, M., 117
Ohevreul, M., 395
Cissey, General de, 203
Clarence, Duke of, 471
Clay, Mr. F., 395
Gierke, Colonel S., 450
Clifford, Professor W. K., 117
Close, Dean, 202
Cockburn, Sir A., 145
Cole, Sir H., 202
Colenso, Bishop, 231
Collins, Wilkie, 394
Colville, Sir J., 145
Conscience, Henri, 232
Cook, Eliza, 395
Cooke, Mr. E. W., 146
Cope, Mr., 421
Corry, Sir J. P., 450
Corti, Count, 373
Costa, Sir M. 268
Cottesloe, Lord, 420
Courbet, Admiral, 294
Craik, Mrs., 351
Cruickshank, George, 83
Cullen, Cardinal, 83
Gumming, Dr., 174
Gushing, Mr. C, 117
Dalhousie, Lord and Lady, 350
Dalkeith, Lord, 333
Dallas, Mrs., 395
VOL. II

Obituary —

Damien, Father, 395

Dana, R. H., 203

Darwin, C, 202

Davis, Jefferson, 395

Deasy, Lord Justice, 231

Decazes, Due, 333

Delane, Mr., 117

Delitsch, Dr., 421

Depretis, Signor, 351

Devon, Lord, 372

Devonshire, Duke of, 449

Dindorf, 232

Dixon, Mr. H., 117

Dollinger, Dr., 421

Dore, G., 232

Dorregeray, 203

Douglas, Sir W. F., 450

Dowse, Baron, 421

Doyle, Richard, 232

Doyle, Sir F., 372

Du Boisgobey, M., 451

Ducane, Sir C, 394

Duclerc, M., 373

Ducrot, General, 203

Dufaure, M., 174

Dumas, M. J. B., 265

Duncan, Colonel, 372

Duncan, Dr. Matthews, 421

Dupanloup, Bishop, 83

Duval, M. R., 351

Earle, General, 293

Eden, Sir A., 350

Eliot, George, 144

Elliott, Dean, 450

Elssler, Fanny, 265

Emerson, 203

Erie, Sir W., 145

Espartero, Marshal, 117

Eversley, Lord, 372

Faideherbe, General, 395

Falmouth, Lord, 394

Fargus, Mr. (Hugh Conway), 295

Farnborough, Lord, 332

Favre, Jules, 146

Fawcett, Mr., 264

Fazy, J., 84

Fechter, 117

Ferdinand, King, 295

Feuillet, Octave, 421, 451

Feval, Paul, 351

2 I

482

ANNUAL SUMMARIES

Obituary —
Firth, Mr., 394
Fitzgerald, Lord, 394
Fitzherbert, Sir W., 451
Flanagan, Judge W., 450
Flaubert, G., 146
Flotow, 232
Flowers, Mr., 333
Fonseca, Marshal D. A., 427
Forster, John, 16
Forster, Mr. W. E., 332
Forster, Sir C, 449
Forsyth, Sir D., 333
Fowler, Sir E., 449
Fraser, Dr., 294
Frederick Charles, 295
Frederick, Emperor, 372
Freeman, Professor, 472
Freppel, Monsignor, 451
Frere, Sir B., 264
Gallait, M., 351
Gambetta, 217, 232
Garfield, President, 172
Garibaldi, 203
Garrison, W. L., 117
Gayarre, M., 421
Geibel, 265
Gibbon, Mr. C, 421
Gill, Captain, 203
Girardin, M. de, 174
Gladstone, Mr. W. H., 450
Gleig, Rev. G., 372
Glover, Sir J., 294
Gooch, Sir D., 394
Goodford, Dr., 264
Goodwin, Dr., 449
Gordon, General, 293
Gordon, Sir H., 350
Gortchakoff, 232
Gossett, Sir R., 295
Gould, Jay, 472
Grace, Mr. G. F., 146
Gramont, Due de, 146
Grant, General, 295
Grant, Sir A., 264
Grant, Sir F., 83
Granville, Lord, 449
Green, J. R., 231
Green, Sir W. K., 450
Greig, Mr. W. R., 174
Grevy, ex-President, 451

Obituary —

Grey, Sir G., 202
Gull, Sir W., 420
Gurney, R., 83
Haggis, Mr., 450
HaUvy, M., 232
Halifax, Lord, 294
Hall, Mr. S. C, 395
Hall, Sir C, 231
Halliwell-Phillipps, Mr., 394
Halswelle, Mr. Keeley, 450
Halton, J. C, 333
Hamlin, Mr., 451
Hammond, Lord, 420
Hampden, Lord, 472
Hampton, Lord, 144
Hanover, King of, 82
Harcourt, Colonel, 450
Hardman, Sir W., 421
Hare, Mr. T., 450
Harrison, Sir G., 295
Harrowby, Lord, 202
Hatherley, Lord, 174
Haussraann, Baron, 451
Hawkshaw, Sir T., 450
Haymerle, Baron, 174
Hay ward, Mr. A., 264
Hendricks, Vice-President, 295
Henley, Mr,, 264
Hennessy, Sir J. P., 450
Herbert, Mr., 421
Hesse, Grand Duke of, 471
Hewett, Admiral, 373
Hewett, Sir P., 450
Hill, SirR., 117
Hillebrand, Karl, 265
Hobart, Pasha, 333
Holkar, Maharajah, 334
Holker, Sir J., 202
HoU, Frank, 372
Holland, Lady, 394
Holms, Mr. John, 450
Hooper, Mr. G., 421
Hope, Mr. B., 350
Home, Mr., 264
Horsman, Mr., 16
Houghton, Lord, 294
Ho Witt, Mary, 372
Howson, Dr., 294
Huddleston, Baron, 420, 450
Hudson, Sir J., 294

INDEX

483

Obituary —
Huefifer, 394
Hugo, Victor, 295
Iddesleigh, Lord, 350
Ingham, Sir J., 421
Inglis, Lord Justice-General, 450
Italy, King of, 74, 82
Iwakura, 233
Jackson, Dr., 294
Jacobini, Cardinal, 351
Jacobson, Bishop, 264
James, Lord Justice, 174
Jameson, 373

Jaureguiberry, Admiral, 351
Jaur^s, Admiral, 395
Jetferies, Richard, 351
Jellett, Dr., 372
Jessel, Sir G., 231
Jevons, Professor, 203
Johnston, Mr. Keith, 117
Joule, Dr., 394
Jung Bahadoor, 55
Jung, Sir S., 233
Karolyi, Count, 395, 421
Karr, M. A., 421
Karslake, Sir J., 174
Katkofif, M., 351
Kaufmann, General, 203
Kavanagh, Mr. A. M., 394
Keating, Sir H., 372
Keene, Mr. C, 450
Kelly, SirF., 145
Kenealy, Dr., 145
Kennedy, Dr., 394
Keogh, Mr. Justice, 83
Keshub Chunder Sen, 265
Key, Admiral Cooper, 373
King-Harman, Colonel, 372
Kinglake, Mr., 449
Knollys, Sir W., 232
Krupp, Herr, 351
Kuenen, Dr., 451
Labiche, M., 373
Laboulaye, M., 232
Lachaud, Maitre, 203
Lagrange, Comte de, 232
La Marmora, General, 82
Lamington, Lord, 420
Lanfrey, 50
Langiewicz, 351
Lanza, Signor, 203

Obituary —

Larcom, Sir T., 117
Latham, Dr., 373
Lasker, 265

Lavigerie, Cardinal, 472
Law, Mr., 231
Lawrence, Lord, 116
Lawson, Cecil, 202
Lawson, Mr. Justice, 350
Lebceuf, Marshal, 373
Lenormant, M., 232
Lepage, Bastien, 265
Le Play, 203
Lepsius, 265
Leslie, Professor C, 203
Leverrier, M., 50
Levi, Professor L., 372
Lewes, Mr. G. H., 83
Liddon, Canon, 420
Lightfoot, Bishop, 394
Lind, Jenny, 350
Linnell, John, 202
Liszt, 333
Littledale, Dr., 420
Litton, Judge, 421
Littre, M., 174
Lloyd, Mr. C, 450
Locker, Mr., 119, 145
Long, Mr. E., 450
Long, Mr. G., 117
Longfellow, 203
Lowell, Mr. J. R., 451
Luard, Dr., 450
Lucan, Lord, 372
Ludwig, King of Bavaria, 333
Luis, King of Portugal, 394
Lush, Lord Justice, 174
Lyons, Lord, 350
Lytton, Lord, 449
M'Arthur, Sir W., 350
MacCabe, Cardinal, 294
M'Carthy, D. F., 202
M'Clellan, General, 296
M'Closkey, Cardinal, 296
MacDonald, Mr. J. C, 394
Macdonald, Sir J., 451
Macfarren, Sir G., 351
M'Gettigan, Archbisliop, 351
MacHale, Archbishop, 174
Mackarness, Bishop, 394
Mackonochie, Mr. ,351

484

ANNUAL SUMMARIES

Obituabt —

Maclaren, Mr. D., 333
M'NeiU, Dr., 117
Macpherson, Cluny, 294
Macpherson, Sir H., 319, 333
Magee, Archbishop, 449
Magheramorne, Lord, 421
Mahon, the O'Gorman, 450
Maine, Sir H., 372
Makart, Hans, 265
Mallet, Sir L., 421
Malmesbury, Lord, 394
Mancini, 373
Manisty, Mr. Justice, 420
Manning, Cardinal, 471
ManteuflFel, General, 295
Maria Christina of Spain, 82
Mario, 233

Marlborough, Duke of, 231
Marshall, Frank, 395
Martin, Henri, 232
Martin, Mr. W., 83
Martineau, Miss, 16
Marx, Karl, 232
Mathews, Mr. C, 83
Meissonier, 451
Melikoff, Count Loris, 373
Mellor, Sir J., 350
Mercedes, Queen, 82
Miall, Mr. E., 174
Midhat, Pasha, 265
Mignet, M., 265
Milner-Gibson, Mr., 264
Minghetti, Signer, 333
Moberly, Dr., 294
Mofifat, Dr., 231
Moltke, Count, 449
Monaco, Prince Charles of, 394
Monkswell, Lord, 332
Monselet, M., 373
Montefiore, Sir M.,294
Montgomery, Sir R. , 350
Montpensier, Duke of, 420
Morison, Mr. Cotter, 372
Morley, Mr. S., 333
Morton, Mr. Maddison, 450
Mosely, Professor, 450
Mudie, Mr., 421
Musgrave, Sir A. , 373
Musurus Pasha, 451
Nachtigal, Dr., 295

Obituaey —

Naish, Lord Justice, 421

Napier of Magdala, Lord, 420

Napoleon, Prince, 450

Napoleon, Prince Louis, 114, 116

Nasmyth, Mr., 421

Netherlands, King of, 420

Newdegate, Mr., 350

Newman, Cardinal, 420

Newmarch, Mr., 203

Norris, Archdeacon, 450

Norwood, Mr., 450

Nottage, Lord Mayor, 294

Oakley, Dean, 420

Ochsenbein, General, 421

O'Donoghue, the, 394

Offenbach, 146

O'Hagan, Judge, 421

O'Hagan, Lord, 294

Oliphant, Mr. L., 372

Ollivant, Bishop, 202

Orange, Princes of, 116, 260, 264

Osborne, Lord S. G„ 394

Osborne, Mr, B., 202

Ouseley, Sir F., 394

Overstone, Lord, 231

Owen, Sir R., 472

Padoue, Due de, 373

Pages, M. G,, 83

Palgrave, Mr. W. G., 372

Palikao, Count, 83

Palmer, Professor, 203

Panizzi, Sir A., 117

Parkes, Sir H., 294

Parnell, Mr., 449

Parry, Bishop, 420

Parry, Serjeant, 145

Pattison, Mark, 264

Pauli, 203

Paya, Cardinal, 451

Payne, Mr. George, 83

Peacock, Sir B. , 420

Pearson, Mr. Justice, 333

Peel, General, 116

Peel, Mrs., 421

Pyat, Felix, 395

Pelletan, M. E., 265

Pellegrini, Carlo, 395

Percy, Dr., 394

Perrin, Mr., 295

Perry, Dr., 449

INDEX

485

Obituary —

Perry, Sir E., 202
Peters, Dr., 395
Phayre, Sir A., 294
Phelps, Mr. S., 83
Phillimore, Sir K., 294
PhQlips, Mr. W., 265
Pim, Admiral B., 333
Pius IX., 74, 82
Plateau, M., 232
Plumptre, Dean, 450
Pollock, Sir F., 372
Porter, Admiral, 451
Portsmouth, Lord, 449
Pouyer-Quertier, M., 451
Power, Mr. R., 450
Powis, Lord, 449
Pressens6, Pasteur, 451
Price, Mr. W. P., 450
Price, Professor Bonamy, 372
Proctor, Mr., 372
Proctor, Mrs., 372
Pusey, Dr., 201
Quesada, Marshal, 395
Raikes, Mr., 449
Rajon, M. , 373
Ralston, Mr. W., 394
Ranke, 333 "

Rao, Sir M., 451
Raspail, Mr., 83
Reade, Charles, 264
Redesdale, Lord, 332
Reid, Captain Mayne, 232
Renan, M., 472
Ricasoli, Baron, 146
Rice, Mr. James, 202
Richard, Mr. H., 372
Ricord, Dr., 395
Robertson, Sir J., 451
Robertson, SirT., 394
Robilant, Count di, 373
Roebuck, Mr., 100, 117
Rogers, Professor Thorold, 421
Ronge, Professor, 351
Roon, Count von, 117
Rosa, Carl, 395
Rosebery, Lady, 421
Rossetti, D.G.,202
Rosslyn, Lord, 421
Rothevy, Mr., 373
Rothschild, Baron L. de, 117

Obituary —

Rouher, M., 265

Rudolph, Crown Prince, 394

Rue, Mr. W. de la, 394

Russell, Earl, 82

Russell, Mr. Scott, 203

Russia, Emperor Alexander IT.,

166
Russia, Empress of, 135
Rutland, Duke of, 372
Rylands, Mr., 350
Sabine, Sir E., 231
St. Paul's, Dean of, 420
St. Vallier, Comte de, 333
Saldanha, Marshal, 16
Samary, Mile., 421
Sandeau, M., 232
Sandhurst, Lord, 16
SchaflFel, 333
Scherer, Mr. E., 395
Schliemann, Dr., 421
SchouvalofF, Count, 395
Schwann, 203
Scindia, Maharajah, 334
Sclopis, Count, 84
Scott, Sir G., 83
Scratchley, Sir P., 294
Secchi, Father, 84
Sella, Quintino, 265
Sellar, Mr. Craig, 421
Sellar, Professor, 421
Serrano, Marshal, 295
Shaftesbury, Lord, 293
Shairp, Principal, 294
Shaw, Mr., Ill
Shaw-Lefevre, Sir J., 117
Sherbrooke, Lord, 472
Sheridan, General, 373
Sherman, General, 451
Siemens, Professor, 231
Simpson, Mr. Palgrave, 351
Sitting Bull, 421
Skobeloff, Genei-al, 203
Smith, Mr. W. H., 449
Smith, Professor H. , 231
Smith, Sir M., 450
Smyth, Mr. P. J., 294
Somerset, Duke of, 294
Somerset, Duke of, 449
Sothern, Mr., 174
Spedding, Mr. J,, 174

486

ANNUAL SUMMARIES

Obituary —

Spottiswoode, Mr., 231
Spurgeon, Mr., 471
Stewart, Sir H., 293
Stirling-Maxwell, Sir W., 83
Stratford de Redcliffe, Lord, 144
Strathnairn, Lord, 294
Street, Mr., 174
Sullivan, Sir E., 294
Sutherland, Duchess of, 372
Taglioni, 265
Tait, Archbishop, 201
Talbot, Mr. C, 421
Taylor, Colonel, 231
Taylor, Mr. Peter, 450
Taylor, Mr. Tom, 145
Taylor, Sir H., 333
Tennyson, Lord, 472
Tenterden, Lord, 202
Tewfik, Pasha, 472
Thesiger, L. J., 145
Thiers, M., 48
Thiers, Madame, 146
Thompson, Dr., 332
Thompson, Sir C. W., 203
Thomson, Sir R., 373
Thring, Mr., 351
Tilden, Mr., 333
Tissot, M., 265
Todleben, General, 265
Tollemache, Lord, 420
Tolstoi, Count, 395
Torr, Mr., 119
Trench, Dr., 332
Trevelyan, Sir C, 332
Trollope, Anthony, 202
Tseng, Marquis, 421
Tulloch, Principal, 332
Tupper, Martin, 395
Turguenieff, 232
Tweed, " Boss," 84
Ulbach, M., 395
Vanderbilt, Mr. W., 296
Venables, Mr. G. S., 373
Venillot, Louis, 232
Wagner, Richard, 232
Wallace, Sir R., 420
Waldegrave, Lady, 117
Wallis, Sir P., 472
Ward, Mr. E. M., 117
Ward, W. G., 202

Obituary —

Washburne, Mr., 351

Watson, Sir T., 203

Waveney, Lord, 332

Webb, Captain, 232

Wedgwood, Mr. H., 450

Weed, Thurlow, 204

Weiss, M., 451

Weld, Sir F., 451

Wellington, Duke of, 264

Whalley, Mr., 83

White, Sir W., 449

White, Rev. H., 420

Whitman, Walt, 472

Whittier, 472

Whitworth, Sir J., 350

William, Emperor, 372

Williams, Sir W. F., 231

Wills, Mr. W. G., 450

Wilson, Sir E., 264

Windom, Mr., 451

Windthorst, Dr., 451

Wingfield, Mr. Lewis, 450

Wodehouse, Sir P., 350

Wolif, M. A., 451

Wolverton, Lord, 350

Wood, Rev. J. G., 395

Woodford, Dr., 294

Wordsworth, Dr., 294

Wiirtemberg, King of, 450

Wynn, Sir W. W., 294

Yakoob Beg, 55

York, Archbishop of, 420

Yorke, Sir C, 145

Yule, Sir H., 394

Zanzibar, Sultan of, 373, 420
O'Brien, Mr. W., 212, 244, 338,

340; in gaol, 342; 382, 404,

428
O'Conor Don, the, 96, 125
O'Donnell, Carey's murderer, 214
O'Donovan Rossa, 153
O'Hagan, Mr. Justice, 156
O'Kelly, Mr., 155, 183
O'Loghlen, Sir Bryan, 116, 163, 199,

229
Orton, "the claimant," 262
Osborne case, the, 449
O'Shea, Mr., 184; v. O'Shea and

Parnell, 406
Osman Digna, 248

INDEX

487

Panama Canal, 142, 331, 362, 465
Parliament, proceedings in. Fac-
tories and Workshops, Cattle
Diseases, Highways, Bishoprics,
Irish Intermediate Education,
and Scottish Koads and Bridges
Acts, 59 ; vote to strengthen
army and navy, 60 ; movement of
Indian troops discussed, 63 ; Ber-
lin Conference announced, 63 ;
Anglo-Turkish Convention dis-
cussed, 64 ; Indian revenues, 71 ;
conditions of agricultural tenan-
cies, 88 ; Treaty of Gandamak,
90 ; South African policy, 93 ;
Irish obstruction, 95, 120 ; Irish
University Education Bill, 96 ;
Galley's case, 115 ; cases of
O'Loghlen, Grissell, and Ward,
116; Irish Distress Bill, 120;
Burials, Employers' Liability, and
Ground Game Acts, 123 ; Com-
pensation for Disturbance Bill,
124 ; Irish Coercion and Land
Bills, 150 ; procedure reforms,
177, 182 ; Irish affairs, session of
1882, 182; Protection of Life,
etc.. Act abandoned, 183 ; " Kil-
mainham Treaty," 184 ; Preven-
tion of Crimes Bill, 185 ; Arrears
(Ireland) Act, 186 ; vote of credit
for Egyptian expedition, 191 ;
Bankruptcy Act, 211 ; Explosives
Bill, 215 ; Franchise Bill, 237
seq. ; Redistribution Bill, 240 ;
London Municipality Bill, 209,
242 ; foot and mouth disease,
242 ; naval expenditure, 243 ;
debate on the Maamtrasna case,
245 ; vote for Khartoum expedi-
tion, 248 ; Franchise and Redis-
tribution Bills, 267 ; defeat of
Mr. Gladstone, 270 ; dissolved
(November 1885), 276 ; Lord
Salisbury overthrown, 299 ; Home
Rule Bill rejected, 302 ; Lord
Salisbury again in power, 305 ;
Mr. Parnell's Relief Bill, 308 ;
Crofters Bill, 313 ; Crimes Act,
339 ; Bankruptcy Act, 398 ;
liquor question, 402 ; autumn

session, Irish Seed Potatoes and
Railway Transfer Bills, 409 ; Free
Education, Allotments and Small
Holdings, 425 ; Irish Local
Government Bill, 455 ; Small
Agricultural Holdings Bill, 457 ;
other legislation of 1892, 458-
459 ; Lord Salisbury beaten,
462

Parnell, Mr., 95, 120 ; visit to
America, 125 ; prosecution of,
127, 150 ; and the Land Act,
153 ; arrested, 155 ; proposal to
confer freedom of Dublin upon,
156 ; released from Kilmainham,
183 ; against violent measures,
186 ; " national tribute " to, 216 ;
demands restoration of " Grattan's
Parliament," 269 ; and Plan of
Campaign, 311 ; under assumed
name, 339 ; Special Commission,
357, 378, 403 ; in Edinburgh and
at Hawarden, 378 ; the divorce
suit and its consequences, 406 ;
dies, 426

Pasteur, M., and hydrophobia, 332

Peace, Charles, 115

Peel, Mr. Arthur, 212

Pell, Mr., 88

Penzance, Lord, 81

Peru, war with Chili, 113, 142, 173,
231

Phonograph, the, 84

Plunket, Lord, Archbishop of Dublin,
263

Poland, 175

Porter, Mr., 156

Portugal in Africa, 251, 391, 416,
440

Post Office contracts, 315

Powell, Mr., M.P., 175

Power, Mr., 247, 249

Price, Mr. Bonamy, 88

Princess Alice, the, 81

Protectionism, 27, 149, 178

Public Worship Act prosecutions, 1 43

Queen, the {see Victoria, Queen)
Queensland, 229, 255, 370

Rabies order, the, 384

ANNUAL SUMMARIES

Railway accidents — Sittingboume,
81 ; Thirsk, 470

Ramsay, Lord, 119

Read, Mr. Clare, 88

Reay, Lord, 229

Reed, Sir E., 243

Renan, M., 115

Richmond, Duke of, 88

Ridgway, Sir West, 348

Ripon, Lord, 123 ; Viceroy of India,
138, 227 ; resigns, 256

Ritchie, Mr. C. T., 307

Roberts, General, 70, 90, 137, 161,
283, 319, 466

Robinson, Sir Hercules, 161, 254,
392

Rosebery, Lord, 207 ; and reform
of Lords, 239 ; in Cabinet, 269 ;
chairman of L.C.C., 376 ; resigns,
409 ; Foreign Secretary, 463

Rossmore, Lord, 216

Rou mania, 33

Rouviania disaster, 470

Round Table Conferences, 338

Royal Commissions — agricultural
tenancies, 88 ; electoral corrup-
tion, 124 ; Lord Bessborough's,
151 ; loss of life at sea, 242 ;
coaling stations and colonial
defences, 243 ; crofters, 245 ;
material resources of Ireland and
Lord Cowper's, 308 ; currency
and spending departments, 315 ;
education, 359 ; evicted tenants,
463

Russell divorce suit, 449

Russell, Mr. (afterwards Sir) C,
214

Russell, Mr. G. W. E., 207

Russia — and the Porte, 18 ; prepares
for war, 25 ; war with Turkey,
32-41, 59 ; Treaty of San Stefano,
61 ; Nihilist murders, 67 ; at-
tempts on Emperor's life, 108-109,
135 ; morganatic marriage of
Emperor, 135; and China, 139,
166 ; the Emperor Alexander II.
assassinated, 166; Nihilist repres-
sion, Jewish persecution, 197 ;
coronation ceremony at Moscow,
223 J interferes in Egypt, 251 ;

and Afghan frontier, 257,
282, 348; "League of Three
Emperors " renewed, 259 ; and
Bulgarian question, 323, 346 ;
persecution of Jews, 415, 436,
466 ; French fleet at Cronstadt,
433
Rutland, Duke of, 88

St. John divorce suit, 449

St. Paul's reredos case, 383

Saladin, the Balloon, 175

Salisbury, Lord, 30 ; Foreign Secre-
tary, 62 ; at Berlin, 63 ; and free
trade, 88 ; 98, 150 ; as leader of
Conservative party, 159 ; in
Scotland, 178; on "disintegra-
tion" and housing of the poor,
210 ; recognised leader of Con-
servative Opposition, 236 ; takes
office in 1885, 270 ; overthrown,
299 ; in power again, 305 ; on
Russia and Bulgaria, 327 ;
Foreign Secretary, 337 ; and
Nonconformist Unionists, 356 ;
converted to Free Education,
380 ; Mr. O'Brien's action against,
382 ; defeated, resigns, 462

Salonica murders, 19

Salvation Army, 201, 449

Samoa, 393

Samuelson, Mr,, 88

Sandhurst, Lady, 409

San Stefano, Treaty of, 61

Savernake sale case, 448

Scott Moncrieff, Colonel, 246

Scottish Roads and Bridges Act, 59

Secocoeni, 94

Selborne, Lord, 122, 181

Sendall, Mr., 162

Servia, war against Turkey, 22 ; a
kingdom, 197 ; 223 ; war with
Bulgaria, 286 ; Milan abdicates,
389

Sexton, Mr., 155, 269

Seymour, Sir B. (afterwards Lord
Alcester), 181, 190 seq.

Shaftesbury, Lord, 211

Shah, the, visit of, 383

Sharp V. Wakefield, 448

Shaw, Mr., M.P., 96, 120, 125, 187

INDEX

489

Shaw-Lefevre, Mr., 124, 236, 269,
277

Shepstone, Sir Theophilus, 53

Shipping Federation, 399

Simeoni, Cardinal, 17

Smith, Mr. Murray, 318

Smith, Mr. W. H., 337

Socialism, rise of, 211, 292, 316

South Africa — Federation, 14 ; 53,
79 ; Zulu War, 91 seq. ; Boer
War, 140, 160, 198, 228 ;
Usibepu defeated by Boers, Trans-
vaal border question, 253 ; Bechu-
analand disturbances, 254, 291 ;
Dinizulu's rebellion, 369 ; ex-
pedition to Manicaland, 417

Spain — monarchy restored, Carlists
suppressed, 1 - 4 ; 43 ; King
Alfonso married, 76 ; 107, 108 ;
floods in, 114 ; 135, 172, 196 ;
and Austro-German Alliance, 220,
259 ; earthquakes, 263 ; and
Germany, 288 ; birth of young
king, 330 ; Sagasta resigns, 413

Special (or ParneU) Commission,
357, 378, 403

Spencer, Lord, 88, 122, 180, 184 ;
libelled by Mr. O'Brien, 212 ; 270

Stanhope, Mr., 71, 98

Stanley, Colonel, 62, 98

Stanley, Dean, 143

Stanley of Preston, Lord, 370

Stanley, Mr. H. M., 54, 368, 391,
415

Stewart, Colonel, 247, 249

Stewart, General, 88

Strachey, Sir J., Ill, 139

Strikes — London masons, 57 ; cotton
operatives in Lancashire, 57 ; in
1879, 87 ; London dock, 375 ;
Silvertown and gasworkers, 376,
398 ; Southampton dock, 398 ;
others in 1890, ib. ; postmen and
police, 399-400 ; Scotch railway,
Cardiff" dock, London omnibus,
424 ; colliers in Durham and
cotton operatives, 469

Suez Canal shares, purchase of, 17 ;
controversy, 226 ; convention,
347

Sugar bounties, 246

Sidtan, H.M.S., 382
Sunderland library sale, 200
Switzerland, landslip in, 175 ; Ticino
rebellion, 412

Tanner, Dr., fasting man, 142

Tate, Mr., 470

Tay Bridge disaster, 114

Telephone, the, 84

Tennyson, Mr. (afterwards Lord),
210, 263

Thompson, Mr. Rivers, 198

Thunderer, the, 114, 144

Times oflSce, attempt to destroy,
215

Trade, depression in, 56, 86

Trafalgar Square demonstrations,
316, 341, 463

Transvaal Republic {see under South
Africa)

Trench, Archbishop, 263

Trevelyan, Mr. (afterwards Sir)G. 0.,
60, 124, 185, 236, 339

Triple Alliance, 347, 433

Tunis, 169

Turkey — insolvent, 18 ; Salonica
massacre, 19 ; Abdul Aziz de-
posed, 20 ; Murad V. deposed,
21 ; war against Servia, 22 ; war
with Russia, 32-41, 59 ; Treaty of
San Stefano, 61, 103 ; the Dul-
cigno incident, 131 ; the Greek
frontier question, 165 ; financial
embarrassment, 167 ; and Egypt —
Constantinople Conferences, 189,
224, 286

Tyndall, Professor, 263

Uganda, 463, 468

United States — Philadelphia Ex-
hibition, 11 ; Treaty of Extradition,
11 ; Hayes declared President,
51 ; labour party organised, 51 ;
Fisheries Commission, 52, 77, 78,
112 ; Fortune Bay Fishery dis-
pute, 142, 163 ; President Garfield
assassinated, 172 ; Chinese im-
migration, 200 ; Tariff revision
agitation, 230 ; Presidential elec-
tion (1884), 257; New Orleans
Exhibition, 263 ; Democrats in

490

ANNUAL SUMMARIES

power, 289; "Knights of Labour,"
330 ; and Canadian fislieries,
349, 370, 392, 445; General
Harrison elected President, 372 ;
Lord Sackville incident, 371 ;
Cronin murder case, 393 ;
M'Kinley Tariff, 419 ; Indian
rising, 419 ; lynching of Italians
at New Orleans, 445

Vagliano Case, the, 448

Verne y, Captain, 448

Victoria — "deadlock" in, 79 ; re-
form agitation, 112 ; Kelly
bushrangers, Melbourne Exhibi-
tion, 141 ; Mr. Berry overthrown,
163 ; 199 ; O'Loghlen ministry
defeated, 229 ; shipping strike
in, 418, 446

Victoria, H.M.S., 470

Victoria, Queen, proclaimed Empress
of India, 14 ; visit to Baveno,
115 ; attempt on life, visit to
Mentone, in Epping Forest,
reviews Egyptian expedition
troops, opens law courts, 180 ;
Jubilee, 335 seq, ; visited by
German Emperor, 388, 434 ; at
Hyeres, 453

Victoria University, 115

Villi ers, Chief Justice de, 161

Vincent, Mr. (afterwards Sir) E. , 225

Volunteers, the, 383

Wales — tithe war in, 314, 383 ;
disestablishment and land ques-
tions, 357

Wales, Prince of, in India, 14 ;
and Paris Exhibition, 72 ; in
Ireland, 269 ; and Imperial In-
stitute, 318 ; at Paris Exhibition
(1889), 385 ; in Egypt, 390

Ward, Mr., 116

Warre, Dr., 263

Warren, Sir C, 242, 254. 290, 316,
358

Wasp, the, 263

Webster, Catherine, 115

Weldon, Mrs., 262

Whitbread, Mr., 71

White, General Su- G., 467

Whitechapel murders, 359

Whitley, Mr., 119

Wilson, Mr. Elvers, 76, 110

Wolff, Sir H. Drummond, 281

Wolseley, Sir G, (afterwards Lord),
65, 93, 140, 181; in Egypt, 191;
sent to Khartoum, 248, 383

Wood, Sir Kvelyn, 94, 161 ; in
Egypt, 193, 225, 246

Wood Street fire, 201

Yakoob Khan {see Afghanistan)

Zetland, Lord, 177, 382
Zulu War {see under
Africa)

South

END OF VOL. II

Prinledby R. & R. Clark, Edinburgh.

MESSRS. MCMILLAN & CO.'S THREE-AND-SIXPENNY SERIES,

In Crown 8vo. Cloth. Price 3s. 6d. each volume.

ANNUAL SUMMARIES.

Reprinted from The Times. Vol. I. 1851-1875 ; Vol. II. 1876-1892.

BIOGRAPHIES OF EMINENT PERSONS.

Reprinted from The Times. Vol. I. 1870-1875 ; Vol. II. 1876-1881; Vol. III.
1882-1886 ; Vol. IV. 1886-1890.

By F. MARION CRAWFORD.

SPECTATOR.— y With the solitary exception of Mrs. Oliphant we have no
living novelist more distmguished for variety of theme and range of imaginative out-
look than Mr. Marion Crawford."

MR. ISAACS : A TALE OF MODERN INDIA.

A THENMUM.—^'' A work of unusual ability. ... It fully deserves the notice
it is sure to attract.'

DOCTOR CLAUDIUS. A True Story.

ATHENMUM.—^^'^lr. Crawford has achieved another success. . . . Few
recent books have been so difficult to lay down when once begun."

A ROMAN SINGER.

TIMES. — "A masterpiece of narrative. • . . Unlike any other romance in English
literature. . . . The characters in the novel possess strong individuality, brought out
simply by the native stress of the story."

ZOROASTER.

GUARDIAN. — "An instance of the highest and noblest form of novel. . . .
Alike in the originality of its conception and the power with which it is wrought out
it stands on a level that is almost entirely its own."

MARZIO'S CRUCIFIX.

TIMES. — " ' Marzio's Crucifix ' is another of those tales of modern Rome which
show the author so much at his ease. A subtle compound of artistic feeling, avarice,
malice, and criminal frenzy is this carver of silver chalices and crucifixes."

A TALE OF A LONELY PARISH.

GUARDIAN.—'' The tale is written with all Mr. Crawford's skill."
SA TURD A Y REVIEW.—'' Unlike most novels, ' A Tale of a Lonely Parish '
goes on improving up to the end."

PAUL PATOFF.

ST. JAMES'S G/l^^rr^.— "The action of the story never flags. . . . Those
who neglect to read ' Paul Patoff ' will throw away a very pleasurable opportunity."

WITH THE IMMORTALS.

SPECTATOR. — "It is a book which, whatever judgment maybe passed upon
its form, cannot fail to please a reader who enjoys crisp, clear, vigorous writing, and
thoughts that are alike original and suggestive."

GREIFENSTEiN.

SPECTA TOR.—" Altogether we like ' Greifenstein ' decidedly— so much so as to
doubt whether it does not dislodge ' A Roman Singer ' from the place hereto occupied
by the latter as our favourite amongst Mr. Crawford's novels."

SANT' ILARIO.

A THENMUM. — " The plot is skilfully concocted, and the interest is sustained
to the end. The various events, romantic and even sensational, follow naturally and
neatly, and the whole is a very clever piece of work."

A CIGARETTE-MAKER'S ROMANCE.

TIMES. — " The idea is original in a striking degree."

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