Full text of "An Outline of the History of the Novela Picaresca in Spain"

See other formats

Google

This is a digital copy of a book that was preserved for general ions on library shelves before il was carefully scanned by Google as part of a project

to make the world's books discoverable online.

Il has survived long enough for the copyright to expire and the book to enter the public domain. A public domain book is one that was never subject

to copyright or whose legal copyright term has expired. Whether a book is in the public domain may vary country to country. Public domain books

are our gateways to the past, representing a wealth of history, culture and knowledge that's often diflicult to discover.

Marks, notations and other marginalia present in the original volume will appear in this file - a reminder of this book's long journey from the

publisher to a library and finally to you.

Usage guidelines

Google is proud to partner with libraries to digitize public domain materials and make them widely accessible. Public domain books belong to the
public and we are merely their custodians. Nevertheless, this work is expensive, so in order to keep providing this resource, we have taken steps to
prevent abuse by commercial parlies, including placing technical restrictions on automated querying.
We also ask that you:

+ Make non-commercial use of the plus We designed Google Book Search for use by individuals, and we request that you use these files for
personal, non-commercial purposes.

+ Refrain from automated querying Do not send automated queries of any sort to Google's system: If you are conducting research on machine
translation, optical character recognition or other areas where access to a large amount of text is helpful, please contact us. We encourage the
use of public domain materials for these purposes and may be able to help.

+ Maintain attribution The Google "watermark" you see on each file is essential for informing people about this project and helping them find
additional materials through Google Book Search. Please do not remove it.

+ Keep it legal Whatever your use, remember that you are responsible for ensuring that what you are doing is legal. Do not assume that just
because we believe a b<x>k is in the public domain for users in the United States, that the work is also in the public domain for users in other

countries. Whether a book is still in copyright varies from country to country, and we can't offer guidance on whether any specific use of
any specific book is allowed. Please do not assume that a book's appearance in Google Book Search means il can be used in any manner
anywhere in the world. Copyright infringement liability can be quite severe.

About Google Book Search

Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers
discover the world's hooks while helping authors ami publishers reach new audiences. You can search through I lie lull text of this book on I lie web
at |http : //books . qooqle . com/|

% I

J fe

£ *

1 #"

AN OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY

OF THE

NOVELA PICARESCA IN SPAIN

AN OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY

OF THE

NOVELA PICARESCA IN SPAIN

AN OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY

OF THE

NOVELA PICARESCA IN SPAIN

DISSERTATION

PRESENTED TO TOE

BOARD OF UNIVERSITY STUDIES OF THE
JOHNS HOPKINS UNTVERSITY AT BALTIMORE

FOR THE DEGREE OV

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

- FONGER DE HAAN

May 1895 *

THE HAGUE— NEW YORK

MARTINUS NIJHOFF
September 1903

oo^GS M3SI

When I wrote this dissertation, I could assume
that before sending it to the printer I might
rework it.

The Board of University Studies of the Johns
Hopkins University has requested that my work be
printed, in the form in which, eight years ago, it
was presented.

F. W. Chandler s Romances of roguery. Part L

The picaresque novel in Spain, (1899) appeared

almost simultaneously with my study: Picaros y

ganapanes (in : Homenaje a Menindezy Pelayo, 1899).

The author could not notice my having worked
on the same subject, the only earlier printed record
thereof being in the yearly report of the Johns
Hopkins University.

The merit of his book precludes regret — on
any one's part.

August, 1903.

PREFACE.

La vraie gloire litteraire de l'Espagne
reside dans le roman, dans l'histoire et dans
la poesie heroique, qui est encore une ma-
niere d'histoire.

A. Morel-Fatio,
(Etudes sur FEspagne, I. p. 85)

The following monograph is the outcome of my
studies in Spanish literature, undertaken during the
months of July, August and September 1894 under
the guidance and in the library of Professor M.
Menendez y Pelayo at Santander, Spain, and brought
before the students in the Department of Romance
Languages in the Johns Hopkins University in a
series of weekly lectures during the academic year
1894— 1895.

Owing to the many obscure points in this part
of Spanish literary history, and to the lack of a
good working library, I cannot claim this to be
what I should like to make it : a a History of the
Novela Picaresca".

In the course of a deeper study of this subject,
many questions arise that can only be solved by
constant access to various books that are not found
in any library in this country.

VII

PREFACE.

It is proposed to develop this dissertation into a
book that may do justice to the subject. To this
end it will be necessary

i. to establish, if possible, the etymology and
first appearance of the word picaro ;

2. to trace the picaro as a social caste, in Castile
and elsewhere in the Spanish domains ;

3. to settle a number of bibliographical matters
that are left incomplete here.

As for the relation between the personal history
of the authors and the adventures of their heroes,
it is clear that where years of painstaking study
have failed to reveal to Spaniards what we should
like to know, a foreign student far away from ar-
chives and special libraries can only hope, but not
expect, to find new material.

The various questions that remain a subjudice n
are duly pointed out; here and there I have sug-
gested a solution which it will be my task to carry
out at the earliest opportunity.

Notwithstanding its defects, the following treat-
ment contains more material than that presented in
any other work which has appeared up to the present.
Especially has attention been paid to bibliography,
that most troublesome of subdivisions of Spanish
literary history.

VIII

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

PAGK.

Preface . . . . • vn

Table of contents ix

Literature on the novela picaresca in Spain.

A. Special studies xi

B. In general studies of literary history .... xn

I. The novela picaresca. Its name. Its literary

antecedents in Spain i

» II. Lazarillo de Tormes 9

III. Guzman de Alfarache 14

IV. La picara Justina 19

V. El Viaje entretenido, by Agustin de Rojas . . 20

vVI. Cervantes 22

VII. The Viaje del mundo, by Cevallos 25

VIII. El JPasagero, by Suarez de Figueroa 2J

IX. Marcos de Obregon, by Espinel 29

X. La desordenada codicia, etc., by Garcia ... 32

XI. Enriquez de Castro, by Loubayssin de Lamarca 33

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

PAGE.

XII. Pedro de Urdemalas, by Salas Barbadillo . . 34

XIII. Alonso tnozo de muchos amos, by Alcala Yanez 37

XIV. La monja alferez 39

XV. The Comentarios del Desengdhado, by Diego

Duque de Estrada 40

XVI. Historia de la vida del Buscon, by Quevedo. 42

XVII. El soldado Pindaro, by Cespedes 44

XVIII. Raitnundo el entremetido, by Valderrama . . 45

XIX. Teresa, Trapaza, and the Garduna, by Castillo

Solorzano 46

XX. The Sigh pitagdrico, by Enriquez Gomez . 48

XXI. Estevanillo Gonzalez 49

XXII. Diego de Torres y Villaroel 53

XXIII. Gomez Arias 56

XXIV. Gil Perez de Marchamalo> by Muntadas . . 58

XXV. Memorias de un cortesano de 1815, by Perez

Galdos 61

XXVI. Pedro Sanchez, by Pereda 62

Conclusion 64

Notes on An outline of the history of the novela picaresca
in Spain 69

LITERATURE ON THE
NOVELA PICARESCA IN SPAIN.

A. Special Studies.

A. E.

(in : Discurso preliminar,

Madrid, Rivadeneyra,

. PP-

(8. F. Wolf (in: Jahrbiicker der Lileratur, Band 122,

Wien, 1848, pp. 98—106).
58. Ernest Lafond, Les humoristes espagnols. (in: Revue

Contemporaine, 15 Juin 1858).
>2. Karl Stahr, Mendoza's Lazarillo und die Settler —
und Sckelmenromane der Spanier. (in: Deutsche fahrbucher
fur Politik und Literatur, Bd. Ill, Berlin, 1862, pp.
411-444).
1866. Emile Chasles, VEspagne picaresque, (in: Miguel de
Cervantes, par E. C, 2 me ed., Paris, 1866, pp. 254—286).
Yj. (Anon.) Picaresque Romances, {in : The Southern
Review, vol. II, Baltimore, Bledsoe and Browne, 1867,
pp. 146—171).
187a 0. Collman, Gil Bias und die Novela Picaresca.
( (in: Herrig's Archiv, vol. 46, 1870, pp. 219—250).
56. A. Morel-Fatio. Preface to the Vie de Lazarille
de Tormes. Paris, H. Launette & Cie, 1886, pp. I— XXII.
$7. Dr. Jan ten Brink, Gerbrand Adriaensz. Bredero,
vol. Ill, De Muchten en de blippdcn, Leiden, 1889,
pp. 182—212.

A. Morel-Fatio, Lazarille de Tormes, (in: Eludes
serie, pp. 114-140; 171-176)
XI

LITERATURE ON THE NOVELA PICARESCA IN SPAIN.

1888. Dr. Jan ten Brink, Dr. Nicolaas Heinsius fun., eene
studie over den Hollandschen schelmenroman der
I7 C eeuw. Rotterdam, 1888.

1888. Karl von ReinhardstSttner, Aegidius Albertinus, der
Vater des deutschen Schelroenromans (pi: Jahrbuch fur
Munchencr Geschichte, II. Jahrgang, 1888, pp. 13 — 16).

1890. Leo Claretie, (in: Lesage romancier, Paris, 1890,

PP- I75-425)-
\ 1890. Jose Giles y Rubio, El origen y desarrollo de la novela
picaresca (Discurso leido en la solemne apertura del curso
academico de 1890 a 1891). Oviedo, 1890. 4 , 52 pp.

1892. Wilhelm Lauser, Der erste Schelmenroman, Lazarillo van
Tonnes. 2 nd edition, Stuttgart, 1 892. (Einleitung, pp. 1 —42).

1893. Albert Schultheiss, Der Schelmenroman der Spanier
und seine Nachbildungen (Sammiung gemeinverstandlicher
wissenschaftlicher Vortrage, Heft 165. Hamburg, 1893).

•*

B. IN GENERAL HISTORIES OF LITERATURE.

Georg Ticknor, Geschichte der sckonen Literatur in Spanien.
Deutsch mit Zus&tzen herausgegeben von N. H. Julius.
Leipzig, 1852. (vol. I, pp. 399— -401; vol. II, pp.
210—224).

, Supplementband, von Adolf Wolf. Leipzig,

1867. (pp. 158—162).

Karl Goedeke, Grundriss zur Geschichte der deutschen Dichtung.
2 nd edition, Dresden, 1886. (vol. II, pp. 575—579).

Dr. Heinrich K6rting, Geschichte des franzdsischen Romans
im XVIL/ahrhundert. vol. I. Leipzig. 1885. (pp. 50—56).

F. M. Warren, A history of the novel previous to the seven-
teenth century. New York, 1895. (pp. 286—322).

'•*\»

•t

N.B. I have placed here only such studies as I have
been able to consult; others will be found quoted
at second hand.

XII

S. .^'JL

■1*

■i «*

*$$

.t;,

h»*

The novela picaresca. Its name. Its
literary antecedents in spain.

The novela picaresca is the autobiography of a
pfcaro, a rogue, and in that form a satire upon the
conditions and persons of the time that gives it
birth, i

It is claimed that the Lazarillo de Tormes is the
first specimen of this class of literature in Spain. 2
This is true if we admit that a novel must be
essentially in prose, but not true if we allow the
appellation to a composition written in poetry.

Neither are we entitled to call the Lazarillo a
novela picaresca if the novel is to be regarded
exclusively as fiction, for, nothing being known
concerning its author, so far as we are aware it
may be the actual history of his life ; and though
the adventures are clearly written with satirical
intent, they would not in this case deserve the name
of a novel.

If it be demanded that the hero of the work shall
use the name picaro in any part of his career, we

i i

^
t

&«. *L

i ~

NOVELA PICARESCA.

.*;

have also to set aside the Lazarillo, because the
first time this word is applied to the hero of a story-
is in 1599, in the Guzman de Alfarache.

Let us see who is the picaro, in order to arrive
at the definition of the novelet, picaresca.

The early Spanish dictionaries define the picaro
as a a person of the lowest class, ragged and dirty,
who is employed in low work", 3 to which was
later added the meaning : u astute ; he who by skill
and dissimulation attains what he desires." 4

The first time that the word is used in the novel
Guzman de Al/arache, it is in the combination u a
thievish young picaro, " 5 while a few lines later we
find him u carrying things as an ass would * 6 and
"laden with a basket." 7

Cervantes, in Rinconete y Cortadillo, 8 uses the -V

word for a ragged rascal, and with the same meaning {; ■ 4

in La thistre fregona, 9 and makes the heroes of * *•;'•■

the former establish themselves as basket-boys who
carry things from the market to the houses of
purchasers. IO

In El Averiguador Universal for 1879 C(esareo)
F(ernandez) D(uro) asks the question who were the
picaros? He had found in the city ordinances of 5?t

an old town of Castile, written in the sixteenth tit

century, the regulation : " there shall be only twelve - ****

ganapanes and twelve picaros, and to distinguish
them the ganapanes shall use red hoods and the
picaros green ones." " To which Sbarbi, the editor, •;* j

replied that according to Salva's dictionary, the

M 1

Jk>

NOVELA PICARESCA.

• <

i-i

word picaro formerly designated the boy who stands
with his basket in the marketplace to carry what
is entrusted to him. I2

Not only in the above-mentioned city ordinances
do we find the names picaro and ganapdn mentioned
as being closely related to each other; but Lope
de Vega in La esclava de su galdn makes one of
the characters use the two words in the same Jornada,
both adressed to the same person, and both with
vituperative force. J 3

The ganapanes were thus called "because they
earned their bread with hard work, and with a more
becoming name they were called hermanos del
trabajo; and they lead a happy life, not caring
about honor, and so they are ashamed of nothing;
they do not mind going about in rags, and not
having property, they cannot be sued by creditors.
They eat and drink of the best, and spend their
lives in contentment." J 4

These same traits are found in the Guzman *s
and in the poem La vida del picaro, l6 so that it
may be said that the difference between these two
characters was, that the ganapdn did heavy work,
carrying heavy things, and the picaro used a basket,
of which the contents were necessarily small, so
that a boy could exercise^this office.

This being established, the derivation of the word
picaro from "pica, a lance for infantry, either
because they carried one in war, or were sold 'sub
hasta* as prisoners of war," x 7 or from u picar, to

NOVELA PICARESCA.

pick up," l8 do not satisfy us. Neither the meaning
nor the accent authorizes this etymology. l * The
Italian piccolo comes nearer to jrtcarp in form, but
again we are confronted with the difficulty of
explaining why the Spanish word was used for a
ragged basket-boy while the Italian word has no
such meaning, and has moreover various equivalents
in Spanish, one of them, pequ efio, probably from
the same root. 2 °

It will be necessary to study city ordinances of
the sixteenth century, before we can say when the
picaros came forward as a class of people or try
to determine their origin, which may give us a
sure foundation for conjecture as to their name.

The first time that, as far as I have been able
to ascertain, the word occurs in literature, is in a
letter by Eugenio de Salazar, 2I written probably
not later than 1560. 22 He gives us there a delightful
description of Toledo, where he finds the picaro in
company of the worst rabble that a large city
contains, and his long enumeration of dangerous
characters 2 3 calls to mind a passage from the
Arcipreste de Hita, 2 4 which in turn, by rare coin-
^ cidence, is reproduced by Clement Marot. 2 $

So the picaro was a member of a class that bore
a bad reputation, in fact was ranked with the lowest
people. He did not work hard for a living, spent
what he could get on eating and drinking, and did
not concern himself about hoiy»r.

In these points, though the word does not occur

4 <

(

*■«•

NOVELA PICARESCA.

4
t

in the story, Lazarillo is the equal of the pfcaro.
All his concern is how to get something where-
with to satisfy his ever-present appetite, stealing
when no other way offers, and perfectly happy when
at last he finds a place where he can eat at the
expense of his honor.

Long before Lazarillo was given to the public,
autobiographic works existed in Spanish and in
other languages of the Peninsula. The Arcipreste
de Hita had written his poem which is usually
called Libro de cant ares 26 and is considered as one
of the masterpieces of Spanish literature. 2 7 In it
he describes in an attractive form his quest of
pleasure, especially of love successes, and puts
himself without hesitation in the light of a rather
unscrupulous personage who associates with very
disreputable individuals to attain his ends, though
frequently feeling compunction at his naughtiness.
Inexhaustible is his good humor and his wit,
unexcelled his style and his happy impersonation of
various characters, inimitable his fluency of versifica-
tion in the numerous forms of verse, and unrivalled
the appropriateness with which he introduces and
tells a fable. But all this does not make him a
picaro. He neither steals nor even begs for suste-
nance, in fact, is only too much addicted to women,
and though he would not be generally considered
a model, especially as a pxiest, he would be a more
desirable, more entertaining, and safer acquaintance
than any one of the persons whom we shall meet

NOVELA PICARESCA.

in the course of our study of the novel proper. It
is true he is satirical, and writes an autobiography,
but it is a poem, and poems are not novels, even
when they are fiction.

Likewise, remarkable and interesting though the
work be, we can only reject the claim of Jaume

* Roig*s /^flri 4c k* done* 2 ?- to consideration as a
picaresque novel. 2 9 It is the story of a man from
Valencia who in his old age relates the story of his
life to a nephew in order to warn him against the
wiles of women. While young he started out to
the wars in France, obtained much booty, was mar-
ried most unfortunately three times, and found that
"all was vanity. n The purpose of the work is a
satire against women; the hero worked hard and
honorably for his earnings, and though poor at the
beginning of his career, we do not read that he
debased himself by thieving or trickery. Moreover,
his production is a poem; this, together with the
reasons just noted, induces us to exclude it from a
place among the novel* picaresct, though, like the
Arcipreste's book, it has a right to be called a fore-
runner of that novela.

More directly, perhaps, was the autobiographic
form suggested to the author of Lazarillo by the
Asinus Aureus of Apulejus, of which the Spanish

\ translation was first printed in 15 13, followed soon
by various other editions. 3<> Though the two works
bear no similarity as to contents, both deal with
the lower classes and satirize the higher orders of

NOVELA PICARESCA.

society, and both are characteristic of the time in
which they were composed: the Asinus Aureus,
of the Roman empire, threatened with dissolution,
infested with disorderly persons and depraved char-
acters; the Lazarillo, of a realm that seemed po-
werful, but at whose vitals was gnawing the evil
that was to destroy it: the horror of honest toil. 31

The Celestina and its host of imitations also
deserves our attention as having paved the way
for the novela picaresca. To speak here only of
the Celestina itself, a work far more noteworthy
than any of the numerous continuations, we have
a long prose dialogue, hardly to be called a play
on account of its extent and many passages that
could never be produced on any stage, which por-
trays, in a manner not since equalled, all the desires,
hopes and fears, all the baseness and depravity of
the lowest of humankind. Through all the Sixteenth
century ife popularity was unequalled; there seems
to be no end to the number of editions 3* that found
ever ready buyers and readers ; its imitations 33 are
as numerous as those of Amadis> and it was only
when Don Quijote entered upon his triumphant
march through the literary world that the Celestina
descended *to a less prominent place among the
chief masterpieces of Spanish literature.

Yet, though dealing with low characters, and
often frankly satirical in their tone, the Celestinas
are not picaresque works, much less novels. What
they satirize is the wickedness of young men of

NOVELA PICARESCA.

# * *»•»

high rank, who shun no baseness if they can betray
a young lady of high standing; the numerous class
of horrible old hags who help them in their sinful
undertakings; the servants, never faithful to their
masters, but only intent upon gain; the braggarts
and swashbucklers, cowardly- with the strong and
overbearing with the weak and unprotected; the
silly young women, so easily led astray by fine
words and extravagant pretense of affection; the
would-be poets who call upon all heaven find earth
for inspiration, and in many words, that no one
understands, express nothing that conveys a thought ;
in short, all classes of society in their relation to
one another are pictured in the original Celestina
with a power that even now causes the effect of a
lifelike portrait, in the imitations with a sort of pre-
tentious attempt at learning. The purpose, how-
ever, of drawing attention to existing evils and of
hinting at the remedy for them, 34 is not there:
the only lesson that is taught in these works, is
that of shunning the dangerous path of illicit love.

Now, having set aside the poetic works of the
Arcipreste de Hita and of Jaume Roig, as well as
the dialogued Cele^tinas, I ask once more: what
is a novela picarescaf

It is the prose autobiography of a person, real
or imaginary, who strives by fair means and by
foul to make a living, and in relating his experience
in various classes of society, points out the evils
which came under his observation.

NOVELA PICARESCA.

This definition more strictly applies only to "SEe?
most typical novels of this class. Later the auto-j
biographic form was not always regarded necessary!
for the purpose, and sometimes also the satirical^
intention is absent. But in the latter case we find [J
a state of society which, though accepted by the ff
author, is so bad that the careful portrayal of it is 11
a sufficient hint as to what needs correction; and
thus, perhaps unintentionally, the author writes a|
satire upon this society, himself included. 1

II.

Lazarillo de Tormes.

Toward the end of the reign of Charles V there
appeared a little book that, unpretentious and unas-
suming , was the severest satire upon existing con -
ditions of society. It narrates the adventures of a
boy who, in the various classes with whom he had
associated, had always suffered from want of food,
so that he could satisfy the cravings of his stomach
only by theft and trickery. When he finds a
person of honor, it is one who by his pride and
his sense of honor is compelled to go without earn-
ing and without eating, because work would be
debasing to one of his extraction. Lazarillo, the
boy, finds the end of his hardships only when he

NOVELA PICARESCA.

sacrifices his honor for the sake of eating his fill.

Spain was at this epoch a country of peculiar
social conditions. 35 It had for centuries been fight-
ing to free itself of foreign invaders with whom it
had nothing in common, and had at last succeeded
in re-establishing its power and independence. In
the course of this long contest its inhabitants, known
from the oldest times for their unconquerable desire
for freedom, had strengthened that desire, and been
rewarded for their exertions in war by various pri-
vileges which placed their rights upon a firm basis.
Both the higher and the lower classes had in many
civil uprisings asserted their rights, the last time
with disastrous results, when the war of the Comti-
nidades ended in the victory of a new principle:
absolute monarchy.

In the endless intestine, and later foreign, wars,
all classes had. found opportunity to satisfy their
longing for adventure and their desire for gain. To
these the discovery of the Western hemisphere and
of many other unknown lands had opened new
fields, and many eagerly flocked thither to achieve
renown and wealth. This had drawn the most sturdy
elements of society from the country, and as most
of the able-bodied subjects had sought their fortunes
elsewhere, it was only the feebler ones who had
remained. Of these, many sought to gain a living
in official capacity, for which the Universities were
the antechamber, while others, less advantageously
situated, tried to live on the crumbs that fell from

NOVELA PICARESCA.

the tables of the wealthy. An extravagant court
had set the example of prodigality, and this, together
with the enormous expense of endless wars from
which no profit accrued to the country, intended as
they were to satisfy only the ambitious aims of the
ruler, had brought the resources of the country to A

the verge of bankruptcy.

Under these inauspicious conditions the little book :
La vida de Lazarillo de Tormes y de sus fortunas
y adversidades appeared. Cits keynote is the ever-
lasting and ever present hunger 36 that filled the
country from end to end with famished wretches,
while those who possessed some property guarded
it as their very life, denying themselves almost the
necessities of sustenance in order to accumulate a
little hoard of wealth. 37^ Those in a position to
help others failed to do their duty by their fellow-
man, the nobles in rewarding, not faithful servants,
but only those who pandered to their tastes, 3* the
clergy by being unapproachable when in high posi-
tion, 39 and by being more miserly than others when
only possessed of a small living. 4° The petty
nobles had only one feeling : that of their import-
ance and the consideration due to them on account
of their birth ; 4* they consequently could not debase
themselves by work, and their only hope was to
find a place in the household of the strong in
power. 42 When once in such positions, adroitness
in flattering their masters was the only means to
insure their future, 43 as also in a lower estate only

I-

NOVELA PICARESCA.

>*he astute and unscrupulous could thrive. 44 f Charity
<r W as found only among the lower classes, 45 and at
times even this would fail, when the host of beg-
gars became so great that the authorities thought
it advisable to drive them from the cities.*^

Among the people so sorely afflictecT a certain
dismal good-humor and hopefulness prevailed, that
bore them up under the adversest circumstances.
They were capable of keeping up appearances when
everything was wanting, 47 and of laughing heartily
when the comical side of their situation was made
apparent. 48 And when at last a lucky tide had
brought momentary good fortune, they indulged
themselves, 49 regardless of the morrow that would
see them as poor and helpless as before.

A book of this kind could not fail to become
popular, because it spoke aloud what everybody
felt, and gave the people an opportunity to laugh
their pangs away. The more so as in all Spanish
literature, at least in prose, we find no other work
writte n in such simple language and unaffected
style. (An occasional classical allusion 5° does not
indicate that the author was a scholar ; in all Spanish
books of the time it was considered not out of place
to put a vast amount of quotations from Latin and
Greek auth ors in the mouths of stable-boys and low
womei Ts^J How the clumsiness of phrase-construc-
tions found in the work 52 could have been associ-
ated with the name of so consummate a scholar as
Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, who for centuries was

NOVELA PICARESCA.

(and by some well-read persons still is) supposed
to be the author, is incomprehensible. My impres-
sion is that the author, whose name we can only
hope some happy discovery may reveal, was a
person who may have gone through precisely those
adventures that he describes, being of humble birth
and later of modest position, in which he became
known as relating interesting things that had befallen
him in his youth, and that he was requested by a
person of rank to put his experiences on record 53
for the amusement of the general public.

The history of the book is too well known to
be mentioned here at length. How it is claimed
that Mendoza wrote it when a student at Sala-
manca; 54 how it is said 55 that in 1553 it was first
printed at Antwerp, while we only know with
certainly that there are three editions of 1554 (at
Burgos, at Alcala and at Antwerp) 5$ the priority
of which is not even now fully established; how
edition followed edition 57 until in 1559 the book
was prohibited by the Inquisition 58 on account of
its too free utterances concerning the clergy; how,
in spite of this, copies printed in foreign lands
would be introduced into Spain, so that it was at
last deemed advisable to make an expurgated
edition; 59 how in 1555 a continuation 60 had been
composed that showed an entire misconception of
the spirit of the book, and went off into an imitation
of Lucian; how, again, in 1620, 6l a Spaniard living
at Paris took upon himself the task to continue

NOVELA PICARESCA.

where the original author had stopped, and how he
made a readable story in which his griefs against
the Inquisition found vent ; 62 how in imitation of
the Lazarillo de Tormes a Lazarillo de Manzanares
was written, in which a good opportunity to satirize
Madrid life in 1620 was missed ; 6 3 how the book
was soon translated into other languages 6 4 and
became familiar everywhere, and in Spain was so
popular that the boy who leads a blind man has
ever since been called a lazarillo, 6 s and that certain
other allusions to the story became commonplace
expressions, 66 while Shakespeare did not disdain to
allude to the book,^ and in Dutch, the best comedy, 68
was based upon one of Lazarillo's adventures.

The little book had surely a most remarkable,
though well deserved, fortune, and stands as one
of the most curious, entertaining and important works
in the Spanish language. But though everyone
knew the book by heart, its influence was not power-
ful enough to change the conditions of Spain, ajid
half a century later a voice once more went up to
ameliorate, if possible, the wretched state of the
people.

in.

Guzman de Alfarache.

In 1599 was given to the world another story
in prose, autobiographic in form, its hero being no

NOVELA PICARESCA.

second place that, when he had gone to Madrid in
order to apply for a position under the new govern-
ment, his claim, based upon his service in official
capacity, had been denied, and somebody else, more
skillful in flattery and in fawning on those in power,
had been given the desired place.

That he went to Mexico is sufficiently proved
by various passages in his Ortografia\ nothing
further is known about him, and it is matter of sur-
prise to notice that there seem to be indications, 7*
though rather doubtful, that about 1617 he was
again in Madrid.

It would require evidence drawn from page after
page of the voluminous Guzman to set forth at
length the points noted above. 77 While Guzman
is a book that, as a novel, suffers from the too long
digressions, which some critics have therefor desired
to discard from editions they proposed to make, 78
to me the interest of the story is secondary to those
very digressions, because we find in them the expres-
sion of opinion of a man who in various capacities /
and in long and efficient service had become tho-/
roughly acquainted with the state of things and
who, too old to accept the new order of affairs,
was honest enough to desire the welfare of his
country rather than his own private advantage. I

Strange to say, I do not find that the Inquisition
ever meddled with the book, though some expres-
sions contained in it are much stronger and more
unreserved than the passage that was found objec-

17 2

NOVELA PICARESCA.

tionable in Don Quijote. 79 But we have to consider
the work in the light of our subject; as such, it
bears the character of the real picaresque novel,

I more so, perhaps, than the Lazarillo. For here
we have a person, well equipped for success in
life, who voluntarily throws away his chances, and
prefers to steal and cheat rather than avail himself
of the opportunity to earn an honest living. It is
sufficiently characteristic of the times that this work
was popular as a work of entertainment only; a
long passage in Lujan's continuation of the story 8o
throws a striking light upon the spirit of the
Spanish public of this time — a public that found
material for amusement in literary products which
now cause us to turn aside in disgust from so much
rottenness as was necessary to give rise to such
literature as is discussed in Lujan's work.

It is only very recently that the bibliography of
Aleman is beginning to look satisfactory, and even
now there are some minor details that are not cleared
up. 8l From contemporary statement 82 we knew
his power of work; we now know that he also
indulged in making clever poetical translations from
Horace; 8 3 his critical acumen is proved by his
estimates of the works of others. His knowledge
of the Spanish language not only induced him to
submit a method 8 4 for improving, very reasonably
to be sure, the somewhat unrational Spanish spelling,
but enabled him to write an extensive work that,
though less sparkling with wit than Cervantes and

NOVELA PICARESCA.

less easy in style, is a beautiful specimen of writing,
displaying as it does his command of language alike
in exhortation as in story telling, in sarcasm and
in levity, in description and in dignified remonstrat-
ion. 8 5 The more is the pity that so little is known 86
of a person of such parts; we should like to know
the man who was almost the only representative,
and surely the most settled in his convictions, of
those whose patriotism made them raise their voices
in opposition to the evils that threatened ruin to
their country.

The work of Mateo Lujan de Sayavedra, 8 7 or
Juan Marti, 88 though for some reasons an estimable
book, and a valuable contribution to our knowledge
of his time, «9 sinks into insignificance as a novel
when read after Guzman. All the striking qualities
of the original author aire lacking ; his arrangement
of the plot is frequently awkward; his digressions
no longer form part of the story, but assume the
character of special treatises: his language is wanting
in effectiveness, and contains many constructions
that Aleman no longer used. 9°

Almost the same thing may be said of

IV.

La picara Justina.

The work is pretentious from the very Preface,
and is a monument of Spanish literature mainly for
the reason that it is the earliest important specimen

NOVELA PICARESCA.

of the wretched taste that was soon to prevail. As
a picaresque novel it may safely be left unread, for
the adventures are uninteresting in the extreme;
but a curious piece of literature it is, with its shallow
witticisms and proudly announced variety of verse.
In the matter of language it is a useful book, since,
with its endless play upon words and violent com-
binations of ideas, it furnishes material not easily
gathered from the more pithy jokes of the graciosos,
the comical characters in the Spanish classical
drama. 91

Quite different is the next work,

El Viaje Entretenido, of Agustin de Rojas.

In chronological succession the Viaje should have
come at least before fhejustina, who was given her
place because she is a direct successor to Guzman. $ 2

The Viaje offers interest from every point of view :
the history of the Spanish stage would be very
incomplete if we did not have Rojas* book; but,
besides this, it is an indubitable autobiography 93 of
one of that numerous class who lived by their wits
and their wit, and were not ashamed to confess
their shortcomings and direct violation of all the
proprieties. A real autobiography of this kind is in
itself sufficient to give rise to a class of literature
dealing with unscrupulous characters, and it seems

NO VELA PICARESCA.

peculiar that other actors did not, in like manner,
bring before the public their adventures and ex-
periences. But the picaresque novel had already-
found its form, and other actors did not have the
literary ability of Rojas, whose loas are models of
their kind, and whose prose is as clever as his poetry.

A curious epilogue to his Viaje is formed by his
future adventures. Eight years after this work was
published he wrote a very different kind of book,
El buen republico, from which we learn that, having
added to his experiences that of a lawsuit and an
unhappy marriage, he became a public officer,
escribano, in which position he composed this book,
wherein matters of administration are discussed. 94
But, given the antecedents of the mem and the
character which the government officials bore, it
looks like a case of the wolf in sheep's clothing and
we might consider it safer for society if this picaro
had turned hermit, as sometimes they did: the
danger to those coming into contact with our friend
would not then be increased through confidence in
the garb of official position and the protection of
authority.

The Viaje went through many editions, and
became so widely known, that the name the hero
earned for himself, u el caballero del Milagro",
became the equivalent of the French "chevalier
d' industrie " and is frequently met 95 in later picares-
que literature.

The omnipresence of the picaro y 6 ) no longer

NOVELA PICARESCA.

required the autobiographic form ; we begin to find
rim in every place, and the greatest name in Spanish
literature has also ennobled this Proteus of wickedness.

VI.
Cervantes.

\ Original in everything he wrote; penetrating into

^J* all the circumstances of life, and foreseeing how

the very virtues of the Spaniards of old would show
themselves ill-adapted to the new environment in
which they were to be transplanted, Cervantes brings
before us the picaro as no one else has done. Ale-
man had shown us the beggars' associations in
Italy, 97 with their statutes and their chief; Cervantes,
familiar with the lowest types in the paradise of
Spain, tells us of their fraternity under the leader-
ships of the gigantic figure of Monipodio. 98 So
faithful is the portrayal, so accurate his sense of
detail, that his character etching has enabled an
attentive critic 99 to reveal to us, after the lapse of
centuries, the place were that iniquitous band used
to gather and plan their exploits.

Cervantes passes through Salamanca, and his stay
is long enough to impress indelibly upon his mind
the u aunts " and their u nieces n who kept alive the
legendary name of Celestina. IO ° At Valladolid the
dogs of the hospital gathering alms for the sufferers

-* ■#

• • •

• • a • # d # • •
• • • » •

NO VELA PIC ARES CA.

suggest to him the kaleidoscopic series of adven-
tures gathered under the name Coloquio de los
perros. 1QI The gipsies and their wanderings, their
poetic appearance and their uncompromising disregard
of all authority save that of their own chiefs, inspire
the immortal story I02 of Preciosa.

The clever and witty Gines de Pasamonte, more
dangerous for his shrewdness, unrestrained even in
chains, and able to impersonate manifold unsuspi-
cious characters, is rapidly photographed I0 3 as he
flits by in his changing form. The innkeeper turns
Don Quijote's ideal of a true knight into farce io 4
by showing his own faits et gestes as equal to those
which the knight of the Woeful Figure is striving
to accomplish. The young men of high family,
who desert their comfortable homes for the untram-
melled liberty of picaresque life, find in Cervantes IQ 5
the reporter who surprises their every word, follows
their every step, and writes up their happily ending
peregrination for the enjoyment of the readers of
all ages.

When our author's misplaced confidence lodges
him in the horrors of the prison at Seville, his spirit
is on the alert even in such surroundings, and no
official record, however conscientious, could have
placed before us a more complete description Io6 of
the untold misery, the never ceasing injustice, and
the satanic revelry that are encompassed by those
dungeon-walls. When Cervantes tries his powers in the
drama, the picaro is there, the hero of the play, io 7

NOVELL PICARESCA.

which may justly be called a picaresque comedy.

And after leaving this rogues' gallery reproduced
in indelible colors — a striking collection among the
most precious of the house of Fame — he dies in
poverty, courageous and chivalrous to the last, but
with the doubt as to whether his life had been well
spent, and whether his work would accomplish what
he had intended. Posterity, long blinded by the
glare of the footlights and the pomp of loud-mouthed
actors, has at last placed his name above those of
all others who ever wrote the language of Spain,
and no Spaniard who reads but knows by heart,
as he knowjfe his prayers, the words that fall from
the lips of Don Quijote, the wisdom of the nations
that is stored in the memory of Sancho, the adven-
tures and mishaps that befall this immortal pair.

But only those of cultivated taste have learned
to appreciate the Novelas Ejemplares. While it is
difficult to meet a Spaniard who does not consider
the Quijote the greatest work of all literatures, even
cultured persons will be unfamiliar with Cervantes'
shorter prose writings. I do not yield to the most
confirmed and enthusiastic u Cervantista " in admi-
ration of the genius that fills every page of the
Quijote, but greater still, in my estimation, is the
power that speaks from Rinconete y Cortadillo and
the Coloquio de los perros. The Quijote may cause
us to meditate again upon the relative merit of
ideals and common sense, of egoism and altruism ;
but the perfection of form, the absolute composure

NOVELA PICARESCA.

of the author, the singleness of purpose, and the
unequalled distribution of light a$d shade, make his
shorter stories even dearer to me than the history
of the immortal hero of La Mancha. The flaws we
discover in them are not to be blamed on Cervantes :
they are due to careless editing, and when they have
been corrected, Io8 nothing is left to displease the
most fastidious critic. Had Cervantes found the
opportunity to write his picaresque novel, we should
no longer consider Lesage's Gil Bias the father of
our modern roman de moeurs. As it is, Boccaccio
in his most felicitous moments has nothing to equal
Rinconete; and the picaro of Cervantes, even after
we know such characters as Lazarillo and Guzman,
is a revelation equal to an invention. IQ 9

A statement of Vicente Lafuente, II0 that in order
to know the picaro thoroughly it is necessary to read
the lives of saints, is astounding, and I have not
been able to convince myself of its accuracy. It
becomes probable, however, if we consider that the
picaro is sometimes represented in very pious garb.

vn.

The Viaje del Mundo, by Cevallos.

This work was written by a man who, when he
produced it, had for years (at least so he himself
asserts) been an efficient missionary in the West

2 $

NOVELA PICARESCA.

and East Indies. Nothing seems to be known about
him but what he saw fit to communicate, and he
makes no mystery of what he had done. When
young he had led a dissolute life, fighting duels on
the least provocation; leaving for America when
circumstances grew too threatening for him in Spain,
and leading in the New World the usual wicked
life of the Conquistador es, until at last, being seve-
rely wounded in battle, he recognised the evil of
his ways, reformed, became a priest, and set out to
convert the heathen.

It is peculiar — perhaps it may be due to the
spirit of the times — that the story of the events
of his bad life is much more readable than that of
his experiences in virtue. Not only does the author
repeat himself continually in the latter history, but
besides, it gives the impression of not having been
written with the same enthusiasm and predilection
for his subject as the first part. Though he proudly
relates the conversion of twelve thousand Indians
in one day, his style is much more vivid, his ac-
count more animated, and his language much easier,
when he tells us how he held his own against four
ruffians at Seville, or killed a man who claimed a
bunch of flowers which a lady had dropped at our
author's feet from a window. For parts like these
the book IIX deserves a place in our series, and I
am supported in this view by no less an authority
than Ternaux Compans, who reworked this part of
the Viage into a little book II2 that seems to be

NOVELA PICARESCA.

one of the last specimens of the avowedly picares-
que novel.

By this time the picaro is so firmly established
in literature that we hardly can open a book but
we find him. Everybody had experiences of a
picaresque nature, and in whatever form he wrote,
sometime or other the story would be told. It was
customary to have some personage of a book relate
stories; if these stories happened to be an account
of one's own life, they always became picaresque.
A fine specimen of this class is met in the

VIII.
Pasagero, of Suarez de Figueroa.

Here we find four people who start out in sum-
mer from Madrid to Barcelona, in order to embark
there for Italy. To relieve the tedium of the jour-
ney they converse on a great variety of subjects,
and one, u el Doctor", who has traveled and read
a great deed, is the most important talker. For the
first time in the course of the present study the
word capitulo is discarded: the chapter of this work
is called alivio, while all kinds of titles were given
later to the divisions of these books.

The author is a sarcastic individual who vents
his objections to everything and everybody; his
name being given on the title page with the epithet
u el Doctor", we may suppose that the long account

NOVELA PICARESCA.

given of his own life by the Doctor of the story
is really the author's autobiography, adorned and
adapted to suit the purpose. The more readily
will we agree to this, as little is known of the real
events of his life-history, and a supposedly authentic
contribution to our knowledge of the man is wel-
come. "3

The value of the book consists mainly in the
information we receive from it about the state of
literature at this time. Besides this, the picaro plays
a conspicuous role, not only in the author's, or let
us say, the Doctor's, account "4 of his life, but also
in the best written part, the autobiographic story "5
of the ventero y the innkeeper, one of the worst
specimens of his decried class. All in all, the little
work is a striking example of Spanish prose writing
early in the Seventeenth century, and though pre-
sented in the form of conversation, the interest never
flags; for the insight into character shown by the
writer, gives a tone of reality that is not equalled
in other compositions which resorted to this artifice
of style.

It is supposed, but we have no certainty for the
assumption, that Figueroa describes his own life in
his Pasagero; the same may be said of the work
that follows next in chronological succession, and
ranks far above it in literary value. If the author's
life were known in detail as we are acquainted with
it in outline, this novel would perhaps even gain in
interest, At all events, it is one of the master-

NO VELA PICARESCA.

pieces of Spanish picaresque literature, though many-
esteem it even more for the celebrated controversy
that centres in it, than for its actual undoubted
merit as a picaresque production.

IX.

Marcos de Obregon, by Espinel.

The author, II6 even without this novel, would
hold an important place in Spanish literature, having
invented a form of verse which, from its first appear-
ance, has held public favor, and having made
improvements in the guitar from which dates the
general, almost exclusive, popularity of that instrument
in place of the older vihuela. His poems are esti-
mable, though their tone is sometimes "7 of an
order that might offend a chaste sense of propriety,
and his scholarly attainments enabled him to compose
many laudatory verses, Latin and Spanish, for various
publications of his friends, while he was not unfre-
quently called upon to give to the official press
censors of his time his appreciation of new works.

So great was his reputation that the publisher of
Obregon paid a very high price II8 for the copyright
of this novel. The public, though it has always
continued to esteem the book, seems, however, to
have grown rather weary of further picaresque novels,

NOVELA PICARESCA.

for the editions follow one another at long intervals,
and of prose works of larger scope it was only
Guzman and Quijote, among the older productions,
that continued to appear in frequent reprints.

The Obregon is, like the two last-named novels,
the work of an old man; but while Aleman and
Cervantes had suffered, they had not aged as Espinel
clearly had. There is a tone, an indescribable trend
of weariness running through his book, for which
impression his wild life may account The hero also
being an old man who relates his experiences, the
buoyant spirit of the Guzman is sadly lacking here,
and the escudero relates not the tricks he played
himself, in which the recollection of his boyhood
might have inspired him, but various comical and
remarkable personal reminiscences of his meeting
with curious characters. The perfection of the
language, however, grows upon the reader, and
perhaps also it is the pleasure of meeting well-known
personages of Gil Bias' host of acquaintances that
makes us appreciate Obregon.

It may be said that Lesage has revived the interest
in Espinel, who otherwise would have been assigned
a place among the literary curiosities; as it is, the
interest that the Frenchman aroused for the history
of the ficaro and his literature, has placed Obregon
in a conspicuous position. And this the work would
deserve of its own merits, for language, for unaf-
fected prose style, for curious and well-told stories, "9
for carefully delineated characters, and for mention

NOVELA PICARESCA.

of several historic personages, various traits of whose
character are recorded only here. I2 °

That Obregon and Espinel are identical is apparent
from many passages I21 in the story; still, though
many events must be considered as having been
actually passed through by Espinel, there are some I22
which it can be proved are fictitious, and thus it is
here no easy task to discriminate in every instance
between history and fiction.

Espinel, who had led a very stormy life, might
perhaps have written a greater work by recording
frankly everything he experienced from early youth
to old age, and by placing before the public the
result of his views in regard to his own actions as
an example and a warning. Though such was 12 3
his professed purpose, there are strong indications I2 4
that he more particularly intended the book for the
delectation of his friend and patron, the Cardinal
Archbishop of Toledo (who had also befriended
Cervantes), Don Bernardo de Sandoval y Rojas,
who, only too well acquainted with Espinel's life,
could not have been edified by seeing his sinful
protege make a public confession in print.

The time for such works was not far distant;
but the spirit of the times not yet being so cynical
that everything could be acceptable as u human docu-
ments w , when a real autobiography appeared in
Spanish it would in the main be a record of duel-
ling and feats of arms. Of such productions we
shall presently find some examples. In historic

NOVELA PICARESCA.

succession, however, two other works claim our
attention that have the peculiarity of having been
written in France, the one by a Spaniard, the other
by a Frenchman, though both are in Spanish.

The number of Spaniards was great at the French
capital ; many of them made a living by teaching
their language, as did the author of the second and
best continuation of Lazarillo, Juan de Luna. One
of these Spaniards who made a living by teaching
Spanish to Parisians may have been the author
of the curious book that we shall now consider.

La desordenada codicia de los bienes ajenos.

The subtitle runs: a la antigttedad y nobleza de
los ladrones " and indicates the scope of the work.
The author, "5 u El Doctor* Garcia, gives an account
of his conversation with a prisoner, probably in some
prison of Paris, who tells him of his experiences
as a thief and proves that, to begin with Adam,
everybody who has attained renown was a thief in
some respects. The little volume is a noteworthy
contribution to our knowledge of members of this
class and of the characteristic vocabulary belonging
to them and to their tricks. It is a clever compo-
sition, written in pleasant style, and contains much

NOVELA PICARESCA.

information and many jokes not easily found else-
where, while the author's extensive reading is fre-
quently apparent in his allusions to literature. The
little work might still have gained in value had the
author seen fit to institute a comparison between
Spanish and French thieves, as in another I26 and
more popular treatise he compared the two nations
in their habits of life. From the latter, more than
from any other contemporary source, we get a com-
plete account of various peculiarities that are invalu-
able for the right understanding of obscure matters
of dress and manners such as a native does not
consider strange and striking, and a foreigner seldom
consigns to writing.

The other work referred to above, that by a
Frenchman, is a novel, greatly overestimated, if we
are to judge by the price booksellers place upon it.

XI.

Enriquez de Castro, by Loubayssin

de Lamarca.

The story is bulky enough to satisfy the most
eager reader, and insipid enough to make its chief
merit consist in two facts therein demonstrated;
namely, that the Spanish language was very popular
outside of Spain, being studied and even written

33 3

..... - -2-v PU*- — - - - —

NOVELA PICARESCA.

by foreigners, and also, that it is possible for a
foreigner to learn Spanish well enough to write
books in it.

This is all I can say in favor of the production,
which contains the account Enriquez de Castro gives
of his uneventful and uninteresting life, in a way
that makes us wonder how the author "7 succeeded
in filling so large a book with so little plot, circum-
stance, thought or reflexion. Had he continued
to write short books, as his earlier Engafilos de este
sigh, improving his moral tone as he did his
language, " 8 he might have attained an enviable
place among Spanish story-tellers; as it stands, his
chief production is an abortion, mentioned here
only for the sake of completeness of repertory.

As Cervantes' novelas gave rise to several dramas,
so one of his plays inspired a very fertile and clever
author, dramatist himself of no small skill, to write
a novel of the same name, the subject itself indicating
that we should have here a picaresque novel, and
the repute of its author warranting its importance.

XII.

Pedro de Urdemalas, by Salas Barbadillo.

Unfortunately the book is very rare, never having
been reprinted, and I have not been able to obtain

NOVELA PICARESCA.

even a view of the novel. It would be interesting
to compare Cervantes' play and Barbadillo's rework-
ing, which, to judge by other works of his hand, I2 9
surely will hold a worthy place beside the original.

Of another book, El Licenciado Talega, the title
of which leaves us to suppose that it may have been
a novel, and perhaps of picaresque character, nothing
is known except that a well-known Spanish printer x 3°
early in the Eighteenth century puts the work
among those of our author. In this classification,
however, there may be a mistake, as we have an
official x 3* list of his genuine writings, in which list
Talega does not appear.

Likewise I can only suppose, until further in-
vestigation enables me to determine definitely the
authorship, that a story called El ptcaro amante,
which must have been written about this time, belongs
to Barbadillo. Nowhere have I found this story
mentioned, and the volume in which I had the good
fortune to find it gives no names of authors, though
some other stories therein *3 2 contained are well
known to belong to definite writers and publications.

The picaro amante is cleverly written, telling of
two students who join a troop of vagrant actors;
when the company breaks up they go to Italy,
meet with reverses, return to Spain, stay at Valencia
and at Valladolid, and here become servants to some
noblemen. Their masters promise them wages, but
when they demand them they are tpld that during
their year of probation they should expect nothing

NOVELA PICARESCA.

except board. So they begin to steal, and when they
have collected a small fortune go to Seville, where
the one, falling in love with a wealthy young lady,
enters as a servant in her father's house and,
pretending that he is a nobleman in disguise, suc-
ceeds in marrying the daughter, so that his future
is assured.

Salas Barbadillo's novels have had a strange
fortune: some of them have been translated into
various languages, showing their popularity with
the reading public, but in Spain they seem to have
been largely forgotten for the all-absorbing drama.
They are very rare, never having been reprinted
since 1737, and of the one that is particularly
picaresque in character, no Spanish copy has come
into my hands, while an English and an Italian
translation *33 are fine works. This is El necio
Hen afortunado, in which an eccentric old doctor
tells the interesting story of his life to a young
man who has called upon him to ascertain who
this strange and inaccessible old man is. The old
man has had curious experiences with his uncle, a
village priest, in which he behaves as Lazarillo in
the same circumstances; with a nobleman who is
seeking an office; with various women whom he
robs; as a student at Salamanca; as an alcalde,
which position he obtained on account of his reputa-
tion as a fool; and finally, when he inherits his
father's fortune because he is a fool, and on condition
that he leave it to the most foolish of his children,

NOVELA PICARESCA.

he vows to be a fool all his life. A second part
to the work is promised, but not known to have
been published.

As Barbadillo imitated others, so parts of this
novel are found imitated in later authors. He would
well repay a thorough study, which becomes the
more necessary by reason of his intimate relations
with various authors of his period: Lope, Cervantes
and others, and of the general oblivion into which
his novels have undeservedly fallen.

One of those who knew the Necio, reproducing
some passages from it only a few years after the
original had appeared, is the author of the next
work that deserves our consideration.

XIII.

alonso, mozo de muchos amos, by alcala

Yanez.

This work x 34 is now usually called El donado
hablador, such being the subtitle which the author,
el Doctor Jeronimo de Alcala Yanez y Ribera,
gave to his work. In it, a man who had seen
much of the world tells a priest what he had gone
through, what he had observed, to what reflections
those observations had given rise, how he had tried
to improve others by pointing out their failings,
and how thereby he was always obliged to seek

NOVELA PICARESCA.

a new place, since no one was pleased to have so
talkative and pedantically strict a servant. The
author has chosen the form of dialogue, the advantage
of which is not clear to the reader, especially since
there is but one interlocutor, who never comments
upon what he hears but only puts in a few words
to encourage the narrator to proceed with his story.

In still another respect this work differs from the
novels heretofore considered : it contains many well-
told anecdotes and fables, x 35 in stead of pretenti-
ously composed stories that are read off or related
by persons with whom the hero chances to meet.
Fables and anecdotes are so rarely found in Spanish
literature of this time that it is worth while to draw
attention to their occurrence in the Donado. More-
over, we find a useful contribution to our knowledge
of the state of Spain in the chapters dealing with
Alonso's experiences among the gipsies *3 6 and in
a medical man's appreciation of his profession. x 37
In all these regards, the Donado holds a prominent
place among Spanish prose works of the period; a
pity that a writer of such ability should have pre-
ferred the constraint of dialogue-form to the ease
of the prose novel.

It is to be noted that Alonso, when last met, is
a hermit, a worthy ending of an eventful life. Sur-
prising though it sounds, the next work speaks of
a person who, after fighting in many parts of the
world, with provocation or without it, weary of
military life became a nun: stranger still, the per-

NOVELA PICARESCA.

son in question is known in history, and though
the account we have in autobiographic form has a
strong flavor of forgery, the facts there mentioned
can be proved to be in general correctly related.

XIV.

La monja alferez.

As in other lands and in other times, the gene-
rally prevailing spirit of adventure and longing for
soldierly deeds was not confined to the men. The
"hero" of the Monja alftrez is a young lady of
noble birth from Biscay, who runs away from her
convent, serves some time as a page, then as a
soldier, in Spain, Italy and America, distinguishing
herself enough to gain an ensignship. Finally, she
makes herself known to a bishop, who places her
in a convent, from which a little later she gains
permission to depart and is received with great
admiration in Spain and Italy. The story abruptly
ends in the midst of a quarrel which the heroine
had provoked, she having obtained permission to
continue weanng a soldier's costume.

The question arises as to the authenticity of this
story. It is certain that in 1624 and 1625 appeared
some broadside sheets *3 8 about the a Monja Alf6-
rez w , in which the greater part of her history was

NOVELA PICARESCA.

told, and that plays x 39 were written in her honor.
It is claimed that the Life was published in 1625,
but no copy of this edition is known to exist at
present. Ferrer del Rio *4<> edited it in 1829 from
a manuscript that once belonged to Trigueros, the
well-known falsifier of inscriptions. We might sup-
pose that the Life would have been reprinted at
some time, because the story is curious and of a
class that could not fail to hold public favor. All
these considerations make the doubt justified con-
cerning its being a genuine production. No such
questions arise in connection with

XV.

The Comentarios del Desenganado, by
D. Diego Duque de Estrada.

This is an authentic autobiography, x 4* by a person
well-known in history, though some parts of the
account of his doings have not been confirmed as
yet by contemporary documents. A man of rank,
skilled in all the accomplishments which in his time
constituted the equipment of a cavalier, sensitive
enough as to points of honor to kill^ta* slight sus-
picion ; undaunted even among the horrible tortures
that a corruptible judge inflicts upon him \ gambling,
fighting with everybody who provokes his anger;
especially proud of his strength and dexterity in

NOVELA PICARESCA.

swordsmanship; a good soldier when in tie field, a
sad reprobate when the country does not demand his
services ; a poet, composing plays with facility, and
boasting of the success they achieved — such was
the man whose life, written by himself, is a remark-
able commentary on all the literature of the period.
The work has not exercised an influence upon that
literature, for it was unknown to the public until
recent years, when it was published as an historical
document. However, it should rank with the
picaresque novel, for here and there it seems that
the noble Duque adorned his tale to suit his con-
venience. The account of what we now consider
reprehensible deeds also inspires the author, when
in his old age he writes down his experiences, with
a sort of compunction in wich I am disposed to
detect more regret for the happy times of his feats
and pleasures than contrition and pangs of cons-
cience. If the name had been disguised and the work
had been printed two hundred and fifty years ago,
it would have achieved fame as a novel, for as such
it reads; we would have admired the power of
invention of the writer, and his intimate knowledge
of institutions, his frankness in exposing evils and
his captivating style, in which everything super-
fluous is avoided. And, published in the days when
it was composed, it would perhaps have given a
somewhat different turn to picaresque literature,
which was gradually beginning to deal with charac-
ters still worse and surroundings still more disgusting

NOVELA PICARESCA.

than those that had inspired Aleman and his immediate
successors. The greatest satirist of Spain gave us
a great novel of the picaresque order, but his
resources of language, of style and of wit are not
sufficient to make acceptable the repulsive parts.

XVI.

La vida del Buscon, by Quevedo.

Quevedo was particularly fond of contrasts, and
his works, J 4* ranging from the most elevated subjects,
of religion and statesmanship, to the most scurrilous
and obscene, are expressive of his wonderful mind.
His command of language, in which he has not
been equalled by any other Spanish author, is the
despair of all those who attempt to fathom his
meaning, and the rock upon which are shattered all
his imitators. When a student he must have been
the most typical of his comrades, embodying the
highest aspirations and the lowest tastes, possessed
of great powers of work and of perception ; storing
his memory equally with the wisdom of the Classics
and the conceits of his contemporaries, with the
exhortations of the Churchfathers and the ribaldry
of the rascal. It is assumed x 43 that in those student
days he composed the Buscon, but not until twenty
years later, in the midst of official occupations, did

4 2

NOVELA PICARESCA.

he give it to the world, who appreciated the novel
as not even the most sanguine could have foreseen,
edition succeeding edition in uninterrupted series
until our day. With all classes does the Buscon
mingle, and unmercifully does he show the wretched ""
state of affairs that prevailed ever ywhere; wit is
sparkling in every page, but when lie relates T 44
how he was feasted by the executioner, his uncle,
a modern reader turns aside, and wonders how so
much misery and depravity could ever have been
a source of delectation to thousands of readers.

Though a second part is not explicitly promised,
we should expect one when the story ends with
Pablo's going to the Indies, where his bad instincts
never desert him; the account of what he saw and
did there would have been another proof of Quevedo's
learning and talent, for only by study could he have
been enabled to satirize the Spanish rule and people
in the colonies.

The fact that the taste for picaresque literature
was falling off is well demonstrated by the circum-
stance that only a production as clever and spicy
as the Buscon passed through a great number of
editions. Other authors wrote remarkable books of
the picaresque class, but they never attained great
fame, though some of them well deserved more
consideration than they received. Only when a novel
way of writing proved the happy invention of an
author, did the public show its appreciation, of
which we have a striking example in the fate of the

NOVELA PICARESCA.

XVII.
SOLDADO PlNDARO, BY CESPEDES.

The author had attained popularity by a former
work, J 45 which had passed through many editions,
and had been a new departure in literature as being
chiefly devoted to the narration of love-adventures,
told in a language which was already receiving the
recognition it was destined to hold later as the
ideal in literary style. To a modern reader the
Gerardo, such is the name of the work, is wearisome,
as well for the long succession of love affairs as
also for the stilted mode of expression ; but critics
are inclined to overlook these defects because of the
novelty of the subject — one that had not been
attempted thus far in Spanish prose, and which was
a step in advance toward a novel that should concede
to the heart a place in prose literature by the side
of the purse.

With these antecedents the Pfndaro appeared.
The author tells here of his falling in with the hero,
who relates to him the history of his stupendous
adventures. The variety of these experiences would
satisfy the most fastidious taste; the language of
the tale is sober prose, interlarded with loveletters
in the most flowery style, so that all readers might
find their preferences suited. We pass, as we read,
through many countries, through pleasures and

NOVELA PICARESCA.

horrors, through battles and through prisons; we
associate with Grandees and join company with
rascally innkeepers.

The public, however, did not like the book, and
editions x * 6 of it are few in number. Of course, the
appearance of Quevedo's Buscon had to do with
the lack of interest displayed for the Ptndaro; but
the falling off in public favor of the picaro y unless
his adventures were spicy enough to stimulate a
satiated appetite, seems to date from about this time.
Another proof of this is the fact that

XVIII.

Raimundo el Entremettdo, by Valderrama,

though for some time fathered upon no less popular
an author than Quevedo himself, T 47 did not awaken
interest; and the little book has sunk into an oblivion
which it does not deserve, containing as it does an
interesting account of the way in which a rascal,
picaro or embustero, spends his day. Likewise some
of the very best picaresque novels of this time,
which offered also the novelty of dealing in the
main with the adventures of roguish and unscrupulous
women, did not find favor with the public.

NOVELA PICARESCA.

XIX.

Teresa, *** Trapaza, M9 and the Garduna, x 5°
by Castillo Solorzano. x 5*

These three, the last of which is a continuation
to the second, were written and published in rapid
succession, and are novels that rank high in the
appreciation of those who esteem a literary work
in spite of the adverse judgment of the author's
contemporaries. These works were imitated in
part x 5 2 by a judicious reader like Lesage; one of
them was continued in the best specimen of pica-
resque literature x 53 that Portuguese authors have
produced; and in spite of all this favor they were
not popular with the public. So great was this lack
of popular esteem, that many bibliographers were
not even aware of the existence of the Trapaza, a
book which, by its very name, J 54 should have
attracted attention, and which richly deserves its
title; for trickery and deception are felicitously
exposed in it, and well-known characters of the
time x 55 are introduced as having been impersonated
by the rascally hero.

The Teresa is also well worth a reading, even a
careful study, for nowhere else in Spanish literature
do we find a more lifelike and unvarnished account
of the circumstances in which the actresses lived at
this epoch; while the Gardufla, the worthy daugh-

NOVELA PICARESCA.

ter of Trapaza, cheats in manifold disguises with a
skill that is hardly matched by Guzman himself.

To the Teresa a continuation *5 6 was promised,
as also to the Gardttfla, both of which never appeared.
The former would have been more interesting than
the latter, since it was intended to deal with misers,
a class of people that, though frequently met in
our picaresque works, is never treated exhaustively
enough to satisfy us, except in the celebrated letters
of the Caballero de la Tenaza by Quevedo. Here,
however, the subject becomes farcical in stead of
sufficiently authoritative to be considered as a treatise
on the matter.

It is to be noted also, that Castillo still used the
autobiographic form in the Teresa, discarding it in
both the Trapaza and the Gardttfia, the first
time since Cervantes' Rinconete y Cortadillo. The
custom of making the hero relate the story was not,
however, discontinued; the only specimens of really
picaresque works that belong to Spanish literature
after this date, followed the old established form,
and, though the influence of the long succession of
literary works that have been noticed is felt in later
prose productions, these latter cannot be considered
as belonging to the picaresque order.

Several years elapsed before a real picaresque
novel appeared again; when this novel did appear,
it was as a part of a larger work which is more a
literary curiosity than a work of art.

NOVELA PICARESCA.

XX.

The Siglo Pitagorico, by Enriquez Gomez.

As the title would indicate, this book *57 is the
account which a soul gives us of its various trans-
migrations — an artifice of literary treatment which
the author oiElCrotalon had already adopted before
this. The greater part of the work is written in
easy verse, each embodiment constituting a separate
satire upon various classes of society, especially the
higher orders. The story, however, of the soul's
existence in the body of Gregorio Guadafia is in
prose, and forms the section that more immediately
concerns us.

This section does not rank high as a literary
production, since the adventures of the hero are
nothing new and offer no attraction after all the
scrapes through whith Guzman and Rojas, theDonado
and Trapaza had passed, while the witticisms are
shallow, forcing a joke to the extreme and even in
certain cases J 5 8 extending it over several pages.
I wish, however, to draw attention to one short
passage which is peculiarly the property of this
story. Where in all the rest of picaresque literature
we never find a word of pity for those whose suf-
fering might be the price of the picards comfort,
in the Guadafia we notice the line: *59 "it is better
to be wrong and humane, than right and rigorous ".

NOVELA PICARESCA.

This sentiment is exceptional, as is also the per-
sonality of the author, who was of Jewish origin
and, to insure his safety, had left the country, where
in later years he was burned in effigy at the stake.
He is an author of no mean rank, especially in
dramatic productions. Lesage, who knew what was
good in Spanish literature, made use l6 ° of some
parts of the Sigh Pitagorico for his Gil Bias. He
did even more in regard to the next work we shall
consider.

XXI.

ESTEVANILLO GONZALEZ.

Lesage seems to have highly esteemed this book,
for after translating it into French, or rather rework-
ing l6t it into a form better in accord with the plan
of a novel, he embodied important passages of it
in his masterpiece. I cannot help considering the
importance of Estevanillo as greatly overestimated.
The fact that certain battles of the Thirty Years'
war are here described is regarded by some writers l6a
as a great point in its favor; whether, however,
the author was competent to pose as an historian
may well be doubted when we observe the general
unsoldierly tone of his story. A more consummate
coward, according to his own confession, it would
be difficult to find in literature, and though the

49 4

NOVELA PICARESCA.

purpose in writing of his demeanor in battle must
have been to entertain the reader, it is improbable
that a buffoon would have distinguished himself
in the field or been able to judge of military
affairs.

Nor do we gather new information concerning
the life of the soldiers; their gambling propensities
fill all picaresque literature, and the manner in
which they lived at the expense of the country is
not so characteristic as the scenes in earlier works l6 3
where we learn of the excesses committed by them
against their own countrymen. If we add to these
considerations, that the author likes to make a show
of his capacity as a poet, and produces some so-
called satirical verses of a poem without the letter o;
that he considers the play upon words as the sum-
mum of wit, and the conceptuoso language as par-
ticularly adapted to the expression of sorrow over
the death of his patrons, there is little left that is
favorable to the book. And yet, in spite of its
defects, it met with a better reception from the
public than others of its class, and has more than
once been reprinted l6 4 while other more meritorious
stories were forgotten.

y With the survey thus far given would end the
history of the picaro in Spanish literature, were it
not that from time to time an avowed imitator had
undertaken to write either his own life for the
amusement of the public, or availed himself of the

NOVELA PICARESCA.

picaresque form to moralize upon circumstances and
conditions which he did not favor-
It may be asked why I did not include Lope's
Dorotea l6 5 in my enumeration of picaresque works.
Without laying stress upon the dramatic from of
the work, because it was not intended for repre-
sentation, the subject seems to me to exclude it
from a place in the class I have treated. It is a
retrospective account of some love-affairs by Lope
himself, in which he had borne himself far from
nobly, and which, falling in his early youth, had
filled all his life with a fond regret for the bitter
pleasures they had afforded him. /

The model for the work was clearly the Celestina,
with whom Gerarda has unmistakable traits in
common, and the perfection of Lope's only dramatic
work in prose makes us regret that he should always
have preferred verse when writing for the stage.

But though Don Fernando, in which character
Lope himself appears before us, is unscrupulous
enough to pass as a picaro, his purpose is to see
himself successful in love, and not to earn his
livelihood by all means whatever, honesty excepted.
And this being the distinctive character of the pfcaro y
the Dorotea cannot be allowed a place with the
stories that make him their hero.

The Periquillo el de las Galltneras l66 does not
come in for a place in picaresque literature, for it
is a series of moralizing speeches that Periquillo, a
young person almost too good for this world, makes

NOVELA PICARESCA.

to another young man who had sought his opinion
on matters of good behavior. The author, Santos,
was a good observer, as he has conclusively shown
in several other writings l6 7 which are some of the
most valuable documents concerning the life and
habits of the second half of the Seventeenth century ;
but he lacked the imagination and the fondness for
the picturesque wickedness of the lower classes that
animate the novels we have thus far considered.

The story of Don Fruela, by Quiros, l68 is as
curious as it is difficult to find. We read there of
several practical jokes played upon a stupid and
pretentious man, which are told with a relish that
the reader irresistibly shares. It would deserve a
study to determine whether Scarron's Roman Comique
is indebted to Quiros for some of his ludicrous
situations, but the picaresque element is absent in
every regard,

The pfcaro had gone from literature, but he rose
to higher rank, transforming himself from the ragged
scamp he used \o be into the shape and garb of
the courtier. Alberoni and Ripperda show us that
sneakthieves and tricksters at cards were figures of
the past : to rise to eminence, more pliability to the
whims of others and less indifference to appearances
was demanded in the new era.

In a humbler sphere than these two remarkable
adventurers, the picaro still retained some of his
disregard for proprieties. Nothing better characterizes

NOVELA PICARESCA.

the state of Spain in the Eighteenth century than
the amazing fate of

XXII.

Diego de Torres y Villaroel. i6 9

Born of honest and hardworking parents, he
attended for several years the University of Salamanca,
devoting all his time to playing tricks upon the
citizens of the town and to acquiring habilidades,
such as dancing, music and masquerading. Thus
fitted for the struggle of life, he runs away when
about eighteen years of age, intending to go to
Portugal. On the way he meets a hermit and stays
with him for a time ; when his evil doings make it
impossible for him to continue there, he goes to
Coimbra, poses as physician and dancing master,
achieves great fame in both professions, but has to
leave again for. fear of the consequences of his
incorrigible habits.

Having spent his earnings/* he enlists as a soldier,
deserts after a year's service, and returns home.
There he reads some antiquated books on abstruse
subjects, especially on Mathematics, and after six
months of such preparation he begins to write
almanacs, which achieve great popularity on account
of their ambiguous prognostications and funny
poetical introductions.

In order to free his name from the obloquy of

NOVELA PICARESCA.

witchcraft which his predictions had gained for him,
he asks permission to open a course in Mathematics
in the University, and this was the first time in
more than a century that this science was taught
there. While he contemplates entering the clergy,
a riot arises among the students; he participates in
it and spends six months in prison.

Being released he goes to Madrid, where he
suffers great poverty, until a doctor induces him to
study Medicine. So he spends a month in learning
by heart a textbook on the subject, passes some
days in the hospitals, obtains for his father an official
position in Salamanca, and starts out with a priest
on a smuggling expedition. Having gone to great
trouble to free a nobleman's house from mysterious
noises, he is rewarded by a position in this house-
hold, where he continues to issue his almanacs.

He is advised to return to Salamanca and apply
for the professorship in Mathematics. Academic
positions being in those days dependent upon the
votes of the students, he makes a farcical demon-
stration of learning and impudence, obtains the fa-
vorable decision of the voters, and is officially made
Professor of Mathematics. In this new position he
is very popular, and great numbers attend his cour-
ses for the sake of the jokes they expect of him ;
at the same time he succeeds in maintaining order
in his lecture-room by throwing a heavy compass
at the head of the first student who behaves dis-
respectfiilly. Five years he is a professor, in which

NOVELA PICARESCA.

capacity he continues to play his foolish tricks,
taking part in masquerades that mock the Univer-
sity proceedings; at the end of this period he is
exiled on the accusation of having been instrumental
in a bloody quarrel with a priest.

After being in exile in France and in Portugal
he obtains permission to return to Salamanca; there
he writes his life, of which five editions are sold in
three months. In the meantime be becomes involved
in various polemics, and to establisfh his orthodoxy
he has himself ordained priest He continues to
write almanacs and numerous other little productions,
all of which he carefully enumerates in successive
editions of his autobiography. He also mentions
certain pieces of embroidery that seem to have filled
him with pride because of his skill in producing them.

At his request, in spite of the opposition of the
University authorities, he is made an Emeritus, and
in this capicity becomes administrator of the property
of some noble families and historian of the Univer-
sity library at Salamanca. Having placed all this
on record, he takes leave of the public with an
edition of his complete works, in fourteen volumes,
the last of which is his completed biography, and
leaves us to wonder at such astounding adventuress,
which would seem too fantastic for a novel and yet
are true history — the most characteristic piece of
literature that the Eighteenth century has produced
in Spain.

Shortly after the appearance of the first instal-

NOVELA PICARESCA.

ment of Torres' autobiography, another professor
proceeded to write his life history in imitation of
Torres. This author is

XXIII.
Gomez Arias.

The passages x 7° which Gallardo gives from this
production show that the writer tried to outdo
Torres in pursuing a comical vein. As the little
book is extremely rare, I have no further knowledge
of it than the mention by Gallardo. The fact of
its existence is brought forward here to show that
imitators were always ready to take any hint as to
how to please the public, and that the picaro, though
he. still existed in several unexpected transforma-
tions, no longer was able to occupy for years the
most important place as a subject for the inspiration
of novelists.

The Eighteenth century saw Spanish literature
given to servile imitation of the worst specimens
of French dramatic art. In prose only Feij6o 1 i 1
and Isla x 7 2 occupy a worthy place, the latter wri-
ting his famous Fray Gerundio *73 — a bitter satire
on the absurd mannerisms to which preachers of
his time resorted in order to please their audiences.
By his translation T 74 of Gil Bias he revealed to his
countrymen the fact that beyond the Pyrenees Spa-
nish literature was considered worthy of imitation,

NOVELA PICARESCA.

It may be said that with the appearance of Isla's
remarkable translation of Gil Bias the novela pica-
resca wets resuscitated, for the question as to the
originality of this famous novel has induced literary
men to review impartially the whole field of Spanish
prose writings, discovering new beauties at every
step, and establishing irrefutably Spain's claim to
the priority of invention of the picaro as the father
of the modern novel.

Besides Isla there were a few novelists of a cer-
tain merit who wrote satires upon the condition of
political affairs and the manners of the higher classes.
Of those who chose the former subject we may
mention D. Fernando Gutierrez de Vegas; x 75 his
novel, Los enredos de un lugar, is a bitter attack
upon the scoundrels who, by their intrigues, bring
flourishing towns to ruin and desolation. A mild
satire upon the manners of the period is the book
called Viages de Enrique Wanton, *7 6 the first half
of which is a translation from the Italian; but the
latter part is an original production and valuable
for many data on customs not recorded elsewhere.

Both these authors, however, can hardly be ranked
with the writers of picaresque works, for we do not
read of adventures, of wanderings in various garbs
and disguises, of thieving and punishment. Of these
deals the Vida de Perico del Catnpo, a picaresque
story of little merit, which moreover belongs to
French literature, w having been translated, or as
the translator proclaims, "restored to it$ original

NOVELA PICARESCA.

language," towards the end of the Eighteenth century.
A little while earlier than this, appeared a book *7 8
called Aventuras de Juan Luis, which might be
picaresque if it were anything. Nothing happens in
the whole story; no adventure, no trick, no joke
lights up the dreariness of this most insipid of all
books that ever came into my hands, and it is
mentioned here only to warn against the perusal of
its three hundred and twenty-eight pages.

In our century Spain has recovered from its long
literary coma, and in the classic land of the picaro
his adventures have again been told. I do not class
here 1 79 the curious little book l8 ° Pedro Saputo,
which, entertaining though it be, describes the history
of a legendary personage of Aragon and is mainly
intended to give a novelistic form to the numerous
traditions of that country, some of which are familiar
in the folklore of other lands. The real picaresque
novel was revived in the stormy revolutionary days,
when there appeared

XXIV.

Gil Perez de Marchamalo, by Muntadas.

Well written, some parts indicating thorough
familiarity with the conditions in which the hero
moves, others rather too dramatic and studied to be

NOVELA PICARESCA.

more than the author's conception of what may have
happened in certain circumstances — in this work lSl
we have the autobiographic account of a young,
bright, unscrupulous man's vicissitudes, and of his
rise from the humble state of a newsboy and match-
vendor to the elevated position of a diputado and
a minister of the Crown.

Realizing at the outset that scruples are a hindrance
to advancement, he avails himself of all the means
that our century offers to those who know how to
thurn these means to good account. When by sly
tricks he has obtained a small sum that enables him
to dress becomingly, he gets a place on the staff
of a newspaper; there his violent attacks on the
party in power draw attention. The favoritism of
friends helps him to a subordinate position in a
government office, which he loses as a result of his
newspaper work. Posing then as a hero and a
martyr to his principles, he is made director of
another newspaper, in which quality he is on the
side of the highest bidder, and for efficient service
his reward comes in the shape of a Governorship.

This new position gives him an opportunity to
acquire wealth by conniving with dishonest admi-
nistrators. He is elected to the Cortes^ where his
skillful oratory makes him a person of importance,
so much so that finally he reaches the height of his
ambition, becoming a Minister. Of course the
Ministry is soon overthrown, and in this emergency
our hero meets a distinguished Prelate who shows

NOVELA PICARESCA.

him the vanity of all his past ambition, so that Gil
Perez reconciles himself to his fate, resignedly
distributing to the poor his ill-gotten gains and
withdrawing to a small country-town to lead in
retirement a more useful and undisturbed life.

This is the course of the modern picaro, and the
political history of the country offers many personages
whose names might figure on the title-page of our
novel or represent many of the subordinate characters
of the story. The only one for whom history offers
no parallel is D. Roberto, the man who has himself
elected to the Cortes only to speak the truths that
everybody knows and no one regards, to exhort the
representatives of the country to do their duty in
stead of being led by party considerations and the
desire for their own profit.

A book like the Marchamalo is a literary record
of the insincerity of modern Spanish political per-
sonages, but no immediate contribution to our know-
ledge of the times. As such, the newspapers and
their history are sufficiently edifying, and to them
the student of manners and customs will turn for
information. And even the literary man places the
modern picaresque novel on his shelves only as a
rtsumd of the social history of the period, one phase
of which it cleverly portrays and submits for com-
mentation by the dry facts presented in the daily
records.

Greater masters in the field of novelistic writing
have reproduced parts of our century's history in

NOVELA PICARESCA.

the form of assumed autobiographies of a fictitious
person. The

XXV.

MEMORIAS DE UN CORTESANO DE 1815,

BY P£rez Galdos,

constitute a vivid account l82 of those eventful days,
when the stubborn contest was waged between the
autocratic rule of former centuries and the liberal
aspirations awakened by the national struggle against
Napoleon's invading armies. That the author chose
a courtier for his hero was done in order to show
the intriguing and selfish narrowmindedness of this
class, now on the verge of losing their prerogatives
and venturing all to withstand the current that is
to sweep them from their exalted place. In repres-
enting this side of the question, now settled, the
story deserves our interest, though otherwise the
lack of stirring events, such as give life to the
numerous other volumes of the great series called
Episodios NacionaleSy makes it one of the least
entertaining of the author's works.

Much more eventful, brimming over with dramatic
incident, and written in the powerful style peculiar
to the author, is

NOVELA PICARESCA.

XXVI.

Pedro Sanchez, by Pereda.

This novel, l8 3 one of the author's best, is the
history of the experiences a young man gathered
in the days of the revolution of 1854. Having come
to Madrid in the hope of finding protection in a
prominent personage, he is left to make his own
way. In a newspaper office he rises to distinction,
and achieves great fame in the revolt, in consequence
of which he rapidly advances, even to a Governor-
ship, which advancement is due in part to the sup-
port the afore-mentioned personage now sees fit to
bestow upon him, together with the hand of his
ambitious daughter. The end of our hero's political
life comes when he discovers how he is made the
aT) instrument of peculations, and has been betrayed

by his wife for the sake of upholding her social
rank. Then he withdraws from the field, and retires
to his native place to lead the life of an enlightened
farmer.

This being in brief the plot of the story, the
author finds in his memory and imagination delight-
ful scenes of quiet domestic happiness; of an anxious
father's sollicitude for his son's advancement; of a
young man's diversions in the Madrid of half a
century ago ; of literary meetings with such men as
Breton, Ayala, Rubi and numerous lesser lights;

NOVELA PICARESCA.

of the stormy days of the revolution ; of the animated
aspect of the city previous to that event, and the seeth-
ing passions at the time of the struggle; of the country
town and its rascally administrators; of expensive
social functions in the Governor's mansion, and of a
haughty woman who sacrifices everything to her
shallow desire for show and recognition. Of all the
larger works we have thus far considered, Pereda's
novel ranks highest for literary workmanship. The
hero is not a direct descendant of the Lazarillos
and Guzmans; his probity, enthusiasm and willingness
to sacrifice himself to his duty bear no relation to
the motives that animate the ragged, thieving and
selfish personages of the Seventeenth century novel.
But he acquaints us frankly with many bad traits
of his own character: his lack of sincerity in his
correspondence with his father; his indulgence in
questionable associations and pleasures; his neglect
of worthy friends for the sake of moving in the best
society: his mad ardor in the popular uprising; his
blindness to many evident wrongs, when in his
official position; his revengeful spirit when he is
betrayed; his satisfaction when punishment falls
upon those who had wronged him. All this, written
as a supposed autobiography, is a satire upon the
ambitious, who in their strife for advancement pass,
unthinking, by their real happiness, and meet the
punishment of their thoughtlessness. It is a satire
also upon the official persons who uphold rank at
the expense of their honesty ; upon the young men

NOVELA PICARESCA.

who in their quest of pleasure relax the strictness
of their principles; upon the stupidity of the populace
in their outbursts of wrath, and upon the inhabitants
of cities who have no understanding of the advantages
of rural life.

These characteristics class Pedro Sanchez with
the picaro of earlier times and his history with
picaresque literature. One book like this, a typical
modern novel, is full demonstration of the influence
which this peculiar sort of writings has exercised
upon that epic of modern times which we call the
toman de moeurs.

Conclusion.

I might here appropriately close this summary review
of picaresque Spanish literature, were it not that there
are certain phases of modern Spanish life that have
found expression in works which, though barely
meriting the dignity of being considered literary,
deserve notice because of their showing the imper-
turbable picaro in unexpected surroundings, thus
demonstrating again the adaptability of this class to all
conditions that may offer a chance of thriving with-
out work. When the Spanish Republic of 1868
proclaimed the liberty of religion and of creeds,
various Protestant sects set about to de-catholicize
the people who, as they supposed, would welcome
the modern missionary who was to free them from
the bonds in which they had for centuries been

NOVELA PICARESCA.

confined. It is a matter of history l8 4 that many-
well-meaning representatives of these several Protes-
tant creeds became confiding victims of clever
rascals who availed themselves of the opportunity
to put into their own pockets an important part of
the money lavishly furnished for higher purposes.
When the movement no longer offered profit to such
pretended converts, they withdrew from it, and
some of them put on paper their experiences, in the
hope of gaining thereby further advantages. The
a Dr. w Gago l8 s and the worthy Bon 186 produced
writings of this kind, which soon fell into the obli-
vion they deserved, but which may, in the course
of time, be followed by further like material when
the occasion again arises for the picaro to assert
himself.

For the ffcaro is not dead . As long as a reward
is held out for unscrupulous actions, there will be
found persons willing to earn it; as long as the
public is willing to read accounts of the doings of
such persons, these accounts will be written; as
long as the autobiographic form is thought a fit dress
for these histories, new contributions to picaresque
literature will appear. Let us hope that Spain,
where so many rascals have been the heroes of
works of art, may find only authors of high rank
inclined to add new material to a future History of
the Novela Picaresca in Spain.

Many of the works which it has been my task

65 5

NOVELA PICARESCA.

to review in the course of this study, end with the
promise of a continuation l8 7 of their respective
stories, and it will not seem out of place, perhaps,
if I should do likewise in concluding this sketch.

Picaresque literature is a mine of information con-
cerning the habits, customs, ways^ of thinking, of
dressing, of eating and drinking, of seeking diver-
sion, of traveling, etc., of all classes in Spain during
the time of the Habsburghs ; and a study of this
literature ought to include a sort of encyclopedia
of our knowledge as far as it can be gathered from
these sources.

Such a work would constitute a treatise of greater
magnitude than the mere review of the books in
question, and would naturally become a task of
much patience and much time, l88 necessitating the
arrangement by subjects of all the shorter and longer
notices found in the great number of works which
it has been my pleasure to enumerate. I can thus
only leave for a future time an attempt to supple-
ment the study of the literary aspect of the subject
before us by a treatment of what our German friends
call the u kulturgeschichtliche * side. May this oppor-
tunity not be far distant!

NOTES.

I. F. Wolf (Jahrbticher der Literatur y Wien, vol. 12 2, 1848,
p. 99) : die Ironie wurde schon durch die Wahl eines . . . In-
dustrieritters, Vagabunden oder Gauners (Picaro) zum Helden
und Trager der Geschichte hervorgerufen ; die Satyre aber durch
die aus der Picardia entstandenen Lacherlichkeiten und Laster
der Gesellschaft, und da sich diese Glucksritter auch in die
hShere privilegirte eindrangten, so konnte auch diese indirect
und daher mit mehr Sicherheit angegriffen und geziichtigt
werden.

A. Morel-Fatio (Preface to La vie de Lazarille de Tormes,
Paris, 1 886, p. II) : Deux procedes ont concouru a la formation
de ce genre . . . : le recit autobiographique et la satire des
moeurs contemporaines.

Ticknor does not give a direct definition.

2. Navarrete {Bosque jo histdrico sobre la novela espdnola, p. 1
LXVII): El verdadero padre de los libros picarescos fue elf

Lazarillo del T6rmes. A

F. Wolf (/. c., p. 99): die Gattung von Schelmenromanen
. . . wurde ihre Einfuhrung und Ausbildung noch dadurch be-
giinstigt, dass gleich ihr Prototyp ein Meisterwerk war. Wir
haben damit das so beruhmt gewordene "Leben des Lazarillo
de Tormes" genannt.

A. Morel-Fatio (/. c, p. II): L'histoire litteraire voit a /
juste titre dans notre roman le prototype de la nouvelle pica- I \
resque ; elle fait du Lazarille le pere de toutes ces gueuseries. J

M. Menendez y Pelayo (Jleterodoxos, vol. II, p. 518): el
Lazarillo de Tormes, principe y cabeza de la novela picaresca
entre nosotros.

NOTES.

3. Covarrubias (Tesoro de la lengua castellana, 1st ed. 161 1,
reprinted: Madrid, 1674, sub voce): Picaro, vide supra picalio
. . . esclavos. Y aunque los picaros no lo son en particular de
nadie, sonlo de la Republica para todos los que los quieren
alquilar, ocupandolos en cosas viles.

Picalio, el andrajoso, y despedacado, . . .

4. Diccionario de la Accidentia Esparto la (vol. V, 1737, sub
voce): Picaro, ra, adj. Baxo, ruin, doloso, falto de honra y
verguenza. . . . Lat. improbus, nequam. . . . Picaro. Significa
tambien astuto, taimado, y que con arte y disimulacion logra lo
que desea. Lat. callidus. astutus. vafer.

Picalio, Sa. adj. Picaro, holgazan, andrajoso y de poca ver-
giienza.

5. Guzman (Parte I, Libro II, Cap. II, Riv., HI, p. 219, b.):
. . . creyeron ser algun picaro ladroncillo . . .

6. ibid. (Riv., Ill, p. 220, a.) : ... acomodeme a llevar los cargos
que podian sufrir mis hombros. Larga es la cofradia de los
asnos, pues han querido admitir a los hombres en ella . . . mas
hay hombres tan viles que se lo quitan del seron y lo cargan
sobre si.

7. ibid. (Riv., Ill, p. 220, a.) : sin . . . otro algun instrumento,
mas de una sola capacha.

8. (Riv., I, p. 128, a; 129, a.): . . . muy descosidos, rotos y mal-
tratados ; ... la ventera admirada de la buena crianza de los
picaros. . .

9. (Riv., I, p. 168, b.): mostraba Carriazo ser un principe en sus
obras : a tiro de escopeta en mil sefiales descubria ser bien
nacido ... en Carriazo vi6 el mundo un picaro virtuoso, limpio,
bien criado.

10. (Riv., I, p. 129, b.): . . . preguntandole el asturiano que habian
de comprar, les respondi6 que sendos costales pequefios, limpios,

NOTES.

6 nuevos, y cada uno tres espuertas de palma ... en las cuales
se repartia la carne, pescado y fruta, en el costal el pan. . .

(ibid.) : ... ni les descontent6 el oficio, . . . por la comodidad
que ofrecia de entrar en todas las casas.

11. El Averiguador Universal (Alio primero, Madrid, 1879, p. 322,
no. 254): Picaros. En las ordenanzas municipales de una antigua
ciudad de Castilla, redactadas en el siglo XVI, se dice : tt No
habra en la ciudad mas que doce picaros y doce ganapanes, y
para distinguirse usaran los ganapanes caperuzas bermejas, y los
picaros caperuzas verdes. El diccionario de la Academia no
define lo que, segun parece por las referidas ordenanzas, debia
ser un oficio de la republica . . .

12. ibid. (p. 340): Creo que la cuestion propuesta ... queda
suficientemente desatada con decir que, segun el Diccionario de
Salva, signiiicaba antiguamente picaro el "muchacho que esta
con su esportillo en la plaza para llevar los recados que le den."

13. Lope de Vega, Esclava de su galan, Jornada I, line 360; 791.

14. Covarrubias (/. c. t sub voce): Ganapan, este nombre tienen los
que ganan su vida, y el pan que comen (que vale sustento) a
lleuar acuestas, y sobre sus ombros las cargas . . . y aunque
todos los que trabajan para comer podrian tener este nombre,
estos se alcaron con el, por ganar el pan con excessiuo trabajo,
y mucho cansancio, y sudor: y assi por nombre mas honesto
los llaman hermanos del trabajo, y en algunos lugares los llaman
los de la palanca, porque con ellas suelen entre dos lleuar un
gran peso . . . ninguna cosa da cuydado al ganapan, no cura de
honra, y assi de ninguna cosa se afrenta: no se le da nada de
andar mal vestido, y roto, y assi no le executa el mercader . . .
come en el bodegon el mejor bocado, y bebe en la taberna
donde se vende el mejor vino, y con esso passa la vida con-
tento, y alegre . . .

15. Guzman (Riv. Ill, p. 219, b; 220, a.): comence" a tratar el
oficio de la florida picardia ; la verguenza que tuve . . . perdila

NOTES.

por los caminos ... era bocado sin hueso, lomo descargado,
ocupacion holgada y libre de todo genero de pesadumbre.

16. passim, v. gr.:

Vivian de canastos y de escrifios,

digo de esporteallos, hechos tercios,

a fruteras, baratos, y ratifios:

... El mas pintado y grave no se aloja

menos en las cantinas del bodego

que a tiro de arcabuz mas vino arroja.

. . . Aqui es donde jamas se quita olla

de gran matalotage atarragada,

y a veces para el huesped polio 6 polla.

. . . No admiten herreruelo ni sombrero,

jubon de estofa, borceguies 6 ligas . . .

. . . tu, picaro . . .
no sabes que es jarave ni socrocio ;
por que la enfermedad su cuerpo huye
del cuerpo que procura risa y ocio.
. . . por honra ha de morir, aunque le pese,
el que a lo picaril no se anihila.
. . . j O picaros amigos deshonrados,
cofrades del placer y de la anchura
que libertad llamaban los pasados ! . . .

These quotations are from La vida del picaro, por galano
estilo cotnpuesta en tercia rima, pp. 149 — 165 in: Lazarillo
de Tormes, Paris, 1827, edited by J. M. Ferrer del Rio, who
supposed (p. 21 of the "Advertencia del editor") that it
was inedited, and says : " de bastante merito, y que se atribuye
por los inteligentes a Don Diego Hurtado de Mendoza por la
mucha analogia que tiene con el gusto y el estilo de este celebre
escritor."

The poem was edited before, in 1601, as follows : La vida
del picaro cotnpuesta por gallardo estilo en tercia rima, por
el dickosissimo y bienafortunado Capita Longares de Angulo,

NOTES.

Regidor perpetuo de la hermandad picaril en la ciudad de
Mir a, de la Prouincia del Ocio: sacada a luz por el tnesmo
Autor, a petition de los cortesanos de dicha ciudad. Van al
fin las Ordenanzas picariles por el tnesmo Autor. Valencia,
junto al molino de la Rouella, 1601. 8°, 8 hojas, according
to Salva (Catdlogo, 1872, vol. II, no. 1861) who adds: u En
la edition de Ferrer no se encuentran estas Ordenanzas, que
son en prosa."

I have not been able to see this book, which, though des-
cribed in full by Salva, is absolutely unknown to bibliographers.

From a different text, the origin of which is not indicated,
La vida de los Picaros, en tercetos, has been reprinted in:
Rimas de Pedro Linan de Riaza, y poesias selectas de Fray
Gerdnimo de San Josi, Zaragoza, 1876 (Vol. I of Biblioteca
de escritores aragoneses, section literaria) pp. 39 — 50.

I wish here to express thanks to Prof. H. Wood for his
kindness in allowing me to transcribe the poem from his
copy of Ferrer's Lazarillo.

17. Covarrubias, sub voce. Academia, sub voce.

l8« Korting, Lateinisch-romanisches Worterbuch, sub voce,

ig. The legitimate derivative from pica is piquero\ there is in the
Spanish language no example of a word that, designating a
person who uses a certain instrument, is formed by placing the
ending-ro after the name of that instrument without even
changing the accent.

20. Korting, Lat.-rom, JVorterb., sub voce picaro.

21. Printed in Cartas de Eugenio de Salazar, por D. Pascual de
Gayangos (vol. I of the publications of the Sociedad de Biblio-
filos espaBoles) and in vol. II of the Epistolario espanol, by
D. Eugenio de Ochoa (Riv., vol. 62).

22. His letter IV, " en que se trata de los catarriberas ", bears the
date: Toledo, 15 April 1560. He, then, was thoroughly

NOTES.

acquainted with this class of people (about which see also
Romania, III, p. 301) while our letter, the one numbered I
in the editions, was written shortly after his arrival at court.

23. £1 henchimiento y autoridad de la corte es cosa muy de ver ....
y como no todo el edificio puede ser de buena canteria de piedras
crecidas, fuertes y bien labradas, sino que con ellas se ha de
mezclar mucho cascajo, guijo y callao, asi en esta maquina,
entre las buenas piezas del angulo hay mucha froga y turronada
de bellacos, perdidos, facinorosos, homicidas, ladrones, capeadores,
tahures, fulleros, engafiadores, embaucadores, aduladores, regatones,
falsarios, rufianes, picaros, vagamundos, y otros malhechores tan
amigos de hacer mal, como lo era Cimon ateniense ... de no
hacer bien. (Riv., vol. 62, p. 283, b.).

24. . . . un rapas trainel,
Huron habia por nombre, apostado doncel,

Si non por quatorce cosas nunca vi mejor que el.
Era mintroso, bebdo, ladron, e mesturero,
Tafur, peleador, goloso, refertero,
Rennidor, et adevino, susio, et agorero,
Nescio, perezoso, tal es mi escudero.
Dos dias en la selmana grand ayunador,
Quando no tenia que comer, ayunaba el pecador,
Siempre aquestos dias ayunaba mi andador,
Quando no podia al faser, ayunaba con dolor.
(Libro de cantares del Argipreste de Fita> in Riv., vol. 57, p. 277,
coplas 1593—95)-

25* J'avois un jour un vallet de Gascongne,

Gourmand, ivrongne, et asseure menteur,
Pipeur, larron, jureur, blasphemateur,
Sentant la hart de cent pas a la ronde,
Au demourant, le meilleur filz du monde.

(Clement Marot, Epttre XXIX. Au roy, pour avoir este
derobe. Page 195 in vol. I of Oeuvres completes de CUtnent
Marot) par M. Pierre Jannet, Paris, Marpon et Flammarion).

NOTES.

26. "El libro queda realmente innominado; cuando Juan Ruiz se
refiere a el lo hace siempre en los terminos mas genericos :
trobas 6 cuento rimado; libro de buen amor; ...romance, por
ultimo, esto es, obra compuesta en lengua vulgar. . . Libro del
Archipreste de Hita le llama a secas el Marques de Santillana ".
(Menendez y Pelayo).

27. The most thorough study of the Arcjpreste de Hita is found
in Ch. II, pp. LIH— CXIV, of the Prologo to vol. Ill of the
Antologia de poet as liricos caste llanos, Madrid, 1892, one of *
the most enjoyable and instructive pieces of criticism that M.
Menendez y Pelayo has written. He quotes Sanchez (p. CVII),
Clams and Wolf (CVIII — CIX), Puibusque, Puymaigre and
Viardot (CX), who all agree to call the work a masterpiece,
which opinion is shared by Amador de los Rios (CX) and
Menendez y Pelayo himself. A pity that a work of such im-
portance has never been edited as it should be ; Menendez'
requirements of a good edition (LVII) are certainly sufficient
to cool the ardor of the most enthusiastic admirer and pros-
pective editor.

28* For a complete description of the manuscript (Vatican 4806)
and the editions (1531 ; 1561, Valencia; 1561, Barcelona;
1 735 ; 1865), and a study of the contents and historical back-
ground, see A. Morel — Fatio, Rapport sur une mission pkilo-
logique a Valence, Paris, 1885 (ex trait de la Bibliotheque de
VEcole des chartes, Annees 1884—85).

29. Mila y Fontanals, Oracidn inaugural, leida ante el Claustro
de la Universidad de Barcelona en la apertura del curso de
1865 a 1866 (quoted by Giles y Rubio, Discurso, Oviedo,
1890, p. 19, note 2); more explicitly in Obras completas de
D. Manuel Mild y Fontanals, vol. Ill, Barcelona, 1890, p. 402,
note 63 : " ouvrage ingenieux et historiquement instructif, et qui
contribua peut-&tre a la conception de la novela picaresca";
while on pp. 214 — 219 he gives the contents of the Libre de
les dones and arranges them so that they give the impression

NOTES.

of a novela picaresca, to which treatment he refers in note 22,
p. XLV of the aforementioned Discurso (reprinted as intro-
duction to the work : De la poesia herdico-popular castellana
por el Dr. D. Manuel Mila y Fontanals, Barcelona, 1874).

30. Navarrete (Bosquejo hist sobre la novela esp., p. LXXX,
note 1) says: tt se imprimid en Sevilla 1559", but this is not
the first edition. The editions are the following:

I. 1 5 1 3, in fol. without year, place, or name of printer ; but
the proemio in Latin and Spanish is dated 1 August
15 13. According to Pellicer {Biblioteca de traductores,
pp. 45 — 51) the translator, Diego Lopez de Cortegana,
whose name is concealed, after the fashion of the time,
in some Latin distichs, was arcediano and can6nigo in
15 15 ; he still lived in 1524, but nothing more is known
about him. This translation is said to be made after the
first Latin printed text, Venetia, 1504, and to agree in
every respect with the original.

II. 1536, Zamora, Tomaris, in fol. (Brunet, ed. of i860, I,
I, p. 366).

III. 1539, Zamora, Pedro Tovan, in fol. (Brunet, ibid.),

IV. 15.43, Medina del Campo, Pedro de Castro, in fol. (on
title: corregido y aftadido, but it is a reprint of the

edition of 15 13).

V. 1 55 1, Anvers, Juan Steelsio, in 8°. (somewhat modernized).

VI. 1559, Sevilla, (Navarrete, /. c). In the same year it was

ordered to be expurgated (in the Index of 1559, called

Valde's' Index; see Bibl. des Stutg. Lit, Vereins, vol.

17b: Die Indices Libr. Prohib, des 16. Jahrh.).

VII. 1584, Alcala de Henares, Hernan Ramirez, in 8°.,

(expurgated, greatly curtailed).
VIII. Without place or date, reprint of VII.
IX. 1 60 1, Madrid, Pedro Sanchez, in 8°. (Pellicer says it
gives the name of the translator, but he is mistaken).

31. u Los espafioles, lo mismo aqui (that is, in Granada) que en el
resto de Espaiia, no son muy industriosos y ni cultivan ni

NOTES.

siembran de buena voluntad la tierra, sino que van de mejor
gana a la guerra 6 a las Indias para hacer fortuna por este
camino mas que por cualquier otro ". (p. 297 of: Viajes por
Espaha, vol. VIII of the Libros de antdho, Madrid, 1879; the
passage is from the translation of the description of his journey
to Spain, 1525 — 1528, by Andrea Navagiero, ambassador from
Venice to Charles V.).

32. It seems wellnigh impossible to give a complete list of the
editions of the Celestina. Even with all the bibliographical
aids available at present, we find no editions recorded for certain
years. When, on the other hand, we find some years credited
with several editions, it is more than probable that a book of
such popularity was printed at least once every year. The
following list is as complete as I have been able to make it
from various tables .(Magnin, in Journal des Savants, 1843,
p. 199; F. Wolf, in Studien, 1 859, p. 290, note; Salva,
Catdlogo % 1872, vol. I, p. 384 — sqq. ; Farinelli, Spanien u, d.
Sp, Lit, im Lichte der deutscken Kritik und Poesie, Berlin,
1892; Brunet (i860), and Ticknor's Catalogue, Boston, 1879);
to which comes opportunely Quaritch* Biblioteca Hispana
(Cat. no. 148), London, February, 1895, which describes some
of the rarest editions that this bookseller possesses, among them
the oldest known edition, of 1499, which is offered for one
hundred and forty-five pounds sterling.

1. 1499, Burgos (Quaritch).

Medina del Campo, 1499, mentioned by Aribau
(Riv., vol. Ill, p. XII, note 2) is cited by no
one else, and its existence is doubted by Salva and
Brunet.

2. 1500, Salamanca (unknown, but mentioned by the Valencia

edition of 15 14).

3. 1 50 1, Sevilla (Quaritch).

Amarita, in the Prdlogo to his edition of 1822,
mentions one by Martino Polono, 1500; Salva
supposes this to be a mistake, and that Amarita

NOTES.

confuses Martino with Estanislao Polono, the printer
of 3.

4. 1502, (Magnin; Salva; Quaritch).

5. 1502, Salamanca (Magnin; Salva).

6. 1502, Toledo (Quaritch).

7. 1504, Sevilla (Salva, p. 386, doubts its existence, though

he finds the book announced in the catalogue of
Gancia).

8. 1507, Zaragoza (Aribau; Salva),

9. 15141 Valencia (Magnin; Salva).

10. 1514* Milan (Magnin) ) Salva says these two editions are

11. 15151 Venice (Magnin) ) in Italian.

12. 1518, Valencia (Quaritch).

13. 1523, Sevilla (Magnin; Quaritch; Salva says it was made

in Venice).

14. 1525, Sevilla (Magnin; Salva).
l S- I 5 2 5t Barcelona (Salva).

16. 1525, Venice (Magnin; Salva says: in Italian).

17. 1526, Toledo (Magnin; Salva).

18. 1528, Sevilla (Salva).

19. 1529, Valencia (Magnin; Salva).

20. ±1530, Medina del Campo (Salva).

21. 153 if Barcelona (Wolf).

22. 1 53 if Venice (Magnin; Salva; Quaritch).
2 3- 1531, Burgos (Salva).

24. 1534, Venice (Magnin; Salva).

25. 1534, Sevilla (Magnin; Salva).

26. 1535, Venice (Magnin; Salva).
2 7* I 53^> Sevilla (Magnin; Salva).

28. 1538, Toledo (Magnin; Salva).

29. 1538, Genoa (Magnin; Salva).

30. 1 53 1 1 Sevilla (Magnin; Salva).

31. 1539. Antwerp (Magnin; Salva; Quaritch).

32. 1540, Lisbon (Salva).

33. (1540?) Medina del Campo (Magnin).

34. 1545, Zaragoza (Magnin; Salva).

NOTES.

35
36

39
40

45
46

49
50
5i
52
53
54
55
56

57
58
59
60

61
62

63
64

11545, Antwerp (Salva; Quaritch).
1545, Antwerp (Magnin; Salva).
1550, Sevilla (Wolf).
1553, Venice (Magnin; Salva; Quaritch).

1555, Zaragoza (Salva).

1556, Venice (Magnin; Salva says: reprinted title of 1553).
1558, Salamanca (Magnin; Salva).

1561, Cuenca (Salva).

1 56 1, Barcelona (Quaritch).

1562, Sevilla (Salva).

1563, Alcala (Magnin; Salva; Quaritch).
1566, Barcelona (Magnin; Salva).

1569, Alcala (Magnin; Salva: the first that bears the title
Celestind).

1569, Salamanca (Magnin; Salva).

1570, Salamanca (Magnin; Salva).

157 1, Cuenca (Magnin).
1573, Toledo (Magnin; Salva).
1575, Sevilla (Wolf).

1575, Salamanca (Salva).

1575, Valencia (Magnin; Salva).

1575, Alcala (Salva).

1577, Salamanca (Wolf; Salva).

1585, Barcelona (Wolf).

1586, Alcala (Farinelli; Ticknor Catal.).

1590, Antwerp (Salva).

1591, Alcala (Magnin; Salva).
1595, Antwerp (Magnin; Salva).
1595, Tarragona (Salva).

1599. Antwerp (Magnin; Salva; Quaritch).
1599, Sevilla (Salva).

For studies of the Celestina, see Aribau, (in Riv., HE, pp.
XII— XVII); Ticknor (transl. by Julius, I, pp. 214—219);
Wolf (Studien, pp. 278 — 302); Klein's rhapsody (Gescktchte
des Dramas, vol. VIII: Das Spanische Drama, vol. I, pp.

NOTES.

838 — 928); Men6ndez y Pelayo (El Liberal, Diario de Madrid,
6 April, 1894).

33. 1. Ticknor (I, p. 221) mentions a play by Mendoza (f 1644)
that he calls Calisto y Melibea, while Barrera (Catdl.,
p. 250) calls it Celestina,

2. A CeUstina by Calderon is mentioned by Barrera (p. 55).

3. Comedia Tebayda (1521; 1 546 together with Comedia
Serafina and Com. Hypolyta; reprinted: vol. 22 of Col,
de libros raros 6 curiosos, Madrid, 1894).

4. Comedia Eufrosina (in Portuguese, by Jorge Ferreira de
Vasconcellos ; written 1527, printed 1560; 1566; 1616;
transl. into Spanish by Ballesteros 1735, greatly curtailed,
as the work had been prohibited by the Quiroga Index

of 1583).

5. Segunda Celestina, or Resureccion de Celestina (by Feliciano

de Silva; 1534; 1536, Venice; 1536, Salamanca; db 1550,
Antwerp; prohibited by the Valdes Index of 1559;
reprinted: vol. 9 of Col. de libros raros 6 c).

6. Tercera Celestina (by Gaspar Gomez, 1536 according to
Panzer and, after him, to Brunet; 1539, Salva, Catdl.,
no. 1269; Salva's copy now in Bibl. Nac., Madrid; Salva
supposes that the editions, of 1537 mentioned by Ticknor
I, 219, and of 1559 given by Barrera, p. 174, are due to
mistakes on the part of these writers).

7. Cuarta obra y tercera Celestina (also called Lysandro y
Roselia; by Sancho de Mufion, 1542; reprinted: vol. 3 of
Col. libr. r. c).

8. Comedia Policiana (1547; 1543).

3. Comedia Selvagia (by Alonso de Villegas Selvago, 1554*
reprinted: vol. 5 of Col. libr. r. c).

10. Comedia Florinea (by Juan Rodriguez, 1554).

11. Comedia Salvaje (by Romero de Cepeda, 1582; reprinted:
in Ochoa's Tesoro del Teatro, vol. I; its first two acts
are made from the first four of the Celestina).

12. Dorotea (by Lope de Vega, 1632; 1654; 1675; 1735,

NOTES.

where it is called "octava impresion"; reprinted in Riv.

34, vol. 2 of Comedias escogidas de Lope de Vega).
N.B. The Hispaniola of Joan Maldonado may have been
another imitation of the CeUstina, but the work is unknown
(see Menendez y Pelayo, Heterod., vol. 2, p. 74, note 1); the
Farsa Costanza of Cristobal de Castillejo, 1522, that never was
printed, was lost in 1823 ; the Lozana Andaluza of Delicado
or Delgado, about 1528 (reprinted: vol. I of the Col. libr. r. c,
and with French translation by Bonneau, 1888, 2 vols.), though
bearing on title-page: tt Contiene muchas mas cosas que la
Celestina", has nothing to do with the Celestina; La Una of
Alfonso Velasquez de Velasco, 1602 (reprinted in the same
year under the title El celoso, and in 1613 with title El celoso
(La Una), repeated by Ochoa in vol. 1 of his Tesoro del
teatro under title El celoso) is a rather distant imitation.
Likewise the Egloga de la tragicomedia de Calisto y Melibea
by Pedro Manuel de Urrea (printed in his Cancionero, 15 13;
reprinted in the Cancionero de Urrea, Zaragoza, 1878, vol. 2
of the Biblioteca de escritores aragoneses, seccidn literaria),
which versifies the first act of the CeUstina (for specimens, see
Aribau, /. c, XVII— XX, footnotes). Moreover, there is the
romance (described by Salva, vol. 1, p. 394), the only known
copy of which is in the library of D. M. Menendez y Pelayo
(8 pp., fol., black letter).

The works of Salas Barbadillo: La ingeniosa Elena hija de
Celestina, and La escuela de CeUstina, bear no relation to
the original work. Neither does Salazar's Segunda CeUstina
(see Salva, I, p. 465), the real title of which is El encanto es
la hermosura, y el hechizo sin hechizo (reprinted: Riv., vol.
49, vol. 2 of Dramdticos posterior es a Lope de Vega.

34. The only passage that I am able to construe thus is found in
Act 14 of the CeUstina (Riv., 3, p. 59, b.): "jO cruel juez,
cuan mal pago me has dado del pan que de mi padre comiste !
Yo pensaba que podia con tu favor matar mil hombres sin
temor de castigo , . . . 1 Quien pensara que tu me habias de

81 6

NOTES.

destruir?" In the imitations, no invective of this kind against
authorities is found.

35. Not having had an opportunity to study from the sources the
history of Spain in the first half of the Sixteenth century, I
can only refer to Ticknor, I, pp. 357 — 358; Lafuente, Historia
de Espana, Barcelona, 1883 — 1885, 6 vols. fol„ vol. 2, pp.
325 — 611 ; and to Lauser, Der erste Schelmenroman> Lazarillo
von Tormes, Stutgart, 1892, Einleitung, pp. 1 — 24, where he
extracts from Sandoval many anecdotes characteristic of the time.

36. Arvede Barine has made this the subject of his cleverly written
article: tt Les gueux d'Espagne. Lazarillo de Tormes." {Revue
des Deux Mondes, 15 Avril 1888, pp. 870 — 904).

37. I quote Lazarillo from Kressner's edition {Bibliothek Spantscher
Schriftsteller, Bd. X, Leipzig, 1890).

The clerigo, Lazarillo's second master, though having a dozen
loaves (p. 18, I. 5, 12, 17, 28) in his provisionchest, begrudges
Lazarillo every crumb (p. 15, 1. 32); he eats "cinco blancas de
carne . . . para comer y cenar " (p. 1 5, 1. 29).

38. Por Dios, si con 61 topase (with a sefior de titulo) muy gran
su privado pienso que fuese, y que mil servicios le hiciese,
porque yo sabria mentille tan bien como otro, y agradalle a las
mil maravillas ... y no quieren ver en sus casas hombres vir-
tuosos, antes los aborrecen y tienen en poco y Uaman necios.
(p. 37, end; p. 38, 1. 14—16).

39. Can6nigos y seftores de la iglesia muchos hallo; mas es gente
tan limitada, que no los sacara de su paso todo el mundo
(p. 37, 1. 20).

This refers to the priests of Toledo, of whom Navagiero
(/. c. y p. 256) says: El arzobispado vale ochenta mil ducados
al aQo ; el Arcediano tiene seis mil ducados de renta, y el Dean
de tres a cuatro, y creo que hay dos. Los can6nigos son
muchos, y ninguno goza de menos de setecientos ducados; tiene
la catedral otras rentas y hay muchos capellanes que alcanzan

NOTES.

doscientos ducados al alio, de modo que los amos de Toledo y
de las mugeres precipue, son los clerigos, que tienen hermosas
casas y gastan y triunfan, dandose la mejor vida, sin que nadie
los reprenda.

40. The clerigo of Maqueda: toda la laceria del mundo estaba en-
cerrada en este, no se si de su cosecha era, 6 lo habia anejado
con el habito de clerecia (Laz. y p. 15, 1. 5 — 8).

41. The escudero: habia dejado su tierra no mas de por no quitar
el bonete a un caballero su vecino (p. 36, 1. 10), and in his
own words : aquel de mi tierra que me atestaba de mantenimiento
(1. e. f who saluted him with : mantenga Dios a vuestra merced)
nunca mas le quise sufrir, ni sufria, ni sufrir6 a hombre del
mundo, del rey abajo, que: mantengaos Dios me diga (p. 37,
1. 6—8).

42. vine (the escudero) a esta ciudad pensando que hallaria un buen
asiento . . . mas no quiere mi ventura que le (*". e. t un sefior de
titulo) halle (p. 37, 1. 18; p. 38, 1. 19).

43. reille mucho sus donaires y costumbres, aunque no fuesen las
mejores del mundo ; nunca decille cosa con que le pesase, aunque
mucho le cumpliese (p. 38, 1. 1 — 3).

44. The ciego : desde que Dios cri6 el mundo, ninguno form6 mas
astuto ni sagaz . . . sacaba grandes provechos con las artes que
digo, y ganaba mas en un mes que cien ciegos en un ano (p.
6, 1. 24; p. 7, 1. 4).

The buldero : el mas desenvuelto y desvergonzado . . . cuando
por bien no le tomaban las bulas, buscaba c6mo por mal se las
tomasen, y para aquello hacia molestias al pueblo. Y otras
veces con maflosos artificios . . . (p. 40, 1. 24; p. 41, 1. 16).

45. al pasar por la triperia, pedi a una de aqueUas mujeres, y
di6me un pedazo de una de vaca con otras pocas tripas cocidas
(p. 31, 1. 6 — 7), while before he had gone: por las puertas y
casas mas grandes que me parecia (p. 30, 1. 32) and it had

NOTES.

taken all his skill "aunque en este pueblo no habia caridad"
(p. 31, L 2, 5) to get a supply of bread.

46. como el afio en esta tierra fuese esteril de pan, acordaron en
ayuntamiento que todos los pobres estranjeros se fuesen de
la ciudad, con pregon, que el que de alii adelante topasen
fuese punido con azotes (p. 33, 1. 31).

47. el lastimado de mi amo, que en ocho dias maldito el bocado
que comi6 . . . Y velle venir a medio dia la calle abajo . . . y
por lo que tocaba & su negra que dicen honra tomaba una
paja de las que aun asaz no habia en casa, y salia & la puerta
escarvando los que nada entre si tenian (p. 34, 1. 10 — 48).

48* O seiior, . . . que nos traen aca un muerto .... Aqui arriba le
encontre, y venia didendo su mujer: marido y seQor mio,
I adonde os llevan ? A la casa 16brega y oscura ? a la casa triste
y desdichada? a la casa donde nunca comen ni beben? Aca,
seQor, nos le traen. Y ciertamente cuando mi amo esto oy6,
aunque no tenia por que estar muy risueno, rid tanto que muy
gran rato estuvo sin poder hablar (p. 35, 1. 24 — 30).

49. Un dia ... en el pobre poder de mi amo entro un real . . . y
me lo di6, diciendo : toma Lazaro ... ve a la plaza y raerca
pan y vino y came, quebremos el ojo al diablo (p. 34, 1.
24—29).

50. The pr61ogo quotes Plinio: a no hay libro, por malo que sea,
que no tenga alguna cosa buena", and Tulio: „la honra cria
las artes". Page 6, 1. 36 mentions Galeno; page 15, 1. 4
Alejandro Magno; page 30, 1. 12, the many "dulzuras que
Ovidio escribi6 w .

Comparing this with the endless quotations from Seneca,
Aristotle, etc., that are found in the Tebayda, the Segunda
Celestina of Feliciano de Silva, the Lysandro y Roselta y all
of about the same time, it seems safe to say that the author
of Lazarillo, had he been a man of letters, could not have
failed to quote more, and more explicitly. Morel-Fatio

NOTES.

(Preface, p. XVI — XVII) says: "je chercherais aux alentours
des freres Valdes . . . N'y aurait-il pas aussi quelque lointain
cousinage entre notre nouvelle et un livre bizarre, mal compose,
mais plein de details de moeurs curieux, El Crotalon t . . .
l'esprit en est a bien des egards le m^rae."

In the Crotalon, the auther of which may, according to
Gayangos (see Menendez y Pelayo, Heterod., II, 358) have
been Cristobal de Villalon, we find (p. 164) the allusion tf las
batallas que uvieron los atunes en tiempo de lazaro de tormes"
to the Segunda Parte of Lazarillo (1555).

M.-F. himself supposes (Preface, p. XII) that the Lazarillo
may have existed in manuscript twenty years before publication.
Of this there is a partial corroboration. In the Lozana Andaluza>
written in 1524 though printed in 1528, we read (Libros
Raros 6 c, vol. I, p. 180): "Yo no soy lazarillo, el que
cavalg6 a su aguela", an allusion to one of the tales of the
Cent nouvelles nouvelles. This seems to indicate that lazarillo
was a name given to a person of whom naughty tricks and
simplicity were an attribute.

51. Not to quote page upon page from various Celestinas, I give
the following striking fact. In the Lysandro y RoseUa (p. 168),
Brumandilon, a "runan", speaks of "el dios Ulcano con todos
los ciclopas sus herreros", saying: "a unos escholares oi estos
nombres." In this fashion even unlettered persons like the
author of Lazarillo may have become acquainted with what
little classical learning we find in the book.

In the same work (p. 41), Celestina reproves Drionea, setting
before her the example of la Calventa "que primero recibe
que da; si no traen dineros, que dexen prendas. 1 Donde
tenias los ojos ayer cuando la fuimos a visitar? 1 No miraste
la alhaja de atavios, y la rima que tenia llena de decretos y
Baldos, y de Scotos y Avicenas y otros libros?" Under these
circumstances, classical references may become common everywhere.

52* v, gr. f p. 19, 1. 8 : este arqueton es viejo y roto por algunas
partes, aunque pequeflos agujeros; p. 22, 1. 6: acordaron los

NOTES.

verinos no ser el raton el que este dafio hacia, porque no fuera
menos de haber caido alguna vez ; p. 24, 1. 6 : mas de como
esto que he contado oi, despues que en mi torne, dear a mi
amo ; p. 29, 1. 2 1 : <i qnien encontrara a aquel mi seflor, que
no piense, segun el contento de si lleva, haber anoche bien
cenado; etc.

53. (Pr61ogo, p. 2, 1. 12): Y pues vuestra merced escribe se le
escriba y relate el caso muy por estenso; (p. 3, 1. 1): Pues
sepa vuestra merced ; (p. 6, 1. 20) : Huelgo de contar a vuestra
merced estas niOerias; (p. 7, 1. 6): mas tambien quiero que
sepa vuestra merced ; etc.

54. Nicolas Antonio, Bibliotheca Hispanica Nova, 1783, vol. I,
p. 291 ; Tribuitur enim nostro [Mendozae] juvenilis aetatis,
ingenio tamen et festivitate plenus, quern Salmanticae elucubrasse
dicitur, libellus, scilicet: Lazarillo de Tormes indigitatus, quamvis
non desit qui Joannem de Ortega, Hieronymianum monachum,
hujus auctorem asseret, Josephus videlicet Seguntinus, in eius
ordinis historiae lib. 1 cap. 35.

55. Brunet, Manuel (1862): Hurtado de Mendoza : Lazarillo de
Tortnes, 1553, in- 1 6, Anvers, que nous n'avons pas vue.

In fact, no one has seen the book ; the existence of an edition
°f I 553» however, seems more than probable, since, whether
the Burgos volume of 1554 or that of Antwerp of the same year
be the earlier, the two coincide so closely, the one of Burgos
being more correct than that of Antwerp, and slightly modernized,
that it seems necessary to conclude that they were made, not
one upon the other, but both after a common prototype.

56. When Morel-Fatio wrote his study of Lazarillo (1888, in vol. I
of the Etudes sur l'Espagne\ he could only indicate the
existence of the Burgos edition at Chatsworth, in the library
of the Duke of Devonshire. Lauser has had a friend give him
a complete description of that copy; Prof. H. A. Rennert has
collated a few pages with Kressner's edition, and kindly sent
me these for inspection. I had myself collated Kressner with

NOTES.

Antwerp 1554, and arrived at the conclusions given in note 55.
Neither bears other date than 1554; the more strange is it
that the Alcala editon of 1554 should say : " nuevamente impressa,
corregida y de nuevo afiadida en esta segunda impression " and
have the date 26 February.

57. Burgos, Juan de Junta, 1554.
Antwerp, Nucio, 1554.
Alcala, Salzedo, 26 February 1554.
Antwerp, Simon, 1554 (with second part).

58> Valdes' Index of 1559 prohibits first and second part.

5g. Morel-Fatio (Pr/face> p. XX) quotes from Juan de Velasco's
preface to the expurgated edition of 1573, which I have not
seen: "Quoiqu'il fut prohib6 en ces royaumes (le quoique est
joli) on le lisait et imprimait constamment au dehors. C'est
pourquoi . . . nous y avons corrige certaines choses pour lesquelles
il avait ete prohibe."

60. Menendez y Pelayo (Heterod^ II, 519): Es de todo punto
necia 6 impertinente, y el an6nimo continuador di6 muestras
de no entender el original que imitaba • . . . Lo que habia em-
pezado por novela de costumbres, acababa por novela submarina,
con lejanas reminiscencias de la Historia verdadera, de Luciano.

61. ibid.: Su obra se imprimi6 dos veces: una en Paris, 1620, y
otra tambien en el extranjero, aunque dice falsamente Zaragoza,
en 1652.

62. ibid, : El continuador se llama H. de Luna, interprete de lengua
espaRola, y desde la primera pagina manifiesta su enemiga
contra el Santo Oficio, "a quien tanto temen, no solo los labra-
dores y gente baja, mas los seQores y grandes : todos tiemblan
cuando oyen estos nombres, inquisidor k inquisicion, mas que
las hojas del arbol con el blando cenro.**

63* Having seen the book only once, three years ago, when looking
up other matters, I know only that the author, Juan Cortes de

NOTES.

Tolosa, published in 1617 at Zaragoza a little uninteresting
work, Discursos morales, many parts of which also occur in
the Lazarillo de Manzanares, con otras cinco neve las (Madrid,
1620), for instance, a passage: "El valiente y el medico". The
Lazarillo de Manzanares contains nothing of interest, and is
clumsily and affectedly wntten. Ticknor (I, 401) says: sie hat
zu ihrer Zeit keinen Eindruck gemacht und ist langst vergessen.

64. French: 1561, by Jean Saugrain.
Dutch: 1579, without translator's name.
English: 1586, by David Rowland.
German: 161 7, by Niclas Ulenhart
Italian: 1622, by Barrezzo Barrezzi.

Latin: in Gaspar Ens' Latin translation of Guzman, (about
which, see below, my note 78). Having seen only the Dantzig
edition of 1652, I do not know whether it also is embodied
in that of 1623 [not of 1624, as Ticknor says he has also seen
mentioned (II, 216, note 1)]. In that of 1652, it is found pp.
74 — 115, occupies the place of the story of Osmin and Daraja
(Guzman, Part I, Book I, Ch. 8), and gives the stories of the
negro Zayde, the blind man, the priest, the escudero, and of
Lazarillo's marriage, neatly but concisely translated.

65. I have already (note 50, at end) drawn notice to the occurrence
of the name "lazarillo" in 1524, in the Lozana Andaluza.

Lazarillo, a el que tuvo 350 amos ", is mentioned in 1559 in
Timoneda's Menechmos (in Moratin, Origenes).

In the Cancionero de Sebastian de Horozco, Sevilla, 1874,
we find (p. 157 — 175) a "Representation de la Historia evan-
gelica del capitulo nono de Sanct Joan ", the actors of which
are: el ciego a nativitate; Lazarillo su criado.

Unfortunately the author's dates are uncertain ; he wrote
between 1566 and 1570. The fact that nothing more definite
is known of him precludes surmises as to the question whether
he might have written his Representation before 1554.

66. Morel-Fatio (Preface, p. XIX): Flairer un danger ne se dit

NOTES.

pas autrement que 'oler el poste', et au XVIIe Steele deja la
locution etait usee a force d'avoir servi: un auteur comique,
Luis Quifiones de Benavente, la traite de cliche (civilidad).

I have not been able to verify this quotation.

67. Much ado about nothings Act II, Scene 1 : Now you strike
like the blind man: 't was the boy that stole your meat, and
you will beat the post.

68. Bredero, De Spaensche Brdbander Jerolinto. The author died
in 161 7, and this play, his last, was his masterpiece (see Dr.
Jan ten Brink, G. A, Bredero, Leiden, 1887 — 89, vol. Ill,
pp. 194 — 208).

69. I transcribe here a well-written page from Arvede Barine, Les
gueux d'Espagne (Revue des Deux Mo rides, 15 Avril 1888,
pp. 870—904):

II (Philippe II.) ne sortit plus de son cabinet, toujours
ecrivant, compulsant, annotant, lisant tout: lettres, memoires,
statistiques, rapports, suppliques, et se rappelant tout; dormant
lui-meme ordre a tout; reglant et reglementant tout: les mouve-
mens de ses flottes et le prix du ble, la lutte contre le protes-
tantisme et les purgations de ses enfans, les tortures a infliger
et le moment ou il mettrait son habit neuf. II ecrivait le jour,
il ecrivait la nuit. On l'attendait pour une fSte : il ecrivait. La
reine l'attendait : il ecrivait. La nouvelle d'un desastre arrivait :
il ecrivait, ecrivait. Depuis que la bureaucratie a ete inventee,
on ne vit jamais vocation aussi determinee. II etait applique,
laborieux, patient, infatigable, mauvais bureaucrate du reste : il
etait toujours en retard; un ordre urgent arrivait au bout d'un
an. (p. 901).

And (p. 902): On comprend de quel poids pesait sur les
esprits cette surveillance occulte, dont les effets eclataient aux
yeux par l'infinite de disgraces soudaines, de confiscations et de
supplices dont le tableau est dans toutes les histoires . . . Les
affaires ne se trouvaient pas mieux que les personnes d'avoir
sur le trdne un si grand plumitif. Le roi croyait trop aux
veitus magiques du papier noirci.

NOTES.

70. Dr. Gaspar Caldera de Heredia, in his Ms. Arancel politico
(extracted in Gallardo, Ensayo> vol II, p. 176): Ya se paso el
tiempo de el cesar Carlos V, que premi6 las annas; de Felipe
II el pradente, qne premi6 las letras; que annqne hoy se
premian, es a solos los dichosos qne los lleva en brazos la
fortuna.

Luis Fernandez-Guerra, Don Juan Ruiz de Alarcon, Madrid,
1871, p. 61 : la ambition, alentada por el favoritismo y venalidad
de los ministros de Felipe m, tan distintos de los del anterior
reinado, iba llevandose a la corte a galope la nobleza en busca
de pingues gobiernos, plazas en los Consejos, productivas mer-
cedes y grandes ayudas de costa.

71. On his own authority we know that in 1568 he was "Contador
de Resultas en la Contaduria Mayor de Cuentas del Rey".
(vid. Ortografia, Mexico, 1609, fo. 77, vo. I wish to express
my thanks to Prof. A. M. Elliott for lending me this valu-
able book).

7a. In a letter signed Tomas Gonzalez, dated Simancas, 10 May
1819, adressed to Navarrete, the author of the Vida de Cer-
vantes, we read that among the Simancas documents were found
those pertaining to this matter (Vida de Cervantes, Madrid,
1819, p. 441).

73. For full description of the Ortografia, see Fernandez-Guerra,
Alarcon* pp. 68 — 72; 476; 478.

74. Title-page of Guzman, Brussels, 1600 (Gallardo, Ens. y voL I,
P- 135) ; Nicolas Antonio, Bibl. Hisf. Nova.

75. Ticknor (II, p. 213) makes this statement on the authority of
one of Aleman's Mends who wrote a foreword to the second
part of Guzman. This piece is not reprinted in Rrv. HI; only
parts of it are given by Salva (Cat. no. 1699, at end), and not
having seen the original editions, I cannot quote from them.

76. Quaritch's BibUoleca Hispana gives two editions of the Pro-
verbios Morales by Alonzo de Barros (f 1604; see Saivi, no,

NOTES.

2048), both of Lisbon, 161 7, of which one, by Jorge Rodriguez,
contains a prologue by Mateo Aleman that is not in the other.
But there being also a dedication by Barros himself, these two
pieces probably were reprinted unchanged from one of the
earlier editions. Barros was an intimate friend of Aleman, and
wrote the Elogio of Part I of Guzman (Riv. m, p. 187).

77. Aleman's knowledge of Italy: Riv. Ill, p. 242, b, at end;
246, b, middle; 288 — 289; 312, b, top.

About seafaring matters: Riv. Ill, p. 316; but being born
at Seville, he may have gained his information there.

About the author and his purpose:

(Riv. Ill, p. 194, b) a ninguno esta bien dear raentiras,
y menos al que escribe.

(p. 223, a): no quiero tener honra ni verla; ... no pretendas
lisonjeando, ni enfrasques, porque no te inquieten, etc.

(p. 226, b, middle — 227, a, end): indirect remarks to the King.

(p. 247, b, first part): his experiences while trying to find
a place.

(p. 265, Chapter II, second paragraph): a necessario es, y
tanto suele a veces importar un buen chocarrero, como el mejor
consejero"; this, together with (p. 265, a): "a veces le causara
risa lo que le debiera hacer verter lagrimas", and (p. 186):
a muchas cosas hallaras de rasgufio y bosquejadas, que deje de
matizar por causas que lo impidieron", shows his desire of
bringing about reform, and that he might have said much more,
and more directly, if it could have been admitted.

(p. 266, b): about court-flatterers.

(p. 308): those without protection are at everyone's mercy.

(p- 330, Chapter III, beginning): the uselessness of all his
remonstrations.

(p. 289, b): the example of Florence, where merit is rewarded,
different in this respect from Spain, where to thrive, everything
must be adulation.

78- L. F. Moratin, Obras Pdstumas^ Madrid 1867, vol.? p.?

Aleman's digressions and long moralizing discourses were

9»

NOTES.

curtailed in translations. Bremend's French translation of 1696
cut out some of these and lengthened others; Lesage (1732)
left them out altogether (see Claretie, Lesage romancier, Paris,
1890, pp. 176—177).

Gaspar Ens' Latin [translation (Vitae humanae proscenium,
Colon. Agr. 1623, Dantzig 1652) was made from the Italian.
We find in this work place-names in Italian spelling, v. gr.
Cazzaglia; and proverbs like: "In Malagone, in ogni casa un
ladrone n . Moreover, in his Epidorpidum libri IV (Col. Agr.
1623) we read (p. 17) that he had made use of La vita del
Picaro Gusmano d'Alfarace.

About his translation he says ( Vit. hum. prose. Ad lectorem) :
tt ita tamen ut non tarn interpreti quam Autoris personam
egerim." The original is greatly condensed in this translation,
which ends in a way that seems to me a translation of the
final chapters of Albertinus (about which, see Reinhardstdttner,
in Jahrbuch fur Miinchener Geschichte, II, 1888, pp. 47 — 50).

About Ens and his relation to Spanish literature, see
Menendez y Pelayo in his review of Farinelli, Spanien u. d.
Span. Lit. (in JSspana moderna % Oct. 1894, P* *7 2 *

79. I transcribe from the Sotomayor Index of 1667 (p. 794, b):
"Miguel de Cervantes. Su segunda parte de Don Quixote,
cap. 36 al medio, borrese: Las obras de Charidad que se hazen
floxamente, no tienen merito, ni valen nada."

Compare with this, Guzman's (Riv. m, p. 221, a): a nunca
perdi algun dia de rezar el rosario entero, con otras devociones,
y aunque te oigo mormurar que es muy de ladrones y rufianes
no soltarlo de la mano, fingiendose devotos de nuestra
Senora," etc

(p. 246, a) : "EspaAa, araada patria, . . . tambien tienes
maestros que truecan las conciencias . . . ;

(p- 307, b): the powerful passage about hypocrites;

(p. 322, a): ... el cielo. Con Have dorada se abre; tambien
hay ganzuas para £1.

9 ;

NOTES.

80 Mateo Lujan, Segunda parte de Guzman, Libro III, cap. VII
(Riv. HI, p. 418, b — 419, a) about the Celestina literature.

81. Luis Valdes, in Elogio to the 2 nd part (extracted: Salva, 1699;
quoted: Ticknor, II, 214, note 1) says that he knew twenty-
six editions. It is not possible to find dates and place of
publication of this number of editions, but below will be found
a calculation in support of the possibility of Valdes' assertion.

Brunet's supposition that the date of the aprobacion, 13
January 1598, may indicate an edition of 1598, falls before
Quaritch's description (Catal. no. 361, January 1885, no. 26890)
of the reprint, where he proves from the preliminaries that the
year began with 1 March.

Since Salva (no. 1694) says that he has seen the book and
gives a complete description of it, I am led to believe that the
princeps appeared without the word ptcaro on the title-page,
though neither here nor in the early reprints do we find the
sub-title, "Atalaya de la vida humana", as Aleman claims he
called the story (see Riv., Ill, p. XXVII, note 2).
Primera Parte.

Editions before the appearance of Part 2.
I, 1599, Madrid, Varez de Castro, in-4 , with portrait.

(Salva no. 1694; Brunet; Brit. Mus.).
2 * I 599» Barcelona, Cormellas, 8*.

(Heredia, no. 2576. Title: ptcaro),
Quaritch (BtbL Hisp. % no. 88) says it is in-12*.
3. 1599, Barcelona, Gabriel Graells y Grialdo Dotil, in-8*.

(Heredia, no. 2577. Title: picaro. Pages identical
with 2).
4* x 599» Zaragoza, in- 12».
(Brunet).

5. 1600, Madrid, Juan Ifiiguez de Lequerica, with portrait.

(Quaritch, Cat. no. 361 — 1885— no. 26890. Aprob.
13 Jan. 1598; i. <?., 1599).

6. 1600, Paris, Nicolas Bonfons, with portrait.

NOTES.

(Brunet: Spanish aprob.: Madrid, 1598; French;

May, 1600).

Gallardo (Ens. I, no. 210) does not mention portrait.

7. 1600, Barcelona, Cormellas, in-8*.

(Salva, no. 1694; Heredia, no. 2578).

8. 1600, Bruxelas, Mommarte, in -8*.

(Gallardo, I, no. 119; Heredia, no. 2579).

9. 1600, Madrid, Varez de Castro, in- 1 2*.

(Brunet).

10. 1600, Coimbra, small 8*.

(Brunet: Antonio de Mariz, P. Genro et Herdeyro
Diogo Gomez Loureyro ; incomplete in Salva, no. 1695 ,
Heredia, no. 5933)-

11. 1600, Lisboa, in-4*.

(Salva, no. 1695, after Quaritch, Catal. for 1866).
Gancia's mention of an edition: Lisboa, 1600,
Rodriguez, containing three parts, is recorded by
Brunet, and rejected by Salva (no. 1695).

12. 1 601, Madrid, Juan Martinez, in-8».

(Salva, no. 1696; Heredia, no. 2580).

13. 1602, Sevilla, in-4*.

(Salva, no. 1696, after Quaritch, Catal. for 1864).

Thus we find four editions for 1599, and seven for 1600.
If there were also seven for 1601 and seven for 1602, this
would give us, in all, twenty-five editions before 1603.

It can hardly be doubted that there appeared in 1601 and
1602 several editions besides the two placed on my list, for in
subsequent years numerous editions continued to appear.

Moreover, it seems fairly probable that the genuine second
part of Guzman did not appear in 1603, but in 1604 (see
hereafter), in which case Valdes' remark about twenty-six editions
of the first part would seem even less incredible.

Nevertheless, it is somewhat startling to find him so well
informed, when the editions appeared in cities so far apart.

Segunda Parte.

Edited separately.

NOTES.

Brunet, after speaking of Part I, Madrid, 1599, says: "Cette
second e partie avait d'abord paru a Madrid, en 1600, in-4 ". Of
this statement, see Salva's refutation (no. 1694).

As to the date of publication of the second part, there are
some difficult questions. F. Wolf (p. 160 of Supplement to
Ticknor) repeats his statement of the Wiener Jahrbiicher d.
Lit. (vol. 122, p. 105) that there is in Vienna a copy dated
Milan 1603. The Jahrbiicher describe it: "Milan, porjeronimo
Bordon, 1603, mit dem ersten Theile zusammen", to which
Wolf adds: naturlich mussen in Spanien friihere Ausgaben
erschienen sein."

Now, the earliest known edition made in the Peninsula is
Lisbon, 1604, the preliminaries of which state that Aleraan
handed in the book for official approbation while he was in
Lisbon (see Salva, vol. II, p. 112, b.). We know (see Navar-
rete, in Riv. 33, p. LXXI, note 1) that before writing his
second part, Aleman wrote his San Antonio de Padua, of
which very rare book I find no earlier edition mentioned than
Sevilla, 1604 (Gallardo, vol. I, voce Aleman).

We thus have to suppose that the San Antonio was written
very hurriedly (see Navarrete, /. c.) and sent to the printer in
haste, but was not published till two years later. After this
book, Aleman writes the second part of Guzman, makes a
flying trip to Milan, has it printed, rushes back to Lisbon,
prints it again, and leaves us to guess how it was possible to
do all this. Perhaps the preliminaries of the Vienna copy of
the Milan book of 1603 may solve the mystery, if that book is
really Aleman's second part, and not Lujan's forgery (about
which, see my note 87, ho. 6).
i.(?)i6o3, Milan, Jeronimo Bordon.

(Wolf; Brunet says: J. Bordon y P. Locarno, small 8*.
according to a catalogue of Tross, 185 1).

2. 1604, Lisboa, Craesbeek, small 4 , with portrait.

(Brunet. Heredia, no. 2584, the only copy known).

3. 1605, Barcelona, Cormellas.

(Gallardo, I, no. 122; Heredia, no 5936).

NOTES.

Together with Part I, but separate volume and title
(see Salva, no. 1699; Heredia, no. 5935).

4. 1605, Valencia, Mey, small 8°.

(Ticknor, Catal.; Heredia, no. 2577).

5. 1605, Barcelona, Honofre Anglada.

(Brunet Quaritch, Bibl. Hisp., no. 89).

6. 1615, Milan, Bidela, in-12 .

(Salva, no. 1700; Heredia, no. 2585).

Together with Part I, but separate volume and title.
According to Salva (no. 1701; Heredia, no. 2586), the first
time the two parts were printed in one volume with the general
tide: Primera y Segunda Parte was in 1619, Burgos, Varesio.
(see Salva, no. 1700; Heredia, no. 2586). It seems, however,
quite probable that, long before this, the two were printed as
one work; likewise there should be many more editions than
the few above mentioned.

82. Luis Valdes, quoted Riv., 33, p. LXXI, note 1.

83. Gallardo (I, no. 130) gives specimens. The two odes he
mentions (Hor., II, 10; II, 14) were reprinted in only 100
copies: Odas de Horatio, traducidas por Mateo Alemdn,
publicalas nuevamente Manuel Perez de Guzman y Boza. Cadiz,
Imprenta de la viuda de Niel, 1893, small 8°.

84. His Ortograf{a (Mexico, 1609) is reprinted in : Vifiaza, Bibliot.
hist&r. d, I. filologia cast., Madrid, 1893.

85. For contemporary appreciation of his language, see Riv., 33,
p. LXXI, note 2.

Prof. F. M. Warren incorrectly says (History of the novel,
New York, 1895, p. 314): u of the other works [than the
Guzman] of his pen nothing has survived ".

86. The most recent special treatise on Aleman (Joaquin Hazanas
de la Rua, in : Discursos leidos en la Real Academia Sevillana
de Buenos Letras, el 25 de Mayo 1892, por los senores
J. H. d. 1. R. y D. Luis Montoto y Rautenstrauch, en la

9 6

NOTES.

recepci6n del primero. Sevilla, £. Rasco, 1892) adds nothing
to our information.

87. The work was extensively read, as the number of editions
proves ; probably others took the book for genuine, as did Luis
Valdes (see Riv., 33, p. LXXIV, note 1.), but when the fraud
was discovered, the book was so completely forgotten that
Nicolas Antonio did not even know it (see Fuster, quoted
Riv«> 33» P* LXXIII, note 2 of preceding page).

I find notice of the following editions:

1. 1602, Barcelona, Joan Amello.

(Quaritch, Catal. no. 361, 1885, no. 26893; Heredia,
no. 2582).

2. 1602, Valencia.

Salva (no. 1880) says that the aprobacion of no. 3

proves that the book had been printed at Valencia.

No. 7 has the aprobacion dated Valencia, 8 Aug.

1602.
1603, Madrid, Imprenta Real (Juan Flamenco).

(Ticknor, Catal. ; Salva, no. 1880; Heredia, no. 2580).
1603, Zaragoza, Tavanno.

(Salva, no. 1880, from catalogue of Sora).
5. 1603, Barcelona, Cor me Has.

(Salva, no. 1880, after Fuster).

1603, Milan.
(Salva, no. 1880, says the Dedicatoria bears this date).

1604, Bruselas, Velpio.

(Gallardo, III, no. 2836; Salva, no. 1881; Heredia,
no. 2583).

88. The well-known passage in Aleman's Guzman II, Book II
chapt. IV (Riv., 3, p. 298) proves this conclusively.

89. The spurious Guzman II contains a curious story (Book I,
chapt II); a very long disquisition on the nobility of the
Biscayans (Bk. H, ch. VIII — XI); a description of festivities
at Valencia (Bk. IU, ch. X) ; most interesting of all, a passage
about actors and plays (Riv., 3, pp. 418 — 422).

97 7

NOTES.

90. The better written parts, particularly in the first half of the
book, may have been stolen from Aleman (see the quotation
from Aleman, Riv., 3, p. LXXIII) ; but the thief spoils them
by a show of learning not customary with Aleman (see Riv.,
3» P. 369. a; 369, b; 372, a; 389, b; 392, b; 411, a; 412;
413) and frequently occurring constructions like aunque-pero.
I am inclined to believe that what is good in the book belongs
to Aleman; what is bad, to Marti, and I may some time be
able to try to establish Aleman's share in the make-up of
the book.

91. Editions :

1. 1605, Medina del Campo, Cristobal Lasso Vaca, in-4 .

(On the title-page: Lie. Francisco de Ubeda; privi-
legio: Fr. Lopez de Ubeda. Gallardo, III, no. 2795,
says: with a plate among the preliminaries; Salva,
no. 1 87 1: with double page 182. Heredia, no.
2588. Quaritch, Bibl. Hisp. y no. 827: with en-
graved frontispiece).

2. 1605, Barcelona, Cormellas, in-8°.

(Brunet. Salva, no. 187 1).

3. 1608, Brucelas, Brunello, small 8*.

(Ticknor, Catal.: with folded plate).

4. 1640, Barcelona, in-8°.

(Brunet. Brit. Mus.: by P. Lacavalleria).

5. 1707, Barcelona, in-8°.

(Brunet, quoted by Salva, no. 1872).

6. I735» Madrid, Zufiiga, in-40.

(Ticknor, Catal.)

Salva (no. 1873) gives an extract from Mayans' Preface
to this edition, in which it is contended that the author was
Fray Andres Perez, a statement not accepted by E. Merimee
(Quevedo, Paris, 1886, p. 157, note 2).

The "versos de pie quebrado" which we find in the Justina
(in which Don Quijote is mentioned) have given rise to the

NOTES.

questions whether the Qutjote was known before 1605, and
whether Cervantes used this verse first.

Gallardo (III, no. 2795) gives the date of the Privilegio of
the Justina as 22 August, 1604.

Barrera (p. \ii) finds mention of the Quyote in a letter by
Lope, dated 4 August, 1604.

Gayangos, in his Cervantes en Valladolid (reprinted, Madrid,
1884, from Revista de Espana, vol. 97 — 98), demonstrates that
the Quijote was even known in 1603.

It seems, therefore, that Ticknor (II. p 218, note) was right
in assuming that Cervantes was the first to use this verse.

The pretentiousness of the Justina shows itself in the Prdlogo
(see Riv., 33, p. 47); the title-page (see Gallardo, III, no.
2795) promises fifty-one kinds of verse (the Brussels edition of
1608 gives only fifty). Its attempt at wit is evident in the
headings of the introductory chapters : "Al pelo de la pluma" ;
a a la mancha" ; etc.

Mayans (referred to by Ticknor, II, 218) considers this book
one of the first to write " culto ". It seems to me that in the
middle of the Sixteenth century the foundation, if not the
actual practice, existed. For example, in Feliciano de Silva's
Celestina we find striking specimens, while in other Celestinas
we meet frequent ironical remarks about such style, and, indeed,
it looks as if Feliciano de Silva even mocks it himself.

92* The author might have had a fine opportunity to write a
scathing satire on the "busconas", who surely must have existed
in his days as they did a few years later, at the time when
Navarrete complained of their great number (Conservation de
Monarquias, Madrid, 1626, p. 24). By taking Guzman as a
model, a very instructive and curious novel might have been
produced; in stead of this, though clearly wishing to continue
Guzman (see prdlogo, Riv. 33, p. 47) the Justina went off
into witticims of the most labored kind.

93. Schack and Barrera draw much information concerning the stage

NOTES.

about 1600 from Rojas; Barren, also succeeds in reconstruct-
ing the chronology of Rojas' life from this book so that it
tallies with other data. For contents and bibliography, to
which I am not able to add more facts, see Barrera, sub Rojas
Yillandrando.

94. Barrera makes extracts from this work, which is very rare; I
have not succeeded in seeing it,

95. For instance, in the Donado kablador, Part EL, of 1 626 (Riv.,
18, p. 564, a.). Also in Qmros' Don FrueleL, of 1656 (see
Barrera). Since then, the expression seems to have disappeared.
By die name El caballero del milagro we have several plays
(see Barrera, Index), to which should be added that by Eguilaz,
dealing with the history of Rojas himself (in Ochoa's edition
of Eguilaz' works, Paris, Bandry, 1846).

96. Aleman, Guzman I, Libro TL, cap. VII (Riv., 3, p. 230, b):
Entonces eramos pocos, y andabamos de vagar; ahora son
muchos, y todos tienen en que ocuparse, y no hay estado mas
dOatado que el de los picaros, porqne todos dan en serlo y
se precian dello.

97. I, Libro m, cap. II (Riv., 3, p. 241, b; 242, b); cap. EEL
Also Mateo Lujan, Libro II, cap. EQ (Riv., 3, p. 385,
b— 387, a).

98. RinconeU y Cortadillo ; Coloquio de los perros (Riv., Autores
Esp., vol. 1, p. 212, b).

The word monipodio (monopoly) is found in die Crotalon,
p. 332: tt ambos tienen hecho liga y monipodio en el trato
de sus feligreses." Also in Mateo Lujan (Riv., 3, p. 407, a):
"los monipodios que hacen, juntandose dos 6 tres & comprar
toda la mercaduria que habian de comprar muchos, haciendo
entre si alianza de los precios ..."

99. Adolfo de Castro, Varias obras ine'ditas de Cervantes, Madrid,

1874. PP- 375—379-

IOO

* »

NOTES.

100. La tia fingida.

The history of the vicissitudes of this story is well-known.
Published first, with doubts as to its authenticity, by Arrieta
(1814, incomplete), a better edition was made by Franceson
and F. A. Wolf (Berlin, 18 18). In 1826, Arrieta issued an
edition that contained, from the Berlin edition, the parts he
had not given in his first publication. Gallardo, in no. 1 of
his El Criticon (Madrid, 1835), strives to prove the authen-
ticity of the story, using another reliable manuscript (Bibl.
Colomb., A A, 141, 4), giving the variants and showing how
they improve the meaning and logical succession of ideas in
the text. Printed once more, with these corrections, by Aribau
(Riv., Aut. Esp t) vol. I, 1846) it has found its final form,
and a careful commentator, in the Obras completas de Cer-
vantes (Madrid, Rivadeneyra, 12 vols., vol. 8), and is a
remarkably well-written story. The improprieties are in keeping
with the subject, and not worse than the various Celestinas,
to which the Tia fingida is a running commentary and glosa
in prose.

101. E. T. A. Hoffman wrote a continuation to the Coloquio de
los perros: Nachricht von den neuesien Sckicksalen des
Hundes Berganza; here, however, the author talks with the
dog, chiefly about Hoffmann's experiences in Bamberg (see
Georg Ellinge^ E. T A. Hoffmann, Hamburg, 1894, p. 80).
The story is found in Hoffmann's Phantasiestucke, 4 vols.,
1814 — 1815, vol. 2.

102. La gitanilla.

About the gipsies in Spain there is a vast amount of
literature. To mention only the most accessible:

Clemencin, in his edition of Don Quijote (1835, 6 vols.),
vol. H, pp. 473 — 478.

Juan Hidalgo, Romances de germania, Madrid, 1779,
pp. 201 — 222.

Bataillard, Sur les origines des Bohemiens {Revue Critique,
1875, nos. 39— 41).

IOI

NOTES.

Borrows, The Gypsies of Spain (new edition : London, 1869).

Rochas, Les parias de France et d*Espagne t Paris, 1876.

Besides this, passages in various Spanish novels; for example,

Donado hablador, Part II, ch. II— IV (Riv., 18, pp. 543—553).

103* Qui/ote, Part I, cap. 22 ; Part II, cap. 27.

104. The ventero : Quijote /, cap. 3.

Regarding the venteros, it may be said that no class was
of worse repute than they, and it would take a special treatise
to show what Spanish and foreign writers have said of them.
To mention only a few : Quijote, I. c. ; Guzman I, Lib. I,
cap. 3 — 6 ; Lib. II, cap. 1 ; Parte II, Lib. II, cap. 8 (Riv.,
3» P- 3*3* b) ; Justina, Lib. I, cap. 3— -4 ; Suarez de Figueroa,
El Pasagero, Alivio 7 ; Gaspar Ens, Vitae humanae prosce-
nium (Latin Guzman), Pars III, cap. 7 ; Obregon, Descanso
Xm, Relation 1 ; Salas Barbadillo, in : La estafeta del dios
Afomo, the chapter : El ladron convertido d ventero ; etc

105. La ilustre fregona.

Mateo Lujan (Guzman, Riv., 3, p. 374, a) says: "eche de
ver en mi vida picaresca, que muchos hijos de buenos padres
que la profesaban, aunque despues los quisieron recoger, no
hubo remedio : tal es el bebedizo de la libertad y propia
voluntad."

In the Nouvelles Espagnoles de Michel de Cervantes,
traduction nouvelle avec des notes, etc., par M. Lefebvre de
Villebrune (Paris, Defer de Maisonneuve, 1788, 2 vols.), I find
(vol. 2, introductory remarks to the Illustre Fregone) : u Ce
n'est pas qu'il y eut plus de moeurs en France, en Italie, en
Portugal; au moins les desordres n'etaient pas si publics chez
nous. Thomas Lansius, dans ses Discours latins sur les moeurs
et les usages des differentes nations, en apprendra plus au
lecteur que je ne puisse dire ici. Voyez son discours sur
TEspagne, pag. 289, edit. 1637."

I have not succeeded in obtaining a copy of Lansius.

102

NOTES.

106. Navarrete, Vida de Cervantes, 1819, p. 87 ; pp. 435 — sqq.,
especially p. 439, note 158.

Gallardo and Aureliano Fernandez-Guerra supposed Cervantes
to be the author of the Tercera parte de la relacidn de la
cdrcel de Sevilla and of the Entremes de la cdrcel de Sevilla
(see Gallardo, Ensayo, vol. I, col. 1336, note 2 ; 1341, note 1 ;
1366 — 1370; 1371, note 1; 1371 — 1384). The entremes
also in Obras, vol. Ill of Teatro.

107. Pedro de Urdemalas, comedia, in Obras, vol. I of Teatro.

Emile Chasles, Cervantes (2»e £d., Paris, 1866) p. 411:
* Cervantes a ecrit le roman du gentilhomme et le drame
picaresque du rufian. Pedro de Urdemalas, piece fantastique
et oubliee, est Pimage de cette destinee perdue."

108. Salva (no. 18 16) describes the Gabinete de lectura espdnola,
Madrid, Viuda de Ibarra (about 1 800), of which he says :
a en el cuarto y quinto salieron las novelas de Cervantes,
tituladas : Rinconete y Cortadillo, y El celoso estremello,
copiadas de un manuscrito de fines del siglo XVI 6 principios
del XVII, con variantes importantisimas de los impresos."

No one seems to have paid attention to this version of
Rinconete.

In vol. IV of the Gabinete, Rinconete has a prdlogo, in
which it is stated that the text is taken from the Licenciado
Fr. Porras de la Camara (about whom see Gallardo, Criticon,
no. I; and Ensayo, I, col. 1246 — 1247).

The prdlogo (XVI pages) says:
(p. VI): "A cuatro capitulos pueden reducirse las diferencias
de la novela impresa de R. y C, si se coteja con la manus-
crita de Andalucia que publicamos. 1 . Supresion de hechos, 6
de circunstancias de ellos ; 2. Alteration de hechos etc. ;
3. Aliadiduras de expresion; 4. Discrepancia de palabras."
(p. VII): "Monipodio no se contenta con 'tantas letras tiene
un si como un no'; hace del ojo a Chiquiznaque, quien pega
un gran bofeton a Rinconete ; los dos muchachos echan mano,

103

NOTES.

pero Monipodio les apacigua, explicandolo como la pescozada

de los caballeros. Luego les da noviciado de tres meses."

(p. IX) : " La Cariharta dice : * Marinero de Tarpeya ' por Mira

Nero de Tarpeya [compare here Duran, Romancer o I, p. 393].

Neron ent6nces se nombraba en Castellano Nero, y aquel verso

era en Sevilla tan conocido, que hasta la Cariharta lo sabia

aplicar de su mode"

(p. X, XI): "Al fin de esta novela se promete mas larga

relation de la vida, muerte y milagros de estos ladrones y de

su maestro Monipodio. Estas muertes son las que debian

hacer 'exemplares' la narration de estos sucesos."

(p. XII): "El primer robado en la Plaza de Sevilla es un

CUrigo".

(p. XII): tt El cojuelo que se habia disfrazado en habito de

clerigo, y se habia ido a alojar en la Calle de Tin tores, en la

impresa es judio. Siendo el de la cofradia de Monipodio, es

imposible fuese judio, por ser los tales ineptos y repugnantes

a la devocion que en casa de Monipodio se inculcaba. Tal

judio no hay en la edition que presentamos."

(p. XV): "El MS. da a entender que la novela se escribi6

en Andalutia, el impreso en Castilla. Vease : impreso : Alcudia,

como vamos de Castilla a Andalutia; MS.: viniendo de Castilla

para Andalutia."

With the corrections, not found elsewhere, the story gains
materially, and becomes perfect, except that the second part
does not appear, a usual thing in picaresque novels.

109. For special bibliography of the Novelas Exemplares, see
L. Orellana y Rincon, Ensayo critico sobre las novelas
ejemplares de Cervantes con la bibliografia de sus ediciones.
Valencia, 1890, in-8°, 46 pp.

Also, Rius, Bibliografia Cervdntica, 2 vols, (in press).

HO. In his Historia de las Universidades de Espana, Madrid,
1884 — 89, 4 vols., vol. HI, p. 271.

HI. This book is very rare; the copy in the Ticknor library is

I04

NOTES.

incomplete (see Ticknor Catal., p. 456, sub Ordoflez de
Cevallos). Printed: Madrid, 16 14. Book I contains the author's
soldier life; Book II, his travels as a missionary; Book III
repeats, in somewhat different form, all that is found in
Book II,

The interest lies, not in the contents, from which nothing
new is learned, but in the fact that the picaro crops out in
all classes of literature.

See Ticknor, II, p. 304, in note 1. about Suarez de Figueroa,
where he mentions our book and another by the same author :
Re lactones verdaderas de los reynos de Cochin China y
Champon, Jaen, 1628, which I have not seen.

113. Les aventures de Juan de Vargas^ racontees par lui-meme.
Traduites de PEspagnol sur le manuscrit original par Charles
Navarin. A Paris, chez P. Jannet, Libraire. 1853 (Bibliothique
JSlzevirienne). See Ticknor, Catal., p. 370, j«& Ternaux Com-
pans, where we find that he acknowledged his authorship to
Ticknor.

Querard's statement (ibid.), that the second part of Vargas
is taken from the German Simplicissimus, is only partly
correct. There is, as far as I can see, but one passage from
Simplic.; all the rest is from Cevallos.

113. For Suarez de Figueroa, see Barrera, p. 379. Prof. H. A.
Rennert has added some interesting facts about Figueroa's life
in Italy (see Modern Language Notes, vol. VII, col. 398 — 410).
His works are very difficult to find, especially the Pusilipo,
of which only the Salva copy is known. I find notice of the
following:
1602, Guarini's Pastor Fido, translated in tercetos.

(Salva, no. 1274; Gallardo, no. 3983).

Reworked entirely, 1609.

(Salva, no. 1275).

The editon of 1602 was reprinted in 1622.

*°5

NOTES.

(Salva, no, 1275, contrary to Gayangos' note to his
translation of Ticknor, III, p. 543).
1609. ^ constante Atnarilis.
(Salva, no. 2002).

Reprinted, with French translation, 16 14 (Salva, no.
2003; Ticknor, Catal., states: 3« impresion).

161 2. La Espana defendida.

(Salva, no. 985; Gallardo, no. 3985).

Reprinted, and called: 5A* impresion, 1644 (Salva,

no. 986; Heredia, no. 5646).

1 61 3. Hechos del Marques de Canete,

(Salva, no. 3408; Heredia, no. 3439; Ticknor, Catal.;

see Ticknor, II, p. 107, note).
16 1 5. Plaza universal de todas ciencias.

(Salva, no. 2426; Ticknor, Catal.).

Reprinted, with many changes: 1733 (Salva, no. 2427;

Ticknor, Catal. ; see Ticknor, II, p. 304, note 1., and

Supplement, p. 183.

Prohibited in Index of 1790; not prohibited in Soto-

mayor Index of 1667.
161 7. El Passagero. Madrid.

(Salva, no. 2004 * Gallardo, no. 3986 ; Ticknor, Catal.).

Reprinted, 161 8, Barcelona. (Gallardo, no. 3987).
1 62 1. Varias noticias.

(Salva, no. 2006 ; Gallardo, no. 3988 ; Ticknor, Catal?).
1629. Pusilipo.

(Salva, no. 2005: Heredia, no. 615 1).

Other works that, according to Barrera (p. 379), are stated
in the Espana defendida of 1612 to have been published at
that date, are absolutely unknown. The Residencia de talentos
was promised in 1621 (see Salva, no. 2006), and thus could
not have been published in 161 2. The matter is obscure in
the extreme, and may perhaps never be solved.

In the Passagero (Barcelona, 161 8, fol. 281, ro) the author
says that he had published, up to that time, seven books. In

106

NOTES.

my list there are only six, including the Passagero ; unless,
indeed, Figueroa counted his reworked Pastor Fido of 1609
as a new book.

114. Alivio VI— Vin (Edition: Madrid, 1617: fo. 286-388; ed.
Barcelona, 1618: fo. 213 — 288).

115. Alivio VII, fo. 307 — 346 (228 — 260).

116. On Espinel, see the biography in the new edition of Obregon,
Barcelona, Biblioteca Arte y Letras, 1 88 1, written by Juan
Perez de Guzman, provided with a careful bibliography, and
containing many new facts about the life and the book. Let
us hope the editor many soon be enabled to fulfill his promise
of p. X : " No puedo hacer aqui in extenso el trabajo docu-
mental que reservo para mas propicias circunstancias."

I am not prepared to give here a list of EspinePs laudatory
poems, and his criticims at the beginning of various books.
My material for such a collection is as yet too inadequate to
be produced.

For Obregon and Gil Bias, or, to use the French formula,
"la question du Gil Bias", see the exhaustive study in the
admirable work, Lesage romancier, par Leo Claretie, Paris,
1890: pp. 190 — 250, for the history of the question; pp.
250 — 261, for a comparison of the two books. And Brune-
tiere in Histoire et Litterature; "La question de Gil Bias",
pp. 235—269.

After Claretie, Eugene Lintilhac has written for the series
Les grands /crivains franfais the volume on Lesage (Paris,
1893) m which (pp. 78 — 86) he sums up the question.

On the Spanish side no one has done more thorough work
than Adolfo de Castro, in his annotated edition of Gil Bias
(Madrid, 1852, in the Biblioteca Universal, Segunda Serie,
Entrega 78 — 86; 180 pages, large 8°) where he gives the
passages of Spanish authors which Lesage imitated. To those
there given many more might be added, for since 1852 many
books have again been studied which were forgotten or in-
accessible at that time.

107

NOTES.

A. de Castro comes to the following conclusion: "El Gil
Bias es una obra compuesta de diferentes piezas: un primo-
roso mosaico debido al ingenio y al buen gusto de Le Sage:
un alcazar levantado con trozos de edificios griegos, latinos y
arabes. Los materiales son agenos : pero del arquitecto la
invencion y estructura de fabrica tan notable." Comparing
this opinion with that of Perez de Guzman (p. XXX), who
calls Lesage "el autor frances poco escrupuloso, que ha usur-
pado a la fama espaliola una de esas reputaciones, que en la
esfera intelectual los frivolos escritores de Francia deben con
suma frecuencia a los robos que practican sobre las literaturas
extranjeras ", the work of De Castro becomes the more note-
worthy and important.

Espinel's Rimas were printed in 1 591 (Gallardo, no. 2125)
and have never been reissued. The volume is so rare that
even Salva did not possess a copy.

117. Salva's no. 196 contained in M.S. many poems by Espinel,
some of which he transcribes, while others have to be omitted
on account of their indecent character.

118. Juan de la Cuesta, the printer, stated that he paid one hundred
escudos for the Obregon (at the end of the Segunda parte
de las Cotnedias de Lope de Vega Carpio, Madrid, 16 18; see
Barrera, pp. 680 — 681).

119. v. gr., the story of the hidalgo's fight with the cows (Rel, 1,
desc, 8); of the gamblers and the traders (Rel. i,desc. 13), etc.

120. For example, "Don Fernando de Toledo, el tio, que por
discretisimas travesuras que hizo le llamaron el Picaro", (Rel.
1, desc. 1); a good story about the Conde de Lemos (Rel. 1,
desc. 24); one about the Marques de las Navas (Rel. 2, in-
troduction), etc.

121. Especially the one (Rel, 3, desc, 17) where Obregon meets an
old man, Pedro Jimenez Espinel, who says he wishes to find
his nephew, and "^C6mo se llama? pregunte; y respondi6me
con mi propio nombre."

108

NOTES.

*^' ■■ — *■■ ! M ■■■ ■ . — ■■■ — --■■■■■■—■ !■■■!■■,■—■ W ■■■■■■■■■■■■. » « !.■. » I T i. « .. ■> ..—._■-■,

122. His long stay among the Moors cannot be rhymed with his
known history (see Pel. 2, desc. 8 — 14), and no one of his
literary friends (Lope, Quevedo, etc.) makes the slightest
allusion to such an event.

123. See the Prologo and the beginning of the Epilogo.

124. Beginning of Relation Primera.

125. The Desordenada Codicia has no name on title-page ; the
dedicatoria is signed Garcia. Only original edition known :
Paris, 16 19. It is supposed, with good show of reason, that
the author was the same man who two years before issued
with the signature Carlos Garcia (which on the title-page is
El D. Carlos Garcia) the book mentioned in note 126.

Reprinted, separate: Sevilla, 1886, Imprenta de E. Rasco,
Bustos Tavera no. 1. (only one hundred copies printed).

With his other work : Madrid, 1877 (vol. VII of the Libros
de antano).

126. La oposicion y conjuncion de los dos grandes luminares de
la tierra ; subtitle : La antipatia de Espdnoles y Franceses,
Paris, 16 1 7.

Frequently printed with a French translation made by
R. D. B. (?) ; the aforementioned Madrid edition of 1877
enumerates: Paris, 161 7 ; Cambray, 1622; Ghent, 1645; and
with title : Antipatia, etc. : Rouen, 1627 (of which two
pretended reprints, differing only in title-page, are described).

127. See about his works, Adolfo de Castro, Introduction to vol. II
of Poetas liricos de los siglos XVI y XVII (Riv., 42),
p. XXXTV.

Of the Enriquez de Castro, Gallardo (no. 2821) mentions
an edition of Paris, viuda de Matias Gillemont, 161 2, 877
pages. This probably is a mistake for that of Paris, 16 17,
viuda de Matias Guillemot, 879 pages, which is generally
considered the first (see Salva, no. 1875) an< * on ty edition,
though Brunet says Nicolas Antonio mentions one of 162 1,
which according to Salva (/. c.) is not in N. Antonio.

109

NOTES.

128. The Enganos de este szglo, Paris, 161 5 (see Ticknor, Catal.)
is a well-written, but indecent, little book, containing an endless
series of women and men who deceive each other. It is
characteristic of the times that Ticknor's copy lacks the pages
265 — 266, which probably were torn out by some pious person
because they contained a remark against the " derecho de asilo "
of churches, while the rest of the volume was left for the
edification of its readers.

I cannot agree entirely with A. de Castro as to the correct-
ness of the language of the Enganos (see A. de Castro, /. c).
No Spaniard, it seems to me, would have written as a con-
clusion to a book : " suplicote de no tener a mal si cojo las
de villa Diego y te dexo a muy buenas noches." The Enriquez
de Castro seems more nearly correct ; the fact is, I have not
read the book with strict attention.

Of the Enriquez de Castro, after almost nine hundred pages,
the author promises a second part, which fortunately never
appeared.

The cost of the book in Madrid is never below 300 rs. ;
a fine copy costs even 400.

129. Biography and bibliography of Salas Barbadillo in Barrera,
pp. 352 — 358. In the bibliography some minor changes may
be made from Salva's and Ticknor's catalogues, and especially
from Gallardo.

130. The printer is the well-known Pedro Joseph Alonso y Padilla,
who practised his trade 1733 — 1746 (see Salva, no. 1731 ;
1839). In the list in no. 1731 we find, as Barrera (p. 357, a.)
points out, both the Cocke de las estafas, which belbngs to
Castillo Solorzano, and the Licenciado Talega, a book that is
absolutely unknown except from Padilla's lists.

131. In the Estafeta del dios Momo, Madrid, 1627 (see Ticknor,

Catal.) we find in the Elogio: "Diez y siete libros deue la
erudicion EspaSola a Alonso de Salas", and at the end of the
book a list of only sixteen.

NOTES.

In the Coronas del Parnaso, Madrid, 1635 (posthumous)
we read: "Ilustro nuestra nation con 19 hijos de su entendi-
miento."

Likewise in the Epistle Dedicatory to The fortunate fool,
London, 1670, it is stated: u his works which are in all 19
volumes, besides many excellent Plays." If the plays that
constitute a volume apiece are not counted, it is impossible to
arrive at nineteen volumes. The English writer may have
meant that in several of the volumes are found intercalated a
number of plays.

132. In : Varios prodigios de amor, en once novelas exemplar es,
etc., Barcelona 1760, (Ticknor, Catal. ; see also Salva, no. 2015).
The original Aprob. and Lie. are of April, 1665 ; so the
work must be a reprint of the 1666 edition which Salva men-
tions. Besides the five stories by Alonso de Alcala y Hen-era
(each wanting one vowel) as stated by Salva, we also find.
Tirso's Tres tnaridqs burlados. The picaro amante is found
pp. 196 — 209, and has for additional title: " escarmiento de
mugeres, burlesca."

The story seems to be of about 1625 ; it is told long after
it happened tt en Valladolid, donde esta la Corte;" the"cava-
Ueros del milagro" (see my note no. 95) also occur here.

133. El necio Men afortunado appeared in Madrid, 162 1 (see Ga-
llardo, no. 3761). Two English translations: The fortunate

fool, by Philip Ayres, 1670; The lucky idiot, by a person
of quality, 1760, the latter abridged. (See Ticknor, Catal.)
Italian translation: Lo sciocco ignorante awenturato . . .
tradotto . . . da Cesare Zanucca, Venetia, 1634 (Leiden Univer-
sity library).

134. Alonso mozo de muchos amos, Madrid, 1624; Barcelona, 1625
Segunda Parte, Valladolid, 1626 (see Gallardo, no. 81—83).
Other works by the author : Milagros de Nuestra Senora de
la Fuencisla, Salamanca, 1615 ; Verdades para la vida
cristiana, Valladolid, 1632. (Gallardo, no. 84 — 85). Of the

I 1 1

NOTES.

Milagros the author seems to have been proud; he makes
Alonso mention the book (Donado kablador, Riv. i8,p. 574, b).

The author's life is given in the second (see Sal va, no. 2875)
edition of Colmenares, Historia de la insigne ciudad de
Segovia, Madrid, 1640 (pp. 777 — 778), and reprinted, somewhat
condensed, in Apuntes biogrdficos de escritores segovianos
por D. T. B. y G. Segovia 1877, pp. 185—188. From Col-
menares we learn: Born 1563; began to study theology with
Fr. Juan de la Cruz, but abandoned this purpose " por humanos
respetos," as he says in the prologue to the Verdades para
la vida cristiana; studied Medicine at Valencia; practised at
Segovia; died 1632. (see also Riv., 18, p. XIII). In the
Donado we find a glowing eulogy of Valencia as a place
for the study of Medicine (Riv., 18, p. 524, a\ all of which
makes Ticknor's remark (II, p. 221, note 1) the stranger,
u that the word Alcala in the name of the author only indicates
that he studied at Alcala."

The passage which the Donado imitates from Salas Barba-
dillo's Necio bien afortunado: Riv., 18, p. 499, b — 501, a,

135. To mention only the fables (pages according to Riv., 18):
The man, his son (and his wife) with the ass, p. 508;
The animals confess their sins; the ass is punished for

having eaten grass that was not his, p. 512;
The lion, wolf and fox, and the lioness' reasons for seeking

divorce, p. 533;
The cat of Venus changed into a woman, p. 560;
The ass who caresses his master, p. 566;
The deer and kid determine to abandon fear, p. 571.

130- PP- 545—551-

137* PP- 5*7— 5 2 2 -

138. Gallardo, nos. 941 — 944.

139. One by Montalvan (Barrera, p. 268); perhaps also one by
Belmonte, mentioned in the Bachiller Trapaza. (Ed. 1733,
p. 163), the existence of which is doubted by Barrera (p. 31);

I 12

•fr,

NOTES.

but Trapaza being of 1634, the statement seems to be rather
authoritative.

140. Historia de la Monja Alferez, dona Catalina de Erauso,
escrita por ella misma, e ilustrada con notas y documentos,
por D. Joaquin Maria de Ferrer, Paris, Didot, 1829.

The story has recently been translated into French, and
edited with a good summary introduction and final bibliogra-
phical note, by J. M. de Heredia: La Nonne Alferez, Paris,
Lemerre, 1894, with illustrations by Vierge.

There is no doubt as to the real existence and history of
the Monja Alferez ; the uncertainty is whether she herself wrote
what passes as her Life.

141. Comentarios de el desenganado de si mesmo, prueba de todos
estados y election del mejor de ellos, 6 sea Vida de el mesmo
autor, que lo es Don Diego Duque de Estrada,

Edited, after a M.S. copy in the Bibl. Nac. at Madrid, by

D. Pascual de Gayangos, as vol. 12 of the Memorial Histd-
rico Espanol, Madrid, i860. 515 pp. text, + XVIII of
Introduction, and 18 of Index.

The author lived from 1589 till about 1647; his book ends
in the latter part of 1646. He began to write it in 16 14 (see
his Dedicatoria of the first part, on p. 2).

142. Quevedo enjoys the privilege of being the Spanish author who,
next to Cervantes, has had the most faithful, painstaking and
intelligent editor in D. Aureliano Fernandez-Guerra, and in

E. Merimee a careful critic (Essai sur la vie et les oeuvres
de Francisco de Quevedo, par E. Merim6e. Paris, 1886, IX
+ 466 pp., with an excellent portrait). To the outcome of
their investigations it is impossible to add with our present
light.

Quevedo's works, as edited (that is, only the first two
volumes ; the third was prepared by D. Florencio Janer, who
died without having fully accomplished the task of comment-
ing and annotating the text) by Fernandez-Guerra, occupy

113 8

■>

NOTES.

vols. 23, 48, 69 of Riv., Bibl. Aut. Esp. The Buscon in
Riv. 23, pp. 485 — 528; the Bibliography (Riv. 23, pp. XCII
— XCIII) enumerates forty-six editions. The princeps is of
1626; the last there mentioned are two of 1845.

143. Merimee (pp. 150 — 151) marks the facts to which a date can
be placed; they all are contained in the period from 1602 —
1607. Quevedo was born in 1580, and finished his studies
at Alcala not earlier than 1600; so the period of composition
followed immediately upon his student life, while the scenes
of the work are mainly reminiscenses of his University career.

144. Lib. I, cap. 11. (Riv. 23, p. 505 — 506).

145. The Gcrardo has for title : Poema tragico del Espanol Gerardo,
y desengano del amor lasciuo.

The first edition, Madrid, 16 15, contains only the first part.
Ticknor (II, p. 233) says the second part appeared in 161 7.
The first edition which I find to contain Part II is of 162 1,
which gives the same dates of the Aprobaciones as that of
161 5. The matter is uncertain, since Ticknor does not mention
his authority.

As the Pindaro appeared 1626, I enumerate here only the
editions previous to this date.

1. 1615, Madrid.

(Gallardo, no. 1797; Salva, no. 1764; Heredia, no.

2594; 5988).

2. 1617, Madrid.

(Navarrete, Bosguejo, p. VIII, note 1).

3. 16 18, Barcelona.

(Navarrete, ibid.)

4. 1 6 18, Madrid.

(Navarrete, ibid., copying Ticknor, /. c).

5. 162 1, Cuenca. Part I and II.

(Gallardo, no. 1798).

6. 1623, Madrid.

(Luis F.-Guerra, Alarcon, note 541).

114

NOTES.

7. 1625, Lisbon.

(Gallardo, no. 1799; Salvd, no. 1764).
The Gerardo has since gone through numerous editions.
Reprinted in Riv., 18, pp. 117 — 271. For appreciations of
the work, see Ticknor, II, 233; and Navarrete, Bosguefo,
(Riv., 18) pp. Vlil — X, who highly esteems it except for the
language.

146. I. 1626, Lisboa. Varia fortuna del soldado Pindar 0. Por

Don Gonzalo de Cespedes y Meneses, vezino, y
natural de Madrid.
(Grallardo, no. 1793).

2. 1 66 1, Madrid.

(Grallardo, no. 1794).

3. 1696, Zaragoza.

(Grallardo, no. 1795).
Ticknor (II, 233) gives only these same three editions. Salva
does not even mention the book.

Reprinted in Riv., 18, pp. 272 — 375.

147. Don Raimundo el Entremetido, Alcala, s.a. (1627), printed
anonymously.

See: Barrera, p. 405 — 406; Aur. F.-Gruerra, in Obras de
Quevedo I (Riv., 23), p. LXXXV, c; Merimee, Quevedo,
p. 168, note 4.

The most recent edition of the Raimundo is in Obras de
Quevedo, Madrid, Vicente Castell6, 1840 — 45, 5 vols. (vol. IV,
pp. 71 — 101).

148. La nina de los embustes, Teresa de Manganares, Valencia,
1632. Barcelona, 1632, Madrid, 1733.

These seem to be the only editions that exist Ticknor*s
Catalogue gives the Barcelona as the first edition; see Barrera.
Salva did not have the book. Gallardo mentions only the
Barcelona edition.

149. Barrera mentions an edition: Valencia, 1634. Salva (no. 1149)
gives : " Aventuras del Bachiller Trapaza, quinta essentia de

NOTES.

embusteros, y maestro de embelecadores. (^aragoca, 1637." The
preliminaries are dated Zaragoza, 1635; hence Salva supposes
the possibility of an edition of that year. Subsequently:
Madrid, 1733 (Salva, no. 1 150; Ticknor, Catal.).

150. Nicolas Antonio gives an edition of Logrono, 1634; Ban-era,
one of Valencia, 1634; Salva (no. 1731) one of Madrid,
1642. Afterwards: Madrid, 1733.

Reprinted in Riv., 33, pp. 169 — 234.

151. The only somewhat satisfactory review of Castillo's life and
works is found in Ban-era, pp. 75 — 78. Mesonero Romanos
(Introduction to Riv. 45) mentions the Garduna, but has not
even the names of Teresa and Trapaza. Ticknor (II, p. 222)
makes only cursory mention of all three novels.

153. Adolf o de Castro, in his Gil Bias, Madrid, 1852 (see my
note no. 116) gives various passages where Lesage imitates
the Teresa. To these should be added Chapter 16. of the
Trapaza, headed: u Como Trapaza volvi6 a encontrar a
Estefania, quien luego cuenta lo que la habia sucedido " ; it is
almost literally repeated in Gil Bias, Book V, Chapter 7,
where Laura relates her history.

153. C. Michaelis de Vasconcellos (in Grundriss d. rom. Philol.,
n, 2, p. 351): "Der nennenswerteste Schelmenroman ist O
peralvilho de Cordova von Matheus da Silva Cabral, der als
Fortsetzung zu Solorzano's Bachiller Trapaza aufzufassen ist."

154. The author, to explain the name, says : " Pusieronle por nombre
Hernando, que hijo de padres, uno Trampa en apellido, y
otro Tramoya, huuo contemplacion que debia Ilamarse Trapaza,
como cosa muy propinqua a ser efecto de los dos apellidos :
asi le llamaron con este supuesto nombre mientras vivid."
(Ed. 1733, p. 14).

The word trapaza, however, existed long before the date of
composition of the novel. In the Comedia Tebayda (first
edition : 1521) we find the adjective trapacero (Madrid reprint,

Il6

NOTES.

1894, p. 416; 422). The word trapaza occurs in 1557, in
the Cortes de la Muerte (Romancero y Cancionero sagrados,

R* v -» 35> P- 2 5» c ;

" | De cuanto riesgo, trapaza,
Te he sacado, que esto peno,
Y hora dasme con la maza,
Parlando como picaza,
Lo tuyo y tambien lo ajeno ! "

155. For instance, the monja alferez, on p, 160 of the edition
of 1733-

156. The book was intended to bear the title La congregation
de la mtseria, and to relate the adventures of Teresa's
children, two taking after their father, a miserly merchant, and
a daughter after the mother.

It is possible that these continuations actually appeared
Gallardo (no. 1687) describes the Lysardo enatnorado of our
author, which is absolutely unknown except for this descrip-
tion and Padilla's mention (see Barrera, p. 77, a). Menendez
y Pelayo has of Castillo the Escarmtentos de amor
moralizados which no bibliographer mentions. So it is possible
that at some unexpected moment other works of Castillo's
hand may come to light.

157. The best study of Enriquez Gomez is found in Estudios
histdricos, politicos y literarios sobre los Judios de Espana,
por D. Jose Amador de los Rios, Madrid, 1848, pp. 569 — 607 ;
and shorter in Menendez y Pelayo, Heterod., vol. II, pp.
611— 616. His dramatic works are fully discussed by Barrera,
pp. 134— 142.

El siglo Pitagdrico passed through the following editions:

1. 1644, Rouen, Maury.

(Ticknor, II, p. 223, note 1.)

2. 1647, Rouen, Maury.

(Menendez y Pelayo, Heterod., II, p. 614, note 1).

117

NOTES.

3. 1682, Rouen, Maury.

(Salva, no. 1789. He observes that there are two
different editions in the same year and by the same
publisher).

4. 1727, Brussels, Foppens.

(Saka, no. 1789. Men. y Pel., Heterod. % I. c).
The Guadana was reprinted separately in Riv., 33, pp.
257—283.

158. For instance, the first chapter is one continuous witticism on
his parents and relations, all connected with the medical pro-
fession. It occupies no less than six columns.

159. "mas vale errar por piadoso que acertar por riguroso" (Riv.,
33. P. 279. b).

160. Puigblanch (Opuscules gramdtico-satiricos, London, s. a.
[1833], vol. II, p. 372) was the first to note Lesage's
indebtedness to the Siglo Pitagdrico. See also: Navarrete,
Bosquejo, p. LXXXVIII, note 1; and Menendez y Pelayo,
Heterod.y II, p. 614—615.

161. See Claretie, Lesage, pp. 183 — 187.
162* Ticknor, II, p. 224.

163. The most striking passage in Spanish literature about the
excesses of soldiers on their march through Spain is found in
the Donado hablador (Riv., 18, pp. 196 — 198). From the
Avisos de Pellicer and other historical sources, Max Krenkel
draws many examples to illustrate Calderon's Alcalde de Zalamea,
(Klassische Buhnendichtungen der Spanier, von Max Krenkel,
m. Calderon, Der Richter von 2hlamea % Leipzig, 1887.
Einleitung, p. 72).

164. 1. 1646, Amberes, Cnobbart.

(Salva, no. 1830; Heredia, no. 2620).
2. 1652, Madrid, Rodriguez.

(Salva, no. 1831 ; Heredia, no. 6038).

Il8

NOTES.

3. (s. a. 1720), Madrid, Sanz.

(Heredia, no. 6039).

4. 1725, Madrid, Peralta.

(Heredia, no. 2621).

5. 1729, Madrid, Padilla.

(Salva, no. 1832 ; Heredia, no. 6040).

6. 1795, Madrid, Ruiz, 2 vols.

(Salva, no. 1832).

Reprinted in Riv. 33, pp. 285 — 368, but without a rather
comical poem "Al vulgo" found in the editions 1 — 5. These
also contain a portrait of the author, which with slight varia-
tions is the same as that reproduced by Salva, /. c. A copy
of no. 3, in my possession, is without the portrait, though
showing no signs of its having been removed.

It seems probable that other editions appeared between 1652
and 1720.

165. First printed in 1632 ; for bibliography of this and later editions,
see Barrera, p. 450. Reprinted in Riv., 34, pp. 1 — 70. A good
French translation, with interesting introduction, though the
latter is written for a public unacquainted with the facts of
Spanish literature, is : Lope Filix de Vega Carpio. La Dorotea.
Action en prose. .Traduite par C. B. Dumaine. Paris, Lemerre,
1892. 110 + 458 pp.

166. Ticknor (II, p. 255) calls the book "anziehend". I think it
is one of the least entertaining and instructive that I have
read. Giles y Rubio (Discurso y p. 50) places it with the
no vela picaresca, though acknowledging, as Ticknor (/. c.)
suggests, that the book was perhaps intended to oppose this
class of novels. — First edition, 1668, Madrid. Reprinted sepa-
rately, 1704, Valencia. In Santos' works, Madrid, 1723, 4 vols.,
vol. Ill, pp. 264 — 372.

167. Notably in the Dia y noche de Madrid, a very clever descrip-
tion of all that can be seen in the capital; in the Tarascas
de Madrid; in the Gigantones de Madrid por defuera ; etc.,

119

NOTES.

all of which are most entertaining articles on the manners of
the citizens, and fall of information. They are all reprinted
in the Obras, 1723.

168. See Barren, p. 314—315.

Barren states that the Obras . . . y Aventuras de Don
Fruela "contienen, ademas de la novela expresada, una comedia
burlesca y diez entremeses." In reality, the whole book is the
story of Don Fruela, in which the dramatic pieces occupy the
place which, in several novels (Quijote, Guzman* etc.), is given
to short stories, intended to relieve the supposed monotony of
a long-winded novel. For these pieces, in later works (Castillo's
Teresa and others) short plays were substituted. So in the
Fruela* these plays are used for the social entertainments that
are given to the hero, or by him to his tormentors.

Quiros' Obras were published, as Barren states, Madrid,
1656. They were already prohibited by the Sotomayor Index
of 1667, and are still found prohibited in the Cevallos Index
of 1790. This circumstance has made the book extremely
rare. It is a very entertaining story, and contains some curious
facts about the customs of the times.

In addition to the works enumerated by Barren as belonging
to this author, we find that in the Avisos para la muerte,
1659, he figures as one of the contributors, in company with
the best poets of that time (see Gallardo, no. 3568).

169. Torres' life is summarized in Barren, pp. 404 — 405. His
works embrace fourteen volumes in the edition : Madrid, 1 745 —
1752; and fifteen in the reprint : Madrid, 1799. No additional
matter is found in the reprint; the original vol. VII was
divided into VII and VTH in the new edttion.

The first four Trozos of Torres' life were published together
in 1743; the fifth Trozo, in 1753; the sixth, in 1758.

How Ticknor (II, 346) can say that Torres "was distinguished
by his knowledge of natural sciences " is not clear, after reading
the man's autobiography.

I20

NOTES.

170. Gallardo, no. 266 : Vida y sucesos del Astrdlogo Don Gomez
Arias ', escrita por el mismo Don Gomez Arias . . . Madrid,
1744.

171. The best and most thorough study of Feijoo is found in :

Menendez y Pelayo, Heterod., vol. Ill, pp. 67 — 82, where
numerous corrections are made to Ticknor's appreciation (see
Ticknor, II, pp. 347— 350).

172. All previous studies of Isla's life, works, and importance, pale
before the beautiful work : Les precheurs burlesques en Espagne
au i8™ e Steele. Etude sur U P. Is la, par le P. Bernard
Gaudeau, S. J. Paris, 1891 (final form of his Le Fere Isla.
Etude sur le i8 me Steele en Espagne. Paris, 1890). The
author of this remarkable study had as a Jesuit access to many
documents that had not been accessible to earlier critics.

173. The only correct edition of the Gerundio, the only one for
which the M. S. of Part II was consulted, is that by Eduard
Lidforss, vols. XL1H and XLIV of Brockhaus , Coleccion
de Autores Espanoles, Leipzig, 1885.

The first part first appeared in 1758; the second, secretly
in 1768, the first having been prohibited by an edict of 1760.
Part II was prohibited in 1776.

174. Isla's translation of Gil Bias was first printed in 1787. On
the question of the originality of Gil Bias, see my notes to
Espinel's Obregon, Castillo Solorzano's Trapaza, etc. (notes
no. 116, 152); and for Gaudeau' s view: Gaudeau, Isla,
pp. 143 — 166.

175. The author, who calls himself Abogado de los Reales Consejos,
is absolutely unknown. His name may have been assumed.
The novel has the following title: Los enredos de un lugar,
6 historia de los prodigios y hazanas del cilebre abogado de
Conchuela el Lie. Taruga, del famoso escribano Carrales y
otros ilustres personages que hubo en el mismo pueblo dntes
de despoblarse, etc, Su autor: Don Fernando Gutierrez de

121

NOTES.

Vegas, Abogado de los Reales Consejos. Madrid, 1778 — 1781,
3 vols, small 8°. Reprinted in 3 vols., Madrid, 1800, with
omission of the " Advertencias a quien leyere" with which
vol. I of 1778 began.

176. Viajes de Enrique Wanton al pais de las monas, traducidos
del ingles al italiano, y de este al espaliol. Por Don Joaquin
de Guzman y Manrique. Madrid, r772, 2 vols. A supple-
ment, in 2 vols., appeared in 1778, in the introduction of
which the author says: "buscando en Italia la continuation,
acabe de persuadirme a que el autor no era Ingles, como se
finge, sino verdaderamente Italiano."

I have not succeeded in finding the Italian author of the
original two volumes.

See about Guzman y Manrique: Ens ay de una Biblioteca
Espdnola de los mejores escritores del reynado de Carlos
III, por D. Juan Sempere y Guarinos. Madrid, 1789. Tomo
VI, p. 112.

His real name was Gutierre Joaquin Vaca de Guzman. The
first part being too personal, he was compelled by royal order
to stop editing it; the continuation avoided personal allusions.

I 77* Vida de Perico del Campo y Obra restituida a su idioma
original, por un buen espafiol. Dala a luz el Abate Alcino.
Madrid, 1792.

It is a translation of: La vie de Pe'drillo del Campo, roman
comique dans le gout espagnol. Par monsieur T. G. D. T.
Amsterdam, 1720.

The first edition of the French work is of Paris, 17 18 (see
Barbier, Dictionnaire des anonymes et pseudonymes, Paris,
1806, 4 vols. no. 7383). Barbier says the author's name is
Thibaut. This name occurs in the Amsterdam edition at the
bottom of the D/dicace. The Spanish translation has (Aviso
del traductor, p. XI): tt Thibaut despues rae Gobernador de
Talmont, capital de Poitou, a lo que he podido averiguar, y
eso quieren significar aquellas letras iniciales."

122

NOTES.

178. Aventuras de Juan Luis, historia divertida, que puede ser
util, y da a luz Don Diego Ventura Rexon y Lucas. Madrid,

1791.
The author's real name was Don Diego Rejon de Silva,

author of the poem: La Pintura, Madrid, 1786.

Sempere y Guarinos (/. c. vol. V) mentions the poem, but
not the novel.

Internet Archive Audio

Featured

Top

Images

Featured

Top

Software

Featured

Top

Books

Featured

Top

Video

Featured

Top

Mobile Apps

Browser Extensions

Archive-It Subscription

Save Page Now

Full text of "An Outline of the History of the Novela Picaresca in Spain"

See other formats