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% I 


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£ * 

1 #" 



















May 1895 * 


September 1903 


oo^GS M3SI 


When I wrote this dissertation, I could assume 
that before sending it to the printer I might 
rework it. 

The Board of University Studies of the Johns 
Hopkins University has requested that my work be 
printed, in the form in which, eight years ago, it 
was presented. 

F. W. Chandler s Romances of roguery. Part L 

The picaresque novel in Spain, (1899) appeared 

almost simultaneously with my study: Picaros y 

ganapanes (in : Homenaje a Menindezy Pelayo, 1899). 

The author could not notice my having worked 
on the same subject, the only earlier printed record 
thereof being in the yearly report of the Johns 
Hopkins University. 

The merit of his book precludes regret — on 
any one's part. 

August, 1903. 



La vraie gloire litteraire de l'Espagne 
reside dans le roman, dans l'histoire et dans 
la poesie heroique, qui est encore une ma- 
niere d'histoire. 

A. Morel-Fatio, 
(Etudes sur FEspagne, I. p. 85) 

The following monograph is the outcome of my 
studies in Spanish literature, undertaken during the 
months of July, August and September 1894 under 
the guidance and in the library of Professor M. 
Menendez y Pelayo at Santander, Spain, and brought 
before the students in the Department of Romance 
Languages in the Johns Hopkins University in a 
series of weekly lectures during the academic year 
1894— 1895. 

Owing to the many obscure points in this part 
of Spanish literary history, and to the lack of a 
good working library, I cannot claim this to be 
what I should like to make it : a a History of the 
Novela Picaresca". 

In the course of a deeper study of this subject, 
many questions arise that can only be solved by 
constant access to various books that are not found 
in any library in this country. 



It is proposed to develop this dissertation into a 
book that may do justice to the subject. To this 
end it will be necessary 

i. to establish, if possible, the etymology and 
first appearance of the word picaro ; 

2. to trace the picaro as a social caste, in Castile 
and elsewhere in the Spanish domains ; 

3. to settle a number of bibliographical matters 
that are left incomplete here. 

As for the relation between the personal history 
of the authors and the adventures of their heroes, 
it is clear that where years of painstaking study 
have failed to reveal to Spaniards what we should 
like to know, a foreign student far away from ar- 
chives and special libraries can only hope, but not 
expect, to find new material. 

The various questions that remain a subjudice n 
are duly pointed out; here and there I have sug- 
gested a solution which it will be my task to carry 
out at the earliest opportunity. 

Notwithstanding its defects, the following treat- 
ment contains more material than that presented in 
any other work which has appeared up to the present. 
Especially has attention been paid to bibliography, 
that most troublesome of subdivisions of Spanish 
literary history. 




Preface . . . . • vn 

Table of contents ix 

Literature on the novela picaresca in Spain. 

A. Special studies xi 

B. In general studies of literary history .... xn 

I. The novela picaresca. Its name. Its literary 

antecedents in Spain i 

» II. Lazarillo de Tormes 9 

III. Guzman de Alfarache 14 

IV. La picara Justina 19 

V. El Viaje entretenido, by Agustin de Rojas . . 20 

vVI. Cervantes 22 

VII. The Viaje del mundo, by Cevallos 25 

VIII. El JPasagero, by Suarez de Figueroa 2J 

IX. Marcos de Obregon, by Espinel 29 

X. La desordenada codicia, etc., by Garcia ... 32 

XI. Enriquez de Castro, by Loubayssin de Lamarca 33 





XII. Pedro de Urdemalas, by Salas Barbadillo . . 34 

XIII. Alonso tnozo de muchos amos, by Alcala Yanez 37 

XIV. La monja alferez 39 

XV. The Comentarios del Desengdhado, by Diego 

Duque de Estrada 40 

XVI. Historia de la vida del Buscon, by Quevedo. 42 

XVII. El soldado Pindaro, by Cespedes 44 

XVIII. Raitnundo el entremetido, by Valderrama . . 45 

XIX. Teresa, Trapaza, and the Garduna, by Castillo 

Solorzano 46 

XX. The Sigh pitagdrico, by Enriquez Gomez . 48 

XXI. Estevanillo Gonzalez 49 

XXII. Diego de Torres y Villaroel 53 

XXIII. Gomez Arias 56 

XXIV. Gil Perez de Marchamalo> by Muntadas . . 58 

XXV. Memorias de un cortesano de 1815, by Perez 

Galdos 61 

XXVI. Pedro Sanchez, by Pereda 62 

Conclusion 64 

Notes on An outline of the history of the novela picaresca 
in Spain 69 



A. Special Studies. 

A. E. 

(in : Discurso preliminar, 

Madrid, Rivadeneyra, 

. PP- 

(8. F. Wolf (in: Jahrbiicker der Lileratur, Band 122, 

Wien, 1848, pp. 98—106). 
58. Ernest Lafond, Les humoristes espagnols. (in: Revue 

Contemporaine, 15 Juin 1858). 
>2. Karl Stahr, Mendoza's Lazarillo und die Settler — 
und Sckelmenromane der Spanier. (in: Deutsche fahrbucher 
fur Politik und Literatur, Bd. Ill, Berlin, 1862, pp. 
1866. Emile Chasles, VEspagne picaresque, (in: Miguel de 
Cervantes, par E. C, 2 me ed., Paris, 1866, pp. 254—286). 
Yj. (Anon.) Picaresque Romances, {in : The Southern 
Review, vol. II, Baltimore, Bledsoe and Browne, 1867, 
pp. 146—171). 
187a 0. Collman, Gil Bias und die Novela Picaresca. 
( (in: Herrig's Archiv, vol. 46, 1870, pp. 219—250). 
56. A. Morel-Fatio. Preface to the Vie de Lazarille 
de Tormes. Paris, H. Launette & Cie, 1886, pp. I— XXII. 
$7. Dr. Jan ten Brink, Gerbrand Adriaensz. Bredero, 
vol. Ill, De Muchten en de blippdcn, Leiden, 1889, 
pp. 182—212. 

A. Morel-Fatio, Lazarille de Tormes, (in: Eludes 
serie, pp. 114-140; 171-176) 


1888. Dr. Jan ten Brink, Dr. Nicolaas Heinsius fun., eene 
studie over den Hollandschen schelmenroman der 
I7 C eeuw. Rotterdam, 1888. 

1888. Karl von ReinhardstSttner, Aegidius Albertinus, der 
Vater des deutschen Schelroenromans (pi: Jahrbuch fur 
Munchencr Geschichte, II. Jahrgang, 1888, pp. 13 — 16). 

1890. Leo Claretie, (in: Lesage romancier, Paris, 1890, 

PP- I75-425)- 
\ 1890. Jose Giles y Rubio, El origen y desarrollo de la novela 
picaresca (Discurso leido en la solemne apertura del curso 
academico de 1890 a 1891). Oviedo, 1890. 4 , 52 pp. 

1892. Wilhelm Lauser, Der erste Schelmenroman, Lazarillo van 
Tonnes. 2 nd edition, Stuttgart, 1 892. (Einleitung, pp. 1 —42). 

1893. Albert Schultheiss, Der Schelmenroman der Spanier 
und seine Nachbildungen (Sammiung gemeinverstandlicher 
wissenschaftlicher Vortrage, Heft 165. Hamburg, 1893). 



Georg Ticknor, Geschichte der sckonen Literatur in Spanien. 
Deutsch mit Zus&tzen herausgegeben von N. H. Julius. 
Leipzig, 1852. (vol. I, pp. 399— -401; vol. II, pp. 

, Supplementband, von Adolf Wolf. Leipzig, 

1867. (pp. 158—162). 

Karl Goedeke, Grundriss zur Geschichte der deutschen Dichtung. 
2 nd edition, Dresden, 1886. (vol. II, pp. 575—579). 

Dr. Heinrich K6rting, Geschichte des franzdsischen Romans 
im XVIL/ahrhundert. vol. I. Leipzig. 1885. (pp. 50—56). 

F. M. Warren, A history of the novel previous to the seven- 
teenth century. New York, 1895. (pp. 286—322). 



N.B. I have placed here only such studies as I have 
been able to consult; others will be found quoted 
at second hand. 


S. .^'JL 



■i «* 






The novela picaresca. Its name. Its 
literary antecedents in spain. 

The novela picaresca is the autobiography of a 
pfcaro, a rogue, and in that form a satire upon the 
conditions and persons of the time that gives it 
birth, i 

It is claimed that the Lazarillo de Tormes is the 
first specimen of this class of literature in Spain. 2 
This is true if we admit that a novel must be 
essentially in prose, but not true if we allow the 
appellation to a composition written in poetry. 

Neither are we entitled to call the Lazarillo a 
novela picaresca if the novel is to be regarded 
exclusively as fiction, for, nothing being known 
concerning its author, so far as we are aware it 
may be the actual history of his life ; and though 
the adventures are clearly written with satirical 
intent, they would not in this case deserve the name 
of a novel. 

If it be demanded that the hero of the work shall 
use the name picaro in any part of his career, we 

i i 


&«. *L 



i ~ 



have also to set aside the Lazarillo, because the 
first time this word is applied to the hero of a story- 
is in 1599, in the Guzman de Alfarache. 

Let us see who is the picaro, in order to arrive 
at the definition of the novelet, picaresca. 

The early Spanish dictionaries define the picaro 
as a a person of the lowest class, ragged and dirty, 
who is employed in low work", 3 to which was 
later added the meaning : u astute ; he who by skill 
and dissimulation attains what he desires." 4 

The first time that the word is used in the novel 
Guzman de Al/arache, it is in the combination u a 
thievish young picaro, " 5 while a few lines later we 
find him u carrying things as an ass would * 6 and 
"laden with a basket." 7 

Cervantes, in Rinconete y Cortadillo, 8 uses the -V 

word for a ragged rascal, and with the same meaning {; ■ 4 

in La thistre fregona, 9 and makes the heroes of * *•;'•■ 

the former establish themselves as basket-boys who 
carry things from the market to the houses of 
purchasers. IO 

In El Averiguador Universal for 1879 C(esareo) 
F(ernandez) D(uro) asks the question who were the 
picaros? He had found in the city ordinances of 5?t 

an old town of Castile, written in the sixteenth tit 

century, the regulation : " there shall be only twelve - **** 

ganapanes and twelve picaros, and to distinguish 
them the ganapanes shall use red hoods and the 
picaros green ones." " To which Sbarbi, the editor, •;* j 

replied that according to Salva's dictionary, the 



M 1 








• < 



word picaro formerly designated the boy who stands 
with his basket in the marketplace to carry what 
is entrusted to him. I2 

Not only in the above-mentioned city ordinances 
do we find the names picaro and ganapdn mentioned 
as being closely related to each other; but Lope 
de Vega in La esclava de su galdn makes one of 
the characters use the two words in the same Jornada, 
both adressed to the same person, and both with 
vituperative force. J 3 

The ganapanes were thus called "because they 
earned their bread with hard work, and with a more 
becoming name they were called hermanos del 
trabajo; and they lead a happy life, not caring 
about honor, and so they are ashamed of nothing; 
they do not mind going about in rags, and not 
having property, they cannot be sued by creditors. 
They eat and drink of the best, and spend their 
lives in contentment." J 4 

These same traits are found in the Guzman *s 
and in the poem La vida del picaro, l6 so that it 
may be said that the difference between these two 
characters was, that the ganapdn did heavy work, 
carrying heavy things, and the picaro used a basket, 
of which the contents were necessarily small, so 
that a boy could exercise^this office. 

This being established, the derivation of the word 
picaro from "pica, a lance for infantry, either 
because they carried one in war, or were sold 'sub 
hasta* as prisoners of war," x 7 or from u picar, to 






pick up," l8 do not satisfy us. Neither the meaning 
nor the accent authorizes this etymology. l * The 
Italian piccolo comes nearer to jrtcarp in form, but 
again we are confronted with the difficulty of 
explaining why the Spanish word was used for a 
ragged basket-boy while the Italian word has no 
such meaning, and has moreover various equivalents 
in Spanish, one of them, pequ efio, probably from 
the same root. 2 ° 

It will be necessary to study city ordinances of 
the sixteenth century, before we can say when the 
picaros came forward as a class of people or try 
to determine their origin, which may give us a 
sure foundation for conjecture as to their name. 

The first time that, as far as I have been able 
to ascertain, the word occurs in literature, is in a 
letter by Eugenio de Salazar, 2I written probably 
not later than 1560. 22 He gives us there a delightful 
description of Toledo, where he finds the picaro in 
company of the worst rabble that a large city 
contains, and his long enumeration of dangerous 
characters 2 3 calls to mind a passage from the 
Arcipreste de Hita, 2 4 which in turn, by rare coin- 
^ cidence, is reproduced by Clement Marot. 2 $ 

So the picaro was a member of a class that bore 
a bad reputation, in fact was ranked with the lowest 
people. He did not work hard for a living, spent 
what he could get on eating and drinking, and did 
not concern himself about hoiy»r. 

In these points, though the word does not occur 

4 < 










in the story, Lazarillo is the equal of the pfcaro. 
All his concern is how to get something where- 
with to satisfy his ever-present appetite, stealing 
when no other way offers, and perfectly happy when 
at last he finds a place where he can eat at the 
expense of his honor. 

Long before Lazarillo was given to the public, 
autobiographic works existed in Spanish and in 
other languages of the Peninsula. The Arcipreste 
de Hita had written his poem which is usually 
called Libro de cant ares 26 and is considered as one 
of the masterpieces of Spanish literature. 2 7 In it 
he describes in an attractive form his quest of 
pleasure, especially of love successes, and puts 
himself without hesitation in the light of a rather 
unscrupulous personage who associates with very 
disreputable individuals to attain his ends, though 
frequently feeling compunction at his naughtiness. 
Inexhaustible is his good humor and his wit, 
unexcelled his style and his happy impersonation of 
various characters, inimitable his fluency of versifica- 
tion in the numerous forms of verse, and unrivalled 
the appropriateness with which he introduces and 
tells a fable. But all this does not make him a 
picaro. He neither steals nor even begs for suste- 
nance, in fact, is only too much addicted to women, 
and though he would not be generally considered 
a model, especially as a pxiest, he would be a more 
desirable, more entertaining, and safer acquaintance 
than any one of the persons whom we shall meet 





in the course of our study of the novel proper. It 
is true he is satirical, and writes an autobiography, 
but it is a poem, and poems are not novels, even 
when they are fiction. 

Likewise, remarkable and interesting though the 
work be, we can only reject the claim of Jaume 

* Roig*s /^flri 4c k* done* 2 ?- to consideration as a 
picaresque novel. 2 9 It is the story of a man from 
Valencia who in his old age relates the story of his 
life to a nephew in order to warn him against the 
wiles of women. While young he started out to 
the wars in France, obtained much booty, was mar- 
ried most unfortunately three times, and found that 
"all was vanity. n The purpose of the work is a 
satire against women; the hero worked hard and 
honorably for his earnings, and though poor at the 
beginning of his career, we do not read that he 
debased himself by thieving or trickery. Moreover, 
his production is a poem; this, together with the 
reasons just noted, induces us to exclude it from a 
place among the novel* picaresct, though, like the 
Arcipreste's book, it has a right to be called a fore- 
runner of that novela. 

More directly, perhaps, was the autobiographic 
form suggested to the author of Lazarillo by the 
Asinus Aureus of Apulejus, of which the Spanish 

\ translation was first printed in 15 13, followed soon 
by various other editions. 3<> Though the two works 
bear no similarity as to contents, both deal with 
the lower classes and satirize the higher orders of 



society, and both are characteristic of the time in 
which they were composed: the Asinus Aureus, 
of the Roman empire, threatened with dissolution, 
infested with disorderly persons and depraved char- 
acters; the Lazarillo, of a realm that seemed po- 
werful, but at whose vitals was gnawing the evil 
that was to destroy it: the horror of honest toil. 31 

The Celestina and its host of imitations also 
deserves our attention as having paved the way 
for the novela picaresca. To speak here only of 
the Celestina itself, a work far more noteworthy 
than any of the numerous continuations, we have 
a long prose dialogue, hardly to be called a play 
on account of its extent and many passages that 
could never be produced on any stage, which por- 
trays, in a manner not since equalled, all the desires, 
hopes and fears, all the baseness and depravity of 
the lowest of humankind. Through all the Sixteenth 
century ife popularity was unequalled; there seems 
to be no end to the number of editions 3* that found 
ever ready buyers and readers ; its imitations 33 are 
as numerous as those of Amadis> and it was only 
when Don Quijote entered upon his triumphant 
march through the literary world that the Celestina 
descended *to a less prominent place among the 
chief masterpieces of Spanish literature. 

Yet, though dealing with low characters, and 
often frankly satirical in their tone, the Celestinas 
are not picaresque works, much less novels. What 
they satirize is the wickedness of young men of 



# * *»•» 

high rank, who shun no baseness if they can betray 
a young lady of high standing; the numerous class 
of horrible old hags who help them in their sinful 
undertakings; the servants, never faithful to their 
masters, but only intent upon gain; the braggarts 
and swashbucklers, cowardly- with the strong and 
overbearing with the weak and unprotected; the 
silly young women, so easily led astray by fine 
words and extravagant pretense of affection; the 
would-be poets who call upon all heaven find earth 
for inspiration, and in many words, that no one 
understands, express nothing that conveys a thought ; 
in short, all classes of society in their relation to 
one another are pictured in the original Celestina 
with a power that even now causes the effect of a 
lifelike portrait, in the imitations with a sort of pre- 
tentious attempt at learning. The purpose, how- 
ever, of drawing attention to existing evils and of 
hinting at the remedy for them, 34 is not there: 
the only lesson that is taught in these works, is 
that of shunning the dangerous path of illicit love. 

Now, having set aside the poetic works of the 
Arcipreste de Hita and of Jaume Roig, as well as 
the dialogued Cele^tinas, I ask once more: what 
is a novela picarescaf 

It is the prose autobiography of a person, real 
or imaginary, who strives by fair means and by 
foul to make a living, and in relating his experience 
in various classes of society, points out the evils 
which came under his observation. 



This definition more strictly applies only to "SEe? 
most typical novels of this class. Later the auto-j 
biographic form was not always regarded necessary! 
for the purpose, and sometimes also the satirical^ 
intention is absent. But in the latter case we find [J 
a state of society which, though accepted by the ff 
author, is so bad that the careful portrayal of it is 11 
a sufficient hint as to what needs correction; and 
thus, perhaps unintentionally, the author writes a| 
satire upon this society, himself included. 1 


Lazarillo de Tormes. 

Toward the end of the reign of Charles V there 
appeared a little book that, unpretentious and unas- 
suming , was the severest satire upon existing con - 
ditions of society. It narrates the adventures of a 
boy who, in the various classes with whom he had 
associated, had always suffered from want of food, 
so that he could satisfy the cravings of his stomach 
only by theft and trickery. When he finds a 
person of honor, it is one who by his pride and 
his sense of honor is compelled to go without earn- 
ing and without eating, because work would be 
debasing to one of his extraction. Lazarillo, the 
boy, finds the end of his hardships only when he 



sacrifices his honor for the sake of eating his fill. 

Spain was at this epoch a country of peculiar 
social conditions. 35 It had for centuries been fight- 
ing to free itself of foreign invaders with whom it 
had nothing in common, and had at last succeeded 
in re-establishing its power and independence. In 
the course of this long contest its inhabitants, known 
from the oldest times for their unconquerable desire 
for freedom, had strengthened that desire, and been 
rewarded for their exertions in war by various pri- 
vileges which placed their rights upon a firm basis. 
Both the higher and the lower classes had in many 
civil uprisings asserted their rights, the last time 
with disastrous results, when the war of the Comti- 
nidades ended in the victory of a new principle: 
absolute monarchy. 

In the endless intestine, and later foreign, wars, 
all classes had. found opportunity to satisfy their 
longing for adventure and their desire for gain. To 
these the discovery of the Western hemisphere and 
of many other unknown lands had opened new 
fields, and many eagerly flocked thither to achieve 
renown and wealth. This had drawn the most sturdy 
elements of society from the country, and as most 
of the able-bodied subjects had sought their fortunes 
elsewhere, it was only the feebler ones who had 
remained. Of these, many sought to gain a living 
in official capacity, for which the Universities were 
the antechamber, while others, less advantageously 
situated, tried to live on the crumbs that fell from 




the tables of the wealthy. An extravagant court 
had set the example of prodigality, and this, together 
with the enormous expense of endless wars from 
which no profit accrued to the country, intended as 
they were to satisfy only the ambitious aims of the 
ruler, had brought the resources of the country to A 

the verge of bankruptcy. 

Under these inauspicious conditions the little book : 
La vida de Lazarillo de Tormes y de sus fortunas 
y adversidades appeared. Cits keynote is the ever- 
lasting and ever present hunger 36 that filled the 
country from end to end with famished wretches, 
while those who possessed some property guarded 
it as their very life, denying themselves almost the 
necessities of sustenance in order to accumulate a 
little hoard of wealth. 37^ Those in a position to 
help others failed to do their duty by their fellow- 
man, the nobles in rewarding, not faithful servants, 
but only those who pandered to their tastes, 3* the 
clergy by being unapproachable when in high posi- 
tion, 39 and by being more miserly than others when 
only possessed of a small living. 4° The petty 
nobles had only one feeling : that of their import- 
ance and the consideration due to them on account 
of their birth ; 4* they consequently could not debase 
themselves by work, and their only hope was to 
find a place in the household of the strong in 
power. 42 When once in such positions, adroitness 
in flattering their masters was the only means to 
insure their future, 43 as also in a lower estate only 




>*he astute and unscrupulous could thrive. 44 f Charity 
<r W as found only among the lower classes, 45 and at 
times even this would fail, when the host of beg- 
gars became so great that the authorities thought 
it advisable to drive them from the cities.*^ 

Among the people so sorely afflictecT a certain 
dismal good-humor and hopefulness prevailed, that 
bore them up under the adversest circumstances. 
They were capable of keeping up appearances when 
everything was wanting, 47 and of laughing heartily 
when the comical side of their situation was made 
apparent. 48 And when at last a lucky tide had 
brought momentary good fortune, they indulged 
themselves, 49 regardless of the morrow that would 
see them as poor and helpless as before. 

A book of this kind could not fail to become 
popular, because it spoke aloud what everybody 
felt, and gave the people an opportunity to laugh 
their pangs away. The more so as in all Spanish 
literature, at least in prose, we find no other work 
writte n in such simple language and unaffected 
style. (An occasional classical allusion 5° does not 
indicate that the author was a scholar ; in all Spanish 
books of the time it was considered not out of place 
to put a vast amount of quotations from Latin and 
Greek auth ors in the mouths of stable-boys and low 
womei Ts^J How the clumsiness of phrase-construc- 
tions found in the work 52 could have been associ- 
ated with the name of so consummate a scholar as 
Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, who for centuries was 



(and by some well-read persons still is) supposed 
to be the author, is incomprehensible. My impres- 
sion is that the author, whose name we can only 
hope some happy discovery may reveal, was a 
person who may have gone through precisely those 
adventures that he describes, being of humble birth 
and later of modest position, in which he became 
known as relating interesting things that had befallen 
him in his youth, and that he was requested by a 
person of rank to put his experiences on record 53 
for the amusement of the general public. 

The history of the book is too well known to 
be mentioned here at length. How it is claimed 
that Mendoza wrote it when a student at Sala- 
manca; 54 how it is said 55 that in 1553 it was first 
printed at Antwerp, while we only know with 
certainly that there are three editions of 1554 (at 
Burgos, at Alcala and at Antwerp) 5$ the priority 
of which is not even now fully established; how 
edition followed edition 57 until in 1559 the book 
was prohibited by the Inquisition 58 on account of 
its too free utterances concerning the clergy; how, 
in spite of this, copies printed in foreign lands 
would be introduced into Spain, so that it was at 
last deemed advisable to make an expurgated 
edition; 59 how in 1555 a continuation 60 had been 
composed that showed an entire misconception of 
the spirit of the book, and went off into an imitation 
of Lucian; how, again, in 1620, 6l a Spaniard living 
at Paris took upon himself the task to continue 


where the original author had stopped, and how he 
made a readable story in which his griefs against 
the Inquisition found vent ; 62 how in imitation of 
the Lazarillo de Tormes a Lazarillo de Manzanares 
was written, in which a good opportunity to satirize 
Madrid life in 1620 was missed ; 6 3 how the book 
was soon translated into other languages 6 4 and 
became familiar everywhere, and in Spain was so 
popular that the boy who leads a blind man has 
ever since been called a lazarillo, 6 s and that certain 
other allusions to the story became commonplace 
expressions, 66 while Shakespeare did not disdain to 
allude to the book,^ and in Dutch, the best comedy, 68 
was based upon one of Lazarillo's adventures. 

The little book had surely a most remarkable, 
though well deserved, fortune, and stands as one 
of the most curious, entertaining and important works 
in the Spanish language. But though everyone 
knew the book by heart, its influence was not power- 
ful enough to change the conditions of Spain, ajid 
half a century later a voice once more went up to 
ameliorate, if possible, the wretched state of the 


Guzman de Alfarache. 

In 1599 was given to the world another story 
in prose, autobiographic in form, its hero being no 



second place that, when he had gone to Madrid in 
order to apply for a position under the new govern- 
ment, his claim, based upon his service in official 
capacity, had been denied, and somebody else, more 
skillful in flattery and in fawning on those in power, 
had been given the desired place. 

That he went to Mexico is sufficiently proved 
by various passages in his Ortografia\ nothing 
further is known about him, and it is matter of sur- 
prise to notice that there seem to be indications, 7* 
though rather doubtful, that about 1617 he was 
again in Madrid. 

It would require evidence drawn from page after 
page of the voluminous Guzman to set forth at 
length the points noted above. 77 While Guzman 
is a book that, as a novel, suffers from the too long 
digressions, which some critics have therefor desired 
to discard from editions they proposed to make, 78 
to me the interest of the story is secondary to those 
very digressions, because we find in them the expres- 
sion of opinion of a man who in various capacities / 
and in long and efficient service had become tho-/ 
roughly acquainted with the state of things and 
who, too old to accept the new order of affairs, 
was honest enough to desire the welfare of his 
country rather than his own private advantage. I 

Strange to say, I do not find that the Inquisition 
ever meddled with the book, though some expres- 
sions contained in it are much stronger and more 
unreserved than the passage that was found objec- 

17 2 



tionable in Don Quijote. 79 But we have to consider 
the work in the light of our subject; as such, it 
bears the character of the real picaresque novel, 

I more so, perhaps, than the Lazarillo. For here 
we have a person, well equipped for success in 
life, who voluntarily throws away his chances, and 
prefers to steal and cheat rather than avail himself 
of the opportunity to earn an honest living. It is 
sufficiently characteristic of the times that this work 
was popular as a work of entertainment only; a 
long passage in Lujan's continuation of the story 8o 
throws a striking light upon the spirit of the 
Spanish public of this time — a public that found 
material for amusement in literary products which 
now cause us to turn aside in disgust from so much 
rottenness as was necessary to give rise to such 
literature as is discussed in Lujan's work. 

It is only very recently that the bibliography of 
Aleman is beginning to look satisfactory, and even 
now there are some minor details that are not cleared 
up. 8l From contemporary statement 82 we knew 
his power of work; we now know that he also 
indulged in making clever poetical translations from 
Horace; 8 3 his critical acumen is proved by his 
estimates of the works of others. His knowledge 
of the Spanish language not only induced him to 
submit a method 8 4 for improving, very reasonably 
to be sure, the somewhat unrational Spanish spelling, 
but enabled him to write an extensive work that, 
though less sparkling with wit than Cervantes and 



less easy in style, is a beautiful specimen of writing, 
displaying as it does his command of language alike 
in exhortation as in story telling, in sarcasm and 
in levity, in description and in dignified remonstrat- 
ion. 8 5 The more is the pity that so little is known 86 
of a person of such parts; we should like to know 
the man who was almost the only representative, 
and surely the most settled in his convictions, of 
those whose patriotism made them raise their voices 
in opposition to the evils that threatened ruin to 
their country. 

The work of Mateo Lujan de Sayavedra, 8 7 or 
Juan Marti, 88 though for some reasons an estimable 
book, and a valuable contribution to our knowledge 
of his time, «9 sinks into insignificance as a novel 
when read after Guzman. All the striking qualities 
of the original author aire lacking ; his arrangement 
of the plot is frequently awkward; his digressions 
no longer form part of the story, but assume the 
character of special treatises: his language is wanting 
in effectiveness, and contains many constructions 
that Aleman no longer used. 9° 

Almost the same thing may be said of 


La picara Justina. 

The work is pretentious from the very Preface, 
and is a monument of Spanish literature mainly for 
the reason that it is the earliest important specimen 



of the wretched taste that was soon to prevail. As 
a picaresque novel it may safely be left unread, for 
the adventures are uninteresting in the extreme; 
but a curious piece of literature it is, with its shallow 
witticisms and proudly announced variety of verse. 
In the matter of language it is a useful book, since, 
with its endless play upon words and violent com- 
binations of ideas, it furnishes material not easily 
gathered from the more pithy jokes of the graciosos, 
the comical characters in the Spanish classical 
drama. 91 

Quite different is the next work, 


El Viaje Entretenido, of Agustin de Rojas. 

In chronological succession the Viaje should have 
come at least before fhejustina, who was given her 
place because she is a direct successor to Guzman. $ 2 

The Viaje offers interest from every point of view : 
the history of the Spanish stage would be very 
incomplete if we did not have Rojas* book; but, 
besides this, it is an indubitable autobiography 93 of 
one of that numerous class who lived by their wits 
and their wit, and were not ashamed to confess 
their shortcomings and direct violation of all the 
proprieties. A real autobiography of this kind is in 
itself sufficient to give rise to a class of literature 
dealing with unscrupulous characters, and it seems 



peculiar that other actors did not, in like manner, 
bring before the public their adventures and ex- 
periences. But the picaresque novel had already- 
found its form, and other actors did not have the 
literary ability of Rojas, whose loas are models of 
their kind, and whose prose is as clever as his poetry. 

A curious epilogue to his Viaje is formed by his 
future adventures. Eight years after this work was 
published he wrote a very different kind of book, 
El buen republico, from which we learn that, having 
added to his experiences that of a lawsuit and an 
unhappy marriage, he became a public officer, 
escribano, in which position he composed this book, 
wherein matters of administration are discussed. 94 
But, given the antecedents of the mem and the 
character which the government officials bore, it 
looks like a case of the wolf in sheep's clothing and 
we might consider it safer for society if this picaro 
had turned hermit, as sometimes they did: the 
danger to those coming into contact with our friend 
would not then be increased through confidence in 
the garb of official position and the protection of 

The Viaje went through many editions, and 
became so widely known, that the name the hero 
earned for himself, u el caballero del Milagro", 
became the equivalent of the French "chevalier 
d' industrie " and is frequently met 95 in later picares- 
que literature. 

The omnipresence of the picaro y 6 ) no longer 





required the autobiographic form ; we begin to find 
rim in every place, and the greatest name in Spanish 
literature has also ennobled this Proteus of wickedness. 


\ Original in everything he wrote; penetrating into 

^J* all the circumstances of life, and foreseeing how 

the very virtues of the Spaniards of old would show 
themselves ill-adapted to the new environment in 
which they were to be transplanted, Cervantes brings 
before us the picaro as no one else has done. Ale- 
man had shown us the beggars' associations in 
Italy, 97 with their statutes and their chief; Cervantes, 
familiar with the lowest types in the paradise of 
Spain, tells us of their fraternity under the leader- 
ships of the gigantic figure of Monipodio. 98 So 
faithful is the portrayal, so accurate his sense of 
detail, that his character etching has enabled an 
attentive critic 99 to reveal to us, after the lapse of 
centuries, the place were that iniquitous band used 
to gather and plan their exploits. 

Cervantes passes through Salamanca, and his stay 
is long enough to impress indelibly upon his mind 
the u aunts " and their u nieces n who kept alive the 
legendary name of Celestina. IO ° At Valladolid the 
dogs of the hospital gathering alms for the sufferers 


-* ■# 

• • • 

• • a • # d # • • 
• • • » • 


suggest to him the kaleidoscopic series of adven- 
tures gathered under the name Coloquio de los 
perros. 1QI The gipsies and their wanderings, their 
poetic appearance and their uncompromising disregard 
of all authority save that of their own chiefs, inspire 
the immortal story I02 of Preciosa. 

The clever and witty Gines de Pasamonte, more 
dangerous for his shrewdness, unrestrained even in 
chains, and able to impersonate manifold unsuspi- 
cious characters, is rapidly photographed I0 3 as he 
flits by in his changing form. The innkeeper turns 
Don Quijote's ideal of a true knight into farce io 4 
by showing his own faits et gestes as equal to those 
which the knight of the Woeful Figure is striving 
to accomplish. The young men of high family, 
who desert their comfortable homes for the untram- 
melled liberty of picaresque life, find in Cervantes IQ 5 
the reporter who surprises their every word, follows 
their every step, and writes up their happily ending 
peregrination for the enjoyment of the readers of 
all ages. 

When our author's misplaced confidence lodges 
him in the horrors of the prison at Seville, his spirit 
is on the alert even in such surroundings, and no 
official record, however conscientious, could have 
placed before us a more complete description Io6 of 
the untold misery, the never ceasing injustice, and 
the satanic revelry that are encompassed by those 
dungeon-walls. When Cervantes tries his powers in the 
drama, the picaro is there, the hero of the play, io 7 



which may justly be called a picaresque comedy. 

And after leaving this rogues' gallery reproduced 
in indelible colors — a striking collection among the 
most precious of the house of Fame — he dies in 
poverty, courageous and chivalrous to the last, but 
with the doubt as to whether his life had been well 
spent, and whether his work would accomplish what 
he had intended. Posterity, long blinded by the 
glare of the footlights and the pomp of loud-mouthed 
actors, has at last placed his name above those of 
all others who ever wrote the language of Spain, 
and no Spaniard who reads but knows by heart, 
as he knowjfe his prayers, the words that fall from 
the lips of Don Quijote, the wisdom of the nations 
that is stored in the memory of Sancho, the adven- 
tures and mishaps that befall this immortal pair. 

But only those of cultivated taste have learned 
to appreciate the Novelas Ejemplares. While it is 
difficult to meet a Spaniard who does not consider 
the Quijote the greatest work of all literatures, even 
cultured persons will be unfamiliar with Cervantes' 
shorter prose writings. I do not yield to the most 
confirmed and enthusiastic u Cervantista " in admi- 
ration of the genius that fills every page of the 
Quijote, but greater still, in my estimation, is the 
power that speaks from Rinconete y Cortadillo and 
the Coloquio de los perros. The Quijote may cause 
us to meditate again upon the relative merit of 
ideals and common sense, of egoism and altruism ; 
but the perfection of form, the absolute composure 


of the author, the singleness of purpose, and the 
unequalled distribution of light a$d shade, make his 
shorter stories even dearer to me than the history 
of the immortal hero of La Mancha. The flaws we 
discover in them are not to be blamed on Cervantes : 
they are due to careless editing, and when they have 
been corrected, Io8 nothing is left to displease the 
most fastidious critic. Had Cervantes found the 
opportunity to write his picaresque novel, we should 
no longer consider Lesage's Gil Bias the father of 
our modern roman de moeurs. As it is, Boccaccio 
in his most felicitous moments has nothing to equal 
Rinconete; and the picaro of Cervantes, even after 
we know such characters as Lazarillo and Guzman, 
is a revelation equal to an invention. IQ 9 

A statement of Vicente Lafuente, II0 that in order 
to know the picaro thoroughly it is necessary to read 
the lives of saints, is astounding, and I have not 
been able to convince myself of its accuracy. It 
becomes probable, however, if we consider that the 
picaro is sometimes represented in very pious garb. 


The Viaje del Mundo, by Cevallos. 

This work was written by a man who, when he 
produced it, had for years (at least so he himself 
asserts) been an efficient missionary in the West 

2 $ 


and East Indies. Nothing seems to be known about 
him but what he saw fit to communicate, and he 
makes no mystery of what he had done. When 
young he had led a dissolute life, fighting duels on 
the least provocation; leaving for America when 
circumstances grew too threatening for him in Spain, 
and leading in the New World the usual wicked 
life of the Conquistador es, until at last, being seve- 
rely wounded in battle, he recognised the evil of 
his ways, reformed, became a priest, and set out to 
convert the heathen. 

It is peculiar — perhaps it may be due to the 
spirit of the times — that the story of the events 
of his bad life is much more readable than that of 
his experiences in virtue. Not only does the author 
repeat himself continually in the latter history, but 
besides, it gives the impression of not having been 
written with the same enthusiasm and predilection 
for his subject as the first part. Though he proudly 
relates the conversion of twelve thousand Indians 
in one day, his style is much more vivid, his ac- 
count more animated, and his language much easier, 
when he tells us how he held his own against four 
ruffians at Seville, or killed a man who claimed a 
bunch of flowers which a lady had dropped at our 
author's feet from a window. For parts like these 
the book IIX deserves a place in our series, and I 
am supported in this view by no less an authority 
than Ternaux Compans, who reworked this part of 
the Viage into a little book II2 that seems to be 



one of the last specimens of the avowedly picares- 
que novel. 

By this time the picaro is so firmly established 
in literature that we hardly can open a book but 
we find him. Everybody had experiences of a 
picaresque nature, and in whatever form he wrote, 
sometime or other the story would be told. It was 
customary to have some personage of a book relate 
stories; if these stories happened to be an account 
of one's own life, they always became picaresque. 
A fine specimen of this class is met in the 

Pasagero, of Suarez de Figueroa. 

Here we find four people who start out in sum- 
mer from Madrid to Barcelona, in order to embark 
there for Italy. To relieve the tedium of the jour- 
ney they converse on a great variety of subjects, 
and one, u el Doctor", who has traveled and read 
a great deed, is the most important talker. For the 
first time in the course of the present study the 
word capitulo is discarded: the chapter of this work 
is called alivio, while all kinds of titles were given 
later to the divisions of these books. 

The author is a sarcastic individual who vents 
his objections to everything and everybody; his 
name being given on the title page with the epithet 
u el Doctor", we may suppose that the long account 




given of his own life by the Doctor of the story 
is really the author's autobiography, adorned and 
adapted to suit the purpose. The more readily 
will we agree to this, as little is known of the real 
events of his life-history, and a supposedly authentic 
contribution to our knowledge of the man is wel- 
come. "3 

The value of the book consists mainly in the 
information we receive from it about the state of 
literature at this time. Besides this, the picaro plays 
a conspicuous role, not only in the author's, or let 
us say, the Doctor's, account "4 of his life, but also 
in the best written part, the autobiographic story "5 
of the ventero y the innkeeper, one of the worst 
specimens of his decried class. All in all, the little 
work is a striking example of Spanish prose writing 
early in the Seventeenth century, and though pre- 
sented in the form of conversation, the interest never 
flags; for the insight into character shown by the 
writer, gives a tone of reality that is not equalled 
in other compositions which resorted to this artifice 
of style. 

It is supposed, but we have no certainty for the 
assumption, that Figueroa describes his own life in 
his Pasagero; the same may be said of the work 
that follows next in chronological succession, and 
ranks far above it in literary value. If the author's 
life were known in detail as we are acquainted with 
it in outline, this novel would perhaps even gain in 
interest, At all events, it is one of the master- 



pieces of Spanish picaresque literature, though many- 
esteem it even more for the celebrated controversy 
that centres in it, than for its actual undoubted 
merit as a picaresque production. 


Marcos de Obregon, by Espinel. 

The author, II6 even without this novel, would 
hold an important place in Spanish literature, having 
invented a form of verse which, from its first appear- 
ance, has held public favor, and having made 
improvements in the guitar from which dates the 
general, almost exclusive, popularity of that instrument 
in place of the older vihuela. His poems are esti- 
mable, though their tone is sometimes "7 of an 
order that might offend a chaste sense of propriety, 
and his scholarly attainments enabled him to compose 
many laudatory verses, Latin and Spanish, for various 
publications of his friends, while he was not unfre- 
quently called upon to give to the official press 
censors of his time his appreciation of new works. 

So great was his reputation that the publisher of 
Obregon paid a very high price II8 for the copyright 
of this novel. The public, though it has always 
continued to esteem the book, seems, however, to 
have grown rather weary of further picaresque novels, 



for the editions follow one another at long intervals, 
and of prose works of larger scope it was only 
Guzman and Quijote, among the older productions, 
that continued to appear in frequent reprints. 

The Obregon is, like the two last-named novels, 
the work of an old man; but while Aleman and 
Cervantes had suffered, they had not aged as Espinel 
clearly had. There is a tone, an indescribable trend 
of weariness running through his book, for which 
impression his wild life may account The hero also 
being an old man who relates his experiences, the 
buoyant spirit of the Guzman is sadly lacking here, 
and the escudero relates not the tricks he played 
himself, in which the recollection of his boyhood 
might have inspired him, but various comical and 
remarkable personal reminiscences of his meeting 
with curious characters. The perfection of the 
language, however, grows upon the reader, and 
perhaps also it is the pleasure of meeting well-known 
personages of Gil Bias' host of acquaintances that 
makes us appreciate Obregon. 

It may be said that Lesage has revived the interest 
in Espinel, who otherwise would have been assigned 
a place among the literary curiosities; as it is, the 
interest that the Frenchman aroused for the history 
of the ficaro and his literature, has placed Obregon 
in a conspicuous position. And this the work would 
deserve of its own merits, for language, for unaf- 
fected prose style, for curious and well-told stories, "9 
for carefully delineated characters, and for mention 




of several historic personages, various traits of whose 
character are recorded only here. I2 ° 

That Obregon and Espinel are identical is apparent 
from many passages I21 in the story; still, though 
many events must be considered as having been 
actually passed through by Espinel, there are some I22 
which it can be proved are fictitious, and thus it is 
here no easy task to discriminate in every instance 
between history and fiction. 

Espinel, who had led a very stormy life, might 
perhaps have written a greater work by recording 
frankly everything he experienced from early youth 
to old age, and by placing before the public the 
result of his views in regard to his own actions as 
an example and a warning. Though such was 12 3 
his professed purpose, there are strong indications I2 4 
that he more particularly intended the book for the 
delectation of his friend and patron, the Cardinal 
Archbishop of Toledo (who had also befriended 
Cervantes), Don Bernardo de Sandoval y Rojas, 
who, only too well acquainted with Espinel's life, 
could not have been edified by seeing his sinful 
protege make a public confession in print. 

The time for such works was not far distant; 
but the spirit of the times not yet being so cynical 
that everything could be acceptable as u human docu- 
ments w , when a real autobiography appeared in 
Spanish it would in the main be a record of duel- 
ling and feats of arms. Of such productions we 
shall presently find some examples. In historic 



succession, however, two other works claim our 
attention that have the peculiarity of having been 
written in France, the one by a Spaniard, the other 
by a Frenchman, though both are in Spanish. 

The number of Spaniards was great at the French 
capital ; many of them made a living by teaching 
their language, as did the author of the second and 
best continuation of Lazarillo, Juan de Luna. One 
of these Spaniards who made a living by teaching 
Spanish to Parisians may have been the author 
of the curious book that we shall now consider. 


La desordenada codicia de los bienes ajenos. 

The subtitle runs: a la antigttedad y nobleza de 
los ladrones " and indicates the scope of the work. 
The author, "5 u El Doctor* Garcia, gives an account 
of his conversation with a prisoner, probably in some 
prison of Paris, who tells him of his experiences 
as a thief and proves that, to begin with Adam, 
everybody who has attained renown was a thief in 
some respects. The little volume is a noteworthy 
contribution to our knowledge of members of this 
class and of the characteristic vocabulary belonging 
to them and to their tricks. It is a clever compo- 
sition, written in pleasant style, and contains much 



information and many jokes not easily found else- 
where, while the author's extensive reading is fre- 
quently apparent in his allusions to literature. The 
little work might still have gained in value had the 
author seen fit to institute a comparison between 
Spanish and French thieves, as in another I26 and 
more popular treatise he compared the two nations 
in their habits of life. From the latter, more than 
from any other contemporary source, we get a com- 
plete account of various peculiarities that are invalu- 
able for the right understanding of obscure matters 
of dress and manners such as a native does not 
consider strange and striking, and a foreigner seldom 
consigns to writing. 

The other work referred to above, that by a 
Frenchman, is a novel, greatly overestimated, if we 
are to judge by the price booksellers place upon it. 


Enriquez de Castro, by Loubayssin 

de Lamarca. 

The story is bulky enough to satisfy the most 
eager reader, and insipid enough to make its chief 
merit consist in two facts therein demonstrated; 
namely, that the Spanish language was very popular 
outside of Spain, being studied and even written 

33 3 

..... - -2-v PU*- — - - - — 


by foreigners, and also, that it is possible for a 
foreigner to learn Spanish well enough to write 
books in it. 

This is all I can say in favor of the production, 
which contains the account Enriquez de Castro gives 
of his uneventful and uninteresting life, in a way 
that makes us wonder how the author "7 succeeded 
in filling so large a book with so little plot, circum- 
stance, thought or reflexion. Had he continued 
to write short books, as his earlier Engafilos de este 
sigh, improving his moral tone as he did his 
language, " 8 he might have attained an enviable 
place among Spanish story-tellers; as it stands, his 
chief production is an abortion, mentioned here 
only for the sake of completeness of repertory. 

As Cervantes' novelas gave rise to several dramas, 
so one of his plays inspired a very fertile and clever 
author, dramatist himself of no small skill, to write 
a novel of the same name, the subject itself indicating 
that we should have here a picaresque novel, and 
the repute of its author warranting its importance. 


Pedro de Urdemalas, by Salas Barbadillo. 

Unfortunately the book is very rare, never having 
been reprinted, and I have not been able to obtain 



even a view of the novel. It would be interesting 
to compare Cervantes' play and Barbadillo's rework- 
ing, which, to judge by other works of his hand, I2 9 
surely will hold a worthy place beside the original. 

Of another book, El Licenciado Talega, the title 
of which leaves us to suppose that it may have been 
a novel, and perhaps of picaresque character, nothing 
is known except that a well-known Spanish printer x 3° 
early in the Eighteenth century puts the work 
among those of our author. In this classification, 
however, there may be a mistake, as we have an 
official x 3* list of his genuine writings, in which list 
Talega does not appear. 

Likewise I can only suppose, until further in- 
vestigation enables me to determine definitely the 
authorship, that a story called El ptcaro amante, 
which must have been written about this time, belongs 
to Barbadillo. Nowhere have I found this story 
mentioned, and the volume in which I had the good 
fortune to find it gives no names of authors, though 
some other stories therein *3 2 contained are well 
known to belong to definite writers and publications. 

The picaro amante is cleverly written, telling of 
two students who join a troop of vagrant actors; 
when the company breaks up they go to Italy, 
meet with reverses, return to Spain, stay at Valencia 
and at Valladolid, and here become servants to some 
noblemen. Their masters promise them wages, but 
when they demand them they are tpld that during 
their year of probation they should expect nothing 



except board. So they begin to steal, and when they 
have collected a small fortune go to Seville, where 
the one, falling in love with a wealthy young lady, 
enters as a servant in her father's house and, 
pretending that he is a nobleman in disguise, suc- 
ceeds in marrying the daughter, so that his future 
is assured. 

Salas Barbadillo's novels have had a strange 
fortune: some of them have been translated into 
various languages, showing their popularity with 
the reading public, but in Spain they seem to have 
been largely forgotten for the all-absorbing drama. 
They are very rare, never having been reprinted 
since 1737, and of the one that is particularly 
picaresque in character, no Spanish copy has come 
into my hands, while an English and an Italian 
translation *33 are fine works. This is El necio 
Hen afortunado, in which an eccentric old doctor 
tells the interesting story of his life to a young 
man who has called upon him to ascertain who 
this strange and inaccessible old man is. The old 
man has had curious experiences with his uncle, a 
village priest, in which he behaves as Lazarillo in 
the same circumstances; with a nobleman who is 
seeking an office; with various women whom he 
robs; as a student at Salamanca; as an alcalde, 
which position he obtained on account of his reputa- 
tion as a fool; and finally, when he inherits his 
father's fortune because he is a fool, and on condition 
that he leave it to the most foolish of his children, 



he vows to be a fool all his life. A second part 
to the work is promised, but not known to have 
been published. 

As Barbadillo imitated others, so parts of this 
novel are found imitated in later authors. He would 
well repay a thorough study, which becomes the 
more necessary by reason of his intimate relations 
with various authors of his period: Lope, Cervantes 
and others, and of the general oblivion into which 
his novels have undeservedly fallen. 

One of those who knew the Necio, reproducing 
some passages from it only a few years after the 
original had appeared, is the author of the next 
work that deserves our consideration. 


alonso, mozo de muchos amos, by alcala 


This work x 34 is now usually called El donado 
hablador, such being the subtitle which the author, 
el Doctor Jeronimo de Alcala Yanez y Ribera, 
gave to his work. In it, a man who had seen 
much of the world tells a priest what he had gone 
through, what he had observed, to what reflections 
those observations had given rise, how he had tried 
to improve others by pointing out their failings, 
and how thereby he was always obliged to seek 



a new place, since no one was pleased to have so 
talkative and pedantically strict a servant. The 
author has chosen the form of dialogue, the advantage 
of which is not clear to the reader, especially since 
there is but one interlocutor, who never comments 
upon what he hears but only puts in a few words 
to encourage the narrator to proceed with his story. 

In still another respect this work differs from the 
novels heretofore considered : it contains many well- 
told anecdotes and fables, x 35 in stead of pretenti- 
ously composed stories that are read off or related 
by persons with whom the hero chances to meet. 
Fables and anecdotes are so rarely found in Spanish 
literature of this time that it is worth while to draw 
attention to their occurrence in the Donado. More- 
over, we find a useful contribution to our knowledge 
of the state of Spain in the chapters dealing with 
Alonso's experiences among the gipsies *3 6 and in 
a medical man's appreciation of his profession. x 37 
In all these regards, the Donado holds a prominent 
place among Spanish prose works of the period; a 
pity that a writer of such ability should have pre- 
ferred the constraint of dialogue-form to the ease 
of the prose novel. 

It is to be noted that Alonso, when last met, is 
a hermit, a worthy ending of an eventful life. Sur- 
prising though it sounds, the next work speaks of 
a person who, after fighting in many parts of the 
world, with provocation or without it, weary of 
military life became a nun: stranger still, the per- 



son in question is known in history, and though 
the account we have in autobiographic form has a 
strong flavor of forgery, the facts there mentioned 
can be proved to be in general correctly related. 


La monja alferez. 

As in other lands and in other times, the gene- 
rally prevailing spirit of adventure and longing for 
soldierly deeds was not confined to the men. The 
"hero" of the Monja alftrez is a young lady of 
noble birth from Biscay, who runs away from her 
convent, serves some time as a page, then as a 
soldier, in Spain, Italy and America, distinguishing 
herself enough to gain an ensignship. Finally, she 
makes herself known to a bishop, who places her 
in a convent, from which a little later she gains 
permission to depart and is received with great 
admiration in Spain and Italy. The story abruptly 
ends in the midst of a quarrel which the heroine 
had provoked, she having obtained permission to 
continue weanng a soldier's costume. 

The question arises as to the authenticity of this 
story. It is certain that in 1624 and 1625 appeared 
some broadside sheets *3 8 about the a Monja Alf6- 
rez w , in which the greater part of her history was 



told, and that plays x 39 were written in her honor. 
It is claimed that the Life was published in 1625, 
but no copy of this edition is known to exist at 
present. Ferrer del Rio *4<> edited it in 1829 from 
a manuscript that once belonged to Trigueros, the 
well-known falsifier of inscriptions. We might sup- 
pose that the Life would have been reprinted at 
some time, because the story is curious and of a 
class that could not fail to hold public favor. All 
these considerations make the doubt justified con- 
cerning its being a genuine production. No such 
questions arise in connection with 


The Comentarios del Desenganado, by 
D. Diego Duque de Estrada. 

This is an authentic autobiography, x 4* by a person 
well-known in history, though some parts of the 
account of his doings have not been confirmed as 
yet by contemporary documents. A man of rank, 
skilled in all the accomplishments which in his time 
constituted the equipment of a cavalier, sensitive 
enough as to points of honor to kill^ta* slight sus- 
picion ; undaunted even among the horrible tortures 
that a corruptible judge inflicts upon him \ gambling, 
fighting with everybody who provokes his anger; 
especially proud of his strength and dexterity in 



swordsmanship; a good soldier when in tie field, a 
sad reprobate when the country does not demand his 
services ; a poet, composing plays with facility, and 
boasting of the success they achieved — such was 
the man whose life, written by himself, is a remark- 
able commentary on all the literature of the period. 
The work has not exercised an influence upon that 
literature, for it was unknown to the public until 
recent years, when it was published as an historical 
document. However, it should rank with the 
picaresque novel, for here and there it seems that 
the noble Duque adorned his tale to suit his con- 
venience. The account of what we now consider 
reprehensible deeds also inspires the author, when 
in his old age he writes down his experiences, with 
a sort of compunction in wich I am disposed to 
detect more regret for the happy times of his feats 
and pleasures than contrition and pangs of cons- 
cience. If the name had been disguised and the work 
had been printed two hundred and fifty years ago, 
it would have achieved fame as a novel, for as such 
it reads; we would have admired the power of 
invention of the writer, and his intimate knowledge 
of institutions, his frankness in exposing evils and 
his captivating style, in which everything super- 
fluous is avoided. And, published in the days when 
it was composed, it would perhaps have given a 
somewhat different turn to picaresque literature, 
which was gradually beginning to deal with charac- 
ters still worse and surroundings still more disgusting 



than those that had inspired Aleman and his immediate 
successors. The greatest satirist of Spain gave us 
a great novel of the picaresque order, but his 
resources of language, of style and of wit are not 
sufficient to make acceptable the repulsive parts. 


La vida del Buscon, by Quevedo. 

Quevedo was particularly fond of contrasts, and 
his works, J 4* ranging from the most elevated subjects, 
of religion and statesmanship, to the most scurrilous 
and obscene, are expressive of his wonderful mind. 
His command of language, in which he has not 
been equalled by any other Spanish author, is the 
despair of all those who attempt to fathom his 
meaning, and the rock upon which are shattered all 
his imitators. When a student he must have been 
the most typical of his comrades, embodying the 
highest aspirations and the lowest tastes, possessed 
of great powers of work and of perception ; storing 
his memory equally with the wisdom of the Classics 
and the conceits of his contemporaries, with the 
exhortations of the Churchfathers and the ribaldry 
of the rascal. It is assumed x 43 that in those student 
days he composed the Buscon, but not until twenty 
years later, in the midst of official occupations, did 

4 2 


he give it to the world, who appreciated the novel 
as not even the most sanguine could have foreseen, 
edition succeeding edition in uninterrupted series 
until our day. With all classes does the Buscon 
mingle, and unmercifully does he show the wretched "" 
state of affairs that prevailed ever ywhere; wit is 
sparkling in every page, but when lie relates T 44 
how he was feasted by the executioner, his uncle, 
a modern reader turns aside, and wonders how so 
much misery and depravity could ever have been 
a source of delectation to thousands of readers. 

Though a second part is not explicitly promised, 
we should expect one when the story ends with 
Pablo's going to the Indies, where his bad instincts 
never desert him; the account of what he saw and 
did there would have been another proof of Quevedo's 
learning and talent, for only by study could he have 
been enabled to satirize the Spanish rule and people 
in the colonies. 

The fact that the taste for picaresque literature 
was falling off is well demonstrated by the circum- 
stance that only a production as clever and spicy 
as the Buscon passed through a great number of 
editions. Other authors wrote remarkable books of 
the picaresque class, but they never attained great 
fame, though some of them well deserved more 
consideration than they received. Only when a novel 
way of writing proved the happy invention of an 
author, did the public show its appreciation, of 
which we have a striking example in the fate of the 




The author had attained popularity by a former 
work, J 45 which had passed through many editions, 
and had been a new departure in literature as being 
chiefly devoted to the narration of love-adventures, 
told in a language which was already receiving the 
recognition it was destined to hold later as the 
ideal in literary style. To a modern reader the 
Gerardo, such is the name of the work, is wearisome, 
as well for the long succession of love affairs as 
also for the stilted mode of expression ; but critics 
are inclined to overlook these defects because of the 
novelty of the subject — one that had not been 
attempted thus far in Spanish prose, and which was 
a step in advance toward a novel that should concede 
to the heart a place in prose literature by the side 
of the purse. 

With these antecedents the Pfndaro appeared. 
The author tells here of his falling in with the hero, 
who relates to him the history of his stupendous 
adventures. The variety of these experiences would 
satisfy the most fastidious taste; the language of 
the tale is sober prose, interlarded with loveletters 
in the most flowery style, so that all readers might 
find their preferences suited. We pass, as we read, 
through many countries, through pleasures and 



horrors, through battles and through prisons; we 
associate with Grandees and join company with 
rascally innkeepers. 

The public, however, did not like the book, and 
editions x * 6 of it are few in number. Of course, the 
appearance of Quevedo's Buscon had to do with 
the lack of interest displayed for the Ptndaro; but 
the falling off in public favor of the picaro y unless 
his adventures were spicy enough to stimulate a 
satiated appetite, seems to date from about this time. 
Another proof of this is the fact that 


Raimundo el Entremettdo, by Valderrama, 

though for some time fathered upon no less popular 
an author than Quevedo himself, T 47 did not awaken 
interest; and the little book has sunk into an oblivion 
which it does not deserve, containing as it does an 
interesting account of the way in which a rascal, 
picaro or embustero, spends his day. Likewise some 
of the very best picaresque novels of this time, 
which offered also the novelty of dealing in the 
main with the adventures of roguish and unscrupulous 
women, did not find favor with the public. 




Teresa, *** Trapaza, M9 and the Garduna, x 5° 
by Castillo Solorzano. x 5* 

These three, the last of which is a continuation 
to the second, were written and published in rapid 
succession, and are novels that rank high in the 
appreciation of those who esteem a literary work 
in spite of the adverse judgment of the author's 
contemporaries. These works were imitated in 
part x 5 2 by a judicious reader like Lesage; one of 
them was continued in the best specimen of pica- 
resque literature x 53 that Portuguese authors have 
produced; and in spite of all this favor they were 
not popular with the public. So great was this lack 
of popular esteem, that many bibliographers were 
not even aware of the existence of the Trapaza, a 
book which, by its very name, J 54 should have 
attracted attention, and which richly deserves its 
title; for trickery and deception are felicitously 
exposed in it, and well-known characters of the 
time x 55 are introduced as having been impersonated 
by the rascally hero. 

The Teresa is also well worth a reading, even a 
careful study, for nowhere else in Spanish literature 
do we find a more lifelike and unvarnished account 
of the circumstances in which the actresses lived at 
this epoch; while the Gardufla, the worthy daugh- 



ter of Trapaza, cheats in manifold disguises with a 
skill that is hardly matched by Guzman himself. 

To the Teresa a continuation *5 6 was promised, 
as also to the Gardttfla, both of which never appeared. 
The former would have been more interesting than 
the latter, since it was intended to deal with misers, 
a class of people that, though frequently met in 
our picaresque works, is never treated exhaustively 
enough to satisfy us, except in the celebrated letters 
of the Caballero de la Tenaza by Quevedo. Here, 
however, the subject becomes farcical in stead of 
sufficiently authoritative to be considered as a treatise 
on the matter. 

It is to be noted also, that Castillo still used the 
autobiographic form in the Teresa, discarding it in 
both the Trapaza and the Gardttfia, the first 
time since Cervantes' Rinconete y Cortadillo. The 
custom of making the hero relate the story was not, 
however, discontinued; the only specimens of really 
picaresque works that belong to Spanish literature 
after this date, followed the old established form, 
and, though the influence of the long succession of 
literary works that have been noticed is felt in later 
prose productions, these latter cannot be considered 
as belonging to the picaresque order. 

Several years elapsed before a real picaresque 
novel appeared again; when this novel did appear, 
it was as a part of a larger work which is more a 
literary curiosity than a work of art. 





The Siglo Pitagorico, by Enriquez Gomez. 

As the title would indicate, this book *57 is the 
account which a soul gives us of its various trans- 
migrations — an artifice of literary treatment which 
the author oiElCrotalon had already adopted before 
this. The greater part of the work is written in 
easy verse, each embodiment constituting a separate 
satire upon various classes of society, especially the 
higher orders. The story, however, of the soul's 
existence in the body of Gregorio Guadafia is in 
prose, and forms the section that more immediately 
concerns us. 

This section does not rank high as a literary 
production, since the adventures of the hero are 
nothing new and offer no attraction after all the 
scrapes through whith Guzman and Rojas, theDonado 
and Trapaza had passed, while the witticisms are 
shallow, forcing a joke to the extreme and even in 
certain cases J 5 8 extending it over several pages. 
I wish, however, to draw attention to one short 
passage which is peculiarly the property of this 
story. Where in all the rest of picaresque literature 
we never find a word of pity for those whose suf- 
fering might be the price of the picards comfort, 
in the Guadafia we notice the line: *59 "it is better 
to be wrong and humane, than right and rigorous ". 



This sentiment is exceptional, as is also the per- 
sonality of the author, who was of Jewish origin 
and, to insure his safety, had left the country, where 
in later years he was burned in effigy at the stake. 
He is an author of no mean rank, especially in 
dramatic productions. Lesage, who knew what was 
good in Spanish literature, made use l6 ° of some 
parts of the Sigh Pitagorico for his Gil Bias. He 
did even more in regard to the next work we shall 



Lesage seems to have highly esteemed this book, 
for after translating it into French, or rather rework- 
ing l6t it into a form better in accord with the plan 
of a novel, he embodied important passages of it 
in his masterpiece. I cannot help considering the 
importance of Estevanillo as greatly overestimated. 
The fact that certain battles of the Thirty Years' 
war are here described is regarded by some writers l6a 
as a great point in its favor; whether, however, 
the author was competent to pose as an historian 
may well be doubted when we observe the general 
unsoldierly tone of his story. A more consummate 
coward, according to his own confession, it would 
be difficult to find in literature, and though the 

49 4 


purpose in writing of his demeanor in battle must 
have been to entertain the reader, it is improbable 
that a buffoon would have distinguished himself 
in the field or been able to judge of military 

Nor do we gather new information concerning 
the life of the soldiers; their gambling propensities 
fill all picaresque literature, and the manner in 
which they lived at the expense of the country is 
not so characteristic as the scenes in earlier works l6 3 
where we learn of the excesses committed by them 
against their own countrymen. If we add to these 
considerations, that the author likes to make a show 
of his capacity as a poet, and produces some so- 
called satirical verses of a poem without the letter o; 
that he considers the play upon words as the sum- 
mum of wit, and the conceptuoso language as par- 
ticularly adapted to the expression of sorrow over 
the death of his patrons, there is little left that is 
favorable to the book. And yet, in spite of its 
defects, it met with a better reception from the 
public than others of its class, and has more than 
once been reprinted l6 4 while other more meritorious 
stories were forgotten. 

y With the survey thus far given would end the 
history of the picaro in Spanish literature, were it 
not that from time to time an avowed imitator had 
undertaken to write either his own life for the 
amusement of the public, or availed himself of the 



picaresque form to moralize upon circumstances and 
conditions which he did not favor- 
It may be asked why I did not include Lope's 
Dorotea l6 5 in my enumeration of picaresque works. 
Without laying stress upon the dramatic from of 
the work, because it was not intended for repre- 
sentation, the subject seems to me to exclude it 
from a place in the class I have treated. It is a 
retrospective account of some love-affairs by Lope 
himself, in which he had borne himself far from 
nobly, and which, falling in his early youth, had 
filled all his life with a fond regret for the bitter 
pleasures they had afforded him. / 

The model for the work was clearly the Celestina, 
with whom Gerarda has unmistakable traits in 
common, and the perfection of Lope's only dramatic 
work in prose makes us regret that he should always 
have preferred verse when writing for the stage. 

But though Don Fernando, in which character 
Lope himself appears before us, is unscrupulous 
enough to pass as a picaro, his purpose is to see 
himself successful in love, and not to earn his 
livelihood by all means whatever, honesty excepted. 
And this being the distinctive character of the pfcaro y 
the Dorotea cannot be allowed a place with the 
stories that make him their hero. 

The Periquillo el de las Galltneras l66 does not 
come in for a place in picaresque literature, for it 
is a series of moralizing speeches that Periquillo, a 
young person almost too good for this world, makes 



to another young man who had sought his opinion 
on matters of good behavior. The author, Santos, 
was a good observer, as he has conclusively shown 
in several other writings l6 7 which are some of the 
most valuable documents concerning the life and 
habits of the second half of the Seventeenth century ; 
but he lacked the imagination and the fondness for 
the picturesque wickedness of the lower classes that 
animate the novels we have thus far considered. 

The story of Don Fruela, by Quiros, l68 is as 
curious as it is difficult to find. We read there of 
several practical jokes played upon a stupid and 
pretentious man, which are told with a relish that 
the reader irresistibly shares. It would deserve a 
study to determine whether Scarron's Roman Comique 
is indebted to Quiros for some of his ludicrous 
situations, but the picaresque element is absent in 
every regard, 

The pfcaro had gone from literature, but he rose 
to higher rank, transforming himself from the ragged 
scamp he used \o be into the shape and garb of 
the courtier. Alberoni and Ripperda show us that 
sneakthieves and tricksters at cards were figures of 
the past : to rise to eminence, more pliability to the 
whims of others and less indifference to appearances 
was demanded in the new era. 

In a humbler sphere than these two remarkable 
adventurers, the picaro still retained some of his 
disregard for proprieties. Nothing better characterizes 



the state of Spain in the Eighteenth century than 
the amazing fate of 


Diego de Torres y Villaroel. i6 9 

Born of honest and hardworking parents, he 
attended for several years the University of Salamanca, 
devoting all his time to playing tricks upon the 
citizens of the town and to acquiring habilidades, 
such as dancing, music and masquerading. Thus 
fitted for the struggle of life, he runs away when 
about eighteen years of age, intending to go to 
Portugal. On the way he meets a hermit and stays 
with him for a time ; when his evil doings make it 
impossible for him to continue there, he goes to 
Coimbra, poses as physician and dancing master, 
achieves great fame in both professions, but has to 
leave again for. fear of the consequences of his 
incorrigible habits. 

Having spent his earnings/* he enlists as a soldier, 
deserts after a year's service, and returns home. 
There he reads some antiquated books on abstruse 
subjects, especially on Mathematics, and after six 
months of such preparation he begins to write 
almanacs, which achieve great popularity on account 
of their ambiguous prognostications and funny 
poetical introductions. 

In order to free his name from the obloquy of 



witchcraft which his predictions had gained for him, 
he asks permission to open a course in Mathematics 
in the University, and this was the first time in 
more than a century that this science was taught 
there. While he contemplates entering the clergy, 
a riot arises among the students; he participates in 
it and spends six months in prison. 

Being released he goes to Madrid, where he 
suffers great poverty, until a doctor induces him to 
study Medicine. So he spends a month in learning 
by heart a textbook on the subject, passes some 
days in the hospitals, obtains for his father an official 
position in Salamanca, and starts out with a priest 
on a smuggling expedition. Having gone to great 
trouble to free a nobleman's house from mysterious 
noises, he is rewarded by a position in this house- 
hold, where he continues to issue his almanacs. 

He is advised to return to Salamanca and apply 
for the professorship in Mathematics. Academic 
positions being in those days dependent upon the 
votes of the students, he makes a farcical demon- 
stration of learning and impudence, obtains the fa- 
vorable decision of the voters, and is officially made 
Professor of Mathematics. In this new position he 
is very popular, and great numbers attend his cour- 
ses for the sake of the jokes they expect of him ; 
at the same time he succeeds in maintaining order 
in his lecture-room by throwing a heavy compass 
at the head of the first student who behaves dis- 
respectfiilly. Five years he is a professor, in which 



capacity he continues to play his foolish tricks, 
taking part in masquerades that mock the Univer- 
sity proceedings; at the end of this period he is 
exiled on the accusation of having been instrumental 
in a bloody quarrel with a priest. 

After being in exile in France and in Portugal 
he obtains permission to return to Salamanca; there 
he writes his life, of which five editions are sold in 
three months. In the meantime be becomes involved 
in various polemics, and to establisfh his orthodoxy 
he has himself ordained priest He continues to 
write almanacs and numerous other little productions, 
all of which he carefully enumerates in successive 
editions of his autobiography. He also mentions 
certain pieces of embroidery that seem to have filled 
him with pride because of his skill in producing them. 

At his request, in spite of the opposition of the 
University authorities, he is made an Emeritus, and 
in this capicity becomes administrator of the property 
of some noble families and historian of the Univer- 
sity library at Salamanca. Having placed all this 
on record, he takes leave of the public with an 
edition of his complete works, in fourteen volumes, 
the last of which is his completed biography, and 
leaves us to wonder at such astounding adventuress, 
which would seem too fantastic for a novel and yet 
are true history — the most characteristic piece of 
literature that the Eighteenth century has produced 
in Spain. 

Shortly after the appearance of the first instal- 



ment of Torres' autobiography, another professor 
proceeded to write his life history in imitation of 
Torres. This author is 

Gomez Arias. 

The passages x 7° which Gallardo gives from this 
production show that the writer tried to outdo 
Torres in pursuing a comical vein. As the little 
book is extremely rare, I have no further knowledge 
of it than the mention by Gallardo. The fact of 
its existence is brought forward here to show that 
imitators were always ready to take any hint as to 
how to please the public, and that the picaro, though 
he. still existed in several unexpected transforma- 
tions, no longer was able to occupy for years the 
most important place as a subject for the inspiration 
of novelists. 

The Eighteenth century saw Spanish literature 
given to servile imitation of the worst specimens 
of French dramatic art. In prose only Feij6o 1 i 1 
and Isla x 7 2 occupy a worthy place, the latter wri- 
ting his famous Fray Gerundio *73 — a bitter satire 
on the absurd mannerisms to which preachers of 
his time resorted in order to please their audiences. 
By his translation T 74 of Gil Bias he revealed to his 
countrymen the fact that beyond the Pyrenees Spa- 
nish literature was considered worthy of imitation, 



It may be said that with the appearance of Isla's 
remarkable translation of Gil Bias the novela pica- 
resca wets resuscitated, for the question as to the 
originality of this famous novel has induced literary 
men to review impartially the whole field of Spanish 
prose writings, discovering new beauties at every 
step, and establishing irrefutably Spain's claim to 
the priority of invention of the picaro as the father 
of the modern novel. 

Besides Isla there were a few novelists of a cer- 
tain merit who wrote satires upon the condition of 
political affairs and the manners of the higher classes. 
Of those who chose the former subject we may 
mention D. Fernando Gutierrez de Vegas; x 75 his 
novel, Los enredos de un lugar, is a bitter attack 
upon the scoundrels who, by their intrigues, bring 
flourishing towns to ruin and desolation. A mild 
satire upon the manners of the period is the book 
called Viages de Enrique Wanton, *7 6 the first half 
of which is a translation from the Italian; but the 
latter part is an original production and valuable 
for many data on customs not recorded elsewhere. 

Both these authors, however, can hardly be ranked 
with the writers of picaresque works, for we do not 
read of adventures, of wanderings in various garbs 
and disguises, of thieving and punishment. Of these 
deals the Vida de Perico del Catnpo, a picaresque 
story of little merit, which moreover belongs to 
French literature, w having been translated, or as 
the translator proclaims, "restored to it$ original 



language," towards the end of the Eighteenth century. 
A little while earlier than this, appeared a book *7 8 
called Aventuras de Juan Luis, which might be 
picaresque if it were anything. Nothing happens in 
the whole story; no adventure, no trick, no joke 
lights up the dreariness of this most insipid of all 
books that ever came into my hands, and it is 
mentioned here only to warn against the perusal of 
its three hundred and twenty-eight pages. 

In our century Spain has recovered from its long 
literary coma, and in the classic land of the picaro 
his adventures have again been told. I do not class 
here 1 79 the curious little book l8 ° Pedro Saputo, 
which, entertaining though it be, describes the history 
of a legendary personage of Aragon and is mainly 
intended to give a novelistic form to the numerous 
traditions of that country, some of which are familiar 
in the folklore of other lands. The real picaresque 
novel was revived in the stormy revolutionary days, 
when there appeared 


Gil Perez de Marchamalo, by Muntadas. 

Well written, some parts indicating thorough 
familiarity with the conditions in which the hero 
moves, others rather too dramatic and studied to be 



more than the author's conception of what may have 
happened in certain circumstances — in this work lSl 
we have the autobiographic account of a young, 
bright, unscrupulous man's vicissitudes, and of his 
rise from the humble state of a newsboy and match- 
vendor to the elevated position of a diputado and 
a minister of the Crown. 

Realizing at the outset that scruples are a hindrance 
to advancement, he avails himself of all the means 
that our century offers to those who know how to 
thurn these means to good account. When by sly 
tricks he has obtained a small sum that enables him 
to dress becomingly, he gets a place on the staff 
of a newspaper; there his violent attacks on the 
party in power draw attention. The favoritism of 
friends helps him to a subordinate position in a 
government office, which he loses as a result of his 
newspaper work. Posing then as a hero and a 
martyr to his principles, he is made director of 
another newspaper, in which quality he is on the 
side of the highest bidder, and for efficient service 
his reward comes in the shape of a Governorship. 

This new position gives him an opportunity to 
acquire wealth by conniving with dishonest admi- 
nistrators. He is elected to the Cortes^ where his 
skillful oratory makes him a person of importance, 
so much so that finally he reaches the height of his 
ambition, becoming a Minister. Of course the 
Ministry is soon overthrown, and in this emergency 
our hero meets a distinguished Prelate who shows 



him the vanity of all his past ambition, so that Gil 
Perez reconciles himself to his fate, resignedly 
distributing to the poor his ill-gotten gains and 
withdrawing to a small country-town to lead in 
retirement a more useful and undisturbed life. 

This is the course of the modern picaro, and the 
political history of the country offers many personages 
whose names might figure on the title-page of our 
novel or represent many of the subordinate characters 
of the story. The only one for whom history offers 
no parallel is D. Roberto, the man who has himself 
elected to the Cortes only to speak the truths that 
everybody knows and no one regards, to exhort the 
representatives of the country to do their duty in 
stead of being led by party considerations and the 
desire for their own profit. 

A book like the Marchamalo is a literary record 
of the insincerity of modern Spanish political per- 
sonages, but no immediate contribution to our know- 
ledge of the times. As such, the newspapers and 
their history are sufficiently edifying, and to them 
the student of manners and customs will turn for 
information. And even the literary man places the 
modern picaresque novel on his shelves only as a 
rtsumd of the social history of the period, one phase 
of which it cleverly portrays and submits for com- 
mentation by the dry facts presented in the daily 

Greater masters in the field of novelistic writing 
have reproduced parts of our century's history in 


the form of assumed autobiographies of a fictitious 
person. The 



BY P£rez Galdos, 

constitute a vivid account l82 of those eventful days, 
when the stubborn contest was waged between the 
autocratic rule of former centuries and the liberal 
aspirations awakened by the national struggle against 
Napoleon's invading armies. That the author chose 
a courtier for his hero was done in order to show 
the intriguing and selfish narrowmindedness of this 
class, now on the verge of losing their prerogatives 
and venturing all to withstand the current that is 
to sweep them from their exalted place. In repres- 
enting this side of the question, now settled, the 
story deserves our interest, though otherwise the 
lack of stirring events, such as give life to the 
numerous other volumes of the great series called 
Episodios NacionaleSy makes it one of the least 
entertaining of the author's works. 

Much more eventful, brimming over with dramatic 
incident, and written in the powerful style peculiar 
to the author, is 




Pedro Sanchez, by Pereda. 

This novel, l8 3 one of the author's best, is the 
history of the experiences a young man gathered 
in the days of the revolution of 1854. Having come 
to Madrid in the hope of finding protection in a 
prominent personage, he is left to make his own 
way. In a newspaper office he rises to distinction, 
and achieves great fame in the revolt, in consequence 
of which he rapidly advances, even to a Governor- 
ship, which advancement is due in part to the sup- 
port the afore-mentioned personage now sees fit to 
bestow upon him, together with the hand of his 
ambitious daughter. The end of our hero's political 
life comes when he discovers how he is made the 
aT) instrument of peculations, and has been betrayed 

by his wife for the sake of upholding her social 
rank. Then he withdraws from the field, and retires 
to his native place to lead the life of an enlightened 

This being in brief the plot of the story, the 
author finds in his memory and imagination delight- 
ful scenes of quiet domestic happiness; of an anxious 
father's sollicitude for his son's advancement; of a 
young man's diversions in the Madrid of half a 
century ago ; of literary meetings with such men as 
Breton, Ayala, Rubi and numerous lesser lights; 



of the stormy days of the revolution ; of the animated 
aspect of the city previous to that event, and the seeth- 
ing passions at the time of the struggle; of the country 
town and its rascally administrators; of expensive 
social functions in the Governor's mansion, and of a 
haughty woman who sacrifices everything to her 
shallow desire for show and recognition. Of all the 
larger works we have thus far considered, Pereda's 
novel ranks highest for literary workmanship. The 
hero is not a direct descendant of the Lazarillos 
and Guzmans; his probity, enthusiasm and willingness 
to sacrifice himself to his duty bear no relation to 
the motives that animate the ragged, thieving and 
selfish personages of the Seventeenth century novel. 
But he acquaints us frankly with many bad traits 
of his own character: his lack of sincerity in his 
correspondence with his father; his indulgence in 
questionable associations and pleasures; his neglect 
of worthy friends for the sake of moving in the best 
society: his mad ardor in the popular uprising; his 
blindness to many evident wrongs, when in his 
official position; his revengeful spirit when he is 
betrayed; his satisfaction when punishment falls 
upon those who had wronged him. All this, written 
as a supposed autobiography, is a satire upon the 
ambitious, who in their strife for advancement pass, 
unthinking, by their real happiness, and meet the 
punishment of their thoughtlessness. It is a satire 
also upon the official persons who uphold rank at 
the expense of their honesty ; upon the young men 



who in their quest of pleasure relax the strictness 
of their principles; upon the stupidity of the populace 
in their outbursts of wrath, and upon the inhabitants 
of cities who have no understanding of the advantages 
of rural life. 

These characteristics class Pedro Sanchez with 
the picaro of earlier times and his history with 
picaresque literature. One book like this, a typical 
modern novel, is full demonstration of the influence 
which this peculiar sort of writings has exercised 
upon that epic of modern times which we call the 
toman de moeurs. 


I might here appropriately close this summary review 
of picaresque Spanish literature, were it not that there 
are certain phases of modern Spanish life that have 
found expression in works which, though barely 
meriting the dignity of being considered literary, 
deserve notice because of their showing the imper- 
turbable picaro in unexpected surroundings, thus 
demonstrating again the adaptability of this class to all 
conditions that may offer a chance of thriving with- 
out work. When the Spanish Republic of 1868 
proclaimed the liberty of religion and of creeds, 
various Protestant sects set about to de-catholicize 
the people who, as they supposed, would welcome 
the modern missionary who was to free them from 
the bonds in which they had for centuries been 



confined. It is a matter of history l8 4 that many- 
well-meaning representatives of these several Protes- 
tant creeds became confiding victims of clever 
rascals who availed themselves of the opportunity 
to put into their own pockets an important part of 
the money lavishly furnished for higher purposes. 
When the movement no longer offered profit to such 
pretended converts, they withdrew from it, and 
some of them put on paper their experiences, in the 
hope of gaining thereby further advantages. The 
a Dr. w Gago l8 s and the worthy Bon 186 produced 
writings of this kind, which soon fell into the obli- 
vion they deserved, but which may, in the course 
of time, be followed by further like material when 
the occasion again arises for the picaro to assert 

For the ffcaro is not dead . As long as a reward 
is held out for unscrupulous actions, there will be 
found persons willing to earn it; as long as the 
public is willing to read accounts of the doings of 
such persons, these accounts will be written; as 
long as the autobiographic form is thought a fit dress 
for these histories, new contributions to picaresque 
literature will appear. Let us hope that Spain, 
where so many rascals have been the heroes of 
works of art, may find only authors of high rank 
inclined to add new material to a future History of 
the Novela Picaresca in Spain. 

Many of the works which it has been my task 

65 5 


to review in the course of this study, end with the 
promise of a continuation l8 7 of their respective 
stories, and it will not seem out of place, perhaps, 
if I should do likewise in concluding this sketch. 

Picaresque literature is a mine of information con- 
cerning the habits, customs, ways^ of thinking, of 
dressing, of eating and drinking, of seeking diver- 
sion, of traveling, etc., of all classes in Spain during 
the time of the Habsburghs ; and a study of this 
literature ought to include a sort of encyclopedia 
of our knowledge as far as it can be gathered from 
these sources. 

Such a work would constitute a treatise of greater 
magnitude than the mere review of the books in 
question, and would naturally become a task of 
much patience and much time, l88 necessitating the 
arrangement by subjects of all the shorter and longer 
notices found in the great number of works which 
it has been my pleasure to enumerate. I can thus 
only leave for a future time an attempt to supple- 
ment the study of the literary aspect of the subject 
before us by a treatment of what our German friends 
call the u kulturgeschichtliche * side. May this oppor- 
tunity not be far distant! 



I. F. Wolf (Jahrbticher der Literatur y Wien, vol. 12 2, 1848, 
p. 99) : die Ironie wurde schon durch die Wahl eines . . . In- 
dustrieritters, Vagabunden oder Gauners (Picaro) zum Helden 
und Trager der Geschichte hervorgerufen ; die Satyre aber durch 
die aus der Picardia entstandenen Lacherlichkeiten und Laster 
der Gesellschaft, und da sich diese Glucksritter auch in die 
hShere privilegirte eindrangten, so konnte auch diese indirect 
und daher mit mehr Sicherheit angegriffen und geziichtigt 

A. Morel-Fatio (Preface to La vie de Lazarille de Tormes, 
Paris, 1 886, p. II) : Deux procedes ont concouru a la formation 
de ce genre . . . : le recit autobiographique et la satire des 
moeurs contemporaines. 

Ticknor does not give a direct definition. 

2. Navarrete {Bosque jo histdrico sobre la novela espdnola, p. 1 
LXVII): El verdadero padre de los libros picarescos fue elf 

Lazarillo del T6rmes. A 

F. Wolf (/. c., p. 99): die Gattung von Schelmenromanen 
. . . wurde ihre Einfuhrung und Ausbildung noch dadurch be- 
giinstigt, dass gleich ihr Prototyp ein Meisterwerk war. Wir 
haben damit das so beruhmt gewordene "Leben des Lazarillo 
de Tormes" genannt. 

A. Morel-Fatio (/. c, p. II): L'histoire litteraire voit a / 
juste titre dans notre roman le prototype de la nouvelle pica- I \ 
resque ; elle fait du Lazarille le pere de toutes ces gueuseries. J 

M. Menendez y Pelayo (Jleterodoxos, vol. II, p. 518): el 
Lazarillo de Tormes, principe y cabeza de la novela picaresca 
entre nosotros. 



3. Covarrubias (Tesoro de la lengua castellana, 1st ed. 161 1, 
reprinted: Madrid, 1674, sub voce): Picaro, vide supra picalio 
. . . esclavos. Y aunque los picaros no lo son en particular de 
nadie, sonlo de la Republica para todos los que los quieren 
alquilar, ocupandolos en cosas viles. 

Picalio, el andrajoso, y despedacado, . . . 

4. Diccionario de la Accidentia Esparto la (vol. V, 1737, sub 
voce): Picaro, ra, adj. Baxo, ruin, doloso, falto de honra y 
verguenza. . . . Lat. improbus, nequam. . . . Picaro. Significa 
tambien astuto, taimado, y que con arte y disimulacion logra lo 
que desea. Lat. callidus. astutus. vafer. 

Picalio, Sa. adj. Picaro, holgazan, andrajoso y de poca ver- 

5. Guzman (Parte I, Libro II, Cap. II, Riv., HI, p. 219, b.): 
. . . creyeron ser algun picaro ladroncillo . . . 

6. ibid. (Riv., Ill, p. 220, a.) : ... acomodeme a llevar los cargos 
que podian sufrir mis hombros. Larga es la cofradia de los 
asnos, pues han querido admitir a los hombres en ella . . . mas 
hay hombres tan viles que se lo quitan del seron y lo cargan 
sobre si. 

7. ibid. (Riv., Ill, p. 220, a.) : sin . . . otro algun instrumento, 
mas de una sola capacha. 

8. (Riv., I, p. 128, a; 129, a.): . . . muy descosidos, rotos y mal- 
tratados ; ... la ventera admirada de la buena crianza de los 
picaros. . . 

9. (Riv., I, p. 168, b.): mostraba Carriazo ser un principe en sus 
obras : a tiro de escopeta en mil sefiales descubria ser bien 
nacido ... en Carriazo vi6 el mundo un picaro virtuoso, limpio, 
bien criado. 

10. (Riv., I, p. 129, b.): . . . preguntandole el asturiano que habian 
de comprar, les respondi6 que sendos costales pequefios, limpios, 



6 nuevos, y cada uno tres espuertas de palma ... en las cuales 
se repartia la carne, pescado y fruta, en el costal el pan. . . 

(ibid.) : ... ni les descontent6 el oficio, . . . por la comodidad 
que ofrecia de entrar en todas las casas. 

11. El Averiguador Universal (Alio primero, Madrid, 1879, p. 322, 
no. 254): Picaros. En las ordenanzas municipales de una antigua 
ciudad de Castilla, redactadas en el siglo XVI, se dice : tt No 
habra en la ciudad mas que doce picaros y doce ganapanes, y 
para distinguirse usaran los ganapanes caperuzas bermejas, y los 
picaros caperuzas verdes. El diccionario de la Academia no 
define lo que, segun parece por las referidas ordenanzas, debia 
ser un oficio de la republica . . . 

12. ibid. (p. 340): Creo que la cuestion propuesta ... queda 
suficientemente desatada con decir que, segun el Diccionario de 
Salva, signiiicaba antiguamente picaro el "muchacho que esta 
con su esportillo en la plaza para llevar los recados que le den." 

13. Lope de Vega, Esclava de su galan, Jornada I, line 360; 791. 

14. Covarrubias (/. c. t sub voce): Ganapan, este nombre tienen los 
que ganan su vida, y el pan que comen (que vale sustento) a 
lleuar acuestas, y sobre sus ombros las cargas . . . y aunque 
todos los que trabajan para comer podrian tener este nombre, 
estos se alcaron con el, por ganar el pan con excessiuo trabajo, 
y mucho cansancio, y sudor: y assi por nombre mas honesto 
los llaman hermanos del trabajo, y en algunos lugares los llaman 
los de la palanca, porque con ellas suelen entre dos lleuar un 
gran peso . . . ninguna cosa da cuydado al ganapan, no cura de 
honra, y assi de ninguna cosa se afrenta: no se le da nada de 
andar mal vestido, y roto, y assi no le executa el mercader . . . 
come en el bodegon el mejor bocado, y bebe en la taberna 
donde se vende el mejor vino, y con esso passa la vida con- 
tento, y alegre . . . 

15. Guzman (Riv. Ill, p. 219, b; 220, a.): comence" a tratar el 
oficio de la florida picardia ; la verguenza que tuve . . . perdila 



por los caminos ... era bocado sin hueso, lomo descargado, 
ocupacion holgada y libre de todo genero de pesadumbre. 

16. passim, v. gr.: 

Vivian de canastos y de escrifios, 

digo de esporteallos, hechos tercios, 

a fruteras, baratos, y ratifios: 

... El mas pintado y grave no se aloja 

menos en las cantinas del bodego 

que a tiro de arcabuz mas vino arroja. 

. . . Aqui es donde jamas se quita olla 

de gran matalotage atarragada, 

y a veces para el huesped polio 6 polla. 

. . . No admiten herreruelo ni sombrero, 

jubon de estofa, borceguies 6 ligas . . . 

. . . tu, picaro . . . 
no sabes que es jarave ni socrocio ; 
por que la enfermedad su cuerpo huye 
del cuerpo que procura risa y ocio. 
. . . por honra ha de morir, aunque le pese, 
el que a lo picaril no se anihila. 
. . . j O picaros amigos deshonrados, 
cofrades del placer y de la anchura 
que libertad llamaban los pasados ! . . . 

These quotations are from La vida del picaro, por galano 
estilo cotnpuesta en tercia rima, pp. 149 — 165 in: Lazarillo 
de Tormes, Paris, 1827, edited by J. M. Ferrer del Rio, who 
supposed (p. 21 of the "Advertencia del editor") that it 
was inedited, and says : " de bastante merito, y que se atribuye 
por los inteligentes a Don Diego Hurtado de Mendoza por la 
mucha analogia que tiene con el gusto y el estilo de este celebre 

The poem was edited before, in 1601, as follows : La vida 
del picaro cotnpuesta por gallardo estilo en tercia rima, por 
el dickosissimo y bienafortunado Capita Longares de Angulo, 



Regidor perpetuo de la hermandad picaril en la ciudad de 
Mir a, de la Prouincia del Ocio: sacada a luz por el tnesmo 
Autor, a petition de los cortesanos de dicha ciudad. Van al 
fin las Ordenanzas picariles por el tnesmo Autor. Valencia, 
junto al molino de la Rouella, 1601. 8°, 8 hojas, according 
to Salva (Catdlogo, 1872, vol. II, no. 1861) who adds: u En 
la edition de Ferrer no se encuentran estas Ordenanzas, que 
son en prosa." 

I have not been able to see this book, which, though des- 
cribed in full by Salva, is absolutely unknown to bibliographers. 

From a different text, the origin of which is not indicated, 
La vida de los Picaros, en tercetos, has been reprinted in: 
Rimas de Pedro Linan de Riaza, y poesias selectas de Fray 
Gerdnimo de San Josi, Zaragoza, 1876 (Vol. I of Biblioteca 
de escritores aragoneses, section literaria) pp. 39 — 50. 

I wish here to express thanks to Prof. H. Wood for his 
kindness in allowing me to transcribe the poem from his 
copy of Ferrer's Lazarillo. 

17. Covarrubias, sub voce. Academia, sub voce. 

l8« Korting, Lateinisch-romanisches Worterbuch, sub voce, 

ig. The legitimate derivative from pica is piquero\ there is in the 
Spanish language no example of a word that, designating a 
person who uses a certain instrument, is formed by placing the 
ending-ro after the name of that instrument without even 
changing the accent. 

20. Korting, Lat.-rom, JVorterb., sub voce picaro. 

21. Printed in Cartas de Eugenio de Salazar, por D. Pascual de 
Gayangos (vol. I of the publications of the Sociedad de Biblio- 
filos espaBoles) and in vol. II of the Epistolario espanol, by 
D. Eugenio de Ochoa (Riv., vol. 62). 

22. His letter IV, " en que se trata de los catarriberas ", bears the 
date: Toledo, 15 April 1560. He, then, was thoroughly 



acquainted with this class of people (about which see also 
Romania, III, p. 301) while our letter, the one numbered I 
in the editions, was written shortly after his arrival at court. 

23. £1 henchimiento y autoridad de la corte es cosa muy de ver .... 
y como no todo el edificio puede ser de buena canteria de piedras 
crecidas, fuertes y bien labradas, sino que con ellas se ha de 
mezclar mucho cascajo, guijo y callao, asi en esta maquina, 
entre las buenas piezas del angulo hay mucha froga y turronada 
de bellacos, perdidos, facinorosos, homicidas, ladrones, capeadores, 
tahures, fulleros, engafiadores, embaucadores, aduladores, regatones, 
falsarios, rufianes, picaros, vagamundos, y otros malhechores tan 
amigos de hacer mal, como lo era Cimon ateniense ... de no 
hacer bien. (Riv., vol. 62, p. 283, b.). 

24. . . . un rapas trainel, 
Huron habia por nombre, apostado doncel, 

Si non por quatorce cosas nunca vi mejor que el. 
Era mintroso, bebdo, ladron, e mesturero, 
Tafur, peleador, goloso, refertero, 
Rennidor, et adevino, susio, et agorero, 
Nescio, perezoso, tal es mi escudero. 
Dos dias en la selmana grand ayunador, 
Quando no tenia que comer, ayunaba el pecador, 
Siempre aquestos dias ayunaba mi andador, 
Quando no podia al faser, ayunaba con dolor. 
(Libro de cantares del Argipreste de Fita> in Riv., vol. 57, p. 277, 
coplas 1593—95)- 

25* J'avois un jour un vallet de Gascongne, 

Gourmand, ivrongne, et asseure menteur, 
Pipeur, larron, jureur, blasphemateur, 
Sentant la hart de cent pas a la ronde, 
Au demourant, le meilleur filz du monde. 

(Clement Marot, Epttre XXIX. Au roy, pour avoir este 
derobe. Page 195 in vol. I of Oeuvres completes de CUtnent 
Marot) par M. Pierre Jannet, Paris, Marpon et Flammarion). 



26. "El libro queda realmente innominado; cuando Juan Ruiz se 
refiere a el lo hace siempre en los terminos mas genericos : 
trobas 6 cuento rimado; libro de buen amor; ...romance, por 
ultimo, esto es, obra compuesta en lengua vulgar. . . Libro del 
Archipreste de Hita le llama a secas el Marques de Santillana ". 
(Menendez y Pelayo). 

27. The most thorough study of the Arcjpreste de Hita is found 
in Ch. II, pp. LIH— CXIV, of the Prologo to vol. Ill of the 
Antologia de poet as liricos caste llanos, Madrid, 1892, one of * 
the most enjoyable and instructive pieces of criticism that M. 
Menendez y Pelayo has written. He quotes Sanchez (p. CVII), 
Clams and Wolf (CVIII — CIX), Puibusque, Puymaigre and 
Viardot (CX), who all agree to call the work a masterpiece, 
which opinion is shared by Amador de los Rios (CX) and 
Menendez y Pelayo himself. A pity that a work of such im- 
portance has never been edited as it should be ; Menendez' 
requirements of a good edition (LVII) are certainly sufficient 
to cool the ardor of the most enthusiastic admirer and pros- 
pective editor. 

28* For a complete description of the manuscript (Vatican 4806) 
and the editions (1531 ; 1561, Valencia; 1561, Barcelona; 
1 735 ; 1865), and a study of the contents and historical back- 
ground, see A. Morel — Fatio, Rapport sur une mission pkilo- 
logique a Valence, Paris, 1885 (ex trait de la Bibliotheque de 
VEcole des chartes, Annees 1884—85). 

29. Mila y Fontanals, Oracidn inaugural, leida ante el Claustro 
de la Universidad de Barcelona en la apertura del curso de 
1865 a 1866 (quoted by Giles y Rubio, Discurso, Oviedo, 
1890, p. 19, note 2); more explicitly in Obras completas de 
D. Manuel Mild y Fontanals, vol. Ill, Barcelona, 1890, p. 402, 
note 63 : " ouvrage ingenieux et historiquement instructif, et qui 
contribua peut-&tre a la conception de la novela picaresca"; 
while on pp. 214 — 219 he gives the contents of the Libre de 
les dones and arranges them so that they give the impression 



of a novela picaresca, to which treatment he refers in note 22, 
p. XLV of the aforementioned Discurso (reprinted as intro- 
duction to the work : De la poesia herdico-popular castellana 
por el Dr. D. Manuel Mila y Fontanals, Barcelona, 1874). 

30. Navarrete (Bosquejo hist sobre la novela esp., p. LXXX, 
note 1) says: tt se imprimid en Sevilla 1559", but this is not 
the first edition. The editions are the following: 

I. 1 5 1 3, in fol. without year, place, or name of printer ; but 
the proemio in Latin and Spanish is dated 1 August 
15 13. According to Pellicer {Biblioteca de traductores, 
pp. 45 — 51) the translator, Diego Lopez de Cortegana, 
whose name is concealed, after the fashion of the time, 
in some Latin distichs, was arcediano and can6nigo in 
15 15 ; he still lived in 1524, but nothing more is known 
about him. This translation is said to be made after the 
first Latin printed text, Venetia, 1504, and to agree in 
every respect with the original. 

II. 1536, Zamora, Tomaris, in fol. (Brunet, ed. of i860, I, 
I, p. 366). 

III. 1539, Zamora, Pedro Tovan, in fol. (Brunet, ibid.), 

IV. 15.43, Medina del Campo, Pedro de Castro, in fol. (on 
title: corregido y aftadido, but it is a reprint of the 

edition of 15 13). 

V. 1 55 1, Anvers, Juan Steelsio, in 8°. (somewhat modernized). 

VI. 1559, Sevilla, (Navarrete, /. c). In the same year it was 

ordered to be expurgated (in the Index of 1559, called 

Valde's' Index; see Bibl. des Stutg. Lit, Vereins, vol. 

17b: Die Indices Libr. Prohib, des 16. Jahrh.). 

VII. 1584, Alcala de Henares, Hernan Ramirez, in 8°., 

(expurgated, greatly curtailed). 
VIII. Without place or date, reprint of VII. 
IX. 1 60 1, Madrid, Pedro Sanchez, in 8°. (Pellicer says it 
gives the name of the translator, but he is mistaken). 

31. u Los espafioles, lo mismo aqui (that is, in Granada) que en el 
resto de Espaiia, no son muy industriosos y ni cultivan ni 



siembran de buena voluntad la tierra, sino que van de mejor 
gana a la guerra 6 a las Indias para hacer fortuna por este 
camino mas que por cualquier otro ". (p. 297 of: Viajes por 
Espaha, vol. VIII of the Libros de antdho, Madrid, 1879; the 
passage is from the translation of the description of his journey 
to Spain, 1525 — 1528, by Andrea Navagiero, ambassador from 
Venice to Charles V.). 

32. It seems wellnigh impossible to give a complete list of the 
editions of the Celestina. Even with all the bibliographical 
aids available at present, we find no editions recorded for certain 
years. When, on the other hand, we find some years credited 
with several editions, it is more than probable that a book of 
such popularity was printed at least once every year. The 
following list is as complete as I have been able to make it 
from various tables .(Magnin, in Journal des Savants, 1843, 
p. 199; F. Wolf, in Studien, 1 859, p. 290, note; Salva, 
Catdlogo % 1872, vol. I, p. 384 — sqq. ; Farinelli, Spanien u, d. 
Sp, Lit, im Lichte der deutscken Kritik und Poesie, Berlin, 
1892; Brunet (i860), and Ticknor's Catalogue, Boston, 1879); 
to which comes opportunely Quaritch* Biblioteca Hispana 
(Cat. no. 148), London, February, 1895, which describes some 
of the rarest editions that this bookseller possesses, among them 
the oldest known edition, of 1499, which is offered for one 
hundred and forty-five pounds sterling. 

1. 1499, Burgos (Quaritch). 

Medina del Campo, 1499, mentioned by Aribau 
(Riv., vol. Ill, p. XII, note 2) is cited by no 
one else, and its existence is doubted by Salva and 

2. 1500, Salamanca (unknown, but mentioned by the Valencia 

edition of 15 14). 

3. 1 50 1, Sevilla (Quaritch). 

Amarita, in the Prdlogo to his edition of 1822, 
mentions one by Martino Polono, 1500; Salva 
supposes this to be a mistake, and that Amarita 



confuses Martino with Estanislao Polono, the printer 
of 3. 

4. 1502, (Magnin; Salva; Quaritch). 

5. 1502, Salamanca (Magnin; Salva). 

6. 1502, Toledo (Quaritch). 

7. 1504, Sevilla (Salva, p. 386, doubts its existence, though 

he finds the book announced in the catalogue of 

8. 1507, Zaragoza (Aribau; Salva), 

9. 15141 Valencia (Magnin; Salva). 

10. 1514* Milan (Magnin) ) Salva says these two editions are 

11. 15151 Venice (Magnin) ) in Italian. 

12. 1518, Valencia (Quaritch). 

13. 1523, Sevilla (Magnin; Quaritch; Salva says it was made 

in Venice). 

14. 1525, Sevilla (Magnin; Salva). 
l S- I 5 2 5t Barcelona (Salva). 

16. 1525, Venice (Magnin; Salva says: in Italian). 

17. 1526, Toledo (Magnin; Salva). 

18. 1528, Sevilla (Salva). 

19. 1529, Valencia (Magnin; Salva). 

20. ±1530, Medina del Campo (Salva). 

21. 153 if Barcelona (Wolf). 

22. 1 53 if Venice (Magnin; Salva; Quaritch). 
2 3- 1531, Burgos (Salva). 

24. 1534, Venice (Magnin; Salva). 

25. 1534, Sevilla (Magnin; Salva). 

26. 1535, Venice (Magnin; Salva). 
2 7* I 53^> Sevilla (Magnin; Salva). 

28. 1538, Toledo (Magnin; Salva). 

29. 1538, Genoa (Magnin; Salva). 

30. 1 53 1 1 Sevilla (Magnin; Salva). 

31. 1539. Antwerp (Magnin; Salva; Quaritch). 

32. 1540, Lisbon (Salva). 

33. (1540?) Medina del Campo (Magnin). 

34. 1545, Zaragoza (Magnin; Salva). 


















11545, Antwerp (Salva; Quaritch). 
1545, Antwerp (Magnin; Salva). 
1550, Sevilla (Wolf). 
1553, Venice (Magnin; Salva; Quaritch). 

1555, Zaragoza (Salva). 

1556, Venice (Magnin; Salva says: reprinted title of 1553). 
1558, Salamanca (Magnin; Salva). 

1561, Cuenca (Salva). 

1 56 1, Barcelona (Quaritch). 

1562, Sevilla (Salva). 

1563, Alcala (Magnin; Salva; Quaritch). 
1566, Barcelona (Magnin; Salva). 

1569, Alcala (Magnin; Salva: the first that bears the title 

1569, Salamanca (Magnin; Salva). 

1570, Salamanca (Magnin; Salva). 

157 1, Cuenca (Magnin). 
1573, Toledo (Magnin; Salva). 
1575, Sevilla (Wolf). 

1575, Salamanca (Salva). 

1575, Valencia (Magnin; Salva). 

1575, Alcala (Salva). 

1577, Salamanca (Wolf; Salva). 

1585, Barcelona (Wolf). 

1586, Alcala (Farinelli; Ticknor Catal.). 

1590, Antwerp (Salva). 

1591, Alcala (Magnin; Salva). 
1595, Antwerp (Magnin; Salva). 
1595, Tarragona (Salva). 

1599. Antwerp (Magnin; Salva; Quaritch). 
1599, Sevilla (Salva). 

For studies of the Celestina, see Aribau, (in Riv., HE, pp. 
XII— XVII); Ticknor (transl. by Julius, I, pp. 214—219); 
Wolf (Studien, pp. 278 — 302); Klein's rhapsody (Gescktchte 
des Dramas, vol. VIII: Das Spanische Drama, vol. I, pp. 



838 — 928); Men6ndez y Pelayo (El Liberal, Diario de Madrid, 
6 April, 1894). 

33. 1. Ticknor (I, p. 221) mentions a play by Mendoza (f 1644) 
that he calls Calisto y Melibea, while Barrera (Catdl., 
p. 250) calls it Celestina, 

2. A CeUstina by Calderon is mentioned by Barrera (p. 55). 

3. Comedia Tebayda (1521; 1 546 together with Comedia 
Serafina and Com. Hypolyta; reprinted: vol. 22 of Col, 
de libros raros 6 curiosos, Madrid, 1894). 

4. Comedia Eufrosina (in Portuguese, by Jorge Ferreira de 
Vasconcellos ; written 1527, printed 1560; 1566; 1616; 
transl. into Spanish by Ballesteros 1735, greatly curtailed, 
as the work had been prohibited by the Quiroga Index 

of 1583). 

5. Segunda Celestina, or Resureccion de Celestina (by Feliciano 

de Silva; 1534; 1536, Venice; 1536, Salamanca; db 1550, 
Antwerp; prohibited by the Valdes Index of 1559; 
reprinted: vol. 9 of Col. de libros raros 6 c). 

6. Tercera Celestina (by Gaspar Gomez, 1536 according to 
Panzer and, after him, to Brunet; 1539, Salva, Catdl., 
no. 1269; Salva's copy now in Bibl. Nac., Madrid; Salva 
supposes that the editions, of 1537 mentioned by Ticknor 
I, 219, and of 1559 given by Barrera, p. 174, are due to 
mistakes on the part of these writers). 

7. Cuarta obra y tercera Celestina (also called Lysandro y 
Roselia; by Sancho de Mufion, 1542; reprinted: vol. 3 of 
Col. libr. r. c). 

8. Comedia Policiana (1547; 1543). 

3. Comedia Selvagia (by Alonso de Villegas Selvago, 1554* 
reprinted: vol. 5 of Col. libr. r. c). 

10. Comedia Florinea (by Juan Rodriguez, 1554). 

11. Comedia Salvaje (by Romero de Cepeda, 1582; reprinted: 
in Ochoa's Tesoro del Teatro, vol. I; its first two acts 
are made from the first four of the Celestina). 

12. Dorotea (by Lope de Vega, 1632; 1654; 1675; 1735, 



where it is called "octava impresion"; reprinted in Riv. 

34, vol. 2 of Comedias escogidas de Lope de Vega). 
N.B. The Hispaniola of Joan Maldonado may have been 
another imitation of the CeUstina, but the work is unknown 
(see Menendez y Pelayo, Heterod., vol. 2, p. 74, note 1); the 
Farsa Costanza of Cristobal de Castillejo, 1522, that never was 
printed, was lost in 1823 ; the Lozana Andaluza of Delicado 
or Delgado, about 1528 (reprinted: vol. I of the Col. libr. r. c, 
and with French translation by Bonneau, 1888, 2 vols.), though 
bearing on title-page: tt Contiene muchas mas cosas que la 
Celestina", has nothing to do with the Celestina; La Una of 
Alfonso Velasquez de Velasco, 1602 (reprinted in the same 
year under the title El celoso, and in 1613 with title El celoso 
(La Una), repeated by Ochoa in vol. 1 of his Tesoro del 
teatro under title El celoso) is a rather distant imitation. 
Likewise the Egloga de la tragicomedia de Calisto y Melibea 
by Pedro Manuel de Urrea (printed in his Cancionero, 15 13; 
reprinted in the Cancionero de Urrea, Zaragoza, 1878, vol. 2 
of the Biblioteca de escritores aragoneses, seccidn literaria), 
which versifies the first act of the CeUstina (for specimens, see 
Aribau, /. c, XVII— XX, footnotes). Moreover, there is the 
romance (described by Salva, vol. 1, p. 394), the only known 
copy of which is in the library of D. M. Menendez y Pelayo 
(8 pp., fol., black letter). 

The works of Salas Barbadillo: La ingeniosa Elena hija de 
Celestina, and La escuela de CeUstina, bear no relation to 
the original work. Neither does Salazar's Segunda CeUstina 
(see Salva, I, p. 465), the real title of which is El encanto es 
la hermosura, y el hechizo sin hechizo (reprinted: Riv., vol. 
49, vol. 2 of Dramdticos posterior es a Lope de Vega. 

34. The only passage that I am able to construe thus is found in 
Act 14 of the CeUstina (Riv., 3, p. 59, b.): "jO cruel juez, 
cuan mal pago me has dado del pan que de mi padre comiste ! 
Yo pensaba que podia con tu favor matar mil hombres sin 
temor de castigo , . . . 1 Quien pensara que tu me habias de 

81 6 


destruir?" In the imitations, no invective of this kind against 
authorities is found. 

35. Not having had an opportunity to study from the sources the 
history of Spain in the first half of the Sixteenth century, I 
can only refer to Ticknor, I, pp. 357 — 358; Lafuente, Historia 
de Espana, Barcelona, 1883 — 1885, 6 vols. fol„ vol. 2, pp. 
325 — 611 ; and to Lauser, Der erste Schelmenroman> Lazarillo 
von Tormes, Stutgart, 1892, Einleitung, pp. 1 — 24, where he 
extracts from Sandoval many anecdotes characteristic of the time. 

36. Arvede Barine has made this the subject of his cleverly written 
article: tt Les gueux d'Espagne. Lazarillo de Tormes." {Revue 
des Deux Mondes, 15 Avril 1888, pp. 870 — 904). 

37. I quote Lazarillo from Kressner's edition {Bibliothek Spantscher 
Schriftsteller, Bd. X, Leipzig, 1890). 

The clerigo, Lazarillo's second master, though having a dozen 
loaves (p. 18, I. 5, 12, 17, 28) in his provisionchest, begrudges 
Lazarillo every crumb (p. 15, 1. 32); he eats "cinco blancas de 
carne . . . para comer y cenar " (p. 1 5, 1. 29). 

38. Por Dios, si con 61 topase (with a sefior de titulo) muy gran 
su privado pienso que fuese, y que mil servicios le hiciese, 
porque yo sabria mentille tan bien como otro, y agradalle a las 
mil maravillas ... y no quieren ver en sus casas hombres vir- 
tuosos, antes los aborrecen y tienen en poco y Uaman necios. 
(p. 37, end; p. 38, 1. 14—16). 

39. Can6nigos y seftores de la iglesia muchos hallo; mas es gente 
tan limitada, que no los sacara de su paso todo el mundo 
(p. 37, 1. 20). 

This refers to the priests of Toledo, of whom Navagiero 
(/. c. y p. 256) says: El arzobispado vale ochenta mil ducados 
al aQo ; el Arcediano tiene seis mil ducados de renta, y el Dean 
de tres a cuatro, y creo que hay dos. Los can6nigos son 
muchos, y ninguno goza de menos de setecientos ducados; tiene 
la catedral otras rentas y hay muchos capellanes que alcanzan 



doscientos ducados al alio, de modo que los amos de Toledo y 
de las mugeres precipue, son los clerigos, que tienen hermosas 
casas y gastan y triunfan, dandose la mejor vida, sin que nadie 
los reprenda. 

40. The clerigo of Maqueda: toda la laceria del mundo estaba en- 
cerrada en este, no se si de su cosecha era, 6 lo habia anejado 
con el habito de clerecia (Laz. y p. 15, 1. 5 — 8). 

41. The escudero: habia dejado su tierra no mas de por no quitar 
el bonete a un caballero su vecino (p. 36, 1. 10), and in his 
own words : aquel de mi tierra que me atestaba de mantenimiento 
(1. e. f who saluted him with : mantenga Dios a vuestra merced) 
nunca mas le quise sufrir, ni sufria, ni sufrir6 a hombre del 
mundo, del rey abajo, que: mantengaos Dios me diga (p. 37, 
1. 6—8). 

42. vine (the escudero) a esta ciudad pensando que hallaria un buen 
asiento . . . mas no quiere mi ventura que le (*". e. t un sefior de 
titulo) halle (p. 37, 1. 18; p. 38, 1. 19). 

43. reille mucho sus donaires y costumbres, aunque no fuesen las 
mejores del mundo ; nunca decille cosa con que le pesase, aunque 
mucho le cumpliese (p. 38, 1. 1 — 3). 

44. The ciego : desde que Dios cri6 el mundo, ninguno form6 mas 
astuto ni sagaz . . . sacaba grandes provechos con las artes que 
digo, y ganaba mas en un mes que cien ciegos en un ano (p. 
6, 1. 24; p. 7, 1. 4). 

The buldero : el mas desenvuelto y desvergonzado . . . cuando 
por bien no le tomaban las bulas, buscaba c6mo por mal se las 
tomasen, y para aquello hacia molestias al pueblo. Y otras 
veces con maflosos artificios . . . (p. 40, 1. 24; p. 41, 1. 16). 

45. al pasar por la triperia, pedi a una de aqueUas mujeres, y 
di6me un pedazo de una de vaca con otras pocas tripas cocidas 
(p. 31, 1. 6 — 7), while before he had gone: por las puertas y 
casas mas grandes que me parecia (p. 30, 1. 32) and it had 



taken all his skill "aunque en este pueblo no habia caridad" 
(p. 31, L 2, 5) to get a supply of bread. 

46. como el afio en esta tierra fuese esteril de pan, acordaron en 
ayuntamiento que todos los pobres estranjeros se fuesen de 
la ciudad, con pregon, que el que de alii adelante topasen 
fuese punido con azotes (p. 33, 1. 31). 

47. el lastimado de mi amo, que en ocho dias maldito el bocado 
que comi6 . . . Y velle venir a medio dia la calle abajo . . . y 
por lo que tocaba & su negra que dicen honra tomaba una 
paja de las que aun asaz no habia en casa, y salia & la puerta 
escarvando los que nada entre si tenian (p. 34, 1. 10 — 48). 

48* O seiior, . . . que nos traen aca un muerto .... Aqui arriba le 
encontre, y venia didendo su mujer: marido y seQor mio, 
I adonde os llevan ? A la casa 16brega y oscura ? a la casa triste 
y desdichada? a la casa donde nunca comen ni beben? Aca, 
seQor, nos le traen. Y ciertamente cuando mi amo esto oy6, 
aunque no tenia por que estar muy risueno, rid tanto que muy 
gran rato estuvo sin poder hablar (p. 35, 1. 24 — 30). 

49. Un dia ... en el pobre poder de mi amo entro un real . . . y 
me lo di6, diciendo : toma Lazaro ... ve a la plaza y raerca 
pan y vino y came, quebremos el ojo al diablo (p. 34, 1. 

50. The pr61ogo quotes Plinio: a no hay libro, por malo que sea, 
que no tenga alguna cosa buena", and Tulio: „la honra cria 
las artes". Page 6, 1. 36 mentions Galeno; page 15, 1. 4 
Alejandro Magno; page 30, 1. 12, the many "dulzuras que 
Ovidio escribi6 w . 

Comparing this with the endless quotations from Seneca, 
Aristotle, etc., that are found in the Tebayda, the Segunda 
Celestina of Feliciano de Silva, the Lysandro y Roselta y all 
of about the same time, it seems safe to say that the author 
of Lazarillo, had he been a man of letters, could not have 
failed to quote more, and more explicitly. Morel-Fatio 



(Preface, p. XVI — XVII) says: "je chercherais aux alentours 
des freres Valdes . . . N'y aurait-il pas aussi quelque lointain 
cousinage entre notre nouvelle et un livre bizarre, mal compose, 
mais plein de details de moeurs curieux, El Crotalon t . . . 
l'esprit en est a bien des egards le m^rae." 

In the Crotalon, the auther of which may, according to 
Gayangos (see Menendez y Pelayo, Heterod., II, 358) have 
been Cristobal de Villalon, we find (p. 164) the allusion tf las 
batallas que uvieron los atunes en tiempo de lazaro de tormes" 
to the Segunda Parte of Lazarillo (1555). 

M.-F. himself supposes (Preface, p. XII) that the Lazarillo 
may have existed in manuscript twenty years before publication. 
Of this there is a partial corroboration. In the Lozana Andaluza> 
written in 1524 though printed in 1528, we read (Libros 
Raros 6 c, vol. I, p. 180): "Yo no soy lazarillo, el que 
cavalg6 a su aguela", an allusion to one of the tales of the 
Cent nouvelles nouvelles. This seems to indicate that lazarillo 
was a name given to a person of whom naughty tricks and 
simplicity were an attribute. 

51. Not to quote page upon page from various Celestinas, I give 
the following striking fact. In the Lysandro y RoseUa (p. 168), 
Brumandilon, a "runan", speaks of "el dios Ulcano con todos 
los ciclopas sus herreros", saying: "a unos escholares oi estos 
nombres." In this fashion even unlettered persons like the 
author of Lazarillo may have become acquainted with what 
little classical learning we find in the book. 

In the same work (p. 41), Celestina reproves Drionea, setting 
before her the example of la Calventa "que primero recibe 
que da; si no traen dineros, que dexen prendas. 1 Donde 
tenias los ojos ayer cuando la fuimos a visitar? 1 No miraste 
la alhaja de atavios, y la rima que tenia llena de decretos y 
Baldos, y de Scotos y Avicenas y otros libros?" Under these 
circumstances, classical references may become common everywhere. 

52* v, gr. f p. 19, 1. 8 : este arqueton es viejo y roto por algunas 
partes, aunque pequeflos agujeros; p. 22, 1. 6: acordaron los 



verinos no ser el raton el que este dafio hacia, porque no fuera 
menos de haber caido alguna vez ; p. 24, 1. 6 : mas de como 
esto que he contado oi, despues que en mi torne, dear a mi 
amo ; p. 29, 1. 2 1 : <i qnien encontrara a aquel mi seflor, que 
no piense, segun el contento de si lleva, haber anoche bien 
cenado; etc. 

53. (Pr61ogo, p. 2, 1. 12): Y pues vuestra merced escribe se le 
escriba y relate el caso muy por estenso; (p. 3, 1. 1): Pues 
sepa vuestra merced ; (p. 6, 1. 20) : Huelgo de contar a vuestra 
merced estas niOerias; (p. 7, 1. 6): mas tambien quiero que 
sepa vuestra merced ; etc. 

54. Nicolas Antonio, Bibliotheca Hispanica Nova, 1783, vol. I, 
p. 291 ; Tribuitur enim nostro [Mendozae] juvenilis aetatis, 
ingenio tamen et festivitate plenus, quern Salmanticae elucubrasse 
dicitur, libellus, scilicet: Lazarillo de Tormes indigitatus, quamvis 
non desit qui Joannem de Ortega, Hieronymianum monachum, 
hujus auctorem asseret, Josephus videlicet Seguntinus, in eius 
ordinis historiae lib. 1 cap. 35. 

55. Brunet, Manuel (1862): Hurtado de Mendoza : Lazarillo de 
Tortnes, 1553, in- 1 6, Anvers, que nous n'avons pas vue. 

In fact, no one has seen the book ; the existence of an edition 
°f I 553» however, seems more than probable, since, whether 
the Burgos volume of 1554 or that of Antwerp of the same year 
be the earlier, the two coincide so closely, the one of Burgos 
being more correct than that of Antwerp, and slightly modernized, 
that it seems necessary to conclude that they were made, not 
one upon the other, but both after a common prototype. 

56. When Morel-Fatio wrote his study of Lazarillo (1888, in vol. I 
of the Etudes sur l'Espagne\ he could only indicate the 
existence of the Burgos edition at Chatsworth, in the library 
of the Duke of Devonshire. Lauser has had a friend give him 
a complete description of that copy; Prof. H. A. Rennert has 
collated a few pages with Kressner's edition, and kindly sent 
me these for inspection. I had myself collated Kressner with 



Antwerp 1554, and arrived at the conclusions given in note 55. 
Neither bears other date than 1554; the more strange is it 
that the Alcala editon of 1554 should say : " nuevamente impressa, 
corregida y de nuevo afiadida en esta segunda impression " and 
have the date 26 February. 

57. Burgos, Juan de Junta, 1554. 
Antwerp, Nucio, 1554. 
Alcala, Salzedo, 26 February 1554. 
Antwerp, Simon, 1554 (with second part). 

58> Valdes' Index of 1559 prohibits first and second part. 

5g. Morel-Fatio (Pr/face> p. XX) quotes from Juan de Velasco's 
preface to the expurgated edition of 1573, which I have not 
seen: "Quoiqu'il fut prohib6 en ces royaumes (le quoique est 
joli) on le lisait et imprimait constamment au dehors. C'est 
pourquoi . . . nous y avons corrige certaines choses pour lesquelles 
il avait ete prohibe." 

60. Menendez y Pelayo (Heterod^ II, 519): Es de todo punto 
necia 6 impertinente, y el an6nimo continuador di6 muestras 
de no entender el original que imitaba • . . . Lo que habia em- 
pezado por novela de costumbres, acababa por novela submarina, 
con lejanas reminiscencias de la Historia verdadera, de Luciano. 

61. ibid.: Su obra se imprimi6 dos veces: una en Paris, 1620, y 
otra tambien en el extranjero, aunque dice falsamente Zaragoza, 
en 1652. 

62. ibid, : El continuador se llama H. de Luna, interprete de lengua 
espaRola, y desde la primera pagina manifiesta su enemiga 
contra el Santo Oficio, "a quien tanto temen, no solo los labra- 
dores y gente baja, mas los seQores y grandes : todos tiemblan 
cuando oyen estos nombres, inquisidor k inquisicion, mas que 
las hojas del arbol con el blando cenro.** 

63* Having seen the book only once, three years ago, when looking 
up other matters, I know only that the author, Juan Cortes de 



Tolosa, published in 1617 at Zaragoza a little uninteresting 
work, Discursos morales, many parts of which also occur in 
the Lazarillo de Manzanares, con otras cinco neve las (Madrid, 
1620), for instance, a passage: "El valiente y el medico". The 
Lazarillo de Manzanares contains nothing of interest, and is 
clumsily and affectedly wntten. Ticknor (I, 401) says: sie hat 
zu ihrer Zeit keinen Eindruck gemacht und ist langst vergessen. 

64. French: 1561, by Jean Saugrain. 
Dutch: 1579, without translator's name. 
English: 1586, by David Rowland. 
German: 161 7, by Niclas Ulenhart 
Italian: 1622, by Barrezzo Barrezzi. 

Latin: in Gaspar Ens' Latin translation of Guzman, (about 
which, see below, my note 78). Having seen only the Dantzig 
edition of 1652, I do not know whether it also is embodied 
in that of 1623 [not of 1624, as Ticknor says he has also seen 
mentioned (II, 216, note 1)]. In that of 1652, it is found pp. 
74 — 115, occupies the place of the story of Osmin and Daraja 
(Guzman, Part I, Book I, Ch. 8), and gives the stories of the 
negro Zayde, the blind man, the priest, the escudero, and of 
Lazarillo's marriage, neatly but concisely translated. 

65. I have already (note 50, at end) drawn notice to the occurrence 
of the name "lazarillo" in 1524, in the Lozana Andaluza. 

Lazarillo, a el que tuvo 350 amos ", is mentioned in 1559 in 
Timoneda's Menechmos (in Moratin, Origenes). 

In the Cancionero de Sebastian de Horozco, Sevilla, 1874, 
we find (p. 157 — 175) a "Representation de la Historia evan- 
gelica del capitulo nono de Sanct Joan ", the actors of which 
are: el ciego a nativitate; Lazarillo su criado. 

Unfortunately the author's dates are uncertain ; he wrote 
between 1566 and 1570. The fact that nothing more definite 
is known of him precludes surmises as to the question whether 
he might have written his Representation before 1554. 

66. Morel-Fatio (Preface, p. XIX): Flairer un danger ne se dit 



pas autrement que 'oler el poste', et au XVIIe Steele deja la 
locution etait usee a force d'avoir servi: un auteur comique, 
Luis Quifiones de Benavente, la traite de cliche (civilidad). 

I have not been able to verify this quotation. 

67. Much ado about nothings Act II, Scene 1 : Now you strike 
like the blind man: 't was the boy that stole your meat, and 
you will beat the post. 

68. Bredero, De Spaensche Brdbander Jerolinto. The author died 
in 161 7, and this play, his last, was his masterpiece (see Dr. 
Jan ten Brink, G. A, Bredero, Leiden, 1887 — 89, vol. Ill, 
pp. 194 — 208). 

69. I transcribe here a well-written page from Arvede Barine, Les 
gueux d'Espagne (Revue des Deux Mo rides, 15 Avril 1888, 
pp. 870—904): 

II (Philippe II.) ne sortit plus de son cabinet, toujours 
ecrivant, compulsant, annotant, lisant tout: lettres, memoires, 
statistiques, rapports, suppliques, et se rappelant tout; dormant 
lui-meme ordre a tout; reglant et reglementant tout: les mouve- 
mens de ses flottes et le prix du ble, la lutte contre le protes- 
tantisme et les purgations de ses enfans, les tortures a infliger 
et le moment ou il mettrait son habit neuf. II ecrivait le jour, 
il ecrivait la nuit. On l'attendait pour une fSte : il ecrivait. La 
reine l'attendait : il ecrivait. La nouvelle d'un desastre arrivait : 
il ecrivait, ecrivait. Depuis que la bureaucratie a ete inventee, 
on ne vit jamais vocation aussi determinee. II etait applique, 
laborieux, patient, infatigable, mauvais bureaucrate du reste : il 
etait toujours en retard; un ordre urgent arrivait au bout d'un 
an. (p. 901). 

And (p. 902): On comprend de quel poids pesait sur les 
esprits cette surveillance occulte, dont les effets eclataient aux 
yeux par l'infinite de disgraces soudaines, de confiscations et de 
supplices dont le tableau est dans toutes les histoires . . . Les 
affaires ne se trouvaient pas mieux que les personnes d'avoir 
sur le trdne un si grand plumitif. Le roi croyait trop aux 
veitus magiques du papier noirci. 



70. Dr. Gaspar Caldera de Heredia, in his Ms. Arancel politico 
(extracted in Gallardo, Ensayo> vol II, p. 176): Ya se paso el 
tiempo de el cesar Carlos V, que premi6 las annas; de Felipe 
II el pradente, qne premi6 las letras; que annqne hoy se 
premian, es a solos los dichosos qne los lleva en brazos la 

Luis Fernandez-Guerra, Don Juan Ruiz de Alarcon, Madrid, 
1871, p. 61 : la ambition, alentada por el favoritismo y venalidad 
de los ministros de Felipe m, tan distintos de los del anterior 
reinado, iba llevandose a la corte a galope la nobleza en busca 
de pingues gobiernos, plazas en los Consejos, productivas mer- 
cedes y grandes ayudas de costa. 

71. On his own authority we know that in 1568 he was "Contador 
de Resultas en la Contaduria Mayor de Cuentas del Rey". 
(vid. Ortografia, Mexico, 1609, fo. 77, vo. I wish to express 
my thanks to Prof. A. M. Elliott for lending me this valu- 
able book). 

7a. In a letter signed Tomas Gonzalez, dated Simancas, 10 May 
1819, adressed to Navarrete, the author of the Vida de Cer- 
vantes, we read that among the Simancas documents were found 
those pertaining to this matter (Vida de Cervantes, Madrid, 
1819, p. 441). 

73. For full description of the Ortografia, see Fernandez-Guerra, 
Alarcon* pp. 68 — 72; 476; 478. 

74. Title-page of Guzman, Brussels, 1600 (Gallardo, Ens. y voL I, 
P- 135) ; Nicolas Antonio, Bibl. Hisf. Nova. 

75. Ticknor (II, p. 213) makes this statement on the authority of 
one of Aleman's Mends who wrote a foreword to the second 
part of Guzman. This piece is not reprinted in Rrv. HI; only 
parts of it are given by Salva (Cat. no. 1699, at end), and not 
having seen the original editions, I cannot quote from them. 

76. Quaritch's BibUoleca Hispana gives two editions of the Pro- 
verbios Morales by Alonzo de Barros (f 1604; see Saivi, no, 



2048), both of Lisbon, 161 7, of which one, by Jorge Rodriguez, 
contains a prologue by Mateo Aleman that is not in the other. 
But there being also a dedication by Barros himself, these two 
pieces probably were reprinted unchanged from one of the 
earlier editions. Barros was an intimate friend of Aleman, and 
wrote the Elogio of Part I of Guzman (Riv. m, p. 187). 

77. Aleman's knowledge of Italy: Riv. Ill, p. 242, b, at end; 
246, b, middle; 288 — 289; 312, b, top. 

About seafaring matters: Riv. Ill, p. 316; but being born 
at Seville, he may have gained his information there. 

About the author and his purpose: 

(Riv. Ill, p. 194, b) a ninguno esta bien dear raentiras, 
y menos al que escribe. 

(p. 223, a): no quiero tener honra ni verla; ... no pretendas 
lisonjeando, ni enfrasques, porque no te inquieten, etc. 

(p. 226, b, middle — 227, a, end): indirect remarks to the King. 

(p. 247, b, first part): his experiences while trying to find 
a place. 

(p. 265, Chapter II, second paragraph): a necessario es, y 
tanto suele a veces importar un buen chocarrero, como el mejor 
consejero"; this, together with (p. 265, a): "a veces le causara 
risa lo que le debiera hacer verter lagrimas", and (p. 186): 
a muchas cosas hallaras de rasgufio y bosquejadas, que deje de 
matizar por causas que lo impidieron", shows his desire of 
bringing about reform, and that he might have said much more, 
and more directly, if it could have been admitted. 

(p. 266, b): about court-flatterers. 

(p. 308): those without protection are at everyone's mercy. 

(p- 330, Chapter III, beginning): the uselessness of all his 

(p. 289, b): the example of Florence, where merit is rewarded, 
different in this respect from Spain, where to thrive, everything 
must be adulation. 

78- L. F. Moratin, Obras Pdstumas^ Madrid 1867, vol.? p.? 

Aleman's digressions and long moralizing discourses were 



curtailed in translations. Bremend's French translation of 1696 
cut out some of these and lengthened others; Lesage (1732) 
left them out altogether (see Claretie, Lesage romancier, Paris, 
1890, pp. 176—177). 

Gaspar Ens' Latin [translation (Vitae humanae proscenium, 
Colon. Agr. 1623, Dantzig 1652) was made from the Italian. 
We find in this work place-names in Italian spelling, v. gr. 
Cazzaglia; and proverbs like: "In Malagone, in ogni casa un 
ladrone n . Moreover, in his Epidorpidum libri IV (Col. Agr. 
1623) we read (p. 17) that he had made use of La vita del 
Picaro Gusmano d'Alfarace. 

About his translation he says ( Vit. hum. prose. Ad lectorem) : 
tt ita tamen ut non tarn interpreti quam Autoris personam 
egerim." The original is greatly condensed in this translation, 
which ends in a way that seems to me a translation of the 
final chapters of Albertinus (about which, see Reinhardstdttner, 
in Jahrbuch fur Miinchener Geschichte, II, 1888, pp. 47 — 50). 

About Ens and his relation to Spanish literature, see 
Menendez y Pelayo in his review of Farinelli, Spanien u. d. 
Span. Lit. (in JSspana moderna % Oct. 1894, P* *7 2 * 

79. I transcribe from the Sotomayor Index of 1667 (p. 794, b): 
"Miguel de Cervantes. Su segunda parte de Don Quixote, 
cap. 36 al medio, borrese: Las obras de Charidad que se hazen 
floxamente, no tienen merito, ni valen nada." 

Compare with this, Guzman's (Riv. m, p. 221, a): a nunca 
perdi algun dia de rezar el rosario entero, con otras devociones, 
y aunque te oigo mormurar que es muy de ladrones y rufianes 
no soltarlo de la mano, fingiendose devotos de nuestra 
Senora," etc 

(p. 246, a) : "EspaAa, araada patria, . . . tambien tienes 
maestros que truecan las conciencias . . . ; 

(p- 307, b): the powerful passage about hypocrites; 

(p. 322, a): ... el cielo. Con Have dorada se abre; tambien 
hay ganzuas para £1. 

9 ; 



80 Mateo Lujan, Segunda parte de Guzman, Libro III, cap. VII 
(Riv. HI, p. 418, b — 419, a) about the Celestina literature. 

81. Luis Valdes, in Elogio to the 2 nd part (extracted: Salva, 1699; 
quoted: Ticknor, II, 214, note 1) says that he knew twenty- 
six editions. It is not possible to find dates and place of 
publication of this number of editions, but below will be found 
a calculation in support of the possibility of Valdes' assertion. 

Brunet's supposition that the date of the aprobacion, 13 
January 1598, may indicate an edition of 1598, falls before 
Quaritch's description (Catal. no. 361, January 1885, no. 26890) 
of the reprint, where he proves from the preliminaries that the 
year began with 1 March. 

Since Salva (no. 1694) says that he has seen the book and 
gives a complete description of it, I am led to believe that the 
princeps appeared without the word ptcaro on the title-page, 
though neither here nor in the early reprints do we find the 
sub-title, "Atalaya de la vida humana", as Aleman claims he 
called the story (see Riv., Ill, p. XXVII, note 2). 
Primera Parte. 

Editions before the appearance of Part 2. 
I, 1599, Madrid, Varez de Castro, in-4 , with portrait. 

(Salva no. 1694; Brunet; Brit. Mus.). 
2 * I 599» Barcelona, Cormellas, 8*. 

(Heredia, no. 2576. Title: ptcaro), 
Quaritch (BtbL Hisp. % no. 88) says it is in-12*. 
3. 1599, Barcelona, Gabriel Graells y Grialdo Dotil, in-8*. 

(Heredia, no. 2577. Title: picaro. Pages identical 
with 2). 
4* x 599» Zaragoza, in- 12». 

5. 1600, Madrid, Juan Ifiiguez de Lequerica, with portrait. 

(Quaritch, Cat. no. 361 — 1885— no. 26890. Aprob. 
13 Jan. 1598; i. <?., 1599). 

6. 1600, Paris, Nicolas Bonfons, with portrait. 



(Brunet: Spanish aprob.: Madrid, 1598; French; 

May, 1600). 

Gallardo (Ens. I, no. 210) does not mention portrait. 

7. 1600, Barcelona, Cormellas, in-8*. 

(Salva, no. 1694; Heredia, no. 2578). 

8. 1600, Bruxelas, Mommarte, in -8*. 

(Gallardo, I, no. 119; Heredia, no. 2579). 

9. 1600, Madrid, Varez de Castro, in- 1 2*. 


10. 1600, Coimbra, small 8*. 

(Brunet: Antonio de Mariz, P. Genro et Herdeyro 
Diogo Gomez Loureyro ; incomplete in Salva, no. 1695 , 
Heredia, no. 5933)- 

11. 1600, Lisboa, in-4*. 

(Salva, no. 1695, after Quaritch, Catal. for 1866). 
Gancia's mention of an edition: Lisboa, 1600, 
Rodriguez, containing three parts, is recorded by 
Brunet, and rejected by Salva (no. 1695). 

12. 1 601, Madrid, Juan Martinez, in-8». 

(Salva, no. 1696; Heredia, no. 2580). 

13. 1602, Sevilla, in-4*. 

(Salva, no. 1696, after Quaritch, Catal. for 1864). 

Thus we find four editions for 1599, and seven for 1600. 
If there were also seven for 1601 and seven for 1602, this 
would give us, in all, twenty-five editions before 1603. 

It can hardly be doubted that there appeared in 1601 and 
1602 several editions besides the two placed on my list, for in 
subsequent years numerous editions continued to appear. 

Moreover, it seems fairly probable that the genuine second 
part of Guzman did not appear in 1603, but in 1604 (see 
hereafter), in which case Valdes' remark about twenty-six editions 
of the first part would seem even less incredible. 

Nevertheless, it is somewhat startling to find him so well 
informed, when the editions appeared in cities so far apart. 

Segunda Parte. 

Edited separately. 



Brunet, after speaking of Part I, Madrid, 1599, says: "Cette 
second e partie avait d'abord paru a Madrid, en 1600, in-4 ". Of 
this statement, see Salva's refutation (no. 1694). 

As to the date of publication of the second part, there are 
some difficult questions. F. Wolf (p. 160 of Supplement to 
Ticknor) repeats his statement of the Wiener Jahrbiicher d. 
Lit. (vol. 122, p. 105) that there is in Vienna a copy dated 
Milan 1603. The Jahrbiicher describe it: "Milan, porjeronimo 
Bordon, 1603, mit dem ersten Theile zusammen", to which 
Wolf adds: naturlich mussen in Spanien friihere Ausgaben 
erschienen sein." 

Now, the earliest known edition made in the Peninsula is 
Lisbon, 1604, the preliminaries of which state that Aleraan 
handed in the book for official approbation while he was in 
Lisbon (see Salva, vol. II, p. 112, b.). We know (see Navar- 
rete, in Riv. 33, p. LXXI, note 1) that before writing his 
second part, Aleman wrote his San Antonio de Padua, of 
which very rare book I find no earlier edition mentioned than 
Sevilla, 1604 (Gallardo, vol. I, voce Aleman). 

We thus have to suppose that the San Antonio was written 
very hurriedly (see Navarrete, /. c.) and sent to the printer in 
haste, but was not published till two years later. After this 
book, Aleman writes the second part of Guzman, makes a 
flying trip to Milan, has it printed, rushes back to Lisbon, 
prints it again, and leaves us to guess how it was possible to 
do all this. Perhaps the preliminaries of the Vienna copy of 
the Milan book of 1603 may solve the mystery, if that book is 
really Aleman's second part, and not Lujan's forgery (about 
which, see my note 87, ho. 6). 
i.(?)i6o3, Milan, Jeronimo Bordon. 

(Wolf; Brunet says: J. Bordon y P. Locarno, small 8*. 
according to a catalogue of Tross, 185 1). 

2. 1604, Lisboa, Craesbeek, small 4 , with portrait. 

(Brunet. Heredia, no. 2584, the only copy known). 

3. 1605, Barcelona, Cormellas. 

(Gallardo, I, no. 122; Heredia, no 5936). 



Together with Part I, but separate volume and title 
(see Salva, no. 1699; Heredia, no. 5935). 

4. 1605, Valencia, Mey, small 8°. 

(Ticknor, Catal.; Heredia, no. 2577). 

5. 1605, Barcelona, Honofre Anglada. 

(Brunet Quaritch, Bibl. Hisp., no. 89). 

6. 1615, Milan, Bidela, in-12 . 

(Salva, no. 1700; Heredia, no. 2585). 

Together with Part I, but separate volume and title. 
According to Salva (no. 1701; Heredia, no. 2586), the first 
time the two parts were printed in one volume with the general 
tide: Primera y Segunda Parte was in 1619, Burgos, Varesio. 
(see Salva, no. 1700; Heredia, no. 2586). It seems, however, 
quite probable that, long before this, the two were printed as 
one work; likewise there should be many more editions than 
the few above mentioned. 

82. Luis Valdes, quoted Riv., 33, p. LXXI, note 1. 

83. Gallardo (I, no. 130) gives specimens. The two odes he 
mentions (Hor., II, 10; II, 14) were reprinted in only 100 
copies: Odas de Horatio, traducidas por Mateo Alemdn, 
publicalas nuevamente Manuel Perez de Guzman y Boza. Cadiz, 
Imprenta de la viuda de Niel, 1893, small 8°. 

84. His Ortograf{a (Mexico, 1609) is reprinted in : Vifiaza, Bibliot. 
hist&r. d, I. filologia cast., Madrid, 1893. 

85. For contemporary appreciation of his language, see Riv., 33, 
p. LXXI, note 2. 

Prof. F. M. Warren incorrectly says (History of the novel, 
New York, 1895, p. 314): u of the other works [than the 
Guzman] of his pen nothing has survived ". 

86. The most recent special treatise on Aleman (Joaquin Hazanas 
de la Rua, in : Discursos leidos en la Real Academia Sevillana 
de Buenos Letras, el 25 de Mayo 1892, por los senores 
J. H. d. 1. R. y D. Luis Montoto y Rautenstrauch, en la 

9 6 


recepci6n del primero. Sevilla, £. Rasco, 1892) adds nothing 
to our information. 

87. The work was extensively read, as the number of editions 
proves ; probably others took the book for genuine, as did Luis 
Valdes (see Riv., 33, p. LXXIV, note 1.), but when the fraud 
was discovered, the book was so completely forgotten that 
Nicolas Antonio did not even know it (see Fuster, quoted 
Riv«> 33» P* LXXIII, note 2 of preceding page). 

I find notice of the following editions: 

1. 1602, Barcelona, Joan Amello. 

(Quaritch, Catal. no. 361, 1885, no. 26893; Heredia, 
no. 2582). 

2. 1602, Valencia. 

Salva (no. 1880) says that the aprobacion of no. 3 

proves that the book had been printed at Valencia. 

No. 7 has the aprobacion dated Valencia, 8 Aug. 

1603, Madrid, Imprenta Real (Juan Flamenco). 

(Ticknor, Catal. ; Salva, no. 1880; Heredia, no. 2580). 
1603, Zaragoza, Tavanno. 

(Salva, no. 1880, from catalogue of Sora). 
5. 1603, Barcelona, Cor me Has. 

(Salva, no. 1880, after Fuster). 

1603, Milan. 
(Salva, no. 1880, says the Dedicatoria bears this date). 

1604, Bruselas, Velpio. 

(Gallardo, III, no. 2836; Salva, no. 1881; Heredia, 
no. 2583). 

88. The well-known passage in Aleman's Guzman II, Book II 
chapt. IV (Riv., 3, p. 298) proves this conclusively. 

89. The spurious Guzman II contains a curious story (Book I, 
chapt II); a very long disquisition on the nobility of the 
Biscayans (Bk. H, ch. VIII — XI); a description of festivities 
at Valencia (Bk. IU, ch. X) ; most interesting of all, a passage 
about actors and plays (Riv., 3, pp. 418 — 422). 

97 7 


90. The better written parts, particularly in the first half of the 
book, may have been stolen from Aleman (see the quotation 
from Aleman, Riv., 3, p. LXXIII) ; but the thief spoils them 
by a show of learning not customary with Aleman (see Riv., 
3» P. 369. a; 369, b; 372, a; 389, b; 392, b; 411, a; 412; 
413) and frequently occurring constructions like aunque-pero. 
I am inclined to believe that what is good in the book belongs 
to Aleman; what is bad, to Marti, and I may some time be 
able to try to establish Aleman's share in the make-up of 
the book. 

91. Editions : 

1. 1605, Medina del Campo, Cristobal Lasso Vaca, in-4 . 

(On the title-page: Lie. Francisco de Ubeda; privi- 
legio: Fr. Lopez de Ubeda. Gallardo, III, no. 2795, 
says: with a plate among the preliminaries; Salva, 
no. 1 87 1: with double page 182. Heredia, no. 
2588. Quaritch, Bibl. Hisp. y no. 827: with en- 
graved frontispiece). 

2. 1605, Barcelona, Cormellas, in-8°. 

(Brunet. Salva, no. 187 1). 

3. 1608, Brucelas, Brunello, small 8*. 

(Ticknor, Catal.: with folded plate). 

4. 1640, Barcelona, in-8°. 

(Brunet. Brit. Mus.: by P. Lacavalleria). 

5. 1707, Barcelona, in-8°. 

(Brunet, quoted by Salva, no. 1872). 

6. I735» Madrid, Zufiiga, in-40. 

(Ticknor, Catal.) 

Salva (no. 1873) gives an extract from Mayans' Preface 
to this edition, in which it is contended that the author was 
Fray Andres Perez, a statement not accepted by E. Merimee 
(Quevedo, Paris, 1886, p. 157, note 2). 

The "versos de pie quebrado" which we find in the Justina 
(in which Don Quijote is mentioned) have given rise to the 



questions whether the Qutjote was known before 1605, and 
whether Cervantes used this verse first. 

Gallardo (III, no. 2795) gives the date of the Privilegio of 
the Justina as 22 August, 1604. 

Barrera (p. \ii) finds mention of the Quyote in a letter by 
Lope, dated 4 August, 1604. 

Gayangos, in his Cervantes en Valladolid (reprinted, Madrid, 
1884, from Revista de Espana, vol. 97 — 98), demonstrates that 
the Quijote was even known in 1603. 

It seems, therefore, that Ticknor (II. p 218, note) was right 
in assuming that Cervantes was the first to use this verse. 

The pretentiousness of the Justina shows itself in the Prdlogo 
(see Riv., 33, p. 47); the title-page (see Gallardo, III, no. 
2795) promises fifty-one kinds of verse (the Brussels edition of 
1608 gives only fifty). Its attempt at wit is evident in the 
headings of the introductory chapters : "Al pelo de la pluma" ; 
a a la mancha" ; etc. 

Mayans (referred to by Ticknor, II, 218) considers this book 
one of the first to write " culto ". It seems to me that in the 
middle of the Sixteenth century the foundation, if not the 
actual practice, existed. For example, in Feliciano de Silva's 
Celestina we find striking specimens, while in other Celestinas 
we meet frequent ironical remarks about such style, and, indeed, 
it looks as if Feliciano de Silva even mocks it himself. 

92* The author might have had a fine opportunity to write a 
scathing satire on the "busconas", who surely must have existed 
in his days as they did a few years later, at the time when 
Navarrete complained of their great number (Conservation de 
Monarquias, Madrid, 1626, p. 24). By taking Guzman as a 
model, a very instructive and curious novel might have been 
produced; in stead of this, though clearly wishing to continue 
Guzman (see prdlogo, Riv. 33, p. 47) the Justina went off 
into witticims of the most labored kind. 

93. Schack and Barrera draw much information concerning the stage 





about 1600 from Rojas; Barren, also succeeds in reconstruct- 
ing the chronology of Rojas' life from this book so that it 
tallies with other data. For contents and bibliography, to 
which I am not able to add more facts, see Barrera, sub Rojas 

94. Barrera makes extracts from this work, which is very rare; I 
have not succeeded in seeing it, 

95. For instance, in the Donado kablador, Part EL, of 1 626 (Riv., 
18, p. 564, a.). Also in Qmros' Don FrueleL, of 1656 (see 
Barrera). Since then, the expression seems to have disappeared. 
By die name El caballero del milagro we have several plays 
(see Barrera, Index), to which should be added that by Eguilaz, 
dealing with the history of Rojas himself (in Ochoa's edition 
of Eguilaz' works, Paris, Bandry, 1846). 

96. Aleman, Guzman I, Libro TL, cap. VII (Riv., 3, p. 230, b): 
Entonces eramos pocos, y andabamos de vagar; ahora son 
muchos, y todos tienen en que ocuparse, y no hay estado mas 
dOatado que el de los picaros, porqne todos dan en serlo y 
se precian dello. 

97. I, Libro m, cap. II (Riv., 3, p. 241, b; 242, b); cap. EEL 
Also Mateo Lujan, Libro II, cap. EQ (Riv., 3, p. 385, 
b— 387, a). 

98. RinconeU y Cortadillo ; Coloquio de los perros (Riv., Autores 
Esp., vol. 1, p. 212, b). 

The word monipodio (monopoly) is found in die Crotalon, 
p. 332: tt ambos tienen hecho liga y monipodio en el trato 
de sus feligreses." Also in Mateo Lujan (Riv., 3, p. 407, a): 
"los monipodios que hacen, juntandose dos 6 tres & comprar 
toda la mercaduria que habian de comprar muchos, haciendo 
entre si alianza de los precios ..." 

99. Adolfo de Castro, Varias obras ine'ditas de Cervantes, Madrid, 

1874. PP- 375—379- 


* » 


100. La tia fingida. 

The history of the vicissitudes of this story is well-known. 
Published first, with doubts as to its authenticity, by Arrieta 
(1814, incomplete), a better edition was made by Franceson 
and F. A. Wolf (Berlin, 18 18). In 1826, Arrieta issued an 
edition that contained, from the Berlin edition, the parts he 
had not given in his first publication. Gallardo, in no. 1 of 
his El Criticon (Madrid, 1835), strives to prove the authen- 
ticity of the story, using another reliable manuscript (Bibl. 
Colomb., A A, 141, 4), giving the variants and showing how 
they improve the meaning and logical succession of ideas in 
the text. Printed once more, with these corrections, by Aribau 
(Riv., Aut. Esp t) vol. I, 1846) it has found its final form, 
and a careful commentator, in the Obras completas de Cer- 
vantes (Madrid, Rivadeneyra, 12 vols., vol. 8), and is a 
remarkably well-written story. The improprieties are in keeping 
with the subject, and not worse than the various Celestinas, 
to which the Tia fingida is a running commentary and glosa 
in prose. 

101. E. T. A. Hoffman wrote a continuation to the Coloquio de 
los perros: Nachricht von den neuesien Sckicksalen des 
Hundes Berganza; here, however, the author talks with the 
dog, chiefly about Hoffmann's experiences in Bamberg (see 
Georg Ellinge^ E. T A. Hoffmann, Hamburg, 1894, p. 80). 
The story is found in Hoffmann's Phantasiestucke, 4 vols., 
1814 — 1815, vol. 2. 

102. La gitanilla. 

About the gipsies in Spain there is a vast amount of 
literature. To mention only the most accessible: 

Clemencin, in his edition of Don Quijote (1835, 6 vols.), 
vol. H, pp. 473 — 478. 

Juan Hidalgo, Romances de germania, Madrid, 1779, 
pp. 201 — 222. 

Bataillard, Sur les origines des Bohemiens {Revue Critique, 
1875, nos. 39— 41). 



Borrows, The Gypsies of Spain (new edition : London, 1869). 

Rochas, Les parias de France et d*Espagne t Paris, 1876. 

Besides this, passages in various Spanish novels; for example, 

Donado hablador, Part II, ch. II— IV (Riv., 18, pp. 543—553). 

103* Qui/ote, Part I, cap. 22 ; Part II, cap. 27. 

104. The ventero : Quijote /, cap. 3. 

Regarding the venteros, it may be said that no class was 
of worse repute than they, and it would take a special treatise 
to show what Spanish and foreign writers have said of them. 
To mention only a few : Quijote, I. c. ; Guzman I, Lib. I, 
cap. 3 — 6 ; Lib. II, cap. 1 ; Parte II, Lib. II, cap. 8 (Riv., 
3» P- 3*3* b) ; Justina, Lib. I, cap. 3— -4 ; Suarez de Figueroa, 
El Pasagero, Alivio 7 ; Gaspar Ens, Vitae humanae prosce- 
nium (Latin Guzman), Pars III, cap. 7 ; Obregon, Descanso 
Xm, Relation 1 ; Salas Barbadillo, in : La estafeta del dios 
Afomo, the chapter : El ladron convertido d ventero ; etc 

105. La ilustre fregona. 

Mateo Lujan (Guzman, Riv., 3, p. 374, a) says: "eche de 
ver en mi vida picaresca, que muchos hijos de buenos padres 
que la profesaban, aunque despues los quisieron recoger, no 
hubo remedio : tal es el bebedizo de la libertad y propia 

In the Nouvelles Espagnoles de Michel de Cervantes, 
traduction nouvelle avec des notes, etc., par M. Lefebvre de 
Villebrune (Paris, Defer de Maisonneuve, 1788, 2 vols.), I find 
(vol. 2, introductory remarks to the Illustre Fregone) : u Ce 
n'est pas qu'il y eut plus de moeurs en France, en Italie, en 
Portugal; au moins les desordres n'etaient pas si publics chez 
nous. Thomas Lansius, dans ses Discours latins sur les moeurs 
et les usages des differentes nations, en apprendra plus au 
lecteur que je ne puisse dire ici. Voyez son discours sur 
TEspagne, pag. 289, edit. 1637." 

I have not succeeded in obtaining a copy of Lansius. 



106. Navarrete, Vida de Cervantes, 1819, p. 87 ; pp. 435 — sqq., 
especially p. 439, note 158. 

Gallardo and Aureliano Fernandez-Guerra supposed Cervantes 
to be the author of the Tercera parte de la relacidn de la 
cdrcel de Sevilla and of the Entremes de la cdrcel de Sevilla 
(see Gallardo, Ensayo, vol. I, col. 1336, note 2 ; 1341, note 1 ; 
1366 — 1370; 1371, note 1; 1371 — 1384). The entremes 
also in Obras, vol. Ill of Teatro. 

107. Pedro de Urdemalas, comedia, in Obras, vol. I of Teatro. 

Emile Chasles, Cervantes (2»e £d., Paris, 1866) p. 411: 
* Cervantes a ecrit le roman du gentilhomme et le drame 
picaresque du rufian. Pedro de Urdemalas, piece fantastique 
et oubliee, est Pimage de cette destinee perdue." 

108. Salva (no. 18 16) describes the Gabinete de lectura espdnola, 
Madrid, Viuda de Ibarra (about 1 800), of which he says : 
a en el cuarto y quinto salieron las novelas de Cervantes, 
tituladas : Rinconete y Cortadillo, y El celoso estremello, 
copiadas de un manuscrito de fines del siglo XVI 6 principios 
del XVII, con variantes importantisimas de los impresos." 

No one seems to have paid attention to this version of 

In vol. IV of the Gabinete, Rinconete has a prdlogo, in 
which it is stated that the text is taken from the Licenciado 
Fr. Porras de la Camara (about whom see Gallardo, Criticon, 
no. I; and Ensayo, I, col. 1246 — 1247). 

The prdlogo (XVI pages) says: 
(p. VI): "A cuatro capitulos pueden reducirse las diferencias 
de la novela impresa de R. y C, si se coteja con la manus- 
crita de Andalucia que publicamos. 1 . Supresion de hechos, 6 
de circunstancias de ellos ; 2. Alteration de hechos etc. ; 
3. Aliadiduras de expresion; 4. Discrepancia de palabras." 
(p. VII): "Monipodio no se contenta con 'tantas letras tiene 
un si como un no'; hace del ojo a Chiquiznaque, quien pega 
un gran bofeton a Rinconete ; los dos muchachos echan mano, 



pero Monipodio les apacigua, explicandolo como la pescozada 

de los caballeros. Luego les da noviciado de tres meses." 

(p. IX) : " La Cariharta dice : * Marinero de Tarpeya ' por Mira 

Nero de Tarpeya [compare here Duran, Romancer o I, p. 393]. 

Neron ent6nces se nombraba en Castellano Nero, y aquel verso 

era en Sevilla tan conocido, que hasta la Cariharta lo sabia 

aplicar de su mode" 

(p. X, XI): "Al fin de esta novela se promete mas larga 

relation de la vida, muerte y milagros de estos ladrones y de 

su maestro Monipodio. Estas muertes son las que debian 

hacer 'exemplares' la narration de estos sucesos." 

(p. XII): "El primer robado en la Plaza de Sevilla es un 


(p. XII): tt El cojuelo que se habia disfrazado en habito de 

clerigo, y se habia ido a alojar en la Calle de Tin tores, en la 

impresa es judio. Siendo el de la cofradia de Monipodio, es 

imposible fuese judio, por ser los tales ineptos y repugnantes 

a la devocion que en casa de Monipodio se inculcaba. Tal 

judio no hay en la edition que presentamos." 

(p. XV): "El MS. da a entender que la novela se escribi6 

en Andalutia, el impreso en Castilla. Vease : impreso : Alcudia, 

como vamos de Castilla a Andalutia; MS.: viniendo de Castilla 

para Andalutia." 

With the corrections, not found elsewhere, the story gains 
materially, and becomes perfect, except that the second part 
does not appear, a usual thing in picaresque novels. 

109. For special bibliography of the Novelas Exemplares, see 
L. Orellana y Rincon, Ensayo critico sobre las novelas 
ejemplares de Cervantes con la bibliografia de sus ediciones. 
Valencia, 1890, in-8°, 46 pp. 

Also, Rius, Bibliografia Cervdntica, 2 vols, (in press). 

HO. In his Historia de las Universidades de Espana, Madrid, 
1884 — 89, 4 vols., vol. HI, p. 271. 

HI. This book is very rare; the copy in the Ticknor library is 



incomplete (see Ticknor Catal., p. 456, sub Ordoflez de 
Cevallos). Printed: Madrid, 16 14. Book I contains the author's 
soldier life; Book II, his travels as a missionary; Book III 
repeats, in somewhat different form, all that is found in 
Book II, 

The interest lies, not in the contents, from which nothing 
new is learned, but in the fact that the picaro crops out in 
all classes of literature. 

See Ticknor, II, p. 304, in note 1. about Suarez de Figueroa, 
where he mentions our book and another by the same author : 
Re lactones verdaderas de los reynos de Cochin China y 
Champon, Jaen, 1628, which I have not seen. 

113. Les aventures de Juan de Vargas^ racontees par lui-meme. 
Traduites de PEspagnol sur le manuscrit original par Charles 
Navarin. A Paris, chez P. Jannet, Libraire. 1853 (Bibliothique 
JSlzevirienne). See Ticknor, Catal., p. 370, j«& Ternaux Com- 
pans, where we find that he acknowledged his authorship to 

Querard's statement (ibid.), that the second part of Vargas 
is taken from the German Simplicissimus, is only partly 
correct. There is, as far as I can see, but one passage from 
Simplic.; all the rest is from Cevallos. 

113. For Suarez de Figueroa, see Barrera, p. 379. Prof. H. A. 
Rennert has added some interesting facts about Figueroa's life 
in Italy (see Modern Language Notes, vol. VII, col. 398 — 410). 
His works are very difficult to find, especially the Pusilipo, 
of which only the Salva copy is known. I find notice of the 
1602, Guarini's Pastor Fido, translated in tercetos. 

(Salva, no. 1274; Gallardo, no. 3983). 

Reworked entirely, 1609. 

(Salva, no. 1275). 

The editon of 1602 was reprinted in 1622. 



(Salva, no, 1275, contrary to Gayangos' note to his 
translation of Ticknor, III, p. 543). 
1609. ^ constante Atnarilis. 
(Salva, no. 2002). 

Reprinted, with French translation, 16 14 (Salva, no. 
2003; Ticknor, Catal., states: 3« impresion). 

161 2. La Espana defendida. 

(Salva, no. 985; Gallardo, no. 3985). 

Reprinted, and called: 5A* impresion, 1644 (Salva, 

no. 986; Heredia, no. 5646). 

1 61 3. Hechos del Marques de Canete, 

(Salva, no. 3408; Heredia, no. 3439; Ticknor, Catal.; 

see Ticknor, II, p. 107, note). 
16 1 5. Plaza universal de todas ciencias. 

(Salva, no. 2426; Ticknor, Catal.). 

Reprinted, with many changes: 1733 (Salva, no. 2427; 

Ticknor, Catal. ; see Ticknor, II, p. 304, note 1., and 

Supplement, p. 183. 

Prohibited in Index of 1790; not prohibited in Soto- 

mayor Index of 1667. 
161 7. El Passagero. Madrid. 

(Salva, no. 2004 * Gallardo, no. 3986 ; Ticknor, Catal.). 

Reprinted, 161 8, Barcelona. (Gallardo, no. 3987). 
1 62 1. Varias noticias. 

(Salva, no. 2006 ; Gallardo, no. 3988 ; Ticknor, Catal?). 
1629. Pusilipo. 

(Salva, no. 2005: Heredia, no. 615 1). 

Other works that, according to Barrera (p. 379), are stated 
in the Espana defendida of 1612 to have been published at 
that date, are absolutely unknown. The Residencia de talentos 
was promised in 1621 (see Salva, no. 2006), and thus could 
not have been published in 161 2. The matter is obscure in 
the extreme, and may perhaps never be solved. 

In the Passagero (Barcelona, 161 8, fol. 281, ro) the author 
says that he had published, up to that time, seven books. In 



my list there are only six, including the Passagero ; unless, 
indeed, Figueroa counted his reworked Pastor Fido of 1609 
as a new book. 

114. Alivio VI— Vin (Edition: Madrid, 1617: fo. 286-388; ed. 
Barcelona, 1618: fo. 213 — 288). 

115. Alivio VII, fo. 307 — 346 (228 — 260). 

116. On Espinel, see the biography in the new edition of Obregon, 
Barcelona, Biblioteca Arte y Letras, 1 88 1, written by Juan 
Perez de Guzman, provided with a careful bibliography, and 
containing many new facts about the life and the book. Let 
us hope the editor many soon be enabled to fulfill his promise 
of p. X : " No puedo hacer aqui in extenso el trabajo docu- 
mental que reservo para mas propicias circunstancias." 

I am not prepared to give here a list of EspinePs laudatory 
poems, and his criticims at the beginning of various books. 
My material for such a collection is as yet too inadequate to 
be produced. 

For Obregon and Gil Bias, or, to use the French formula, 
"la question du Gil Bias", see the exhaustive study in the 
admirable work, Lesage romancier, par Leo Claretie, Paris, 
1890: pp. 190 — 250, for the history of the question; pp. 
250 — 261, for a comparison of the two books. And Brune- 
tiere in Histoire et Litterature; "La question de Gil Bias", 
pp. 235—269. 

After Claretie, Eugene Lintilhac has written for the series 
Les grands /crivains franfais the volume on Lesage (Paris, 
1893) m which (pp. 78 — 86) he sums up the question. 

On the Spanish side no one has done more thorough work 
than Adolfo de Castro, in his annotated edition of Gil Bias 
(Madrid, 1852, in the Biblioteca Universal, Segunda Serie, 
Entrega 78 — 86; 180 pages, large 8°) where he gives the 
passages of Spanish authors which Lesage imitated. To those 
there given many more might be added, for since 1852 many 
books have again been studied which were forgotten or in- 
accessible at that time. 



A. de Castro comes to the following conclusion: "El Gil 
Bias es una obra compuesta de diferentes piezas: un primo- 
roso mosaico debido al ingenio y al buen gusto de Le Sage: 
un alcazar levantado con trozos de edificios griegos, latinos y 
arabes. Los materiales son agenos : pero del arquitecto la 
invencion y estructura de fabrica tan notable." Comparing 
this opinion with that of Perez de Guzman (p. XXX), who 
calls Lesage "el autor frances poco escrupuloso, que ha usur- 
pado a la fama espaliola una de esas reputaciones, que en la 
esfera intelectual los frivolos escritores de Francia deben con 
suma frecuencia a los robos que practican sobre las literaturas 
extranjeras ", the work of De Castro becomes the more note- 
worthy and important. 

Espinel's Rimas were printed in 1 591 (Gallardo, no. 2125) 
and have never been reissued. The volume is so rare that 
even Salva did not possess a copy. 

117. Salva's no. 196 contained in M.S. many poems by Espinel, 
some of which he transcribes, while others have to be omitted 
on account of their indecent character. 

118. Juan de la Cuesta, the printer, stated that he paid one hundred 
escudos for the Obregon (at the end of the Segunda parte 
de las Cotnedias de Lope de Vega Carpio, Madrid, 16 18; see 
Barrera, pp. 680 — 681). 

119. v. gr., the story of the hidalgo's fight with the cows (Rel, 1, 
desc, 8); of the gamblers and the traders (Rel. i,desc. 13), etc. 

120. For example, "Don Fernando de Toledo, el tio, que por 
discretisimas travesuras que hizo le llamaron el Picaro", (Rel. 
1, desc. 1); a good story about the Conde de Lemos (Rel. 1, 
desc. 24); one about the Marques de las Navas (Rel. 2, in- 
troduction), etc. 

121. Especially the one (Rel, 3, desc, 17) where Obregon meets an 
old man, Pedro Jimenez Espinel, who says he wishes to find 
his nephew, and "^C6mo se llama? pregunte; y respondi6me 
con mi propio nombre." 



*^' ■■ — *■■ ! M ■■■ ■ . — ■■■ — --■■■■■■—■ !■■■!■■,■—■ W ■■■■■■■■■■■■. » « !.■. » I T i. « .. ■> ..—._■-■, 

122. His long stay among the Moors cannot be rhymed with his 
known history (see Pel. 2, desc. 8 — 14), and no one of his 
literary friends (Lope, Quevedo, etc.) makes the slightest 
allusion to such an event. 

123. See the Prologo and the beginning of the Epilogo. 

124. Beginning of Relation Primera. 

125. The Desordenada Codicia has no name on title-page ; the 
dedicatoria is signed Garcia. Only original edition known : 
Paris, 16 19. It is supposed, with good show of reason, that 
the author was the same man who two years before issued 
with the signature Carlos Garcia (which on the title-page is 
El D. Carlos Garcia) the book mentioned in note 126. 

Reprinted, separate: Sevilla, 1886, Imprenta de E. Rasco, 
Bustos Tavera no. 1. (only one hundred copies printed). 

With his other work : Madrid, 1877 (vol. VII of the Libros 
de antano). 

126. La oposicion y conjuncion de los dos grandes luminares de 
la tierra ; subtitle : La antipatia de Espdnoles y Franceses, 
Paris, 16 1 7. 

Frequently printed with a French translation made by 
R. D. B. (?) ; the aforementioned Madrid edition of 1877 
enumerates: Paris, 161 7 ; Cambray, 1622; Ghent, 1645; and 
with title : Antipatia, etc. : Rouen, 1627 (of which two 
pretended reprints, differing only in title-page, are described). 

127. See about his works, Adolfo de Castro, Introduction to vol. II 
of Poetas liricos de los siglos XVI y XVII (Riv., 42), 
p. XXXTV. 

Of the Enriquez de Castro, Gallardo (no. 2821) mentions 
an edition of Paris, viuda de Matias Gillemont, 161 2, 877 
pages. This probably is a mistake for that of Paris, 16 17, 
viuda de Matias Guillemot, 879 pages, which is generally 
considered the first (see Salva, no. 1875) an< * on ty edition, 
though Brunet says Nicolas Antonio mentions one of 162 1, 
which according to Salva (/. c.) is not in N. Antonio. 



128. The Enganos de este szglo, Paris, 161 5 (see Ticknor, Catal.) 
is a well-written, but indecent, little book, containing an endless 
series of women and men who deceive each other. It is 
characteristic of the times that Ticknor's copy lacks the pages 
265 — 266, which probably were torn out by some pious person 
because they contained a remark against the " derecho de asilo " 
of churches, while the rest of the volume was left for the 
edification of its readers. 

I cannot agree entirely with A. de Castro as to the correct- 
ness of the language of the Enganos (see A. de Castro, /. c). 
No Spaniard, it seems to me, would have written as a con- 
clusion to a book : " suplicote de no tener a mal si cojo las 
de villa Diego y te dexo a muy buenas noches." The Enriquez 
de Castro seems more nearly correct ; the fact is, I have not 
read the book with strict attention. 

Of the Enriquez de Castro, after almost nine hundred pages, 
the author promises a second part, which fortunately never 

The cost of the book in Madrid is never below 300 rs. ; 
a fine copy costs even 400. 

129. Biography and bibliography of Salas Barbadillo in Barrera, 
pp. 352 — 358. In the bibliography some minor changes may 
be made from Salva's and Ticknor's catalogues, and especially 
from Gallardo. 

130. The printer is the well-known Pedro Joseph Alonso y Padilla, 
who practised his trade 1733 — 1746 (see Salva, no. 1731 ; 
1839). In the list in no. 1731 we find, as Barrera (p. 357, a.) 
points out, both the Cocke de las estafas, which belbngs to 
Castillo Solorzano, and the Licenciado Talega, a book that is 
absolutely unknown except from Padilla's lists. 

131. In the Estafeta del dios Momo, Madrid, 1627 (see Ticknor, 

Catal.) we find in the Elogio: "Diez y siete libros deue la 
erudicion EspaSola a Alonso de Salas", and at the end of the 
book a list of only sixteen. 



In the Coronas del Parnaso, Madrid, 1635 (posthumous) 
we read: "Ilustro nuestra nation con 19 hijos de su entendi- 

Likewise in the Epistle Dedicatory to The fortunate fool, 
London, 1670, it is stated: u his works which are in all 19 
volumes, besides many excellent Plays." If the plays that 
constitute a volume apiece are not counted, it is impossible to 
arrive at nineteen volumes. The English writer may have 
meant that in several of the volumes are found intercalated a 
number of plays. 

132. In : Varios prodigios de amor, en once novelas exemplar es, 
etc., Barcelona 1760, (Ticknor, Catal. ; see also Salva, no. 2015). 
The original Aprob. and Lie. are of April, 1665 ; so the 
work must be a reprint of the 1666 edition which Salva men- 
tions. Besides the five stories by Alonso de Alcala y Hen-era 
(each wanting one vowel) as stated by Salva, we also find. 
Tirso's Tres tnaridqs burlados. The picaro amante is found 
pp. 196 — 209, and has for additional title: " escarmiento de 
mugeres, burlesca." 

The story seems to be of about 1625 ; it is told long after 
it happened tt en Valladolid, donde esta la Corte;" the"cava- 
Ueros del milagro" (see my note no. 95) also occur here. 

133. El necio Men afortunado appeared in Madrid, 162 1 (see Ga- 
llardo, no. 3761). Two English translations: The fortunate 

fool, by Philip Ayres, 1670; The lucky idiot, by a person 
of quality, 1760, the latter abridged. (See Ticknor, Catal.) 
Italian translation: Lo sciocco ignorante awenturato . . . 
tradotto . . . da Cesare Zanucca, Venetia, 1634 (Leiden Univer- 
sity library). 

134. Alonso mozo de muchos amos, Madrid, 1624; Barcelona, 1625 
Segunda Parte, Valladolid, 1626 (see Gallardo, no. 81—83). 
Other works by the author : Milagros de Nuestra Senora de 
la Fuencisla, Salamanca, 1615 ; Verdades para la vida 
cristiana, Valladolid, 1632. (Gallardo, no. 84 — 85). Of the 

I 1 1 


Milagros the author seems to have been proud; he makes 
Alonso mention the book (Donado kablador, Riv. i8,p. 574, b). 

The author's life is given in the second (see Sal va, no. 2875) 
edition of Colmenares, Historia de la insigne ciudad de 
Segovia, Madrid, 1640 (pp. 777 — 778), and reprinted, somewhat 
condensed, in Apuntes biogrdficos de escritores segovianos 
por D. T. B. y G. Segovia 1877, pp. 185—188. From Col- 
menares we learn: Born 1563; began to study theology with 
Fr. Juan de la Cruz, but abandoned this purpose " por humanos 
respetos," as he says in the prologue to the Verdades para 
la vida cristiana; studied Medicine at Valencia; practised at 
Segovia; died 1632. (see also Riv., 18, p. XIII). In the 
Donado we find a glowing eulogy of Valencia as a place 
for the study of Medicine (Riv., 18, p. 524, a\ all of which 
makes Ticknor's remark (II, p. 221, note 1) the stranger, 
u that the word Alcala in the name of the author only indicates 
that he studied at Alcala." 

The passage which the Donado imitates from Salas Barba- 
dillo's Necio bien afortunado: Riv., 18, p. 499, b — 501, a, 

135. To mention only the fables (pages according to Riv., 18): 
The man, his son (and his wife) with the ass, p. 508; 
The animals confess their sins; the ass is punished for 

having eaten grass that was not his, p. 512; 
The lion, wolf and fox, and the lioness' reasons for seeking 

divorce, p. 533; 
The cat of Venus changed into a woman, p. 560; 
The ass who caresses his master, p. 566; 
The deer and kid determine to abandon fear, p. 571. 

130- PP- 545—551- 

137* PP- 5*7— 5 2 2 - 

138. Gallardo, nos. 941 — 944. 

139. One by Montalvan (Barrera, p. 268); perhaps also one by 
Belmonte, mentioned in the Bachiller Trapaza. (Ed. 1733, 
p. 163), the existence of which is doubted by Barrera (p. 31); 

I 12 




but Trapaza being of 1634, the statement seems to be rather 

140. Historia de la Monja Alferez, dona Catalina de Erauso, 
escrita por ella misma, e ilustrada con notas y documentos, 
por D. Joaquin Maria de Ferrer, Paris, Didot, 1829. 

The story has recently been translated into French, and 
edited with a good summary introduction and final bibliogra- 
phical note, by J. M. de Heredia: La Nonne Alferez, Paris, 
Lemerre, 1894, with illustrations by Vierge. 

There is no doubt as to the real existence and history of 
the Monja Alferez ; the uncertainty is whether she herself wrote 
what passes as her Life. 

141. Comentarios de el desenganado de si mesmo, prueba de todos 
estados y election del mejor de ellos, 6 sea Vida de el mesmo 
autor, que lo es Don Diego Duque de Estrada, 

Edited, after a M.S. copy in the Bibl. Nac. at Madrid, by 

D. Pascual de Gayangos, as vol. 12 of the Memorial Histd- 
rico Espanol, Madrid, i860. 515 pp. text, + XVIII of 
Introduction, and 18 of Index. 

The author lived from 1589 till about 1647; his book ends 
in the latter part of 1646. He began to write it in 16 14 (see 
his Dedicatoria of the first part, on p. 2). 

142. Quevedo enjoys the privilege of being the Spanish author who, 
next to Cervantes, has had the most faithful, painstaking and 
intelligent editor in D. Aureliano Fernandez-Guerra, and in 

E. Merimee a careful critic (Essai sur la vie et les oeuvres 
de Francisco de Quevedo, par E. Merim6e. Paris, 1886, IX 
+ 466 pp., with an excellent portrait). To the outcome of 
their investigations it is impossible to add with our present 

Quevedo's works, as edited (that is, only the first two 
volumes ; the third was prepared by D. Florencio Janer, who 
died without having fully accomplished the task of comment- 
ing and annotating the text) by Fernandez-Guerra, occupy 

113 8 



vols. 23, 48, 69 of Riv., Bibl. Aut. Esp. The Buscon in 
Riv. 23, pp. 485 — 528; the Bibliography (Riv. 23, pp. XCII 
— XCIII) enumerates forty-six editions. The princeps is of 
1626; the last there mentioned are two of 1845. 

143. Merimee (pp. 150 — 151) marks the facts to which a date can 
be placed; they all are contained in the period from 1602 — 
1607. Quevedo was born in 1580, and finished his studies 
at Alcala not earlier than 1600; so the period of composition 
followed immediately upon his student life, while the scenes 
of the work are mainly reminiscenses of his University career. 

144. Lib. I, cap. 11. (Riv. 23, p. 505 — 506). 

145. The Gcrardo has for title : Poema tragico del Espanol Gerardo, 
y desengano del amor lasciuo. 

The first edition, Madrid, 16 15, contains only the first part. 
Ticknor (II, p. 233) says the second part appeared in 161 7. 
The first edition which I find to contain Part II is of 162 1, 
which gives the same dates of the Aprobaciones as that of 
161 5. The matter is uncertain, since Ticknor does not mention 
his authority. 

As the Pindaro appeared 1626, I enumerate here only the 
editions previous to this date. 

1. 1615, Madrid. 

(Gallardo, no. 1797; Salva, no. 1764; Heredia, no. 

2594; 5988). 

2. 1617, Madrid. 

(Navarrete, Bosguejo, p. VIII, note 1). 

3. 16 18, Barcelona. 

(Navarrete, ibid.) 

4. 1 6 18, Madrid. 

(Navarrete, ibid., copying Ticknor, /. c). 

5. 162 1, Cuenca. Part I and II. 

(Gallardo, no. 1798). 

6. 1623, Madrid. 

(Luis F.-Guerra, Alarcon, note 541). 



7. 1625, Lisbon. 

(Gallardo, no. 1799; Salvd, no. 1764). 
The Gerardo has since gone through numerous editions. 
Reprinted in Riv., 18, pp. 117 — 271. For appreciations of 
the work, see Ticknor, II, 233; and Navarrete, Bosguefo, 
(Riv., 18) pp. Vlil — X, who highly esteems it except for the 

146. I. 1626, Lisboa. Varia fortuna del soldado Pindar 0. Por 

Don Gonzalo de Cespedes y Meneses, vezino, y 
natural de Madrid. 
(Grallardo, no. 1793). 

2. 1 66 1, Madrid. 

(Grallardo, no. 1794). 

3. 1696, Zaragoza. 

(Grallardo, no. 1795). 
Ticknor (II, 233) gives only these same three editions. Salva 
does not even mention the book. 

Reprinted in Riv., 18, pp. 272 — 375. 

147. Don Raimundo el Entremetido, Alcala, s.a. (1627), printed 

See: Barrera, p. 405 — 406; Aur. F.-Gruerra, in Obras de 
Quevedo I (Riv., 23), p. LXXXV, c; Merimee, Quevedo, 
p. 168, note 4. 

The most recent edition of the Raimundo is in Obras de 
Quevedo, Madrid, Vicente Castell6, 1840 — 45, 5 vols. (vol. IV, 
pp. 71 — 101). 

148. La nina de los embustes, Teresa de Manganares, Valencia, 
1632. Barcelona, 1632, Madrid, 1733. 

These seem to be the only editions that exist Ticknor*s 
Catalogue gives the Barcelona as the first edition; see Barrera. 
Salva did not have the book. Gallardo mentions only the 
Barcelona edition. 

149. Barrera mentions an edition: Valencia, 1634. Salva (no. 1149) 
gives : " Aventuras del Bachiller Trapaza, quinta essentia de 



embusteros, y maestro de embelecadores. (^aragoca, 1637." The 
preliminaries are dated Zaragoza, 1635; hence Salva supposes 
the possibility of an edition of that year. Subsequently: 
Madrid, 1733 (Salva, no. 1 150; Ticknor, Catal.). 

150. Nicolas Antonio gives an edition of Logrono, 1634; Ban-era, 
one of Valencia, 1634; Salva (no. 1731) one of Madrid, 
1642. Afterwards: Madrid, 1733. 

Reprinted in Riv., 33, pp. 169 — 234. 

151. The only somewhat satisfactory review of Castillo's life and 
works is found in Ban-era, pp. 75 — 78. Mesonero Romanos 
(Introduction to Riv. 45) mentions the Garduna, but has not 
even the names of Teresa and Trapaza. Ticknor (II, p. 222) 
makes only cursory mention of all three novels. 

153. Adolf o de Castro, in his Gil Bias, Madrid, 1852 (see my 
note no. 116) gives various passages where Lesage imitates 
the Teresa. To these should be added Chapter 16. of the 
Trapaza, headed: u Como Trapaza volvi6 a encontrar a 
Estefania, quien luego cuenta lo que la habia sucedido " ; it is 
almost literally repeated in Gil Bias, Book V, Chapter 7, 
where Laura relates her history. 

153. C. Michaelis de Vasconcellos (in Grundriss d. rom. Philol., 
n, 2, p. 351): "Der nennenswerteste Schelmenroman ist O 
peralvilho de Cordova von Matheus da Silva Cabral, der als 
Fortsetzung zu Solorzano's Bachiller Trapaza aufzufassen ist." 

154. The author, to explain the name, says : " Pusieronle por nombre 
Hernando, que hijo de padres, uno Trampa en apellido, y 
otro Tramoya, huuo contemplacion que debia Ilamarse Trapaza, 
como cosa muy propinqua a ser efecto de los dos apellidos : 
asi le llamaron con este supuesto nombre mientras vivid." 
(Ed. 1733, p. 14). 

The word trapaza, however, existed long before the date of 
composition of the novel. In the Comedia Tebayda (first 
edition : 1521) we find the adjective trapacero (Madrid reprint, 



1894, p. 416; 422). The word trapaza occurs in 1557, in 
the Cortes de la Muerte (Romancero y Cancionero sagrados, 

R* v -» 35> P- 2 5» c ; 

" | De cuanto riesgo, trapaza, 
Te he sacado, que esto peno, 
Y hora dasme con la maza, 
Parlando como picaza, 
Lo tuyo y tambien lo ajeno ! " 

155. For instance, the monja alferez, on p, 160 of the edition 
of 1733- 

156. The book was intended to bear the title La congregation 
de la mtseria, and to relate the adventures of Teresa's 
children, two taking after their father, a miserly merchant, and 
a daughter after the mother. 

It is possible that these continuations actually appeared 
Gallardo (no. 1687) describes the Lysardo enatnorado of our 
author, which is absolutely unknown except for this descrip- 
tion and Padilla's mention (see Barrera, p. 77, a). Menendez 
y Pelayo has of Castillo the Escarmtentos de amor 
moralizados which no bibliographer mentions. So it is possible 
that at some unexpected moment other works of Castillo's 
hand may come to light. 

157. The best study of Enriquez Gomez is found in Estudios 
histdricos, politicos y literarios sobre los Judios de Espana, 
por D. Jose Amador de los Rios, Madrid, 1848, pp. 569 — 607 ; 
and shorter in Menendez y Pelayo, Heterod., vol. II, pp. 
611— 616. His dramatic works are fully discussed by Barrera, 
pp. 134— 142. 

El siglo Pitagdrico passed through the following editions: 

1. 1644, Rouen, Maury. 

(Ticknor, II, p. 223, note 1.) 

2. 1647, Rouen, Maury. 

(Menendez y Pelayo, Heterod., II, p. 614, note 1). 



3. 1682, Rouen, Maury. 

(Salva, no. 1789. He observes that there are two 
different editions in the same year and by the same 

4. 1727, Brussels, Foppens. 

(Saka, no. 1789. Men. y Pel., Heterod. % I. c). 
The Guadana was reprinted separately in Riv., 33, pp. 

158. For instance, the first chapter is one continuous witticism on 
his parents and relations, all connected with the medical pro- 
fession. It occupies no less than six columns. 

159. "mas vale errar por piadoso que acertar por riguroso" (Riv., 
33. P. 279. b). 

160. Puigblanch (Opuscules gramdtico-satiricos, London, s. a. 
[1833], vol. II, p. 372) was the first to note Lesage's 
indebtedness to the Siglo Pitagdrico. See also: Navarrete, 
Bosquejo, p. LXXXVIII, note 1; and Menendez y Pelayo, 
Heterod.y II, p. 614—615. 

161. See Claretie, Lesage, pp. 183 — 187. 
162* Ticknor, II, p. 224. 

163. The most striking passage in Spanish literature about the 
excesses of soldiers on their march through Spain is found in 
the Donado hablador (Riv., 18, pp. 196 — 198). From the 
Avisos de Pellicer and other historical sources, Max Krenkel 
draws many examples to illustrate Calderon's Alcalde de Zalamea, 
(Klassische Buhnendichtungen der Spanier, von Max Krenkel, 
m. Calderon, Der Richter von 2hlamea % Leipzig, 1887. 
Einleitung, p. 72). 

164. 1. 1646, Amberes, Cnobbart. 

(Salva, no. 1830; Heredia, no. 2620). 
2. 1652, Madrid, Rodriguez. 

(Salva, no. 1831 ; Heredia, no. 6038). 



3. (s. a. 1720), Madrid, Sanz. 

(Heredia, no. 6039). 

4. 1725, Madrid, Peralta. 

(Heredia, no. 2621). 

5. 1729, Madrid, Padilla. 

(Salva, no. 1832 ; Heredia, no. 6040). 

6. 1795, Madrid, Ruiz, 2 vols. 

(Salva, no. 1832). 

Reprinted in Riv. 33, pp. 285 — 368, but without a rather 
comical poem "Al vulgo" found in the editions 1 — 5. These 
also contain a portrait of the author, which with slight varia- 
tions is the same as that reproduced by Salva, /. c. A copy 
of no. 3, in my possession, is without the portrait, though 
showing no signs of its having been removed. 

It seems probable that other editions appeared between 1652 
and 1720. 

165. First printed in 1632 ; for bibliography of this and later editions, 
see Barrera, p. 450. Reprinted in Riv., 34, pp. 1 — 70. A good 
French translation, with interesting introduction, though the 
latter is written for a public unacquainted with the facts of 
Spanish literature, is : Lope Filix de Vega Carpio. La Dorotea. 
Action en prose. .Traduite par C. B. Dumaine. Paris, Lemerre, 
1892. 110 + 458 pp. 

166. Ticknor (II, p. 255) calls the book "anziehend". I think it 
is one of the least entertaining and instructive that I have 
read. Giles y Rubio (Discurso y p. 50) places it with the 
no vela picaresca, though acknowledging, as Ticknor (/. c.) 
suggests, that the book was perhaps intended to oppose this 
class of novels. — First edition, 1668, Madrid. Reprinted sepa- 
rately, 1704, Valencia. In Santos' works, Madrid, 1723, 4 vols., 
vol. Ill, pp. 264 — 372. 

167. Notably in the Dia y noche de Madrid, a very clever descrip- 
tion of all that can be seen in the capital; in the Tarascas 
de Madrid; in the Gigantones de Madrid por defuera ; etc., 



all of which are most entertaining articles on the manners of 
the citizens, and fall of information. They are all reprinted 
in the Obras, 1723. 

168. See Barren, p. 314—315. 

Barren states that the Obras . . . y Aventuras de Don 
Fruela "contienen, ademas de la novela expresada, una comedia 
burlesca y diez entremeses." In reality, the whole book is the 
story of Don Fruela, in which the dramatic pieces occupy the 
place which, in several novels (Quijote, Guzman* etc.), is given 
to short stories, intended to relieve the supposed monotony of 
a long-winded novel. For these pieces, in later works (Castillo's 
Teresa and others) short plays were substituted. So in the 
Fruela* these plays are used for the social entertainments that 
are given to the hero, or by him to his tormentors. 

Quiros' Obras were published, as Barren states, Madrid, 
1656. They were already prohibited by the Sotomayor Index 
of 1667, and are still found prohibited in the Cevallos Index 
of 1790. This circumstance has made the book extremely 
rare. It is a very entertaining story, and contains some curious 
facts about the customs of the times. 

In addition to the works enumerated by Barren as belonging 
to this author, we find that in the Avisos para la muerte, 
1659, he figures as one of the contributors, in company with 
the best poets of that time (see Gallardo, no. 3568). 

169. Torres' life is summarized in Barren, pp. 404 — 405. His 
works embrace fourteen volumes in the edition : Madrid, 1 745 — 
1752; and fifteen in the reprint : Madrid, 1799. No additional 
matter is found in the reprint; the original vol. VII was 
divided into VII and VTH in the new edttion. 

The first four Trozos of Torres' life were published together 
in 1743; the fifth Trozo, in 1753; the sixth, in 1758. 

How Ticknor (II, 346) can say that Torres "was distinguished 
by his knowledge of natural sciences " is not clear, after reading 
the man's autobiography. 



170. Gallardo, no. 266 : Vida y sucesos del Astrdlogo Don Gomez 
Arias ', escrita por el mismo Don Gomez Arias . . . Madrid, 

171. The best and most thorough study of Feijoo is found in : 

Menendez y Pelayo, Heterod., vol. Ill, pp. 67 — 82, where 
numerous corrections are made to Ticknor's appreciation (see 
Ticknor, II, pp. 347— 350). 

172. All previous studies of Isla's life, works, and importance, pale 
before the beautiful work : Les precheurs burlesques en Espagne 
au i8™ e Steele. Etude sur U P. Is la, par le P. Bernard 
Gaudeau, S. J. Paris, 1891 (final form of his Le Fere Isla. 
Etude sur le i8 me Steele en Espagne. Paris, 1890). The 
author of this remarkable study had as a Jesuit access to many 
documents that had not been accessible to earlier critics. 

173. The only correct edition of the Gerundio, the only one for 
which the M. S. of Part II was consulted, is that by Eduard 
Lidforss, vols. XL1H and XLIV of Brockhaus , Coleccion 
de Autores Espanoles, Leipzig, 1885. 

The first part first appeared in 1758; the second, secretly 
in 1768, the first having been prohibited by an edict of 1760. 
Part II was prohibited in 1776. 

174. Isla's translation of Gil Bias was first printed in 1787. On 
the question of the originality of Gil Bias, see my notes to 
Espinel's Obregon, Castillo Solorzano's Trapaza, etc. (notes 
no. 116, 152); and for Gaudeau' s view: Gaudeau, Isla, 
pp. 143 — 166. 

175. The author, who calls himself Abogado de los Reales Consejos, 
is absolutely unknown. His name may have been assumed. 
The novel has the following title: Los enredos de un lugar, 
6 historia de los prodigios y hazanas del cilebre abogado de 
Conchuela el Lie. Taruga, del famoso escribano Carrales y 
otros ilustres personages que hubo en el mismo pueblo dntes 
de despoblarse, etc, Su autor: Don Fernando Gutierrez de 




Vegas, Abogado de los Reales Consejos. Madrid, 1778 — 1781, 
3 vols, small 8°. Reprinted in 3 vols., Madrid, 1800, with 
omission of the " Advertencias a quien leyere" with which 
vol. I of 1778 began. 

176. Viajes de Enrique Wanton al pais de las monas, traducidos 
del ingles al italiano, y de este al espaliol. Por Don Joaquin 
de Guzman y Manrique. Madrid, r772, 2 vols. A supple- 
ment, in 2 vols., appeared in 1778, in the introduction of 
which the author says: "buscando en Italia la continuation, 
acabe de persuadirme a que el autor no era Ingles, como se 
finge, sino verdaderamente Italiano." 

I have not succeeded in finding the Italian author of the 
original two volumes. 

See about Guzman y Manrique: Ens ay de una Biblioteca 
Espdnola de los mejores escritores del reynado de Carlos 
III, por D. Juan Sempere y Guarinos. Madrid, 1789. Tomo 
VI, p. 112. 

His real name was Gutierre Joaquin Vaca de Guzman. The 
first part being too personal, he was compelled by royal order 
to stop editing it; the continuation avoided personal allusions. 

I 77* Vida de Perico del Campo y Obra restituida a su idioma 
original, por un buen espafiol. Dala a luz el Abate Alcino. 
Madrid, 1792. 

It is a translation of: La vie de Pe'drillo del Campo, roman 
comique dans le gout espagnol. Par monsieur T. G. D. T. 
Amsterdam, 1720. 

The first edition of the French work is of Paris, 17 18 (see 
Barbier, Dictionnaire des anonymes et pseudonymes, Paris, 
1806, 4 vols. no. 7383). Barbier says the author's name is 
Thibaut. This name occurs in the Amsterdam edition at the 
bottom of the D/dicace. The Spanish translation has (Aviso 
del traductor, p. XI): tt Thibaut despues rae Gobernador de 
Talmont, capital de Poitou, a lo que he podido averiguar, y 
eso quieren significar aquellas letras iniciales." 



178. Aventuras de Juan Luis, historia divertida, que puede ser 
util, y da a luz Don Diego Ventura Rexon y Lucas. Madrid, 

The author's real name was Don Diego Rejon de Silva, 

author of the poem: La Pintura, Madrid, 1786. 

Sempere y Guarinos (/. c. vol. V) mentions the poem, but 
not the novel. 

See also: Cueto, in Riv., 61, p. CLXIV. 

179. as does Giles y Rubio (Discurso, p. 50), together with the 
last four books mentioned by me. 

180. Vida de Pedro Saputo, natural de Almudebar, hy'o de una 
mujer, ojos de vista clara y padre de la agudeza. Zaragoza, 
Imprenta de R. Gallifa. 1844. 348 pages, -f- 3 of Indice and 
1 of Err at as. This little volume is a feutlleton of a Zara- 
goza newspaper. The only copy known is the one belonging 
to Prof. Menendez y Pelayo. 

The author was Braulio Foz, professor of Greek at Zaragoza 
(see about him; Latassa, Biblioteca de escritores aragoneses. 
Edici6n aumentada por D. F. G6mez Uriel, Zaragoza, 1885, 
tomo I, pp. 522 — 524). He lived 1791 — 1865, and wrote 
besides: Novisima poetica espanola. Poema satirico en 12 
cantos. Por e. A. d. S. Zaragoza, 1859. The M e. A. d. S." 
means: el Autor del Saputo. 

The story contains a neat description of student life in the 
beginning of this century (cap. 9 — 13). 

The story of tt la justicia de Almudebar" is the story of 
the peasants who, when their only blacksmith had deserved 
capital punishment, hang seven carpenters, of whom they could 
spare a few. 

The story of " el milagro de Alcolea n is the story of Ulen- 
spiegel with the boots. 

181. The full title is : 

Vida y hechos de Gil Perez de Marchamalo, publicados 



por D. Juan Federico Muntadas. Madrid, Rivadeneyra. 2 vols. 
First edition: 1866. Second edition: 1872. 

182* Vol. II in the Segunda Serie of the Episodios nacionales. 
First edition of this volume: Madrid, 1881; since then, fre- 
quently reprinted in the series. 

183. First edition: Madrid, 1884. Since then: vol. XIII of the 
Obras completer de D. Jose M. de Pereda. Madrid, 1891. 

184* See concerning the whole movement: Meifendez y Pelayo, 
Heterod., vol. HI, pp. 783 — 795. 

185. In vol. Ill of his: Coleccidn de opuscules. Sevilla, 1877. See 
Menendez y Pelayo, /. c, p. 784, and p. 786, note 1. 

186. Menendez y Pelayo, ibid., p. 795. 

187. Guzman; Jtistina; Enriquez de Castro; Necio bien a/ortu~ 
nado; Teresa; Garduha; Pindar 0; Guadana. These explicitly 
promise a continuation that did not appear. I do not mention 
those which were actually brought to an end by the author. 

Lazarillo and the Buscon should have been continued by 
the authors, according to indications at the end of the works. 

188. Morel-Fatio, in his Etudes sur VEspagne^ ire serie, says 
(Preface, p. IX): 

"A defaut d'un gros livre, qui paraitra en son temps, sur 
la societe espagnole au XVIe et au XVTIe siecle, void d'abord, 
et comme pour le preparer, plusieurs dissertations", etc. 

This was written in 1888. Since that time, the author has 
given us an article on the go HI la as a typical part of the 
Spanish official costume (Espana moderna % Nov. 1894), * ne 
only published outcome of his studies in this line — a sufficient, 
proof of the magnitude of such undertakings. But: in magnis 
voluisse . . . algo est.