Skip to main content

Full text of "The Antananarivo annual and Madagascar magazine"

See other formats 


Google 


This is a digital copy of a book that was preserved for generations on library shelves before it was carefully scanned by Google as part of a project 
to make the world’s books discoverable online. 

It has survived long enough for the copyright to expire and the book to enter the public domain. A public domain book is one that was never subject 
to copyright or whose legal copyright term has expired. Whether a book is in the public domain may vary country to country. Public domain books 
are our gateways to the past, representing a wealth of history, culture and knowledge that’s often difficult to discover. 


Marks, notations and other marginalia present in the original volume will appear in this file - a reminder of this book’s long journey from the 
publisher to a library and finally to you. 


Usage guidelines 
Google is proud to partner with libraries to digitize public domain materials and make them widely accessible. Public domain books belong to the 


public and we are merely their custodians. Nevertheless, this work is expensive, so in order to keep providing this resource, we have taken steps to 
prevent abuse by commercial parties, including placing technical restrictions on automated querying. 





We also ask that you: 


+ Make non-commercial use of the files We designed Google Book Search for use by individual 
personal, non-commercial purposes. 





and we request that you use these files for 


+ Refrain from automated querying Do not send automated queries of any sort to Google’s system: If you are conducting research on machine 
translation, optical character recognition or other areas where access to a large amount of text is helpful, please contact us. We encourage the 
use of public domain materials for these purposes and may be able to help. 


+ Maintain attribution The Google “watermark” you see on each file is essential for informing people about this project and helping them find 
additional materials through Google Book Search. Please do not remove it. 


+ Keep it legal Whatever your use, remember that you are responsible for ensuring that what you are doing is legal. Do not assume that just 
because we believe a book is in the public domain for users in the United States, that the work is also in the public domain for users in other 
countries. Whether a book is still in copyright varies from country to country, and we can’t offer guidance on whether any specific use of 
any specific book is allowed. Please do not assume that a book’s appearance in Google Book Search means it can be used in any manner 
anywhere in the world. Copyright infringement liability can be quite severe. 






About Google Book Search 


Google’s mission is to organize the world’s information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers 
discover the world’s books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web 
ai[http: //books . google. com/| 

















Liha 


— .- 2 ee wee 
AR Tey Seer etia veKITa 








No. IX.-CHRISTMAS, 
a ee 


1885. 











AND 


MADAGASCAR MAGAZINE. 


+ 





ANTANANARIVO: 
PRINTED AT THE L. M. S. PREds. 







18 


10NS 





——— 


\ 


A) 


May 


J 
t,, 


41 
a 
@¢ 


SW ay, 


48090) 






4010 k-tskits-ne 


| 
| 
| 
| 





. = Ambatami-g2), 
—s vf Luhvan: arabe 
mr Zi Onan: 
4280 L* yrrware 
“J a 
hy. 
Qo 
Meee preadan 
= | 
\ 
j \, 
rN 
tod 2 
, 
} 
/ 
\ 


deel KEKE, Aree, 
“Melle OC ~ 
f 


THE 


ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL 


AND 


MADAGASCAR MAGAZINE. 


A RECORD OF INFORMATION ON THE TOPOGRAPHY AND NATURAL PRODUCTIONS 
OF MADAGASCAR, AND THE CUSTOMS, TRADITIONS, LANGUAGE, 
AND RELIGIOUS BELIEFS OF IT8 PEOPLE. 


—+o£- $§-4--— 


EDITED BY THE 


REV. J. SIBREE, F.R.G:S. 


AND 


REV. R. BARON, F.LS., 


Misstonartes of the L.M.S. 


—<o 


No. I1X.—CHRISTMAS, 1885. 


—<~o— 


ANTANANARIVO : 
PRINTED AT THE L.M.S. PRESS. 


1888. 
All rights reserved. 


ANTANANARIVO : 
PRINTED AT THE PRESS OF THE LONDON MISSIONARY SOCIETY 
BY MALAGASY PRINTERS. 


‘aby 
bev Cheer d beborn iii. 


\i-! 9 SO 4 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE 


1.—THE RACE ELEMENTS OF THE PEOPLES OF MADA- 
GASCAR. By C. STANILAND WAKE, Esq., M.A.I. .....00. 


2.—ROBERT DRURY’S ‘““MADAGASCAR:” IS IT A FICTION? 
By Capt. S. PASFIELD OLIVER, late R.A. ........ TTT eT ‘ 


3-—ELEMENTARY EDUCATION IN MADAGASCAR. By Mk. 
J. C. THORNE, L.M.LS.. ...cccce ceccne cone cece -ctecces cccccece 


4.—THE KING IN IMERINA: A DRAMATIC FRAGMENT. 
By W. CLAYTON PICKERSGILL, Esq., H.B.M.’s Vice-Consul .. 


§-—-TRANSLATION OF THE FAREWELL SPEECH OF 
ANDRIANAMPOINIMERINA. By REv. W. E. COUSINS, 
L.M.LS. 2. ccc cnc cece cece cece es seer eee wccees cece cones L eee. 


6.—NOTES ON THE TRIBES OF MADAGASCAR. By REv. 
S. E. JORGENSEN, N.M.S. ............. eee ee ce eee ceeeeees 


7-—NOTES ON THE GEOLOGY OF THE INTERIOR OF 
MADAGASCAR. By REV. R. BARON, L.M.S. ......0. eeeeee 


8.—THE ANCIENT IDOLATRY OF THE HOVA. Translated by 
Mr. H. E. CLARK, F.F.M.A.. 2.01. ce ccc ewes ces ce co ecen tee 


g9--AN UNDERGROUND RIVER. By MR. W. JOHNSON, 


27 


40 


5! 


59 


78 


83 


IV. 
PAGE 
10.—THE NEW MALAGASY-ENGLISH DICTIONARY. By 
REV. J. SIBREE, L.M.S. 0... co. eee eee ees cece ee ccc cccees 85 


11.—NATIVE PRODUCTS USED IN MALAGASY INDUSTRIES. 
By REV. J. WILLS, L.M.S........020. bees twee ee ceeee ceeees gl 


12.—THE SWAHELI ELEMENT IN THE NEW MALAGASY- 
ENGLISH DICTIONARY. By REv. L. DAHLE, N.M.S..... 99 


13.—NATURAI. HISTORY NOTES: TZhe Oldest Inhabttant of the 
Regent's Park Gardens, p. 16—New Genera of Malagasy 
Plants—New Malagasy Plants—The Orchids of Madagascar 
—The'Agy Tree—Madagascar Silk-worms— Protective Re- 
Semblance tt INsecls co. cccrveces socces secs ccascscess coesvess§ IIS 


14.—BRIEF SUMMARY OF IMPORTANT EVENTS IN MA- 
DAGASCAR DURING 1885 .... 1... cccce. ceeeee nee wenn 120 


1§.—LITERARY NOTES ........ 2.200. - cececees conces voces ee os 122 


16.—VARIETIES: Customs in Africa and New Guinea similar to 
the ‘7st-drano’— The ‘Vatolahy’—‘ Vélom-parasy’ ....... eos «8127 


17.—RAINFALL OF ANTANANARIVO FOR THE YEAR 1885. 128 





ILLUSTRATIONS. 
FRONTISPIECE.—MAP OF VALALAFOTSY, ETC. By REv. R. 
BARON. 
To FACE PAGE 83.—MAP OF WEST ANKARATRA. By MR. W. 
JOHNSON. 


°° Dhe Edttors do not hold themselves responsible for every opinion 
expressed by those who contribute fo the pages of the ANNUAL, but only 
Jor the general character of the articles as a whole. 


™. | 


> 


THE 


ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL 


AND 


MADAGASCAR MAGAZINE. 





THE RACE ELEMENTS OF THE PEOPLES OF 
MADAGASCAR. 


HE ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL for Christmas 1883 contains 

an article by the Rev. L. Dahle on which I propose to 

make some observations. Mr. Dahle’s conclusions, which he 
modestly terms his “hypothesis with regard to the origin of 
the Malagasy race elements,” are as follows :—(1) The island, 


' or more probably only the coasts of it, was first occupied by 


East African tribes (i.e. by the VazimbaX and others related to 
them). (2) There was a series of emigrations “from the island 
world in the east,” peoples from which “took possession of the 


' coasts of Madagascar, conquering the African natives, and 
. afterwards intermarrying and mixing with them to such an 
; extent as to become gradually one people with them,—a mixture 
' of African and Malayo-Polynesian elements.” (3) The interior 


of the island was now first inhabited by the African Vazimba, 
not very strong in number, who broke through the forests and 
took possession of the interior, especially Imérina. (4) The 
Hova came from the east, and finding the coasts already 
occupied by a people partly of their own race, and being either 
unable or unwilling to fight with them, proceeded to the interior. 
There they settled in Imerina, not mixing with the people of 


' African blood, and as they grew in strength, “the Vazimba, x 


who found themselves too weak to resist them, and were too 
fond of independence to submit to them, quietly retired towards 
the west.” 


No. 9.—CHRISTMAS, 1885. 


2 RACE ELEMENTS OF THE 





Let us see what the evidence is on which Mr. Dahle’s 
hypothesis is based. The first conclusion assumes (a) that 
Madagascar was first populated by East African tribes, and 
(6) that the Vazimba were of East African origin. The only 
evidence adduced in support of the statement (a) is the opinion 
of Dr. Hildebrandt that there is “a strong African element 
in the Malagasy, especially in the coast tribes.”” Mr. Dahle, 
moreover, believes that much of a non-Malayo-Polynesian 
element in the Malagasy language can be traced to African 
sources. In the paper read by mein 1869 before the Anthro- 
pological Society of London on this subject, reference was made 
to various facts in support of the opinion that the Malagasy 
are related to the peoples of Southern Africa. This inference, 


which I still believe to be a fair one, is the widest that the facts | 


will allow, and it is very different from the conclusion which 
would ascribe to the Malagasy an East African origin. It is 

¥ said, however, that the*Vazimba at least had such an origin. 
Mr. Dahle admits he is not able to prove that the Vazimba 
came from Africa, although he believes with Dr. Hildebrandt 
and others that they are identical with the Vazimba of East 
Africa. The similarity of name®* is certainly very striking, but 
unfortunately we know so little of the Vazimba that, even if they 
were, as Mr. Dahle supposes, the original inhabitants of Ma- 
dagascar, it is almost impossible to determine their race 
characters. 

Dr. Prichard, in his Researches tnto the Phystcal Hrstory of 
Mankind, refers to the conjecture made by the Rev. W. Ellis 
that the Vazimba were the tribe described by Rochon and 
other writers, under the name of ‘Kimos’ or ‘Quimos,’ as a 
nation of pigmies; a notion more recently entertained by Capt. 
Oliver in the Memoirs of the Anthropological Society of London 
(1870). In Dr. Prichard’s Natural History of Man (3rd ed., 
1848), the Vazimba described by Robert Drury are identified 
with the Hova. The information as to the Vazimba given by 
Druryt is not altogether satisfactory. After remarking that 
the Madagascar people probably came first from Africa, he 
says, “the Virzimbers, indeed, by their woolly heads must come 
from the more soufher art of Africa.’’ He adds, ‘‘Deean Toke- 
offu told Captain Macket they had a tradition of their coming 
on the island many years ago in large canoes.”’ This tradition 
evidently relates to the Malagasy generally, or rather to the 
Sakalava branch of them, of whom Tokeoffu was then one of 


* Commander Cameron, however, sees in this name evidence of Malayan influence. Sce 
Report of Brit. Assoc. 1879; p. 393. 
t I quote from an illustrated edition of his Adventures, published at Hull in 1807. 


on 


PEOPLES OF MADAGASCAR. 3 





the kings. As to the ‘Virzimbers’ themselves, Drury gives 
another description which would seem to show that he applied 
the name to different peoples. Thus, while living in the country 

of Mérondava, Drury had an attack of sickness, and he was 
sent to a Vazimba’s house on the banks of the river ‘Mernee’ to 

be cured. He lived among those people for six months, and 

he states that they were almost of a different species “from the 
others,’ meaning probably the Sakalava. He says, “their 
heads are of a peculiar shape, the hinder part and the forehead 

are almost as flat as a trencher;’’ which he supposed to be 
owing to ‘“‘a daily pressure of their children from the cradle;” 
and he makes the important remark that “their hair is neither 

so long nor so woolly as that of the other nations.” These __, 
Vazgimba had a peculiar language*or, probably, dialect, and 
their religion was different from that of the other natives, as 
they had no ‘owleys’ (ddy: in their houses, but they paid great 
regard tu the new moon and to several animals, among others, 
a cock and a lizard. At their meals they threw a bit of meat 
over their heads for the spirits, and they then threw four pieces 
more “‘to the sovereigns or rulers of the four quarters of the 
earth.” ‘They dressed their victuals much more agreeably than qu { 
“the other people ;” they were ingenious artificers in many 
particulars; and they made curious earthenware, glazed within 2 
and without. They appeared not to have any genera GOVErN- Fun 
ment, but they lived in little towns, each of which was a distinct 

and independent republic. Drury concludes, “there are some ; 


of them, as I have heard, in other parts of the island, scattered 
up and down, who shift their habitations, which these were 
wont to do formerly. It is no easy matter to determine whether 
these are not the original natives, or first inhabitants of the 
land.” 

This description is of a forest people, of peaceful and primitive 
habits, but with sufficient intelligence and docility to understand 
and accept the civilization of those with whom they came into 
contact. The woolly-headed Vazimba of Drury are perhaps 
represented by the people described by Mr. Dahle, on the 
authority of the Rev. D. Jakobsen, as now dwelling among the 
Sakalava, and as being not very tall, of a very dark colour, 
and with rather a flat nose. Dr. Prichard seems to have 
believed, however, that the //ova were described by Drury 
under the name of ‘Virzimbers,’ which agrees with the fact of the 
latter having less woolly_hair than the Sakalava. It is some- 
what remarkable that the dwarfs or Kimgs, who are thought by | y 
some writers to have been Vazimba, were referred to by M. de 
Modave, the Governor of Fort Dauphin, as thick and squat, 


“f o- 


Mul 


4 RACE ELEMENTS OF THE 


being lighter in colour than the other islanders, while their 
hair wasshort and woolly. The particulars given by Drury of 
the Vazimba are important, as they prove the existence among 
them of a difference of "physical characters, such as are now 
found among the natives of Ankova; and ifthe Hova are not a 
pure race, the Vazimba were probably not so either. I may 
remark here that there is at least as much evidence that the 


‘o leat! Vazimba element among the Malagasy is Negrito as that it is 


‘ African. It is strange, nevertheless, that although Drury goes 


so far as to say that the Vazimba spoke a different language 
and had different manners and customs from the other Mala- 
gasy, yet at the end of his book, while repeating that they differ 


in some points of religion, he adds, “but then it is to be under- . 


stood, in the forms and manner of their worship and ceremonies; 
for they have owleys as others have, and entertain the same 
notions of a Supreme God, the lords of the four quarters of the 
world, spirits, etc.” The Rev. W. Ellis refers to this idea of 
the existence of lords of the four quarters of the earth, which 
he says is regarded in the interior as fabulous, although it 
prevailed on some parts of the coast.* In other respects the 
Vazimba, notwithstanding their physical differences, show little 
to distinguish them from the other inhabitants of the country. 
The difference of language spoken of by Drury was probably 
only one of dialect, such as still exists among the various tribes. 


Mr. Dahle states that the unity of language must now be con: : 


sidered as a tolerably well-established fact, in support of which 
he makes the pertinent remark that the Hova have military 
stations in a good many places amongst other tribes, and people 
from other tribes often come to the Capital, and yet they appear 
not to be in need of interpreters in transacting business. When 


Y Drury was living in the island, the Hova could equally well 


converse with other tribes. He relates that two Hova (‘Amboer- 
lambo’) ambassadors passed through his town on their way from 
‘Moherbo’ /‘Mahabo ?) to their own country. Drury evidently had 
no difficulty in conversing with them. Mr. Dahle adduces the fact 
of the language spoken over the whole island being substantially 
the same as evidence in favour of the opinion that “the inhabi- 
tants of Madagascar, broadly speaking, are one people.” 
There is here a saving clause to provide for the existence of a 
non-Malayo-Polynesian element in the Malagasy language. He 


mentions various words which are unquestionably the same in| 


Malagasy as in some of the East African dialects, confirmmg 


* History of Madagascar, vol. i. p. 394. Mr. Ellis states (p. 369) that among the witnesses 


summoned on the taking of the Hova oath of allegiance are the four cardinal points of the 


compass. 


PEOPLES OF MADAGASCAR. 5 


what was long since pointed out by other writers. But in 
accordance with the principle laid down by Mr. Dahle, that 
“similarity in the grammatical structure of the languages of 
peoples proves more than similarity of vocabulary,” I would 
suggest that the presence of the words mentioned by him, while 
showing that the Malagasy have had close intercourse with 
their East African neighbours, is not sufficient to prove the 
African origin of the primitive inhabitants of Madagascar. 

Mr. Dahle says (2) that there was a series of emigrations 
from the Eastern island world, peoples from which conquered [ 
the African natives of Madagascar, intermarried with them and | 
finally formed with them one people. Those emigrants are sup- ‘ 
posed to have belonged to tribes who spoke dialects of the 
Malayo-Polynesian language, or a language closely related to 
it, and to have had the Malayan type of feature, which, how- 
ever, they lost or had much modified by mixture with the 
African element. Whether or not the peculiar physiognomy of 
the dark Malagasy is really due to “a mixture of African and 
Malayo-Polynesian elements” is nevertheless very doubtful. M. 
Lesson was so much struck with the resemblance of the Papuans 
to the dark people of South Madagascar as to believe that the 
former had proceeded from this island; and he appears to have 
been no less struck with the resemblance between the dark 
Malagasy and Kafirs of South Africa. What Lesson says of 
the Papuans applies equally to the Melanesians, agreeing with 
Mr. Dahle’s statement that the Malagasy language is partly 
related to the Melanesian. In that case, however, we have no 
occasion to look for the admixture of an African element to 
account for the physical peculiarities presented by the coast 
tribes of Madagascar. It is important in this connection to 
consider certain facts as to the distribution of the people on 
the western side of the island mentioned by Drury. He states, 
where speaking of the Sakalava chief Ratrimanongarivo, that 
“Saccalauvor was neither richer nor more powerful than other 
countries, till his accession to the regal state.’ Drury goes on 
to say that the Sakalava king having expelled both his bro- 
thers, one of them fled to Feraingher (near the river Onilahy, 
which runs into St. Augustine’s Bay) and settled in the country 
to the south; while the other proceeded northward, passing 
through “the fine country where the cattle are kept, and where | 
the Virzimbers at that time resided........the Virzimbers fled 
from him on his first approach, but finding that his intentions 
were peaceable, and that he was only seeking a place of refuge 
for himself, they returned to their habitations, and lived under 
his jurisdiction.” Ratrimanongarivo followed his brother's 


6 RACE ELEMENTS OF THE 


example, and “now caressed some of the Virzimbers, and gave 
them towns on the banks of the Mernee.” According to Mr. 
Dahle’s hypothesis, the Malayo-Polynesian ancestors of the 
present coast tribes acquired their ‘African’ features by inter- 
marriage with the Vazimba. From Drury’s account, however, it 
is evident that the Sakalava were the same in physical charac- 
ters as they are now, and there is no evidence that they had 
intermixed with the Vazimba before Drury’s time. He states 
that many of these people were then living in the Sakalava 
towns in that district, but this intercourse would not have taken 
place before the Sakalava occupied the country; and elsewhere 
Drury says, “the Virzimbers till very Jately were under no 
government, and often changing their habitations.” ‘Lhe Sa- 
kalava used to go into thelr houses and take away anything 
they liked, and to prevent this intrusion, the Vazimba kept their 
houses well supplied with a kind of cow-tick, of which the other 
natives had much dread. When residing further south, Drury 
met with other members of the Vazimba stock. He refers to 
them as “people in the remote parts of this country, whose 
habitations are in secret recesses in the woods,” and who “keep 
no Cattle, lest the vociferations of their herds or flocks might 
possibly betray them,......but content themselves with small 
plantations, and the products of nature.”” Drury’s master, the 
chief’s cow-keeper, had formerly lived after that manner, and 
was therefore “acquainted with some of their private settle- 
ments.” 

The Sakalava migrations referred to by Drury had evi- 
dently taken place not long before his time. Mr. Sibree thinks* 
that Ratrimanongarivo was the son of the chief Lahifdtsy, 
who, in the year 1649, conquered part of the country called 
Ménabé, and whose tribe had been rising into power tor some 
time previous to his reign. Mr. Sibree states that Lahifotsy, 
after crossing the St. Vincent River, conquered the Antan- 
gandro. He does not say whether this was a kindred tribe, 
or whether it belonged to the Vazimba stock, but he refers’ to 
a tradition, according to which the Antangandro retired 
precipitately, leaving the country open to the Sakalava. This 
shows that the conquering tribe did not intermix with the 
previous inhabitants of the country, which, according to 
Drury’s account, must have then been very thinly populated. 
Curiously enough, although there is no evidence that the 
Sakalava intermarried with the earlier inhabitants, it would 
seem that their leader had European blood in his veins. Mr. 


® ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL, 1878; p. 57. [My information was, however, as there 
stated, entirely derived from M. Guillain’s book.—J 3.) 


PEOPLES OF MADAGASCAR. — 


Sibree mentions that, according to tradition, the grandfather 
of Lahifotsy was ‘a white foreigner who had by some accident 
come into the country.” He adds that both on the western 
and the eastern coasts a foreign element has often been a 
means of exercising authority and chieftainship; and he 
points out that many of the most powerful Bétsimisaraka 
chiefs were descended from European fathers. 

Mr. Dahle supposes (3) that the interior of the island was 
first inhabited when the Malayo-Polynesians conquered the 
‘Vazimba, who then settled in Imerina. According to the 
hypothesis the Vazimba were not then a very strong body; 
and yet not only did they succeed in breaking through the 
primeval forest, but they left behind them a number of indivi- 
duals sufficient by intermarriage to modify the physical char- 
acters of their conquerors to such an extent as to impress on 
them an African physiognomy. Now, although we may well 
believe that the coast was inhabited before the interior of the 
island, yet the interior need not have been occupied as the 
result of the advent of fresh peoples on the coast. There is 
indeed no evidence of an African people, Vazimba or other, 
having settled in Imerina owing to the influx of Malayo-Poly- 
nesian tribes. 

Mr. Dahle’s fourth conclusion is that (2) a new body of 
emigrants from the east (the Hova) landed on the coast, from 
whence (d) they, by arrangement with the coast tribes, proceed- 
ed to Imerina. Here (c) they found the Vazimba, who neither 
resisted nor submitted to them, but quietly retired towards 
the west, where they have been allowed to live as a separate 
tribe up to the present time. The Hova have therefore (d) 
preserved the Malayan character to a greater extent than the 
coast tribes. As to (a), the Eastern origin of the Hova proper 
is admitted by all writers, but that they were the latest arrivals 
is by no means certain. The inhabitants of mountainous and 
forest regions are generally thought to have been the first 
settlers, who have been pushed forward by later comers. Pro- 
bably we have in the lighter colour of the Hova the best 
evidence of their arrival in the island at a more recent date 
than the darker tribes. But this is not conclusive, as the 
olive complexion® of the Hova may be the result of intermar- 
riage between a lighter race, such as the Arabs or Indo- 


® It should be mentioned, however, that this complexion has been accounted for in other 
ways. Capt. Oliver says the Hova wear more clothing and expose their bodies less than 
any of the coast tribes ; ‘‘besides, living in a mountainous distnct at high clevations, with 
a cooler and more salubrious climate, generally conduces to fairness of complexion.” This 
reasoning will hardly apply in the present case, however, as all the natives of the moun- 
tainous regions of the intcrior are not light-coloured. 


-” 


8 in RACE ELEMENTS OF THE 





Chinese, with a darker race, such as the Vazimba are said to 
have been. Mr. Ellis points out that, although Ankova is 
the principal residence of the olive-coloured races, yet there 
are quite as many black inhabitants of Ankova; in fact, 
“there are comparatively few who are not black residing out 
of Imerina.” ‘The light-coloured ancestors of the Hova pro- 
bably settled in Imerina and intermarried with the Vazimba 
who then inhabited it, the Hova of the present day being their 
descendants, and the Vazimba element showing its influence 
particularly among the dark tribes of Ankova. 

It is said (4) that the new body of settlers proceeded to the 
interior by arrangement with the coast tribes. The opinion 
expressed by Mr. Dahle that the ancestors of the Hova landed 
on the west coast, and that the dark tribes allowed them to 
proceed to the interior, is improbable in the extreme. The 
Rev. A. Walen remarks as to the Sakalava, that they have 
sworn a mortal enmity against the Hova. Their hatred of 
this people is of very old date, ‘‘and has gained strength from 
the traditions of their forefathers, which have been handed 
down to the present generation.” It is shown even in their 
ceremonies. Moreover, Mr. Ellis states that the general belief 
of the Hova was that they came from the south-east coast 
and gradually dispossessed the aborigines of the country ; 
and Mr. Sibree mentions® that “the progress of the Hova 
from the eastern coast to the highlands of the interior can be 
traced by the remains of the furnaces they made for the smelt- 
ing of iron.” The Hova tradition and Mr. Walen’s statement 
as to the enmity between the Sakalava and the Hova agree 
with certain remarks made by Drury. He says, when speaking 
of the country of the Hova, which he calls ‘Amboerlambo’ 
(then divided into two kingdoms governed by two brothers), 
that the king of the Sakalava would not permit his people to 
supply them with firearms. He adds, “before the Europeans 
had stocked the island with guns, they were too strong for 
the Saccalauvors in Deean Lohefute’s (Lahifotsy) time, but this 
king is at present too powerful. They have a trade sometimes 
to Mattatana and Antenosa, but not sufficient to furnish them 
with arms and ammunition.” That statement as to the relative 
power of the Hova and the Sakalava before the time of Ratri- 
manongarivo disposes of Mr. Dahle’s argument drawn from 
the payment of tribute by the Hova to the king of Menabe up 
to 1820, and throws doubt on the native tradition that the 
Hova were af first looked upon with contempt by the other 


© Proc. Roy. Geog. Soc. Oct. 1879, 


PEOPLES OF MADAGASCAR. 9 





»s. Their associations were chiefly with the east and 
h-east coasts, and I would submit that the opinion before 
‘essed by me that individuals of a light stock gradually 
ad from thence to the interior, intermarrying with the 
ier inhabitants, is more reasonable than that which supposes 
be of Malays to have landed on the west coast, or even 
he east, and to have been permitted by the coast tribes 
ass through their territory and settle in the interior. 

r. Dahle supposes (¢) that when the Hova reached Ime- 
, they found it inhabited by the Vazimba, who then quitted 
country and retired towards the west. However true the 
ler part of this supposition may be, the latter part is purely 
othetical, and, so tar as I can judge, the evidence points 
cher way. Ihe Vazimba are spoken of by Mr. Dahle as a 
k people who, after flying into the interior from one set 
nvaders, abandoned their homes once more when they 
id themselves threatened by the Hova. lLhis, however, is 
consistent with what we know of the early inhabitants of 
rina from their monuments and the evidence of tradition. 
irs erected by former generations on the summits of the 
mtains of Imerina and the other divisions of Ankova to 
memory of giants and other monstrous beings supposed 
yelong to a fabulous age still exist, and are visited by 
people for prayer and sacrifice. On the tops of some of 
@ mountains are also the vestiges of ancient villages. 
irs are met with throughout the whole of Ankova, and 
uently the sites of them are high places and groves. 

r. Ellis says the usual name for them is ‘Vazimba,’ i.e. ¥ 
rs raised to the Vazimba. He refers particularly to the 
b of the renowned giant Rapéto, on the summit of the 
mtain Ambohimiangara, ‘he wife of the giant was Ra- 
ao, and a clan still exists in Ambddirano who claim to 
descendants of the giant family.* The Vazimba must 
efore have been very numerous and, according to the 
nds connected with their high places, a powerful race. 
at has become of this race? Surely they were not repre- 
ed in Drury’s time merely by the simple people described 
him under the name of ‘Virzimbers.’ ‘lhese may have been 
ng their descendants, as no doubt are the people calling 
nselves Vazimba who now live among the Sakalava. The 
ra themselves are, however, just as likely as any other 
ple to be representatives of the Vazimba of tradition. Mr. 


i 





{r, Dahle speaks of Rapeto and Rasoalao as the two last chiefs of the Vazimba. If 
s according to present Hova tradition, it cannot be very reliable, except only as 
ice of the respect in which the Hova hold the memory of the Vazimba. 


10 RACE ELEMENTS OF THE ? 





Ellis, after referring to the fact that the Vazimba” graves }cor- X 
respond with the description given by Rochon of the «graves 
of the dwarfs or Kimos, states that it is somewhat rem@arkable 
that many of the particulars given by Rochon arid other 
writers exactly correspond with the Hova, excepting their 
diminutive stature. He continues, “the Hovas are ce'rtainly 
below the general stature of the Malagasy, and this may easily 
have given rise to the report of their ‘pygmean’ dimensions. 
But in regard to valour, intelligence, activity, industry, courage, 
manufactures, productions, habitations, the, Hovas are what 
Rochon describes the Kimos to be.” It may be added that 
in the form of the head, the Hova appear,‘to agree somewhat 
with the Vazimba as described by Drufy. This writer says 
“their heads are of a peculiar shape, the hinder part and the 
forehead are almost as flat as a trencher.” The Hova are said 
by Capt. Oliver to have ‘“‘well-shaped heads, rather flattened 
at the back, with high foreheads,’ characters which were 
very noticeable in the ambassadors from the widow of Radama, 
who visited London in 1835, all of whom, according to Pri- 
chard’s Natural History of Man, bore the most striking resemb- 
lance to each other. 

That Drury’s ‘Amboerlambo’ were really Hova is shown by 
the “vast large ears, with silver plates in them, that glittered 
like comets,’ by which the men seen by Drury were distin- 
guished. Mr. Ellis mentions that Radama abolished all the 
native distinctive marks of office, except one retained “in ; 
favour of venerable men, or elders, who often wear a large 

“heavy silver ring hanging from each ear, its weight being 
such as to pull down the ear like a cord, until the ring 

~ touches the shouldefs.” Drury was told that sometimes the 
hole was so large that ‘fa woman may put her hand through 
it.” Mr. Pickersgill,* when travelling among the Sakalava, 
met with women who “had their ears bored and stretched, and 
the big ugly hole filled with a%circular wooden ornament.” 
These people were ignorant of the Hova dialect, which was 
accounted for by their having quite recently come from the 
west; a statement which will allow us to believe that the 
special language ascribed by Drury to his ‘Virzimber’ was 
merely a different dialect. 

There are facts in the history of the Hova which prove that, 
if not a¢tually descended from the¥Vazimba, they were inti- 
mately connected with them. Mr. Ellis states that Rabiby, 
or Ralambo, “is usually mentioned in adarys as the ancestor 





© ANNUAL, 1875. p. 88, 


PEOPLES OF MADAGASCAR. | 1 


of the present race of princes in Imerina; and, whatever may 
be the collateral branch of his descent, the princes of Mada- 
gascar must be able to trace their pedigree from the renowned 
Ralambo.” This prince, from whom many of the nobles in 
Imerina claim their origin, and who is supposed to have first 
taught the Malagasy to eat beef and pork, was the son of the 
Vazimba Andriamanélo. This chief was celebrated as the 
introducer or modifier of the ceremony of circumcision. Mr. 
Ellis states, moreover, that by means of the fire-arms which 
Andriamanelo obtained from traders on the coast, he subdued 
all the other Vazimba and rendered himself the most powerful 
chieftain in that part of the island. It is true that a different 
version is given by Mr. Dahle, who speaks of Andriamanelo 
as a Hova chief who defeated the Vazimba by the use of ‘flying- 
iron,’ i.e. iron spears. The father of the chief, who is named 
by Mr. Ellis Andriampénga, is no doubt, however, the same 
as Andrianamponga mentioned in the ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL 
for 1877 (p. 3 ¢¢ s¢g.), a Hova chief who resided at Ifanongoa- 
vana, the ancient seat of the Hova kings. He is said to have 
followed Andrianahitrahitra, a Vazimba, who must be iden- 
tified with a chief of the same name who is the ninth in the 
line of Radama’s descent given by Mr. Ellis. 

Mr. Dahle’s fourth conclusion supposes (d@, the Hova to 
have preserved Malayan features to a greater extent than the 
coast tribes. Whether the Hova do really resemble the Ma- 
lays is, to say the least, an open question. Dr. Prichard, 
while believing them to belong to the Malayo-Polynesian 
stock, observes that they have not “the complexion of the 
Malays, but rather that of the Oceanic Polynesians.” In 
Prichard’s Natural History of Man it is said, however, that 
if the ambassadors from the Queen of the Hova may be consid- 
ered as specimens of the Hova race, ‘it must be allowed that 
this tribe has acquired a peculiar physiognomy, having nothing 
of the Chinese type, to which the proper Malays approximate ; 
neither has it the almost European character of the Polynesian 
Islanders ;” an opinion in which, judging from the portraits I 
have seen, I quite coincide. Dr. Prichard quotes the opinion 
of William von Humboldt, given in his Aawzsprache, that ‘it 
is certain that a tribe of people akin to the Malays must have 
settled in Madagascar, and brought with them a language which 
entirely superseded and extinguished any pre-existing dialect 
that may have been spoken in the island.” The Malagasy 
approaches, however, most nearly to the Tagala of the Philip- 
pine Islands, but Von Humboldt thought it might have 
originated from Java, “in times antecedent to the introduction 


12 RACE ELEMENTS OF THE 


of Indian refinement” in this island; although, as he shows, 
the Malagasy contains Sanskrit words expressive even of 
common ideas. ‘That view agrees with the suggestion made by 
Mr. Ellis, and apparently accepted by Dr. Prichard, that the 
Hova migrated trom Java. In this case, however, the Hova 
should, which they do not, possess Malay features, unless 
indeed they left that island before the advent there of the 
Mongoloid people from whom the Malays have sprung. Mr. 
A. H, Keane atirms that “Malaysia was originally peopled by 
the Mahori [Polynesian] race, which afterwards became 
modified in various proportions by fusion with intruding peoples 
from the north;” or, in other words, there was “a fusion of an 
original Mahori stock with various sub-Mongolian and other 
Asiatic peoples, resulting in the present Malay and sub- Malayan 
races ot the Archipelago.”’ Mr. Keane has since expressed 
before the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain his views 
as to the native populations of the Indian Archipelago. He 
States" that ‘‘Western Malaysia is now almost exclusively 
occupied by the tair and yellow stocks from Indo-China, every- 
where intermingled in diverse proportions, but the fair, as the 
earliest arrivals, everywhere forming the substratum.’ He says 
further that although “the Malay 1s ethnically a mixed type, 
its speech is unmixed in structure, and fundamentally related 
to the Cambojan and other languages spoken by the tair races 
of Further India.’”’ It that be true of the Malays of Java, it 
must be true also of the Hova of Madagascar, on the assumption 
that their ancestors came trom Java after the Malay race 
became established on this island. According to Mr. Keane's 
hypothesis, the Malays, although of mixed blood, are practically 
an Asiatic Mongoloid race who have exchanged their language 
for that of the tair or Caucasian race who preceded them in 
the Indian islands. ‘Lhe possession of this language by all the 
Malagasy tribes is therefore no proof that they are really one 
people, and still less that they, or any of them, are Malays. 

Mr. Dahle reters to the comparison made by me between the 
customs of the Malagasy and the Siamese, and he takes 
exception to my statement that ‘‘it is to the region inhabited by 
this and cognate peoples [ would reter the origin of the Mala- 
gasy.” My general conclusion as to the race affinities of this 
race was that, “while they present many points of ageement, 
either original or derived, with the natives of the African 
continent, their closest relationship is with the Mongoloid 
peoples who inhabit the Asiatic region of Indo-China,” that is, 


© Fournal, 1880; p. 287. 


P 


PEOPLES OF MADAGASCAR. 13 


the region from whence the ancestors of the Malays were 
derived. Mr. Dahle mentions the remark of an Arab geogra- 
pher Ibn Seid, that a tribe called Komr, who were “the 
brethren of the Chinese,” had emigrated to a great island in 
the west, which they called after their own name, and there 
built a town called Malay. Mr. Sibree, in a very interesting 
paper on ‘Malagasy Place-names,” read before the Royal 
Asiatic Society of Great Britain,* quotes from an old German 
work that the Arabic geographers wrote the name given by 
them to Madagascar either ‘Kamar’ or ‘Komr’, “the same word 
which enters into the name of the Comoro Group, to the north- 
west of Madagascar.” Mr. Sibree adds that these islands are 
called by the Arabs ‘Komair’ or the ‘Lesser Komr,’ and that this 
name as applied to Madagascar itself survived until the arrival 
of the Portuguese. He also says that on one of the oldest maps 
the name ‘Komortina’ occurs in addition to ‘Madagascar’ and 
‘San Lourengo.’ 

The name Komr was that of the emigrating tribe, and 
possibly it may be connected with that of a people in Further 
India who are regarded by Mr. Keane as representing the 
primitive stock from which the Polynesians were derived. It is 
true that Mr. Keane looks upon the Khmers or Cambodians, 
the people in question, as Caucasian, but this can hardly be 
correct if Ibn Seid was right in speaking of the Komr as the 
“brethren of the Chinese.” The Arab writer may, however, 
have referred to another people of Indo-China. When the 
Khmers first reached this country, they found it occupied by the 
Chams and the Chavas or Malays. The Chams had established 
a powerful empire, that of Ciampa, and, if not of the same origin 
as the Malays, they have like them a tonic language. The 
Khmers, whose civilization is shown by M. Mourat to have 
been of Hindu origin, became intermixed with the Chams and 
other Mongoloid peoples, and the French writer thinks that, 
during the earlier centuries of their establishment in the south 
of Indo-China, they were also visited by hordes of Mongols and 
Thibetans. These were followed by the peoples of the Thai race, 
including the Siamese and Burmese, who now occupy the 
country. The Siamese were the first to encroach on the king- 
dom which the Khmers had established on the ruins of that of 
the Chams, and they are said by M. Moura to agree with the 
Khmers, not only in religion, but also in manners and customs ; 
and no doubt, as the latter mixed with the Chams, so the 





© Fournal, vol. xv., part 2. 


+ La Royaume du Cambodge. 


14 RACE ELEMENTS OF THE 





Siamese became mixed with the Khmers. These facts appear 
to furnish a complete justification for my assertion that the 
Malagasy are related to the Mongoloid peoples of Indo-China. 
The fact that the Malagasy speak a language belonging to the 
Malayo-Polynesian family shows only that they have come 
under the same or analogous influences to those which led the 
Malays (assuming Mr. Keane’s hypothesis to be correct) to 
accept a language which did not belong to their Mongoloid 
ancestors. 

Little is known as to the cranial conformation of the Mala- 
gasy. As to the Polynesians, we have the authority of Dr. 
Topinard for saying that they approach the Malay type, which 
is short-headed, and by its orbital index, as well as its nasal 
index, it belongs to the same group as that of the Chinese, the 
Malay, and the American. Moreover, ‘‘the sub-nasal progna- 
thism of the Polynesian shows the influence of the yellow and 
black populations with which he has been mingled.’’* Elsewhere 
I have shewn that the Polynesians are entitled to be classed 
with the bearded races, but there is no doubt that among some 
of them at least the beard does not grow so readily as with 
Europeans. The Malagasy are less bearded than the Polyne- 
sians, and they are probably entitled to be classed with them as 
approaching brachycephaly. Dr. J. Barnard Davis gives the - 
measurement of a Betsimisaraka calvarium, which he says ap- 
pears to be less dolichocephalic than the races of the continent 
of Africa, and he adds, ‘‘such seems to be the general character 
of the skulls of the people of Madagascar.” Itis possible that 
the Malagasy possess a strong element of the pre-Malay popu- 
lation of the Indian Archipelago, which Mr. Keane supposes to 
be Caucasian, although the evidence in favour of that idea is 
very slight. Mr. Ellis remarks that “the vigour of health 
frequently gives a ruddy tinge to the countenance of the olive- 
coloured race ;”” which removes them in complexion from the 
yellow hue of the Malays. This would seem to approximate them 
to the wild tribes of Indo-China, but not necessarily so; as Mr. 
Shearman, the Editor of the Brztish Burma Gazetteer (note, p. 
155), remarks that he was much struck with the ruddiness of 
the complexion of the Burmans living several hundred miles 
above Mandalay. 

The chief difficulty in connection with the Malagasy is 
the existence side by side of dark tribes with frizzy hair 
and light tribes with straight hair, all speaking the same 
language and forming apparently but one race. There is a 


* Anthropology ; p. 478. 


PEOPLES OF MADAGASCAR. 15 


similar phenomenon, however, in New Guinea, the light-coloured 
peoples of which, and not the dark tribes, are supposed by 
Signor d’Albertis to represent the earliest inhabitants of the 
island. Dr. Comrie, on the other hand, came to the conclusion 
that the light and the dark peoples belong to the same race, an 
opinion which does not allow for the crossing of races which 
has undoubtedly taken place in New Guinea as well as in all 
other parts of the Asiatic Archipelago. In a paper on “Zhe 
Papuans and the Polynestans’’ read by me in 1882 before the 
Anthropological Institute of Great Britain, the importance of 
the Negrito element in determining the origin of the special 
peculiarities of the dark race of the Indian Archipelago was 
dwelt on, and reference was made to the opinion of Prof. Flower 
that the Negritos represent “an infantile, undeveloped, or 
primitive form of the type from which the African Negroes on 
the one hand, and the Melanesians on the other, with all their 
various modifications, may have sprung.” In the influence of 
that Negrito element we have probably the. origin of some of 
the peculiarities of the Malagasy, but whether these have been 
impressed on the Mongoloid people who form the chief element 
in the inhabitants of Madagascar before or after their settlement 
in the island is doubtful. That the Negritos existed in Mada- 
gascar before the arrival of the Malayo-Polynesian speaking 
people is extremely probabie, and they may have aided in the 
formation of the physical characters of the Malagasy,* but the 
complete explanation of the origin of those characters will be 
possible only when the wider question of the origin of the 
Papuan and Melanesian races has been satisfactorily deter- 
mined. 

Mr. A. H. Keane affirms that “Malaysia and Western Poly- 
nesia were originally occupied by two dark autochthonous 
types, for the present to be held as distinct,—the Papuans 
mainly in the East, the Negritos mainly in the West.”’ The 
Negritos are still represented by a@zsjecfa membra in certain 
islands, but elsewhere ‘“‘they have been rather supplanted than 
absorbed by the intruding fair and yellow races from Indo- 
China.’’ The Papuans are represented by compact masses in 
and about New Guinea; elsewhere “they have rather been 
fused with than supplanted by the fair and yellow races,” the 
fusion resulting in the so-called ‘Alfuros’ of Ceram and other 
islands west of New Guinea, and in the Melanesians of the 
Admiralty and other islands east of New Guinea. Therefore, 


* The Hova woman figured at p. 137 of Mr. Ellis’s Three Vsstts to Madagascar presents 
a striking general resemblance of feature to the; Negrito woman of North Luzon, one of the 
Philippine Islands, given in plate 8 of Gerland’s Aélas der Ethnographie. 


16 RACE ELEMENTS OF THE MALAGASY. 


if there has been any such fusion in Madagascar, we may 
suppose the dark element to have been Papuan rather than 
African, and Mr. Dahle admits, what the Rev. R. S. Codrington 
has recently pointed out,* that there is a Melanesian element 
in Malagasy. Mr. Codrington goes so far as to say that “a 
very limited view of Malagasy grammar, obtained by one who is 
familiar with a Melanesian tongue, shows so many points of 
resemblance that a list of words common to Malagasy and a 
Melanesian tongue comes to have a secondary value.” Mr. 
Codrington sees so great a likeness, physically as well as in 
language, between the people of Madagascar and Fiji, for 
example, that they might be taken as branches of one common 
ancient stock, who have gone off east and west from the original 
seat of the race. He thinks, howevcr, the most reasonable 
supposition is “that the substratum of all the races and 
languages is that ancient one; but that as generations have 
come on, and islands have been peopled by successive move- 
ments or accidents, the later immigrants have been more mixed 
with the foreign element which is most conspicuous in the 
Malays,” This opiniont agrees, on the whole, with the 
conclusions I have myself arrived at as to the Malagasy; but 
in addition I see in the Hova the result of a still later 
introduction of a light element, probably Arab, which is not 
wanting among the Papuans, although its influence with them 
is not so observable. 


C. STANILAND WAKE. 


ce 


xX THE OLDEST INHABITANT OF THE REGENT’S PARK GARDENS. 


THE oldest inhabitant in the zoological collection in the Regent’s Park has 
died. This interesting individual was a specimen of the black parrot (Cora- 
copsts nigra, L.) from Madagascar. It was presented to the Society by the 
late Mr. Charles Telfair, a corresponding member, so far back as July, 1830, 
just two pears after the gardens were opened. This bird has therefore lived 
for fifty-four years in the gardens. How old the parrot was when it arrived 
we cannot learn beyond the fact that it was represented as an ‘‘adult bird.” 
The ancient parrot seemed until very recently to have carried his half-century 
of years lightly enough, nevertheless, his keeper remarked that he was a 
little dull of late, although he fed well. One morning, however, the parrot 
was found dead in his cage, having previously shown no symptoms of ill- 
health.—Land and Water. 


* ANNUAL; 1882, p. 26, 


t In a more recent Memoir ‘‘On the Languages of Melanesia,” Mr. Codrington says: ‘‘One 
who is acquainted with one or two Melanesian languages finds himself at home with the 
vocabularies and grammars of all the Ocean languages, Melanesian, Polynesian, Indonesian, 

.’—Fournal of Anthrop. Inst, Aug. 1884; p. 39. 


THE ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL. 17 





ROBERT DRURY’S “MADAGASCAR:” IS IT A 
—— ~~ FICTION? 


M44 GASCAR : or, Robert Drury's Fournal, during 
Fifteen Years’ Captivity on that Island, was first 
sublished a the 24th May, 1729, and is,” says Mr. William 
#e, “in many respects, one of the most interesting accounts 
hat appeared between the date of Robinson Crusoe and 
he death of Defoe.” Madagascar was a centre around which 
nuch of our author's genius in fictitious writing turns; and 
Uthough surrounded by savage human beings, the isolation 
¥f the English boy Drury is perfect. Many parts of the book, 
m religion, and the origin of government, are avowedly the 
work of an editor; and there are occasional turns of humour 
esembling Defoe, but the language rarely does so. It is 
‘ertain that there was a Robert Drury,—that he had been a 
‘aptive as stated,—that he wrote a large account of his adven- 
ures,— that he was seen, questioned, and could give any 
nformation required,—after the publication of this book. In 
he latter part of his life Defoe had many imitators; I think 
me of them very ably edited Drury’s manuscript. Possibly 
Jefoe may have read it and inserted some sentences, but as I 
im in doubt even of that, I cannot place the book in the list 
f his works.”—Dantzel Defoe ; His Life and hitherto unknown 
Writings ; ; by William Lee ; vol. i. p. 448. 

It is regarding the authenticity of this narrative, rather than 
he authorship or editing of the work, that I would here make 
, few remarks, in the hope of eliciting from more qualified 
ersons further light upon the subject. 

Having lately been occupied in drawing up a Bibliography of 
vorks relating to Madagascar, I was naturally attracted by the 
rominent position which Drury’s Fournal has hitherto occupied 
is a standard authority on that island. Ellis, Barbié du 
3ocage, Macé Descartes, Sibree, Mullens and others, have 
ll taken for Gospel truth the statements as to the manners 
ind customs of the tribes inhabiting the south and west coasts 
f Madagascar which are to be found in the curious relation of 
Xobert Drury. 

I have not seen a copy of the first edition, but a copy of the 
econd is now before me, belonging to the London Library. 
Che title of this is :— 

“Madagascar: or Robert Drury’s Journal, during Fifteen 
fears’ Captivity on that Island. Containing 


18 ROBERT DRURY’S “MADAGASCAR:” 


I. His Voyage to the Last /ndzes, and short Stay there. 

II. An Account of the Shipwreck of the Degrave on the 
Island of MADAGASCAR ; the Murder of Captain Younge and 
his Ship’s Company, except Admiral BEMBO’S son, and some 
few Others, who escaped the Hands of the barbarous Natives. 

III. His being taken into Captivity, hard Usage, Marriage, 
and Variety of Fortune. 

IV. His Travels through the Island, and Description of it; 
as to its Situation, Product, Manufactures, Commodities, &c. 

V. The Nature of the People, their Customs, Wars, Religion, 
and Policy: As also, The Conferences between the Author and 
some of their Chiefs, concerning the Christians and Their 
Religion. 

VI. His Redemption from thence by Captain MACKETT, 
Commander of the Prince of Wales, inthe East [ndta Company's 
Service. His Arrival to England, and Second Voyage thither. 

VII. A Vocabulary of the Madagascar Language. 

The Whole is a Faithful Narrative of Matters of Fact, inter- 
spersed with a Variety of surprising Incidents, and illustrated 
with a Sheet Map of Afadagascar, and Cuts. 

Written by Himself; digested into Order, and now published 
at the Request of his Friends. 


The Second Edition. 


LONDON: Printed, and Sold by J. Brotherton, in Cornhill; 
T. Worrall at the Fudge’s Head in Fleet street; and J. Jackson 
near SZ. Fames’ Gate, Pall-Mall. MDCCXXXI. Price bound 
Six Shillings.” 

Now nine years previously, in 1720, Defoe had written Zhe 
Life, Adventures and Pyracies of the famous Captain Singleton ; 
and in 1719 had appeared, by the same author, Zhe Kung of 
the Pirates; Being an Account of the famous Enterprizes of 
Captain Avery, the Mock King of Madagascar. With has 
Rambles and Pivactes ; wherein all the Sham accounts formerl 
published of him are detected. In two Letters from himself; 
one during hts Stay at Madagascar, and one since his Escape 
from thence. 

All these works, like Robinson Crusoe, were written as auto- 
biographies, and amongst the publishers for whom they were 
printed, there always appears the name of “J. Brotherton in 
Cornhill.”* It may be remarked that the scene of a portion of 


ee 


name does not appear, but those of W. Meadows, J. Marshall, and J. Worrall are given. 
It is also said that the book is to be had of “the Author, at Old Tom's Coffec-house in 
Birchin Lane.” By the way, the ‘certificate’ by Wm. Mackett is dated May 7, 1728. but the 
date on the title-page is MDCCXXIX.—ED. (J.S.) 


IS IT A FICTION? 19 





. Singleton’s adventures is laid also in Madagascar. 
rding to Mr. Lee, “Defoe must have felt that, in writing a 
ce, his task was needless, as a recommendation. His brief 
‘imple address is therefore intended to aid the /:¢le artsfice 
he had merely edited Crusoe’s own narrative’ (p. 292). 
add to such an artifice (supposing Robert Drury’s Fournal 
» fictitious), the editor, whoever he may be, inserts a 
ficate’ before his preface, as follows :—“This is to certify, 
Robert Drury, Fifteen Years a Slave in Madagascar, now 
x in London, was redeem’d from thence and brought into 
and, his Native Country, by Myself. I esteem him an 
3st, industrious Man, of good Reputation, and do firmly 
ve that the Account he gives of his Strange and Surpri- 
Adventures is Genuine and Authentick. May 7, 1728.— 
MACKETT.”’ 
t us compare the two prefaces, viz. that of Crusoe with 


of Drury :— 
CRUSOE. 

ever the Story of any private 
. Adventures in the World were 

making Publick, and were 
‘able when Publish’d, the Editor 
Account thinks this will be so. 
Wonders of this Man’s Life 
l all that (he thinks) is to be 
extant; the Life of one Man be- 
arce capable of a greater Vari- 
The Story is told with so much 
sty, with Seriousness, and with 
rious Application of Events to 
ses to which wise Men always 
them, (vzz.), to the Instruction 
iers by this Example, and to 

and honour the Wisdom of 
lence in all the variety of our 
nstances, let them happen how 
will. The Editor believes ¢he 
to bea zust History of Fact ; 
r is there any appearance of 
n in it; and however thinks, 
se all such things are dispatch’d 
1e Improvement of it, as well to 
version as to the /ustruction of 
-ader, will be the same, and as 
ne thinks, without further Comp- 
to the World, he does them a 
Service in the Publication.”’ 


DRURY. 


“‘AT the first Appearance of this 
Treatise, I make no Doubt of its 
being taken for such another Romance 
as Robinson Cruso;* but whoever 
expects to find here the fine Inven- 
tions of a prolifick Brain will be 
deceiv’d; for so far as every Body 
concern’d in the Publication knows, 
it is nothing else but a plain, hones? 
Narrative of Matter of Fact. 

The Original was wrote by Rodert 
Drury, which consisting of eight 
Quires in Folzo, each of near an 
hundred Pages, it was necessary to 
contract it, and put it in a more 
agreeable Method: But he constantly 
attended the Transcriber, and also 
the Printer, so that the utmost Care 
has been taken to be well inform’d of 
every dubious, strange, and intricate 
Circumstance. And as to the large 
Proportion of Credit which we give 
him, it will be found not to arise 
from an implicit Faith, for every 
Thing he might think proper to 
relate; but from the strong Proof the 
Matters related receive by concurring 
Testimony, and the Nature of fhe 
Thing.’ t 


uso. Among the ministers educated at Newington Green, where Defoe was educated, 


e mentions a Mr. Timothy Cruso. 


@ italics in these places are Capt. Oliver’s, and are not in the first edition. —ED. (J.S.) 


20 ROBERT DRURY’S “MADAGASCAR 





CRUSOE (2nd Volume). 


‘‘THE Success the former Part of 
this Work has met with in the World, 
has yet been no other than is acknow- 
ledged to be due to the Surprizing 
Variety of the Subject, and to the 
agreeable Manner of the Performance. 
All the Endeavours of curious People 
to reproach it with being a Romance, 
to search it for Errors in Geography, 
Inconsistency in the Relation, and 
Contradictions in the Fact, have 
proved abortive, and as impotent as 
malicious. The just Application of 
every Incident, the religious and 
useful Inferences drawn from every 
Part, are so many Testimonies to the 
good Design of making it publick; 
and must legitimate all the Part that 
may be call’d Invention or Parable 
in the Story. The Second Part, if 
the Editor’s opinion may pass, is 
(contrary to the Usage of Second 

arts.) every Way as entertaining as 
the First, contains as strange and 
surprizing Incidents, and as great 
a Variety of them ; nor is the Appli- 
cation less serious, or suitable; and 
doubtless will, to the sober, as well as 
ingenious Reader, be every way as 
profitable and diverting; and this 
makes the abridging this Work as 
scandalous, as it is knavish and 
ridiculous, seeing while to shorten 
the Book, that they may seem to 
reduce the Value, they strip it of all 
those Reflections, as well religious 
as moral, which are not only the 
greatest Beauties of the Work, but 
are calculated for the infinite Advan- 
tage of the Reader. By this they 
leave the Work naked of its brightest 
Ornaments; and if they would, at 
the same Time pretend, that the 
Author has supply’d the Story out 
of his Invention, they take from it 
the Improvement, which alone recom- 
mends that Invention to wise and 
good Men.”’ 





DRURY. 


seco soeesceeee. ‘Lhe Account here 
given of the Religion of these People, 
may be thought by some to be invent- 
ed by the Transcriber to serve an 
End, or Inclination of his own; but 
so far is this from being the Case, 
that the most to-be-suspected Part 
of the Account of this Religion is 
Fact, as related by Drury;........ 
eee e ce ee eees and were more strongly 
confirm’d with Additions of the same 
Nature, on strictly examining and 
interrogating the Author ; whose Cha- 
racter and Circumstances are also to 
be consider’d, as that he was but 14 
Years of Age when he embark’d on 
this unfortunate Voyage, his being 
educated at a Grammar- School and 
in the Religion of the Establish'd 
Church; that ever since he came 
home he has firmly adher’d to the 
same, even to Bigotry; so that it 
wou’d be a Weakness to imagine 
he was able or willing to invent any 
such Thing, which might favour Free- 
thinking, or Natural Religion, in 
Opposition to Reveal’d; since they 
were Matters he scarce ever troubl’d 
himself to enquire after. And in all 
those Places where Re/zg720m is touch’d 
on, or the Original of Government, 
the Transcriber is only answerable 
for putting some Xeflectzons in the 
Author’s Mouth, which as it is the 
only Artifice here us’d, he makes no 
Scruple to own, and confess that he 
cou’d not pass such remarkable and 
agreeable Topicks without making 
proper Applications,” and taking 
useful Jastructions® from them; yet 
the Love of these Subjects has not 
induc’d the Transcriber to alter any 
Facts, or add any Fiction of his own ; 
Mr. Drury must answer for every 
Occurrence, the Character of every 
Person, his Conversation or Business 
with them.”’ 


In both prefaces we find the religious “Reflections’’ and 
“Applications” recommended for the “/ns/ruction’’ of the reader ; 
and the “Z7hzng”’ in both instances is insisted upon as a just 


* Here again, the italics are not in the original edition.—ED. (J.S.) 


IS IT A FICTION? 21 


1istory or honest narrative of “Afatter of Fact.” When an 
iuthor insists so strenuously on the credibility of his relation, 
1is readers are apt to suspect his veracity. 

M. Emile Blanchard in the Revue des Deux Mondes (1872), 
speaking of Robert Drury's Fournal, writes :— 

‘Robert Drury, racheté aprés quinze ans de servitude, 
‘etourna en Angleterre. Le récit de ses aventures, qui a été 
nublié, produisit une vive sensation chez nos voisins d’outre 
Manche. La véracité du narrateur a été afirmée; pourtant, a 
yuelques égards, le doute est légitime. Drury prétend qu’il 
ttait esclave. Un Européen réduit en esclavage! c’est impos- 
‘ible, disent ceux qui connaissent les Malgaches; on tue 
‘Européen peut-etre, on ne le place jamais dans une condition 
nfime”’........ “Le prétendu esclave nous entretient en parti- 
culier de son genre de vie prés du maitre.” 

According to a manuscript pencil note inserted after the 
oreface of the copy of Drury’s Fournal now before me, “Drury 
was a ‘Porter at the India House’ Hughes’ Letters ; 2nd ed., 
London: 1773; vol. iii. p. 88): this pretended ‘¥ournal of his is 
slearly for most part a fiction, probably by Defoe.” 

Mr. Knowles has pointed out, in Notes and Queries, and the 
writer has lately drawn attention to, the source whence Swift 
irew his nautical information in his description of the storm in 
the voyage to Brobdingnag; in like manner I think that M. 
Blanchard has indicated the source of the descriptions of the 
Malagasy as depicted by the author of Robert Drury’s Fournal. 
He says :— 

‘‘Les procédés de la guerre chez les Malgaches, dont Fla- 
sourt nous a instruits, sont décrits dans tous les détails par 
Robert Drury.” 

‘‘Dans la contrée ou demeura Drury, les coutumes, le genre 
de vie, les superstitions, ressemblent a ce que l’on a vu dans 
le pays autrefois habité par les Frangais. La confiance dans 
les ‘ozs’ est pareille, les ‘vmdzasses’ entretiennent les mémes 
idées ; le jeune captif anglais a rencontré un de ces hommes qui 
venait de la province d’Anossi.” 

“We know,” says Mr. Lee, speaking of Defoe, “by the 
catalogue of his own library, that it was well stored with 
‘Voyages and Travels.’ His actual experience of the sea was 
small; and it must have been from books and men that he 
gathered the professionalities so skilfully | converted by his 
genius into a series of imaginary voyages.’’ Now the author 
of Drury's ‘Fournal undoubtedly had access to a standard 
French work, and I am curious to know whether such a book 
existed in Defoe’s library, of which I have not seen the cata- 


22 ROBERT DRURIY’S “MADAGASCAR :” 


logue. Itis Hstorre de la Grande Isle de Madagascar, composte 
par le Steur de Flacourt, and dated 1661. 

How do I know, at first glance, that ‘Drury’ had access to 
this work? For the simple reason that he has adopted Flacourt’s 
map, merely translating a few of the references, as, for in- 
stance :—In Flacourt’s map, constructed in 1657, a tract of 
country marked “Pays riche en bestia’ appears in Drury’s map 
of 1729 as “A country inrich’d with cattle;” and so, further 
south, “Pays tres feritle Abandonné et ruiné par les guerres’’ ap- 
pears as “A fruitfull Country abandon’d & ruin’d by the Wars.” 
The spot where the Degrave was cast away, and the track 
of the Author's ‘Travells’ are each carefully marked through 
those portions of the map unknown to the French authors. 

In 1666, Charpentier published his Hstorre del dlablissement de 
la Compagnie Francotse ; and in 1668, M. Souchu de Rennefort 
published Relation du premuer voyage de la Compagnie des Indes 
Ortentales en Isle de Madagascar ou Dauphine ; so there was 
abundance of material available. 

The Rev. J. Richardson, of the London Missionary Society, 
places implicit faith in Drury’s Vocabulary. He writes, in the 
firm conviction that Drury’s narrative is unimpeachable, that 
after he had been in Bétsiléo for a year, he “began to think that 
the language there spoken originally, while perhaps springing 
from a common stock, was totally different from that spoken 
by the Hova.” He says: ‘I changed my opinion, however, 
before I left; and the perusal of Robert Drury’s book, but 
more especially the Vocabulary, has quite convinced me that 
the language has really been one all over the island. 

“I do not know that I have read anything about Madagascar 
that has given me such pleasure, and has set me off thinking so 
much, as has this Vocabulary of Drury...... In going through 
this Vocabulary I have come to the conclusion that Drury 
himself did not write it, in fact could not, but that 1t was written 
rom dictation. Drury was only 14 years of age when he left 
England. From his eleventh year he had desired to go to sea, 
and thus being restless, it is likely he would not be well educa- 
ted. Then he was 14 years in captivity and associated only 
with sailors for another 14 years or so before his Adventures 
were written. Thus we might call him an uneducated man. 
The Vocabulary, however, is written with care, and we can see 
evidence of method and rule in all the words. Let us remember 
too, that he was a cockney ; hence that ever recurring 7.” (AN- 
NUAL, 1875; p. 09) Mr. Richardson gives Drury’s Malagasy 
Vocabulary in full, with the modern Hova equivalents, and 
remarks on the differences. 


IS IT A FICTION? 23 





To my mind, the “evidence of method and rule” in preparing 
ill these words given in the Vocabulary is clear, but it is also 
onclusive that the words were transformed deliberately from a 
French vocabulary to adapt them to the pronunciation which a 
supposed ‘cockney’ tongue might be supposed to give. This is 
nerely a suggestion. The preface distinctly says the work 
was written by the author and merely abridged and transcribed 
xy the editor, who remains anonymous. 

No ethnologist or philologist would dream of quoting Rob:nson 
Crusoé as an original authority, so I must protest against Robert 
Drury’s Fournal being accepted as an unimpeachable record 
f language and manners in West Madagascar, one hundred 
ind eighty years ago. As to the veracity of the sot-disant 
Jrury, take the following passages :— 


‘‘THE only Good which I got at 
3engali was, that I here learnt to 
iwim, and I attain’d to be so great 
t Proficient in swimming that it was 
t common Practice for half a dozen 
f us to tye a Rufsee apiece in an 
dandkerchief about our Middles, and 
iwim four or five Miles up or down the 
iver; and when we came on Shoar, 
he Gentees or Moors would lend us 
zloaths to put on while we staid ; 
hus we us‘d to sit and regale our- 
elves for a few Hours with Arrack 
?unch and a Dinner, and then swim 
ack again’’ (p. 8). 


“IT vex’d me to be stopt by a 
River, not above an hundred Yards 
over. At length, I remembred when 
I was at Sengall, where are the 
largest Alligators in the World, and 
who have been so bold, as to take a 
Man out of a shallow Boat; that if 
we came off from the Shore in the 
Night, we made a small Fire at the 
Head, and another at the Stern of the 
Boat, which the 4 diigator would not 
come near’’ (p. 301). 


Yet this was where he was accustomed, as a common prac- 
ice, to swim five miles up or down and five miles back, total 
en miles, to dinner! Drury may be a good authority on 
iwimming and crocodiles, but his editor must have sought 
ind found more credible accounts of Madagascar on the shelves 
f his well-stocked library. 

Since writing the foregoing paragraphs I have noticed another 
nannerism, which seems to give additional reason for arriving 
it the conclusion that either the editor of Capiain Singleton 
ind the editor of Robert Drury were one and the same person, 
ir that the editor of the latter aped the style of the former con- 
iderably :— 


CAPTAIN SINGLETON. 
‘‘But the case in short was this: 


ROBERT DRURY. 
. “and sent such Word to the 


-aptain —(I forbear his name at pre- 
ent, fora particular reason), Captain 
f the East India merchant- shi 

ound afterwards for China’’ (p. tah 


Captain (whose Name I must not 
declare, being sworn to the contrary), 
desiring me to go on Shoar”’ (p. 17). 


24 ROBERT DRURY’S “MADAGASCAR ?’ 


In the description of the After-voyage of Robert Drury in 
1719, it is noticeable that he is made to say that Tulea, a good 
harbour, is well described in the Waggoner. This, I take it, 
means some current book of sailing directions, and from it the 
technical description of various parts of the coast has evidently 
been taken. 

Robert Drury also states, or, rather, his editor states for 
him: “I have read the Adlas Geographicus, and suppose it to 
be a Collection of all that has been wrote of this Island. And 
notwithstanding I find some Things there mention’d of which 
I give no Account, I see no Reason to depart from any Thing 
herein contain’d, nor to add any Thing to it; I relate only 
what I saw, and knew myself.” 

I have before me a map purporting to be Anczenne Carte 
Topographique de l’Isle de Madagascar. Redutie d'apres le Dessin 
Original, de M. Robert, fatt en 1727. This is in a copy of 
Rochon’s Voyage @ Madagascar,* which was not published until 
1791, but it indicates the existence of a map in 1727, in which 
we find the names of various Dzans mentioned by Drury, 
and to which his editor, it appears to me, can have had access. 
Is it not remarkable that the names of these Dzams should 
be marked in Robert’s map of 1727, and not in the maps 
taken from Flacourt, illustrating Robert Drury’s narrative 
in 1729 and 1731? 

S. P. OLIVER. 


[I am indebted for the preceding paper to the kindness of my friend Dr. 
Rost, Ph.D., of the India Office, who, with the author’s permission, sent 
me the MS., together with the following additional particulars in confir- 
mation of his theory, in a note from Captain Oliver to Dr. Rost. 

Writing from Gosport, under date March gth, 1885, Captain Oliver says t= 


‘My dear Dr. Rost, 


‘Since writing to you in re ‘Robert Drury, I have found that the 
author of the narrative has taken the description of the rite of circum- 
cision from Flacourt’s work (1661). Flacourt also relates the stories 
of two wrecks on the south coast of Madagascar, in 1618, in both of 
which are episodes strangely resembling Drury’s story, which is said 
to have occurred a hundred years after. A young man named Pitre 
is shipwrecked and falls into the hands of a chief, and another chief 
purchases him, he spends several years in a species of captivity with 
the Malagasy, is given a Malagasy wife, etc. etc. 





* Curiously cnough, Rochon, who wrore in Mauritius, docs not allude to Robert Drury's 
history, which, it may be supposed, wo e notorious at Isle de Mascaregne, where Captain 
Mackett, his deliverer, traded in 1719. ™ J 


1S IT A FICTION? 26 


‘Rochon also describes a man, named ‘Robert,’ who was captured by 
the pirates and lived several years in Madagascar. Drury’s narrative 
was published in 1729. Robert’s map was published in 1727. M. de 
Malesherbe gave Robert’s MSS. and MS. map to Abbé Rochon (date 
not mentioned), and the map was dedicated in 1725 to the Duc de 
Chaulnes. 

“Mr. J. Richardson, in his notes on Drury’s Vocabulary, says: 
‘His untrained ear would prevent him from detecting the 7 in andnana, 
and he would very likely pronounce it deaz,* and down goes dea, and 
doubtless another an to make up drian; doubtless the word stands for 
andriana.’ (ANT. ANN. 1875; p. 99.) 

“In Flacourt (1661) the words Adrian and Dian are used throughout 
in their proper sense, and doubtless the author of Drury got his 
Dean from the French Dian, etc. 

‘‘“Excuse this hurried note. I am trying to get a publisher to print 
an edition of Robert Drury, to which I should like to write an intro- 
duction and make annotations beneath the original text. I can show 
some curious parallels. My idea is that Drury had made a voyage or 
two to Madagascar, had been among, if not of, the pirates; and that 
his brains were picked by Defoe or one of his contemporaries, who 
based the imaginary captivity of Drury on the stories in Flacourt and 
other writers. The map is Flacourt’s, cerfainly. The religious inter- 
ludes and preface are uncommonly like Defoe’s method of preaching 
moralities, etc. 

“Is there any book in your Library giving ‘Sailing Instructions,’ or 
such like, to the East Indies between 1650—1720, which describes the 
coasts of Madagascar ? 


‘‘Believe me, 
“Yours faithfully, 
“S, P. OLIvEr.” 


Dr Rost has also forwarded me, with leave to publish it, the following 
letter from the Registrar and Superintendent of Records at the India Office, 
in reply to enquiries made by Captain Oliver. The particulars here given 
appear to me rather to confirm than to discredit the genuineness of Drury’s 
narrative. 

I will not attempt in a mere note to discuss the theory here put forward 
so ingeniously by Captain Oliver. I cannot say that the points he has 
advanced - although well worthy of attention, and probably throwing light 
upon the manner in which the book was written,—have convinced me that 
it is not, on the whole, a genuine production and substantially accurate and 
reliable. The subject, however, could not be properly discussed without 
a careful examination of Flacourt and other early books on Madagascar, . 
and a detailed comparison of them with Drury’s work; and this I cannot 
attempt in the present number of the ANNUAL. But I hope that in a 
future number some one will go thoroughly into the subject and favour the 
Editors with the result of his enquiries. Meanwhile, I should rest content 
with the Scottish form of verdict, ‘‘Not proven.’’ 

JAMES SIBREE, JUN. (ED.)] 


® In the first edition of Drury’s Fournal this word is uniformly spelt ‘Deean.'—ED. (J.8.) 


26 ROBERT DRURP’S “MADAGASCAR.” 


“India Office, S.W. 
“Sir, “26th January, 188s. 

“I am directed to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 4th 
December, 1884, making certain enquiries regarding XKodbert Drury’s 
Journal and some of the vessels named therein. 

‘“‘In reply I am to state that, in the opinion of Dr. Rost, the Librarian 
to this Office, the names of people, places, etc., given throughout Robert 
Drury’s narrative and in his Vocabulary represent, with very few excep- 
tions, true and genuine Malagasy words, which could neither have been 
forged nor taken from the few vocabularies (French, Dutch and German) 
previously published. This would appear to indicate that Drury really 
visited Madagascar, as he states. 

‘With regard to the ships, etc., named by him, it should be borne in 
mind that prior to 1702 there existed two East India Companies—the 
Old or London Company, and the New English Company. The former 
had no such ship as the De Grave, nor any commander named Young or 
Younge, but the New Company had the De Grave as one of the first 
three vessels they sent to India. The United Company had no vessel 
named Drake prior to 1721, in which yea) a vessel of that name sailed, 
on 17th June, from Portsmouth, under Commander W. Whitaker, for St. 
Helena* and Bencoolen, returning home on 8th June, 1723. The first 
commander named William Mackett, employed by the United Company, 
commanded the Nightingale on a voyage to Fort St. George, 1721—3. 
The United Company had no vessel Sarah, nor a Commander Bloom in 
their service, but, prior to the amalgamation in 1702, there was a ship 
Sarah in the employ of the New or English Company. There was no 
Prince of Wales in the employ of the United Company, but the Princess 
of Wales, commanded by Captain Wm. Mackett, is probably the ship 
meant. The United Company had neither a Mercury nor a Henry in 
their service, neither had they a Commander White or Harvey, but a 
Mercury and a Henry sailed for the East Indies in 171§ and 1716 
respectively, and it is possible that these vessels may have been specially 
licensed by the East India Company. 

“The Admiralty can probably give you any information you require 
regarding the H.M.S. Winchelsea mentioned by Robert Drury. With 
regard to the alleged trading in slaves by the Mercury, I may state that 
the East India Company’s ships never traded in slaves. They occasion- 
ally called at the West India Islands on the outward or the return 
voyage, but never for slaving purposes. 

‘I am to add that there is no copy of the first edition of Robert Drury’s 
Journal in the Library of this Office. 

‘I am, Sir, 
‘‘Your obedient servant, 
““G, C. DANVERS, 
“Captain S. P. Oliver. ‘Registrar and Superintendent of Records.” 


* It is noteworthy that a part of the eastern table-land or plateau and headland of St. 
Helena is called ‘Bencoolen,’ indicating the former connection between St. Helena and the 
East India trade.—8.P.0. 


THE ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL. 44 


ELEMENTARY EDUCATION IN MADAGASCAR. 


VER since the invention of printing and the multiplication 
of books thereby, elementary education has spread in 
ever-widening circles. All who have desired to teach, to inform, 
and to enlighten, have hastened to bring the printing press into 
their service, and to supplement and complement their oral 
teaching with the printed book. This is especially true of 
members of the Church of Christ, who claim to hold, either as 
individuals or as corporations, a divine commission to teach all 
peoples and people of all classes what they regard as the highest 
and most important truths. But a nexus is required between the 
printed book and the many who are desired to use it; and this 
is found in the extension and diffusion of elementary education, 
thus making attainable to the many the arts of reading and 
writing and some training in thinking and feeling. In all 
countries attempts to propagate Christianity have extended 
elementary education ; in some countries they have founded it. 
Madagascar is one of these latter, in which elementary education 
has risen and progressed concurrently with Christianity. The 
first missionaries of the Cross in Madagascar were Christians 
of the Roman communion, who, in the seventeenth century, set- 
tled with military colonists from Europe at several points on 
the coast; but of their labours there seem to be no traceable 
results save a few specimens of their catechisms, in which 
Malagasy words appear in a very imperfect and almost unre- 
cognizable form. 

First Pertod : 1820-1836. The arrival at Antananarivo of 
the Rev. D. Jones, of the London Missionary Society, on Oct. 3rd, 
1820, is the real starting-point of Christian missions and elemen- 
tary education in Madagascar. At that time the Malagasy 
language may be said to have been but a ‘tongue.’ Mr. Jones 
says that he could not find more than six persons who wrote 
Malagasy words in Arabic characters. Doubtless in the province 
of Matitanana, among the descendants ot the Arab settlers 
of some centuries ago, there were many who could so write 
Malagasy words; but these literates seem to have had no desire 
to impart the art of writing to natives; it seems rather that 
they jealously kept it to themselves as a means of power and 
distinction. Very shortly after Mr. Jones's arrival he began a 
school at Ifidirana (near the spot on which the Prime Minister’s 
house now stands) with three scholars placed by King Radama I. 
under his care. These three scholars were Rakoto (son of the 


~~. 


28 BLEMENTARY EDUCATION IN MADAGASCAR. 


king’s sister), Raharolahy, and Ramahaoly (better known as 
Rainifiringa). The two latter became successively governors of 
Tamatave. 

Another school was begun at Ambddin’ Andohalo, with 
sixteen scholars, by the Rev. D. Griffiths in the following year, 
and a third by the Rev. J. Jeffreys at Ambohimitsimbina, with 
twelve scholars, in 1822. 

A few months subsequently the missionaries abandoned 
teaching in English and adopted the vernacular. From this 
time till they set up the first printing press at Ambatonakanga 
in 1826, they were obliged to use manuscript reading lessons in 
teaching their scholars to read. In 1824 the three schools were 
united in one central school at Ambodin’Andohalo, and the Ma- 
dagascar Missionary School Society, comprising natives and 
Europeans, was formed to promote the extension of schools to the 
principal villages in Imérina. This School Society established a 
repository at Imarivolanitra for the sale of school materials and 
other contributions in kind. Twelve or thirteen village schools 
were formed soon after, and by March, 1826, as shown in the 
School Society’s Report, the following were the total returns :— 


No. of Schools 30 No. of Teachers 30 
»» +» Scholars 2051 » » Assistants 36 
Average Attendance 1705 » », Monitors 258 


From the report of expenditure it appears that the average 
cost of these schools Was 35. 3d. per scholar in average atten- 
dance. Among the places at which schools were established 
were the following : Ambohimanarina, Anosizato, Anjanahary, 
Alasora, Ambatomanga, Tsiafahy, Iharanandriana, Ambdhi- 
dratrimo, Ambatolampy, Soavinimérina, Ampananina, Antdn- 
gona, Antsahadinta, Fénoarivo, Ambohimanga, Ilafy, Beétsiza- 
raina, Amboatany, Naméhana, Mérimandrdso, Ambodhidrabiby, 
Ambohimalaza, and Ambohimanambola. Of the teachers who 
were then engaged in these schools, Rainiséa Ratsimandisa is 
probably the sole survivor; among those of them who have 
more recently passed away, Rainifiringa, Governor of Tama- 
tave, Ratsilainga, pastor of Antsampanimahazo, and Raini- 
mamodnjisoa, pastor of Analakély, will be best known and 
remembered. From 1826 to 1832 the number of scholars 
seems to have increased but slowly. Returns made in 1828 and 
1832 give the following totals :— 

1828. No. of Schools 38 No. of Teachers 44 

» », ocholars 2309 » », Assistants 4 
Average Attendance 1449 
1832. No. of Schools about ) 
» Scholars ,, 2500 


ELEMENTARY EDUCATION IN MADAGASGAR. 19 


It is quite clear that King Radama’s authority and, from 1828, 
that of his successor alone secured most of these scholars. At 
first the people feared to commit their children to foreigners, 
whom they connected with the foreign slave dealers, and whom 
they suspected of cannibalism; and probably after they had 
discovered that their fears on this score were groundless, their 
suspicions as to the intentions of their Sovereign were almost 
as formidable. So great was the aversion of some to the 
education of their children that they hid them in rice-pits, 
where some were smothered, rather than produce them to be 
taught; others bought slave children and caused them to 
personate their own children in attending school, thus in part 
leading to a prohibition against the teaching of slaves. One 
minor cause of parents’ dislike to their children entering the 
schools, and one which has prevailed even till now, was the 
difficulty and uncertainty of getting their children freed from 
attending school at a reasonable age. King Radama, and 
Malagasy governments in later times, have alike sought, though 
without avowing it, in patronizing and promoting schools, to 
strengthen their hold on the most serviceable and capable of 
their subjects ; and one can readily perceive that schools, ruled 
by a government based on /anompédana (i.e. forced and unpaid 
service), might, to many of the people, assume the aspect of a 
new means of oppression. That this was felt by the first mis- 
sionaries as early as 1828 is shown by the following quotation 
from the report of the School Society for that year: — 

“In order to obviate or lessen the prejudices cherished by some 
of the parents, who reluctantly allow their children to attend the 
schools, or to continue long in them, a general regulation has 
been formed that, as soon as scholars are able to read with facil- 
ity, to write a good legible hand, to repeat the whole of the 
catechisms, and have advanced in arithmetic through the rules 
of fellowship and proportion, they shall be at liberty to be with- 
drawn, and their vacancies filled up by new pupils. The com- 
petency of the scholars to leave is determined by the mission- 
aries at the monthly examinations.” 

Statistics of the schools for 1833-1835 are missing, but we 
are informed by Messrs. Freeman and Johns, in their Narrative 
of the Persecution, that “the number of schools increased until 
they amounted to nearly 100, containing nominally about 4000 
scholars, to whom were imparted the elements of instruction 
and of religious truth. Probably some 10,000 to 15,000 altoge- 
ther passed through the mission schools during the period 
under review’ (1820-1835). Reading primers, catechisms, 
tracts, hymn-books, and portions of the Scriptures were largely 


— 


m- 3° ELEMENTARY EDUCATION IN MADAGASCAR. 
produced and distributed among the scholars. With what 
importance elementary education was regarded, and how neces- 
sary to its advancement the supervision of the missionary was 
deemed to be, will appear from the following extract from a 
letter written by the missionaries on March 3rd, 1828: ‘These 
[country] schools require in so early a stage of their existence. 
the most vigilant attention and superintendence on our part. 
Unless they be regularly visited, the expenses incurred in their 
formation and support would be wasted. The name of a school 
might indeed continue for a time, but any solid improvement 
in the scholars could not reasonably be expected. We are 
either efficient or not as the schools are encouraged and sup- 
ported. Even the translation and printing of the Scriptures 
would bein vain, unless there are readers; and readers can 
only be obtained in the schools. To which we may add that 
without the schools we have not even hearers. In brief, without 
schools we labour, translate, print, and preachin vain. With 
them we are indulging the pleasing hope that extensive good 
iS springing up.” 

Some of the missionaries, however, after their departure from 
the island in 1836, and after persecution had tested the value 
of their labours, seem to have entertained a suspicion, if not a 
conviction, that they had devoted themselves somewhat too 
exclusively to the teaching of the young. They mention two 
facts as tending to sustain this view: one was “that the major- 
ity of natives converted to a profession of the Gospel, so as to 
afford credible evidence of genuine faith and repentance, con- 
sisted of adults not trained up 1n the misston schools, but impressed 
by the preaching of the Gospel, or by conversation with those 
who through grace had believed ;” the other was “that most 
of those who embraced the truth voluntarily and immedtately 
commenced learning to read, however much engaged in secular 
business, or however much advanced in life.” 

That greater spiritual results did not follow the teaching of 
the young may to us now find a sufficient explanation in the 
fact that the majority of the parents of the scholars disliked 
and distrusted the schools, and that their influence over their 
children would probably largely counteract the influence and 
teaching of the school. As then, so now, it seems to the writer 
that the most strenuous and systematic efforts to train the 
young will often be disappointing unless by persevering kindly 
labours among their parents, their good-will towards, and 
confidence in, the schools can be secured. 

On the departure of the missionaries in 1836, and the out- 
break of the Queen’s hostility to Christianity, all schools were 








ELEMENTARY EDUCATION IN MADAGASCAR. , tae 
BD 





broken up; and from that date to the re-establishment of mis- 
sions in 1862, whatever teaching was carried on was secret and 
domiciliary. The Government required that all the books which 
had been distributed by the missionaries should be given up, 
and very many were thus removed from the hands of the people. 
One result of the scarcity of books that followed was, that the 
missionaries found on their return in 1862 that many more 
persons could read from manuscript than from printed books. In 
reviewing the work of elementary education as it was carried 
on during this first period of missionary labours, the principal 
facts to which one is disposed to give prominence are :— 

1, That although Arabic characters had been introduced 
and used in writing Malagasy speech, their use was so limited 
that the first English missionaries had practically a clear field 
in which to introduce the Roman characters. They were able, in 
conjunction with King Radama, to settle for all time that in 
these characters the vernacular speech should be written; and 
not only so, but they determined the use of these characters by 
a phonetic principle, giving to every consonantal and vowel 
sound, with perhaps two exceptions, its own proper letter. The 
importance of this to the work of elementary education can 
scarcely be over-estimated by those who know the comparative 
difficulty and facility with which English children and Malagasy 
children respectively learn to read and write in thir own tongue. 

2. The scholars were provided and their attéNdance super- 
vised by government authority after a capricious fashion, with 
scarcely any deference to the wishes of the parents; and the 
cost of the schools was borne by the mission aided by voluntary 
contributions. Such was probably the best possible way of 
doing the work that was done, but precedents were thereby 
established which, in this later period of missionary effort, can 
only with great difficulty be departed from. 

3. The work of elementary education was almost entirely 
confined to Antananarivo and about a hundred villages within 
a circle of 20 miles’ radius. 

Second Pertod: 1862-1868. This opens with the arrival and 
settlement of missionaries of the L.M.S. at Antananarivo 
in August and September, 1862. Among these was a trained 
schoolmaster, Mr. C. H. Stagg, who soon opened a school in a 
wooden building at Ambodin’ Andohalo, on the spot where a 
central school was first formed in 1824. 

Jesuit missionaries also atrived at Antananarivo the same 
year and started schools; a missionary of the Society for the 
Propagation of the Gospel commenced work at Tamatave in 
August, 1864; missionaries of the Church Missionary Society 


s3 ELEMENTARY EDUCATION IN MADAGASCAR. 

pn 
established two stations on the east coast at Vdhimaro (Nov. 
1864) and Andoévoranto (Nov. 1866); the Norwegian Missionary 
Society started its mission at Betafo in North Bétsiléo in 1867; 
and the Friends’ Foreign Mission Association in the same year 
commenced educational work in Antananarivo in close co-ope- 
ration with the London Missionary Society. 

During this period the missionaries received no help from the 
native Government in establishing schools or securing scholars; 
under the Government of Radama II. they enjoyed liberty in 
the pursuit of their labours, and toleration under the Government 
of Queen Rasohérina. Schools were only established where 
there were people who wished to have them, and the scholars 
were children whose parents desired them to be taught. 

The following statistics for this period are taken from A 
Brief Review of the L. M.S. Mtsston in Madagascar. From 1861 
fo 1870:— 


No. of Schools 7 1] 20 18 28 
No. of Scholars | 365 | 576 | 936 | 811 | 1735 


The journey of Queen Rasoherina to the east coast in 1867 
was doubtless the cause of the temporary decrease in that year. 
More would probably have been done by the L. M. S. Mission- 
aries in organising and superintending schools and in training 
teachers during these years but for the early death of Mr. 
Stagg in February, 1864. From that time till 1870 the work of 
training teachers was practically in abeyance. 

Third Pertod: from 1869 to the present time. A decided 
change in the policy of the rulers of Madagascar towards Chris- 
tianity, as indicated by a series of very interesting events with 
which most readers of this magazine are familiar, serves as a 
suitable starting-point for this period. In September, 1869, it 
became evident to the people of Imerina that their rulers had 
publicly renounced the idols and were favourably disposed to 
the extension of Christianity ; and this very naturally caused a 
change in the disposition of most of the people towards it,— 
from being indifferent, if not hostile, they became inquisitive. 

Towards the close of 1869 about 120 natives were sent out 
from the Christian congregations in Antananarivo to various 
parts of Imerina to teach what they could of the Fivavahana 
(‘tthe Praying’). These men started schools and gathered the 
children into them ; and by the close of 1870, as the result of 
the combined efforts of the foreign missionaries and the native 
Christians, the number of schools in Imerina had risen from 28 


ELEMENTARY EDUCATION IN MADAGASCAR. 33 


to 359, and the number of scholars from 1735 to 15,837. Such 
alarge numerical increase in less than two years was made 
possible by the change of policy mentioned above, and is 
sufficient justification for regarding it as inaugurating a new 
period in the history of elementary education in this 
country. 

The following is a resumé of circumstances which have all 
contributed more or less to the great progress, either in quantity 
or quality or in both, which elementary education has made 
from 1870 to the present time :— 

(2) Settlement of missionaries of the London Mission, of 
the Jesuits, and of the Norwegian Mission, in South Betsileo. 
(6) Increase of missionaries of the London Mission, of the 
Friends’ Mission, and of the Jesuits, in Imerina. (c) Settlement 
of missionaries of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel 
in Imerina. (d@) Settlement of missionaries of the London 
Mission in Antsithanaka and Ibdéina. (e) Training and settle- 
ment in various parts of the country of native evangelists 
or catechists and school teachers. (/) The steps taken by 
missionaries of various societies, and notably those of the 
London and the Friends’ Missions, to organise their work 
in elementary education and provide for effective examination 
of the schools. (g) The spasmodic and irregular, but well- 
meant, efforts of the Malagasy Government and ofiicials, 
by proclamations and speeches and by the registration of scho- 
lars, to advance elementary education. 

Some may be disposed to question whether elementary educa- 
tion has been advanced by missionaries of any one society 
invading a part of the country previously occupied by another, 
and competing with them for the education of the children. It 
will be seen that I have answered the question affirmatively, 
but I have no desire to emphasise the affirmation, as I am well 
aware that competition among foreign missionaries tends to 
retard the progress of the people towards independence and 
self-help. None can doubt that the action of the Government 
and its officials, stimulated by the growth of sentiments favour- 
able to education among the most advanced of the people, has, 
more than anything else, prepared the way for the great exten- 
sion of elementary education during the past sixteen years. 
But this alone would have accomplished little in the absence of 
the organised work which has been carried on by the various 
missionary societies within the same period. This organised 
work divides itself under five heads :—(a) Direct teaching of 
the missionaries. (5) Training of school teachers. (c) Con- 
tribution of the greater portion of the teachers’ salaries. (¢@) 


34 ELEMENTARY EDUCATION IN MADAGASCAR, 


Superintendence and examination of the schools. (e) Prepa- 
ration and publication of school books. 

The action of the Government and its officials has hitherto 
been confined to the enrolment of scholars, the exertion of an 
irregular and intermittent pressure on the parents to send their 
children to school, the expression on various public occasions 
of the favour with which it regards the educational movement, 
and the freeing of school teachers from fanompoana. 

‘The Government has not aided in building a single school- 
house, in training teachers, or in supporting schools; nor has it 
made any arrangements for raising funds for school purposes 
by local action of any kind. This statement is not to be under- 
stood as implying that the writer thinks the Government should 
or could have done any of these things. Its hands are often 
tied from effecting good, possibly mischief also, by the system 
of fanompoana on which it is based. I distinguish between the 
action of the Government and the personal interest of the Queen 
of Madagascar and her Prime Minister in elementary education. 
The latter finds expression in large contributions to the Palace 
Church, which supports about a dozen evangelists and school 
teachers at various centres in Imerina. 

Nearly five years ago a new Code of Laws appeared, in which 
a section was devoted to “Laws relating to Schools in Ime- 
rina.” I herewith give a summary of the provisions of this 
section, and after each I state how far these enactments have 
become operative. 

(a) That all children between eight and sixteen years of age 
shall attend some school, and shall be registered by duly 
appointed government officers. 

(The latter part has been very fairly carried out once, but no 
effective means is employed to secure the registration of 
children as soon as they reach school age.) 

(0) That any parent or guardian failing to comply with this 
law shall be fined one dollar, and the child be compelled to 
attend school. 

(No attempt has been made to carry this out in a single 
instance.) 

(c) That, in the first instance, the parents or guardians shall 
have free choice of the school in which they wish their children 
to learn, but that afterwards the children shall not be removed 
to another school unless they have passed the examination 
required by the Government, and due notice shall have been 
given to the chief officer of education. 

(The first clause was fairly carried out in the registration of 
1882 ; the remainder has only been followed in a few instances, ) 


o- 4° 


orn. ~ 


. Pe oe 
ELEMENTARY EDUCATION IN MADAGASCAR. 335 





(@) That annual examinations in reading, writing, and 
arithmetic shall be conducted by officers appointed y the 
Government, and certificates given to the scholars who pass, b 
which they shall be freed from compulsory attendance at school. 

(This has not yet been attempted.) 

(e) That missionaries and evangelists shall be at liberty to 
examine schools, but shall be required to give previous notice 
of such examination to the chief officer of education. 

(This has been very generally carried out.) 

(f/) That examination and a government certificate shall be 
necessary to an appointment as teacher, and that no teacher, 
duly appointed, shall be at liberty to give up his teaching 
without the permission of the Government. 

(The Government issues certificates to all who are nominated 
as school teachers, and requires removals and transferences of 
teachers to be notified to it, but it has not yet undertaken 
the examination of teachers.) 

(g) That in every village where there is a school, a school 
agent (mdsozvoho, lit. ‘eyes behind’) shall be appointed to keep 
an eye on the school and report to the chief officer of education, 

(The school agent receives no remuneration, and he finds his 
own interest better served by maintaining friendly relations 
with delinquent parents than by informing against them.) 

Soon after the promulgation of these laws, officers were sent 
throughout Imerina to enrol the children of school age, and 
appoint the school agents. The following numbers are taken 
from a return made by them in 1882 :— 




































62 ScHoLtars. | & & 
io) ° ome ts 0 
32 Denomination 308 
2 2 
Zz & Male. | Female.| a 
London ) § 
818] and i 
Friends’ 5 






41 | Anglican 1,373| 1,044 2,417 64 


53,111} 48,984 | 102,095 | 2,154 
191 | Rom. Catholic | 7,323/ 7,103 | 14,426] 307 
117 | Lutheran ..... 13,330; 14,253 | 27,5831 187 






1,167 Totals ..... 





75,137 71,384 | 146,523 | 


Of the 146,521 scholars, it was eso that 22,200 were 
not such as could be required to attend school, thus leaving 
124,321 as the number of children in Imerina who should be 
attending school. 


wen. 
Saad ‘N 


-" T-CELEMENTARY EDUCATION IN MADAGASCAR. 


The enrolment appears to have been carried out impartially ; 
wherever there were schools of various denominations, the 
parents were allowed freely to choose to which of these their 
children should be attached. No government returns of the 
number of scholars enrolled outside Imerina have been published. 

Now what proportion of the 124,321 scholars mentioned 
above were actually attending school in 1884? From _ very 
complete statistics published by the L. M.S. and F.F.M.A. 
it appears that at the examinations conducted by missionaries 
of these two societies there were present 38,515 scholars, coming 
from 736 schools, and of these, 17,982 were able at least to read 
a verse chosen by the examiner from the Gospels. In the 
absence of similar statistics from the other missionary societies 
represented here, I measure their corn by this bushel. The 
result gives for the whole of Imerina :— 

Scholars attending school more or less frequently ...... 551305 
» able to read ....... ..... os ee. -. vee. 25,857 

It is difficult to estimate with anything like accuracy the 
extent of elementary education throughout the island; but the 
following table gives a summary of the materials I have at 
hand :— 


ELEMENTARY SCHOOLS IN MADAGASCAR. 












, os No. of | No. on |No examined! No, able 
Missions. | Districts. | ‘Schools. | Registers. |. or to read. 
in attendance. 












62,646 31, 115° 15,025° 
secees 204 20,683 12,506 8,877 
Antsihanaka.. 31° 2,900 2,038" 1,207° 


” enna, } - No returns. 
” Mojanga 
Friends’ |Imerina...... 125° 14,355 7,400° 2,957° 
Norwegian | Imerina 
” Betsileo 207 359733 29,952T 13,731 
Anglican |Imerina.... . 34 1,822 1,057° 600} 
” East coast .... 68t 3:644t | = 2,114 1,200] 
Imerina, 
Roman Betsileo, | No returns. 
Catholic 


East coast ' 


| Totals...... | 1280 | 141,783 | 86, 182 | 43,507 


* Examined. ft Attending School, { Estimated. 


- -_ 2+ @ 


ELEMENTARY EDUCATION IN MADAGASCAR-——9—- 


The population of Imerina is usually estimated at 1,000,000. 
Speaking roughly, we may say that about one-tenth of the 
population of Imerina are registered as scholars; rather less 
than one-half of these are actually attending school; and about 
one-half of those in attendance are able to read. 

The preceding table of elementary schools has been compiled 
from statistics I have at hand shewing elementary education in 
connexion with the L.M.S. and F.F.M.A. for the three central 
provinces of Imerina, Antsihanaka, and Betsileo; but owing 
to the hostile operations of the French on the east and north- 
west coasts, mission work has been almost completely disor- 
ganised in those parts, and reliable statistics are not forth- 
coming. The Rev. L. Dahle, superintendent of the Norwegian 
Mission, has favoured me with statistics of their missions in 
South-west Imerina and Betsileo; and Bishop Kestell-Cornish, 
of the Anglican Mission, with statistics of their schools in Ime- 
rina and an estimate of others on the east coast. Statistics of 
the Roman Catholic schools in Imerina and Betsileo and on 
the east coast are not attainable. Many of these last-mentioned 
schools, in the absence of the missionaries, have collapsed ; 
many are still being carried on. 

To enable readers to form a clearer conception of the character 
of the schools referred to in the above statistics, the following 
notes are appended :— 

School Butldings.— Of buildings solely appropriated to school 
purposes, the number is very small, and they are only to be found 
in the Capital and at some of the mission stations. As a rule, the 
meeting-house for the congregation on the Sunday is the school- 
house during the week. Most of these buildings away from the 
Capital are long and rectangular in shape, with walls of adode or 
mud, and roof of grass, rushes, or poorly burnt tiles. Light and 
air are admitted through the doorways and two or three large 
square apertures made in the walls. Lhe interior is by no means 
calculated to gratify a sense of beauty, the walls in many cases 
being unplastered, the roof timbers festooned with ancient cob- 
webs, and the mud floor but partially covered with rush mats. 

A pparatus.—The apparatus found in the schools is exceed- 
ingly meagre,—in most cases nothing more than a few lesson- 
sheets and the text-books for the teacher’s use; in a few, in 
addition to these, one may see a few desks, a blackboard, and 
one ortwo maps. The children usually sit on the floor. 

Course of Instruction.—This perhaps can be best illustrated 
by giving the “Standards of Instruction and Examination” 
adopted by the.L. M. S. and F. F. M. A. They are trans- 
lated here for the benefit of the English reader, 


mam: 


~ 


ELEMENTARY EDUCATION IN MADAGASCAR. 


38 








‘syrouAUOD IYO 


<£yny souoquos| 
 axred oy "won| 


| p20r] mo Jo soprearyy 


“somitnixo} 
layy £4 uosoy> *a| 


“UR Jo uonzod Aue, *vog ANA) 


——————— 


















































Jo suao} jamtpl-oungy “wows pUYl ey Forqureg Kaoqe oy SWApamle Me jo yoo mmAylmoy yom pero; | “IA 
Ie LUND Oty, |yuodIe “ayasyody| TET LL ee aD et laue sGbmour wou 
low jo osm omy, Ixyaess0 ais of, 
smaqy Sut iy ( nopeatcr > 
5 r f 2 s(ouefew 4 
win 52 Eg aN | cman paces] {MBA -cpronoo wna quonSioetiad| “a 
pe a sep og UPR 5° F148 OY, 5 oaoqe se oures; fingay dare prado, 
sumoy jaryo puelyje ysmauysip oy sl wORIPPY| _ 4 ATES 
dong yosotsyn0-) pure woRonpOAT 
snonisod 9anel ssquoa pure| en 
azo pur ‘suv229|'soan20fpe “snow! swoniod quan : avis Lary A 
mesuoUMOD Ay, \ysmTusp ol [MSL MON MOF ae por Tipe peak evan feo y ete food M 
-voreSiypeyy jo] aauaqion oydums ¥ jo}-uoo.gamydiag wo)/ly Seo NNT ee urea. yeaa 
UAOF PUL 'sUOIStAtp|oyworpasd pure yo{qns|iusty99}"] PUIG, maxjsouy Saojznog | " 
PRP ‘sauepunog joy ysasunsip oy, " 
- -ey, woneoudainy Boies ie pal Sago 2884 conf 
Lag ROOIEO ¥loyy puw dymoygrpl™ SORNUAP te owas) Sut — “mt 
MB JO 9]OYM YL Goprout jo vo_aey IH" UO pur ‘peo Fupeoy 9117 
ang pur uonippy Poumues Ofte v 
ogim1 “ded *(neag| Sao0%t: suOREIIp Moxy so1q] 
ei aetna EE JO nonaea joluprom pate ayy] “22H Supe 1m 
luisiqooqey yen [APS PREMOHIPPY fem pur pede 
. oz 0} rosy 
“squourprety reegepies Boers 
meg wag, ogg fuemen Aeon ie ous jo. epuc ‘o-rdd| 
pas qns pur ppe ox |-FIl lsomng Suxpeoy 
Ke “spesfpure ‘sroy99f (PETS, me Aa 
poked POT OTL | owe oqery of], 
sAqdes3009 “remuess) vaamdung “oRoUTLTY “Bun “Supe SpaKpUEys: 


ELEMENTARY EDUCATION IN MADAGASCAR. 39 


Out of 38,515 children present at examinations based on the 
above standards, the passes in Standard VI. were :— 

Reading, 498 ; Writing, 1:20; Arithmetic, 45. 

The largest number of passes were in Standard IV. of Read- 
ing, and Standards ITI. of Writing and Arithmetic. 

Attainments of Teachers.—Not more than one-sixth of the 
teachers employed in the schools have had any training; and 
concerning the trained teachers it may be safely affirmed that 
their average ability is rather less than that of a pupil-teacher 
in his third year of apprenticeship in a public elementary 
school in England. Of the five-sixths it may just as safely be 
affirmed that their average ability is not beyond that of Stan- 
dard V. The Committee of the L.M.S. has lately arranged 
for examinations for teachers. These examinations are held 
annually, in December, and are of two grades, each grade being 
divided into two classes. The minimum attainment for a pass 
in the lower grade is Standard V. in Reading and Standard 
IV. in Writing, Arithmetic, and Scripture. The requirements 
of the upper grade examination are as follows :— 

Reading.—Good reading from any book or newspaper chosen 
by the examiner. 

Writing.—To write legibly and clearly an essay, containing 
not less than 300 words, on some common subject chosen by the 
examiner. 

Arithmetic.—Everything covered by the largest book on 
arithmetic published here (/zanava-martka lehtbe). 

Scripture.—The two catechisms included in the school stan- 
dards, and the Gospel by Matthew. 

Grammar and Analysis.— Everything covered by the largest 
book on the subject that has been published here (Gvamara sy 
A nalystsa). 

Geography.—Everything covered by Geogra/y Generaly. 

School Management.—Five lectures delivered to students in 
the Normal School. 

Less than a third of the maximum in any one of these 
subjects, and less than one half of the total maximum, means 
failure. All who gain two-thirds of the total maximum receive 
a certificate of the first class; all who gain from one-half to 
two-thirds receive a second-class certificate. For honours, 
provision is made for an examination in English (first Eng- 
lish Lesson book and First English Reading book), 

Drawing.—A free-hand drawing from an easy copy or easy 
model. 

Geometry.—Euclid, Book I. 

Algebra.—As far as Simple Equations (inclusive), 


40 ELEMENTARY EDUCATION IN MADAGASCAR. 


It will be evident from the whole of the foregoing that, 
while the goodwill of the Malagasy Government and that of 
‘many of the people has *presented abundant opportunity for 
establishing and carrying on the work of elementary instruc- 
tion, it is to the efforts and labours of the missionary societies 
that this work owes its origin and chief maintenance. The 
importance of it in contributing to the accomplishment of the 
high aims of Christian missions here and to the advancement 
of civilization and commerce cannot be overrated. It is laying 
the only satisfactory foundation, a broad and sure one based 
on the intelligence of the people, for the grand superstructure 
of national Christianity, enlightened, honest, and liberal 
government, genuine patriotism, and civilization and commerce. 
Can Christian missionaries have confidence in any narrower 
basis on which to raise and to secure the stability of such an 
edifice ? 

J. C. THORNE. 


—— ag SE 
Paved ure 


THE KING IN IMERINA: 


A DRAMATIC FRAGMENT. 


SCENE.—Place of public assembly in Antananarivo. Great gathering 
of Imerina clans. ating for the King. 

Enter a Hova of Alasira, who ts recognised by another of Ambdht- 
manga. The latter rises. 


Am. Hova.—A welcome, friend, arrived all safe and well ! 


AL. Hova.—By heaven's blessing. How are you at home? 
And what’s the news across the Mamba now? 


AM. Hova.—We're fairly well, but as for news there’s none. 
The wars have ceased; we plant our fields unarmed, 
And sleep without a guard; our cattle feed 
Untended save by children, and our wives 
Might walk a league from home and meet noill. 
The news has come with you. How fared you south? 


AL. Hova.—Not badly, but there’s not much trade just now. 
The King has sent an embassy down there, 
And all the folks are wondering what it bodes, 


AM. Hova.—The Betsileo, you mean? 
AL. Hova.— Yes, why d’you smile ! 


THE KING IN IMERINA. 4t 


Am. Hova.—I’m thinking of a story I once heard 
About that precious tribe. 
AL. Hova.— Let’s hear it then, 
And while the time. 
Am. Hova.— My neighbour had a horse; 
He bought it of a white man from Maurice 
And took it from the coast to Betsileo, 
A present for their king. And all the way 
Across the country inland, this old nag 
Received no end of human courtesy ; 
The people bowed politely on the road 
And gave it: “How d’you do, Sir?’ and “Good 
bye.” . 
(Commotion and amusement near the head of the crowd, which makes 
a way and allows FIRINGA the Fool to pass down the open centre, dancing. | 


It’s daft old Dunghill. 


AL. Hova.— Well, you nasty name. 
FOOL. — *Twere better yours were Dunghill too. 
AL. Hova.— How so? 
FooL.— You'd have fit place to put your manners in. 
Am. Hova.—yYou’re hit, my friend. 

(Zo Fool) Firinga, why d’you dance? 
FOOL.— To get an appetite. 
AL. Hova.— And why get that? 
FOoL.— Because the King will bring tough words to eat, 


- And I don’t want to have the stomach ache. 


[Enter the King and his train of attendants, followed by singers and 
shell blowers. Drums, etc. Assembly rises and makes obetsance. | 


ALL. — We hail the King ! 
KING.— The King is safe and well. 
FOOL.— (rising alone after the assembly has reseated ttself.] 


A salutation, Master. 
[Amusement in the crowd.] 


KING.— Why behind, 

Firinga? Surely not from halting heart? 
FOOL.— The bucket’s up soon in shallow wells, Sire. 
KING.— And brings cold ‘drinking when the well is deep. 


Eh! good Firinga? 
[Crowd tries to incite Foot to reply.) 
SEVERAL.— Answer him again. 


42 THE KING IN IMERINA: 


AN OFFICER.—[near the King.] 
The Sovereign says there’s room for you up here. 
FOOoL.— [Seating himself near the Hova of Alasora and his com- 
pantion. | 
Pray tell my Master, I’m more snug with fools. 
[Drums and shells. Officers command attention. The King takes a 
spear and rises to speak. 
KING.— Attend to me, ye clansmen of the hills, 
For words of mine are ever at your ears, 
And I’m become like one who weeds a field, 
And weeding, often looks to harvest time; 
Imerina is now a multitude, 
And if I show you not the way to go, 
The feet of some will wander, and they’ll fall. 
Your duty, therefore, is your summons here, 
And foremost yours, North-Mamba men. 
We'll hear no more the lazy slave’s excuse 
Who’s bidden go for fuel and replies : 
“T’ve only just returned from herding kine.”’ 
You shall not dare to vex your neighbours’ minds 
With boast of how you made your chieftain King, 
Nor vaunt of having used your heads as shields 
In days when they were captive to our war. 
This land of ours shall know no rival tribes, 
For all are equal when they come to me ; 
By great God’s gift the kingdom's mine. 
Is’t Aye, or No, O mountain Merina? 


ALL.— It’s Aye! 
(Shells and prolonged native cheers. | 
KING.— And all this isle, mid torrent seas, 


Shall hang around me like a royal robe; 

The west shall send us wild Imenabe, 

Our dawn shall lead the undivided east, 

The boastful south shall climb from Betsileo, 

The north from reedy Hanaka shall stream ; 

There’s Boina too, they’ve launched their fleet 
canoes, : 

They wait but rising tide, and all the tribes 

Shall each be first-born son to me the King. 

Is’t Aye to that, Imerina? 


ALL.— It’s Aye! 
[Shell-blowing and cheers.) 
KING. — And here shall stand the witness of my words, 


[4 large stone ts set up on end tn the ground. | 


A DRAMATIC FRAGMENT. 43 


A witness most oblivious of all fear; 

And he who dares to fan our smouldering feuds, 
Whate’er his rank, whate’er his wealth or fame, 
Shall hither come, a traitor to his doom. 

Is’t Aye, or No, Imerina? 


ALL. -— It’s Aye! 
KING. — And now hear law for me, Imerina. 
There have been kings who owned none; they 
had sons 


Beloved, and wives beloved, and friends beloved, 
And favourites seeking favours at their heels ; 
And these, like hungry hawks from lawless air, 
Came swooping on the fledglings of your wealth 
And soared beyond your spears. They would 
pretend 

To buy your jewels, robes, your fighting bull, 
And have them fetched to look at, with the price, 
But never stooped to pay you or return 
The treasures which your hearts refused to yield. 
But that shall cease, Imerina, shall cease; 
Yea, though Ralesoka, my sister here, 
Who’s orphaned and yet childless, as you know, 
Should use her kinship and her precedence 
To obtain a single real’s worth by fraud, 
I'll make the guilt pay double to your grief. 
No kite builds here upon our crags with me, 
For you and I are eagles, and my swoop 
Shall ne’er leave wailing in the homes of friends. 
Let every one his eyrie rule in peace, 
And I upon the topmost rock will guard, 
Your father and your King. 

ALL. — It’s Aye, it’s Aye! 


[Shells; drums; long-continued cheers. fool leaps up and leads 
the crowd tn a dance of joy. | 


W. CLAYTON PICKERSGILL. 


NOTES. 


The foregoing ‘‘Fragment” is founded upon the first of Andrianampoinimérina’s recorded 

eeches. 
veWaiting for the King.” —Andrianampoinimerina, father of Radama I; sce following paper. 

“Alaséra.”’—One of the ancient royal towns of Imérina, the central province, and situa 
about four miles to the S.S.E. of Antananarivo. 

‘Ambohimanga.”’—The ancient capital of Imerina, situated about eleven miles north of 
Antananarivo. 

“Mamba.”—A small boun stream which flows about half-way between Antananarivo 
and Ambohimanga. The people of the latter town and its neighbourhood are called Avara- 
drino, ‘North of the water. 


44 THE KING IN IMERINA. 


‘Daft old Dunghill.”—This is the literal meaning of the word fringa, which is, however, 
frequently used as a personal name among the Malagasy, probably from some idea that an 
evil-sounding name averts dangcr from ‘the evil eye.’ 

‘Mid torrent seas,”-—One of the names given to Madagascar in public speeches is My ani- 
von’ ny riaka, ‘The (land in the) midst of fre seas, or ‘the flood.’ 

“‘Iménabé.”’—A Sakalava province on the western seaboard, formerly one of the two great 
kingdoms into which the numerous Sakalava tribes were divided, the other being Iboina. 

‘‘Undivided east.”"-—The most important tribe on the eastern side of Madagascar is the 
Bétsimisaraka, ‘Many not separate. 

“‘Béetsiléo.”—The tribe and district to the south of Imerina. ‘Many unconquered’ is the 
meaning of the name. The story told about the tribe is preserved in a Hova proverb which 
ays ; daladala toa Betsileo: miarahaba soavaly! ‘Foolish like the Betsileo: saluting a 
orse ’ - 

‘‘Hanaka.""—Abbreviated from Antsihanaka, a district which derives its name from exten- 
sive hanaka, \akes or marshes. It lies about a hundred miles to the north of Imerina, and 
contains the largest lake in Madagascar, the Alaotra, 

‘‘Boina.” —A Sakalava province in the north-west, of which Mojanga is the chicf town. It 
is traversed by the Bétsiboka and many other navigable rivers. 

‘‘The witness of my word.”—A large slab or block of undressed granite rock was often 
erected as a memorial of agreements. 

‘‘You and I are eagles.’",—The Hova of Antananarivo are called Véromahéry, the name of 
a species of falcon (Falco minor, Bp.), which is the nearest approach to an eagle known in the 
interior of Madagascar. 


ing ge tO seer 


ad 


ttf ob. 
-TRANSLATION OF THE FAREWELL SPEECH OF 


ANDRIANAMPOINIMERINA. x 


INTRODUCTION. 


ANDRIANAMPOINIMERINA, the father of Radama I. and founder of the 
Hova dominion, must have been born between the years 1740 and 1750, as 
he died in 1810 at the age of 60 or 70. He reigned, according to a MS. 
list of kings in my possession, 23 years (1787-1810), though Mr. Ellis states 
that his reign extended from 25 to 35 years. He was a man of great energy 
and force of character, and made a deep impression upon the minds of the 

eople. Many anecdotes concerning him are current, some of which have 
been printed in Zémy Sda (magazine). A good account of him may be seen in 
Ellis’s History of Madagascar, vol. II., pp. 122—128, orin My Zantaran’ 
ny Andriana eto Madagascar by the Jesuit missionaries. The following 
speech is one of several® which were preserved originally by tradition and 
committed to writing after the arrival of the first missionaries in 1820. 
Although speeches so transmitted cannot be relied on as being perfectly 
accurate, there seenis little doubt that these are substantially correct. The 
style of the one here translated differs much from any modern composition, 
and abounds in phrases and allusions that attest its age. I have tried in 
my translation to keep as near to the original as possible, even at the risk 
of making the English somewhat stiff; but of course the archaic colour of 
the original cannot easily be preserved in a translation. In several places 
I have departed from the printed text in favour of readings found in a MS. 
copy which came under my notice after the book of Aadary was printed, 
or have adopted changes suggested by natives. Some of the phrases of the 





* See Malagasy Aabary (1873), pp. —13 ; and Mpandlo-tsaina, vol. II., pp. 338—~347. 


FAREWELL SPEECH OF ANDRIANAMPOINIMERINA. 45 


original are hopelessly obscure, and the text cannot be considered free from 
corruption. Though this speech contains much that may interest any 
reader, I have been induced to try and translate it chiefly for the sake of 
those who, in the course of their Malagasy studies, will read the Kadary 
in the original, and who will, I hope, welcome this attempt to put into 
readable English what may perhaps be considered the most classical example 
of older Malagasy composition. 


TRANSLATION. | 


HE words spoken by Andrianampdinimérina to Radama, 

and to his relations, and to all his friends, when he was 

very ill at Ambdhipd. There were present Andriamahéritsia- 

laintany, Andriankétonavalona, Andriamambavodla, Andrian- 

tsfra, Ralala, Rainimahay, Andrianasolo, Andriantsdélo, and 

Andriantsiambazaha; all the men of weight were there, for all 

but “the twelve’ were summoned to attend. But the words he 

was in the habit of saying continually to the “twelve” formed 
the substance of his speech. | 


“This is what I say to all of you, my relations and friends, 
for now symptoms of disease have come, for God is taking me 
away, and that is why I call you together. For now that the 
command of the Creator hath come, and my days are finished, 
and I am going home to heaven, behold Ilahidama, for he is 
young; and there too are yourselves; for it is only my flesh 
that will lie buried, but my spirit and my mind will still remain 
with you and with Idama. | 

“First of all then, my comrades, behold Radama; for I 
did not beget him, but coughed him out of my mouth; and I 
did not intend that he should have our kingdom, but it has 
come to him as a gift from God; and, behold, I commit him to 
your care, therefore have an eye to him as he goes, and suffer 
him not to bear shame, lest we should be left without a succes- 
sor, but offer a fdd:fra® for him, and remove from him ill 
omens ; -for the offering of a fadttra is powerful, and ill omens 
prevent from attaining manly strength. But yet I shall not be 
far off, but shall whisper to him wherever he may be. 

“And in the second place, my comrades, this kingdom of 
ours had its boundaries fixed by the word of Andrfamasinava- 
lona, and was left by him with Andriantsimitoviaminandriana 
and Andriambélomasina, and was left by the Twelve Sovereigns 
with me and with you, and is now left by me with you and 
Ilahidama ; for to secure it I counted my life as nothing, and 
you exerted yourselves to the utmost; and behold here are all 


* Faditra, offerings to avert evil. 


46 FAREWELL SPEECH OF ANDRIANAMPOINIMERINA, 


of you who wrought together with me. There too is Rahddi- 
bato* as yourcompanion. Therefore you will injure yourselves, 
my comrades, if you allow Radama to leave me without a 
worthy successor, and if he will not believe your words; for 
assuredly the kingdom is not his, but yours; for it was you 
whose heads were crushed, and whose legs were broken, and 
who used up the last dregs of your strength, and counted your 
lives as nothing, in order that I, Jambdasalama, should possess 
Besakana.t 

“Again, in the third place, comrades, whatever was your 
strength, and whatever good deeds you accomplished for me,— 
for never was there a king stronger or more famous than I (but 
only thirty, including little children, at Amboniloha, who went 
to spy me, were (ever) killed by met)—yet if I had not been 
supported by you, neither war nor counsel would have been 
been vigorous. But take heed to Ilahiadama, for if he had 
been a fool not worthy to succeed me, God would not have 
given him to us; but it seems he is worthy to be my successor, 
seeing he has been left by God to be your charge. But this 
only is my request: let not anything be forbidden him, my 
comrades ; for he is a man both excellent and young and also a 
sovereign ; therefore forbid him not, if there is anything he 
desires. Take not away the food loved by the child; for he is 
by no means a fool. But yet I shall not be far away, but shall 
be always near his side. 

“And in the fourth place, comrades, Ilahidama is as a 
little bird to whom you will give food already prepared; and 
he will have many matters to think about, but it is you will 
both do and command. And do not allow Ilahidama to incur 
guilt; for if the king becomes guilty, the land will become 
a wildernessy ; and do not render him unpopular by actions 
done by you out of his sight And take heed, comrades, 
lest there should be those not guilty of death, or lest there 
should be those guilty of offences that might be settled by a 
fine, or by the payment of avery small sum of money, or 
that might be settled simply by the presentation of Adszna,|| 
and you cry out against them that they, together with their 
wives and children, should be sold into slavery and should lose 
all their property. For it is better to have a foolish sovereign 

* Rahodibato was the name of an idol. See Zanitaran' ny Andriana (1875), p. 60. 

+ Besakana, the royal palace. See Hist. of Madr. vol. 1. p. 100, and Jantaran’ ny An- 
ore Thet reference of the above obscure sentence has not, to my knowledge, received any satis- 
ae tentilys lest the véro should grow tall. The vero (Andropogon hirtus, L.) is a common 


grass in certain districts, and often grows to the height of seven or eight feet. 
|| Zasina, money presented as a token of allegiance, 


| arn 
FAREWELL SPEECH OF ANDRIANAMPOINIMERINA, 4) 


than foolish councillors; and it is only they who have wise ad- 

visers who really reign and are kings that secure peace and 

prosperity ; for it is you, comrades, who will have the control of 
airs. 

“Again, in addition to that, my comrades, if you love me, 
take heed to what will be for the good of Idama; and when you 
remember me, go to him and do to him as you have been wont 
to doto me. And do not tell him what is untrue or deceive 
him, for the sovereign has no relations nor any real brothers 
and sisters, but they who obey his laws and believe his words 
are his relations. And if there is anything he wishes done 
which in any way touches the laws of the kingdom, meet 
together and consult about it, I beg you; for ‘a single finger 
cannot catch a louse,® and a single tree does not make a forest,’ 
but the thoughts of the many constitute a government; and he 
will by no means reject true counsel that has been considered by 
the many; for he is a descendant of (me) the many-eyed bull. 

“And yet again, my comrades, take care of his life. Do what 
will make him reach old age, and what will render him popular 
with his subjects, that he may possess the whole of the land; 
but yet what will make him lasting and long-lived is the 
principal thing, for he who has but a short life has but little 
sovereignty. This then is what I say to you, my relations and 
friends, every day, and what I declare in your hearing again at 
the present time.” 


And when all the friends of Andrianampoinimerina heard 
these words, they all sobbed and wept and could make no 
answer. Then said Andrianampoinimerina: ‘All of you go 
home and sleep over these words of mine.” 

And when they had gone, he sent for Rahagamainty, and 
Rahagafotsy, and Andrfampindana, and all their companions. 
And on the following day he summoned them into the presence 
of his wives and children. 

Then he spoke thus: “O Idama, O my first-born; yea, 
thou crumb of my life, may I die before thee. Thou art not 
like a man, but like a god fallen (to the earth), and thou wast 
not begotten by me, but coughed out of my mouth and fashioned 
by the Creator. I am not dead if I have thee, for I have a 
splendid bull. My companions are all gone, and I alone 
remain. And behold thyself, O Idamalahy, for thou art the red 
wandft always near the bull. And see! only we two are related 


* This proverbial expression, though not in harmony with our taste, is very commonly 
used, even by preachers, as an illustration of the need of union. 

+ Zéhs-meéna, i.e. the red wand of the keeper. Another reading is ‘éha-maina, pats, such 
as would be given to the oxen. 


48 FAREWELL SPEECH OF ANDRIANAMPOINIMERINA. 


to one another, therefore let me and our ancestors not.be without 
successors, thou crumb of my life; for this land assuredly 
belonged to others, but God gave it to us. 

“For consider! those men are a large well - tempered 
knife: when used in cutting, it does not become blunt; they 
are a spear with a well-fitting socket: when hurled at a mark, 
it will not bend; they, O comrade, are Zangéna* that has been 
carefully charged and will not be partial in judging. You 
will indeed be a man when supported by them. 7 

“First of all, Sire, behold my wives and children; treat 
them as the descendants of Andriamasinavalona, and take 
no treasure from them, for they bore hardships; show them 
favour, for you are their glory and protection; for you will be | 
here as the successor of the Twelve Sovereigns and of myself. 

“And again, in the second place, O Idama, do not indulge 
your relations, or give encouragement to servants; for if those 
who are secretly disaffected to you acquire power, the govern- 
ment will be oppressive; for one’s relations are the people who 
will not show becoming respect, and it is the disposition of 
slaves to be extravagant.t Let them not be like cattle allowed 
to stray, for they are both spoil and heritage; they are like a 
hundred measures of rice mixed in the store basket, not to be 
eaten by your wife, nor by your children; but yet they must be 
treated like a dog that eats a sheep, and the life must pay the 
penalty, if they do anything that is not proper in the kingdom. 
They are the very people who should be made examples of the 
power of the law, for they are the silver ring of the ancients, 
and the thick /éméa,t a protection against the morning frost, 
and a shelter against the sultry wind. They are a couch on 
which one may recline; they are an ornament and pride. 

“Q Idama, I am going home, and I shall leave you as my 
successor. What wondrous histories you have heard and seen! 
How great was my power and my fame! There is not a 
mountain I did not climb, nor a hillside on which I did not 
fight. For God who gave me the land gave it without reserve ; 
and Ito whom He gave it was prospered and received a blessin 
from my ancestors. For lambdasalama was my name, but 
gained an increase of people, and§ acquired power here in the 
middle of the island, and became famous as Andrianampoin- 
imerina. 

® Zangena, the fruit of the Zanghinia venenifera, Poir, used in the poison ordeal. See 


Ellis’s f/tst. of Madr. vol. I. pp. 458—486. 

+ In the Malagasy there is here a play on the words andeévo (slave) and mandévona 
consume). 
( The outer robe wrapping all round the body. 

; Namfpian’ ny ambantandro anarana aho, ‘the people gave me an additional name.’ 


FAREWELL SPEECH OF ANDRIANAMPOINIMERINA. 49 


“J verily swept my courtyard all round before I was free 
from clatter and confusion. I had my door surrounded by 
others before I could secure a home for myself. I used up 
sverything, even to the smallest possessions, before I gained 
friends. I vomited liver and bile before I was able to establish 
myself firmly. And that was not all, for I had to give the 
cooked in exchange for the raw before I obtained what was 
complete; and I bore hardships and ate and drank the blood of 
unknown beasts. 

“Q Idama, might is indeed no match for mind, for the 
sweet is surely found among the bitter; and I count you a 
fortunate one among kings, being supported by those old bulls. 
For if you see that they are well supported, you will not want 
wild cattle.* For if you had none but them, even if a stone 
should be bored by them, it would be pierced (for no animal 
exceeds the crocodile); therefore suffer them not to be over- 
come whilst in our retinue, and do not permit them to be injured 
by talebearers ; for the way I gained this land was thus: they 
were a buckler no ball could pierce, and a wooden shield coming 
between me and the spears. They made their lives of no 
account in order that I should be king and possess these lands. 

‘And whatever is to be considered or to be done, in any 
matter touching the kingdom, send for them to deliberate with 
you, for they will on no account reject your plans. For let them, 
if any, be the ones to use a large-eyed needle and tear as they 
sew ; for who but they were bruised and crushed? Therefore 
they will not dare to deceive you. Let them not be treated as 
bald-headed men following in the footsteps of others, and let 
them not be treated as grey-haired men wearily dragging 
themselves along ; for the dead have successors, and the living 
nave shadows; the reason why people have children is that 
these may become their substitutes; therefore I shall lie down 
in confidence, O Idama, having you. 

“And this also I say to you, O friend (for you are verily a 
descendant of Ramorabé and a child of Ralésoka; you are 
assuredly not of Imarovatana, but a genuine Tsimahafotsy) : 
Do not act like the ¢semga/a,+ that knows its own cattle; do not 
be afraid of correcting your own children; for it would be 
better even to pretend not to love those that belong to you. 
But show favour to your chieftains and relations, if they are 
loyal to you. But yet even those stone locks and wooden 


® The wild cattle will all be his, as they will come and join his herds. 

+ 7singa/a are insects found in water and said to cause death if swallowed. Cattle are often 
tilled by swallowing a fsinga/a ; but the natives say that only strange cattle are thus poisoned. 
See ANNUAL, 1884; pp. 22, 23. 

3 Reading Aidy vato sy manda mafy, instead of the printed text. 


so§0 FAREWELL SPEECH OF ANDRIANAMPOINIMERINA. 
50° 


walls,+.ifthey show undue familiarity and say: “I will do it, for it 
does not matter,” and blind-fold you, let them be cut into equal 
parts and cast down the stream; cut them into small pieces, 
and give them to the dogs; for I never made any bargain with 
them, but our relation was simply that of doing good to one 
another; and let it be rather about other matters that you 
shew favour, but let not the kingdom be governed with partial- 
ity. 

iAnd if, on the contrary, they do not change from what they 
have done to me, and seek what will render you sole ruler, do 
not change them, but see that their good deeds are recorded ; 
though they should die in the daytime, let them be alive again 
by night; for they cast away their lives to make me king here 
in the midst of the floods.* 

“And this is what I say to you to be attended to by you and 
to be your charge. Fora long time to come this will not be 
forgotten; after I am gone I shall still be remembered ; there- 
fore seek what will consolidate this, and that by which it may 
grow; for you alone, O Ilahidama, are the protector of the 
kingdom, and if your way of governing is good, and you do not 
deviate from the present policy, even though you should not go 
forth from Ambdhimanga and Antananarivo, there is nothing 
that should prevent you from possessing this island; for the 
name of those guns of mine is ‘Not many in the island.’” 


And when he went to Ambohipo, this was the chief burden © 
of his talk from day to day, and at Isoavimasoandro too, when 
his friends and relations were assembled there, or in the 
presence of Ilahidama and his wives and children, for his 
disease was at this time clinging to him. 


And Andrianampoinimerina said too: “Thou art here, O 
Idama, representative of the Twelve Sovereigns and of me, and 
there too are you my companions; see that you do what will 
make this land strong, that Radama may have his heart's 
content, that your wives and children may abide in peace; for 
if the land is spacious, the sovereign obeyed is potent, and 
reigns So as to have his commands carried out. 

“Also let not this land be regarded as the charge of Idama 
alone, my comrades, for it is difficult to bear the name of an 
illustrious father, and it is hard to secure the kingdom to the 
sovereign ; suffer not my children to quarrel, for I have given 
you and have left with lahidama my commands and my word; 
and I now repeat them to you that each one may bear them in 
mind and treasure them up. 


© “Anivon’ ny riaka,” a name often used by the Malagasy in speaking of the whole island. 


FAREWELL SPEECH OF ANDRIANAMPOINIMERINA. 51 





‘‘But [lahidama is not to be imitated by others, he is not to 
be allowed to be a king incurring blame, he is not to be treated 
as a master without power to control his own possessions. 
Tlahidama is not to be treated as if the arum were to be prefer- 
red before the banana, or as if the smaller timbers were to be 
chosen before the corner-posts ; he is not to be envied in ruling 
nor to be checked in reigning, for the land and kingdom is his. 

‘‘And this too I say to you, O Ilahidama: Imérina has been 
gathered into one, but behold, the sea is the border of my rice 
ground,® O Lahidama. And yet behold, Imavot shall be mis- 
tress of the latter end, O Ilahidama.” 


These were the words left by Andrianampoinimerina with 
Iiahidama and with the friends in whom he had confidence. 


And Andrianampoinimerina said also to Ilahidama: ‘““When 
the time of my going home to rest has come, let me be here 
with father and mother; for you would never know why you 
should love father and mother, if I were not to be buried at 
Ambohimanga, lest Ambohimanga should become a deserted 
place, and there would be no reason for loving the land, if it 
did not contain the sepulchres of the fathers. 

“But when, on the other hand, the time of your going home 
to rest shall at length come, you shall lie at Antananarivo, to 
the north of ‘the row of seven tombs,’+ in a line with them, but 
a little higher.” 


These were the words spoken by Andrianampoinimerina to 
[lahidama. 


Translated by WILLIAM E. COUSINS 


NOTES ON THE TRIBES OF MADAGASCAR. 


gg 
HE ethnology of Madagascar, though a study of much interest, is one 
that presents many difficulties. A great deal has been written on the 
subject, but we are not yet in possession of all the material necessary for 
solving satisfactorily the questions involved in it, if indeed they are capable of 
a solution. Our knowledge of the dialects of the different tribes, their 
manners and customs, their traditions and history, is as yet too meagre to be 
* This phrase is a great favourite and appears to have had much influence on the policy of 
sabsequent Hova sovereigns. The whole of Madagascar is often spoken of as “Ny finari- 


. bavan’ Andrianampoinimerina,” ‘‘That marked out Ww the words of Andrianampoinimerina.” 
+ Imavo, the original name of Queen Ranavalona I. ; see Zanturan’ ny Andriana, p. 11, 


* Lit. ‘the seven houses,’ i.e. the row of ancient royal tombs within the Palace enclosure, 


south of the palace called Tranovola. 


53 NOTES ON THE TRIBES OF MADAGASCAR. 





of much service in our investigations, or to yield sufficient data upon which to 
found reliable inferences. But our knowledge of the Malagasy people is 
growing every year, and together with investigations into the language, the 
folk-lore, etc., further enquiry might certainly be made into the elements of 
the Malagasy people and their origin. What I am able to contribute at 
present is indeed very little, and that little only in the way of suggestions ; 
these, however, may perhaps contain something which other writers, more at 
liberty to deal fully with the subject, may avail themselves of. I shall first 
say a few words about the tribal names of the Malagasy and point out some 
conclusions which may probably be drawn from these names. 

I.—The names of the tribes, or what we generally call tribes, of Mada- 
gascar are apparently of very different origin. We have several tribal names 
derived from the nature of the country in which the tribes in question live. 
Such names, for instance, are Tanala (‘inhabitants of the forest’); Beétani- 
ména (‘inhabitants of the red land’); Bézanozano (‘the bush-people’) ; Antsi- 
hanaka (‘the people at the lake’); Antankarana (‘the people of the cliffs’) ; 
Antandroy (‘the dwellers among the 7°éy shrubs’) ; Antandsy (the inhabitants 
of the islands’), so called on account of the small sésy (islands) near the 
coast-line occupied by them ; and Taimoro (‘inhabitants of the coast’), the 
Tai in this word replaces the general Zam, at least this is the explanation 
I have had given.* These names are of course not of any service to us in 
searching for the ethnological divisions of the people, but of mere geograph- 
ical interest. Then there are some tribal names which seem to be derived 
from the common employments of the people ; e.g. the Taisaka, from mzsdha 
(root saka), to catch with the hand. This name originates, according to the 
explanation given me by natives, in the custom followed by this tribe of catch- 
ing small fish, etc., by hand. 

Several tribal names in Madagascar, and especially the names of the 
largest tribes, seem to have sprung from certain old sayings of the people, 
and are as insignificant with regard to ethnology as they can possibly be. 
The large tribe on the east coast is called Bétsimisaraka (‘the many who do 
not separate’), and the well-known tribe to the south of Imérina is called 
Bétsileo (‘the many who are unconquerable’). The name Betsimisaraka one 
would think the tribe had given themselves. As to the Betsileg, it is doubtful 
whether they have given themselves this name, or whether they have got it 
from others ; different opinions are entertained by the people themselves on 
this point. The derivation of Sakalava, the name of the tribe (or, rather, the 
common name of a great many tribes) inhabiting the western and northern 
parts of the island, is much disputed. The opinion of some is that it means 
‘long cats’+ (sdka, a cat; /ava, long). If that be its meaning, the name 
must have been given to them by the Hova, who are called by the Sakalava 
Amboalambo (amdéa, a dog; /dmbo, a boar). According to what I have 
heard from Mr. Walen and Mr. Lindo, who have lived for some time in the 
Sakalava country, the Sakalava themselves say that this explanation 
of their name originated with their enemies, the Hova, and that the 
right meaning of the word is, ‘the inhabitants of the broad and long plain’ 
(saka-ny, the breadth ; Zava-my,the length) Other explanations are also given 
(cf. Rev. J. Richardson's Ma/agasy-English Dictionary). But it is easy tosee 
that, whichever explanation we take to be the true one, it does not help us in 
investigating the origin of the tribe in question. To the south of the Sakalava 
we have the Mahafaly tribe (i.e. ‘those who cause joy’). How this tribe, the 
most fierce and bloodthirsty one in the whole of Madagascar, got this name, 

















* For another possible meaning of this tribal namc, see ANNUAL, 1882 ; p. 28.—EDS. 
+ The late Dr. Mullens was, we believe, the first and the only writer who broached this 
idea ; see Twelve Months in Madagascar, p. 168.—EDsS. 


NOTES ON THE TRIBES OF MADAGASCAR. 53 





I do not know. [I should not be at all surprised to find that both the Mahafaly 
and Sakalava obtained their tribal names from some native corruption of 
foreign words ; the tendency to such corruption is, at any rate, quite strong 
enough to produce very ludicrous results. Both these names are certainly 
puzzling. 

We have still two large tribes left to be considered, viz. the Hova and the 
Bara. Astothe word Hova,* I know nothing whatever as to its original 
meaning, and it may,. for ought I know, point to the origin of the tribe. It 
must be remembered, however, that the general use of the word among the 
natives is to denote a special class of the inhabitants of Imerina, not the tribe 
as awhole. The natives have now become accustomed to the sense of the 
word in which Europeans generally use it, which is, however, different from 
their own primary use of it. As a tribe they are called Ambanilanitra (‘those 
under the sky’), or Ambaniandro (‘those under the day’). 

The explanation of the word Bara is of a different character. Mr. Dahle, 
in his Norwegian work on Madafascar,7 says that it is derived from the 
verb mztbara or mtbarabdra, and compares it with the Greek 4ardaros. 
Mr. Richardson, in his Dictzonary, suggests that the word Bara is the same 
as the dar occurring in Zanzibar. I have questioned several of the natives as 
to the meaning of the word, and they think that it has nothing to do with 
mibarabara ; this word is given only in its reduplicative form in Mr. 
Richardson’s Dictionary, and this, I believe, is correct, as it does not seem to 
be in use in its primary form. But even if the word Bara has any connection 
with mzbarabara, it affords no clue in our search for the origin of the tribe so 
named, as it seems to be only a nickname given to them by others. If the 
derivation of the name should be proved to be from the word dar, and this 
word be an East African one, the case would be different, but this seems to 
me to be very doubtful. 

In addition to the tribes above mentioned, which represent the chief divi- 
sions of the Malagasy people, there is a tribe in the western part of the island 
which seems to be only a remnant of a former tribe or nation, and the exis- 
tence of which at the present time has even been disputed, viz. the Vazimba. 
As the name of this tribe is found in East Africa (cf. ANNUAL, 1883>°p. 23), 
the name seems to point to the origin of the tribe. Yet various opinions are 
held on this subject ; Mr. Dahle, for instance, says that the VazimbaKwere 
‘‘purely African’? (ANNUAL, 1883, page 24), whilst the late Dr. Mu says 
that ‘‘there is nothing African about them’’ (Zwelve Alonths in Madagas- 
car, page 179). That the Vazimba%were an African tribe seems, in my 
opinion, quite clear. I shall, however, further on come back to this question ; 
in the meantime I shall proceed to make some remarks on what the tribal 
names in Madagascar seem to teach us. 

If we look through these names as already given we shall find that, excep- 
ting those of the Hova and the Bara (which names may have something to 
do with the origin of those tribes), all owe their origin to the kind of country 
in which the tribes live, their occupations, etc. ; and that all are alike in not 
signifying anything as to the origin of the people (except, of course, the name 
regarded as a word of a certain language). Nota single one of all these names 
seems to have been introduced together with the people themselves ; for, on the 
one hand, we can easily explain them on other grounds, and, on the other hand, 
they have not been shown to have any connection with tribal names in other 
parts of the world. We have only one exception to this, that of the Vazimba. 
We find no trace of this name in any Malagasy word now known that will 





® A Hova in Betsileo means a tow pomenakely or an andriana (a petty chicftain, or one in 
possession of a fief), In Imérina it sometimes means ‘inaster,’ if used by a slave.—EDs, 
+ Madagascar og dets Beboerc ; Christiania : 1877. 


54 NOTES ON THE TRIBES OF MADAGASCAR. 


explain it as being derived from the dwelling-place of the tribe or other local 
circumstances ; but we find among East African tribes names which are very 
likely connected with it. This difference between the names of the majority of 
the tribes and the name of the Vazimba is the first point worthy of notice. 
While the name of the Vazimba seems to point to their having had a different 
origin from that of the other tribes, the names of all these other tribes seem to 
indicate tribal divisions more or less akin to each other. I shall first speak of 
the Vazimba and the other tribes, and then say a few words about the compo- 
nents of these other tribes, both the African and the non-African, and also 
about the different elements of the non-African components. 

II.—It is at present generally admitted that, broadly speaking, there are 
two chief elements in the Malagasy people: one African, and the other 
Malayo-Polynesian. Much uncertainty and obscurity, however, prevails as 
regards details. With respect to the Vazimba as compared with the other 
tribes, many particulars besides the names point very distinctly to a difference 
of origin. We know from the traditions of the Hova that the Vazimba were 
conquered by them and were then driven out of the interior of the country. 
The Hova regard them as a different people from themselves, and acknow- 
ledge that the part of the country which they at present inhabit, i.e. Imérina, 
formerly belonged to the Vazimba. There is no such distinction between the 
inhabitants of the interior and the other tribes as apparently existed between 
them all and the Vazimba. 

Thal Vacimba seem to have been owners of all the country now inhabited 
by the Betsileo ; at least I have been told by the natives that their 
tombs are to be found throughout the interior of the island. This shows that 
the tribe must have been one of considerable size, although the country at 
the time of their living here may have been very thinly populated. The 
Vazimba were probably a tribe or people of one origin; their name does not 
appear to be a combination of different Malagasy words or derived from local 
circumstances, habits, etc., but one most probably carried with them from the 
country from whence they came, and which they retained; all which seems 
to indicate that there must at one time have been a large immigration to this 
island. Probably war with other tribes, or some other calamity, was the cause 
of their first leaving their native land ; and somehow or other they arrived in 
this country. The number of individuals belonging to the tribe would pro- 
bably be small on their first arrival here, compared with their numbers later 
on, but probably an entire tribe, or at least a large part of such tribe, set out 
for a new country at the same time 

It is generally thought that the African inhabitants of Madagascar at 
first occupied only the coast, and that they were driven thence to the interior 
by the Malayo-Polynesian tribes, who came afterwards... Many circum- 
stances appear to me to make it more probable that the Vazimba, who most 
likely were the first inhabitants of this country, at once, or very soon after 
their arrival, and not after having been driven away from the coast, came up to 
the interior. The African tribes generally are not much averse to living near 
the sea, but still they prefer being inland; and as the shores of Madagascar 
are known to be very unhealthy to new comers, these tribes very likely went 
inland. There they grew to be a large people, inhabiting, though sparsely, 
the whole of the central provinces of the island. 

One of the greatest difficulties with regard to the Vazimba is their fate 
later on. There is at the present day a tribe of that name in the western 
part of Madagascar, but it is only a small one. Their language is the same 
as that of the Sakalava, and they themselves are incorporated into the 
Sakalava tribes.* How is this to be accounted for? It seems indeed, for 





© ANNUAL, 1883, p. 33. 


NOTES ON THE TRIBES OF MADAGASCAR. --3& | 


several reasons, to be much easier to explain all the facts if we could regard 
the Vazimba as a ‘Malagasy’ tribe originally,—that is, as having the same 
origin as the other peoples—than if we regard them as an African race. Some 
suggestions on this point may be offered. 

e may certainly presume that the Vazimba did not leave a country 
inhabited by them, probably for a long time, without a struggle; and they ‘° 
may, in the wars which ensued, and which ended in their expulsion, have 
been very much reduced in numbers. Indeed the great reverence and fear of 
the Vazimba on the part of the Hova seem to indicate that much atrocity was 
committed ; and we know also from wars of a later date that the Hova could 
commit very cruel deeds. All the Vazimba could not have escaped ; some of 
them most certainly were made slaves. 

Reduced then in number, the Vagimba went westwards. They did not 
come to an unoccupied country, but to an inhabited region. Somehow or 
other they seem to have got on tolerably well with the tribes in the west, and 
even came to be regarded as one of those tribes. This was no doubt owin 
especially to the common hatred of the Hova entertained by themselves an 
the tribes to whose country they came. The strength of the Vazimba as a 
separate tribe having been broken, they gradually learned the language, and 
adopted the manners, of the people around them. 

If this be the true story of the Vazimba (about which, however, one cannot 
speak positively), the African element 1n the Malagasy people as a whole 
must be accounted for in another way. 

IIT.—The Vazimba we regard then as the first inhabitants of Madagascar 
and occupying’ only the interior ; the other tribes of the island originated b 
immigration to the coast later on. From whence these tribes came is well 
known, as the language, among other things, clearly shows that they consist 
of Malayo-Polynesian elements and an African one; but several questions 
yet require to be answered. 

The first question is: Which of these two elements of the Malagasy people 
may be supposed to have come first? I donot think this can be decided; 
but the result which we see in the intermixture of the Malayo-Polynesians 
and the Africans may be explained, whichever of the two were the first 
immigrants. When we see how decidedly the Malayo-Polynesian element 

revails in the language, especially in the structure of it, one would be 
inclined to say that the Malayo- Polynesians were the first ; as indeed I think 
they were. But we know well from the history of other countries that a 
result equal to what we see in Madagascar may have been arrived at in other 
ways ; as an example of which may be instanced the Anglo-Saxon invasion 
of Britain. 

With regard to other questions, we have, I think, more to guide us. It is 
not likely that very large parties of either of the two peoples came at one 
time ; nor is it likely that either element was for a long time left alone. The 
most probable supposition is that an immigration in small parties, with no 
long interval between their successive arrivals, went on for a long time, and 
that an influx both of Malayo-Polynesians and of Africans went on side by 
side. 

What especially makes me think of an immigration in small parties is the 
character of the tribal names. In accordance with what has been said before, 
we have no names (except that of the Vazimba, of which we do not speak 
here) which shew from whence the immigrants came. If any single large 
tribe had arrived on the island and had time to settle down, and for a long 
period to grow strong and cover a large territory, we should certainly have 

ad such names preserved ; and their non-existence seems to indicate that a 
mixture of peoples from different parts occurred soon after the settlement 
took place, and that the different names of the tribes gradually came into 


56 NOTES ON THE TRIBES OF MADAGASCAR. 


——. 


existence together with the tribes themselves. This seems to be the most 
likely explanation of the names of the smaller tribes. As to the large tribes, 
one would be inclined to think that they, from the time of the arrival of their 
ancestors, had each been one single tribe. Apart from what has been 
advanced from the character of the names, the traditions of these large 
tribes, and their condition up to the present time, tend to show that they 
are a combination of various smaller tribes, whose bond of union is, however, 
not very close. That such names as Sakalava, Betsileo, and Betsimisaraka, 
being names of great divisions of the people, have been formed may of course 
point to the fact that from the time of their settlement there has been some- 
thing which has united the different tribes, but the ties have certainly been 
very loose ;* this is evident from two facts especially: (@) petty wars have 
continually been going on between different divisions of tribes (as, for instance, 
those of the Sakalava), as if between different tribes; (6) the boundary lines 
between the tribes in many places are not very distinct, but people belonging 
to different tribes live together in friendly relations, and many small towns 
belong half to one tribe and half to the another. 

The prominent element in the population has been the Malayo- Polynesian. 
With regard to this, is seems to me that there is a great incongruity between, 
on the one hand, the danguage, and, on the other, the Dhystognomy, etc., of 
most of the tribes in Madagascar. As has been pointed out by various 
writers, the Malagasy language is very nearly akin to the Malayo- Polynesian 
group of languages; and especially has much stress been laid upon the 
similarity of structure. That an African element exists is generally admitted, 
but undoubtedly the Malagasy language is mainly a Malayo- Polynesian one. 
But the African admixture seems to be much more preponderant tn regard to 
the complexion, etc., of the majority of the Malagasy. How is this to be 
explained ? It seems to me to be quite in accordance with what we should 
expect when two races, like the two of which the Malagasy are supposed to 
consist, meet and intermingle with each other. Although the Africans have 
been strong 2” mumber and have formed a large proportion of the people, the 
other tribal element as subdued them ; and the language, manners, etc., of 
the latter have been impressed upon the African element of the population. 

If the tribes from the Eastern Archipelago, as well as those from Africa, 
arrived here in small parties, the Africans, as a rule, were probably not — 
subdued in war, as was the case with the Vazimba, but they became by 
degrees accustomed to yield to the will and superior intelligence of the others. 
This certainly is in accord with tradition, or rather the absence of tradition, 
as there is nowhere in the country, so far as I know, any account of such 
warfare as that which must have been waged between the Hova and the 
Vazimba ; and in no part of the country are there any traditions of a people 
which was regarded as quite a different nation, as we find to be the case in 
the inland provinces with regard to the Vazimba. [here are certainly stories 
enough about petty wars, but only skirmishes, such as are yet fought occa- 
sionally, especially in the Sakalava country, and which generally end when 
some nine or ten men are killed. The wars of the Hova of later date, in 
which they subdued the different inland tribes, are also in many respects 
very different from the war which resulted in the expulsion of fhe Vazimba. 

I readily acknowledge that objections may be made to the view here 
advanced about the immigration being in small parties. But the supposition 


* Any who will look carefully into the facts given by M. Guillain in his book on the Sakas 
lava, entitled Documents sur histotre...de la partie occidentale de Madagascar, or will read m 
aper in ANNUAL, 1878, pp. 53-65, con ensed from M. Guillain, ‘“The Sakalava: their 
rigin, Conquesfs and Subjection,” will see that the Sakalava consist of a large number of 
distinct tribes only loosely connected together by having tormerly been subdued by one of 
their number.—ED, .8) 


-° 
<_— 


i” 


NOTES ON THE TRIBES OF MADAGASGAR. 57 


that the coast was inhabited by a large African population, and this having 
been conquered by a large party of Malayo-Polynesian invaders arriving at 
one time, has its great difficulties also. It is very improbable that sufficiently 
large parties of these arrived as to be able to conquer the people already 
settled in the country. The whole population being substantially one, and the 
combination of the African and the other element being, to a great extent, 
the same all over the island, seems to make such a theory improbable also. 
The island is very large and, except in a very few places, very thinly popula- 
ted ; and if a numerous African people had settled here, and large portions 
of other tribes had arrived who really could risk a war and conquer them, we 
should have expected to see ¢he fwo elements more distinctly separated ; for 
instance, an African element in the interior, and a much more purely Malayo- 
Polynesian one in other parts of the island, just as is the case in several of 
the islands of the Malay Archipelago. , 

But an objection might be urged against the view here advanced, derived 
from the common name, Malagasy, by which we call these people, viz. that 
the Malagasy had known themselves as one nation, and that this nation 
really sprang from one Malayo-Polynesian tribe which found its way to 
this country, only intermixed with some African elements. As to any argu- 
ment derived from the name Malagasy, I do not consider this of much 
weight, as I think Mr. Ellis is right in his opinion of the name when he 
says that it was given by strangers.® 

V.—The difference between the various tribes of the island in physiog- 
nomy, colour, etc., is of great interest, and some remarks must be offered 
upon this point. 

The difference between the various tribes of Madagascar has, as far as I am 
aware, been mainly derived from the strength of the one or the other of the 
two elements, the African and the Malayo-Polynesian. This has been argued 
from various circumstances, such as the hair, the language, etc. The climate 
of the different parts of the island has also been taken into consideration. 

It would be worthy of study, and no doubt an interesting task, to inves- 
tigate the different dialects with a view of ascertaining whether the two 
main elements of the Malagasy language are distributed in accordance with 
the prevailing type of the different tribes ; that is to say, whether the dialects 
of the Hova and the lighter tribes have more of the Malayan element in them, 
and whether the dialects of the darker peoples contain more derived from 
African sources. Although no such investigation has yet been made, I 
believe that in most instances, no special or marked correspondence between 
the two could be proved to exist. The Hova and the Betsileo are not a 
little different in appearance, yet their dialects are very much the same. 
The Sakalava are dark in complexion, while the Mahafaly are tolerably 
light; yet certainly the dialect of the Mahafaly does not approach the Ma- 
layan nearer than dves the dialect of the Sakalava, as the difference in com- 
plexion of the two peoples would lead one to think might be the case. 

It is a well known fact that climate affects the complexion to a great 
degree. Dr. Livingstone says that the tribes of the interior of Africa are 
lighter than the population on the coast; and we find the same thing in 
other parts of the world. But this is not sufficient to explain the difference 
found here in Madagascar. The Hova and the Betsileo have both for a 
long time lived in the central parts of the country, while the Mahafaly and 
neighbouring tribes live on the coast; yet we find a pretty strongly marked 
difference between these tribes inhabiting the same districts. 


—— re _— ————ee 





© Ellis's History of Madagascar; vol. I., P. 3. [Strictly speaking, Mr. Ellis here only 
refers to the word ‘Madagascar,’ as having been given by foreigners; but ‘Malagasy’ (of 
(Madegasse’) is probably derived from ‘Madagascar.’—Ens. 





8 NOTES ON THE TRIBES OF MADAGASCAR. 


I do not think this difference can be satisfactorily explained as long as we 
only bear in mind the two main elements of the Malagasy nation; we must 
also take into consideration the differences there may be in the constituents 
of each of these two main elements. The differences that ma Possibly be 
pointed out within the African tribe or tribes which have settled in Mada- 
gascar, is a question into which I have not entered; I shall only say a few 
words about the other component of the Malagasy people, the Malayo-Poly- 
nesian one. 

I have called this component the Malayo-Polynesian one, in accordance 
with what has generally been done by writers on the ethnology of Madagas- 
car. This name indicates, of course, that this component consists of differ- 
ent elements; but, as far as I have seen, this distinction has been brought 
to bear very little on the explanation of the differences between the tribes in 
Madagascar. It may nevertheless have a great deal to do with them. 

As has been said above, the immigration was probably not effected all at 
one time. As the different tribes of the great Malayan and Polynesian races 
are very daring and skilful sailors, we may easily suppose also that several 
of these tribes have come to Madagascar. Now there is a considerable 
difference between the different tribes of each of these great stocks; and 
as for the complexion of the Polynesians, for instance,,it ‘‘varies between 
light and dark-brown.’’* We have in this difference very much to aid us 
towards an explanation of the differences in the tribes of Madagascar. 

It is well known to every one who is at all acquainted with Madagascar 
that a great difference exists between the Hova and the other tribes, varying 
of course with these non-Hova tribes. If I were to say anything about the 
different origin of the Hova, on the one hand, and the majority of the other 
tribes, on the other, I should say that the Hova are most likely Malayans, 
and the other tribes mainly Polynesians. Physiognomy, type of the tribes, 
and their history in Madagascar, etc., all seem to agree with such a hypo- 
thesis. As to the type of the Hova, much at least which I have seen about 
the Malays is in great accordance with the whole character of the Hova. 
The probability of the Hova being the first of the invaders from the east 
who migrated to the interior of the country, is not opposed to this view 
either. A Malayan tribe would be more likely to think of starting for the 
interior than the Polynesians, who are more accustomed than the Malayans 
to the coast, since most of the islands inhabited by them are so small that 
the great majority of them are coast tribes and fond of the sea. If the major- 
ity of the eastern immigrants were Polynesians, and the Hova were Malayans, 
the reason why the Hova were the first of the eastern tribes who started for 
the interior would also, in so far, be clear to us, as they were looked upon 
as strangers. They may, of course, have dwelt some time on the coast, even 
a long time, for all we know, and perhaps the growth of the different tribes 
and the jealousy caused by the increase of the population caused them to 


migrate. 

greaking of the different complexion, etc., of the tribes of Madagascar, 
I must add a few words respecting the difference between the elements of 
the different tribes. I shall, however, confine myself to the Hova. When 
we say that the Hova are of lighter complexion than the other tribes, we 
must not forget that, even if this holds good in regard to the tribe as such, 
there are a great many individuals among them who are darker than many 
members of the other tribes. I do not refer to the Mozambique slaves 
imported in recent years, of whom a great many may be seen here, but only 
of those who really belong to the Hova tribe. Many reasons may be given 
for this difference of complexion, for instance, intermarriage in former times, 


@ Grundemann: Missions-Bibliotheh ; iv. 2, 84. — 








NOTES ON THE TRIBES OF MADAGASCAR. 56°” 


different social position, etc., all of which are matters treated of in any 
ethological work. A very noticeable fact is the dislike of the people to 
intermarriage between different classes, and the consequent preservation of 
the peculiarities of these different classes. Some hours’ journey to the north 
of the Capital are certain small towns, which from old times have had the 
right of preventing any one from living there except the native inhabitants 
of the place and their children; and the inhabitants of these towns are 
remarkably light in complexion. Many of the Hova, and especially many 
the leading people, are very dark indeed; and in Antananarivo people may 
be seen of all shades of colour, from those: who are as black as African 
negroes, to nobles and others so light that the reddish colour of the cheeks 
is clearly visible, thus very much approximating to the Aryan races of India. 

It will be seen that in these notes I have not taken into consideration all 
the elements of the Malagasy people, but only their main components ; hence 
I have made no reference to the Arabs, or to the Hindu settlers, who are 
also found in Madagascar, chiefly in the north-western portions of the 
island. 


S. E. JORGENSEN. 


NOTES ON THE GEOLOGY OF THE INTERIOR OF 
MADAGASCAR. 


UCH has been written, especially during the last few 
years, on almost every conceivable topic connected 
with Madagascar. We have had disquisitions on the ethno- 
logy, language, customs, proverbs, folk-lore, and superstitions 
of the people; articles devoted to the fauna and flora; reports 
. of mission work and the spread of education, etc.; but as yet 
little has appeared on the geology of this great island. Here 
and there may be found references of a fragmentary character, 
and on some of the maps, notably the large one by Dr. Mullens, 
may be seen notes, often incorrect, on the geological structure 
of the country; but as yet, no definite or satisfactory description 
has ever been given of the geology of any part of the island, nor 
indeed may we expect such a description until the country is 
properly explored and surveyed by competent geologists. 

The aim of the following paper is merely to give a brief and 
general account of the geological features of the interior of the 
island, and to embody the observations and notes which I have 
been making on the subject during the last year or two. I 
should like to be able to give more particulars than are here 
given upon many points, such, for instance, as the dip and 
strike of the rocks; their composition and accessory minerals; 
their weathering ; the locality, succession, and extent, of the 


No” be NOTES ON THE GEOLOGY 


different strata; the volcanic phenomena; thermal springs, etc. 
I indulge the hope, however, that at some future time I may 
be able to enlarge on these and similar topics, 

The central portion of Madagascar is generally regarded as 
consisting chiefly of granite. Mr. Wallace, for instance, in his 
Island Life, says of it: “A lofty granitic plateau, from 80 to 
160 miles wide, and from 3000 to 5000 feet high, occupies its 
central portion, on which rise peaks and domes of basalt and 
granite to a height of nearly gooo feet ;”” and in the same book 
there is a physical sketch-map in which the whole of the 
interior of the island from about 14° to 23° S. lat. is represented 
as an “Elevated granitic region.” Now it we use the terms 
‘granite’ and ‘granitic’ in a very wide and popular sense, and 
include in them the various members of the crystalline series of 
rocks, these descriptions may be regarded as correct; the truth 
is, however, that by far the greater part of the interior of 
Madagascar consists of gneiss and other crystalline schists, 
though gneiss very largely predominates. Granite no doubt 
does occur here and there in the form of bosses and, in some 
places perhaps, intercalated with the crystalline schists, but 
gneiss is certainly the prevailing rock. The exact boundaries 
of this metamorphic area are as yet unknown, but it may be 
said, I think, that, at least from Moramanga on the east to 
beyond Lake Itasy on the west, and from Antongodrahdja on 
the north to the extreme south of Bétsiléo, that is, through at 
least five degrees of latitude and about two of longitude,—and 
probably a very much larger area than this—the country 
consists of great and monotonous stretches of gneiss, inter- 
spersed here and there with other metamorphic rocks, and 
occasionally granitic bosses, basaltic masses, and volcanic 
cones. In many places the gneiss is of so highly metamor- 
phosed a character that, at first sight, one would conclude it 
to be granite, but an examination of other portions of the mass 
soon reveals its real nature. In and about Antananarivo, for 
instance, the gneiss is generally so highly metamorphosed that, 
without due care, its real character may be overlooked, as indeed 
is shown by the fact that it is almost always spoken of as granite. 
Still the rock in certain localities, even where comparatively 
large sections are exposed to view, presents such an amorphous 
character, not having even the slightest trace of foliation, that, 
could one feel sure that its texture were the same throughout 
the mass, one would unhesitatingly speak of it as granite. 
Frequently the rock appears as though it were streaked or 
grained, when it may be called granitic gneiss. 

The whole of the interior of Madagascar then is one of those 


OF THE INTERIOR OF MADAGASCAR. 


extensive tracts in which, according to the almost universal 
opinion of geologists, ordinary sedimentary strata have been 
converted by heat into gneiss, quartzite, clay-slate, hornblende 
rock, mica-schist, and other members of the crystalline schist 
series, among which occasionally occur eruptive granitic bosses 
and basaltic masses, and, in one or two districts, extinct 
volcanic cones. 

Gneiss, as already stated, is by far the most abundant of these 
crystalline rocks. Almost all the mountains (Ankaratra and 
Angavokély excepted) and hill-ranges consist of it, the direction 
of the latter being governed by its strike. From what I have 
observed,—though further observations are needed to confirm 
the statement —the general strike of the strata is in a northerly 
and southerly direction, more or less corresponding with the 
longitudinal axis of the island; hence the road from Central 
Madagascar to the east coast passes over an endless series of 
more or less parallel hill-ranges, on one of which Antananarivo, 
the Capital, is built. For the same reason the road to Mojanga, 
via Kinajy and Andriba, passes, for a good part of the way, 
chiefly along a series of valleys. A few miles north of the 
Capital, however, the direction of the hills is mainly east and 
west, and, as the dip is towards the north (about N.N.W.), at an- 
angle of about 40°, most of the mountains have the steeper and 
more rugged sides facing the south. Such, for instance, are 
Andringitra, Ampananina, etc. These hills, with the strike 
east and west, apparently commence somewhere in the neigh- 
bourhood of Ambohimanga and reach at least as far as Ifanja 
marsh, north of Lake Itasy, a distance of about 50 miles. In 
one part of their course the strata become vertical or nearly 
so; this occurs a little to the north-west of Ambdhibeléma. 
Here there is a ridge or series of ridges, the highest of 
which forms the mountain of Ambdéhitréndrana, 30 or 40 miles 
W.N.W. of Antananarivo. Immediately north of the Capital, 
beyond the mountain of Andringitra, the rocks are much 
crumpled and contorted and, so far as I can make out from 
my scanty observations, have no persistent strike in their 
foliation. 

The gneiss, being so abundant and covering such a wide 
area, 1S, as might be expected, various in texture and mineral 
composition. For many miles round the Capital it is chiefly 
of a greyish colour, while in the mountains of Antaramanana 
and Vavavato and other places it is reddish or pinkish, owing 
to the flesh-coloured orthoclase contained in it. A great deal 
of it, moreover, 1s hornblendic, while in some districts, notably 
about Lake Itasy, it is garnetiferous. The garnets that I have 


62 NOTES ON THE GEOLOGY 








seen are chiefly of a ruby-red colour. They are frequently 
offered for sale in large quantities, but are of no commercial 
value. As for the mica contained in the gneiss, it is chiefly 
biotite, which occurs abundantly in disseminated and aggregated 
scales. Muscovite or common mica also exists, and may be 
sometimes found in plates several inches in length. | 

The most abundant of the accessory minerals existing in the 
gneiss is undoubtedly magnetite. This is found in such 
quantities in certain localities as to render observations taken 
with the prismatic compass unreliable. In the part of the 
country east of Imérina known as Amoronkay, this magnetic 
iron is specially abundant. It is here that the natives, after 
separating it from the gangue by washing, work it in their 
rude way, converting it chiefly into spades, which are taken 
for sale to various parts of the island. It is also worked in 
the same way in Eastern Betsileo, and doubtless also in other 
places. Abundance of magnetite is also found a little to the. 
west of Ambohibeloma, near the village of Anjamanga, and 
also at Ambohitrandraina hill and Ambodhimanéa mountain. 
Indeed there are many localities where it is so plentiful that, 
were there coal to be found anywhere in its neighbourhood,* it 
might be expected to form at some future day a great source 
of wealth. It exists in fact, in greater or less proportion, 
throughout the whole of the interior of the island, and by its 
oxidation imparts the red colour to the soil. In some places 
nodules of this magnetite are found almost as large as one’s fist. 
Frequently one may meet with a kind of ferruginous conglome- 
rate, formed by the percolation of water charged with iron 
through sand and pebbles. This conglomerate may often be 
seen by stream sides; but in some places away from streams 
it is found in considerable quantity. In the valley between the 
villages of Isoavinimérina and Ambéhimandray there is a large 
bed of it, which the natives know as ¢at-madmba, or taolan-tany 
(‘crocodile dung,’ or ‘bones of the earth’). 

Iron pyrites also exists as an accessory mineral in the gneiss. 
This may frequently be seen in small glittering specks, if a 
magnifying lens is moved slowly over a freshly fractured 
surface of the rock. It exists, as a rule, in too minute quantities 
to cause disintegration of the rock containing it, or to prevent 
its being used as a building material. Large crystals, however, 
usually in cubes, are found in some districts,— probably in 
Vakin’ Ankaratra—-which perhaps some day may be employed 
in the manufacture of copperas and sulphuric acid. Black 


* It is needless to sav that coal is never found in metamorphic strata, and that therefore 
it is in vain to hope that it may some day be discovered in the interior of the island. 


OF THE INTERIOR OF MADAGASCAR. 63° 


tourmaline is found abundantly in some places, especially on 
the eastern flank of Famoizankova, to the west of Valalafdtsy, 
and in Vakin’ Ankaratra; but whether it is found as an acces- 
sory mineral in the gneiss, I cannot say. The variety rubellite 
is also not uncommon. 

In descriptions of the central provinces of Madagascar we 
not unfrequently see statements to the effect that there exist 
extensive deposits of clay. Dr. Mullens, for instance, says: 
“From these valleys [of Vavavato] we came again on to the 
red clay.” Again: “I will not dilate here upon the beauties 
of this noble basin cut out of the clay deposits,” etc. In Zhe 
Great African Island too it is said: “A very large extent of 
this portion of Madagascar is covered with bright red clay, 
through which the granite and basaltic rocks protrude.” The 
same statement is repeated in Mr. Shaw’s recent book, AMada- 
gascar and France. What then is this clay, so-called? It is 
merely the decayed or weathered rock, chiefly gneiss, reddened 
with the magnetite above alluded to. This decay or weather- 
ing of the rock has, in some places, reached an enormous 
depth. In one place north of the mountain of Andringitra I 
found that the gneiss had decomposed into clay to the depth of 
180 feet. It is owing to this decomposed condition of the rock 
that the heavy rains in the wet season scoop out those deep 
and unsightly ravines in the hill-sides which are so common in 
the interior of the island, and which are occasionally used as 
cattle-pens by fencing in the lower end. This weathering, 
moreover, explains the phenomenon of those large ‘boulders’ 
which may frequently be seen even on hill tops, and which 
have been more than once considered as erratic blocks due to 
glacial action, but which are merely masses of hard rock, 
rounded by further weathering, that have hitherto resisted 
decomposition. | 

The other members of the crystalline schists are of much less 
frequent occurrence than the gneiss, and as yet comparatively 
little is known either as to their locality or their exact mineral 
character. Such data, however, as I have been able to gather, 
imperfect though they be, are here given. Clay-slate is found 
in one locality at least in the region of which we are speaking, 
that locality being somewhere to the west of Ambésitra in 
Betsileo (at Ambohimahazo in Manandriana:), about go to 
100 miles S.S.W. of Antananarivo. The slate has been 
employed in the roofing of the Palace Church in the Capital. 
A rock found in some places,—on the mountains of Ambohi- 
manoda, Ambohimiangara, and Karaoka (north of Ifanja marsh), 
for instance—is a kind of argillaceous schist. It is known as 


64 NOTES ON THE GEOLOGY 


vatodtdy and is used occasionally for ornamental purposes in 
building* and also for native lamp-stands. Hornhblende-rock 
(amphibolite) seems to be by no means common; it exists, 
however, close to Ankazobé in Vénizéngo, on the east (#) side 
of the village. Actinolite rock and asbestos seem to be pretty 
abundant in some parts of Vakin’ Ankaratra. Mica-schist 
is found in various districts, especially perhaps in Western 
Imerina and Vakin’ Ankaratra. Chlorite-schist may also 
occasionally be met with. Besides these there are found 
granular or crystalline limestone, quartzite, and graphite One 
locality where crystalline limestone may be seen is about a 
mile to the south of Ambohimirakitra, seven or eight miles 
south of the Capital. While some of this limestone is in amor- 
phous masses, other portions of it are coarsely crystalline and 
would doubtless form, if sufficiently large blocks could be quar- 
ried, beautiful white architectural marble. Mr. Wills last year 
brought from the district of Antsihanaka a specimen of coarsely 
crystalline limestone of a reddish tint, with disseminated scales 
of what is probably chlorite; and Mr. Coombes made me a 
present of a similar specimen, which he said was obtained not 
very far from the Capital. 

Among the localities where quartzite is found may be men- 
tioned Ambohimanga, to the north of Antananarivo (the quart- 
zite here contains scattered scales of green mica); the hill of 
Ambohitrandraina; the south-west foot of Ambohimanoa (west 
side of the river Ikopa); Anjamanga, to the west of Ambo- 
hibeloma ; the north-east end of Ifanja marsh; Anjanahary (in 
the north-eastern suburbs of the Capital); Ambohimirakitra, 
where the white crystalline limestone occurs; and in many 
other places. Some varieties of the quartzite are known by the 
natives as vdfovary, and are used by them as whetstones. 

As for the graphite, which the natives know as manyardno, it 
may be met with in small quantities in all the places mentioned 
above where quartzite occurs. Quartzite and graphite indeed 
so often occur in association that one comes to expect that 
wherever one of them is seen the other is pretty certain to be 
not far off; and one is somewhat tempted to venture the sup- 
position that the quartzite represents the sand of an ancient sea 
shore (for quartzite is merely hardened sandstone), near to which 
grew those primitive forms of vegetation which, through a long 
process of transformation, now exist in the form of graphite. 
Whether graphite and quartzite occur so often together in 





* Considerable use has been made of this va/od:dy, which is easily worked and carved, in 
the building of the Chapel Roval at Antananarivo ; all the interior shafts, as well as cornices, 
bands, and panels, are of this stone, which, being of a dark red colour, makes a good contrast 
to the ordinary stone of the walling.—ED. (J. S.) 


OF THE INTERIOR OF MADAGASCAR. 65 


metamorphic regions in other parts of the world I cannot 
say. The thickest bed of graphite that I have seen is near 
Ambohimirakitra, where the white crystalline limestone appears. 
In various localities in Betsileo this mineral also occurs in 
considerable quantity. The natives are not aware of the uses 
to which graphite in some countries is put; they know not that 
this is the substance used in the manufacture of lead pencils 
and crucibles and for diminishing the friction of machinery ; and 
they have not the slightest inkling of its probable origin, and of 
the untold ages that have passed, and the fiery forces to which 
it has been subjected, since the time that it probably existed in 
the form of living plants. The only use to which the natives 
put it is that of polishing certain of their rice-pans and dishes. 

It is scarcely necessary to say that quartz veins, sometimes 
of great thickness, are frequently found intercalated among the 
other strata. Of quartz itself many varieties are found, as (a) 
rock-crystal, which occurs in many places and frequently in 
large crystals; (6) rose quartz, found on the eastern flank of 
the hill-range of Famoizankova, to the west of Vatalafotsy, and 
in Antsihanaka; (c) smoky quartz, which occurs in Antsihana- 
ka; (@) milky quartz, a beautiful snow-white variety of which 
exists at a spot between Ankazobe and Manéva in Vonizongo; 
(€) jasper (?), found on Vavavato mountain ; (/) agate (fortifica- 
tion agate), found in Antsihanaka, etc. Besides these, amazon- 
stone, a kind of felspar of a beautiful green colour, is found in 
Imamo, not far from Ambohibeloma. 

Here and there the vast stretches of gneiss and its allied 
rocks, of which we have been speaking, are invaded by masses 
and bosses of granite. The mountain of Vombodhitra, situated 
about 70 to 80 miles north of the Capital, is perhaps the most 
remarkable of these eruptive bosses. The mountain is of a 
circular shape, is perhaps eighteen miles in circumference, and 
rises boldly, with inaccessible sides in many parts of it, to a 
height of about 1000 feet above the surrounding country. The 
granite is of a reddish or pinkish colour, having flesh-coloured 
orthoclase and black mica. Within a short distance of this im- 
mense granitic boss there is found a coarsely crystalline variety of 
graphic granite, probably existing in veins, running out from 
the mountain. Here and Vakin’ Ankaratra (near Vavavato) are 
the only places where I have found this form of granite. Another 
boss of what is probably granite is the hill of Andriba on the 
western road to Mojanga. These two hills, by the bye,—Vom- 
bohitra and Andriba—were they properly fortified, would form 
veritable Gibraltars, and, with a few defenders, would be able 
to withstand the most formidable attack from an invading force. 


66 NOTES ON THE GEOLOGY 


Granite is also found rising in the hill-range known as Fa- 
moizankova, on the western confines of Imerina, to the west of 
Valalafotsy; it exists also from about ten miles east of the 
Capital to within three or four miles of the forest—from about 
Isoavina to near MantasOa—where it rises in numerous rounded 
or cupola-like masses, of which Ambatovory, Ambatomanga, 
etc., are examples. In this region it is chiefly porphyritic, and 
probably metamorphic, the numerous orthoclase crystals run- 
ning more or less ina linear direction, east and west, and parallel 
with the strike of the few bands of gneiss here and there visible. 
But besides the masses of granite here mentioned, there are areas 
of what is almost certainly metamorphic granite, confusedly 
intermingled with the gneiss, and shading off the one into the 
other so imperceptibly that it is often quite impossible to say 
where the granite begins and the gneiss ends. , 

Let us now proceed to notice some of the volcanic phenomena 
of the region. Basaltic rocks appear in many districts in the 
form of veins, dykes, plateaus, lava streams, and cones. One 
of these basaltic cones, of small dimensions, occurs about ten 
or twelve miles to the west of the Capital. A number of others 
may be seen between Antananarivo and Fianarantsda (the 
chief town of Betsileo). One of these is known as Voétovérona.* 

Two basaltic dykes may be seen in the Capital: one imme- 
diately to the north of the Printing Office at Imarfvolanitra, 
the other crossing the road just beyond the church at Isétry. 
Basalt may be seen sometimes in the streams in the forest of 
Eastern Imerina; it is found also abundantly in Antsihanaka. 
In Valalafotsy there is a basaltic hill, on the summit of which 
are two or three miniature shallow craters, only a few yards 
in diameter, and having cellular lava around their edges. 
Ankaratra mountain mass, the highest in the island, reaching, 
in its highest peak (Tsiafajavona), to a height of 8950 feet, 
consists chiefly of basalt, and may perhaps be described as a 
basaltic plateau, extending, roughly speaking, over an area of 
perhaps 25 square miles. Occasionally basaltic columns may be 
here seen rising perpendicularly and decomposing into wacke. 
Some portions of the basalt are amygdaloidal; and in one 
specimen, which I believe is from Ankaratra, the cavities are 
lined with radiating bundles of what is probably natrolite ; the 
same basalt is also porphyritic with small crystals of an am- 
ber-coloured mineral which is infusible before the blowpipe. 
But besides basalt there may be found, lying in the bed of some 
of the streams running down the sides of the mountain, pieces 


* Tam not absolutely certain that these cones are basaltic, though they are, if my memory 
serves me corrcctly. 


OF THE INTERIOR OF MADAGASCAR. 67 


of vesicular trachytic lava, although apparently there are no 
remnants of volcanic cones to be seen at the present time. 

Between the mountains of Ankaratra and Vavavato there 
exists a remarkable sub-conical hill of columnar trachyte; this 
is doubtless the plug or filled-up pipe of an ancient volcano, 
exposed by denudation of its former covering. It is in fact a 
volcanic neck. It descends into the earth perpendicularly, show- 
ing that there has been no tilting of the rocks through which it 
passes since the volcano was in a state of eruption. 

But in addition to the above evidences of former volcanic 
activity in Central Madagascar, there are many scores, probably 
hundreds, of volcanic cones. These are situated in two local- 
ities especially : in Mandridrano on the western side of Lake 
Itasy, and in the neighbourhood of Betafo in Vakin’ Ankaratra ; 
the former being from 50 to 60 miles west, and the latter 
from 70 to 80 miles south-west, of the Capital. Both localities 
are about 130 miles from the sea on the eastern side of the 
island, and 150 on the western side. It is hardly necessary 
to say that all these volcanoes are extinct, and that there are 
none in activity at the present time in any part of Madagascar.* 
On the west side of Itasy the volcanic cones exist in great 
numbers, and these therefore shall be first described. 

The extinct volcanoes of this district of Mandridrano extend 
for a distance of about twenty miles north and south and per- 
haps three or four east and west. They are for the most part 
what are known as scoria cones, that is, huge piles of volcanic 
ejecta, varying in size from grains of sand to masses as large 
as a football. The cones are thickly studded over the district, 
in some parts clustering together more thickly than in others. 
There is no single large volcano to which the others are subsi- 
diary, or upon which they are parasitic. Occasionally there 
is a series of cones which have evidently been heaped up by 
the simultaneous ejection of scoriz from different vents situated 
on the same line of fissure, but so that the cones have run one 
into the other, leaving a ridge, generally curvilinear, at the 


® Scrope, in his Volcanoes, 2nd edition, p. 428, says of Madagascar: ‘‘There is some reason 
1 believe in the existence of active volcanic vents in this great island ;” and Dr. Daubeny, in 
the 2nd edition of his Volcanoes, p. 433, in referring to the islands on the eastern coast of 
ica, says: ‘‘The principal of these are the great island of Madagascar, the isle of Bour- 
bon, and the Mauritius, the first of which has been too little explored to allow of my announ- 
cing ith certainty anything respecting its physical structure ;” and in a note he adds: 
“ agascar is stated by Daubuisson to contain volcanoes, on the authority of Ebel (Bau der 
Erde, tom. ii. p. 289), who reports that in this island there is a volcano ejecting a stream of 
water to a sufficient height to be visible twenty leagues out at sea.” What remarkable 
eyesight those from whom Daubuisson heard the story must have had to see an invisible phe- 
nomenon so far away! Dr. Daubeny continues: ‘Sir Roderick Murchison, Dec. 1827, 
sxhibited at the Geological Society some specimens of a volcanic nature said to have come 
from this island, but the locality was not mentioned.” 


68 NOTES ON THE GEOLOGY 


summit. None of these extinct volcanoes reach the height of 
1000 feet. Kasigé, which is probably the highest, I found 
by aneroid to be 863 feet above the plain (5893 feet above the 
sea). Andranonatoda is perhaps next in height to Kasige. 
Kasige is a remarkably perfect and fresh-looking volcano, 
whose sides slope at an angle of about 40, and is somewhat 
difficult to climb. The scoriz on the sides have become suffic- 
iently disintegrated to form a soil on which are found a by no 
means scanty flora; for among other plants growing here may 
be mentioned an Aloe (A. macroclada), a Clematis (C. trifida), 
two or three composite herbs (Senecio cochleartfoltus, Heltchry- 
sum lycopodtotdes, Laggera alata, etc.}, some grasses (/mferata 
arundinacea, etc.), a species of /udtgofera, and an orchid. On its 
top is an unbreached crater, which measures, from the highest 
point of its rim, 243 feet in depth. It may be mentioned in 
passing that on the very summit, in a hollow ‘cinder,’ there was 
a small piece of money, perhaps of the value of a half-penny, 
and a small bead, as also a portion of a banana leaf, with a 
few pieces of manioc and two or three earth-nuts placed upon 
it; these had been deposited there by some or other of the 
heathenish inhabitants of the place as a votive offering either 
to their ancestors or to the Vazimba (the aborigines of Central 
Madagascar). Contiguous with Kasige, and adjoining its south 
side, though not so high, there is another volcano, Ambohima- 
lala, and dozens of others are to be seen near by. 

One thing with regard to these volcanic piles soon strikes 
the observer, which is, that they are frequently lop-sided, that 
is, higher on one side of the crater than on the other. The 
higher side varies from north to north-west and west. This is 
accounted for by the direction of the wind during the eruption, 
causing the ejected fragments to accumulate on the leeward 
side of the vent. Now we know that the south-east trades 
blow during the greater part of the year in Madagascar, hence 
the unequal development of the sides of the cones. The same 
thing may be also observed in the volcanic piles in the neigh- 
bourhood of Betafo. | 

A very large number of the cones have breached craters, 
whence lava has flowed in numerous streams and floods, covering 
the plains around. These streams and floods consist, in every 
instance, I believe, of black basaltic lava; a sheet of this lava, 
the mingled streams of which have flowed from Ambohimalala 
and some other vents, has covered the plain at the foot of Kasige 
to such an extent as almost to surround the mountain. Similar 
sheets are to be seen in other parts of the district, but they are 
so much alike that a description of one will suffice for all. 


OF THE INTERIOR OF MADAGASCAR. 69 





Amboditaimamo (or Ambdhitritaimamo ?) is a small volcano 
to the north of Lake Itasy, and at the northern confines of the 
volcanic district. It possesses a breached crater turned towards 
the east ; from this has issued a stream of lava which, following 
the direction of the lowest level of the ground, has swept 
through a small valley, round the northern end of the moun- 
tain, and spread out at its west foot. This sheet of lava, which 
is horribly rough on the surface, occupies but a small area of 
some two or three square miles. It has been arrested in its 
flow in front by the side of a low hill (¢anéty). It is cut through 
in one part by a stream which, in some places, “has worn a 
channel to the great depth of 80 or go feet. Its surface, which is 
slightly cellular, is covered by some hundreds of mammiform 
hillocks, which must have been formed during the cooling of 
the liquid mass. The hillocks are mostly from twenty to thirty 
feet high, and apparently are heaped-up masses of lava, and 
not hollow blisters. The lava itself is black, heavy, and com- 
pact, being porphyritic with somewhat large crystals of augite. 
As yet it is scarcely decomposed sufficiently to form much of a 
soil, though grass grows on it abundantly, and a few other 
plants are be seen. 

A little to the south of Amboditaimamo there is another 
volcano, known by the name of Andrarivahy. It is situated 
on the summit of a ridge of hills,—astride of it, so to speak— 
and from its crater there has been an outflow of what must 
have been very viscid lava, for though the sides of the volcano 
and the ridge of hills form an angle of from 30 to 40 degrees, 
the ejected matter has set or ‘guttered’ on the slope, only a 
small portion of it having reached the valley below. This 
ridge of hills, through which the volcanic orifice has been 
drilled, is composed entirely of gneiss; and indeed it may be 
here stated that the whole of these volcanoes, as is the case 
also with those about Betafo, rest upon a platform of gneiss. 

Throughout the district numerous fragments of augitic or 
basic lava, trachyte, trachytic tuff, and basaltic conglomerate 
lie scattered about in abundance. The trachyte is of various 
shades of yellow and grey, and frequently porphyritic with 
large crystals of sanidine. Pumice, obsidian, and pitchstone 
do not seem anywhere to be found. 

In addition to the numerous scoria cones there may be seen 
here and there in the district some half-dozen or more other 
volcanoes, but differing entirely in character from those which 
have been spoken of above. These are large bell-shaped 
hummocks of trachyte. They are without craters and are, for 
the most part, composed of a light-coloured compact rock. 


73 NOTES ON THE GEOLOGY 


This rock, having originally had a highly viscid or pasty 
consistency, has accumulated and set immediately over the 
orifice through which it was extruded; such hummocks are 
Ingdlofotsy, Bétehéza, Angavo, Ambasy, Isahadimy, Ambé- 
hibé, Antsahodndra, etc. Ingolofotsy, situated to the north- 
west of Itasy, is perhaps the most striking in appearance of 
these trachytic hummocks. It bears some resemblance to a 
bell or a Turkish fez, except that its sides are furrowed 
with water channels, and its truncated summit is notched in a 
remarkable manner. Its height above the plain is 665 feet (5258 
feet above the sea); the inclination of its sides averages probably 
50°. Adjoining Ingolofotsy on the south-west is Beteheza, a 
large mass of trachyte which has probably welled out from an 
orifice on the same line of fissure from which Ingolofotsy was 
extruded. Angavo is another of these trachytic domes. One 
singular feature in this mountain is its numerous shallow water 
channels, which make their way down from the summit in a sur- 
prisingly regular manner (at least on the north side), giving the 
appearance of an opened umbrella with numerous ribs. From 
a single point of view I counted as many as thirty-four of these 
channels. It may be mentioned in passing that, ina valley at 
the west foot of Angavo, there is a small crater whose lips are 
level with the surface of the ground. This may perhaps be 
accounted for by supposing that the ejected materials from this 
and other craters near have so accumulated as to raise the level 
of the valley between up to the rim of the crater, and so oblit- 
erate the cone, probably never of any great height. 

It is hardly necessary to say that these extinct volcanoes of 
Itasy must have been in activity in comparatively recent times. 
Possibly they belong to the historic period, though no tradition 
lingers with regard to their being in a state of eruption.* That 
they are, at any rate, of recent date, is shown by the almost 
perfect state of preservation in which most of the cones are 
still found, and by the undecomposed (or slightly decomposed) 
character of the lava streams that have issued from them. There 
have been no terrestrial disturbances or modifications of any 
magnitude since the days of their fiery energy ; the conformation 
of hill and dale was the same then as now, for, in every instance, 
the lava streams have adapted themselves to the form of the 
existing valleys. 

Another feature worthy of mention in this volcanic district 





* I was told by a native that near the village of Ambéniriana, north of Angavo, and not 
far trom Ingolofotsy, there is an emission of gas (? fofona), and that the people say that 
formerly fire was to be scen. The place is named Afotroéna (@/o, fire; froma, grunting or 
hard breathing), and would probably be worth a visit. 


OF THE INTERIOR OF MADAGASCAR. 71 


is the lakes and marshes which occupy many of the valleys. 
Itasy is the largest of the lakes, and Ifanja the largest of the 
marshes. Now most of these lakes and marshes have been 
doubtless formed by the sinking in of certain portions of the 
district, a fact made evident by the two following circum- 
stances: (a) on the south side of Kasige the gneiss may be seen 
distinctly to take a sudden dip beneath the volcanic pile, 
showing that, as the matter has been discharged from below, 
there has been a settling down of the cone, a fact made further 
evident by the existence of a small sheet of water, known as 
Bobojojo, in the immediate vicinity. But (4) on the western 
side of Ifanja marsh there is a small pond known as Mandén- 
tika. In the time of King Andrianampdinimérina, so the 
people say, there was a headland projecting into this pond, 
upon which was situated a small village of two or three houses. 
On a certain unhappy day the foundations of this headland 
suddenly gave way, and down it sank with the village and its 
inhabitants, only one of the latter escaping. From that time the 
pond has been appropriately termed Mandentika (‘sinking’), but 
previous to the catastrophe it was known as Amparihimboahangy. 
There is no doubt about the truth of this story, as I have myself 
seen traces of the submerged headland and village appearing just 
above the surface of the water. The natives of the place say 
that the sinking was caused by a /andnimpitolbha, a seven-headed 
mythical animal that is supposed to live beneath the water. 

Ifanja marsh is some four or five miles from one end to the 
other, and perhaps a mile or more wide in its greatest width. It 
runs in a northerly and southerly direction, with its southern 
end bending round towards the west, at the foot of which is the 
volcano of Amboditaimamo mentioned above. The marsh is 
3700 feet above the sea, forming a considerable depression 
below the surrounding country, which is about 5000 feet in 
altitude. At its south-eastern corner there are some hot springs 
which are much resorted to by sick folks. 

Lake Itasy is too well known to need any lengthy description 
here. It covers ground, roughly speaking, to the extent of 
about 25 square miles. It may not improbably occupy an area 
of depression due to volcanic action ;* but be this as it may, 


* Mr. W. Johnson says: ‘I am told here that Itasy was once a huge swamp, and that its 
becoming a clear lake is within the knowledge, or perhaps the traditions, of the people” 
(ANNUAL) I., 1875; p. 60. If this be really true, it can only be explained on the supposition 
that there has been a recent subsidence of what is now the bed of the lake, as in the case of 
Mandentika mentioned above. 

Mr. Sibree says: ‘‘The natives sav that the lake Itasy......was formed by a Vazimba chicf- 
tain, named Rapéto, damming up a river in the vicinity, and so the rice-fields of a neighbour. 
ing chief, with whom he was at variance, were flooded and have ever since remaincd under 
water,"—Zhe Great African Island ; p. 136. 


72 NOTES ON THE GEOLOGY 


there is a cause at its outlet sufficient to account for its forma- 
tion. Here, lying in the river bed, may be seen numerous 
blocks of gneiss, many of them blackened with a covering of 
oxide ofiron; and beneath this gneiss lava may be seen. 
Several volcanoes cluster round the outlet; but there is one,— 
an inconsiderable hill—situated on the southern margin of the 
outflowing river, just above the rapids. There distinctly enough 
may be seen a low and much-worn crater, with its breached 
side facing the outlet; and gneiss blocks may be traced from 
the bed of the river all up the hill-side to the crater. There 
has evidently been first an ejection of volcanic matter, followed 
probably by an explosion tearing up and flinging out the gneiss 
through which the vent was bored; hence the gneiss blocks 
are superimposed upon the lava. Thus the water has been 
ponded back. The river has now cut its way several feet: 
through the barrier thus thrown across its course; and by this 
continual erosion at its outlet and the accumulation of sediment 
and the growth of vegetation at its head, the lake is slowly, 
though surely, decreasing in extent year by year. 

It seems that lava also occupies the bed of the river further 
down, as Mr. W. Johnson says: “Went down the Lilia as far 
as the waterfall at Ambohipo. A more beautiful fall I think 
I never saw. ‘The river, broken into three streams, falls in 
foaming white masses over an edge of black lava some fifty feet 
deep. The whole bed of the river for a mile above is of the 
same black character, the lava broken in innumerable blocks 
and setting out in vivid colour the verdure of the river banks” 
(ANNUAL I., 1875; p. 52). 

A good deal of what has been said respecting the volcanic 
district of Itasy also holds good in regard to that of the Betafo 
valley and neighbourhood, where, however, the volcanic cones 
are fewer, and where trachytic domes do not appear to exist. 
One of the volcanoes in the Betafo valley, Iavdko, is of 
greater dimensions and has a much larger crater than any 
to be found about Itasy. From this volcano a large sheet 
of basaltic lava has issued, upon which are found in abundance 
various species of plants, notably a Euphorbta and a stonecrop 
(AK‘etchingia). Almost all the plants growing on this lava bed, 
however, are of a succulent character, and can dispense with 
soil, requiring merely a foothold. On the sides of lavoko may 
be picked up fragments of calcined gneiss, which have been 
torn from the sides of the vent in the passage upward of the 
volcanic matter. On some of the cones numerous crystals 
of augite as large as marbles may be found among the 
volcanic @ébvis. There is one volcano, Tritriva, near Betafo, 


OF THE INTERIOR OF MADAGASCAR. 73 


which, inasmuch as it is different in character from any others 
mentioned above, deserves a few words. It is one of those 
volcanoes off which the summit has been blown by explosive 
action, leaving what is known as a crater ring, which is now the 
site of a small lake. The lake is not more than 100 or 200 feet 
in diameter, perhaps not so much as that; but there is reason 
to suppose that it is of very great depth. The inner sides are 
steep for the greater part of the circumference, but on one side 
the lake is easily accessible. 

It is possible that when the country is more thoroughly ex- 
plored, it may be found that the volcanoes near Itasy and those 
in the Betafo valley are connected by intermediate ones; indeed 
on Dr. Mullens’s map several craters are shown somewhat west 
of a straight line drawn between these two volcanic districts. 

To the east of Imerina, near Ambodhidratrimo, on the outskirts 
of the forest, I discovered, a couple of years ago, several small 
volcanic craters. These also seem to belong to the class of 
crater ringsor explosion craters. Although fragments of volcanic 
matter have been ejected from them, they are not in such 
quantity as to form a cone; and the craters, none of which 
exceed 100 yards in diameter and 30 feet in depth, have been 
formed probably by a single explosion of the pent-up forces below. 
With the exception of scorie and lapilli, which are sparingly 
scattered about, there is no visible sign of volcanoes, and one 
may come to the very verge of the craters before being aware 
of theif existence. ‘Iwo of the largest craters consist of saucer- 
shaped depressions, but are rather elliptical than circular in 
form ; the others consist mostly of small cavities, deep in 
proportion to their width. Several of the craters are occupied 
by sheets of water, with rushes and other aquatic plants around 
their margin. 

Besides the volcanic phenomena mentioned above, thermal 
springs occur in various localities in the interior of Madagas- 
car. They are found six or seven miles to the south-west of 
Lake Itasy; at the south-east corner of Ifanja marsh ; at a place 
in the bed of the river Ikdpa about 45 or 50 miles north-west of 
the Capital (at the south end of the hill of Ankadivato in Vala- 
lafotsy; see map), and also a few miles further down the 
river; at Andranomafana (at the foot of Vavavato mountain); 
in the Betafo valley, where at one place the hot water pours 
out in great quantity; at Antsirabé, about 70 miles south-west 
of Antananarivo; and near the volcanic district of Betafo men- 
tioned above; and probably also in other places. The following 
is an analysis by Dr. Parker of water from springs in the 
district of Antsirabe :— 


"4 NOTES ON THE GEOLOGY 





‘‘On evaporation, one pint (20 0z.) of water from each spring yielded the 
following quantities of solid salts :— 


Spring No.1 yielded 40 grains of salts, or 2 grains to 1 oz. of water. 


9») be] 2 99 3 a9 93 9 1.9 a9 I 9 9? 
99 yy 3 9 42 99 99 9) 2.1 99 I a” 99 
9 99 4 99 28 33 39 9? 1.4 a? I 9? +3 


All these springs contain the same ingredients, viz., lime, magnesia, soda, 
and potash, in combination with chlorine, iodine, sulphuric acid, and carbonic 
acid, with the addition of free carbonic acid gas.’’ 

At Antsirabe there is a deposit from one of these springs of 
carbonate of lime, which is occasionally used for building 
purposes in the Capital. Mr. Sibree says of it: “It has not 
yet been examined by any one with competent scientific know- 
ledge, but it appears to be a sulphate of lime, and is probably 
only a local deposit and not a stratified rock, and most likely 
is connected with the subterranean action so visible all around 
the district.”” Mr. Sibree rightly conjectures that this limestone 
is merely a local deposit ; it is not, however, sulphate of lime, 
but, as stated above, carbonate of lime, usually known as calc- 
sinter or travertine. Bubbles of carbonic acid may be seen 
rising from the surface of the deposit, and at one point, where 
there is a small spring, a mass of calc-sinter has been formed 
which, speaking from memory, is probably twelve feet high by 
eighteen feet long. 

In one of the valleys in the vicinity of the crater rings of 
Ambohidratrimo spoken of above there is a deposit of siliceous 
sinter, sometimes called geyserite. It appears in one or two 
places, scarcely rising above the surface of the ground, in a 
valley of rice-fields, and has been deposited by springs which 
have long since ceased to flow. The sinter is exceedingly hard 
and compact and is used by the natives for fire-flints. They 
know it as vd/ofangala. In some portions of it numerous fossils 
of a species of Eguzsetum are embedded. The longitudinal 
strie and the occasional joints leave no doubt as to the nature 
of the plant. The fistular stem has been filled in, and the 
vegetable substance entirely replaced by silex. The stems of 
some of these fossil plants are quite half an inch in diameter. 
Now the only £gusetum found in Central Madagascar at the 
present time is £. ramosisstmum, but this never attains to such 
a thickness as the equiseta in the sinter; so that the fossil 
species have become extinct since the springs which deposited 
the geyserite were in a state of activity. 

So little is known respecting earthquake phenomena in 
Madagascar, no scientific observations ever having been insti- 
tuted, that it is scarcely worth while to refer to the subject. 
However, it may be stated that scarcely a year passes without 


OF THE INTERIOR OF MADAGASCAR. 75 





one or more shocks being experienced in Central Madagascar, 
though they are never severe or of long duration; and the 
destruction caused by these earth-waves in some parts of the 
world is entirely unknown here. The natives strangely imagine 
that earthquakes are caused by a whale (/vdzona) turning on its 
back. 

Sufficient has perhaps been said with regard to the volcanic 
phenomena of Central Madagascar ; let us now therefore briefly 
notice a few facts concerning some of the plains of this part of 
the island. 

And first of all with regard to Betsimitatatra. This is a 
plain lying immediately to tlhe west of Antananarivo and, at its 
furthest limits, stretching for a distance of about 20 miles north 
and south, and having endless windings and turnings among 
the hills. Formerly it was an extensive marsh, abounding in 
wild fowl; but King Radama I. banked up the river Ikopa, 
which runs through it, and now it is almost entirely covered 
with rice-fields. In some parts of it a kind of peat, known as 
fompotra, is obtained from beneath the rice-fields. This, when 
first taken from the ground, is a black, heavy, moist mass, with 
little or no appearance of vegetable structure, but, when dried 
by exposure to the sun, turns to a brownish, light, and peaty- 
looking substance, which is used in burning bricks, but, owing 
to its unpleasant smell, it cannot well be used for household 
purposes. 

At Antsirabe there is also a level stretch of country, which 
no doubt at one time was occupied by a sheet of water, since 
the remains of a hippopotamus, an animal now unknown in Ma- 
dagascar, were recently discovered there by Dr. Hildebrandt in 
a sub-fossil state. 

The largest plain in Central Madagascar, however, is that of 
Ankay, situated at the foot of the high ridge which forms the 
eastern boundary of Imerina. This plain, now cut and scored 
by the river Mangoro and its tributaries, forms the bed of an 
ancient lake. Examination of the deposits shows beds of sand, 
clay, shale, and ironstone, the latter existing in numerous layers 
of various thickness. Some time ago I found embedded in the 
ironstone and shale numerous fragments of fossil plants: the 
stems of what were probably sedges, leaves in abundance, and 
a depresso-globose fruit about the size of a small marble, five- 
celled and five-seeded. In some portions of the shale the fossils 
of leaves were exceedingly numerous, one of which I recognized 
as that of Calophyllum parvifiorum, Bojer ; and another, judging 
from its veining, seemingly belonged to the Natural Order 
Melastomacee, as it was very similar to certain species of 


76 NOTES ON THE GEOLOGY 


Medinitla common in the forest on the heights above. The 
bed of this ancient lake extends for a distance of probably 30 
or 40 miles, running in a direction north and south between two 
lines of hills. Alaotra lake in Antsihanaka is perhaps the 
remnant of this ancient lake or, at any rate, one in serial 
connection with it. 

A few words with regard to some of the metals and industrial 
products of the central region of the island, and I have done. 

It is now pretty well known that gold has recently been 
discovered in somewhat large quantity in certain localities, and, 
judging from the nature of the rocks, will doubtless be found in 
others when the country is opened up. The Government, which 
retains the monopoly of the precious metal, has recently been 
obtaining it from Ampasiria, a place about half-way between 
the villages of Malatsy and Mévatanana, on the road to 
Mojanga. Small quantities have also been obtained from the 
bed of a stream near Itsmpoananandrariny, west of Valalafotsy 
district, and also near Tanjombato, a mile or two south of the 
Capital, and perhaps in other localities as well. The gold is 
said to be of excellent quality; at present, however, the laws 
forbid both the search for it and the sale of it, although by no 
means all finds its way into the national treasury. Silver as 
yet does not seem to have been discovered. (Galena is found 
abundantly somewhere in the neighbourhood of Ankaratra ; but 
whether it be argentiferous or not, I cannot say. The natives 
obtain their lead, which is used chiefly for bullets, principally, 
if not entirely, from this galena. Tin is as yet unknown. Copper 
exists apparently in great quantity in Vakin’ Ankaratra. Iron 
is found, as has already been stated, in abundance as magnetite; 
also as hematite and ironstone. Sulphur occurs in beds near 
Antsirabe in the neighbourhood of extinct volcanoes. It is 
brought to Imerina, where it is separated from its impurities by 
a rough process of sublimation. It is used here in the manufac- 
ture of gunpowder. Nitre or saltpetre is obtained by lixivia- 
ting the soil (the decayed gneiss) and allowing the solution to 
crystallize. There is no special locality whence the nitre is 
obtained, though the natives say that certain soils, probably 
those rich in nitrogenous matter, yield it in greater abundance 
than others. Graphite and iron pyrites, as has been stated 
above, are found in various places. Mr. Ellis says that oxide 
of manganese has been found about 50 miles south of the 
Capital. Lime is obtained from the deposit of travertine at 
Antsirabe, but as yet it seems only to have been employed in 
the erection of the Queen’s palaces and a few other buildings. 
A kind of ferruginous clay (kaolinite), chiefly decayed felspar, 


OF THE INTERIOR OF MADAGASCAR. 77 


and known as “éntmadnga, now much used for roofing-tiles, is 
obtained in many places, but it seems that it is not of very 
excellent quality for this purpose. This perhaps is owing to 
the large proportion of iron present. Tourmaline, corundum, 
sapphire, spinel, etc., are also found. 

From what has been stated in the preceding pages it will be 
evident that the central portion of Madagascar must be classed 
as one of those extensive regions known as metamorphic, that 
is to say, that it consists essentially of gneiss, mica schist, clay- 
slate, hornblende-rock, chlorite schist, quartzite, plumbago, 
crystalline limestone, and other crystalline rocks. It may be, 
indeed it is more probable than otherwise, that, when the 
geology of this part of the country has been more thoroughly 
investigated, these crystalline or metamorphic rocks, of which 
we have been speaking, will prove to belong to the Archzan 
series, that is, to the very oldest known on the geological 
record. 

In conclusion, I have only to express my regret at the frag- 
mentary and imperfect character of the present paper. It only 
professes to deal in a general way, as its title indicates, with 
some of the more prominent features of the geology of the 
interior of Madagascar. Some of the statements made in it, it is 
not unlikely, when the region has been more thoroughly exam- 
ined, will require to be modified, perhaps cancelled. This, 
however, is my apology: so far as I am aware, not taking 
vague and fragmentary notices into account, this is the first 
paper that has ever appeared devoted specially to the subject.* 
At some future time I hope to be able to give further and more 
exact particulars, and to avoid some of the errors that must 
have crept into this first attempt. But, as was said at the 
commencement, until the region is explored and surveyed by 
practical and competent men, we cannot hope to see the 
geological structure of the country properly unravelled, or its 
phenomena fully explained. 


R. BARON (ED.). 


ee ee re 


* See, however, a paper of mine entitled ‘(Observations on the Physical Geography and 
Geology of Madagascar,” with Physical Sketch-map, in Nature, Aug. 14th, 1879, pp. 368- 
372, and forming ch. ii. of Zhe Great African Island. But this covers a wider range in two 
directions, and has no pretensions to the minute personal observation which gives value to the 


preceding paper.—J.S. (ED.) 


; 2 . [HE ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL. 


THE ANCIENT IDOLATRY OF THE HOVA. 


N the first number of the ANNUAL (Christmas, 1875) there is a very 
interesting article by the Rev. W. E. Cousins on “The Ancient 
eism of the Hova,” in which the writer clearly shows that ‘alongside 
of all the superstitious practices that had gained a footing among the 
people, there still existed the tradition that the primitive religion had 
been a simple theism ;” and although this theism was undoubtedly meagre 
and inadequate, yet “it presented a nucleus of elementary truth around 
which the fuller and grander teachings of God’s Word were hereafter to 
cluster.” Mr. Cousins then proceeds to show how, when the first mission- 
aries arrived, not only was the ‘‘name of God well known and commonly 
used, but that there existed also some knowledge of His attributes.” 

It has always been an interesting point with myself, along with many 
others, to find out, if possible, the connection in the minds of the 
natives between this Andriamanitra (‘The Fragrant Prince’) Whom the 
Hova have known, and in a sense acknowledged, as the one true God, 
for generations, and the idols in whose power they had, until recently, 
such profound trust. Very frequently have I had conversations with the 
more intelligent native Christians on the subject, never, however, getting 
very satisfactory or clear replies from them. 

During this year, 1885, I have been engaged in writing, in the native 
language, what is, I believe, the first history of the Church of Christ in 
Madagascar, or, it would be more correct to say, in Imérina and one or 
two adjoining provinces ; and I was naturally anxious to give completion 
to the history by a chapter clearly stating the character of the religion 
professed by the people prior to the introduction of Christianity by the 
first missionaries. I therefore applied to Andrianaivoravélona, the intel- 
ligent native pastor of the town church at Ambonin’ Ampamarinana, and 
asked him to write me an account, so far as he knew, of (1) the ideas 
the people had of this God Whom they had known so long; (2) the intro- 
duction of the idols into Imerina; and (3) the character of the people’s 
trust in their idols. This he did in a remarkably clear paper, which has 
been published in Antananarivo and has excited a gqod deal of interest. 

I have been requested by the editors of the ANNUAL to translate it 
into English for insertion in the present number of their most useful 
magazine. This 1 have done, and the translation is given below. I 
will venture to make two requests of the reader:—(1) to read it in con- 
nection with Mr. Cousins’s article previously alluded to on “The Ancient 
Theism of the Hova;” and (2) to remember that it is very nearly a literal 
translation. I have preferred that it should be this, thus leaving the 
native idioms and forms of expression to speak for themselves, rather 
than to have it in perfectly smooth English. I would also say that 
I dare not endorse all the writer says of the virtues of the ancient Hova, 
the forefathers (razana) of the present generation; if they were all he 
describes them to have been, they were a truly wonderful people; but 
this must be taken with the usual ‘grain of salt.’ 


HENRY E. CLARK, 


THE ANCIENT IDOLATRY OF THE HOVA. 


TRANSLATION. 


‘‘THERE have been idols in Imerina from the days of Andrianampdinimérina 
to those of Rasohérina,® but when Ranavalomanjaka II. came to the throne, 
the idols of her predecessors were burned, for she became a Christian, and 
rested her kingdom upon God. So when the people saw this, they all burned 
their idols and made an agreement with the Queen that there should be no 
more idol-worship in this kingdom.t And if the history of the idols is written, 
it must be divided into two heads:—(1) The introduction of the idols into 
Imerina,—From whence came they ? (2) The opinion of the people concern- 
ing the idols, — What did they think them to be ? 

‘‘1,—The introduction of the idols into Imerina, — From whence came they ? 
According to tradition,—yet we know it to be true, besides it is not so ve 
long ago—the Hova had formerly no idols at all, but it was the Sakalava 
and other distant tribes who had them. Andriamanitra Andriananahary, — 
two names now used for the true God—was trusted (lit. ‘rested upon’) by the 
forefathers of the Hova, and righteousness was what they loved best; and 
upon this trust in God alone they depended for help. They believed in the 
true God, and they feared and honoured Him very much. The numerous 
proverbs and sayings which exist at the present time, and which will long 
exist, are evidences of this; these are some of them :—‘God is round about 
(us).’¢ ‘Do not think that God is not, and therefore jump with your eyes 
shut.’§ ‘God, for whom others wait not, I wait for.’|| ‘God does not belong 
to only one.’@ ‘Human beings are God’s little dogs.’** ‘If two go together, 
one can be a witness concerning his fellow ; but if one goes alone, God is the 
judge.’tt ‘Be strong that you may be helped by God Who strengthens.’ ft 
‘Let not God be blamed, let not the Creator be censured; for it is men who 
are full of twistings,’ i.e. tortuous evil ways.§§ ‘God does not love evil.’|||| 
‘The reason why the simple are not to be deceived is God is to he feared.’| 4 
‘Think not of the silent valley (i.e. as affording an opportunity for committin 
some crime), for God is over head.’*** ‘Though I should not (be able to) 
reward your kindness, it will be rewarded by God.’ttt ‘God is everywhere.’ {tf 
‘God made (us) with feet and hands.’§§§ ‘I am dying, O God (my) Crea- 
tor.’ iii ‘Do not say God is fully understood by me.’"4qq ‘To be punished by 
God at the last is what cannot be endured.’**** ‘Itis better to be held 
guilty by men than to be held guilty by God.’ ttt 

‘‘In all these, and many more like them, it was not the idols that were 
alluded to, but the one God, Who exists eternally and is the author of all 
blessings, even He only was thought of in these proverbs. Also the fore- 
fathers of the Hova loved righteousness ; they thought much of friendship and 
brotherly love; they blessed and gave benedictions continually; they re- 
spected and honoured each other; they always liked to do good. They 

* Andrianampoinimerina reigned from 1787 to 1810, and Rasoherina from 1863 to (April 
1st) 1 * 

? It should be understood that this only applies to the central provinces of Madagascar, and 
even in parts of them it cannot yet be said that there are no idols. 

¢ Andriamanitra eny ho eny hiany. | § Aza manao an’ Andriamanitra tsy hisy, ka mi- 
tsambiki-mikimpy. ‘|| Andriamanitra tsy andrin’ ny olona, andriko hiany, © Andriama- 
nitra tsy any ny irery. ©* Ny olombelona amboakelin’ Andriamanitra. ft Mandeha roa 
sahalain’ olombelona ; mandeha irery sahalain’ Andriamanitra. {f{ Matanjatanjaha homban’ 
Andriamanitra manatanjatanjaka. §§ Andriamanitra tsy omen-tsiny, Zanahary tsy omem- 


pondro; fa ny olombelona no be siasia. (lH Andriamanitra tsy tia ratsy. WT Ny adala no 
tsy ambakaina, Andriamanitra no atahorana. **@ Aza ny lohasaha mangingina no heve- 
rina, fa Andriamanitra no ambonin’ ny loha. = ¢¢ ¢_-Na tsy valiko aza, valin’ Andriamanitra. 
*tt E! Andriamanitra amin’ izao tontolo izao. §§§ E! Andriamanitra nahary tongotra 


aman-tanana. ui Maty re aho, Andriamanitra Andriananahary 6! 71 Aza manao 
Andriamanitra azoko am-po. ***® Ny hovalian’ Andriamanitra any am-parany any mantsy 
notsy hotanty. tttt Aleo meloka amin’ olombelona toy izay meloka amin’ Andriamanitra. 


80 ae ANCIENT IDOLATRY OF THE HOVA. 


abstained from abuse and lies; they did not do injury one to another ; they 
avoided stealing and oppression. And the reason of all this was their belief 
in a just God, Who judges all people and will certainly requite their sins in 
the end, even if He waits long before doing this. 

‘‘Therefore we see that the forefathers of the Hova certainly had no idols, 
but the Sakalava, who have always been their enemies, had them. And 
these Sakalava were led astray by their trust in their idols, and were not 
afraid of death when they fought with the Hova. And in the days of 
Andrianampoinimerina, when the two tribes were at war, the Sakalava trusted 
in their idols, and rushed down like mad dogs and smote and conquered the 
Hova. But the latter, on the other hand, had nothing visible to incite them 
to fight ; therefore they trembled and became foolishly confused, and so were 
conquered. And when the Hova examined into the reason of the wonderful 
strength of the Sakalava, they concluded that it was the idols or gun-charms 
which made the Sakalava strong. And when Andrianampoinimerina saw 
that the Hova were defeated through fear, he took counsel as to what he 
should do; and this is what he did: He said to his soldiers: ‘I also have 
a gun-charm that cannot be pierced by shot, and if the enemy shoot at me, 
then I will seize the bullet in my mouth, and it will not hurt me at all. Let 
us go,’ he said, ‘and I will exhibit it to you.’ Then he told his servant what 
to do; he was to shoot him, but not to put any shot in the gun. And when 
all the soldiers were gathered together to see what was to be done, he 
showed them the ball and said: ‘Behold the ball to shoot me with, and look 
you, for I will catch it in my mouth.’ Then the king gave the ball to his 
servant, but he had another one exactly like it; and the servant, when he 
loaded the gun, pretended to put the ball into it, but slipped it aside, and hid 
it. And the king secretly put the ball which he had kept into his mouth ; and 
when the servant took the gun to shoot him, the king looked straight at him, 
and just when the gun was going off, he opened his mouth and shook his head 
as if he were going to catch the ball, then he shut his mouth again very 
quickly. Then the soldiers were ordered to come near, and the kirig said: 
‘Spread out your /amda, for 1am going to put out the ball;’ and then he 
put it out. And when all the soldiers saw this, they cried out saying: 
‘Certainly this gun-charm of the many-eyed bull (a name given to Andria- 
nampoinimerina) is sacred (mdssna).’* 

‘‘And when the soldiers went to fight, they all came to the king and said: 
‘Give us a gun-charm, Sir, for we are going to fight.’ Then he yave them 
small pieces of wood or other similar things; he also warned them as to 
what they were to abstain from, and gave them encouragement and cheered 
and blessed them, and sent them off to fight. Thus they had confidence and 
were not afraid any more, so that when they saw the enemy, they poured 
down upon them like fierce lions and did not fear death. But the Sakalava, 
their enemies, on the other hand, when they saw them become brave like this, 
were astonished; they looked here and there foolishly, and were overcome 
by fear and thrown into confusion. Thus the Sakalava were conquered 
by the Hova, and the few who were not killed ran away. And it is very 
plainly to be seen from this, whether with the Sakalava or the Hova, that it 
was not the idols or gun-charms that were powerful, but it was the boldness 
and confidence with which they conquered their enemies. And it is like this 
now, and always will be like this, for confidence and bravery are the root of 
power. When God fights for those who are weak but have a just cause, it is 
help given by Him to the weak; but, from a human point of view, those who 
conquer must be brave and have confidence. 

‘‘And when any of the soldiers who possessed those bits of wood and other 


© Masina probably here meaning ‘invulnerable’ rather than ‘sacred.’—EDs, 


THE ANCIENT IDOLATRY OF THE HOVA. 8. 


things which gave them confidence in the time of Andrianampoinimerina 
were wounded or even killed, it was said that they had partaken of some- 
thing forbidden (by the idol), and that that was the cause of their being 
wounded, or of their death. Butif, on the other hand, those who had the 
charms were not hurt, but came off victorious, they kept the bits of wood 
very carefully and anointed them with castor-oil, and considered them to be 
sacred, and then they became idols to be prayed to. As to where the idols 
of the Sakalava and other distant tribes came from, we cannot tell. But 
what has been told above is a true account of how the Hova first obtained 
them, because they saw the Sakalava ‘who possessed them were strong and 
brave to fight, they became very anxious to obtain them also; yet they did 
not take them from the Sakalava or from any of the other tribes, but those 
which Andrianampoinimerina gave them were sanctified to be their idols. 

‘‘And later on, when the wars of the Hova extended to other tribes, their 
belief in idols increased, and they not only made idols for themselves, but 
bought them from the other tribes. Then came the famous ones called 
Rakélimalaza (‘Little yet famous’), Ramahavaly® (‘One who is able to 
answer’), Rafantaka (‘The clever one’), Imanjakatsiréa (‘There are not 
two Sovereigns’), and others also, which all became Government idols ; and 
the love and veneration of the people for the idols increased very much 
indeed. And the number of them increased also, for besides those belonging 
to the Government, almost every clan and tribe, every large town, and every 
household, had their own idol. 

‘‘This then was the beginning of the idols in Imerina and their subse- 

uent increase, even a little in the beginning, but it became a folly which 
Ned the whole land. 

‘*3.— The opinion of the people concerning the idols,— What did they think 
them to be? and what was their reason for making them ? 

‘*(a) And when we think of the opinion of the people concerning the idols, it 
may be said to have been this: They did not consider them to be God, but only 
idols; yes, even the Sakalava and the distant tribes, who had them long ago, 
and especially the Hova, who more recently adopted them, did not look upon 
the idols as God. For all of them believed that there was only one God, even 
God Who created the heavens and the earth and all things therein, and 
Who gave feet and hands to people, and from Him only is life and all other 
blessings. And all these tribes clearly understood that the idols were not 
God Who had power to create, but only idols that they had made or 
bought from other people. They saw that they were made of wood taken 
from trees, therefore still only wood ; and they also knew that wood is liable 
to become rotten, or to be burned or spoiled or lost, and could then be 
renewed ; so they made a proverb about them which says: ‘For the wood- 
man who has lost his idol, to get a new one is the quicker,’¢ that is, quicker 
than searching for the old one. Therefore they did not think the idols to be 
God, but wood, yes, wood only but when they were consecrated by being 
anointed with castor-oil, or by the presentation of a little money, or the 
offering of incense, then they became powerful or sacred, and it was thought 
that some kind of spirit entered into them, and thus they became sacred. 
And then they thought that the idols had power to bless those who obeyed 
and honoured them, and to hurt those who transgressed any of their laws. 
The people did not believe the idols to be God, but they did believe them to 
be sacred and to have power. And not very different from this were their 
ideas about the Vazimba (the reputed aborigines of the interior), and the 


¢ For a most interesting account of the burning of this idol, see ANNUAL No. I,, p. 107. 
t ‘Ny tanala very sampy, ka ny manova no haingana,’ 


\ 8s ©THE ANCIENT IDOLATRY OF THE HOVA. 
mountains and the rocks and the trees, and the earth and the sky, and 
the sun, moon, and stars, etc., etc.,—they thought that in all these there 
was a kind of spirit which made them sacred and gave them power. And of 
their rdzana (forefathers), though they said: ‘Ihey are gone to be gods,’ 
they did not mean that they had become God, but spirits, and therefore 
had some qualities which God has; and so they accounted them to be 
sacred and powerful almost like God. And they thought that it was God 
only Who made efficient and powerful all their different sacred things; and 
this was why they prayed to them. 

‘((6) The reason of their making the idols,- What was it? Because they 
believed them to be sacred, and that they had power; so they rested upon 
them for protection, and they trusted to them for obtaining what they wanted. 
And when they obtained any blessing from God, or protection from danger, or 
received something they specially desired, then the idols were presented with a 
thank-offering, as a proof of their reverence and regard for them. But when, 
on the other hand, they got into danger and trouble, they repented before the 
idols and asked pardon from them, because they thought that they had offended 
them, and that that was the reason of the trouble that had come upon them. 

‘‘But from what did they wish to be protected by the idols? And what 
were the gilts they wished for, the obtaining of which was the reason of their 
trusting them? Gun-charms,— this was the commencement, as we have 
related, and they expected not to be wounded when shot at by the enemy. 
And after this the number of things they sought protection from in this way 
increased very much, for they made hail-charms to protect their rice from 
the hail, sickness-charms, charms to make rich, charms to ward off certain 
diseases supposed to have been caused by witchcraft, horn-charms (charms 
taken by ox-wrestlers to prevent the oxen from goring them), etc. 

‘“‘And when these charms increased in number like this, mutual distrust 
also increased very much amongst the people, so that they made many other 
charms as a protection to their persons from those who were their enemies, 
and as a means of destroying those who hated them. Then appeared a great 
many bad charms, such as the following :—6é¢#-/ifta (a love-charm) ; ods. fant- 
mtdé (a charm to prevent those who have been robbed from following the thief, 
or to frighten them from prosecuting) ; ods fanjambdna (a charm to produce 
blindness); od#-fénoka (a charm used by thieves to induce sleep, whether in 
people or watch-dogs) ; od:-mosavy(a charm to protect from bewitchment); od¢- 
tad:lava (a charm to ward off a certain disease which is supposed to be produced 
by other charms) ; o@#-vdrzka (a charm which was used in cursing a person at 
a distance, and was supposed to result in his death); odt-mandra-médy 
(a charm used to cause serious illness or immediate death to a person on his 
teturn home from a long journey); od-hitsak'’aloka (a charm through the 
influence of which a person would die if only his shadow was trod upon); 
odt-sartk’ daty (a charm used in transferring land). 

‘‘But by the manifestation of the grace of God, to save the souls of the 
people and to preserve the kingdom, Ranavalomanjaka II. being anointed 
Queen, and Raininilaiarivony becoming Prime Minister and Commander-in- 

hief, the famous idols which belonged to the Queen’s forefathers were 
burnt, with all the idols of the kingdom; and the people also wished to 
burn theirs. And the Queen, with all the Christians, strove with all their 
might to forward the Gospel, and then only was the trust in the idols stayed. 

‘‘This then is what I have to tell of the history of the idols in Imerina 
from their first appearance until now, but we do not know what will be their 
position in the future; nevertheless, if we are Christians, we must believe 
that the word of God about them will be fulfilled: ‘And the idols shall 
utterly pass away’ (Isa. ii. 18).’’—J.A. 








THN TS . 
aS TS 
SAysmyy payesme. cre yoqMy UL saved yo su. YDE ° 
24a9M 40 Yeo IrFe IPL IQUINU 34}, “PayTeU! 5 ayIVI_ ‘of! parf.reu! Jeary punoupsapuy, 








THE ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL. 83 





AN UNDERGROUND RIVER.~ 


M ANY years ago the late Mr. James Cameron stated in my 

hearing that there was, among the valleys west of the 
Ankaratra mountains, a river which, at a certain point in its 
course, disappeared among some rocks. No details were given, 
and frequent enquiries of the people from the neighbourhood 
did not elicit other than very vague accounts of what was 
evidently regarded as a strange freak of nature. But, lately, 
having a leisure day when within a few miles of the place, I 
determined to gratify my long unsatisfied curiosity. 

With a lad to guide us, my men soon took me over the 
intervening downs, till we approached the deep valley of the 
Antsésika river and stood on a bold headland of rock above it, 

azing into its depths, where we expected to see that river 

owing. We were but 250 feet above the bottom of the rocky 
gorge and could clearly see every object there, but there was no 
sign of water, nor, looking up the valley, was any to be seen. 
Turning, however, to the north, the river appeared some dis- 
tance below and flowed on past well-known fords. From that 
point upwards, and forming the bottom of the valley, what would 
otherwise have been its course was like the dry bed of a moun- 
tain torrent, full of large boulders, which appeared to have 
entirely filled up a very narrow chasm between the steep sides 
of the valley, in section almost like the letter V. 

Not satisfied with a distant view, we determined to get down. 
It was not easy work, and we were constantly brought up sharp 
by sheer descents of rock, which even the men’s bare feet could 
not traverse. One of them, more venturesome than the rest, went 
ahead to find a path, but in a few minutes he was completely 
lost to sight and sound, for, shout as we would, he could not 
hear our questions, and only a loud echo from the opposite hill 
side replied to them. After a time he seemed to have found a 
path, but his voice from below sounded as if half a mile off, so 
steep was the face of the hill we were descending. 

At last we reached the bottom, but there was nothing to 
indicate the presence of water. Clambering along as best we 
could, we made our way southwards up the valley. What had 
appeared from above as ordinary boulders proved to be enormous 
masses of gneiss, ranging in diameter from seventy feet down- 
wards, and piled one on another in strange confusion. To the 
right, just ahead of us, the hill, down the side of which we had 
come, rose as a mighty precipice arching over our heads 


%4 AN UNDERGROUND. RIVER, - 





— 


a hundred feet above. The lower portions had _ evidently 
broken away and filled up the valley below. We peered 
among the boulders into holes and. caves, the blackness of 
whose depth made us shudder. Stones thrown in, bounding 
from side to side, only made the depth more apparent,.as we 
listened for a final splash to indicate water at the bottom, but 
no such sound was heard; no murmur of water reached our 
ears, nor was there any sign of its existence, yet we knew that 
the river was somewhere down below, forcing its way in the 
darkness. It must have been at a great depth. 

On and on we clambered under the burning sun, but not 
until we had gone nearly half a mile did any trace of the 
missing river appear; and there a tiny rill from the west made 
its way among the rocks and disappeared at a place where the 
boulders were smaller and less numerous, and from the midst of 
them rose on the ear a faint sound as of a surly distant roar. 

Soon after this we came to a deep black hole, one edge of 
which was defined by a slab of stone which had shelled off the 
boulder above and so afforded a natural parapet which enabled 
us to gaze into the depths without fear. Again we hurled 
stones into the blackness, but they went the way of all the 
others and left us no nearer our quest. So we went on, here 
resting for a few minutes in the delicious coolness of a cave 
formed by several meeting boulders, with a tiny stream trickling 
over the sand to be lost in the darkness (one such cave, they 
say, would hold thirty cattle); there passing a pleasant pool of 
clear water fed by another runnel from the hill-side and over- 
flowing to the lower regions, till at the end of a mile we came 
upon our lost river, plunging and foaming down among the 
rocks, not to be seen but by climbing upon the enclosing boulders 
and looking down where it found a way ten or twelve feet below 
the surface. But it only appeared for a moment to be lost again. 

We were, however, drawing towards the end of our labours, 
for, rounding one more turn of the hill, we could see the river 
following its natural course where, within a quarter of a mile 
from the ford below a prominent cone of gneiss known as 
Tsiafakamboa (‘Not-climbable-by-dogs’), a pair of boulders 
narrowing the stream to a width of four or five yards, forms an 
appropriate gateway to this eerie valley. The river, in common 
with all those in these high valleys, is very rapid, and a stone’s- 
throw within this gateway it dives among and under a heap of 
boulders, to be lost to sight and sound, except as above related, 
for, I suppose, a mile and a quarter. “Rightly,” remarked one 
of the men, “do they call this river the ‘Antsesika’ (‘That 
which is thrust in’).” 


AN UNDERGROUND RIVER. © 85 


We noticed at this, the higher end of the valley, a consider- 
able sediment of mud, now dry, shewing the limit of floods in 
the wet season, when the river must rise to a depth of fifty feet 
and stand as a lake, the water not being able to get away as 
fast as it comes down from beyond Ankaratra. 

This valley lies about five miles south-east of the village of 
Isaha and about eight south-west of that of Manalalondo, 
being near the village of Anjazamadinika. A few miles below 
Isaha, the Antsesika joins the Manalalondo close to its junction 
with the Kitsamby, which is one of the most remarkable rivers 
of Central Madagascar. It rises in Inanobé, the extreme south 
end of the range of mountains of which the Ankaratra peaks 
form the northern limit. After several minor falls in its upper 
course, it descends in the space of rather more than a mile 
some three hundred feet into the Isaha valley by a series of 
falls which are well worth a visit. The uppermost one is very 
beautiful, with cascades of foaming water above a final deep 
plunge into the green pool below. The height altogether is 
about fifty feet. From this, as by a natural staircase, the river 
winds down with many leaps between steep hills, which in 
places stand almost vertically over it, till it reaches a cliff of 
basalt, over which it throws itself in a fall of 45 feet into a fine 
spacious basin enclosed on two sides by vertical walls of rock. 
A mile below this is a third equally large fall, where the basalt 
has broken away, leaving an over-hanging brow of black rock, 
in every crevice of which ferns and flowers find a foothold. 
The river now enters a deep valley, and for the next thirty 
miles lies several hundred feet below the general level of the 
surrounding country, before it passes out into the lower level 
of ‘No-man’s-land’ to the west.* : 

WM. JOHNSON. 


—~— eee. 10 eee 


THE NEW MALAGASY-ENGLISH DICTIONARY. 


HE completion and issue during this year of so important and 
valuable a work as a new dictionary of the Malagasy languaget 

seems to call for a somewhat fuller notice in the ANNUAL than can be 
given in a short paragraph in our usual ‘Literary Notes.” I wish that 














® The spot where the remarkable disappearance of the river above described takes place is 
shewn in the accompanving map kindly supplied by Mir. Johnson. EDs. 

$A New Malagasy-English Dictionary. Edited and re-arvanged by the Rev. F. 
Richardson, Head Master of the L.M,S. Normal School, Antananarivo, efc. etc. Antanana- 
rivo: the London Missionary Society. 1885; pp. lix. and 832. 


86 THE NEW MALAGASY-ENGLISH DICTIONARY. 


some one more competent as a Malagasy scholar than myself had con- 
sented to write an article on the subject ; but having been unable to get 
such help, I somewhat reluctantly undertake it rather than that there 
should be no review at all in the present number of the ANNUAL. I feel 
also that, having taken some small share in the preparation of the new 
Dictionary, any praise for its merits or criticism of its defects would have 
come much more appropriately from one who was altogether an out- 
sider and had had no share at all in its production. Still, as my contri- 
bution was of a quite subordinate character, and only slightly affects the 
merits or demerits of the work as a whole, I hope it will not be consi- 
dered as unbecoming if I offer a few remarks. 

The subject of Malagasy Dictionaries generally was treated of in our 
last number by the Rev. W. E. Cousins ;* so that it is unnecessary here 
to say anything as to the history of Malagasy jexicography, or to trace 
the various stages by which, very soon after Madagascar became 
known to Europeans, vocabularies of the language were compiled, and 
materials for a dictionary of Malagasy have gradually accumulated up to 
the present day.t We owe to De Froberville, Dumont D’Urville, 
Dalmond, Freeman and Johns, and the Jesuit missionaries, the chief 
contributions towards our knowledge of the vocabulary of the Malagasy 
language ; and we are now indebted to Mr. Richardson for a book 
which is a great advance upon all its predecessors. 

I shall first point out some of the many excellencies of this new 
Dictionary, and shall then offer a few remarks upon some of its deficien- 
cies, together with a suggestion or two as to what may still be done to- 
wards a more perfect collection of the words which make up the speech 
of the Malagasy people. | 

Among the merits of the new Dictionary, which will occur to most 
readers on their first inspection of the book, is the excellence of its 
printing and clearness of arrangement on the page. Although the type 
is necessarily somewhat small, the different kinds used,— Roman, Italic, 
Clarendon, small and capitals, etc.—are so distinct that the purpose of 
each is seen at a glance, so that the book is most pleasant and easy to 
use. In this respect the new Dictionary forms a marked contrast to the 
perplexing and annoying mixing up of Malagasy and French, and the 
want of spacing and of variety of type, in the dictionaries of the Jesuit 
missionaries; and its execution does great credit to Mr. Parrett, as 
superintendent of the L.M.S. Press, and to the native lads by whom, 
although unacquainted with any language but their own, the manual 
and mechanical part of the work has been performed. The three 
different forms in which the book is issued have each their peculiar 
advantages. Although there are nearly 900 pages, the crown 8vo thin 
paper edition forms a most portable and handy book and can easily be 
taken with one on journeys; the thick paper edition will lie on the 
study table Tour constant reference ; while the demy 8vo edition, with its 
wide margins and hot-pressed paper, has a handsome appearance and 
affords plenty of space for notes and additions. 


43 


* ANNUAL No. VIII, PP. 43°52. 
liogvaphy ; pp. §6, 57. 


¢ See A Madagascar Pi 


THE NEW MALAGASY-ENGLISH DICTIONARY. 87 


But not only is the printing of the new Dietionary a great improvement 
upon that of all its predecessors, but the arrangement of the words accor- 
ding to the roots is also much more systematic and clear than in any former 
book. All who remember their early experiences when learning Mala- 
gasy can recall how they were annoyed by the deficiencies in the tables 
of the verbs in mam- and man-, when searching for the root of some 
puzzling relative form, and how the chances were that the root they 
wanted was nof to be found there. No doubt the lists of these verbs at 
pages 410—413 and 415—423 are not absolutely perfect, but they are a 
great advance towards perfection ; and the systematic way in which the 
derivatives are arranged under the roots renders the study of the 
language, so far as the finding of words is concerned, as easy as it prob- 
ably can be made. The accentuation of every word is also a great gain, 
and will prevent many awkward mistakes in the pronunciation of Mala- 
gasy; although, as the diphthongs are always long and _ therefore 
accented, we think they might have been left unmarked. 

Coming, however, more tothesubstance of the book, the new Dictionary 
is far more full and complete than any dictionary previously issued. Many 
hundreds of words are included which one will look for in vain in 
Freeman and Johns’s book, as may be easily seen by comparing a few of 
the pages of the new work with those of the older one; and especially 
is it fuller in the compounds, which are such a feature of Malagasy, 
and by means of which the comparative poverty of the language in 
certain lines is largely compensated for. And not only have we much 
more fulness of vocabulary, but we find here abundance of material for 
studying the component parts of the language. For the first time we 
can trace in a Malagasy dictionary how Arabic has contributed to the 
superstition and the earlier civilization of the people; how Swahili has 
affected the dialect of the western tribes; how preponderatingly the 
different Malayan, Polynesian, and Melanesian languages have contri- 
buted to form the ground-work of Malagasy ; and how the French and 
English languages have added, and are still adding, to it numbers of 
words connected with modern civilization, the useful arts, education 
and religion, etc. Much still remains to be done in tracing the origin 
of numerous words in the language, and especially do we need a fuller 
critical examination of South African tongues and of those of Malayan 
and Oceanic stocks; but a large number of roots have already been 
identified, and to Mr. W. E. Cousins we owe much information as to the 
Malayan and Polynesian affinities of Malagasy; Mr. Vice-Consul 
Pickersgill has given us the benefit of his residence on the north-west 
coast of the island, and has contributed a number of Swahili words 
which, through Arab traders, have become current among the Sakalava 
tribes ; while to the scholarship of the Rev. L. Dahle (in a former con- 
tribution to this ANNUAL") we owe the identification of the Arabic 
element in the language. ° 

Mr. Richardson has also been able to embody in his Dictionary not 
merely and more fully the Hova form of Malagasy, but he has given us 
much more than has ever been given before of the non-Hova dialects, 

* ANNUAL No. II., pp. 78-92. 


88 THE NEW MALAGASY-ENGLISH DICTIONARYF. 


which are only very scantily represented in Freeman and Johns’s work, 
although more completely in the Malgache-frangaise Dictionary of the 
Jesuit missionaries. Advantage has been taken of the numerous jour- 
neys made of late years in distant parts of the island to embody lists 
of provincial words, either entirely different from those used by the 
Hova, or used in a different signification. The new book has therefore 
much more claim to be a Malagasy dictionary than that of the former 
L.M.S. missionaries, which was more strictly a Hova dictionary, with 
only a small proportion of provincial words. Much, however, still 
remains to be done before we can be said to have a complete dictionary 
of Malagasy, in the widest sense of the word. 

While the philologist will find this Dictionary full of interesting mate- 
rial, the scientist will also gain fuller and more accurate information as 
to the flora and fauna of Madagascar, as shewn by its vocabulary, than 
can be found in any other book yet published. The most valuable 
addition in this direction has been made by the Rev. R. Baron, who has 
supplied the native names of about 2000 trees and plants, together 
with their scientific names and much information as to their economic 
uses, and also many curious facts as to popular superstitions connected 
with plants. The greater portion of these names are new to the Mala- 
gasy dictionary.* The present writer has endeavoured to identify the 
native names of the avi-fauna and other animal life of Madagascar, as 
far as it has been scientifically described, although much still remains to 
be done in the identification of the names of fish, reptiles, mollusca, and 
insects. Considerable use has been made of a list of Malagasy birds, 
with native names in different dialects, prepared by the Rev. W. D. 
Cowan, but largely due, we believe, to information supplied by the late 
distinguished German traveller and naturalist, Dr. J. M. Hildebrandt. 
In place therefore of the vague definitions found in former dictionaries 
of ‘Name of a bird,’ or ‘Name of a plant’ or ‘tree,’ a considerable amount 
of accurate information will be found in this new work upon the vege- 
table and animal life of Madagascar. 

The new Dictionary will also be found to be full of interesting particu- 
lars on such points as those called by Abp. Trench ‘morality in words,” 
“poetry in words,” and “history in words.” Malagasy is very rich in 
figurative and poetical words and phrases; and a very slight examina- 
tion of the Dictionary will shew how much light is thus thrown upon the 
habits of thought of the people. We also find numerous examples of 
words of a figurative character used for death, disease, calamity, etc., 
when speaking of royal personages or chiefs, instead of those usually 
applied to the people at large, a peculiarity Malagasy shares with all the 
Polynesian languages. This Dictionary is also a kind of museum of old- 
fashioned words connected with idolatry, divination, and superstition 
generally, many of which are obsolete or obsolescent in the central 


* We wish, however, Mr. Baron had given us a little more Jofu/ar description of many of 
the trees and plants,—as the colour of flowers, peculiarities of foliage, size, etc.—by which a 
non-scientific reader might have readily identified them. For instance, the occasional use of the 
word ‘shrub’ for what, to ordinary People, appears very like a ‘tree,’'—as the amiana, hasina, 
etc.—is rather perplexing. | No doubt Mr. Baron is correct, scientifically, but then we are not 
all of us, scientific , 


THE NEW MALAGASY-ENGLISH DICTIONARY. 9 





provinces ; it embodies great numbers of words referring to folk-lore and 
old customs; and it also contains much curious information in the 
names of birds and animals, the words for which throw light upon the 
Malagasy power of observation of their habits and characteristics; while 
the examples of tribal and place-names, and those for relationships and 
for describing natural phenomena, are also very suggestive. On all these 
points a careful examination of the Dictionary alone would supply 
materials for many papers of great interest which might be entitled 
‘*Studies in the Malagasy Dictionary.” And it is also a matter of course 
that it is full of illustrations of grammatical points, such as the use of the 
infix, groups of allied words having slight euphonic changes, examples 
of onomatopeaia, etc. 

We must not omit to notice that the value of this Dictionary is greatly 
increased by having prefixed to it Mr. W. E. Cousins’s Concise Intro- 
duction to the Malagasy Language, which has been carefully revised 
and in some parts rewritten, so as to embody the results of investigations 
into the language since the /ntroduction was first published, some twelve 
years ago. 

Coming now to a few points in which we have to offer some criticisms, 
we have to notice first that the new Dictionary is still far from complete, 
not only as regards provincial words, but also in those still more or less 
in use in Imérina. For this, however, Mr. Richardson is not altogether 
responsible, for the Dictionary was carried through the press, especially 
during the last few months, at a speed which ‘certainly was a great 
disadvantage to its accuracy and completeness. But this was done in 
order that it might be finished before Mr. Parrett left the island, his period 
of service having been already more than completed. A few more 
months’ preparation would have undoubtedly made the Dictionary a more 
accurate and perfect work. Mr. Richardson has, it is true, given notice 
in the preface of his having left instructions for a number of publica- 
tions in the Malagasy language to be carefully examined, during his 
absence from Madagascar, for words still absent from the Dictionary. 
For there can be no doubt that a thorough examination of such books 
as Mr. Dahle’s Specimens of Malagasy Folk-lore, The Publications of the 
Malagasy Folk-lore Society, Ny Ohabdlan’ ny Ntaolo, the yearly volumes 
of Zény Soa, the reports of the Congregational Unions of Imerina and 
Bétsiléo, and other pamphlets, would yield a large number of additional 
words and phrases. We hope Mr. Richardson will return after his 
furlough in England to complete this work, but it would have been much 
more satisfactory had this been done before the Dictionary was printed, 
instead of having these additional words in a separate publication. 

There can be no doubt also that there are still a large number of 
provincial words,—Betsileo, Sihanaka, Sakalava, Bétsimisdraka, and 
others—which have yet to be included in a Malagasy dictionary; but 
here again Mr. Richardson is not to blame, but rather those who have 
lived for some time in the outlying provinces, and who have not taken 
the trouble to collect words or to send them when collected. In this 
matter we think Mr. Richardson has reason to feel disappointed at the 
very slight response made to his appeal sent, we believe, to almost 


Segue NEW MALAGASY-ENGLISH DICTIONARY. 


every er known to be resident in the island and asking for 
help in this matter. A glance at page viii. of the preface will show that 
missionaries and others resident in the non-Hova provinces have not 
contributed any lists of provincial words for this work, although it was 
confidently hoped that many would render help in this way. 

In another point we are inclined to think that Mr. Richardson has 
made a mistake, and that is, in not giving more exact information as to 
the locality of provincial words. All non-Hova words (except those of 
trees and plants) are here given simply as ‘provincial ;’? we think it is to 
be regretted that, wherever possible, they were not localized much more 
exactly, as ‘Betsileo,’. ‘Sakalava,’ etc., or, at least, as ‘East Coast,’ etc. 
It is quite true, as Mr. Richardson has urged in defence of the method 
he adopts, that in many cases it is difficult to know how far the use of 
provincial words is confined to one tribe, or to one region of the island; 
and it is equally true that, in many cases, where a word has been at first 
given as ‘Bara,’ for instance, it has subsequently been found to be used 
by other tribes, as the Tanala, Southern Sakalava, and others. But we 
think that, even if in some, or say even in many, cases, a word was thus 
at first localized too narrowly, it would have been the least of two evils; 
for the additional range of use might always be added as it became 
known. As it is, we have only the vague description ‘provincial’ for all 
non-Hova words, and we think that thus a good deal of valuable inform- 
ation as to the range of the various dialects, and the possibility of 
roughly mapping thenmr,—an important work for the complete knowledge 
of Malagasy in its widest sense—has been lost, so far at least as the 
Dictionary is concerned. In this respect the new book is less valuable than 
the French Dictionary, which gives the locality of many provincial words. 

The Dictionary is also a little defective, we think, in not giving more 
fully some of the more common verbal nouns. It would often bea 
convenience to have these given, with a reference to their root form. 

Perhaps the weakest point in Mr. Richardson’s work is the frequent 
want of clearness in the English definitions of Malagasy words; 
and even the title of the work seems inaccurate, for we have “A New 
Malagasy-English Dictionary; edited and re-arranged by,” etc., etc. 
It is diffcult to see how a mew thing can be 7¢-arranged. 

But it would be ungracious to dwell further upon faults and defects 
when there is so much to praise. We heartily congratulate Mr. Richard: 
son upon such a valuable piece of work as this Dictionary is, and done, 
on the whole, so thoroughly and so well. All future students of Malagasy 
will thank him for the labour and research he has expended upon this 
book. He has smoothed away many difficulties, and has made the 
acquisition of the language far more easy than it has hitherto been. 
We hope that he will live to give us a still more complete dictionary 
even than the one we have here reviewed, one in which the use of the 
words shall be largely illustrated by native kadary, laws, songs, proverbs, 
etc., and which shall embody more completely both obsolete and 
provincial words, together with everything else that can throw light upon 
the speech of the various tribes inhabiting Madagascar. 


JAMES SIBREE, JUN. (ED.) 


THE ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL. 91 


NATIVE PRODUCTS USED IN MALAGASY 
INDUSTRIES. ¥ 


N a large and comparatively unexplored country like Madagascar 
doubtless many native products exist which, although unknown at 
present, will, in due course, be absorbed in the industries of civilization. 
A large field remains open to the explorer and analyst in this direction, 
whose efforts will probably be well rewarded. Meanwhile a paper in- 
dicating some of the applications already made by the natives of the 
materials ready to their hand may not be thought uninteresting, as illus- 
trating certain phases of their character, and as possibly suggestive from 
a commercial point of view. 

Taking, as a convenient line to follow, the three great Kingdoms of 
Nature,— Animal, Vegetable, and Mineral—we shall briefly mention the 
native products made use of by the Malagasy, having reference mainly, 
however, to the inhabitants of the central provinces. 

I. The BULLOcK of Madagascar, which is of the Zebu breed, has always 
been considered by the people as one of the chief glories of their 
country and a prime element in their national wealth. Large herds of 
these beautiful animals are grazed on the fertile plains to the north and 
west of Imérina; they are mostly the property of the wealthy Hova and 
are tended by colonies of slaves and freedmen. Numbers of bullocks 
are fattened in pits or /ahitra, in most villages in Imérina, for home 
consumption at the Fandrdana or New Year's festival, and they attain 
immense size and fatness, the hump sometimes weighing sixty or seventy 
pounds. The export of bullocks to Mauritius and Bourbon has, for many 
years past, been one of the chief items of commerce with this country, 
except when interfered with by the aggressive action of foreigners. 

Up to a recent date the skins of bullocks were cut up with the flesh 
and eaten. Now, however, many thousands of hides are exported yearly, 
and the conveying them to the coast employs a large number of native 
carriers, who, on the return journey, bring up the various imported 
merchandise consisting mainly of calico, prints, salt, iron pots, sheet-tin, 
crockery, etc., which find a ready sale among the people. The art of 
tanning and working leather was introduced by Mr. Canham, a mission 
ary artisan in connection with the London Missignary Society, in 1822; 
and government works have ever since existed for preparing leather 
and making accoutrements for the soldiers; but comparatively little is 
done in this direction by the Government at the present time. The 
chief tannery is at Vodivato, and the bark of the /a/éna (Veinman- 
nia Bojertana, Tul., and other species of Winmannia) is the agent 
mostly used. Private tanneries, on a small scale, exist in the Capital, 
in which the bark of peach trees is mainly used; and cured skins of 
oxen, sheep, and goats are always on sale in the markets, being 
used by the natives to make boots, shoes, bags, saddles, hat-linings, » 
etc. The HORNS of bullocks, which are very long and handsome, 
are made into spoons, of which great numbers are constantly on sale. 


92 NATIVE PRODUCTS USED 


——— 


in the markets, as they are universally used by the people. The ordinary 
spoon is sold at the rate of four or even six for twopence, but some of 
finer quality fetch threepence or fourpence each. Bowls, forks, and a 
few other fancy articles are also made in small quantities, mostly for sale 
to foreigners. Buttons are punched out of BONE, and finished off with 
knives and the leaves of a tree called ampadly (Ficus soroceotdes, Baker); 
spindles, forks, and paper-knives are also made, but great quantities of 
bone are thrown away as useless. False teeth are sometimes made from 
the shin bone of the ox, and also from sheeps’ teeth. 7 | 

Only very lately has any other use been made of HAIR than that of 
stuffing or mixing with building plaster; now, however, a few brushes 
are made with pigs’ bristles and bullocks’ hair. This is a branch of 
industry capable of development, as great quantities of bristles are merely 
sburnt or thrown away. LARD and SUET are melted and sent in consid- 
erable quantities to the coast for export ; but a good deal of fat is used 

«in the manufacture of native soap and candles. The artisans connected 
with the London Missionary Society introduced the art of soap-making 
as far back as 1828, when the soap was made reasonably white, but it 
has greatly deteriorated in appearance, as manufactured by the natives, 
although its cleansing qualities are good. The lye used in its produc- 
tion is the ashes of the prickly-pear and other shrubs, which are simply 
mixed without further preparation, thus accounting for the dirty appear- 
ance of the finished article. One would think that a chemically prepared 
alkali which could be sold cheap would find a market among the soap 

- makers, if its proper application could be shown to them. Candles are a 
very recent industry, created apparently by the increasing number of 
students and readers, who require a more satisfactory light during the 
long evenings than is afforded by the primitive contrivance of a burning 
wick resting in a dish of melted fat. The candles are made in tin 
moulds, and frequently have a good deal of wax mixed with them; but 
there is still great room for improvement as to the proper proportions of 
the wick and its surroundings. The LEGS, SINEWS, BLOOD, and OFFAL 

¢ of bullocks are all used in the preparation of oil, glue, and nitre, which 
last is employed in the manufacture of gunpowder by the Government. 

Pou.ttTRY is very plentiful in Imerina and will probably prove a valuable 
gource of commerce when roads are opened to the east coast; the only 
use made of the FEATHERS is to stuff a few pillows. The goose quills 
are not even made into pens. 

The art of spinning and weaving SILK is a very ancient one in Mada- 
gascar, and some species of silkworm are indigenous. The cocoons of 
one native species are found in the grass and the silk obtained from these 
is of a very inferior quality, cailed /andinaméoa, literally, ‘dog-silk.’ The 

» worms producing the best native silk are fed on the amberizdtry (Cayanus 
indicus, Spreng), a native shrub much cultivated, especially in the Bétsiléo 
province, for this purpose. A very large cocoon, made by a number of 
worms working in a colony, is found in the forest, and also produces good 
silk called /andibé. This cocoon is from 20 to 30 inches in length and, 
when cut open, 10 to zo inches in breadth. The Chinese silkworm, as 
well as the mulberry tree, were introduced by the early missionaries and are 


IN ' MALAGAS¥. INDUSTRIES. 93 


still carefully cultivated by the people. The spinning of the silk is done 
entirely by hand with small spindles called ampé/a, which is also one of 
the words for a girl, affording an interesting parallel with the origin of 
our English word ‘spinster.’ The weaving also is done in hand-looms 
of the most primitive type, laid horizontally, and involving great fatigue 
for the women who do the work. Very beautiful fabrics, however, are 
produced by means of these rude appliances. These mostly take the 
form of the national upper garment, called the /dmda, a cloth from 
«wo and a half to three yards long by two to two and a half yards 
wide. Some of these are of plain white silk; others white with 
raised woven patterns; others again are of various colours, obtained 
mostly from imported dyes, and, in many cases, having elaborate woven e« 
patterns resembling embroidery; they are generally in two widths, with 
wide borders which are specially gay in colours and pattern. These 
lamba are worn by the non-military chiefs of the people on important 
public occasions, and by the upper classes of both sexes on special 
festivals. They are a favourite ‘curio’ for foreigners on the look-out for 
something distinctive of Hova manufacturing art. Most of the native 
silk, however, is used in making the /amba ména, or ‘red lamba,’ the ¢ 
dark, almost maroon, colour of which is produced by a native dye . 
procured from the bark of a tree called d/o. Great numbers of 
these Jamba are on sale at every market, and the demand is unceas- 
ing, inasmuch as universal custom requires their use on two impor- 
tant occasions: the one being at the New Year's festival, the other at - 
every funeral. No coffin is used at the burial of the dead, but the 
corpse is wrapped in these red silk /améba, the number used being 
dependent on the wealth and rank of the deceased. For people just 
above the lowest rank, from one to six are used; for wealthier people 
zo to 30 are frequently employed ; and, in some cases, as many as a 
100 have been wrapped round a single corpse. Fresh /améa are also 
used when (according to Hova funeral customs) bodies are removed 
from temporary graves to the elaborate family tomb, which has been 
erected at great expense and trouble. Coats and trousers are also made 
of the undyed native silk, and these, although not very attractive in. 
appearance, are very durable. 

Wax and HONEY are gathered in the forest and sold in the markets, 
and of the former a considerable quantity is exported. Bees are not 
much cultivated except in a few villages on the borders of the forests. 

II. Turning our attention to vegetable productions, we naturally give 
the first place to the TIMBER which abounds so luxuriantly in the magnifi- 
cent forests of this country. The most wasteful system of obtaining the 
timber prevails, and the axe being the only instrument used, a large 
trunk furnishes only one or two roughly hewn planks, the remainder 
being left to rot ; and large spaces are continually being cleared, either 
by accidental fires originated by the charcoal burners, or by intentional 
conflagrations for the purpose of planting rice. Ebony is found on some? 
parts of the coast and exported, and small quantities are brought to the 
interior and used for ornamental work. The export of timber is illegal, 
according to Malagasy law, but large quantities are brought to the 


94 NATIVE PRODUCTS USED 


markets of the interior and find a ready sale for house-building and 
cabinet work, in which the native carpenters are fairly proficient. The 
following are a few of the best known varieties of timber, with the chief 
uses to which they are put :—Adzondrano (a species of Elaodendron), a 
white tough wood used for the poles of gentlemen’s palanquins; Adra- 
hara (Neobaronta phyllanthoides, Baker), a hard mottled wood, very like 
lignum vite, used for handles for spades; vdambdana (Dalbergia Baroni, 
Baker), a wood something like mahogany and taking a fine polish, used 
largely in cabinet making; J/aléna (various species of Wetnmannia) ; 
hétatra (Podocarpus madagascariensis, Baker); vdlanirana (Nuxta capitata, 
Baker) ; vardngy (Ocotea tricophlebia, Baker, and other trees); /dntsikahi- 
tra (a species of Plectronia); mokardna (Macaranga echinocarpa, Baker, 
and other species of Macaranga); hitstkitstka (Colea Telfatrea, Bojer); all 
of which are much used in house-building. 

BaMBOO of various species grows plentifully in the forests, but the uses 
made of it is by no means comparable to the ingenious applications made 
of it in India, China, and Japan. It is used largely in house-building, espe- 
cially in the forest districts; in lengths of a few feet it forms the poles 
on which the men carry their burdens up and down the country; and in 
smaller pieces it is used for making musical instruments, snuff-boxes, etc. 

The PALMS are very numerous and are largely used in various ways by 
the natives. In the lower parts of the country they furnish the materials 
for the frame, floor, sides, and roofing of the houses, and also for string for 
tying all together. The rofia palm (Sagus rufia) is of special interest 
from an industrial and commercial point of view. From the young and 
still unopened leaves a straw-coloured fibre is obtained, which is woven 
into a native cloth of various degrees of fineness, from the stout sadia- 
diaka, or rabanna, used for wrapping up burdens on the coast, to the jabo of 

« Imerina, which has almost the appearance of nankeen. Zamba made 
of this fibre, and called jia/é/sy, were almost universally worn before 

‘the introduction of calico, and large numbers are still made and worn by 
the poorer classes. Some of these, made in Vonizdngo, are gaily 
decorated with coloured stripes, and of late years have been extensively 

‘imported into England and sold for window curtains and hall hangings. 
The fibre is in increasing demand for exportation, and is doubtless put 
to uses not known by the uninitiated; gardeners employ it largely for 
tying up their plants, and it is amusing to hear these scientific gentlemen 
confidently affirm that it is a ‘grass;’ this, however, is a very general 
error in England, where it goes by the name of ‘raphia grass.’ 

SEDGES and RUSHES abound in the marshes, and are put to good 
service, especially in the central provinces, at a distance from the 
forests. The houses are almost universally thatched with Aérana (Cyperus 
latifolius, Thouars). The 2dzdro (Cyperus equalts, Vahl) forms rush doors, 
windows, partitions, sides of houses, etc. Mats of all sizes and qualities 
are made from hdzondrano (Scirpus corymbosus, Heyne), haréfo (a species 
of Heleocharis), etc., and are used generally for floor coverings, and 
in some districts as linings for the insides of houses; and among 
some tribes in the south these fabrics form the only dress worn by the 
people, not only as loose coverings, but as well-fitting jackets and other 


——— 


IN MALAGASY¥ INDUSTRIES. 95 


garments. Baskets of all sizes, called sobiky and hdrona, are also made in 
large numbers, and are of great service in carrying and storing things in 
general. On the east coast a regular industry exists among the Bétsi- 
misaraka in making, for exportation to Mauritius, sugar sacks from a 
marsh plant called pénja (probably a species of Lepzronia), GRASSES 
and SEDGES too are well employed in making hats and small fanc 
baskets of various shapes and qualities. The dhibdno, manakalahy, tstd 
drétra (Sporobolus indicus, R. Br.), /akatra, and bdnoka are the chief varieties 
used. FIBRES from the young shoots of various palms and other plants, 
and from the bark of various trees, are also used for the same purpose, 
as also for making ropes and string; the anivona (a palm), the ha/otra 
(various species of Dombeya), the /sdntsona (Pavonia Boeri, Baker), the faré- 
tra (Furcrea gigantea, Vent.), the pine-apple, the banana, and the /@/a are 
pressed into this service. CoTTon is grown in small quantities and woven 
into Jamba; on the south-east coast it is said to be of a very superior quality, 
and fetches a good price when exported. A DOWN called vdnim-pandro, 
lit. the flower of the fandro (Gomphocarpus fruticosus, R. Br.) is used for 
stuffing cushions, and it is occasionally made into /améa, which are 
remarkably light and warm. The plant is an annual and grows very 
readily as a weed ; the down in the seed-pod has a beautifully silky appear- 
ance and may be worthy the attention of manufacturers. HerEmp is 
grown and used for making strong durable /emba much worn by the 
poorer classes of the people ; it might be produced in any quantity. The 
SUGAR-CANE is cultivated and used for making a coarse kind of native 
sugar, but mainly for distilling the native rum called féake. Sugar- 
growing will undoubtedly be one of the chief industries of this country 
when fairly opened to commerce. Native DYES are obtained from the 
turmeric root (Curcuma longa, L.), which is an introduced plant, but has 
now become quite naturalized under the name /dmofdmo ; from the bark 
of the nafo; the aka, the common indigo (Jndigofera tinctoria, L.) and 
also from a black mud. Many aniline dyes, however, are imported and 
are in general use. A climbing plant (Vahea madagascariensis, Bojer) 
in the forests yields INDIA-RUBBER Called by the natives /ingofra ; the tree 
known by the native name /androrcho (Trachylobium verrucosum, Lam.) 
yields GUM-COPAL, called by the natives sddardsy, neither of which are 
used by the natives, except as an article of export. The ToBacco plant 
(Mikotiana tabacum) grows luxuriantly; the dried leaves pounded and 
mixed with the ashes of certain plants forms the paraky which is used 
by almost every Malagasy, male and female, from the highest to the 
lowest. The snuff-box is an article of personal adornment in which the 
people take great pride. They vary in antiquity and quality, from the 
richly chased gold one inherited by the Sovereign, to the little length of 
bamboo, bought in the market for an infinitesimal scrap of money and 
carried by the slave. The dose is shaken into the palm of the hand and 
jerked under the tongue, where its virtues are extracted with a delight 
equalling that of Jack Tar chewing the orthodox quid. Of late some 
enterprising natives have produced cigars to supply the needs of the 
smoking foreigners, and the Malagasy are fast adopting the imported 
practice. 


oO NATIVE PRODUCTS USED 


III. The mineral resources of Madagascar have still to be discovered 
and developed. Hitherto the policy of the Government has been 
adverse to any attempt to open up what will probably prove to be a 
source of great national wealth. 

The GRANITE and GNEISS which abound in the central provinces have 
only comparatively Jately been used for building purposes, and that only 
in the Capital and its vicinity. The Royal Palace, some of the largest 
Churches, and some rather imposing looking tombs, have been built of 
this stone. Only the partially decayed rock is worked and dressed, as 
it is difficult with the native tools to work it while unsoftened. Large 
slabs, however, are peeled off the virgin rock by burning cow-dung 
on the top, and, when the heat has penetrated a (evi inches, throwing 
water upon it, when the contraction loosens immense pieces which are 
used in the construction of their family tombs. Slabs fourteen to eight- 
een feet long by ten to twelve feet wide, and four to eight inches thick, 
are frequently used as sides and coverings to these tombs, which are 
mostly underground, but are surmounted by an elaborate structure 
of dressed stone, as indicated above. The dragging of these large 
stones, in a country where no roads exist and no wheeled vehicles are 
used, is one of the serious affairs of Malagasy life, relieved, however, by 
the festivities which accompany it. All the members of the tribe, men, 
women, and children, gather for the occasion, dressed in holiday attire ; 
long ropes of twisted bast or grass are fastened to the stone; three or 
four long processions hold the ropes; a man with a fluent tongue 
mounts the stone to animate the people with his antics and jokes and 
declamation ; singers clap their hands and chant; and the big mass is 
jerked on inch by inch, day after day, so long as the people can spare 
the time, although it often takes two or three dry seasons to accomplish the 
task. Granite and gneiss of various tints in grey and pink abound; and 
when the art of polishing stone is introduced, it is possible that the 
production of ornamental and monumental granite may become an 
industry of the central province, especially as emery stone is found at 
no great distance. The ordinary houses in Imerina and Betsileo have 
always been made of the clayey soil, kneaded into large lumps and 
built in courses of about eighteen inches in height. The brick mould, 
however, is more and more generally used, and in the majority of 
instances the bricks are simply the puddled soil without any mixture 
of straw or grass, turned out from the mould to dry and harden in the 


. sun. BURNT BRICKS and TILES are becoming more common, the fuel used 


in burning them being peat, called by the natives /émpofra. 

The potter’s art has not got beyond the very earliest stage in Madagas- 
car. Round water-pots of all sizes, and stands to serve as rice pots, are 
moulded by hand and burnt; and this is about the extent of the native 
pottery at present. EARTHS of various colours are abundant, and are 
sometimes used for decorating the walls of houses. A white earth 
called fany ravo is in greatest request for this purpose; it is a kind 
of kaolin, and will probably be found to have some commercial value for 
the production of fine china. PLUMBAGO or GRAPHITE is found plentifully 
in Imerina and is used for blackening the clay pots and stands mentioned 


IN MALAGASY INDUSTRIES. 97 





above. The small quantity used is easily obtained by scratching a few 
inches below the surface, but no attempts have been made to discover 
more solid veins of this mineral, for which indeed no present demand 
exists. The native name is mdnjardno. 

All the Lime used in Imerina is obtained from the travertine deposited 
by the hot springs at Sirabé in North Bétsiléo, four or five days’ journey - 
from the Capital, whence it is brought on government service by the 
inhabitants of the district. It is consequently difficult to get, very 
expensive and very impure, and but sparingly used even in building ; 
the ordinary mortar being nothing but puddled clay. An outcrop of 

line limestone occurs about ten miles south of the Capital, which 
will probably some day be utilised for obtaining lime, although the 
distance of fuel will be a serious obstacle. Near Sirabe also are exten- 
sive deposits of SULPHUR, where it occurs in nodules of various shape in 
combination with earthy matter. These are dug under the superinten- 
dence of government officers and carried to the Capital by the inhabitants | 
of the district, thence sent another day’s journey to Ambdéhidratrimo, a 
village on the edge of the forest, where there are rude furnaces for 
separating it. It is thence returned to the government works in the - 
Capital and purified sufficiently for use in the manufacture of gunpowder. 
Similar deposits occur about a day’s journey west of the Capital, where 
also LIGNITE was recently found, and awakened the hope that coal had 
been discovered. No use, however, has yet been made of the lignite. 
Leap is brought from the Betsileo province and is used for casting: 
bullets, the exigencies of the war with the French having produced 
this relaxation of the stringent laws against working metals. No 
appliances exist for the separation of any silver that may be in the ore, 
nor indeed has any analysis been made of the metal. 

The only native metal used by the Malagasy is 1ron. Of this most: 
useful of all metals great quantities exist in many parts of Imerina. It 
is specially plentiful on tre west of the forest bounding Imerina on 
the east, in the district called Améronkay. The ore is smelted by 
being burnt with charcoal in pits covered with clay, the fire being 
maintained by a blast from pistons worked by hand in pieces of hollow 
trunks. The account given in Ellis’s History of Madagascar (vol. I. 
p. 306) of the smelting of iron is equally correct of the present day, 
as no improvements have been made. Numbers of useful iron articles ' 
are manufactured and sold in the markets, and great quantities are taken 
to the various tribes, in all parts of the country, for sale. The chief 
articles in demand are spade blades, which are eighteen to twenty-four 
inches long by about four to six inches wide, spear heads, axes, spoons, « 
and knives. Besides these, rough tools for carpenters, and still rougher 
imitations of cutlery, are exposed for sale in the markets. All iron work 
is done by the hammer and anvil, and some of the native smiths are very 
clever, and have recently succeeded in turning out some guns and mi- 
trailleuses. A large field for the expansion of the iron industry will be 
opened when the art of casting is fairly introduced and established, as 
may be gathered from the large number of iron pots which are annually 
imported, 


pucentpee tension — 


98. NATIVE PRODUCTS USED 





This rapid and by no means exhaustive survey of the native products 
of this island, as supplying the industries of the people, affords, we think, 
conclusive evidence that the Malagasy are capable of advancement in 
the arts of civilization, and that, if fair play be given to them, they may 
be expected to contribute their quota to the commerce and material 
advancement of the world. 

A couple of incidents illustrative of their ingenuity and patience in the 
use of such appliances as are at hand may conclude this paper, and 
show that they have some, at least, of the qualities which help to produce 
national prosperity. 

In a country district our host had a box of Bryant and May’s ‘Tiger 
lucifer matches, which seemed rather an unusually expensive luxury at 
such a distance from the Capital. But the explanation fully exonerated 
our friend from the suspicion of extravagance. He divided the 
detonating end of a match into three or four pieces, with each of which 
he could Fre off his fowling-piece and so save percussion caps. In the 
Capital some pounds of fine white flour from native-grown wheat was 
brought for sale. When the owner was asked how he ground the wheat 
and sifted the flour, the reply was, that it was ground in a small coffee 
mill and sifted through a piece of fine muslin. 

J. WILLS. 








In the course of this paper I have occasionally referred to the beneficent 
influence of the artisan members of the London Missionary Society in 
introducing the useful arts into this country between 1818 and 1835. I append 
in this note a summary of the results of their work as given by the late 
venerable James Cameron, himself the last survivor of that useful band of 
men, who read it at a social meeting of missionaries in Antananarivo, Oct. 
2oth, 1874. He instances ten points of success : — 

‘*7, They greatly extended and improved the manufacture of iron-work in 
the country, applying it to the construction of machinery and to 
many of the uses to which it is now applied in Madagascar. 

‘*2, They were successful in discovering the best materials for the manu- 
facture of leather and applying them to the tanning of hides, and 
dressing the same so as to be used in the manufacture of shoes, boots, 
and general leather-work, all of which have been carried on by the 
natives till the present time. 

‘*3. In building they improved many kinds of wood-work, and introduced 
stone-work for various purposes, made bricks of various kinds for 
building purposes, and Mr. Freeman brought slates and grindstones 
from Betsileo, which were unknown here before. 

‘‘4. They discovered limestone in the country after years had been spent 
in a fruitless search for it. 

‘‘s. They introduced cotton machinery and cotton spinning which, thou 
not economically adapted to the civilization then existing in the 
country, continued to be used till the machines were worn out. 

‘6. The same may be said of weaving; it was fairly tried, but it did not pay. 

‘*7, They discovered plants which yielded a large supply of potash and 
soda, which they used in the manufacture of soap on a considerable 
scale, and of glass and pottery-ware to a small extent. The former 

+ was at first monopolized by the Government, afterwards made by the 
people, but greatly deteriorated. 


IN MALAGASY INDUSTRIES. 99 





**8. They also discovered what had long been sought for in vain by the 
Government and others,—a metallic sulphuret or other mineral from 
which sulphur could be extracted in abundance. 

‘*9. They directed the manufacture, mostly on a small scale, of various 
salts, chiefly sulphates, carbonates, and nitrates, used in various arts 
and in medicine, and carried on by the Government till the present 
time. 

‘*s0. They constructed water-mills for the Government, with a large reser- 

voir, and brought water from a distance of some miles.’’ 

I¢ must be acknowledged, in the face of this statement, that the improve- 
ment of the Malagasy maferza/iy has by no means kept even pace with 
the rapid strides they have taken inteHectually and morally during the 
st 30 years. This is not the occasion for discussing the causes of this 
sproportionate advance. We leave the subject with the expression of the 
fervent hope that the political atmosphere may be speedily cleared, and that 
along with a well-founded assurance of the integrity of their country, the 
Government may be able to put aside all undue jealousy of foreigners, and at 
the same time relieve their people from the repressive influence of /dnom- 
péana (unpaid government service), and so lead their country into the 
opening paths of industrial and commercial progress, failing to enter which 
a ple can never become a nation fitted to hold its own among the 
civilized communities of the present day.—J.W. 


THE SWAHELI ELEMENT IN THE NEW 
MALAGASY-ENGLISH DICTIONARY. 


HAT is aimed at in the present article I will state here at the 
outset, that the reader may know beforehand what he is to 
expect. It is (1) to give the briefest possible information about the 
‘what’ and the ‘where’ of the Swaheli language, as nobody can be 
expected to take much interest in a comparison of languages in regard 
to which he has not some general idea, at Jeast as far as these two points 
are concerned. (2) To review briefly what has already been done as to 
comparing the two languages in question, i.e. Swaheli and Malagasy. 
(3) To make some critical and explanatory remarks on the alleged 
Swaheli words in the new Malagasy Dictionary, and to give a few 
additional ones which I have noticed. (4) To summarize the chief facts 
of the subject and point out the conclusions to be drawn from them. 

After these preliminary remarks, I will at once proceed to treat of each 
of these sections in the order as given above. 

I.—The Swaheli, Suahili, or Kisuahili seems to be, to a very great 
extent, a mixed language. The great bulk of its vocabulary is African 
and common, it seems, to different tribes along the East African coast. 
The next component is Arabic, as merchants from Arabia and Egypt 
have been trading on this coast for centuries. Some few words have 


e 


100 THE SWAHELI ELEMENT IN THE 





also entered into it from other sources, as Persian (through Arabic), 
Malabar dialects (through Hindu traders), Spanish and Portuguese (as 
the word dandera, of which more later on), and even some English or 
French words (as jasminit=Eng. jasmine*). But, so far as I can judge 
from a rather hasty estimate, the whole of the foreign element would not 
amount to more than, say, one-tenth of its vocabulary. As to the rest 
of its words, and especially as to its grammar, it is certainly a Bantu 
language, belonging to the north-eastern branch of that great family of 
speech. It must, however, be admitted that even in its grammar “the 

of the original grammatical structure is greater than in most of 
the Bantu languages. And the foreign element has also to some extent 
entered into its grammar, or at least into such parts of speech the words 
of which are usually enumerated in grammars as numerals, conjunc- 
tions, etc.”t For besides the original native numerals, the Swaheli has 
also got the Arabic ones ; amongst its particles we find such purely Arabic 
words as the conjunction /aken (but), and the preposition Aat/a (until); 
and even the comparison of an adjective is generally effected by means 
of the Arabic words sazd? (more than) and kulla (Arabic kull, Heb. 
kolt); and the demonstrative pronouns 1, hus, and huyo (this, that) are 
evidently identical with the Arabic hia, hua (personal pronouns with 
demonstrative power). This shows that foreign elements, in certain 
respects, have influenced this language more than ever the Norman- 
French did the English, although the introduced words are so much 
fewer than are the Norman-French words in English. 

Swaheli is chiefly spoken in the central portions of the East African 
coast. Its head-quarters seem to be at Mombasa, where, according to 
Dr. Krapf, it is most pure and elegant; but it is spoken (or at least 
understood), with some slight dialectic variations, on the whole coast, 
from Mozambique in the south to Mugdasha (Magadoxo) in the north. 
And although it is chiefly the language of tribes living on the low plains 
along the coast, as its name also suggests,§ it seems to be known far 
inland and to be the common medium of communication for traders 
even along the shores of the great lakes in the interior; while at the 
same time it extends its influence to the east as far as the Comoro 
Islands, on three of which (Comoro, Mohilla, and Johanna) Swaheli is 
the ordinary language. As to its mixed character and wide-spread 
influence, especially as a medium of inter-tribal trade and business, it 
seems to hold about the same position in East Africa as the ‘Lingua 
franca once held in the Levant, and Hindustani still, to some extent, 
holds in India. 

The conditions necessary for the origin of such languages are, of 
course, that the natives come into close contact with such foreigners 
whom it is to their own interest to understand and to be understood by. 


® Occurs, however, also in Arabic ( yasmin). (Surely, however, the English and French 
words come from the Arabic or Persian eee b Af L ; 
+ See Dr. Bleek’s Comparative mmar of Sout rican Languages; §§ 482, 483. 
t Curiously enough, the Arabic origin of this word does not seem to Krave n noticed at 
all by Dr. Krapf. ; 
wah waheli or Suahili is an Arabic word, meaning plain level ground (saha/a, to be level ; 
id, plain; saké, a plain). 


NEW MALAGASY-ENGLISH DICTIONARY. FO! 


This is chiefly the case with the trader and the conqueror, each in 
his own way. It is generally quite different with the missionary. 
Here the interest is, at least at the beginning, one-sided ; for it is of the 
greatest possible consequence to the missionary to be understood, while 
the natives, on the other hand, do not see that it matters to them 
whether they understand him or not.* Therefore he is obliged to try to 
acquire such a knowledge of the language as to enable him to speak and 
write it with exactness, while he will not introduce more foreign words 
than are absolutely necessary. 

II.—It is quite natural that a language like the Swaheli should have 
some influence on the language of the great island to the east of its 
proper domain ; for although the Swaheli-speaking people seem never to 
have had any connection with Madagascar, the Arabs, who have traded 
here for centuries, have generally come from the Swaheli coast, and very 
seldom direct from Arabia; the majority of them have probably been 
born in the Swaheli-speaking districts, so that they are a kind of ‘Arab 
creole.’ Here in the Capital I have often met with so-called Arabs who 
could write with Arabic characters and read Arabic books I put into 
their hands, but were unable to translate what they had read without my 
help, as their language was confessedly Swaheli. Such people, chiefl 
traders, have of course introduced Swaheli terms in connection wit 
their trade ; and even when introducing Arabic words (i.e. Arabic words 
already naturalized into Swaheli), they have done so unconsciously and 
have given them the form such words had already acquired in Swaheli. 

Being partly aware of this, I felt it a great drawback, when writing 
my article on Arabic words in Malagasy, that I had so little knowledge 
of Swaheli. I easily saw that such a knowledge might have both helped 
me to detect the Arabic words in Malagasy, and have been a key to the 
explanation of the changes they had undergone on their way hither 
through East Africa.t 

But at that time very little had been published about Swaheli (small 
vocabularies, etc.), and even that little was inaccessible to me. What little 
I knew was gleaned from passing remarks in general philological works, 
and the Zravels of Dr. Krapf, who also gave me some oral information 
about it when I called on him at his residence in Kornthal, in Germany, 
in 1869, some months before I left for Madagascar. Dr. Steere’s Hand- 
book of the Suahili Language had just been published when I wrote, but 
was not accessible to me. The Rev. W. E. Cousins, who went home to 
England through Zanzibar, seems to have been the first Madagascar 
missionary who had access to Dr. Steere’s Handbook ; and he immediately 
gave us the benefit of his knowledge in the shape of a comparison 
between Swaheli and Malagasy words in the next ANNUAL (No. II. pp. 
20-22). But as his time for inspecting the book was, of course, very 
limited, he could only give us a smattering of the subject, comparing 
about 50 words in the two languages. Some of these, however, are very 


© I need not say that, in reality, the interest is here one-sided in the opposite direction. 
The trader works for himself, the missionary for the natives ; but this they cannot see at the 


outset. 
+ See ANNUAL No. II., pp. 76, 77: 


102 THE SWAHELI ELEMENT IN THE 


doubtful, and as regards one of them, there seems to be some mistake 
(nyatt, buffalo, is compared with Malag. astra (?), probably a printer's 
error) ;* but most of them I think hold good. 

No further step towards utilizing the now available knowledge of 
Swaheli for the illustration of Malagasy was made until Mr. Richardson 
began to compile his new Malagasy Dictionary, when Mr. Pickersgill 
undertook to compare the Malagasy vocabulary throughout with that of 
Swaheli for the benefit of the said work, a contribution for which we 
are all very thankful.t But every first attempt of this kind must neces- 
sarily have its imperfections in spite of all care and diligence. It is, 
besides, to some extent, simply a consequence of the peculiar nature of 
such a subject that many suggested identifications can only be guesses, of 
more or less probability, and in many instances Mr. Pickersgill has 
marked them as such by a query. Therefore when I proceed to criticise 
some of his identifications, I wish it to be clearly understood that I am 
as far as possible from depreciating the good work he has done. 

III.—Let us now examine the Swaheli words in Malagasy as given in 
the new Dictionary. As I have not had time, and scarcely patience 
enough, to hunt them out, I directed an intelligent native to write out 
for me all words marked ‘‘Swa.” The number he found out for me in 
this way amounted to 227. In turning over the leaves of the new Diction- 
ary, I have detected several words which he has overlooked; and, as 
there may still be some I have not noticed, the total number cannot be 
far short of 250. Many of these, however, are very doubtful ; others are 
no more Swaheli than they are Malagasy, being in both languages 
introduced foreign words, especially Arabic, although they may have 
come into Malagasy through Swaheli. In some few cases the alleged 
Swaheli word is found in Malagasy, but the identification is wrong; e.g. 
Swa. ngara (transparent) is given under the Malag. ngédra (being of a 
mixed colour), while it is evidently to be identified with the Malag. 
mangarangdrana (transparent); cf. also zéka. Some of the alleged 
Swaheli words I have not been able to find at all in Dr. Krapf’s Diction- 
ary ; I will give a list of these later on. 

Finally, there are many instances in which a word apparently common 
to Malagasy and Swaheli is also found in several other African languages, 
in which case the question arises whether such roots have been intro- 
duced into Malagasy through Swaheli, or whether they belong to the 
original African element in Malagasy. In most cases, however, this can 
be decided by the /oca/ity where the word in question is in use. Nearly 
all Swaheli words in Malagasy are ‘provincial’ (and duly marked as such in 
the Dictionary) and mostly have a very limited range (generally confined to 
some of the coast districts). Besides which, the introduced Swaheli words 
have of course, as a rule, been brought to Madagascar by traders from 

East Africa, and therefore generally prove to be s/erms of trade, or names 
of articles introduced by trade from the Swaheli ‘coast. Therefore I 
would make bold to lay down the rule that, Wherever a Malagasy word of 
common occurrence and referring to objects of common life ts found, not only in 


* This was so; it should have been odéra ; see the new Dictionary, under this word, —Eps, 
¢ I understand that Mr. Sibree had also some share in this work. 


NEW MALAGASY-ENGLISH DICTIONARY. 


103 





Swahelt, but also in other African languages, it ts almost certain that tt has 
not been introduced into Malagasy rouge Swahelt, but belongs to the original 
African element in Malagasy. The Malagasy word dméy (cattle, Swa. 
ngombe) is a good illustration of what I mean. (See my remarks on this 
word later on.) 

Turning now to the several words given as Swaheli in the new Diction- 
ary, I shall pass over in silence all those with regard to which I have 
no new information to give, or the identifications of which I have no 
special reason to demur to. After having in this manner gone through 
the Dictionary and its Appendix, I shall mention a few other Swaheli 
words I have noted which seem to have been overlooked by Mr. Pickers- 


gill. 


A. ALLEGED SWAHELI WORDS IN 
THE NEW DICTIONARY. 

1. Akdanga: the guinea - fowl ; 
Swa. kanga. Probably a true Afn- 
can word, as this bird is of African 
origin, and the word occurs in several 
African dialects, with some slight 
variations as to its form: Nyamwez}, 
hanga; Sena and Maravi, -kangea ; 
Makua, zkaka. 

2. MAkdnjo: coat, dress; Swa. 
hkanzu; Fr. canezou. As the Swa. 
word means very much what the first 
kind of coat here must be supposed 
to have been (a long shirt-like gar- 
ment), especially if introduced by 
East African traders; and as the 
word camezou,—which can scarcely 
be called French—is not likely to 
have been the word the French would 
have used if #/ey introduced dresses 
here, I think we can take it for grant- 
ed that the Swa. 4anzu is the origin 
of our Malag. akanzo. Besides, there 
can scarcely be any doubt, accord- 
ing to tradition, that the Malagasy 
chiefs obtained a kind of dress from 
East Africa before they had any trade 
of importance with Europeans. The 
Swaheli word seems to be of Arabic 
origin. Kasu, kiswa, and kaswa all 
mean ‘vestment’ in Arabic, and are all 
derived from the verb £asa, to clothe. 
The prefixed a in akanzo is no doubt 
only a remnant of the Arabic article 
al. 

3. Adho: the domestic fowl; Swa. 
kuku. This is certainly a true Afri- 
can word, occurring in different forms 
in the various dialects. Nyamwezi, 
ngoko; Yao, nguhu; Makua, s/aku; 


Maravi, Tette, Sena, £uku ; Sofala, 
huku; Zulu, inkuhu; Inhambane, 
koku; Cape Delgado, uku. The 
original form has most likely been 
ku or &uk, which is, after all, perhaps 
the same word as the Eng. cock and 
Fr. cog. Onomatopceetic words like 
this often originate at the same time 
in different countries. 

4. A&dndro: the banana tree and 
fruit. This is compared with Swa. 
mkungu, but, according to Dr. 
Krapf’s description of it, this must 
be a different plant altogether. Be- 
sides, the form of the two words 
almost precludes the existence of any 
relationship whatever. The banana 
tree is in Swa. called md@zzt, which is 
perhaps only a corruption of the Ar. 
muze, bananas, from which we have 
the generic term Jfusa in botany. 
In Yao, in which the banana tree is 
called /igoméo, the fruit stem is 
called mkonga, a word that comes 
very near the Swa. mkungu, and is 
most likely the same word ; for while 
mkungu alone, according to Dr. 
Krapf, seems to be quite a different 
tree, he gives mkungu wa ndizit as 
‘“‘the stalk on which the banana fruits 
hang.”’ In other East African dialects 
quite different words are used for 
bananas; e.g. zmzka, inaka, madoke, 
legombo, ukova (Zulu), the last of 
which comes nearest to akondro. The 
comparison with words of the Malay- 
an class, as given in the Dictionary, 
affords no solution. As the initial a@ 
points to the Arabic article, I am some- 
what inclined to refer the word to the 
Ar. oda, anything green (akondro 


104 


=al-kodra, the green ?), on account 
of its green stem and long light-green 
leaves. 

5. Ambéia: dog; Swa. méboa. 
Here again we seem to have a word 
belonging to the original African 
element in Malagasy : Sofala, s#zdua, 
and so also in Tette and Inhambane; 
Yao and Nyamw., 'mdua. 

6. Amfpaingo (=amparapain- 

J: fetters, chains; Swa. Zingu. 
fis reference seems to be correct. 
The prefixed syllable am appears to 
be the Ar. article a/; but I know no 
Ar. word jingu (pf does not exist in 
Arabic) in this sense. 

7, Ampindra: a mule; Swa. 
punda, an ass. Here is the same 
difficulty with regard to the article ; 
but I think the solution is that the 
Swaheli-Arab traders who introduced 
the word here have added the Arabic 
article to the African name. 

8. Angamia: a camel; Swa. 
ngamia. This is no doubt a corrup- 
tion of the Ar. a/-gamz/, a camel. 

Angarabé: the name of a star, 
may be referable to Swa. ngara, 
glitter ; but it is not very likely that 
it is so, as this root is otherwise not 
used without reduplication in Malag. 
(mangarangarana, clear, transpa- 
rent). As Kereb and Akared occur 
as names of stars in Arabic (e.g. Zaz 
Pegast and Bela Scorpionis), it 
seems quite as probable that this 
may be the origin of the Malag. word, 
especially as the other astronomical 
terms in Malagasy are Arabic (as with 
the names of the constellations in the 
Zodiac and the moon stations, as 

ointed out by me in ANNUAL No. 
I., pp. 78-82; No. III., p. 131. 

10. Antrendry: dates, is probably 
the Swa. Zende, with the Ar. article; 
but the form is rather obscure. In 
Arabic dates are called femra and 
the date-palm zah/a. In Nyamw. 
dates are called nende. 

11. Avahdba and m4drahdaba : 
salutation, are pure Arabic words 
(see ANNUAL No. II., p. 83, where 
the full form is given) which Swaheli, 
like Malagasy, has borrowed. In the 
Dictionary a reference is given to the 


THE SWAHELI ELEMENT IN THE 


Arabic under arahaéa, but not under 
marahaba. 

12. Asaly: a shawl; Swa. shais, 
is now a cosmopolitan word, found in 
both hemispheres, from Eastern India 
in the east to California in the west. 
It is thought to be originally a Per- 
sian word. In Madagascar it seems 
to have been introduced direct from 
Arabia, as it appears in the Ar. as- 
Shalu (with the article), rather than 
in the Swaheli form of the word. 

13. dba: inter. beautiful! capi- 
tal! famous! ‘‘[Swa. deda, root of verb 
with the same meaning. ]’’ What this 
parenthesis is intended to mean I am 
unable to say, as I find no other deda 
in Swaheli than the one forming the 
root of the verb meaning ‘‘to carry a 
child on the back in a cloth,’’ which 
is no object of surprise calling for 
an explanation, at least not in this 
country. (The Swa. deda should have 
been given under Malag. dédy. See 
my additional words.) 

14. Bahary: the sea; Swa. da- 
hart, is of course the Ar. dahr (lake, 
sea), so familiar to every one in maps 
of the Holy Land, etc. 

1s. Sandary: a harbour, a land- 
ing-place ; Swa. damdart. This isa 
Persian word, meaning a place where 
merchandise is stored and kept until 
sold, an emporium. The word early 
passed into Arabic and from thence 


- both into Malagasy and Swaheli. 


16. Sava: ‘‘atribe... in South- 
central Madagascar; . Swa. darra, 
a tract of country.’’ This Swaheli 
word is a purely Arabic one, meaning 
land, country ; but there is not, in my 
opinion, the slightest probability that 
it has anything to do with the Mala- 
gasy name Bara, which certainly 
primarily and chiefly designates the 
tribe, and mot the country. Why 
call a tribe ‘country’? And if the 
Malagasy had a mind to use sucha 
misnomer, how was it that they chose 
a word for ‘country’ which appears 
nowhere else in Malagasy? It is 
certainly much more likely that this 
tribal name is to be explained by the 
root dara, which we meet with re- 
duplicated in ddraddra, in the sense 


NEW MALAGASY-ENGLISH DICTIONARY. 


105 





of the rvough-speaking (people). It 


is quite natural that the Hova, who 
had difficulty in understanding their 
dialect (as they still have), should in 
a derisive manner designate them by 
this onomatopeetic word, which re- 
minds us. at once of our own ‘barba- 
rous,’ and the Greek dardaros, which 
seems to have had a similar origin.°® 
(See also Ar. dardar, to mutter.) I 
cannot leave this word without mak- 
ing the remark that I do not see why 
a Dictionary, which does not profess 
to give proper names, should, in some 
few instances, single out such a 
name, when a piece of etymology is 
thought to be involved in it. Sthie 
remark also applies to Bdély and, I 
believe, a few others. 

17. Baraka: honour, fame, is 
thought to be connected with the Swa. 
baraka, blessing, and darakéa, the 
mask-like veil used by Mohammedan 
women. Both these words are Arabic, 
or, rather, common Semitic, at least 
the first of them, which, however, in 
my view, is quite out of the question 
here, because the sense is too dis- 
similar. Sarakoa, which in Arabic 
has the form Jardékiu, and means a 
veil, agrees exceedingly well with the 
fact that the Malag. daraka is only 
used in combination with d@/a and 
@faka (taking off, freed from) ; and it 
is easy enough to see how the taking 
off forcibly the veil of a woman 
might become a phrase for ‘putting 
to shame’ in general. It is, however, 
not likely that the word has been 
imported here through Swaheli (but 
rather direct from Arabia, at an 
earlier period (?), as the accent is so 
different from that of the Swaheli 
form, but agrees with the Arabic. 
There is, however, another Arabic 
word, éarag, meanin splendour, 
which may equally well be the origin 
of the Malag. daraka. 

18. Dada: medicine; Swa. dawa, 
isthe Ar. dawao (medicine), which 
word seems to be radically identical 
with the Malag. é@y (medicine and 
charm); see my article in ANNUAL 
No. II., p. 80. 


19. fady, prov. Jaly: what must 
be abstained from, anything tabooed, 
has scarcely anything to do with 
Swa. fa/z(an omen), which is the Ar. 
fal or falu (an omen, especially a 
good one). The taboo idea is too much 
a Polynesian one to allow us to look 
towards Africa for the origin of its 
Malagasy name. But I have not the 
means of investigating further into 
the origin of this word. 

20. faziry: a large star or planet. 
‘‘Probably from Swa. alfazir1, the 
dawn.’’ This Swaheli word should 
rather have been written a//agzrz, 
as the gis in this word hard, as in 
the Egyptian dialect of Arabic, while 
soft in the Syrian branch of that lan- 
guage. It is the Arabic a/-/azir, 
which means dawn, but is also the 
name of the morning star (Venus). 
Its form in Malagasy (7, not g, and 
without the article) seems to prove 
that it has not been introduced 
through Swaheli. 

21. Gardmaand kardma: wages; 
Swa. gharama, expense, are the Ar. 
gharam (gharamatun\=what one 18 
obliged to pay (from gharsma, to be 
bound to pay). 

21. Hoho: nails of the hands and 
feet: Swa. wkucha. As we have 
the Malay £uku, of the same mean- 
ing, there is no need to refer to any 
other source, especially as kuku is 
the very form the Malag. Aoho would 
have in Malay. (Cf. Malag. aho= 
Mal. aku; Malag. hkolatra=Mal. 
kulat, etc.) 

23. J/6ibé¢ : grandmother; Swa. 
btby, seems to be only the feminine 
of ababé (grandfather), also dédade. 
Both words are to be referred to the 
true African word dada (see my ad- 
ditional words), which may be radi- 
cally connected with daéa. 

24. Ino, root of mino: to believe ; 
Swa. amina. The Swa. amina is 
an Arabic verb corresponding to the 
Heb. amen, heemin, to believe; but 
if the Malag. mmo is the same word, 
the root cannot be zzo; if therefore 
tno is taken as the root, it is so taken 
through a misunderstanding in the 


* See Max Miiller’s Lectures on the Scicnce of Language ; vol i., pp. 130-132. 


106 


language itself, treating this word ac- 
cording to the general analogy of verbs 
in mz. (Cf. mdzZy and my remarks on 
it in ANNUAL No. II., p. 90; /aty is 
treated as a root, which it scarcely is.) 

25. $Faka: *‘meat or money pre- 
sented by friends to one another on 
the annual festival of the Fandroa- 
ma; anew year’s gift. Comp. Swa. 
zaka, tithes.’’ I have long busied 
myself about this word and hope now 
to have made it out at last. It must 
be the Ar. za2é, alms (lit. purifica- 
tions; cf. Heb. zaka, to be pure). 
This word and sadaka are one pair, 
The first of them denotes the legal, 
obligatory, the second the free-will, 
gifts to God (offerings), or to the 
poor, as His representatives (alms). 
A good Muslim ts expected to spend 
about one-fortieth of his property in 
alms, and especially to be liberal at 
the end of Ramadan (the fasting 
month) at the festival called Beiram, 
of which I consider the Fandroana 
to be an imitation. Hence the 7aka 
(zaka) at the Fandroana. What was 
once the a/ms has now become pre- 
sents in general. 

26. Sama : a national assembly ; 
Swa. jamaa. This is the Ar. jama- 
alum of, as pronounced in modern 
Arabic, 7amde or jamd, and the very 
same word we have in Zoma, Friday 
(day of congregation, from sama, to 
congregate). 

27. Siny: the ashes of a deceased 
prince ; Swa. 7#mnz (not sz, as in 
the Dictionary). The Swa. 7#nmz, 
evil spirits, is no doubt the Ar. 7% 
or 7unn, the genzz or intermediate 
beings between men and angels. 
These were, however, yenerally con- 
sidered as eve? spirits, and this makes 
me doubt its identity with the Mala- 
gasy word. People were not likely 
to say that their deceased king had 
become an evz/ spirit; neither do 
the Mohammedans believe that their 
princes become 727 after death. 

28. Fohdry: a chief, a president, 
etc.; Swa. zohari, ajewel. The word 
is rather to be referred tothe Ar. root 
Johara, to be conspicuous, manifest, 
public. 


THE SWAHELI ELEMENT IN THE 


29. Kédlafaty: caulking; Swa. 
katlafats, is the Ar. halafat or gilae 
fat, Spanish, calafatear, to caulk, 
from which language the word seems 
to have passed into nearly all Euro- 

ean tongues, more or less altered 
most so in Engl. caudk); but it is 
impossible to decide whether it was 
originally a Spanish or an Arabic 
word. The fact that in Spanish it 
has got several derivatives (ca/afate, 
calafateador, calafateadura, cala- 
Jaterta, calafatin) seems to point 
to a Spanish origin, but, on the other 
hand, it has no possible etymology 
in Spanish, while it does not seem 
impossible to find this in Arabic. 

30. Kdrafdy or karafthy: cloves; 
Swa. garofuu (garafuu in the Dic- 
tionary is a misprint), seems to be 
the Fr. caryophylle, as cloves were 
introduced into Zanzibar from Mau- 
ritius (according to Krapf), and there- 
fore most likely retained the French 
name. In Arabic cloves are called 
goronfol, probably from the same 
source. 

31. Kardna or karany: a Mo- 
hammedan Indian trader; Swa. a- 
vant, a clerk, secretary; another 
Arabic word in Swaheli, viz. garan, 
the reader, especially the reader of 
the Qoran (which originally means 
‘what is to be read’). Cf. mzgra, 
scriptures, lit. reading, in post-Bib- 
lical Hebrew. 

32. Karibo, adj. and verb imper. : 
near, come near, come in; wa. 
karib. Vhe Swa. kartd is the Ar. 

artb (=Heb. garad), to draw near. 
t is in Swaheli used exactly as in 
Malagasy in answer to odz (the 
Malag. kaody), when knocking is 
heard at a door. 

33. Ktbadha: a rice-measure ; 
Swa. £tbaha, a measure, is the Ar. 
gtbah, a measure ; cf. Heb. gad, root 
meaning anything hollow. 

34. Atbana : ‘‘a bedstead, a raised 

latform for sleeping on out of doors 
in hot weather, the latter is some- 
times provided with a light roof; Swa. 
kibanda, a hut.’’ This seems to 
be the Ar. gadéan, gtbban, gubban, 
a tent, a pavilion. 


NEW MALAGASY-ENGLISH DICTIONARY. 


35. Asléma: a blemish, deform- 
ity, scar; Swa. Az/ema, a deformed 
person. This is the Ar. &zlam, 
wounded, deformed, from sal/ama, 
to wound. The Heb. salam, from 
which selsmmah, blemish, shame, 
is derived, is the same word. 

36 Ktraro: shoes; Swa. ktatu ; 
scarcely a happy identification. 

7. Ktrébo: ashilling. The Ar. 
vooa, from which both £2700 and the 
Swa. vob0 come, does not mean ‘four,’ 
but the ‘fourth part’ (i.e. of a ‘dollar). 
See my articlein ANNUAL No. II. p. 85. 

8. Kéhaka: coughing ; Swa. 
7} in Dictionary given as uko- 
ko), which is probably the Ar. kak, 
to cough; in ancient Arabic also, 
to snort. 

39. Lakiny: but, however; Swa. 
lakins ; this is most certainly the Ar. 
lakin, lakinna=Heb. Jaken. 

o. Mananasy: pine-apple, is 
certainly the Swa. mananazi, of the 
same meaning; but as to its origin, 
the word is from Peru (Peruv. zanas, 
pine-apple). 

41. ardba: fence, enclosure, 
square ; Swa. mradba, which is the 
Ar. moradbba, square. 

42. Maso: eye, should not have 
been compared with Swa. macho at 
all, as it is only misleading. As the 
word for eye, of the same root, occurs 
in the forms ma/a, mafan, mofo, etc., 
in any number of Malayo- Polynesian 
dialects, there can be no doubt as to 
the origin of the Malag. maso. And 
when macho is reduced to its singular 
jtcho, all similarity with maso disap- 
pears at once. ¥tcho is a genuine 
African.—word, occurring in many 
varieties:—Tette, z2z0; Sofala, dsts- 
so; Sena, dtso ; Cape Delgado, rzso; 
Zulu, #/ss0 ; Quillimane, Z2Zo. {Mark 
the easy transition here from ¢ to @ 
and #, as in Malagasy. )* 

43. Masta: a boat; Swa. mashua, 
is the Ar. mashtwa, a lighter. 

44. Mohéigo: manioc ; Swa. mu- 
hogo, is, I think, only a corruption of 
manthoc. 


109 


45. Mosimy: northerly wind; 
Swa. musim#, is the Ar. mausem, of 
which mosimy, musimit, and mon- 
soon are all corruptions. 

46. Afdfo : tinder, and moévo, fire; 
Swa. mofo, fire. Here we seem to 
have a genuine African word occur- 
riung in many East African languages 
of the Bantu family: Sofala, Tette, 
Quillimane, mofo, fire. It must, 
however, be kept in mind that here 
it occurs only on the coast; in the 
interior the Malayan afo (afu, aps, 
hapt, pepe, yap, yaf, aif, aow, etc.) 
is the only word in use. When the 
Malayan invaders came, they prob- 
ably took possession of the dmdy, 
ambova, and akého (cattle, dogs, and 
fowls) of the African aborigines, and 
the zames with the ¢himgs; but the 
fire was not to be taken captive in 
this way, and therefore it kept its 
Malayan name, leaving the African 
name to the African aborigines, 
whom they drove towards the coasts, 
where the word is still in use. 

Nahéda: a chieftain, a cap- 
tain of a vessel; Swa. nahoda, na- 
hoza, and nakhoda, is probably from 
the Ar. makiza or nuvahkiza, the 
captain of a ship. 

48. Weare : “being of a mixed 
colour. Used only of the eyes. Comp. 
Swa. 2gara, root of verb to be trans- 
parent.’’ The Swa. zgara has 
nothing to do with this word, but is 
evidently the root of the Malag. 
mangérangarana, shining, trans- 
parent. 

49. Via: root of minia, to in- 
tend; Swa. 2a, intention, is the Ar. 
mtya, intention. 

50. Omby: cattle; Swa. ngomoe. 
A genuine African word: Sofala, 
Tette, Sena, zgombe; Inhambane, 
ombe and nomée ; Quillimane, zgom- 
be and nompe; Maravi, mombe and 
muombe; Makua, tngope; Nyamw. 
and Yao, #g’ombe; etc. In Malayo- 
Polynesian quite different words are 
used in those languages which have 
any word at all for cattle. 


® I do not, however, mean to deny the possibility of a foreign word being introduced here 
think av 


in its plural form (cf. Vazaka), but 


it unnecessary to 


e recourse to this expedient 


when we have another and more natural explanation at hand. 


108 


51. Osérontany : customs duties ; 
Swa. ashur. This askur is the Ar. 
ashuru, the tenth part, then tithes, 
duties paid in kind at the rate of 10 
per cent. Cf. Heb. asar, eser (ten), 
with the derivatives zsaron, asor, 
maaser, which are the same word. 

52. Ofa: sin, has scarcely any- 
thing to do with Swa. sossa, error 
(Yao, makosa). 

53. ako: plaster; Swa. paka, 
root of the verb meaning to smear on. 
It may be the Ar. daga, to stain. 

54. Papdngo: a kite ; Swa, ktpa- 
nga, a large bird-of-prey The word 
seems to belong to the original Afric- 
an element in Malagasy : Sena, 
tsapanga,asmall falcon; Yao, chkzm- 
banga, ahawk. Probably the word 
originally meant any bird-of-prey. 
The root seems to be Janga, which 
in Zulu means to run at, seize 
violently, ravage, plunder. 

55. Parasy: a flea, is certainly 
the Heb. Jarosh, Ar. dburush or 
burgush, and not the Swa. Zasasi, 
ticks, as suggested in the Dictionary. 
It is strange that the Malagasy form 
comes nearer the Hebrew than the 
Arabic. It should, however, be kept 
in mind that the Ar. gor gf is only 
a modification in sound of the Heb. 
ayin, and that J, 4, and / are easily 
interchangeable. 

56. Rady: consent; Swa. urathi, 
is the Ar. rudwa, consent (root, 7adz, 
to consent). When Dr. Krapf gives 
the Ar. agar as root, it must be either a 
mistake on his part ora printer’s error. 

57- Rafiky: a friend; Swa. raft- 
ks, is the Ar. vafik, a friend, or, 
rather, a companion, from ra/faka, 
to keep company with, associate with. 

58. Rdmaddny: the Mohamme- 
dan fasting month; Swa. Ramathanz, 
is of course the Ar. Ramadan, which 
is the ninth month of the Arabic 


lunar year. (Root-meaning probably 
‘the burning one.’) 
59. Rasy: a cape, headland ; 


Swa. vas, is the Ar. ras (Heb. rosh), 
head, and then cape (just as we get 
‘cape’ from capuz). 

60. Sa. ‘fa provincial word for 
you, Sir! Swa. saa.’’ Both the 


THE SWAHELI ELEMENT IN THE - 


definition and the reference to the 
Swa. saa (or sa) seem to rest on a 
misunderstanding. The Swa. saa or 
sa isat any rate an interjection, of 
about the same sense as the Greek 
and Latin age / and Krapf also puts 
it among the interjections (p. xxxix. 
of his Dictionary), although his trans- 
lation of it is rather clumsy and 
misleading. The corresponding pro- 
vincial Malag. sa Ido not know. (cf. 
Ar. 22a, lo! look here !) 

61. Sadbéry: wait! Swa. sadurs, 
is from the Ar. /sadara, to be patient. 
The Swa. sadurz, however, is a noun 
(patience). 

Saddka : a sacrifice, offering ; 
Swa. sadaka, offering, feast- offering, 
alms, is from the Ar. ¢sadaga, which 
means anything regarded as dedica- 
ted to God, as offerings, alms, etc. 
(Cf. Heb. fsadagak, righteousness, 
which also, in post-Biblical Hebrew, 
acquired this wider sense. Comp. 


63. Safary: a journey, a voyage, 
etc. ; Swa. safart. A purely Arabic 
word ; se/ara, voyage, journey. 

64. Saka: field, country, out of 
town, etc., is scarcely the Swa. 
shamba, which seems to be onl 
ground which is cultivated, whic 
is exactly what saka does mof mean. 
I should feel inclined to think of Ar. 
sahia, a plain, if I did not, from the 
nature of this word, think it unlikely 
that it has been introduced from any 
other language at all. 

65. Sahkany: a dish, a plate; 
Swa. sahant, is the Ar. sahan, of the 
same meaning. 

66. Sahidy: a testimony, a wit- 
ness; Swa. Shahid?, isthe Ar. shadhid, 
a witness (=Heb. sahed, a witness). 

67. Sahary: a kind of checked 
cloth ; Swa. saharé (so Krapf; sharz 
in Malag. Dict.). The word is clearly 
Arabic; but Dr. Krapf seems to be 
wrong when he thinks that the cloth 
has got its name from a district, 
Sahari in Arabia; for in modern Arabic 
there is a verb shahar (also occurr- 
ing under the form shahw:r), which 
means to dapple, to chequer, which 
at once shews the origin of the word. 


NEW MALAGAS¥-ENGLISH DICTIONARY. 


109 





Sahaa, sahiahéa, saho, tsaho, 
siosio are evidently different 
s from the same root, all meaning 
our.’ Zsaho and stosto are the 
ary words in Imérina, the first 
ling rumour in general, the 
id, the rumour that has scarcely 
yecome a rumour (a conscious 

ing between man and man), 
ugh that distinction is not drawn 
he existing dictionaries. The 
: other forms are provincial. 
nm a root occurs in so many 
‘ent forms, I immediately suspect 
reign word, which the natives 

had difficulty in pronouncing 
therefore have corrupted in many 
‘ent ways. But the reference to 
sauts, voice, noise, can scarcely 
rht, as neither form nor meaning 
2. I have no doubt that the root 
e Ar. shaa or shai (shayt), to 
id (as news) ; shayz, wide-spread 
8); causative askz, to spread 
; mashéa, widely divulged ; 
E, rumour, 

Sahoby: punishment, is the 
125, punishment, from azaéda, to 
sh, which in Swaheli appears in 
orm athidu. 

Saléma should not have been 
ced simply as ‘‘Swa.,’’ as itis a 
. whose Arabic origin is known 
ever the Arabic salutation is 
d: ‘Salam aleks’ (‘‘Peace 
_thee!’’); and the response: 
zhek es-salam !"” (sand also upon 

be peace !’’) Ct. Heb. sha‘om, 
e; see also Judg. xix. 20; I 
m. xii. 18; Matt. x. 13. The orig- 
means integrity, healthy condi- 
and in this sense o7/y is it used 
e interior, but in the provinces it 
10 a Salutation. The word is, of 
ge, not more Swaheli than Mala- 


, Saly: a shawl; Swa. shals 
Asély). This is thought to be 
nally a Persian word, but the 
ology points rather to the Ar. 
‘a,a skein, thread, and shad/z/, to 
>; but what the history of trade 
to tell about the origin of the 
g, I cannot say. 

, Sambo: aship; Swa. choméo, 


adhow. In Makua a dhow is schom- 
60; in Zulu a ship is umkumdu. In 
Arabic shauna. plur. showan, means 
a ship, especially a man-of-war; but 
what connection there may be between 
these words I dare not say. 

73. Saéa: equal, level; Swa. sa- 
wa, is the Ar. Sawa or sawy, of the 
same meaning. 

74. Sdra, in sdran-ddkana, fare 
of a canoe (/ékana), cannot be the 
Swa. mshahara, wages, because 
this word means only monthly pa 
(from Ar. skahkry, a month), which 
would not agree with the casual 
nature of payment for being ferried 
over a river. It seems to be the Ar. 
ejer, oj7a, hire (ajara, to pay hire, 
wages). 

75. Séry: likeness; Swa. sura, 
is the Ar. ¢sura, form, figure. Cf. 
prov: siya, form, figure (not in the 

ictionary). 

76. Savodly: pantaloons; Swa. 
surwails, isthe Ar. sardéwiiu, breech- 
es. 

77. Sasa: washed, is certainly 
mot to be referred to the Swa. osha, 
as it is evidently identical with the 
Mal. sazsah. 

_ 78. Savoiny: soap; Swa. saduns, 
is the Fr. savom and Ar. sadunz, etc. 
The form of the Malagasy word 
seems to point rather to a French 
than an Arabic origin. 
Simila: ‘‘an imperative word. 
Get out of the way. .. Swa. szmzila, 
from Ar. dtsmillak.’’ The transla- 
tion given is the same as in Krapf, 
for the Swaheli. The Malagasy I 
have never heard, as it is exclusively 
provincial; but I have a suspicion 
that the meaning attached to it is a 
much wider one both in Swaheli and 
Malagasy. The word is an abbrevia- 
tion of the Arabic phrase S2-¢smz- 
tllaht (corres onding word for word 
to the Heb. de-shem-eloah), ‘in the 
name of God,’ which is the opening 
sentence of each chapter of the 
Qoran; and then it has graduall 
become something between an oat 
and an exclamation (cf. Eng. ‘egad !’ 
robably from ‘by God!’), adding 
orce to any expression. 


130 


THE SWAHELI ELEMENT IN THE 





80. Sokdny: arudder; Swa. ss- 
hani, is the Ar. sukant, which is 
used of what keeps the ship steady 
same root as Heb. shaken), either 
in going (a rudder), or in harbour (an 
anchor). 

81. Sokdry: sugar; Swa. suka- 
v2,is not ‘from a root common to 
both the Indo: European and Shem- 
itic (in Dictionary Semetic) families 
of languages,’’ not more so than 
bdky (Eng. book) is from a root 
common to English and Malagasy. 
The word is purely Indo-European, 
but introduced into many other lan- 

ages, as Arabic, Persian, Swaheli, 
Malagasy, etc. 

82. Sératra: ‘‘writing, markings, 
colour. Mal. soorat; comp. Ar. surat ; 
Swa. sura.’’ This reference is very 
misleading, as it gives the impression 
that the word is of Malay origin, and 
that you may compare Arabic with 
Swaheli ; while the truth is (a2) that 
the word is Arabic, and has been 
pointed out as such long ago (ANNU- 
AL No. II. p. 86); (6) that the Mal. 
surat (why write ‘soora? P) is simply 
the introduced Ar. ssva?, and is also 
duly marked ‘Arabic’ in Malay dic- 
tionaries (e.g. in Crawfurd) ; (c) that 
the Swa. sura is quite a different 


word=the Malag. savy, which see, . 


and the provincial sé7a@ (form, figure), 
overlooked in the Dictionary. 

83. Strofa, sérotany: a_ chief 
man, a sultan; Swa. sultant, is of 
course an Arabic word. The root is 
salita (Heb. shkada?), to be in author- 
ity, from which we get the derivation 
sulfan, authority, power, which, by 
metonymy, comes to mean a man 
possessed of power, etc., a sultan. 
Cf. Heb. sAz/fom and Chal. shadfan. 

84 Taba, tabatéba; ‘‘noise, clam- 
our, political tumult, etc. Comp. Swa. 
faabu, trouble.’’ The word is evident- 
ly onomatopeetic, and the concep- 
tion too national to make us think of 
a foreign word, even if its form and 
meaning agreed better with the Swa- 
heli word than is actually the case. 

85, Zadory; round, the testicles ; 
Swa. famboa. If I did not consider 
the word to be a pure Malagasy one, 


I should suspect it to be the Ar. 
dauir, virtlia. (In Zulu, dolo has 
the second of the above meanings.) 

86. Zaky is certainly of to be 
looked for in the Swa. Asha (=Ar. 
taqga, desiderav:t), when we have the 
Mal. fagzth in the special sense of the 
Malag. mzfaky (to dun for a debt). 

87. TZaratibo: gently, easily; Swa. 
taratibu, orderly, comes from the 
Ar. fartib, order. : 

88. Zsy, not; Swa. s#, belongs, I 
think, to the original African element 
in Malagasy. In Zulu and Kafir it is 
written ga (i.e. a with a ‘click’ be- 
fore it). 

89. TZsiofa: six. If this, as sug- 
gested in the Dictionary, is the Swa. 
stta, it is the Ar. ss¢fe, six. (Ct. what 
has already been said about the 
numerals in Swaheli.) 

g0. Vazimda: ‘‘the reputed abori- 
gines of the interior,’’ is referred to 
“Swa. waztmu, an ogre, a mad 

erson, and Aussmu, in the ve.’’ 

erhaps we had better compare the 
Swaheli root zz, to die, disappear. 
It might then mean ‘those passed 
away, and be a name given by the 
Hova after they had annihilated the 
original inhabitants or driven them 
out of the interior; but the name is 
too widely spread both here and in 
Africa to admit this explanation. 

gi. Voantango : the water-melon; 
Swa. fangu, a kind of pumpkin. This 
seems to be an original African word 
in Malagasy. It is also found in 
Zulu, in the form s/anga; Nyamw. 
liungu (pl. mung), bottle pump- 
kins, and /sméana (cucumber), which 
seems only a corruption of /s#an 
(‘‘a water-melon, eaten raw like a 
cucumber’), which is the word in 
Yao; Makua, 2/anga, cucumber. 

92. Zabddy: civet; Swa. zadbad:, 
is the Ar. zeddéd, civet (the scent); 
the animal is called gut ez-zebdd. 
The Eng. ‘civet’ is the same word. 

93. Ziha (root of mtzaha, to ex- 
amine) is wrongly referred to the Swa. 
tazama, to look, which word is rather 
the root of mrfazana, to look around, 
to look at distant objects. See this 
word among my additional ones. 


NEW MALAGASY-ENGLISH DICTIONARY. 





Zahidy : excellent ; Swa. zar- 
The Swaheli word should be 
*n zayidat (or said), but even so 
*ference would not be right, as 
dverb ‘more’ could not, without 
special trick, be turned into the 
‘tive ‘excellent.’ Zayzd? is no 
t the Ar. 7ayzd, excellent. 
Zamany: ancient, old; Swa. 
tut. The Swa. zamanzi or sa- 
fis the Ar. zeman, time, era. 
Zaza; a child, an infant; 
. Swa. zaa, to beget, uzazt, 
As zanaka has the appearance 
‘ing the Mal. enak, with the 
: za, I have always thought that 
this word and zaza were only 
ications of the Malayan word; 
he Swa. zaa has put me on 
er track. If this root had been 
only in such a mixed language 
raheli, I should not have consid- 
it of much importance; but it 
vidently be traced even in such 
> representative of the Bantu 
yas the Zulu. Here zz means 
?, property in children; zana, 
Il family ; za/o, offspring, pro- 
; gala, birth (and semen virile), 
1e verb za/a, to beget, generate, 
The common root of all these 
dently zz or za (=Swa. zaa). 
tte a child is called zeze, which 
} very near the Malagasy zaza. 
this I should consider za a true 
0 root in Malagasy and refer to 
1 Zaza and Zenaka, and perhaps 
a7fy, grandchild. 
yy, 8 renown, celebrity, good 
e, has certainly nothing to do 
he Swa. zurz, handsome (which 
by the way, is only the adjective 
name fsura, form, figure, which 
: referred to under sary). It is 
r. 7a, power, dignity, fortune, 
occurs under the form chaha 
thelli. 


SWAHELI WORDS 

APPENDIX. 
Adohéry: noon, is said to 
sond to Swa. afhuuri, which 
ot find in Krapf; but it is, at 
te, evidently the Ar. ez-zuhur, 
The root (zahaa, akin to ¢sakar, 


IN THE 


to shine) is familiar to every Semitic 
scholar. | ‘if 

99- Ana: life, may, as suggested 
by me before (ANNUAL No. TT . 87), 
be connected with the Ar. and Heb. 
hatorchaz(living), which hasalsopas- 
sed into Swaheli; but it seems more 
likely that it belongs to a group with 
a much wider meaningand more widely 
spread than the Semitic word. But 
I cannot enter into this question here, 
as it would lead to the examination of 
perhaps half a hundred allied words. 
I have collected materials for a mono- 
graph on it, but am rather afraid it 
will never appear. 

100. Azima: prodigious; Swa. azs- 
ma,acharm, is the Ar. aztme (an- 
cient Ar. azitmafun), a guardian 
charm; originally, an enterprise, from 
a@zama, to take in hand, to do. 

101. Akdma. If this has the same 
meaning as mdmana, companion, it 
can scarcely be the Swa. (i.e. Ar.) 
kama, which, like the identical Heb. 
kammah, means only ‘like what ?’ 
‘how much ?’ ‘how often?’ (Arabic 
also simply ‘like as.’) 

102. Bandéra: ‘‘a kind of red 
cloth introduced by the Arabs, a 
flag,’’ is referred to Swa. dandera. 
The word is, however, a Spanish (or 
Portuguese) one. Sanda in Spanish 
means a troop (like Eng. band), 
and dandera, its standard. Hence 
it gradually got the meaning of flag 
(in Spanish), and was in this sense 
adopted by the Arabs, who now use 
it side by side with their own native 
word datrag. And as the Arab 
flag is red, the natives of East Africa 
also called the red cloth they bought 
from them by the same name. In 
this way it there got the additional 
meaning of ‘red cloth,’ which is also 
attached to it here. It is, however, 
here generally applied to the red 
yar, in skeins, sold by the Arabs. 
The word has entered into most Euro- 
pean languages with many variations, 
as bandtere, banntere, banner, etc. 
And if we go back to the root dand 
(Sansk. dandh), that which binds to- 
gether, we find it branching out into 
almost all Indo-European languages. 


a 
532 


THE SWAHELI ELEMENT IN THE 





103. Bédofétsy: blanket, is refer- 
red to the Swa. dushuti (a cloak of 
black cotton); but this identification 
seems impossible, for the Malagasy 
word is not applied to a cloak, and 
not even to a dlack blanket, but 
only toa whife one. This certainly 
favours the explanation I have given 
in ANNUAL No. II. p. 84. 

104. Haody: a word used when 
knocking® at a door; Swa. od:, of 
the same meaning. I believe this 
word to be Arabic, for the following 
reasons : —(a) It is not likely that the 
natives of East Africa had any word 
for it, as their huts have scarcely 
any doors to knock at; and as the 
custom of knocking suggests a stage 
of civilization above that which they 
have arrived at, they must have been 
taught to doit before they did so. But 
their first teachers of manners were 
certainly the Arabs. (4) The Ar. inter- 
jection Aazts or hattu(come here! look 

ere!) agrees sufficiently well with 
haody. rapf, however, refers us to 
the Ar. #ada, to guide, lead the way. 
If so, it must be the imperative ahdz, 
guide (me), with the first two letters 
transposed. (The ‘Mahdi,’ whose 
name we have so recently constantly 
seen in all newspapers, is a name 
formed from the participle of this 
verb [the leading, i.e. the leader].) 
(c) The answer (from those inside) to 
this call is, in Swaheli, decidedly 
Arabic (see £arzb0), and the corres- 
ponding Malagasy is a translation 
of it. A Malagasy does not say what, 
to us, would seem most natural, 
‘Come in!’ but, ‘Proceed!’ ‘Draw 
near!’ (‘A/androsia.’) 

105. Héta=hatra: until, up to; 
Swa. Aatfa, is certainly the Ar. 
hkatta, until, as far as (chiefly of 
time). 

106. Kanika: blue cloth; Swa. 
kanzki. Is not this merely a corrup- 
tion of ‘calico’ ? 

107. Laoka: ‘‘any relish, or meat 
eaten with rice. On the coast it almost 


always means fish or vegetables.”’ 
This has certainly no#, as suggested 
in the Appendix, any connection with 
Swa. duththa (flavour). The Mala- 
gasy word is surely Malayo-Polyne- 
sian, as it occurs in the forms sé&a, 
tka, or tkham in many Polynesian 
languages. How this wka or 4 
may become /auka, through the 
addition of the demonstrative 4, is 
seen in the Dayak /auka (a fish), and 
the Malagasy /aoka, which probably 
was also identical with ‘fish,’ as lone 
as the Malagasy, like most of their 
kinsmen eastwards, had only fish for 
their relish. When other things were 
added, the meaning of the word 
gradually became wider.t 

108. 6a: seven; Swa. sada, 
is of course the corresponding Ar. 
numeral (Heb. shzdea) ; cf. no. 89. 





There are a good many suggested 
identifications I should feel obliged 
to demur to, e.g. those of daly, 
karakara, and &dsa in Appendix, 
which I have passed in silence. Some 
few alleged Swaheli words I have not 
been able to find in Dr. Krapf's 
Lexicon ; among these are the follow- 
ing :— 

Malag. mdfo referred to Swa. mofo Are 


Tr) vaza ” ” waja Dict. 
» sérimala,, rT) sermala (Dict. 
: and App.) 
1» many ” ” many ( . 
” farasila ” ” Srastla PY 


Iam unable to say whether these 
references have been given by mis- 
take, or whether the Swaheli words 
in question are to be found in Dr. 
Steere’s Handbook, which I have not 
at hand. In the case of mofo, I 
suspect a misprint for- sofa, which, 
in Swaheli, according to Dr. Krapf, 
means a baker's oven (especially the 
kind in use on board ship) for making 
bread, but not bread itself, although 
one can easily imagine how this latter 
meaning may have originated from 
the former one. The word mo/fa is 


* But neither in the Malagasy nor the Swaheli Dictionary is ‘knocking’ mentioned, nor is 


it the Malagasy custom to knoc 
This point of th 


Haody ! is the polite request for leave to enter a house. 
e argument therefore loses its force.—EDS. 


t See Rev. W. E. Cousins’s note on Laoka, ANNUAL No. VIII, p. 124. 


NEW MALAGASY-ENGLISH DICTIONARY. ~~w23 


=~ —- 





the Ar. mufa (mifa, mifan), an 
oven, or rather the projecting part of 
it (from wafa, to stand out, project), 
where the bread is made. 

But the word I miss most of these 
five is maja (vazaka), as I have long 
been looking for an explanation of 
the word by which we foreigners 
(vazaha, foreigner, white man, i.e. 
a European or American) are desig- 
nated. The Dictionary says that 
this (missing) wa7a means ‘‘foreign- 
ers, literally, those who have come 
(over the sea).’’ But Mr. W. E. 
Cousins, whose source of information 
was Dr. Steere’s Handbook, tells us 
that ‘‘Vazaha or Wazaha meansa 
sharper’? (ANNUAL No. II. p. 22). 
This sounds rather shocking ; but as I 
can fird no authority for any of these 
explanations, 1 must try a new one. 
Azam in Arabic means one who 
cannot speak Arabic properly, then 
a barbarian (cf. Greek Jdardaros). 
They first applied it to the Persians, 
and then to foreigners generally. 
Now this word has been introduced 
into Swaheli too, and here it forms its 
plural by the prefix wa, which gives 
us wazam as the name of foreigners. 
The Malagasy vazaha I therefore 
consider a corruption of this word. 

ADDITIONAL WORDS. 

I wish it to be clearly understood 
that the following Swaheli words in 
Malagasy are only those I have 
happened to light upon while exa- 
mining the Swaheli words given in 
the Dictionary. If I had purposely 
searched for them, I should no doubt 
have found many more. 

1. Adily (for abidy): a slave, is 
the same root as the Swa. aduda, to 
serve, and adzda, service. The root 
is African and the same as abad, ebed, 


in Hebrew. It has nothing to do with 
vidy, as suggested in the Dictionary. 


2. Ady and adwvy are both to be 
referred to the Swa. aduz, an enemy, 
which is derived from Ar. xdwa and 
adwa, enemy and enmity. 

3- Afaka: freed from, may be 
Swa. a/u, delivered from. 

Baba: father; Swa. dadu, is 
a genuine African word. Zulu, Sofala, 





Tette, Sena, Quillimane, dada; Cape 
Delgado and Yao, vava. It may be 
radically connected with ada (a redup- 
lication of it ?). I do not mean that 
the Semitic ad has been introduced 
into all these languages, but that 
a cosmopolitan root ad may be at the 
bottom of them all. £ mibaby 

. Baby: root of mzbadby, to carry 
a child on the back, is the Swa. deda, 
of the same meaning. 

6. Dada (and dda): father, is the 
Swa. dada, father (chiefly used by 
children). These words occur in a 
great many African dialects under 
an almost endless variation of forms. 
I have noticed the following: @a, 
ada, dada, tada, tata, faata, nda, 
atlatt, athith:, etc. 

Emba (or némba?): root of 
vianemba, French beans; Swa. 
mbumba: Sofala, Tette, Sena, #y- 
emba; Maravi, mteméa ; Quillimane, 
myamba ; Zulu, zmbumba. Whether 
the initial 2 belongs to the root or 
not, it is difficult to say. Cf. Zango, 
or mfango(?), as root of voanlango. 
Probably a genuine African word. 

8. Fudin - tserdnana (customs 
dues) has always been an etymologi- 
cal puzzle. That the first part has 
nothing to do with the Malagasy 
fady is obvious. It seems to be the 
Swa. fayida, Ar. faid, gain, profit. 
Serdnana now chiefly means a port, 
aharbour, but is also used of any place 
(even inland) where there is a collec- 
tion of revenue, as customs dues, etc. 
This I take to be the Ar. skeranun, 
commerce, trade. The meaning of 
the whole would be ‘income from come 
merce,’ which is what the Mala- 
gasy word means. And as this com- 
merce was almost exclusively confined 
to sea-ports, seranana naturally 
came to mean a port. 

9. Yanga: a harlot, used as root 
of mijangajanga, to commit for- 
nication; Swa. zi#ga (also written 
singa), to stroll about seeking for 
women, etc. Cf. Zulu, fzmga, to 
commit adultery. 

10. Lé/y: coitus, mzlély, coire, 
seems radically connected with Swa. 
laia, to recline, to lie down to sleep. 


eo — -q 


ie 


iG 


11. Liana (and liaka): dy, 
vehemently desirous of food, having 
a strong appetite, isto be referred toa 
root 4 or /za, of decidedly African 
origin. Swa. and Yao, 4a; Makua, 
lta ; Nyamw. ya ; Zulu, 2/2; which 
ali mean to eat. In other dialects it 
is changed to dz or 7# (e. E- Tette, 
hu-dia; Sofala, -ria), but still 
retaining the same meaning. 

12. LVgérana : rootof mangaran- 
fargna, shining, transparent, is 

Swa. #gara, shining, transparent. 
In the Dictionary the verb is referred 
to the root Adrangarana, peeped at 
through a hole(!), but wrongly, as is 


proved by the different meanings of 


these words. 


THE SWAHEL! ELEMENT IN THE 





13. Sé¢aséta ; desire for a quarrel, 
seems to be Swa. sx#a, to charge one 
publicly with a fault, etc. 

14. Zafaka: broken, a part bro- 
ken off from the whole; Swa. saZo, 
division, a part of the whole. 

15.  Zémboka: pierced through, 
stamped, commenced, is the Swa. 
tumbuka, to make a hole, f/swmébua, 
to perforate. 

16. Vahiny: stranger, I should 
refer to the Swa. gens, strange, 
foreign; mgens, a stranger, a foreign- 
er; pl. wagent. 

17. Vidy: price, may be the Swa. 
fiat, to redeem, to buy; from Ar. 
Jada, to redeem, and » price of 
redemption. 


It is now about nine years since I wrote my article on “The Influence 
of the Arabs on the Malagasy Language” (ANNUAL No. II. pp. 75-91); 
and much has since then been done to elucidate the M y language, 
and especially the knowledge of the provincial dialects has increased 
very much. Therefore it is now much easier to detect Arabic words in 
Malagasy, as most of them are to be found in the provinces. In the 
lately issued Reprint of the first four numbers of the ANNUAL I added a 
few new Arabic identifications ; and in the present article I have found 
occasion to allude to a good many more. Turning over the leaves of 
the new Dictionary I have found some few which are not touched upon 
here, as they are not found in Swaheli and consequently did not concern 
us. But the whole subject of Arabic identifications of Malagasy words 
would now be well worth a separate article. The same is in still greater 
measure the case with the purely African element in Malagasy. There 
are certainly scores of interesting identifications to be made; and many 
of these African words are of such a nature that they could no/ have been 
introduced here in more recent times. They seem to me to prove the 
original African settlement here in the same way as the Celtic words in 
English, even without influencing the grammar, prove that the Celts lived 
in England before the Anglo-Saxons. If time allows, I should certainly 
like to take up this subject ; but, for the present, I cannot do more than 
hint at what ought to be done. 

IV. The following points may be noted as embodying a brief sum- 
tnary of the subject :— 

1. The Malagasy being essentially a Malayo-Polynesian language, 
and the Swaheli a Bantu language, there is, upon the whole, no more 
real relationship between the two than between the two families to 
which they respectively belong. 

z. There are, however, a good many single words,—apparently from 
two to three hundred—to some extent common to both languages. 

3. As these words are chiefly names of articles of trade imported 
here from East Africa, it is evident that they are Swahels words in Mala- 
gasy, and not the reverse. 


4 
‘\ 


NEW MALAGASY-ENGLISH DICTIONARY. 115 





4- These Swaheli words in Malagasy are, with very few exceptions, 
provmcial, and chiefly to be met with on the coast, especially the west 
coast. In the interior most of them are unknown. I believe any one 
could live ten years in the Capital, and converse freely with the people, 
without ever hearing one-tenth of them. They have never passed into 
the sucexm ef sanguinem of the Malagasy nation. In this respect they 
are very unlike the earlier introduced purely Arabic names of days and 
months, which have become common property. 

5. Some of those apparent Swaheli words in Malagasy are not intro- 
duced through the Swaheli, but belong to the original African element in 
Malagasy (e.g. omby, akoho, amboa, and probably akanga). Their charac- 
ter, and the canon for discriminating them from the introduced Swaheli 
words, has already been given (pp. 102, 103). 

6. Others are not of African origin at all. Some few are in fact 
common to both Orient and Occident (e.g. saly, savony, bandera), and it 
is therefore difficult to tell from what sources they have been imported 
into Madagascar, with the exception of those few cases in which the 
peculiar form they have taken proves a guide. But many more are 
evidently Arabic, although they have in most cases been introduced here 
by traders from the Swaheli country, and therefore through the mediym 
of the Swaheli language, as very few traders here have come direct from 

ia. 

7. It should be observed too that the Arabic element in the Swaheli 
words introduced into Malagasy is somewhat greater in proportion than 
in Swaheli itself. This agrees well with what we should expect to find, 
as most of the Swaheli traders who have come into any close contact 
with the Malagasy have certainly been people of Arabic extraction ; and 
the terms chiefly in use in their trade and business have most likely been 
the very words which their Arabic ancestors felt it necessary to introduce 
into Swaheli, as that language originally had no names for such things 
and doings as were introduced among them by the Arab foreigners. 


L. DAHLE. 


NATURAL HISTORY NOTES. 
NEW GENERA OF MALAGASY PLANTS. 


HE following new genera of plants from Madagascar are described b 
Mr. J. G. Baker, F.R.S., of Kew, in the fournal of the Linnean Sociehy 
for December, 1884 (vol. xxi. Nos. 136 and 137) :— 

Spherosepalum (Nat. Ord. Guttifere); Rhodoclada (Nat. Ord. Linee) ; 
Neobaronta (Nat. Ord. Leguminose); Phornothamnus (Nat. Ord. Mela- 
stomacee); Phellolophium (Nat. Ord. Umbellifere); Melanophylla (Nat. 
Ord. Cornacee); Holocarpa (Nat. Ord. Rubstacee); Apodocephala (Nat. 


Ord. Composite). 


116 NATURAL HISTORY NOTES. 





All of these, except Melanophylla, are as yet represented by but one 
species. Spherosepalum (S. alfernifolium) is a shrub (or tree ‘) found 
near the east coast. Rhodoclada (R. rhopaloides) is a shrub (or tree ’) found 
in Antsihanaka. Neobaronsa (N. phyllanthoides) is the well known hara- 
hkadra. In last year’s ANNUAL, p. 113, I said’ that this tree would probably 
prove to belong to a new genus, which is now seen to be the case. Phorno. 
thamnus (P. thymoides) is an undershrub found in the forests in the eastern 
parts of the island. Phellolophium (P. madagascartense) is an herb five 
or six feet high with aromatic seeds; it is known as ¢sz/éondroého. It grows 
in valleys in Bétsiléo, at the foot of Ankaratra, and near the forest in Eastern 
Imérina. There is another species, probably also belonging to this genus, 
about half-way up the eastern side of Ankaratra, but I have not yet succeeded 
in finding it in flower and fruit. Melanophylla (M. alntfolsa, and M. an- 
cubefolza) are shrubs (or trees?) found in the forests of Eastern Madagascar. 
Holocarpa (H. veronicoides) is a perennial herb found in Central Madagas- 
car. The genus is allied to Ottophora. Apodocephala (A. pauctfiora) is 
a resinous tree found in the forest of Eastern Imerina, and is known as 
astndramy.—ED. (R.B.) 


NEW MALAGASY PLANTS. 


Among the new Malagasy plants lately named and described in the 
ournal of the Linnean Soctety by Mr. J. G. Baker, F.R.S., are the fol- 
owing :— 

Rhodolana acuttfolia. This is a large tree, growing in the forests 
east of Antsihanaka, and is used in house-building. It has beautiful large 
flowers, somewhat similar to those of &. alfivola, Thouars. This latter 
plant was discovered nearly a century ago by Du Petit Thouars. 

THE Loviantsdhona. The loviantsahona (or veliantsdhona) is the name 
of an herb found very abundantly in rice-fields, by stream sides, and in 
marshy places, throughout Central Madagascar. It proves to be a new 
species of Hydrocotyle, and has been named by Mr. Baker JZ. suser- 

Sta. 

PerwO NEW SPECIES OF Schtsmatoclada. Two mote new species of 

, Schismatoclada (S. concinna, and S. viburnotdes) have recently been found 

in the forest of Eastern Imérina. As this génus of plants is closely allied 

UWASScto Cinchona, it would be interesting to know the result of an analysis of the 
barks of these shrubs. 

FOUR NEW SPECIES OF EBONY. Four new species of ebony have been 
lately found in the island, which have been named and described by Mr. 
Baker. They are Diospyros fusco-velutina; D.megasepala; D. sphe- 
rosepala; and D. gonoclada. The first of these is found on the east coast 
(Fénoarivo); the second and third are found in the forest to the east of 
Antsihanaka; and the fourth somewhere between Imerina and the east 
coast. 

THE Zsimpertféry. Inthe collections recently sent to Kew there is a 
new species of pepper plant, which has been named by Mr. Baker per 
Lachyphy tum. It is very nearly allied to P. Jorbonense, C. DU., and is 

nown by the natives by the same name (fstmperzfery). 

THE Avtavy, Vodra, ETC. The avzavy is a large tree, a species of Ficus, 
common about villages in Central Madagascar. It proves to be new, and 
Mr. Baker has named it /7cus megafoda. Another closely allied species, 
known as dvidusmamsémby, found also about villages in Central Madagas- 
car, has been named /icus podophylla. The vodra, a large tree found also 
in the central parts of the island, is also a new Ficus, and has been named 


NATURAL HISTORY NOTES. 117 





Ficus tiliefolia. It may be here stated that all the /cz recently sent to Kew, 
sixteen in number, were hitherto unknown to science. Two species of adédo 
(#tcus) have quite lately been sent, and will also probably prove new. 

THE Samfivato. This is a well-known subscandent shrub with stinging 
hairs. It is found in woody places in Central Madagascar. It proves to be 
a species of Uvera, and has been named Uvera spherophylla. 

HE Hetatra. The hefatra is a tree found in the forests of the interior 
which yields a valuable timber extensively used in house-building. Mr. Baker 
has named it Podocar madagascarvensts. It is nearly allied to the 
Cape P. Thunbergit, Hook. 

fie Hasina. The hasina are species of Dracena, the most common of 
which is, I believe, D. angustsfoltza, Roxb. There is a species of Aasina 
at Ambatovéry and other places which proves to be new. It has been named 
Dracena xiphophylia. 

THE Ovtdla. Dutoscorea acuminata is a new species of ovia/a, the root of 
which is much sought after as food by the natives. 

THE Zozdro (Cyperus imerinensts, Boeckl.). It is somewhat of a surprise 
to find that the zozorv0, so common in the marshes, is most likely a new spe- 
cies. It is very nearly allied to the Egyptian Papyrus. (ED. R.B. 


THE ORCHIDS OF MADAGASCAR. 


Mr. Henry N. Ridley, M.A., F.L.S., of the British Museum, has lately 
read a paper before the Linnean Society on ‘‘The Orchids of Madagascar,”’ 
and the following are his preliminary remarks :— 

‘‘The Orchidez of Madagascar, as far as they are at present known to me, 
belong to 30 genera containing nearly 140 species ; but itis to be expected 
that this number will be largely increased when the botanical riches of the 
country are more fully explored. This paper must therefore be only consid- 
ered as a prodromus, giving an account of the species hitherto described or 
figured, together with those novelties which have come under my personal 
observation in the great herbaria of the British Museum and Kew. 

‘‘It would at present be premature to base any arguments as to the origin 
of the flora of Madagascar upon the distribution of the genera and species of 
Orchidez as at present known ; but it will be of interest to examine the list 
and compare it with that of Africa and Tropical Asia. 

‘‘The Epidendree are represented by 6 genera, two of which, Oderonza and 
Cirrhopetalum, are interesting from their absence from Africa, the remainder 
also being more extensively developed in Tropical Asia than in Africa. Of 
the Vandez there are 11 genera, four of which, so far as is certainly known, 
are confined to the Mascarene archipelago; one, Polystachya, is distrib- 
uted over both hemispheres ; the remainder are either exclusively African, as 
Lissochilus, or are most abundant in Southern and Tropical Asia. The genus 
Acampe, however, is probably more of an Asiatic type than ofan African one. 
The small number of Neottiez gives somewhat of an African facies to the list. 
There are only 4 genera: one, Gymnochtlus, is exclusively Mascarene; the 
others consist of the two widely distributed genera Corymdis and Pogontia, 
and Monochilus, which is chiefly Malayan, The Ophrydez are very well 
represented. There are eight genera, of which two are only known from 
Madagascar, viz. Bicornella and Platycoryne; one is found also in the 
other islands of the archipelago, viz. Cynorchzs. Of the rest, two occur also 
in Africa; and two, Disferss and Satyrium, while occurring in India, are 
most abundant in Africa. 

‘‘Thus, broadly speaking, we may say that the Epidendrez are typically 
Asiatic, while the remainder are more of an African character, 


— 


on ~ NATURAL HISTORY NOTES. 


as 


most painful, reminded me of the sting o 


‘“‘As might be expected, a large proportion of the species afe endemic ; and 
but few have a distribution further than the archipelago or neighbouring 
coasts of Africa. The most widely spread species are Ctrrhopetalum 
Thouarstt, perhaps the most widely distributed of all epiphytic Orchids, 
extending its range as far east as the Society. Islands, and Cor-ymbss corym6b- 
osa, which is found also in West Africa.’’— ED. (R.B.) 


THE ‘AGY’ TREE.™ 


Journeying downwards to Mojanga, on the north-west of Madagascar, 
homeward bound to England, in the month of June, 1879, I travelled (with wife 
and children and native attendants) for some days down part of the Iképa 
river from Mévatanana to Marovoay (‘Many-crocodiles’). The weather was 
hot, as it always is in these parts ; and one day, in the early part of the after- 
noon, we were glad enough to come in sight ofa pleasantly shaded resting- 
place on the right bank of the river,— green and fair—and overhung with 
trees. It was the usual resting hour for the boatmen when we arrived there; 
and all of us were exhausted with the heat and in need of food and rest and 
shelter from the sun. 

We were glad therefore to draw up our canoes alongside the pleasant 
bank; and after I had seen my wife and children safely placed, and the 
mavromita (bearers) had selected a spot on which to kindle the fire for 
dinner, I strolled around the place. alking under some trees and pushing 
aside the reeds and rushy grass, I was startled, in a moment, by a sudden 
tingling and pricking sensation over the back of my hands and fingers,—a 
strange sensation, for never before had come the like to me, in Madagascar 
or elsewhere. I stopped at once in sudden surprise, for the pain was severe, 
and I had touched nothing, save perchance the long grass and rushes 
between the trees. But in another moment the pain increased, the tingling 
burning sensation seemed extending rapidly up my wrists; and as I bent my 
head down to look closely for the cause of the mischief, nothing was seen. 
But even as I lowered my head to look, pain, scalding pain, shot into my ears 
and neck, and growing worse too, every instant.* Dazed and bewildered, I 
stood a few seconds in helplessness, for I could neither see nor guess at the 
cause of the terrible distress. Then with awakened instinct I drew softl 
back, away from the ‘uncannie’ spot, and got back to my company wi 
agony writ plain enough over every line of my face. 

The men started up when they saw me, some of them crying out, ‘Z/a 
voan’ ny Agy hianao’’ (‘You have been smitten by the Agy tree’’). 
Some of them led me to a seat, others rushed for water from the river, which 
they fetched plentifully, and two or three hurriedly brought sand and earth 
heaped in their hands. Then they chafed me with the sand and water that 
they might take out the /ay (stinging hairs), they said, for that was the name 
by which they knew the cause of my sufferings. As they scrubbed me, I 
felt the pains abate; and after about a quarter of an hour’s continuance of 
the operation, I was comparatively free from pain and was able to join in 
the rice-dinner which was soon ready. And before we left the place that 
afternoon, my tortured cuticle was quite well again. 

While the men were rubbing me, I was able to discern to some extent the 
cause of my distress. Countless hairs, like tiny arrows, almost transparent, 
pointed apparently at either end, and from a third to a fourth ofan inch long, 

ad dropped down on me in an invisible shower from the Agy tree as I 





© A similar experience happened to myself on my way to Mojanga. The sensation, which was 
a nettle, but was ten times more virulent.—=ED. (RB) 





7 


NATURAL HISTORY NOTES. wh 
Ca 


passed and stood under its branches, which were gently stirred a soft 
wind. My clothing and the pith helmet on my head had protected me at 
first, excepting my exposed hands. Then the bending of my head had 
exposed my neck to the falling plague. Ere I came away that afternoon, 
very cautiously I ventured to examine the tree at a little distance ; and some 
other of the same species were pointed out to me near the same place by the 
natives. The little hair-like shafts were growing enclosed in a thickish po 
or shell, not quite so large, perhaps, as a small banana fruit. Each shell 
appeared to be closely packed with these little spines. If my memory serves 
me, these lay transversely and in double rows or stacks across the interior of 
the pods. ese latter were fully ripe (unluckily for me) just at that very 
time, and the light wind was emptying out the contents. 

I saw no more Agy trees on the remainder of our journey; and had never 
even heard of them before during the nine years of my residence in the 
island. But the maromifa told me that day that, in former times, the A 
was well known in Imerina, the district where I had lived. It is a traditiox 
among the people, they said, that once upon a time, long ago, when the wild 
Sakalava tribes had laid siege to Ambéhimanga, the former Capital of 
Imérina, some of them, unacquainted with the Agy trees, had come under 
their dangerous branches. Stricken with hot pain and sudden alarm even as 
I was, and deeming, I suppose, that the gods were fighting against them, 
they fled away in terror, and the Hova Capital was saved by its Agy trees. 


W. MONTGOMERY. 


Nofe.— According to some native accounts, the trees whose stinging pro- 
perties caused the invading Sakalava to retire in terror from Ambohimanga, 
as above described, were the amiana (which are species of Odefa), trees 
with tall straight stems and bearing large velvety leaves which sting like 
a nettle when touched. Some of the leaves on the young trees are very large, 
about twenty inches each way, and are very beautiful in outline, being deeply 
cut and indented. These trees still grow plentifully on the summit and slopes 
of the hill on which Ambohimanga 1s built, as well as in many other places, 
but the dgy is not known there. 

The egy is most probably Mucuna prurtens, DC., the specific name 
pruriens being very apt. It is sometimes called the Cowhage, and is cos- 
mopolitan in the tropics. It is used in some countries as an anthelmintic. 
The agy is not ‘a tree,’ but a climbing plant, and the stinging hairs are on 
the ostside of the pod.— EDs. 


MADAGASCAR SILK-WORMS. 


‘‘A certain Pére Paul Cambozé (a Jesuit) has sent from Tamatave a notice 
which has been eagerly reproduced by reviews treatin g of the Silk trade. 
He there describes two species of silk-giving Bombycide (Brocera mada- 

ascartensis, Boisduval, and Saturnia suraka, id.), whose silk is manu- 

ctured by the Malagasy for the making of their magnificent cloths called 
lamba lindy.’’ ~ Missions Catholigues ; no. 784, quoted in Bull. Soc. de 
Géog. de Lyon ; gme livr. t. 5me, Avr. et Mai 1885; p. 486. 


PROTECTIVE RESEMBLANCE IN INSECTS. 


In rambles through the forest near Ambohidratrimo in December of last year 
I was several times struck by the curious formation of the wings of one of the 
emaller species of butterfly common in these woods. The insect in question 
is of plain inconspicuous colouring, chiefly shades of brown, and, when at rest, 


120 NATURAL HISTORY NOTES. 

sits with the wings erect and nearly touching one another. The curious 
point about it is that there are several somewhat strongly marked and dark- 
tinted processes from the hinder points of the wings, which resemble the 
head, eyes, and antennz of a butterfly, so that when at rest it 1s very difficult _ 
to say which is the head and which is the tail of the insect. The tail mark- 
ings and points are so much more strongly emphasized than the actual — 
head and antennz that it is only when the wings slightly open that one is 
undeceived. Mimicry of one insect by another, and mimicry of leaves, grass, 
etc., by insects, are of course well known facts, but I do not remember 
to have seen any similar instance noticed of that of resemblance between 
the different parts of the same insect; but may not the reason of this 
mimicry of the head by the tail be of some service in directing the attention 
of birds and other enemies to the less vital part of the butterfly’s structure / 
It is evident that the hinder portion of the wings might be snapped at and 
broken off, and yet no serious injury be done to the vital parts of the insect. 
However this may, the point appears to me to be worth noting down as a 
curious fact.—ED. (1.8.5 


EE SOF See 


BRIEF SUMMARY OF IMPORTANT EVENTS IN 
MADAGASCAR DURING 


POLITICAL.—THE FRANCO-Ma- 
LAGASY WAR. It is now hearly three 
ears since the French commenced 
ostilities against Madagascar, but 
as yet they have made little pro- 

ess in their warlike operations. 
Burin the last twelve months there 
have been one or two somewhat 
serious inilitary engagements, numer- 
ous petty skirmishes, frequent bomb- 
ardments, and lengthy negociations, 
all of which, however, have been 
utterly ineffectual in ‘‘bringing the 
obstinate Hova to reason,’’ or in 
compelling them to acknowledge 
‘the rights of France over Madagas- 
car.’’ The following are the chief 
events which have occurred during 
the year with regard to the Franco- 
Malagasy difficulty. Some time ago 
Admiral Miot asked for an additional 
force of 3000 troops, by the aid of 
which he hoped to be able to take 
the Hova position of Manjakandria- 
nombana and bring the Malagasy 
Government to terms. Soon after the 
arrival of these troops therefore the 
French in Tamatave made an attack 


1885. 


upon Manjakandrianombana, but, 
after seven hours’ fighting, they were 

‘repulsed and compelled to retire, 
carrying with them, it is said, a large 
number of wounded and some killed. 
This wasthe most serious engagement 
that has occurred during the whole 
history of the war, and, as was natu- 
ral, the defeat which the Hova have 
inflicted upon their enemies has in- 
spired, not only the native soldiers, 
but the whole of the people, with 
confidence and courage. 

Another event of considerable im- 
portance connected with the Franco- 
Malagasy war,—if the present igno- 
ble imbroglio deserves such a name 
—is the chastisement inflicted by the 
Hova upon certain Sakalava rebels 
in the north-west of the island, who 
had allied themselves with the French 
and taken up arms against the Sove- 
reign. In order to quell the insurrec- 
tion, a force was sent from Antanana- 
rivo some eight or nine months ago 
under Andriantsilavo, 14 Honours. 
After several weeks’ march, they 
came within a few miles of Jangéa, 


BRIEF SUMMARY OF IMPORTANT EVENTS. 


the seat of the rebellion, a town 
situated on a river of the same name, 
some twenty miles east (or north- 
east) of Anorontsanga, opposite the 
island of Nosibé, and not far from 
Ambédimadiro. Jangoa was surroun- 
ded by the Hova one morning before 
the rebels were aware of danger, and 
the town was burned to the ground. 
Soon afterwards, the French and 
Hova forces met at Béfitina. The 
French commander, it seems, was 
killed on the first onslaught, and 
in spite of the machine guns and mi- 
trailleuses directed against them, in 
spite of a sudden and unexpected at- 
tack on their right wing by a band of 
Sakalava, the Hova succeeded in 
thoroughly routing both the French 
and their native allies and gained a 
complete victory. 

The last act of the French is the 
blockade of Vatomandry, now the 
chief port on the east coast of the 
island. This, however, inflicts no great 
injury upon the Malagasy ; the only 
persons who are seriously inconveni- 
enced thereby being the foreigners, 
whether merchants or others, who 
are much more dependent upon the 
outside world than are the natives. 

During the year negociations have 
been going on between the French 
representatives and the Malagasy 
Government through the medium of 
M. Maigrot, the Italian Consul. 
These negociations have been pub- 
lished by the Hova Government in a 
‘Red-book,’ from which it appears 
that the claims which the French 
make are as follows; a Protectorate 
of the whole island; permission to 
place a Resident, with a guard of 
soldiers, in Antananarivo, besides off- 
cials in various parts of the country ; 
and the collecting of the customs at 
the various ports by persons appointed 
by the two powers. The Malagasy, see- 
ing of course that this is almost equi- 
valent to annexation, flatly refused 
to accede to any such terms. At the 
present time negociations are again 
going on between the two powers, 
which we sincerely hope may lead to 
a satisfactory termination of the war. 


121 





STATIONING OF NEW GOVER- 
NORS. During the year a large 
number of Governors ‘and Lieute- 
nant - Governors with their suites 
have been appointed by the Central 
Government to important stations in 
distant parts of the country. This 
is in continuation of a policy of reform 
commenced some years ago, whereby 
the Hova officials in these places, 
mostly old men, out of sympathy with 
the modern regime, and frequently 
incapable and untrustworthy, are be- 
ing gradually substituted by indivi- 
duals of a more intelligent and upright 
character. 

LITERARY.— REVISION OF THE 
MALAGASY BIBLE. The Bible Revi- — 
sion Committee has continued its 
work as usual during: the year and 
has revised 152 chapters, viz. from 
Sam. iii. 25 to the end of Malachi 
(excepting the Psalms), thus com- 

leting the first revision, and Gen. 
1-xxiii. (Commencement of the second 
revision). The first revision was 
completed on Wednesday, Oct. 8th. 
From a leaflet recently issued by 
Mr. W. E. Cousins we learn that ‘‘the 
revision was begun Dec. 1, 1873, but 
was suspended from Mar. 7, 1856 to 
Oct. 28, 1878, owing to the absence 
of Mr. Cousins on furlough ; the work 
has therefore occupied the Committee 
a little more than nine years. The 
Committee has sat on 433 days, and 
has held 771 sittings, chiefly of three 
hours each.’’ The second revision — 
was commenced on Wednesday, Nov. 
4th, and will, it is hoped, be comple- 
ted in about eighteen months. 

OBITUARY.—During the early 
part of this year intelligence reached 
us of the death of (probably) the last 
surviving member of the early Mission 
of the London Missionary Society in 
Madagascar, the Rev. Edward Baker, 
formerly mission printer in Antanana- 
rivo. Mr. Baker was born at Burton 
in Staffordshire in-1804, and therefore 
had reached the good old age of 
fourscore years. He was appointed 
to Madagascar as a printer in 1828, 
and reached the Capital in the 
autumn of that year. He took a 


aw o 


$22 


' warm interest in the spiritual work of 


the Mission, as well as in his own 
special department of work, and la- 
boured here for four years, at the ex- 
iration of which time he went to Eng- 
and, but returned here again within 
two years’ time. Mr. Baker was, with 
the Rev. D. Johns, the last of the 
missionary party to leave the island, 
in 1836, when the increasing severity 
of the persecution of the native Chris- 
tians made it impossible for mission- 
aries to continue longer inthe country. 
For a few years after Mr. Baker's 
departure from Madagascar he resi- 
ded at Mauritius, and during his resi- 
dence there he prepared a useful little 
manual of Malagasy ammar enti- 
of . A - Outline of a Grammar 
of the Malagasy Lan as 
Spoken by the Frvas ; Bae oo 84 
(2nd ed., London: 1864). 
Mr. Baker subsequently removed to 
South Australia, where he became the 


LITERARY 


NEw BooKs ON MADAGASCAR. 
(1) Madagascar and France. With 
some Account of the Island, tts 
People, tts Resources and Develop- 
ment. By George A. Shaw, F.Z.S. 
Cr. 8vo; Rel. Tract Soc. London: 
1885 ; Pp. 320. Map and illustrations. 

(2) True Story of the French 
Dispute tn Madagascar. By Cap- 
tain S. Pasfield Oliver, late R.A. 
Demy 8vo; T. Fisher Unwin, Lon- 
don: 1885; pp. 280. Map. 

(3) Mos Drotts sur Madagascar, 
et nos Gries contre les Hovas, exa- 
minés impartialement par Ruben 
Sazllens, etc. Paris: 1885; pp. 163. 

We include these three books in 
one notice because they have much 
the same object in view, namely, to 
give accurate information upon the 
still pending dispute between Mada- 
gascar and France. 

Mr. Shaw’s book, as its title 
would lead one to suppose, is largely 


BRIEF SUMMARY OF IMPORTANT EVENTS. 


pastor of two small congregations. 
His interest in Madagascar, however, 
did not cease, for, apparently antici- 
pating the re-opening of the country, 

e prepared a large Dictio of Ma- 
lagasy, which was eventually pur- 
chased by the S.P.C.K. and, although 
never published, was used in the 
preparation of Mr. Richardson’s new 

ictionary. Upon the commence- 
ment of the Church Missionary Soci- 
ety’s Mission on the east coast of 
this island in 1864, Mr. Baker (at the 
request, we believe, of Bishop Ryan) 
translated the English Prayer-book 
into Malagasy for the use of the 
Mission, thus showing, not only his 
continued interest in this country, 
but also his large-hearted catholicity. 
We have no exact intelligence of the 
date of his death, but he has left an 
honoured memory, as having ‘‘served 
his generation according to the will 
of God.”’ 


NOTES. 


taken up with political matters; and 
chapters v.-xi., which form the bulk 
of the volume, describe very clearly 
the chief stages in the disputes 
which have led to the present war. 
The first four and the last three 
chapters, however, give a well con- 
densed summary of what is known 
about Madagascar generally, the 
civilization and origin of the people, 
attempts to colonize the island, 
present advance of the Malagasy, 
and the flora, fauna, and meteorolo 

of the country. While we can hardly 
endorse what has been said by some 
English reviewers as to Mr. Shaw’s 
book being ‘‘the most complete ac- 
count of Madagascar which has 
appeared for some years,’’ we can 
heartily recommend it as giving, ina 
brief form, accurate information upon 
the points we have just enumerated. 
Many interesting topics connected 
with Madagascar and the Malagasy 


LITERARY NOTES. 


are necessarily left quite untouched, 
the principal subject of the book 
demanding the bulk of the space. 

‘Captain Oliver’s book is written 
purely and simply to give the history 
of the Franco-Mola asy dispute, and 
to urge a peaceful settlement by 
concessions on the part of France. 
The book naturally goes over much 
the same ground as that occupied by 
the seven central chapters of Mr. 
Shaw’s work, but the treatment is 
somewhat more racy and vigorous, 
as may be gathered from the titles 
of the eight chapters, which run thus: 
2 A Firebrand [M. Baudais]. (2) 

aterials for Incendiarism. (3) Con- 
flagration. (4) Tormentum Belli. (5) 
Neutral Sentiments. (6) Regina Dei 
gratia. (7) Operations Civil and Mili- 
tary. (8) Blockade.’’ Captain Oliver 
has added to the value of his book 
as a work of reference by giving the 
texts of the different French treaties 
made, it is said, with various Saka- 
lava chiefs forty years and more ago, 
and upon which the present unright- 
eous demands for a protectorate 
over the whole island are largely 
based. 

M. Saillens’s book is that of a 
Frenchman, and we are thankful to 
see that at least one French writer 
has had the courage and fairness to 
examine impartially the points in 
dispute between his own Government 
and that of Madagascar. Although 
M. Saillens thinks that his country- 
men have some fair grounds of com- 
plaint against the Malagasy author- 
ities in the matter of obstructions 
placed in the way of leasing of land 
to foreigners (and on this point we 

with him), he is practically at 
one with Mr. Shaw and Captain Oliver 
in condemning the recent demands of 
the French Government as perfectly 
unwarranted, and as utterly incon- 
sistent with their action for many 
years past. This book, written from 
the French side, is, in almost every 
particular, in accordance with the 
arguments put forward by the Mala- 
gasy Ambaseadors in their state- 
ments addressed to Lord Granville 


123 


(see Blue-book, Correspondence rege+*~” 
pecting....the Vsstt of the Hova 


Envoys to Europe ; 1883 ; pp. 25-29). 

No impartial reader can, we think, 
read these three books, or any one 
of them, without being convinced of 
the gross injustice of the present 
demands of France. Should they 
still be enforced, it will be clear to 
all that they afford another instance 
of how ‘might’ is considered by 
European nations as ‘right,’ when 
they come into collision with weaker 
and less civilized (?) peoples. 

(4) Madagascar: tts History and 
People. By the Rev. Henry W. 
Little (some years Mtsstonary in 
East Madagascar). Witha Map. 
Wm. Blackwood and Sons, Edinburgh 
and London: 1884; 8vo, pp. 356. 

We just noticed in the last issue 
of the ANNUAL that this book was 
announced, and we now are able to 
give a fuller notice of it. Mr. Little’s 
work is a clear, well-printed, and 
pleasantly written book, and to those 
who knew nothing of Madagascar 
before will give a good deal of in- 
formation. But we are bound to add 
that there is hardly anything original 
in it except the chapter on the voyage 
out, and a few pages in chapters 
Vi., Vil., X1., and xiii. ; and that one 
will look in vain for any new facts on 
the scientific aspects of the country, 
or with regard to the folk-lore, lan- 
guage, or manners and customs of 
the people. We should give the 
author no blame for this, however, 
if it was fairly acknowledged that 
his book only professed to be a com- 
pilation. It is true that in the preface 
Mr. Little says that the works of 
Mr. Sibree and others have been 
frequently consulted, but the fact is 
that large portions are cofzed, some- 
times almost word for word, and 
sometimes with only the slightest 
verbal alterations, from the works of 
other writers. Want of space alone 
prevents us giving details of these pla- 
giarisms. We are surprised that a 
gentleman who has been ‘‘some years 
missionary in East Madagascar’’ 
should not have been able-to contri+ 


124 





bute much newand interesting inform- 
ation about the coast tribes amongst 
whom he has lived. Had such been 
carefully noted, Mr. Little’s book 
would have had a permanent value ; 
as it is, it contains hardly anything of 
interest which has not been recorded 
by previous writers. 

(5) Histoire de Madagascar: ses 
habstants et ses mtsstonatres, par 
le Pere de la Vaztsstere. 2 vols., 
Paris: 1884. 

This large work contains little 
of value about Madagascar gen- 
erally, being chiefly occupied with 
a history of the Roman Catholic 
Mission in this island, together with 
a good deal of abuse of Protestant 
missionaries, especially those special 
bugbears of the French, the mission- 
aries of the L. M. S. 

(6) Ny Ohkabolan' ny Ntaolo: nan- 
gonina sy nalahatry W.E. Cousins 
sy $. Parrett ary ny sakaizany 
sasany. (The Proverbs of the An- 
ctents: collected and arranged by 
W. E. Cousins and ¥. Parrett and 
Some ve thetr friends.) L.M.S. 
Press, Antananarivo: 1885; pp. 154. 

Fourteen years ago Messrs. ad 
E. Cousins and J. Parrett published 
a little book of 76 pages contain- 
ing 1477 native proverbs. This 
has been valued by all students of 
Malagasy, as it is well known that 
the native proverbs not only throw 
much light upon the habits of 
thought, customs, superstitions, etc., 
of the people, but that these products 
of the native mind are invaluable as 

resenting examples of terse and 
idiomatic Malagasy, as they embody 
genuine native speech unaffected by 
oreign influence. The first edition 
of these proverbs has, however, been 
for some time out of print, so the 
compilers have prepared a second 
edition, under the above title, giving 
a very much larger collection of 
proverbs (3790 in number) and arrang- 
ed in alphabetical order, according 
to the first word in each. 

(7) REPRINT of the ANNUAL. Zhe 
Antananarivo Annualand Mada- 
gascar Magazine. A Reprint of the 


LITERARY NOTES. 


first Four Numbers. Revise 
ve-edtted by Revs. F. Stbre 
R. Baron, Mtsstonartes o, 
L. 44, S. L.M.S. Press, Anta 
rivo: 1885 ; 8vo. pp. 541. 

It does not become editors t 
icize their own work, but we 
perhaps quote the following fro 
preface of this Reprint :— 

‘‘For some time past the : 
numbers of the ANNUAL have 
out of print and have been diffi 
obtain ; and since frequent enc 
have been made for them by 
who have only had the later 
and who wish to complete their 
it has been thought well to r 
the first four numbers in one vc 
Opportunity has therefore been 
to correct many mistakes whicl 
been detected, to give numerous 
tional notés, to supply the sci 
names of plants and animals, | 
as they are known, and gener: 
bring up the papers here rep 
to the present state of our know 
of the country. 

“It is believed that this v 
will be found to contain a 
amount of original facts and 
mation about Madagascar ar 
inhabitants, and to give in a 
able form much which cann 
found in any other book yet pub 
upon the country and the peopl 

(8) A Madagascar Bibliogr 
in two Parts: Part I. arr. 
Alphabetically according to 
thors’ Names; Part Il. arr. 
Chronologically according to 
jects treated of. To which ts 
A List of Publications in the i 
gasy Language, and A TL: 
Maps of Madagascar. Col 
and arranged by the Rev. ¥.S 
F.R.G.S., etc. L.M.S. Press 
tananarivo: 1885 ; 8vo, pp. 92. 

This is an octavo pamphlet 
pages, containing : (1) an alph 
cally arranged List of Writers, 
the titles of their books, pamg 
or articles, on all subjects relat 
any way to this a) thi 
occupies 45 pages; (2) a clas 
List of Subjects, the works 






of the twelve subdivisions (e.g., 

arGenerally; Political His- 
nny, etc.; Voyages, etc., etc.); (3) 
a List of Books and other Publica- 
tions in the Malagasy Language ; this 
occupies 29 pages; (4) and finally, 
a List of Maps of Madagascar, occu- 
pying nearly 3 pages. closely printed 
in double columns. The bare enume- 
tation of the contents of the book is 
sufficient to fill with surprise even 


cia those who are to some extent familiar 








in a Se -y "% R tl: 


with Madagascar, and an examina- 
tion of the book itself increases this 


es: feeling. Though this island is con- 


sidered to have been comparatively 
neglected and unexplored, this Biblio- 
graphy shows at a glance that it has 
received no small amount of attention. 


The later portion of the Biblio- 
graphy, viz. that giving of the 
books in the native la ge that 
have been issued, chiefly by the seven 
Presses of Antananarivo, gives a full 
and well-arranged conspectus of 
what has been written and published 
by foreigners to promote the Chris- 
tianization and civilization of the 
people. Literature in this country is 
but in its infancy ; but the fact that 
29 pages 8vo are required simply to 
contain the titles of the books pub- 
lished shows that much activity has 
been displayed. Most of the books 
are naturally school books or reli- 
gious manuals of different classes ; 
but science, music, and journal- 
ism are also represented. Though 
a Bibliography is not expected to 
afford light reading, those interested 
in Madagascar will not find this 
volume wanting in instructive, and 
even entertaining, material (see, for 
example, the title of Richard Booth- 
by’s book, pp. 43, 44); and to any 
one wishing to study a particular 
question this book will prove a reli- 
able and valuable guide. The hearty. 
thanks of all interested in the liter- 
ature of Madagascar are due to 
Mr. Sibree for the labour he has 
spent in compiling such full and exact 


"© The titles of this and the three following p 
French titles, which we are unable to give, as 
them only in English. 






LITERARY NOTES. 


135 





catalogues. It is perhaps not too 
much to say that we know of no one 
else who could have done for us 
what Mr. Sibree has done.—W.E.C. 
(9) From the article on ‘Robert 
Drury’s Madagascar,’’ page 17 ante, 
we see that Captain Oliver has also 
een compiling a Brbliography o 
Madagascar. This we eiiewe wee 
done for a Government department. 
PAPERS AND PAMPHLETS ON MA- 
DAGASCAR.—In the Proceedings of 
the French Academie de Sciences for 
this year (paper read March 23rd) is 
an article entitled :* ‘‘Supplementary 
Remarks on the Gigantic Turtles of 
Madagascar ;’’ by M. L. Vaillaint. 
“From the remains found by M. 
Grandidier at Etsere and Ambulitsate 
(szc\, the author determines two dis- 
tinct species, which he names Zes- 
tudo Grandidtert and 7. abrupta.”’ 
In the same publication (paper read 
March 16th) is an article on ‘‘The 
Channels and Lagoons of the East 
Coast of Madagascar,’’ by M.A. 
Grandidier. And in the same publica- 
tion (paper read April 13th) is an 
article ‘‘On a remarkable duration of 
the Trajectory of a Cyclone observed 
last February on the north-east coast 
of Madagascar,’’ by M. Pélagaud. 
The writer remarks that ‘‘almost for 
the first time since the Indian Ocean 
has been visited by Europeans, — that 
is, the last four hundred years—a 
cyclone has visited the island of Ma- 
dagascar, causing great damage to 
the French fleet and shipping along 
the north-east coast.’’ This is cer- 
tainly incorrect. In our own experi- 
ence, now dating back more than 
twenty-two years, the east coast has 
been several times visited by cyclones, 
notably by a very destructive one on 
Feb. 2zoth, 1876, which reached the 
interior; see ANNUAL No. II., p. 120. 
In botanical studies Mr. Baker, 
F.R.S., of Kew, has given a further 
instalment of his valuable papers, 
one of which, entitled ‘‘Further Con- 
tributions to the Flora of Central Ma- 


apers are, of course, translations of the original 
e source of our information (Valure) gives 


126 


dagascar; Part I. Polypetalz,’’ ap- 
pears in the fournal of the Linnean 
Soctety— Botany, Dec. rath, 1884; 
vol. xxi. no. 135, Pp. 317°353- In the 
same Yournad (vol. xxi. no. 137, pp. 
407-455) Mr. Baker gives the second 
and final part of this paper. In the 
same gousnar (vol. xx. no. 129, pp. 
$9°33 , Mr. H. N. Ridley, M.A., 
S., gives a paper on ‘‘New or 
rare Monocotyledonous Plants from 
Madagascar ;’’ and in vol. xxi. no. 
137, pp. 456-522, another paper on 
‘‘The Orchids of Madagascar.’’ 
From Norway we have a consider- 
able pamphlet of 126 pp. 8vo, by the 
Rev. Dr. Borchgrevink, entitled: 2 
hortfatted Oversigt over Madagas- 
car, dets Folk og Mission. This con- 
sists, we are told, of six lectures upon 
this country and its people and on mis- 
sion work. In the German period- 
ical Mitteilungen der Geographis- 
chen Gesellschaft (fir Thuringen) 
zu Fena; 1885; b. ili. h. 4, pp. 252- 
258, is an account of a journey by 
one of the Norwegian missionaries 
formerly resident in this country, the 
Rev. Mw. Borgen, and entitled ‘‘Rei- 
sen norwegischer Missionare in Ma- 
dagascar:-I. Borgens Reise durch 
das Sakalava gebiet von Morondava 
nach Midongy.’”’ 
Among other recent articles or pam- 
hlets by French writers, of which, 
fowever, we have not yet complete 
information, is one entitled: tude 
complete sur Madagascar (Paris: 
1885), by M. Eutrope ; and two others, 
apparently with the same title, A/a- 
dagascar (?) by M. Pauliat, and 
“Madagascar” (?) in Annales de 
L Extreme Orient et de l’ Afrique, 
July, 1885, by M. Charles Grémieux ; 
and Madagascar: la Reine des Iles 
A fricaines: 1885, by M. Charles 
Buet. There are doubtless many 
other papers on this country in 
French periodicals, as well as pam- 
phlets, etc., arising from the atten- 
tion now being paid to Madagascar 
in France. Besides M. Grandidier’s 
paper mentioned above, he has writ- 


ten another on this country, in a. 


number of the Bulletin de la Socs- 


LITERARY NOTES. 


été de Glographie de Paris, and 
has given a fine map of Imérina. A 
new map of Madagascar by M. Gran- 
didier is announced in a recent number 
of Proc. Roy. Geog. Soe. {fune) as 
follows: ‘‘Carte de 1l’Ile de Madagas- 
car, d’aprés les travaux de A. Gran- 
didier. Paris: E. Andriveau-Gou- 
jon. Price 1s. 62. (Dulas.)’’ Another 
map of Madagascar is thus mention- 
ed in Proc. Roy. Geog. Soc. (March.) 
‘**Geographical Society of Paris Dec. 
sth, 1885. In the hall there was 
exhibited a large manuscript map of 
Madagascar, drawn by M. Laillet, 
an engineer and architect. This map, 
scale of 1: 666, 666, has been execu- 
ted, as regards the northern coasts, 
on the basis of maps of French 
hydrography, while for the southern 
coast-lingtmmaps of English hydrogra- 
phy hav n utilized. With regard 
to the interior of the island, M. Lail- 
let has based his map on the works of 
the principal explorers, and made use 
in particular of the large map of the 
late English missionary, Dr. Mullens. 






.The author himself, during 1885-6, 


made numerous surveys between 
Mananzary and Tamatave, and along 
the course of the Mangéro and its 
affluents.’’ 

In the last number of the ANNUAL 
we noticed the visit to the Capital of 
Lieut. Shufeldt, of the U. S. Navy. 
We learn from the Mew York Gra- 
pahzc that ‘‘since his return to this 
country [America] Lieut. Shufeldt has 
been employed on special service at 
the Navy Department, compiling for 
the press an account of his novel and 
hazardous journey.’”’ 

WORKS IN MALAGASY. -— Vy Zan- 
taran' ny Frangonana (Church His- 
tory, from the Apostolic age to the 
19th Century) by Rev. S E. Jor- 
gensen. Norwegian Mission, Anta- 
nanarivo: 8vo, pp. 249. By the same 
author, Wy L£fistola. Yevs - teny 
hanampy ny Mpitory teny. (The 
Epistles. Expositions for the help of 
Preachers) N.M:S. Press: 16mo, pp. 
236. Arkeologia Biblikaly (Bib- 
lical Archeology’. by Rev. L. Dahle. 
N.M.S. Press: 12mo, pp. 158. a- 


LITERARY NOTES. 


noroan-dalana ho any ny Kristiana 
(Rules for the Christian Life; from 
Luther), by Rev. Nygaard. N.M.S. 
. Press: ramo, pp. 184. Lektora fohs- 
| fohy ny amy ny Fitondrana Sekol 
Lectures on School Management), 
Rev. J. Richardson and Mr. J. C. 
re. L.M.S. Press: 1amo, pp. 
4s. JZantaran' ny Foda sy ny LSt- 
vaely (Histery of the Kingdoms of 
udah and Israel), by Mr. H. E. 
lark. F.F.M.A. Press: 8vo, pp. 


164. Zeoftlo Anglikana (Theophilus 
Anglicanus, 1st part), translated by 
Rev. G. H. Smith, M.A. S.P.G. Press: 


127 


tions between the Malagasy Govern- 
ment and French Commissioners at 
Tamatave, through the friendly me- 
diation of M. D. Maigrot, Consul of 
the King of Italy, June 13th—Aug. 
17th, 1885 ;’’ folio, pp. 43. The docu- 
ments, etc., are given in parallel 
columns, in French and Malagasy. 
During the year another newspaper 
in the native language has been 
commenced, viz., a Ma agasy edition 
of the Madagascar Times. The first 
number of this was published on 
Saturday, Aug. 22nd; Mr. A. Tacchi, 
editor; issued weekly. Mr. Tacchi has 


also published /s/azana my Fomba 
Fandaharam-panjakana any Eng- 
dand (Account of Government Offices 
and Officials in England). 4to, pp. 38. 


8vo, pp. 70. 

A Redbook’ has been issued from 
the Queen’s Press, entitled (when 
trapgiated) ‘‘Report of the Negocia- 





——— Si 


° ° 
VARIETIES. 
_— 


¥ CUSTOMS IN AFRICA AND NEW GUINEA SIMILAR TO THE 
———— ‘TSO-DRANO,' 


Among curious words and phrases used by the Malagasy is one which 
would soon be noticed by a new-comer, since the act which it is used to 
describe forms a part of every religious service. The ‘benediction’ pronounced 
before a congregation is dismissed is termed /4sd-drano, literally ‘blowin 
water.’ But how comes it that such a phrase is used for such an act 
It arises from an old custom of taking a little water in the mouth and blowing 
it over or towards any one as a sign of blessing and favour; and so ¢so-drano 
is used for amy blessing, although no water, in any form, may accompany it. 
The idea involved in this symbolic act is not very clear, and it is now nearly, 
if not quite, obsolete, at least in the central province of Madagascar. The 
expression is now often used also as an equivalent for the foreign word dafisa 
(baptism). The following extract from Mature (Feb. 12th, 1885, p. 346) 
shows that there are somewhat parallel customs to be found amongst peoples 
both to the west,and to the east of Madagascar :— 

‘‘One strangetustom [amongst the Masai peoples of Eastern Central Africa] 
is that spitting is The Trontest mark of distinction you can bestow upon a 
Masai, and Mr. Thompson was often sorely exercised when he desired to be 
particularly conciliating and gracious in his intentions. This custom is, how- 
ever, not without parallel: the natives of part of the southern coast of New 
Guinea, indeed, improve upon it by squirting mouthfuls of water on those to 
whom they wish to give a specially friendly welcome. What is the particular 
significance of the custom, perhaps those who have investigated the subject 
of salutations may be able to explain.’’ 

Review of Zkrough Masai Land: by Joseph Thompson, in Vafure. 


128 VARIETIES. 





THE ‘VATOLAHY.’ 


While staying in Edinburgh for a day or two in Oct. 1882, at the house of 
an eminent scholar, a well-known professor of Oriental languages, I was 
asked by him if we had in Madagascar any traces of phallus worship (the 
reproductive principle in nature), which is, as is well known, a marked feature 
of Hindu idolatry up to the present day (the /s2ga2), and was also prominent 
in many of the old-world idolatries. I answered at first in the negative ; but 
on thinking over the matter afterwards, it occurred to me that possibly the 
vatolaky, or memorial stones (lit. ‘male stones) so commonly seen in the 
central provinces of the island might be relics of such worship. In Imérina 
these are usually rough undressed blocks or slabs of blue granite from eight 
to fourteen feet high ; while in Bétsiléo they are often of white granite smoothly 
finished, sometimes forming a massive circular pillar, and often ornamented 
with the peculiar Betsileo carving. The name and the form of these 
memorial stones seem to suggest some such connection. Can any one supply 
other facts which would throw any light upon this question PED. (J.S.) 


‘VOLOM-PARASY,’ 


In a paper by the Rev. S. E. Jorgensen in the ANNUAL for 1884, one@New 
Words in the Malagasy Language,’’ he says: Ye have expectéd to 






¢have seen violéfa on the list of introduced w ut Malagasy ingenuity 
has made this word superfluous. They have in to say that dark violet 
is just the same colour as that of fleas! and so they call it vdlom-parasy 
(fleas’ colour).’’ It seems more probable that the word volom-farasy is a 
translation of the French word puce, dag violet, Za Bice, the flea. And the 
distinguished author of the idea of a similarity between dark violet and fleas’ 
colour is said to be Louis, King of Fragce, who, in a joke, dubbed a dark 
violet ‘ta Duce.’ The word then trav to England, where ‘puce’ is now 
a common name for dark violet.—S. M. WILLS. 





OOCc 


x RAINFALL OF ANTANANARIVO FOR THE YEAR 1885. 


Month. | No. of days rain fell. Quantity. Average fall of last four years. 








anuary.... 25 days 16-9! in. 13°56 inches 
‘ebruary ee 15 5 14°10 ,, "73 2 
March .... Iq 5) 2°47 9 °53 2” 
April covers 4 » I°22 ,, 1°41 o9 
May eoece: 3» "35 0°90 ” 
UNE ccccce 4 9» °30 5, O’r! ” 
uly eeenee O s5, j OO ;, 0°075 ” 

. August coe. 4 »» 42 ;, 0°32 9? 
September. . 7 49 2°05 5,5 0405 ,, 
October.... So 1°06 re) 4°70 99 
November.. 14 5, 1 5°16 ,, 5°735 
December.. 13 os | 8°15 ” 9°38 9 

Total... 108 days | satg in,| 52°805 inches 





ED. (J.S.) 








ANTANANARIVO 
ANNUAL 


AND 


\- 


No. X.—C@HRISTMAS, 1886. 


(PART I. OF VOL. TIT) 


ANTANANARIVO: 
PRINTED AT THE PRESS OF THE LONDON | 
MISSIONARY SOCIETY. 


—_—— awe 


_ 1&6, i 
(LONDON AGENTS. MESSRS. TRUBNER & Co.: re 





All rights reserved. 


dutt tt, manee, Ace hi pte, 


THE 


ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL 


AND 


MADAGASCAR MAGAZINE. 


| RECORD OF INFORMATION ON THE TOPOGRAPHY AND NATURAL PRODUCTIONS 
OF MADAGASCAR, AND THE CUSTOMS, TRADITIONS, LANGUAGE, 
AND RELIGIOUS BELIEFS OF ITS PEOPLE. 


——-et-{§-f0-— 


EDITED BY THE 


REV. J. SIBREE, F.RGS., 


AND 


REV. R. BARON, F.LS., 


Misstonaries of the L.M.S. 





No. X.—CHRISTMAS, 1886. 
(Part II, of Volume IIT.) 


<a 


ANTANANARIVO: 
PRINTED AT THE L. M.S. PRESS. 





1886. 
All rights reserved. 


ANTANANARIVO : 


PRINTED AT THE PRESS OF THE LONDON MISSIONARY SOCIETY 
BY MALAGASY PRINTERS. 


Cov. Chen. $0 ii. 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE 


1.—THE FAUNA OF MADAGASCAR AND THE MASCARENE 
ISLANDS. By ALFRED RUSSEL WALLACE, Esq., LL.D. 
( Reprinted by the kind permission of the Author and Pub- 
lishers from ‘‘The Geographical Distribution of Animals.’ ) *129 


2.—THE MALAGASY GAME OF ‘FANORONA.’ By REv. W. 
MONTGOMERY, L.M.S. 2. cccececcccccee cocesen. cece cocccsee 148 


3-—MALAGASY ROOTS: THEIR CLASSIFICATION AND MUTUAL 
RELATIONS. By REv. W. E. COUSINS, L.M.S. ...sce.e sees 157 


4.-—ON THE POETRY OF MADAGASCAR. By (the late) REv. 
E. BAKER, L.M.S. ..... cececccs cecece cecees cane tones coos 167 


5-—-ON THE TRADE AND COMMERCE OF MADAGASCAR. 
By W. CLAYTON PICKERSGILL, ESQ., H.B.M.’s VICE-CONSUL 177 


6.—THE IDEAS OF THE MALAGASY WITH REGARD TO 
DESTINY. By Mr. H. E. CLARK, F.F.M.A.............. 185 


7.—MALAGASY HYMNOLOGY, AND ITS CONNECTION WITH 
CHRISTIAN LIFE IN MADAGASCAR. By REv. J. SIBREE, 


| OD a. .-.. 187 
8.—SOME THOUGHTS ON CHURCH MUSIC IN MADAGAS- 
CAR. By REv. A. M. HEWLETT, M.A.,S.P.G... 22... cee ee 199 


9-—THE CHANNELS AND LAGOONS OF THE EAST COAST 
OF MADAGASCAR. By M. ALFRED GRANDIDIER AND 
REV. J. SIBREE ....... 2.4... oe c eens cee tenes cue eesneceenes 205 


10.—BIBLE REVISION WORK IN MADAGASCAR. By REv. 
W.E. COUSINS ..... ee eee eeee eee eee cet ee ce eee 209 





- 


© It will be observed that the numbering of the pages docs not commence afresh, but is 
continued from the previous number, so that Nos. ix.—xii. may form a Third Volume, paged 
consecutively. 


iv. 


11.—THE PERSONAL ARTICLE ‘I’ IN MALAGASY. By REv. 
R. BARON, L.M.S. .... .......6. 


12.—SIKIDY’ AND ‘VINTANA’: HALF-HOURS WITH MALAGASY 
DIVINERS. (No. 1.) By REv. L. DAHLE, N.M.S. .......... 


13.—NOTES ON THE BETSILEO DIALECT (AS SPOKEN IN THE 
ARINDRANO DISTRICT). By REV. T. ROWLANDS, L.M.S..... 


14.—SOME BETSIMISARAKA SUPERSTITIONS. By REv. G. H. 
SMITH, M.A., S.P.G. 


15.—A NEW MALAGASY GRAMMAR. By REv. W. E. Cousins. 


16.—BIAZAVOLA: A MALAGASY BARD. By W. CLayTON PICK- 
ERSGILL, ESQ. .... cceece. cece ces cee cee tev ees sees cee 


17.—VARIETIES : THE PIRATES IN MADAGASCAR—GEOLOGICAL 
JOTTINGS — THE PROTO-MARTYR OF MADAGASCAR — THE 
ETYMOLOGY OF ‘ANTANANARIVO’ AND ‘ANDRIAMANITRA’ .. 


18.—LITERARY NOTES .... 22... cece cece ee eee ee ce 


19.—BRIEF SUMMARY OF IMPORTANT EVENTS IN MADA- 
GASCAR DURING 1886 .....  ......... rrr 


20.—NATURAL HISTORY NOTES 
21.—RAINFALL OF ANTANANARIVO FOR THE YEAR 1886 


ILLUSTRATION. 


DIAGRAMS OF THE ‘FANORONA’ GAME. 


PAGE 


216 


247 


250 


252 


257 
259 


260 


*.* The Edttors do not hold themselves responsible for every opinion 
expressed by those who contribute to the pages of the ANNUAL, but only 


for the general character of the articles as a whole. 


THE 


ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL 


AND 


MADAGASCAR MAGAZINE. 





\ 
THE FAUNA OF MADAGASCAR AND THE 
MASCARENE ISLANDS. 


(THE following paper, which forms Chapter xi. vol. I., of the valuable 
work entitled Zhe Geographical Distribution of Animals, by the eminent 
naturalist, Mr. Alfred Russel Wallace, is here reproduced by the kind 
permission of the Author and his publishers, Messrs. Macmillan. A few 
extracts from other portions of that work, bearing on the fauna of Madagascar 
and the neighbouring islands, have also been added, in some cases in a 
foot-note, byt in others in an Appendix; and the Editors of the ANNUAL 
have much pleasure in here acknowledging Mr. Wallace’s ready compliance 
with their request to be allowed to reprint this interesting paper. The only 
alterations made are by the addition of a note in one or two places shewing, 
from jane Life, chap. xix., Mr. Wallace’s later views on certain points.— 
DS. 


HIS insular sub-region*® is one of the most remarkable 
zoological districts on the globe, bearing a similar rela- 

tion to Africa as the Antilles to Tropical America, or New 
Zealand to Australia, but possessing a much richer fauna than 
either of these, and in some respects a more remarkable one 
even than New Zealand. It comprises, besides Madagascar, 
the islands of Mauritius, Bourbon and Rodriguez, the Seychelles 
and Comoro Islands. Madagascar itself is an island of the 
first class, being [nearly] a thousand miles long, and about 250 


© It must be remembered that the whole surface of the globe is divided by Mr. Wallace 
into six zoological ‘regions,’ in each of which broad and clearly marked distinctions are shewn 
to exist in the animal life as compared with that of the other great divisions. Each of these 
regions is again divided into ‘sub-regions,’ Madagascar and the neighbouring islands forming 
the ‘Malagasy Sub-region’ of the ‘Ethiopian Region,’ a zoological division whieh includes 
Africa south of the Tropic of Cancer, together with its islands, excepting the Cape De Verde 
group.—EDS. 


No. 10.—CHRISTMAS, 1886. 


140 THE FAUNA OF MADAGASCAR 


miles in average width. It lies parallel to the coast of Africa, 
near the southern Tropic, and is separated by 230 miles of sea 
from the nearest part of the continent, although a bank of 
soundings projecting from its western coast reduces this distance 
to about 160 miles. Madagascar is a mountainous island, and 
the greater part of the interior consists of open elevated 
plateaus; but between these and the coast there intervene 
broad belts of luxuriant tropical forests. It is this forest- 
district that has yielded most of those remarkable types of 
animal life which we shall have to enumerate; and it is prob- 
able that many more remain to be discovered. As all the main 
features of this sub-region are developed in Madagascar, we 
shall first endeavour to give a complete outline of the fauna of 
that country; and afterwards shew how far the surrounding 
islands partake of its peculiarities. 

MAMMALIA.—The fauna of Madagascar is tolerably rich in 
genera and species of Mammalia, although these belong to a 
very limited number of families and orders. It is especially 
characterized by its abundance of Lemuridw and Insectivora; 
it also possesses a few peculiar Carnivora of small size; but 
most of the other groups in which Africa is especially rich—apes 
and monkeys, lions, leopards and hyenas, zebras, giraffes, 
antelopes, elephants and rhinoceroses, and even porcupines 
and squirrels, are wholly wanting. No less than 4o distinct 
families of land mammals are represented on the continent of 
Africa, only 11 of which occur in Madagascar, which also 
possesses 3 families peculiar to itself. The following is a list 
of all the genera of Mammalia as yet known to inhabit the 
island :— 


PRIMATES. Vesper tilonidee. 
Lemuride. Vespertilio ... . a 
Indrtsine. Species Taphozous ................ I 
“Indris........ 2.6.20 sees oe Noctilionide. 
Lemurine. Nyctinomus se ee ces eee I 
*Hevalemur see cceetccsone "? INSECTIVORA. 
*Microcebus ............ 04+. 4 *Centetes Centetida. Sp a ses. 
*Chirogaleus .......... eee 5 *Hemicentetes ........... 2 
*Lepilemur ............ 20006. 2 *Ericulus....... ww 
gn Cr omyide. *Oryzorictes ....... 2 eeeee. I 
Chiromys ......... 1. eee I *Echinops . ...+-... sa... 3 
BATS (Chiroptera). S Soricide. 
Pteropidee. orex . vee re | 
Pteropus  ..... ee ee cee eee 2 “CA RN Ivo RA. 
Rhinolophide. Cryploproctida. 
Rhinolophus .........0..0005 I “Cryptoprocta  .,.... ..sscees I 


AND THE MASCARENE ISLANDS. 13! 





F Viverride. RODENTIA. 
“Fossa ....0. .cccccccceccces 2 co 
°Galidia ....0. eee si eeseee 3 *Necom Muride. 
spalidictis re “Hypogeomys. see. oe reee ; 
upleres .. ceceacs cence re | ct eeccesoocece 
P UNGULATA. *Brachytarsomys eeecoeeoe@eovsese I 
Suide. 
Potamocheerus .. .......... I 


We have here a total of 12 families, 27 genera, and 65 species 
of Mammals; 3 of the families and 20 of the genera (indicated 
by asterisks) being peculiar. All the species are peculiar, 
except perhaps one or two of the wandering bats. Remains of 
a Hippopotamus have been found in a sub-fossil condition, show- 
ing that this animal probably inhabited the island at a not very 
remote epoch. | 

The assemblage of animals above noted is remarkable, and 
seems to indicate a very ancient connection with the southern 
portion of Africa, before the apes, ungulates and felines had 
entered it. The lemurs, which are here so largely developed, 
are represented by a single group in Africa, with two peculiar 
forms on the west coast. They also re-appear under peculiar 
and isolated forms in Southern India and Malaya, and are 
evidently but the remains of a once wide-spread group, since 
in Eocene times they inhabited North America and Europe, 
and very probably the whole northern hemisphere.* The 
Insectivora are another group of high antiquity, widely scat- 
tered over the globe under a number of peculiar forms; but in 
no equally limited area represented by so many peculiar types 
as in Madagascar. South and West Africa are also rich in this 
order. 

The Carnivora of Madagascar are mostly peculiar forms of 
Viverridz, or civets, a family now almost confined to the 
Ethiopian and Oriental regions, but which was abundant in 
Europe during the Miocene period. | 

The Potamocherus is a peculiar sfeczes only, which may be 
perhaps explained by the unusual swimming powers of swine, 
and the semi-aquatic habits of this genus, leading to an immi- 
gration at a later period than in the case of the‘other Mam- 
malia. The same remark will apply to the small //zppopotamus, 
which was coeval with the great struthious bird <£pyornzs. 


* “EOCENE PERIOD. Primates. The only undoubted Eocene examples of this order are 
the Canofpithecus lemuroides from the Jura, which has points of resemblance to the S. Amer, 
marmosets and howlers, and also to the Lemuridz ; and a cranium recently discovered in the 
department of Lot (S. W. France) undoubtedly belonging to the Lemuridx, and which most 
resembles that of the West African ‘Potto’ (Perodicticus), This discovery has led to another, 
for it is now believed that remains formerly referred to the Anoplotheride (Adapfis and An- 
helotherium from the Upper Eocene of Paris) were also Lemurs” (pp. 124, 125). 


‘392 THE FAUNA OF MADAGASCAR 





Rodents are only represented by three peculiar forms of 
Muride, but it is probable that others remain to be discovered. 

BIRDS. — Madagascar is exceedingly rich in birds, and espe- 
cially in remarkable forms of Passeres, No less than 88 genera 
and 111 species of land-birds have been discovered, and every 
year some additions are being made to the list.* The African 
families of Passeres are almost all represented, only two being 
absent— Paride and Fringillide, both very poorly represented 
in Africa itself. Among the Picarizw, however, the case is very 
different, no less than 7 families being absent, viz.— Picidaw, or 
woodpeckers ; Indicatoride#, or honey-guides; Megalzemida, 
or barbets; Musophagide, or plantain-eaters ; Coliidz, or 
colies; Bucerotidaz, or hornbills; and Irrisorida, or mockers, 
Three of these are peculiar to Africa, and all are well repre- 
sented there, so that their absence from Madagascar is a very 
remarkable fact. The number of peculiar genera in Madagas- 
car constitutes one of the main features of its ornithology, and 
many of these are so isolated that it is very difficult to classify 
them, and they remain to this day a puzzle to ornithologists. 
In order to exhibit clearly the striking characteristics of the 
bird-fauna of this island, we shall first give a list of all the 
peculiar genera; another, of the genera of which the species 
only are peculiar ; and, lastly, a list of the species which Mada- 
gascar possesses in common with the African continent. 


GENERA OF BIRDS PECULIAR TO MADAGASCAR, OR FOUND ELSEWHERE 
ONLY IN THE MASCARENE ISLANDS, 


Syluidae. — Species. Laniide. Species, Coractada. Species, 
1. Bernieria... 2 14. Calicalicus(?) 1 26. Atelornis .. 2 
2. Ellisia ...... I ND Vanga . 4 27. Brachyptera- 

3. Mystacornis.. 1 ectariniae. cias .... I 

4. Eroessa .... 1 16. Neodrepanis. 1 28. Geobiastes.. 1 

5. Gervasia.... 1 SHMirundinide. Psittactde. 
Tymaliide. 17. Phedina .... 1 29. Coracopsis.. 2 

6. Oxylabes.... 2 SPlocerde. Columbide. 

Cinclide@ (?). 18. Nelicurvius.. 1 30. Alectrenas§ 1 
7. Mesites .... 1 Sturnide. Tetraonide. 

Sttide. 19. Euryceros (?), 1 31. Margaroper- 

8. Hyperphes§. 1 20. Hartlaubia.. 1 dix] .... 1 
Pycnonotide@ (?). 21. Falculia .. 1! Falconide. 

g. Tylas ...... 1 Fartctide. 32. Nisoides ... 1 
Ortwolide. 22. Philepitta .. 1 33. Eutriorchis.. 1 
10. Artamia .... 3  Cuculide. T . f) 
11. Cyanolanius. I 23. Coua_..... g Total species o | 50 
Muscicapide. 24. Cochlothraustes 1 peculiar genera 
12. Newtonia .. 1 Leptosomide. LE pyorntithida. 


13. Pseudobias.. 1 25. Leptosomus.. 1 34. Epyornis .. I 


_—_— 


* The land-birds now known to inhabit Madagascar number at least 210 species, belonging 
to 148 genera.— EDS, 


» an 


AND THE MASCARENE ISLANDS. 133 





ETHIOPIAN OR ORIENTAL GENERA WHICH ARE REPRESENTED IN 
MADAGASCAR BY PECULIAR SPECIES. 


Turdide. Species. Species, Falconide. Species. 
1. Bessonornis.. 1 18. Centropus .. 1 35- Polyboroides. 1 
Sylussda. 19. Cuculus ... 1 36. Circus ...... I 
2. Acrocephalus 1 Coractade. 37- Astur .. ... 3 
3. Copsychus(Or.)q1 20. Eurystomus.. 1 38. Accipiter... I 
4. Pratincola .. 1 <Adlcedinide. 39. Buteo ..... 1 
Pycnonotide. 21. Corythornis.. 1 40. Haliaétus .. 1 
5. Hypsipetes({Or.){1 22. Inspidina... 1 qt. Pernis ...... I 
. Andropadus.. 1 Upupide. 42. Baza........ I 

Campephagide. 23. Upupa/?).. . 1 43. Cerchneis.... 
7. Campephaga. 1 Caprimuilgide. Strigide. 

Diruride. 24. Caprimulgus. 1 44. Athene...... I 
8. Dicrurus.... 1 Cypselida. 45. Scops ...... I 

Musczcapide. 25. cypselus .. 2 Raliide. 
g. Ichitrea .... 1 26. Chetura .... I 46. Rallus...... 3 

Lande. Pstttacide. 47. Porzana .... 1 
10. Laniarius.... 1 27. Poliopsitta.. 1 Scolopacide. 

Nectariniide. Columbide. 8. Gallinago..., 1 
11. Nectarinia .. 1 28. Treron.... I Plataleide. 

Plocetda. 29. Columba.... 1 49. Ibis ........ 1 
12. Foudia...... 2 o. Turtur ...... 1 Fodsctpide. 

13. Hypargos... 1 teroclid@. 50. Podiceps.... 1 

Ab ppermestes . i! Ay Fterocles. ee a al peculiar spe- 

1§. Mirafra...... 1 2. Francolinus.. 1 Or of Eth. or s 
otactliida. hastanide. r. genera 

16. Motacilla.... 1 #3: Numida .... I | 

Cuculide. urnicide. 

17. Ceuthmochares 1 34. Turnix...... I 

SPECIES OF BIRDS COMMON TO MADAGASCAR AND AFRICA OR ASIA, 

1, Cisticola cursitans. . Collocalia fuciphaga. 9. Falco concolor. 

2. Corvus scapulatus. 3. (Ena capensis. 10. Milvus zgyptius. 

3. Crithagra canicollis. 7. Aplopeliatympanistria, 11. Milvus migrans. 


4. Meropssuperciliosus, 8. Falco minor. 12. Strix flammea. 


These three tables show us an amount of speciality hardly 
to be found in the birds of any other part of the globe. Out of 
111 land-birds in Madagascar, only 12 are identical with species 
inhabiting the adjacent continents, and most of these belong to 
powerful-winged, or wide-ranging, forms, which probably now 
often pass from one country to the other. The peculiar species 
«49 land-birds and 7 waders, or aquatics--are mostly well- 
marked forms of African genera. There are, however, several 
genera (marked thus{) which have Oriental or Palearctic 
affinities, but not African, viz.—Copsychus, Hypstpetes, Hypherpes, 
A lectrenas and Margaroperdix. ‘These indicate a closer approx- 
imation to the Malay countries than now exists. 

The table of 33 peculiar genera is of great interest. Most 
of these are well-marked forms, belonging to families which 


134 THE FAUNA OF MADAGASCAR 





are fully developed in Africa; though it is singular that not 
one of the exclusively -African families is represented in any 
way in Madagascar. Others, however, are of remote, or 
altogether doubtful, affinities. Szt##de is Oriental and Palearc- 
tic, but not Ethiopian. Oxylabes and Mystacornts are of doubt- 
ful affinities. Avtamta and Cyanolantus still more so, and it is 
quite undecided what family they belong to. Cadzcaltcus is 
almost equally obscure. Neodrepanis, one of the most recent 
discoveries, seems to connect the Nectariniide with the Pacific 
Drepanidie. Luryceros is a complete puzzle, having been placed 
with the hornbills, the starlings, or as adistinct family. Fadulza 
is an exceedingly aberrant form of starling, long thought to be 
allied to /rrisor. Phtlepitta, forming a distinct family (Paic- 
tidze), is most remarkable and isolated, perhaps with remote 
South American affinities. Lepfosoma is another extraordinary 
form, connecting the cuckoos with the rollers. <Avelornts, 
Brachypteracias, and Geobtastes are terrestrial rollers, with the 
form and colouring of P:t/a. So many perfectly isolated and 
remarkable groups are certainly nowhere else to be found; and 
they fitly associate with the wonderful aye-aye (Chzvomys), the 
insectivorous Centetide, and carnivorous Cryptoprocta, among 
the Mammalia. They speak to us plainly of enormous anti- 
quity, of long-continued isolation, and not less plainly of a lost 
continent or continental island, in which so many, and various, 
and peculiarly organized creatures, could have been gradually 
developed in a connected fauna, of which we have here but the 
fragmentary remains. 

PLATE VI.—ILLUSTRATING THE CHARACTERISTIC FEATURES 
OF THE ZOOLOGY OF MADAGASCAR.—The lemurs, which form 
the most prominent feature in the zoology of Madagascar, being 
comparatively well-known from the numerous specimens in our 
Zoological Gardens, and good figures of the Insectivorous 
genera not being available, we have represented the nocturnal 
and extraordinary aye-aye (Chtvomys madagascariensis) to 
illustrate its peculiar, and probably very ancient, mammalian 
fauna; while the river-hogs in the distance (Potamocherus 
LEdwardsit), allied to African species, indicate a later immi- 
gration from the mainland than in the case of most of the other 
Mammalia. The peculiar birds being far less generally known, 
we have figured three of them. The largest is the Luryceros 
prevostz, here classed with the starlings, although its remark- 
able bill and other peculiarities render it probable that it should 
form a distinct family. Its colours are velvety black and rich 
brown, with the bill of a pearly grey. The bird beneath ( Vanga 
curvirostvts) is one of the peculiar Madagascar shrikes, whose 


AND THE MASCARENE ISLANDS. 135 


——-— 


plumage, variegated with green-black and pure white, is very 
conspicuous; while that in the right-hand corner is the Lepéo- 
soma discolor, a bird which appears to be intermediate between 
such very distinct families as the cuckoos and the rollers, and 
is therefore considered to form a family by itself. It is coppery 
green above and nearly white beneath, with a black bill and 
red feet. The fan-shaped plant on the left is the Traveller’s- 
tree (Urania spectosa), one of the peculiar forms of vegetation 
in this marvellous island. 

REPTILES.— These present some very curious features, com- 
paratively few of the African groups being represented, while 
there are a considerable number of Eastern, and even of 
American, forms. Beginning with the snakes, we find, in the 
enormous family of Colubridz, none of the African types; but 
instead of them three genera—Herpelodryas, Phylodryas, and 
Heterodon—only found elsewhere in South and North America. 
The Psammophide, which are both African and Indian, are 
represented by a peculiar genus, /zmophis. The Dendrophidz 
are represented by Afa@tulla, a genus which is both African 
and American. The Dryophide, which inhabit all the tropics, 
but are most developed in the Oriental region, are represented 
by a peculiar genus, Langaha. The tropical Pythonide are 
represented by another peculiar genus, Sumzznza. The Lycodon- 
tide and Viperidez, so well developed in Africa, are entirely 
absent. 

The lizards are no less remarkable. The Zonuride, abun- 
dantly developed in Africa, are represented by one peculiar 
genus, Czctgna ; the wide-spread Scincid& by another peculiar 
genus, Pygomeles. The African Sepside are represented by 
three genera, two of which are African, and one, Amphiglossus, 
peculiar. The Acontiade are represented by a species of the 
African genus Acontias. Of Scincide there is the wide-spread 
Euprepes. The Sepide are represented by the African genera 
Seps and Scelotes. The Geckotide are not represented by any 
purely African genera, but by Phydlodactylus, which is American 
and Australian; by //emzdactylus, which is spread over all the 
tropics; by two peculiar genera; and by Uvoplatis, Geckolepis 
and Phelsuma, confined to Madagascar, Bourbon and the 
Andaman Islands. The Agamide, which are mostly Oriental, 
and are represented in Africa by the single genus Agama, have 
here three peculiar genera, J7acheloptychus, Chalarodon and 
Hoplurus. Lastly, the American Iguanide are said to be 
represented by a species of the South American genus Opdurus. 
The classification of Reptiles is in such an unsettled state that 
some of these determinations of affinities are probably erro- 


faera. 


136 THE FAUNA OF MADAGASCAR 





neous; but it not likely that any corrections which may be 
required will materially affect the general bearing of the 
- evidence, as indicating a remarkable amount of Oriental and 
American relationship. 

The other groups are of less interest. Tortoises are represen- 
ted by two African or wide-spread genera of Testudinida, 
Testudo and Cherstna, and by one peculiar genus, Pyxts; and 
there are also two African genera of Chelydide. 

The AMPHIBIA are not very well known. They appear to be 
confined to species of the wide-spread Ethiopian and Oriental 
genera—HHylarana, Polypedates, and Rappra (Polypedatide) ; 
and Pyxtcephalus (Ranidez). 

FRESH-WATER FISHES.—These appear to be at present 
almost unknown. When carefully collected they will no doubt 
furnish some important facts. 

THE MASCARENE ISLANDS.—The various islands which 
surround Madagascar—Bourbon, Mauritius, Rodriguez, the 
Seychelles, and the Comoro Islands—all partake in a consider- 
able degree of its peculiar fauna, while having some special 
features of their own. 

Indigenous Mammalia (except bats) are probably absent 
from all these islands (except the Comoros), although Lemur 
and Centefes are given as natives of Bourbon and Mauritius. 
They have, however, perhaps been introduced from Madagascar. 
Lemur mayottensis, a peculiar species, is found in the Comoro 
Islands, where a Madagascar species of Vzverra also occurs. 

Bourbon and Mauritius may be taken together, as they much 
resemble each other. They each possess species of a peculiar 
genus of Campephagida, or caterpillar shrikes, Oxynotus ; 
while the remarkable EreguUupus, belonging to the starling 
family, inhabits Bourbon, if it is not now extinct. They also 
have peculiar species of Pratincola, Hypsipetes, Phedina, Tchttrea, 
ZLosterops, Foudta, Collocatta and Coracopsts ; while Mauritius 
has a very peculiar form of dove of the sub-genus Z7ocaza; an 
A lectrenas, extinct within the last thirty years; and a species 
of the Oriental genus of parroquets, Paleornts. The small and 
remote island of Rodriguez has another Padvornis, as well as 
a peculiar Foudia, and a Drymeca of apparently Indian affinity. 

Coming to the Seychelle Islands, far to the north, we find 
the only mammal an Indian species of bat (Pteropus Edwardstz) . 
Of the twelve land-birds all but one are peculiar species, but 
all belong to genera found also in Madagascar, except one—a 

eculiar species ot Paleornts. This is an Oriental genus, but 
ound also in the Mascarene Islands and on the African conti-« 
nent, <A species of black parrot (Coracopses Barkiayt), and a 


AND THE MASCARENE ISLANDS. 135 


weaver-bird of peculiar type (Foudza seychellarum) show, how- 
ever, a decided connection with Madagascar. There are also 
two peculiar pigeons -a short-winged Zurtur and an Ale- 
brenas. 

Most of the birds of the Comoro Islands are Madagascar 
species, only two being African. Five are peculiar, belonging 
to the genera Nectarinta, Zosterops, Dicrurus, Foudia and Alec- 
brenas. 

Reptiles are scarce. There appear to be no snakes in 
Mauritius and Bourbon, though some African species are said 
to be found in the Seychelle Islands. Lizards are fairly repre- 
sented. Mauritius has Cryptoblepharus, an Australian genus of 
Gymnopthalmide ; Hemidactylus (a wide spread genus) and Pe- 
ropus (Oriental and Australian)—both belonging to the Gecko- 
tide. Bourbon has Heteropus, a Moluccan and Australian 
genus of Scincidze; Phelsuma (Geckotide) and Chameleo, both 
found also in Madagascar; as well as Pyxzs, one of the tortoises. 
The Seychelles have Zheconyx, a peculiar genus of Gecko- 
tide, and Chameleo. Gigantic land-tortoises, which formerly 
inhabited most of the Mascarene Islands, now only survive 
in Aldabra, a small island north-east of the Comoros. These 
will be noticed again further on. Amphibia seem only to be 
recorded from the Seychelles, where two genera of tree-frogs 
of the family Polypedatida are found ; one (Megalixalus), pecu- 
liar, the other (Raffia) found also in Madagascar and Africa. 

The few insect groups peculiar to these islands will be noted 
when we deal with the entomology of Madagascar. 

EXTINCT FAUNA OF THE MASCARENE ISLANDS AND MADA- 
GASCAR.—Before quitting the vertebrate groups, we must notice 
the remarkable birds which have become extinct in these 
islands little more than a century ago. The most celebrated is 
the Dodo of Mauritius (Didus ineptus), but an allied genus, 
Pezophaps, inhabited Rodriguez; and of both of these almost 
perfect skeletons have been recovered. Other species probably 
existed at Bourbon. Remains of two genera of flightless rails 
have also been found, Aphanapéeryx [in Mauritius} and Ery- 
thromachus [in Rodriguez]; and even a heron (Ardea mega- 
cephala), which was short-winged and seldom flew; while in 
Madagascar there lived a gigantic struthious bird, the 2 fpyors 
mts. The bearing of these extinct forms on the past history of 
the region will be adverted to in the latter part of this chapter.* 
_ © “A large patrot, said by Prof. Milrte-Edwards to be allied to dra and Microglossus, also 
inhabited Mauritius; and anothef, allied to Ecléctus, the island of Rodrigue#. None of these 
have been found in Madagascar; but the gigantic -Apyornis, forming a peculiar family 


distinot both from the ostriches of Africa an e Dinornts of New Zealand, inhabited that 
island ; and there is reason to believe that this may have lived lees than 200 years ago” (p. 164). 


138 THE FAUNA OF MADAGASCAR 


Dr. Giinther has recently distinguished five species of fossil 
tortoises from Mauritius and Rodriguez, all of them quite 
different from the living species of Aldabra. 

INSECTS.—The butterflies of Madagascar are not so remark- 
able as some other orders of insects. There seems to be only 
one peculiar genus, //e/eropsts (Satyride). The other genera 
are African, Lepfoneura being confined to Madagascar and 
South Africa. There are some fine Pafzdzos of uncommon forms. 
The most interesting lepidopterous insect, however, is the fine 
diurnal moth Uvanza, as all the other species of the genus 
inhabit Tropical America and the West Indian Islands.* 

The Coleoptera have been better collected, and exhibit some 
very remarkable affinities. There is but one peculiar genus of 
Cicindelidz (Pogonostoma), which is allied to the South Ame- 
rican genus Cfenosoma. Another genus, Perzdexta, is common to 
Madagascar and South America. None of the important South 
African genera are represented, except Lurymorpha ; while 
Meglaomma is common to Madagascar and the Oriental region. 

Of the Carabidze we have somewhat similar phenomena on a 
wider scale. Such large and important African genera as 
Polyhirma and Anthtia are absent; but there are four genera in 
common with South Africa, and two with West Africa; while 
three others are as much Oriental as African. One genus, Dis- 
trigus, is wholly Oriental, and another, Homalosoma, Australian. 
Colpodes, well developed in Bourbon and Mauritius, is Oriental 
and South American. Of the peculiar genera, Spherostylis has 
South American affinities; J/scrochila, Oriental; the others 
being related to widely distributed genera. 

The Lucanide are few in number, and all have African 
affinities. Madagascar is very rich in Cetoniidz and possesses 
2o peculiar genera. Sothrorhtna, and three other genera 
belonging to the /chnostoma group, have wholly African re- 
lations. Doryscelts and Chromoptila are no less clearly allied 
to Oriental genera. A series of eight peculiar genera belong 
to the Schizorhinida, a family the bulk of which are Australian, 
while there are only a few African forms. The remaining 
genera appear to have African affinities, but few of the pecu- 
liarly African genera are represented. .Glyctphana is character: 
bitic of the Oriental region. 





* “The W. India Islands possess very few mammalia, all of small size and allied to those of 
merica, except one genus, and that belongs to an order, Insectivora, entirely absent from 
§. America, and to a family, Centetide, all the other species of which inhabit Madagascar 
only. And as if to add force to this singular correspondence, we have one Madagascar species 
of a beautiful day-flying moth (U’ramyra), all the other species uf which inhabit Tropical Ame- 
rica. These insects are orgeously arrayed in green and gold, and are quite tinlike any other 
Lepidoptera upon the gicbe (p. §i). | 


AND THE MASCARENE ISLANDS. £39 

The Buprestide of Madagascar consist mainly of one large 
and peculiar genus, folybothris, allied to the almost cosmopolite 
Pstloptera. Most of the other genera are Ethiopian and 
Oriental; but Folycesta is mainly South American, and the 
remarkable and isolated genus Sfonsor is confined to Mauritius, 
with a species in Celebes and New Guinea. 

The Longicorns are numerous and interesting, there being 
no less than 24 peculiar genera. Two of the genera of Prionide 
are very isolated, while a third, Closterus, belongs to a group 
which is Malayan and American. 

Of the Cerambycide, Philematzum ranges to Africa and the 
West Indies ; Lepéocera is only found eastward in Ceylon and 
the New Hebrides; while Euporus is African. Of the peculiar 
genera, two are of African type; three belong to the Leptura 
group, which are mostly Palearctic and Oriental, with a few in 
South Africa; while PAtlocalocera is allied to a South American 

enus. 

8 Among the Lamiide there are several wide-ranging, and 
seven African, genera; but Cof/fops is Oriental, and the Oriental 
Praonetha occurs in the Comoro Islands. Among the peculiar 
genera, several have African affinities, but Z7ofzdema belongs 
to a group which is Oriental and Australian; Oofsts is found 
also in the Pacific Islands; MJythergates, Sulemus, and Coedomea 
are allied to Malayan and American genera. 

GENERAL REMARKS ON THE INSECT-FAUNA OF MADAGAS- 
CAR,—Taking the insects as a whole, we find the remarkable 
result that their affinities are largely Oriental, Australian and 
South American; while the African element is represented 
chiefly by special South African or West African forms; rather 
than by such as are widely spread over the Ethiopian region.* 
In some families as Cetoniide and Lamiide—the African 
element appears to preponderate; in others, as Cicindelidee—= 
the South American affinity seems strongest; in Carabidae, 
perhaps the Oriental; while in Buprestidae and Cerambycida# 
the African and foreign elements seen nearly balanced. We 
‘must not impute too much importance to these foreign alliances 
among insects, because we find examples of them in every 
country on the globe. The reason they are so much more 
pronounced in Madagascar may be, that during long periods of 
time this island has served as a refuge for groups that have 
been dying out on the great continents; and that, owing to the 
numerous deficiencies of a somewhat similar kind in the series 
of vertebrates in Australia and South America, the same groups 








© There are also some special resemblances between the plants of Madagascar and South 
Africa, according to Dr. Kirk. 


146 THE FAUNA OF MADAGASCAR 





have often been able to maintain themselves in all these 
countries as well as in Madagascar. It must be remembered 
too, that the peculiarities in the Madagascar and Mascarene 
insect-fauna are but exaggerations of a like phenomenon on 
the mainland. Africa also has numerous affinities with South 
America, with the Malay countries, and with Australia; but 
they do not bear anything like so large a proportion to the 
whole fauna, and do not therefore attract so much attention. 
The special conditions of existence, and the long-continued 
isolation of Madagascar, will account for much of this difference ; 
and it will evidently not be necessary to introduce, as some 
writers are disposed to do, a special land connection or near 
approach between Madagascar and all these countries, inde- 
pendently of Africa; except perhaps in the case of the Malay 
Islands, as will be discussed further on. 

LAND-SHELLS.— Madagascar and the adjacent islands are all 
rich in land-shells. The genera of Helicide are Vitrina, Helix, 
Achatina, Columna (peculiar to Madagascar and West Africa), 
Buliminus, Cronella (chiefly Oriental and South American, but 
not African), Pupa, Streplaxts, and Cucctnea. Among the 
Operculata we have 7runcatella (widely scattered, but not Afri- 
can); Cyclotus (South American, Oriental and South African) ; 
Cyclophorus (mostly Oriental, with a few South African); Le- 
topoma (Oriental); Aegalomastoma (Malayan and South Ameri- 
can); Lz¢hzdtonm (peculiar to Madagascar, Socotra and South- 
west Arabia); O¢opoma (with the same range, but extending 
to West India and New Ireland); Cyclostoma (widely spread, 
but not African); and Omphalotropis (wholly Oriental and 
Australian). We thus find the same general features reprodu- 
ced in the land-shells as in the insects, and the same remarks 
will to a great extent apply to both. The classification of the 
former is, however, by no means satisfactory, and we have no 
extensive and accurate general catalogue of shells, like those of 
Lepidoptera and Coleoptera, which have furnished us with such 
valuable materials for the comparison of the several faunas. 

ON THE PROBABLE PAST HISTORY OF THE ETHIOPIAN RE- 
GION.—Perhaps none of the great zoological regions of the earth 
present us with problems of greater difficulty or higher interest 
than the Ethiopian. We find in it the evidence of several 
distinct and successive faunas, now intermingled ; and it is very 
difficult, with our present imperfect knowledge, to furm an 
adequate conception of how and when the several changes 
occurred. There are, however, a few points which seem sufficient- 
ly clear, and these afford us a secure foundation in our endea« 
vour to comprehend the rest. 


AND THE MASCARENE ISLANDS. 141 





Let us then consider what are the main facts we have to 
account for: 1. In Continental Africa, more especially in the 
south and west, we find, along with much that is peculiar, a 
number of genera shewing a decided Oriental, and others an 
equally strong South American, affinity; this latter more parti- 
cularly shewing itself among reptiles and insects. 2. All over 
Africa, but more especially in the east, we have abundance of 
large ungulates and felines - antelopes, giraffes, buffaloes, ele- 
phants and rhinoceroses, with lions, leopards, and hyenas, all 
of types now or recently found in India and Western Asia. 3. 
But we have also to note the absence of a number of groups 
which abound in the above-named countries, such as deer, 
bears, moles, and true pigs; while camels and goats—charac- 
teristic of the desert regions just to the north of the Ethiopian— 
are equally wanting. 4. There is a wonderful unity of type and 
want of speciality in the vast area of our first sub-region, extend- 
ing from Senegal across to the east coast, and southward to 
the Zambezi; while West Africa and South Africa each abound 
with peculiar types, 5. We have the extraordinary fauna of 
Madagascar to account for, with its evident main derivation 
from Africa, yet wanting all the larger and higher African 
forms ; its resemblances to Malaya and to South America; and 
its wonderful assemblage of altogether peculiar types. 

Here we find a secure starting-point, for we are sure that 
Madagascar must have been separated from Africa before the 
assemblage of large animals enumerated above had entered it. 
Now it is a suggestive fact, that all these belong to types which 
abounded in Europe and India about the Miocene period. It 
is also known, from the prevalance of Tertiary deposits over 
the Sahara and much of Arabia, Persia, and Northern India, 
that during early Tertiary times a continuous sea from the Bay 
of Bengal to the British Isles completely cut off all land com- 
munication between Central and South Africa on the one side, 
and the great continent of the Eastern hemisphere on the other. 
When Africa was thus isolated, its fauna probably had a 
character somewhat analogous to that of South America at the 
same period. Most of the higher types of mammalian life were 
absent, while lemurs, Edentates and Insectivora took their 
place. At this period Madagascar was no doubt united with 
Africa, and helped to form a great southern continent,* which 


* Mr. Wallace in his later work, /sland Life, combats (we think quite conclusively) this 
hypothesis of a great southern continent, called ‘Lemuria’ by many writers, and shews that 
any land connection between Madagascar and [ndia must have been by an archipelago of large 
islands. See pp. 394-399 and 417-423, and his maps of the Indian Ocean, at pp. 387 and 396. 
—EKDS. 


142 _THE FAUNA OF MADAGASCAR 


must at one time have extended eastward as far as Southern 
India and Ceylon; and over the whole of this the lemurine type 
no. doubt prevailed. 

During some portion of this period South Temperate Africa 
must have had a much greater extension, perhaps indicated by 
the numerous shoals and rocks to the south and east of the 
Cape of Good Hope, and by the Crozets and Kerguelen Islands 
further to the south-east. This would have afforded means for 
that intercommunion with Western Australia which is so 
clearly marked in the flora, and to some extent also, in the 
insects, of the two countries; and some such extension is abso- 
lutely required for the development of that wonderfully rich 
and peculiar temperate flora and fauna, which, now crowded into 
a narrow territory, is one of the greatest marvels of the organic 
world. 

During this early period, when the great southern continents 
—South America, Africa and Australia—were equally free from 
the incursions of the destructive felines of the north, the Stru- 
thious or ostrich type of birds was probably developed into its 
existing forms. It is not at all necessary that these three 
continents were at any date united, in order to account for the 
distribution of these great terrestrial birds, as this may have 
arisen by at least two other easily conceivable modes. The 
ancestral Struthious type may, like the Marsupial, have once 
spread over the larger portion of the globe; but as higher 
forms, especially of Carnivora, became developed, it would be 
exterminated everywhere but in those regions where it was free 
from their attacks. In each of these it would develope into 
special forms adapted to surrounding conditions ; and the large 
size, great strength, and excessive speed of the ostrich, may 
have been a comparatively late development caused by its 
exposure to the attacks of enemies, which rendered such modi- 
fication necessary. This seems the most probable explanation 
of the distribution of Struthious birds, and it is rendered almost 
certain by the discovery of remains of this order in Europe in 
Eocene deposits, and by the occurrence of an ostrich among 
the fossils of the Siwalik hills ; but it is just possible, also, that 
the ancestral type may have been a bird capable of flight, and 
that it spread from one of the three southern continents to the 
others at the period of their near approach, and more or less 
completely lost the power of flight, owing to the long continued 
absence of enemies. 

During the period we have been considering, the ancestors 
of existing apes and monkeys flourished along the whole 
southern shores of the old Palearctic continent; and it seems 


AND THE MASCARENE ISLANDS. 43 





likely that they first entered Africa by means of a land con- 
nection indicated: by the extensive and lofty plateaus of the 
Sahara, situated to the south-east of Tunis and reaching to a 
little north-west of Lake Tchad; and at the same time the 
elephant and rhinoceros type may have entered. This will 
account for the curious similarity between the higher fauna of 
West Africa and the Indo-Malay sub-region ; for, owing to the 
present distribution of land and sea, and the narrowing of the 
tropical zone since Miocene times, these are now the only low- 
land, equatorial, forest-clad countries which were in connection 
with the southern shores of the old Palzarctic continent at the 
time of its greatest luxuriance and development. This western 
connection did not probably last long, the junction that led to 
the greatest incursion of new forms, and the complete change 
in the character of the African fauna, having apparently been 
effected by way of Syria and the shores of the Red Sea at a 
somewhat later date. By this route the old south Palearctic 
fauna, indicated by the fossils of Pikermi and the Siwalik hills, 
poured into Africa; and finding there a new and favourable 
country, almost wholly unoccupied by large Mammalia, increa- 
sed to an enormous extent, developed into new forms, and 
finally overran the whole continent. 

Before this occurred, however, a great change had taken 
place in the geography of Africa. It had gradually diminished 
on the south and east; Madagascar had been left isolated ; 
while a number of small islands, banks, and coral reefs in the 
Indian Ocean alone remained to indicate the position of a once 
extensive equatorial land. The Mascarene Islands appear to 
represent the portion which separated earliest, before any 
Carnivora had reached the conntry ; and it was in consequence 
of this total exemption from danger that several groups of birds 
altogether incapable of flight became developed here, culmina- 
ting in the large and unwieldy Dodo, and the more active 
Aphanapteryx. To the same causes may be attributed the 
development in these islands of gigantic land-tortoises, far 
surpassing any others now living in the globe. They appear 
to have formerly inhabited Mauritius, Bourbon and Rodriguez, 
and perhaps other Indian Ocean groups, but having been 
recklessly destroyed, now only survive in the small uninhabit- 
ed Aldabra islands north-east of the Comoros. The largest 
living specimen (51 feet long) is now in our Zoological Gardens.* 
The only other place where equally large tortoises (of an allied 
species; are found, is the Galapagos Islands, where they were 


~ ee ee te 


* See ANNUAL No, I, p. 122; Reprint of innual, p. 128. 


144 THE FAUNA OF MADAGASCAR 








equally free from enemies until civilized man came upon the 
scene; who, partly by using them for food, partly by the intro- 
duction of pigs, which destroy the eggs, has greatly diminished 
their numbers and size, and will probably soon wholly extermi- 
nate them. It is a curious fact, ascertained by Dr. Giinther, 
that the tortoises of the Galapagos are more nearly related to 
the extinct tortoises of Mauritius than is the living tortoise of 
Aldabra. This would imply that several distinct groups or 
sub-genera of Zestudo have had a wide range over the globe, 
and that some of each have survived in very distant localities, 
This is rendered quite conceivable by the known antiquity of 
the genus Zesfudo, which dates back to at least the Eocene 
formation ‘in North America) with very little change of form, 
These sluggish reptiles, so long-lived and so tenacious of life, 
may have remained unchanged, while every higher animal type 
around them has become extinct and been replaced by ve 
different forms; as in the case of the living Emys tectum, whic 
is the sole survivor of the strange Siwalik fauna of the Mio- 
cene epoch. The ascertained history of the genus and the 
group thus affords a satisfactory explanation of the close 
affinity of the gigantic tortoises of Mauritius and the Gala- 
pagos. 

The great island of Madagascar seems to have remained 
longer united with Africa, till some of the smaller and more 
actins Carnivora had reached it; and we consequentl find 
there no wholly terrestrial form of bird but the gigantic and 
powerful Aipyornis, well able to defend itself against such 
enemies. As alréady intimated, we refer the South American 
element in Madagascar not to any special connection of the 
two countries independently of Africa, but to the preservation 
there of a number of forms, some derived from America through 
Africa, others of once almost cosmopolitan range, but which, 
owing to the severer competition, have become extinct on the 
African continent, while they have continued to exist under 
modified forms in the two other countries. 

The depths of all the great oceans are now known to be so 
profound that we cannot conceive the elevation of their beds 
above the surface without some corresponding depression 
elsewhere. And if, as if probable, these opposite motions of 
the earth’s crust usually take place in parallel bands, and are 
to some extent dependent on each other, an elevation of the 
sea-bed could hardly fail to lead to the submergence of large 
tracts of existing continents; and this is the more likely to 
occur on account of the great disproportion that we have seen 
exists between the mean height of the land and the mean depth 


AND THE MASCARENE ISLANDS. 145 


wees 





of the ocean. Keeping this principle in view, we may, with 
some probability, suggest the successive stages by which the 
Ethiopian region assumed its present form, and acquired the 
striking peculiarities that characterize its several sub-regions. 

During the early period, when the rich and varied temperate 
flora of the Cape, and its hardly less peculiar forms of insects 
and of low-type Mammalia, were in process of development in 
an extensive south temperate land, we may be pretty sure that 
the whole of the east, and much of the north, of Africa was deep 
sea. Ata later period, when this continent sank towards the 
south and east, the elevation may have occurred which connec- 
ted Madagascar with Ceylon; and only at a still later epoch, 
when the Indian Ccean had again been formed, did central, 
eastern and northern Africa gradually rise above the ocean, 
and effect a conjunction with the great northern continent b 
way of Abyssinia and Arabia. And if this last change too 
place with tolerable rapidity, or if the elevatory force acted 
from the north, towards the south, there would be a new and 
unoccupied territory to be taken possession of by immigrants 
from the north, together with a few from the south and west. 
The more highly organized types from the great northern conti- 
nent, however, would inevitably prevail; and we should thus 
have explained the curious uniformity in the fauna of so large 
an area, together with the absence from it of those peculiar 
Ethiopian types which so abundantly characterize the other 
sub-regions. 

™* * * 

Our knowledge of the geology and palzontology of Africa 
being so scanty, it would be imprudent to attempt any more 
detailed explanation of the peculiarities of its existing fauna. 
The sketch now given is, it is believed, founded on a sufficient 
basis of facts to render it not only a possible but a probable 
account of what took place; and it is something gained to be 
able to show that a large portion of the peculiarities and anom- 
alies of so remarkable a fauna as that of the Ethiopian region 
can be accounted for by a series of changes of physical geogra- 
phy during the Tertiary epoch, which can be hardly be consi- 
dered extreme, or in any way unlikely to have occurred. 


ALFRED R. WALLACE. 


NOTE.—The contractions used in the table given overleaf stand for the six zoological 
‘regions’ as proposed by Mr. Wallace, viz.: Palearctic: all Europe, Africa north of the 
Sakara, and all Asia except India and the Indo-Chinese Peninsula; Oriental: India, the 
Indo-Chinese Peninsula, Sumatra, Java, Borneo, and the Philippines ; Austfra/ian: Australia, 
New Guinea, Celebes, the Moluccas, and New Zealand; Ethiopian: Africa south of the 
Sahara, and its islands ; Nearctic; North America and Greenland ; and Neotropical: Central 
and South America.—Eps, 





146i 





APPENDIX, 





FHE FAUNA OF MADAGASCAR 


FAMILIES OF ANIMALS INHABITING THE MALAGASY SUB-REGION. 
For Mammalia and birds see anée (pp.130—133). 


REPTILIA. FISHES (FRESH WATER). 
Atdia. Acanthopterygt. 
1; Typhlopide ...... All but Nearctic. 35. Labyrinthia ..... Aust., Neotrop. 
7. Cofubridee sevens Almost Cosmop. 38. Mugillides ......... Or., Moluc. 
9. Psammophidz ... Orient.andS. Palearc. 52, Chromida......... Or., Neotrop. 
tr. Dendrophidzw ... Or,, Aust., Neotrop. Physostomi. 
r2. Dryiophidz ...... Or., Neotrop. 59. Siluride............ All Trop. . 
17. Pythonidz......... All Trop. 73. Cyprinodontids . Palsearc., Or., Amer. 
23. Hydrophidz ...... Or., Aust., Panama, 75. Cyprinidee ......... Als, fr. Aust. & S. Am. 
25. Viperidz ......... Or. Palzarctic, 
Lacertilia, 5. D TNSECTS {LRPIDOPTERA). 
. Zonurid@ ......... All Amer., N. Ind., S. surnt (Butterflies). 
4 Europe. I. Danaidee seseeeere All W. coun. & Canad. 
I. nophthalmi- 2. Satyridsxs ......... Cosmop. 
‘ Oye Pathe Palzarc., Aust. 6. Actoidae vereeeaes All Trop. 
42. Scincidz ......... Alm. Cosmop. 8. Nymphalidz ...... Cosmop. 
47. Sepidz ............ South Palearctic. 9. Lybytheidz ...... Als. fr. Aust. only. 
48. Acontiadz ....., Ceylon and Moluc. 10. Nemeobiidz ...... » 4, and Nearct. 
49. Geckotidz......,.. Alm. Cosmop. 13. Lycenidz ......... Cosmop. 
51. Agamidz ......... Or., Aust., S. Palsearc. 14. Pieridz ............ ” 
2. Chameleonidz ... Or., S. Palearc. 1§. Papilionidz ... .. " 
vocods lia. 16. Hesperiide ...... ” 
5. Crocodilidz ..,.,. Or., Neotrop. Sphingidea, 
é elonta. 17. Zygeenidz ........ ” 
57. Testudinaz.,...... All count, ex. Aust. 19. Agaristide ...... Aust., Or, 
58, Chelydida......... Aust., S. Amer. 20. Uraniide beseeeees al Trop. Aust 
22, Egeriide ......... Osmop. ex. . 
AMPHIBIA. ape 
Anoura wuts 23, Sphingida., ...... Cosmop. | 
¥7. Po atide ... Cosmop. » 294—299. 
16, Ranide seeseeaseees Alm. Cosmop. (PP. 294299.) 


SUB-ORDER (OF PRIMATES)+LEMUROIDEA. 


Family 6—Zemuride@ (11 genera, 53 species). 

Found in all sub-regions of Palzarctic region; and in all but E. Africa 
of Ethiopian region. The Lemuridz, comprehending all the animals usually 
termed Lemurs, and many of their allies also, are divided by Prof. Mivart— 
who has carefully studied the group—into four sub-families and eleven genera, 
as follows :— 

Sub-family Indrisinz, consisting of the genus /adrzs (5 sp.), is confined 
to Madagascar. 

Sub-family Lemurine, contains five genera, viz.:—Zemur (15 sp.); Ha- 

alemur (2 sp.); Microcebus (4 sp.); Chirogaleus (5 sp.); and Lepilemur 
f. sp.); all confined to Madagascar. 

Sub-family Nycticebinz, contains four genera, viz. :— Vycticebus (3 sp. )— 
small, short-tailed, nocturnal animals, called slow-lemurs—range from 
E. Bengal to S. China, and to Borneo and Java; Zor#s (1 sp.)—a very small 
tailless, nocturnal lemur, which inhabits Madras, Malabar and Ceylon; 
Perodicticus (1 sp.)—the Potto—a small lemur with almost rudimentary 
forefinger, found at Sierra Leone (pl. v., vol. i. p. 264); Arcfocebus (1 sp.)— 
the Angwantibo. another extraordinary form, in which the forefinger is quite 
absent, and the first toe armed with a long claw—inhabits Old Calabar. 

Sub.famtly Galagine, contains only the genus Ga/ago(14 sp.), which is 
confined to the African continent, ranging from Senegal and Fernando Po to 
Zanzibar and Natal. 


AND: THB MASCARENE' ISLANDS. 147% 








Family 8—Chtromyide (1 genus, 1 species). 

The Ayeaye (Ch#romys), the sole representative of this family, is confined 
to the island of Madagascar, It was for a long time very imperfectly 
known, and was. supposed to belong to the Rodentia ;. but it has now been 
ascertained to be an exceedingly specialized form of lemuroid type, and 
must be considered to be one of the most extraordinary of the mammalia now 
inhabiting the globe. (Vol. ii. pp. 176, 77.) 

The Lemuroid group offers us one of the most singular phenomena in 
geographical distribution. It consists of three families, the species of which 
are grouped into six sub- families and 13 genera. One of these families, and 
two of the sub-families, comprising 7 genera, and no less than 30 out of: the 
total of 50 species, are confined to the one island of Madagascar; of the 
remainder, 3 genera, comprising 1§ species, are spread over Tropical Africa ; 
while three other genera, with 5 species, inhabit certain restricted portions of 
India and the Malay Islands. 

* * * In Madagascar, where less complex conditions prevailed in a 
considerabJe land area, the lowly organized Lemuroids have diverged into, 
many specialized forms of their own peculiar type; while on the continents. 
they have, to a great extent, become exterminated, or have maintained their 
existence in a few cases in islands, or in mountain ranges. In Africa the 
nocturnal and arboreal Ga/agos are adapted to a special mode of life, in 
which they probably have few competitors. (Vol. ii. pp. 197, 180.) 


ORDER INSECTIVORA. 


Family 18.—Cenfetid@ (6 genera, 10 species). 

The Centetidz are small animals, many of them having a spiny covering, 
whence the species of Centetes have been called ‘Madagascar hedgehogs.’ 
The. genera Centetes (2 sp.), Hemscentetes (1 sp.), Zriculus (1 sp.), Echinogs 
(3 sp.), and the recently described Oryzorzctes (1 sp.), are all exclusively, 
inhabitants of Madagascar, and are almost or quite tailless. The remaining 
genus, Solenodon, is a more slender and active animal, with a long rat-like 
tail, shrew-like head, and coarse fur; and the two known species are among 
the very few indigenous mammals of the West India Islands, one being found 
at Cuba (pl. xvii. vol. ii. p. 67), the other in Hayti. Although presenting 
many points of difference in detail, the essential characters of this curious 
animal are, according to Profs. Peters and Mivart, identical with the rest of the 
Centetidz. We have thus a most remarkable and well-established case of 
discontinuous distribution, two portions of the same family being now separated: 
from 38} other by an extensive continent, as well as by a deep ocean. (Vol. 
li. p. 188. . 

ORDER CARNIVORA. 
Family 24.—Crypfoproctsd@ (1 genera, 1 species). 

The Crypfoprocta ferox, a small and graceful cat-like animal, peculiar 
to Madagascar, was formerly classed among the Viverridz, but is now consi- 
dered by Prof. Flower to constitute a distinct family between the Cats and 
the Civets. (Vol. ii. p. 194.) 

ORDER RODENTIA. 


Family 55.—Muride. 
Nesomys, A pogeomys, Brachytarsomys, Madagascar. Of Rodentia, 
Muride alone found in Madagascar (out of 14 families). 





148 | THE ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL. 





THE MALAGASY GAME OF ‘FANORONA.,’ 


OBODY can reside very long in Madagascar, or in these 
central parts of it, at any rate, without occasionally 
observing little companies of the natives bending eagerly over 
some mathematical looking diagram rudely scratched on road- 
side stone, or on the top of a rock, or, more roughly still, on the 
sun-baked clay of the wayside. If you look a little at the figure 
of the diagram, and consider the multiplicity of squares, diago- 
nals and adjacent parallelograms involved in it, you may think 
the people are discussing sume Malagasy rider to one or other 
of the propositions in the Second Book of Euclid. Take the 
trouble to ask, however, and you will find that they are simply 
playing at their national game, the Fandvona. 

Games of skill or chance, generally speaking, do not attract 
much interest among the Malagasy. They have originated 
very few, and do not seem to care much for such as they have 
had opportunities of learning from Europeans. A few of the 
upper classes play occasionally at cards, dominoes, and loto. 
I have never seen dice anywhere among them, and very likely 
there are not fifty natives in all the island who know anything 
at all of chess or draughts. But they all understand the /fano- 
vrona ; that is played everywhere, in-doors and out of doors, in 
the town and in the country, and by all classes, high and low, 
young and old. Almost everywhere in the houses of the people, 
except the very poorest, you may find the fanorona board, 
though very often it is only the back of the akdlana ‘chopping 
block} or of the saka/a (wooden winnowing platter). But play- 
ing out of doors seems most attractive to the younger Malagasy, 
and they can extemporise a board, or a substitute for a board, 
anywhere. On the wooden sheds in the market-places, on the 
tiled paving around the school-houses and college buildings, on 
the stones around the open elevations where the Judges sit, on 
the paved way outside the Palace, on the roadsides where the 
palanquin bearers congregate, at the stone-gate entrances into 
the villages, on the flat rocks of the hillsides, on which the little 
slave children sun themselves while tending their masters’ 
sheep or cattle—everywhere you may find the signs and tokens 
of the /anorona players. 

The most respectable students in the L. M. S. College will 
frequently employ the few minutes’ interval between some of 
their morning classes in a hasty game. I have seen two or 
three of our most grave and potent city pastors stop with one 


THE MALAGASY GAME OF ‘FANOROWA, 149 


accord to watch and criticize the wavering fortunes of a chance 
game that was being fought out on the wayside. Some of 
the older andriandahy (chiets) and senior officers of the palace 
are reputed to be the best players in the country. The vener- 
able old princess who died two years ago at Ambdhijoky, and 
who in her girlhood, about fourscore years ago, was one of ‘the 
twelve wives’ of King Andrianampodinimérina, had been in her 
time a famous player at the fanorona. There are still alive in 
Antananarivo several old people who remember very well the 
coronation of Radama I., in the year 1810, and the great 
gathering on that occasion in the plain of Imahamasina. All 
the various tribes and orders of the people were that day ranged 
around the King after the pattern of the various sides and 
diagonals and intersections of the /azorona ! In one of Rada- 
ma’s campaigns in the southern parts of the island, a Bétsiléo 
king, whom he was besieging, had perched himself on the 
summit of his stone-barricaded gateway, and in unblessed 
ignorance of the dangerous powers of the muskets which 
Radama had acquired from the English, he was giving only 
one eye to the approaching enemy, and employing the other 
in a friendly game of faxorona with one of his officers. The 
poor fellow never finished his game, for an unlucky bullet put 
it all out his head in a moment, in its swift ‘check to the king.’ 
Of much older date than these incidents are some tradition- 
ary stories the Malagasy preserve about one Andriantompoko- 
indrindra, who should have succeeded to one of the petty 
kingdoms in Imerina, and who lived at Ambdhimalaza (a few 
miles east of the present Capital) perhaps some two hundred 
years ago. He seems to have been great-grandson of the 
famous King Andriamasinavalona, who reigned long and 
ably over the whole of Imerina, and on whose death the king- 
dom of the Hova was split up into several small divisions by 
his numerous sons. The father of Andriantompoko was king 
over a large part of eastern Imerina, and as this was his eldest 
son, he was heir-apparent to his father’s kingdom. When the 
father began to grow old, the young chief occupied his mind by 
devising plans for the better conduct of his kingdom after he 
should attain his father’s place. Public gatherings, with sing- 
ing and dancing round the king, seem to have been very 
important parts of state business in those times, and one day, 
while watching some of his children, who were playing at his 
feet with ¢sdramdso (beans), and arranging them in straight 
lines and cross lines, according to their different colours, the 
thought struck him that he ought to have such an arrangement 
of the different orders of his subjects wheri they should be 


ago THE MALAGASY GAME ‘OF ‘FANOQRONSA: 





gathered ‘to dance around him, on the occasion of -his first 
appearance among them as king. After consulting with his 
wife, and then with his wise men, he elaborated his plan, which 
was that of a large square divided into sixteen smaller squares, 
with the two intersecting diagonals. On the outer sides 
of the large square he proposed to arrange the ‘Olo-mainty’ 
Black people”) ; the diagonal lines were to be occupied by the 
Hova; the other inner lines were to ‘be occupied by alternate 
rows of Hova and andrtana (chiefs or nobles). -By and hy he 
discovered that the Olo-mainty might be aggrieved if they were 
arranged exclusively on the outside lines and ‘out in the 
cold ;’ so he devised four small additional diagonal lines, on 
which some of that tribe might be ranged, nearer to the King 
and the centre of the gathering. This, according to the native 
tradition, was the origin of the /anorona ; and the lines above 
described correspond exactly with the appearance of the lines 
of halt the fanorona diagram as it is now used. As he had yet 
no opportunity of marshalling his.subjects, -he spent a-goad.deal 
of time in working over these plans for them; and after a while 
he conceived the notion of arranging them.also for sham fight, 
and the various methods for attack and defence were elaborated 
by him with his ¢savamaso instead of soldiers. Finding out after 
a while that the attacked side, properly defended, would be 
always victorious, he doubled the number of squares on his 
mimic field, and succeeded in immensely improving the ‘scien- 
tific’ character of the game, and very greatly increasing the 
possibilities of careful moves both for attack and for defence. 
Thus runs the native tradition as to the origin of the /anorona, 
and I am rather disposed to believe that the account is substan- 
tially true. At first, I thought it mythical, and was inclined to 
suppose that the game must have been introduced into Mada- 
gascar by the Arabs. It will be seen at a glance that the 32 
squares of the fanorona are precisely similar to those on the 
half of an ordinary folding draught-board or chess-board. The 
moving and capturing power of the pieces is not unlike that of 
the draughtsmen; every piece is of identical power and value, 
just as in draughts; and the number of pieces employed on each 
side in the earlier and simpler form of the /fanorona was just 
twelve, the same as employed on each side in draughts. Now, 
if I do not mistake, the game of draughts was introduced into 
England or Scotland from Egypt, two or three centuries ago. 
It seemed therefore possible enough that the Malagasy /anorona 
was originally a variety of the draughts game; that both games 


@~Still a recognized division of the inhabitants of Imerina, They are descendants of dark and 
non-Hova tribes captured in former'wars, but are now free people. Eps, 


Tit MALAGASY GAME OF ‘FANOROWA: 45st 


were invented by the Egyptians or Arabs; and that, just as 
English sailors or travellers carried the one game to Britain, 
the Arab sailors and traders may have brought the other game 
to Madagascar. Now, however, after considering the apparent- 
ly unvarying character of the native tradition as to its local 
origin, and the undoubted facts that the /anorona lines have 
been repeatedly used in arranging the various clans and orders 
of the people around the sovereign on the great festival days at 
Imahamasina—these and some other circumstances dispose me 
to believe that the game is of Malagasy origin, and probably 
arose in some such way as stated in the traditionary account 
which I have roughly given above. 

Before proceeding to describe particularly the method of 
playing the fanorona, there is another little story about Andrian- 
tompokoindrindra which is too good to be left untold. The King 
his father, who reigned, I believe, at Ambohidrabiby, happened 
to be at war with some of his neighbours, who made a raid on 
his territory and were marching up against him in his capital. 
Messengers were sent out hastily to his sons, who had been 
placed in charge of various towns round about, that they must 
come at once with their soldiers to meet the approaching 
enemy. As soon as the younger sons heard, they arose at once 
and went to the father’s help. But when the messenger came 
to Ambohimalaza, Andriantompoko was engrossed with a 
difficult position in his favourite game, the fanorona; and the 
answer he returned to his father’s message was: “Yes, but I 
will finish this game of three against five first.” The messenger 
returned with the answer he had got, and after a long delay 
Andriantompoko arrived with his forces. But he was too late, 
for the enemy had been routed already. And the tough old 
King his father, along with the elders of the people, resolved 
that day that neither Andriantompoko nor any of his descen- 
dants should ever be allowed to reign, seeing that he had flung 
away the kingdom for his “three against five.’’ Curiously 
enough, the descendants of this man, the Zanatompo, still reside 
at Ambohimalaza, and their family is still known by the name 
of Andriantompokoindrindra. And the circumstances of their 
ancestor's disgrace are said to be preserved in the current 
proverb: “Three against five, and toss away the kingdom” 
(“‘Zelo.no ho dimy mahavery fanjakana’). How “history repeats 
itself” ! 

The fanorona board is a rectangular parallelogram, divided 
into 31 equal squares. (rather these, in your eye, into eight 
larger squares, containing four each; draw the diagonal lines 
in each. of the eight, and the /anvrona figure is complete. .Forty- 


1§2 THE MALAGAS¥Y GAME OF ‘FANORONA: 





four movable pieces are required for the game— twenty-two o1 
each side. With the Malagasy these are usually little pebble 
and potsherds, or beans and berries. We, however, will ca! 
them the Black and the White pieces. The two players sit op 
posite each other, having the long sides of the fanorona adjacen 
to them. The pieces are then arranged on the corners o 
angle-points, not on the squares, as in chess or draught: 
There are five of these long lines on the board, each containing 
of course, nine angle-points, and the pieces are thus arranged :- 


Black: First Line 1...-9 


Second ,, 1.2609 
White: Fourth ,, 1.22.9 
Fifth _,, I 4009 


The third, or central line, is occupied by the eight remainin; 
pieces, placed alternately thus :— 

Black 1, 3, 6, 8 

White 2,4,7,9 
One point remains unoccupied, the central angle-point of th 
board, the fifth of the third line. This represents the roya 
seat in the public gatherings, but in the fanorona game it i 
called the /ozbény (‘navel’). 

The object aimed at by each of the players is, as in draughts 
to remove the whole of the adversary’s pieces from the boarc 
But much caution is required, for we shall see that a few piece 
well posted may easily annihilate more than four times thei 
number in weaker situations; and, as in real warfare, even th 
very numbers of a force may sometimes prove their ruin. J 
few examples here will show the various ways in which th 
game may be opened, and the manner in which the pieces ar 
moved and the adverse pieces captured. Let us suppose that th 
pieces are all placed, as just described above (see diagram 1 
For convenience of description let the five lines on which th 
pieces are posted be called respectively A, B,C, D, E, instea 
of first line, second line, third line, etc. Any one of thes 
letters then, with a numeral appended, will be an easy refer 
ence to the piece that is to be removed, or to a hostile piec 
that has to be captured and removed from the board. The: 
remember :— 

First, that a piece may be moved in any direction—forwarc 
backward, sideways, or diagonally, to the first station in tha 
direction, if such station be vacant. 

Second. Ifthere be now no other vacant station betwee: 
the attacking piece just moved and the enemy’s piece alon; 
that line, these, whatever their number, are captured at once 
as far as they stand in unbroken order on the line attacked 


THE MALAGASY GAME OF ‘FANORONA! 153 


If, however, a vacant position occurs in their line, or another 
hostile piece is among them, then only the piece or pieces near- 
est the assailant are captured. 

Thirdly. The pieces of the enemy may be captured by a 
retreat as well as by an advance. A piece that has been stand- 
ing in an adjoining station to some piece or pieces of the enemy 
may capture it or them by retreating one point along that line, 
if such point happens to be vacant. The limitation defined im- 
mediately above applies in this case also. 

Fourthly. At the beginning of a game one move only is 
permitted to the first side. After that side has moved once, any 
piece that is moved is permitted to run amuck in the enemy’s 
lines, and to go on as long as he finds foes to capture, provided 
(2) that he does not return immediately to any point he has 

just left, and (d) that he does not take a foe behind him imme- 
diately after taking one in front of him, nor one on his right 
hand immediately after taking on his left hand, and wice versa. 
‘Dont eat at both ends, like a leech,” says the Malagasy 
proverb. 

Let us suppose that White is going to move first at the com- 
mencement of a game. There is only one vacant point on the 
board into which he can move a piece, namely the /ozseny or 
central point, which we may term C 5, as it is the fifth point of 
the third line. There are four white pieces, of which any one 
may be moved into the vacant post, those on C4, D4, D5, D6. 
If he advances D5 to C5, then he immediately captures Black’s 
pieces on Bs and A5. Black may now retaliate by withdraw- 
ing his piece on B6 to As5, thereby capturing White’s pieces 
on C7, D8, E9. White may now, in any one of several ways, 
inflict a series of severe strokes on the unfortunate Black. Thus, 
for example, 

D6 to C7, taking B8, Ag; then 


5; 
99 Bs, ”” B4, B 3, B32, Br. 


Now the White piece must stop awhile, for, although the 
Black piece at B 7 is under his range, yet in taking it he would 
be transgressing the two laws mentioned above. He would 
have to return to B 6, which he has just quitted, and he would 
be “eating at both ends, like a leech,” which is improper. But 
the black piece on B7 may now very properly provide for 
his own safety and circumvent his assailant by advancing 
thus :— 

B7 to C7, taking D7, E7; then 


»» nT) 53 then 


” 5» D4, D 3, D2, D1; then 
a9 E 5, oo 5, Bs, 


£54 WE UMALAGASY GAME OF “FANORONA: 





hese moves are nat given as,examples of what the Malag: 
would.consider.geod play, but simply to show the modus « 
randt of the game. 

The:game subjoined may be.considered an average specin 
of native skill. 


FANORONA GAME. 


WHITE. BLACK. 
I. D3 to Cs takes B5,.A'5. 1. (B6 to A'5 takes C7, D8, E 
3. EB, D8 , C8, B8, A8. 3. C6, B6 , D6,E6 
” C7 » D8; 
”” D6 as Es; 
» DS ,;, D4,D3,Da, 
» ES ss Cs; 
ry) E6 ry) ‘E4, £3, E2, 
3. -D7 "ki » B7,A7; 3 E6,, Es ,, Ey. 
99 B ” AQ; 
oo ee” ee Cr ,,D 
9 5 » 33 4- UT 5, 2. 
Het De Ba Ags 
» C7 4, ES; 
»-BO , A5; 
» C6 , A6b. 
5: ‘C6 ,, Cs. 5 D2,EF2 , Ca. 
-'Cs ,, Bg. 6 B32 ,,.C1. 
i: B4 a; » Aq 7, Cr, Da. 
. B7 ,, Bo. 8. E2,, E3. 
9g Dg,, D8. g. Az,, Ba. 
10. Be » AS. 10. B2,, Cr. 
11. D8,, D7. tz Ar,, AZ. 
iz, Dy ,, D4. 12 D2,, D3. 
13. Cog ,, B8. 13. Cr ,, C2. 
14. C4 ,Cj3 4 Ca. 14. B3,, Aa ” C3: 
ys 4 ° 
15. B8&,, C7. 15. E3 ,, Eq. ° 
16. C7 ,, Bé. 16. A2,, Ba. 
1 D6,, D7. 17. D3,, D4, 
18. B6,Cs5 , D4 18 B2 ,, A3. 
19 Cs , B44 ,, “A3 19. Br,, Cr. 
20. B4,,.C4q4 , Ag 20. Eq, Dq ,, -Cq. 
21. D7,, C7. 21. C1 ,, C2. 
22. C7 ,, C6. az. C2 ,, C3. 
a3. C6, C7. 23. C3 ,, Bg. 
a4. C7 ,, B&. 24. Bg,, Cs. 
2s. B8,, C8. 25. Cs ,, Bé. 
26. C8 1 Q 26. D4,, Cs. 
2 € 2 » C8. 27. Cs , D6. 
28 C38, Cg. 28. D6,, C6. 
29. Cg ,, Dg. 39. B6 ,, C7 and wins. 


If the game happens to terminate in a ‘draw,’ which is { 
quently the case, then the combat may be recommenced on 
same terms, the other side now taking the first move. Sho 


| THE MALAGASY GAME OF ‘FANORONA 155 


one of the players have been defeated, however, he is not 
allowed to play on ‘the same footing as -before, for the .game 
must be altered in a kind of mocking -condescension to his 
weakness. The:new:form of the game is called the Vé/a; the 
one who has conquered is the mpadmpzhinam-béla (he who allows 
tograze at large); the defeated is hdmam-béla (a poor sheep 
not to be molested for a while in his pasture ground). The 


| vela game is opened by the victor, who puts forward such of 


his pieces as he chooses to surrender to his antagonist. These 
pieces may only be taken singly, and the generous conqueror 
refrains from taking any of his enemy’s pieces, -until he has 
parted with, one by one, 17 of his own pieces; then, with the 
remaining five, he begins his campaign against the undiminish- 
ed forces of his antagonist. If he be a skilful player, however, 
he has managed meanwhile to occupy the fortress positions of 


; the game; and the hosts of the enemy are probably scattered 


a 
* 
ho 
1 


in such situations that he will come down on them “like a wolf 
onthe fold.” Ifthe homam-bela is again defeated, he is only 
allowed to play the vé/a form of the game until'he has redeemed 
himself by a victory. Or he may choose to humiliate -himselt 
by openly.confessing his inferiority, though, as one of my in- 
formants says, “few of the Malagasy are willing to do that.” 
In ancient times grace was accorded to the beaten combatant on 
condition of his kneeling down before his conqueror and bleating 
like a sheep (mzbadvaréoka), in confession of his weakness. 

Here is a specimen of the ve/a game, including the prelimin- 
ary sacrificial moves by which Black gives up, one by one, 
the fated 17 pieces. Then the time of reprisals comes, and the 
five survivors take the field and will give and take no quarter. 


‘VELA GAME. 
WHITE. BLACK. 

1, C4 to C5 takes C6. 1. C3 to C4. 
2,'Cs5,C€¢ ” $4 2. B7,, C3. 
3. D4,Cs5 , B 3. ra » BO. 
4- Cs, Ba , Aj. 4. A&B, AZ. 

- Ds,Cs , B5. ;: Az2,,A3 
2, E5 9 D4 9) C 3. ° AQ ” A 8, 

. C2, C3z , Cr. z: A3z, Aa. 
f Dafa ” B2. . Br ” Ba. 

- By, BS , 83. 9. Aq ,, A3. 
19. C3 » BZ » AZ. 10. Az2,, A3. 
u. D4,C3Z , «xBa. II. a3 » A, 
1. C2, Ba , Aa. 12, A8,, Ag. 
13-5 Bs, B4 , ‘Bé6. 13, AS, BO. 
14. B4, B5 ,, B6. 14. A7,, B6. 
15. BS iy) Ba ay | BOé, 1g. B7 99 B6, 


156 THE MALAGASY¥Y GAME OF ‘FANORONA: 


WHITE. BLACK. 
16. By to B 5 takes BO. 16. Ag to A8. 
17 Co, Bo , Aé6. 17. Now begins Black’s attack. 
B8 to A7 takes Cg; 
» BY , C7,D7,E7. 
18 Dg, Cg , Ba. 18 C8, B8 , D8, E8; 
»C7 » D6; 
» D8 , EQ; 
» EZ , Cog; 
» D6 o9 C33 
» C6 , E6. 
19 B6, A6 , C6. 19 B7, B6 , Bs. 
20. A6, AZ , A8&. ao. B6,,Cs , <A7;3 
» C4 » C3: 
»D4 , Eq; 
99 C3 99 B2; 
» D2 , E1; 
7) Cr a0 E 3; 
~ » Bro, Dr; 
B24, B3. 
ar. D3 ,, C3. 21. Al, Aa. 
22. C3, D4 , Ba. . 22 Aa,, A3. 
23. E2,, D2. 23. A3,, B3. 
24. D2,, Cr and wins. 


‘I would just say, in conclusion, that although the famorona is 
still very popular with the people, and their interest in the 
game not at all likely to decay, yet probably it will not in 
future years be so largely practised as itis now. Life is grow- 
ing every year more serious for the Malagasy. The felt neces- 
sities for education are filling up more and more the lives of the 
young people. Competitions are becoming more eager, and 
the burdens of responsibilities are being felt more weighty, 
both in the State and in the churches and in the market-places. 
The fanorona will do no harm to the busy and to the sensible, 
while the idler and the fool may be at times detained by it from 
worse employments. Occasionally, I suppose, a few young 
fellows are foolish enough to gamble over it; and, just as with 
chess and draught players in England, a few here and there 
may be tempted by it to forget their proper business. The 
Malagasy say that in old times their ancestors employed the 
fanorona as a means of begetting and extending friendly feel- 
ings among their neighbours ; and I have no shrewder words 
to say of it than those said to me by a clever young native, to 
whom I am indebted for much of the information in this paper: 
‘‘We cannot call it a good sport, and we cannot call it a bad 
one; but it may be either good or evil according to the charac- 
ter and circumstances of those who engage in it.” 


W. MONTGOMERY. 


E, 
, 2 3 4&4 8 6 7 86 9 





'No. Zo FANORONA. BOARD WIE ed PIE: CES. 
auged AEN Uf Gare __ KR ( 


eee 





THE ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL. 1849 


— = —— ~—. 








MALAGASY ROOTS: 
THEIR CLASSIFICATION AND MUTUAL RELATIONS. 


WISH in the following paper to write of Malagasy roots with more 
fulness than, so far as I am aware, they have yet been treated. In 
oing so it will be necessary to-repeat some facts with which all who 
know Malagasy are perfectly familiar; but this repetition will I hope be 
excused for the sake of the greater clearness we shall gain from taking a 
complete and comprehensive view of the phenomena presented. 
_ The Malagasy being an agglutinative language, the root has more 
importance than in Janguages of other classes, and is more prominently 
thrust upon our notice. Thus such a root as sé/o (substitute) is clearly seen 
. inavast number of derivatives, e.g. mzsd/o, misolda, tsoldana, fisoldana, mam- 
| pihlo, ampisoléina, mifdmpisdlo, ifdmpisoléana, etc., etc. Atthe same time 
the Malagasy tanguage has a greater tendency to obscure the root than 
some other members of the same class; and indeed often almost entirely 
hides it in the midst of lengthy prefixes and affixes; e.g. in the word 
tfanddvana, from the root /a, the a alone remains unchanged, the /of the 
root having become d; in ampdnohéfy, only oho of the root héhoka 
remains unchanged, the first 4 having disappeared on the assumption of 
the prefix man (mandéhoka), and the & of the final syllable having become 
J}; in dmpifamohina again, only the o remains unchanged: the m, 
however, suggests to one familiar with Malagasy forms one of the labials, 
and the 4 in Aina also suggests the terminal 4a, and so we are soon led 
to péka, the root of the word. Similarly, on appending the pronominal 
suffixes, the Malagasy in certain cases cut off the final syllable, e.g. mpza- 
natra becomes mpianany, mptanatstka, etc. The Malay does not, I 
think, allow such a contraction as this, but appends the suffix to the 
unchanged word. 

I will not, however, occupy time in showing how roots may be 
detected, as a little familiarity with the derivative forms soon enables one 
to pick out the roots of all ordinary words ; but will confine myself to the 
roots themselves, and as a first step it is desirable we should bear in mind 
the three main classes into which the great majority of roots may be 
arranged. 

Class 1. Monosyllables. These are rare: if we exclude conjunctions, 
interjections, etc., there do nat seem to be more than twelve or thirteen, 
and as they are so few I will give all I have noticed :— 

(1) de, much, many (Malay Jdesar; Jav. kabe). The s of the Malay 
form appears in Malagasy as 3 in hab:azina, etc., and as és in bésaka, 
much. 

(2) da, renown. With this compare zo, which is perhaps only another 
form of the same word. 

(3) fe, thigh (Malay pak ; Polyn. ve). 

(4) fy, delicious. 
(5) fo, the heart. 
(6) da, to refuse (Swa. /a, no, from the Arabic (?). 





1y8! MALAGASE' ROOTS. 





8) ra, blood (Malay darak ; Jav. rah). 

g) re, violence, as of the waves; another-forma isa (Kawi 7v, violence). 
10) re, heard; this, However, seems to have been shortened from 
rény (tsy renthoustiy reko.is still occasionally heard, and.the m appears in 
the derivatives, e.g. mandrenésa, andrenésana). 

(rr) 40, accomplished, fulfilled (Kawi /,, just, true, genuine); the 
Swahili derivation given in. the Dictionary is unnecessary. 

12) ¢sy, steel. 

: 3) 80, renown (Swa. suri ?). Comp. da. 

Among the above, which from their simplicity one would expect to 
belong to the primitive stock of the language, Marre-de Marin (Gram. 
Rp. 14) notes that 40, /2, ra, re are Malayan ; to his list we may add de; and. 
perhaps the remaining words da, 80, fy, fo, lo, re (heard), may also with 
fuller knowledge be hereafter indentified, 

Class II.. Dissyllables ending in 0, y, or firm a. By ‘firm a’ is meant, 
an a not belonging to one of the weak terminals (see Dictionary, p. xxxii. 
note). Roots of this class are very common ; e.g. ano, water; élo, um- 
brella ; dso, got; {4% choice ; didy, cutting; ¢dny, earth, land; vdha,, 
opened ; sd/a, bald. They are all accented on the first syllable. 

Class III. Dissyllables and trisyllables ending in the, weak ferminads kay, 
tra, na. ‘These too are accented on the first syllable, and no root not 
of this class can be accented on the antepenult. This class is very 
large, and examples will be found in abundance in the Dictionary; the 
following will serve as samples: A¢émpoka, suddenly ;, kip~aka, pushed off; 
Jatratra, earnestly, thoroughly ; hénafra, shame ; nénina, regret; Adsona, 
held ; faire, measured (as grain); pdéka, knocked against; ddna, same: 
as the /ast. 

Into the above classes almost all primary roots fall. Some apparent 
exceptions are words borrowed from other languages ; e.g. ka/é (Fr. café), 
coffee ; kardma, wages (Swa. gharama); misdna, scales (Arab. mizan) ; 
laldna (formerly /alodna ; Fr. la loz’). 

The third class probably contains the largest number of roots in the 
language. But although for grammatical purposes they are considered 
roots, there are weighty reasons for considering them rather as modified 
and enlarged, than as absolutely primitive, roots, and their light terminals 
ka, tra, and na as additions to the original word. The reasons for this 
opinion are the following :— 

(1) The light terminals are often omitted in some of the provincial 
dialects. Thus we find ndma for ndmana (companion), /dka for ldkana 
(canoe), fasy for fastka, (sand, e.g. in the tribal name, Zar/dsy). Even in 
Imérina we find examples of the same thing, as for instance in /dsa@ and 
ldsana (gone), isa and fsaka (each), tray and tratka (one). Occasionally the 
shorter form is in use in Imerina and the lengthened one in the provinces; 
e.g. Hova hala (spider), prov. halana ; Hova /thy (short), prov. foksha. 

(2) In certain words these terminals are interchanged ; e.g fastka and 

Jasina, sand (the existence of the form /dszma is shown by the proper 
names Ampasimbe, Ampasimpotsy, Pastndava, etc. This is an extremely 
instructive example. The Malay form of the word is paséy; the final 


y lo, rotten. 





MALAGASY ROOTS rey 


r of whicl: disappears: in Zas/dsy,, becomes na in /dstaa,. and: ka in the: 
common form /dsika). Other examples are ¢/anélana and élakdlaka;. 
between ;. friéaka, MWdbaka, ftribatra, tradbatra, pierced; dvana and. 
dpaha, chips; farika and /dritra (faritina), drawn; Jlohkdlika, knee; 
is among the Bézanozano called. bkdlttra; afénana, the lower part 
of. the arm, is: also called afénaka; Jdatra, too much, is: in some: 
parts pronounced Jdana; hdzona, held, appears with a final fra in 
the secondary form sangdsofra, caught in a thicket. And so we 
might go on adding examples almost ad /:bitum, but the above are 
ample to show the freedom with. which these light terminals may 
be interchanged. Usually no change of meaning is caused by the 
change of the terminal, but sometimes a slight modification of meaning 
is caused ; thus pdfs:/ra means to burst (as a boil), but pdsska means: 
crashed, broken ; /aky (mamaky) is to fatten cattle, but /dhrtva is the 
name of the pen in which cattle are kept during the fattening; /dtra means 
to measure (rice, etc.), /d/ratra, shaken down (as rice in a measure). 

(3) Many examples are found (as already shown in some of the above 
examples) in which the simple roots exist side by side with the lengthen- 
ed forms. Thus from ria (re), the rush of water (rdno marta or maré, 
rushing water), we have riana,a waterfall, mzkoriana, to flow (as water 
over a rock), and riaka, rushing streams of water after a heavy rain. So 
too from sddisddy, hovering, we find misédika, to hover; and from réra: 
(réraréra), lianging loosely, we have réraka, weak, faint ; and from réserdey, 
weariness, we have rézika (mirdstka), languishing ; from rdééa, pillage, we: 
have rébaka and rimbaka, in much the same sense. So too we find: d/dfy, 
curling, dhkd/:ka, twisting ; /é/a, tongue, /é/aka, to lick (though here the 
analogy of languages would lead. us to think the & must be an essential 
part of the word; compare for instance Sans. /1h, Gr. dicho, Lat. lingo, 
Heb. /akak, Germ. lecken, Eng. lich, Irish /ighim, etc.). 

(4) The light and uncertain character of the ‘ra is shown by the sub- 
stitution for it among the Bétsiléo of /sa ; but at the same time in form- 
ing passives, etc., the essential elements of the root are maintained ; 
thus, for example, while they say mamaitsa for mamattra (root, fattra, 
comp. the name Andriamamaitrarivo), they form the passive in the usual 
way, férana (not /éisana, or some similar form). 

5) The fondness of the Malagasy for these light terminals is well 
illustrated by the way in which they use them in givinga Malagasy form 
to introduced foreign words. Thus the French srvre becomes /ivasre ; 
catsse (or Eng. case) becomes késtka. Similar changes are made in proper 
names; thus S/ue/and becomes Tsttialdnitra ; Wills, Otlitra ; Fox, Fad- 
hitra ; Capsey, Kapitra ; Sims, Simpttra.™ 

(6) Very instructive also is a comparison of these Malagasy forms with 


the cognate Janguages. Occasionally the light terminals are found to 


represent different final consonants in the Malayan languages. Thus a 
may represent a final #, as in dona (so and so)=Malay anun, and ana- 
vana (name)= Malay ngaran ; or ng, as in amalona (eel)==Malay malung ; 





* One of the latest and strangest of such changes is that by which the word ‘resident’ (i.e. 
the French Resident) is pronounced rést-an-danitra, which, literally translated, would be 
‘conquered in heaven’ !|—EDs, 


160 MALAGASY ROOTS. 








or r, as in lamésina (back)=Malay J/amusir ; hdmbana (twins)=Malay 
kambar. So too fra may stand for a Malayan /, as in fat¢ra (bitterness)= 
Malay part; /dmotra (slime, moss, etc.)=Malay /umut; or for pf, as in 
dirika (facing)=Malay hadap, Javanese adep (of this word we shall have to 
say more below); or for s, as in mdnitra (fragrant)=Malay manis. We 
have also seen above that 4a may represent a final 7, as in /astka (sand)= 
asir.* 

? Sometimes the true root is obscured in the Malagasy root form, but 
reappears in the adjunctive derivatives. Thus sdka/ra does not readily 
suggest the true root (sokd/, or sokap), which can only be seen in the deri- 
vatives sokdfana, sokdfy, etc. The Malayan forms akkap, singap, show that 
the true root is better preserved in the derivatives than inthe grammatical 
root sdka/ra. So too in minona (to drink), the true root of which ::nom= 
Malay minum) appears in the passive inémina, etc; and so also in vélona 
(living), passive velémina (= Malay delum). 

But not only do the primitive roots receive these light terminal syl- 
lables, they are also often enlarged in two other ways: (1) by the inser- 
tion of an infix ; (2) by the addition of a monosyllabic prefix. Roots thus 
enlarged are conveniently named ‘‘secondary roots.” 

The syllables used as infixes are om, on (in), ol, ar, er. They are insert- 
ed immediately after the first consonant of the primary root, and cause 
no change of accent. 

Thus the root A¢éhy (laughter) becomes homéhy, which may be used as 
a participle (laughing), or may become the root of a regular verb, mrho- 
mehy ‘to laugh}, from which again a whole family of derivatives spring 
(mthomehéza, thomehésana, mampthoméhy, etc. etc.). In the same manner 
we get Jomdno (swimming) from /ano; seréntosénto (sighing) from sénio; 
karépoka (the sound of anything crushed) from képoka. So too from bittka 
(anything very small) we have d:ritika, bolftika, and similar forms; kitsika 
(with the same meaning) also becomes &ijittk. 

These infixes have been shown by the Rev. L. Dahle and M. Marre- 
de Marin to be a distinguishing feature of Malayo-Polynesian languages, 
and hence they have great significance in determining the true position 
of the Malagasy language, and would in themselves almost decide the 
question. The above-named writers enumerate :# and om, which are the 
forms of infix most commonly met with; to these I have added a/ and 
ar (er), as these too are given by the Abbé Favre in his Malay Grammar, 
and are proved to exist in the Malagasy language by the above examples. 
I think it highly probable that a careful analysis of roots would lead to 
the detection of many more examples, and probably of other syllables 
used as infixes. The word Jlonjéhitra (comp. Jlénjitsa) would seem to 
suggest an infix eh; but in the absence of other examples or of Malayan 
analogies it would perhaps be rash to insist upon this. 

The monosyllabic prefixes used in forming secondary roots are very 
numerous (an, ba, be, da, etc.). Like the infixes, they cause no change of 
accent, which still remains on the first syllable of the primary root. It 


* Occasionally the Malay has a final consonant which is not represented in the Malagasy 
form ; thus ada (forest) isin Malay alas; fana (hot)=fanas; valy (answer)=walas; tasy 
(lake)=sassk ; omaly (yesterday) = kumarin. 


ne < emmgperypamn —~t 


MALAGASY ROOTS. 161 





is not easy to give any general idea of how they modify the meaning of 
the primary root. Sometimes they appear to be simply ornamental, and 
one is almost tempted to call them ‘‘ornamental monosyllabic prefixes.” 
But as they do often produce a distinct modification of meaning, I have 
in the Introduction to the Dictionary given them a name that in- 
volves no theory as to their use or meaning, and have called them 
(from the first and last examples given in my list) the an-za prefixes. For 
examples see Dictionary, p. xviii. 

Our analysis of the roots and their various enlargements leads us to 
conclude that it may be laid down as a general rule that all primitive 
roots were monosyllables, or dissyllables accented on the first syllable. 
I do not, however, mean to assert that we can in all instances point out 
the primitive root (for many words must still remain unexplained by the 
foregoing hypothesis); but as a general working rule to guide us in our 
comparison of the elements of the language we may safely follow it, and 
may accordingly, in seeking for primary roots, and in instituting compa- 
risons with other languages, disregard: 1° an unaccented primary syl- 
lable (e.g. 4am in the word famébdlina (vélina), as this will most probably 
prove to be an an-za prefix; 2° an unaccented syllable formed by a 
consonant and om, on, tl], er, etc., as here we shall probably on close 
analysis find we have an infix inserted in the primary root; 3° the weak 
terminals ka, fra, na, as these we have seen are frequently additions to, 
or modifications of, a primary root. 

But even after having eliminated these accretions, we cannot always be 
sure that we have before us the true root. Comparison with the cognate 
languages has already shown us how a root may be obscured, and | 
think it also leads us to look, not so much to the grammatical root, as to 
that form which may be regarded as the stem or base of the adjunctive 
forms, as in the examples séka/ra and @frika already given above. Many 
anomalies disappear when, following out this principle, we compare the 
stem thus given with Malayo-Polynesian forms. Let us take for example 
the root Aéky (scraping), from which we obtain the passive &zkisana. 
Removing the final eaa, which in an ordinary passive affix, we get the 
stem kis. Comparing with this the Malayan equivalent (&zkis), we 
find we have exactly the same form. In former times we were wont to 
regard the s in &rkisana as a consonant inserted for the sake of euphony ; 
and that the Malagasy, like the Malays (Favre’s Grammar, § 3), do insert at 
least one consonant, viz. 4, euphonically in such words as fihaviany (avy), 
is not denied ; but this inserted 4 is but a stronger form of the dizresis, 
and in some words where we should be disposed to insert it (e.g. miha- 
hosa), the natives who sit on the Bible Revision Committee deny its 
existence altogether, and affirm that mihadsa is the correct form. Maha- 
rikivy (acid; root tvy, saliva) has been given as an example of a euphonic 
k, as though the word were from mahdry (to produce) and ivy (saliva) ; 
but another explanation is to be found, and one that seems to me much 
more probable, viz. that we have simply a combination of mahary (to 
produce) and ivy (saliva), &2vy being another and fuller form of zy 
(weakened first to Avy, and then, by omission of the aspirate, to :vy), and 
one still found in the language of Gilolo. It appears far more reason- 
able to seek for the existence of such so-called euphonic consonants in 


162 MALAGASY ROOTS, 


Oe eel 


some form of the word actually used at an earlier stage in the develop- 
ment of the language, than to consider them abitrarily inserted ; and it is 
not easy to perceive why &zkésana should be more euphonious than &zkiana, 
which would be the regular form. 

Of course if such a word as &:késana stood alone, we might not venture 
to base a general argument upon it, but it is by no means an isolated 
example; and I proceed to give others tending to show how apparent 
anomalies in Malagasy forms disappear, when we compare them with 
their Malayan equivalents :— 


Ampaly (a shrub or tree (Ficus soroceoides), the leaves of which are 
used as a substitute for sand-paper); pass. ampaléstna (smoothed 
with ampaly leaves). The s in the passive amfaléstna does not 
appear in the Malagasy root amjfdaly, but is found in the Malay 
ampalas. 

Afrika; pass. atyéhina (faced). In this word the true root is not 
apparent in the Hova form, but is retained in the provincial a#réfina, 
the stem of which (afve/) is easily seen to be but a slightly modified 
form of the Malay 4adaZ, and the Javanese adep. 

Be, bétsaka (much, many); pass. Aadsazina (increased). Here the Ma- 
lay form is desa7, the s of which appears in d2¢saka as ¢s, and in 
habtazina as 2. 

Fia (to grasp); pass. fidzana. The gz ofthe passive is represented by 
the s of the Malayan root, which is eres. 

Heéhy (scraping); pass. hehkézina. The Malay is &akas. 

fFléry (strength); pass. herézima. The Malay is aras. 

Jnona (drinking); pass. zmémina. The Malay is minum. This word 
possesses special interest. In the Malay it means simply to drink, 
as it still does in the coast dialects of the Malagasy; whilst among 
the Hova is it is used only of drinking the poison ordeal (fangena). 

Lefa (set free); imp. alefaso. The sin a/efaso is shown in the Malay 
form (/efas),. 

Lélaka (licked up); pass. leléfina. The f of le/aéfina may be illustrat- 
ed by the Dayak ze/aZ. Which should here be considered the ori- 
ginal consonant may be doubtful; compare what has been already 
said on p. 159. 

Nify, tify; adj. manify (thin); prov. pass. ¢fistma. Malay zfs; 
Javanese 77s. 

Sa/y (roasting); sa/dzana (a gridiron). Malay salayan; on the use of y 
for z, comp. Marre-de Marin, p. 8, note (1). 

Téty (to pass across); ¢efézana (a bridge). Malay “#2, feteyan (y for 2 
as in salazana). 

Tséntsitra (sucking); pass. fsentséfina. Malay sasap; Batak sosof, 
or sesep. 

The above examples are taken from the valuable pamphlet of Van der 
Tuuk* (comp. especially pp. 4, 15, 16, 18); and considering them as a 
whole, we cannot but feel how much more reasonable it is to seek the 
explanation of apparent anomalies in the actual history of the language, 
than to allow ourselves to be put off with such an explanation as ‘‘eu- 
phonic changes of consonants,” or ‘‘euphonic insertion of consonants.” 
At the same time we must confess that though the above examples 
seem to start us on the right road, there still remain many words that 





* Published by Tribner (Four. Roy. Astat. Soc. xi. 1864). 


MALAGASY ROOTS. 165 





with our present knowledge we cannot well explain ; e.g. the fin Azrifina 
and the m in /enémina cannot at present be explained by reference to 
cognate languages ; and we must conclude either \" that other forms 
once existed in the Malayo-Polynesian stock; or (2) that the Malagasy 
may have been led by analogy to use these consonants, even when their 
use was not warranted by the original form of the root. Malagasy philology 
is still in its infancy, and much light remains to be thrown on obscure 
oints. 
P Having now briefly shown the way in which roots may be conveniently 
classified, and the ordinary methods in which they are enlarged and 
modified, let us proceed to examine some of their less obvious changes, 
and the manifold relations they bear to one another, and how they thus 
branch out into many directions and form large and widely extended 
families or groups, each of which appears to have sprung from some one 
fundamental root. Slight modifications arose, sometimes perhaps only 
accidentally, sometimes purposely ; and often with the slight change of 
form arose some modification of meaning, thus gradually increasing the 
stock of synonyms, and enriching the language by enabling it to distin- 
guish nearly-related ideas. The chief modifications I have noticed may 
be thus classified :— 

(1) Zhe use or omission of certain consonants at the beginning. The 
commonest illustrations of this occur in the use or omission of the 
aspirate. From the analogy of other languages one would naturally 
anticipate in a language so little cultivated as the Malagasy some uncer- 
tainty as to the use of the aspirate. And observation entirely agrees 
with such anticipation, as may be seen by consulting the Dictionary 
under the following words: dlodlo and halo, alobdtra and halobdtra, anjaka 
and hadnjaka, atafa and hatdfana, ila and hila (compare too hilana and 
tongilana). Under this head may also be compared ébakébaka, interme- 
diate space, and Adbakabaka, the firmanent or expanse; also hazaka or 
hdzsakdzaka, running, and ézeka, running, or exertion generally. Possibly 
also a similar relation exists between azo, got, obtained, and hdzona, 
held, and between Aény, sufficient for, Aénzka, full, and énina, fully — 
supplied with. 

In a similar way we find other consonants used or disused, and some- 
times causing a slight modification of meaning ; e.g. émba and bémba, to 
cover, éngofra and féngotra, plucked up, dmpatra and /ampatra, stretched 
at full length, éndaka and séndaka, peeled off, pulled off; so too astra, 
carried, and /d/ifra, carried away gradually in small portions. In the 
provinces we find i/o used for /st/o, a torch; and éfra, a hem, with which 
compare the Hova saz/ra, sewing. 

(2) Interchange of consonants. (a) The labials (p,f, 6,v). Examples of 
interchange of labials are very common ; e.g. paoka, to swoop down on 
any thing, to carry off, and faoka, to wipe off; so too /fitra and léprka, 
folded ; compare too the words réba and réfaréfa. Again we have vila and 
bila, crookedness; Advana and (prov.) hada, a relation ; vélively, vetivétika, 
a short time, and difika, small; déry and véry, round ; dd/ana and vodlana, 
speech ; béraka and vdraka, unbound, loosened ; ddaka and wéaka, to go 
out ; and many others which may easily be found in the Dictionary. 

(6) Lhe gutturals (h,k,g,ng). Thus we find sdhana and sdkana, to 


164 MALAGASY ROOTS. 


place across, to prevent; gazka, to call, and hazka, to challenge; girtke, 
a point or dot, and Airtka, a small hole; Adho and angogo (prov.) nails; 


Sthina, fthitra, and fthitra, to grasp; kdstna, hésina and hdsina, twined ; 


héhy and hdhy, to scratch, and &iky to scrape, gnaw; Aé¢hky, laughter, and 
kikikiky, giggling; féngatra and fokatra, appearing, as a rat from its hole. 

(c) Other letters. D and L. The interchange between these is extremely 
common, and in certain districts, especially on the West Coast, almost 
constant ; thus va@dy, partner, becomes valy; vddtka, to overturn, be- 
comes valika. In this, as in some other peculiarities, the provincial form 
is nearer the Malayan than is its Hova equivalent; thus the Malay for 
vddtka is balik, or membalik. Many examples of the interchange of / and 
d occur also in the Hova; thus both dangadanga and langalanga are 
used to signify ‘tall,’ and dingidingy and lingilingy ‘height.’ 

pand T. As illustrations of the interchange of these letters we have 
ddhaka and téhaka, a loud noise, as the report of a gun; désa and /sa, 
to be erect; ddboka and /aboka, to fall, be thrown down. 

Land R. These letters are often interchanged, as in fambdlo and fam- 
béro (prov.), name of an herb; madilo and madiro, the tamarind tree; 
ratkitra and létaka (prov.), sticking to (here again the provincial form is 
nearer to the Malayan, which is /eka/) ; ringiringy and lingilingy, height ; 
rdha, if, is in some parts pronounced /dha ; and to this head may perhaps 
be referred the provincial réso, gone, the Hova form of which is /dsa. 
Roso, however, is also a common Hova word, meaning to go forward, 
make progress. 

sandt. This is an interchange found in other languages, as for 
instance in Hebrew and Chaldee, the Hebrew sh becoming ¢ in Chaldee, 
as Heb. shor, an ox, Chal. for ; which word Mr. Dahle has shown* to exist 
in Malagasy in the name of the month Adaorv, which takes its name 
from the constellation Zaurus. The examples in Malagasy of this 
interchange of s and / are not very common; but I have noticed /ékana 
and sdkana, single, alone ; sébitéby, agitation, fear, and sédisédy, confusion, 
trouble. 

Fand Ts. This, like the interchange of / and d, occurs constantly, 
the Hovas preferring the ¢s sound, and the provincials the ¢; thus the 
Hova /sidika, to peep, spy out, is in the provinces //zka, with which may 
also be compared /i/y, a watchman. Ala/sinainy, Monday, becomes 71- 
nainy ; fotsy, white, is on the West Coast /éty (Malay putth, another 
example of what has been noted above); so too we find /sthy, a mat, 
prov. tihy, Malay sikar; tsinjo, gazed at from a distance, prov. /fnjo, 

alay finjow. 

Rand TR. These are interchanged in the roots rdmga and (¢rénga, to 
come into view ; ria/ra and (/riatra, torn. 

The above changes occur between consonants recognised as posses- 
sing well-established affinities; but interchanges often occur between 
those which are not according to our notions so closely related, as for 
example between :— 

K and P, in fakelaka and fapélaka, anything flat and wide. 

K and F, as in ddsttra and /fdsttra, a kind of insect. 


e ANNUAL I. (Reprint), p. 207. 


o w 


MALAGASY ROOTS. 168 








H and T, as in Aatno and /aino, to listen, attend. 

K and T, as in koréntana and koronkana, confused. 

K and TR, as in dlon-kafa and olon-trdfa, another person. 

P and T, as in karépoka and karétoka, the sound of anything crushed. 

J and D, as in jyaj4a and dédadéda, blazing, flaming. 

J and R, as in jabajdba and rabaraba, groping in the dark (comp. répa- 
ropa, raparapa). 

J and Ts, as in soboka and /sdboka, to be plunged into water (comp. rddoka),. 
This last, however, may be resolved into a simple interchange of 
dentals (d and /), as j=ds. 

(3) Interchange of vowels. Equal liberty is taken with vowels as with 
consonants, the change being sometimes accompanied by a slight 
modification of meaning. Thus we find énina, dnona, anina, comforted, 
assuaged, though dina is more frequently used of the cessation of 
passion or violent grief. So too with enfana (éntanéntana), to start up- 
ward, and dn/ana, to be startled (montana tray hiany ny foko, used of one 
violently startled) ; and again with sdkatra, to open, and sdkitra, to clear 
out, pick out from a hole, to carve or engrave; and with ddnabona and 
donibony, puffiness, unnatural swelling (comp. ddnobdno); and ddbaka 
swollen, and ddboka, saturated. Other examples are dibadiba and didbidiby, 
full to excess ; gegagdga, gogogdgo, gigigigy, sobbing ; hinaka and /onaka, . 
to beat (for interchange of A and ¢ see above); /aférana, Irférana, lefé- 
rana, loftrana, the hock; ofy, dfo, éfaka, peeling off (comp. évaka, a 
chip) ; réritra and riritra, to pull; ristka and résoka, to prompt or encou- 
rage ; méiméina and maona, to gallop, rush. 

(4) Internal strengthening. ‘This occurs frequently with the labials, 
and is effected by adding m to an existing v or 6. Thus we have /ama, 
smooth, /dmaka, levelled, /émaka, a plain, and léméba, with the same 
meaning as /émaka. So too we find avo, abo, and dmdo, all meaning 
high ; dd40 and dambo, booty; and so too avéla and amééla, permitted ; 
avidy, ambidy, amidy, sold, or paid in exchange for something. 

It is worthy of remark that though the more correct speakers are quite 
clear in distinguishing the presence or absence of m before 6 or p, many 
of the people seem very careless on this point, and use or omit the m in 
the most arbitrary fashion. Perhaps in no single point is there so much 
uncertainty among native writers and printers as in the insertion or omis- 
sion of this m, or the # similarly used before d, /, g, or &. 

And now that we have passed thus briefly in review the various modes 
in which roots are enlarged and modified, we see at a glance how large 
groups may be formed which have apparently sprung from some one 
sound, but which have been enlarged or modified, and so made use of 
for the expression of various shades of meaning more or less closely allied. 

Let us for example take the sound az (eb and ¢f being but variations 
of the same). From this we get avo, high, @vona and évona, pride, afona 
and éméona, floating (on the surface _, ¢60, boasting, éfona, hard breathing, 
éfoka, pride, haughtiness; whether evoka, avotra, émbolra, plucked up 
(brought to the surface, pulled up?), should also be placed here, is 
perhaps open to doubt. 

We may select as another example the sound ang or aing, and at once 
we find a large family springing up around the parent root; e.g. munya, 


166 MALAGASY ROOTS. 


to rise, to start ; /stnga (prov.), to lift oneself up (maninga) ; tsdngana, to 
stand up; a@ngana appears to have the same meaning, compare the 
common phrase /sy nasiany niangana (he left not a single survivor, /:/. 
not one standing); ainginaingina, enginéengina, to be placed on high; 
aingitraingitra, éngitréengitra, to be restless (as if constantly moving up 
and down ’); aimgiaingy, pride, arrogance ; dngitrangtira, dngatrangatra, 
haughtiness, wanton gaiety; dngodngo, piled up in a heap; /aingina, 
perched on something. 

Or take again the word m:débaka, now used among Christians to 
express repentance ; and supposing the crude form to be dad, beb, we 
get at once mibaboka, mibebaka, to supplicate, to repent, with which it is 
quite possible va@vaka, prayer, and vamdaka (prov.), confession, are con- 
nected. It may even be that vdva, mouth, offers the key of the whole 
group, prayer being regarded as par excellence the service rendered by 
the mouth. 

Rera is another root of some interest. It is not used in its simple form, 
but appears in several secondary roots, which show that slackness is its 
primary idea: baréra, to droop, drag, hang loose; doréra, worn loose, 
then weak, infirm; garéra, feeble, imbecile; réraka, loosened, weak, 
faint; doréraka, loose, untidy. 

As a final example* let us take the stem hav (hev, heb, hef), from which 
we get hdvihavy, hevihévy, héevingévina, to be suspended, to oscillate; so 
too hévaheva, hévihévy, hébtheby, hébthebika, hévitrévitra, héfahefa, hévikevika, 
all with various shades of the same meaning ; so too Aémbahémba, hémpa- 
témpa, to flutter (as a flag); Aévohévo, to loiter; Aéfika, kifika, to wag the 

ead. 

These examples are sufficient to indicate a way of comparing and 
classifying roots, which will often prove instructive by throwing new and 
unexpected light upon familiar words, and by leading us to the idea that 
lay originally at the base of the conception they now embody. I cannot 
expect that any large number of the readers of the ANNUAL will be inter- 
ested in a paper of this character, but hope it may be a stimulus to the 
few who are not content with our present knowledge of the Malagasy 
language, but are always seeking to render that knowledge fuller 
and more exact. How much remains to be done, and in how many 
departments our knowledge is but fragmentary, we must many of us feel. 
But by combined efforts, each one trying to add something to the com- 
mon stock, we may do much towards the attainment of fuller and more 
exact knowledge. Only by a much wider acquaintance with the dialects 
(their vocabulary, and peculiarities of structure and idiom), and by a 
well-established collection of words not yet entered in the Dictionary, 
and by a large and comprehensive study of families of roots, such as I 
have endeavoured to indicate in this paper, can this much-to-be-desired 
end be attained ; and as my contribution, I hereby offer this paper to the 
readers of the ANNUAL. 

WILLIAM E. COUSINS. 








* I had noted other examples, but will only suggest them briefly in a note :--Emgoka (engo), 
barainco, faraingo, etc. Bittka, bolitika, boritika, boliteiha. Vi tudly, vétivelike, etc. Zohi« 
he, bohika, bohihy, bohika. Diditra, vadidiira, hodidina, etc. 


THE ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL. 167 


ON THE POETRY OF MADAGASCAR.* 


[COMMUNICATED by C. Telfair, Esq., President of the Mauritius Nat. 
Hist. Soc. ] 


HE most prominent characteristic of the Malagasy lan- 


guage, in reference to poetry, is a total averseness to rhyme¥ 


Whilst it is admitted that the same identical sound is not legiti- 
mate rhyme, the extreme paucity of the language in termina- 
tions will ever preclude the introduction of rhyming verses. At 
least nineteen-twentieths of the whole vocabulary of words 
terminate in @ or y, and an immense proportion of these in xa 
and y:—all other words terminate in ¢, or 0, or the diphthongs 
ay and ao; and even these are exceedingly monotonous in the 
consonants of their penultimate and ultimate syllables. The 
best couplet I recollect to have heard has the rhyme of /oe and 
me, answering exactly to the English words ‘way’ and ‘may,’ 
and the jingle of such a rhyme has in the Malagasy language 
an unnatural and harsh effect. In the genuine native verses 
I have not met with any such instance as the one specified, but 
have observed that rhyme of every description seems naturally 
from the true genius of the language, and intentionally from 
the uncouthness of its effect, inadmissible. 

So far I have ventured to assert with confidence, and without 
any apprehension of future observation disproving my opin- 
ions; but when the question arises, What then constitutes 
poetry or versification in Malagasy? I am conscious that 
uncertainty and error may very possibly attach to the opinions 
I shall present in reply. Future observation, combined with a 
more adequate knowledge of the subject, may disprove my 
present opinion, and substantiate what I at present reject 
as destitute of proof. I make these remarks as introductory to 
the opinion that quantity (except so far as quantity and the 








- 


© I am indebted for this paper to the kindness of my friend Dr. R. Rost, Ph.D., Librarian 
to the India Office. Dr. Rost discovered it in the first volume of the Fournal of the Bengal 
Asiatic Soctety, for 1832, and kindly cut out the leaves containing it from his copy in order 
that it might be reprinted in the ANNUAL, thinking, very truly, that it would be of interest 
to many. Mr. Baker, as will be remembered by some readers, was Superintendent of the 
Press of the London Missionary Society in Antananarivo during the early mission of that 
Society in Madagascar (Oct. 1828 — June 1832, and July 1834 -July 1836), and was, together 
with the Rev. D. Johns, the last English missionary to leave the island before the outbreak of 
persecution. Mr. Baker died only last year (see ANNUAL NO. IX., p. 1ar); but this paper 
was written by him during his first visit to England, more than 54 years ago. We have 
reprinted it exactly as given in the original, with the old-fashioned style of writing Malagasy, 
only correcting some obvious errors in spelling and punctuation, as well as that of calling 
Rabédonandrianampéina ‘Prince,’ instead of ‘Princess,’ as it should of course be given. 
It will be known to many that this was the name by which Queen Ranavilona I. was gene- 
rally designated in public proceedings.—ED. (J.S.) 


Lia 


168 ON THE POETRY OF MADAGASCAR. 


Sa, 


number of syllables and accents may be regarded as necessarily 
synonymous) furnishes no rule for measuring Malagasy verses. 
No examples have come to my knowledge of lines having a 
credible claim to correctness, in which two apparently short 
syllables of one line are put to correspond with one long syl. 
lable of an equivalent line ; but, where the number of syllables 
in a line exceeds those of a corresponding line, the metre is 
preserved by cutting off some syllables, and thence gliding 
two into one reading ; and by lengthening the half syllables of 
verbal terminations into perfect syllables. 

Every word in the language is strongly marked by one accent 
or more, corresponding in this respect with English. But in 
English it is observable that the accent, falling on the vowel, 
leaves the syllable short. 1 do not observe any similar distinc- 
tion in Malagasy, excepting that there are a few words termi- 
nating in ¢ long, and thence carrying the accent. Probably in 
Malagasy. the accented syllable is universally long, and the 
long syllable universally accented. 

Granting the Malagasy verses to be divisible into feet and 
capable of being scanned, there is perhaps no instance to be 
found of a line corresponding with a line in Latin. In Latin, 
the number of syllables varies, and the last is deemed long; 
the reverse of these two cases is the fact with regard to Mala- 
gasy. Moreover the feet constituting a line seem to have no 
correspondence with the purest metres in Latin. Thus the 
most harmonious lines in Malagasy coincide syllable for syllable 
and accent for accent with the following : 


‘‘Tsy h{tanao va ny maty Dost thou not see the dead 
Maraina tsy mba mamfndro,’’ Morning not warm at the fireside, 


consisting of an amphibrach, trochee, and amphibrach. These 
the natives regard as the most harmonious lines; yet there are 
in the same ode lines quite different in respect to the situation 
of the accented syllables ; as in the following couplet: 


‘‘Tsy mahalala havan ko ténga Not knowing what kindred shall come 
Aiza ny olona irény,”’ Where are people as these ? 


lines which, notwithstanding their diversity, do not appear 
essentially destitute of harmony. 

These lines have more similarity to English, so far as that a 
certain uniformity of syllable and accent is essential in both 
languages ; and the harmony of the verse arises from the ac- 
centuation and the czsura. The latter seems plainly discernible 
in Malagasy, as in this line: 

“Vavahady hidfrana—misy hiadny”’ 
(A door of entrance—that there is), 


ON THE POETRY OF MADAGASCAR. 169 








Yet the verses are unlike to English in respect to their being 
destitute of rhyme, unaccented on the last syllable of a line, and 
scarcely if ever permitting one line to run on in a continuous 
sense into another. 

The characters peculiarly essential to Malagasy versification 
seem to be chiefly the following: (1) Harmony of syllables 
and accentuation; a deviation from which rule produces a 
precisely similar harsh discordant effect on the ear as in Eng- 
lish. {2) The expression must be diversified, and the words 
transposed, as in other languages. (3) Every line must be in 
some degree an independent sentiment, or at least a clause 
of a sentence, bearing a natural division in the sense, and 
thence a pause of the voice in reading or singing. Hence the 
sense is often strikingly abrupt and laconic, as will be seen in 
the examples of literal translation. 

The language abounds much in polysyllables; there are 
exceedingly few monosyllables, and perhaps the greatest pro- 
portion of the words are of five syllables. Hence a line ofeight 
syllables generally contains from two to five words, and a line 
of twelve is frequently comprised in four words. On this account 
a sentiment is rarely attempted to be set off with superfluous 
ornaments of language, but stands entirely on the merit of the 
figure under which it is conveyed. Of poetical adjectives, so 
often highly convenient in English for filling up the metre or 
adorning a graceless noun, scarcely an instance occurs in an 
entire song. Yet the language, thought, and style ofthe poetry 
is quite of a different cast from prose. Abounding in the bold- 
est figures, and the sense left to connect itself by the chain of 
thought, it commends itself to the mind as the rude and un- 
polished offspring of poetical genius. 

It is evident that in a language so exceedingly different from 
English, combined with a state of society equally different, it is 
impossible, on the one hand, to give an intelligible literal trans- 
lation, leaving the reader’s imagination to fill up the images; 
and, on the other hand, it is difficult to give a vivid imitation of 
the original. For myself, I pretend not to any talent in poetical 
composition, and am induced to make the attempt merely by 
the novelty of the subject, until some more able pen shall dis- 
play in language more worthy of its subject the gleanings of 
orally preserved versification to be found in Madagascar. In 
the mean time, I have only to plead for all deficiencies, that I 
am not setting forth myself as an author, but only asa trans- 
later, and that from a language wherein nothing can be looked 
for rising above mediocrity in the estimation of cultivated minds. 
I shall be abundantly requited for my trouble, should these 


170 ON THE POETRY OF MADAGASCAR. 





contributions tend in any measure towards evincing that the 
native inhabitants of Madagascar, degraded as they actually 
appear, especially when contrasted with the enlightened popu- 
lation of civilized Europe, are nevertheless not destitute of 
natural genius, nor by any means insensible to the finer feelings 
and passions of human nature. 

I ought not to conclude without observing, that there is a 
kind of composition very prevalent in the language which is 
neither perfect prose nor poetry, but seems to form a connecting 
link between the two, being both in sentiment and expression 
more pithy, figurative, and smart than the former, and yet 
destitute of the metre, cadence, etc. of the latter. These pieces 
may be called poetical prose. A prose translation of such 
fugitive examples as have fallen into my hands would be dull 
and unstriking, and a /z¢fera/ rhyming translation impossible; so 
I have chosen, in the accompanying example “On Courtship,” a 
translation pretty free in expression, but I believe perfectly 
correct, though somewhat paraphrased, in thought.* 

It appears, as far as I have discovered, that all compositions 
in Malagasy, of a poetical turn of thought, are written in this 
style, except songs; the latter being the only compositions I 
have yet met with evidently written in regular metre. 

The following, as well as several succeeding songs, are by a 
man called Razafilahy, who, happening to be a cripple and 
unable to work, turned his attention to song-making, by which 
it is said he obtains a tolerable livelihood. He is a stoutish 
man, rides out on the back of a male slave, and has as buxom 
and merry looking a face as any to be seen in Madagascar.t 


NoTE. 

[WHILE giving Mr. Baker’s interesting paper unaltered, it may perhaps 
be well to remark that later acquaintance with the capabilities of the 
Malagasy language has not altogether borne out his opinion, in the first 
paragraph of the article, that rhymed verse is impracticable in Malagasy, 
still less that rhythmical verse is so. The subject is, however, more fully 
treated in the article on ‘‘Malagasy Hymnology,” a few pages further on in 
this number. See also Mr. Richardson’s article on ‘‘Malagasy “Tonon- 
kira’ and Hymnology” in ANNUAL No. II., pp. 23—35. Many specimens 
of native songs are given in Mr. Dahle’s Spectmens of Malagasy Folk- 
lore and in the Pudlications of the Malagasy Folk-lore Society, and transla- 
tions of many are given in the Folk-lore Record, vol.i., 1883.—ED. ‘J.s.) ] 


* We are inclined to differ in opinion with our author on this subject, and to think that a 
merc literal translation, with explanatory notes, would have better illustrated the peculiarities 
of thought arid idiom in the Malagasy language, than even the best versified imitation.—ED. 
(Jour. BENG. ASIAT. Soc. 

+ As more convenient for the generality of our readers, whom we may safely presume to be 
unacquainted with the Mala language, we have arranged the original text at the foot of 
the page, leaving the English version uninterrupted.—ED. [J.B.A.S, 


ON THE POETRY OF MADAGASCAR. 171 








\.—Literal translation of an Ode in praise of the Princess Rabédo. 
By Razafilahy. 


Long, long, may live 
Rabdédonandrianampoina. 

To the south of Ambatondrafandana, * 
To the north of Ambohimits{mbina, ® 
To the west of Ambohimiandra, * 

To the east of Ambohijanahary ;° 
The new moon shining in the west, 
The full moon rising in the east. 
Long live Rabédo, 

Yea Ramboasalama, 

And Rakotoschéno of Radama, 

And his relations all, 

Innumerable they ; [lars, 
The portions of land shall then be dol- 


The corners of the houses guns. 
Endréhinants{va is his portioned land, 
Endrehinantsiva his house ; 
Possessing much, yet not haughty. 
Orphans shall then be plump, 

Their mother living, they are well fed. 
Yonder is the defence of rock, 
Yonder the clothing of wood, [men. 
A fence of spears, yea, second fence of 
Long live Rabodonandrianampoina, 
A single tree in a lake ; 

It is not ‘‘How many reign ?”’ 

For ¢here is our only sovereign. 


The following is the translation of another Ode by the same 


author :— 


II.— Zhe Great River. 


Yonder Ambaniala’st streams go forth, 
Amb¢Chidrapétot to the north extends, 


To the nort 


ward also Ambohitrimanjaka ;+ 


Guide well thy winding course, 


Nor kill the people’s sons with heedless might. 
Too full, thou’rt like an ill cut cloak, 
Smothering the head it should set off ; 

Dried up, thou’rt like an insufficient dress, 
Leaving the breast and arms naked. 





I.— Ode tn prasse of Princess Rabodo. 


Ny zoro n’trano dia basy. 


el 
Hono re ny veloma Endrehinantsiva ny tokotany ny, 


bodonandrianampoina : : 
Ra imo n’ ‘Ambatorirafandana, Endrehinantsiva ny trano ny ; 
Avaratry ny Ambohimitsimbina, Manambe tsy ’mba miavona. 
Andrefana Ambohimiandra, Kamboty dia dongadonga, 
‘Atsi na Ambohijanahary ; Velon’ dreny dia botrabotra. 


Ao ny miaketso vato, 
Ao ny miakanjo hazo, 
Rova lefona, ka temitr’ olona indray, 


Volana tsinana ny avy andrefana, 
Feno manana ny avy atsinanana. 
Veloma Rabodo, 


Sy Ramboasalama, Veloma Rabodonandrianampoina, 
Sy Rakotosehenon-dRadama, Hazo tokana an-ony ; 
Sy ny havany tontolo, Tsy firy no mandidy, 
Try bo isaina ; Ka tompo nay any ao, 
Ny tokotany dia farantsa, 
Il .—A nonibe. 


Indro n Mahaiza mizotra, 


Avaratr’ Ambohidrapeto, 
Avaratr’ Ambohitrimanjaka } 
Mahaiza mandeha, 





Aza mamono zana’ bahoaka. 
Tondraka, toa misaron’ doha ; 
Ritra, toa manao sikimbalaka. 





e are names of different parts of the hill on which Antananarivo is built, or of hills 
on either side of it, and situated respectively south, north, west, and east of the Palace.—EDs. 
This and others are names of villages lying on the banks of the river. 
t The whole beauty of the poem lies in a hidden allusion running through it to the king- 
dom ; here perhaps is an admonition to the sovereign. 


172 ON THE POETRY OF MADAGASCAR. 





And thus from day to day 

Thou rollest onwards continually. 

Soon at I[kiopa are thy waters found, 

Ikiopa renowned through the world, 
Devouring all, yet still unsatiated,® 

Lab’ring ever, and still thy work unaccomplished ; 
Ambodhiboanjo from thy bank not far, 

And southward Soavinimérina ; 

Behold Antonta abounding in eels, 

+ From whence murmuring sounds are heard; 
The soldier here casts round his wandering eye 
Thinking of distant friends. 

Here thou art in jeopardy, new-wedded bride, 
Should a dispute arise towards the evening ; 
For caprice controls the unsettled heart ; 
Discarded, thou wilt soon retrace thy steps! 
But we again pursue the river’s course. 

At Farahantsana next abide; 

The people there with noisy long guns fire,} 
And cannons longer and still more noisy, 
Spitting the frothy foam and rising phlegm, 
Writhing in restless agony and pain.§ 

Let each unwept forsake his best beloved ! 
For all partake the bitter curse.|| 


Ill.— Paraphrase of a poem called Ny Momba, or ‘The Barren.’ By 
the same Author. 


I To thee who dost all childless live, 
Thou, barren, this advice I give: 

In place secure thy wealth with foresight lay ; 

Fer then a thousand tongues thou'lt find to say, 

‘‘Kind father, dearest mother, thou to me;’’ 





Ka ny azy re toetr’ andro ny Miady mena masoandro, 
Ka mivalambalan’ indray Ka tsy fantatr’ ompanavao, 
Koa mankany Ikiopa, Tsy vatra n’ olona tsy honina. 
Ikiopa rano malaza, Izahay re dia handeha, 
Homambe, fa tsy voky, Ka tonga tany Ifarahantsana; 
Mivalambalan’ indray ; Ka ny ao mipoa’ basy lava, 
Mivalana dia any Ambohiboanjo, Ny ao mipoa’ tafondro lava, 
Any atsimo ny Soavinimerina ; itsipidrora mivalana. 
Indro koa re any Antonta, Mamoiza ny mana’ malala ! 
Ka migodongodom’ piteny ; Fa samy efa nozoi’ ny. 
Mahita anay lavi’kavana 
Ill.—My Momba. 
t  Izany Rakala momba, Atao ny hoe, ikiaky nao, ineny ; 
Tehirizo tsara ny harena ; Tsy mahalavitra ny tany, 
Fa raha misy ireny, ; Tsy mahasasa’ mandeha. 





* All other streams run into Ikiopa. 

+ That is, the sound of the distant waterfall, and by allusion, the repining of the soldiers 
going to war. 

t F iterall y true of the Sakalava enemy and, figuratively, of the waterfall Ifarahantsana. 

; Under the figure of the dashing of the water, alluding to the death of soldiers through 
war, fever, and famine. 

|, Every family has lost some relations in the devastating wars, and all mus: submit without 
repining. 


ON THE POETRY OF MADAGASCAR. 173 


No space their coming stays, 
No rugged road delays. 
But if thou pine in wretched poverty, 
Not thine gay robes to wear, 
No flattery soothes thine ear, 
No prattling babes entwine, 
No equal portion thine. 


2 The barren destitute of wealthy store, 

Extends her wandering eyes the wide world o’er ; 

No loving friend to visit her is found, 

No children, prattling all their wants, surround. 
If hungry, none a scanty dole shall mete : 
If satiate, none the falling crumbs shall eat ; 
By none thy sufferings are allayed, 
If weary, none shall give thee aid ; 
And, hapless, even when thou’rt dead, 
No tears shall weep o’er thy last bed. 


3 Thy shroud not half a dollar buys, 

Nor sixpence sheep for sacrifice. 

A penny pays for grease to light 

fnsteade of taper thy sad ghost; 

No friends shall watch the dreary night ; 

To shallow grave shalt thou be hurried, 

And with regardless haste be buried, 

A farthing all the funeral cost. 

‘‘Ah! mother, life is misery.”’ 

Yea, barren, such thy fate must be; 
Thou’ lt fain the locust® catch, for whom ? 
For children of a luckier womb, 

Yea, such, ill-fated barren, is thy doom. 


Now, barren, view thy husband dead, 
And thou from parent’s distant bed ; 
From head to foot sorrow’s own image thou, 
Unheard by all, thy sad bewailings now. 
Ah! barren, thou in former days, 
A father living, 
A mother giving, 





Fa raha tsy manana ireny, 3 Vitan’ damban’ doso, 
Lany haingio, ; Vitan’ ondry n’ tsikiajy ; 
Lany laingia, Vitan’ tsabora mila yvoamena, 
Lany zancka, Atao ny lavenan’ tandrevaka. 
Lany zara. Tsy misy mpiaritory, 

2 Momba lany harena, M y » he 0 kajia. 

Ny maso no apitrapitra ; aty re aho, raneny. . 
Tsy misy havan’ kamangy, zany Rakal > lala a; 
Tsy misy zaza hitomany. Misam  aanak’ 1 ; 

Noana, tsy manan’ kangatahana ; E 0 an Jan ba. ona ; 

Voky, manan’ kotolorana ; ny Ramomba. 

, tsy manan’ kitsabo, 4 Rakala momba, momba ka maty vady, 

Sasatra, tsy manan’ kitsetra; Ka lavi’ dray aman’ dreny ; 
Eny, Ramomba, Sady an-doha no an-tongotra, 
Maty, tsy manan’ kitomany. Miantso ka tsy fanta’ ny. 





* The poor among the people eat the locusts and feed their children with them. 


174 ON THE POETRY OF MADAGASCAR. 





Could’st bathe in water fetch'd by slaves, 
Caressed and blest in all thy ways. 
Ah! barren, now how chang’d thy state, 
Thy father’s life-dream o’er, 
Thy mother now no more, . 
To bathe in tears thy wretched fate, 
All cloth’d in rags, thou once might’st hate. 
Link’d to some churl, I see in piteous plight 
Thee pinch’d and waken’d at the morning light ; 
Expelled the cheering hearth, thy wedded right. 
‘‘Ah, mother! life is misery ; 
Would I had died in infancy !’’ 
§ I travelled eastward succour to obtain ; 
My father’s kindred live hard by ; 
Alas! I’m chang’d; they know me not again ; 
Ah, mother! like the dead am I. 
I turn’d my steps into the northern way ; 
My mother’s kindred live hard by ; 
Alas! I'm chang’d; thou’rt not the same, they say ; 
Ah, mother! like the dead am I. 
I turn’d me back again, and southward ranged ; 
My father’s sister lives hard by ; 
But she, like all my relatives, is changed; 
Ah, mother! worse than dead am I. 
I turn’d again a westward course to tread ; 
Tis there my mother’s sisters live ; 
Their dead relation’s awful blame they dread, 
So careless pitch the boon they give ! 


IV.—Paraphrase of an Hclogue tn Poetical Prose.—Author unknown, 
m CourtshtZ. 


She. 


Pray tell me, since you oft profess 
Your fervent love to me, 

To what, if we may give a guess, 

Your love may liken’d be ? 


Ray bado, ray bado ; 
Fahavelon’ dbo ray ny, 
Fahavelon’ dro reny ; 
Mandro rano an ina ; 
Raha mivoaka, tambatambazana. 

Ray bado, ray bado ; 

a maty ro ray ny, 

Raha mat ro reny, 

Mandro rano maso, 

Mitafy lamba tseroka, 
Mitoetra amy ny olona ny bado, 
Mandry maraina, rongadrongati’ ny, 
Mamindro, atositosi’ ny sasany. 

Maty aho, ry neny, 

Tsy maty fony kely. 


ffe. 

Rice, which affords our daily food, 
And constant life supplies, 

Is the best emblem of my love, 
Which never, never dies. 





§ Nony nankaroa atsinanana aho ; 
Havan’ dry kiaky no ao. 
Nodiany ny olona tsy fantatra aho, 
aty aho ry neny. 
Nony nankao avaratr’ aho ; 
Havan’ dry neny no ao, 
Nova’ ny ny olon’ kafa ; 
Maty aho ry neny. 
Nony nankao atsimo aho ; 
Zanak’ olomianadahy no ao, 
Nova’ ny fahatelo be ; 
Maty aho vi neny. 
Nony nankao andretan’ aho ; 
Zanak’ olona mirahavavy no ao : 
Ny tao no nanipy kely, 
Fa matahotra ny tsiny ny maty. 


IV.—On Courtship. 


Tia nao tahaky n’inona angaha aho? Tia ko tahaky n 
Tia nao tahaky n’inona angaha aho? Tia ko 


izanv, fa atao nao famonjyv fo raha noana. 


vary hianao.—Tsy tia nao aho 


tahaky ny rano hianao.—Tsy tia nao izany aho, fa atao nao fitia momba tseroka. Tia nao 


ON THE POETRY OF MADAGASCAR. 


175 





She. 

Ah no! not so thy love to me, 
For that thou deemest sweet, 

Only when hunger presses thee 
To take the proffer’d meat. 

Then tell me, since you oft profess 
Your, etc. (as in the first verse.) 
fle. 

I love you as the fountain pure, 
Which yields a sure supply 

Of that without whose aid secure 
My frame would quickly die. 

é 


Ah no! not so thy love to me, 
For that, when dirt adheres 
Which others scornfully may see, 

Desirable appears. 
Zz Then tell me, etc. 


é. 

The /é@méa,® which around I fold 
To guard life’s vital flame, 

Is that which, next to thee, I hold 
Most needful to my frame. 
She. 

Ah no! for that, when older grown, 
Disdain’d, thou wilt reject ; 

And ne’er again will it be known, 
But lie in long neglect. 

Then tell me, etc. 


fle. 
I love thee like the luscious taste 
Of a new honeycomb, (haste, 
Whose precious fruit is seized with 
And borne in triumph home. 


She. 

Ah no! for there amidst the sweets, 
Though luscious they be found, 
The goodness not unmingled meets, 
But dregs impure abound. 

Then tell me, etc. 
fe 


I love thee as the sov’reign king 
Of this our native land, 

Whose endless praises all can sing, 
Whose word moves every hand. 


She. 
To this, in truth, thy love compare, 
Whose merely passing by, 
Rebuking every vulgar stare, 
Abashes every eye. 
To him, indeed, thy love compare, 
Whose briefest, transient gaze, 
With shameo’erwhelms and deep des- 
Or drooping hearts can raise. [pair, 
To this, indeed, thy love compare, 
I, of desire the end 
And goal; wherever you repair, 
Still towards me you tend. 


And I my love to thee will prove 


In all good faith and truth, 
A filial daughter’s tender love 
To parents of her youth ; 
Enjoying life, while life shall last, 
ne house our common home ; 
And when the mortal scene is past, 
United in one tomb ! 


E. BAKER. 


tahaky n’inona ary aho? Tia ko tahaky ny lamba hianao.—Tsy tia nao aho izany, fa raha 
tonta, afindra nao ka tsy tsaroa nao intsony. Tia nao tahaky n’inona angaha aho? Tia ko 
tahaky ny tantely hianao.—Tsy tia nao aho izany, fa misy faikana. Tia nao tahaky n’inona 
angaha aho? Tia ko tahaky ny Andriamanjaka hianao.—Tia nao tokoa aho izany, mandalo 
mahamena’ maso, mijery mahamenatra. Tia nao tokoa aho izany, fa tapi’ java’ nirina aho, 
tapi’ java’ naleha. Tia ko tahaky ny kiaky sy neny hianao: velona, iray trano; maty, iray 
hazo. 


7 POSTSCRIPT. 

[Ir may perhaps be well to give, as addenda to the foregoing, another 
specimen or two of Malagasy poetry as translated by Mr. Baker, especi- 
ally as the books containing them are somewhat scarce, and the pieces 
may not be known to many readers of the ANNUAL. The first is taken 
from Mr. Ellis’s valuable History of Madagascar, vol. i., p. 276; it is by 
the same native bard who wrote some of the foregoing pieces, Razafi- 
lahy.—Ebs. | 


* The garment which a Malagasy wraps round his body, and which constitutes his only 
clothing except what is wrapped round the loins, and without which he is called naked. 





i76 ON THE POETRY OF MADAGASCAR. 





A Song concerning the Dead. 


1 Vain man! observ’st thou not the dead ? 
‘ow ~=s The morning warmth from them has fled, 
Their mid-day joy and toil are o’er, 
Though near, they meet fond friends no more. 
A gate of entrance to the tomb we see, 
But a departure thence there ne’er will be. 
But where’s his dearest friend’s reply ? 
Ah! where are those thus doom’d to die? 
Vain man! observ’st thou not the dead ? 
Sweet words forsake their dreary bed ; 
There’s none the mould’ring silk® around his fellow folds, 
Or north or south again their visits gay beholds ; 
Then shall re-echoing vales no longer cheer, 
For them the hill no lofty signals rear. 
Their shrouded heads unmoving lie, 
Unknown the friends that o’er them sigh ; 
Ah! where are those thus doom’d to die ? 
Vain man! observ’st thou not the dead ? 
No more their homeward path they tread. 
The freeman lost may ransom’d be, 
By silver’s magic power set free ; 
But who those lost from death can buy ? 
Ah! where are those thus doom’d to die ? 
Let me prefer true goodness to attain, 
Or fool or wise I’m deem’d by transient fame. 
New rice, my friends, your cheerful blessing, give, 
So from Razafilahy you shall thanks receive. 


Gs 


The second piece is included in Mr. Baker’s little work entitled 4” Ou/- 
line of a Grammar of the Madagascar Language, as spoken by the Hovas 


~~ 


(London: 1864), and is given at the end as a translation of one of the ~ 


specimens of native composition :— 
Exhortation to Freendship. 


1 Let the living love each other; for the others (the dead) cannot attain it; 
for the others are gone home. 

2 Let the living love each other ; for the dead are not companions; for the 
dead belong to the dead, the living belong to the living; for the dead 
cannot be hoped for, but the living can be hoped for. 

3 Let the living love each other; for the kind-hearted attain (life’s) end; 
eople love what touches the heart ; and remorse does not come before 
the deed), but after; and it is you (O men) who shall be full of remorse, 

who, angry, give up your heart (to vengeance); but for us, we suffer no 
remorse ; when angry, we can be pacified, for vengeance which gets the 
mastery becomes a parent of much guilt. 

4 Let the living love each other; and do not build two houses too distant: 
for the distant (neighbour) cannot be called in, but the near will be 
preferred, and the many (together) are happy; for ants consume a small 
store. 

5 Let the living love each other; do like the locusts: when fat, they fly off 
together. 








* Malagasy corpses are wrapped in silk cloths. 


ON THE POETRY OF MADAGASCAR. 199 


6 Let the living love each other; do as the carded cotton: though tender,’ 
not broken; though spun out thin, not snapped; and be as water in 
sandy ground: you think there is none, but there is. 

7 Let the living love each other; do as in yonder market: the unknown is 
easily recognized, and the unseen discovered ; uncalled by proclamation, 
they assemble. 

8 Let the living love each other; be as the cock’s (feathered) garment: the 
well-arranged (feathers) are replaced; from the corpse only are they 
separated. 

g Let the living love each other; but do not make the bullock’s friendship : 
the big one push away the small, and the fat thrust away the lean. 

10 Let the living love each other; but do not make the friendship of the 
rock: when angry, it cannot be appeased; when broken, it cannot be 
mended ; the big ones never speak, nor do the little ones grow. 

11 Let the living love each other; but be not like the rush Aaréfo: smooth 
outwardly, but hollow within. 

12 Let the living love each other; but make not the water’s friendship : 
when its companion comes, it gets muddy; the advance guard does not 
call out, ‘‘Come on,’’ and the rear does not cry out, ‘‘Stop for me,’’ but 
when they do mix, they become the muddier. 


THE TRADE AND COMMERCE OF MADAGASCAR.* 


RADE in Madagascar eludes statistics. Now and then upon the. 
coast, when a vessel arrives with a cargo of some much-needed 
foreign product, the agents of the firm to which the goods are consigned 
may be seen doing business undisguisedly with a crowd of native whole- 
sale buyers around them, each man anxious to be the first to strike a 
favourable bargain and hurry his stock up to the roadside markets of 
Imérina; but here in the Capital the European trader receives his 
merchandise from abroad, and collects the native produce in return, 
without anybody, except himself, knowing correctly how much passes 
through his hands either way. He studiously endeavours to prevent the 
circulation of such knowledge, especially amongst his native customers. 
The alternations of scarcity and abundant stock can generally be as- 
certained by observing the fluctuation of price in the great weekly market 
of Antananarivo, the Hova being a keen dealer and ever ready to take 
advantage of the accidents of supply and demand; but beyond prices, 
information is very indefinite. Such records are kept by the duty which 


* This paper is taken from an English Blue-book for 1885, and consists of a Report on 
the trade of this country from W, C. Pickersgill, Esq., H. B. M’s Vice-Consul for Antanana- 
Tivo.—EDS. 


= 


178 THE TRADE AND COMMERCE OF MADAGASCAR. 


is regularly taken at the ports, but by officials whose safaties consist 
chiefly of perquisites and pickings; and, naturally enough, their accounts 
are not remarkable for clearnéss. re 

‘ Before the present Giffictlfy with France broke into actual hostilities 
it was fearéd that ‘ah attdtk upon the island would at once destroy all 
foreign trade. There were not many persons who gave the native 
Government credit for strérigth enough to provide at one and the, same 
time af armed resistance to its enemies and a peaceable protection for 
its friends. Such protection, however, has not been wanting, and 
although during the first six months of blockaded ports and indiscrimi- 
nate bombardments there was. something like a total collapse of business, 
the year which has just ended has been not altogether an unprofitable 
one to the few whose acquaintance with the country and its imbabitants 
enabled them to foresee how little the roar of cannon upon certain 
parts of the coast would affect the daily wants of the populous interior. 
The island is far too large for complete blockade, and the attempts 
which have been made to coerce the Malagasy into submission by closing 
three or four well-known points of entrance have only resulted in the 
opening of other channels of communication. 

According to the estimates of persons engaged in Madagascar trade, 
the total amount of business done in the country during the year 1884 
has been about one-third of what was done during the year immediately 
preceding the outbreak of war. Of that amount the greater part has 


. been accomplished through British enterprise. Contrary to expectation, 
. the American firms were for some time apparently afraid to run the 


. slightest new risk, notwithstanding their being mace better_equinped for 
’ hazardous trade than any of their rivals. Ah inferesting illustrative case 


4 


is recorded of a British house clearing, it is said, not less than £ 3,000 
on a quantity of cotton goods which had already been landed and stored 
in an American warehouse at one of the ports occupied by the French. 
They were re-shipped, distributed at various places still unblockaded, and 
put into the then thirsty inland markets just at the lucky moment. On 
these goods the Malagasy Government received double duty, the original 
landing having been made before the French obtained possession of the 
port at which it took place. Since then many importations have simi- 
larly paid duty twice—once at Tamatave, and then again on being landed 
elsewhere. 
In addition to the obstacles encountered in getting foreign goods into 
the country, there has been even greater difficulty in getting native 
roducts out of it. Pleading the necessity of employing every means within 
its power to harass an enemy of overwhelmingly superior strength, the 
Malagasy Government declared itself perfectly justified in prohibiting 
all exportations, and for some time carried the declaration. into effect. 
Further deliberations, however, led to the restriction being confined to 
articles of food only; and a later revision of policy, pressed for by Her 


- Majesty's Consul and myself, brought about the removal of sugar 


and coffee from the prohibited list. Thus trade in this country has been 
working in shackles, and only the strong and well-acclimatised firms 
have been able to bear up under the strain. 


THE TRADE AND COMMERCE OF MADAGASCAR. 179 


With due regard to such observations on the impossibility of procur- 
ing exact information as have already been made, the trade of Antana- 
narivo and the province of Imerina* for the year 1884 may be noted as 
follows :— 









IMPORTS. EXPORTS. 





Articles. Bales.| Value. Articles. 







Quantity.| Value. 


L 
Cotton sheetings| 2,800 | 64,400] | Hides....| Number.| 230,000 | 172,300 






White shirtings.| 1,500 | 30,000} | Coffee.. .| Lbs. ....| 60,000 480 
Prints, etc...... w+. | 20,000 Wax ....| +>,  ...-| 80,000 1,280 
Various ..... ..| .... | 38,000 Various...|.. .. 00 wud ccc ees 1,000 











122,40 


The cotton sheetings are for the most part of American manufacture. 
English imitations are sometimes imported, but their inferiority is easily 
detected, and they do not find a ready market. It isa great mistake to 
think of the Malagasy of Imerina as burning in tropical heat, with only a 
few shreds of muslin upon them for the sake of decency. They look for 
warmth and durability in their garments, and up to a certain limit will 
always pay a good price for such articles as possess these qualities. 
When the cold east wind of the dry season is blowing, many of them find 
even stout American sheetings too thin for comfort, and there is then a 
certain demand for woollen goods. Flannels, blankets, and tweeds, 
however, should be imported very cautiously, as there is the greatest 
difficulty in preserving such things from the ravages of insects.* 

Printed Caltcos sell in all parts of Madagascar, but it is not easy to hit 
the native taste in patterns, which is very reluctant to be guided by the 
fashions of Europe. Moreover, the kind of print which is acceptable in 
the eyes of one tribe is often the very opposite elsewhere. 

Amongst other articles more or less in constant demand in Antanana- 
rivo and the neighbourhood are iron cooking-pots, iron kettles, sauce- 
pans and frying-pans, sheet tin and soldering materials, and glass and 
putty. Tinware is largely used, but it is not profitable to introduce the 
articles ready made. Of carpenters’ tools the only kinds which the 
native smiths do not forge to the satisfaction of those who use them, are 
saws and chisels, the cutters of planes, gouges, augers, braces and bitts. 

Second-hand Clothing frequently sells well, especially if the quality is 
good, and the signs of previous wear not too evident. 

Boots and Shoes are manufactured in the country. Importations, how- 
ever, find a market when they are of a superior make and are offered at 
reasonable prices. 

Umbrellas and Sunshades also meet with ready sale. 

Crockery is in daily use by almost everybody. The richer people will 








* Before the commencement of the Franco-Malagasy war, I was informed by Samuel 
Procter, Esg., Her Malagasy Majesty's Consul in England and principal of the oldest English 
mercantile firm in Madagascar, that in his opinion the total export and import trade of the 
whole island could not be of much less value than one million pounds anaually.— Ep. (J.8,) 


180 THE TRADE AND COMMERCE OF MADAGASCAR. 


sometimes buy full services of china, but high-priced goods should be 
introduced in very small quantities. 

Drugs often fetch very good prices. Those most frequently required 
by the natives are: quinine, epsom-salts, iodide of potassium, bichloride 
of mercury, santonine, cod-liver oi], carbonate of soda, tartaric acid, 
seillitz powders, etc. 

Stationery is needed by a constantly increasing number. The market 
is chiefly supplied by the missionary printing offices, which have the 
privilege of importing such materials of instruction free of duty. The 
slates required to meet the wants of upwards of a quarter of a million 
children registered as scholars in the various schools, and the Bibles, 
New Testaments, and hymn and prayer-books, etc., which are purchased 
by them and the adult adherents of over 1,500 churches and congre- 
gations scattered throughout the island, form no inconsiderable item of 
general trade. It is not customary to mention such things in a com- 
mercial report, but every new demand for paper and printing and book- 
binding materials must necessarily benefit the firms which produce them. 

It should always be remembered that every article of merchandise 
offered for sale in the interior of Madagascar has to be carried hither 
from the coast on human shoulders. Packages which cannot be broken 
up and re-arranged at the port of landing should therefore be made up in 
certain weights. One man will carry two packages of from 40 to 45 lbs. 
each, but the same weight in a single bale will require two men, and the 
expense of transit will be doubled. Large packages and heavy packing 
materials often increase the cost of imported goods enormously. It is 
impossible to pay too much attention to this matter. The wages 
received by the porters vary according to the distance travelled, and 
sometimes according to the weight carried. Fora journey from one of 
the nearer eastern ports, Tamatave, Vatomandry, or Mahanoro, to the 
Capital, with an ordinary load, they receive 10 shillings per man, It 
is usual to divide a number of them into gangs of 10, 15, or 20 men, and 
appoint to each gang a trustworthy overseer, who carries the way-bill and 
a portion of the wages set apart for the purchase of food on the road. 
The pay of this extra man adds from 8d. to 1s. to the carriage of every 
load. On the imports and exports of Antananarivo during the year 1884, 
which together amount to about 4 300,000, the cost of transmission to 
and from the coast is estimated at not less than £ 11,000. 

The coinage used in Madagascar is the French 5 franc-piece. No other 
form of money will enable the European trader to do business directly 
with the natives. It is reckoned in all small transactions as equivalent 
to four English shillings, or an American dollar. Against bills on 
London it is worth from 3 to 5 percent. As this coin is not procurable, 
except in small quantities and at high rates, anywhere in the neighbour- 
hood, the trader who comes to Madagascar unprovided with a working 
supply finds himself placed at a grievous disadvantage. 

AGRICULTURE. 

Crown land may now be obtained on leases of 99 years’ duration. 
There is no fixed price: every intending occupier may make his own 
bargain, but it is not likely that land of good quality will be rented for 


THE TRADE AND COMMERCE OF MADAGASCAR. 181 








— 


less than two shillings an acre per annum for the first half of the period 
and five shillings for the remainder: at any rate, not until newspaper 
Correspondents and other writers on Madagascar cease to speak of the 
island as one of wondrous fertility and a very paradise of natural resour- 
ces. A man has little chance of getting a thing on easy terms when his 
fellows are continually crying its excellence in the ears of the vendor. 
There is no doubt whatever that the soil of Madagascar has been over- 
praised. Those who have practically tested its sugar-growing powers 
on some of the choicest portions of the eastern sea-board report, that in 
a very short time its fertility begins to wane and needs to be artificially 
renewed. The rapidity with which certain well-adapted forms of vege- 
tation spring up luxuriantly is due rather to the abundant rain of the wet 
season and to a tropical sun than to any special richness of the land. 
Where the latter is absolutely necessary to profitable production, Mada- 
gascar will be found wanting. All this, however, is far from being 
intended to imply that the island does not offer a promising field for the 
employment of European capital. 

Sugar, although not giving results equal to what were expected, is by 
no means a failure. Hitherto there have been no plantations established 
except in the east ; but travellers have noticed that the cane grown by 
the natives on the banks of the north-western rivers has the appearance 
of being the product of a very suitable soil; and my own observations 
in that part of the country lead me to believe that there is land there 
which will some day be found more valuable than any on the opposite 
side of the island. | 

Coffee does not grow well on either coast. Nor is that which is 
produced in the interior at all satisfactory in amount. As regards quality, 
many people consider it little inferior to Mocha coffee. The most success- 
ful experiments with it have been made in the neighbourhood of the 
westernmost of the two lines of forest which stretch from north to south 
between the Capital and the east coast. The elevation there is suitable, 
and there is plenty of moisture. 

Rice is produced in Imerina in enormous quantities, but the wants of 
the population are equally great, and are yearly approaching the limits 
of possible supply. Better means of transport therefore would not 
develop a trade in this article in the neighbourhood of the Capital. 
There lies, however, to the north of Imerina, in the Sihanaka province, 
an immense tract of swampy country which is capable of bearing rice 
to almost any extent. About the same distance from Antananarivo to 
the south again, in the Bétsiléo country, there are similar natural advan- 
tages awaiting employment. Madagascar rice is of undeniably good 
quality. That of Carolina comes from the same stock, seed having been 
taken from this country to Charleston in the year 1699. 

Wheat seems to thrive fairly Wélfin certain parts of the interior. It is 
grown to meet the necessities of the European community, and costs in 
the Antananarivo market about six shillings for 100 lbs. 

Tea has not been tried here yet, but ought to be. The slopes of the 
Imerina hills are thought by many people to be adapted to this cultiva- 
tion, Once introduced and found to be successful, the natives would 


»* o 


“Yep THE TRADE AND COMMERCE OF MADAGASCAR. 





take it in hand with great readiness ; it would suit their habits and tastes 
exactly. The women of the poorer classes, who aré glad to be able to 
earn a penny a day by plaiting mats and weaving ro/ia cloth, would find 
more profitable and equally agreeable work in picking and preparing the 
leaves of the tea-plant ; and the lightness in weight of the marketable 
article would allow of its being transported to the coast by the usual 
means without overburdening the profits. 

Silk, for the same two latter reasons, affords an opening for enterprise 
in the interior of Madagascar. It is produced already for the manufac- 
ture of the native cloths or shawls called /émda, which are so much 
admired by all who have seen good specimens. 

India-rubber also deserves attention, especially from whose who are 
interested in keeping the European market supplied with this most 
yaluable product. The indigenous vine yields an excellent quality of 
rubber, but the supply is yearly diminishing. It is now found only in 
the depths of the forests, far from the security of settled habitations, and 
is consequently obtained at considerable risk. No provision is left or 
made for future needs, the vines being entirely destroyed by the reckless 
men who wander about in search of them. That a properly managed 
plantation of this native product would turn out to be a profitable specu- 
lation, I have very little doubt. An experiment made by myself a few 
years ago in the north-west was entirely satisfactory as far as showing 
the possibility of extending the growth of the vine. A single fruit of it, 
picked up in the bush, was found to contain no less than 72 seeds, every 
one sprouting. These were taken to a piece of swampy ground and 
planted at the feet of tall trees already growing therein, where they 
readily struck root and for some time flourished, until an unexpected 
rise in a neighbouring river overflooded and carried them away. It 
would probably take from four to five years for the vine to grow large 
enough to endure much cutting. The natives who witnessed the above 

- experiment were fully convinced thereby of the practicability of cultiva- 
ting the rubber, but such investments for the remote future are not 
attractive to them. After the first years of waiting there would be little 
need for outlay on a plantation of this vine, as the cost of preparing 
the rubber for the market is very trifling. 

Cattle abound in this country. No estimate has yet been attempted 
of the numbers, but they must be very great indeed. Travellers who 
have seen no more of Madagascar than is to be observed on a journey from 
the east coast to the Capital are sometimes led to imagine that the island 
is but poorly furnished with live stock. It is in the grazing lands of the 
north and west that vast herds may be seen roaming at large. For a 
man to own 2,000 or 3,000 head is no uncommon thing. The numbers 
slaughtered here in Antananarivo during the annual festival of the 
Fandroana are sufficient testimony to the extent of the people’s posses- 
sions. Capital invested in a selected herd is said to double itself in 
three years, when the owner has trustworthy servants who can be put in 
charge. In thinly-inhabited districts bullocks are frequently killed for 
the sake of the hides and fat. a large animal in such places being worth 
from ros. to 14s. only. The Antananarivo butchers pay from 245. to 36s. 


THE TRADE AND COMMERCE OF MADAGASCAR. 183 


— 





for the same kind, Exportation is now* entirely forbidden on account 
of the war, but.even before that it was greatly hampered by an unwise law 
made many years ago, which prohibits the sale of cattle for shipment. at 
less than. 60s. a head. Various devices for evading this regulation were 
resorted to by the firms engaged in the trade. One, largely practiced by 
a continental company, was to run a steamer to some unrécognised part 
on the west coast, and then barter with the Sdkalava for guns and powder. 
This was regarded by the Malagasy people as eminently a European me- 
thod of provoking them to live.up to their treaties with civilised powers. 
Another plan was to station a highly-paid native employée at one of the 
regular ports, and provide him with a sufficient quantity of ready cash 
and a foreign passport. In the market he was an ordinary Malagasy pur- 
chaser increasing his stock; when the company's vessel arrived, he be- 
came a stranger not.amenable to native law. Troublesome inquiries by 
the local representatives of the Government were then staved off by means 
of bribes. Cattle were thus procured and shipped at an average cost of 
28s. each, the duty of 6s. a head included. At Mauritius and Réunion the 
usual selling price was about £ 7 4s. As there is no such thing known in 
Madagascar as contagious disease in animals, this country would be not 
only an abundant but also a safe source of supply for the frozen-meat trade. 
POPULATION. 

The inhabitants of the town and suburbs of Antananarivo are consi- 
dered by careful observers to number not less than 100,000. Imerina, 
the province which extends around the Capital to a distance of about 
So miles, is the most thickly-populated part of the island. Its people 
are fairly industrious, more so by far than those of any other Malagasy 
tribe. The skill they show in the cultivation of rice, often in the face 
of natural disadvantages, points to their future career as that of agricul- 
turists. They can be easily induced to work for wages, but I am con- 
vinced that it will be found more profitable in the long-run to draw 
them into such connection with coming developments of their country 
as will afford them not only an equivalent for their labour, but also a 
reward for intelligent interest therein. The Hova race will be proud to 
furnish bone and muscle to co-operate with European wealth for mutual 
benefit, but it will never submit to be the white man’s slave. 

Evidently the great problem in Madagascar will be, how to get the 
workers and the work together. The highland interior is poor in mate- 
rial, but rich in labour; while the lowland coast is fertile, but lacks the 
husbandmen. He who can secure Imerina labourers to cultivate a 
lowland plantation will test the merits of the country under the most 
favourable conditions. The necessities of defence are now forcing the 
population of the interior to distribute itself to some extent, but the 
migrations of peace cannot be long delayed if the people continue to 
increase in the near future as they have done recently in the past. 

Next to the Hova in intelligence, although not in strength of character, 
come the Bétsimisaraka, who inhabit the eastern coast. They are well 
disposed towards foreigners, but the rum trade of Mauritius and Réunion 
has already gone far to render them useless for hard and regular work. 


ee ee ee wee 


© Phis was at the close of last year, it must be remembered.—Ebs. 














184 THE TRADE AND COMMERCE OF MADAGASCAR. 








The Sihanaka and Betsileo tribes, which occupy respectively the 
interior provinces north and south of Imerina, are equally docile with 
the Betsimisaraka, having, however, an advantage over them in being 
more closely allied to the ruling race. The labouring peasant of the 
highlands is pretty much the same sort of person throughout the whole 


of the central region. To the south of the Betsimisaraka there are . 


several smaller tribes, of which the Taimdéro appears to be one of the 
most promising from the intending planter’s point of view. A number of 
these south-eastern natives were, before the war began, in the habit of 
leaving their homes to work on the sugar plantations near Tamatave, 
which the Betsimisaraka had failed to supply with labour. They are 
known as a fearless race, but are much given to roving, and have the 
aspect of being most uncompromising savages. 

In the south-west the Ibara and Mahafaly tribes seem to be coming 
in some small degree under the influence of trade with Natal. <A kind 
of broad-bean is cultivated in that part of the country for exportation—a 
very hopeful sign indeed in a people who are related to the Sakalava, 
for the latter are, without doubt, the least useful and least open to im- 
provement of all the Malagasy tribes. Their country, which stretches 
along the western seaboard from near St. Augustine’s Bay to the northern 
extremity of Pasindava Bay, is, with the exception of such points as are 
under the immediate authority of military colonies, almost entirely 
uncultivated, altogether unimproved, and very little open to trade. Even 
such of the Sakalava as have been under the shadow of the French flag 
at Nosibé for the last forty years have not made a hundredth part of the 
advance in civilisation which the Hova have made during the last ten 
years under their own Government. 


MINES. 

There has been considerable excitement in Antananarivo and the sur- 
rounding country during the past twelve months over reported discoveries 
of gold and silver. Diamonds even were talked about at one time, and 
a few of the more adventurous natives rushed secretly off to the localities 
where sudden riches were supposed to lie waiting for the first comer. 
Nothing, however, more valuable than a little gold dust has been found 
by them, and that only after a great waste of labour, and at the risk of 
long imprisonment and chains. For the Government had wisely resolved, 
some time before the rumours of discovery had fairly taken wing, to 
prevent everything like wholesale demoralisation of the people on this 
score, by appropriating whatever mineral wealth the land might contain. 
Laws were issued prohibiting unauthorised mining of every description ; 
and, seeing that a double advantage lies in thus controlling the search 
for hidden wealth, there is but a very poor prospect here for needy 
diggers who may be tempted to wander to Madagascar in the hope of 
finding comfort for their disappointments elsewhere. Several such have 
made ventures already, but a few weeks’ sojourn in the island has con- 
vinced them of the wisdom of returning whence they came as speedily 
as possible, with nothing more valuable to carry away than a caution to 
all their comrades and acquaintances. 

W. CLAYTON PICKERSGILL, 


THE ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL. 185 








THE IDEAS OF THE MALAGASY WITH REGARD 
TO DESTINY.* 


—— 
OST of us who have lived some time in Madagascar must 
have noticed the strong fatalistic notions of the people. 
Every thing has its set time, which cannot possibly be altered ; 
every person, and every animal also, has its appointed time of 
death, and nothing that any one may do can either hasten this 
or postpone it to a future day. Such seems to be the prevalent 
belief among the people, Similarly also most of them seem to 
believe that for every one there is a certain amount of trouble 
or sorrow, joy or happiness, allotted to him, as well as a fixed 
and definite amount of this world’s goods; this is decreed for 
them as their destiny or fate, and they must accept it. 

A few years ago—I have not heard so much of it lately—a 
very favourite topic of discussion with the Malagasy youth was : 
Can a person die before his day has come? and can anything 
shat he may do hasten the day of his death which had been 
appointed for him? The majority always maintained the nega- 
tive. Now I am not going to enteron a discussion as to how 
far they are mistaken or not in holding these views, all I wish 
to do is to give a few curious examples of these fatalistic notions 
that have come under my own observation during the past few 
weeks. 

1. The scene, our dining-room :—We were bidding farewell 
:0 a young woman, an intelligent scholar in my wife’s classes ; 
she was leaving town to accompany her husband, who had been 
appointed governor to a place far away in the south. We were 
very sorry to part with her, and she was evidently sorry to 
dart with us and leave her native place; but having expressed 
shis, she added: “‘Anyarako tzdny” (That is my lot, or destiny) ; 
cherefore she must go, and it was no use lamenting it. 

2. The scene, the large market-place at the Capital :—One 
Sunday, not long ago, I was riding in my palanquin through 
he market-place on my gggurn from a service in the suburbs. 
As we were going alofe, one of my men saw a small 
yiece of money on the ground and stooped down to pick 
t up. I remarked to another of my men: ‘You ought 
o have seen that; it would have been a nice present for your 


® This short article was written for the ANNUAL of 1885, but had to stand aside for want 
f room, I suppose its day had not come! This explanation is necessary, because the circum- 
‘ances referred to in it, though then of recent occurrence, now belong to the past. 








186 MALAGASY IDEAS AS TO DESTINY. 





wife.” ‘““No,” he replied, “that is not my amjdara”’ (or my share); 


“eq-..25 though he thought that all the property in the world was 


“divided out into fixed lots, and no one could by any possibility 
get what was the share of another. 

3. The scene, the desert, ‘No man’s land,’ which Mr. Wilson 
and I were travelling over on our way to Manandaza and Ankag- 
vandra :—Some wild cattle were seen, and many of our men set 
off to catch ‘nobody's beef;’ but none were caught. Sone of 
the men remarked: “Z5y mbdla nga ny androny”’ (Theit day 
has not yet come). Others said: “7sy azzdrantsika tréo" (They 
are not our share). So until we came upon some fulfilling 
these two conditions, ‘Their day had come,’ and, ‘They weté 
our share,’ we were to have no deSert beef, and none we had. 

4. The scene, Ankavandra in the far. west:—Here, most 
unexpectedly to me, I met the father of the young woman spokeii 


——“—“—~Oo"”~-r,lcereee 


of in Scene No. 1. The governor of this town and I were com- . 


paring notes about our children; he told me he had one 
daughter, from whom he was parted when she was but three 
months old, as he was then appointed governor to this place, 
and he had not seen her since. As she had recently left with 
her husband for a place in the far south, of which he had just 
been appointed governor, it was now less likely than ever that 
they would meet again in this world. I was expressing my 
sympathy with the old man on this account, when one of his 
followers remarked: “Anzdrany tzdny, koa hanao ahdana hianao ¢" 
(That is his lot, so what would you have ?) 

The Rev. W. E. Cousins has well remarked, speaking of the 
days before the arrival of the early missionaries: “The almost 
universal belief in vinfana, or destiny, had sapped the very 
foundation of faith in a free and powerful God.” This was very 
true at that time, and I fear it is true of many in ourday. Some 
of them so believe in this, that they will not even try to repent 
or turn from their evil ways. Others, when they are taken ill, 
at once believe their day has come, and so, utterly despairing 
of any recovery, pass away ; many such instances could be 

iven. 
8 The people find, as so many have found before them, how 
impossible it is to understand with our finite wisdom the con- 
nection between the fore-knowledge of God—He knowing 
every thing, the end from the beginning—and our free will ta 
choose the good and reject the evil, or to choose the evil and 
reject the good. 
HENRY E. CLARK. 


THE ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL. 189 








MALAGASY HYMNOLOGY, 
AND ITS CONNECTION WITH CHRISTIAN LIFE IN MADAGASCAR. 


™ EW facts with regard to the history of Christianity are more clear 
than the intimate connection which exists between the spiritual 
: of any people, and the hymns and sacred songs they sing. In all 
rts of the world, and in all ages, from Apostolic times until the 
asent, the hymns of every Christian community have closely reflected 
faith, its love, and its aspirations after God, and have been its joy in 
osperity, and its solace in trial and persecution. From the “psalms 
d hymns and spiritual songs” of the Apostolic churches, through the 
tin hymns of the medieval period, the chorales of the continental 
formed communions, and the outburst of hymnology which accom- 
nied and stimulated the revival of spiritual life in England, down to 
2 sacred songs of the American revivalists—a continually augmenting 
eam of divine melody has flowed down the centuries to refresh and 
mulate and console the widely-scattered members of the universal 
1urch. Here has been the one point of agreement for all, greatly as 
ey may differ in everything else; for in their hymns, the Romanist 
d the Protestant, the orthodox nnd the latitudinarian, the conformist 
d the nonconformist, continually find themselves singing the same 
‘ains, and discover a bond of union in a heart-devotion to Christ which, 
ra time, throws all minor differences into the shade. 
The history of Christianity in Madagascar has been no exception to 
e general experience of the Church, and from a very early period after 
introduction into the island, hymnology has always been a great 
wer, and has aided very largely in the promotion of Christian life and 
owledge among the people. The Malagasy tribes with whom we are 
st acquainted—that is, those in the central and eastern provinces— 
> extremely fond of music and of singing; and they have a very 
rrect ear for harmony, readily taking the different parts of a tune,. and 
ien they do not know the proper bass, tenor, or alto, frequently im- 
ovise one for themselves as the tune proceeds. The native songs, 
which between forty and fifty have already been printed, besides a 
nsiderable number still only in manuscript, have no rhyme and but 
le approach to metrical structure ; but they are most of them arranged 
a very regular form as regards lines and stanzas, and have a rhythmic 
w, and a frequent parallelism of numbers, much resembling the arrange- 
nt of Hebrew poetry. These songs often have a refrain or chorus, 
1 are sung to tunes which are generally plaintive and in a minor key; 
netimes one of the party acts as a leader, with a kind of recitative, 
: rest of the singers joining in the chorus, often with the accompani- 
nt of regular clapping of hands, and the beating of a drum or the 
inging of a native guitar. 
[he small band of missionaries of the London Missionary Society, 
o laboured so strenuously from 1820 to 1835 to lay the foundation of 


188 MALAGASY HYMNOLOGY. 





the Church in Madagascar, seem to have attempted to give the people 
some hymns in their own language as soon as they had reduced the Ma- 
lagasy tongue to a written form. They began printing lesson-sheets, 
etc. towards the close of the year 1827, and the Gospels on the first day 
of 1828; and it is probable that some of the first hymns were given to 
the people in leaflets or other separate form, since 800 copies of a small 
volume of hymns for public worship had been printed by the early part 
of April of the same year (1828), Another edition, of 4,500 copies bi: 
p.}, was printed in 1835, just before the promulgation of the laws for- 
idding Christian worship and teaching. 

This hymn-book was reprinted two or three times in England by the 
Religious Tract Society during the long quarter-century of persecution 
(the first reprint in 1849, an edition of 2,000 copies); and its collection 
of 168 hymns was most intimately bound up with the religious life of the 
Malagasy, both in the time of comparative freedom they enjoyed pre- 
vious to 1835, before their European teachers were obliged to leave 
them, and still more so during the long weary period of repression, 
which they still call the time when ‘‘the land was dark.” Some of these 
hymns, probably the majority of them, were written by the missionaries 
themselves, others by their pupils and some of the more intelligent 
native Christians; but, strange to say, although the excellent fathers and 
founders of the Madagascar mission were quite capable of writing metri- 
cal hymns in English, as is proved by the translations they gave of 
some of the Malagasy hymns, not one of these latter was rhythmical in 
structure, much less did they attempt rhyme. Although all their hymns 
were arranged in the proper number of syllables to form the familiar 
metres known as ‘long,’ ‘common,’ ‘short,’ and ‘sevens,’ as well as 
a few of the ‘peculiar’ measures, there was no regard at all paid to 
accent, so that to those who know the language it is painful to hear the 
words tortured by being persistently mispronounced, as they must be, 
every time they are sung to a tune of the metres just mentioned.* It is 
difficult to understand why, with the minute and accurate acquaintance 
with the Malagasy language they possessed, they did not attempt to 
write rhythmical hymns, but such was the fact, a fact which must be 
regretted, since, from the improved musical taste of the people, these old 
hymns are rapidly becoming obsolete. And yet many of them are, 
notwithstanding their metrical defects, beautiful in their language, and 
fervent and cvangelical in tone. Take, for example, the following, a 
free adaptation of ‘How sweet the name of Jesus sounds” :— 













Jéso n6 anaran-tséa, Raha mangétahéta isika, 
Raha rén’ ny mino, Rano vélona Izy ; 
Afaka ny alahélony, Raha ndana, méfon’ aina, 
Dia faly ny fony. Marary, édy aina ; etc. 
© Here are a couple of verses, accented, of so-called ‘common’ and ‘long’ metres :— 
cM. L. M, 
Ny lalina iziy nation’ Hija sy vonio: 
‘Andriamanitra Hé an’ Andriamanitra ; 
Timy ny dlombélona Fa Izy hidny no mahéfa 
Marina indrindra, Iuiy sitraky ny fony. 


10 anjarako”’— 


MALAGASY¥Y HYMNOLOGY. 189 


most literally translated :— 


Jesus is the blessed name, 


When heard by the believer, 


Gone is his sorrow, 
For glad his heart. 
When we are thirsty, 
Living water is He; 
When hungry, Bread of life, 
Ill, Medicine of life. 
Rock of refuge, 
He whom I trust; 
Shield to protect me, 
Lest I see evil. 


Friend and Brother, 

Redeemer and Lord, 
Life, Way, my Surety, 

Receive my praise. 
Simple and foolish am I, 

Ashamed am I, O Jesus, 
My love to Thee 

Is little, as nothing. 
But Thy love to me 

Is one, unchangeable ; 
Living, I praise Thee, 

Dead, praises increase. 


Here is another favourite hymn, the key-note of which is, “Jehovah 


jehovah is my portion, 

will not be sorrowful, 

For Jesus is my Redeemer, 

I will therefore rejoice. 

Many are they who love wealth, 
Numbers desire money, 

But I already possess, 

Jehovah is my portion. 


“The Lord is my portion” :— 


His commands are sweet to me, 
His counsels do I love, 

His words make wise, 

The blood of Christ makes clean. 
The world is not sweet to me, 

I desire not its delights ; 
Farewell to it all, 

Jehovah is my portion. 


Thine indeed, O Jesus, 


Is my whole spirit ; 


Make me Thine own, 
Thou art my portion. 


We find also translations, or rather, adaptations, of several other well- 
nown English hymns, such as, ‘‘When I survey the wondrous Cross,” 
Lo! He comes, with clouds descending,” ‘“The heavens declare Thy 
lory, Lord,” ‘‘Awake, and sing the song,” and ‘‘Lord of the Sabbath, 


ear our VOWS.” 


But many others appear to be original compositions, 


aly slightly, if at all, inspired by English hymns, although full of Bible 


\oughts. 


Sweet is Thy word, 

Holy Jehovah ! 

And true is Thy word, 

Not to be changed ; 

The heavens shall pass away, 
But Thy word shall remain. 
Pure is Thy word, 

And precious indeed, 

So making wise 

Those who are simple, 
Scattering the darkness, 
And bringing the light. 


Here is one referring to the Scriptures :— 


Good is Thy word, 

Renewing the heart, 

For there 'tis we see 

One Who redeems, 

{esus, well-spring of life, 
ashing the guilty. 

Desired of my heart 

Is the sacred word, | 

More than great riches, 


Or wealth overflowing ; 


Thy word will 1 keep, 
My enduring possession. 


These old Malagasy hymns reflect very clearly the theological feeling 
‘the period in which they were written, about half a century ago. 
here is a distinct enforcement of the Law and its penalties, but there 
at the same time an evangelical fervour, and a firm grasp of the 
demptive work of the Lord Jesus Christ, as well as a distinct personal 


tgo MALAGASY HYMNOLOGY. 





appropriation of the blessings He bestows. It was this element in the 
early MaJagasy hymns which made them so précious to the persecuted 
people, and on account of which they became interwoven with all the 
trying experiences of their Christian life for so many years. 

Here and there among this old collection of Malagasy hymns are two 
or three decidedly curious specimens of hymnology. These were written 
by natives, and one of them consists almost entirely of Malagasy proverbs 
strung together, most of which treat of the uncertainty of life, from a 
heathen point of view, but with a Christian sentiment at the conclusion 
as a kind of ‘moral’ to the whole. Here is a literal rendering of this 
strange composition :— 


Life is a broken potsherd, But once only are we young, 
No one knows who broke it ; One throw (of the spear) only; 
Life is but steam of food, Death is a swift runner, 


No one sees where it goes. God is the Lord of life. 
The appointed time of death is unknown, To die once may be borne, 

A tree on the brink of a precipice, But second death is unbearable; 
No one-knows when it will fall, Blest are the believers in Christ, 
‘Whether by day or night. For they shall obtain life. 


Such productions are, however, exceptional; and the great majority of | 
the hymns are quite free from such incongruous elements. 

The hymns of fifty years ago were, of course, sung to the tunes of the 
same period ; and when we re-commenced mission-work in Madagascar 
after the re-opening of the country to Christian teaching in 1862, we 
found the people singing tunes now seldom heard in our home churches 
and chapels, but which were familiar to English congregations of two 
generations ago; tunes, for instance, such as “Lydia,” ‘“Cranbrook,” 
“China,” “Calcutta,” ““Rousseau’s Dream,” “Piety,” “Zion’s Joy,” etc. 
During the first few months of my residence in Antananarivo I well 
remember hearing tunes sung in the native chapels to extremely slow 
time, but although they had a certain familiarity, I could not for some 
minutes identify them with anything I knew; but it gradually dawned 
upon me that these were well-known old tunes, but being sung about 
four times as slow as was then the custom in England, were so different 
in effect as to be at first hearing unrecognisable. I have little doubt, 
however, that this slow time was about the speed at which it was usual 
for these hymns to be sung by the first missionaries (for we have won- 
derfully quickened the pace of our English singing during the last few 
years) ; and thus the traditions of the singing of their first teachers had 
been kept up during the twenty-seven or twenty-eight years which had 
elapsed since they were driven away from the island. 

And what a solace and a joy were those old hymns to the early Mala- 
gasy Christians! Wherever they went they carried their hymn-book 
with them, often bound up with their Testaments, and the strains of 
these sacred songs always mingled with their worship. On the very 
dast Sunday evening (22nd February, 1835) that public services were 
allowed to be held in the capital city, the Queen’s anger was excited as 
she passed near one of the native chapels by hearing the hearty singing 
of the congregation; and she observed to some of her attendants, 











MALAGAS¥ H¥YMNOLOGY¥. . igt 


‘These people will not be quiet until some of them lose their heads.” 
ind so it really proved to be the case again and again, as one after 
nother of them fell a victim to their sovereign’s rage against the pray- 
ng customs ; for, like their prototypes in the time of Pliny, they persis- 
ed in ‘‘singing hymns to Christ as God.” Of the first martyr, Rasalama, 
tis recorded that on being put into chains and cruelly beaten, she 
ontinued to sing; and so she did still on the following morning, when 
he was borne along to the place of execution. at the southern extremity 
if the long rocky ridge on which the Capital is built. And when another 
‘hristian woman, Rafaravavy, with her five companions, had succeeded, 
fter wonderful perils and hair-breadth escapes, in reaching the coast at 
“amatave, and were safe on the deck of the ship which took them to 
‘ngland, their first feelings of thankfulness for their deliverance found 
xpression in singing one of their hymns. 

And the strains of sacred song continued to be heard all through 
rose weary years. In the ‘Great Persecution’ of 1849, when many 
undred Christians were punished by fines, slavery, chains, and beating, 
nd when eighteen of them suffered death, the condemned ones sang 
1e hymn commencing 

Ary misy tany sda, There is a blessed land, 
Mahafinaritra indrindra. Making most happy. 

How appropriate this was to their position then may be seen by 

lancing over the following almost literal translation :— | 


There is a blessed land, Ajl they longed for obtained, 
Making most happy ; All their hearts’ desire ; 
There no trouble enters, No good thing they lack, 
There, no vexing care. Now and for evermore. 
There shall the righteous reign, The departing from this life, 
jovial for evermore ; just a moment’s pang, 

one shall mourn again, s all that separates us 


Of all the dwellers there. From that blessed world. 


‘heir light affliction, a momentary spasm or pang, as the native word 
n the fourth verse means, they knew would speedily work for them ‘‘a 
10re exceeding weight of glory.” Fourteen of them were taken to be 
urled over the steep cliffs of Ampamarinana, just below the palace ; and 
f one of these it was said that he sang up to the moment he was thrust 
ver the precipice ; while of them all it is recorded that they sang the 
ymn beginning, ‘‘Raha ho faty aho,” which may be thus translated :— 


When I shall from hence depart, Hark ! they summon me away 
And forsake my kindred dear ; To the blessed world above ; 
When for me they mourn and weep, There shall 1 rejoice alway, 

I shall go rejoicing there ; There my soul be filled with love ; 
When from life on earth set free, All my heart's desires obtained, 
There shall I in rapture be. All I hoped for fully gained. 


All things earthly, now farewell ! 
For I thus fruition find; 

Hence in joys untold I dwell, 
Heaven my heritage on high. 
Frum. alt fear of death set tree, 
Death is conquered now for me. 


ig2 | MALAGASY H¥MNOLOGY. 


Another hymn is also remembered as one of their death-songs—one 
which is full of joyful anticipation of beholding the Lord Jesus, and 
beginning, ‘‘Raha ho hitany aho, ravo any an-danitra,” almost literally 
translated thus :— 


When He shall behold me Ah! conquered is the enemy, 
jon there in heaven, The conflict for ever o’er. 

n the days to come, Assembled are the mighty, 
There, in Jesu’s presence, Entered are the just ; 
I shall have gained my desires Every one of the pure rejoices, 
And the longing of my heart; Rendering thanks and praise. 
Freed from all affliction, esus is their glory, 
Overflowing with gladness. ehovah is their shield. 


A little later in the day, the remaining four of the condemned Christians, 
who were of noble rank, were led to be burnt alive at Faravdhitra, the 
northern end of the city hill; and here again the song of praise arose; 
for as they ascended the hill they sang the hymn which for some years 
previously had been, and ever since then has continued to be, the dis- 
mission hymn of the native congregations of Madagascar, being invari- 
ably sung before they disperse. It is always sung to ‘‘Mariners,” and 
probably this was the tune those four Malagasy confessors sang as they 
went to their death, and even as the flames rose around them at the 
stake. The hymn begins with the words, ‘“‘“Hddy izahay, Zanahary,”* and 
may be thus rendered :— 


Home return we now, Creator, Thanks, abounding thanks, we render 
Let Thy blessing from above For the sacred message heard, 
Gladden all our waiting spirits Which Thou givest to enlighten 
With Thine all- abounding love. Us in knowledge of Thy word. 
Gladden Thou us, Dwell among us, 
While we sojourn here below. Through Thy presence day by day. 


And when death shall hence remove us, 
And on earth no more we stay, 
Then do Thou our souls make joyful, 
Take us on our heavenly way ; 
There, rejoicing, 
Shall we live in endless day. 


The hymn might almost have been written for such an hour as that, 
for death was indeed about to remove them to the heavenly mangions, 
to the endless day, of which they sang; they were truly “returning 
home,” not from the earthly sanctuary, where they had so often sung 
those words, but fo the heavenly one—the house not made with hands. 
Yet one more hymn was also sung by the Faravohitra martyrs, one 
which ends in each of its four verses with the words, ‘‘Tsarévy izahay” 
(“*Remember us”). Of this hymn the first and the last verses run thus :— 


When our hearts are o’erwhelm’d And when death itself 

Because of the oppressor, Approaches us nigh, 

When that comes to pass, Lord, And spent is our strength, 
Remember us. Remember us. 








® The Malagasy hymn is no doubt a free rendering of ‘‘Lord, dismiss us with Thy bles- 
sing,"’ but I have attempted to give a closer translation of the native version than the English 
original supplies, and in the same metre, . : 


MALAGASY HYMNOLOGY. 193 


So strikingly appropriate to their circumstances was every one of these 
requiem hymns. 

Mr. Ellis relates that in a letter he received from the native Christians 
at the Capital during his first visit to Tamatave in 1853, they told him 
“that a number of them went out to a solitary place, to sing together for 
joy at the prospect of receiving copies of the word of God.”* While at 
the same place for a few weeks in the following year, Mr. Ellis was 
frequently visited at night by a number of the Christian Malagasy for 
conversation on various subjects. These meetings were always associated 
with the reading of the Scriptures and prayer; but besides this, these 
believing people often could not depart without also singing a song of 
praise, although it was decidedly perilous for them to do so. Mr. Ellis 
adds that although they bent their heads down, and only sang the native 
hymns in an undertone or whisper, to English tunes, he was at times 
alarmed lest some unfriendly passer-by should hear. It seemed as if 
the instinct of praise gould not be repressed among the persecuted 
people. 

And so, during their long trial of faith and patience, the Malagasy 
Christians solaced themselves with their hymns: they sang them in 
rice-holes and in caves; in the recesses of the forests; on the tops of 
lofty hills, where they could watch from afar for any unfriendly approach; 
and in stealthy meetings by night in the houses of their friends ;t and, 
as we have just seen, the words of these sacred songs were sung on 
several occasions with their dying breath. But still they sang on and 
believed, as one of their hymns expresses it, that 


Not long will endure Shall the sorrowful suffer ; 
The stormy night, Yonder is the daybreak, 
Not for many days Happiness is near. 


And accordingly, in 1861, the sighing of the prisoners was heard ; God 
delivered those who were appointed to death; and with the decease of 
Queen Ranavalona came the opening of the prison-doors to those who 
were bound, and freedom of worship was again restored. When Mr. 
Ellis arrived at Tamatave in 1862 and met the rejoicing Christians, it 
seemed a strange contrast to his former visits to hear them singing aloud, 
with cheerful voices, for this part of their worship he had only heard 
offered before in a whisper or undertone. And at the close of the service 
they sang, with much appropriateness to the occasion, the native Jubilee 
hymn, describing the captive and exiles’ return :— 


Blow loud the trumpet, One there is Who sets free 
Which tells of Christ; All who have been bound, 

Yes, proclaim aloud And calls together the scattered, 
That the Jubilee is come. For the Jubilee is come. 





© Martyr Church, pp. r82, 187. 

¢ One of the hymns, which commences with a bright and chcerful ascription of praise to 
God, ends with what is like a wail of sorrow from the persecuted, so that one might almost 
suppose it to have been written in the very time of trial :— 


Oh, our Creator ! For caves are our dwelling, 
Oh, Jesus the Saviour ! Holes in the rock our refuge; 
Oh, Holy Spirit ! Thy mercy alone can gladden 
Save the afflicted people. The pilgrims on their way. 





194 MALAGAS¥Y HY¥YMNOLOGY. 
To redeem the enslaved, For Satan is conquered, 
To obtain a great heritage, There is forgiveness of sin ; 
Come home, all ye scattered ones, Return, O ye wanderers, 
For the Jubilee is come. For the Jubilee is come. 


For some few years after the re-opening of Madagascar to Christian 
effort, the original hymns prepared by the first missionaries were used 
unaltered and without any additions. There was a curious mixture of 
old and new tunes; the former, as already mentioned, ‘survivals’ of the 
early period, and a few of the latter taught by the missionaries then 
commencing their work. But with these there came also a number of 
other tunes, some picked up from barrel-organs, and dance-music learned 
from the military bands,* often most incongruous and inappropriate to 
the words to which they were sung; and together with these were a few 
native melodies. From this strange mixture of tunes for religious wor- 
ship a number of most elaborate pieces were composed by certain native 
musical geniuses. Some of these were of great length and complexity, 
occasionally not without considerable ingenuity and some merit in 
composition, but sometimes with a curious, and almost comical, bass 
accompaniment, more like the grunt of an animal than the sound of a 
human voice. But all were utterly unfit for congregational worship ; 
indeed it often puzzled us how the singers themselves learned such 
lengthy and elaborate compositions. It was said that they sometimes 
sat up all night practising these pieces, for which they paid a consider- 
able sum (for Malagasy) to the teachers. The service of praise was thus 
thrown almost entirely into the hands of the singers, many of whom were 
slaves, and were often people quite unfit for the position they occupied 
as leaders of religious worship. The opening of new chapels in the 
country, and the united congregational meetings held on the first Mon- 
day morning of every month, were the grand times of display for these 
performances, so that this part of the service often became a mere sing- 
ing contest, in which parties of singers from different chapels vied with 
each other in producing startling effects. 

But what (it may be said) were the missionaries doing meanwhile ? 
The highly unsatisfactory state of things just described reached its climax 
two or three years after the burning of the national idols in 1869, when 
for some time there was imminent danger that the Christianity of the 
congregations formed previous to that date would be swamped by the 
flood of heathen people who then poured into the existing chapels, and 
into the new ones which were being built by hundreds all over the central 
provinces. ‘The missionaries were then a small band of not more than a 
dozen men, and we were almost overwhelmed by the work pf every kind 
thus thrown upon us. We were painfully conscious of the evils inevit- 
ably arising from such a transitional state of society, and not least by the 
unedifying character of public worship, especially in places away from 
Our immediate influence ; but by teaching good tunes, by speaking upon 





* T well remember hearing good Mr. Ellis, in his own peculiar pronunciation and dialect of 
Malagasy, gravely rebuking the singers at Ambatonakanga after they had been singing some 
particularly lively jig to a rather solemn hymn, by saying, ‘‘Tsy mety izany, ry sakiza ; taka- 
ninny fiddle, takaninny dansé izany ;’”” Anglicé, ‘‘That’s not proper, O friends ; like afiddle, like 
a dance, is that.” . 


OTTO ee eee 


MALAGASY H¥MNOLOGY. 195 


the subject of praise in worship, and by papers and discussions in our 
half-yearly Congregational Union meetings, we strenuously endeavoured 
to guide public opinion into a more excellent way. 

Two or three years previously the late Rev. R. G. Hartley had written 
the first rhythmical and rhymed Malagasy hymn, a composition in which 
the work of the Lord Jesus as the Good Shepherd was beautifully and 
idiomatically expressed. It will be seen from the two following verses 
that the accent is perfectly regular to the metre :— 


Jéso Mpaméonjy, Mpiandry tokéa, Taomin’ ny ratsy, fitahin-tSatana, 


Ampiveréno hanarak’ Anao Efa ho lasan-ko babo ’zahay ; 
Ondry mania, manary ny sda, Fa Hianao no mahéry mitana, 
Aza avela hial’ aminao. Tsy hahavery ny odndry iray. 


Jesus the Saviour, true Shepherd (of sinners), 
Cause to return to go after Thee (now) 
Wandering sheep (all) forsaking the pasture, 
Do not permit them to wander from Thee. 
Led by all evil, deceived by the devil, 
Just on the point of captivity gone, 
Thou art alone the All-powerful to hold us, 
So of the sheep shall not perish e’en one. 


The Malagasy verses have a ringing smoothness of cadence which 
quite caught the native ear, and when, some time afterwards, they were 
set to the tune of ‘“‘Hail to the brightness,” the hymn immediately be- 
came very popular. Mr. Hartley wrote about a dozen other excellent 
hymns ; these were included in a new edition of the hymn-book which 
he edited in England, where he died early in 1870. The same number 
of the least meritorious of the old hymns were omitted to make room for 
the new ones, so that the figures by which the majority had been known 
were retained unaltered. Several of the new hymns were original 
compositions ; others were adaptations of English ones, such as ‘‘Son 
of my soul, Thou Saviour dear,” ‘‘Begone unbelief,” ‘‘Jesus, Thy robe of 
righteousness,” ‘‘I’m but a stranger here,” etc. It is worthy of remark 
that the last hymn written by Mr. Hartley was one expressing perfect 
trust in God and submission to His will :— 


If dark should be the way, Whether I long shall live, 
Jehoyah, O my Lord! Or soon shall pass away, 
On Thee is all my trust ; My lot’s ordained by Thee, 
Thou only art my lamp. I would not choose myself. 
* ° e e 
What shall befall I know not, Thy pleasure is my own, 
For hidden is from me Jehovah, O my Lord ! 
The days I yet shall live, Upon Thy word I wait, 
Which Thou hast foreordained. In Thee is all my trust. 


Meanwhile, others were at work in the same direction. The Tonic 
Sol-fa system was taught by several missionaries, and before long many 
hundreds of the children and young people were able to sing at sight 
from that notation. With their quick ear and natural taste for music, 
they learned rapidly, so that soon many were qualified to teach others. 
Several missionaries began writing hymns, some of which were published 
in the monthly magazine Zény Soa (‘Good Words’), and others in leaf- 


196 MALAGASY HY¥MNOLOGY. 





lets. Some of these were very popular, and were printed and sold by 
thousands, many of them together with the tunes in Sol-fa notation ; and 
subsequently several large editions of the hymn-book, now nearly doubled 
in size, were disposed of, as well as great numbers of cheap school hymn- 
books, Sol-fa tune-books, collections of anthems, etc. Many of the 
intelligent Christian Malagasy began under English guidance to write 
rhythmical hymns, some of which are quite equal to those written by 
Europeans. A most marked revival of congregational singing thus took 
place, and for some three or four years hymns and hymnology attracted 
a great deal of public attention. Several more of the classical hymns of 
England were put into a native dress, amongst others, ‘‘Rock of Ages” 
(a very excellent rendering, of which a specimen verse or two is given 
below*), ‘‘Come, ye sinners, poor and wretched,” ‘‘O come, all ye faith- 
ful,” “‘Abide with me,” ‘‘Thou art gone to the grave ;” as well as many 
more recent ones, such as ‘“‘Holy, holy, holy, Lord God Almighty,” “We 
plough the fertile meadows,” ‘Saviour, again to Thy dear Name we 
raise ;’ and many children’s hymns, including ‘*Mothers of Salem,” ‘‘Oh, 
that will be joyful,” etc. 

At the same time—that is, about twelve or thirteen years ago—the hymns 
of the American revivalists, Messrs. Sankey, Phillips, and Bliss, found 
their way over to Madagascar, and soon became very popular both with 
the Europeans and natives. It was not long before many were put into 
a Malagasy dress, and being sung to the same tunes as their English 
prototypes, speedily became the most favourite songs of the people; 
so that for some years past the strains so familiar in England and 
America have been equally popular in Madagascar. In church and 
school, in the people’s houses after they had eaten their evening meal, 
in the fields as they were at work, and as they walked along the roads at 
night, one constantly heard the music of ‘‘Hold the fort,” ‘‘The sweet 
by-and-by,” ‘‘What shall the harvest be?” ‘That will be heaven for 
me,” ‘‘Shall we gather at the river ?’ and others far too numerous to 
mention. The musical and liquid- and vowel-loving Malagasy lan- 
guage easily adapts itself to all the varied metres of European hymns, 
and there seems little difficulty in using it in any style of versification ; 
although, from the structure of the language, and the system of sufhx 
pronouns, the choice of rhymes is much less varied than in English. 
Herewith are specimen verses of hymns in two metres, both exactly 
rhythmical and rhymed, the first by an English missionary,t a capital 
rendering into Malagasy of the fine missionary hymn, ‘“‘Hail to the Lord’s 


* Jéso, Vatolampinay Tsy ny asanay atao 
ar A sy 
O! arévy izahay, Mahato ny didinao ; 
Ka ny fonay mba sasao Tsy ny hazotgam- 
Manafah’ anay izao; No mahazo manadio ; 
Mba tsy hisy ‘zay hanjo Tsy ny ranomasonay 
Olon-ts¥ mahitsy fo. No mahafa-tros’ an 


ay. 
( Rev. R. Baron.) 

+ Rev. J. Richardson, to whom the Malagasy owe much for his efforts to improve their 
hymnology (30 hymns in the hymn-book now in use are of his composition), and also for the 
most thorough and scientific teaching of the Sol-fa system, and for the preparation of tune- 
books, school song-books, etc. Amongst other hymn-writers were the Revs. W. E. Cousins, 
R. Toy, J. A. Houlder, G. Cousins, R. Baron, and C. T, Price; and among the natives, J. 
Andrianaivoravélona. 


MALAGAS¥Y H¥MNOLOGY. 197 





Anointed ;’ and the second by a native Malagasy,* a translation of 
“The Lifeboat” from Mr. Sankey’s Sacred Songs, both hymns being sung 
to the same tune as their English originals :— 


Faingana, ry Mpanjaka, Avia, fa misénto 
Handray ny lovanao ; Aty ny édlonao; 
Faingana ré, mba haka Ny fanjakana énto, 
Ny tany ho Anao; - _ Fa Toémpo Hianao ; 
Avia, hampifaly Tey misy hitomany 
Ny malahélo fo, o anatréhanao ; 
Afaho ny mijaly Hiadana ny tany, 
Sy azon’ ny manjo. Izay haléhanao. 


Ry Kapitény ! bé ny ady manjo, Ny fahavaloko aty mba reséo, 

Bia ho réraka sy kivy ny fo, Ka taomy aho mba handray rahatéo 
Ka hAtanjaho mba hatoky Anao, Ny ffadian’ avy ao aminao; 

Tompo 6, avia hamdnjy ahy izao. Tompo 4, tsinjovy aho, 4za mandao.t 


In the promotion of this revival of congregational singing and hymn- 
ology in Madagascar the Press of the mission of the Society of Friends 
has not been behind that of the London Missionary Society; and we 
have a noteworthy illustration of the way in which common Christian 
work makes good men overlook minor differences, in the fact that several 
of the new hymns were composed by Friends. One of the earliest popular 
children’s hymns was written by Mr. Joseph S. Sewell, for several years 
the senior member of their mission in Antananarfvo. This was a trans- 
lation of ‘‘Whither, pilgrims, are you going 2’ The translation of ‘Abide 
with me” is also Mr. Sewell’s. 

An edition of a Sol-fa tune-book was published in 1879, in which 
suitable tunes are given for every one of the 247 hymns in the enlarged 
hymn-book. These are very varied in character, being derived from a 
number of different sources, and the grave and severely classical styles 
are mingled with the more lively and popular ones. One or two of the 
old native melodies are retained to the hymns to which they have been 
so long sung. Some of the ‘Services of Song,’ for several years past so 
popular in England for Sunday-school anniversaries, festivals, and other 
occasions, have been put into Malagasy, the hymns being translated; 
together with the connective readings. The ‘‘Pilgrim’s Progress,” ‘‘Sa- 
muel,” and others have in this way been made available for Malagasy 
services, and have given great delight to old and young. 

Thus it will be seen that in their service of praise the Malagasy con- 
gregations have already become largely one with their mother churches 
in England who have sent them the Gospel, for they sing numbers of 
the same hymns and the same tunes as those sung in England. But we 


-—— 








 Rajaonary, once a pupil of the writer's, and now for some years pastor of the Ambatona- 
kanga Memorial Church at Antananarivo. 

¢ These hymns may be read by English readers with little difficulty by observing the accents, 
and by remembering that the vowels have the power of the letters in Italian or French, except 
0, which, save in the exclamation, marked 6, is always like our English o in move, to, do, etc. 
The consonants are much the same as in English, except that g is always hard, s always s and 
not like z, and 7 is hard like dz. In the terminal rhymes (as well as elsewhere), ao is sounded 
like ow; ay (and az) like eye; sv, like ewe; and co like a-o0. The diphthongs ao and ai (uy) 
are always long and accented, so they are left here unmarked, / and y are identical, the latter 
being always used as a terminal. 


198 MALAGASY HYMNOLOGY. 


may hope that with deepening Christian experience and knowledge, there 
will yet be a fuller and more original expression of devotional] feeling in 
sacred song ; and that many native poets will be raised up who shall do 
for the sacred poetry of Madagascar what Watts and Wesley, and Keble 
and Lyte and Bonar, and a host of others, have done for English hymn- 
ology, and shall thus embody in ‘immortal verse’’ the faith, the hope, the 
joy, and the yet wider experiences of Malagasy Christianity. 


JAMES SIBREE, JUN. (ED.) 





POSTSCRIPT. 


THE preceding paper was written during my furlough in England about five 
years ago, and there is little to be added to what was there said about Malaga- 
sy hymnology, and about praise in public worship in thiscountry. The writing 
of new hymns has almost ceased of late years, except a few for Sunday- school 
anniversaries or other special occasions, and published in separate leaflets or 
in some of the monthly periodicals. None of them have yet been incorporated 
in our hymn-book. Judging from what I have observed since my return to 
Madagascar three years ago, [ fear it must be confessed that little, if any, 
progress has been made of late years in promoting a more congregational 
style of worship, as regards the praises offered by the people. It is true that 
in most of the large churches in the Capital, as well as in many of the stronger 
and more enlightened country congregations, the tunes sung are usually taken 
from the Sol-fa tune- book mentioned above, tunes which are appropriate and 
devotional, to our European notions, as well as easily learned. But a very 
different style of music—if music it may be called— will be heard every Sunday 
in the great majority of our country churches. It is difficult to describe these 
strange sounds so as to convey any clear idea of them to those who have not 
heard them. Noisy repeats of some refrain, picked up probably from 
European sources, with curious alternations of bass and treble and tenor, 
with now and then a passage shewing some idea of a melody, as well as 
occasionally a fair harmony— these may be said to characterize the sacred 
music of the mass of Malagasy congregations at the present time. Often 
these strange compositions are very long and elaborate and must take no 
small amount of time and trouble to learn; they usually embody some words 
taken from Scripture, or from some hymn ; but perhaps their most objection- 
able feature is that only a few cam master them, so that anything like 
common, congregational, and united vocal worship is impossible. 

I think few would object to hear in every service some sacred music 
having the character of an anthem, to be sung by the quire only, the majority 
of the worshippers not joining audibly in this part; but this should not form 
the only or chief portion of the praise. That many of the Malagasy have 
some musical taste and power of composing music, will I think .be acknow- 
ledged by all who have listened to the music of a sacred concert like that given 
by the Native Preachers’ Association at the Ampamarinana Memorial Church 
on Saturday afternoon, May rst, 1886, when a number of sacred pieces were 
sung, several with instrumental accompaniments, and all, I believe, entirely 
of native composition. Many of these seemed, at least to those who had 
no scientific knowledge of music, to be most excellent and appropriate, and 
suggested that there was sufficient acquaintance with musical science, as well 
as enough correct taste, in some of our educated native friends to fit them 
to be composers of appropriate hymn-tunes and anthems for divine worship. 
Similarly excellent sacred pieces were also sung at the opening of the pretty 
village church at Anjanahdary on the 1st of last July. One is inclined to 


MALAGASF¥ H¥MNOLOGY. 199 


think that we Europeans have not yet hit upon quite the right style of sacred 
music for the Malagasy, or upon the right way to go to work in teaching 
them. Have we not been a little too exacting in restricting the majority of 
the tunes we have taught them to the rather severe modern classical style of 
composition and harmonies ? And would nota greater latitude of style of 
tune, something with repeats, fugues, and responsive parts, similar to the 
tunes sung by our fathers and mothers fifty or sixty years ago, be more 
suitable to the present stage of musical culture and taste among the people ? 
Especially would it not enable and stimulate a much larger proportion of our 
congregations to join audibly and heartily in public praise? Certainly a 
great deal remains still to be done before the singing in the vast majority of 
our churches can be deemed satisfactory, whether we consider the spiritual 
profit of the worshippers or the glory of God. 

I will only add here that I accepted with pleasure the offer of my friend the 
Rev A. M. Hewlett, M.A., to add something about hymnology and sacred 
music in his own branch of the Christian church (the Anglican) here in 
Madagascar. His paper accordingly follows herewith.—J.s. 


k 
SOME THOUGHTS ON CHURCH ‘MUSIC IN 
MADAGASCAR. 


USIC is a great power in education. This fact has been more 

and more fully recognized in successive Codes of the Educa- 

tion Department in England, and must not be lost sight of by those who 
are privileged to have a share in the education and advancement of the 
Malagasy nation. A former writer in this periodical* has described the 
the love of the Malagasy for the old hymns which were introduced by 
the earliest missionaries from England, and which were the comfort 
of native Christians in days of persecution. He mentions the defects 
in those primitive specimens, especially that singular fact that there 
was no attempt at rhv/hm in them, strong syllables falling for the most 
part on unaccented notes in the music. Since Mr. Richardson wrote, 
much has been done towards improvement in this matter, but much 
still remains to be done. We agree with that writer in wishing that 
any style of music which has been, and still is, in whatever degree, the 
vehicle of heart-felt prayer, may be allowed to die a gentle death, but 
with him we say ‘‘it must inevitably go.” How strange it would be to 
hear an English congregation singing the two following lines to ‘St. 


Anne’s” or any common-metre tune :-— 


The Almighty hath créatéd 
Heaven and the océan. 


* Rev. J. Richardson, in the ANN’ AL for 1870, p. 23; see also Reprint, p. 151, seq. 


200 SOME THOUGHTS ON CHURCH 


Yet such is the character of the rhythm in very many Malagasy hymns; 
and the absence of the ‘scanning faculty in the Malagasy mind up to 
the present time is so complete, that such hymns do not excite any 
feeling of dissatisfaction. Here then the need of training is seen. 
While there is much scope for taste both in music and in poetry, and 
much that is accepted in Europe might never be appropriate in Mada- 
gascar, yet each art has its absolute rules, which cannot be broken 
with impunity; and we shall never raise music and poetry to their 
proper place as powers to educate the native mind and soul, if we 
acquiesce in the use of such hymns as those indicated above. 

The chief difficulties in the way of mending old hymns or composing 
new ones seem to me to be two: (1) the fewness of firm ultimate 
syllables in the language, and (2) the number of words that are needed 
to give full sense. With regard to the former point, most readers of the 
ANNUAL are acquainted with those often-recurring final syllables ka, na, 
and fra. Now we shall not get any good poetry or hymns until it is a 
recognized canon that to place any one of these in an accented place 
in the scanning or music, to allow one of them to fall on the ‘down 
beat,’ is a capital crime, and deserving of the punishment which befalls 
an English schoolboy when he makes a false quantity in his Latin. 
How many a Malagasy hymn is kept from being classed as ‘excellent’ by 
the admission of this fault! Take an instance: Dr. Bonar wrote :— 

A few more years shall roll, 
A few more seasons come, 
And we shall be with those that rest 
Asleep within the tomb. 
Notice the firm syllable at the end of each line. Don’t clip it in singing. 
How well that word “tomb” comes out on the dotted semibreve in the 
music! Now compare the following, which those who know the Mala- 
gasy language will allow to be a fair translation of the above :— 
Handalo faingana 
Ny taona sisa aty, 
Dia hody mandry izahay 
Hiala sasatra. 


I have often taught this by rote to a congregation or school. The 
second line falls naturally into rhythm. The Malagasy repeating it say, 
‘““Ny tdona sis(a) aty” as naturally as we say, ‘“‘A’ féw more seasons 
come.” But the fourth line? All you can hear in the repetition is 
‘“‘Hiala sasatr.’ The final @ is no doubt sounded by them, but sounded 
most lightly ; and this is the note that we expect them to hold out for 
three beats, thereby murdering either the music or the genius of the 
Malagasy language. ‘These three final syllables then must be carefully 
avoided in all accented places. And so also should we avoid the suffix 
pronouns of the first (singular) and third persons. Take two simple 
lines from a version of ‘‘Jerusalem the golden :’— 
Mpanjaka manan daza 
No monin(a) aminy 

(i.e. ‘He is a glorious King Who dwelleth with them’). Now the last line 
in rhythmical enough in reading ‘‘o mdnin(a) dminy,” because the 


MUSIC IN MADAGASCAR. 201 


last syllable may be read short; but if you set it to its tune, and hold 
out the last syllable to the final semibreve, you get ‘‘Vo ménin(a) aminy,” 
which is worse than singing in English, ‘‘A famous victory.” The 
same holds good of the suffix -4o (‘my’), but, on the other hand, we have 
in the suffixes of the first person plural (-ay, -anay, excluding the person 
addressed) and the second person singular (-ao, -anao), good firm syllables 
which may be used freely, and are happily the forms most needed in 
words of prayer. Charles Wesley’s beautiful lines :— 


Other refuge have I none; 
Hangs my helpless soul on Thee, 


are melodiously, if not fully, expressed by 


Aiza handosiranay 
Afa-tsy ny elatrao ? 


(‘Whither shall we flee if not to Thy wings?) A Malagasy reading 
these lines would naturally read them in rhythm, and, in singing, the 
firm ay and ao fit well to the final long notes of the music. It is neces- 
sary, however, not to use these syllables so freely as to spoil the sound 
by an undue number of aos and ays. This danger may be seen in two 
verses of an attempt to render Mr. Keble’s hymn, ‘“‘New every morning 
is the love :”’— 


Hirainay fihiram-baovao, Vaovao ny famindramponao, 
Fa nentinao, ry Tompo 6, Ka saotranay hatao vaovao, 
Natory tsara izahay, Nampianay ny helokay, 

Ka notanjahinao indray. Fa voavelanao indray. 


And unfortunately we have very few other firm syllables at the end of 
words. The forms in oa, as sda, fokda, avokda, are monosyllabic enough 
for the purpose; so are those in oy, as hendy, ampitomboy, etc.; and we 
have a few active verbs with the accent on the ultimate, as manomé and 
manda, and some few primitive roots available, as ra, de, fo; but a large 
majority of words throw the accent further back, and this points to our 
using metres with a full foot at the end of the lines, rather than those 
with one long syllable. Take the first two verses of a Christmas carol, 
a translation of the following :— 


Waken! Christian children, Zaza Kristiana, 
Up! and let us sing Asandratonao 
With glad voice the praises Feo hiderana 
Of our new-born King. Ny Mpanjakanao. 
Up! ’tis meet to welcome Kristo Tompontsika 
With a joyous lay Io Mpanjaka io, 
Christ, the King of Glory, Teraka ho antsika, 
Born for us to day. Ka mba ifalio. 


Here the as in the first verse and the kas in the second are safely 
disposed of on the unaccented notes. This little carol is translated bv 
a native, and is very popular in some of our schools. 

A further danger arises from those eminently Malagasy syllables, the 
final ka, ma, and fra. It is this: some hymn writers have thought it pos- 
sible to cut the a off entirely, making it of no account in the scanning. 
It 2s possible in cases when the @ is followed by a similar vowel, as in the 


202 SOME THOUGHTS ON CHURCH 


specimen above, ‘‘Vo monin(a) aminy,” where the two as _ properly 
coalesce into one syllable ; but it is zo¢ possible where, by leaving out 
the vowel, two consonants are brought together which do not combine 
by the laws of the language. I give two instances of this from another 
of our Christmas carols, which is, in spite of these blemishes, deservedly 
popular :— 


Koa mba aoka handeha isika, He! ny mponina ao an-danitra 
Ka hamboa panatitra, No indray miredona ; 

Fo madio sy herintsika, Andriamanitra maka nofo 
Fanajana sy vavaka. Mbamin-tsatan’ olona. 


Without entering on other criticism of these lines, I would point out 
that a Malagasy cannot pronounce # and s together, so that the words 
‘“‘Fanajan(a) sy vavaka” are inadmissible. They might, however, be 
written, ‘‘Fanajan-tsy vavaka,” the ¢ saving the pronunciation and the 
scanning together. But a worse error is to try and cut off the final @ of 
Andriamanitra, thus bringing r and m together. The only way to sing 
this is to break the minim which properly belongs to the syllable ma into 
two crotchets, and to sing ma-nito them; thus we have the next note 
for the syllable ‘ra. But the ideal Malagasy poet of the future will find a 
way to avoid such collocations. 

It may be said that we are setting up too high a standard, a standard 
to which some of the first English hymns do not attain. Undoubtedly 
Bishop Ken fell below it when he wrote :— 


Glory to Thee, my God, this night, 
and 
Under the shadow of Thy wings. 


But these have been very properly changed in some hymn-books to ‘‘All 
praise,” and ‘‘Beneath.” Mr. Keble again wrote :— 


Sun of my soul, Thou Saviour dear, 


and 
Abide with me from morn till eve, 


in corresponding stanzas; but the variation is permissible in poetry 
intended to be read only, and a good musician setting these lines to 
music would vary the beat of his tune to suit them, as Dr. Dykes has done. 
At the best we shall probably always have to sing many faulty lines 
in Malagasy ; the present writer only pleads that more persistent efforts 
should be made to give the people training in the rules of poetical and 
musical art. 

On the second point mentioned above, much need not be said. 
The mind of the Malagasy is for the most part against short forms 
of expression. This shows itself in the address of a letter, which 
must always be, ‘‘Zo so-and-so, a/ such a place” (Any.. ao..), or, as in 
a bill once brought me by my servant, in which every article of his 
marketing had the word amidy, to buy, between it and _ its price, 
thus :— 

Threepence fo duy fire-wood. 
Three halfpence fo duy eggs. 
Sixpence fo duy a turkey, etc. 


MUSIC IN MADAGASCAR. 203 


If anyone sets himself to translate a hymn from the English, Latin, or 
I suppose, German, he will find that he needs many more lines in Mala- 
gasy, if he intends to give the full sense. Thus we have a very beautiful 
translation of Bonar’s verses, ‘‘I heard the voice of Jesus say,” but the 
three verses of the original have become six. The antidote seems to 
be: first, for intending hymn writers to choose very simple ideas and 
not try to express much in one hymn; and next, for the people to be 
taught that a language must modify itself in poetry, and that the full. 
complement of articles and conjunctions is not absolutely necessary for 
understanding what is meant. 

Turning from the question of words to be sung to that of the 
music to which they are to be sung, I should be wanting in the courage 
of my convictions if I did not express myself emphatically against what 
is generally called ‘Malagasy singing,’ as distinct from that introduced 
from Europe. There is no doubt that native congregations can join 
very heartily in the whinings and howlings which are called by that 
name, and that they find it very hard to get into any European method 
of singing. Nevertheless my view is that in the interests of advance- 
ment, and, I would add, for the glory of God inthe sanctuary, it must 
be superseded. Do not lower an art which has been slowly perfected 
from the days of Palestrina and Purcell to those of Handel and Mendels- 
sohn, to please the unformed tastes of a nation who only need some 
years of patient teaching to become a musical people indeed. A Mala- 
gasy child first learning arithmetic naturally writes his figutes from left 
to right, beginning with the digits on the left hand, then the tens to the 
right of them, etc. ; but no teacher of arithmetic has been bold enough 
to say that the recognized European method of that science should be 
modified to suit the Malagasy. To take another illustration: in music 
itself there is some unpleasant drudgery to be gone through before 
proficiency is acquired. ‘‘Don’t give the child those crude scales to 
practise hour after hour. Let him pick out pretty tunes in his own way ;” 
that is, in the way which a venerable friend of mine calls, “flopping on 
the harmonium.” Very well, let the child ‘‘flop” by all means, but he 
will never become a musician or hold his own in competition with his 
fellows. I would desire to be at one with the best and wisest mission- 
aries who have worked here, in consulting native taste and honouring 
native observance in every possible way, but I should cease to deserve 
the name of a teacher if I rested content with ‘Malagasy singing.’ In 
the matter of church hymns I would encourage the use of a certain 
number of what are called ‘popular melodies,”’as those from Mr. Sankey’s 
book, or Zhe Crown of Jesus music, but I would endeavour also 
to introduce some of a more solidly musical character, as those by 
Tallis, Orlando Gibbons, Crotch, and down to that prince of hymn-tune 
writers in our own generation, Dr. J. B. Dykes. And through hymn- 
tunes I would endeavour to guide the national taste on to higher fields, 
hoping that some of us may live to hear ‘‘The Messiah” or ‘St. Paul” 
well and religiously rendered in Antananarivo. 

There is another matter to which I will allude, as having a possible 
bearing on the future musical history of this nation. An eloquent writer 


204 THOUGHTS ON CHURCH MUSIC IN MADAGASCAR. 


has said that a cathedral may be called ‘‘a shrine for the Book of 
Psalms,” for in the cathedral, those noblest of all hymns are rendered to 
melodious music, without omission and without cessation, month after 
month through the centuries. Perhaps many who read this paper will 
recall passing visits to Westminster or St. Paul’s, or York or Exeter, and 
how, while the other music was grander, it was yet the chanting of the 
Psalms that especially refreshed their spirits and raised up their thoughts 
heavenwards. Surely to give such an opportunity to the Malagasy 
is an undertaking which may win the sympathy of all, even though their 
own conception of missionary work or of elevating influences may be a 
very different one. Such an opportunity it is hoped will be given in the 
stone church now rising in the midst of this city, on the north of Ando- 
halo. The Church of England having come late into the mission-field 
of Madagascar, it may very properly be felt that her chief energies 
should be given to the more distant and unchristianized parts of the 
island, but here in the mother city must be her representative head- 
quarters and mother church; and it may be that in future days, when 
history is written, this praise will be hers: that she translated for the 
people such ancient hymns (the property of all Christians) as the “Te 
Deum laudamus,”* and that she especially taught the people to see in 
the chanted strains of the Psalter their KinG suffering, rising, exalted. 
Such a witness she might well bear, not to those few alone who claim 
her membership, but to all who own the name of Curist. In prepara- 
tion for such a work the Psalter is already arranged for chanting, and 
is set, for the most part, to single ‘Anglican’ chants of the ancient and 
modern schools; and many of the Psalms, as they recur in monthly 
course, are already sung in the temporary church. Is it a very distant 
ideal which fancies them really well rendered to organ accompaniment 
every day, and frequently listened to or joined in by many outside the 
bounds of the Anglican Mission ? Is it a vain thought to hope to raise 
and elevate the Malagasy nation by such a means (among others), 
when one considers what a blessing church music of a high tone has 
been to many in England ? 

‘‘How shall we sing the Lord’s song in a strange land ?”? We can do 
it, and gladly, if we are helping in any measure to teach it to others who 
are ‘‘no longer strangers,” but ‘‘fellow citizens” with ourselves. And if 
there are some here who long to visit England again, that they may hear 

“ Once more in college fanes 
The storm their high-built organs make, 
And thunder music, rolling, shake 
The prophets blazoned on the panes,”’ 


they may quench their thirst for church music by striving in their 
measure to make the natives here partakers in its mystic thrilling power. 


A. M. HEWLETT. 











® It may be remarked that the ‘‘Te Deum,” translated into Malagasy, was set to music 
sevcral years ago by Mr. W. Pool and published in a small book of Anthems issued in 1873. 
Also that the sublime hymn ‘Veni, Creator Spiritus'’ was translated by Rev. W, E. Cousins, 
and is to be found as No. 17 in the hymn-book used by the L.M.S. and F.F.M.A, congrega- 
tions in Madagascar.—EDs. 


THE ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL. 205 


THE CHANNELS AND LAGOONS OF THE EAST 
COAST OF MADAGASCAR. 


N a previous paper, I had the honour of laying before the 
Academy* an outline of the hydrography of Madagascar, 
and of shewing that the watershed of the country, instead of 
dividing the island into two nearly equal portions, as was for- 
merly thought to be the case, is situated much nearer the 
eastern than it is to the western coast. This division of the 
island into two river basins of unequal size arises from the 
position of the mountains, which, almost bathing their feet in 
the Indian Ocean on their eastern side, rise gradually by a 
series of slopes to a considerable height ; while on their western 
sides, their general descent is less abrupt, and a vast plain 
separates the central mass from the sea. 

The rivers also which water the eastern region have a much 
shorter course than those which flow towards the west. They 
exist in considerable numbers, but their volume is small during 
a great part of the year, because, descending by very steep 
gradients, they only receive small tributory streams. Issuing 
from the mountains, they find a narrow plain against which 
the currents of the Indian Ocean impinge with violence; these 
currents constantly tending to close up the outlets of the rivers 
with sand. And because the volume of water which they 
usually bring down is not large, the greater number of them 
are unable to open a direct passage into the sea. If, after a 
considerable flood, they sometimes force open the bar of sand 
which daily accumulates, and which the ocean currents maintain 
undiminished, the opening thus temporarily cleared is quickly 
re-formed as soon as the river floods decrease. 

It follows therefore that these rivers not often having, at least 
between the 12th and the 23rd parallels, a direct and permanent 
outlet, attain a size and development in the plain which 
deceives one as to their true importance. From this cause also 
they send out, parallel to the coast, both to north and south, 
branches which, sometimes narrow, sometimes broad, following 
the level and the configuration of the ground, have usually a 
considerable length, and which, uniting with several others, 
discharge their waters into the sea by a common outlet, often 
situated at a great distance from the different streams which 
contribute to it. 


® The Paris ‘Académie des Sciences.’ 


206 THE CHANNELS AND LAGOONS 


it comes to pass that these channels are found in every 
pa the eastern coast of Madagascar which is exposed to 
the great Indian Ocean current, from 16°52’ of south latitude 
as far as 22°25’. From 16°52’ to 18°13, however, they are at a 
considerable distance from each other; and it is only between 
the mouth of the Ivoéndrona and that of the Matitanana that 
they become sufficiently numerous and near together to be 
utilized for coast navigation. Between these two rivers, along a 
total extent of 485 kilométres [301 miles], there are twenty-two 
channels or lagoons, formed by more than fifty different 
streams. 

These channels are of very varying dimensions: in some 
places they are so narrow that a canoe can with difficulty pass 
along, while in other places they widen out to from 200 to 300 
métres [220 to 330 yards] in breadth; and wherever any 
depression of the surface exists they become lakes, which are 
sometimes miles in length, and of which the most important 
and best known are Nosivé, Andranokdditra, Rasdéamasay and 
Rasdabé, Feénoarivo, Rangazava, and Itampdlo. They are 
sometimes separated from the sea only by a simple belt of 
sand a few yards in breadth, sometimes by a grassy plain 
more or less covered with trees and shrubs, which measures 
several hundred yards, occasionally even several miles, in width. 
They are not, however, all navigable, at least at all times of the 
year, for in the dry season they contain more mud than water ; 
still, such as nature has made them, they are very useful and do 
much to facilitate communication and the transport of goods 
along this inhospitable coast, where lighterage is impracticable 
from the violent currents and from the heavy surf which almost 
constantly prevails, and where, besides, there are neither ports 
nor anchorages where vessels can take shelter. We ought, 
however, to say, that this natural canal, so commodious in every 
respect, has its inconveniences from a sanitary point of view, 
for it renders the eastern plain a very hotbed of fever. 

The one and twenty isthmuses which separate these channels, 
the ampanalana, as the Malagasy call them—because they are 
obliged to take their canoes out of the water and drag them 
along the land to the next channel—have a total length of 46 
kilométres [283 miles], about one eleventh part of the whole 
distance; some of these measure only a few hundred yards, 
others are as much as from two to three kilométres, and one of 
them is eight kilométres [nearly five miles], across. 

It was interesting from a geographical point of view to make 
a detailed survey of these channels and lagoons, for nowhere 
else, as far as my knowledge goes, can there be found so long 


OF THE EAST COAST OF MADAGASCAR. 207 








and important a chain as this. This survey, which I rete 
with care by the azimuth compass, and which is verifie 
eighteen astronomical observations,* is reproduced to a scale of 
I—145,000 on the map which I am now completing. 

On comparing this map with those which have previously 
appeared up to the present day, especially with the chart of 
the English Admiralty, one sees the considerable difference 
which exists between the former outlines, which are altogether 
imaginary, and those which are the result of my labours. In 
fact, in place of lakes of great size scattered hap-hazard all along 
the eastern coast, often at a considerable distance from the sea, 
and represented as without any communication with each other, 
this map shows, as I have said, narrow channels, almost conti- 
nuous, which follow the shore closely, and which do not become 
wide except occasionally. The greater part of the towns and 
villages which are here marked have been shewn by me for the 
first time; and I have also rectified the position of localities 
shewn on previous maps, which places, except four,+ were 
erroneously marked to the amount of from 15 to 20 kilométres 
or more; for in one case, that of the Matitanana, the error was 
as much as 28’, that is, about 514 kilométres! [32 miles. ] These 
errors of position with regard to the mouths of important rivers 
and of towns frequented by Creole traders for commercial 
purposes, have often, in the case of captains of ships, been the 
cause of delays which are most prejudical to the interests of 
their owners. 

ALFRED GRANDIDIER. 


SUPPLEMENTARY NOTE.—The above article has’ been trans- 
lated from the French original, a paper contributed to the 
Comptes Rendus des Séances de f Académie des Sctences of Paris, 
March 16, 1885, a copy of which was obligingly sent to me a 
few months ago by the author. A few additional particulars 
’ may be here given as to this remarkable chain of lagoons on 
the east coast of Madagascar. The “English tourist’ referred to 
by M. Grandidier in a foot-note was Captain W. Rooke, R.A., 
who, in the months of April and May, 1864, explored the 
greater portion of these lagoons in a boat specially constructed 
for the purpose at Mauritius. Capt. Rooke was accompanied 


* This survey extends along all the coast comprised between the mouth of the Soamianina 
(lat. S. 16952'15") and that of the Matitanana (lat. 22°24'15"), with the exception of the part 
situated between Andovoranto (lat. 18°53’) and Mahanoro (lat. 19°54'13"), a little over 550 
kilométres. An English tourist traversed in 1864 a part of the channels and lagoons of the east 

coast, but his account gives no exact information upon this very interesting subject, 


+ Andovoranto, Mahanoro, Mahela, and Mananjara. 


208 LAGOONS OF EAST COAST OF MADAGASCAR. 


by three other gentlemen ; and leaving Tamatave on the 24th 
of April, they reached Masindrano, at the mouth of the river 
Mananjara, on the 29th of May. Capt. Rooke appears to have 
taken no instruments for the scientific mapping of the country 
he traversed, but he carefully noted the succession of channels, 
lagoons and lakes, full particulars of which are given in his 
paper entitled, “Boat Voyage along the East Coast Lakes of 
Madagascar” (Proc. Roy. Geogr. Soc., Dec. 1865). Capt. Rooke’s 
estimate of the proportion of land portage to water-way along 
the coast was a little less than one-tenth of the whole distance; 
he says that “in no case had the boat to be carried more than 
six miles from one lake to another; and frequently, to effect a 
junction between two of the lakes, it would only be necessary 
to enlarge a small water-course forming a connection between 
them.” It is evident that with a comparatively small expendi- 
ture a continuous and commodious water-way might be made 
along 300 miles of coast, connecting the principal ports on this 
side of the island, and giving a great impetus to trade. By 
cutting less than 30 miles of canal, Ivondrona, a little south 
of Tamatave, might be connected with Andovoranto, Vatoman- 
dry, Mahanoro, Mahéla, Ambahy, Masindrano and many other 
less important places, as well as with the interior up to the foot 
of the upper plateau. More than 50 years ago, during the reign 
of the first Radama, this great work was actually commenced ; 
and a large number of men were gathered together to make the 
necessary cuttings to join the lagoons; but the death of that 
Sagacious sovereign put an end to the work. It may be hoped 
that the present Government may feel itself able at no very 
distant date to recommence this undertaking. A great increase 
of trade and prosperity along the eastern side of the island 
would certainly result from the completion of this ‘East Coast 
Canal.’ It need only be added that some of the most beautiful 
scenery in Madagascar is to be found along the shore where these 
lakes and lagoons occur. The belt of land between them and . 
the sea is covered with the freshest turf, and clumps of trees and 
shrubs scattered over the surface make it appear almost like an 
English park. On one side are the glassy waters of the lake, 
often spreading away for a mile or two to the west, with the 
blue ranges of the interior as a background; while on the other 
side are the magnificent waves of the Indian Ocean, with their 
ceaseless roar; and, further out to sea, is the almost uninter- 
rupted coral reef, crested with foam, as the great rollers dash 
themselves into spray. 
JAMES SIBREE, JUN. (ED.) 


THE ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL. 209 
ern 


x | 
BIBLE REVISION WORK IN MADAGASCAR. 


OULD the readers of the ANNUAL have been introduced about 
mid-day on Wednesday, October 28th of last year, into the 
Committee-room of the London Missionary Society, which forms part 
of the great block of College buildings that are now such a conspicuous 
object on the Faravéhitra hill, in Antananarfvo, they would have seen, 
seated round a long office table, seven European missionaries and two 
native pastors. At the head of the table is seated the chairman, the 
writer of the present paper; on his right are the Rev. L. Dahle, 
superintendent of the Norwegian Mission, Mr. H. E. Clark, of the 
Friends’ Mission, and the Rev. T. T. Matthews, of the London Mission ; 
on his left are seated the Revs. W. Montgomery and R. Baron, F.LS., 
of the London Mission, and Bishop Kestell-Cornish, of the Anglican 
Mission; while opposite the chairman are Joseph Andrianaivoravélona 
and Andrianony, both of them college-trained men of good ability and 
large experience. On the table are scattered books and papers, such as 
Polyglot Bibles, concordances, dictionaries, commentaries, and printers’ 
proofs. The Committee met at half-past eight, and after a short prayer 
for help began its morning’s work—viz. the Book of Malachi. The 
work has gone on steadily for nearly four hours, and now the solemn 
and awe-inspiring words that form the last paragraph of the Old Testa- 
ment are reached, and the first revision of the Malagasy Bible is 
complete. Books are closed with a sigh of relief, and all faces are 
brightened by the consciousness that a great work has been accomplished. 
Twelve years before this the Revision Committee began its work; but 
of the original members* who took part in the work of the first session, 
only three are present this morning—viz. the chairman, the Rev. L. 
Dahle, and Pastor Joseph Andrianaivoravelona. At the suggestion of 
Mr. Dahle, all kneel round the table, and, with the revised version lying 
before them, unite in a few words of earnest and joyful thanks to God, 
and commend to Him the work upon which the labour of so many years 
has been spent, beseeching Him to make this new translation a stream 
of life and blessing to the Malagasy people. 

But why has such a laborious task been undertaken? Did not David 
Jones and David Griffiths complete the translation of the Scriptures into 
the Malagasy language before the outbreak of the persecution ? And did 
not their version, read in secret and at risk of liberty or life, sustain the 
faith of the little flock in Madagascar during a quarter of a century of 
repression and persecution 2? Yes, to the eternal honour of these two 
missionaries, and their colleagues, Johns and Freeman, who helped in 
the later stayes of the work, be it said that, notwithstanding the multi- 
farious duties devolving upon them, they did succeed in thus laying the 
foundation of Bible translation in the Malagasy language. David Jones 











* Present at first Session, December rst—19th, 1873: Dr. Mullens, Rev. J. Pillans, visitors 
on behalf of B. and F.B.S.; Rev. W. E. Cousins, Principal Reviser, B. & F.B.S.; Revs. R 
Toy, J. Sibree, and G. Cousins, L.M.S.; Revs. L. Dahle and M. Borgen, N.M.S.; Mr. J. S. 
Sewell, F.F.M.A.; Rainimanga, Andrianaivoravélona, and Andriambelo, native helpers. 


210 BIBLE REVISION WORK IN MADAGASCAR. 


reached Antananarivo in October, 1820, and David Griffiths in May of 
the following year. By the year 1824 they had made a fair start with 
their translation work, and by March, 1830, an edition of 3,000 copies of 
the New Testament was issued. Five years later (June, 1835) the Old 
Testament was completed, and the first edition was printed at the Mission 
Press in Antananarivo. All honour, then, to the two Welshmen who, 
by their noble work, have laid all future generations of Malagasy under 
the deepest obligation. But our work of revision was none the less 
necessary, because we delight to think of the good foundation laid by 
our honoured predecessors. The experience of Madagascar has been in 
no sense exceptional. The work of even such men as William Carey 
and Henry Martyn has not met all the wants of those for whose benefit 
it was undertaken. And so, in Madagascar, experience showed that 
much might be done to render the translation more accurate and 
idiomatic. Indeed, in all translation work, even success is but an 
approximation to perfection, and no translators, or bodies of translators, 
can claim finality for their versions. The present Revision Committee in 
Madagascar, though they hope, as the result of thirteen or fourteen years’ 
work, to present to the Malagasy Christians a translation which all will 
- acknowledge to be a great advance on what has gone before it, quite an- 
ticipate that some future generation of foreign or, perhaps, native schol- 
ars, may be able still further to revise and improve their present work. 

Without entering into minute and wearisome details as to earlier 
movements in the direction of Bible revision, let me state briefly the 
origin, constitution, and work of the present Committee of Revisers. In 
the early part of the year 1872 it happened that there were present in An- 
tananarivo representatives of all the Protestant societies having agencies 
in Madagascar, and the need of some united action was felt. The Bible 
would be used in al] these Missions alike, and naturally all felt a desire 
to see the work of revision undertaken by a board that would fully and 
fairly represent the different interests involved. A conference was held 
on April 3rd, 1872, and, as a result of its deliberations, a formal appli- 
cation was made to the British and Foreign Bible Society to grant its 
sanction and help to the important work contemplated. The main 
features of the plan suggested to the Bible Society were: (1) the appoint- 
ment of the present writer to the post of ‘Principal Reviser,’ to prepare 
a preliminary version, to preside at the meetings of the Committee, 
and to superintend the printing of its version; (2) the appoint- 
ment of a representative committee composed of missionaries of all the 
Protestant societies in the following proportions: the London Mission- 
ary Society, three; the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, one; 
the Church Missionary Society, one; the Norwegian Missionary Society, 
two; the Friends’ Foreign Mission Association, one. 

The British and Foreign Bible Society promptly and generously agreed 
to this joint proposal, and undertook the whole pecuniary responsibility 
involved—that is to say: (1) the payment of the salary of the principal 
reviser; (2) travelling expenses of the delegates ; (3) the cost of native 
assistance ; (4) the purchase of critical books and stationery ; and (5) the 
printing of the proofs. 


BIBLE REVISION WORK IN MADAGASCAR. 211 


The consent of the Bible Society having been obtained, the next step 
was the appointment of delegates. As soon as these had been appointed, 
a preliminary meeting was held on July 24th, 1873, at the house of Mr. 
W. Johnson, of the F.F.M.A., who had acted as secretary to the confe- 
rence. At this meeting several preliminary questions were discussed, 
and it was resolved that, instead of entering at once upon the general 
work, a tentative revision of a few selected chapters (viz. Gen. i.—iv.; 
Ex. i., ii., xx.; Psa. ii—v.; Matt. v.—vii.) should be made by the 
principal reviser, and that a session should be held for the purpose of 
discussing these portions and of ascertaining more in detail than could 
be done in general conversation how far the delegates were united in 
judgment as to the extent and character of the changes required. This 
plan, it was hoped, would simplify the work of the principal reviser, and 
give to his future labours greater definiteness and precision. This first 
session was held in December, 1873. Daily sittings of five or six hours 
were held for about three weeks, and the following portions were revised : 
Gen, i.—iii. ; Ex. xx. 1-17; Psa. i., ii.; Mat. v. 1-223 vi. 9-13 (in all, 
142 verses, Or On an average about twelve verses per day). 

The general work of revision on the lines laid down was now proceeded 
with, and, as will be seen from the foregoing description, comprised two 
distinct departments—viz. (1) the preparation of the preliminary version 
which was to form the basis of the work, and (2) the revision and im- 
provement of this version by the united action of the Committee. 

Of the preparation of the preliminary version the following is a brief 
description written soon after its completion on September 12th, 1884 :— 


‘‘The last proof (Old Testament, No. 220, containing Zech. xi. g— Mal. iii- 
24) was finished on September r2th. This work of preliminary revision was 
begun in October, 1873, and has thus stretched over a space of eleven years. 
It did not, however, take the whole of this time; but deducting my absence 
on furlough (1876 —1878), and the time spent in 1880 and 1881 in preparing 
‘copy’ of the unrevised portions for use in the ‘Interim Edition,’ I think about 
eight years was the time actually spent on it. But it should be remembered 
that during the whole of this time about two days a week were taken up with 
the ordinary work of the Revision Committee. 

‘‘This tentative version has been prepared in a series of ‘Principal Reviser’s 
Proofs.’ These proofs were octavo in size, printed in clear type, with a wide 
margin for notes. Most of them contained eight pages, but a few extended 
to ten or twelve. The average number of verses in a proof was about rio. 
Two hundred and eighty-four proofs have been printed - viz. 64 of the New 
Testament and 220 of the Old Testament. The original arrangement was 
that three Old Testament proofs should be prepared for each one of the New 
Testament, and, at first, this plan was in the main followed. But after a 
time it was deemed desirable to proceed at once with the remaining books of 
the New Testament, and from July, 1880, to November, 1881, the Old Testa- 
ment work was suspended, and the revision of the remaining books of the 
New Testament—viz. Acts to Revelation - was completed. 

‘*My plan of working in preparing these proofs was to take a page of the 
Malagasy Bible pasted on a sheet of paper for notes, and compare this word 
for word with the original, using the best critical aids in my possession, and 
2ndeavouring, in the first instance, to make the translation as literal as 
possible. Every point that appeared doubtful I marked with a (?), and at 
he end of the week J went through these doubtful passages with my native 


212 BIBLE REVISION WORK IN MADAGASCAR. 





helper, Ralaidrivony. At the beginning, I had two natives to help me in this 
kind of work—viz., Ralaiarivony and Andriamamanga. Both of these 
belonged to the caste of andriana (or nobles). They had not enjoyed any 
special training, but were men of good general ability, and of very correct 
taste in matters affecting their own language ; and as I wanted help chiefly 
in questions of idiom and taste, I do not think I could have made a better 
choice. During my absence in England Andriamamanga died, but Ralaiani- 
vony has continued to work with me week by week to the end, and great 
praise is due to him for his patient care and yood taste. In the earlier part 
of the work, it usually took us several hours to go through the passages I had 
marked thus(?); but as we advanced, and more points had been settled, and 
as I myself grew more accustomed to the work, this time was gradually les- 
sened, until in the last portions we spent not more than an hour, or an hour 
and a half, in discussing the doubtful points that had arisen out of a week's 
work. Friday morning has for some years been the time usually devoted to 
this work, and the remaining hours of the day were generally spent in prepar- 
ing clean copy for the printer. 

‘In looking back over the eleven years that have slipped away since I put 
mv hand to this revision work. I have great reason to thank God for the 
enjoyment of health and strength. With very slight interruptions, I have 
been able to keep steadily at my work from week to week. During the middle 
portion of the work I often felt weary, and almost afraid I could not keep on 
till the end; but, on the whole, what I have done has been a labour of love 
and a source of much delight and instruction to myself. The work has grown 
upon us all, and we have found the Malagasy language much richer than we 
had imagined it to be, and capable of expressing many distinctions and 
shades of meaning we had supposed to lie beyond its range. Many more 
changes have been made than I originally thought would be necessary ; but we 
‘have felt unwilling to leave anything that could by pains and care be brought 
nearer the original. My version has been very largely modified and greatly 
improved by the Committee ; but I think it may be considered to have formed 
a useful basis for the united work, and to have facilitated the progress of the 
revision.’’ 

The work of the Committee has been from these preliminary proofs to 
build up what we earnestly hope will become a ‘standard version,’ which 
shall be received with confidence by all Protestants in Madagascar, and 
round which, as the years pass, shall gather sacred associations and loving 
reverence. At first the Committee held continuous sessions of several 
weeks each twice a year. But at the close of the third session a change 
of plan was introduced, and instead of holding sessions of several weeks’ 


| 


| 


! 


ore ry 


at tm 


LN 


duration, the Committee agreed to sit one day per week, with an — 


occasional session of a week or a fortnight, when arrears of work should 
render this necessary. These weekly meetings were begun February 
znd, 1875, and were continued without serious interruption till March 
7th, 1876, by which time the Committee had revised as far as Exodus in 
the Old Testament, and to the end of Matthew in the New Testament. 


Owing to the fact that the principal reviser was about to leave for 


England on furlough, the work was then suspended. 

As soon as possible after his return in 1878, the weekly meetings were 
resumed, and from November 14th, 1878, to October 28th, 1885, they 
were continued with a reasonable amount of regularity, and occasional 
continuous sessions were held at not unfrequent intervals. The rate of 
progress naturally varied much according to the character of the portion 


BIBLE REVISION WORK IN MADAGASCAR. — 213 





under revision. In some of the earlier meetings of the Committee not 
more than ten or twelve verses were revised in a whole day. The largest 
quantity revised in a single day was 309 verses, but this is easily accounted 
for by the character of the portion revised (2 Kings xxv. z—1 Chron. vi. 
66). From sixty to a hundred verses was an average day’s work. 

Our plan was to meet at 8.30 a.m., and work three hours in the 
morning and three in the afternoon. The day’s meeting was opened 
with a brief prayer, and we then proceeded to revise the portion for 
consideration verse by verse. We had with us usually three native 
helpers. The Committee sat on 433 days, and held in all 771 sittings, 
chiefly of three hours each. ‘The work has been laborious and has been 
a heavy tax on our patience; but I think I may truly say we have 
attained a fair standard of exactness and thoroughness. The Rev. L. 
Dahle, of the Norwegian Mission, has been able to render the Committee 
most valuable help, especially from his full and exact knowledge of 
Hebrew and the cognate languages. In this department he has been 
facile princeps, and the translation owes very much to his untiring care 
and keenness of critical insight. But every member of the Committee 
has in his own order contributed to the final result, and the actual 
language employed is not the choice of any individual, but is the result 
of combined thought and discussion. Many of the happiest and most 
apt phrases the version contains have sprung unexpectedly to light in 
the midst of our discussions, and have at once commended themselves 
toour judgment. As a rule the wishes of the native helpers (within 
certain well-defined limits, which as faithful translators we felt bound to 
Maintain) have been followed as to the actual form of the sentences, 
and even as to the choice of words; and hundreds of small changes have 
been made, which no foreigner would have thought necessary, and of 
which few would see the reason, purely out of deference to native opinion. 
I think every member of the Committee would heartily confess our 
obligations to our native brethren. We ourselves have learned much, 
especially as to the possibility of misunderstanding phrases that seemed 
to us quite clear, and as to undesirable associations lurking in unsus- 
pected quarters. We have again and again been taught the danger of 
undue literalism, and have found what numberless pitfalls lie in the path 
of one who is dealing with a language not his own. Certainly a greater 
humility in estimating our own proficiency in the language should be 
one of the fruits of our long-continued work. No amount of familiarity 
with it seems to give us quite the instinct and taste of a native ; and we 
have been saved from many an ambiguity and from not a few absurdities 
by the keener perceptions of our native co-workers. Malagasy transla- 
tions of the Bible contain certain often-cited instances of the absurdities 
into which a translator may, alas! too easily fall. We have, for instance, 
a translation of Gen. iii. 13, which at any rate suggests the thought that 
the woman swallowed the serpent. So, too, from taking the common 
preposition amy to mean wih, which in some combinations it may do, 
we have a translation of Gen. xxiv. 15, which says that Rachel came 
forth from her pitcher. In John ix. 1, one translation speaks of a man 
who had been blind from the time of his begetting a child  niterdhany 


214 BIBLE REVISION WORK IN MADAGASCAR. 





for nahaterahany). And in Acts xii. 7, the angel is represented as being 
more violent than we should think probable, as it is said that he kicked 
Peter’s side! If we have been delivered from such serious misrepresen- 
tations (as I hope we have been, though I am by no means sure an 
ingenious native might not press out of some of our phrases an undesir- 
able meaning), we certainly owe this very much to the care, quick per- 
ception, and patience of these native helpers. 

As to the general character of our revision, I could not, of course, 
speak without partiality, as my whole time and thought have been absorbed 
in it for ten or eleven years. But I can say that our version is a bond fide 
attempt to represent faithfully the original Hebrew and Greek texts. While, 
however, we have endeavoured to be faithful translators, we have aimed 
not merely at fidelity to the words, but to the thoughts. There is a false 
literalism that destroys utterly the claim of the translation to be a faithful 
representation of the mind of writer. Our aim has been to steer between 
the Scylla of a mechanical literalism and the Charybdis of an over-free 
paraphrase. We have also kept before us constantly the fact that our 
version is being made for popular use, and we have tried to make the 
language as clear, intelligible, and euphonious as possible. With the 
valuable help of the natives we hope to produce a version that from 
its simplicity and purity of style, and its fidelity to the idioms of the 
language, shall be received with pleasure, and shall exercise an elevating 
and purifying influence on the literature of the future. 

The remaining months we intend to spend on our work will be 
devoted to the general simplification and improvement of style from a 
native point of view. In order to finish the work by the middle of next year, 
and to prevent the necessity of handing it on unfinished to what—as so 
many members are leaving next year — would virtually be a new Commit- 
tee, this second revision has been mainly left to myself and the three 
native brethren, the Committee exercising general supervision and hold- 
ing meetings once in two months to decide on difficult and doubtful 
points. I fear our task, as even thus simplified, will not be ‘completed 
in less than sixty or seventy sittings of six hours each; but the effect of 
this final revision will certainly be to render the style smoother, and to 
make it generally more acceptable to the native ear. The task is a very 
tedious one, but I think the result will amply repay us for our labour. 

The fruits of our long-continued toil are yet to appear. Some portions 
of our translation—Pentateuch, Psalms, New Testament— in its first and 
incomplete form, have already appeared in the ‘Interim Edition’ (1882), 
and in the small edition of the New Testament (1883... On the whole, 
their reception has been favourable, and we are encouraged to believe we 
have done much to make the Bible more intelligible. But the final form 
of our translation will, especially in the earlier books, be a great improve- 
ment on those portions. 

For the workers themselves, I can certainly say the toil has been a 
source of spiritual profit and enlarged knowledge. But beyond this 
there has been a most clear and manifest gain in bringing thus to a 
common work missionaries of various societies, with differing tastes and 
convictions. The editorial superintendent of the Bible Society, at the 


BIBLE REVISION WORK IN MADAGASCAR. 215 





inning of the work, expressed the wish of our English friends in the 
»wing words: ‘‘That no difference of opinion or policy in other 
ters may hinder the harmonious proceeding of the present work. It 
ard indeed for men to co-operate when they feel that there is a 
erial difference between them; but this Bible revision is a blessed 
ortunity for exhibiting to the island the unity of faith in the Scrip- 
s as the authoritative declaration of God’s will.” And now, as we 
- the close of our work and look back upon its progress, we see how 
‘this wish has been fulfilled. I may be allowed to quote here a few 
ds from Bishop Kestell-Cornish’s letter a few months since, informing 
chat he was about to leave the island, and could no longer join with 
1the work. He says: “I think it may be said without irreverence 

our work together has illustrated the truth of the evangelical 
nise, that by Zhe Voice the valleys shall be exalted, the hills brought 
, the crooked made straight, and the rough places plain. And can 
Joubt that the result of onr work, in which, however, I have borne 
humblest share, will be a wider revelation of the glory of the Lord ?” 


WILLIAM E. CousINS. 





APPENDIX. 
List of Members of the Revision Committee. 
| ea,e 
Name. Society. First attendance.| Last do. cnuttings 
Rev. William E. Cousins ...... B, & F.B.S.| July 21. 73 771 
»» Robert Toy ..........0. L. M.S. uly 21. 73 Oct. 28, 78 156 
»» James Sibree ............... L. M.S. uly 11. 73 Mar, 7. 76 159 
uly 21. 73 June 5.74 
»» George Cousins............ L. M.S. Oct. 28. 78 Aug. 23.82 244 
»» Henry Maundrell ......... C.M.S. | Never attended — 
», Alfred Chiswell............ S.P.G. | Never attended -— 
», Lars Dahle.................] N.M.S. uly 21.73 |. 507 
» Martin Borgen ............ N. M.S. uly 21. 73 Feb. 22. 82 376 
Mr. Joseph S. Sewell ......... 1F, F.M. A. uly 21. 73 Dec, I1, 74 
Rev. R. T. Batchelor............] S. P. G. ay Il. 74 Mar. 9. 75 148 
», Benjamin Briggs ......... L. M. S., Nov. 16. 74 Mar. 7. 76 102 
Mr. Louis Street..............0... F.F.M.A,| Feb. 2.75 | Mar. 7. 76 74 
Rev. Francis A. Gregory, 
MAA, oo eeeeeeeeeeeee| Se Pe G. June 22. 75 May 8.79 85 
Mr. Samuel Clemes ...........) F. F.M. A. | Oct. 28. 78 Nov. 2. 81 136 
Rev. Charles Jukes..............) L. M.S. Nov. 14. 78 Aug. 2. 82 209 
» Harry W. Grainge ...... L. M. S. Nov. 14. 78 May 3. 82 2q1 
»» Alfred Smith ...............) S.P.G. June 24. 79 Oct. 13. 80 84 
Bishop Kestell-Cornish, D.D.| S. P. G. Aug. 10. 81 gI 
Mr. Henry E, Clark... .. F.F.M.A.| Nov. 23. 81 279 
Rev. Richard Baron ...........) L.M.S. July 19. 82 181 
», William Montgomery ..| L. M.S Aug. 16. 82 215 
»» Thomas T. Matthews ..| L.M.S Jan. 17. 83 172 


TE.—The date of issue of each division of the revised version of the Bible is given at 
of Mr. Sibroe's Madagascar Bibliography, 


— SO OS 


™.. 216 . JHE ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL. 


> 
THE PERSONAL ARTICLE ‘I IN MALAGASY. 

HE Rev. W. E. Cousins says, on p. 58 of his Concise Introduction to 

the Study of the Malagasy Language, that ‘‘variety of opinion has 

always existed as to the correct way of writing this prefix. With many 

words it is united, as in Ilafy, Ikdtobé. Pére Weber gives three ways (Dic. 

Mal.-Fran., p. 329; Gram., p.217):—(1) Ny sanaky t Joary ; (2) Ny sanaky 

Joary ; (3) Ny sanak’ t Joary; to these may be added a fourth: (4) Vy 

sanak’ Ijoary. This last seems the more correct.” Four other ways of 

writing it may also be added: (5) Vy zanak’ tJoary; (6) Ny sanak’ 

LJoary ; (7) Ny zsanak’ I Joary; and (8) Ny sanaky Lfoary. Of these 

various ways, the second, which is the least correct of all, is the one now 

in use. I say ‘‘least correct,” because the personal article, while it 

distinctly appears in Nos. 1, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, and 8, becomes in (2) identical 
with a form which expresses the possessive. 

But it is when the personal article is incorporated in the suffix -ay 
(which is very frequently the case’, that the greatest objection to it arises. 
Frequently it gives a meaning quite the contrary of what is intended. 
Take the sentence : ‘‘Vanao izany izy, ka niteny taminy Paoly nanao hoe.” 
This, it is evident, may mean either: (a2) ‘‘He did that, and said to 
Paul,” or, (6) ‘‘He did that, and Paul said to him.” Sentences that 
have come up occasionally in the Bible Revision Committee have been 
altered simply to avoid confusion in this particular; others, however, 
have escaped notice, thus 1 Chron. xx. 7 [first revision} runs thus: ‘Ary 
nthaika ny Isiraely zy, ka matiny Jonatana, zanaky Simea, rahalahiny Davi- 
da.”’ Here it does not appear whether the /ehilahy vaventy mentioned in the 
previous verse was killed by Jonathan, or Jonathan by the /ehilahy vaventy. 
Again, in the first chapter of 1 Kings there are the two following pas- 
sages: ver. 38, ‘“‘Dia nidina Zadoka mptsorona...... , dia namptlaingina 
any Solomona ny ampondravaviny Davida mpanjaka.” This, it is evident, 
may mean (a) that Zadok caused Solomon to ride on David's ass; or (4) 
that David caused Solomon to ride on his own (Solomon’s) ass; or (c) 
that David caused Solomon to ride on David’s ass. In verse 53 we have: 
“Ary avy ty, dita ntankohoka teo anatrehany Solomona mpanjaka.” This 
may mean either (a: that Adonijah bowed himself to Solomon; or (4) 
that Solomon bowed himself to Adonijah. Many more such passages of 
uncertain signification doubtless occur in the revised version of the 
Scriptures and in other publications. It may of course be said with 
truth that the meaning of the -my in such passages as the above could in 
most cases be gathered from the context; but is not that in itself a proof 
that the words themselves are not a faithful transcript of the thought they 
are intended to convey ? 

I have said above that the second form Ny zanaky Joary’) is the one 
now in use, but as a matter of fact even this is not consistently followed 
out. We see, for instance, novorin’ Ilehtdama, and novoriny Lehidama. 
In the Report of the Annual Meeting of the Bétsiléo (L.M.S.) Mission 
for the year 1883, page 7, occurs the following sentence: “Jndrisy / fa 
mifamadtka amy ny nataony Jaona ny nataon’ Lsoarojo.” 





THE PERSONAL ARTICLE ‘I’ IN MALAGASY. 2 


The only objection that has been raised against the J or 7 befhg 
written separately, or conjoined to its noun, is that it is somewhat dero- 
zatory to the person to whose name it is prefixed. Especially is it 
dbjected to when used before the names of God or Christ. But if the y 
of aminy in the sentence nankeo gminy Kraisty is meant to express the 
personal article, which it certainly is, what less objection can there be 
to y affixed to amin, than to J or ¢ prefixed to Xraisty? If it is not 
thought derogatory to utter the personal article in speech, it cannot be 
wrony to write it. Not only so, but the / is by no means necessarily a 
derogatory prefix. We say /ka/a and J/ko/o, it is true; but we say of the 
Queen, Ltompokovavy Ranavalona, and of the Prime Minister, J/ngahy 
‘which, by the by, is more honourable than Rangahy). Then we have tva- 
liko, tdada, ineny, etc. But even though occasionally derogatory or fami- 
lar, it is not universally so. In such sentences as anilany Kraisty there 
s nothing derogatory, and yet there is no doubt that the y of anilany 
eally represents the personal article 7; then why not write it and avoid 
he ambiguity of the phrase ? The form of writing this personal article 
s of course a matter of taste. By having the ¢ or J separated from 
he noun, the name would stand unaltered, which would be an advan- 
age. If it were employed only where we now have -ay as the sign 
if the ablative or possessive and as the suffix of prepositions, as nvka- 
ohin’ « Tomasy ; mpanompon’ t Petera; anilan’ i Paoly, it would be suffi- 
ient to avoid all the ambiguity which appears in nokapohiny Tomasy ; 
tpanompony Petera ; anilany Paoly. 

The following passage (1 Kings ii. 30) illustrates the personal article 
n all the above forms :— 

1) Ary Benaia tonga tao amy ny trano-lainy t gchovah ka nanao taminy 
1 Joaba hoe: Izao no lazain’ ny mpanjaka: Mivoaha. Fa hoy izy: Tsia, 
fa eto hiany aho no ho faty. Ary Benaia nitondra teny tany amy ny 
mpanjaka indray hoe: Izany no lazainy i Joaba. 

2) Ary Benaia tonga tao amy ny trano-lainy Jehovah ka nanao taminy 
Joaba hoe: Izao no lazain’ ny mpanjaka; Mivoaha. Fa hoy izy: Tsia, 
a eto hiany aho no ho faty. Ary Benaia nitondra teny tany amy ny 
mpanjaka indray hoe: Izany no lazainy Joaba. 

}) Ary Benaia tonga tao amy ny trano lain’i Jehovah ka nanao tamin’ 
i Joaba hoe: Izao no lazain’ ny mpanjaka: Mivoaha. Fa hoy izy: Tsia, 
fa eto hiany aho no ho faty. Ary Benaia nitondra teny tany amy ny 
mpanjaka indray hoe: Izany no lazain’ 1 Joaba. 

1) Ary Benaia tonga tao amy ny trano lain’ Ijehovah ka nanao tamin’ 
Ijuaba hoe: Izao no lazain’ ny mpanjaka: Mivoaha. Fa hoy izy: Tsia, 
fa eto hiany aho no ho faty. Ary Benaia nitondra teny tany amy ny 
mpanjaka indray hoe: Izany no lazain’ Ijoaba. 

;}) Ary Benaia tonga tao amy ny tranv lain’ iJehovah ka nanao tamin’ 
iJoaba hoe: Izao no lazain’ ny mpanjaka: Mivoaha. Fa hoy izy: Tsia, 
fa eto hiany aho no ho faty. Ary Benaia nitondra teny tany amy ny 
mpanjaka indray hoe: Izany no lazain’ iJoaba. . 

») Ary Benaia tonga tao amy ny trano lain’ I Jehovah ka nanao tamin’ 
] Joaba hve: Izao no lazain’ ny mpanjaka: Mivoaha. Fa hoy izy: Tsia, 
fa eto hiany aho no ho faty. Ary Benaia nitondra teny tany amy ny 
mpanjaka indray hoe: Izany no lazain’ | Jouba. 


218 THE PERSONAL ARTICLE ‘? IN MALAGASY. 





(7) Ary Benaia tonga tao amy ny trano-lainy I Jehovah ka nanao taminy 
[ Joaba hoe : Izao no lazain’ ny mpanjaka: Mivoaha. Fa hoy izy: Tsia, 
fa eto hiany aho no ho faty. Ary Benaia nitondra teny tany amy ny 
mpanjaka indray hoe: Izany no lazainy I Joaba. 

(8) Ary Benaia tonga tao amy ny trano-lain’ IJehovah ka nanao tamin’ 
IJoaba hoe: Izao no lazain’ ny mpanjaka: Mivoaha. Fa hoy izy: Tsia, 
fa eto hiany aho no ho faty. Ary Benaia nitondra teny tany amy ny 
mpanjaka indray hoe: Izany no lazain’ IJoaba. 

Personally I should prefer either the form (3) or (6), because in these 
the name stands apart, unchanged by the personal article ; the latter (6) 
is somewhat similar to our way of writing English names, as ‘Mr.’ Brown. 
At any rate, form (2), the one now in vogue, is the only one of the eight 
possible forms which disguises the personal article. 


R. BARON (ED.). 


——_ S=iso——— 


SIKIDY AND VINTANA : 
HALF-HOURS WITH MALAGASY DIVINERS. (NO 1.) 


HAT is Szkidy ? My Malagasy professor extraordinarius in this 
science gave a short and plain answer to this question, writing 

on the cover of his sékidy collection, “Wy Barbolin’ ny Razanay” (‘‘The 
Bible of our Ancestors”), and I am inclined to think that he has hit the 
nail on the head. 1 at least, after having lived in this country conti- 
nuously for 16 years, have come to the conclusion that this nation has 
been much more under the spell of Skidy and Vintana than under that 
of the old zdo/s. These latter have, according to tradition, been introdu- 
ced here comparatively recently, and there is certainly a good deal that 
tends to prove the correctness of this tradition. At any rate they have 
by no means got such a widely-spread and deeply-rooted influence over 
the whole nation as have vinfana and stkidy. In many provinces even 
the most famous idols, as Kélimalaza and Ramahavaly, were compara- 
tively very little known or cared for (Imérina was chiefly their domain); 
but who did not fear the wn/ana (fate: or trust in the stkedy (divination)? 
If you want to look into the future, to detect secret enemies or dangers, 
to find out what is to be your lot of good or evil, the sekdy is the means 
of doing it. And the best of it is, that it does not, like the Fates or 
Parces of old, mercilessly leave you to your destiny, but kindly 
undertakes fo avert the dreaded evils. If you are sick, the mpistkidy (the 
person who understands and practices the szktdy) does not at all—like 
many of our modern doctors—treat you ‘tentatively,’ which really means 
leaving you and nature to settle the matter between yourselves as best 
you can; neither are they shallow-minded enough to treat the case 
merely ‘symptomatically.’ As diligent men, they set to work immediately, 
and as truly scientific doctors, they first try to find out the cause of the 
evil, and then the means of removing it. And if they can give you no 
other benefit in a desperate case, they will at least cheer up your spirits 


SIKID¥ AND VWINTANA. 219 





with a good assurance, generally terminating in a very emphatic phrase, 
to the effect that, ‘if you die, you shall be buried on the top of their 
head.” And even if your spirit has actually left you, they do not give 
you up in despair, as I shall have occasion to point out in the following 
pages (cf. what is to be said about ‘Fangalan-kéo’). 

I am, however, reluctantly forced to admit that I am not able entirely 
to exculpate my friends from the accusation that there is a slight tinge 
of medical heresy about them, inasmuch as their whole /aditra-system 
seems to rest upon the homeeopathic principle, ‘‘Szmzlia similibus curan- 
tur,” for the fadtira (i.e. the thing the mpisikidy ordered to be thrown 
away to prevent or avert an evil) was generally something that in name, 
shape, or number, etc., was similar to the evil in question. E.g. if the 
sikidy brought out ‘maty roa’ (‘two deaths’’, two locusts should be killed 
and thrown away to prevent the death of two'men; if it brought out 
‘mardry’ (‘sick’), a piece of the tree called Adzo marary (‘a sick tree’) 
should be made a /faditra; cf. also Malagasy Customs, by Rev. W. E. 
Cousins, p. 34. ‘ But this, however, I do not intend to enter into any 
further here, as my object is only to point out what szkidy really is, and 
from whence it originated. 

The people had a remarkable trust in their mpzsikidy and their art; 
this appears even in the names by which they called them. Here in 
Imérina and Bétsiléo it was quite common to style them simply ‘ny ma- 
sina’ (‘the holy ones’), a term which, however, did not so much imply 
sanctity as strength and superhuman power. In the provinces—especi- 
ally in the south and west—they are generally called ambiasa (ambiaty, 
ombiaty, etc.), as they were called among the Antanosy at Fort Dauphin 
as early as the time of Flacourt ; and this term is, as I have shown else- 
where,* the Arabic andra, ‘prophet.” 

Stkidy (Arab. stchr, charm, incantation)f has generally been translated 
‘divination,’ but it has a somewhat wider sense, as it includes both the 
investigation of what is secret, and the art of finding out the remedy 
for it, if it proves to be of such a nature that a remedy is required; but 
the second depends on the first. . 

As will be seen in the following pages, there are three kinds of szkidy 
which are employed almost exclusively in finding out what is secret (Szkidy 
mitovy tsangana, Stkidy tokana, and Lofi-tstkidy), while the other kinds 
have more to do with remedying the evils. The first class, however, 
forms the stkidy par excellence, manipulated according to a rather intricate 
system ; the second class depends upon it and seems to be of a somewhat 
more arbitrary character. 


* ANNUAL IL., p. 87 (Reprint, p. 215). 

+ An anecdote will illustrate how much tempted the natives still are to trust the stfidy, or 
at least to think that some supernatural forces are at work in it. When my friend the Rev. 
Mr. Vig at Sirabe—who has collected most of the information I have had from natives about 
the sikidy—was employing an elderly man as his informant, this man was rather unwilling to 
enter into the subject, saving that it was a dangerous affair, And as Mr. Vig was shortly 
after this attacked by robbers and had a narrow escape, he declined to continue, exclaiming 1 
“Did I not tell you that something would happen! The Devil is in it!” But a younger 
man, who had first frequented the ‘High School for Si##dy’ at Ambatofinandrahana and then 
afterwards got a fair education with us, was less superstitious, and it was from him that both 
Mr, Vig and I got most of our information. 


220 SIKIDF AND VINTANA. 


The sktdy rests on the vinéana as its basis, and it is therefore impos- 
sible to treat of the former without to some extent dealing with the 
latter also. The vintana (Arab. evinat, times, seasons) means ori- 
ginally ‘times,’ and then the ‘destiny’ of a man, as depending on the 
times, i.e. either the destiny of a man’s life ‘his vimfana), as depending 
on the time of his birth, or the fitness (or the reverse) of certain times 
for certain actions (e.g. a burial). The first one was the winfana proper, 
the second one was more accurately styled San-dndro (titerally, ‘the hours 
of the day’ (Arab. sa’a or se’a, hour, but also used in a wider sense of any 
moment in the present time), a term that will explain itself more fully 
in the course of this article. 

But the supposed influence of the different times on the destiny of 
men depends again on the celestial bodies governing them. Therefore 
the vn/ana in its turn rests on astrology. The different days and months 
are each made to be connected with different constellations. And, as 
I have shown in former articles in this magazine, it is chiefly the 12 
Signs of the Zodiac and the 28 ‘Moon-stations’ (Manaazil-ul-kamari) on 
which the Malagasy (originally Arabic) chronology and _ astrology 
depends, the former being applied to the months (ANNUAL II., p. 77— 
82), the latter to the days of the month (ANNUAL III., p. 131). When I 
add to this the seven planets of the ancients (i.e. including the sun and 
the moon, but excluding the earth and, of course, also the more distant 
planets, which were not then known at all), which play an important 

art in the san-andro, as will appear later on,— I have, I believe, enumerat- 
ed all the astronomical elements in the Malagasy astrology and divination. 

It would evidently seem to have been the most logical manner of 
treating the subject, first to have explained the astrology which is at the 
foundation of the zim/ana-doctrine, and then to have passed on to the 
stkidy, which is chiefly to be considered as the practical outcome of it. 
But against this proceeding I would object :— 

.1) That the theoretical connection between the three things (astrology, 
vintana and sikidy) has already been lost sight of by the natives, and 
Can in some respects scarcely be traced with certainty in details. What 
is left is a terminology in sekzdy and vinfana which evidently has been 
to some extent borrowed from astrology ; while, on the other hand, the 
mpistkidy here had no idea themselves either of the nature of that 
astrology, or of its connection with their art of divination; in other 
words, the ‘art’ is still there, but the ‘science’ on which it was based 
is gone, and the original connection between the two can only partially 
be traced by means of the terminology. 

(2) That the mpzrsthidy also had a good deal to do outside the domain 
of astrology and zafana, for they had not only to find out and, if neces- 
sary, counteract the influences of nature, but also those of bad spirits 
or bad men \mpdniusazvy, sorcerers, from mosavy, sorcery, evidently the 
Arab. meseya and mesazvi, an evil deed, from sa’a, to do evil, akznfa shaa, 
to look upon one with an evil [invidious ] eye). 

After these preliminary remarks on the basis and object of szkidy, I 
shall proceed to explain the ‘art of s/kidv’ under the following headings : 
(1) The Awakening of the Sekidy; (2) The Sixteen Figures of the Svtedy; 


SIKIDP AND VINTANA., 221 





(3) The Sixteen Rubrics of the Stkidy ; (4) The Erecting of the Srkrdy 
(placing the figures in the rubrics); (5) The Working of the Szkidy : (a) 
The Szkidy of Identical figures ; (6) The Sikidy of Different figures ; (c) 
The Szkidy of Combined figures; (6) Miscellaneous Sskidy ; (7) Vintana 
and San’ andro, 

I.--THE AWAKENING OF THE SIKIDY (‘Fohan-tStkidy’). The sikidy 
was generally manipulated with grains of sand, or beans, or certain seeds, 
especially those of the Fano tree (Piptadenia chrysostachys, Bth.). When 
the mpistkidy had placed a heap of these seeds or beans, etc., before 
him and was about to perform, he inaugurated his proceedings with a 
solemn invocation, calling upon God to awaken nature and men, that 
these might awaken the szkzdy to tell the truth. The following is the 
formula used, as obtained from my native informant :— 

‘‘Awake, O God, to awaken the sun! Awake, O sun, to awaken the cock ! 
Awake, O cock, to awaken mankind! (élombélona.) Awake, O mankind, to 
awaken the szézdy,—not to tell lies, not to deceive, not to play tricks, not to 
talk nonsense (mzirédirédy), not to agree to everything indiscriminately 
(hanatky be); but to search into the secret, to look into what is beyond the 
hills and on the other side of the forest, to see what no human eye can see. 

‘‘Wake up, for thou art from Sz/a@mo be vd/o (i.e. the ‘long-haired Moham- 
inedans'), from the high mountains, from Rabérobdéaka, Tapélakétsikétsika, 
Zafitsimaito, Andriambavitéalahy, Rakélihoranana, Ianakara, Andrfanoni- 
solanatra, Vazfmba, Anakandrfananahitra, Rakélilavavolo. Awake! for 
we have not got thee for nothing, for thou art dear and expensive. We 
have got (literally, ‘hired,’ s¢rana) thee in exchange for a fat cow \/amd- 
many,* a provincial word for a fat cow, is no doubt the Arab. saman, fatness 
==Heb. shemen) with a large hump, and for money on which there was no 
dust. Awake! for thou art the trust of the sovereign and the judgment of 
the people. If thou arta sz4zdy that can tell, a szktdy that can see, and 
does not (only) speak about the noise of the people, the hen killed by its 
owner, the cattle killed in the market, the dust clinging to the feet (i.e. 
self evident things), awake here on the mat! 

‘‘But if thou art a sz#edy that does not see, a sekedy that agrees to every- 
thing indiscriminately, and makes the dead living and the living dead, then 
do net arise here on the mat.”’ 

This solemn invocation being finished, the diviner begins to ‘work 
the sskidy.’ Before explaining the mode of working it, I must give the 
16 figures of the szkzdy, which must be known before the working of it 
can be understood. But before so doing, I will offer a few remarks on 
the preceding invocation. 

It is evident that the szkidy was looked upon as the special means 
used by God for making known His will to men; and it is at the same 
time characteristic enough that it was thought necessary to ‘awaken’ 
God (see the same idea in 1 Kings xviii. 27). In the long list of persons 
through whom the people here have got the szk:dy, are the Silamo (Mo- 
hammedans [from ‘Islam’ ], and then chiefly Arabs, who are also called 
Karany, ‘readers,’ i.c. those who read the Avran); and it agrees well 
with this, that Arabic words occur even in this exordium (e.g. /amanany 
and also sarana (=Arab. ajara, to hire; same root as sara in saran- 
dakana, fare), and still more in the terminology I am about to give and 


* Not simply ‘a cow,’ as stated in the Dictionary. 


e - 2S ® 


ot ae SIKID¥ AND VINTANA. 





explaiy in the following pages. Most of the names in the list above, giving 

—~——— thé ‘authorities’ from whom the Malagasy have received the szkidy, are 
rather obscure.: The Anakandriananahitra is, I presume, the same 
mythical personage who is elsewhere called simply Ranakandrfana (or 
Anakandrfana), a ghost that used to haunt some famous caves in Imerina 
(e.g. one at Fandana, to the east of Ambéhimadnambodla), and from whom, 
according to one tradition at least, both the stkidy and the sampy (idols) 
originated. When also the Vazimba are mentioned, I suppose it is 
because the diviners were anxious to have the s#kidy connected with 
everything that was mysterious and pointed back to the mythical days 
of old; but it may also be that the Vazimba really were the people who 
first received the sikidy from the Arabs, and that the other tribes in 
their turn got it from the Vazimba. One of the names at least (An- 
driambavitoalahy) occurs in the old tale of ‘Ibonia,’* in the life of whose 
hero the stkidy plays a very prominent part. 

I may add that individual mpzstkidy of any reputation seem each to 
have had their own form of address to the stkidy before working it, or at 
least they took the liberty of making considerable variations in the 
wording of it, although its general bearing seems to have been very 
much the same. 

II.—-THE 16 FIGURES OF THE Sixipy (‘My Sikidy 16 Anarana’/. 
Having finished his address, the diviner began to work the stkidy (liter- 
ally, ‘raise it up,’ manangan-/stkidy), taking beans or fano seeds, etc., 
and arranging them on the floor (on a mat) according to rules we shall 
explain presently. These beans or seeds we must represent by dots. 
They were the following :— 


Hova, Sakalava. Arabs of E.Co, of Africa. 

1. }{ Jama (or Zoma) ......... _.... Asombéla Asombola 

2. :: Alahizany — ..... cee eee eee, Alizaha Alahoty 

3. 2; Aséraldhy ...... 200 coon ee, Aséralahy Alasady 

4. .:, Votsira (=Vontsira) ...... 2.0. Karija Tabaty horojy 

§. : Taraiky...... 0... cece eeeeeeee Taraiky Asaratany 

6. “F Saka oe. eee wees Alakaosy Tabadahila 

7. *: ASOravavy .....ccee cee wee ceee Adabara  Afaoro 

8. 2: Alikfsy ........ 0.0.00. weeeee Alikisy Alijady 

g. .:, Aditsima (Aditsimay).......... Alatsimay Alizaoza 
10. *s Kizo .... 2... cee te wees Alakarabo Alakarabo 
11. .: Adikasdjy .... 0.6.00 cee ceee Beéetsivéngo Adizony(=Adimizany ?) 
12. :.: Vanda mitsangana (=Mikarija) AdAlo Alahamaly 
13. -:- Vanda midndrika (=Modlahidy) Alahdotsy Alakaosy 
14. 3: Alokola.. ....... 0.2... 0.005. Alikola Adalo(?) 

15. :. Alaimora .............---.... Alihiméra  Alihimora 

16, *.: Adibijady.. ......... ...... Alabidvo Bihiava 


* See my Specimens of Malagasy Folk-lore, p- 125. : 


SIRIDY AND VINTANA. aoe 





The names in the first row are those that were in use in the intehOne 
The order in which they are given by the different authorities di 
some extent; but as nothing depends upon the order, I have followed 
the one that seems most systematic, commencing with the fullest form 
( 3: ), and taking away one bean (dot) for each figure until only four 
are left ( : ), and then adding one again to each, by which proceeding 
we get the first eight figures. The next eight are formed by placing 
twos and ones in various combinations. The theory of the whole is 
evidently that not more than eight beans can be used in any figure, and 
that all of them must contain four in length, while there may be two or 
one in breadth. It follows of course that only 16 figures or different 
combinations are possible. 

The names in the second and third rows I obtained from an Arab 
trader, who has spent most of his life in East Africa and on the west 
coast of Madagascar. As he left Arabia when only twelve years old, 
he could give me no information with regard to the practice of stkidy 
in his native country ; neither did he seem to feel quite certain as to 
the correctness of all the information he gave. I have added a query 
to the names with regard to which he seemed to hesitate most. 

Flacourt® gives us alist of 16 ‘Figures des Geomance,’ as in use 
among the tribes in the vicinity of Fort Dauphin more than two hundred 
years ago. He does not, however, really give the very figures, but only 
their names, to which he adds a Latin translation, viz. :— 


Alohotsi, acgzzsztzo. Alacarabo, fuer. 

Adalou, amzssio. Alicozaza, Alimiza, Auella. 
Alihiza, letzfza. Adabara, major fortuna. 
Alinchissa, ¢vesteZza. Alaazadi, minor fortuna. 
Alacossi, caput draconts. Assomboulo, Jopulus. 
Cariza, cauda draconts. Tareche, wa. 

Alohomoré, a/dus. Alissima, conjunctzo. 
Alibiauou, ~zdcus. Alocola, carcer. 


He adds that ‘‘all these figures have the same meaning and power as 
are attributed to them by the authors of Europe.” As it would almost 
amount to an insult to my readers to suppose that any of them are 
ignorant of what ‘the authors of Europe” teach with regard to geoman- 
cy, I shall of course abstain from commenting upon this very conclusive 
information! We can see at a glance that many of his names are 
identical with those used in the interior: Alihiza, Alacossi (=Alikisy ?), 
Alohomore, Tareche, Alissima (=Aditsima}, and Alocola; while others 
can be identified with those in the znd and 3rd rows on the oppopite 
page, as Alahotsy, Adalou, Alakarabo, Adabara, Assombola, Cariza, Alaa- 
zadi (=Alijady), Alabiauou (=Alabiavo and Bihiava), and Alimiza (=Adi- 
mizany ?). Only two remain, Alinchissa and Alicozaza, which last, how- 
ever, has another name (Alimiza), the identification of which seems a 
little doubtful; but I think Alinchissa is=Al-kizo, and Alicozaza= 
Adikosajy. If so, all of them are identified. 

Flacourt is quite aware that the ompisiquilt (mptstkidy) had their 
wisdom from the Arabs, as he states that they were very clever in writing 





© Histosre de la Grande Isle Madagascar ; Paris: 1661; p. 173. 


224 SIKIDP AND VINTANA, 





with Arabic characters, and adds that they used to learn also a good 
deal of the language together with the characters, and frequently wrote 
chapters of the Koran on the books they made use of in their art. 
He even gives us a complete list of ecclesiastical orders of the omdéiasy, 
with Arabic names, but amusingly mistranslated ; cafibon, for instance, 
he says means a bishop; it is of course the Arabic kefad, a clerk, a 
writer, And the translations he adds to the 16 names of szkidy figures 
quoted above is not much better; Tareche (Arab. f/arig, way), however, 
he translates correctly. As a good many of these names are exactly the 
same as those of the Malagasy months, which Flacourt on the very 
same page correctly identifies with the names of the constellations in 
the Zodiac, it is the more strange that this should have escaped his 
notice, and that he should have mistranslated them as he does (Alahotsy 
is==Pisces ; Adalou is=Aquarius ; Alaazadi is=Capricornus ; Alacossi is 
=Sagittarius ; Alacarabo is=Scorpio ; Alimiza is =Libra ; and Assombola 
is==Virgo). As to the others, there was nothing to guide him, since he 
did not know Arabic. And even if he had known it, he might have felt 
greatly embarassed when dealing with words which have undergone 
such changes that their origin can scarcely be traced, and have besides 
often through usage acquired a meaning with regard to which their 
etymology is no guide. It is easy enough to see that Alohomoré does not 
mean ‘white,’ as Flacourt gives it; its sound points to @/-ahamar, the 
‘red one ;’ but I have a suspicion that it is a corruption of Alahamaiy 
(Aries in the Zodiac, used as the name of a month here in the interior), 
and written Alahemali in Flacourt (¢ and / easily interchange in Mala- 
gaso), a form that might easily become Alohomoré, as / and r are fre- 
quently interchanged in Malayo-Polynesian languages. Ido not, how- 
ever, intend to enter more fully into the question of the meaning of all 
the names given by Flacourt; I have mentioned this only by way of 
illustration. On the whole, I believe that nearly all the names he has 
given refer to the heavenly bodies. As to many of them, I have already 
pointed out that they refer to the constellations of the Zodiac. Adabarais 
beyond doubt the first moon-station in the month Adaoro (Ad-daharanu; 
see ANNUAL IIL., p. 131); Alocola seems to be=Alikili, the third moon- 
station in Adimizana (Libra), and Alissima=Assimaka, the second moon- 
station in Asombola. The remaining five (Alihiza, Alinchissa, Ceriza, 
Alibiauou, Tareche) I am unable to identify with any star or constellation. 

Returning to the 16 names in use in the interior, we see at a glance 
that they differ greatly both from those in use on the west coast and 
those given by Flacourt. Some are partly Malagasy, whilst most of 
them are entirely Arabic. I shall take them in order and offer a few 
remarks on cach :— 

1. Fama is evidently the Arabic zemda@, union, i.e. the figure in which 
all the beans (8) that can possibly occur in any of these figures are united. 
In the others only 4 to 7 occur The Arabic root ama, to unite, to congre- 
gate, is the same as in Zoma (Friday, literally, ‘congreyation,’ i.e. day of 
congregation). In Flacourt, as well as on the west coast and among the 
Arabs : 7), this igure is called Asombola (Virgo). The name Yamd evidently 
only refers to the shage of the figure, entirely disregarding the astrology 
which ts at the root of it. 








SIKID¥ AND VINTANA. Pet} 
—_— oor 
NL eer 


2. Alahizany, Flacourt, Alahiza. In Arabic a/-akzanu means etymolo- 

ically ‘grief.’ But what astronomical meaning it may have besides this, 
cannot tell. 

3. Asoralaky is very obscure. Its first part, Asova, seems to be the 
\rabic as-sahr, the month, a root which occurs in many other Malagasy 
nonth-names, especially in the provinces. In Imerina we have AsaramA4nitra 
the ‘fragrant month’) for the Fandréana month. In the provinces we have 
\sdramanara, Asaramanitsa, Asarabé, etc. But whether the last part of the 
vord is the Malagasy /ahy (masculine) or not, I dare not say. 

4. Asoravavy I take next because of the apparent similarity of its ety- 
nology, although this is not always its place in the s##:dy arrangement. 
Asora is ‘month,’ and vavy, if Malagasy, would mean feminine, ‘the feminine 
nonth,’ as the former would be ‘the masculine’ one. 

Votstra or Vontsira, which the Sakalava call Ka7vz7a, and the Arabs 
n East Africa, Zabaty horozy, is probably the Cavzza of Flacourt. This 
ast word is perhaps a synonym to Alahamady, for karvaz or kuraza in 
Arabic (Syr. 40a2z0) means a ram, especially the one that carries the bell and 
eads the way; for Aries (a/-hama/u [=Alahamady], the wether) was by the 
incients considered the leader of all the animals in the Zodiac. 

6. Zaratky is at any rate the Arabic /arzg, way. But what astronomical 
neaning it may have besides, I cannot tell. 

7. Saka is also the provincial name for a month, and I believe it is a 
iynonym for Adalo, which as an astronomical term means the Aquarius of 
he Zodiac, and then the 11th month of the Malagasy year. Adalo (Arab. 
\d-dalvu) properly means a water-bucket, and then, as an astronomical term, 
\quarius. Saka is a popular name for a water-carrier, and when the 
falagasy put Saéa for Adalo, they only did what we do when we speak of ‘the 
reat Bear’ instead of Ursa major. We have the same root in the verb 
nantsaka (the root of which is saa, not ¢saka, as given in the Dictionary), 
0 draw water. 

8. Ad/zkisy is, I think, thesame as Alakaosy (Sagittarius of the Zodiac, 
nd name of the gth month). 

9. Adzttsima (Aditsimay) the Malagasy evidently understood to mean ‘a 
attle that does not burn.’ I suspect it to be a corruption (with transposition) 
f Adimizany (Libra in the Zodiac, and the 7th month). It might, however, 
e=A s5-stmak, a synonym to Alohotsy=Pisces. 

10. 7zzo I cannot explain at all. 

11. Adtkasazy is equally obscure. 

12. Vanda mitsangana (=Mikarija) ; and 
13. Vanda miondrika (=Molahidy). That mtfsangana means ‘stand- 
ig,’ and mzondrtka, ‘bowing,’ everybody knows; but what Vanda is, I 
innot tell. Alsharzza may be the Arabic mzkrez, an awl. Afolahidy looks 
ory like the Arabic ma/ahadu, thrusting, beating, affliction ; but it might as 
ell be a corruption of the Arabic modid, nativity. 

14. A/okola, which the natives sometimes turn into dlok’ dlona (‘shade of 
man’), seems to be the Arabic A/zér/u, the 17th of the moon-stations (the 
‘d one in Adimizana). 

15. °A/aimora; according to Malagasy etymology this would mean, 
aken gently.’ But as the older form given by Flacourt is ‘Alohomoré,’ and 
; some of the natives here say ‘Alahamora,’ I feel sure that the / is original, 
id that the word is an Arabic one. It looks like the Arabic a/-ahmaru, 
hich does not, however, as Flacourt thinks, mean wHz/e, but xed. But I do 
ot at all feel sure that it is not. after all, only a corruption of Alahamady, as 
have already hinted at in another place. 

16. Ad:bzyady seems to be a curious composition, or rather, juxtaposition, 


386 -SIKIDY AND VINTANA. 








of two Arabic names for ‘goat.’ ¥ady means ‘goat’ and Capricornus, and, 
with the article and a little corruption, this gives us Adijady (a Malagasy 
month-name). Ad#b?- appears to be the Arabic a¢h-thads, the goat. 
Probably both of them have been used promiscuously for Capricornus, and 
then were joined into one word. 

III.—TuHE 16 Rusrics oF THE Srxipy (‘Vy Stkidy 16 Reny,’ ‘The 
16 mothers of stkidy’’. Tothe 16 figures of the szkzdy correspond the 
16 rubrics* or places in the arrangement of the szkidy, one being placed 
in each rubric, not, however, that all of the figures must necessarily occur. 
More rubrics may perchance get the same figure, as this depends only 
on hap-hazard. If we arrange the rubrics in the manner usual in the 
practice of sekidy, we get the following table :— 











tovo 
na 
Te, %, ehivavy 
@ : | 
% ale oe 
euoyaa Lu (UTaIs y, e atovo an-trano 
a 
CATV) ee Marin: do, 
As3e1p-u019 ee [Vehivavy do. 
4201010] ee . ([Firiariavana do. 
° ri} > , & 
Oe ete T FE sr FE F*, 
© iS ee Ba 2 BS 8 B SF “eg 
4 hn nh ~ 
np b & BY Eg 12 B 
we — & ue 4 —_ & 
— q AY i 
EB 6 


It will be seen at a glance, however, that we have got more than 16 
names here, although the rubrics are really not more than 12, correspond- 
ing, I believe, to the 12 Signs of the Zodiac. If a skilful diviner is 
asked for ‘Vy stkidy 16 reny’, he will only enumerate the four names given 
in the first row ( Za/é — Vohrtra), the four to the right of it (Zatév0o—Faha- 
valo), and the eight below ( 7rdno—Fahasizvy), giving us the 16 complete. 


* What Mr. Dahle here terms ‘rubrics’ are given in former books and in the Dictionary as 
‘columns’ of the sskidy.—EDs, 


SIKIDV AND VINTANA, aa 





he others seem to be considered as accessofy ahd of secondary impor- 
nce. Some of them are simply repetitions, with this only difference> 
at they refer to things in another man’s house, not in that of the 
quirer for whom the stkidy operation in question is undertaken. Othérs 
e placed to the left side of the lower square and at its two corners. 

As I have thought best to give the native names of the rubrics above, 
shall now enumerate and translate them, adding an explanatory note 
»some of them. 


1, ZYalé. This word is not Malagasy. I have no doubt that it is Arabic, 
though the explanation may be doubtful, as there are many possibilities 
ith regard to its derivation: In Arabic 7a/a means ‘to ascend,’ and in the 
‘d conjugation (tala), to make a thing ascend from the abyss of darkness 
od obscurity into light, to investigate, fo explore, to enquire into; from 
hence we get the noun /@/fa, explorer, investigator, which corresponds 
tactly with what the Zale in stkidy really is, as it always represents the 
arson or thing concerning whom (or which) the enquiry is made. But I 
Imit that other derivations from the same root (as ¢¢/:a, good fortune, 
roscope, etc.) might be suggested. 

a. Haréna, property, is a Malagasy word; and so is 

3. Fahatélo, the third one. My native informant says that Fahafelo here 
presents the relations of the Za/e, the one for whom the enquiry is made. 

4. Véhitra, town, village, is Malagasy too, These four all represent the 
'rson or thing concerned in the ss#zdy. If the thing in question is of such 
nature that it can fairly be considered as falling under the headings 
roperty,’ ‘relations,’ or ‘village,’ one of these rubrics is chosen to represent 
; but if it is a person (not a slave, for his position is under the ‘property’), 
,» upon the whole, anything that cannot be grouped under any of these three 
adings, it comes under Jade. 

§. Zafévo, a youth, a young person, is Malagasy. 

6. Marina (or mariny) a slave. This word is an etymological puzzle ; 
is at any rate neither Malayan nor African. The Arabs generally use 
td (the provincial Malagasy adz/y) for a slave; I cannot but think that 
arina must be the Arabic marina (plur, of marun), ‘men,’ especially with 
2 idea of ‘strength.’ It was probably used by the Arab slave-traders as a 
‘m by which they recommended their slaves as strong masculine fellows. 
this manner it may have been introduced among’st the coast tribes, who 
ve no other slaves than those they have bought from the Arabs. Here in 
2 interior the word is only used as a technical term in the sz4:dy, and was 
st likely introduced here through the medium of the inhabitants of the 
asts. 

7 Véhtvavy, woman, is Malagasy; and so also is 

3. Fahavalo, enemy. In the repetition of the same terms (only referring 
2m to another house), the diviners use /7viarzavana in its place, and in a 
nilar sense. This latter is not a Malagasy word at all; I believe it to 
the Arabic fi7vavu, the running away from, or escaping, an enemy, and 
>n, in general, to move, walk, run. 

g. JLrdno, house, ) 

10. Lalana, way, road, all Malagasy. 

11. Mpanontany, an inquirer, | 

12. Asérotdany isto all appearance like the name of Cancer in the Zodiac ; 
t still I should doubt whether it is the same word. The natives often put 
ndriana ‘nobleman, or king) instead, and sometimes Razana (ancestors) as 
equivalent, which makes me think that As su/¢famt (Arabic for sovereign, 
iperor, Sultan) is the original form, and that it has been changed uricon- 


SIKIDF AND VINTANA. 


OP 
——_ 


. “sciously into A sorotany to make it like the word the Malagasy already knew 


as the name of a month. 

13. Andriamanitra, God, is Malagasy. 

14. Ma; not a Malagasy word at all. There is probably a root ma in 
Malagasy in the sense of error (verb mania, to wander about, then, to err, 
—generally referred to a root sza, because the reduplicated form is maniasia, 
while neither #z@ or sza are in use except as root of this verb; but as 
mza in Melanesian means error, sin, I think mza@ is the true root, and the s 
an inserted consonant of dissimilation), and also an introduced Arabic one 
meaning intention (Arab. wzya=infentio, propositum animt); but none of 
these seems to correspond to the mza in the s##:dy. For this last one the 
diviners sometimes put Hanzna (food), evidently regarding this as is equiva- 
lent. This puts us on thetrack. It seems to be the Arabic mz (or miun, 
with the ‘Zamwz2’), which means meat, especially underdone meat (cero 
semtcocta). The reason why this rather strange term should be used, ! 
cannot tell. Perhaps there is something at the bottom of the szkzdy theory 
that justifies it. 

15. The two remaining ones are Malagasy, viz. A/aszna, the holy one, 1s 
a general epithet applied to the mfzszkzdy, and here it stands for his name. 

16. /ahasivy, the ninth, for which term sometimes rdmo (water) 1s 
substituted. This I cannot explain to my satisfaction. /ahasivy is some- 
times used in the figurative sense of ‘the departed,’ ‘the spirits of the dead;’ 
but what has that to do with razo in the sense of ‘water’ ? If we could suppose 
rano to be only a corruption of the Arabic runna (pfopulus, homines), or of 
rana (spectaculum ) in the sense of an apparition, it would at any rate give 
us a better equivalent for Fahaszvy in the sense of ‘the departed ones,’ but 
this is, I confess, only a guess. 


The remaining names not included in the 16 seem to be Malagasy 
(cf., however, kororosy). They are the following :— 


1. Biby ratsy (=Kary), a bad animal (=a tabby cat). 

2. Ist-nahy (=vina ho avy, my native informant says is the unexpected, 
the future ; vzza is the Arabic evzza [evinat], pl. of en, evan, time, season, 
probably the same word as vinfana). 

3. 6rorésy; if this is a Malagasy word, it means sliding, gliding; but 
I doubt it. Perhaps it is the Cavzza of Flacourt. 

Olon-dratsy, bad men. 
A lika, a dog. 
Tsinin’ ny velona, the blame of the living. 
Tsintn’ ny maty, the blame of the dead. 
Ra be mandriaka, much bloodshed. 
Osy, a goat. 
Ondry, a sheep. 
11. Afkoho, a hen. 
12. IJ’érombéahdazo, the name of a bird, but what kind I cannot tell. 
13. Zsz-éfa, what is not, done or finished. 
14. Mamo-héfa probably stands for mamo-efa (?), tired of doimg (?), or, 
rather, tired of what 1s done (?). 


To these remarks on the names of the rubrics, I must add a few hints 
as to the manner of reading (examining) the figures put into them, viz. :— 

1. The four first ones (Za/e=Vohitra) and the eight below ( 7rano= 
Fahastvy) are to be read from above downwards (vertically). 


2. The eight to the right (Zafovo= Fahavalo, repeated twice) are to be 
read from right to left (horizontally). 


SO 9 OS 


SIKIDF AND VINTANA. 229 





3. The four to the left (Kororosy=Tsinin’ my velona) are to be read 
im left to right (horizontally). 

Those at the two corners to the left are read in a peculiar manner, viz. : 
) Two of them (7sz-mahy and TZsinin’ ny maty) are read in a straight 
e(a diagonal) from one corner to the opposite one. (4) The other two 
iby ratsy and Ra mandriaka) are to be read in curved lines, each of 
2m taking in two of the middle squares of the larger square to which they 
long and terminating respectively at the two ends of the rubric Andria- 
wnitra, each of them on the same side on which they commenced. 
3. Two (Ondry and Akého) of those on the two upper corners of the 
permost square are to be read from the corner where the name is placed 
the opposite corner below (in a diagonal, just as-in No. 4,a@). The 
ne is the case with the two other corner figures, 7Zst-efa and Mamo- 
fa, only that the last one is read from below to the opposite corner 
ove. 
}} The two other corner figures above, Ondry and Voromboahazo, are 
be read in the manner described under No. 4, 3. 


[V—THE ERECTING OF THE SIKIDY (‘Fananganan-tStkidy,’ i.e. the 
icing of the figures in the rubrics). In the diagram at the beginning 
the preceding section I have filled all the rubrics with figures as a 
‘itable mpistkidy would do, only that I have used dots to represent his 
ins or seeds. I shall nowtry to give the rules for this ‘erecting of 
: sikidy.’ : 
l. The first four rubrics (Zale— Vohitra) are filled with figures in the 
lowing manner. From the heap of beans before him the mpustkidy 
es a handful at random, and from this handful he takes out two and 
) till he has either two or one left. If two are left, he puts two beans, if 
+, one bean into the first (upper) square of Za/e. In the same manner 
fills the remaining three, and then proceeds to fill Harena, Fahatelo, 
| Vohkitra, square by square, from above downwards. 

When these four rubrics—all representing the person or thing 
arding whom or which the szkidy is made—are filled in the manner 
cribed, the remaining eight are filled by a combination of these, or of 
ers that have already been filled by a combination of these. This is 
ie in such a manner that two figures are chosen and compared square 
square from above downwards. If this combination gives dissimilar 
abers (i.e., if one of the two combined squares has one bean, and the 
er two), only one bean is put in the corresponding square of the new 
re to be formed; but if it gives similar numbers (i.e. if the two 
ibined squares both contain one, or both two beans), two beans are 
into it. | 

These combinations are subjected to the following rules :— 


t) Zale and Harena (i.e. a combination of the two in the manner 
scribed) form (mamoaka) Lalana. 

») Fahatelo and Vohitra form Asorotany, 

‘) Lalana and Asorotany form Mpanontany. 

0) Zatovo and Afarina form Mia. 

') Vehivavy and Fahavalo form Fahasivy. 

f) Nia and Fakasivy form Masina, 

Masina and Mpanontany form Andriamanitra, 

Andro and Zale form Zrano. 


——~a50— SIKID¥ AND VINFANA., 


A glance at the diagram J have given will show that all the eight 
figures below have actually been formed according to these rules. If 
we, for instance, compare Za‘ and Harena, from which La/ana is to be 
formed, we get dissimilar numbers all the way, as all the pairs of squares 
have one and two, and consequently Zalana gets only one bean in all 
its squares. Exactly the same procedure—musahs mutandis—takes place 
in the filling in of the remaining seven rubrics below. 


V.—THE WORKING OF THE Sixipy. When the szkrdy is erected in 
the manner described above, the question arises: What is to be done with 
it? How to work it so as to get an answer to your questions, a medicine 
for your sickness, or a charm against the evils of which you may be appre- 
hensive, etc. ? 

Let me remark at the outset, that the skidy properly deals with 
questions put to it. To answer these is its proper function. But if you 
ask what is the root of an evil, or the means of removing or averting it, 
etc., the answer will of course point out to you the cure of your evils as 
well, and so far, appear as ars medica. There are, however, kinds of 
sthidy in which no question is put, but the remedy or prophylactic 

" against the evil is proposed at once. But as these are rather different 
from an ordinary sikidy-process, I shall treat of them in a separate 
section. What concerns us now is, the oxdinary stkidy, the business of 
which is to give us answers to our questions. 

The first thing we have to examine, after having ‘erected the szkidy’ 
is, what figure we have got in the rubric Andnamanitra ; for out of the 
16 figures, there are only 8 (Jama, Taratky, Vanda mitsangana, Vanda 
miondrika, Alokola, Aditsima, Asoralahy, Asoravavy) that ‘agree’ with An- 
driamanitra. These are called the ‘Nobles’ or ‘Kings’ of the stkidy (‘An- 
drian’ ny stkidy*), whereas the remaining 8 are called the ‘Slaves’ of the 
stkidy (‘Andevon-tsikidy’). If you happen to get any of the latter in the 
said rubric, the szkzdy is said to be ‘folaka’ (literally ‘tamed,’ i.e. invalid), 

and you have to destroy the whole and begin anew; for your szktdy has 

not.done the proper honour to Andriamanitra (putting a stave in His 
rubric) and consequently cannot be expected to tell you the truth in His 
name. The saying of the diviners that only 8 of the 16 figures agree 
with, or are applicable to, God (‘mety ho amin’ Andriamanitra’) has been 
curiously misunderstood (for instance, by Mr. Ellis in his History of 

Madagascar, vol. I., p. 443) as meaning, that it never happened that any 

other figure got into the rubric Andriamanitra. 

When this point is successtully overcome, the next businessis to choose 
one of the four first rubrics / Zale— Vohitra/ to represent the question, or, 
rather, the person or thing it refers to. As Zale is to represent every- 
thing that cannot be put under the headings ‘property,’ ‘relations,’ or 
‘village,’ the choice cannot be very puzzling; and I suppose the sepisr- 
kidy, as a rule, settles this question in his own mind before entering upon 
his work; but he is not obliged to settle it before coming to the point 
in the operation at which we have now arrived. This being settled, the 
proceedings branch out into the following parts:—A. The Stksdy of 
Identical Figures; B. The Svdsdy of Different (Unique) Figures; and 
C. The Svkedy of Combined Figures, 


- 











SIKIDF AND VINTANA. - » 


A.—The Sikidy of Identical Figures (‘Stkidy mitovy tsangana’). Waving 
Settled what rubric is to represent the question, the next thing is to 
€xamine which of the 16 figures has got into the rubric representing 
it. This being found, we go on examining all the other figures except 
the remaining three available for representing the question (for these 
have nothing to do with the answer), that is to say, those on the right - 
Side, those on the left, and those on the two corners to the left (cf. what 
has been said about the manner of reading them). 

If we, thus examining them, find that any of them is like the one 
representing the question, this may or may not settle the question, or, in 
other words, give us the answer. This depends on the nature of (name 
of) the rubric in which it is found. If I expect a ship and am going to 
enquire about its coming by means of the stkidy, the rubric Harena 
(property) is of course to represent it. If in this rubric I find, for instance, 
the figure Jama ( :: ), and on further examination find the same figure 
in the rubric Andro, this gives me no answer, as there is no natural con- 
nection between the two conceptions. If, on the contrary, I find the 
same figure in the rubric marked Zd/ana, then of course I know that the 
ship is at any rate already on the way. I have then got an answer to the 
chief question ; but there may still be good reason for a sharp look-out, 
for there may be difficulties in its way. Suppose that I also find the same 
figure in the rubric marked Fahavalo (enemy), my mind will immediately 
be filled with gloomy apprehensions of pirates. Not a bit more cheerful 
will be my prospects, if I find the same figure under Ra be mandriaka 
(much bloodshed). But what a consolation, on the other hand, if the same 
figure reappears under the rubric Mia (food); for then I must certainly 
be a blockhead if I do not understand that, although the ship may 
have a long voyage, there is no fear of scarcity of food on board; 
and so on. It is easy enough to see that a man with much practice and 
a good deal of imagination could produce much ‘information’ in this 
manner ; and I suppose that in a good many cases the mpistkidy were able 
to find an answer already in this first act of their proceedings, even if the 
means of finding it might seem scanty enough to ordinary mortals. 

But the operations do not end here; for, quite apart from the identity 
of the figure representing the question with one of more of those in the 
other rubrics, it is of great importance to find out whether some of the 
others are mutually like one another, and in how many rubrics the same 
figure occurs in a stkidy. In this respect my native helper gives me the 
following rules :— 

1. If Fakasivy and Aasina are alike (ie. happen to have the same 
figure), it means 75t-ringatra, which my man explains to signify Zsy 
mthéetsika, does not move, agitate. 

a. If Fahkasivy and Via are alike, it means A/a/z-rda (two deaths), t.e. two 
of something must die, most likely two persons ; but the evil may be averted 
by killing and throwing away two locusts asa faditra. (Cf. the old Greek 
story about Astyages, who thought that the prediction that Cyrus would 
become king was fulfilled by his being nominated king in the children’s play.) 

3. If Fahatelo and Harena are alike, it means Vahieka (a crowd of 
people); i.e. that a crowd of people may be expected. 

f Zrano and Mpanontany are alike, it means Zsindrilasy (pressed 
down by an encampment [?], i.e. that the enemy is coming. 


334 SIKIDFY AND VINTANA. 





rules for this kind of szkzdy fokana; but as the whole are very much in 
the same style as what I have already given under A ndriamanttra, | do not 
think it worth while to trouble the reader with all these rules, as I do not 
intend to enable him to practise the sz4zdy (this secret I shall of course keep 
for my own use !), but only to give him an idea as to what it is. 

3. Onigue Figures in Harena; 12 of the 16 figures are given as having 
a special meaning when found only in this rubric. 

4. Unique Figures in Fahatelo; only 2 (Fama and Zarazky) are 
regarded as having a special meaning. 

5: i Unique Figures tn Vohitra ; includes 13 (?) of the 16 figures; nothing 

eculiar. 

P 6. Onique Figures in Trano; 14 of the figures are regarded as having a 
special meaning, of which the first one (Saka) is considered an excellent 
remedy against sterility, if the beans of the figure ( °:" ) are mixed with milk, 
which is then to be put into 14 pumpkin-shell fragments and given to 14 
children, who are to put some rice into a pot, from which the sterile woman 
eats it. Many of the rules in this kind of stéz@y have a reference to sterility, 
sickness or death. 

7. Unique Figures in Lalana; only 4 of the figures have any special 
meaning; nothing peculiar about the rules. 

8. Unigue [igures tn Mpanontany; 11 of the figures have a special 
meaning. 

9. Unigue Figures tn Asorotany ; 4 figures with special meanings. 

10. Unique Figures in Nia; only one figure (Ala:mora) with a special 
meaning ; it is called Manjakaména (‘red king’). If the sé#sdy in question 
refers to the king, it is considered a good omen; but if to a sick man, it 
is bad and means Xa mandriaka (‘blood in streams.’) 

t1. Oniqgue Figures in Masina; 3 figures with a special meaning, of 
which the first one refers to money, the other two to diseases. 

12. Onigue Figures tn Fahasivy; 4 figures have a special meaning, but 
nothing particular otherwise. 

I have given the special rules for this kind of sékidy only so far as 
regards the first one (‘God’), just to show the general style and_ bearing 
of them. If I had done the same as regards all these 12 clases, it would 
have required too much space. Suffice it to say, that they either simply 
suggest an answer to a question, or (more frequently) at the same time 
also give a remedy against the evil intimated by the answer. 

Before leaving this section some words should be added upon two 
other kinds of stk¢dy which are closely connected with the preceding 12 
clauses, and are by the natives called respectively, Stkidy Mifamaly (i.e. 
‘stkidy mutually corresponding with one another, and Sikidy Fanahana, 
which my native helper explains to mean /anatitra hasolony (‘a sacrifice 
as substitute for a person’); but these must be reserved for the conclud- 


ing paper. 
L. DAHLE. 
(To be Concluded in our next Namber. ) 








* On account of the demands upon our space, a description of ‘The Sikidy of Combined 
Figures’ (Lofin-sihidy), which Mr. Dahle had supplied, must also be left to be given with the 
concluding paper on ‘Miscellaneous Sshidy’ and ‘Vsntana,’ which he has kindly promised 
for the next number of the ANNUAL,—EDS. 


THE ANTANANARIV@ ANNUAL. a3§ 





NOTES ON THE \SETSILEO DIALECT 
(AS SPOKEN IN THE ARINDRANO DISTRICT). 


LTHOUGH it is generally understood that the language spoken through- 
L out the island of Madagascar is essentially one, yet the dialects of the 
eral tribes, and even of different clans, vary considerably. People from 
acent provinces have often great difficulty in ‘understanding one another ; 
1so yreat is the difference between the dialects of Imérina and South 
tsileo, that a Hova hearing the latter for the first time can only catch the 
ieral drift of the speaker’s remarks, and probably will fail to do even this 
he Betsileo are excited and speak rapidly. The Hova dialect, being the 
tten language and taught in the schools, ts gradually making its way in 
provinces where there are Hova garrisons and traders; but hitherto, so 
as influencing the common speech of the people is concerned, its effect is 
he smallest. 

have been asked to contribute a paper to the ANNUAL on the Betsileo 
lect as distinct from that spoken by the Hova: but as the dialects spoken 
the northern districts differ somewhat from those of the south, these 
otes’’ will have reference only to that portion of the province of which 
bdhimandroso forms the centre. Sandra, Lalangina and Manandriana 
h have their peculiarities, but my acquaintance with these is only small. 
it be understood that it is the dialect of that portion of the Betsileo 
vince known as Arindrano that I now propose to compare with the lan- 
ge of Imerina, and not that of the Betsileo as a whole. 

he difference between the two dialects is seen in the (1) Pronunciation; 
Use of Different Words ; (3) Peculiar Uses of Words ; and (4) Construce 
of Sentences. Add tothese a peculiar Intonation, and little more remains 
e said. 


—PRONUNCIATION. 1. J@and # before the consonants 4, J, d, Z, & in 
Hova words are almost invariably dropped; e.g. :— 


umba (H) Mada (B) Crocodile. Manda (H) Mada(B) A wall. 
nanompo Panopo Servant. Mainty Matty Black. 
inkato Makato Obey. ' 


When not followed by the above-mentioned consonants, the # is com- 
ly pronounced as #g in ring, hang, etc. ; e.g. :— 


inetsa (H) Mangetsa (B) To transpant. Manisa (H) Mangisa (B) To count. 
The z in the middle of Hova words is often dropped by the Betsileo; 


, (H) f-y(B) He, she, it, they. Aiza (H) Aia(B) Where? 

The final y in Hova words is almost always changed into e, as the 
sileo have a great objection to the ¢ sound. The final @ may be said to 
w the same rule, though with many exceptions; e.g. :— 


ty (H) Onge (B) River. Koka (H) Koke (B) Shout, etc, 
analy Omale Yesterday. Ketraka Ketrake Faint, etc. 


in the middle of a word is also occasionally changed into e; e.g. :— 

ikitra (H) Reketse(B) Just, right, etc. Hevitra(H)  Hevitse (B) Thought, etc. 
The » in the ending ¢ra in the Hova dialect is invariably changed into 

the Betsileo; e.g. :— 

stiatra (H) Mengatse (B) Ashamed. Fanjaitra (H) Fanyattse (B) Needle.. 


“ig 236 NOTES ON THE BETSILEO DIALECT. 





5 Og. | 
Tanang (H) Zanga(B) Hand. Varahina (H) Varake (B) Brass. 
S Saho Frog. 


s The final syllable #a in the Hova words is altogether dropped by the 
* ~ Betsi™ 


In the districts around Fianarantsda, however, the #a@ is retained but is 
sounded very lightly. 

7. Ina large number of Betsileo words, a letter is changed or added; or 
one or more syllables are added; or a change of form, and something 
approaching reduplication, takes place. But it would be difficult to classify 
all these changes, as no more than two or three words follow the same mule. 
The following words illustrate the most common of them :— 


No (H) Ro (B) Particle. Omby (H) <Aombe or Ang- 

Ary Ara And. ombe (B) Ox. 

Tsy Tsa Not. Folo Faolo Ten. 
Ataovy A taovo Do or make. Tongotra Tomboke Foot. 
Matokia Matokisa _ Trust. Izao L2tzao That or thus. 
Sahy Saky Bold. Zozoro ZLorozovro A rush. 
Tapitra Tampitse _‘ Finished. Famonjena Famonyea Salvation. 


8. Some of the demonstrative pronouns and adverbs of place may serve as 
further illustrations of these changes :— 


To (H) Loto (B) This. Ato (H) Atato (B Here. 

Ity Itoy or [toe That. Eo Eoeo or Eoheo There. 

Itsy Itstoheke do. Ao Aceo or Aoheo do. 

Ireto Iretohé These. Etsy Etsetsy do. 

Ireo Leohé do. Atsy Atsatsy do. 

Ireny Treo do. Eroa Eroahé do. 

Ety Etoy or Etoe Here. Aroa Aroahé do. 

Aty Atoy or Atoe do. Ary Arthé do. 

Eto Eteto do. 


II,--USE OF DIFFERENT WORDS. There are some two or three hundred 
words in constant use among the Betsileo which are probably absolutely 
unknown in Imerina, besides a large number of unfamiliar cr obsolete Hova 
words; while, on the other hand, very many of those most familiar to the 
Hova are never heard among the Betsileo. Io give a complete list of such 
words, however, is beyond the scope of these ‘‘Notes ;’’ a few examples will 


suffice ; e.g. :— 
Rihana (H) Vatse (B) Upper floor. Tsia* (H) £-héor A-a (B) No. 
Tanety Tamboho A plain. Rehetra «iby or Abe All. 
Vavahady Lozoke Gate. Tato ho ato Oratronge Lately. 
Mangahazo Kayahka Manioc. Any naraina Sathandro This morning. 
Raha Leha If, Anio Androange To-day (future), 
Angamba Mainga Perhaps. Rahampitso Ange mangam- To-morrow 
Zavatra Raha Things. maraina in tso morning. 
Lainga Vande A lie. Rahampitso Ange handro To-morrow. 
Indry* E-é Here it is. 


Examples of the use of the above :— 

(a) Nahita azy tato ho ato aho (H). (I saw him lately.) Afstako oratronge 
t-y (B). (4) Lasa izy andro any (H). (He went off this morning.) oso taty 
sathandro i (B). (c) Raha tsy avy anio izy, angamba ho tonga izy raham- 
pitso(H). (If he does not come to day, perhaps he will come to-morrow.) 
Leha tsa avy androange t-y, mainga dita ho avy ange handro (B). (a): 
Lasan’ ny fahavalo ny vehivavy rehetra (H). (The enemy took away all the 
women). Zongan’ ny fahavalo ny apela abe(B). (e) Osa Rabe, fa Ranaivo 
no sahisahy (H). (Rabe is a coward, but Ranaivo is brave). Osa Rade, fa 
Ranaivo ro mahasaky raha ‘B). 








® Note the accents. 


NOTES ON THE BETSILEO DIALECT. 237 


ZCULIAR USES OF WORDS, CASES, AND TENSES. The Betsileo 
f the personal pronouns differently from the Hova; thus :— 

ho’ (I) invariably becomes ako; e.g.:—Hoy izaho (H); Hoe aho 
d. 


accuSative case of the 1st person plural, Aangay, is always used 
the plural nominative, ‘izahay.’ Also the accusative case of the 
1 singular and plural, viz. hangao and hangareo, are always used 
»” and ‘hianareo.’ Note that the a at the beginning of Hova words 
pirated by the Betsileo, hence the #% in above examples. It may 
or, that Aangao and hangareo were formerly ‘hianao’ and ‘hiana- 
that the zis now dropped. 

ore the Hova suffix pronoun -#y is joined to the preposition amy, 
‘o use the personal pronoun azy as well, thus: Lazao aminy (H); 
amin’ azy(B). Mifanantera aminy (H); 4/7/anantfera amin’ azy 


preposition amy, used before proper nouns by the Hova, is also 
e the accusative case of the personal pronoun (3rd pers.); e.g. :— 
nambolenay azy (H); Omale no nambolengay ang azy (B). 
Betsileo have a peculiar way of combining the present and past 
1 also the future and past tenses, in some expressions, the following 
most common :— 

‘H) Miali teto (B). 

iho FTo roso teto aho. 

to izahay Hoafake teto hangay. 


Hesorina hiala hianao Hala teto hangao. 
Hiainga ho any izy tenga tange t-y. 


INTH-NAMES, The following are the names of the Betsileo months, 
le with those of the Hova months, but as the former depend more 
e of rice-planting, harvest, and the flowering of certain grasses and 
in on the phases of the moon, the comparison is only approximately 


(H) Vatravatra (B) Adijady (H) Volakiahia (B) 
Asotrizonj6 Adalo Sakamasae 
Hatsiha Alohotsy Sakave 
Valasira Alahamady Volambita 
Faosa Adaoro Asaramatsy 
Volamaka Adizaoza Asaramangitse 


\NSLATION OF SCRIPTURE. The following translation of the rst 
e by side with the Hova Revised version, will give the reader a 
2a of the extent of difference between the two dialects. 


HAova. 


tra ny olona 
iandeha eo amy ny fisainan’ ny 


mijanona eo amy ny lalan’ ny 
petraka co amy ny fipetrahan’ ny 


lalany Jehovah no sitrany ; 
iny no saintsaininy andro aman- 


: ny hazo nambolena eo amoron’ 
Wa Izy, 

weamy ny fotoany, 

koa tsy mba maliazo ; 

ny rehetra ataony lavorary. 


Betstleo. 


1. Sambatse ny olo 

Izay tsa mandcha eo amy ny fisaingan’ ny 
ratsy fangahe, 

Ara tsa mienge co amy ny lalan’ ny mpan- 
gota, 

Ara tsa mitoetse eo am-pitoeran’ ny mpan- 
garatsy. 

2. Fa...... * ny didin’ Angahare ro teane ; 

Ara ny didine ro saisaingine andro amang- 
ale. 

3. Dia tahake ny hazo nambole teo amo- 
rong-drano velo i-y, 

Izay mamoa amy ny taonge, 

Ara ny ravene koa tsa mba malazo ; 

Ara ataone efa soa abe ny asange. 


; are put in to represent a peculiar way the Betsileo have of drawling out certain 


338 NOTES ON THE BETSILEO DIALECT. 





SS Hova. Betsileo. 
}: Fa. tsy mba toy izany ny ratsy fa- 4. Fe...ro... tea mba to’ isay...ny rate 
nahy, fangahe, [i-y, 
Fa toy ny akofa aelin’ ny rivotra izy. fa......tahake ny ara-bare aclen-drivotee 
5. Ary amin’ izany dia tsy hahajanona eo 5. Ara amin’ izay dia tsa hahatoetse eo 

amy ny ny ratsy fanahy amy ny fitsara ny ratsy fangahe, 
any mpanota eo amy ny flangonan’ ny a ny mpangota eo am-pivorian’ ay | 


marina. mare. 

6. Fa fantatry Jehovah ny lalan’ ny ma- 6. Fa......fatats’ Andrianangahare ny ld. [ 
rina, lan’ ny mare, 

Fa ny lalan’ ny ratsy fanahy ho very. Fa......ny ldlan’ ny ratsy fangahe ho vere. 

VI.—-ACCENT AND INTONATION. The Betsileo intonation is somewhat |, 
broader and heavier than that of the Hova, and they have a peculiar way of .. 
drawling out some words, especially the conjunctions fa=/ee (=/e) and ha, | 
to which they sometimes attach a kind of pdrticle; e.g. fe....70; see v.4 © 
in the above Psalm. Sometimes, however, when they get excited in disputes 
or at a £adary, they speak with great rapidity (still, however, with an occa- 
sional drawl); so that it is almost impossible for any one whose ear is unac- 
customed to their speech to grasp a third of what they say. They are also 
very demonstrative when speaking, often dancing and leaping about ina - 
frantic manner; and their actions and grimaces at a adary, for instance, - 
are often very amusing. 

Like the Hova they are very fond of proverbs, illustrations, and fables ; and, 
to the best of my knowledge, are far more clever than the Hova in extempo- 
rizing a parable or illustration. Many of our Betsileo preachers have all the 
elements of good speakers, and with a little polish would certainly make 
creditable orators. Those who have had any education, however, hardly 
ever preach in their own dialect, but in more or less perfect Hova. And as 
that dialect alone is written, we think it wise to encourage the Betsileo to 
learn and speak it as much as possible. 


Oe eas 





rT a ots 


a 


T. ROWLANDS, 


SOME *BETSIMISARAKA SUPERSTITIONS. 


HOUGH the Bétsimisaraka, in common with all heathen nations, 
have an intense appreciation of the power for evil possessed by 

the spirits in which they believe, they yet seem superior to many in that 
they do recognise One Being, supreme over all. They have no fiction 
of destiny or fate, to which even the king of the gods must bow, for 
they do not say that a man’s life is governed by a good or evil fate, but 
that he is ‘¢sdra (good) Zanahary,’ or ‘ratsy (bad) Zanahary. This 
Zanahary they represent as a Supreme Being, Creator of all things, 
immaterial, without visible form, dwelling above, and being everywhere. 
He, in all religious observances, is invoked first of all. Though they 
use both ‘/sara Zanahary’ and ‘ratsy Zanahary, as mentioned above, 
they will not allow that evil comes from Him; the former expression 


SOME BETSIMISARAKA SUPERSTITIONS. 239 





_ 1s often used in the sense of a ‘providence’ or ‘piece of good fortune.’ 
_ Any Betsimisaraka having a natural defect or peculiarity will not say 

simply, ‘‘I was born so,” but, “so Zanahary made me.” I remember also 
' the case of a village idiot who did odd jobs for the inhabitants, such 
. &§ pounding rice or cutting firewood. When the people tried to take 

advantage of his weakness of intellect and cheat him of his wages, he 
! would say, ‘“‘You think you can cheat me because I am a fool, but Zana- 
_hary sees.” 

The lesser divinities, ‘Zanahary kély,’ are also reverenced, as well as 
the dead ancestors ; of the latter each family has its own; and the more 
remote they are, the more they seem to be reverenced ; these are all 
invoked in their religious ceremonies. Owing to some connection with 
their ancestors, certain animals are reverenced by various tribes; e.g. 
one family claims to be descended from a woman who was born of a 
cow, and therefore does not eat beef; another shews the greatest respect 
for the babakdto (Lichanotus brevicaudatus/, the largest species of lemur, 
because one was said to have saved an ancestor from a severe fall; the 
dead body of this lemur they bury with the honours paid to a human 
being, and any person having shot one would find it hard to get a night’s 
lodging in one of the villages of the tribe. 

The dngatra, which is much dreaded, seems to correspond exactly 
to the vulgar ‘ghost’ in England. It is, they say, the spirit of the dead 
person and dwells in the air, but more particularly haunts the place 
where the body lies, sitting, some say, at the head of the corpse. No 
Betsimisaraka would approach a grave after dusk, and they believe that 
diseases or misfortunes befall those who offend the angafra in any way, 
or even take up their abode too near them ; loud talking or laughing, it 
is said, is peculiarly objectionable to some of these ghosts. They can give 
no reason for their dread, but they believe that the design of the angatra 
is to cause fear. In some cases, they say, it is heard to speak even in 
broad daylight, without any appearance accompanying the voice. 

On one occasion in the country one of my boatmen was sleeping 
alone in a small outbuilding in use as a kitchen; about midnight we 
were aroused by terrible groans and exclamations, and on our going to 
him, we found him sitting up trembling, and he declared to us that he 
had not been asleep, but that soon after he lay down something came 
and grasped him by the throat, preventing him for some time from 
calling out. He assured us that there was a ghost there, and that he 
must come and share our house, which he did. One can only be aston- 
ished that such ghostly visitations are not more common, considering 
that a native usually retires to rest immediately after a very hearty meal. 

Besides the spirits already mentioned, almost every tree or stone or 
piece of ground seems to have its demon or spirit, generally exerting its 
power for evil on offence given, but sometimes for good. We find a result 
of the latter belief in the custom of making a thank-offering /manao fsika- 
fara) on a particular spot, if the ground had been more than ordinarily 
productive ; or if it were the site of a house, after inhabiting which the 
owner had been remarkably fortunate. In this case, after the usual 
invocations, he invokes this ‘holy ground,’ that is, 1 suppose, the spirit 


e 





ayo“ SOME BETSIMISARAKA SUPERSTITIONS. 


~ 








under whbdse protection it is, though as a fact, the place or thing itself 
is always spoken of. Passing one day in a canoe along a very narrow 
stream quite overhung with trees, | noticed that in one particularly 
awkward spot the branches were covered with strips of cloth knotted on 
to them. On asking the rowers why this particular tree was thus deco- 
rated, I was told that ‘‘it is mighty, it killed a Vasaha.” The truth soon 
appeared on enquiry: a trader passing and finding the thick overhanging 
branches most inconvenient, had them hacked down, and it so happened 
that shortly afterwards the said trader died. His illness and death were 
put down to the vengeance of the offended spirit of this tree, and hence 
the respect shewn to it, and the desire to propitiate it. (I have not 
discovered whether the spirit of the tree is supposed to be a male or a 
female ; it would be curious to see if we should get at anything like the 
ancient Nymph of the tree.) It may be noticed, in passing, that attach- 
ing a strip of cloth is the recognised mode of propitiation or, at any 
‘rate, of shewing respect; I have seen a stone of peculiar sanctity swathed 
in a comparatively large piece, but such liberality is the exception. 

Another curious custom in this same narrow stream is that of knot- 
ting the long flags on the margin; this I was assured was done, as we 
should say, ‘for luck.’ On another occasion our boat passed a lovely 
spot, when the end of a range of hills met the water in a steep slope 
clothed with fine trees and dense creepers. This was the more remark- 
able, as the surrounding heights were quite bare, and it really looked at 
first sight as if the natives had been loath to spoil the effect of this 
beautiful bit of scenery ; but, on asking how it was that this had escaped 
being cleared for rice-planting, I was at once told that the attempt had 
been made, but that there was ‘something’ there. ‘‘What do you mean 
by something ?” I asked, ‘‘snakes, or wasps, or what 2?” “No! No!” 
was the answer, ‘‘something uncanny; and any one who has attempted 
to clear it has very shortly come to a bad end.” It is quite clear that the 
guardian spirit of that place had a better appreciation of natural beauty 
than the natives. 

The thank-offering (manao tsthafara) mentioned above is, as we have 
seen, intimately connected with this belief in local spirits, and it will 
serve as a type of other religious ceremonies. It is the usual form of 
thank-offering for any picce of good fortune, recovery from illness, 
preservation from danger, etc. Jt is generally held at one of the memo- 
rial stones or posts which are found scattered about the country, and 
most frequently in the centre of the villages. The main part of the 
ceremony is killing an ox. This is taken to the appointed place, together 
with a supply of native rum. The ox having been slaughtered, some 
portion is set apart with a little rum and white rice, and these are placed 
upon a sort of table made of short sticks bound together with creepers. 
Then the spirits are invoked,—first Zanahary lehibe, then the lesser 
divinities, male and female, white and red, then a long string of the 
ancestors of all present. It is a deadly insult to omit to invite any one 
member of a family, and to pass over the name of one of the ancestors 
is also a serious offence. The invocation ended, the meat is divided 
amid singing, dancing, and rum-drinking; the close of the ceremony is 


SOME BETSIMISARAKA SUPERSTITIONS. 241 





usually general intoxication. In the offering of the first-fruits, While the 
chief ceremonies are virtually the same, though more elaborated and 
generally held in the house, it is the custom in some districts tq allow 
the children to scramble for the meat and rice which had been set apart - 
for the spirits. 

I can get no explanation of the custom of calling upon the gods, 
white and red ; some say it has no particular meaning, and so we may 
suppose only arises, like the altar “to the unknown god,” from a fear lest 
some god should be omitted. 

The objects which are Fady, or tabooed, seem to be much more 
numerous than in Imerina, and some are very curious. 

Some of our newly-entered school-children would eat nothing that had 
been carried in a hat; on one occasion many refused to partake of the 
laoka (relish, on the coast always fish}, because the boy who had been 
sent to buy the salt for it had brought it back in his cap. On another 
occasion, at a school treat, when the children were ravenously hungry 
through long waiting, and the meat was just being served out, one big 
fellow got up suddenly and, with tears in his eyes, walked off and threw 
himself down under a bush; poor fellow! to eat any part of an ox’s head 
was /fady in his family, and he had just caught sight of a piece of jaw 
amongst the meat. Many again will not touch an eel (this is especial] 
the case with the more southern tribes); and while you may pass through 
one village swarming with pigs, in the next, pork is fady, and not a pig e 
is to be seen. These ideas are frequently very inconvenient, as in the 
case of a servant whose /ady was milk, for she was very unwilling even to 
carry a vessel containing it, for fear any drop should be spilled upon her. 

Coming to the Folk-lore of the Betsimisaraka, it is curious to find the 
main features of the stories which come to us from other countries rep- 
resented also in these; in the few instances I propose to give, everyone will 
probably recognise some similarity to stories they have known from child- 
hood, and yet in every case these tales have been told me by the natives. 

First then we have Mermaids, called Zdsavdvy an-drano, which cer- ° 
tainly have a strong family likeness to those of sailor lore; they are said 
to be seen sitting upon rocks or by the shore (not generally the sea-shore, 
by the way), combing their hair, which is very long and beautiful. There 
are said to be some dwelling under the bluff at Mahandro; and on rare 
occasions others are said to have been caught in the nets of fishermen in 
other waters. The story goes that one fisherman out alone caught one 
in his net, and, being captivated by her beauty, proposed that she should 
become his wife; she consented, but warned him that he must never 
reproach her with her origin, or she would be compelled to leave him ; 
to this he agreed, and the couple lived happily together for some time, 
three children being born to them. But one day, the man coming in at 
mid-day hungry and tired and, says the story, rather drunk, found his 
food not ready; this led to words, and finally the man, losing his temper, 
said, ‘‘Who are you to talk to me in that way? you are nothing but a thing 
I took out of the water.” The wife made no answer, but on returning 
in the evening again, the fisherman found her gone, and with her his 
two younger children. The rest was told him by his eldest boy. As soon 








NSS SOME BETSIMISARAKA SUPERSTITIONS. 


as his father had left the house after his meal, his mother took him and 
the two other children down to the water, and holding one child in each 
hand (and the baby, I suppose, on her back in the usual fashion, but 
history saith not), she at once plunged in and dived. The boy soon had 
enough of it, and his mother noticing that he was being suffocated, took 
him ashore again and said, “You are no good; go backto your father! 
You are no son of mine!” Then leaving him on the shore, she again 
dived with her two children and was never seen again. 

It appears, however, that these dwellers in the water are not always 
females. In a large piece of water on the high(water)-way south of 
Mahanoro, between Ambéddihdrana and Andranotsdra, is said to be a 
colony of people possessing large herds of cattle. The story is that a 
father and two sons lived on the shore of this lake. One day a serious 
quarrel occurred about driving up the cattle into their pen, and the 
father declared that he would have nothing more to do with them if they 
would not obey him. The two young men apparently took him at his 
word, went down to the water, and were last seen paddling out into the 
lake in their canoe. Some months after they returned home and asked 
their father if he was ready to give way; on his sternly refusing to do 
anything of the sort, they went off again in their canoe and returned no 
more ; and, says the story, there they are, doing very well under the water, 
with large herds of oxen. The story further says that after high winds, 
when the water has been much agitated, leaves which have been used as 
spoons and dishes, and the other ordinary refuse of a Betsimisaraka 
house, are washed up. No account is given of how these two young men 
became a colony ; one is sorry to miss the probably interesting story of 
their watery wooing. Whatever we may think of the story, the fact 
remains, that the natives have a great dread of this piece of water, and 
are always much relieved when they have got safely over it. This is 
more particularly true of the people in the immediate neighbourhood, 
and if you ask them why they are especially afraid of this lake, they say, 
‘‘Because there is ‘something’ in it,” which is perhaps more than one can 
say of the story. 

We next come to the forest, and from there we get endless stories of 
the ‘Kalanéro,’ a sort of wild-man-of-the-woods, represented as very short 
of stature, covered with hair, with flowing beard, in the case of the male, 
and with an amiable weakness for the warmth ofa fire. An eye-witness 
relates that once, when spending a night in the heart of the forest, he lay 
awake watching the fire, which had died down to red embers, when 
suddenly he became aware of a figure answering to the above description 
warming himself at the fire, and apparently enjoying it immensely. 
According to his story, he put a summary end to the gentleman’s enjoy- 
ment by stealing down his hand, grasping a stick, and sending a shower 
of red-hot embers on to his unclothed visitor, who immediately, and 
most naturally, fled with a shriek. Another tells how, on a similar 
occasion, the male appeared first, and after inspecting the premises and 
finding, as well as a fire, some rice left in the pot, summoned his better 
half; the pair squatted in front of the fire and--touching picture of 
conjugal affection—proceeded to feed one another ! 


SOME BETSIMISARAKA SUPERSTITIONS. 143° 





o 


One must confess that the creature described looks suspiciously like 
one of the larger sorts of lemur; but in a village near Mahanoro, and an 
the verge of the forest, the inhabitants say that very frequently these wild 
people come foraging tn their houses fort remnants of foad, and may be 
heard calling to one anather in the street. 

As might naturally be expected in a country covered in every direction 
with rivers and lagoons, all alike swarming with crocodiles, there are 
many stories of the marvellous escapes or dreadful deaths of people who 
who have met with them; but in addition to these, there are some 
curious ideas current about these brutes. The Mpdmosdoy (witches) 
are always represented as being on most friendly terms with the 
crocodiles; it really seems to be a well-authenticated fact that these 
women can with impunity go down to the waterside after dark. They 
are said frequently on these occasions to feed their strange pets wit 
rice, and sometimes to entice them out of the water and take them for a 
stroll through the village at midnight; they are also accused of trying to 
persuade people to bathe near the lair of their pet crocodile, with a view 
to furnishing him with a satisfactory meal. It is also said that if a cro- 
codile has attacked any person and torn off a limb or portion of flesh, 
and the wound proves fatal, the crocodile will sooner or later find its way 
to the grave of its victim. Many, I have been told, have been surprised 
by daylight while doing so, and, being bad travellers on dry land, have 
been easily overtaken by the inhabitants and slaughtered. It is quite 
certain that it is not so very uncommon to hear of a crocodile being 
found on dry land, far away from any water, but its motive in placing itself 
so fatally at a disadvantage must of course be mere matter of conjecture. 

The above particulars have been collected’ merely in the ordinary 
course of work and travelling, and will serve some purpose if any one is 
thereby induced to undertake a more thorough investigation of what can 
hardly fail to be an interesting subject. 

G. HERBERT SMITH. 


A NEW MALAGASY GRAMMAR. 


MONG the first fruits of peace between France and Madagascar is a 
welcome addition to the small, but steadily increasing, number of 
works helpful to those interested in the study of the Malagasy languaye, viz. 
a Grammar in French, by the Rev. Pére Causseque, S.J.,* recently published 
at the Press of the French Mission. This is a book of 198 pp. 12mo, that ts, 
nearly double the size of Pere Webber’s Grammar (1855), and about half as 
large as that of Pére Ailloud (1872). This Grammar Is clear and concise in 
arrangement, and is well illustrated by a good selection of genuine Malagasy 


® Grammaire Malgache par Le R. P. Pierre Causseque, S.F., Missionaire de Madagascar. 
Antananarivo. Imprimerie Catholique, 1886. 


244 A NEW MALAGASY GRAMMAR. 





hrases. The most serious abjection to certain portions is, that they seem to 

e formed too much on the style of grammars of the Latin and of modem 
European languages, and we get what appear such needless paradigms as 
those contained on pp. 68— 81, etc., and we hear too much of ‘‘conditional” and 
“subjunctive’’ moods, as if we had under our consideration a language in 
which separate forms for these moods actually existed. These, together with 
other apparently needless matter (e.g. §1, La grammaire malgache 
enseigne a parler et a ecrire correctment en malgache), seem to have been 
inserted more for the use of Malagasy students than for foreigners; and as 
we meet them in our perusal of the book, it is due to the author to bear in 
mind his own explanation contained in the preface (‘Dans Ja reduction de 
cette grammaire, 7’ at suivt le plan de la grammaire gintrale, et cela 
pour deux raisons: premitrement, par cette méthode, nos éleves malgache 
Seront mieux inttiés aD’ tude de la langue francaise; en second lieu, il 
ma semblé que mes compatriotes seratent bien atses de trouver les 
matitres traittes dans le méme ordre que dans leur propre langue. On 
pourrait ajouter que la clarté ne pera rien a cet arrangement). On 
‘comparison with the Grammar of Pare Ailloud published 14 years ago, the 
present work will be seen to possess far greater clearness of arrangemett 
and more conciseness of statement, and it also greatly excels its predecessor 
in its selection of examples. To one belonging to what Pére Causseque calls 
“the Anglo-Malagasy school,” this new Grammar has peculiar interest, in 
that it shows a much greater disposition to conform to general usage in the 
mode of writing Malagasy than has been shown by anything hitherto written 
by.a French author. Especially noticeable is the clear and decided position 
Pére Causseque takes as to the desirability of joining the fragments of the 
personal pronouns with the words they define. For years it has seemed an 
incomprehensible thing to many here that French writers could still be 
content to follow the earlier Protestant missionaries (as shown, for instance, 
in the New Testament of 1830, and in the Bible of 1835), and write mpzanatr’o, 
mpiana’ ny, fo ko, amy ko, etc., instead of mpianatro, mpianany, foko, 
amiko, etc. Let us hope that at last all authorities will agree to follow the 
usage that has prevailed from 1862 in ‘the Anglo Malagasy school,” as the 
mode most in harmony with that followed in other languages in which these 
abbreviated pronominal suffixes exist, and in favour of which Pére Causseque 
now so clearly and cogently argues in this new Grammar. 

To the Grammar itself Pére Causseque adds an Appendix of 47 pp., in 
which he states with some fulness his reasons for proposing several changes 
in the mode of writing certain classes of phrases. This Appendix can be 
obtained separately for sixpence, and is worthy of careful study by every one 
interested in Malagasy orthography. There are four points in it that demand 
special notice. 

(1) The first of these is the Use of the Apostrophe. Pére Causseque says 
very justly that we of ‘the Anglo-Malagasy school” do not seem to have 
attained to any consistent and well. grounded principles as to the use of this 
sign. Confessedly much uncertainty and perplexity are felt by those who have 
the responsibility of correcting the press. Indeed one of our best linguists has 
asserted that where the use of the hyphen begins reason ends (see ANNUAL 
VI., p. 63, etc.), and possibly he would be quite willing to include the 
apostrophe also in his doctrine of despair. Pére Causseque proposes to 
remedy this uncertainty by the introduction of one simple and. thorough- 
going principle, viz., that the apostrophe be used only and always to mark 
an elision, either of a single vowel or of a syllable, whether with or without 
a euphonic change of consonant. He would thus write sdtrok’ andriana, 
satro’ bbrozany, htvi’ tiny, fantatr’ izy midnaka, Jalan’ ny blona, anatré- 











A NEW MALAGASY GRAMMAR. 248 


han' ny vahéaka, etc. Though some of these phrases thus written would 
ook strange for a time to those who have been accustomed to our present 
way of writing them, one cannot fail to see at a glance that in that most 
roublesome task, the teaching of young Malagasy to write their own 
anguage with correctness, the labour would be greatly lessened were we 
o adopt this one simple rule, which would cover thousands of examples. 
Chere would of course still remain the uncertainty as to whether two words 
iad become so intimately united as to have become one, and thus no longer 
‘equiring any break to suggest their origin; for instance, are we to write 
zava’ piana or zavapbana, hévi tény or hévitény, blom’ pitsin’ andriana 
or dlompotsin’ andriana ? But usage would gradually settle all outstanding 
juestions of this kind. 

(2) The second princi le I refer to is, that the Hyphen should only be used 
when uncontracted words are sufficiently united in meaning to require some 
sign of their connection, but cannot be considered to have so far coalesced 
as to form single words. Thus Pére Causseque would write fir2-teny, loha- 
teny, fe-ho sambatra, etc. This again would be an easily understood rule, 
and would tend greatly to diminish the number of hyphens in use. We of 
‘the Anglo- Malagasy school’ have been accustomed to use the hyphen not 
only in such cases as the above, but also when a syllable has been thrown 
away, as in zdva-fiana, mtsambo-balala, olo-marina, and also when, 
through the elision of a vowel, two consonants have come together, as in 
fitsdvan-karena, fisotréan-tiaka. 

( 3) Another important change advocated by Pére Causseque is the Omission 
of the Apostrophe in such phrases as fvdnon’ ny dlona, vilan’ ny mpivaro- 
tra. His strongest argument in favour of this change is, that it enables us 
to see at a glance whether a word belongs to what he well names ‘‘mofs 
décroissants,” or to ‘‘mots crosssants,” that is to say, between nouns ending in 
a weak terminal (a, tra, na), and those that possess a firm terminal. This 
distinction is clearly marked in the language, and it might be a gain to use 
a simple # with no apostrophe with words possessing the firm endings, 
whenever they are followed by a possessive case, etc. for as French Gram- 
marians would say, by their ‘“‘complement indirect,’ see § 11). Pére 
Causseque argues that the apostrophe is neither necessary, useful, nor free 
from inconvenience (see Appendix, p. 19-22). As specimens of the various 
classes of words affected by the adoption of this rule, Pére Causseque gives 
the following : — 


qg \tinin ny dlona. c tranon to blona to. 
( hitan ny rény tsara. hitan ¢ Fara. 

p § *xanon dlona. tanim bary. 
| Aitan olona. tanin ketsa. 


That some sign of connection between a ‘‘mot crotssant” and its ‘‘comple- 
ment indirect’ is required, Pére Causseque fully concedes, and refers to Pére 
Webber's statement to the same effect: ‘‘Ce fast st tmportant n'a pas 
echappée au génte du P. Webber. Des année 1855, #1 le constate dans sa 

rammatre, D. 59, en ces termes: ‘Les hovas les plus intelligents, dtt-tl, 
doublent toujours le ny et ecrivent ‘ny tranony ny vahiny, ny nataony ny 
Mphanjaka, ny tompony ny lakana.’’’ Pére Causseque was not probably 
aware that the above statement was taken from the Grammar of Mr. Edward 
Baker (p. 26), formerly Missionary Printer here. For some years we printed 
a double y, as in the above examples; but in 1873 I proposed to substitute 
an apostrophe for the y of the first zy, and to write thus: franon' ny olona 
(see my Grammar, p. 44 of the first edition). This plan was adopted tenta. 
tively by the Bible Revision Committee, and in a remarkably short time was 
recelved with approbation both by natives and by foreigners of ‘‘the Anglo- 





246 A NEW MALAGASY GRAMMAR. 





Malagasy school.” This swept away a vast number of ambiguities, and was a 
fair representation of the actual pronunciation. Of course on Pére Causseque’s 
principle that the apostrophe marks an elision, we are bound either to show 
that the #’ represents a my, or to acknowledge ourselves convicted of an 
inconsistency. I have long inclined to the belief that this # (with the similar 
n or m found in such compounds as Aanin-hétsa, tanim-bary) is a fragment 
of the pronominal suffix zy; but I cannot Point to any decisive proof that 
this is so; and as the printing of #’ involves a theory, and the simple # 

ually well represents the sound, and would enable us to see at a glance 
whether the word before us was one that had suffered the loss of a final 
vowel (‘'mot décrotssant’ ), or one that, having a firm final syllable, had 
received the addition of 2 to indicate that it was followed by a possessive, 
agent, etc., I can see that Pére Causseque's suggestion has some clear 
advantages, and commend it to the careful consideration of those who are 
interested in Malagasy orthography. Should we on the whole gain or lose 
by adopting it? At present a final 7° Suggests a possessive, etc., but decides 
nothing as to the character of the word; but if we follow Pére Causseque’s 
tule, the #° will suggest this, with the additional fact that we have before us 
a “mot décroissant,” whilst will suggest the possessive, etc., and at the 
same time remind us that the word to which it has been appended is a ‘‘mot 
erotssant.” 

(4) The last point to be noticed here is the printing of the Prefix # before 
the names of persons and places which have not already received one of the 
other prefixes (An, Ra, Andrian, Raint). Pére Causseque's remarks and 
illustrations bearing on this point may be seen in § 38, 330, 331 of the Gram- 
mar, and on pp. 43, 44 of the Appendix. Attention has already been called 
to this question, not only in brief notices in the Grammars, but also in a 
separate paper published a year or two since by the Rev. R. Baron, F.LS., 
and reprinted in this number of the ANNUAL. I have long felt that the 
regular use of this prefix would tend greatly to lessen existing ambiguities. 
It is clearly enough retained in the pronunciation of the natives, as, for 
instance, in such phrases as vddiny Adama, zdnaky Abrahama. if the 
natives considered Adama and Abrahama as complete names as A ndriam- 
bélo, for example, they would as naturally say and write vadin' Adama, 
zanak’ Abrahama as they do vadin' Andriambelo, etc., but to these forms 
they at once object. 1s not the simplest explanation of their objection to be 
found in the fact that every proper name requires a prefix, and that to foreign 
words like Adama and Abrahama, the prefix ¢ is the only one admissible? 
as no one seems disposed to say Andrianadama or Rabrahama. The only 
argument of any force that I have heard urged against the writing of this 
pretix # is, that it is wanting in respect ;-and to a certain extent this is quite 
true, /danona, for instance, is less respectful than Ramona; but when we 
find such phrases as ingahy Prime Minister, tuddinao, tsakatzanao, tfim- 
pokolahy, etc., we see that too much weight ought not to be laid upon this 
‘objection. Some of our native helpers in the Revision Committee would be 
disposed to accept the innovation of printing this z, if only the two words 
Fesosy and Fehovah might be made exceptions, as they feel there would be 
Serious irreverence in writing 7 Yesosy and # Jehovah. But what, one 
might ask, is the difference between feniny Fésosy and fenin' 1 Fesosy? 
The sound is the same, and the second form appears to suggest the true 
analysis of the phrase. Much inconvenience arises from our not using this 
prefix, as Mr. Baron has abundantly shown. Some time since I received a 
note pointing out_an ambiguity in our translation of 1 Kings xv. 33 (‘#00 
Zirza Basa”). The combination of these two words suggested that Zire 
Basa is a compound proper noun (like Kassarta-Filipo, etc.). The sugges- 








ee eee 


A NEW MALAGASY GRAMMAR. 247 


tion of the writer was that we should write ‘‘72o 7irza t Basa,’’ which he said 
would at once convey the correct meaning. I hesitate to recommend the 
adoption of this suggestion in the new edition of the Bible soon to be printed, . 
because it has received no fair trial in our general literature. Supposing it 
were fairly tried for a few years, until competent judges could form an opinion 
as to its usefulness and propriety, it might be hereafter introduced into 
editions of the Scriptures. 

I have selected the four suggestions enumerated above, because they seem 
to me of great interest and importance, and also because I think that, as far 
as possible, foreigners of all parties should strive to attain uniformity in their 
modes of writing Malagasy. We are certainly drawing nearer to this desira- 
ble goal, and may now cherish the hope that soon there will be no ‘‘Anglo- 
Malagasy’ or ‘‘Franco-Malagasy’’ school; but that in Malagasy, as in 
our own languages, there will be, in the main, but one standard, to which all 
careful writers will feel bound to conform. 

WILLIAM E. COUSINS. 


BIAZAVOLA: A MALAGASY BARD. 


HE author of the following vagabond verses seems to have been 
one of those gifted unfortunates who sometimes straggle into 
the charmed domains of genius from the border-land of craziness. 
But Biazavoéla had as much of the rogue as of the artist in his nature, 
and his morals were as loose as the rhythms of his ditty. He appeared 
in Antananarivo during the time of the first Ranavalona. Certainly 
not a shining light to enter the darkness of those much overclouded 
days, for he quickly became notorious by preying on the people through 
their superstitions. The account he gave of himself was, that he was a 
scion of a princely family of western Onjatsy,* and that like most of that 
peculiar caste, he had the power of the evil tongue. Sakaladva-land has 
always been the haunt of sorcery and things mysterious, and the Hova 
of Imérina were not prepared thirty years ago, as they probably would 
be now, to dispute the claims of an unknown prophet who had confi- 
dence enough in his professions to dare a crowded market-place to put 
him to the test. ‘‘Better lose the little that I require,” said Biazavola, 
“than be followed by the Onjatsy’s curse,” as he boldly walked amongst 
the squatting traders and helped himself to whatever took his fancy. To 
whom were the sufferers to appeal? Did not the terrible Queen herself , 
summon the chiefs of this stranger’s clan to curse the white-men’s war- 
ships when they assembled to attack her eastern ports? Biazavola, with 
an Arabian waist-cloth about his loins, a conical red hat upon his head, 
and a staff of sacred tamarind in his hand, was master of the situation. 
® Priests or diviners, chiefly among the Tandsy, Antankarana and Sakalava; eee ANNUAL 
III., p. gz (Repriné, p.286).—EDs. 


248 BIAZAVOLA: A MALAGASY BARD. 





The mild-faced wanderer, for of such an aspect one conceives him to 
have been, into whose eyes, when thwarted, would leap the flash of a 
doomful imprecation, was more than a match for all the uninspired 
sanity of the chafferers of the mart. But alas! Biazavola could not be 
always great. His erratic wits would sometimes straggle home again, 
and then he became a common fool. On such occasions he used to stand 
in the busy thoroughfare and deliver what he called a ‘Message from the 
Throne,’ admonishing all and sundry in good set terms not to cheat or 
steal, but to pav their way like honest men and women. The Malagasy 
are quick to see the joke which lurks in outrageous inconsistency, and 
must have been prodigiously amused. 

Amusement, however, soon casts out fear, and so it came about that 
when Biazavola began his Onjatsy operations in a market near the Royal 
Palace, a complaint was made to Her Majesty respecting him, and he 
was immediately put in chains. The fetters, it is said, were unusually 
heavy, and, in some way or other, one of his legs was broken, and he 
became a wretched cripple. Then it was that Biazavola’s demon urged 
him into song. His misery made a bard of him. He took to himself 
half of a dried pumpkin-shell, attached it toa suitable handle of wood, 
fitted on three taut strings, composed his jigging ditty, and once more 
appeared in the great market-place, with a much better outfit this time 
than any amount of Onjatsy curses. 

There was probably not much music in his rude guitar, but he had an 
excellent voice, and the bubbling human nature of his verse carried 
everything before it. He touched Imerina in its tenderest heart and 
became a tremendous success. No longer was it necessary for him to 
help himself unlawfully to the needs of life: he was helped by all who 
heard him. He had sung his song, he deserved his supper, and there 
was enough and to spare both for him and the slave-girl who was his 
constant companion, and of whom he sometimes used to sing :— 

‘*] shall never forget my Tsaramiéra ; 
If there’s broth in the pot, we shall drink together, 
And if meat be left, we shall eat together.” 

But there was little room for genius in the land in those days, and 
least of all for genius which could not hold its tongue. Biazavola con- 
trived to offend almost as much by his repentance as he had previously 
done by his crimes ; and it was decided to rid the city of him as a too 
pathetic nuisance. His chains were removed, and he and his Tsara- 
miera were compelled to return to the quarter whence they came. 


IBIAZAVOLA. 
I 3 5 
Ry vahoaka, ry olona ! Ry vahoaka, ry olona ! Ry vahoaka, ry olona ! 
Tsontsa anie Biazavola : ana-dray aman-dreny Tsy mba nitoto varv aho; 
Nefa tsy nangalatr’ olona, atsaho any an-kibo, Tsy mba nantsaka rano aho} 
Tsy mba nihady fasana, Fa tsipak’ ombelabhy : Tsy mba nisoron’ afo aho ; 
Tsy mba nanamy trano, Ka mahavoa, mahafaty, Tsy mba nitaona zezika aho; 


Tsy mba nangalatr’ omby; Tsy mahavoa, maliafanina. Tsy mba nikapa hazo aho ; 
Fa matin’ nv vava tsy nahy, | Sadv mananatra anareo abo = Tsy mba nitaona vato aho; 
Ka matin’ ny vava nataony. No mandatsa ny tenako, Dadako 0, neniko o, havakoo! 


. dhe * 





Te ary 


ojos 


BIAZAVOLA: A MALAGASY BARD. 


2 
tka, ry olona! Ry vahoaka, 
menatr’ olona ; Tsontsa anie aho e! 
impofo, Latsa anie aho e! 
ika nitrotro ; Resy anie aho e! 
>», ry zokiko o! Very anie aho e! 
|, ry zandriko o! Ory anie aho e! 
>, ry taniko o! Ambaka anie aho e! 
0 0, ry namako o ! Maty anie aho e! 


4 
olona ! 


——— Ls a = ~ 


6 
Ry vahoaka, ry olona! 
Izao teniko izao, ry zareo, 
Ento amin’ Ikalatokana: 
Mifona anie aho e | 
Mandady anie aho e! 
Mitsotra anie aho e ! 
Mibaboka anie aho e | 
Mihohoka anie aho e! 


7 Dadako o, tsy tsontsa va re aho? 
Neniko 0, tsy latsa va re aho ? 
Zokiko o, tsy resy va re aho ? 
Zandriko o, tsy very va re aho? 
Havako o, tsy ory va re aho? 
Taniko o, tsy menatra va re aho ? 
Namako o, tsy ambaka va re aho? 
Sakaizako o, tsy maty va re aho ? 


- BIAZAVOLA (TRANSLATION), . 


od people and countrymen ! 5 


has left Biazavola ; 

ie never kidnapped anyone, 
ron tombs made robbery, 

r was he a burglar, 

r he lifted cattle ; 

guilty of things unintended, 
on for talking too freely. 


od people and countrymen ! 
1ed am I now in sight of you; 
laddy used to nurse me, 

never grew tired of fondling ; 
ly mine O, O brother mine O ! 
imy mine O, O sister mine O ! 
and kin O, O home of mine O! 
ids o'mineO, O mates o’mineO! 


od people and countrymen ! 
counsel parents give you, 

t find a place in your bosoms! 
ke a bull ’t may kick you, 

hit you it will kill you, 

' not ’t will take your breath 
ay; 

giving you advice and warning 
an awful example too. 


od people and countrymen | 
It has left me, I say, 

ned am I now, I say, 

nin the mud, I say, 
altogether, I say, 

‘ched indeed, I say, 

ied and cheated, I say, 

> for for ever and aye. 


6 


7 


O good people and countrymen |! 
Never would pound the rice, Biaza, 
Never would go to well, Biaza, 
Never would feed the fire, Biaza, 
Never would fetch manure, Biaza, 
Never would chop up wood, Biaza, 
Never would carry stones, Biaza, 
Daddy mine O, mammy mine O, 
kith and kin O! 


O good people and countrymen ! 

My prayer praying to the Queen, 
my kind folks, 

Take it up to IkAlatokana ; 

I plead and beseech Her indeed, 

I grovel before Her indeed, 

A suppliant sinner indeed, 

A penitent prostrate indeed, 

In dust and in ashes indeed. 


Daddy mine O, I’m vagabond, am 
I not? 


Mammy mine O, reproach to you, 
am I not ? 

Brother mine O, down-trodden, O 
am I not ? 

Sister mine O, I ’m castaway, am I 
not ? 

Kith and kin O, in misery, am I not P 

Home of mine O, ashamed of thee, 
am I not ? 

Mates o’ mine O, I’ m badly-used, 
am I not ? 

Friends o' mine O, I'm done for, 
O am I not? 


W, CLAYTON PICKERSGILL: 


250 THE ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL. 


VARIETIES. 
THE PIRATES IN MADAGASCAR. 


Crate X. had returned to his dominions after his mad plunge into 

the Ukraine, and the, to him, fatal and decisive battle of Pultowa. 
His fortunes had become desperate, but his Prime Minister, Gortz, formed a 
scheme to benefit his master. The details of this scheme introduce the 
following passage :— 

‘For a long time past, pirates of all nations, and particularly from 
England, had formed amongst themselves an association and infested all the 
seas of Europe and America. Pursued everywhere and, when captured, 
granted no quarter, they at last retired to the coast of Madagascar Here 
were these desperate men, notorious for deeds that only lacked j e to be 
called heroic. They sought for a prince who would be willing to receive 
them under his protection; but the laws of nations shut them out from all 
the ports of the world. 

‘‘From the time that they were sure that Charles had returned to Sweden, 
they hoped that this prince, with his passion for war, which it seemed 
necessary for him to make, and lacking both fleet and soldiers, would come 
to some happy arrangement with them ; they therefore seat a deputy to him, 
who came to Europe in a Dutch vessel. He proposed to Baron Gortz to 
receive them at the port of Gottenburgh, where they offered to render them- 
selves up with sixty vessels, loaded with wealth. 

‘‘The baron induced the king to agree to the proposition; and the following 
year two Swedish gentlemen, named Cromstrom and Mendal, were sent to 
complete the negociation with these corsairs of Madagascar. Charles found 
afterwards some help more noble and more important in the Cardinal Albe- 
roni, a powerful genius, who had governed Spain so long for his own glory, 
and very little for the good of that country.”’ 

Translated from Aisstosve de Charles xii. Zar Voltaire, by 


THOS. BROCKWaAY. 


KGEOLOGICAL FOTTINGS. 


DURING a visit to Antsihanaka the year before last, I saw an exten- 
sive deposit of limestone, of a coarse crystalline texture, some reddish, some 
white. It occurs about a mile south of Ambatondrazaka, and also a little 
further distance north of that town. No use has ever been made of it, and 
its true nature is unknown to the natives. Yellow jasper rock occurs in the 
same neighbourhood, and also a compact cherty rock almost like flint. 

Quartz is very plentifully distributed throughout the district of Antsiha- 
naka, and in some parts the hill-sides are covered with immense blocks of 
the pink or rose variety. On one hill, in addition to ordinary white quartz 
of every degree of transparency, | found the rose, milky, and smoky varieties, 
and also a bright blue stone apparently quartz also. Imbedded in the quartz 
rock was a large crystal, over six inches across, of a dull-blue colour; but as 
I had no Suitable tools with me, it was impossible to get anything but small 
pieces, into which it easily broke from the effect of long exposure of its upper 
surface to the weather. Probably it is kyanite. 

Evidences of former volcanic action are met with on all sides of the Lake 
Alaotra in this district ; and some miles inland from the northernmost limit, 
where. the land has risen to a considerable height, are various circular 





VARIETIES. 251 





depressions having all the appearance of ancient craters. In one inst — 
fe 
d 


conclusive evidence was afforded of the correctness of this opinigf; 
a gully leading down from one of these depressions had been laid b 
showed cliffs of decided volcanic origin. —J. WILLS. 


K THE PROTO-MARTYR OF MADAGASCAR. 


In the palatial residence of the Duke of Westminster, Eaton Hall, 
Cheshire, is a magnificent Gothic chapel, which is adorned by a series of 
stained glass windows, representing the ‘‘fTe Deum.” In one of the two 
opposite windows illustrating the verse, ‘‘The noble Army of Martyrs praise 
Thee,’’ is a group containing the following figures :—‘‘SS. Ignatius and 
Polycarp, Bishop Patteson, Ridley and Latimer with the candle, Savonarola, 
Huss, James Parnell, a [Quaker] lad of eighteen, who died a prisoner for 
conscience sake in Colchester Castle; and, in the next compartment, SS. 
Viva Perpetua, Agnes, the child martyr, Felicitas, with Mary Dyar, Anne 
Askew and Rasalama (who suffered in Madagascar). The intention is to 
shew that martyrdom survives to our own day, and that it is by no means true 
that sacrifices are not still demanded as tests of Christianity.”’ (Zhe Graphic, 
{2". 23, 1886, p. 100.) Little could the humble, patient, and simple- hearted 

alagasy woman have imagined that within half a century of her death, her 
name would rank among the martyrs and saints of Christendom, and her 
figure be emblazoned with theirs in the chapel of one of the most ancient of 
England’s Norman nobility.—ED. (J.S.) 


rH ETYMOLOGY OF ‘ANTANANARIVO AND ‘ANDRIAMANITRA: 


I HAVE long had doubts as to the correctness of the usually. received expla- 

nation of the meaning of the word Antananarivo, viz. ‘City of a thousand 
Towns,’ but could not find a better. Lately, however, in talking with an 
old and very intelligent Malagasy pastor, he suggested, I think, the right 
meaning, viz. that Tananarivo or Antananarivo is not ‘City of a thousand 
Towns,’ but ‘City of a thousand Men,’ the full name being, it seems, Tanana- 
rivolahy ; because it had in former times a thousand soldiers stationed in it. 
The above seems to be by far the most likely explanation ; and as it is 
confirmed by others, I feel quite satisfied that it is the true one. 
_ The former explanation of the name of God, Andrfamanitra, used to be 
‘The sweet scented Prince ;’ but some ten or twelve years ago, 1 got a very 
different explanation from one of the best and most intelligent of our Mala- 
_gasy pastors, and his explanation was this: He said that mdnztva meant 
‘fresh,’ as well as ‘fragrant,’ and that the name Andriamanitra meant ‘The 
fresh, the enduring, Andriana,’ the one who never becomes corrupt. In 
illustration and confirmation of what he advanced, he told me that when 
Radama I. died, the corpse was kept in the palace for about a fortnight, 
until the odour from it was very strong indeed; but no one dared to say 
what Martha said of her brother; on the contrary, with the most fulsome 
flattery, some of them said: ‘‘Andrtamantitra tokoa tzy, fa mbola manitra 
ka tsy maimbo akory’’ (‘He is certainly God, for he is still fresh and 
does not smell at all’’). The explanation was received at the time with 
some poohpoohing; but it seems now to be practically accepted as the best 
explanation of the name Andriamanitra, and has been incorporated in the 
recently re-arranged Malagasy-English Dictionary. 

Speaking of the name Andriamanitra, I am reminded of a note to a paper 
on ‘‘The Ancient Theism of the Hovas,’’ by the Rev. W. E. Cousins, in the 
first number of the ANNUAL. Aftet mentioning the various suggestions that 
had been made with regard to manstra, we have (3) ‘that manitra is 


£52 VARIETIES. 


a lengthened form of many, and means weighty, powerful (a suggestion of 
Dr. Davidson); this meaning of many appears in the word manilahy, 
wealthly, powerful, and probably in manztrdno, dropsy (heavy from water ?); 
comp. too French Dict., s.v. many'’ (ANNUAL No. I. 1875; p. 7). 
ith regard to manzfra being a lengthened form of many, that is ve 

likely indeed, as 2a, ¢va, and mwa are most probably only suffixes; but 
hardly think it is a lengthened form of that »#any which appears in mantrano 
or mantlahy, as it has no connection with ‘weight’ or ‘power,’ but means 
‘fetid.’ Mantrano, dropsy, does not mean ‘heavy from water’ at all; it is 
the name given to dropsy from the odour of the water that comes from the 
body when it is opened after death. Dropsy is one of the very few cases in 
which, if a person dies, the body is allowed to be opened, in order to let the 
water escape, as the people consider it would be wrong to bury one who has 
died of dropsy in the graves of their ancestors; and the smell of the water 
that comes from the corpse is such, that the disease is named from it, as they 
say it is just like rao many, i.e. stagnant, stinking water. In the Diction- 
ary we find mantlahy given thus: ‘“A¢antlahy, s. and adj. [LAHY, mascu- 
line.] A fern used in vapour baths for malarial fever ..... Also wealthy, 
strong.’’ Mantlahy is a very strong-smelling grass (ahttra), 1 have been 
told ; of course it may be a kind of a fern, as perhaps the Malagasy would 
not know the difference, and it emits such a strong odour when trodden 
upon that it is quite overpowering ; and a man is said to be manzlaky, 
because from personal prowess, or fierceness, or from wealth, he is able to 
bribe right and left, so that no one can stand before him.—T. T. MATTHEWS. 


LITERARY NOTES. 


EW BooKs ON MADAGASCAR. 
(1) Mestotre Physique, Natu- 
vyelle et Polttigue de Madagascar, 
Luise par Alfred Grandtdter. 
ol. I. Gbographiwe. Texte.—ivre 
Partie. L’ Imprimerie Nationale, 
Paris: 1885; PP. 96, to. 
(2) Notice sur les Travaux Scten- 
ehiqves de M. Alfred Grandtater. 
authier- Villars, Paris: 1884; pp. 
§4, 4to; avec deux Cartes. 
very readerofthe ANNUAL Will know 
thename of the eminent French travel- 
ler and savant, M. AltrediGgandidier, 
and will also know that for Sevéral 
ears past he has been engaged in 
bringing out successive portions of 


his magnificent work descriptive of 
this island, which is to comprise no 
fewer than 28 quarto volumes, with 
many hundred illustrations in the 
finest style of chromo-lithography, as 
well as photographs. Although the 
volume on the geography of Mada- 
gascar is called the ‘first,’ it has been 
preceded by several others on the 
mammalia and birds of this country.° 
By the courtesy of the author we have 
received a copy of the first part of 
the volume on geography, which 
consists solely of a historical account 
of the successive steps by which 
Madagascar has become known to 
the rest of the world, from the era 


® For dates of publication of these, as well as other particulars, see 4 Madagascar Bidlio- 


graphy, p. 18. 


LITERARY NOTES. 


253 





ibo and Ptolemy, through the 
e Ages, down to modern times. 
randidier, after a careful exam- 
n of all the data, believes 
Madagascar was the island 
» to the ancients as Menu- 
; and to Edrisi, the eminent 
an geographer, as Chezdezat. 
aborate and minute account is 
in footenotes of the steps by 
successive portions of the coast 
» island became known and 
Jescribed by different explorers ; 
particulars are given of fhe 
vations made for determining 
mgitude of various points on 
oast. Fifty-one pages of text 
‘lowed by forty-six pages of 
giving the names and approx- 
positions of about 1600 places 
‘coasts of Madagascar. Ano- 
art, issued together with this 
' letter-press, contains a com- 
series of fac-similes of all known 
of Madagascar, from. the 
st rude and imperfect attempts 
ineate its outline, down to M. 
lidier’s own maps. We hope 
re in the next number of the 
‘AL a very full account of the 
ific researches of M. Grandi- 
1 this country, translated from 
ork whose title is the second 
se given above. 
Madagascar. An Historical 
Descriptive Account of the 
Z and tts Dependencies. Com- 
by Catt. S. Pasfield Olsver, 
., F.R.G.S. Macmillan and 
.ondon: 1886; with 14 Maps 
Nagrams; 2 vols., abt. 560 pp. 


r since Capt. (then Lieut.) Oli- 
Irst visit to Madagascar, more 
‘wenty-four years ago, as one 
sutte of General Johnstone, at 
me of the curonation of King 
na II., he has retained a warm 
st in this country, and has 
n several books and papers 
‘e to it and its people.” In the 
es now being printed (of which 
aber of the proof-sheets only 
is yet reached us) Capt. Oliver 


ae 


has brought together a vast mass of 
information about this country deri- 
ved from the most recent and trust- 
worthy sources, and this is given in 
very full detail; scientific‘ proceedings’ 
and ‘transactions,’ mission reports, 
consular returns, explorers’ and mis- 
sionaries’ journals, etc., etc., being 
all laid under contribution. The 
thorough and minute character of the 
book may be seen from the fact that 
the first chapter, consisting of a 
‘‘Historical Sketch’’ of the country, 
comprises no less than 176 pages, 
and contains in appendices copies of 
all the treaties with foreign powers 
from the year 1814 down to the 
amendments of the Anglo-Malagasy 
treaty of Feb. 1883. The chapters 
on geography and topography, na- 
tural history, population, manufac- 
tures and trade, are also equally full; 
and a bibliography of 23 pages 
contains a number of entries not 
included in Mr. Sibree’s Ard/s0gra- 
phy published here last year. Accu- 
racy as to facts and native names, 
etc., has been secured by the co- 
operation of several of the L.M.S. 
missionaries now or recently residing 
in England. The numerous maps 
give a special value to this book, one 
of them being contributed by M. 
Grandidier. It will be noted that 
Capt. Oliver only claims to be a 
‘compiler,’ and large extracts are 
made from previous books and pam- 
phlets. Of new or original informa- 
tion, therefore, with regard to Mada- 
gascar, there is not much in these 
volumes; but Capt. Oliver has shewn 
admirable industry in the way in 
which he has brought together facts 
of all kinds from all sources, while 
he has arranged them so as to be 
very easily referred to. As a book 
of reference Capt. Oliver’s J/ada- 
gascar must henceforth take its place 
as a standard work and indispensible 
to all who are interested in this 
country. 

The titles of the following French 
works are taken from Capt. Oliver’s 
‘Bibliography’ mentioned above :— 


ee 


354 





(4) Madagascar. Far H. Cas- 
tonnet des Fosses. Paris: 1884. 

(5) Vingt Ans @ Madagascar. 
Colonisation, Traditions Ftistors- 

ues, Maurs et Croyances ; d' apres 

s motes du Pére Abinal et des 

lusteurs mtsstonatres de la Com- 
pagnie de $ésus. Par le Pére de la 
Vaisstere, S.F. Paris: 1885. 
pe La France et l' Angleterre a 
adagascar. Par Fernand fue. 
8vo. Paris: 1885. | 

(7) Bibliographie des Tradttions 
et de la Littérature populatre de 
France outre-mer. Par H. Gatdoz 
et Paul Sebillot. 8vo. Paris: 1886. 

(8) Madagascar sous Louts XIV. 
Louis XIV. et la Compagnie des 
Indes Ortentales de 1664. D’ apres 
des documents tinédits tirés des 
archives Coloniales du Mintstere de 
la Marine et des Colontes. 18mo. 
Paris: 1886. 

(9) Madagascar. Par Raoul Pos- 
fef. 18mo. Paris: 1886; avec § 
Cartes. 

(10) La Colontzatzon de Mada- 
gascar sous Louts XV., d'apres la 
Correspondence inédite du Comte 
du Maudave. Par H. Pouget de St. 
André. 18mo. Paris: avec Carte. 

(11) Folk-tales and Folk-lore of 
Madagascar; vol.i. (‘Publications of 
the Malagasy Folk-lore Society.) 
Edited by Revs. J. Sibree and J. 
Richardson. L.M.S. Press; pp. 288. 
(In Malagasy.) This publication was 
commenced in monthly parts of 24 pp. 
more than ten years ago; but after 
the issue of six numbers, it was dis- 
continued. This year, however, the 
publication has been resumed, and 
the result is a volume containing very 
much of interest both as regards the 
various dialects of Madagascar and 
the strange beliefs and superstitions 
of the people. It includes folk: tales 
not only from Imérina, but also from 
Beétsiléo and the Sakalava, as well as 
fables, songs, riddles, and tradition- 
ary history, and the larger part of a 
very full native account of Iiztana 
(or fate), and the numerous native 
beliefs connected with lucky and un- 
lucky days. Should sufficient encou- 


LITERARY NOTES, 


ey 


ragement be given to undertake 

another volume, there is still a 

deal of manuscript in hand for the 

purpose, besides the remaining por. 

tion of the Vin¢ana paper. a 
(12) We notice, among announce- 

ments of new books, the following: 

Madagascar of To-day, by Ge 

A. Shaw, F.Z.S., London Missio, 


Tamatave. London: ‘The R. T. §. 
Library.’ 
(13) Madagascar, und dre Inseln 


Seychellen, Aldabra, Komoren, und 

askarenen. By Prof. Dr. R. Hart- 
mann.-: Leipzig and Prague: 1886. 

This little work forms the fifty 
seventh volume of ‘‘Das Wissen der 
Gegenwart,’’ a scientific series which 
has already done so much for the 
spread of useful and accurate infor- 
mation amongst the Germanic popv- 
lations. The author, himself person- 
ally acquainted with some of the 
localities here described, gives as 
clear and comprehensive an account 
of the various insular groups in the 
Indian Ocean as was possible within 
the available space of 150 pages. 
Of his space over two-thirds are 
devoted to Madagascar, whose phy- 
sical constitution, natural history, 
ethnology, and political relations are 
treated with great ability. The best 
authorities, such as Grandidier, Shaw, 
Wake, Sibree, and Hildebrandt, 
have been carefully consulted, and 
room has even been found for the 
discussion of such controversial ques- 
tions as the existence of Sclater’s 
vanished Lemuria, the origin of the 
Malagasy people, the nities of 
their language, and the presence in 
the island of the Vazimba and other 
aboriginal non-Malayan and Negri- 
to tribes. Dr. Hartmann is inclined 
to accept the statements made by 
Commerson and Modave regarding 
the woolly-haired and dwarfish Kimo 
people of the southern districts, and 
suggests possible affinities either with 
the South African Bushmen or the 
Andamanese and Aeta Negritos of 
the Philippine Islands. The Mala- 
gasy he regards as essentially a 
mixed race, Polynesian, Malay, and 


LITERARY NOTES. 





n (especially Galla and Somali) 
nts being found diversely in- 
igled amongst the Hova, Sa- 
1, Bétsimisaraka, and other 
communities. The Comora, 
elles, and Mascarenhas (Mau- 
Réunion, and Rodriguez) 
elagoes are treated with equa 
ighness, and the work is 
ied with a map of the Indian 
), an index, and numerous well- 
ted woodcuts.—From ature. 
Etude comparative des langues 
ache et Malaise, par le R. P. 
, musstonatre a Madagascar 


s is a small pamphlet of 11 
, published by the Geographical 
y of Paris, and preceded by a 
, eulogistic introduction by M. 
1 Grandidier. The essay con- 
»f a brief and orderly statement 
ilarities between the Malagasy 
falay languages noticed by the 
when reading the Malay 
mar of the Abbé Favre.f To 
whose attention has never been 
.to the evidence on which the 
rasy has long been recognised 
onging to the Malayan family 
guages, this brief essay will be 
‘e imteresting and instructive ; 
those who are already familiar 
the main lines of evidence, ‘it 
ford no little surprise that any 
‘this time of day should draw 
ch a statement as the above, 
ently in the belief that he had 
:a vein of gold hitherto unre- 
sed and unexplored. The main 
here given have long been well 
1, and have been set forth by 
writers as Baron W. Von Hum- 
Van der Tuuk, and Marre-de 
1, to say nothing of various 
s that have appeared in the 
of this ANNUAL. One para- 
in Pére Jean’s essay appears, 
rer, to contain new matter, viz. 


235 





his suggestion that the Malagasy 
Causatives in mamgs- and mumpan- 
are derived from the Malay forms in 
mem-per ; thus in Malay we have 
anak (child), deranak (to beget), 
mem-Der-anak-kan (to cause to 
beget). These forms do assuredly 
look wonderfully like their Malagasy 
equivalents: teraka (offspring, des- 
cendants), msteraka (to beget, etc.), 
mamptteraka (to cause to beget, 
etc.). If this Malayan form mem-Zer 
were accepted as that out of which 
the Malagasy forms arose, the theory 
of Mr. Dahle (ANNUAL No. IV. p. 
2) would of course fall to the ground. 
There seems, however, one serious 
objection to Pére Jean’s theory,— 
perhaps a fuller examination of 
kindred languages would show it not 
to be fatal—viz. that in the examples 
he gives, the 4am and not the der 
seems to be the particle that gives 
the notion of causation. This brief 
essay, though it cannot be regarded 
as producing anything new, is never- 
theless a satisfactory statement, as 
far as it goes, and shows even to a 
casual reader how the similarities 
existing between the two languages 
compared lie in their very nature and 
structure, and are not simply acci- 
dental likenesses in individual words. 
To one statement of the writer M. 
Grandidier very justly demurs, viz. 
that the Hova should be considered 
the original form of the Malagasy 
language. Evidence to the contrary 
would not, we think, be far to seek. 
PAPERS AND PAMPHLETS ON Ma- 
DAGASCAR.—In the Comffes ren- 
dues de l' Académie de Sciences of 
Paris (paper read July 20, 1885), is 
an article entitled :{ ‘‘Observations 
on the Fauna of the Island of Great 
Comoro, to the north-west of Mada- 
ascar, by MM. Milne- Edwards and 
. Oustalet.’’ From a careful study 
of the birds and mammals of this 


1is critical notice was written last year, but had to be omitted through the demands 


ur space. 


ammuatre de la langue Malaise, par [Abbé P. Favre. Vienne: Imprimerie Impériale ct 


, 1876 


ie titles of this and the following papers are, of course, translations of the original French 
vhich we are unable to give, as the source of our information (Natsre) gives them only 


lish. 





islan authors conclude that it is 
not a geographical dependence of 
Madagascar, that it was never at- 
tached to that region, and that its 
fauna has borrowed from the sur- 
rounding lands. [afure, July 30, 
1885; p. 3t1.] In the same publi- 
cation (paper read Aug. 31, 1885) is 
an article entitled : ‘On certain 
points in the Physiological action of 

anguin, the Poison used in Ordeals 
in Madagascar.”’ By M. Ch. E. 
Quinquand. [Vature, Sept. 17, 1885. ] 
We have a contribution to Malagasy 
craniology in the following paper in 
the Bulletins de la Société d’An- 
thropologie de Parts, tome ix., fasc. 
i., 1886 :-.‘‘On certain Hova and Sa- 
kalava Skulls, by M. Trucy.’’ ‘Both 
of these cranial groups are dolicho- 
cephalic, with an index of about 74, 
which is nearly the same as that of 
the Arabs of Algiers and the Pariahs 
of Bengal. The Hova and Saka- 
lava appear to be more intelligent 
than any other tribes of Madagascar; 
but while the Sakalava queen, the 
ally of France, submitted with her 
husband to be made the subject of 
careful anthropometrical observa- 
tions, she enjoined upon the French 
officers to punish with death any one 
who opened or rifled a grave. It 
was consequently only by artifice and 
extreme circumspection that M.Trucy 
was able to obtain crania or other 
human bones. In the discussion 
which followed, regarding the mixed 
characters of the Hova crania, MM. 
Topinard, Dally and others entered 
warmly into the question of typical 
and other distinctions of race.’’ [Va- 
ture, June 24, 1886; p. 185. ] 

In Lhe Chronicle of the Lond. 
Miss. Soc. for July, 1886. is a paper 
by the Rev. W. E. Cousins, entitled, 
‘‘Bible Revision Work in Madagas- 
car;’’ pp. 272— 281 (reproduced at 
pp. 209—215, avte); and in the same 
publication for Oct. 1886, by the same 
writer, is a paper entitled, ‘‘Twenty- 
five Years’ Progress in Imérina.’’ 

In The Fournal of the Royal 
United Service Institution, vol. xxix. 
No. 132, is a paper by Capt. S. P. 


LITERARY NOTES. 










Oliver, F.R.G.S., etc., entitled, ‘Ex- 
amples of Military Operations in Ma. 
dagascar by Foreign Powers, and 
Native Campaigns, 1642 - 1881; pp. 
1003-1044. ther political pam. 
phlets are as follows: A/sntsfovre des 


Affaires Etvangeéres. Documents 
Diplomatiques. Affaires de Ma. 
aagascar 1884—1886. Paris: 1886. 


— Rapport fait au nom de la Com- 
mission chargée d examiner la ra- 


tification du Tratté dui17 Déc. 1885, 


(Govt. Papers.) Paris: 1886. 

In the Ko/nische Zettung, 1886, is 
a paper entitled, ‘‘Beschreibung des 
Festes der Fandroana in Madagas- 
car,’’ by Mr. A. Levy. 

In the Zdinburgh Review for Jan. 
1886 is an article entitled, ‘‘France 
and Madagascar.’’ In the Proceed, 
ings of the Scottish Geographica 
Socsety, 1886, is a paper by Rev. W. 
I). Cowan entitled, ‘‘Travels in East- 
ern and Central Madagascar; the 
Present Condition and Commercial 
Future of that Island.’’ 

MAPS OF MADAGASCAR.— ‘‘Carte 
des Environs de Tananarivo (Mada- 
gascar) par le P. Roblet, S.J. Echelle 
au 1/100,000.’’ This map, of 15 in. 
by 12 in., shows the country as far 
as Ampdrafaravato, 15 miles north 
of Antananarivo, and to Amboanjobé, 
7 miles south of it, and from Ambd- 
himalaza in the east, to Andsiman- 
jaka in the west. The streams, lakes 
and marshes are all shown in blue, 
and the mountains are shaded io 
brown. Every town and village is 
distinguished by a different mark, 
according to population, from hamlets 
of 10 houses up to towns of more than 
500 houses. This is a very pretty and 
useful map. In Zhe Chronicle of 
the L.M.S. for February is a small 
map (5 in. by 4 in.) of the province 
of Antsihanaka by Rev. J. Sibree. 
This map illustrates a paper by. Rev. 
J. Wills (also in the March number) 
entitled, ‘‘Tour among the Sihanaka.”’ 
A new and much more perfect, as 
well as a larger, Map of Madagascar 


than any yet published in this country | 


is now in course of preparation by 
Mr. W. Johnson of the F.F.M.A. 


LITERARY NOTES. 


2KS IN MALAGASY.—WVy Fa- 
tbarana sy ny Lalan’ ny Fan- 
1 Fesosy Kratsty (Exposition of 
r., vi. and vii.), by Rev. T. T 
>ws. L.M.S. Press: 8vo, pp. 
Vy Fomba Famptanarana 
y and Practice of Teaching and 
Management), by H. F. Stand- 
F.F.M.A. Press: 8vo, pp. 140, 
oodcuts and lith. illustrations. 
tara Mahafinaritra (Stories 
necdotes), collected by Rev. 
Matthews. L. M.S. Press i 
. 137.— Lesona amy ny Ke- 
Pay fF. Standing. F.F.M.A. 
12mo, pp. 95, with lith. illus- 
s.—Filazana ny Dogma sasa- 
n ny Ekklesia Anglikana sy 
klesita maro koa mtray Komo- 
aminy, Nadikany F.A.Grego- 
A. S.P. G. Press: 8vo, pp. xiv. 
\§. (A translation of part of 
>» Harold Browne’s well-known 
in ‘The Thirty-nine Articles.’’) 
is an important and valuable 
jution to Malagasy literature. 
ve only work in the language 
eals at all fully with dogmatic 
gy asa whole ; and though it is 
1 from an Anglican standpoint 
r Anglican students, it contains 
rse very much that Christians 
communions acknowledge and 


257 





teach. Mr. Gregory has not trans- 
lated the whole of the English work ; 
and apparently the Malagasy branch 
of the Anglican Church will possess 
only 26 Articles, instead of the his- 
toric 39: The Introduction (on the 
book of Nature and the book of Holy 
Scripture) contains a concise account 
of modern scientific doctrines, and 
strongly maintains the position, that 
‘evolution,’ even if ultimately accepted 
universally, should by no means lead 
us to abandon our belief in the 
presence throughout the entire range 
of natural phenomena of intelligence 


and purpose. 
The following Medical Publications 
by Dr. J. T. Fox have been issued 


from the F.F.M.A. Press :— Vy Boky 
Klintkaly Voalohany, na Fomba 
Fizahana ny Marary (First Clinical 
Handbook), with illustrations ;—Ze- 
Sona amy ny Anatomy, Nos. I. and 
If., with illustrations ;—Lektora ny 
amy ny Ratra, etc. (Lectures on 
Wounds and Hurts) ;— Savy amy ny 
Anatomy, Fiz. 1. (Anatomical Draw- 
ings, Ist pt.) 

ew Maps of Xanana and Pales- 
faina (each 2ft. 6in. by 1ft. 7 in.) 
have also been issued from the 
F.F.M.A. Press. 


IEF SUMMARY OF IMPORTANT EVENTS IN 


MADAGASCAR 


LITICATACTHE FRANCO-MaA- 
LAGASY WAR. As every reader 
ANNUAL knows, the war be- 
this country and France was 
ated (even before the issue of 
ist number) by the conclusion 
eaty. of peace signed at Tama- 
n the 12th of December, 1885. 
orincipal points of this treaty 
s follows: ‘‘The government 
French Republic will represent 


DURING 1886. 


Madagascar in all its foreign rela- 
tions ;’’ ‘‘a French Resident with mi- 
litary escort will reside at Antana- 
narivo,’’ presiding ‘‘over the foreign 
relations of Madagascar, without 
interfering with the internal adminis- 
tration of the states of Her Majesty 
the Queen ;’’ ‘‘Her Majesty the 
Queen of Madagascar will continue, 
as heretofore, to preside over the 
internal administration of the wholé 


tae BRIEF SUMMARY OF IMPORTANT EVENTS. 


island;’’ a sum of ten millions of 
francs is to be paid by the Malagasy 
Government in settlement of French 
claims, and of war damages, Tama- 
tave to be occupied by French troops 
until the full payment of the said 
sum; and the French Government 
reserves to itself the right of occupy-~ 
ing the Bay of Diego Suarez. Very 
conflicting opinions have been ex- 
pressed both in this country and by 
the European press as to the real 
bearing of this treaty upon the future 
of Madagascar. We will not attempt 
any discussion of these points, onl 

expressing our sincere hope that th 

treaty may prove to have secured a 
lasting peace to this country, as well 
as a continuance of its independence, 
and an increase of its prosperity.°® 
On the 28th of January M. Patrimo- 
nio (French Consul-General at Zan- 
zibar) and Admiral Miot came up 
to the Capital as French plenipo- 
tentiaries, and returned to the coast 
after a week’s stay in Antananarivo ; 
and on the 14th of May the French 
Resident-General, M. le Myre de 
Vilers, with his suite, including M. 
Buchard, Resident for the Capital, 
M. Daumas, Vice - Resident, and 
other officers, arrived in Antanana- 
rivo, and took up his residence in 
the city. The French flag was form- 
ally hoisted again in the Capital on 
the 14th of July. The French Roman 
Catholic mission was also re-orga- 
nized in the month of April, the Rev. 
Pére Cazet, formerly Apostolic Pre- 
fect, having been appointed Bishop. 
During the months of June, July and 
August, the troops which have been 
stationed respectively at Manjakan- 
drianombana (near Tamatave), at 
Anorontsanga, and at Mojanga, for 
the past three years, returned to 
Imérina and were received with well- 
deserved honour and festivities by 
the Queen and the people. A new 
levy of troops has since been made, 
and the newly-organized regiments, 


to the number of from 15,000 to 16,000 
men, were inspected by the Queen 
and Court at a great Review on the 
2tst of October. 

NEW GOVERNORS AND CONSUL 
During the year several new Gover 
nors have been appointed to impor- 
tant positions in place of old mefi- 
cient officers. The English Consal 
for Madagascar, J. Hicks Graves, 
Esq., has retired, and Lieut. J. G. 
Haggard, R.N., has been appointed 
as his successor. 

COMMERCIAL. — Negociations 
have been proceeding for some time 
past for the establishment in Mada 
gascar of a Bank by an English 
syndicate ; but nothing has yet been 
definitely arranged. A Telegraph te 
connect the Capital with Tamatave 
is to be constructed under French 
management. 

LITERARY.—REVISION OF THE 
MALAGASY BIBLE. The second and 
final revision is now making satisfac- 
tory progress. The Committee has 
revised to the end of the Psalms, and 
Mr Cousins, with his three native 
helpers (Joseph Andrianaivoravélona, 
Andrianény, and Frank Rasdama- 
nana) has reached the end of the 
Lamentations. The revision will prob- 
ably be completed about May 1887. 

MEDICAL. — During this year the 
medical missionaries connected with 
the missions of the F.F.M.A., L.M.S. 
and N.M.S. in Antananarivo have 
formed a Board for the more syste- 
matic and united teaching of their 
students, for examinations in medi- 
cine and surgery,.and for the giving 
of a diploma to those students who 
successfully pass the final examina- 
tions. At a large meeting held in 
the Lecture Hall of the L.M.S. Col- 
lege on the 17th of September tie 
first diplomas were handed by His 
Excellency the Prime Minister to 
eight students, who will henceforth 
be entitled to put after their names 
the letters ‘M.M.M.A.’, i.e. ‘Member 


*® While these pages are passing through the press, it is announced that a French loan 
for the payment of French claims and war damages (see above) has been accepted by the 
Malagasy Government ; and that consequently Tamatave will soon be restored to the native 


authorities. 





BRIEF SUMMARY OF IMPORTANT EVENTS. CS. 


Medical Missionary Academy.’ 
ench Resident-General, toge- 
th most of the foretgn commu- 
siding in the Capital, was also 
© on the occasion. 
VELS anp EXPLORATION. 
see from ature (p. 612, 1886, 
Dr. Konrad Keller, a German 
3r, was to make a scientific 
ng expedition in this country, 
have no further particulars. 
Albert Daruty (de Grandpré), 
the secretaries of the Royal 
' of Arts and Sciences of 
lus, accompanied by Mr. A. L. 
, is now making a exploratory 
rough the central and south- 


eastern parts of this island for the 
purpose of forming | collections in 
natural history and betany. 

The Rev. R. Baron, ELS., has 
also made a journey of nearly four 
months’ duration through the An- 
tsihanaka province, MAndritsdra, and 
and across the island to the north- 
west, to Androntsanga, returning by 
way of Mojanga and Mévatanana. 
Although this journey was undertaken 
of course primarily for missionary 
work, we doubt not that we shall be 
able to give in our next number many 
noteworthy particulars of scientific 
interest collected by Mr. Baron dur- 
ing his long journey. 


ra 


NATURAL HISTORY NOTES. 


THE ORCHIDS OF MADAGASCAR. 


R. H. M. Ridley read a paper on Orchids from Madagascar. The 

collection (fifty in number) was obtained by Mr. Fox in the neigh- 

od of Imérina. Among them are three genera new to the flora of the 

viz. Arnottia, indigenous to the Mauritius; Browz/leea, hitherto 

10wn from South Africa; Holofhrix, an East African representative. 

‘r interesting novelty is Satyr7um gigas.’’—Linnean Society; Dec. 17, 
-Nature, Dec. 24, 1885; p. Igo. 


MADAGASCAR CROCODILES. 


VIER, in the Ossements Fossiles, p. 44, mentions a specimen of a 
ile from Madagascar brought by M. Havet, and considers it the same 
one from Continental Africa. I was inclined to do the same with two 
ens of the young in spirits, which the Museum received as coming 
ladagascar. Lately the British Museum has recéived a rather large 
en direct from Mr. Lormier, who has collected in Madagascar; and 
iparing this specimen and the other two with specimens of C. vulgaris 
ontinental Africa, of about the same size, I tind that they all have the 
rather longer and slenderer compared with its breadth, and with 
iter sides. At the same time, the sides of the lower jaw of all the 
ens from Madagascar are pale and marbled with darker spots, and 
es of the abdomen of the large stuffed specimeas are marked with 
yunded spots placed in oblique cross lines,—two peculiarities which 
not observed in any of the specimens from Continental Africa. I am 
re inclined to think they indicate that the crocodile which inhabits 
rascar is distinct from that which inhabits Continental Africa; and I 


260 NATURAL HISTORY NOTES. 





propose to call it Crocodilus madagascariensis. I have seen it somewhers 
observed that the crocodile of Madagascar is like the crocodile from Ame 
rica, Afolinza acuta, but this is a mistake; for though its head somewhat 
approaches in shape and proportion that of Af. acufa, its skull and the 
shields of the body are those of a true crocodile. 

‘*Crocodilus madagascariensis. The beak slender elongate, with a sli 
ridge on each side of the central line, united just behind the nostrils. Sides 
of the lower jaw pale, with large irregular black spots. There are three 
specimens of this crocodile in the British Museum.’’—Dr. J. E. Gray, 

.R.S., in Proc. Zool. Soc. 1874; p. 154. 








‘‘Among the recent scientific missions ordered by the French Minister of 
Public Instruction, we find the following :—M. Bordas, to study the zoology 
of the Madagascar Islands, of the Seychelles and Comoros.’’ — Mature ; 
July 2, 1885; p. 209. 


“Entomological Soctety; March 3, 1886. Mr. W. J. Williams exhibited on 
behalf of Mr. C. Bartlett, a gigantic hairy and spiny larva, perhaps allied to 
Gastropacha, from Madagascar.’’—Nature ; Mar. 11, 1886; p. 455. 


It may interest those who study the natural history of Madagascar to hear 
that a specimen of a male Aye-aye has recently been obtained by the Rev. J. 
Wills from the upper belt of forest to the east of Imérina. Hitherto it had 
been believed that this animal was confined to the lower and hotter forest 
region of the country ; but it appears to have a wider range than was formerly 
supposed to be the case.— EDS. 














wl LIS 


x 


RAINFALL OF ANTANANARIVO FOR 
THE YEAR 1886. 


Month. No. of days rain fell. Quantity. | Rainfall for 1885. Average fall from 





1881—1884. 
TA Tches | inches inches. 
january sees 14 days 2°58 16°91 13°56 
ebruary .. 12 5, 4°07 14°10 7°78 
March "4 - 1I‘l4 2°47 8°53 
April .... ” 1°54 1°22 1°41 
May ...... 4» "67 "35 *gO 
une ...... 3 "21 "30 "II 
Say scene 2 5 18 "00 075 
August .... I», "06 "42 *32 
September. . 2 "23 2°05 405 
October .... 7 4 3°02 1°06 4°70 
November.. 6 5, 3°05 ‘16 5735 
December.. 23» 19'2 "15 9°3 
Total....' 94 days | 47°28 | §2°19 | §2°805 


ED. (J.S.) 





3 feeb HG Meee, 





| 


oe eee» ee LT TS 6 Sw Fle me ce ee 
7 e 





6 
! .LONDON AGENTS. MESSRS. TRUBNER & Co.’ 
o- . - . - me 


No. XI.—CHRISTMAS, 1887, 


(Paat Ill. of Vor. IIL) 


—<~“oe— 


THE 


ANTANANARIVO 
ANNUAL 


AND 


MADAGASCAR MAGAZINE. 


ANTANANARIVO : 
: PRINTED AT THE PRESS OF TITLE LONDON 
MISSIONARY SOCIETY. 


Laas, 


Allrights reserved. 








THE 


ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL 


AND 


MADAGASCAR MAGAZINE. 


A RECORD OF INFORMATION ON THE TCPOGRAPHY AND NATURAL PRODUOTIONS 
OF MADAGASCAR, AND THE CUSTOMS, TRADITIONS, LANQUAGE, 
AND RELIGIOUS BELIEF8 OF IT8 PEOPLE. 


ERRATA. 


Page 324, foot-note t, 2nd line, for ‘a old friend,” read “‘an old friend.” 
»» 336, 5th line from top, for ‘‘of the wes coast,” read “‘easf coast.” 
»» 385, might hand column, rgth and 2oth lines from top, for the 

marks x, twice, substitute in each case the marks +. 


—_—MOOo— 


fo, Xi.—Christmas, 887. 


(PART III. OF VOLUME IIT) 


——O0 Oo 


ANTANANARIVO: 
PRINTED AT THE L.M.S. PRESS. 


1887. 
All rights reserved. 


THE 


ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL 


AND 


MADAGASCAR MAGAZINE. 


A RECORD OF INFORMATION ON THE TCPOGRAPHY AND NATURAL PRODUCTIONS 
OF MADAGASCAR, AND THE CUSTOMS, TRADITIONS, LANQUAGE, 
AND RELIGIOUS BELIEFS OF ITS PEOPLE. 


EDITED BY THE 
REv. J. SIBREE, F.R.G.S., 
AND 


Rev. R. BARON, F.L.S., 
Missionaries of the L.M.S. 


—_—_—=<o>>-———- 


fo. Xl.—Christmas, J8§S87. 


(PART III, OF VOLUME III) 


—<oO 


ANTANANARIVO,;: 
PRINTED AT THE L.M.S. PRESS. 


1887. 
All rights reserved. 


Antananarivo: 


PRINTED AT THE PRESS OF THE LONDON Missionary SOCIETY 
BY MALAGASY PRINTERS. 


CONTENTS. 


—-6 8040 
PAGE 
1.—OVER NEW GROUND: A JouRNEY TO MANDRITSARA AND 
THE NORTH-WEST COAST. BY REV. R. BARON, L.M.S.... 261 


2.—STUDIES IN THE MALAGASY LANGUAGE: No. v.—THE 
COMPOUND VERBAL PREFIXES; No. vi.—THE GENITIVE CASE 
OF Nouns; No. vii.—THE PREPOSITION ‘AMY’ (‘AMINY’ ?). 
By REv. L. DAHLE, N.M.S....cccccccccacccccs coscccsecces 283 


3-—MANTASOA AND ITS WORKSHOPS: A PAGE IN THE 
HISTORY OF INDUSTRIAL PROGRESS IN MADAGASCAR. By 
REv. A. M. HEWLETT, M.A., S.P.G...cccccccsccccccscvccces 295 


4.—CURIOSITIES OF WORDS CONNECTED WITH ROY- 
ALTY AND CHIEFTAINSHIP AMONG THE HOVA AND 
OTHER MALAGASY TRIBES. By Rev. J. SIBREE, L.M.S. 301 


5.—-HAVE WE A ‘POSSESSIVE CASE’ OR A ‘CONSTRUCT 
STATE’ IN MALAGASY? By Mrs. A. P. PEILL.......... 310 


6.—FUNERAL CEREMONIES AT THE BURIAL OF RADA- 
MA I. By THE LATE GEORGE BENNET, Esgq., L.M.S...... 311 


7.—SIKIDY’ AND ‘VINTANA’: HALF-HOURS WITH MALAGASY 


, DIVINERS. (No. ii.) By REV. L. DAHLE. .....cc00--ce-e08 315 
8.—HOW WE GOT TO MADAGASCAR: A VOYAGE FROM PORT 
LovIS To MANANJARA. By REV. J. PEARSE, L.M.S....... 325 


9.—M. GRANDIDIER’S SCIENTIFIC RESEARCHES IN MA- 
DAGASCAR, PART 1.—GEOGRAPHICAL. TZranslated from 
the French by REV. J. SIBREE....... .cccccec serene cov cccces 329 


iV. 
PAGE 
10—IHE AFFINITIES OF MALAGASY WITH THE MELA- 
NESIAN LANGUAGES. By REv. J. RICHARDSON, F.R.G.S., 
L.M.S @eeeedeaevre eeeveoaoguenvseeseeee @Ce eee ed @eoeeeseoavneeaoen e2eoeevg0n0e808 ©0600 345 
11.—THE TRIBAL DIVISIONS OF THE HOVA MALAGASY. 
. By H. F, STANDING, Esq., F.F.M.A .....ccccceccesenccsces 354 
12.—THE KING IN IMERINA: A DRAMATIC FRAGMENT. SCENE 
1. By W. CLAYTON PICKERSGILL, » Bsa H.B.M.’s VICE- 


CONSUL ..cccen cecccves cecces ssn ces ceccccescesces seene. cease 306 
13-—-ODD AND CURIOUS EXPERIENCES OF LIFE IN MA- 
DAGASCAR. By REV. J. SIBREE.. cc... .ccee conn ce wocree 367 


14.—VARIETIES: A REMARKABLE HAIL-STORM (p. 363)}—A PRO- 
VIDENTIAL DELIVERANCE ON THE COAST OF MADAGASCAR 
FIFTY YEARS AGO—THE ‘FANATAOVANA’—EARTHQUAKE 
SHOCKS —JOTTINGS ON MALAGASY AND MALAYAN AFFINI- 
TIES—THE MALAGASY WORDS FOR ‘FISH’ AND ‘CANOE’ 
(‘SLAOKA’ AND ‘LAKANA’)...... ccccecccccccees soccesscese 378 


15.—BRIEF SUMMARY OF IMPORTANT EVENTS IN MA- 
DAGASCAR DURING 1887 .......--000 coe ccessescccces 383 


( 

16.—BOTANICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY NOTES: SIMI- ‘ 
LARITIES BETWEEN SOME OF THE NAMES OF BIRDS IN t 
THE ZAMBESI LANGUAGES AND IN MALAGASY (p. 366)— ; 
FURTHER CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE FLORA OF MADAGAS- | 
CAR—HABITS AND FOOD OF THE AYE-AYE.... sscccseoee 386 


17.—LITERARY NOTES............ ccc eevee coeves o. eee ces ences 391 
18.—DAILY TABLES OF TEMPERATURE AND RAINFALL 
FOR THE YEAR 1887. By RrEv. J. RICHARDSON...... 394 | 
— OOOO 00 Catia 


*.* Zhe Editors do not hold themselves responsible for every opinion 
expressed by those who contribute to the ANNUAL, but only for the general 
character of the articles as a whole. 


THE 


ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL - 


AND 


MADAGASCAR MAGAZINE. 


OVER NEW GROUND: 
A FOURNEY TO MANDRITSARA AND THE NORTH-WEST COAST. 


INCE the retirement of Mr. Pickersgill in 1882 from the 
Mission at Mojanga, the churches and schools in connec- 
tion with the London Missionary Society in the Ibdina District 
had been left until the closing months of last year (1886) with- 
out either visitation, help, or superintendence of any kind. 
This was due, not to any desire to abandon the work which Mr. 
Pickersgill commenced, but to the disturbed state of the country 
in consequence of the war which continued so long between 
the French and the Malagasy, and which was carried on perhaps 
with more vigour on the north-west coast than in any other part 
of the island. The Imérina District Committee, however, deter- 
mined, as soon as circumstances permitted, to send one of their 
missionaries to this district to re-organise the churches and 
schools in so far as a brief visit would allow, to encourage the 
people in their profession of Christianity, and to report generally 
on the condition of the work. Accordingly I was asked to 
undertake the journey and, on my way, to visit the churches 
and examine the schools in Antsihanaka and Mandritsara, Mr. 
Peill accompanying me as far as Antsihanaka. Having given 
an account of the churches and schools elsewhere, and on more 
than one occasion, I shall, in the present paper, confine my 
remarks to a description of the country, etc. 
A journey of this kind, although by no means attended by 
the dangers and hardships almost inseparable from African 
travel, is not without its trials, and the first thing to do there- 


No. 11.—CHRISTMAS, 1887. 


262 OVER NEW GROUND: 


fore is to lay in a stock of patience and readiness to “rough it,” 
without which articles you had better-stay at home. You must 
not be too fastidious about the houses you sleep in, even though 
you should have a dozen black pigs as sharers of your bed- 
room; you must not be alarmed at the risky craft you may 
occasionally have to cross a river on, with your body somewhat 
below and somewhat above water. If your bearers are taken ill 
or sometimes turn obstinate ; if the road leads through mud and 
mire, or is rendered dangerous by the presence of marauding 
bands of robbers; if you have to travel with the thermometer at 
140 F.; if a thunderstorm overtakes you and soaks you through, 
you must endeavour to bring your mind to the exigencies of the 
situation and to make the best of it. Travelling in England 
and in Madagascar are two totally different experiences. Here, 
it is needless to say, there are neither roads, railways, hotels, 
coaches, nor other conveniences of civilization, and consequently 
there are numerous little difficulties to contend with that are 
altogether unknown in our own favoured isle. Difficulty number 
one is that ‘of getting together your luggage; number two is 
that of securing your bearers ; others will follow in good time. 
As for difficulty number one, it is greater than it seems. When 
Gordon was sent to Egypt, he was on the Continent the day 
before his appointment, on the next he was on his way to Khar- 
toum. You cannot do things in a hurry here, however; despatch 
is an exotic that has not yet taken root in Madagascar. Even 
in Antananarivo you have to send here and there and everywhere 
before you find the articles you need. If you want a tin trunk, 
you have to hunt up a tinsmith, who lives in some unnamed 
back lane. If you want a pair of boots, you must send your 
man to find a shoemaker, who resides in some unknown quarter, 
and who, when found, is as likely as not to be engaged in 
Janompoana (compulsory and unpaid government service) and 
not able to attend to the job; or who, if free at the time, comes 
to bargain with you (a most trying proceeding), generally asking 
much more than he finally accepts. Then there is the hiring 
and securing of your bearers. They are easily hired, but not so 
easily secured, unless you pay them unreasonably high wages. 
The difficulty is rendered all the greater ifthe journey is through 
a part of the island not often traversed, or through territory where 
malarial fever rages, or if it is to be undertaken at a time which 
will render absence from Antananarivo necessary during the 
Fandrédana festival. Before leaving for the north-west, I wrote 
down the names of nearly twice as many men as I needed, in 
order to secure a sufficient number; but when it came to 
actually starting, the majority of them did not appear. On the 


TO MANDRITSARA AND THE N.W. COAST. 263 








on ee 


morning I was to leave Antananarivo one of the men came to 
say that he was sorry to have to beg off, but that he had some 

anompoana to do; another man came to tell me that his master 
had died suddenly, so begged to be excused; and a third said 
that a peculiar disease had overtaken him :: it began in his toes, 
passed through his feet, up his legs, and gradually mounted 
upwards until it reached the crown of his head, when it slowly 
descended again to his toes, only to return to the crown of his 
head and back again, like the rise and fall of a thermometer! 
Several of the men I took with me were Mozambiques, who, as 
rule, prove hardy, hearty, and trustworthy. 

We left Antananarivo on Tuesday, September 7th; but on 
reaching the foot of the hill on which the Capital stands, the 
two hindermost men called out that a couple of bearers of 
luggage had disappeared, so one of them was sent off to seek 
the missing individuals; but being a long time -away, his 
companion ran after him to see what had become of him, when 
he appeared from an unexpected quarter, and in turn had to go 
after his fellow. They thus kept up a mutual chase, to our 
great amusement, for fully half an hour, and in the end, when 
pre men were actually counted, it was found that none of the 

earers were missing, but that the two last men had simply 
forgotten to count themselves. 

After four or five days’ travelling over the bare hills of Ime- 
rina, we reached the village of Ambdédinonoka in Antsihanaka. 
Here Mr. Peill and I commenced a series of school examinations 
which lasted a fortnight, the result of which both pleased and 
astonished us. ‘These examinations were held in six different 
centres, viz. at Ambodinonoka, Amparafaravola, Ambdhija- 
nahary, Tsarahonénana, and Andsimbodahangy. 

The people on the western side of Lake Alaotra were, at the 
time of our visiting them, in a state of great distress on account 
of depradations committed by large bands of Bara or Sakalava 
marauders. Several villages had, a few day previous to our 
visit, been pillaged by these desperate robbers. At one of 
them, Ampdandrana, a band of these robbers had recently 
carried off goo oxen and 45 women and children, and had 
speared six of the men who dared to offer resistance. In another 
place, 3000 oxen and some half-dozen women and children had 
been swept off. We felt a little trepidation while spending the 
night at Ambohitromby, for only a week before, a village 
immediately to the north, and three days before, one to the 
south, had been attacked by the robbers. Ambohitromby 
consists of some fifty or sixty houses, but there were not more 
than about a dozen individuals sufficiently courageous to stop 


~N 
N 


64 OVER NEW GROUND: 





.in the village during the night. The great bulk of the inhabi- 


. tants, especially the women and children, had resorted to the 


‘marsh, where, hidden away among the tall rushes, they had 
erected temporary huts. Many of the villages were thus 
deserted at night. It may easily be imagined in what a state 
of fear and anxiety these poor Sihanaka were living. Many of 
them had lost their wives and their relatives and slaves, 
Those who have not travelled much in Madagascar, especially 
in the border lands between the Sakalava country and the 
centre of the island, have little idea of the extent to which the 
people suffer from the raids of these desperate highwaymen, 
who generally go in such large numbers and so well armed 
that the people are entirely at their mercy For many hundred 
miles along the western border-land rapine and murder are 
committed by these robber bands with impunity from year to 
year. And there is no redress. The authorities seem to be 
helpless in the matter. So great is the danger of a night 
surprise (and indeed of a mid-day surprise even) in some of 
these places, that the people form underground passages with 
@ secret entrance from each house, by which they can make 
good their escape in case of need. The very difficult and intri- 
cate entrances to some of these villages, with the thick and 
impenetrable barriers of prickly-pear and other thorny shrubs, 
are witnesses to the wild and unsettled nature of many parts of 
the country. 

The great plain of Antsihanaka has more than once been 
described; suffice it then to say that the greater part of it 
consists of an immense marsh, some 30 or 40 miles long by 
about 15 wide, covered with a dense mass of vegetation com- 
posed, for the most part, of Hérana (Cyperus lattfolius, Thouars), 
Lozbro (Cyperus equatts, Vahl), Barardta (Phragmites communts, 
Trin,), and Véndrona (Typha angustsfolta, L.). At the north-west 
corner of the marsh is Lake Alaotra, about 15 or 20 miles long, 
by three or four wide. It cannot, however, be very deep, as water 
weeds may be found at the close of the dry season nearly across 
its surface. 

Now there is one very interesting fact which I discovered 
with regard to this lake, and that is, that it once extended over 
an immense tract of country, not only over the marsh and the 
flat lands on the western and southern parts of the Sihanaka 
plain, but over an extent of territory at least 200 miles in length, 
and perhaps 15 or 20 miles in average breadth; that in fact its 
northern limit reached at a remote period farther north than 15°, 
30 Lat. (how much farther I cannot say), and as far south as 
19° Lat., and that, moreover, the height of the lake, as it for; 


TO MANDRITSARA AND THE N.W. COAST. 26 


merly existed, actually reached 1140 feet above the presenta 
surface of Alaotra. The proofs of the former extension of the ~ 
lake are as follows: to the west of the lake an old tertace 
several hundred feet above Alaotra (though how many I cannot 
say) may be traced for a long distance in a northerly and 
southerly direction. Not only so, but old lake bottoms may be 
seen at various heights above the lake. There is first the marsh, 
a great part of which is still flooded when the water is high; 
then the level grassy plain fringing the marsh, where great 
herds of cattle are pastured ; then other more or less level tracts 
rising at successive heights above the plain and visible here 
and there, showing where the water has once been. To the 
north of Anosimboahangy and Ambatobé again, old lake terraces 
and lake bottoms exist in abundance and are most distinct. 
One of these is eight or nine miles long and 800 feet above 
Alaotra. A mere glance at some of them is sufficient to shew 
their character. 

Anosimboahangy is a village (or rather, a cluster of villages) 
situated on small islands in an extensive marsh, surrounded 
on all sides by an almost continuous terrace. This marsh, | 
once a lake (which is nearly 600 feet above the present surface 
of Alaotra), and occupying a depression in the country, has 
been left up among the hills on the sinking of the waters. 
Further north still the ground rises, and though it has mostly 
been under water, few distinctly level lake bottoms are visible. 
They have become old and defaced with age. On all these 
lake beds smooth waterworn pebbles, iron nocules, and here 
and there conglomerate and sandstone, may be found. In one 
place, where a good part of the low hill (éanéty) has been eaten 
away, there is a horizontal layer of large rounded stones. We 
did not discover in any of these terraces or lake beds any 
fossils, though a year or two ago, in Ankay plain (the southern 
extension of this ancient lake), I found numerous fossil leaves, 
fruits and stems of plants (see ANNUAL No. VII. p. 61:.. To the 
north-east of Mandritsara, however, there were in the old lake 
beds innumerable tubular holes, 4in. to 2in. diameter, and a 
foot or more deep, filled up with hardened earth which might 
be taken out in short ruler-like pieces. These holes may 
possibly have been the homes of a burrowing mollusc. To 
the east and west of this extensive sheet of water long ranges 
of hills (though not absolutely continuous} stretch far away to 
the north and south. Now these ranges form the remnants ot 
an immense arch or great mountain wave, which geologists 
call an anticline. This arch has not only been worn off by the 
denuding agents of time (not improbably, in the first instance, 


~, 


oo” 


266 OVER NEW GROUND: 


by the action of the sea waves taking advantage of a fiss 
but has also been deepened into a longitudinal trough, of w 
Alaotra probably lies in the deepest portion. Indeed this 

(or trough, as it is at present) forms an integral part of 
framework of the country, and was doubtless produced du 
the period when the island was being uplifted from the 
At the north-west end of Lake Alaotra there are one or 
outcrops of basalt, but I could see no volcanic cones. Qh 
is extremely abundant in the northern and eastern parts of 
plain, and the rocks, for the most part, about the northern 
of the lake contain a large percentage of magnetic iron. 

About twenty or thirty miles to the north of Ambatobe, 
place named Analarodamaso, there is a considerable depo: 
siliceous sinter, which has embedded within it particles of 
and pebbles. Ten or twelve miles further north again 1 
is a second deposit of a similar character, where there is al 
circular hollow, with a border of sinter. This has doub 
once been a geyser, whence the water with the silex in soh 
has issued. In one or two places also we saw what appe 
to be miniature craters. Another point is perhaps worth 
mention with regard to this part of the island: it is that 
inner line of forest (the one on the eastern confines of Ime 
does not, as marked in maps of Madagascar, join the main 
of forest to the north-east. It ends somewhere to the 
of Amparafaravola. Probably it was continuous with ; 
one time, since forests in Madagascar are so ruthlessly des! 
ed by the natives.* 

After leaving Ambatobe, the road passes through uninhal 
territory, the next village, Ambalavary, being four days’ jou 
to the north. The country, for the most part, is well wooded, 
a great part of it is covered with forest, the thickest part of w 
is to the north of the valley known as Andalanafindra. The: 
paratively level country and the good wide pathway render 
velling pleasant, and never did I more enjoy a journey throu 
Malagasy forest than I did through that between Andalan 
dra and Ambalavary. Various trees and plants, not foun 
Imerina, make their appearance here. There was a fern w 
was particularly striking, and which I had never seen be 
It was a climbing fern, clinging close to the trees which itr 
its habitat. Most of the leaves were button-shaped, about }i 





* At one of the villages Mr. Peill and I visited we counted the young trees that hac 
used in making the palisade round it, and we found that about 10,000 had been thus e1 
ed. These are renewed every eight or nine years. When in Bétsiléo I remember se 
road which had been cut through the forest in order to drag a gravestone through it. 
25,000 trees had been thus destroyed. These, however, are not the only ways by whi 
forest is being consigned to destruction, 


TO MANDRITSARA AND THE N.W. COAST.  “x6y—~ 


diameter, and thick and fleshy. These were probably the young 
ones; but those in fructification were about 3 in. long, and }in. 
wide. Close to our encampment in the valley of Andalanafin- 
dra there was a human skeleton, that of a soldier who, returning 
home from the war, was taken ill on the road, and was left by 
his companions to die alone. Soon after leaving the forest, 
several very level lake beds may be seen at various heights. 
On one of the lowest of these, close by the road-side, there is a 
crater-shaped hollow. It is as remarkably perfect and regular 
in outline as it could possibly be, and it is impossible to 
account for it except by volcanic action. 

A little further on in front rose Ambiniviny, the noblest 
mountain I ever saw. It is one vast precipice, rising from the 
valley below to the height of fully 2000 feet. It is almost 
enough to make one dizzy to look up at it; it must be simply 
awful to look down from its summit. Ambiniviny is the abrupt 
northern end of a long ridge of gneiss running in a N.N.E. dir- 
ection for a distance of about 30 miles. From Ambiniviny the 
ridge takes a sudden sweep round to the N.N.W., forming a 
precipice several miles in length ; but, with the exception of the 
break in the hills to the south of Ambalavary, the range, more 
or less regularly, continues north and, some of the people say, 
runs as far as Antomboka, at the extreme north of the island. 

The road descends some 1400 or 1500 feet through this break 
in the range, until the village of Ambalavary is reached. We 
are now in what may be called the Mandritsara valley, which is 
bounded on the east by what appears to be a range of mountains, 
but which is in reality an elevated plateau (nearly 2000 feet 
above the valley) and the bed of the old lake mentioned above. 
In descending into this valley either from the south or east 
there is quite an abrupt change in thecharacter of the flora. The 
Tamarind, Adado (Ficus sp.), a species of Rotra (Eugenia sp., a 
large tree), Sakdana (Sclerocarya sp.), and other trees, none of 
which are found in any but the warmer parts of the island, 
become common and occupy all the valleys and river courses. 
The Mandritsara valley is mot volcanic, as has been supposed. 
There are numerous short hill-ranges and detached hills of a 
black and barren aspect, but these consist of gneiss, occasion- 
ally fissile in structure and weathering into spheroids. Crys- 
talline limestone and graphite are also found in one or two 
places near Mandritsara. 

We slept at Ambalavary, at the eastern foot of Ambiniviny, 
where the chief occupation of the people, who are Hova, is the 
manufacture of rum, which is drunk to a fearful extent by 
almost all the Malagasy tribes. It is not merely the Bétsimisa- 


268 OVER NEW GROUND: 


raka who are given up to intoxication; drunkenness abounds 
quite as much among the Sakalava, Bara, etc. It is only after 
travelling in various parts of the island that one begins to 
realize how almost universal is the love of the people for “Haka 
(native rum). 

It may be as well to state here that the town marked on the 
map Marotandrano (not Maritandrano) ought really to be Isda- 
niadanana. It is a town of perhaps 100 or 150 houses, suffici- 
ently important to possess an officer with 11 honours as its 
governor. Marotandrano is a Sakalava village of some thirty 
houses, a little to the west of the road. To the east of the road 
again there is a village of about 20 houses inhabited solely by 
Mozambiques. Of these three elements of population the Saka- 
lava much preponderate ; then come the Hova, next the Mozam- 
biques or Makoa, or Zazamanga, as they prefer to call them 
selves. It seems that these ‘Sakalava,’ so called, are not really 
such, and that the name is a misnomer given them by the 
Hova. Their tribal name is Tsimihéty, and they are in no way 
allied to the pure Sakalava. | 

We next proceded to Mandritsara, the most important town 
in this part of the country. It is about 15 or 16 miles north of 
Isoaniadanana, and consists of about 300 houses. The popu- 
lation consists of Hova and Tsimihety; but on the southern bank 
of the river Mangarahara, which flows at the foot of the low 
hill on which Mandritsara stands, there is a town of some fifty 

¢ houses inhabited entirely by Mozambiques. There is really no 
district known as Mandritsara, and what is marked as such 
on the maps should be Androdna, the southern boundary of 
which is Ampantakamarorény, and the northern, the River 
Sofia. One thing that struck me with regard to this part of the 

«island was the scantiness of the population. I expected to find 
a considerable number of good-sized villages, whereas Man- 
dritsara and Isoaniadanana seem to be the only two of any 
importance. There are, however, a good many scattered 
hamlets of fron six houses and upwards even within compara- 
tively short distances of Mandritsara. 

Leaving Mandritsara the road leads over the south-west end 
of Bémolaly (‘much soot,’ or ‘besooted’), a mountain almost as 
black and forbidding as its name implies, though it is only one 
of many such in this part of the country. The character of 
Bemolaly, however, is somewhat redeemed by the presence of 
two shrubs, bearing perhaps the prettiest flowers 1 have seen 
in Madagascar. One of these is a Bignoniad, with tufts of 
large yellow trumpet-shaped flowers at the ends of the branches. 
But its fruit is as uninviting as its flowers are attractive, 


- 
TO MANDRITSARA AND THE N.W. COAST. 269 -— 


. . — Te 

,eing covered with numerous grappling hooks about an inch 
ong, exactly like a four-pronged anchor. It is almost impossible 
after taking hold of it with the hand to get it off again without 
its tearing the flesh. The plant flowers when it is bare of leaves. 
The second shrub, an Apocynad (probably a species of Pachy- 
bodtum), is a succulent thorny plant, much swollen at the base 
of the stem, which, like the last, is five or six feet high. From 

a tuft of leaves at the end of the branches there proceeds a 
bunch of gorgeous scarlet flowers. Both these plants grow on 
the bare rock, where it is exposed at the surface. They would 
make real ornaments in conservatories. Mango trees of 
enormous size, though not so large as those on the west coast, 
are very abundant in the valleys here; and the fruit must 
literally rot from an insufficiency of consumers. 

On the first day after leaving Mandritsara we saw two or three 
flocks of the small green parrakeets, sometimes called love-birds 
(Psittacula cana, Gm.) ; and also a flock of guinea-fowl. The par- 
rakeets, which have a very swift flight and are gregarious, are 
only found in the warmer parts of the island. The guinea-fowl, 
though not inhabiting the highest regions of the country, 
ascend to a colder climate than the parrakeets dare venture to. 
Both these birds are extremely abundant in the western parts 
of the island. 

On the second day after leaving Mandritsara we entered a 
region of granitic gneiss, which soon passed into a pinkish 
granite, in many parts porphyritic, and in one or two places 
rising into dome-shaped bosses. One of these is surmounted by 
two blocks of stone, at one of which Radama I., in one of his 
military expeditions, is said to have practised his hand as a 
marksman, Near another of these bosses, which rises out of 
the valley to the height of perhaps 100 feet, there is a piece of 
what is evidently calcined gneiss raised on end, so that its dip 
corresponds with the face of the granite. The calcination is 
very marked, and numerous mineral crystals (chiefly garnets) 
have been developed in it. This granite therefore is eruptive 
and not metamorphic. 

The fan-palm known as Sdfrvamira first makes its appearance 
here and continues almost to the sea-coast. Itis a tree about 
12 feet high and is probably a species of Ayphene. The fruit 
is largely used by the Sakalava in the manufacture of rum. 
The tree divides into two, three, four or more branches, which 
rise from the very surface of, or even somewhat under, the 

round, so that they seem almost like separate trees forming 
U-shaped figures. 
We spent the night of the second day after leaving Mandri- 


270 OVER NEW GROUND; 


—_——— 


tsara at Ambddimanary, a small village of six or seven houses 
on the northern bank of the river Sofia, and at the southern 
foot of the Sahantoana mountain. The river Sofia is here a 
wide but shallow stream. There is no town named Sofia, as 
marked on the maps, neither is there, properly speaking, a 
town named Béfandriana, as also given on the maps. Befan- 
driana is the name of a mountain, and also the name of the 
district. What is given as the town of Befandriana is really 
Isomboana, sometimes called Andrdévanimavo, because the 
governor of the district (who, by the way, is under the governor 

‘ of Antsihanaka), a Sakalava of 11 honours, is named Ramavo. 
This is one of the very few places where there is a non-Hova 
governor. The river Isomboana, rising a little to the east, 
flows past the south side of the town. It joins the Ankazambo 
(which flows a mile or two south of the town); the Ankazambo 
joins the Tsinjomorona, which flows into the Dorda; and this 
last empties itself into the sea somewhere between the river 
Anjingo (given on maps as Antsingo) and the Sofia.* 

From Isomboana onwards to the sea the country becomes 
comparatively level (or rather, covered with innumerable very 
low hillocks from 20 to 50 feet high), with a low hill-range away 
to the west, and an isolated mountain here and there. The 
valleys between the hillocks are mostly occupied by marshes or 
ponds. A long valley of some 15 to 20 miles runs to the south, 
and arange of mountains immediately to the east runs for away 
to the north. The strike of the gneiss is in a northerly direc- 
tion, with a dip to the east of about 60°. 

On our arrival at Isombdana, the population of which consists 
almost wholly of Hova, we found dwelling in small extempo- 
rized huts by the river side a large number of Sakalava, who 
had been collected from the surrounding country to do /anom- 
poana in the shape of building a new residence for the governor. 
This, however, was not the only building that was being erected 
in the town, for, as there had been a recent fire, nearly all the 
houses, some fifty or sixty, had been burnt down, a frequent 
occurrence in these villages, where the houses are built of palm 
leaves and grass and placed in close proximity ; for if one takes 
fire, the whole town is almost sure to be destroyed. 

From Isomboana to Andranosamonta (samdntea=high tide, 
or rather, the tide at its highest) is four days’ journey. As one 
nears the sea the country becomes covered with large blackened 
and rounded blocks of gneiss. I expected soon after leaving 











* The geographical etrors pointed out in this paper have been corrected in Mr, Johnson's 
recent map issued from the F.F.M.A. Press, in which also the map of the district traversed as 
far as Anorontsanga has been embodied, 


TO MANDRITSARA AND THE N.W. COAST. 271 


ne 
Befandriana to reach the limits of the gneiss, butj~with the 


a 


exception of basalt, which I found in one place, the \neiss,-with-— 


a dip of 70° or 80° to the west, stretches as far as the village of 
Iraony, not many miles from the sea. 

After leaving Isomboana, we slept at the small village of 
Ampdtamainty, a little to the south of the hill Mahérivaratra. 
Next day we had our mid-day meal in a wood with a stream 
running through it, but the A/dka/dhy (a small stinging fly) were 
so abundant that we were heartily glad to quit the place. 

We encamped for the night on the northern bank of the 
river Anjingo. After we were comfortably ensconced, a very 
heavy shower came on accompanied with thunder and light- 
ning. Several Saobakaka (a species of frog or toad), but different 
from the Saobakaka found in Imerina, visited us in our tent. 
Also a very large Zarabiby (a species of AZygale ?) looked in to 
see what was going on. This certainly was a most unwelcome 
visitor, and some of the men quite shrieked with fear, for, if 
native accounts are correct, the bite of this spider is fatal. It 
is a trap-door spider, but leaves its hole open, in the same way 
as the spider known as Amédabé in Imerina. After we had laid 
down to sleep (for the rain pouring down unmercifully upon us, I 
had accommodated nine men in my tent), it was discovered that 
we had fixed the tent over an ants’ nest. The men, however, 
forcibly stopped up the entrance, and, as far as the mosquitoes 
would allow, they got a comfortable night. 

For the greater part of the next day the road followed the 
bank, sometimes the bed (for the river was now very shallow), 
of the Anjingo. We stopped to rest under the shade of the trees 
by the side of the river, and had a refreshing bath. The men 
caught an eel and also a couple of /iaména, a fish about the 
size of a trout. Prominent among the vegetation which clothed 
the river banks and made the scene beautiful were a Barring- 
tonia (B. spectosa), with its long pendent spike of flowers, the 
Rétra, a very large tree common on the banks of rivers in this 
part of the island, the Sohihy, also found along the river banks 
of West Madagascar, the Adavo (Ficus sp.), a species of prickly 
Mimosa (M. asperata), a palm, a pandanus, the Jack-fruit tree, 
with its enormous fruit, as well as numerous other trees and 
shrubs. 

Next night we slept at the village of Iraony, near which 
there is a largish river of the same name. A mile or two to 
the north of the river there is a beautifully situated small lake 
named Andrampoénga, a resort of wild-fowl and crocodiles. 
Near Iraony the gneiss passes under limestone and sandstone 
formations, A light-coloured sandstone was the first of the 


272 OVER NEW GROUND: 





sedimentary rocks that came into view, but a mile or two further 
on a grey hard limestone made its: appearance, which was 
crowded with fossils, especially bivalves and gasteropods.* The 
sandstone, however, was the prevailing rock, and attained a 
great thickness further west, where a range of hills, running for 
many miles in a northerly and southerly direction, occupies the 
peninsula to the west of Radama Bay. Indeed the greater 
part of the country hereabouts is covered with sandstone, which 
dips seawards at an angle of about six degrees. Both the 
sandstone and the limestone lie unconformably on the gneiss, 
indeed the gneiss, where it passes under the sandstone and 
limestone, is nearly vertical (having a dip to the west of about 
80°). The vegetation, as one nears the sea, with the exception 
of the trees and shrubs which seem particularly to love the 
river sides, consists mainly of Sdtvamira, Satrambée, Véavéntaka, 
Sakéana, Bondra, and Mavordvina, which are spread far and 
wide over the country, while the valleys are occupied chiefly 
with Rofa palms and, if sufficiently moist, with Vika (a large 
arum). Of course numerous other plants are found, but the 
above constitute the chief forms of vegetation. The Setramsra 
and the Satrambe are both species of fan-palm (Hyphene ?), 
The Vodavontaka, a low prickly tree, with a fruit much like an 
orange in appearance, but much larger and with a hard shell, 
is a species of Strychnos (S. spinosa, Lam.). The Sakoana 
(Sclerocarya sp.) is a tree which supplies an edible fruit about 
the size of an apple, but with an acid taste. The Bonara (A lbiz- 
zta Lebbek, Benth.) is the Sozs-noty or Black-wood; and the 
Mavoravina (which belongs to the Order Malpighiacez) is a tall 
shrub or small tree with long, weak, straggling branches, which 
appear as though they had once been in the habit of climbing, 
but had recently resolved to lean no longer on others for sup- 
port. 

The birds here were nearly all unknown tome. The Goatka 
(a crow, Corvus scapulatus, Dand.), Papdngo (a kite, Mslvus 
egyplius, Gm.), 7s¢kordvana (a fruit-thrush, Aypstpeles ourovang, 
Gm ), Kaztso(acuckoo, Couu cerulea, L.), Toloho (a lark-heeled cuc- 
koo, Centropus tolou, Gm.), Aankafotra(acuckoo, Cuculus Rochit, 
Hartl.), Vorompotsy (an egret, Ardea bubulcus, Sav.), Mandérana (a 


* I may say that we found fossils in many places, not only on the road to Anorontsanga 
but also between Mojanga and Antananarivo, in fact wherever the limestone occurred. I 
hope at some future time, after their identification in England, to give a list of them, and the 
localities where found, as also further particulars of the geology generally of the north-west of 
the island than are given in this paper. Suffice it here to say that the fossils consisted of 
Ammonites, Belemnites, Gryphaa, Nautilus, Ostrea,Pentacrinus, Micraster (2), etc., present: 
ing a series of forms which almost certainly belong to the Cretaceous or Jurassic formations 
A little to the north of Majamba Bay on the sea-coast we found Nummulitw limestone, 


ZO MANDRITSARA AND THE N.W. COAST. = 23 


species of cormorant ?!), and the A &dnga ‘guinea-fowl) were about 
the only birds I recognized, The Akanga are very abundant and 
afford excellent food. The Zo/oka too are exceedingly common. 
After some four hours’ travelling from Iraony we came to the 
river Mévarano, which is the northern boundary of Befandriana, 
As we were crossing the river, a singular occurrence took place, 
Two crows were quarrelling and pecking at one another in the 
air, when suddenly one fell helpless into the water. We found 
that its wing was broken. We set it free, and it seemed quite 
astonished at its inability to rise in the air. However, it went 
skipping off under the trees. 

We stayed a day or two at Andranosamonta, a village of 
about 100 houses, situated on the south-east bank of the inlet 
of the sea known as Radama Bay. Leaving Andranosamonta, 
our road led northwards. In an hour or two we came across 
a bed of shale with numerous fossils, more especially species 
of Belemnites and Ammonites. The Belemnites seem to be 
common in many localities in the western parts of the island. 
The Sakalava use them as ritle balls and call them ddlahdara. 
Some of the Ammonites are of large size; one we saw was 
fully a foot in diameter. 

About a mile and a half to the north of the village of Mahi- 
tsihazo the road leads up an ascent on which there is a rather 
remarkable rock. It is about the size of a cottage and rests 
apparently on the sandstone. But it is most curiously though 
irregularly guttered with deep and somewhat canoe-shaped chan- 
nels, some of which are fully a yard in depth. It is as though 
it had been put into a lathe and gouged, leaving ridges and 
prominences between the channels, which, however, are not 
continuous round the rock. In the valley immediately to the 
south there is another of these curious rocks, and to the north 
there are several others. From under one of them we obtained 
a kind of blue clay, which was apparently mixed with decayed 
sandstone. They seemed to me to be perched blocks, as there 
was no hill near from which they could have fallen, nor any 
rock of the kind zm sz#z. I could think of no agent to account 
for their occurrence but that of glacial action. But having an 
appointment at the time, I could only examine them in a 
cursory manner; I leave the matter therefore to be determined 
by future travellers. The country here becomes hilly, with 
frequent patches of forest. It reminded me of the Tanala 
country to the east of Bétsiléo; the vegetation, however, is 
quite different from that of the interior, or that of the eastern 
part of the island. The Traveller’s-tree (Ravenala madagasca- 
riensts, Sonn.) becomes common, but the Adaéo and the 


$74 OVER NEW GROUND: 


Tamarind tree are not so abundant as they are further inland. | 
Among the trees and shrubs I recognized here the graceful 
Bamboo (Nastus capttatus, Kunth.), the Kdropéfaka (custard 
apple?); the Cardamom (Amomum Dantellit, Hook. fil.); the 
Sorindrana (Sortndta madagascartensts, DC.), a tree with sweet 
edible fruit in bunches; and others. 

To the east of Andranomalaza, where we slept after leaving 
Andranosamonta, there is a remarkable hill named Angoraony. 
It is composed entirely of sandstone in numerous and almost 
horizontal beds. It has quite a unique cathedral-like appear- 
ance; I know nothing at all similar to it in Madagascar. 

Leaving Andranosamonta, the next day brought us to An- 
karamy, where the Malagasy forces were encamped during the 
war with the French, It is a large town (for Madagascar} of 
some 500 houses. Before the war it was of no great impor- 
tance, and now that peace has been restored, many of the 
people are returning to their homes, so that it is becoming 
considerably deserted. 

We next proceeded to Ambddimadiro, which is about seven 
hours’ distance north of Ankaramy. The road passes frequent- 
ly through patches of forest, which branch out from the great 
mass of vegetation which clothes the mountains immediately 
to the east. Apparently the forest, which runs round the 
northern part and then down the eastern side of the island, 
commences hereabouts. It seems to be generally believed that 
this forest forms a continuous belt around the island ; personally 
I have long doubted the existence of any such continuous forest. 
In the western part of the country there are no doubt forests 
here and there, sometimes of great extent, but they do not seem 
to be continuous, unless indeed country with abundant, but 
mostly open, vegetation is reckoned as covered with forest. 

Ambodimadiro lies in a snug hollow on the sea shore, with 
abundant trees and shrubs in its neighbourhood. Nodsibé may 
be seen quite distinctly in the distance. The town of Ambo- 
dimadiro was in the hands of the French during the time of the 
war; the Hova have again returned to it, though the inhabi- 
tants are as yet by no means so numerous as they were four or 
five years ago. The place is, however, gradually increasing, 
and will doubtless soon assume its former importance. 

On the sea shore here the rock is of slate-like appearance; 
it is, however, a limestone, or rather, a limestone shale, black, 
split up into numerous joints, and traversed by numerous dykes. 
Our next destination was Anorontsanga, which we meant to 
reach by sea. There were, however, no boats in the harbour 
at the time, and we had to wait two days before one made its 


TO MANDRITSARA AND THE N.W. COAST. 275 


appearance. As it was too small to accommodate more than 
eight or nine of us, the remainder had to go by a ldkam-pidra 
or outrigger canoe.* As the wind was unfavourable, it took 
us two days to reach Anorontsanga. On the first day we 
caught a couple of ‘Sucking-fish’ or Remora (probably the 
Echenets naucrates), that strange fish with the flat disc on its 
head, by which it attaches itself to ships, sharks, etc. We 
found them excellent eating. We had our mid-day meal in one 
of the villages belonging to Benao, a Sakalava chief who, 
during the recent Franco-Malagasy war, fought against the 
Hova. This was the only place in all our journey where no . 
official enquiries were made after the Queen, Prime Minister, 
etc., indeed we appeared to be unwelcome visitors. However, 
the stiffness of the chief man somewhat relaxed after a little 
conversation, and he brought me a chair, and on our departure 
gave me four young cocoa-nuts. That night we cast anchor 
near the shore and slept on the boat, but the rolling was so 
heavy that we could only get snatches of sleep. In the night 
we had a shower of rain, upon which the boatmen put over our 
heads a very uncomfortable greasy oil-cloth, full of holes, which 
dripped at a score of places, allowing the dirty water to trickle 
all over us. Fortunately, however, the rain did not last more 
than a few minutes. The next day brought us to Anorontsan- 
ga, where we were warmly welcomed by the worthy governor, 
Rakotovao, 13 Honours, and his staff. 

Perhaps it is needless to say that Anorontsanga, like Mo- 
janga, consists of two towns, one near the sea, where the 
Europeans, Hindoos, Arabs, Mozambiques, etc., live; and the 
other half a mile distant from the coast to the north, situated 
on a hill, planted with mangoes, cashew-nut trees, etc. The 
view from this hill is very beautiful: in front lies a bay proceed- 
ing from the Mozambique Channel; the sea shore is lined 
with an abundance of cocoa-nut trees ; and the country around, 
which is mountainous, is well wooded, the graceful bamboo, so 
abundant on the eastern side of the island, waving its head 
amid the vegetation. As it is only recently that the people have 
returned from Ankaramy, the whole place is yet more or less 
in a state of dilapidation. The ruins of houses blown down or 
fired by the French are still standing, heaps of rubbish and 
fallen walls are everywhere visible, and it will be some time 
before the place is restored to anything like order. 

After our work was completed at Anorontsanga, we hired a 
boat, with the help of the governor, from a Hindoo trader, for 


* See ANNUAL No. IIL, p. 23; Reprint, p. 279. 


476 OVER NEW GROUND}. 





eighteen dollars, to take us to Mojanga. We set sail therefore 
one fine hot morning about nine o’clock with a fair breeze, 
and that evening reached Ndésy Lava. An Arab is the Queen's 
representative here, and he sent word that he would come to 
receive us by and by, but must first go to evening prayers. 
After a short time, he came and made through an interpreter 
the usual formal enquiries after Ranavalomanjaka, etc., and 
conducted us to a small but clean hut made of dried palm-leaves 
(the leaves of the Safvambe), and containing no other furniture 
than a couch, By and by a meal was brought me, of which 
. the coffee was truly excellent. I was then asked if I needed 
water to drink, to which I replied in the affirmative. ‘Scent- 
ed?’ said the man? “Yes,” I replied, for I had already been 
told that the water on the island was most insipid, besides I 
was cufious to know what the scented water was like. Being 
very thirsty, I took a copious draught of it, but after I ceased 
drinking, I felt certain that the beverage I had partaken of was 
not only scented with, but mixed with, paraffin oil. After spend- 
ing a comfortable night here, we left early next morning ; but as 
there was little wind, we scarcely made any headway that day. 

Nosy Lava is an island composed of a light-coloured sand- 
stone in numerous step-like horizontal beds, The village at 
which we stopped consists of perhaps 100 houses stretching in 
a double row along the edge of the semicircular bay. The 
inhabitants are mostly Sakalava belonging to Ianona; but 
there are also a good many Arabs, who trade in rice, etc. 
There are one or two other villages on the island besides that 
at which we called, but how many and how large I do not know. 

The next night we anchored near the shore and slept on the 
boat, but the rolling was so heavy as to make as all sick and 
ill. The night following we spent at a small Sakalava village 
of from eight to ten houses, named Ambolobdzo, some distance 
to the north of Majamba Bay. Here I had a delicacy in the 
shape of oysters. On the north-west coast there are two 
species of oyster, one called by the Sakalava Saja, which may- 
be seen covering the rocks in great abundance on the sea shore 
at low water.* It is a small oyster, but excellent in quality. 
Another, known by the Sakalava as Mandriémbo or Téfaka, is 
only found below water at some depth. It is a much larger 
oyster than the Sa7a, with the interior of the shell beautifully 
pearly. Whether connoisseurs would pronounce it excellent I 
cannot say, but to my taste it was delicious. 

The rock on the sea shore at Ambolobozo is a light-coloured 


* It is also found on the East coast, 


nN 


TQ MANDRITSARA AND THE N.W. COAST. 77 





limestone, full of fossils; in some parts it is inclined to be 
crystalline, Here and there itis worn into very sharp edges 
and points, rendering it dangerous to walk on, a character 
which is very common in the rocks of N.W. Madagascar. 
Some parts of it again resemble walls of ruined masonry. It 
is also somewhat cavernous, In one place in the low cliff 
accessible to the sea, a tunnel has been worn into the limestone. 
about twelve feet high, but so narrow as to permit one to enter it 
only with difficulty. Not knowing what size the cavern might be, 
I lit my lantern and entered it; however, my exploration was 
no sooner commenced than ended, for I found the passage to be 
not more than 30 or 4o feet long. Large detached blocks of 
the limestone were lying by the edge of the sea, in which were 
numerous small hollows containing pools of sea water, the 
homes of small fish, crabs, etc. 

We hoped to reach Mojanga the next day, for with a good 
breeze the journey from Anorontsanga to Mojanga may be ac- 
complished in a couple of days, but the wind suddenly failing us 
in the evening, we were obliged to heave to and remain another 
night in the rolling boat, getting what snatches of sleep we 
could. They were, however, truly ‘snatches,’ for no sooner had 
we relapsed into self-oblivion, than a sudden lurch roused us to 
the fear that the boat had upset. Early on the following 
morning, however, we entered Mojanga, where we had a most 
hearty and kindly reception from the governor, Ramambazafy, 
14 Honours, and the people. <A bath, some food, and a sleep, 
soon restored us to comparative comfort, except that everything 
seemed to be reeling, as though in a gentle and prolonged 
earthquake. 

Mojanga was altered somewhat by the French during their oc- 
cupation of the town. A jetty from 80 to 100 yards long, and 5 to 
6 yards wide, for unlading ships, now exists in the harbour; many 
of the fine mango trees, though by no means all, were cut down, 
and almost all the Hova houses destroyed, including the one 
in which Mr. Pickersgill resided. 

After remaining a week at Mojanga, we resumed our journey, 
with our faces homewards. We first of all visited Betsako, a 
village of 60 or 80 houses, about six or seven hours’ ride to the 
east (or north-east ?) of Mojanga. The mango trees here were 
the largest and finest I ever saw. They were laden with fruit, 
so that all of us ate to our heart’s content. The fruit actually 
reached down to the ground, so that one of my men truly 
remarked that one could eat it off the tree, not only sitting, but 
even lying on one’s back. 

We next visited Ambohitroémbikély, south-east of Mojanga. 


T ae Wen, 


-— 


378 OVER NEW GROUND: 





The Haye camp was stationed here during the recent war. The |- 

“~-~town, wich, during the war, contained perhaps 500 houses, is }. 
now-aimost deserted; there is, however, a sufficient population 
left to justify the existence of a governor. 

The country to the east of Mojanga for a great distance 
consists of limestone, in many parts fossiliferous. The strata are 
almost horizontal and of great thickness, and are in many parts 
covered with water during the rainy season. These limestone 
strata end abruptly a few miles to the south-east of Ambohi- 
trombikely, forming a declivity, which may be seen running 
away to the east. The sea has formerly doubtless reached up 
to this declivity, but has now retreated, owing to the deposit of 
detritus by the River Bétsiboka. The vegetation in this part 
of the country consists, for the most part, of the Vakdana tree 
(a Pandanus) and the two fan-palms, Sdétramira and Satrambe, 
which in fact occupy a vast area in the north-west of the Island. 
While speaking of the vegetation, I may say that the flora of 
the north-west coast (and doubtless of the west coast generally, 
is quite distinct from that of the east coast, and both from that 
of the interior of Madagascar. A few forms, as the Fzlao, Longézy, 
Viha, the Traveller’s-tree, etc., are common to both the east and 
west sides of the Island; while some score or so of plants that 
occur in the north-west are not only found in the east, but also 
in the interior. The great bulk of the flora, however, is peculiar 
to the west coast. 

Leaving Ambohitrombikely, we next stayed at Mévarano; 
where the mosquitoes were unspeakably unbearable. My men 
managed to make for themselves mosquito curtains by hanging 
up their /améa in such a way as to allow the sides and ends to 
reach the ground, thus effectually keeping the insects out. 

Our next resting-place was Miadana, and the day following 
we arrived at Marovoay. This is a town of probably 300 or 400 
houses. The country round about for many miles is composed 
of alluvial soil which has been deposited by the Betsiboka, 
which a little below here enters the sea. The stumps of 4/fiad/y 
trees (probably a species of mangrove), which are only found on 
the sea-shore, may still be seen several miles inland at the foot 
of a low range of hills, where also there is an old anchor. 
Some time ago an old cannon was also found about the same 
locality, and the people think there must formerly have been 
a shipwreck, which indeed is probable. : 

Leaving Marovoay we crossed the Betsiboka and arrived at 
Mahabo, where the Méangordno (a variety of mango) were 
extremely abundant and exceedingly delicious. We next 
followed the west bank of the Betsiboka for some distance, then 


ZO MANDRITSARA AND THE NW. COAST. 279 


travelled by canoe for a few miles, seeing innumerable crocodiles, 
and slept at a village not far from Béséva, Then we proceed- 
ed to Beseva and Ambérobé, at which latter place the heat 
(140° F. in the sun; was most intolerable. Ihe country from 
Marovoay to Amberobe consists of sandstone and shale, the 
latter containing numerous fossils, especially Belemnites. At 
Amberobe we saw the head of a wild-boar which had just been 
killed. The people here say that there are three kinds of wild 
boar, the Lambo, Lambos1o, and Lamborémba. 

We next made for Antongodrahdja, calling at Trabonjy, An- 
koala, Ambalanjanakomby, etc., on the way. At Antongo- 
drahoja there are the remnants of several large volcanic craters, 
Two of these form the rude figure of a 3 ; a third, on the western 
(or north-western ‘) side of the hill on which the village stands, 
has probably been about three miles in diameter. In some 
parts of the basalt which form the rim of the crater, numerous 
and beautiful potato-stones, which are hollow and lined with 
sparkling quartz crystals, occur. 

We went from Antongodrahoja to Amparlhibé, where we 
found the River Betsiboka had shifted its bed, for instead of 
flowing past the south of the town (as it did a few years ago), 
it now passes a mile or so to the east, 

After leaving Amparihibe, we proceeded to Mévatanana. As 
the country to the south of this town is often infested by 
robber bands, people travelling in that direction collect here and 
start every Monday in a great company for mutual protection. 
There were about 300 of us therefore when we left Mevatanana. 
We passed through the infested district without seeing any- 
thing more than a rude grave and traces of the blood of a man 
who a few days before had been foully murdered. A week after 
leaving Mevatanana we reached Antananarivo all safe and 
well, having been away about three months and a half. 


. R. BARON (ED.). 





Subjoined is a list of words, not found in the Dictionary, 
most of which I collected on the journey. 


Alampatana, Antsih. A species of snake. 

Alantsavoka, Betsim. Same as 4irihitrala (brushwood, under- 
growth). 

Alovo, Sak. A species of sea-fish. 

Ambariaka, S. - moO” ” 

Ambariray, Btm. The raised floor of a house. 

Ampandro, S. A species of sea-fish. 


Ampatrana On high ground. 


280 OVER NEW GROUND: 

















anda vonkétrika, A. A species of wild-fowl, : 
ony, S. ” ” », sea-fish, } 
Angéra, Btm. » ” - | 
Anjamanga, Betsileo Black lead. . 
Ankia, S. A large edible cockle. 
Ankdadavitra, Tandrona Either a species of millipede or Zephronia. | 
Antafa. S. A species of sea-fish. Same as Zémfona,B, } ' 
Anténdo, S. ve ” ” ” : 
Anténdy, S. Dates (same as 22nd), i 
An-téty, S. Same as an. fanéty. i 
Antréva or Tsiantréva, Btm. A fresh-water fish; east coast. ; 
Antséraka, S. A species of sea-fish. r 
Balahara, S. Nodules of iron pyrites having a radiated |: 
structure ; also species of Belemsnzies, both 1: 
of which are used by the Sakalava as rifle [y, 
alls. i 
Balanjirika, S. The same as Balahara, above. re 
Bankora, S. A species of sea-fish, ry 
Besisika, S. ae oO F 
Bétratra, Btm. A kindof partridge. Sameas 7yaotvao(Prov.), {); 
Bétro, S. Mud, : 
Bika, S. A species of sea-fish. ; 
Bodofétsy, Imerina A light-coloured snake, ; 
Boriaka, A. A joke, a jest, 
Botrandra, Btm. A sea-fish. 
Danga, Bts. A kind of bird. 
Dingadingana, S. A small marine animal found on the se 
shore, (Not a fish, as in Dictionary.) 
Dinta, S. A species of sea-fish. 
Dongérovoanana, I. A large dark-coloured heron. 
Fanango, Btm. A white kind of bird. Perhaps the same as 
Vérompotsy (the white egret). 
Fanéntambato, W. I, A species of ant-lion as yet unknown to 
science. Palpares Sp, 
Fiaminty, Btm. A species of seaefish, . 
Fibéza, S oe oo 
Fihohoka, Bts. A kind of bird. 
Fisaodranofétsy, Bts. A kind of sandpiper. Same as Fandia/asske, 
Fitizy, I. Stays. | 
Féfok’ aina, T. Same as /éfon' aina. 
Folotsipay, I (?). 
Fonaingo, Btm. A kind of bird. 
Fotabé, Btm. A tree. Barringtonia speciosa, Forst. 
Foto-bady, Bts. Same as féfom bady. 
Gasilaitra, N.W. coast, Same as Gasy (from Engl. ‘gas-light’) below. 
Gasy, N.W. coast. Paraffin oil (from Engl. ‘gas’). 
Goaka, A. A crow. Same as Goazka. 
Hakatrana, A. A species of fish. Perhaps the same as Xa- 
trakana, A. 
Halampom-boninahitra, I (?), — 
Hazofédy, I. A plant, probably introduced. 
Hérotra, S. A species of sea-fish. 
Himby, S. The ‘Remora’ or sucking-fish. Zchenets 
remora. 


Hitikitika, Btm. A cane or rush frame for catching fish with. 


TO MANDRITSARA AND THE N.W. COAST. 281 


, Btm. 
, Bts. 


",S. 
iromba, S. 
sio, S. 
iantséro, I. 
ty, Btm. 
sakasira, S. 


i, A. 
idri-bary, I. 
ka vary, A. 
1a, Bts. 
igatra, Btm. 
igy. T. 
sona, Bts. 
dmbo, S. 
abo, S. 

day, S. 

dra, S. 


a, T. 
datdaka, Btm. 
so, S. 


tsy, S. 
Y: S. 
na, Bts. 


The octopus (not the cuttle-fish, as in io- 
A species of sea-fish. [0 

The south of the hearth. 

A mother. 

A lamp. 

A fresh-water fish ; east coast. 

A man. 

A species of cricket. 

A species of fish. Perhaps the same as Ha- 
Intestinal worms. [Aatvana, A. 
A species of sea-fish. 

A kind of bird. 

A species of sea-fish. 

The fan-tailed warbler. Same as Zsintsina. 
A pebble. 

A water. bird. [srrosdes, Baker. 
A tough fibrous plant. erophyta dasy- 
Same as A fia, above. 

A species of wild-boar. 

A large caterpillar. 

A species of sea-fish., 

The sea. 

Twopence. [comes dear. 
To lay in a stock of rice for sale when it be- 
Same as mivély vdéry (to thresh corn). 

Same as mankatratra. 

To bewitch. 

A woman. 

To smell anything. 

A large edible oyster. 

The fruit of the Rofa palm. 

Morning. 

A father. 

The sun ( the a like o in ‘note’), 

A fresh-water fish ; east coast. 

Same as makartkivy (bitter). 

Bent, awry. Same as mdiririoka (to whiz). 





To play. 

To sing. 

A species of wild-fowl. 

A tree, probably an acacia. 
To be level. 

To run, as molten lead. 





A species of sea-fish. 

A father. 

A species of sea. fish. 

» » 9» oo (not Pélaftka, as in Dic- 

A species of sea-fish. [tionary). 

A thorny tree. 

A father. 

A kind of soft reddish rock used for colouring 
dishes. 





282 OVER NEW GROUND. 

Ratana, Btm. A species of snake. 

Rondro, S. The sky (as well as ‘a cloud’). 

Sahaza, A. Same as vdfy (full, satisfied). 

Saja, S. A kind of edible oyster found abundantly on 
rocks on the sea shore. 

Sakivy, I. The larva of a beetle (a kind of Véangtry) 

Salamovalo, Bts. A kind of bird. 

Sampia, S. A species of sea-fish. 


Sanabavy, I. 
Sanadahy, I. 
Sanéndry, S. 
Sardy, Btm. 

Satrambé, S. 
Sohihy, Bts. 

Sdngotany, I. 


Soritra, A. 
Sosdy, S. 
Taboro, S. 


Tahdboka, Bts. and Btm. 


Tamana, S 
Tamboho, Btm. 
Tatarosdnisdny, Bts. 
Tavina, Btm. 
Téfaka, S. 
Tokitéky, S. 
Tonandro, A. 
Tongo, T. 

Tratrao, S. 
Tsakatsakangily, S. 
Tsakoko, Btm. 
Tsaroro, Btm. 


Tsiandianddmboky, S. 


Tsibdlobdlo, S. 
Tsilamodamoka, A. 
Tsiantroéva, Btm. 
Tsingalamainty, I. 
Tsingalavadika, I. 


Tsingaotratra, Btm. 
Tsiotsioka, Btm. 
Tsivongo, A. 
Valaladrisa, I. 
VAlohara, S. 
Vanjahilatra, T. 
Vanovano, Btm. 


Vatondmby, W. I. 
Vazandahy, Bts. 
Vazimbazina, I. 
Véantsanjy, S. 
Volonjoro, A. 
Vonitra, S. 
Véronkontsy, Btm. 


An imprecation. 


An imported aromatic vegetable substance. 

A fresh-water fish ; east coast. 

A species of fan-palm. Hyphene sp. 

oo », wild-duck. Same as Z5#riry. 

A projecting headland ; also a small island 
in rice-fields, etc. 

A species of lark. Same as Sorthstra. 

” » ~—s_»,—« SCA fish. 

A kind of tree. 

A cooking-pot. 

Fat, plump. Same as matavy. 

Same as fanéfty (downs, open country‘ 

A kind of bird. 

Same as faly(?). ‘“‘Mstavina ny vialavo." 
» 9», Mandrémbo, above. 

A kind of sea-shell. 

A species of lemur. 


A kind of sea-fish. 

The teeth. 

A kind of bird. 

A species of cuttle-fish. 

OO” », sea-fish. 

A kind of caterpillar. 

A cat-like animal. 

A species of sea-fish. Same as Anftyriva. 

”» oO »» minute black water. beetle. 

oO », water-boatman. (All the Zssa- 
£4ala appear to be water-beetles. ) 

An insect found on sugar- cane. 

A species of sea fish. 

The male A rdsy (a wild-duck). 

A grasshopper. 

A kind of limpet. 

Blacklead. 

A small eel found abundantly in the sand at 
the outlets of lagoons. 

Quartz pebbles containing tourmaline. 

Same as Soldky (a black parrot). 


A species of sea-crab. 
Same as Véronjoziro (a species of warbler). 


ew. 
The white egret. Same as Virompery 





THE ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL. 283 





STUDIES IN THE MALAGASY LANGUAGE: 


NO. V.—THE COMPOUND VERBAL PREFIXES. 


N my article ‘“‘On the Inflexion of the Verb in Malagasy,” in No. IV. of 
this magazine, I tried to show that the causative and reciprocal pre- 
fixes in Malagasy (mampan, mampaha, mampi, mampiha, mifan) are com- 
pounds, formed in a very simple and systematic manner by a combination 
of the corresponding simple ones (man, mt, maha, miha), placing a new 
prefix before the verbal noun of the verb formed by the simple one 
(e.g. mamély, to beat; mi-famély, to beat one another), only subjecting 
this juxtaposition to the general laws of euphony; e.g. manao, to do; 
fanao, manner of doing; mam-panao (for man-fanao, which would be 
an impossible combination in Malagasy), to cause one to do a thing. 
And I have up to this time seen no reason for changing my opinion. 

But a writer in the last number of this ANNUAL (No. X. p. 255), 
briefly reviewing a little French pamphlet by Pére Jean, says that if this 
author is right in considering the Malagasy causative prefix mamp: to be 
derived from the Malay mempers “the theory of Mr. Dahle would of 
course fall to the ground.” e has, however, himself some doubt as 
to the correctness of this derivation, chiefly because it seems to him 
that the causative sense in Malay is produced less by the prefix memper, 
than by the affix 4an generally coupled with it. 

The suspicion intimated is certainly reasonable enough; for, as a 
rule, the causative sense in Malay clings to the afhx kan, and does not 
at all depend on the per (==der) in memper. In Malay the causatives can 
be formed in two ways, viz.—(1) By the prefix men (=Malagasy man) 
and the affix kam. (2) By the prefix memper (i.e. men-ber) and the affix 
kan (applied at the sametime). It is only quite exceptionally that memper 
alone renders a verb causative.* 

If we now compare with this the compound prefixes (as I consider 
them) in Malagasy which I have enumerated above, we shall have to 
make the following remarks :— 

(2) All the Malagasy verbs in mamp1 have a causative sense; whereas 
the Malay verbs commencing in memper, as a rule, only get a causative 
sense when the affix kan is added. 

(6) In Malagasy the only manner of forming a causative verb is to make 
it commence in mamp (mampi, mampan, etc.); whereas in Malay the 
causative verbs are more frequently formed without the syllable fer (in 
memper\, and only PY the affix kan and the prefix men. This proves that 
the syllable fer in Malay is generally of no importance whatever for the 
causative sense, while the p (pz, pan, etc.: in Malagasy is essential to it. 

(c) If the Malagasy mampz is to be “derived” from the Malay memper, 





® See L’Abbé P, Favre's Grammaire de la Lanzue Malaise, Vienne: 1876; p. 127-126. 


284 STUDIES IN THE MALAGASY LANGUAGE: 





' easily pass into 7 or d and even into s (Malagasy sa/o, Malay rafus), but 
does not often fall out altogether where it really belongs to the root. 

(d) Provided that mampi could be explained as suggested by Pére 
Jean, what then about mampan, mampaha, mamptha, and m1fan, which 
are evidently all of them formed by analogous rules ? Any one who under- 
takes to explain one of these from a Malayan source must try to account 
for the others too, as they must undoubtedly all go together. 

I venture to think that these observations, brief as they are, will prove 
sufficient to show that Pére Jean’s “‘derivation” on this point at least is a 
case of ‘‘lucus a non lucendo.” And if this is the strongest blow my 
theory is to be exposed to, I see no reason to feel nervous about it. 

It was, again, not to be expected that a compound prefix could be 
proved to be ‘“‘derived” from another language, for such forms seldom 
are so obtained. The simple prefixes may be (and often are) essen- 
tially the same, but the manner of combining them is often characteristic 
of each individual language ; and it was not to be expected that it would 
be otherwise in Malagasy, which is certainly one of the finest and best 
developed languages in the family to which it belongs. 

But although each language may have its own peculiar way of com- 
bining the simple prefixes, it may be anticipated that there would be 
some analogy in this respect between languages of the same family. 
And so there is. So far, a reference to the Malay memper does not only 
not overturn my theory, but is a very strong argument in its favour. 
For what is the Malay memper? Nothing but a compound prefix. Just as 
mam-pan —on my theory—is composed of man-man, and mam-pt of man-mi 
(through the mediums of verbal nouns in faa, fi, corresponding respec- 
tively to the verbs in man and mt), so is the Malay memper composed of 
the two prefixes men and der, both of which may be used alone to form 
a verb, the first one generally in a more transitive, the second one in a 
more intransitive sense, corresponding nearly to man and mt in Mala- 
gasy; e.g. ber-pukul, to beat; but memukul, if an object is added. When 
mem and ber are combined in Malay, the affix kam is generally added at 
the same time ; and this then makes the verb causative; e.g. bder-anak, 
to have children, mem-per-anak-kan, to cause to have children. The 
peculiarity of Malagasy as compared with Malay is, that the combination 
of the two prefixes is effected by means of the verbal noun of the verb 
formed by the first one of the two as pointed out above); and that this 
combination of the prefixes is in itself sufficient to render the verb 
causative, without any additional affix as is required in Malay. 

It may perhaps be said that my ‘“‘verbal noun,” as an intermediate link, 
is, at the best, only a hypothesis. This I admit, but it is a hypothesis 
which explains the facts consistently with the euphonic laws of the 
language. Besides this, there are a good many facts which go fat 
towards proving that this hypothesis is the true explanation of the 
matter in hand. I may mention the following :— 

1. The conception expressed by these verbs (causative and reciprocal) 
is certainly a compound one, and it is therefore only natural that the 
form of the verb should also be compound. 


a. In the cognate languages compound conceptions (compound actions 


THE COMPOUND VERBAL PREFIXES. 285 





and states) are generally expressed by compound prefixes (as we have 
already seen to be the case in Malay). It was then to be expected that 
such should also be the case in Malagasy. 

3. If mampan is not=man+man, or mampi not=man-+mi, etc., how 
is it that the first form invariably forms the causative of verbs whose 
simple prefix is man (e.g. mandéha, mampandtha); and the second one, 
as invariably, the causative of those whose simple prefix is mi (e.g. mijaly, 
mampijaly), and never vice versa ? 

4. But if it must be admitted that these prefixes are compounds, then 
the only way of explaining their form in Malagasy is to consider the 
verbal noun (of the forms fanao, fandeha, fyaly) the intermediate con- 
necting link. an-muijaly, for instance, could never become mam-pijaly 
but through the verbal noun fyaly; but man-fijaly naturally becomes 
mampialy. 

5. This procedure is also a very simple and logical one. The verbal 
noun is simply treated as a new secondary root, and the new prefix 
placed before it simply adds its own force to that of the prefix of the 
primary verb from which the verbal noun has been formed (e.g. mujaly, 
to suffer ; fyaly, suffering ; mampijaly, for man-fyaly, to cause suffering) ; 
no other changes taking place than such euphonic modifications as 
always must occur when a prefix terminating in a consonant is to 
be joined to a root beginning with a consonant that does not agree 
(euphonically) with it.* 

The meaning of these prefixes becomes very simple and clear on my 
theory, the whole being governed by the following rules :— 

a. Active (transitive) prefixes may be combined with active ones, or 
in other words, reduplicated, as in mampan for man-man. In this case 
the verb generally becomes doubly active, i.e. can be construed with 
two objects. 

6. An active prefix may be placed before a neuter (intransitive) one. 
This will, as a guile, give us a causative verb, but one that cannot take a 
double object. 

c. A neuter prefix before an active one (m-fan for mi-man) gives the 
verb the sense of reciprocity, i.e. the subject is both acting and acted 
upon ; e.g. mifamely, to beat one another (mamely, to beat). In this case 
the prefix mz seems to have almost a passive sense, a sense which also, 
though seldom, is found in the simple verbs in m7; e.g. misdsa is ‘being 
washed’. 

d. If the active prefix (mam) in the simple verb has a neuter sense, or if 
the neuter prefix (mz) has an active sense, which zs exceptionally the case, 
this will appear also in the compound forms of them ; e.g. mampivély can 
take a double object (against the rule 4), because mively is transitive, 
notwithstanding its neuter prefix. On the contrary, mampandcha would 


* A Malagasy scholar may object, that although mamfs is euphonically correct, we should 
rather have expected mamtzaly, as roots with f or v or # for their initial letter generally drop 
it after such a prefix and change the a to m. This is true; but’ we have still traces of an 
older practice in such verbs as mambdly, mambéatra (for mamoly, mamoatra), and this 
analogy has been followed in the compound prefixes. In ordinary compounds, n-/ always 
becomes m-f, eg. dlom-pidina for olona fidina, 


286 STUDIES IN THE MALAGAS¥ LANGUAGE: 


take only a single object (against the rule a), because mandeha is intran- 
sitive, notwithstanding its active prefix. 

e. Two neuter prefixes are never joined without an active one between 
them ; as in mtfampirésaka. The reason is, upon my theory, self-evident. 
We can easily see the force of combining two active prefixes, or one 
active with one passive (neuter), in order to show that there are two 
agents, of whom the one acts on the other to make him act or suffer 
(or both at the same time, as in the reciprocal forms) what the verbal 
root expresses. But it is scarcely conceivable what two neuter prefixes 
(mifi=mi-mt) could express, as they could not influence one another; 
the double form could hardly add any other sense to that of the simple 
one than that of repetition or continued action. But this is in Mala- 
gasy expressed by reduplication of the voot. If we therefore had a form 
mifivésy, it would, I presume, have had the same meaning as muvésroéay 
(to ramble), which is actually in use. 

But all these rules may be comprised in a single one, namely: Any 
additional verbal prefix to be supplied ts placed before the verbal noun of the 
simpler verb, and adds its own peculiar force to that of the prefix (or prefixes) 
of the verb fom which this verbal noun has been formed. — 

For a fuller explanation of the inflection of the Malagasy verb in 
general, I must refer the reader to my former articles in the ANNUAL, to 
the earlier ones of which I might, however, have a good deal to add, if 
I could rewrite them now. The present article is only written in corrob- 
oration of my theory of the formation of what I consider ‘“‘compound 
verbal prefixes.” 

L. DAHLE. 


enueweQO-ue= 


NO. VI.-THE GENITIVE CASE OF NOUNS. 


THE genitive case of nouns in Malagasy is expressed im the following 
ways :— 

. By adding an # (or n’) to the preceding noun; e.g. andévon' dlona, 
people’s slaves; or ny andevon’ olona, the slaves of people ; or ny andevon' 
ny olona, the slaves of the people (amdevo, slave or slaves, and olona 
people ; ay is the article). This is the genitive properly so called. 

2. By simple juxtaposition of the two words. This generally takes 
place when the relation of the two words is that of a genitive of 
identity (e.g., ny fany Palestina, the land of Palestine; ny séndrombdhitra 
Oliva, the mountain called Olivet), or of materiais (e.g. ¢rano vato, a 
house made of stone; ¢ffra lamba, a separating partition made of cloth). 

3. By joining the two words into one, with or without a hyphen; e.g. 
hevitény, or hevt-teny, exegesis (hevitra, meaning, and feny, words, the 
meaning of words). 

4. By verbal nouns. The noun, which we should call a genttivus objecs 
tivus, is simply added to the verbal noun as object in the accusative ; 
e.g. fittavana ny mpanjaka, \ove of the king. 

These are the principal means of expressing the genitive in Malagasy. 
But as I only intend to treat of the first, which is at any rate she genitive 


THE GENITIVE CASE OF NOUNS. 287 


proper, I have not aimed at exhaustiveness in other respects, and there- 
fore have not paid any regard to the exceptions to, or modifications of, 
these rules that may take place in special cases. As the modification 
marking the genitive does not affect the word which is put in the geni- 
tive, but the preceding one, which governs it, it is evident that even the’ 
words in the first of the above modes are, to all appearance, not a true 
genitive, but a s/a/us constructus, just as in Hebrew. But what is this # 
(or #’) or status constructus in Malagasy ? and how did it originate? To 
give an answer to this question is the object of the present article. 

In the earlier Malagasy books we generally find -xy for the 
present form -’, except in cases where the following letter was a vowel ; 
for here an apostrophe was often put for the final y, instead of this ny, to 
avoid a Aiafus. The earliest Malagasy grammarians (as Mr. Freeman 
and Mr. Griffiths) explained this ”y to be the suffix of the third person 
(sing. and plur.). The phrase vd/an’ dlona, people’s money, is by Mr. 
Griffiths written volany ny olona, and explained as ‘‘money of them, the 
people.” This explanation was considered doubtful, but the practice 
was for a long time generally followed in all books issued by the Protes- 
tant Societies here. Sometimes, however, the zy was left out entirely, 
when the following noun had the article (ny), so as to avoid a double ny. 

It was, I believe, Rev. W. E. Cousins who, in his Grammar* first 
suggested that the better practice might be to write -’, so as to avoid 
the possibility of any confusion with the personal suffix ;f but he did not 
attempt to explain the etymology of this -n’. The practice he suggest- 
ed was certainly an improvement, as it agreed better with the pronun- 
ciation in the spoken language and helped us to avoid ambiguity. It 
was therefore readily accepted and has since then been followed pretty 
uniformly in all the publications of the English and Norwegian Presses. 

In the Malagasy publications issued from the Press of the French 
Roman Catholic Mission here the practice has, until quite lately, been 
to leave out this -ny (-n’) before the article of the following noun; to 
write it in full before a proper noun (as this has no article ny); to com- 
bine it with the consonant of the following noun, if that begins with a 
consonant and has no article (in which case both nouns are joined by 
means of a hyphen); and, finally, to join it with an apostrophe to the 
following noun, if this was an appellative without an article. A similar 
practice was also followed in the very first publications of the L.M.S. 
Press. 

Pére Causséque, in his Grammaire Malgache (Antananarivo: 1886), 
says that this practice was accepted by Pére Webber from the first 
publications of the L.M.S.; and he contends that it ought to be given up. 
He would not, however, accept the -”’ uniformly, but thinks that we 
ought to write -” in all ‘“‘mots croissants” and -”’ in all ‘‘mots décrois- 
sants.” By the first term he understands words that simply add -” in the 
genitive; by the last, words that drop their final syllable (or part of it) 
in the genitive (i.e. in sfatus constructus before a genitive). He would 





© A Concise Introduction to the Study of the Malagasy Language as tfohen in Imérina, 
Antananarivo: 1873. 
+ See the foot-note on p. 44 of his Grammar. 


288 STUDIES IN THE MALAGASY LANGUAGE: 


therefore persuade us to write ‘ranon olona (trano, house), but /dlan' olona 
(/alana, way, road), as /alana has here dropped the final @ and therefore 
should have the apostrophe, whereas frano has not dropped any vowel, 
and should consequently not have the apostrophe. He lays so much 
stress on this point that he devotes about twenty pages of his Appendix 
to it, although he does not in any way even attempt to explain this -n 
or -7”’. 

This position seems at first sight reasonable enough, but is neverthe- 
less wrong, even upon his own very sound principle, that an apostrophe 
should be put where an elision has taken place, and nowhere else; for 
what he really does in the examples given (and they are his own) is, to 
omit the apostrophe where a whole syllable has been dropped, and to puf 
it in where, upon his own theory, nothing has been left out. This I shall 
now proceed to prove. But let me remark at the outset, that in so doing 
I do not wish to depreciate his Grammar, which is in many respects a 
useful book ; but as it has been suggested that we should modify our 
practice and make it agree with his views on this point, against this I 
feel bound to stand out as against an error. 

Pére Causséque leaves out the apostrophe where an entire syllable has 
been dropped, for he writes /a/an’ for /ala(na)n’. Now what is left out 
here? Of course the termination za in /a/ana, but as this termination 
precedes the nofa genitiv? (n’), which, according to him, ought not to 
have any apostrophe, he should, upon his own principle, have written 
lala’n. The cause of his error is, that he has considered the 7’ in Jalan’ 
as the remnant of the termination a, whereas it really is the nofa 
genitivt (n’) joined to the root /d/a, the loose termination a being drop- 
ped, as it always is, before any additional syllable. 

Pére Causséque may say that I must prove that the za is really 
thrown off here. To this I reply: That no one who knows anything of 
Malagasy at all will deny that the antepenults terminating in za 
invariably drop the ma before any additional syllable ; and that if any one 
makes a single case the exception to this general rule, the onus probandi 
certainly rests with him and not with those who simply abide by the 
general rule. If any further proof is wanted, we have it in the manner 
in which the personal suffixes are joined to the nouns. These suffixes 
are, of course, virtually the genitive of the personal pronouns. If, there- 
fore, the ” of the termination na is kept before the genitive of the nouns, 
we should naturally expect it to be kept before all forms of the suffixes 
where the laws of euphony would allow it. We should consequently, on 
this supposition, expect to find /a/anko, which would have been perfectly 
right, as a mere matter of euphony, but, as every one knows, it becomes 
lalako. The m appears only in such suffixes as have an 2 of their 
own, and is in such cases equally found after words not terminating in 
na; e.g. trano-zao as well as lala-nao. We see that /a/ana is, before all 
suffixes, treated as if it had been /a/a, the na being simply dropped, and 
no regard paid to it. Why should it be otherwise in the genitive of the 
nouns? But as the nofa genitivi of nouns (n’) and the first consonant of 
most of the suffixes happen to be the same as the last consonant of 
lalana (n), the combination of the two parts is somewhat obscured ; 


THE GENITIVE CASE OF NOUNS. 284 








and it is so far explainable how people have been led into the error that 
the »’ in /alan’ is only a remnant of the termination aa. But the suffix 
of the first person sing. (40), which has no a of its own, is the real test of 
the points in question. For if the # in Jalan’ had been the remnant 
of the termination na, we see no reason why it should have been dropped | 
before ko (as nk is perfectly admissible in Malagasy); but if, on the 
other hand, it is the nota genitivt n’ (joined to Jala), it is self-evident that 
it must be left out, as 4o is itself the genitive and takes its place. 

Pére Causséque has also himself felt that the form J/a/ako is incom- 
patible with his theory. He says: ‘‘Seule la combination Ja/ako fait 
difficulté pour l’analyse ;” but he has a very easy way of disposing of the 
difficulty, adding: ‘‘C’est une exception” !* Ifa theory fails in the only 
instance in which it can be brought toa decisive test, it utterly breaks 
down. He adds that this exception does not matter much (‘‘Peu im- 
porte,” /.c.), as ‘six cases out of seven must be sufficient to establish the 
rule;” but unfortunately the other six cases (/alanao, lalany, lalanay, 
lalantstka, lalanareo, lalan’ izgareo) all rest on a misunderstanding. What 
he tries to make out is, that the in all these cases is a remnant of the 
na in lalana, as this is a ‘‘mot décroissant.” But this view breaks down 
entirely from the fact that words which are, upon his own theory, not 
‘mots décroissants” and have no # of their own (do not terminate in na), 
get exactly the same forms; e.g. /rano (house): ¢vanoNayY, ftranony, etc., 
just as with /alana. Consequently the # in these suffixes cannot be the 
remnant of the termination za of the noun in question. 

To sum up: /alana is treated exactly as ¢rano throughout, only that 
na is dropped before all these suffixes, just as it is before the nota genitivt 
(m’) of the nouns; or, in other words: /alana is, both before the suffixes 
and before the ’ of the genitive, treated as if its form had been dala 
(which is indeed the root). I may add, that Pére Causséque, on his own 
theory, ought to have written /alan’nao, lalan’ny, etc. ; for if ¢rano, which 
does not terminate in ma, nevertheless gets an , and /alana also keeps 
its terminative m, it ought to have two (m’ #), That words terminating 
in ka and fra have somewhat deviating forms does not concern us here, as 
they generally do not take any »’ in the genitive at all, and consequently 
do not bear upon the question we are discussing. 

These remarks are, I think, sufficient to prove that the ”’ in Jalan’ and 
the ’ in /ranon’ are in no respect different from one another. If one 
of them should be written with the apostrophe, the other should also be 
so written. 

But, it may be said, why write any of them with an apostrophe? Pére 
Causséque contends that an apostrophe should not be used if there is 
no elision of a vowel ; and I think he is right. He adds that it has not 
yet been proved that this n (#’) in Malagasy is an abbreviation of a fuller 
form terminating in a vowel, or, in other words, that we here have an 
elision of a vowel that calls for an apostrophe. Here he is right again. 
It has not yet been proved. In fact, scarcely any attempt has been 
made to explain the etymology of this ”’, nor does he himself make any 


* Grammaire Malgache ; Appendsx, p. 29. 


3 STUDIES IN THE MALAGASY LANGUAGE: 








attempt to do so. The earlier Malagasy grammarians considered it to be 
the suffix of the third person (ay) and wrote it accordingly (-#y), as already 
mentioned. As this was the original mode of writing it, and -#’ the later 
one, this latter was considered an abbreviation of -ay. Hence the apos- 
trophe. But this of course does not amount to a proof that it ought to 
be written with an apostrophe, it only explains the origin of the present 
usage. 

But how is this usage to be proved to be correct, or the reverse? As 
the Malagasy language has no history of its own for any length of time, 
we have to turn to the cognate languages for an explanation of its corrup- 
ted and obscure forms. What then is the sofa genifivi in the cognate 
languages ? 

1.—Malayan Family. The genitive is in these languages often ex- 
pressed simply by juxtaposition, but often also by placing a separate 
word between the two nouns. In Malay proper this word is na; e.g. 
anak-na rada, the child of the king. This #@ has by many been thought 
to be the pronominal suffix of the 3rd person (sing. and pl.), which at any 
rate has the same form. And as this suffix na is evidently the Malagasy 
ny, it has been concluded that Malagasy »’ or my (in gen.) must also be 
the pronominal suffix zy, as mentioned above. As I was familiar with 
this peculiar manner of expressing the genitive (3rd per. suffix) in the 
Syriac, I was once inclined to think that this was the right solution.® 
But as I find that this 2 (sometimes dwindled into #, as in Malagasy) 
is used to express the genitive even in those Malayan dialects where the 
suffix for the 3rd person is quite different (e.g. the Dayak suffix 3rd_ pers. 
sing. and pl. is ¢, but the nofa genttivt is n), I feel convinced that it is a 
separate word, although both this za (or m) and the suffix ma, ms ma 
originally have sprung from the same root (probably the one from whi 
both imy and the article ny in Malagasy originated).t 

2.—In Polynesian languages the genitive is generally expressed by the 
insertion of the so-called ‘‘particles of relation” na, no, which often 
dwindle into a, 0, the » being dropped. (N.B. The frequent elision of 
consonants is characteristic of the Polynesian languages.) This na or 
no is of course the very same word as the za, ni (n, n’) spoken of above. 
And here it can of be the pronominal suffix, as there is no such suffix in 
the Polynesian languages. 

3.—Melanesian Family. As far as I can make out from Gabelentz and 
Codrington (almost our only authorities for Melanesian), the genitive is 
formed in the following ways :— 

(2) By simple juxtaposition of the two nouns; sometimes with a slight 
modification of the final vowel of the first one (@ becoming e). (5) By 
means of a pronominal suffix ; some cases are given by Codrington, but 
are perhaps doubtful. (¢) Most frequently—at any rate in the more 
developed languages—by a separate word, inserted between the two 
nouns. This “particle of relation” is sometimes ono or no, (na, ne, 
seldom), but by far most frequently #7; by elision of 2 it sometimes here, 
as in Polynesian, becomes 7, ¢, oro. This ni is by these two scholars 


* See my passing remark on this in ANNUAL No, VIII. p. 77. 
+ Cf, my remarks on these words, dc. p. 75—77. 


THE PREPOSITION ‘AMY’ (‘AMINVY ?). 291 





considered as a preposition, governing the genitive ; which is no doubt 
the right view of it. It isso common inthe form nz, that in Codring- 
ton’s list* of prepositions governing the genitive it occurs as the nofa 
genitivi in ten Melanesian languages, whereas a occurs only in three 
(and in one of those only as a collateral form to #7), mein one, and the 
abbreviated form (#, ¢, 0) in four (in one collateral to 22). Ono, according 
to Gabelentz, occurs in Maré, collateral to o. 

After this I do not think we need hesitate to consider the Malagasy 
nota genitivt (n, n’) an abbreviation of an original preposition (mt, na, no) 
governing the genitive case. And as its vowel has been lost by elision 
(just as its consonant has been lost by elision in other dialects, as 
pointed out above), we have good etymological grounds for writing it 
with the apostrophe (m’), which is our present practice. 

I should not, however, consider it mecessary on that score to do so. 
The 2 alone would be quite sufficient for all cases. We do not generally 
mark etymological elisions by an apostrophe. When we write a word 
like the English ‘subtle,’ we all know it is the Latin sadbs1d1s, but we do 
not think it necessary to mark the elision of the vowel by an apostrophe. 
And so in many similar cases. 

| L. DAHLE. 


o—~§00= 


NO, VII—THE PREPOSITION AMY (AMINY?). 


In Article vii., 3 of the Appendix to his Grammaire Malgache (Anta- 
nanarivo: 1886), Pére Causséque tries to prove that there exists no 
preposition amy in Malagasy, as the word in question, he says, really 
is @miny, and not amy, as the ‘“‘école Anglaise” has made it. His proofs 
are the two following :-— 

(1) We frequently hear the form aminy in the colloquial language 
before words which are quite indefinite, and consequently it cannot be 
right to resolve it into amy ny, as the sense would not in such cases 
require the definite article (zy). 

(2) As we can say amin’ before nouns beginning in a vowel (e.g. 
amin’ alahélo) the word must be aminy and belong to the same category 
as the “mots croissants” (i.e. words terminating in va), just as if it had 
been amina. He sums up the case by saying that ‘logic and sense” 
alike are in favour of his view, and that amy is ‘‘a barbarism in no case 
to be tolerated.” 

A faithful pupil of his—at least his pupil in this point—recently wrote 
an article in Malagasy (in the Madagascar Times) expatiating on the 
same view; but as neither that writer, nor the Malagasy who wrote an 
article against him in the same newspaper, advanced any new argument 
in the case, I shail not pay any regard to them here. 

As to the two arguments stated above, I will only remark :— 

1.—That the first one only proves that a Malagasy would use the 
definite article in cases where a Frenchman or an Englishman would 














* Melanestan Languages ; Oxford: 1885; p. 150—151. 


292 STUDIES IN THE MALAGASY LANGUAGE: 


not use it, and could not see the force of it, a fact we have met with 
over and over again during our Revision of the Malagasy Bible, See, 
for instance, the use of the article with nouns that have the possessive 
(suffix) added, e.g. ny t¢émpoko, where no modern European language 
would use it. But this is of course nothing at all strange, as scarcely 
any two languages in the world use the definite article in exactly the 
same manner. Consequently this argument is really no argument at all. 

2.—That the second is not only no argument in favour of this theory 
but the very strongest argument against it, as I shall prove presently. 
Here I will only hint at my view by adding that if aminy had been the 
word in question, we should have to write aminjn’ olona, for amin’ olona 
would have been simply an impossibility. Consequently this argument 
is a good deal worse than none at all. 

After having thus answered the alleged arguments in favour of aminy, 
I shall proceed to show what arguments positively prove that amy, and 
not aminy, is the word in question. 

1.—The accent (dminy). If we except words in which the final 
syllable ny is simply the suffix 3rd person (as /fdrany, fahiny, an-keriny, 
ivélany), we shall scarcely be able to point out a single antepenult 
in Malagasy terminating in ny. They are all penults (vahiny, /ahiny, 
ankéehitriny, etc.). It is quite different with words in aa (e.g. /alana), 
which are generally antepenults. Still, I should not consider this alone 
a decisive proof ; @miny might be an exception to the general rule. 

2.—But quite decisive is the manner in which this word combines 
with suffixes and nouns governed by it. All the words terminating 
in zy, and in which this ay is not the suffix ny, invariably keep this ay 
before suffixes and nouns alike. . 

(2) With sufixes. In order to show this, I shall choose the two 
suffixes of the rst and 3rd persons singular, although the others would 
do equally well. Examples: /day, land, fantko, my land, faniny, his 
land (not fako, fany); tsiny, blame, ¢siniko, fsininy (not ¢stko, tsiny); 
vindny, guess, vinantko, vinaniny (not vinako, vinany); and so on, with- 
out exception. If any one supposes that it might be different with 
prepositions, we will try two prepositions terminating in ny. Ambény, 
above ; amboniko, above me; amboniny, above him (not amboko, ambony), 
Ambany, under ; ambaniko, under me; ambaniny, under him (not ambako, 
ambany). Now nothing can be more evident than that aminy would on 
this analogy have to become aminiko, amininy. But as it invariably 
is amtko and aminy, this proves that the word is amy, not aminy. 

(6) With nouns. Here we invariably have: /anin’ olona (not fan’ 
olona); vinanin’ olona (not vtnan’ olona); ambonin’ olona ‘not ambon’ 
olona), andso on. The termination zy is invariably kept before the 
nota genitivi (n’). Consequently, if the word in question had been 
aminy, we should have to write aminin’ olona. But—as we all admit— 
every one (natives and Europeans) both says and writes amin’ olona, the 
word in question must be amy, and not aminy. Why Pére Causséque 
has failed to see this is, I suppose, chiefly because he has been misled 
by his peculiar theory about the genitives of ‘‘mots décroissants” in na 
(amongst which he, wrongly, classes his aminy), a theory which 





THE PREPOSITION ‘AMY’ (‘AMINY’ ?). 293 








rely rests on a misunderstanding, as I have endeavoured to prove in 
preceding article. The reason why amy and other prepositions in 
agasy can be construed with a following genitive, just like a noun 
tn’ olona, like tanin’ olona), will be clear in the following section. 
——If we look to the cognate languages, we find the preposition amy 
considerable variety of forms (maz fin Polynesian |, mt, me, ma, mo, 
(composed of z-mi']) in Polynesian and Melanesian, but no trace of 
ngthened form like amny. That these mz, me, etc., are identical 
ithe Malagasy amy, no scholar can doubt for a moment, as the words 
so similar, the meaning and use are the same, and these languages 
re to have such a number of like words in common. Besides this mz, 
Melanesian also has another preposition, ana or an, with very much 
same meaning. This is of course the Malagasy am, which always 
bines more closely with the follawing word, a combination which 
Talagasy is usually marked with a hyphen (an-fanéty, an-lany, an- 
'!ra, am-po, etc.). 
'r, Codrington, who, in his Melanestan Languages, has examined these 
stions more thoroughly and minutely than any other author I am 
lainted with, contends that mz was originally a noun, and says that it 
till in use as a noun in some of the Melanesian dialects. Now let us 
yose the same to be the case with the Malagasy amy. This suppos- 
1 would explain : 
t) [ts form (Amy, not my). Ifthe original mi (my) was a noun, we 
easily conceive that a true preposition would be added to it to make 
prepositional phrase. Now we have precisely such a preposition (a) 
falagasy, which is joined to nouns to make a prepositional phrase 
. Andsy, Amérony, Afara (provincial for aortana, and quite common 
4kinankaratra]). A collateral form to this a is ¢ (e.g. Ivdhony, Ivélany, 
ina; they always say of soldiers who run away on the road: “Afize- 
ILALANA 72y’’). In Melanesiana both a and 7 are used as separate 
ositions. In Malagasy it has become customary to join them to 
following word in writing; but this difference is of course of no 
ortance as to the etymology and meaning of the words; it is only a 
‘rent orthography. In Melanesian a and 7 are quite common prepo- 
ns; in Malagasy they occur only exceptionally, in the manner 
itioned. They may, however (like an), be found as formative 
aents of secondary roots ; but this has not yet been investigated. 
') Hts construction. We have already seen that amy is construed with 
xes and genitives exactly as a noun, and that before nouns in the 
itive it takes the nofa genitive (n’) just as a noun (e.g. amin’ olona, 
franow olona). This is only explainable on the supposition that 
is a noun governed by the preposition a (amy==a-my or, with a geni- 
, amin =a-min), Supposing now that the meaning of the noun 
mt) was that of the ‘whereabouts’ of something (which seems to be 
meaning in Melanesian), a phrase like amin’ ny trano (as it ought 
e written) would mean ‘at the whereabouts of the house,’ i.e. at, in, 
ards, or from the house. Amy is wide enough to cover all this, and 
etymological explanation given would also account for its wideness 
indefiniteness, 





24> STUDIES IN THE MALAGASY¥ LANGUAGE. 





Other Malagasy prepositions can be explained in the same manner, 
especially the pair améany and ambdény (below and above). They are 
evidently compounds (not, however, with a, but with a), and they are 
construed exactly in the same manner as amy (as seen by the examples 
I have given). Ambany no doubt points back to a noun vdny, the 
under side of a thing, although such a noun is not to be found in Mala- 
gasy now.” In the cognate languages it might perhaps be found. 
Ambony, in the same manner, points back to a noun vony, the top of a 
thing. This we have in Malagasy only in the sense of a ‘flower’ (the 
top of the plant?) Am-vany and an-vony would, by virtue of the 
euphonic laws of the language, necessarily become ambany and ambony. 
If this is the true explanation of these prepositions—which it certainly 
is—we ought to write amin’, ambanin’, ambonin’ (and so also with 
all the prepositions that can take a suffix), uniformly before all 
nouns, with or without an article, only with such modifications before 
consonants as the euphonic laws would require (e.g. amim-pifaliana or 
amim’ pifaliana). . 

Considering, as I do, these prepositions to be nouns, I ought perhaps 
to add that the idea of a noun (ina very indefinite way, or of a verb) 
seems to lurk underneath almost everywhere in Malagasy, as it does in 
all the Oceanic groups of languages. Azsa? (where?) seems to us to 
be as clearly an adverb as any word in the language. Still, when we 
say: ‘Azan’ Ilafy Naméhana ?" (‘In what direction from Ilafy is Name- 
hana ?”’) and reply: ‘‘Any andrefany”’ (‘‘To the west of it’), we have 
clearly treated azza as a noun with following genitive. And when we 
come to examine it, we find it is composed of a-:sa ? (at what? for is 
is used even of things—as well as of persons—when they are defined) 
and the phrase would mean: ‘‘At what of (what side of) Ilafy is Name- 
hana?’ And if we carried the analysis further, I believe we should find 
that zz@ itself was composed of the pre-formative 7 and the noun sa= 
savatra. (In the language of Lo on Torres Islands—ea or ja means ‘a 
thing,’ just as does the Malagasy zazvafra.) Even the Malagasy interjec- 
tion Aay / (really!) is in Melanesian shown to be at least a pronoun 
(‘what ?’?) and is most likely ultimately a noun. In other words: the 
‘parts of speech’ flow into one another in a remarkable manner in these 
languages, as I intimated in another article in this magazine nine years 
ago (ANNUAL IV., p. 77, 78). | 

I have long been of opinion that these prepositions are to be regarded 
as nouns, but I have not found time to discuss the subject. But as a 
discussion has been recently raised with regard to amy, and my reading 
of Dr. Codrington’s work furnished me at the same time both with new 
materials and gave me a new impulse to re-examine the question, | 
thought I had better explain my views briefly, as I have tried to do in 
the present article. But although I had to be brief, I could not entirely 
abstain from entering into the efymology of amy. Words are living 
personalities, with a history of their own, and it will never do to look at 
them as if they had emanated from Babel yesterday. __ 

; L. DAHLE. 


* Perhaps it exists in vany, the part between the knuckles, and between the knots of sugal- 
cane, bamboo, etc.— ED. 


THE ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL. —aS” 
RD 





MANTASOA AND ITS WORKSHOPS : 


A PAGE IN THE HISTORY OF INDUSTRIAL PROGRESS IN 
MADAGASCAR. 


Ss one of the closing days of the year 1878 the Church of 
St. Joseph, on the edge of the plain of Imahamasina, 
‘est of Antananarivo, was the scene of a funeral service, celebra- 
:d with the accustomed ritual of the Roman Church. Bishop 
-estell-Cornish and other non-members of that Church were 
resent at the service, to do honour to the memory of a man 
‘tho indeed deserves to be distinguished in the history of 
[adagascar, M. Jean Baptist Laborde, Consul of France, who 
ad spent 47 of the 73 years of his life in this country, and was 
wr the greater part of that time employed in the service of the 
falagasy Court. When the ceremonies in church were com- 
leted, the body was borne along the grand high road which 
e himself had constructed, some 20 miles E.S.E. of the Capital, 
» Mantasda, the scene of the chief labours of his life-time. 
here it rests in a small enclosure containing a substantial 
»mb of stone surmounted by a pillar and shaded by a clump 
f loquat trees. A French traveller* has justly remarked that 
either the man nor his work have received from English 
'riters on Madagascar the notice they deserve. For the main 
icts in this paper the writer is indebted to a small Malagasy 
eriodical formerly published by the Jesuit missiont, lent him by 
1e courtesy of the Rev. P. Causséque, S.J. Notices in French 
terature there probably are, but, so far as the writer knows, no 
ccount has appeared in English, except a passing notice of M. 
aborde’s death in this ANNUAL No. IV. p. 123; Reprint, p. 536. 
A bout the year 1831, a ship was wrecked somewhere near Mati- 
inana, on the S.E. coast of Madagascar. Among the passengers. 
‘as M. Laborde, who had made the voyage from India to secure 
1e salvage of a wreck at Juan de Nova. He was accompanied 
y an African boy, who was his faithful servant through the 
2st of his life, and is still living at Mantasoa, honoured by the 
atives with the title of ‘Ingahy Mainty’ (‘Sir Black’), and 
njoying nothing better than to be interviewed on the subject 
f his beloved master and all that he did. M. Laborde is said 
» have been instrumental in saving the lives of his fellow 
assengers by swimming on shore with a rope. Having 


* See Zrots Mois de Séjour a Madagascar, by Captain Dupré. + Résake vol, for 1879. 


296 MANTASOA AND ITS WORKSHOPS: A PAGE 


made his way some 100 miles north to Mahéla, he was 
there received by a fellow countryman named Delastelle, who 
was in the employ of Ranavalona I., the reigning sovereign. 
Brought by Delastelle to the Capital, it soon appeared that he 
had talents which might be turned to account, though indeed a 
marvellous readiness to turn his brain and his hand to anything 
seems, rather than any special knowledge, to have been the 
secret of his success. He first commenced casting guns north 
of Ilafy, some six miles north of the Capital, but, difficulties 
arising from the scarcity of water and of fuel, he was directed by 
the Queen to choose a more suitable site for future operations, 
and he at length chose Mantasoa. The forest was then near at 
hand for procuring fuel, and water was obtained by making two 
large reservoirs, which, as one sees them now, set like sapphires 
in the surrounding hills, seem almost to deserve the name of 
lakes. From the higher one, called Ranofitoldha, or ‘The 
Water from Seven springs’, there is a descent to the second, and 
thence the water is carried by aqueducts, cut in places through 
solid rock, to the site of the workshops. “I cannot describe,” 
M. Laborde used to say, “the trouble I had in making these 
pools, and the banks round them, and the great aqueduct;” 
and indeed one cannot visit the spot without marvelling at what 
the genius and industry of one man has achieved, with only 
what may be called unskilled labour to carry out his plans. 

Hands indeed were not wanting. It is said that the Queen 
assigned him nearly 2000 men; and for them with their wives 
and children he built a town, of which the ruins may still be 
seen scattered over the hill-sides. It is well known that unpaid 
labour for the Government or for superiors is the rule in Mada- 
gascar, fdnompoana or government service taking the place of 
taxes. Wherever subjects are sent, there they must go; and 
what they are bidden to do, they must do. The rules of the 
service at Mantasoa were so strict that it has become a proverb 
to describe any hard service: “Rdharahan’ Imantasoa : man- 
dtha tsy miera, maty léso; mandéeha mitra, maty vénty ; that is, 
‘It’s a Mantasoa business: if you go away without leave, you are 
fined a florin; if you get leave to go, you are fined eight-pence.” 
M. Laborde, however, was of a generous disposition and often 
divided amongst the work-people money given him by the 
Queen for himself. One of the traits which his old servant 
speaks of, was his unfailing generosity and unbounded hospita- 
lity; no day passed without his giving to those who asked, and 
no guest came whom he did not welcome to his house. 

M. Laborde’s invention was unbounded, and his ingenuity in 
the application of means to an end was not easily beaten. 


IN THE HISTORY OF INDUSTRIAL PROGRESS. 297 





Whatever the Queen required he either made or attempted to 
make, and seldom indeed was the attempt unsuccessful. He 
got books from France and studied them by night, that he 
might know how to proceed in the various operations of which 
he had no previous knowledge. I remember standing on the 
hill-side with a native, who pointed out the uses of the various 
workshops which lay in ruins before us. ‘There,’ he said, 
‘cannon were made, there guns, there glass, and there swords.” 
The little monthly magazine already referred to gives an 
astounding list of the things manufactured between the years 
1831 and 1857: guns, powder, cannon and shot, brass, steel, 
swords, glass, silk, lime, black paint made from bones, blue 
and red paint, ink, white soap, potash, lump-sugar, sugar-candy, 
bricks and tiles, and lightning conductors. Add to these the 
various breeds of animals brought from abroad: draught oxen, 
antelopes (called by my old friend Ingahy Mainty, antzlompy), 
merino sheep, and others. Add again the fruits of the earth: 
vanilla, arrowroot, apple-trees and vines, from which a quantity 
of wine was made. Add again the royal gardens and the 
unfinished palace at Imahazoarivo, the aqueduct which formerly 
brought water (from a hill near Isoavina: into the palace in the 
Capital, and the famous road mentioned above, along the 
greater part of which a carriage might be driven—no small 
praise for a road in Madagascar! 

As the cannon were finished they were sent off to various 
forts in the interior or on the coast; the first one finished, how- 
ever, was placed in town. It was called Mamonjisoa (‘Saviour 
of good’), and on the day of its completion the Queen is said 
to have given M. Laborde 15,000 dollars, the whole of which 
he distributed amongst the work-people before the day was 
over. The Queen raised him to the highest rank of the nobles 
(the Zanak’ Andriamasinavalona), and wished also to make him 
an officer of the Fifteenth Honour (then the highest military 
rank), which favour, however, he declined. 

But “all work and no play” was not the character of Manta- 
soa. The French writer referred to above says: “It was the 
Versailles and the Marly of Madagascar.’’ You may see on the 
river bank the house which M. Laborde built for Prince Radama, 
and, in the town, the Rova or sacred enclosure, which was also 
the occasional abode of royalty. Here there were dances and 
amusements of various kinds, ‘‘fétes improvisées par l’imagina- 
tion féconde de M. Laborde,” who seems to have been as 
successful in improvising sports as in more serious occupations. 
He was apparently of a very genial disposition and loved by 
all alike. A Malagasy friend recalls the time when he was a 


298 MANTASOA AND ITS WORKSHOPS: A PAGE 


young man and disposed to hold himself aloof from the con- 
moner sort, and how M. Laborde would give him a gentle dig 
in the ribs and admonish him, ‘A/anaova tzay ataon’ olona,” that 
is, ‘Do as other people do.” (Those who know Malagasy will 
perhaps fancy they see a twinkle of the eye accompanying the 
use of the active imperative.) He was a special favourite of 
Queen Rasohérina. He had attended her as doctor when she | 
was a child and often carried her on his back within the pre- 
cincts of the palace, and he accompaniad her on her last 
journey to the coast in search of health in 1867. | 

When the ports of Madagascar were closed (1845—1853), and 
all intercourse with foreigners forbidden, M. Laborde seems to 
have been for some years the only European left in the Island, 
but he at length had to fall before the dread of foreign inter- 
ference. For some complicity (whether real or only supposed’) 
in the design to set Rakoton-dRadama on the throne in the 
place of Ranavalona I., he was banished in 1857, and remain- 
ed at Bourbon until the Island was again opened up in 1861. 
It does not clearly appear whether the work at Mantasoa was 
continued through that period or not, but soon after his return 
the final cessation came. King Radama II., it is said, acted 
with too great precipitation in carrying out his wish to abate 
forced labour; word was given at Mantasoa that those who 
choose to go to their own homes might do so, and, with a 
unanimity scarcely wonderful, all thereupon departed. First 
came desertion, then decay; and it is a sufficient indication of 
the love of the Malagasy for firewood, when it is near at hand, 
that, while walls of brick and walls of stone, and aqueduct and 
columns and furnaces may still be seen at Mantasoa in abun-g 
dance, no house, except those of the sovereign, of M. Laborde, 
and of the few present inhabitants, has a vestige of a roof left; 
and of the timber, brought by labour of men and oxen to such 
an extent that it has perceptibly made the line of forest to 
recede four or five miles, one gigantic axle of a waterwheel 
is the solitary remnant. For the remaining years of his life 
M. Laborde seems to have lived chiefly in the Capital, acting 
as Consul of France, and attending the services of that Church 
of which he was a devoted member. 

Those whose pleasant lot it has been to spend a few holiday 
hours at Mantasoa—and to the present writer no spot has 
pleasanter memories—must have been struck by the extraordi- 
nary ability of the one man who created it all. To plan works 


* There can be little doubt that M. Laborde Aad a good decal to do with the Lambert plot 


here alluded to; see Madame Pfeiffer’s Lust Zravels ; Oliver's Madagascar, Vol, i. pp. 78-86) 
and other books.—En, 


IN THE HISTORY OF INDUSTRIAL PROGRESS. 299 


of such extent and so various in kind, to marshal such an army 
of workmen and teach them their different parts, to see that 
orders were carried out and things really completed: all this 
needed a man of no common powers. It is sad that such a 
work should have been stopped; sad to walk along the deserted 
causeways and through the ruined workshops, and to be remind- 
ed in a small degree of the giant cities of the Eastern empires 
of old time—the memorials of a civilization that was, and that 
might still have been. 

Let uS briefly describe the scene with these mingled 
feelings of admiration and regret in our minds. Let us take 
our stand inside the enclosure, where formerly royalty came 
to be entertained. Just below us, on the left, is the tomb of 
M. Laborde, and beyond that, in the distance, is his house, 
a large low bungalow built of magnificently joined timber, of 
which the roof alone shews any signs of decay. It is surround- 
ed by a glorious grove of Zéhana trees (PhyllarthronBojertanum, 
DC.), dark glossy evergreen, spangled with pink blossoms in 
the spring-time. Away there on the left runs the high road to 
Mahanoro, much frequented when Tamatave was shut up in 
the days of the late war, but now almost deserted. The beauti- 
ful reservoirs mentioned above are behind us, and before us, 
as we look to the south-east, the river runs, now gliding far 
like gentle Avon, and now broken into dashing falls. A little 
wood clothes the opposite bank, rising steeply to a tiny village 
with picturesque cottages and tombs. On this side is the 
house of Prince Radama, and there, stretching along west- 
ward in front of us, in a meadow on the river bank, we see the 
workshops standing in a long line; one mighty one some 180 feet 
lin length by 36 in breadth, and four others half that size. To 
the right again is a large furnace and forge, which bears the 
royal insignia of Madagascar (a crown and ‘R.M.’) and the 
date 1841. If we descend we shall find that each of these shops 
contained wheels worked by the water from the lakes above. 
The twin octagonal columns of solid granite, graceful enough 
for a village church, still stand in the rear of each of the houses, 
but the troughs which carried the water across them -have 
all disappeared. Entering one of the houses, and pushing our 
way through overgrowing brambles, we mount a flight of stone 
steps and see the enormous size of the wheel indicated by the 
curve of the stone-work below us; and there are the side channels 
which worked other smaller wheels; and there, beyond, is the 
tunnel by which the water, its work done, passed away to the 
river. Seldom perhaps could one witness such skilful and 
laborious application of slight means to a great end, and more 






‘. 


MANTASOA AND ITS WORKSHOPS. 


m, one would trust, shall we see the fruits of ingenuity 


sel 
“Sas ndustry so soon falling into decay. The place has changed 


indeed since those busy days in the forties when it teemed with 
life. 

There was an attempt made to change its name from Man- 
tasoa (‘Destitute of good’) to Sdatsimanampiovana (‘Good that 
knows no change’); but alas! history has not justified the latter 
appellation. It is only the glory of the hills that remains un- 
changed, and the river, gently flowing bynowasthen. Ladstur 
et labetur ! 

A. M. HEWLETT. 


Note.—I venture to add a few words to Mr. Hewlett’s paper, since my 
acquaintance with Mantasoa dates back a few years earlier than that of 
my friend, when the place was not quite such a ruin as it is now. 
During most of the years of the decade 1870—80 it was frequently 
seen by many of the European community of the Capital, on our way 
to and from the country house belonging to Dr. Davidson on the edge 
of the upper forest at Andrangoldaka, three or four miles beyond Iman- 
tasoa, and where many of us, by Dr. Davidson’s kindness, spent several 
pleasant holiday times in the hot seasons. Mantasoa was often made 
a place for a day’s picnic from Andrangoloaka; and in the early part 
of 1872, when I first saw it, the workshops were much more perfect 
than they are now. The largest one, which Mr. Hewlett speaks of, was 
then crowned by a high-pitched roof, covered with tiles. The walls of 
this building were (and are) of dressed stone-work, massive as that of 
a castle, and about six feet in thickness. In this building, the furnaces 
and cannon-casting apparatus were still existing; and in the four 
smaller workshops more of the waterwheel machinery was then remain- 
ing than is now the case; and, if I am not mistaken, there were iron 
aqueducts, carried by the octagonal stone pillars, leading the water into 
each workshop. The forge, of beautifully dressed stone, had then its 
roofs nearly perfect, surrounding the openings to the furnaces; and 
there were two kilns, also of well-finished masonry, for firing the pottery 
manufactured at Mantasoa. 

One other point may be mentioned in connection with this remark- 
able creation of M. Laborde’s skill, but of a less pleasing character 
than many of those described by Mr. Hewlett, viz., that during the long 
persecution between the years 1836—1861, many of the Malagasy 
Christians had to work as a punishment at these great buildings. For 
several years some of them had to labour in quarrying the stone and 
building these massive workshops. I have been told by the pastor of 
one of the country churches formerly under my charge, that they had no 
rest either on Sundays or on other days, and that their bondage was 
very severe, many of them dying under its pressure. So that the acces- 
sion of Radama II. was welcomed, by them especially, as a time of 
“liberty to the captives, and the opening of the prison to those that 
were bound.”—JAMES SIBREE, JR, (ED.) 


THE ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL. 301 


SURIOSITIES OF WORDS CONNECTED WITH 
ROYALTY AND CHIEFTAINSHIP 
AMONG THE HOVA AND OTHER MALAGASY TRIBES. 


T is a fact well known to all philologists that in several groups of 
language there are found classes of words which are only used by 
people when speaking of their sovereigns or chiefs, with regard to 
ir persons, their actions, and their surroundings, as well as to the 
10urs paid to them both when they are living and after their death. 
d these special words are in some countries used not only in matters 
ating to the sovereign and the chiefs, but also in those referring to the 
mbers of their families. In certain languages (e.g. in those of some of 
: Pacific groups) such special words are found applying not only to a few 
ions, or parts of the body, etc., of the chiefs, but they occur in such a 
ge number as to form a distinct dialect, or kind of ‘court language,’ used 
the higher classes, or by others of lower rank when speaking to them. 
‘urther elaboration of this specialized speech is found in some islands 
ere no less than three distinct dialects occur: one used by, or in 
saking to, the king or principal chief; another, in use by, or in 
tters relating to, the secondary chiefs; and a third employed by the 
ss of the people. 
These peculiarities of speech are found, I believe, more or less deve- 
ved over the whole Malayo-Polynesian family of languages, and they 
cordingly make their appearance also in Malagasy, as a member of 
it great stock of human speech. In Madagascar, however, they have 
ver been developed to the extent just described as found in. some of 
> Pacific islands; but for a long time past it has been known that 
re in Imérina there are a number of such specialized words which are 
ployed with regard to the sovereign, and these have probably been 
use for centuries as applied to the chiefs of the central province. 
will be seen that these are not words which are not employed with 
rard to ordinary persons or things or actions, but are almost all of 
:m commonly used words which have gained a special and different 
‘aning when applied to the sovereign. 
The more noticeable of these words are connected with the illness, 
cease, and burial ceremonies of a Malagasy sovereign, although there 
» also two or three which are applied to the living king or queen. 
erhaps, however, these are more of the nature of honorific titles than 
ictly coming within the class of words we are here discussing.) Thus; 
old word for a sovereign is Ampingadra-bolaména, literally, ‘golden 
n,’ the first part of the phrase being taken from the Portuguese 
ungarda, so that this term is not of more ancient origin than about 
ree centuries ago, or, at most, three centuries and ahalf. Another term 
plied to the sovereign is Fdhrray, ‘first,’ a word which is not used with 
zard to things generally, although it is formed strictly according to’ 
3 rule for making ordinal from cardinal numbers (e.g. /dharda, second, 


302 CURIOSITIES OF WORDS CQNNECTED 





from réa, two; fahatélo, third, from /é/o, three), the word vdalohany (oda, 
fruit, /éha, head) being always used for ‘first.* A term sometimes 
applied to the Queen by elderly officers in public speeches seems to our 
notions somewhat impertinently familiar, viz. /kalatokana ; in ordinary 
talk by the people this means ‘our only lass,’ and the word rkaéa is often 
applied also to hens. If one might venture on such a free translation, it 
seems to mean (nof ‘cock of the walk,’ but) ‘hen of the roosting-place.’ 
It is, however, very like, in its free familiarity, the use of the word Jaldhy 
(‘you fellow’) to the former kings by some of their most privileged council- 
lors. The members of the royal family are termed Atinandriana (lit. ‘the 
liver,’ or ‘inside,’ of the sovereign or chief). 

Returning, however, to the more exact illustrations of the subject, a 
Malagasy king or queen is not said to be ‘ill’ (merdry), but ‘rather warm’ 
(mafanafana). And they do not ‘die’ (maty), but are said to ‘retire,’ or 
‘to turn the back’ (mzambého). In parts of Madagascar distant from 
Imerina, the word /édlaka (bent, broken, weakened) is employed in speak- 
ing of a deceased chief. (With regard to people generally, among the 
Tanala and other tribes, the phrase, /é/a-manta (manta, raw) is used for 
sudden death; /folaka an-dantony |lantony, the fore-arm ?], for dying 
young ; while /vdno folaka is the house [/rano] where a corpse lies in 
state.) Then the dead body of a sovereign is not termed a ‘corpse’ ( faéy), 
but ‘the sacred thing’ ("y masinat). The late Queen Ranavalona II, 
who died in 1883, is always spoken of as Ny Masina in the government 
Gazette and in proclamations, as well as by the people generally in 
ordinary conversation. There is among the Hova, as well as among the 
other Malagasy tribes, a deep sense of “the divinity that doth hedge 
a king ;” and until the acceptance of Christianity by the late Queen and 
her Government, the Hova sovereigns were termed ‘the visible God’ 
(Andriamdnitra hita maso); other terms of similar import were also applied 
to them. In accordance also with this same belief, upon the stone 
structure covering the chamber formed of slabs of naked rock, where the 
royal corpse is deposited, a small timber-framed building is erected, 
which is called the ‘sacred house’ (¢rano masina). This is in appearance 
exactly like the old style of native house, made of timber framing, 
with walls of thick upright planking, and high-pitched roof covered wit 
wooden shingles. This distinction of having a timber house built upon 
the stone tomb is also shared by the higher ranks of nobles, who, it 
should be remembered, are descended from ancient kings in Imerina. 

When the corpse of a sovereign is lying in state, the women in their 
various divisions or tribes are expected to come in relays to mourn; but 
this ceremonial mourning is not called by its usual name (mz¢saona), but 





* A curious word for chiefs and their wives is used by the Bara, Sakalava and some other 
Malagasy tribes, viz., diy, which in Imerina usually means ‘animal,’ ‘beast,’ or, a3 an adjective, 
‘sensual,’ ‘brutal ;’ although it is also used here of children as well, probably much in the same 
way as words of an unpleasant (and even nasty) meaning are often applied to children and 
infants from fear of some envious and malign influence, such as the ‘evil eye.’ P 
however, it is really a word of entirely different origin, from the Swahili d?dy, my | aay ey my 
mistress. 

" + Masina, however, except in very modern Malagasy, does not mean ‘holy,’ but, consecras 
ted, eet apart, established, confirmed, ay y» but, consecra 


——— = ~_ 


WITH ROVALTY AND CHIEFTAINSHIP. 303 





the people are said to ‘present’ or ‘offer, tears’ (midtt-dranomdso). Then 
again, a sovereign is not said to be ‘buried’ (a/évina), but is ‘hidden’ 
(afénina) ; and the massive silver coffin made dollars hammered into 
plates, in which most of the Hova kings or queens in more recent times 
have been buried, is called the ‘silver canoe’ (/a@kam-bé/a), a word in 
which a little bit of history is doubtless preserved: a remembrance of a 
former period when the Hova were not, as they are now, an inland 
people, but a coast-dwelling or an island tribe, and buried their dead in 
old canoe, as is still the custom with the Sakalava,* the Bétsimisaraka, 
and other Malagasy peoples living on the coast.t 
When the royal corpse has been deposited in its last resting-place, and 
the stonework at the entrance to the tomb is being closed up again, this 
act is called ‘stopping up the sun’ (¢dmpi-mdsodndro); the sovereign 
being ‘the sun,’ the light and warmth of his people, and was formerly 
often so termed in public speeches. Much the same idea appears in the 
phrase used by some of the coast tribes in speaking of the decease of 
their chiefs, viz., ‘the king is reclining,’ or, ‘leaning on one side’ (mzhilana 
ny ampanjaka). This same word is used in Imerina to denote the 
afternoon, the ‘decline of the day’ (mihilana ny andro). A very bold and 
poetical figure is also employed to express the general mourning at the 
decease of a sovereign, Mihéhoka ny tdny aman-ddnitra, i.e. ‘Heaven 
and earth are turned upside down’! This is not the place to describe 
in detail the many and curious ceremonies, as well as the numerous 
things prohibited to be done, at the decease of a Malagasy king or queen ; 
suffice it to say that, with very few exceptions, every one’s head had to be 
shaved ; no hat could be worn or umbrella carried; the /a@mba only (no 
European dress) could be worn, and this had to be bound under the armpits, 
leaving the shoulders uncovered; all singing, dancing, or playing of 
musical instruments was prohibited, as well as the practice of many 
handicrafts, as spinning, weaving, making of pottery, gold and silver 
work, etc.{ Of course some occupations could not be altogether aban- 
doned, such as the tilling of the soil, sowing and planting rice, etc.; 
but such work was not called by the usual terms, but was mentioned as 
mildtsaka an-tsdha, i.e. ‘going into the country,’ or, ‘settling down in the 
fields.’ So also, the usual word for ‘market’ (/séna) was not employed 
during the time of public mourning, but these great concourses of 
people were called simply ‘meetings,’ or, ‘places of resort’ (/ihaonana).§ 
n speaking of the death of relatives of the sovereign, they are not said 
to be dead, but ‘absent,’ or, ‘missing’ (dzso). The same figurative phrase 
as is used by ourselves in speaking of friends or relatives who are dead 
as ‘departed,’ is also employed by the Malagasy, who say their friends 


# See ANNUAL VIII, 1884, p. 67. 

+ A somewhat similar historical fragment lies under the word used for the water used in 
the circumcision ceremonies: it is termed rano masina, ‘salt water,’ and in the case of children 
who are heirs to the throne, it must actually be fetched from the sea (ranomasina). Doubt. 
less sea-water was formerly used in all such cases while the Hova were still a shore-dwelling 
tribe 

t See a very full account of the funeral ceremonies at the death of Radama I. in 
Tyerman and Bennet’s Voyages and Travels round the World ; and ed., pp. 2840280. 

§ They are also called tena malahels, ‘sorrowful markets,’ 


304 CURIOSITIES OF WORDS CONNECTED 





are /dsa, ‘gone;’ they also speak of them as /d/fsaka, i.e. ‘fallen’ or 
‘laid ;’ while the surviving members of a family of which some are dead 
are spoken of as ‘not up to the right number’ (/aésak’ isa)*. With re 

to the ordinary people also, their dead relatives are said to be ‘lost’ (zery), 
and ‘finished’ or ‘done’ (vi/a). 

Although not strictly included in the present subject, it may here be 
noticed that the same use of euphemistic expressions as those just men- 
tioned with regard to death, is also seen in those used by the Malagasy in 
speaking of things they have a great dread of, especially small-pox, which, 
before the introduction of vaccination, often made fearful ravages in 
Imerina, as it still occasionally does among the coast tribes. This 
terrible disease is called dé/émby, i.e. ‘greatly deserted,’ no doubt from 
the condition of the villages where it had appeared. It is also called 
lavira, an imperative or optative formed from the adjective /duitra, ‘far 
off,’ and thus meaning, ‘be far away!’ or, ‘avaunt!’ A feeling of delicacy 
causes other euphemisms, such as the phrase didlam-pottra, literally, 
‘cutting the navel,’ instead of /éra and other terms denoting the 
circumcision ceremonies. 

The use of some special words as applied to certain classes of royal 
servants or attendants may here be noticed; although possibly these 
also are not, speaking exactly, of the class of euphemistic expressions like 
the majority of those described above. Thus, the royal cooks are termed 
‘the clean-handed ones’ (mado fanana); describing, no doubt, what they 
should be, even if they occasionally are not exactly what their name imp- 
lies. Then, some companies of royal guards a few years ago were termed 
the ‘sharp ones’ (maranitra; cf. Eng. ‘sharpshooters’ ?). The govern- 
ment couriers in the provinces are called kel:-lohalika, lit. ‘little-kneed ; 
while a class of palace servants in constant attendance on the sovereign, 
and from whom the queen’s messengers are chosen, are-the /¢stmandé 
or fsimandao, i.e. ‘never forsaking,’ because some of them are always in 
attendance day and night upon the sovereign. The queen’s represen- 
tatives at distant places are called madsoivdho, i.e. ‘eyes behind ;’ but this 
word is also now used in the more general sense of ‘an agent’ of other 
persons besides the sovereign. 

The illustrations already given are numerous enough to shew that the 
use of special words, or of common words in a special sense, as applied 
to matters relating to royalty, is a distinct feature in the Hova dialect of 
Malagasy. Some little time ago, in talking to a class of my students 
about this peculiarity of their language, | happened to remark upon it 
as one which Malagasy had in common with many of the Malayo-Poly- 
nesian languages, but said that it seemed to be far less developed in 
Madagascar than in many of the Pacific groups. Hereupon one of the 
young men, Rajaonary, a student from North Beétsiléo, told me that such 
special words, as applied to the chiefs, were a very marked feature in the 
speech of the Betsileo people, and that, in fact, there were a much 
larger number of these words employed in the southern province than 





* A very poetical expression, in which the word /afsaka also occurs, is used in speaking of 
the dead, who are said to be as ‘Salt tallen into water which cannot be salt again’ (‘ira 
datsaka an-drano ka tsy himpody intsiny’), 


ie 





WITH ROVALT¥ AND CHIEFTAINSHIP. 405 


use among the Hova. He gave me at the same time a number 
ples; and I then asked him to note down these words, which he 
igly did in a few days, writing quite a small essay on the subject. 
sms to me so well worth preserving in an English dress, that 
10W proceed to translate it. He entitles it: 


SIAL WORDS EMPLOYED AMONG THE BETSILEO WITH REFERENCE 
TO THEIR CHIEFS.” 

Betsileo are a people who pay extraordinary respect to their 
ind from this fact everything relating to them is a thing kept 
y for them, and is not allowed to be mixed up with what belongs 
1ass of the people. The chiefs’ houses, although there is very 
ference between them and those of the people generally, are 
1ething sacred or set apart in a special manner, so that no one 
er them at will, but only after having asked and obtained leave 
hief, or after being summoned by him. And again, after having 
, no one‘can push himself forward north of the hearth,* or stand 
jut, but must sit quietly and respectfully south of the hearth. 
the same manner also, the things in the house are set apart, for 
iking-tin, the spoons, the plates, etc., cannot be handled or put 
ips; for if any one drinks from them, the hand must be held to 
ith, and the water then poured into it from above. The chief’s 
d cannot be used by any person except one who is also a chief. 
it on which a chief sits in his house must not be trodden upon, 
st be lifted up in passing, and cannot be sat upon by any one but 

And all the furniture in the house is like something sacred, 
st not be lightly touched when carried outside, for those who 
it are warned by the words ‘an-ddpa’ (‘belonging to the palace’), 
'y may take care of it. And not only are the things in the chief’s 
thus set apart for his own use, but also even those in the people’s 
should the chief have chanced to use them; and even their own 
g-tins, ladles, etc., are often kept untouched by the lips, lest the 
1ould chance to pass by and require them, so that the Betsileo 
ustomed to drink water out their hands. 

not only are ¢hzngs thus kept by the Betsileo for special use by 
\iefs, but many words are also set apart for them, both the names 
ain things and other words as well. These may be divided into 
lasses, as follows :— 

Words specially applied to the Family of Chiefs, from their birth until 
y, but while their parents are still living. See the following :— 


Betsileo English. Word used for theChil- Meaning. 
rd. dren of Chiefs. 
Children Anakova Child of the Hova.t 
2 To eat Misoa Soa, in Hova, good, pleasant. 
Plate or dish Fisodvana Verbal noun from above. 
Farewell Mahazia nino ma- Lit. ‘May you get a sacred 
sina. nipple. 


: place of honour in a Malagasy house.] 
more Hova seems to convey the idea of ‘noble,’ ‘princely,’ in many of the non- 
eS, 


aa Ix, 16: ‘‘Thou shalt also suck the milk of the Gentiles, and shalt suck the breasts 


gt 
~~oe= 


= 





| Mitéruka 
Maty 


Fity 


Word used 
To bear offsprin Manidina 
Dead Hspring Foélake 
Corpse Volafilaka 


the Chsi- 
dren of Chiefs. 


CURIOSITIES OF WORDS CONNECTED 


Ordindsy Betsileo English. 
word, 


Meaning. 


To cause to descend. 

Bent, broken, weakened, we 
Pp: 302, ante. 

Broken or bent money. 


“62,.— Words specially applied to Elderly Chiefs, that is, those who are ° 
too old to have their father and mother still living. When that is the 
case, there is a considerable change made in the names given to the 
parts of the body, as well as in certain words describing their actions and 


their condition. 


Ordinary Betsileo English. 
word. 


Anttra 
Anakandriana 


Andranobé 
(wife of above) 


Akory angharéo?t How are you? 


Old Masina 


An adult man (lit. Hdva, ory andrian- 
dahy 


‘child of the 


chief’). 
An adult woman AHova,ornyandriam- 
(lit. ‘at the great dbavy 
ouse’). 
Head Kabéso 
Eye Fanilo 
Ear Fihaindana 
Hand Fandray 
Foot Fandia 
Tooth Fanéva 
Belly Fisafoana 
To eat Mifanjotra 
Dish, plate difanjorona 
To sit tarina 
To Mamindra 
To Re down,tosleep Mirétra 
Bedstead Filanana 
Husband or wife Filana 
Dead Very 


Corpse Haverézana 
Farewell (lit. may Afasina 
you live) 


lana? 


Word used for Elderly 
Chiefs. 


Manao akory ny rb- 


This will be seen by the following list :— 


Meaning. 


Sacred, established, see p. 302. 
Hova (see ante), or the prince. 


Hova, or the princess. 


A flag (lit. the hoverer 
Safo is ‘rubbing,’ ‘caressing.’ 
c) Verbal noun from preceting 


o be erect (in Hova 
To remove (do.) 


Place of desire (?) 
A ford (in Hova) 
Lost 


How did you sleep? (see above, 


mirotra.) 


[It will be seen from the above list that several of the words for the 
parts of the body—the eye, the ear, the hand, the foot —are simply words 
describing the actual office of these members, as light-giving, means of 
hearing, taking, treading, etc. Probably the very general practice of 
tabooing (making /ddy) words which form the names or parts of the 
names of chiefs (which we shall notice again further on) has had influence 


in producing some of these specialized words. | 





* This phrase (the last one overleaf) is customary in public speaking as a mark of respect to 
the chief's children, when deprecating blame [as is always done in the opening sentences of a 


kabary). 


+ (Cf. ‘The light of the body is the eye.’’] 


* Sometimes this salutation of the common people is substituted by the phrase: Fie d 
ny nandriangharéo? a phrase of the same meaning as the one addressed to the chief, oaly 
that the ordinary word mandry is here kept instead of the special one srotra. 


The losing 
Be sacred, established, etc. 


WITH ROYALTY AND CHIEFTAINSHI?P. 307 








“*3.— Words spectally applied to Chiefs, whether Old or Young. 


Ordinary Betsileo English, Word used for Chiefs. Meaning. 

word. 
Trano House Lapa ? Also used in Imerina. 
Marary Ill, unwell Manélo To shade, to shelter. 
Mizabo To nurse (the sick) Mstrambo ? 
Miandravana To sing atafuneral. Mamfpidtvaka ¢ 
Tranovorona Bier, lit. ‘bird-house.’ 7ranovitana The finished house (?). 
Miahy To lie in state Mampiary - To cause to go round about. 
Fdsana Tomb Trdnoména Red house.f¢ 


Mandévina To bury Maniritra .To plunge, to dive; in Ime- 
rina the phrase an-initra is 
| used to describe the tempo- 
sary burial of a corpse until 
the proper tomb is completed. 

“The poles on which a chief’s corpse is carried to burial are termed 
hdsomdasina, ‘sacred wood ;’ and the water into which they are cast away 
after the funeral is called rdnodritra, ‘water of endurance’ (? aritra, 
endurance, patience, etc.). When the dead from among the common 
people are spoken of, the words Razvélona (‘Living father’) or Rénivéelona 
(‘Living mother’) are prefixed to their names; but in the case of deceased 
chiefs, the word Zanahary (God, lit. Creator) is prefixed to their names 
when they are spoken of; in the same way as the word Radevoina (‘The 
one overtaken by much calamity’ ?; is employed by the Hova in speaking 
of the departed, or simply, /éémpokolahy (‘Sir,’ or ‘My lord’), or J/émpoko- 
vavy (‘Madam,’ or ‘My lady’). 

‘“‘These then are the special words used by the Betsileo with regard 
to their chiefs ; but what can be the reason of their giving them such 
extreme honour? It is this:— 

‘“‘The chiefs of the Betsileo are considered as far above the common 
people, and are looked upon almost as if they were gods. If anything 
angers a chief and he curses, the people consider the words he speaks 
as unalterable and must surely be fulfilled; so the persons whom he 
may chance to curse are exceedingly afraid and in deep distress. And, 
on the other hand, if anything pleases him, and he thanks (lit. ‘blesses’) 
any one, then those who receive his blessing are exceedingly glad, 
because they suppose that that also must certainly be fulfilled. For the 
chiefs are supposed to have power as regards the words they utter, not, 
however, merely the power which a king possesses, but power like that 
of God ; a power which works of itself on account of its inherent virtue, 
and not power exerted through soldiers and strong servants. Besides 
which, when a person is accused by another of having done evil, and 
he denies it, he is bidden to lick (or kiss) the back of the hand of the 
chief, or to measure his house,§ and to imprecate evil (on himself) 





——ae 


* (In Hova Adtraka means ‘boiling,’ but perhaps there is no connection between the two 
words. 

+ Sharlet is the royal colour in Madagascar ; at the funeral of Radama I. one of the large 
Palaces was draped from the ridge of the roof to the ground with scarlet cloth; the sovereign 
alone has a large scarict umbrella carried over her, and dresses in a scarlet /amba or robe.) 


t (See Mr. Richardson’s description of Betsileo funeral ceremonies; ANNUAL I. p. 71 
(Reprint, p. 74)-] 
§ Measuring the tomb of their master is, I am told, a practice followed by slaves here in 


Imerina as an invocation of evil on themselves if they have really done something of which 
they are accused.] 


308 URIOSITIES OF WORDS CONNECTED 


while doing it. In this way, so they say, it is found out whether he 
really has committed the offence, or not: if he did offend and yet still 
persists in denying it, then it is believed that the curse which he invoked 
when licking the hand of the chief, or when measuring his house, 
will return upon him; if, on the contrary, he is innocent, he will 
remain unharmed. In like manner also, the chief is supposed to have 
power which works of itself, on account of his sacred character, to convict 
of any secret fault. And when the chiefs die, they are supposed to really 
become God, and to be able to bless their subjects who are still living; 
and the reverence in which they are held is extreme, for when their name 
chances to be mentioned, the utmost respect is paid to it both before 
and after the utterance of it: before it, the words My Zanahary (God) 
must be prefixed, and after it the following words are added: ‘May the 
mouth strike on the rock, and the teeth flow with blood, for he has gone 
to be God’’* (the speaker’s mouth and teeth being meant). And when 
the chief’s grave is cleared of weeds and rubbish, the people dare not do 
that unless they have first killed oxen and made supplication with 
outstretched hands to the deceased. 
“The belief of the Betsileo that their chiefs are so sacred and exalted 
as here described is therefore the reason of their setting apart so many 
things specially for them, whether actions or words. It must, however, 
be said that it is the customs of the northern Betsileo which have mostly 
been here noted, although probably they do not greatly differ from those 
in the southern part of the province.” 


While considering the customs connected with Malagasy royalty and 
chieftainship, a word or two may be here said about the practice of 
tabooing—or making /ady—the words or parts of words which happen to 
form the names of chiefs. This appears to be prevalent all over Mada- 
. gascar, and is a custom the Malagasy have in common with many of the 
Oceanic races with which they are so closely connected. There are no 
family names in Madagascar (although there are tribal ones, and although 
also, one name or part of a name is often seen in a variety of combina- 
tions among members of the same family+), and almost every personal 
name has some distinct meaning, being part of the living and still 
spoken language, either as names of things—birds, beasts, plants, trees, 
inanimate objects, or names describing colour, quality, etc., or words 
which denote actions of various kinds. (There are a few exceptions to 
this—a few names which embody obsolete or obscure words or forms of 
the verb—but they do not affect the general rule here laid down.) So 
that the names of the chicfs almost always contain some word which is in 
common use by the people. In such a case, however, the ordinary word 
by which such thing or action has hitherto been known must be changed 
for another, which henceforth takes its place in daily speech. Thus when 
the Princess Rabodo became Queen in 1863, at the decease of Radama IlI., 
she took a new name, Rasoh¢rina (or, in fuller form, Rasohérimanjaka). 














* “Mikapoha amy ny vato ny vava, ary mandchana ra ny nify, fa efa lasan-ko Andria- 
manttra icy.” 

t Thus, a friend of mine at Ambohimanga who is called Rainizaivélo, has four daughters 
named respectively Razaivelo, Raovélo, Ravélonoro, and Ranérovéelo. 


WITH ROYALTY AND CHIEFTAINSHIP. 309 








Tow sohérina is the word for chrysalis, especially for that of the silkworm 
10th ; but having been dignified by being chosen as the royal name, 
_ became sacred (/ady) and could no longer be employed for common 
se ; and the chrysalis thenceforth was termed sdna-dandy, ‘offspring of 
ilk.’ So again, if a chief had or took the name of an animal, say of the 
og (ambéa), and was known as Ramboa, the animal would be henceforth 
alled by another name, probably a descriptive one, such as /fandroaka, 
e. ‘the driver away,’ or famdro, ‘the barker,’ etc. 

As far as we can ascertain, this tabooing of words in the names of 
hiefs seems hardly to have been carried out by the Hova to such an 
xtent as it is, or has been, by the other Malagasy tribes; although 
ossibly this seeming exception is only due to that centralization of 
uthority in Imerina which has been going on for nearly two centuries, 
nd which has gradually diminished the practice, and has thus reduced to 
minimum the variety of nomenclature it would otherwise cause. With o 
ne sovereign, instead of a great number of petty chiefs or kings, the 
1aanges would of course be minute and would leave no great impression 
n the language. But we can easily conceive what a most annoying 
onfusion and uncertainty would be introduced into a language by a very 
ide extension of such tabooed words, arising from a multiplicity of 
1iefs. It is as if we in England had had to avoid, and make substitutes 
ir, all such words as ‘geology,’ ‘geography,’ etc., because they formed part 
"the name of King George ; and such words as ‘will’, ‘willing,’ ‘wi/ful,’ 
‘c., because they were part of the name of King William ; or had now to 
‘boo words like ‘zicfory,’ ‘victim,’ etc., because these syllables form 
art of the name of Queen Victoria. It can hardly be doubted that 
1is custom has done very much to differentiate the various dialects 
rund in Madagascar; and it isa matter for some surprise that there is not 
much greater diversity among them than we find to be actually the case. « 
Among the western tribes of the country, on account of the large 
umber of petty but independent and absolute kings, a great deal of change ¢ 
1 the spoken language does take place. Mr. Hastie, who was British 
.gent at the Court of Radama I., says: ‘“The chieftains of the Sakalava 
re averse that any name orterm should approach in sound eitherthe name « 
f themselves or any part of their family. Hence, when it was deter- 
nined that the mother of Rataratsa, who came unexpectedly into the 
vorld, should be named Ravahiny [vahiny, a stranger], it was forbidden 
hat the term vahizny should be applied to any other person except her- 
elf; and the worth ampainsich* was instituted to denominate ‘stranger.’ 
‘rom similar causes the names of rivers, places and things have suffered 
o many changes on the western coast, that frequent confusion occurs; 
or, after being prohibited by their chieftains from giving to any particular 
erms the accustomed signification, the natives will not acknowledge to 
lave ever known them in their former sense.” 

One more point as to Malagasy royal names must conclude this paper. 
imong the Sakalava the chiefs’ names are changed as well as among the 
Tova, not, however, at their accession to power, but after theirdeath. A 
ew name is then given to them, by which they are ever afterwards 


@ In Dalmond’s Vocabulaire Malgache-Francats pour les langues Sakalave et Betsimitsa- 
2, p. 5, I find this word thus given: ‘““AMPENTZEK, S. Neuf, nouveau, nouvel arrivé.” 


° a 


tenner, 


ere, . 
‘sre WORDS CONNECTED WITH ROYALTY, ETC. 


_ age . 


known, and it is a crime to utter the name by which they were 
calle@ when living. These posthumous names all begin with Ar- 
drian- (prince) and end with -arivo (a thousand), signifying that such 
a chief was a ‘prince ruling over,’ or ‘loved by,’ or ‘feared by, or ‘regret- 
ted by, thousands’ of his subjects. Thus a chief called Raimésa, while 
living, wastermed Andriamandfonarivo after death ; another, called at first 
Mikala, was after death known only as Andrfanitsdanarfvo. M. Guillain 
says: ‘“This custom was not confined to the Sakalava; it existed among the 

» different populations of the south of the Island, in Fiherénana, Mahafaly 
and Androy.” Drury also (in whose substantial accuracy I still believe, 
pace Capt. Oliver) says: ‘They also invoke the souls of their ancestors 
and hold them in great veneration ; they call them by names which they 
give them after their death, and even regard it as a crime to mention 
them by that which they bore when living; and these names are princi- 
pally characterised by the word envoy, which terminates them.” 


James SIBREE, JUN. (ED.) 




















— 


HAVE WE A ‘POSSESSIVE CASE’ OR A ‘CONSTRUCT 
STATE’ IN MALAGASY? 


|* teaching the grammatical parsing of Malagasy sentences our pupils 

are instructed (by our grammars) to ignore altogether one of the regular 
forms of the language, and to treat, for instance, the phrase ‘‘Vy lamban' 
Andrianaivo”’ just as if it were written ‘Vy lamba Andrianazvo.”" And 
yet this disregarded inflection is so important that its presence may give a 


totally different meaning to a sentence in Malagasy. Here are examples: 
1 Lsy méty raha maka ny lamban' Andrianaivo. (Itis not right to take An ivo's 
lamba.) (the lamba.) 


1a. ty mety raha maka ny lamba Andrianaivo. (It is not right for Andrianaivo to take 

2. isy manimba ny tranon’ ny canakao. (Some one is injuring your children's house.) 

2a. Misy manimba ny trano ny zanakao. (Some one of your children is injuring the house,) 
In the former of the two sentences the subject is understood ; I think, how- 
ever, it will be agreed that this occurs commonly, especially in colloquial 
Malagasy where a general injunction is given. 

No one can mistake the very different meanings of the two sentences in 

- each group : and yet the inflection of the words Jamba and tvano—the sole 

difference between the sentences in each pair—is quite ignored in the parsing 
of these words, although the thing of which it is the sign, and the only sigan, 
is, of course, recognised. In the ‘‘Concise Introduction to the Malagasy 
Language’”’ (Mal.-Eng. Dictionary, p. x1.), this inflection or affix is called a 
pronoun. Is this a correct description? oris not the -#y (or -#’) rather 4 
euphonic addition for the purpose of more closely connecting the two nouns 
(viz. the governing noun and the genitive), and thus analogous to the ‘construct 
state’ in Hebrew? (Vide Rodiger’s Gesenius's Hebrew Grammar, trans. 
by Dr. Davies; sect. 89, par. 1.) The manner of inflection is different in the 
two languages, the Hebrew changing the middle of the word, the Malagasy 
its ending; but with this exception, and omitting, of course, the examples, 
the paragraph above referred to from Gesenius appears to me to be wholly 
and thoroughly applicable to the Malagasy language. I venture to hope 
that this analogy may be recognised, and the ‘construct state’ find a place 19 
future editions of Malagasy grammars, so that this important inflection of 
the nouns may no longer be ignored in their parsing.—A. P. PEILL, 





THE ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL. 311 








‘UNERAL CEREMONIES AT THE BURIAL OF 
RADAMA I. 


yN Sunday, the third day after the announcement of the death of 
Radama (August 4, 1828), there a was large kadbdry, or national 
mbly, held in a fine open space in the city, on the west side of the 
on which Antananarfvo stands. In this space were assembled from 
00 to 30,000 persons, seated in groups according to the districts 
‘hich they belonged. 
t the close of this kadary it was proclaimed that, according to the 
om of the country, as a token of mourning, every person in the king- 
| of every age must shave or cut off closely the hair of their heads, 
whosoever should be found with their heads unshaved, after three 
| from the proclamation, should be liable to be put to death. Also, 
no person whatsoever should do any kind of work (except those 
should be employed in preparing the royal tomb, coffin, etc.); no 
should presume to sleep upon a bed, but on the floor only, during the 
: of mourning. No woman, however high her rank, the Queen only 
‘:pted, should wear her /amba or cloth above her shoulders, but 
t, during the same period, go always with her shoulders, chest, and 
1 uncovered. | 
uring the interval between this Sunday and the 12th instant, the 
rnfully silent appearance of the city, though tens of thousands of 
ons were constantly crowding through the streets—some dragging 
2 pieces of granite or beams of timber, or carrying red earth in 
‘ets on their heads, for the construction of the tomb; others, and 
e chiefly females, going with naked heads and shoulders, to the 
ce to mourn, or else returning from that place after staying there as 
ners perhaps twelve hours,—was exceedingly impressive. The air 
2ep melancholy on the countenances of all, and the audible moanings 
1e multitudes who filled the courts of the palace and the adjoining 
2ts, quite affected us, and produced the conviction that the grief was 
and deep for one whom they regarded as their benefactor and 
id, and as the best king that Madagascar had ever known. The 
:s of the principal chiefs from the neighbouring districts were carried 
nd from the place of mourning, each on the back of a stout man, just 
1e manner boys at school are accustomed to carry one another: the 
having her person, from the waist to the feet, covered with her 
e /améba or cloth. 
n Sunday, the 11th, Her Majesty sent to us to say that we might be 
ent the day after, to assist at the funeral ceremonies; and that 
eral Brady would, at eight a.m., receive us* at his house and conduct 
) the palace. Accordingly, at eight on the 12th we attended, when 
eral Brady and Prince Correllere conducted us through the crowded 





reorge Bennet, Esq., one of a Deputation from the London Missionary Society, and thea 
eting here in Madagascar their visitation of the various stations occupied by the Society 
erent parts of the world.—EDs. a 


312 FUNERAI CEREMONIES 





streets of mourners, through the guards of soldiers, and through the still 
more crowded courts of the palace, which were thronged chiefly by 
women and girls, couched down, or prostrate in many instances, making 
audible lamentations. 

There are several courts, with one or more palaces in each, separated 
from each other by high wooden railing; and the whole of the courts 
and palaces are surrounded by a heavy railing of great height, twenty- 
five feet, including a dwarf stone wall on which the wooden railing is 
fixed. The whole extent of this railing was covered with white cloth, 
as were also the oldest and most sacred of the palaces. The favourite 
palace of Radama, in which he died, and where in fact the body then 
lay, is called the Silver Palace ; it is a square building, of two floors, and 
two handsome verandahs running round it. This palace is named the 
Silver Palace on account of its being ornamented, from the ground to 
the roof, by a profusion of large flat-headed silver nails and plates of the 
same metal. The roof of this palace (as indeed of all the principal 
houses), a very high pitched roof, is so high, that from the top of the 
wall to the ridge is as great a distance as from the foundation to the top 
of the wall supporting the roof. We found it covered from the roof to 
the ground with hangings of rich satins, velvets, silks, their native costly 
silk Jambas, etc.; and all the vast roof was covered with the finest 
English scarlet broad cloth. 

In front of this palace had been erected a most splendid pavilion, 
surrounded by highly-decorated pillars, which were wrapped round with 
various coloured silks, satins, etc. The pavilion was ten feet square, 
raised on pillars also richly ornamented. A platform of wood was 
thrown over upon the pillars ; and above this platform hung, supported 
by one transverse pole, an immense canopy or pall of the richest gold 
brocade, with stripes of blue satin and scarlet cloth ; the whole bordered 
by a broad gold lace and finished by a deep gold fringe. All the arran- 
gements were in good taste and formed together a most brilliant spectacle. 

We had nearly reached the Silver Palace when we were stopped, it 
being announced that the corpse was at that moment about to be brought 
out, to be conveyed to the more sacred White Palace previous to its 
being entombed. We immediately saw about sixteen or twenty females 
brought out of the apartment where the corpse lay, each lady on the 
back of her stout bearer, weeping and lamenting aloud; these were the 
queens and princesses of the royal family and formed the first part of the 

rocession from one to the other palace; our place was appointed 
immediately after the queens, but it was with difficulty we could get 
along, many females having thrown themselves on the path which was 
to have been kept open. The mourners had done this that the corpse 
might pass over them, and we in fact were many times under the 
necessity of treading upon their prostrate persons. The corpse was 
carried into the White Palace that it might, in this more sacred place, 
be stripped of its old clothes and clothed with new, and also that it 
might be placed in a wooden coffin. In this palace we were honoured 
with a station not far from the corpse, which was being fanned by about 
sixteen or twenty young ladies, daughters of principal chiefs. 


AT THE BURIAL OF RADAMA I. 313 





At eight, on the morning of Tuesday, we were again at the palace, 
and were conducted by General Brady and Prince Correllere through the 
crowds of mourners, indeed over some of them, as well as over ten fine 
favourite bulls of the late king; these lay directly in our path, and we 
could not help treading on them. The paths were all covered with blue 
or white cloth of the country. The corpse had been transferred at the 
close of the day before to a huge coffin or chest, of their heaviest and 
and most valuable wood. The coffin was then carried from this White 
Palace back to the Silver Palace in solemn procession, the queens, 
etc., following next the coffin, and we succeeded them; some of the 
Europeans had accepted the honour of assisting to carry the coffin, 
which was a tremendous weight, judging from appearance. I declined 
the honour, charging myself with the care of our missionary ladies. 

On again reaching the Silver Palace, the coffin was not taken in, but 
raised upon the wooden platform over the pavilion, over which the 
splendid pall or canopy of gold was drawn, which concealed it entirely 
from view. In this pavilion, under the platform (which was raised 
about seven feet), upon mats placed on the ground, the royal females 
seated or threw themselves in seeming agonies of woe, which continued 
through the day; and at sunset, when the entombment was taking 
place, their lamentations were distressing in the extreme. All the day 
great multitudes had been employed in preparing the tomb, which was 
in the court, and not far from the pavilion. This tomb, at which tens 
of thousands had been incessantly working ever since the announcement 
of the king’s death—either in fetching earth or granite stones or timber, 
or else in cutting or fitting the stones, timber, etc.—consisted of a 
huge mound of a square figure, build up of clods and earth, surrounded or 
faced by masses of granite, brought and cut and built up by the people. 

The height of this mound was upwards of twenty feet; about sixty 
feet square at the base, gradually decreasing as it rose, until at the top 
it was about twenty feet square. The actual tomb, or place to receive 
the coffin and the treasures destined to accompany the corpse, was a 
square well or recess, in the upper part of this mound or pyramid, about 
ten feet cube, built of granite and afterwards being lined, floored, and 
ceiled with their most valuable timbers. 

At the foot of this mound had been standing most of the day the lar 
and massy silver cofin, destined to receive the royal corpse; this coffin 
was about eight feet long, three feet and a half deep, and the same in 
width; it was formed of silver plates strongly rivetted together with 
nails of the same metal, all made from Spanish dollars: Awelve thousand 
dollars were employed in its construction. About six in the evening this 
coffin was by the multitude heaved up one of the steep sides of the 
mound to the top and placed in the tomb or chamber. Immense 
quantities of treasures of various kinds were deposited in or about the 


e 


a 


coffin, belonging to His late Majesty, consisting especially of such things - 
as during his life he most prized. Zen thousand hard dollars were \aid - 


in the silver coffin for him to lie upon; and either inside, or chiefly 
outside of the coffin, were placed or cast all his rich habiliments, especially 
military: there were eighty suits of very costly British uniforms, hats 


314 FUNERAL CEREMONIES. 





and feathers; a golden helmet, gorgets, epaulettes, sashes, gold spurs, 
very valuable swords, daggers, spears (two of gold), beautiful pistols, 
muskets, fowling-pieces, watches, rings, brooches, and trinkets; his 
whole superb sideboard of silver plate, and large and splendid solid 
gold cup, with many others presented to him by the King of England; 

+ great quantities of costly silks, satins, fine cloths, very valuable silk 4 
lambas of Madagascar, etc., etc. 

We were fatigued and pained by the sight of such quantities of 
precious things consigned toatomb. As ten of his fine favourite bulls 
had been slaughtered yesterday, so six of his finest horses were speared 
to-day and lay in the courtyard near the tomb; and to-morrow six 
more are to be killed. When to all these extravagant expenses are 

» added the 20,000 oxen, worth here five Spanish dollars each (which have 
- been given to the people and used by them for food during the prepara- 
tion for, and at the funeral), the Missionaries conjecture that the expense 
of the funeral cannot be less than sixty thousand pounds sterling. All agree 
that though these people are singularly extravagant in the expenses they 
incur at their funerals, yet there never was a royal funeral so expensive as 
* this, for no sovereign in this country ever possessed one fifth of his riches. 

The silver coffin having been placed in the tomb, the corpse in the 
wooden one was conveyed by weeping numbers from the top of the 
platform over the pavilion to the top of the pyramid and placed beside 
the chamber. Here the wooden coffin was broken up, and the corpse 
exposed to those near. At this time the royal female mourners, who had 
been all day uttering their moans in the pavilion, now crawled up the 
side of the pyramid to take a last view of the remains. They were most 
of them obliged to be forced away; their lamentations were now very 
loud and truly distressing to hear. The expressions used by them in 
lamentation were some of them translated for us: the following was 
chiefly the substance :—‘‘Why did you go away and leave me here? 
Oh! come again, and fetch me to you!” The body was transferred 
from the coffin of wood to that of silver. Those who were engaged in 
this service seemed to suffer from the effluvia, though many wore con- 
stantly employed in sprinkling eau-de-cologne. When the transfer had 
taken place, the wooden coffin was thrown piecemeal into the tomb. 

During the whole of this day, while the chamber in the tomb was 

- being prepared, the King’s two bands of music, with drums and _fifes, 
etc., were in the court and played almost unceasingly, relieving each 
other by turns. The tunes were such as Radama most delighted in— 
many of the peculiar and favourite airs of England, Scotland, and Ireland, 
with waltzes, marches, etc. During intervals cannon and musketry were 
fired outside of the courts of the palace, and answered by musketry from 
the numerous soldiers inside of the courts. ; 

On the who-e, while this funeral of Radama was the most extravagant, 
it was the most splendid and orderly thing that could be conceived 
amongst such an uncivilized people. 


Extracted from VOYAGES AND TRAVELS ROUND THE WORLD BY THE 
Rev. Danie, TYERMAN AND GEORGE BENNET, EsQ. London: 1840; 
and., ed, pp. 224-280. 


THE ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL. 318 


SIKIDY AND VINTANA: 
HALF-HOURS WITH MALAGASY DIVINERS. (NO, II.) 


(Continued from ANNUAL No. X.) 


HE WoRKING oF THE SIKiIDy (continued.) B.—The Stkidy of 
different (Unique) Figures, ‘Sthidy Tokana’ (continued). Before 
leaving this section, I must add a few words on two kinds 
of stkidy which are closely connected with the preceding twelve 
classes, and are by the natives called respectively Sikidy Mifamdly (i.e. 
stkhidy mutually corresponding to one another) and Szkidy Fanahana, 
which my helper explains to mean fandtitra hasélony (‘a sacrifice as 
substitute for a person’). | 
1. The first one is of less importance and may be sufficiently 
explained by the following short rules :— 

(a) Ifthefigure Saka occurs in 7rén0 and Kizoin 7alé, or if, in reverse order, 
Kizo occurs in Zrano and Saka in Zale, this is called Poré-dahy (‘Thoroughly 
squeezed’ ?). The meaning is that you have to trample in the mud, and the 
clods of mud squeezed out under your feet you must throw away as /ddtira 
(to prevent yourself from being dashed or crushed). 

(b) If Alatméra occurs in Fahasivy, or Kizo in Zale, it as called Léh#- 
honjana (‘The strong one’), and two hens are to be beaten against the earth 
to avert evil. , 

2. The Stkidy Fanahana is a much grander affair. The figure in ques- 
tion seems chiefly to have had the office of intimating that some young 
man was in danger of dying; and the rules accompanying it point out the 
means of averting the evil. The following seems to be the substance 
-Of it :— 

(a2) If Alaimora is the unique figure in a stkidy and happens to occur 
inthe rubric Fahavdio, this is called Mdsodndro-mandalo (‘The passing sun’), 
which intimates that there is danger of a man dying; and the following 
is the procedure resorted to in order to avert the evil: a red cock is 
fetched and adorned with crocodile’s teeth and a piece of bark of the 
iVato tree, which has been soaked in boiling water fora night. This cock 
is brought to a place to the east of the house, a little before sunrise, 
and is put on a new mat on which no one has yet slept. The mpistkidy 
or mptsérona (priest) who is to perform the act must wear a red /dméba 
(a large piece of cloth very much like the Greek epib/ema or himation and 
the Roman amicfus), and a piece of black cloth on the back, both new, 
and at any rate not sewn or mended (‘‘ésy nodtavim-panjattra akory; fa 
fady izany’”). The man for whom the stkidy is worked must place him- 
self on a similar mat in the house and wear a similar dress. The mpis:= 
kidy then exclaims: ‘‘The sun is ‘supported’ ( fahana) by us so as not to 
pass by such an one. Such an one is supported by us so as not to be 
passed by (/alovina) the rays of his sun (2d¢ra-masoandrony, which my 
native helper explains as—Andriamdniny, ‘his God’). Then as soon as the 
sun rises, the mpistkidy cuts off the head of the red cock, enters the house 


316 SIKID¥ AND VINTANA: 


with the bloody knife in his hand, and touches with this the person for 
whom the szk7dy is made. 


(6) If Alaimora comes into Zale and Adrbijddy into Fahastvy, or Adibi- 
jady into Fahasivy and Alaimora into Tale, it is called Leht-henjana (‘The 
strong one’), and the meaning is, that a son of young parents is likely 
to die young, if some effective remedy is not resorted to. And this is 
the remedy :—Two bullock’s horns (one from the right and_ one 
from the left side of the head) are taken and placed on the 
- top of a piece of Hazo-ddka (literally, ‘the leprosy-tree,’ a kind of tree), 
which is then erected close to a river, so as to throw its shadow on the 
water. This being done, a trench is made from the water up into the 
land. Then the man for whom the stkidy is worked enters into this 
trench and through this into the water. Finally, an assistant takes the 
trunk of a banana tree, of the same length as the man for whom the 
stkidy is worked, puts it into the trench and joins the mpisikidy (or mpi- 
sorona) in exclaiming: ‘‘This is a substitute for such an one; if you 
mean to take him, O God! This is an effective substitute, a valid one 
indeed (‘‘takalo mahatakalo, sdlo mahasolo 10’); therefore, take this, O God, 
and let such an one live long on the earth and eat good rice (rdéjo), and 
let him be free from the lot of dying young !’”’ About sunset the man in 
question is sprinkled with ranon-aody and rano-tsiléon-déza (two kinds of 
consecrated water, I suppose), and the proceedings are at an end. 


C.— The Sikidy of Combined Figures (Lofin-tstkidy). My native helper 
was astounded at my ignorance when I was forced to confess that 
I neither knew the noun /éfka nor the verb manddfika, which he 
explained to mean respectively ‘investigation’ and ‘to investigate ;’ 
and I can assure you that he gave me a look expressive of a profound 
disrespect for our Malagasy-English Dictionaries, when I, in excuse 
for my own ignorance, ventured to point to the fact that none of them 
had got any root /ofika in this sense. ‘Asan’ ny Vasdha tokda trény’ 
(‘‘Those are the works of Europeans indeed’), he said. And as the 
word was to him the technical name of very complicated proceedings 
depending on no less than eleven rules, I can quite understand that I did 
not look much wiser in his eyes than a man who did not know the 
words theology or grammar would have done in mine. He was, 
however, forced to admit that the word only occurs in the sktdy termi- 
nology, and is restricted to the peculiar proceeding by which new 
figures are formed from those already occurring in an ordinary sektdy, b 
combining two and two of them. This explanation put me on the trac 
as to its etymology and origin. As it is never used but in the szkzdy, and 
is only applied to the process of forming new figures by a combination 
of two existing ones, it is evidently the Arabic /afag, which means ‘to 
connect,’ especially to combine two things into a new one /‘“suncits duabus 
partibus consutt, connexutt” ). 

It may happen that neither the ordinary stkidy nor the Srkidy TZokana 
gives any reasonable answer to the questions, and then the Lofim-éstkidy 
is the final resort. The general rules for this operation are the follow- 
ng i-— 

1, You may combine the figures in any two rubrics of an ordinary 


HALF-HOURS WITH MALAGASY DIVINERS. 317 


a” 


tsangan-istkidy (i.e. an arrangement like the one given in my* diagram) 
by means of combination, in the very same manner as that,by, which all 
the other rubrics in the diagram (on p. 226) were filled from the four 
at the top of it. . 

2. These new figures must of course be like some of the 16 figures 
we have enumerated ; but the rubrics they are to occupy get new names 
and consequently give us materials for new answers. Their names do 
not, however, depend on what figures come out, but from what rubrics 
(i.e. by the combination of what rubrics) they have been derived. For 
instance, if I compare the figures in the two rubrics Fahasitvy and Andro 
(square by square), and put one bean in the corresponding square of the 
new rubric, when that combination gives us odds, and secondly, when it 
gives us equal numbers, we may of course get any of the 16 figures in 
our new rubric. This depends on what figures we may happen to have 
in the two rubrics we are combining; if they were like those in my 
diagram, the new one would be an Adibiyady ( :.: ); but this rubric will 
always have the name Lézade (‘Great calamity’). In the same manner a 
new figure formed from the two rubrics Fahasivy and Vohttra would 
always be considered as having its home in a new rubric called Résy 
(‘Conquered’). 

3. But these new combinations are by no means restricted to a com- 
bination of two and two of the rubrics in my diagram. There are three 
other possibilities, and they are all made use of, viz. :— 

(a) Only a part of some rubrics may be combined with another part 
of the same rubrics, or with a part of other rubrics, In this way we can, 
for instance, combine the two upper squares in Fahasizy and Marina with 
the two lower ones in Andro and Mia, and we then get a figure whose 
rubric is called Mosdvin’ ny dvo-rdzana (‘Bewitched by people of high 
family’), a rather startling answer to the question, ‘“‘What is the matter 
with me ?” 

(6) One of the rubrics in the diagram may be combined with one of 
the new ones; for instance, Vohttra may be combined with esy, which 
would give us a new figure, the name of whose rubric is Résy an-tanin- 
drdzana (‘Conquered with regard to a lawsuit on (or, respecting) one’s 
native soil’ r). 

(c) Two of the new rubrics may be combined with one another in the 
same manner. Mosavin’ ny avo-razsana, for instance, may be combined 
with another new one, Mosdvin’ andévo (which is itself the outcome of 
Mariny and Mariny an-trano hafa) ; and the result will be a new figure, 
the name of whose rubric is the terrible one, Mosavy mdadhafdty, i.e. 
‘Bewitchment that kills,’ 

But these combinations are not at all done at random ; on the contrary, 
they are subjected to strict rules, stating clearly which two rubrics can 
give birth to such and such a new one. In this manner my native teacher 
manages to get 81 new rubrics (i.e. besides those in the diagram), 
subjected to as many rules, and contributing materials for as many new 
answers to questions. The relation of these new rubrics to the question 
to be answered is the same as that between the original rubrics (in the 
diagram) and the questions; that isto say, when 1, in the proceeding 


i | gk 
~ 318 SIKIDF AND VINTANA: 


just described, come to a rubric the name of which can fairly be taken 
as an answer, and the figure of which is like the one in the rubric 
representing my question (e.g. Za/e), then—and not until then—TI shall 
have finished my opcrations. 

If, however, I were to give all the 81 new rubrics, with their respective 
rules, I should want all the space of this number of the ANNnuaL. | 
have therefore restricted myself to the general theory of the proceedings. 
But I am afraid the reader may find it quite intricate enough as it is. 
This stktdy really reminds one of the Danish proverb: ‘Deceit is a 
science, said the Devil, when he gave lectures at Kiel.” 

My native helper gives me, as an appendix to this chapter, a long list 
of rules (23 in number) regarding famadirana (the orthodox manner of 
obtaining /aditra (piacula) for the different evils to be averted ; but as | 
am obliged to abbreviate, I shall not be able to reproduce it here. 


VI.—MISCELLANEOUS S1kipy. In all the varieties of stkidy we have 
hitherto dealt with, the chief object in view has been to get an answer to 
questions, while it has been only a secondary and subordinate object to 
find out the remedies against evils, that is, if the answer informed us that 
some evil might be apprehended. But now we come to some sikidy 
practices, the chief object of which was to remedy the evils, or to procure 
a prophyllactic against them. To this class belong the Ody ddsy, the 
Fampidiran’ dloka, the Fangaldn-keo, and others. In other forms of this 
miscellaneous sskzdy the object aimed at was, to find out ¢imes and 
directions, when and where something was to be found, or was to take 
place. This was the case in Andron-tdny and Andro fotsy, and some 
others. 


A.—Ody basy (Charms against guns). The name (gun-charms) seems 
to suggest that this kind of szkidy must be of a comparatively recent 
origin, as guns have scarcely been known here for much more than a 
century ; at least they have not been used much earlier in war to such an 
extent as to call for a special protecting charm, ‘he charm in war. But I 
suspect that the szkzdy practice in question is much older; and the name 
may have been modernised a little since guns came into use. Before 
that time the charms were probably called Spear-charms ; and even later 
on we find the expression odim-basy aman-défona (charms against guns 
and spears). The comparatively simple rules for this kind of stkidy are 
the following : — 

1. Such a stkidy was invariably to be undertaken on the last one of 
the two days in each month which borrowed their names from the month 
Adalo ( Védin-adalo), because the object of the charm was, so my native 
informant says, to make the ball (or spear) mandd/o (pass by [without 
hitting]) the person for whom the szkidy was made; a very curious 
little piece of Afalagasy etymology for an Arabic word (Adalo=Ar. 
Ad-dalvu, Aquarius in the Zodiac). 

2. Next come the rules for the erecting of this se#:dy, which seems 
to have been a very laborious affair. The great object was to get a 
stkidy in which the figure Adi/stma ( ‘:: ) occurred in the rubric Andria- 
manitra (God), and nowhere else (i.e. in no other rubric in the same sikidy). 
If this did not happen, he had to erect the s##dy anew over and overt 


HALF-HOURS WITH MALAGASY DIVINERS. 319 


again until it happened. And as he must have seven such s#&edy in which 
Aditsima happened to fall into the rubric Andriamanitra, it must. often 
have taken a very long time before the business was finished, if the 
arrangement was left to hap-hazard. But a good diviner was of course 
supposed to be zmspired, and then he may have hit upon it, at once. 

3. Having at last finished his seven sskidy of the said description, he 
took out the beans forming the figure Adzfs¢ma in all of them, and applied 
these beans to the thing (for instance, a piece of wood) to be used as a 
gun-charm. In what manner he applied them to it is not quite clear to 
me. My native helper simply says that he ‘‘mixed them with it” (‘‘naha- 
rony taminy’’); but anyhow this ‘application’ made the said thing a 
sure charm against guns. 

One may ask why the figure Adttstma in the rubric ‘God’ should have 
such a protecting power. I do not doubt that the natives explained this 
from the etymology suggested by their pronunciation of Adttsima (Adttst- 
may’, literally, ‘a battle that does not burn’., thinking that when this 
figure occurred in the rubric ‘God,’ it naturally meant that God would 
make the battle tolerably moderate (not too hot !) for the man who wore 
the charm. But this etymology is of course not the true one of the 
Arabic word Aditsimd. .Treating of Adtfsima among the 16 figures in 
the beginning of this article, I was at a loss as to its etymology. Seeing 
now the special meaning it has here of a profecting charm, it has occurred 
to me that it may be a corruption of the Arabic a/-Azma, the inaccessible, 
the protected one (kama, to protect against evils; Aumdya, protection 
against danger). This would at any rate agree exceedingly well with 
the use of that figure here, for it would then mean ‘Protection from God,’ 
and reminds one of the Arabic saying: ‘“‘Nobody is infallibly protected 
(hima) but God and His Prophet” ,i.e. Mohammed). 

B.—Odim-barotra (Trade-charms). These were used to make trade 
successful. They were effected by erecting a ssksdy in which there occurred 
eleven Adtkasajv ( 2. ). The beans of these eleven identical figures 
were then applied to the things to be used as charms to make trade 
succeed well. | 

C.—Odim-pitia (Love-charms). These were prepared in a similar 
manner, but by erecting a stkidy in which the figure Vontstra( _?, ) 
occurred in the rubric AHaréna (and nowhere else), and the figure 
Kizo(+:° ) in the rubric Via (and nowhere else’. Such a Vonisira was 
called Afdmy dho (‘I am sweet’), and such a Kiso, Kély momba ny nahiny 
(‘Small and (but 7] sticks to what is intended’). The charms prepared 
in this manner were also used as trade-charms, as the great object in 
view in trade also is to make the customers ‘love’ the things (i.e. like 
them—a Malagasy idiom). a 

D.— General charms (Charms for everything). Ifa stkidy was erected 
in which the figure Vanda mtindrika(-:- , also called Afdlahidy) occurred 
only in the rubric Andriamanttra, this was a good general charm for 
everything. 

E.—Fanindri-léa ;Charms against vomiting). The description my 
native helper has given of this and the next operation is not very clear 
to me, but, as far as I can make out, the mprsikidy arranged his beans 


320 SIRIDF AND VINTANA: 


so as to make a rough picture of a man (sometimes he seems to have 
made this picture in the sand). Then he gathered them together and 
mixed them with a decoction of the two plants Aféron-tany (Mollugo 
nudicaults) and Tambitsy (Psorospermum androsemtfolium, Baker) and made 
the vomiting person drink it; and after having also made him drink 
some gravy of fat beef (ron’ omby matavy), he was cured (no doubt 
about it !). 

F.—Odin’ ny dlona téhina (Charms against dislike to food). Here is 


a useful prescription for those whose appetite is failing. The mpzstkidy — 


arranges his beans so as to make four figures. The first one is a Vanda 


miondrika ( °:.); the second and third represent the backbone ofa . 


man (columna vertebralis); the fourth one a bird. Then he gathers his 
beans, mixes them with water. by means of seven pieces of Vériva/aka), and 
makes the person in question drink the water, and the cure is complete. 
At any rate the mpistkidy did not, I believe, mention a single case in 
which it had failed! This operation was called Zdfik-arétina (‘War 
against diseases’). 

G.— Fangalan-kéo (Remedy for diseases caused by eating food in which 
there was a matéatéa |the spirit of a dead man]). Fangalan-keo is of 
course the catching of a keo (or heo it might be); but what is keo? My 
native informant says it is a disease caused in the manner indicated 
above, and manifesting itself chiefly by vomiting and dislike to food. 
It is certainly not a Malagasy word, as it occurs only in the siksdy (per- 
haps it is the Arabic gazu, vomiting). 

The following seems to have been the procedure of the mpzstkrdy in 
such a case :—If he suspected that the disease of his patient had been 
caused by eating some food in which there had been a maéoatoa, he fetched 
water from nine different valleys (/éhasaha sivy’) and nine different kinds 
of food, as sweet-potatoes, earth-nuts, etc. (but not including ne, 
“fa ny vary dia Andriamanitra” (“the rice is God’ ], says my native). 
Having got all these before him he began to examine them severally, 
asking each of them (or, rather, the spirit in them): “Is it thou who hast 
made this man ill?” to which questions the mpzstkidy himself gave the 
answers (of course only as interpreter of the spirit) in the negative or affir- 
mative. Having at last got an affirmative answer, he took a cooking- 
pot and made three lines across it inside: one with white earth, one 
with red, and one with a piece of charcoal—‘‘as he could not before- 
hand know whether the mafoatoa in question was that of a white man, of 
of a red one, or of a black one,” says my native helper. This being 
done, he put some fat into the pot and placed it over a fire in the middle 
ofa road. While burning the fat in this manner he invoked the matfoatoa 
in question not to trouble the sick person any more, as he now had got 
his offering for the sin committed in eating the food in which he was. 
My informant adds that he could not give very full information on this 
subject, as he was still a young man when he learned srkidy ; and the wise 
men at Ambatofinandrahana did not think it proper to trust such deep 
secrets to a youth, as it was their opinion that he would in that case 
die voung. 


H.--Fampodian’ dloka or dmbirda (The bringing back a semi-departed 


HALF-HOURS WITH MALAGASY DIVINERS, — 321 


pirit). If aman was very ill, and especially if he was very dispirited, the 
ipisikidy seems to have taken the last expression literally, presumin 
hat his spirit (a@mbiroa [=Ar. ar-ruah, the spirit], or aloka [his shade) 
iad actually left him. But nevertheless he did not despair of curing 
iim, but immediately set to work to bring the spirit back, resorting for 
his purpose to the following means: (1) He made a figure in the sand, 
epresenting in a rough way a human form. (2) He erected a s#kzdy in 
vhich there were to be eight Vonésira ( .:, ). These were called ‘The 
ight healthy men’ (Vy valo lahy salama). (3) He erected another sthkidy, 
n which the figure Asdralahy ( .*; ) was to occur in the two rubrics Zale 
nd Andriamanitra and nowhere else. This was called ‘The present 
reator (Zdnahary manairika). (4) He erected another again in which 
he figure Alahizgany ( ;': ) was tooccur in the rubric Zrano and nowhere 
Ise. (5) Finally, all these figures (i.e. the beans comprised in them) 
vere gathered and mixed with the sand of the human figure mentioned 
‘bove. To this mixture was then:again added the fruit (or leaves ?) 
f the Vonoka and Aviavy trees (two species of Ficus) and the Zsitohitohina 
Equisetum ramosissimum) and Arivotaombelona (literally, ‘living 1000 
ears,’ the name of a plant [Polygonum senegalense|), some few hairs of 
, bullock (taken from beneath the ears), a piece of bullock’s entrails 
tsinaim-béerin-kéna), and some dry grass, chosen from that on which the 
ick man had walked, and so placed as to point with their tips towards 
tis house. All these things were then to be pounded together in a 
nortar by the sick man, while the mpistkidy was beating a blunt spade 
angddt-mondro) over his head, invoking his poweful szk:dy to bring the 
pirit back, in the following manner: “Bring back the shade (a/oka) ; 
ring back the ghost (amd:roa); even if he has been buried in the grave, 
ven if he has been sunk down in the waters, etc. O, bring him back, 
e ‘Eight healthy men,’ bring him back, thou ‘Present Creator,’ ‘bring 
iim back, thou A/ahizany ; for there is nothing ye cannot effect, nothing 
o far off that ye cannot reach it,” etc. 


I.—Andron-iany \ literally, ‘The days of the land,’ but in the sense of 
he different quarters or directions of the compass, as expressed by the 
ace in the house assigned to each day). What is really meant by this 
omewhat indefinite heading is the art of finding out in what direction 
north or south, etc.) you are to seek for a thing that has been lost, stolen, 
'r gone astray, etc. I do not, however, mean to reproduce the eleven 
ules of my native about this procedure. Suffice it to say that if the stkidy 
yrought out a certain figure in a certain rubric, the thing was to be looked 
or in one direction (e.g. to the south) ; if it brought out another, then in 
nother direction (e.g. to the east). The rules then point out which 
igure agrees with each direction. These directions, however, are not 
tamed north, south, east, west, etc., but they take their names from the 
ides and corners of the house, as designated in the arrangement of the 
nonth all around the house (inside), one at each corner, and two on each 
ide. If therefore the szkidy brought out a figure which pointed to the 
outh-east, the mpzstkidy did not call it so, but said it pointed to Aséro- 
any, the name of a constellation of the Zodiac (Cancer) and of a Ma- 
agasy month, which, in the arrangement alluded to above, had its place 


332 SIKIDFY AND VINTANA: 





assigned to it at the south-eastern corner of the house, as will be shown | 
more clearly under Vinéana. , | 

J.—Andro fdisy (literally, ‘White days,’ i.e. the days on which some- 
thing expected or sought for was to happen). Suppose that I have losta 
slave. It is of the utmost importance to me to know on what day | 
shall find him: forthen I do not trouble myself about searching for 
him before the day has come. Consequently I goto the mpusstkidy. He 
consults his code of laws (which of course he has in his memory, and 
does not need to go and look up in a book, as we look for a passage in 
the Bible) and finds the following seven rules for the seven days of the 
week, commencing with Alarobia (Wednesday), which is therefore in this 
chapter called ‘‘Mother of the days” (Rénin’ ny andro, or Rent-andro) :— 
(1) Harena and Fahastvy form Alarobia. (2) Fahatelo and Marina form 
Alakamisy. (3) Vohttra and Nia form Zoma. (4) Andriamanitra and 
Zatovo form Asabdtsy. (5) Marina and Asorofany form Alahady. (6) 
Vehtvavy and Mpanontany form Alatsinainy. (7) Fahavalo and Lalana 
form Talata. This means that if the mpisikidy, after having erected 
his sikidy, by comparing the figures in the rubrics Harena and Fahasizy in 
the manner described under chap. iv., § 2 (ANNUAL X. p.229), brings out 
a new figure which is like the one in the rubric representing the question 
(generally Zale; see p. 230, last clause), then he knows that what he asks 
about will occur on Alarobia. I have chosen only the first of the seven 
rules for illustration ; but quite the same proceeding is applicable to the 
remaining six. 

It is easy to see that this was a very convenient way of saving much 
time and trouble. Suppose I expect a friend from Fianarantsda on 
Monday ; but he may have postponed his departure from that place, or 
he may have been delayed on the road; well, I go to the mpzsekidy, and 
he tells me that he will not arrive before Saturday. Fancy now that I 
had not been prudent enough to do so; what would have been the conse- 
quencer To say nothing of other inconveniences, my wife would cer- 
tainly have kept the dinner ready for him from noon to night every day 
from Monday to Saturday; and if she had not been an angel—which of 
course she is—she would certainly have looked very cross when he at 
last appeared! What a blessing these mpiszkidy must have been, espe- 
cially in the good days of old, when there were no doctors and no 
telegraphs |! 

It has frequently come before our notice in the preceding sections 
that all depended on what figures were placed in each rubric by the 
erecting of the sskedy. As the first four rubrics were filled in a manner 
that seems to have depended entirely on hap-hazard, and the filling of 
the others depended upon these four (see chapter iv. § 1 and 2, p. 229), 
we should conclude that nothing so far was arbitrary, and that the 
mpistkidy had no control over the form of the szkzdy he erected, or, in 
other words, that he could not decide beforehand what figures he would 
get in each rubric. But I understand that sometimes (e.g. in producing 
love-charms, trade-charms, etc.) he took the liberty of filling the first 
four rubrics with figures which he knew beforehand (from theory and 
experience) would, in the further procedure, produce exactly the figures 


@ 


HALF-HOURS WITH MALAGASY DIVINERS. — 323 





X 

he wanted, and in the rubrics he would want them, for the stkidy in 
question. How else could he have got a stkidy in which Adtkasajy( .:- ) 
occurred eleven times? or in which Vontsira ( =: ) occurred eight 
times ? orin which Vonisitra came into Harena, and K1z0( *;: ) into 
Nia and nowhere else? I believe he would often have had to erect his 
stkidy some thousand times, before that could ‘happen,’ if he did not 
‘make it happen’ in the manner intimated above. No doubt he generally 
began working on the hap-hazard principle; but after having destroyed 
his erected szkidy several times and begun anew—just sufficient to make 
his spectators understand that it was a very serious affair—he had resort 
to artificial means and made it succeed. I fancy that this was the 
general practice in producing the charms described above. 

I have not exhausted the subject of Miscellaneous Szkzdy yet, but I 
must stop here, as every thing must have an end. And if I had descri- 
bed all the tricks of the diviners, and, especially, if I had tried to 
expose all the artifices by which they managed to make their business 

ay, I should have wanted more space than any magazine could possibly 
ave given me. 

I am sorry I do not know more of the szktdy practice on the coast. 
From the little I know I should conclude that it is not nearly so well 
developed in most of the coast provinces as in the interior. Perhaps, 
however, Matitanana may be an exception; for this is the country of 
the Antaimdéro, who seem formerly to have been more connected with 
the Arabs than were any other tribes in Madagascar, with the exception 
perhaps of their neighbours to the south as far as Fort Dauphin, who, 
according to Flacourt, for centuries have had much to do with the 
Arabs, who also had taught them geomancy, astrology, and the szkidy. 
I am therefore particularly sorry that I have not been able to procure 
any information about the sskidy practice amongst these tribes (Antai- 
moro and Antandsy). 

An intelligent native at Tamatave, who read and translated part of 
my former article on stkidy to some other natives there (Bétsimisaraka, 
I presume), writes me that they explained to him that besides the more 
systematic kind of sk¢dy treated of in my article (Svkidy A/anana), they 
were acquainted with no less than six other kinds, viz. :— 

(1) Joria (very common, they say); (2) Sikidy Aldnam-poza (common 
amongst the Sakalava); (3) Svkidy Alakardbo; (4) Stkidy Kofafa; (5) 
Stkhidy Vero; and (6) Sikidy Tendrifastka.* These are all said to be 
much simpler than the ordinary szk¢dy; but in the short description he 
gives of some of them I am unable to see any clear theory. /orta is 
said to have only two rubrics (columns or rows). Szkidy Alakarabo has 
also only two rubrics, but these are filled in a manner different from 
what is used in ordinary stkidy ; for the mpisikidy takes out three and 
three of the beans he has taken into his hand, and if the last beans left 
in his hand are three, he puts three into the square to be filled; if two, 
he puts two; if only one, he puts one. The Srkidy Kofafa and } ero can— 
as my native also remarks—scarcely' be called a s/kidy at all. The 
procedure is simply the following: You take an indefinite number of 








* J may add that they also speak of Sshidin-androvy, as a kind of simplified sshsdy, 


324 SIKIDY AND VINTANA., 








short pieces of 4ofafa or vero (vero is a tall grass, kofafa a broom made of 
grass stalks), in your hand, and you then take out two and two until 
you have only one or two left. But you must have settled in your own 
mind at the outset whether one left should mean good luck, and two bad 
luck, or vice versa. . 

Most of us may be acquainted with a similar practice amongst Europe- 
ans, but of course only as an amusement. Some pieces of straw of 
different lengths held in the closed hand are drawn out by different 
persons in order to see who gets the shortest one. My native helper says 
that some Malagasy who had seen Europeans do so had not the slightest 
doubt that they were practising a kind of szktdy. When my native 
friend dissented, they said: ‘“‘Why are the Europeans here accustomed 
to leave their own houses a few days before they set out on their journey 
for Europe, if it is not to practise sekidy ?’ He replied that they did so 
because they had sold or packed up all their things. ‘‘Well,” they said, 
‘you are a young man yet and do not understand it better.” 

There is another kind of srk¢dy (if we like to call it so) which I have 
been told has been practised by an old woman here in town. Some 
thing had been stolen, and nobody knew the thief, but they suspected he 
was to be found among the servants. So the old woman said: 
“Look here, I will show you who hasstolen it. Let each of you bring me 
a little piece of wood.” This being done, she cut all the pieces exactly 
to the same length, gave them back to them, and said: ‘After a little 
while you all bring me your pieces, and you will see that the one belong- 
ing to the thief will have become a little longer than the rest.” But 
when they brought their pieces, lo! one of them had become a little 
shorter than the rest; for the man who was conscious of being guilty 
had thought it best to secure himself by cutting off a little of his piece, 
which was exactly what the sly old woman had calculated would take 
place.* So the thief was found out. This was smartly done, but I do 
not think it can be a very common practice; forif so, it would become 
known, and consequently be useless. For ordinary cases of this kind 
the A/i-pako,t so much in use here, would work better.t 


L. DALE. 


(On account of the demands on our space, we are obliged to defer the 
concluding portion of Mr. Dahle’s paper, on ‘‘Vintana and San-andro,” 
to our next Number.—EDsS.) 








* A similar practice is found among Oriental peoples; see an exactly parallel account to 
the above in Rev. Dr. Thomson’s Zhe Land and the Book, 1883 ed., p. 153.—EDS, 


t+ ‘“ATI-PAKO, s. [FAKO, sweepings.] A mode of recovering stolen property without 
detecting the thief ; all the servants or employées are required to bring something, as a small 
bundle of grass, etc., and to put it in a general heap ; this affords an opportunity to the thief 
of secretly returning the thing stolen.” —Mal.-Eng. Dict. p. 70. 

+ Readers of this and of Mr. Dahle’s previous paper on Sshkidy will be amused to hear that 
from the perusal of the paper in last year’s ANNUAL, a old friend of mine and occasional con- 
tributor to the ANNUAL, Mr, C. Staniland Wake, has contrived a parlour game which he calls 
“The Game of Skiddy,” to be ‘played with boards of 8 squares, markers, counters, 
and dice.” He has kindly sent me a copy of the Rules of this game, which may be had, ! 
believe, from the author, Clevedon, Westbourne Avenue, Hull,—J.S. (ED.) 


THE ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL, 325 





HOW WE GOT TO MADAGASCAR : 
A VOYAGE FROM PORT LOUIS TO MANANGARA. 


6 OOSE your sails, for the pilot will be on board in a few minutes.” 
L Such were the instructions which, as I stood on the deck of 
the Sophia, I heard given to the first mate of that vessel, on the 
morning of Tuesday, 27th July 1886. Soon after 10 o’clock the pilot came 
on board, and having completed the necessary preliminary arrangements 
for starting the vessel, he shouted to a man who was waiting for the 
command, ‘Let go your hawser,” when, with a gentle breeze, the 
Sophia dipped her flag three times, the seaman’s professional way of 
saying ‘‘Good bye” when starting on a voyage. 

The distance from Port Louis to Mananjara is about 500 miles, and 
our thoughts on leaving the harbour were that perhaps on Friday, but 
at the latest on Saturday, we should Jand at the port for which we were 
bound. We were, however, to find that the doings of our little bark 
could not be calculated with the accuracy with which we had been able 
to forecast the runs of the Castle Mail Packets Garth and Duart, in 
the former of which we had come from England to Cape Town, and in 
the latter, from Cape Town to Port Louis. 

During Thursday we were almost becalmed off Réunion, but, once 
away from that island, the wind favoured us, and at 9 o’clock on Satur- 
day evening, the captain estimated that we could not be more than about 
25 miles from the land ; and fearing to approach nearer in the night to a 
coast which he was now making for the first time, where coral reefs 
abound, and where there are no lighthouses, he ordered the vessel to be 
put ‘“‘about,” and for four hours the Sopfza retraced her course, when 
she was again ‘bouted,’ and her bow put for the land. The morning 
of Sunday was cloudy and rainy, and no land could be seen when I went 
on deck at 6 o’clock. At noonthe sun was obscured, and no observation 
could be taken, and it was late in the afternoon before the weather 
cleared; even then, however, land was not in sight. On Monday 
morning it was seen on the distant horizon, and the captain greeted me 
by saying jocularly, ‘‘Here we are, somewhere off the coast of Madagas- 
car.’ Qur hopes were raised, and we confidently assured ourselves 
that e’er the sun set we should be at anchor off Mananjara, if not on 
shore there. Alas! we were sadly disappointed, for neither that day, nor 
the next, nor the day after, nor indeed for sixteen days from that morning 
of bright hopes, did we see the port for which we were bound. A gentle 
breeze carried us slowly onward toward the land till, at noon, the captain 
took his observation, when, to his surprise and to our intense disap- 
pointment, he found that his ‘‘somewhere” of the morning was 75 miles 
to the south of Mananjara |! 

The order, ‘‘To the north,” was immediately given; and the wind 
being favourable, we tried to believe that, after all, the mistake would not 
prove a very serious affair. During Monday afternoon and night we did 


326 HOW WE GOT TO MADAGASCAR: 





so well that, ‘reckoning by the log,” we were said, on Tuesday morning, 
to be only some 15 miles from our destination. The day unfortunately 
proved cloudy and wet, and for the second time no observation could 
be taken at noon ; and although we kept pretty close to the shore, no 
Mananjara could be descried before the sun went down. For fear of - 
passing it during the night, if we continued to go north, the vessel was 
kept ‘‘on and off” till the morning; then, however, things grew worse 
rather than better, for from early dawn tiJl evening it rained without 
intermission, and again no observation could be taken at noon. No one 
knew our actual position, so till 12 o’clock on Thursday, the Sopfza took 
short trips—now a little way to the north, and then back to the south, 
the captain hoping thus neither to lose nor gain until he could make 
sure of his position. On Thursday the weather was fine and the sky 
clear, and a good observation was obtained at noon, when it was found 
that we were 88 miles to the south of Mananjara, or 13 miles further to 
the wrong than we were discovered to have been on the Monday when 
we first made the land! The blame was laid to the current, which 
the captain had been informed set to the north, but which he now disco 
vered set strong to the south. , 

Again, ‘‘To the north,” was the order of the day ; but now the breere 
was not so good as when the first mistake was discovered, and during 
the next 24 hours we did only 33 miles, still leaving 55 between us and 
Mananjara. At this stage of the voyage we were becalmed for a shot 
time, but the monotony of the calm was soon relieved by a strong breeze 
from the north-east, which effectually prevented any progress being 
made in the direction in which we wished to go. This continued for 
forty-eight hours, with the result that on Sunday at noon we were 
declared to be 101 miles to the south of Mananjara; in addition to which 
we had gone away from the Jand and were ‘‘somewhere” to the east of 
Madagascar. During the Friday night our troubles had nearly reached 
their climax, for the darkness concealed the proximity in which the 
vessel was at one time to the shore; and the captain coming to me on 
Saturday said, ‘‘We were very close to the reef last night, only about 
a ship’s length from it !” 

The N.E. wind sank into another calm, which continued till we 
“turned in” on Sunday night ; but on Monday morning, it was our joy to 
find a breeze from the south filling the sails, and the land again in sight. 
The observation at noon, however, showed that we had not made any 
progress, but that we were further to the south than ever. On Tuesday 
the N.E. wind again set in, and our latitude at noon was 24 degrees 
south, another 59 miles being thus added to our distance from Manan- . 
jara. We had now been out fourteen days | 

On Wednesday hope revived in our hearts. A strong S.E. breeze 
had set in during the night, and on going on deck I found our bark with 
all sails set and filled, and that we were running to the north at the rate 
of eight knots an hour. With some variation in its strength, this breeze 
continued for 24 hours, enabling the captain to say, “I have made my 
latitude now, at any rate.” Of course this was only a guess “‘by the 
log,” but the log does not tell the absolute truth, and the sun had to 
be waited for at noon to confirm the estimate, or to show how much tt 


A VOYAGE FROM PORT LOUIS TO MANANJARA. 323 


as wrong. How anxiously we looked at the heavens as noon drew 
ear! How sincere was the language of our hearts that the sky might 
e clear! It had been cloudy, with occasional squalls, since sunrise, 
nd as 12 o'clock approached, alas! the clouds thickened, and once more 
1e captain was unable to ‘‘get the sun.” About 2 o’clock in the after- 
oon, however, land was sighted; and a high hill standing out promi- 
ently in the landscape led to the conclusion that the log had perhaps 
iven a correct estimate of the distance we had run, as such a hill stands 
bout ro miles inland to the S.W. of Mananjara. Now, unfortunately, 
1e wind, which had been dying since the morning, gave its last expiring 
reath and left us in a dead calm; the sun set before any objects 
ould be distinguished on the shore, and we had to pass another night 
ot really knowing our position, except that we were near to a dangerous 
past, and that there were ugly coral reefs ahead, the spray from the sea 
reaking on which we had seen as the sun set behind the mountains far 
way in the west. 

Thursday morning was beautifully bright and clear, but we were still 
ecalmed. As soon as the captain had taken his observation and 
nished his calculations, he came to me and said, “You were right.” 
he ‘“‘right” referred to an opinion which I had expressed earlier in the 
ay, that we were still some 20 miles to the south of Mananjara, which 
had formed from the position of our vessel in relation to the hill which 
ood out so prominently as we neared the land on the previous after- 
ron. Yes; we were still 21 miles to the south of Mananjara and be- 
iimed! Should the wind rise, from what quarter would it come? If 
om the south, or from the east, or from the west, we could reach our 
‘stination in a few hours, but if from the north, it might yet be many 
tys. We waited for the first breath of air, and watched for the first 
»ple on the ocean. The breath came, and the ripple appeared, soon 
llowed by little white-crested waves. The wind had risen, but it was 
am the north! 

Our only chance of getting up to Mananjara was by making a long 
ck, so, steering close by the wind, away we went till 10 o’clock at night, 
zen we were some 40 miles out at sea. We then turned, and the head 
the Sophia once more pointed towards Madagascar. By noon on 
iturday (Aug. 14th) we were back within a few miles of the shore, but 
und that instead of gaining by the tack we had lost 19 miles, being 
at much further to the south than we were at noon the day before. I 
ked for an explanation of the ugly fact, and was told that it was the 
rrent. I suggested anchoring and waiting till the wind changed, and 
gued with the captain that there could be no greater risk in doing so 
. that part of the coast where we found ourselves to be than off Ma- 
njara, since one spot is as much exposed as the other; but my 
ggestion found no favour in his professional eyes. The vessel was 
Jered “About,” and by 4 o’clock p.m. we were again out of sight of 
id, with our course as due east as if we had been bound for Mauritius 
itead of Madagascar. 

The aspect of things was getting serious, and whether the provisions 
uld last for the indefinite time which seemed to be before us became 
‘ractical question of some moment. It was satisfactory to learn that 


328 HOW WE GOT TO MADAGASCAR. 





of ship biscuit and salt beef and pork there was a supply sufficient for 
three months. Whatever else, therefore, might be before us, we should 
not die of starvation ; and, with the appetite sufficiently keen. we might 
come to relish even hard biscuit and the sailors’ ‘junk.’ We were 
already undergoing a training calculated to lead to that issue. The 
Sophia was not a passenger vessel; she had no accommodation for 
passengers and made but small provision for the wants of those she 
took from Port Louis. No fresh or tinned meats or any kind of poultn 
was laid in, even for those of us who by courtesy were styled ‘cabin 
passengers ;’ so, even from the first, the cook did not indulge us with 
luxuries or cause us to fare sumptuously. Out of the limited means at 
his disposal he provided for us two meals a day, to the latter of which, 
served about sunset, he was wont to call us by saying, ‘‘You take 
some breakfast ?’ He was a good-hearted Swedish youth, with only an 
imperfect knowledge of English. The dish upon which he most fre- 
quently exercised his culinary skill was a stew of cabbage, onions, and 
potatoes, with just a flavouring of salt meat, and this generally 
appeared at both the morning and evening meal. With cabbage we 
were supplied in excess from the beginning till the close of the voyage, 
leading a fellow-passenger to remark, ‘I have cabbage two times a day 
for twenty-one days. 1 no want cabbage any more for six months.” 

The breeze which took us away from the land was succeeded by 3 
calm which lasted forty hours, but on Monday evening a fair wind sprung 
up ; and just as the sun was setting on Tuesday we sighted land again, 
but it was still far far away on the western horizon. The captain was 
confident that he was all right this time ; and although he could hardly 
expect to make the port in the night, having no lights on shore to guide 
him, he decided to continue his course forward, and said that he should 
anchor off whatever part of the coast he might happen to make, and 
there wait till the morning revealed the exact position. Accordingly, 
forward we went with a capital breeze. At 8 o’clock the moon rose in an 
unclouded sky, and by 9 o'clock it was evident that the land was pretty 
near. Soon a light was distinguished, and close observation discovered 
that it was from a vessel ahead of us. We went cautiously toward it, in 
the meantime shortening sail and preparing to cast anchor. The vessel 
ahead was evidently one riding at anchor, so it was certain that at last 
we had made some port. Gradually we came to a convenient distance 
from her, when the order rang out, ‘‘Let go the anchor,” and the music 
of the chain running out gladdened our ears. We were at anchor, but 
where? We could not be certain. It was about 100’clock at night, and 
we were too far out in the open roadstead to distinguish any objects on 
the shore. We went below and lay down, asking ourselves, ‘Is it 
Mananjara ? or Mahela? or some other port?’ The morning removed 
all uncertainty. At daybreak the captain sent a boat to the Planter, 
the ship we found at anchor; and a note was brought back in which 
was written, “This is Mananjara.” 


—~ eee 


THE ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL. 329 


M. GRANDIDIER’S SCIENTIFIC RESEARCHES IN 
MADAGASCAR. 


PART I,.—GEOGRAPHICAL. 


INTRODUCTORY NoTE.—There are probably very few people who take 
ny interest in this great island who are not acquainted with the name of 
I. Alfred Grandidier, or who have not heard of his travels and scientific 
esearches in this country. This illustrious French naturalist and 
avant has done more than any previous ‘traveller to make Madagascar 
nown to science ; and to him we owe the first accurate mapping of the 
ountry as a whole, and the first correct sketch of its physical geography.* 
n various departments of natural history also M. Grandidier has made 
aluable additions to what was previously known of the fauna of the 
land; while in his magnificent work upon Madagascar in thirty 4to 
olumes, his magnum opus, still in process of publication, he will probably 
ather up everything of value in various branches of research which has 
een collected not only by himself but by numerous other labourers in 
ae same field. M. Grandidier has already made known in various 
‘rench scientific periodicals and in some smaller separate publications 
1e principal results of his discoveries ; and as these are summarised in 
brochure entitled WVotice sur les Travaux Scentifiques de M. Alfred Gran- 
tdier (Paris: 1884; pp. 54), I have thought that a translation, slightly 
ompressed, of this pamphlet would be of great interest to many readers 
fthe ANNUAL. It should be said that M. Grandidier had, previous to 
is visits to this country, also made scientific explorations in South Ame- 
ica, in British India, and on the east coast of Africa, and these are 
riefly noticed in the pamphlet referred to; but the principal part of it 
about nine-tenths of the whole) is devoted to Madagascar, with which 
ountry M. Grandidier’s fame as a scientific explorer will doubtless be 
hiefly connected in all time to come. 

The account is divided into (1) A General Sketch of Journeys in the 
‘ountry ; (2 Geographical Labours ; (3) Meteorological and Magnetic 
)bservations; and (4) A Study of the Geology and Natural Productions 
Madagascar, including its Ethnology. Of these, the third is included 
na single paragraph. Space will not allow us to give a translation of 
he whole in the present article; the third and fourth sections must be 
eserved for our next number. I will only add that I have M. Grandidier’s 
‘ind permission to translate and reproduce for the ANNUAL this article, 
s well as other pamphlets of his in the French language.— J.S. 


GENERAL SKETCH OF JOURNEYS IN MapaGascarR. After a few 
iaragraphs describing his researches in other parts of the world, con- 


* It must not, however, be supposed that even M. Grandidier has traversed the whole 
land. large tracts of the interior have not yet been crossed either by him or by any other 
‘uropean ; and in some directions journcys have subsequently becn made both by English, 
‘rench, and German travellers over ground which M. Grandidier did not approach, 


— 330 M. GRANDIDIERS SCIENTIFIC RESEARCHES 
ggg ggg 


——~ . cluding with the coast of East Africa, where his health suffered much from 
the Climefe, M. Grandidier says :—My health growing worse, I was glad, 
after a long period of expectation, to be able to go to the island of 
Réunion, where I remained during the close of the year 1864 and the 
beginning of 1865. But I was unwilling to quit that part of the world 
without casting a glance at Madagascar; and the few months I passed on 
the east coast in 1865 showed me that this island, upon which so much 
has been written, and which, on the faith of hundreds of books published 
about it, I had believed to be sufficiently well known, if not in all its 
details, at least in its general features, was on the contrary a veritable 
terra incognita. Various insurmountable obstacles in fact had up to that 
time prevented all scientific exploration of the interior of the island; 
and so one could hardly be surprised if the works published by different 
authors do not merit all the confidence one is accustomed to place in 
them. Out of all those treating of the island which were available at 
that time, the only ones which could be consulted with profit were the 
Histoire de Madagascar by Flacourt ; the History of Madagascar by Mr. 
Ellis (which, however, is only a history of the Hova people, and which, in 
the midst of interesting and reliable chapters, contains at the same time 
many errors); and the Documents sur la Céte occidentale by M. Guillain. 

As for M. Leguevel de Lacombe, who relates with all their most 
minute details his travels across the island both from north to south and 
from east to west, and whose fantastic assertions have been accepted by 
geographers without question—he has presented, as a veracious narrative, 
a romance drawn only from his own imagination. 

Besides the narratives of different persons who have traversed, and 
always by the same route, the 98 miles which separate Andévoranto from 
Antananarivo, there was nothing, up to the date of my journeys, from 
which to construct a chart of the interior of Madagascar, except the 
absolutely false statements of M. Leguevel de Lacombe; and it is no 
exaggeration to say that everything still remained to be done from a 
topographical point of view. Onthe other hand, the fauna and flora, 
which offer such new and strange forms, had only been studied on some 
points of the coast and in the neighbourhood of Antananarivo ; there 
must therefore be many discoveries for any traveller happy enough to 
be able to traverse the island throughout its whole extent. There were 
also curious and important investigations to be made with regard to the 
races which have accumulated and intermingled in this corner of the earth. 

It was in 1865 that I made my first voyage to Madagascar; I landed 
at Point Larrée, opposite the little French colony of Ste. Marie. I was 
not ignorant of the fact that the people of Imérina had always been 
opposed to foreigners travelling in the interior of the island; but, confi: 
dent in theexperience gained by contact with numerous savage tribes 
among I had so often been on good terms during my previous travels, | 
reckoned upon being able to baffle the watchfulness of the chiefs and to 
penetrate into the very heart of the country. 

I had chosen the north-east coast of Madagascar as the point of depar 
ture for my explorations, with the double object of avoiding the already 
well-known route from Tamatave to Antananarivo, and of not calling the 
attention of the Government to myself and my researches. Notwith 


IN MADAGASCAR: GEOGRAPHICAL. 331 


standing all my efforts, I was the object of constant surveillance bv«C’\ 
governor of the pfovince of Ivéngo; I could not get away from the codst 
or give myself up to any topographical work ; so, returning to Ste. Marie, 
I took the French government schooner and repaired to Antongil Bay. 
There, however, the same difficulties met me. But the time was not entirely 
wasted ; I turned it to some account by studying the fauna, the flora, the 
language, and the customs of that part of the island, and by getting a 
footing into the country. Such preliminary investigations are indispensible 
in order to travel with profit and in safety, so as not to overload one’s 
baggage with useless collections, and, above all, to avoid the dangers 
which always accompany the want of knowledge of the people with whom 
one ought to be on good terms. 

The few favourable results of this first exploration led me to turn my 
attention to other portions of Madagascar for my next journey, and I 
chose the southern region. The countries of the Antandrdy, the Maha- 
faly, and the Sakalava, which are situated to the south ‘and west of the 
island, are with justice considered as dangerous from the rapacious 
and savage character of the inhabitants; but they are independent of 
the Hova, and I hoped that there I should not encounter the same 
difficulties as in the east. Besides this, no geographer or naturalist* had 
visited those regions. I embarked on the 6th of June 1866, at Saint 
Denis, on board the three-masted barque /’/nfa/tgable, one of four ships 
which for some years past have run the risks of trading between 
Fort Dauphin and the entrance to Mdrondava; on the 11th, we cast 
anchor opposite Cape St. Mary. This was the first year that ships dared 
venture to anchor near this arid coast. A line of sand dunes destitute 
of vegetation ; reefs of rock which stretch level with the water for a 
great distance from the shore and are continually beaten by the waves of 
a stormy sea; no trace of human habitation- there seems nothing in 
short which could attract ships towards this desolate country, where 
landing is most difficult on account of the constant and heavy surf. 

The /nfatigable, at great risk, came to endeavour to collect a cargo of 
‘orseille,’ a lichen useful for dyeing, which forms the principal wealth of 
the south and the south-west coasts of Madagascar, and which grows 
abundantly on the bark of the spiny and stunted shrubs characteristic of 
these deserts. A stay among the Antandroy who inhabit this country is 
somewhat risky, for they are continually at war with each other; and the 
abject want of these poor creatures, who have fived for centuries in 
misery and destitute of the necessaries of life, is really incredible. 

From Cape St. Mary I repaired to Masikora, then to Tolla. My 
excursion into the country of the emigrant Antandsy from the latter 
place enabled me to ascertain to what geological formation the south- 
west region of Madagascar belongs. The Nerinean and other fossils 
characteristic of the Jurassic limestone, which I collected there, prove 
the existence of Secondary strata, which cover a vast extent of surface 
and rest upon athin bed of Nummulitic rock. Being not unaware of 
the numberless difficulties which were sure to impede my researches 
amongst a cruel and superstitious population, and of the dangers which 











© M. Peters, and he only, had passed a few days in the harbour of Tolia, 





“SS. M. GRANDIDIERS SCIENTIFIC RESEARCHES 
a 


“~-~sffuust encounter in a country where, during the last twenty years, 
sevtral ships had been pillaged and their crews massacred, I had only 
designed, in this preliminary exploration, to prepare the way for another 
journey later on. I only took with me the most slender amount of 
baggage: a little sextant with its artificial horizon, a barometer, some 
thermometers and scalpels. It was only hastily and by stealth that I was 
able to make some meridional observations. 

After this second journey, I returned to France to obtain all the 
necessary appliances for the work which I purposed undertaking. The 
Minister of Marine gave me a number of valuable instruments fo! 
scientific observations, and all the apparatus required for the measure- 
ment of crania, etc., and also for the preparation of natural history 
specimens. 

It was on the goth of November 1867 that, charged afresh with a 
scientific mission, I left Paris. I first visited the south-east coast of 
Madagascar and touched at Yavibdla, a little port which is now and 
then visited by some coasting vessels from the island of Réunion. 
During this voyage I proved that the names of the rivers situated be- 
tween Farafangana and Fort Dauphin, between the 23rd and the 25th 
parallels, were wrongly placed on the maps, and these I have rectified. 

From Yavibola I went direct to Tolia, a town which became for some 
months the centre of my operations. My first care was to pay a visit to 
the king of Fiherénana, Lahimerisa, whom I had become acquainted 
with on my previous journey, and with whom I had become a ‘brother 
by blood’ (by the fat-dra). I knew that the Sakalava had attributed to 
me in 1866 the not very enviable reputation of being a sorcerer; and | 
wished, from the period of my arrival, to attach the king to my interests 
by means of presents. I well remembered that I had, during my stay in 
the kingdom of Fiherenana, heard of many kaddry or proclamations for 
the prevention of sorcery, and it was only by means of the royal protec- 
tion that I was able to set off safe and sound. No accusation in 
the barbarous districts which are independent of the Hova is more 
dangerous than that of sorcery; if the pretended crime is proved, im- 
mediate death is the punishment of the culprit. I do not know a people 
more stupidly superstitious than the Malagasy. With the Sakalava, in 
common with the other tribes, nothing happens naturally: good or ill 
fortune, all is due to fate and to talismans. What vexation and weari- 
ness have not the inhabitants of the west coast daily caused me on 
account of the absurd fears which they manifest against sorcerers. Now 
every one is a sorcerer who distinguishes himself from other people b; 
his actions or his words; and the traveller who passes his time ir 
collecting information, in writing, in observing the stars, in “talking witk 
the good God,” as they say in their picturesque idiom, or in managing 
a crowd of instruments each more extraordinary than the other, and ir 
collecting the skins of animals and putting reptiles into spirits—is natu: 
rally in their eyes one of those monsters one cannot fear enough, anc 
against whom it is well to take every precaution. I was acquainted witl 
their habits and their laws, and I lived their kind of life; I had wor 
over to myself, or rather, I had bought, the good will of the chiefs anc 
of the people; although I could never tell what difficulties I migh 


IN MADAGASCAR: GEOGRAPHICAL. 333 


experience in pursuing my studies, or what insurmountable obstacles 
might prevent me from attaining the objects which I meanwhle perse- 
veringly pursued. If self-interest had not been the most powerful motive 
for their actions, I should certainly have been reduced to the most com- 
plete helplessness. 

The king’s village is situated on the bank of the River Manémbo; it 
was on returning to Tolia that I had the happiness to discover, at Ambd- 
lintsatrana, an extensive bed of fossil bones, amongst which I have 
found a new species of Hippopotamus, almost all the fragments of the 
foot of the colossal bird the A‘pyornis, and two gigantic Tortoises. . 

While staying at Tolia I occupied myself with mapping a chart of St. 
Augustine’s Bay. By the help of the speed of the propagation of sound 
I obtained a base of more than 13 miles, and I immediately commenced 
a hydrographical survey of the River Anoldhina or St. Augustine. Un- 
fortunately, at Salobé, at the very time when, coming safe and sound from 
the hands of the Mahafaly and arriving among a friendly people, and 
believing that I should have no more difficulties to encounter for the 
remainder of my journey, I was altogether stopped by the war which un- 
expectedly broke out in October 1868 between the Antanosy and the Bara. 

The emigrant Antanosy were, of all the inhabitants of the southern 
region, the only ones amongst whom I could find porters for the scientific 
instruments which I took with me, and upon whom I could reckon to 
accompany meas far as the east coast; but now, not only were all the able- 
bodied men obliged to take part in the daily fighting, but their enemies 
stopped up the route which I should have taken. The Antandroy, the 
Mahafaly, and the Bara are tribes addicted to plunder, to theft, and to 
murder ; to put myself into their hands with my barter goods and my 
instruments would have been to sign my death-warrant. I speak thus 
from experience, having been plundered by the Mahafaly, and having 
extricated myself from their hands not without difficulty and danger. 
After some weeks of waiting among the Antanosy, and no change in the 
state of affairs taking place, while fever had much weakened me, I was 
obliged to resign myself to returning to Tolia, where I could find some 
assistance. Thus ended the first attempt which I made to traverse the 
island from west to east. 

It was only after a rather long convalescence that I was able to resume 
my topographical work. First of all I visited the great salt lake of 
Tsimdnampetsétsa, which is situated six miles from the Mahafaly coast, 
and a little south of the 24th parallel. The country is so dangerous that 
I dared not risk myself with my instruments, or with any other object 
which could tempt the cupidity of the natives or awaken their supersti- 
tious fears. It was only by a rapid reconnaisance that I could go so far 
as to assure myself of the existence of this lake, which I had often heard 
spoken of. I then undertook the hydrography of the River Fiherénana. 
But persecution recommenced, and the chiefs of the country stopped 
my labours at about 15 miles from the coast. I could do nothing more 
on these inhospitable shores, where, notwithstanding well-tried patience 
and continual attempts, my position became every day less tenable; 
so I left St. Augustine’s Bay in the month of February 1869 and set off 
for Ménabé. 


334 M. GRANDIDIER'S SCIENTIFIC RESEARCHES 


The rainy season had now set in, and at that time of the year travelling 
becomes impossible. Clouds of mosquitoes and of wasps invade the 
west coast, and the overflowing of the rivers renders the roads impas- 
sable. I stayed during the winter* at the village of Ambdndro, which 
is situated at the mouth of the Mérondava; and I profited by the time 
there spent by completing my collections. When I was able to recom- 
mence my geographical labours, I endeavoured to survey the courses of 
the Tsijob6énina or Mania and of the Manambédlo; but I was not 

< allowed to ascend these two rivers for more than 20 miles from the sea. 
Notwithstanding the presents which I distributed liberally to the Sakalava 
: king Toéra and his chiefs, I could not get beyond this limit. Advancing 
further north I experienced still greater difficulties; and it was completely 
impossible for me to penetrate into the interior of the territories of the 
-» Timahflaka, the Timaraha, and the Timilanja, three petty independent 
Sakalava tribes which live between Cape St. Andrew and 18° 20’ of south 
latitude. My reputation as a dangerous sorcerer had preceded me in 
these regions; and I was also the object of the hostility of the Arab 
» slave-traders, who carry on the trade there and cherish intense hatred 
to Europeans. After troubles of all kinds I was obliged to resign myself 
to departure from these shores and to leave for Nésibé. I was, however, 
able at the same time to cast a passing glance over this unknown coast, 
and to collect some documents which are not without interest; I also 
fixed astronomically the principal points. 

From Nosibe I went to Mojanga, from whence I at length succeeded 
in going up to the Hova capital. My journey lasted twenty-six days. 
I very much wished to take this route, which no European had up to 
that time travelled by, because it does not lie far apart from the course 
of one of the principal rivers of Madagascar, the Bétsibéka; and I had 
often been told that one could ascend it in a canoe almost up to Anta- 
nanarivo ; so I thought, on the faith of this information, that perhaps it 
would not be a bad thing for me to open up from this side of the island 
a sure and easy way of communication between the coast and the 
central province of Imerina. But I convinced myself that the Betsiboka 
is not navigable beyond its junction with the Ikiopa.t 

The route which leads from Mojanga to Antananarivo passes over the 
most desolate, sterile, and desert region that can be imagined. One 
travels first for about seven days and a half across plains of the Second- 
ary formation, which are dry and covered with scrubby vegetation and, 
here and there, with dwarf palms. From these we come to the grand 

ranitict elevated mass, which extends from the 22nd degree of south 
fatitude as far as Pasandava Bay ; here one finds for thirteen or fourteen 
days nothing but a sea of mountains without a tree, except for a few 
patches of wood in the ravines, and with no plant except coarse grass. 
This country is not, and cannot be, populated. The city of Antanana- 





* M. Grandidier here uses the word ‘hiver’ for the season we generally call the ‘summer’ in 
these southern latitudes. “JS. 
+ It is, however, navigable for large canoes higher up than this point, in fact as far as Méva- 
tanana.—J.S. 
More accurately, as Mr. Baron has shown (ANNUAL X., p. 60), of Primary Metamor- 
phic rocks, gneiss, mica-schist, etc., as well as granite.—J.S. 


IN MADAGASCAR: GEOGRAPHICAL. 335 








rivo is situated to the east of a vast circular area, the Bétsimitatatra 
plain, which is admirably cultivated with rice and is extraordinarily 
populous. This plain, over which low hills are scattered, is the bed of 
an ancient dried-up lake, and measures about 16 miles long by about 15 
miles wide. 

Thanks to the Prime Minister, Rainilaidrivény, I was able to make a 
map of the province of Imerina, which is inhabited by the Hova, and 
of which Antananarivo is the capital; the base-line for this, obtained 
by astronomical observations, measures about 33 miles. I chose, for the 
extremities of this base-line, two mountains situated almost on the 
same meridian, one of which, 8250 feet high, is the highest point of 
the island and commands a view over the whole province, 

Leaving Antananarivo I went to the Ankay plain, which I followed 
as far as the sources of the Mangoro, the largest of the rivers of the east 
coast; then, crossing some hills, I was able to study the great yalley 
occupied by the Sihanaka, where we find the most important lake of 
Madagascar, the Alaotra, whose existence I was the first European to 
discover. I returned to the Hova capital across the mountainous region 
which borders the Ankay plain to the west. This journey lasted for 
twenty-eight days. 

I afterwards left Antananarivo, on the 27th of November, to go to Mo= 
rondava (Ambondro), on the west coast. I traversed part of the Bétsiléo 
country, a more populous region than those I had crossed in coming from 
Mojanga. Trees are not very common there, and one must often go 
from three to four days’ journey from different villages to procure the 
wood necessary for building ; but the valleys formed by the innu- 
merable torrents which cut the granitic mountains in all directions 
are somewhat large, so that there rice can be cultivated. The road 
descends first directly south for about go miles, then it turns towards the 
west ; I passed the Hova forts of Etrémo, Ambohinomy and Janjina. 
There ends that sea of mountains which I had not left since getting to 
the fort of Anténgodrahdéja. On leaving Janjina we enter a Secondary 
plain 84 miles in length, divided at about 42°38’ of east longitude by a 
very straight chain of hills, which appears to stretch from north to south 
nearly throughout the whole island. On the zoth of December I arrived 
at the mouth of the Morondava, where I stayed the winter [the rainy 
season |." We had travelled toward the west for 150 miles. 

On the 15th of March 1870 I left Ambondro; the fine season had 
returned, and I sailed in an outrigger canoe to the mouth of the little 
river Maitampaka to Matséroka, from whence I reached the Hova fort 
of Manja, which is the most southern point which the Hova actually 
hold in the Sakalava country. This part of the isiand is thinly peopled 
and rather dangerous to travel in: every day the jirika or highway 
robbers come and make raids to carry off cattle and people. About the 
time of my passing through it, a thousand independent Sakalava had 
attacked a convoy of 1500 oxen escorted by 50 Hova soldiers and some 
officers ; all the animals were carried off, six soldiers and an officer of ° 
the 12th honour (a general) were killed, and the rest of the company 
were made slaves. Having happily escaped a similar fate, I was able to 
traverse the Betsileo country through its whole extent, and I visited 


336 M. GRANDIDIER'S SCIENTIFIC RESEARCHES 








its capital, Fianarants6éa, which is, on account of its population and 
its trade, the second town in Madagascar, and to which no European 
had up to that time penetrated.* Then I proceeded, always across an 
uninterrupted mass of mountains, to Mananjara, one of the principal 
ports of the west coast. This part of the country, crossed here and there 
by forests, is more fertile than the regions which I had previously 
passed through. This journey lasted twenty-nine days, from the west to 
the east coast. : 

My researches into the history of the country and the immigra- 
tion of foreign races into the island led me to go to Matitanana, 
where there are still to be found the descendants of the Arabs who 
emigrated to Madagascar in ancient times. I collected numerous do- 
cuments relating to this curious tribe, and I made extracts from books 
written in Arabic characters, which they preserve with religious care. 
My journey along the east coast enabled me to correct the position of 
the mouths of the rivers and of the ports which were omitted, wrongly 
placed, or misnamed, from Matitanana as far as beyond Antongil Bay. 

From Mahanéro I went up to Antananarivo, always across rugged 
mountains, but through a country comparatively fertile. I had at this time 
the happiness to be able to observe, on the day following my arrival, two 
occultations of stars by the moon, so that I fixed the latitude of the 
Capital. My researches among the Hova and in the province of Imerina 
were now completed; I went down to Andovoranto by the ordinary 
route and reached Tamatave, then went to Point Larrée to complete m 
latest work, the survey of the coast which I had traversed in 1865. i 
then set off for France, where I arrived at the close of 1870. Since 
that period I have worked at the preparation and publication of my 
Histoire de Madagascar, of which six volumes have already appeared, and 
which will comprise thirty volumes. 

I shall now proceed to make a short analysis of the scientific work 
which I have accomplished in the various explorations the itineraries 
of which I have just briefly sketched. The work I have carried out 
in Madagascar from 1865 to 1870 has had reference to the geography 
of the island, to its climate, and to its natural productions. We shall 
divide it therefore into three sections. 


I.—GEOGRAPHICAL RESEARCHES. It is an admitted faet that a 
traveller cannot carry out geodesic operations, such as the measurement 
of arcs of the meridian or of parallels, in order to determine the form 
of the Earth. He can only make known the regions he explores from a 
topographical point of view, by ascertaining its natural divisions, its 
contour, the distribution of its waters and its forests, the position of its 
villages, in short, the preparation of a map. But the map of an 
uncivilised country cannot, except under unusual circumstances, comprise 
all the details which are required in a map of large scale, or even in 
one of medium scale; it should, however, represent the main outlines 
in a clear and precise fashion, and give the general and characteristic 

# M. Grandidier is mistaken in this statement. A year and a half before his visit, in 
September 1868, Fianarantsoa and the principal towns in the Betsileo province were visited by 


the Rev. T. Campbell, of the Church Missionary Socicty ; see Church Missionary Intelligen- 
cer, June 1869.—J.S. 


IN MADAGASCAR: GEOGRAPHICAL. +) 





features of the country. In civilised countries, where industry is well 
developed, there is a tendency, and with good reason, to give a con- 
tinually increasing scale to maps; so that engineers and soldiers, scien- 
tific students, and even agriculturists, may be able to use them in their 
various pursuits, so that they need not be obliged to collect upon the 
spot the information which they need for each particular undertaking. 
But the time and expense which a similar work would entail in uncivilised 
or barbarous countries would not be commensurate with the uses such 
maps could serve; and besides, the traveller being generally alone in 
his most distant explorations, if he devoted himself to a survey showing 
all the details of the soil, could only give, after years of labour, a map 
of a very limited region instead of a general outline, which in the first 
instance will be of more service to science and for colonisation. The 
methods of survey ought indeed always to have a degree of exactitude 
proportionate to the importance of the country surveyed. So that on 
my journeys I have not attempted the most minutely exact methods, 
nor have I used the most delicate instruments, such as are employed 
in Europe for topographical surveys. I have rather chosen to survey 
in a rapid and less expensive style (such as M. d’Abbadie has employed 
with so much success in Ethiopia) all the prominent summits and the 
principal villages and streams, which, laid down on the map, serve as 
fixed points between which other details of the region have been added, 
some taken with a graduated circle, and others simply from sight. In 
short, in these expeditions it has been my chief aim to observe not 
with minute precision, but rapidly and broadly, because I could not 
reckon upon the morrow, and I had to contend with difficulties con- 
stantly cropping up; and, owing to the superstitions of the natives, I 
have very often had to take my latitudes or horizon observations hiding 
myself, as if I was committing a crime. 


1.—JVotice sur les Cotes Sud et Sud-ouest de Madagascar* (Bulletin de la 
Société de Géographie de Paris; Oct. 1867), avec une carte. All authors 
have spoken of the incomparable fertility of the soil of Madagascar and 
of the beautiful vegetation of its mountains ; and certainly their descrip- 
tions have not been without influence upon those attempts at conquest 
which have been made at different times. But such a pleasing picture 
does not at all agree with the condition of an immense extent of country 
in the southern region, which, up to the time of my journey in 1866, 
remained unexplored. I have in fact proved that, contrary to what has been 
said about it, all the space comprised between the sea on one side, and 
the 22nd degree of south latitude and the 44th degree of east longitude on 
the other side, is only a vast arid plateau, of which the mean height does 
not much exceed from 300 to 600 feet above the sea. In these plains, 
which have an aspect of sadness and desolation quite peculiar to 
themselves, there are few mountains and few streams. 

During this same journey I came to the conclusion that there were 
numerous errors and omissions in all the maps and charts published up 
that period. Out of the 41 villages which are found between Point 


* This and the following, in Italics, are the titles of the various publications issued by M. 
Grandidier,—J.8. 


™~ 


338 MM. GRANDIDIERS SCIENTIFIC RESEARCHES 





Barlow and the mouth of the Morondava, only six were shown; I have 
determined the position of all the others, most of them astronomically. 
The rivers there were wrongly marked and wrongly named ; some were 
placed where none existed; others were wanting ; and the Mangdky, the 
third important river in the island, which was made to flow into the 
sea at Cape St. Vincent, into the bay which the Malagasy call Tsingiliffly, 
and where there is no stream at all, really empties itself 20 miles further 
north and by two principal mouths, the Fangoro and the Maroloha. I have 
corrected al] these errors, one of which was very serious from a navigators 
point of view. I have also ascertained the existence on this coast of 
two lakes which were up to that time unknown, the Tsimanampetsotsa 
and the Héotry. 


2.—One Excursion dans la Région Australe ches les Antandroys (Bull. 
Soc. des Sciences e¢ Aris de la Réunton; 1868). This notice contains the 
account of my journey in Androy, the southern province of Madagascar, 
where no other traveller had previously set foot. One gets there the 
first glimpse of the general aspect of this region (see p. 331). 


3.—Note sur la Cote Sud-est de Madagascar (Bull. Soc. Géog.; 2e sem. 
1861). This notice is for the purpose of rectifying the positions of the 
mouths of the eight principal rivers comprised between 22°56’ and 24°30’ 
of south latitude, rivers which were marked on all the maps with an error 
of from 10 to 20 miles, and of which I have fixed the exact positions. 


4.—Madagascar (Bull. Soc. Géog.; aot 1871), avec une carte. This 
paper is accompanied by a general map of the island, a map which 
serves up to the present time as the basis of all those which have been 
published both in England and Germany and even in Madagascar, and 
shows the different itineraries of my successive journeys. In the first 
place, I succeeded in completely crossing the island three times :— 
(1) from Mojanga to Andovoranto; (2) from Ambondro to Mahanoro; 
and (3) from Matseroka to Mananjara. Besides these journeys, I pene- 
trated in the south of the island, setting out from Tolia, as far as the country 
of the emigrant Antanosy. In the centre, I followed the Ankay valley 
in all its length as far as the very sources of the Mangoro, and I 
explored the Sihanaka country, where one finds the largest lake in 
Madagascar, the Alaotra. I made the ascent of the most elevated 
peaks of the huge mass of Ankaratra, and I visited Lake Itasy, which is 
situated in the province of Imerina. In the west I ascended for several 
miles from the coast the great rivers Mania and Manambolo. It is 
through these successive journeys that I have been able to fix in an exact 
manner the principal features of the orography and the hydrography of 
Madagascar and the very curious distribution of its forests. 

Lastly, I have examined more than two-thirds of the coast, from 
Masikora to Cape St. Andrew and from Bembatoka Bay to Nosibé, on 
the west; and from Yavibola to Mahanoro and from Andovoranto to 
Antongil Bay, on the east; and I have added a hundred villages to 
those which were shown on the eastern coast, 11 on the southern coast, 
and 50 on the western coast. I have corrected the positions and the 
names of a large number of streams, rather more than 50 on the east 
coast and 11 on the west coast. 


ee 


IN MADAGASCAR: GEOGRAPHICAL. 339 





In the countries of the Sakalava, the Mahafaly and the Antanosy, 
where, as I have said, they consider as a sorcerer every person who is 
different from other people, a traveller engaged in scientific researches 
naturally gives rise to suspicion. In the countries subject to the Hova, 
where superstition is less and barbarism not so great, the distrust which 
the inhabitants have always felt for foreigners is an obstacle of another 
kind, but not less insurmountable. It is then not at all surprising that 
in the greater number of instances I have not been able to make my 
observations as complete and exact as I could have desired, nor could 
I follow the ordinary methods of topographical surveying. More fre- 
quently I have been obliged to content myself with fixing by numerous 
latitudes the position of the most important points of the coast and of my 
various halting-places in the interior. I have nevertheless always taken 
care to fix each point by as many series of circum-meridional altitudes 
as I could possibly take; and I have obtained results quite sufficiently 
accurate for the map which I am preparing, the probable error of 
my latitudes not exceeding 200 to 300 métres. 

For the longitudes I have, where at all practicable, had recourse to 
the procedure, so practicable and so exact, of the occultation of a 
star by the moon; it was in this way that I determined the longitudes 
of Antananarivo (45° 15° 45"), of Tolia (41° 24’ 45"), of Salobe (42° 24’ 
45), and of various points on the west coast, Morondava (41° 56’ 15") 
and Séahazo (41° 58’ 00"), with the probable error of a mile. 

All those itineraries which unfortunately I could not survey with the 
theodolite— whose constant employment would have greatly excited the 
opposition of the natives and have certainly led them to prevent my 
advance—have been surveyed with the compass with the greatest care 
and verified by numerous observations for latitude. These various itine- 
raries amount to a total of more than 1860 miles in the interior, and of 
1550 miles along the coast. 

Up to that period geographers had shown the mountains of Madagas- 
car at random, just following their own fancy. In fact, all the maps 
previous to 1871 represent this island as divided from north to south, in 
the line of its greatest length, into two very nearly equal parts by a 
great mountain chain, which sends forth ramifications both to east and 
west, and between which extend large valleys. The watershed is, in the 
same way, placed very nearly in the centre, and immense forests cover 
almost the whole surface. Zhis arrangement of mountains, of streams, and 
of forests ts altogether erroneous. The island of Madagascar in fact, as 
my map shows, comprises two very distinct portions: the eastern region, 
which is entirely mountainous, and the western region, which is flat. 
The mountain mass, whose base bathes in the Indian Ocean on the 
east coast and which covers two-thirds of the surface of the island, rises 
pretty rapidly up to a height of about 5000 feet; from thence it is 
a sea of mountains whose mean elevation is from 3300 to 4000 feet, 
and which only leave little narrow valleys between them, with the 
exception of certain vast circular expanses, the beds of ancient lakes 
more or less dried up, such as the plains of Betsimitatatra and of 
Antsihanaka, and the valley of Ankay. As for the ‘plateau’ which old 
maps show in the interior of the island, it has no existence, since the 


340 MM. GRANDIDIERS SCIENTIFIC RESEARCHES 





central portions have such an irregular surface that one must often 
travel a long distance before finding a level plot even of a few acres 
in extent.* After a journey of 120 miles across these mountains, one 
descends by an abrupt slope into the great western plain, which is cat 
from north to south by two small mountain chains. The streams, a 
Flacourt had remarked, and contrary to that which most modem 
maps show, take their rise much nearer the eastern coast than the 
western; so that the watershed is situated at about a quarter of the way 
across the island. | 

Lastly, the forests of Madagascar, as I was the first to point out, have 
a very peculiar arrangement. A belt, in some places several leagues in 
breadth and following the coast-line, from which it is not very distant, 
completely surrounds the island,t to which it forms a kind of girdle, 
This forest-belt follows, on the east coast, the eastern slopes of the 
buttresses of the central mass, leaving between itself and the sea low 
hills and mountains covered with shrubs, herbaceous plants, and patches 
of wood. Another belt, which is still narrower, stretches parallel with 
the first one, along the crest of the ridge which forms the watershed. 
The vast expanse of country which is surrounded by this girdle of 
forests is devoid of trees, and even of shrubs, in all the mountainous 
parts, that is to say, over two-thirds of its surface. These mountains 
and hills are only covered by a coarse grass, which is not even fit 
for food for the cattle, but is used by the inhabitants as fuel. Over 
the plains of the west and the south are scattered small patches of 
wood and isolated trees. One sees that it is far from the truth that 
there are immense forests almost covering the island, as has been often 
said. I will add that if we except a few very beautiful plants and trees, 
which are remarkable for their form and the elegance of their foliage— 
such as certain palms, the tree-ferns, and several exquisite orchids, 
which adorn the forest-belts we are speaking of—the larger number of the 
trees found there have not a very vigorous appearance; their moderate 
height and their covering of lichens show that the soil from which they 
spring is of no great depth. The forests of the north-east seem finer 
than the others. 

5.—Notes sur les Recherches Géographiques dans I'Ile de Madagascar 
(Comptes rendus del’ Académie des Sctences ; aodt 1871). 

6.—Rapports au Ministre de Instruction publique sur une Mission a 
Madagascar (Archives des Miss. Sct. et Lit.; 2e sér. t. iv. 1867; ¢. vii. 
1872). 

7.—Excursion ches les Antanosys émigrés (Bull. Soc. Glog.; fév. 1872), 
avec une carte. This pamphlet gives details about the country of the 
Mahafaly and the emigrant Antanosy, whose capital, Salobe, is situated 
64 miles from St. Augustine’s Bay, and where no other European had 
until then penetrated. The sketch map of the route which accompanies 











* I think M. Grandidier has here a little exaggerated the irregularity of the surface of the 
interior mountainous region. ‘The level, or nearly level, portions are more numerous than he 
supposes ; as those will admit who have travelled in Vonizéngo, or Anativolo, or the vall 
of the Mananara and the Mananta, or the Antsirabe district, or parts of the country on the 
road to Fianarantsoa, such as the ¢/i¢va, the district round Ambositra, and other places.—J.5. 

t+ See, however, Mr, Baron’s remarks on this point, page 274, ante.—J.S. 


th 
t 
t 





IN MADAGASCAR: GEOGRAPHICAL. 341 





this pamphlet gives an outline survey of the Anolahina, the most 
immportant river of the south-west of Madagascar. The triangulation 
‘was prolonged as far as the River Ranoména, which is situated further 
morth, but the natives would not let me ascend it beyond sixty miles.* 
8.—Madagascar (Bull. Soc. Géog.; avril] 1872, avec une carte). This 
article, which treats specially of the inhabitants and of the productions 
ef the country, and of which we shall have to speak again further 
on, is accompanied by a fac-simile of three maps of Madagascar, one 
of 1858, another of 1863, and my own of 1871, in order to show the 
important modifications which my explorations have produced in our 
knowledge of the orography and the hydrography of this island. 


9.—Un Voyage Scientifique @ Madagascar (Rev. Sctent. 1871). In this 
paper I have given a compressed account of my geographical labours 
znd a description of the physical geography of the island. 

10.—La Carte de la Province d’ Imerina. Autographiée en quatre 
couleurs, 4 1/200,000; 1880. The province of Imerina, which Euro- 

ans formerly wrongly named Ankova, is situated in the centre of 
Madagascar ; it is the most populous and important of all the provinces, 
for one must count there at least 1,200,000 inhabitants; and, as the 
whole island has hardly more than two millions and a half, one sees 
that it alone includes about half the total population. Imerina is the 
cradle of the Hova, who, thanks to their superior intelligence, their 
habits of obedience to discipline, the instruction received from European 
officers, and also their unusual fecundity, have enjoyed for a century 
past a preponderant position in Madagascar, under the guidance of 
Andrianampéinimérina and Radama I. So that as it was here a matter 
of great interest not to rest content with a simple survey by compass, 
I made every effort to project over its surface a series of triangles. 
From seven principal summits I took with the theodolite a number of 
horizontal sights, comprising 357 observations, and I obtained either by 
the eye or by the Burnier compass the details included in the triangles. 
I was aided in this last work by a missionaryt whose professional 
duties take him all over this district, and whom I furnished for this 
purpose with the necessary instruments and instructions. I procured 
two bases for the astronomical observations by carefully taking the 
latitude of one of the two most elevated peaks of the Ankaratra mass 
of mountain, and that of Antananarivo, on one side, and of the 
mountain Miakétso, on the other. The centre of my operations was 
Antananarivo,f at the open space called Andohalo. 

The map which is the result of these observations, and of which I 
published in 1880 a preliminary sketch to the large scale of 1/200,000, 
serves as the basis of an engraved map which will accompany the 
volume on the geography of Madagascar I am now preparing. It 
comprises an extent of country of about 90 miles by 76, with an area 
of about 6800 miles; on it are shown the positions of about 800 summits, 


of which 550 are named, and of a thousand villages and hamlets, of 
which 568 have their names given. 


* Salobe, lat. south 23° 31’ 23"; Tolia, lat. south 23° 21‘ 21”. ¢ Rev. Pére Roblet. {} Lat, 
south 18° 55' 4"; long. east (Paris) 45° 15' 45." 


342 M. GRANDIDIER'S SCIENTIFIC RESEARCHES. 





11.—La Province 2 Imerina (Bull, Soc. Géog.; 2me trim. 1883, avec 
wre carte hypsométrique). In this article I have given a general 
sketch of the province of Imerina, of which I have spoken in the 
preceding section, both from the point of view of its physical aspects, 
ag well as with regard to its political divisions and its inhabitants. A 
hypsometrical map, to the scale of 1/500,000, with circles each distant 
from the other 100 métres, has been prepared by the help of a 
thousand observations of altitude taken both by myself and Pére 
Roblet. It shows clearly, by the help of graduated tints, in one par 
the great mass of Ankaratra, of which the four peaks, Ambdéhimiran- 
drana (7710 ft.), Ankavitra (8300 ft.), Tsiafakafo (8333 ft.), and Tsidfe- 
javona (8497 ft.), are the highest points of the whole island. In 
another part is shown the valley of Betsimitatatra, which extends to 
the west of the Capital, and which is watered by the Ikiopa and its 
tributaries, the Sisaona, the Andrémba, the Kitsaoka, the Ombifétsy, 
etc. This is, I believe, the first and the only contour map which has 
made of an uncivilised country on such a large scale. This map 
enables one to see at a glance the zones of altitude characteristic of 
this province, which is so mountainous and desolate beyond the great 
plain to the west of Antananarivo ; and it shows clearly the manner in 
which the waters part themselves.* 


12.—Les Cartes de Madagascar, depuis les temps les plus reculés jusqus 
nos jours (Comptes Ren, Acad. Sct.; 3 mars 1884). This paper gives 
new information both as to the date of the discovery of the inland 
which took place six years earlier than (up to the present time) has 
been stated, that is to say, on the 1oth of August 1500, instead of the 
1st of February 1506, and also as to its identification with the island 
Menuthias of Ptolemy, the country of Djafuna of Masudi, and the 
island of Chezbeza of Edrisi. 


Here terminates the enumeration of publications of the purely 
geographical kind which I have issued up to the present time. I have ia 
progress the volume entitled Géography historique, phystque ef mathémaheut, 
in which are given in detail all my observations, and which will be 
accompanied by maps on a large scale of all my routes, and of the 
various pasts of the country which I have surveyed with the theodolite. 
At present the only part which has appeared is that containing fac- 
similes of ancient maps, to the number of 43, which I have had 
reproduced with the object of showing the successive phases through 
which the mapping of Madagascar has passed. 


Translated from the French of ALFRED GRANDIDIER. 
By JAMES SIBRER, JUN. (ED.) 





* This beautifal and interesting map of Imerina is reproduced in Captain Oliver’s recent 
hook Madagascar.—J.S. 

t Since the above was written, the letter-press of the historical portion of M. Grandidier’s 

eat work has been issued, pp. 96, containing an elaborate and minute account of all the 
eatures of the coasts of Madagascar. Another geographical pamphlet, not included in the 
above list, has been published by M. Grandifier giving an account of the East Coast 
“Lagoons, a translation of which I gave in last year’s ANNUAL (No, X. pp, 205-208).—J.S. 


THE ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL, 343 








THE AFFINITIES OF MALAGASY WITH THE 
MELANESIAN LANGUAGES. 


Wwe staying in England in 1885, I received, through a friend, a 
y copy of the Rev. Dr. Codrington’s new book entitled Zhe Mela- 
nestan Languages, in exchange for a copy of the Vew Malagasy English 
Dictionary; and the editors of the Annual have kindly placed a few pages 
at my disposal for the purpose of calling attention to some of the most 
striking ‘‘affinities’’ with Malagasy which Dr. Codrington has noted. The 
reading of this book has been a real pleasure to me; and I am sure all 
students of the Malagasy language will be interested in the many notable 
similarities I propose to point out. 

At the outset, let me say that I regret that such a thorough investigator 
as Dr. Codrington should not have had better material to base his compari- 
sons upon, as far as Malagasy is concerned, than Crawford’s antiquated 
list of words, Dr. Parker's 6) Concise Grammar of the Malagasy Lan- 
guage, Outlines fie Grammar of the Malagasy anguage, Grammaire 
Méaigache, anda Malagasy Grammar by E. Baker, which Dr. Codrington 
says (p. 101, note) were the authorities (?) he consulted. For, of these books, 
the first contains many errors; Dr. Parker’s work is a piracy of the Rev. 
W. E, Cousins’s book, and where minor changes have been made they are 
mostly wrong; M. Marre de Marin and Dr. H. N. Van der Tuuk probably 
have only a theoretical acquaintance with Malagasy; and the Grammar of 
Mr. Baker is very antiquated and constructed too much on the model of 
European grammars. Under these circumstances it cannot be a matter of 
surprise that Dr. Codrington has fallen into some errors, as far as Malagasy 
is concerned; my surprise is, however, that they are so few. 

‘‘We may demur to some of his statements and views, but the book, upon 
the whole, 1s pervaded by a penetrating spirit of research and independence 
of criticism which is quite refreshing. The author takes nothing for granted, 
nothing on trust, does not hover over the surface of the phenomena, but 
strives hard to get to the real root of the matter. Probably some of his 
statements could have been put in a clearer form. Buta pleasant and perspi- 
cuous form is not often coupled with deep research and keen critica 
insight.’’ So writes one of our most profound students of Malagasy, the 
Rev. L. Dahle, to whom I lent the book, and who carefully read and 
annotated some parts of it and made many remarks confirming, and in some 
instances expanding, the notes I had already made in the work in prepara- 
tion for this article. Mr. Dahle further adds: ‘‘That he should make some 
mistakes in the Malagasy, as pointed out in your notes, was only natural. 
I found the book to be one after my own heart. It has been quite a treat to 
me; I have met with no other author whose views with regard to the Oceanic 
languages have agreed so with my own.” 

But to turn to the book itself. Pages 36—100 are occupied with vocabu- 
laries ; seventy words in forty Melanesian languages are given from Mr. A. 
R. Wallace’s list,* and, for comparison, the corresponding ones in Malay, 
Malagasy, and the New Zealand Maori. The lists fill fourteen out of the 
sixty-five pages, and the rest consist of notes on each word, bristling with 
points of interest to students of Malagasy. 

I would call attention first to the spelling of Malagasy words. Dr. Codring- 
ton sometimes writes z for y, and # for 0. We know that in common with 
most philologists Dr. Codrington objects to our use of y, and urges with 


¢ In Zhe Malay Archipelago, vol. ii., pp. 476—S01. 


344 THE AFFINITIES OF MALAGASY 


others that we never should have adopted the o for the # sound. Why did 
not Dr. Codrington adopt the y and the w throughout ? and then we could 
have seen how such a way would help us in comparisons. We admit that 
y is a mere substitute for ¢ at the end of a word, and we could well do without 
it; and it is true that our use of o for # is the only case in the Malayo-Poly- 
nesian languages where it occurs. We would gladly see the y cut out, but 
the o presents a difficulty, inasmuch as many of the tribes outside Imérina 
give a distinctly open é sound for our Hova 0; and while in Imerina we 
pronounce d/ona as uluna, they say o/ona, as an Englishman unacquainted 
with Malagasy would also do. 

If we were now settling the Malagasy alphabet, I should be inclined to 
reject y, substitute @z for 7, and thus reduce the letters to nineteen instead 
of twenty-one. We could not well substitute the w for 0, for we should still 
require the o for the interjection. I fear we could not carry the natives with 
us. How should we like, or how would they like, Rainilaiarivuni for Raini- 
laidrivény ; Ranavalumandzaka for Ranavalomanjaka; dzamda for zamba; 
or midzidzidzidz2t for mt gyn ? Then think of Dzakuda for Jakoba! and, 
still worse, Dzesust for Jesosy | From a philological point of view the y is a 
mere fad; there is just as much and no more to be said for the retention 
of 7 for dz, as there is to lead us to adopt new characters for the consonants 
ndr,ar,mb,ng, tr, ntr,and ts; but I fear we must leave the alphabet alone. 

To proceed to the List of Words. The first word is ‘ashes;’ the Malagasy 
equivalent is given as /avénona, of which veno is the true primitive (?) root, 
and in the provinces we have /avénoka; but there is the Malagasy word 
vovoka, ‘dust,’ as a substantive, and ‘worm-eaten’ as an adjective ; and out 
of the forty words given by Dr. Codrington under ‘ashes,’ about thirty contain 
hu, vu, wo, vuvu, du, nu, etc. 

In the second word, ‘bad,’ the Malagasy word given is rdfsy; and Dr. 
Codrington is I think right in saying this may represent the rakat of the 
Malay Archipelago and the 7aa# of the Malay. The true root is probably 
hat, and it should be remembered that in the provinces rafsy is shortened 
to vazy, thus showing a true affinity between the Melanesian and Malagasy. 

In the word for ‘banana,’ the provincial Malagasy ds#z¢sy (found also as 
d¢sy, and Admtsy) has been taken, and not the Hova word ahéndro; and Dr. 
Codrington ingeniously shows that this word, differing from the Malay 
ptsang, has a close resemblance to several of the Melanesian words, espe- 
cially Ulawa, Malanta, Saa, and Malanta Bululaha Aste. This is more 
striking still if we remember what has just been written about rafsy and 
vaty; for if ra¢ty equals ratsy, surely huts of the Melanesian languages 
is the very elle of provincial Malagasy. (Cf. /désy and fdty, atsimo and 
atimo, etc. 

The fourth word, ‘belly,’ seems to offer little similarity, for the Malagasy 
is 4/60, and in the forty words of the Melanesian there is no resemblance; 
but I notice that in fifteen of them there is either a 40, og, fog, g, or a com- 
bination of these three letters. Can these fifteen be compared with the Ma- 
lagasy provincial word ¢7dka or ¢réky ? This seems to me to be very probable. 
_ But further, Dr. Codrington in his notes (p. 55), in calling attention to the 
' Malagasy word for bowels, ¢sznay, says that ésae is the Banks’ Is. word for 
the same He has not been aware of the fact that “ay is always used in the 
provinces. Note again that the Zs is used in Imerina for 7 in the provinces, 
and is also so used in the Melanesian, Malay and Polynesian languages. 

The fifth and sixth words, those for ‘bird’ and ‘black,’ clearly derived from the 
Malay, seem to have nothing in common with the Melanesian, save that the 
prefix ma in mainty (primitive root s#Zy) is found in three dialects. 

In the next word, ‘blood,’ the Malagasy ra (cf. Malay darak) seems to be 


WITH THE MELANESIAN LANGUAGES. = 345 





he real root; and it appears in no less than twenty-three of the Melanesian 
vords. 

The eighth word, ‘boat,’ is very interesting. There seems nothing to con- 
rect the alagasy lakana with the Malay grax; but the Maori wkaka, and 
hirty-one of the Melanesian words aka, haka, vaka, faka, etc., surely point 
o something incommon. The resemblance is again more striking when we 
cnow that /géa is the primitive root and is still in use in the provinces for 
‘akana, which is only used in Imerina. Unfortunately Dr. Codrington says 
ynly canoes constructed with planks are properly called aka, vaka, etc. ; for 
n Madagascar /aka or lakana means a canoe made by hollowing out the 
runk of a tree, the words /akam-Zidra and lakan draftira being used for 
yuilt canoes. ° 

The Malagasy zdnaka, a child, offspring (primitive root 2naa), is undoubt- 
-dly the same as the Malay, but there seems nothing in common with it 
n the Melanesian words having a similar meaning. 

The word for ‘cocoa-nut,’ as #“, #%%, and /s, appears in nearly twenty of 
Dr. Codrington’s list; and he rightly points out that this is the Malagasy 
niho, although it appears in Malagasy always as vdaniho, i.e. ‘fruit of the 
nt ho.’ 


There is a strange mistake in the Malagasy word he uses for ‘cold.’ It 
appears on page 41 as mad/aina, which is really lazy,’ an adjective in ma 
from root /aizma. The Malagasy words for cold are Aatsiaka, 8. and man- 
gatsiaka, adj. The word ftry, coldness, and ma/itry, painful, grievous, seem 
to have a likeness to the Matabello marzrz, Mota mamarir, Ceram maka- 
rikz, and the Maori makartrt. There is another word for coldness and 
frigidity in Malagasy, viz. ndva, making an adjective manara. 

nder the word ‘ear’ he gives sdjima as the Malagasy word, and in his 
notes draws attention to the Sdkalava fadiny; but it should be remembered 
that fadiny is used for the foramen of the earin Imerina; and 27 and d@ are very 
frequently interchangeable, a @ in an Imerina or Hova word frequently becom- 
ing Zin the provinces, and wsce versd. Cf. kél/zkély in Imerina becoming 
kedtkedy among the Bara, and perhaps among other provincial tribes also. 
Hence there is here a great resemblance between Malagasy, Melanesian, 
and Micronesian. 

The identification of the Malagasy aftdy (or af/y in the provinces) with 
the Malay ¢w/or and eighteen of the Melanesian group is very easy. 

A more intimate acquaintance with Malagasy would have enabled Dr. 
Codrington to see that while in Imerina the common word for father is ray, 
the words 20a, baba, dda, dada, etc., are also used, and these may Be com- 
pared with the Malay daa, dada, etc. 

The word for ‘finger’ in Malagasy, rdntsan-tanana (lit. ‘branch of the 
hand’), seems to have no connection with any of the Melanesian words, but - 
has an affinity with the Malay ranfunag; but Dr. Codrington points out 
that in the Malay Archipelago some compounds of /#ma, a hand, are found, 
and this leads me to think there is a connection between the Malagasy dimey, 
five (prov. Zimsy), and the word /sma so used. 

For ‘fire’ we have an interesting list of words: d/o in Malagasy; ‘‘Malay, 
afi; Polynesian, ahs, afi, and others eff, at/, yaf, yap; Bourir, Amblaw, 
and Ceram, afu, ahu, yafo; and through the Malagasy a/o, lead on to 
aow and hao. In Melanesia the variation is not so great: auf and ev differ 
little; but if, as is probable, £afz and gai, kapu, gapo, cap are the same 
word, there is enough to show a very close connection between the lan. 
guages.’’ There is a still further connection, for the Malagasy word for 
heat is /4a, adj. mafdéna, hot, which appears in the Malay Jaxas, Friendly 


® See a short paper by Mr, Dahle on this word, later on in this ANNUAL.—EDs, 


34.6 THE AFFINITIES OF MALAGASY 





Is. mafana, and others dafanet, mofanas, etc.; and Dr. i thinks 
this may be the same as the Fiji waga, and the Faté Jaga, for g=agg, aml 


= £. 

aD. Codrington shows that the Malagasy fiana or fa, which is only used 
in the provinces of Madagascar for ‘fish,’ has a number of relations in y; 
Maori, Magshall Is., and Mota, as representing many other languages in the 
Malay Archipelago, Polynesia, Micronesia, and Melanesia. 

Lalitra, a fly, Malay /a/at, is again widely distributed; for the 4 o 

Je appears in no less than thirty of Dr. Codrington’s list of Melanesian words. 

e hardly know whether to trace a resemblance between ahdho, a fowl, 
and the £ua, kokoroka of the Melanesian, or not. AKdhokohko in Malagasy 
is a word used in calling a fowl, and has its usual passive and intransitive 
verbs in sa and mz-. The name may have arisen from its cluck. The word 
hikolahy again is uttered by the Malagasy when a hen is sitting, in the hope 
of its eggs producing cock chickens, end. hkikovavy when hen-chickens are 
desired. Then we have the Swahili uss. It is difficult to say with which 
of these the Malagasy word is connected.*® 

The word for ‘fruit’ again is very widely distributed, and there are some 
others in the list about which much could be written; but the space allotted 
for this paper will not admit of a detailed review of all, more especially as 
the ‘‘Short Comparative Grammar’’ of Dr. Codrington’s book (pp. 101—193) 
is much more interesting to Malagasy students, as showing how much there 
is in Melanesian resembling Malagasy. 

There is a very interesting page or two at the beginning devoted to the 
Demonstrative Particles, in which our sty, iy, s¢sy, try, aty, ary, and any 
are compared with the Malay 2z#2, this, sf, that, sez, here, ssf, there; 
Maori ve?, this near me, #a, that near you, va, that far; and Marshall Is. 
kein, this, with the same meanings; and he then writes: ‘‘In these the 
particle #a, ”e, #z, so common in Melanesia, is conspicuous. No form with 
# appears; and unless ~ has taken the place of it, no 7. In Maori and in 
Malagasy #2 and ra point afar, which may very well be Zs and Ja of Mela- 
nesia.’’ Mr. Dahle refers us to his article in ANNUAL VIII. p. 79, for some 
remarks about these demonstrative particles. 

The notes on the Definite Article are very striking. The article used in 
thirty islands is given, and I notice that in all but three appears; in two 
of the remaining ones there is o and /o, and in the others ve. Dr. Codring- 
ton rightly sees a connection with this ever-recurring * or a and our 
Malagasy #y; but as Mr. Dahle in the article just mentioned has treated 
the matter fully from a Malagasy point, we need do no more here than simply 
refer to it. 

The Personal Article is very common though not universal in Melanesia, 
and is used exactly as our personal articles are in Malagasy. ‘‘O vaé¢ in 
Mota is a stone, # Va? is Stone, a man’s name.’’ This article, he says, 
‘‘varies but very little, being ¢, e, a.’’ J is in use in ten islands; e in Vanua 
and Torres Is., and a in five; so that the # predominates. Dr. Codrington, 
in referring to our use of the ¢ before common names of relationship—father, 
mother, etc.—says: ‘‘In this latter particular also the correspondence with 
Melanesian use 1s complete.’’ He further adds: ‘‘The use then of a personal 
article,t a remarkable feature in a language, is found to prevail in Melanesia, 
Polynesia, in Madagascar and, almost certainly, inthe Malay Archipelago. 
The meaning and use is identical........The common possession of this 

* Probably these are all merely examples of onomatopwia.—EDS. 

+ In Dr. Codrington's book all these parts of speech are printed with a capital ; we have not 


thought it necessary to follow him so literally in this rather unusual modeof spelling common 
nouns. --ED&, 


WITH THE MELANSSIAN LANGUAGES. 347 


iin 








feature is cettainly a point to be moted in the compativos of the Ocean lan- 
guages. 

In reading through the Pronouns, { cannot fied any striking resemblance, 
except in the third person, where s occurs sit or seven times; but in the fact 
that in all the Melanesian languages there are two forms of the first peréoh, 
the saclustve and the exclusive, which correspond exactly with the Malagasy, 
a most interesting connection is evidenced. After giving alist of the Malagasy 

rononns, Dr. Codrington writes: ‘The resemblance between these and the 

elanesian pronouns Is certainly not easy to see.” He draws attention to 
the re making a plural, which we know Mr, Dahle holds to be the contracted 
form of réz, and | think Dr. Codrington is probably mistaken in trying to 
make out that the ve of our pronouns in the third person va of Melanesia. 

In the Suffix Pronouns the resemblances between the Melanesian and our 
own are too great to be attributed to mere accident. In the first peftson, 
four languages have &u, the exact sound of our own 40, seven gw, some of 
which are nasal 2g, nine have 4, one (Fiji) has gz, others have g, Re, Zo, 
and only one, Duke of York, has #. In the second person, mt, mu, or rv 
predominate ; but in the #:7d person, out of thirty-one islands or groups, im 
only one case is an # missing. Further, Dr. Codrington points out that the 
Maori ahd Polynesian possessives are Au, ve, and a; and after comparison 
and reference to the Malay, he says: ‘It is a common possession in ail 
these archipelagos; and this unites the languages together in very remark- 
able manner. From whatever region, by whatever routes, they have reached 
their present seats, it is evident that these pronouns were among them before 
they separated.’’ In passing, let me remark that Dr. Codrington has pleased 
Mr. Dahle in one paragraph, p. 127, in which he says: ‘The pronouns 
suffixed are used in the same way in Malagasy with some verbs: fa-ho, I 
love, vdso-o, I kill, which, if explained as the Santa Cruz example, are ‘mine 
the loving.’ ‘my killing.’’’ Mr. Dahle has annotated the paragraph as 
follows: ‘‘Yes, quite correct.”” I do not wish to re-open the question of 
passive verbs, but I would respectfully point out that the fa to which the to 
18 suffixed is not fa at all, but the passive tana, and the aa has dropped, 
as is the case with all trisyllabic words with accent on antepenult ; and 
vonoko is not used, but vomdrko, from the derivative passive verb vondina. No 
Malagasy would use vonofo for ‘my killing,’ in the sense of ‘killed by me.’ 

I may also note in passing that while there seems little resemblance 
between Melanesian and Malagasy Interrogatives, Dr. Codrington says they 
do not say ‘‘What is his name ?” but ‘‘Who ?”’ exactly as the Malagas do. 
In Lepers’ Island there is an excellent illustration of similarity wit ala- 
gasy, which I must quote at length: ‘There is in that language the word 

eno or hen ...... which stands in the place of a proper noun which is not 
known or not remembered. If the question is asked J keno? Who? the 
question is not who he is, but what his name is. Ifa person fails to remem- 
ber the name of another, he asks J heso? What is his name? The reply 
gives the name. In Florida kamu is used.’’ Now let us remember that ¢ is 
used for zy in the provinces, notably in Bétsiléo, and za for zza. Then we 
have in Imerina Anona, [anona, Radnona, etc., and provincial Azo; so 
that dropping the 2, # kano of Lepers’ Island and a hkanu of Florida look 
like genuine Malagasy words. Ifa Betsileo asks ‘Who is he?’ he would say 
‘la ano?’ 

In the Nouns there seems to be a resemblance to our relative nouns, the 
terminations being ama, ma, ena, tna. For instance, in the New Hebrides, 
rasa, to come, rasuana, coming. It certainly is a matter worth keeping 
before one’s mind, for I think we havehere a closer affinity than we have thought 
of before. Take the Malagasy réso and rostana. The meaning is different 


348 THE AFFINITIES OF MALAGASY 





from that of the New Hebrides, but the construction seems identical. Take 
another example from Florida: dosa, to speak, dosana, his speaking; but 
when the verbal substantive is formed by adding a to dosa, the suffixed 
pronoun makes Josaana, and the meaning is passive, ‘his being spoken to.’ 

r. Codrington adds: ‘‘The verbal nouns of the Malagasy ending in ans 
have a clear relation to those of the Polynesian and Melanesian lan " 
I should, however, like to know to which of our aa he refers. For instance, 
we have the word 72¢y in Malagasy, which we think is from the Malay &&4, 
tituyan, abridge. The original is not in use in Imerina, as I doubt whether 
the provincial feZy is the same. From this word “ety we get, by adding 
suffixes, /e/ezz7na, v. pass., to be walked through ; s#efezana, v. rel, referring 
to time, place, manner, etc. ; 4e¢ézama, verbal noun, a bridge. 

Each of these has a suffix: the passive verb sma; the relative verb axa, 
and prefix #, from the mz of the active verb; and the verbal noun aaa. | 
trust that our new Dictionary, which I learn Dr. Codrington has received, 
may help him to study these forms ; and it is be hoped that the clear arrange- 
ment of the words, and the regular order in which all forms are given, may 
enable philologists to trace affinities with other languages in a way not possi- 
ble before. 

The next subject treated of by Dr. Codrington is the Prepositions, and 
here again there are some very close affinities with Malagasy. Inno less than 
twenty-four of the languages referred to by him there is a close resemblance to 
our prepositions ¢ and a, in tmdso and amdrony, etc. ‘‘The simple locatives 
a, t,é appear throughout the whole Melanesian area.’’ He identifies our 
preposition avzy with the Mota ama, and in this we think he is right, although 
a writer in the Madagascar Times has been trying to show that we have no 
word amy inthe language.* I cannot agree with him; for, if there were 
nothing else to disprove his theory, the very fact of our having amssko is to 
my mind sufficient to prove that amy is the root; for were it amesmy, we 
should most certainly have amino and not amzko. There is no other word 
inthe language which rejects a #y before adding a suffix, and surely we 
cannot base a theory on an exception, and an exception which also violates 
the ordinary rules of the language. 

Our prepositions a, an, amy (amby? avy?) Dr. Codrington compares 
with the Melanesian prepositions, and says the Melanesian locative a is 
represented by a, as in av; and the other prepositions are compounded with 
this a2, answering precisely to the Mota compound prepositions asa and 
ape. I confess that I can hardly follow him here. In the Malagasy lan- 
guage an a or # prefixed to a noun makes a preposition, as mdso, the eye, 
tmaso or tmasony, before the eyes; the final zy Dr. Codrington would have 
us believe is a genitive preposition, and gives us the example rdusny my aso, 
rauin’ ny hazo, or ravin-kazo=leaf of a tree. We may accept this, 4 think. 
He has another interesting note on the ¢ of ‘amy, as a tensal sign, and tells 
us that in Mota an adverb of place is formed by the prefix “a; e.g. avea, 
where ? Zavea, belonging to what place? and says: ‘‘One may doubt whether 
it is not this sense which in Malagasy is transferred to, or is taken for, that 
of past time.’’ To my mind this 7a is very significant. Take, for instance, 
the word aéza ? or aia ? where ? and the past ofthe same, faitza? and éaia? 
How very like the avea and favea of Mota? 

Then again he says: ‘‘There is a much more characteristic and more 
widely applicable correspondence between the Malagasy and the Melanesian 
use of the preposition az, a.’’ Further down he says: ‘‘It isa difficulty io 
teaching geography to Melanesians to make them clearly apprehend that 
Asia, Africa and America are not Sia, Frika, Merika, with the preposition o; 


® See Mr. Dahle’s paper, pp. 291-294, ante, —ED8, 


WITH THE MELANESIAN LANGUAGES. 349 





ly is that manner of using the name of a place in accordance with 
' of speech.’’ {ust think of our Antsy, Ankdratra, Antanana, 
z, etc., etc., and then we see how close is the affinity. 
Adverbs we do not see so close a resemblance, but I have noted 
1em that a maran is used for ‘at light,’ and I have been reminded 
ileo use of amaray, meaning ‘in the morning.’ 
jjectives give us a fine field for comparison. Dr. Codrington fills 
ages in treating of adjectives formed by suffixes, which are mostly 
t, ya, tna; and having shown how common they are, he says that 
ae Malay nor the Indian Archipelago vocabularies show any adjec- 
tination, and adds: ‘‘The Malagasy equally fails us.’’ Such is 
ase, however ; there is a large class of adjectives formed by suffixes. 
grammars, before my Malagasy for Beginners was published, had 
them with a line or at most two ; but in preparing my book I made 
r list, which can be extended, of ‘“‘Adjectives formed by Suffixes ;’’ 
. E. Cousins, in his revised ‘‘Concise Introduction’’ prefixed to the 
ionary, gives them a place (p. xlii.): ‘‘Root with affix s#a, ana, 
th a reference for further illustrations to my book. Let Malagasy 
read the following from Dr. Codrington’s book :—‘‘Maori adjectives 
yeculiar form, but in Samoan the addition of @ to a noun makes an 
» AS... 6. Jatufatua, stony, from fats, a stone. It is at once 
hat this is the termination ga, so common in Melanesian ;”’ and think 
fo, a stone, vatozna, stony; élrfva, a worm, olertna, worm-eaten } 
mouth, vavdna, talkative, loquacious; dika, shape, ds4dnza, shapely, 
Following Dr. Codrington’s reasoning, I would say: ‘‘It is at once 
hat this is the termination ga, so common in Melanesian.’’ So that 
y, instead of ‘‘equally”’ failing us, shows a very strong likeness to 
‘tives of Melanesia formed by suffixes. 
rge number of Malagasy adjectives formed by prefixing #sa to a 
vsa close affinity with Melanesian languages. Let the following 
from Dr. Codrington’s book speak for themselves :— 


[ota: he says: ‘There is a prefix of condition ma.” 

[otlav : ” ‘The prefixes #a and ma.” . 

olow: » “The prefixes m-, ¢- are those of condition.” 

ak: ” "Adjectives have the grefix of condition ma." 

eon and Sasar: ,, “The prefix ma............characteristic of adjectives,” 

lerlav : ” “The prefix ma is common to adj ectives.” 

"0g : ” ‘* Mevesom, rich; mansom, avaricious,’ 

orbarbar : ” “The prefix of conditions ma.” 

0: » 6 oseaseous and the prefix me, ma." 

[aewo : ” “The adjectival prefixes ma and fa." . 

ba: ” “The prefix of condition ma is common to adjectives and 
verbs. 

spirito Santo: ,, “The prefix #a:>ma appears.” . 

esake " ‘‘Adjectives very frequently have the prefix of coridition ria.” 

agatl : ” “The prefix of condition ma is common to adjectives and 
verbs.”’ 

lorida : '» “The prefix ma, as in other languages, shows condition and 
is found in adjectives,” 

uke of York: ,, “Many adjectives begin with ma, the commion prefix of 
condition,” 


; of 34 Melanesian languages under consideration, 16, or nearly 
have a close resemblance to the large class of adjectives in Mala- 
inning with ma, or m, as madio, mahitsy, ména, mdvo, md4rina, 
where the meaning of the prefix is exactly similar. Surely this ig 
nan accidental resemblance. I have carefully gone through the 
f expressing comparison of adjectives in Melanesian, but I can find 
corresponding to our 44a and wého. But I think Dr. Codrington’s 


‘\ 


$56 THE AFFINITIES OF MALAGASY 








data, and my own, based on the adjectives formed by suffixes and pre 
Prove that a very close affinity exists between adjectives in Melanesia 

alagasy. . 

Next in order come the Verbs, and in these I confess I am eome 
disappointed ; for, from what I had seen in articles, particles and adjec 
I expected to find many affinities here. I will try, however, to pick out al 
is interesting to us, and at the same time point out Dr. Codrington’s mi 
ceptions. 

As far as the fact of verbal particles being used is concerned, there 
close resemblance, for they are universal in Melanesia and Polynesi: 
are found in Micronesia also, but the particles are not at all lik 
mt, man, mampt, mampan, etc., etc. In referring to our Malagas} 
ticles he says: ‘‘A certain obscurity belongs to the practice of writin 
particle in one with the verb, verbal particles appear with change accc 


have ma, changing to ka and ma for future and past, but we have no 
as he says. ‘The main point of comparison is the common use in Mal 


is to love, with the verbal particle we safe, vatase, to cause to love, an 
with the verbal particle we va/ape ; we corresponds to ma, va to m 
true verb is ¢aZe and afta. In this there is the double corresponde! 
the verbal particle and the causative prefix. In the Philippine lang 
the prefix m changes into # to mark the past time.”’ 

The above quotations are very interesting to us, in spite of Dr. Codrin, 
misunderstanding of our prefixes. He has evidently not perceivet 
manka is a prefix itself, and that “a, and not Aafia, is the root of the 
We can easily form other examples from our prefixes, and the use of 
prefixes in both languages points to some common origin. The fact 
m in the Philippine language changing to # for the past tense corres 
exactly to our use. 

In Maori he tells us, on the authority of Dr. Maunsell, that ‘‘the | 
particles are words which have no meaning in themselves, but which 
fixed to a word, endue it with the qualities of a verb.’’ This again is t 
our Malagasy verbal prefixes. 

On page 1 3 Dr. Codrington gives a list of the verbal prefixes, whi 
atranges in four columns, headed Causative, Reciprocal, Condition 
Spontaneity. The Causative is almost universally va alone, or, withas 
syllable, 4a, ga ; it is a in the Loyalty Is., and becomes wa in Duke of 
while in Savo 1t is av, which seems peculiar. Dr. Codrington urges thi 
va is the whaka, faka, aka, etc., of the Polynesian languages; anc 
there can be little doubt that the Malagasy prefix mda is the 
basing his opinion on a quotation made by Marre de Marin from B 
Malagasy Grammar. Then he says that the causative intercalary a 
to be the causative prefix fa, and gives the illustrations mandéha, ' 
mampandéha, to cause to g0; manao, to do, mampanao, to make t 
miditra, to enter, mam pidttra, to cause to enter ; mzdéaka, to go out, m 
baka, to cause to go out. Then he says: ‘‘To call the particle inter 
misleads, for the verb is nao, deka, d#ra, as is shown by the change 


WITH THE MELANESIAN LANGUAGES. $51 





=rbal particle from ma or mz to ha, na, ht, nt."” We eee that he is again 
t error in the above quotation, for we know that feo, /éha, and idstra (or 
-w') are the true roots. We ate surprised to see that he writes: ‘‘To write 
he verbal particle separate from the verb prevents the misconception con- 
™ved in the word ‘intercalary.’ Inthe Malagasy words above, in mandeha. 
elongs to d, not to ma, and the causative prefix appears as ma, mpz, for 
«, i, fa, fr, in accordance with the use of the languages.’’ Of course we 
Ennot assent to some of these statements, and Mr. Dahle has added to my 
otes on this page: ‘The author is going astray on this point.’’ But while 
re cannot agree to the statements about ao, deha, and dtra, and of the » 
n mandeha not belonging to the ma, we can very readily accept what he 
ges on the question of there being an affinity between Malagasy and the 
Aelanesian language t the use oF causative prefixes. 

The Reciprocal prefixes are given as existing in twenty-one Melanesian 
anguages; they seem to be two, represented by vez and var, with variations 
o vut, hei, hat, fat, we ande. Here he again strives to show the intimate 
‘connection between Malagasy and Melanesian; but unfortunately he again 
alls into the error of 4a#za being the root of mz/ankatia, and seemingly of 
‘onsidering katahofra the root of mamptifankatéhotra. We must be con- 
ent therefore in going no further than saying that Malagasy and Melanesian 
ire alike in having reciprocal verbal particles, although the particles in 
hemselves are totally different. 

‘The prefixes of Condition ma, fa, are again almost universal in the 
Melanesian languages.’’ Inthe list twenty have ma, me, or m’, and in 
others Za, 7, and da take their place. In his examples he gives wora, asun- 
jer, mawora, broken asunder; ave, to tear, mahare, torn. These are very 
much like our for, sleep, matory, to sleep, as we have usually rendered it, 
but if we say asleep, the analogy is complete. This surely is an important 
matter to be remembered in our study of Malagasy. 

The prefix for Spontaneity appears in thirteen of Dr. Codrington’s list, as 
fara, tav, ava, tapa, etc. What he says is worth quoting : ‘‘An example from 
Mota will explain it: to untie a rope is to #/ it, but a rope that has not been 
untied by anybody, but has come untied by itself, ##e favau/. The same is the 
case when the prefix is not applied to a verb: ~aa in Mota is ‘up,’ favarake 
is to get up, not to be raised, to get up of one’s self... . The resemblance be- 
tween the Malagasy ¢@/a and the Banks’ Is. Zava is so complete in form and 
signification, and this in a fine point of meaning, that, considering the space 
of ocean that separates the languages, it is a matter of astonishment that 
it should exist. It is impossible that it should be accidental; it could not 
be introduced by Malays or Polynesians who have it not; it must have sur- 
vived no one can tell what vicissitudes and changes, in a course of years 
which no one can number, and presents itself, like a rare species of plant or 
flower in isolated and widely separated localities, a living and certain proof 
of common origin and kindred.’ The above quotation is of extreme interest 
to all concerned in the study of languages, and we heartily endorse every 
word he says. But for the sake of philologists who are not Malagasy 
scholars we must add that fafa has other meanings in Malagasy. It is 
sometimes used exactly like voa, as a genuine passive prefix: eg. ‘‘Zafa- 
tsangan' ny mpandrafitra ny hazo’’ means ‘‘Has been set up by the 
carpenter the wood.’’ Sometimes it also implies that the subject of the 
sentence has come into the state implied by the root, undesignedly (cf. Mew 
Mal.-Eng. Dictionary, p. §97, tafa). While I was preparing the Dic- 
tionary the native who gave me an illustration of the ¢#7vd meaning of fafa 
paid; “Suppose you are knocking a table with no intention of disturbing 
anything, but your knocking disturbs or shakes the pens on the rack, the 


453 THE AFFINITIES OF MALAGASY 





pens would be #a/ahétstka; and again, windows made to rattle by 
explosion of gunpowder would also be fafahefssha.’’ The meaning se 
passive in such instances, and led me to put fafa with the passive pref 
seeing that like the voa and a it takes the suffix pronouns as the agent. 

Dr. Codrington, in concluding his notice of the verbs, writes: ‘‘M. M 
de Marin maintains that a Malagasy verb with affix, in its radical s 
indicates a passive, and that the various prefixes make the verb a 
neuter, causative or reciprocal.’’ ‘“‘On ne saurait trop insister sur ce & 
curieux et qui est l’une des assises fondamentales de grammaires malgi 
malayse et javanese.’’ Unfortunately M. Marre de Marin is in error in 
The passive prefixes are 

A- as vafitra, avafitra 

Voa- ,, ” voura fiiva 

Tafa- ,, » tafaraftra, 
and then there are passives with suffixes; e.g. rafttva becomes ra/é 
etc. The word raftra in the new Dictionary gives a good illustrati 
the prefixes and es, passive and active. 

In the reduplication of verbs also we have another affinity, althougt 
Codrington does not quite understand the Malagasy custom in such ¢ 
He says: ‘‘It should be observed, as concerns form of reduplication, 
though prefixes, causative and other, are reduplicated with the vert 
verbal particles never are. TZhzs 2s the case also 1n Malagasy.’’ I 
emphasised the last sentence because I cannot agree to it. This i 
the case in Malagasy. No prefix is ever reduplicated, and even the 
final syllables ma, 2a, and fra are frequently thrown off from the forme: 
before adding the second. To take one of Dr. Codrington’s words ; 
illustration, mifampankat#ata. Mifampanka is the compound { 
which we call reciprocal causative, the word ¢sa is the root, and only . 
reduplicated, giving the verb a /ess intense meaning than if used ji 
Reduplication of a verb never emphasises its meaning. It does, hov 
sometimes indicate continuance or repetition. as in manitsakitsaka (r 
licated root Aitsaa, with prefix man), the meaning of which is to tri 
on repeatedly (cf. New Mal.-Eng. Dictionary, p. 267, httsaka). 

The last point to which I would call attention is that of the Numerals 
have long known that the Malagasy numerals as a whole bear a g 
esemblance to the numerals of Polynesia and the Malay Archipela 
to the Malay. Mr. Wallace's list, quoted by Dr. Codrington, is as follo 


In 33 languages for one, 22 have some form of sa 


” two, 390 ” ua 
bs vite aa ” fol 

49 Our, ” 

” five, 3 ” ima 
3 Siz, go ” tite 
; seven 29 

r et he, 24 i waln 
ih HEME, 29 9 $80 

” ben, 12 ”) pulu 


Dr. Codrington says that the decimal series of Melanesia is identical 

that just given of the great majority of the languages of the Malay / 

pelago, but not with Malay itself. We only need to put Madagasc 
elanesia in the above sentence to show how close is the affinity. 

Some of Dr. Codrington’ s analogies and derivations may at times 
far-fetched to a casual observer, but I think it will be admitted that he 
rally succeeds in proving his case. I would remind Malagasy scholan 
there are many words in Malagasy that seem totally different and y 
really the same, Take the Hova word maszéna and the Bara word . 


WITH THE MELANESIAN LANGUAGES. 353 





vho at first sight would say they were the same? and yet they are. On 
turn from my perilous journey to the S.W. coast, I was lying weary 
iad in a Bara house, and as one after another came trooping in, unable 
stinguish any person in the place owing to the thick smoke, the expres- 
‘‘meka ttoy’’ was always used. Now see how this is mazzina. Eliminate 
the z, as is common in ia for 12a, aia for atza, and mana is left. We 
‘that za, 4a, and éra(?) are interchangeable, e-§- Jast, fasina, and 
a all meaning ‘sand,’ thus we get maka. But I found that the Bara 
rally pronounced the Imerina diphthong a# as e—my guide Rainibébaka 
ys being called Renzbebaka. Hence by a simple process meka is seen 
really the same word as maszina. 
conclusion I would say how much we are indebted to Dr. Codrington for 
ing us, in a far more convincing manner than any other writer we 
‘ of, how close is the affinity of Malagasy with the Melanesian and other 
nic languages. We have known for a ong time that there is a large 
yer of words in the Malagasy resembling alay and other allied lan- 
‘es, for we have nearly 400 such noted in the new Dictionary. The 
imatical construction of the Malay is, however, so different from Malagasy 
we always had to stop at words; but Dr. Codrington shows us that in 
les, pronouns, particles, nouns, verbal forms, prepositions, numerals 
the connection between the Oceanic languages and Malagasy is very 
Hence we are led to the question: hence came the Malagasy ¢ 
not pretend to have the ability to say much on the subject. e all 
‘that the Hova are a different race from the rest of the tribes inhabiting 
sland. All the outlying tribes seem to have more in common with eac 
than the Hova have with any one of them. Have the Hova been 
yht by currents or winds from Polynesia, and having mixed with and 
uered the rest of the Malagasy tribes, given them their language? or 
» I would remind ethnologists and philologists that the eastern coasts 
adagascar are covered with pumice stone brought by the currents from 
reat eruption in Java four years ago. I saw tons of it on the beach 
ahandéro in 1885 ; and during the voyage to Mauritius we passed shoal 
shoal of it still being drifted along. If such vast amounts of pumice 
thus be brought so many thousand miles, could not boats be also 
zht ? I merely wish to draw attention to the fact, leaving competent 
tists to take It into consideration. 1s there not a close resemblance 
2en all these Oceanic languages, Malagasy being the western boun- 
and the isles of the Pacific the eastern? Dr. Codrington has given us 
ist valuable contribution from the Melanesian point of view; and I 
some philologist with time and means at his disposal would take up 
ubject and compare all the grammars of the Oceanic languages and 
ate them as clearly as Dr. Codrington has done his portion of them. We 
ry to do our best for Madagascar, andI donot yet despair of being 
to get a tabulated list of the variations of words among our Malagasy 
3; although I must confess my appeals to missionaries and others, 
es and Europeans, stationed among the various tribes, when the new 
onary was being prepared, brought me the sum of—nothing. Not a 
e word was contributed by any one outside Imerina, although all were 
aled to. JI hope for better things in the future. 
1uch wish the notice of Dr. Codrington’s book had been in more com- 
it hands. In the next ANNUAL I may take up the subject again, as 
are many points of interest in the remaining portions (Pp. 253—572), 
hich he gives us the grammars of the 35 islands whose languages he 


nvestigated. 
J. RICHARDSON. 


354ax- THE ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL. 







Ou 
ery 
THE TRIBAL DIVISIONS OF THE HOVA MALAGASY. |: 


A™. enquiry into the origin of the tribal and caste divisions d§..< 
a people whose authentic written history is still short of af,-: 


ue 


> 


century old must necessarily be attended with considerable difficalty 
and uncertainty ; and all I propose in the present paper is briefly 
indicate some of the chief facts of interest and importance which: 
little enquiry among the Malagasy themselves has elicited as to th 
origin and nature of the various divisions now existing among the native 
of Imérina. 

The name ‘Hova’ among writers on Madagascar is generally applied 
to the whole of the tribe inhabiting the highlands of Imerina, bt 
among the natives themselves the term has usually a narrower 
tation.* In speaking of the whole free population of Imerina, 
names ‘Vy Ambdnilanitra’ (‘The Under-heaven’) or ‘Ny Ambdnidadd 
(‘The Under-the-daylight’) are generally used, while the term Hon 
is usually restricted to one of the chief tribal divisions of the Ambe 
nilanitra. Broadly speaking, the whole population of Imerina be 
classed into three great divisions:—(1) Zhe Andriana ; (2) The ; 
(3) Zhe Mainty. Probably a brief consideration of these one by on 
will form the most convenient division of our subject. | 

I.—THE ANDRIANA. The Andriana form a large and distinct 
or tribe, including the families of the nobility of all ranks from th 
sovereign downwards. They are the privileged aristocracy of the Hova 
people. Numerically they are greatly inferior to either of the other 
divisions, but in a country where popular representation is as yet in its 
veriest infancy, the real administrative power is vested in the highest 
family of Andriana, or rather in the sovereign, who is called pre-emi- 
nently Zhe Andriana, or The Andriamanydka (i.e. the reigning Andriana). 

There are various fabulous:accounts as to the origin of the Andriana. 
Some describe them as descended from the Vazimba, the aboriginal 
inhabitants of the country ; while others ascribe to them a divine origin. 
One of the latter accounts gives the name of Andrfanérinérina as their 
divine progenitor. This Andrianerinerina, it is said, was ‘‘a son of 
God descended from heaven to play with the Vazimba.” The account 
runs as follows :—‘‘God sent down his son to play with the Vazimba, 
and God said, ‘This my son wishes to play with you; but do not take 
him near any sheep, for my son does not eat mutton.’ But one 
impious Vazimba said, ‘Come, let us cook him some food in the pot 
used for cooking mutton, and we will see what will happen.’ And 
when they had cooked it, they made the son of God eat thereof. Now 
when it was evening he was unable to return home, and God said, 
‘Why are you keeping this my son here—below ?” Then the Vazimba 
fled. Then was God angry. ‘Assemble all the Vazimba who are here— 
below,’ said he. And when all the Vazimba were assembled, God 


see cE 


a on om HG 


@ See also p. 305, ant, foot-note, for wider meanings of the word.—EDs. 


OF THE HOVA MALAGASY. 359 


of the Hova, besides their general service to the sovereign, are also in 
Feudal servitude to the Andriana, or lord of the manor, where they ¢ 
happen to reside. Many of the nobles, chiefly of the Andriamasinava- e 
Rona tribe, have large estates in the country, over which they exercise 
a species of sovereignty very similar in kind to that exercised by the 
sovereign over the whole people; indeed the same word ( fanjakdna, 
‘kingdom’) is sometimes used in speaking of the jurisdiction of these - 
lords of the manor, as that employed when referring tothe king or 
queen. 

The lands held by these Andriana are called ménakély; and the same 
term is used in speaking of the Hova who reside within the limits of 
these estates, and who perform feudal service to the Andriana /émpo- 
menakely (lord of the manor). These Hova are little better than slaves ; é 
and some of them are in fact worse off than many of the slaves. In addi- 
tion to the fazompoana, which, as Hova, they have to perform for the . 
sovereign, they have also to pay taxes in money and rice* to the lord ofe 
the manor, besides doing any personal service which he requires, such e 
as digging his rice-fields, building his houses, making his tomb, etc. 

In thinking of the relation in which the Andriana ‘ompo-menakely 
stands to the Hova residing on his estate, one cannot fail to be struck 
with its similarity in many important respects to that subsisting between 
the sovereign and the whole people. And this fact in all probability 
points back to the time when there was no strong central government, 
as at present, but when the whole of Imerina was divided up into a 
number of petty chieftaincies, whose rulers were constantly making 
plundering raids on each other. And when, at a comparatively recent 
date, the contending tribes were reduced to order and united under 
one common sovereign, the government of the latter would be modelled 
on the relationship already existing between the various subjugated 
chieftains and their dependents. At the same time the authority of these 
local chieftains would be as little interfered with as possible; so that the 
present state of things probably forms a direct link with the remote past. 

The rest of the land which is not divided out among the /ompo- 
menakely is called ménabé. The people living on these menabe are not 
subject to any one but the sovereign ;{ it will thus be seen that they are 
much more easily circumstanced than those residing in the menakely, 
since ese latter have a ‘two-fold service’ to perform (/anxompoana réa 
sdsona). 

The origin of the names menabe and menakely seems doubtful, but a not 
improbable etymology derives them from the forms oména be and oména 
kely (‘given much,’ and ‘given little’), originally used, it is said, in refer- 
ring to the amount of land granted by the sovereign to the various » 
nobles or chieftains. 

Before proceeding to enumerate the principal divisions of the Hova 
and the Mainty, we may now briefly refer to one or two further special 
privileges enjoyed by certain ranks of the nobility. 


* In the case of the menakely, the hetra or land-tax referred to above is divided between , 
the Andriana, lord of the manor, and the sovereign. 
+ The land owned by a very near relative of the sovereign appears also to be called menate. , 


360 THE TRIBAL DIVISIONS 





_—ee 


The three classes of Andriana from the Andriantompokoindrindn 
‘> upwards have the privilege of dividing the vddi-héena with the sovereign, 
Whenever an ox is slaughtered the rump must always be reserved 
‘and taken up to the palace, or to the /ompo-menakely in whose district it 
is killed, as the case may be. The reputed origin of this curiow 
practice is rather remarkable. In the time of Ralamhbo, one of the ven 
early sovereigns who reigned at Ambohidrabiby, oxen were calléd 
jamoka, and the people had not yet begun to eat beef. ‘‘And there was 
one poor man who had many children ; and the hedgehogs and partridges 
which he caught were not sufficient to support him and his wife and 
children ; then he went, it is said, and killed a jamoka in the forest and 
brought it to his wife and children, and his children became very plump 
when they ate the flesh of the yamoka. And some one asked him, ‘What 
makes your children so well favoured ? Andhe replied, ‘Hedgehogs and 
partridges.’ ‘Do you mean to say that those things make your children fat 
like this ?? But after a while this man told the king that the flesh of the 
jamoka was savoury. ‘Keep it quiet,’ said the king, ‘and let me taste 
it first, for fear we be killed by the people for eating what our forefathers 
have not eaten ; so the king tasted and found it sweet. And then he went 
to the forest and killed a yamoka and tasted every part of it, and the 
rump he found most savoury of all; so the rump became the portion of 
the Andriana. Then the king collected many oxen and told the people 
that they were good for food.” 


I].—TuHeE Hova. It is very difficult to obtain anything like reliable sta- 
tistics as to the relative numbers of the three principal divisions of the 
inhabitants of Imerina, but probably as many as two-thirds of the whole | 
population belong to the tribe of the Hova proper. The Mainty come 
next in numerical importance, while the Andriana form a comparatively 
small fraction of the total population. 

There are no marked caste divisions among the Hova, as among the 
Andriana ; and such divisions as do exist appear to depend more on mere 

* geographical pdsition than on any radical differences of race. As far | 
as the language affords any indication, the Hova are practically one © 
people; one language is spoken throughout Imerina, the slight dialectic 
variations which are found being much less marked than is the case | 
in England, for instance. But, as has frequently been pointed out, a 
consideration of the physical characteristics of the Hova people would 
seem to suggest a mixed origin. But the question of the probable 
ethnological connexions of the Malagasy has already been frequently 
discussed, and the natives themselves appear to have no current tradition 
which throws any further light on the subject. 

Imerina proper is divided geographically into six districts or counties. 
These are named Avaradrano, Vakinisaony, Ambddirdno, Vakinankara- 

*tra, Vonizongo, and Maravatana. The origin of these divisions is 
ascribed to Andrianampoinimerina. Before the time of this monarch 
the country appears to have been divided into two petty kingdoms called 

> North and South Imerina, the little river Mamba forming the boundary 

‘line between them, and the two towns of Ambohimanga and Antanana- 
rivo being their respective capitals. Southern Imerina, it is said, corres- 





OF THE HOVA MALAGASY. 361 





onded in area with the two districts now called Vakinisaony and Am- 
odirano; and at the time of the accession of Andrianampoinimerina 
» the throne of the northern province, this southern kingdom was 
overned by a prince named Andrianambdatsimardfy. The son of this 
hieftain, who was named Andriamaromandémpo, was conquered by An- 
rianampoinimerina, probably during the last decade of the 18th or 
bout the beginning of the present century, and thus the foundation of 
1e present kingdom of Imerina was laid. ° 

The people of Avaradrano, the original kingdom of the present reign- 
1g house, still enjoy certain privileges, and take precedence of the 
ther provinces in public proclamations, etc. In order clearly to. under- 
tand the relation in which Avaradrano stands to the other divisions 
f Imerina, it will be well briefly to notice the three chief tribes into 
rhich the people of this district are divided. These are called Tsima- 
afotsy, Tsimiamboholahy, and Mandilavato. The origin of these three 
ivisions appears to be no longer remembered, but there are various 
raditions explaining the meanings of their names. One of these may 
ie worth recording. The Tsimahafotsy, it is said, were formerly named 
‘Vilanivy” (Iron-pots) and the Tsimiamboholahy ‘‘Vakitrénga,” and 
his is how their names came to be changed. There was a king reign- 
ng at Ambohimanga named Andriantsimitévidminandriana, who sought 
he hand of a certain princess of the Tsimiamboholahy tribe (whose 
iead-quarters are at Ilafy). But the lady replied, ‘“‘Unless Andriantsimi- 
oviaminandriana will agree to allow my nephew Imavoladhy to succeed 
iim, I will not consent to be his wife.” And the king, on account of his 
ove to the princess, consented, and the two tribes were assembled, 
nda solemn compact entered into, and a ‘stone of witness’ set'up. But 
‘hen the king died, the Tsimahafotsy broke the compact and set his 
iwn son on the throne. As soon as the Tsimiamboholahy heard of this, 
hey sent word to say, “If you overthrow the word of the agreement 
nd the oath which was taken (for behold, the stone of witness is not 
allen, but still stands), then prepare your fortifications, for we are 
oming !” | 


And when the Tsimahafotsy heard this, they said, ‘What shall we do? 


or this is the word of the Tsimiamboholahy, and in truth we are 
reaking the agreement.” So they gave way. Then the Tsimiambo- 
olahy sent word again saying, “Drive out then this king whom you have 
et up, for unless you do this, we will xof turn our backs on you (ésy 
zzamboho anareo), but will make war upon you without more ado.” 

Then the Tsimahafotsy drove out the king by the west gate of Am- 
iohimanga ; and the posts of the gate by which he departed are still 
o be seen to this day resting upon a large fig-tree; but the gate and 
oad are now blocked up, and the sovereign never passes through 
t. That is why the ‘lron-pots’ changed their name to Tsimahafotsy, 
recause they /sy nohafotsy Andriana, i.e., they were not ashamed to 
urn out their prince. 

The origin of the name of the third tribe—the Mandiavato—is said to 
iave been a boast of their ancestor: “‘They who tread on us ¢read on 
tones” (mandia vato), 


‘three thousand men of Avaradrano he gave the name of ‘Vdromahéry | 


362 THE TRIBAL DIVISIONS 





After the conquest of Southern Imerina by Andrianampoinimerina, he 
transferred the seat of government from Ambohimanga to Antananarivo. 
The name of this town was formerly Idlamanga, but Andrianampoin- 
merina, in order firmly to establish his power in the new capital, chose 
out one thousand men from each of the three tribes of his own kingdom 
of Avaradrano and placed them at Ialamanga, which thenceforth took 
the name of Antananarivo, that is ‘The City of the Thousands.’ To ther 





(Eagles or Hawks), a title of honour indicating their strength and 
swiftness in performing the king’s bidding. 

Before leaving this part of our subject the reputed origin of the other 
divisions of Imerina may be briefly indicated. . 

Ambodirano, ‘‘the base of the waters,” so called because in this district 
rise many of the tributary streams, which, taking their origin from the 
slopes of the Ankaratra mountains, flow in a northerly direction and 
swell the waters of the [kdpa. 

Vakinisaony, ‘‘cut or crossed by the river Sisaony,” one of the main 
tributaries of the [kopa from the south-east. 

Vakinankaratra, so called because it is ‘‘broken or cut up” by the spars 
of the Ankaratra mountains. The inhabitants of this district are mostly 
of the dark non-Malay race and appear more akin to the Betsileo than 
to the Hova proper. 

Marovaiana, ‘‘many bodies or persons” ; a curious tradition gives the 
following as the derivation of this name. When the people of this 
district were digging their fosses or deep intrenchments, immense 
numbers of men were at work with no clothing but their sa/aka or loin- 
cloths, and all the passers-by were struck with the sight and exclaimed 
“‘Akory it) Aamaroan’ ity vatan’ dlona!” (‘‘What an immense number of 
people !’’) 

I1].—Tue Mainty. The term Mainty (black) is not applied indiscri- 
minately to all the inhabitants of Imerina who belong to the dark race, 
but in general is only used in speaking of the slave ‘population. 

The great majority of the slaves now held by the Hovaare the children 
or grandchildren of the captives taken in the wars of aggression carried 
on by the Hova against the outlying tribes, chiefly during the early 
half of the present century. The majority of these belong to the 
Betsileo tribe, but Sakalava, Taimoro, Sihanaka, Bétsimisaraka, and 
others are also met with in considerable numbers. These slaves, even 
when set at libertv, are not allowed to reckon themselves as Hova, but 
are still considered as belonging to the division of the Mainty. 

Besides the actual slaves, however, there are several tribes or classes 
who are as it were on the border-line between the Hova proper and the 
slaves. These we will briefly consider one by one. 

(1) Zhe Zazaheva. These are really.Hova by descent, but through 
crime, debt, etc., they have forfeited their freedom. If redeemed or set 
at liberty they return to the Hova tribe. 

(2) Zhe Mancndy. The origin of this tribe is apparently unknown. 
The people in speaking of them say they “‘niaraka amin’ tany,” i.e., came 
along with the land, or are autochthonous, 


OF THE HOVA MALAGASY. 363 





(3) Zhe Manisotra or Fandnimanisoira. These originally appear to 
taave been true Hova, and their ancestors lived at Ambdéhijoky, a rocky 
mountain some ten or twelve miles south-west of the Capital. But on 
-he conquest of Southern Imerina, this tribe, entrenched in their rock 
fastness, offered such a stubborn resistance and gave the king so muc 
trouble, that when finally conquered he reduced them to a state of semi- 
servitude, transferring them at the same time to the town of Alasdra to 
the south-éast of the Capital. The Manisotra and Manendy are reckoned 
as Ambaniandro and take their share of fanompoana with the Hova. 

(4) The Tstdrondahy. These are the slaves of the sovereign. They 
havespecial government service to perform, such as collecting the vod:- 
hena or queen’s beef from the markets, singing and playing music for the 
sovereign, forming a body-guard of spearmen in the royal processions, etc. 
The name Tsiarondahy is from the root roa, caused to lean (¢sy arona= 
not caused to lean or give way). It is not an uncommon practice for 
rich persons who hold a great number of slaves to give them some 
distinctive name by which they are marked off from all others. Often 
these names are of the nature of a title of honour, denoting strength, 
prowess in war, etc. Thus the class of queen’s messengers who are 
chosen from among the Tsiarondahy.are called Zsimandé or Tsimandéa, 
the full form of their name being 7st-mandoa-sdmbotra, i.e., “not letting 
go a captive” when once seized. 

I have not in this paper attempted much more than briefly to sketch 
the main divisions of the Hova nation as at present constituted, giving 
at the same time a few of the myths and traditions by which the natives 
themselves account for, or seek to account for, the present state of things. 
Probably a more extended and systematic enquiry among the old people 
in different parts of the country might bring to light many interesting 
and valuable facts bearing on the origin and history of the various 
tribal divisions of Imerina, which, as the older generation dies off, and 


> 


the habit of depending on books and writing increases, will soon be | 


irrevocably lost, if not collected and recorded without further delay. 
H. F. STANDING. 


ome OO eee. 


A REMARKABLE HAIL-STORM. 


On Saturday afternoon, Oct. 22nd, a very violent thunder-storm broke 
over the districts south and west of the Capital, during which houses were 
struck by lightning and some loss of life occurred. But at Tsfafahy, and for 
some distance around that place, there was also for several minutes a 
remarkably heavy fall of hail, the like of which few persons, foreigners or 
natives, remembered to have seen before in this country. Many of the hail- 
stones were as large as pigeons’ eggs, but with sharp points; others were 
round or oval-shaped, 14 in. 12 in. long, with a depression in the centre on 
each side, and with rays towards the edges; others again were the size of 
boys’ marbles, but with an opal-like veined structure. Had the rice crops 
been more advanced they would certainly have been entirely destroyed within 
the compass of this hail-fall.—Eb. (J.s.) | 


THE ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL. 





THE KING IN IMERINA: 


4A DRAMATIC FRAGMENT; ACT 1., SCENE 3.® 


Tombs tn the courtyard of the Palace. 


Enter the King’s sister, Ralesoka, and a favourste slave 


2. Rale | 


soka takes an offering carrted by the slave and depossts st we. Sin the chief 
tomb. Slave steps aside to watch. 


RALESOKA (praying), 


O great forefathers of our royal race! 
In pity hear me from your high abodes, 
And be my spokesmen at Creation’s throne ; 
Your own quick flesh and blood within me pleads 
For healing of this cruel barrenness. 
O God who made me, hands and feet, and gave 
Me heart to yearn for babes—Thou Lord of life— 
Give also living offspring. Hear our prayer! 
My slaves, who serve me on their bending knees 
And stoop to cross my shadow, have their joys: 
Their children bless them in their thrall’s estate; 
My cattle doomed to slaughter love and breed ; 
Yea, worms which crawlin refuse have their young; 
Have pity on the Palace! 
Mistress, haste! 
Two men are coming from your nephew’s house. 
(listening) 
Your ears are sharp, my child; but how d’you 
know 

They’re men and only two? 

I saw them there 
At dusk. The southern augur’s one of them. 
There’s mischief hatching then. Who's his 

friend ? 

I could not see. But they must pass the guards. 
And so they must: our chance is at the gate. 


(Exeunt.) 


(Enter Hova of Ambohimanga and Augur disguised as 
a slave carrying beef.) 


Am. Hova.— O wait a bit! I’ve left my snuff behind. 


AUGUR.— 


Confound your snuff, man! you can buy some 
more. 


Am. Hova.—O yes, and leave behind my money, then. 





® See ANNUAL IX. pp. 40-44. 


i _ - 


THE KING IN IMERINA. 365 a 
f 
(Extt tn search.) ‘ 


JRo= 


Hova.— It’s ‘Mamba’. 


JR.— 


It’s weary work to plot with men alive : 
They must be fed and clothed and housed and 


wiv 
And snuffed and—hang’em! Dead men would be 

best, 
If one could get them fairly pliable : 
Neither flabby nor yet stark. 

(Re-enter Ambohimanga Hova.) 
Now, come along! 

And since you’ve got your snuff, let’s have a pinch. 
I hope you know the password at the gate. 


Go ahead then, crocodile,* 
And keep me dark, mind. 


( Exeunt.) 


20wl’s hoot ts heard tn the distance, and a similar call answers from 
ef tomb, FIRINGA creeps out of the tomb, and the King appears 
> Lervace above.) 


r= 


NGA.— 


r= 


e 
ri 


“| 
My 


Well, what was it about? But tell me first, 
Were t’not afraid? 
Indeed I was, my lord. 
Of what? The dead are harmless though they’re 
kings. 
The king I was afraid of’s still alive. 
Then speak less loud and tell thy tale. Come here. 


(Extt Firinga to reappear on the terrace.) 
What did my sister pray for? 
Children, sire. 
And as she prayed I almost turned to one 
And blubbered in my sympathy. 
Not strange, 

For women pray like fools when they beseech 
The heavens to multiply cares, and complain 
For more anxiety. Our house hath bred 
Enough dissension, though there be but twain 
To wrangle for its growing heritage. 
Was either of my sons made mention of? 
No, sire. (Full moon rises.) 

No reference to our family feuds? 
She only prayed for children ; but that prayer 
Did nearly make me— 





‘amba mm crocodile. ~ 


366 THE KING IN IMERINA. 





KING.— Stop, I bid thee, stop! 
Did any person pass this way besides ? 
FIR.— I could not see; (Zhe King eyes him sharply.) 


O yes, I heard one pass. 
He carried beef, a present from your son. 


KING.— The meat was very high, you smelt it, then ? 
FIR.— O no, they spoke of it. 

KING. The man t’ himself? 
FIR.— He spoke to one who passed him coming in. 


KING. — I understand: the moonlight makes it clear. 
: Go summon all that sing and dance, and let 
Some cheer be given t’encourage mirthfulness. 
(Exit Firinga.) 

The fool is lying as they all do lie; 
The courtier lies to win a favouring smile; 
The merchant lies to make his profit sure ; 
The beggar lies to get his dole increased ; 
The servant lies to hide his careless waste; 
The mother lies to screen an erring child; 
The husband lies to keep the peace at home; 
And yet they’re all good subjects: each one serves 
With some more loyal portion of himself. 
If kings did execute for uttering lies, 
Themselves would have to bury carcases. 


( Mustc tn distance. Exit King.) 
W. CLAYTON PICKERSGILL. 


OS CO Gee 


SIMILARITIES BETWEEN SOME OF THE NAMES OF BIRDS IN 
THE ZAMBESI LANGUAGES AND IN MALAGASY. 


In an old number of the /d¢s, Mr. Edward Newton says: ‘‘On reading 
Dr. Kirk’s paper on the ‘Birds of the Zambesi Region’ I am much struck 
with the similarity between some of the Zambesi native names for birds, and 
those applied by the natives of Madagascar to more or less kindred species 
For instance: ‘Chapungo,’ the Zambesi name for Azlofarsus ecaudatus, anc 
‘Papango,’ the Malagasy name for Jftlvus egyptius; ‘Sungwe,’ Zamb. fo 
Nectarinia amethystina, and ‘Schonwee’ [Sdisdy ?], Malagasy for V. angia: 
diana ; ‘Khanga,’ Zamb. for Numida mttrata, and ‘Akanga,'’ Malg. fo! 
NV. tiarata; ‘Soriri,’ Zamb. for. Dendrocygna personata, and ‘Tsiriry, 
Malg. for D. viduata ; the last evidently from its cry. It certainly shews th 
African descent of a portion of the inhabitants of Madagascar; and tht 
language is probably kept up by occasional fresh importations of slaves from 
the continent.’’ 


THE ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL. 367 





JDD AND CURIOUS EXPERIENCES OF LIFE IN 
MADAGASCAR. 


HIS world of ours would be but a dull place to live in if there was no 
T room in it for humour and fun, and if we could not sometimes 
ndulge in a good hearty laugh. But happily there is no spot on its 
iurface where the elements of the comic and the ridicylous are not 
»xresent ; and Madagascar certainly forms no exception to the general 
ule. We hope therefore no one will be shocked at hearing that even in 
nissionary experiences there is occasionally a decided element of the 
musing, the odd, and the absurd; anyhow, during several years’ residence 
n this island most people come across a few curious experiences, and 
iear of a good many more; and if all these could be remembered and 
.oted down, they would afford ample materials for more than one paper. 
“his, however, is now an impossibility, but perhaps I may be able to 
ecall enough to serve to while away a leisure half-hour; and some of 
hese reminiscences may perchance throw a side-light or two upon 
ertain phases of native character and habits. 

One’s first landing in Madagascar—especially if one has had no 
‘revious experience of a semi-civilised country—must, I think, strike 
nost people as having some very comic aspects: the only partially 
lothed appearance of so many of the ‘natives’; the often absurd mixture 
if European and other dress; and the odd gibberish, as it seems to us, 
»f an unknown language,—all these tend to excite one’s amusement. 
vividly remember my first ride in a filanjdna at Tamatave, and how I 
vas in fits of laughter all the way from my lodging to the Battery; the. 
eing carried in that fashion by men struck me then—I can hardly now 
inderstand why—as irresistably comic. At that time—more than twenty- 
our years ago—gentlemen very often travelled from the coast to the 
-apital in the long basket-like fi/anjana which is never used now, nor 
1as been for a long time past, except by ladies and children. In one of 
hese contrivances I came up myself in October 1863; but I suspect few 
rentlemen would now care to run the gauntlet of the amusement and 
chaff’ they would excite by riding through Antananarivo in a similar 
‘onveyance. Yet as recently as August 1873, the late Rev. Dr. Mullens 
ilso travelled up to Imérina in a lady’s filanjana; but it struck him at 
he time as rather ridiculous, for he said how it reminded him of one of 
.eech’s pictures in Punch, of a London exquisite driving a very small 
vasket carriage, and being saluted by a street gamin with the words, ‘‘Oh 
3ill, here’s a cove a-drivin’ hisself home from the wash.” 

I referred just now to the oddness of native dress, especially when 
mly portions of European costume are used. One sees some absurd 
‘nough sights now and then, even at the present time, in Antananarivo, 
ut these are nothing compared with the ridiculous combinations which 
ften met one’s view a few yearsago. To see a company of native officers 
‘ome up from the parade ground in all their variety of dress was a very 


368 ODD AND CURIOUS EXPERIENCES 





mirth-provoking spectacle. Ifa hundred or two of men had been fitted 
out from an extensive old-clothes’ shop, with the object of making every 
one different from every one else, it could hardly have produced a 
variety or have had a more éd:sarre effect than was actually the case. All 
sorts of cast-off uniforms ; every kind and shape of hat, from the smartest to 
the shabbiest (the ‘shocking bad’ not excepted) ; every imaginable civilian 
dress, policeman’s, fireman’s, etc.—all might be seen, and in the queerest 
combinations, often finished off by the commonest of green and red wool- 
len comforters. The sharp observation of a friend of mine (of the Society 
of Friends) even detected in an Andohalo crowd the low-crowned ‘broad 
brims’ once belonging to some good East Anglian Quaker farmers, and 
pronounced that they must certainly have often figured in the sedate 
proceedings of ‘tan Essex Quarterly meeting.” One of the richest points 
in these exhibitions was the extreme self-consciousness of the wearers 
of these wonderful suits, and their evident pride in their personal appear- 
ance, together with the serene conviction that they were cutting a great 
dash. 

In the earlier years of the residence of those of us who have lived here 
longest we can remember what curious notions our native friends and 
our house servants had about borrowing (with and without our leave) our 
clothes. Requests from the former to borrow one’s best ‘go-to-meeting’ 
suit to wear at weddings, either their own or that of some relative, or 
on other festive occasions, used to be very frequent ; and it took a good 
many refusals and a good deal of persistance before they could be got 
to understand that such loans were nof congenial to our feelings. Our 
servants, however, did not always take the trouble to ask leave, but would 
borrow coat, trousers, or shirt; and we occasionally had the pleasure 
of discovering portions of our own dress on the back of cook or house 
boy, as we sat at church, or on the way home. With new servants it 
was a common thing to borrow a table-cloth as a /amba; and more than 
once the mistress of the house has been horrified, as her attention has 
wandered a little from the eloquence of the preacher, to recognise the 
familiar pattern of her best diaper table-linen enfolding the form of one 
of her domestics sitting not far from her. It is well known too that 
some of our washermen have made quite a business of letting out shirts, 
trousers, etc., as well as various articles of female dress, belonging to 
their English clients, to native customers for Sunday wear, and so adding 
to the legitimate profits of their business. In such cases also we have 
occasionally had the gratification of seeing at church how well our own 
garments have fitted native wearers of the same. 

In our congregations of a few years ago there was a primitive simplicity 
about dress which would rather astonish us nowadays. I well remember 
being amused by this one Sunday at the old Ambatonakanga Chapel. In 
the middle of the sermon a little boy of three or four years old, and 











* It must, however, be suid that a great improvement has taken place during the last fer 
years in all these particulars, largely through the efforts of the English officers who have been 
engaged in training the Malagasy army. Most of the native officers are now dregsed in neat 
and appropriate uniforms, and very many have a thoroughly soldierly bearing ; while the simple 
white uniform of the rank and file has replaced the cross-belts and loin-clote which formed 
sole dress of the common soldiers not many years ago. 


OF LIFE IN MADAGASCAR. 369 


ctly naked, came to the door and looked about to find his mother 
g the people closely crowded together on the matted floor of the 
ing. Presently she noticed the little urchin, and taking his tiny /amda 
1 lay besides her, she rolled it up into a ball and tossed it to him 
che heads of her neighbours. The child quietly unfolded it and, 
ing it about him with all the dignity of a grown-up person, gravely 
1ed to his place, without any one, I think, but myself taking any 
2 of the incident. On special occasions, however, our congrega- 
used to turn out in gorgeous array, the ladies in silks and satins 
vonderful head-dresses, and the men in black coats and pantaloons 
chimney-pot’ hats; so that it was for some little time quite impos- 
to recognise one’s most intimate acquaintance in their unaccustomed 
ip... Christmas Days were the chief of these high festivals; and I 
‘emember how, on my first Christmas Day in Antananarivo, I was 
y ‘taken aback’ on entering the dark and dingy old chapel at 
itonakanga to find such a transformation scene ; for instead of the 
white /amdbas, which did somewhat brighten up the place on ordinary 
ions, my native friends seemed to be darker than ever in their dark 
clothes, and utterly (and comically) uncomfortable in their unusual 
A little before my arrival here ‘uropean dress was much more 
10nly worn by the well-to-do Malagasy than was the case after the 
ise of Radama II., and the ladies’ crinolines were, at more than one 
r chapels, slipped off at the door and hung up on a nail outside in 
‘e of one of the deacons. There were few raised seats in those days, and 
3 dificult to make the steel hoops, etc., lie comfortably or gracefully 
their wearer was squatting on the floor. Then of course there was 
siderable wriggling and contriving to get into them again, as the 
‘egation dispersed, as I have witnessed on more than one occasion. 
her curious sight as people left church used to be the taking off of 
_ pairs of boots, which gradually became too irksome to feet 
‘ustomed to such restraint, and were carried by their owners either 
sir hand or suspended to a stick over their shoulder. The wearer 
g sacrificed his (or her) feelings to genteel appearancés during 
‘e-time, would again rejoice in freedom from conventionalities on 
alk home. . 
tive churches certainly deserve credit for reverence and general 
lety of behaviour during divine service. In some newly formed 
‘egations, however, curiosity occasionally gets the better of the 
jieties ; thus my friend the Rev. J. Pearse was once interrupted in 
iddle of an earnest discourse by a woman who was determined to 
whether he would not sell her a smart green sun-shade he happened 
ve with him, and how much he wanted for it. And it was not 
‘ut considerable effort and coaxing that the good lady was at length 
ed to defer her enquiries to a later period of the proceedings. 
ig a tour to the south-east coast in 1876, I was preaching one 
ay afternoon in the centre of a village on the banks of the River 
anana, and was a little confused, when about half through my 
ss, by the old chief of the place coming forward to give me a 
-which clucked and struggled most noisily in the process—and also 


370 ODD AND CURIOUS EXPERIENCES 


a bottle of ram! which was handed up in full view of the audience. It 
was a little difficult to resume the thread of the discourse. This, however, 
be it remembered, was in a heathen village. 

We were speaking just now of clothing—and of the occasional want of 
it—among the Malagasy. There are, however—but perhaps it would now 
be more correct to say there were—occasions happening now and then 
when even the natural covering of the body, the hair of the head, was 
not to be seen. At the decease of a Malagasy sovereign one of the 
customs which have been enforced up to the death of Queen Rasohérina 
(in 1868) was, that every person, high and low, rich and poor, male and 
emale (with a few exceptions in the case of the very highest personages 
in the kingdom), must shave the head. As may be supposed, the effect 
of this was most curious; one’s most familiar native friends seemed 
totally altered and unrecognisable, for no hat or other head covering could 
be used. One of my brother missionaries wrote to me: ‘‘On Friday 
morning (3 April 1868) the people presented a very strange spectacle. 
They looked as if they had been suddenly transformed into Hindoos 
we found a nation of bald-heads, some of them quite glossy. It was 
amusing to meet our friends, as in many cases we did not recognise them 
until they spoke to us. A man walked up into the town with me in the 
morning, and from his familiarity I conclude he was a man I had known 
very well; but I did not find out who he was, and have not been able to 
recall his identity since. The strangest part of the business was that the 
clipping was all done at once, for on Friday morning the entire country 
round Antananarivo was clean clipped, except some score or so of 
privileged Malagasy and the Europeans.” At the decease of the late 
Queen Ranavalona II., however, this custom was not enforced ; probably 
it will not be again revived. 

In travelling about Madagascar, a country without roads, railways, 
hotels, or most of the appliances of civilisation, one naturally meets with 
some experiences differing considerably from those which occur in going 
about England. ‘‘How we travel in Madagascar” has been already graphi- 
cally described in a former number of this ANNUAL (No. VIII. pp. 33-42); 
and we need not therefore stop to speak of bearers and palanquins, or of 
the way in which we actually get over the ground. But there are some 
other points which Mr. Clark did not touch on, and these may be briefly 
referred to. Native houses, which we must generally use as our inns or 
hotels, are not as a rule at all desirable places to stay in. In the central 
provinces of Madagascar they are certainly dirtier and more uncomfort- 
able than on the coast or in the forest regions, where the entirely 
vegetable materials employed—bamboo, traveller’s-tree, or palm leaves 
and bark—and the greater dimensions, make the houses there very 
passable as temporary resting-places. But the clay or wooden houses 
of the Hova, Bétsiléo and other interior tribes are almost always dirty 
and infested with vermin; and “A Night with the Fleas,” or with the 
rats, or the mosquitoes, or the pigs, or the poultry, or all of them put 
together, is one of the common experiences of Madagascar travelling. 
Fleas of extraordinary agility seem able to mount to the highest stretcher 
bedsteads it is convenient to use, and make night one long-continued 


OF LIFE IN MADAGASCAR. 37! 


attempt to ignore their ubiquitous presence. Rats descend from the 
roof and perform marvellous acrobatic feats over rafters and cords, play- 
fully running races over one’s person and even one’s face, with a loud 
squeaking and squabbling which rouses us up with a start in the few 
intervals of unconsciousness allowed by the lesser plagues. Mosquitoes 
often come in with a hum like a smal] swarm of bees, and unless one is 
provided with netting, make all attempts at sleep futile ; and even if the 
net has been carefully tucked around one, two or three stragglers often 
get in and make the net a very questionable benefit, as effectually 
keeping zn some of the tormentors as it keeps ou¢ their companions. 
Pigs being often domiciled in the house, resent their exclusion on the 
night of your stay, and break through the slight barriers you put up 
against their entrance with a grunting defiance of your intrusion into 
their domains; or if they do not get info the house, they will persist 
in settling down under it, as the floors are often raised above the ground. 
An equal maintenance of vested interests is shewn by the fowls, who 
will sof understand that you have engaged the apartments for your 
exclusive use, and again and again will manage to get in to their accus- 
tomed corner, raising a terrible dust as you attempt to dislodge them. 
For, besides the dirt on the floors, and the blackened mats on the walls, 
old houses are also liberally provided with strings of soot hanging from 
the rafters, or from the rough upper story often formed in the roof. Such 
ornaments are considered by the Malagasy as an honourable distinction, 
a sort of certificate of an old and long-established family. But they are 
rather inconvenient in case of a sudden gust of wind, or a heavy shower 
of rain, or in ejecting a persistent hen and chickens, as just mentioned. 
A plentiful sprinkling of soot-flakes on bedding and clothes, on table- 
cloth and provisions, is of course the result of any of these incidents in 
your stay in many a native house. 


In going about most parts of Madagascar we come now and then to 
some more important places, military stations and centres of districts, 
where Hova governors are stationed. These officials are usually very 
kind and hospitable, but it is sometimes very amusing to see the state 
and ceremony they keep up. The military force under their command 
is often very limited, and frequently it is impossible to get together any 
but a very small proportion of even the few soldiers they have at their 
disposal. But as soon as they hear of your approach (for it is considered 
courteous to send on word in advance), some of the subordinate officers 
are drawn up to receive you, together with as many soldiers as they can 
muster (often more officers than rank and file, e.g. four officers and two 
soldiers). As soon as you make your appearance, a great many words of 
command are shouted out, all in English, or at least as near an approach to 
that language as they can manage; the Queen is saluted, then the Prime 
Minister, then the governor at the place, and then the second in com- 
mand, together with the playing of any music they have available and 
the beating of drums; and not until then it is etiquette for your own 
presence to be recognised and for you to be welcomed. Coming into 
the véva or government house, the governor gives you a hearty shake of 
the hand and, as soon as you are seated, commences a long and forma] 





372 ODD AND CURIOUS EXPERIENCES 





list of enquiries, which runs somewhat as follows: ‘Since you, our friends 
and relatives, have arrived, we ask you: How is Ranavalomanjaka, Sove- 
reign of the land ? How is Rainilaidrivény, Prime Minister and Com- 
mander-in-Chief ? How is So-and-so, Secretary of State ?* How is the 
kingdom of Ambohimanga and Antananarivo? How are the cannon? 
How are the guns? How are the Christians? etc., etc.” (Often the 
queries are much more numerous, including any governor higher in 
rank than the questioner whom we may have recently seen; and | 
remember that in going round the Antsihanaka province, a little 2-pound- 
er brass cannon at Amparafaravéla was carefully enquired after.) All 
these enquiries must be severally and gravely replied to, including 
assurances of the well-being of the cannon and the guns (muskets). 

Native feasts are often amusing occasions, sometimes being very 
lengthy and occasionally very noisy. I shall not soon forget one at 
Ankarana (in the Taiméro country) given in my honour. The dinner 
there was I think the longest, and certainly was the noisiest entertain- 
ment, at which I have ever assisted. It consisted of the following courses :— 
1st, curry ; 2nd, goose; 3rd, roast pork; 4th, pigeons and water-fowl; 
sth fowl cutlets and poached eggs; 6th, beef sausages; 7th, boiled 
tongue; 8th, sardines; 9th, pigs’ trotters; roth, fried bananas; 11th, 
pancakes; 12th, boiled manioc; 13th, dried bananas; and last, when 
I thought every thing must have been served, came hunches of roast 
beef. By taking a constantly diminishing quantity of each dish I man- 
aged to appear to do some justice to them all. The healths of the Queen, 
“our friends the two Foreigners,” then those of the Prime Minister and 
chief officers of State were all drunk twice over, all followed by musical 
(and drum) honours. As already remarked, it a very noisy occasion, for 
there was a big drum just outside in the verandah, as well as two small 
ones, with clarionets and fiddles, and these were in full play almost all 
the time. Then the room was filled by a crowd of inferior officers and 
servants, and the shouting of everybody to everybody else, from the 
governor downwards, was deafening. It was a relief when the two hours’ 
proceedings came at last to a conclusion. 

A good deal might be said about the queer articles of food occasion- 
ally used by the Malagasy. Locusts, divested of their wings and legs 
and dried in the sun, are very largely eaten and may be seen in heaps 
in almost every market. Besides these, certain kind of moths are also 
used for food, as well as the chrysalides of various insects, . different 
species of beetle, and even some sorts of spiders! I must confess, how- 
ever, that my information as to these delicacies is all second-hand! I 
could never bring myself to try these donnes bouches, so much esteemed by 
my native friends. 

A very fruitful source of amusement (to those who have had a longer 
knowledge of the language) is the unavoidable ignorance of Malagasy 
on the part of new-comers and the absurd mistakes arising therefrom. 
I fear that very often we say some shocking things in preaching and 
public speaking during the earlier years of our residence in the country; 
that we say innumerable ridiculous things goes without saying; and 


. © Other chief officers of Government are occasionally mentioned. 


— LL Lae 
ee ee 


OF LIFE IN MADAGASCAR. 373 





were it not that the Malagasy have not (at least so I think) a very quick 
sense of the ludicrous, and are also very tolerant to the mistakes foreign- 
ers make, our congregations must certainly during our early attempts be 
often convulsed with laughter. Very seldom, however, do we see any 
thing of the kind; and I often think that old European residents see a 
vast deal more that is absurd in the attempts of newer arrivals than do 
the Malagasy themselves. A venerable missionary, deservedly honoured 
especially in connection with the re-establishment of the L. M. S. Mission 
in Madagascar, used every Sunday to thank God that He had given us 
another Day of judgment! using the word fitsardna (judgment) for fi/sa- 
hdrana (rest). On another occasion he, quite innocently, used over and 
over again in a sermon a word which, as he pronounced it, meant some- 
thing extremely offensive ; at last even the Malagasy could stand it. no 
longer, and the women began to go out; the preacher could not under- 
stand this and repeated the word with redoubled emphasis, adding, ‘Asa 
mivoaka, ry sakaiza” (‘Don’t go out, friends”), which they, all the more, 
would continue doing. Another brother informed his audience that 
God was the “midwife of all living things,” using the word mampivédlona 
(vélona, living), which is only used in that sense, instead of mamélona, which 
means to support, nourish, or keep alive; the two prefixes having come 
to express two very different ideas. Those who were present at a Con- 
gregational Union Meeting a few years ago still remember with amuse- 
ment how an earnest brother jumped up, and in a stentorian voice shouted 
out, “‘Soltka sy rano: tsy aso ampifangaroharoina izy roroa’”’ (i.e. “Oil and 
water: they cannot be mixed’), but by his putting the accent in sd/tka 
in the wrong place he produced a most comical impression. But such 
anecdotes could be given almost to any extent, and similar mistakes need 
not be further dwelt upon. 

It is well known to all who have studied Malagasy that for a long time 
the ‘relative’ form of the verb is one of the most puzzling features of the 
language. Several years ago, when the facilities for learning Malagasy 
were far less than they are now, some of us were much amused by the 
announcement made by a more recently arrived brother one Sunday 
morning, that he was “going to try a ‘relative’ to-day.” It was evidently 
still a very unfamiliar form to him. Another brother, after being much 
bothered and perplexed by the intricacies of this ‘pons asinorum’ of the 
language, decided upon a short and easy road out of the difficulty: he 
determined to stick to the active and passive forms and to ignore the 
annoying ‘relative’ altogether ! 

Another frequent source of queer mistakes is the difficulty, to Malagasy 
tongues, of pronouncing our English names. These are often so altered 
both in writing them and in speaking them that they become utterly 
unrecognisable by the uninitiated. Who, for instance, could detect 
under the form Misiferitorinérina, the simple English name ‘Mr. 
Thorne’? or in the word //sdridisaonina, the name of ‘Richardson’? 
The names ‘Briggs’ and ‘Jukes’ and ‘Sims’ are less altered in their Ma- 
lagasy forms, ‘Biringttra,’ ‘Jokitra,’ and ‘Simpitra,’ but are still funny 
enough. Our distinctive titles of respect, Mr., Mrs., and Miss, are very 
difficult for the Malagasy to distinguish ; and so ‘Miss Craven’ becomes 


374 ODD AND CURIOUS EXPERIENCES 








‘Misitera Giravy’; and ‘Craven,’ ‘Graham,’ and ‘Graves’ can hardly be 
recognised as having any difference; while ‘Wilson’ and ‘Wills ar 
continually confounded together. I well remember how annoyed ny 
wife was, during our early time of residence at Ambohimanga, by the 
native pastor enquiring for me as ‘James.’ He had heard my wife 
address me thus, and therefore concluded that it was the proper way for 
him to speak of me. The Malagasy have no exact equivalent for our Mr., 
Mrs., etc., for their name-prefixes Ra- and Andrian- are inseparable parts 
of their proper names. Official names also suffer curious transforma- 
tions; thus ‘bishop’ becomes ‘desdpy’ (lit. ‘much soup’) and ‘besdmpy, 
while in Betsileo it figures as ‘desdfina’ (lit. ‘great eared’!). Strangely 
too, not only are Episcopalian clergymen all styled ‘desopy,’ but their 
adherents also are distinguished from other Christians by the same name; 
each and all are ‘bishops.’ In the same way also students at the College 
are called ‘ko/é/y,’ and scholars are called ‘sekdly ;’ they are themselves 
colleges and schools! The French Resident soon became known in 
the country districts as résitandanitra, which, literally translated, would 
mean ‘conquered in heaven’! The name of the famous prime minister 
of Prussia, Prince Bismarck, has actually become a Malagasy word as 
an equivalent for cunning, craft, in the form of bisy : ‘manao disy’ is ‘to 
act craftily.. This phrase originated in the time of the Franco-Prussian 
war, when the fame of Bismarck first reached this country. 

While speaking of words introduced by Europeans into the Malagasy 
language, a word or two may said about other proper names, chiefly 
Scriptural ones, which have become thoroughly naturalised here. Many 
of these have taken curious forms, and this chiefly arises from the fact 
that ora/ instruction came first, some time indeed before these Bible 
names had to be printed. It would appear as if the first missionaries, 
in conversing with the Malagasy about the Saviour of the world, had 
very naturally spoken of Him by the same name, pronounced in the 
same way, as that which they and all English-speaking peoples use. 
They apparently did not consider what would be the most correct form 
of this sacred name, as well as of other names, that is, the nearest 
representation of their Greek originals. And so the English form 
‘Jesus Chiist’ came to be ‘/esosy Krazisty’ in Malagasy, a tolerably close 
reproduction of our pronunciation of it; while fe Kristo’ (or ‘Les 
Kristo’) would no doubt have been more correct. In the Revised New 
Testament, ‘Kristy’ has becn substituted for Kraisty, but the older pro- 
nunciation holds its own. In some of the books formerly issued by the 
Jesuit Mission, the French pronunciation of the Redeemer’s name was 
phonetically reproduced thus, ‘/eso-Kry’! but in their later publications 
the spelling of the sacred name has been approximated to that employed 
in Protestant books. Other curious words which have now become 
naturalised in Malagasy are Jews (of ‘Jew’), written ‘/zosy’ and pronoun- 
ced exactly like ‘juice ;’ and Gentiles (zo/ ‘Gentile’), written ‘/ent:lisa; 
so that the Malagasy speak of one Jews, and of one Gentiles ! 

Many English names have become naturalised among the Malagasy, 
especially the names of some of the missionaries resident among them. 
Thus we find Rajaonsona (Mr. Johnson), Raoilisona (Mr. Wilson), and 


OF LIFE IN MADAGASCAR. $75 





Rasoelina (Mr. Sewell). On one occasion a missionary was conducting 
service at a country chapel, and at the close was requested to baptize 
an infant. On asking the name of the child, he was startled and not 
a little confused by the parents giving Azs own name (Christian and 
surname included) as the one he was to give to the young neophyte. 
One of the oddest names I have heard of is Radéboka, which I am 
assured was taken from the title of the ‘day-book’ which the parents 
had seen in the Hospital! Another odd name is Ramoséjaoféra, in 
which we have, first the native name prefix Ra, then the French ‘mon- 
steur,’ altered to mos?, and finally the native name /aofera. An absurd 
mistake arising from ignorance of Malagasy is perpetuated on the title- 
page of a Malagasy vocabulary published in England some years ago, but 
prepared by three young native officers, one of whom has been for 
several years past governor of Tamatave. The English editor appa- 
rently intended to describe it as ‘‘a dook (Mal. doky) written by Rabezan- 
drina” and his companions; instead of which it reads, ‘‘Boka no anarany 
Rabesandrina,” etc. etc., which is literally, ““Lepers are the names of 
Rabezandrina,” etc. The three authors were long known to some of us 
as “‘the three lepers.” ° 

But it is not the Malagasy only who-make absurd mistakes about names 
unfamiliar to them. It is known to many in England who. have 
friends in Madagascar that the name by which we missionaries and 
other foreigners are designated by the natives here is ‘Vazdha.’ But a 
worthy minister in England, who had got hold of the term, slightly 
mistook its exact meaning; and, supposing it be the name of a division 
of the Malagasy people, he gravely informed his hearers at a public 
meeting that “the Vazaha are a tribe in Madagascar who are still but 
imperfectly acquainted with the Gospel!” Many native customs strike 
us as very odd, and doubtless, not less so do many of our customs 
appear to the Malagasy. Thus they are accustomed to employ the points 
of the compass in speaking of the positions of things in the house, 
where we should say, ‘to the left’ or ‘to the right,’ or ‘in front of you’ or 
‘behind you.’ One of my brother missionaries was once dining with 
a native friend, and while eating some rice, a portion happened to adhere 
to his moustache. His host politely called his attention to the circum- 
stance, and on my friend wiping the wrong side, his entertainer cried, 
‘‘No, no! it’s on the southern side of your moustache!” It sometimes 
takes a little time for our Malagasy friends to understand our ways. 
Thus I remember that when living at Ambohimanga we were visited 
one day by an old friend who happened to be then staying at the ancient 
capital. After a little conversation my wife brought out a good-sized 
plum cake, and cutting a slice or two offered it to him. To her great 
astonishment he quietly took—not a slice--but, the whole of the cake! 
and commenced eating it. But finding himself, after a little time, 
rather embarrassed by its quantity, and that it was a good deal more 
than he could then comfortably manage, he gradually stowed it away in 
his pockets, remarking that his children would like it. We altered our 
way of handing cake to native friends from that date. 


The native custom of giving and expecting bits of money on all imagin- 


376 ODD AND CURIOUS EXPERIENCES 





able occasions seems very odd to Europeans. At births and -marriagges, 
at deaths and funerals, when ill or when getting better, at the New 
Year, when building a house or when constructing a tomb, when going 
on a journey or on returning from one, in times of joy or in times of 
sorrow—at each and all of them these wretched little bits of cut-money 
are expected from visitors. It is true that at funerals a return is made 
in the shape of presents of beef; and the solemnities of death and moum- 
ing are mixed up with the—to us—very incongruous elements of the 
slaughter-house and the butcher’s-shop. But if one leaves before the 
oxen are killed, a present of poultry instead of beef is made; and I have 
more than once come home from a funeral, or, at least, from the prelimi- 
nary ‘lying-in-state,’ with a goose or a duck dangling from the poles 
of my palanquin. 

Some curious things are seen by those who travel much about Mada- 
gascar in the way of church decoration. (I am here, it should be said, 
speaking almost exclusively of buildings erected by congregations in 
connection, at least nominally, with the L.M.S.) When it is remem- 
bered that these number more than 1200, and are scattered over a very 
wide extent of country, some missionaries having as many as 70, 80, or 
go of these under their nominal charge, it will be clear that to only a 
very small proportion of them can he give any personal attention or 
advice as to their construction and adornment. As it is, it is only 
in the case of the villages nearest to his station, and here and there 
at important centres, that an English missionary can do much to guide 
and advise country church builders. The majority of village churches 
are therefore entirely the product of native skill, and their decoration 
the outcome of native taste. In many cases, especially in some of 
the districts nearest to Antananarivo, the village churches are models 
of what such places should be; and with their glass windows, their 
neatly coloured interiors, and well-made platform pulpits—sometimes 
elaborate structures of massive stonework—they do credit to the simple 
country people who have built them. But it cannot be truthfully said 
that the majority of Madagascar village churches are of this kind. 
By far the greater number of them are rough structures of clay walls 
with sun-dried brick gables and thatched roofs; and their only 
furniture a raised platform of earth or brick, with a rough table serving 
both for pulpit and for the Communion, a clumsy form or two for the 
singers, a few dirty mats on the floor, some lesson-sheets on the walls, 
and perhaps a black-board for every-day school use. There is certainly 
no fear at present of the majority of our congregations being led astray 
by zstheticism in religious buildings or worship. 

But frequently there are at the same time some attempts at decoration, 
and these are often very incongruous and occasionally highly comical 
(though doubtless unintentionally so). In a little church away north, 
and otherwise very neatly finished, is a band of ornament round the 
walls which is exactly like the figures on an ace-of-clubs card, and has 
probably been copied from this. In other places figures of officers 
and soldiers marching and even fighting are prominent; in others are 
seen sportsmen firing at impossibly big birds perched on trees; in others 


OF LIFE IN MADAGASCAR. 377 


— 


again (as in the former Antsahamanitra church at Ambdhimanga) a 
large tree is conspicuous behind the pulpit, bearing tremendous 
pumpkin-like fruits. (In this same church, however, there were also some 
very tasteful groups of flowers painted on the keystones of the window 
arches.) In the church at Vodhipéno (Matitanana) I remember that 
the front of the pulpit was decorated in the following way: part of the 
Space was occupied by a picture of a European ship with two masts; 
the other part had a church with a tall tower and spire; over these was 
the legend, ‘‘Hoy tzay lompony tty trano tty: Matahora” (‘‘Says the lord 
of this house: Fear’); and there were also four birds and a coloured 
border. Figures of clocks are frequently seen, and also those of 
a spear and shield, whether with any reference to “the shield of faith” 
and other Christian armour, I cannot say. It is worthy of note that no 
example of symbolism or sacred monograms or emblems has ever come 
under my notice, although passages of Scripture are now not unfre- 
quently painted on the walls of village churches. Trees with fruit and 
flowers, often showing some taste, are seen in many places; and in one or 
two cases a very effective decoration has been formed by painted 
sprays of leaves or flowers scattered over the wall, giving the effect of 
a simple diaper or wall-paper pattern. (A unique example of a tasteful 
piece of wall-colouring is described more fully in ANNUAL III. p. 72.) 
During atour I took in 1874 round the Antsihanaka province with 
Dr. Mullens and Mr. Pillans, we were much amused by the variety of 
the receptacles used at the doors of the village churches for the weekly: 
offerings of the congregations. In one district old sardine tins were the 
favourite article employed ; further on we found that Morton’s jam tins 
were most in vogue; while in yet another district old tin flasks 
formerly filled with gunpowder were in greatest request for the purpose. 
In certain Malagasy village churches (not very many we should hope) 
some very curious additions to the ordinary furniture have been seen 
by occasional visitors. The wish of the late Queen that her subjects 
should worship the true God was in many places interpreted by petty 
officials as giving them authority to force the attendance of the people, 
and to punish them if they were negligent. The command, “Compel 
them to come in,” was in fact often very literally carried out. Travel- 
ling down to the Betsileo province on one occasion, Dr. Davidson, while 
stopping for his mid-day meal] at a country chapel, noticed a good-sized 
stone near the door, the object of which much exercised his mind. 
On enquiring the use of this stone, he was told that if the people were 
negligent of the ‘means of grace’ and did not attend service regularly, 
they were seized and obliged to carry the stone to the top of a 
neighbouring hill and down again, to punish them for their sins 
and remind them to be more diligent in future. Another kind of 
penance used to be enforced at Tsiafahy: people who were irregular 
in attendance at chapel were obliged to creep on their hands and 
knees round the /éAztra or ox-fattening pen in the village, as a punish- 
ment for inattention to their religious duties. At a country chapel in 
the Friends’ District, Mr. H. E. Clark saw on one occasion a deacon 
sitting at the door with a handiul of small pebbles, When this officiai 


398 ODD EXPERIENCES OF LIFE IN MADAGASCAR. 





noticed any one in the congregation asleep, or inattentive, or iner- 
rent, he threw a pebble at the offender to rouse him up, or as a gente | | 
reminder to be more careful.* 

Much that is amusing might be noted with regard to native preach | 
ing: odd illustrations, strange misapprehensions and misapplication 
of Scripture, curious answers to questions about Biblical subjects, etc, 
but my space is more than filled up. Perhaps at some future time 
something more may be given on these points; and I wish that some 
one who has noted such incidents more fully than I have done 
would favour us with his reminiscences. Enough has I hope here beea 
said to justify my remark at the commencement of this paper, that the 
monotony of our daily routine is frequently enlivened by curious and 
comic occurrences, and that, together with the more serious duties of 
our work, there is often ‘a decided element of the amusing, the odd, 
and the absurd” in our life in Madagascar. 


JamzEs SIBREE, JUN. (Ep.) 


au OG 


VARIETIES. 


A PROVIDENTIAL DELIVERANCE ON THE COAST OP MADAGASCAR 
FIFTY YEARS AGO. 


HE following narrative was sent to my father several years ago by one 
T of the sea-faring members of his congregation at Hull ; and thinking 
it will not be uninteresting to the readers of the ANNUAL, I transcribe it 
herewith for their perusal.—ED. (J.S.) 


Many years ago, | think it was in the year 1835, my brother was second 
mate of the brig Amudous of London, Captain Welbank, trading between 
Calcutta and Mauritius. At the time to which I allude they were lying in the 
harbour of Port Louis, waiting for cargo. The captain was very fond of 
fishing, and in order to indulge in his favourite amusement he had one of the 
small boats fitted with sails, in which he, two or three times a week, went 
outside the harbour for a day's sport. In these excursions my brother, a 
foreign seaman, and a boy, invariably accompanied him to work the boat, 
taking with them provisions for the day. Ships employed in the southem 
trade are always provided with small casks called by sailors ‘breakers’ (a 
corruption, I apprehend, of the Spanish ‘darrico’), which are used for fetching 
water, being easily carried from the springs to the ship. It was their custom 
in these fishing excursions to put half-a-dozen of these breakers into the 
boat, and to fill them with salt water tu serve as ballast. On the particular 
occasion to which my story refers, the breakers were all full of fvesA water. 
My brother had given orders to empty them into the tank, but the captain, 
being anxious to get away, countermanded the order and told the men to 
lower them into the buat as they were. Was that chance? No, the hand of 
Providence was visible there; but there is more to come yet. 


re, ce — ne, ——— 


—— ee ee ee. - 


"© It need hardly be said that all true missionaries utterly repudiate and denounce all such 
ways of promoting Christianity, yee 





VARIETIES. 379 





They pushed off from the ship with light hearts, anticipating nothing but 
leasure. They had not got many yards from the ship, when a little dog 
elonging to the captain came to the gangway and whined piteously to be 

taken into the boat. At first the captain was not inclined to take him in, but 
he altered his mind, and they turned back and took the animal with them. 

They proceeded out of the harbour but had no luck; they caught no fish, 

but the captain being anxious to get something, kept on until the day was too 
far spent to get back to the ship before late in the night; but that was 
thought lightly of; the weather was fine and warm, and a night passed in the 
boat was no great hardship: so they let go their grapnel under the lee of a 
rock called the Gunner’s Guoin (from its wedge-like shape), made a tent of 
their mainsail, disposed of the last of their provisions, made themselves as 
comfortable as they could and went to sleep, intending to go back to the ship 
at daylight. But they did not: in the middle of the night they were awoke 
by the uneasy motion of the boat; they found it was blowing a gale, and the 
boat drifting fast from the land. They got their sail close reefed and endea- 
voured to work up under the land, but they were too late, the sea was every 
minute getting higher, and their frail craft, 15 feet long, in great danger of 
filling; they therefore did the best thing they could under the circumstances : 
they lowered the sails, made the mainsail fast to the boat’s painter and put it 
overboard for what in sea parlance is called a ‘drogue,’ to keep the ship’s head 
to the sea, and anxiously waited for day. But they had more trouble in store; 
the wind moderated towards morning, but, just as they were about to get 
in the sail from the water, the rope that held it broke, and they lost their 
best sail, therefore beating up again to the island was out of the question. 
The only thing they could do was totry to get to the island of Bourbon, 
distant about a hundred miles ; but having lost their best sail, the boat would 
not keep very close to the wind, and they passed the island far to leeward. 

Their position was now becoming alarming ; they had no food, but they had 

plenty of fresh water; Madagascar, their only refuge, was 500 miles off, but 
they must reach it or die. They therefore shaped their course as well as they 
could, by the sun by day and the stars by night, having no compass in the 
boat. Then came the pangs of hunger ; they bore it long, but at last the poor 
dog must die to keep them alive. For ten days after passing Bourbon, the 
dog furnished their only food. At the end of that time they sighted the 
extreme south end of Madagascar, and then the wind failed them. But 
they were not forsaken: He who notes the fall of a sparrow had them in 
His keeping. My brother said he never knew how they got the boat ashore 
in their exhausted state, but they did, and they landed safe on the beach. 
They had not been long there when three native women came down to the 
shore, and seeing their exhausted condition, semi-savages though they were, 
instantly procured them food. Their arrival in the country was soon made 
known to the authorities of the district, and they were brought before one of 
the chiefs to give an account of themselves; but they were soon acquitted of 
any hostile intentions, and their forlorn condition exciting the sympathy of 
the natives, they were soon made comfortable. My brother spoke in glowing 
terms of the kind treatment they received from these uncivilised islanders. 
As soon as the chief thoroughly understood their requirements, he provided 
them with an escort of eight men and a canoe, which they carried on their 
shoulders over the land, and used it when they could on the lakes, for a distance 
of 450 miles to Tamatave, the journey occupying eleven days. It was the custom 
of the inhabitants of the villages where they remained for the night (and they 
could only travel while the sun was, up on account of the alligators) to vacate 
one of their houses and give it up entirely to the strangers, so that when they 
were refreshed with abundance of good food they were left in the undisturbed 
possession of their dormitory until the morning. Arriving at Tamatave, they 


380 VARIETIES. 





— a ae 


embarked on board one of the bullock schooners then trading between Mada- 
gascar and Mauritius, and, to the surprise of all, got back to their ship afte 
an absence of thirty-two days. JOHN Hanvey. 


THE ‘FANATAOVANA:? 


THOSE of us who have long dwelt in Madagascar must have frequently 
noticed in various parts of the country those heaps of stones, or, if near 
forests, piles of bracken, branches of trees, moss, etc., known as Fanatas 
vana. These have been formed by passers-by depositing a stone, or whatevet 
the article may be, in order that they may have success in their journeys and 
undertakings. Reading Thomson’s interesting and thrilling book Zhrough 
Masai Land a while ago, I was interested in nding (p. 485) that a sim 

practice prevails in the eastern parts of Africa, and doubtless in other coun 
tries too. He says: ‘‘The connection of the natives of Upper Kavirondo 
with the latter (East African negroes generally) is illustrated (and that vey 
markedly) by their habit of throwing sticks, stones and grass into heaps at 
particular places, such as boundaries, with the idea of propitiating some 
guardian spirit. This custom prevails all through the countries southward 
to Nyassa.’’* R. BARON. (ED.) 


EARTHQUAKE SHOCKS. 


AS a country showing numerous traces of volcanic disturbance (probably 
not of a very remote date), Madagascar is almost every year visited by shocks 
of earthquake. Happily these are not of a severe character, and little, if any, 
damage is usually done. Several slight shocks have been felt during 1887, 
mostly in the earlier months of the year; the most distinctly felt of these 
occurred on the afternoon of Monday, Feb. 7th, and was accompanied by a 
strange subterranean roar and a tremor of several seconds’ duration. To 
many persons it appeared as if the earth-wave came from the west or north- 
west and passed away to the east and south. Slighter shocks were felt on the 
11th, 12th and 14th of the following April, some of them occurring in the 
night. The Malagasy still remember a rather severe earthquake shock 
which happened many years ago, and which is said to have detached a large 
mass of rock from the cliffs on the precipitous west side of the ridge os 
which Antananarivo is built. 

Eight years ago a very severe shock was experienced in the district of 
Vonizongo, 40 miles N.W. of Antananarivo, following one of a less alarming 
kind a fortnight previous. These are thus described by the Rev. E. H. Strib- 
ling, then residing in the north-western part of the district. He says :— 

‘During the past year (1879) two shocks of earthquake have been felt in 
Vonizongo, the latter one far surpassing the first in severity. Itis noticeable 
that fifteen days elapsed from the occurrence of the first shock to that of the 
second and heavier one. It was at half-past 7, a.m., on Sunday morning 
the 31st of August, that the shock was felt at Fiarénana, lasting for more 
than twenty seconds, and alarming all by the shaking of the windows and 
lighter furniture which accompanied it. 

‘‘The most severe shock of earthquake probably known in Madagascar for 
at least a generation past occurred on Tuesday, the 16th September 1879, at 
2-10 p.m., lasting for at least thirty seconds. At the instant of its occurrence, 
I was just leaving Ankadimaito \in the Valalafotsy district), a village about 2} 
days’ journey south west of Fiarenana. This village (as its name may imply, 
‘At the broken fosses’) is an extraordinary one, being nearly surrounded by 


e Exactly the same custom is found in Sumatra and in Timor; see Forbes’s Naturalis: 
Wanderings in the Lastern Archipelago; pp. 166 and 481.—ED. (J.8.) 


a eel —— 


VARIETIES. 38: 





everal moats, thirty feet deep by twenty wide, the bridges and paths between 
rhich are extremely narrow; while the whole surroundings of Ankadimaito 
resent an unusual appearance of unsubstantiality, and it is one of the last 
‘laces in Madagascar one would flee to for refuge from an earthquake. 
“he three days previous to.the shock had been almost unbearably sultry, 
.lthough the usual hot weather had scarcely set in. he morning of the 
»ccurrence was one of the hottest 1 have experienced in Imérina, a peculiar 
haze hanging over the country. It was on leaving the village of Ankadimaito, 
.ccompanied by several of the congregation, and while still proceeding along 
one of the narrow paths leading between two of the wide and deep trenches, 
Ahat we suddenly heard a rumbling sound, as of violent thunder. The great 
shock was now upon us as in a moment, and truly terrific was it in its effects. 
My native friends with me at the time seemed as if instantaneously paralysed 
with amazement; and although still on the narrow path, there they stood 
immoveable, awaiting, as they doubtless supposed, the inevitable destruction 
so shortly to overtake them. But I at once proceeded at a double-quick pace 
to gain the open plain, in case of a general collapse of Ankadimaito with its 
numerous moats and trenches. The shock was so severe that as we gained 
the plain we beheld the moats to the east and south enveloped in one mass 
of smoke-like dust slowly ascending from the falling déérzs. The effect upon 
all present was an anticipation of swift and unavoidable destruction. 

‘“The Malagasy are a people who soon forget their fears, and proceeding 
along to the east, we passed the village of Itsidzompaniry, about 14 hour 
distant. Here we heard that three shocks had occurred since 2 o'clock, 
although one only was felt at Ankadimaito. We now proceeded by the north- 
east towards Ikankaolo, a village named after the remarkable and lofty black 
rock close by. As we passed by the west of Ikankaolo, several of the 
palanquin bearers remarked upon the unusual appearance of the ground, 
saying, ‘‘Surely this is broken by the earthquake.’’ And as we passed over 
the ground, for more than about two hundred yards we found it literally 
split up by the severity of the recent shaking. At about 8 o'clock, a fresh 
shock occurred, severe enough to shake the house in which I was staying 
and send me quickly out of doors for safety. Very lightly indeed did I sleep 
that night, and I began to wish myself again on shipboard upon the ocean, 
which, to my imagination, presented more security than the quaking earth. 

‘It was at about i a.m. on the Wednesday that the last shock was felt, 
which proved considerably less severe. After our service in the little chapel at 
Ikankaolo, I proceeded on my way towards Fiarenana, where the earthquake 
appears to have been much the same in severity ; although I was thanktul to 
tind on arrival home that our mission premises had escaped uninjured.’’ 


FOTTINGS ON MALAGASY AND MALAYAN AFFINITIES. 


OSCAR Peschel, in his Races of Men (pp. 355 and 356), remarks upon ‘‘the 
use of the feather bellows nowhere else but in the Malayan islands, except in 
Madagascar. Dr. E. Tylor therefore seems justified in his impression that 
the colonisation of Madagascar took place only after the working of iron was 

ractised in the Sunda Islands (see Zarly History of Mankind, p. 215). 
n connection with this circumstance it is noticeable that the Hova breed 
the Zebu or Indian buffalo, although the indigenous cattle of Madagascar 
are like the African species. (Schweinfurth has, however, shown that the 
buffalo occurs in every part of the Soudan; see Heart of Africa, vol. i., 
p. 160.) If with this we connect the fact that the inhabitants of the southern 
coast of Ceylon and of the Maldives speak the Malayan language, this 
throws some light upon the way in which the ancestors of the Hova reached 
Madagascar.’ 


em 


i) VARIETIES, 





In the Serwatty Islands (Malay Archipelago) bullocks are slaughtered in 
large numbers at affairs of importance. The inhabitants preserve with care 
the relics of their ancestors; and at the death of their chiefs their bodies are 
deposited on platforms in the forest and are allowed to decay. When they 
cease to be offensive they are deposited under the roofs of their houses. 

On the similarities between Malagasy and Malayan words, see Banks, io 
Hawkesworth’s Dsscovertes in the South Sea, 1773; Hervas, Catalogo de ls 
Lengues, Madrid, 1800; and W. von Humboldt, Aawssprache, 1836. 


ED. (J.S.) 


THE MALAGASY WORDS FOR ‘FISH’ AND ‘CANOE’ (‘LAOKA 
AND ‘LAKANA'). 


WHAT does the word /déana in Malagasy mean? or, rather, what did it 
originally mean ? We all know that it now means a canoe, made by hollowing 
out the trunk of a large tree, but what is its etymology ? 

We have another word in Malagasy which somewhat resembles it, viz 
laoka. This in Imérina now means any additional food or relish taken with 
rice (which is the staple food, the staff of life, of the majority of the Malagasy 
tribes) in order to make it more palatable. Here in the central province /aoks 
means either meat, fish, shrimps, or even vegetables; but on the coast it 
appears to be almost exclusively applied to #s4;* and there can hardly be 
any doubt that this is the original meaning of the word. 

fa the various Malayan, Polynesian and Melanesian languages we find 
the root a# in any number of modifications, as @k, ok, aka, tha, shan, ig, 
iga, ige, eg, etc., and all of them having the meaning of ‘fish ;’ and there can 
be no doubt at all that the Malagasy laoka (fish) is only a further expansica 
of the same root. The prefixed 7 (or /a) is evidently only the demonstrative 
particle Za or de, which we meet with in words like z/ay and s/2hy (or ééhy), 
‘that one.’ That demonstrative particles are used in forming secondary roots 
from primary ones is a fact familiar to every scholar, although it does not 
occur so often in the agg/utinative languages as in the inflectional ones. 

If we now turn to /akana \provincial, /aka), we evidently meet the same 
root, in a similar number of variations, in the cognate languages; e.g., at 
(very frequently), of, aka, eka, og, vaka, haka, laka, Jaka, etc., and always 
having the same meaning of a canoe oraboat The primary root here is also 
ak, to which are prefixed the demonstrative particles “a, la, va, fa, etc. Now 
is there no connection between the a4 which means ‘fish,’ and the @& which 
means ‘canoe ?’ I have not the means of following up the question fully, but 
I have no doubt that the two forms a& are identical. Perhaps both of them 
point back to a verbal root a4 (to move, run, swim ‘ya at any rate the idea of 
‘fish’ is an earlier one than that of ‘canoe,’ as people no doubt had seen a 
fish before they could make a canoe. And having once fixed the sense ‘fish’ 
to the root af, it was quite natural that they should call a canoe by the same 
name; for what, after all, is a canoe but an artificial fish ? But in the course 
of time the forms were gradually modified to some extent, so as it to make 
it possible (at least in some of these languages) to distinguish the name of a 
fish from the name of a canoe. L. DAHLE. 

Note.—The forms a@&, #& certainly remind one of the Greek schthus; 
but this is, 1 suppose, only an accidental similarity. 





© There is, properly speaking, no distinctive word for fish in the interior of Madagascar, as 

me gne in common use Aasandrino, a combination of the words Adsa, anything obtained by 
unting, and ra#o, water—is very wide in its meaning, and is applied to other livi i 

besides fish, as ahrimpe, crayfish, crabs and molluscs. 5: PP or living things 


THE ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL. 


383 





-F SUMMARY OF IMPORTANT EVENTS IN 


MADAGASCAR 


ITICAL.— Our usual brief re- 
ord of important political 
is briefer this year than usual, 
re has happily been little of 
mportance to record. When 
ve noticed the evacuation of 
ave by the Frenchin January, 
sit of the British Consul to 
pital in June, the return of 
\lagasy Embassy from France 
30 that of General Willoughby 
surope, the temporary with- 
of the French flag (on ac- 
of differences of opinton be- 
the Resident-General and the 
Government with regard to 
eguaturs of foreign consuls), 
rival of M. Larrouy, the new 
nt-General, and the dismissal 
fice of the Secretary of State 
reign Affairs—we have nearly 
ted all the items of interest 
this head. Happily the poli- 
utlook is peaceful; long may 
nue so! 
er the head of semi-political 
, we must, however, record the 
iastic celebration of the Jubilee 
r Majesty Queen Victoria, 
: British community of Anta- 
vo on Wednesday the 22nd of 
By the kind permission of 
ajesty the Queen of Madagas- 
e Royal Gardens at Mahazoa- 
ere lent for the occasion; anda 
1umber of the é/sZe of Malagasy 
', including His Excellency 
me Minister, as well as foreign- 
' all nationalities residing in 
pital, accepted the invitation 
committee having the manage- 
of the festivities. Luncheon 
1er refreshments were provided, 
\inments of various kinds were 
‘ed, the gardens were prettily 
ted, and a very pleasant day 
vent in honour of the Jubilee. 


DURING 1887. 


SOCIAL AND COMMERCIAL.— 
During the latter part ofthis year the 
line of Electric Telegraph connecting 
Tamatave and Antananarivo has 
been completed ; and on Thursday, 
Sept. 15th, the chief port of Mada- 
gascar and the Capital were put in 
telegraphic connection, and messages 
were interchanged for the first time. 
The line has been constructed by a 
French company, the Malagasy Go- 
vernment supplying the posts and 
other timber; and a year after the 
line is in working order, the Govern- 
ment is to take it over on the pay- 
ment of $ 20,000 to the French. 

ROADS AND PATHS.—In the ear- 
lier months of the year, as soon 
as the rainy season was fairly 
over, a great deal of activity was 
shown in all parts of the central 
province of Imérina, in improving 
the roads and paths. We do not 
mean to say that any roads—paved or 
macadamised in European fashion— 
have been constructed; but the 
previously existing foot-paths - mere 
tracks of afew inches broad—crossing 
the country in all directions, have 
been widened by clearing away the 
grass for five or six feet in width ; 
the steeper ascents and descents 
have been made somewhat less diffi- 
cult; and in some cases embank- 
ments have been formed over wet 
and boggy ground, although no 
bridges have (we believe) been built. 
Madagascar is still some centuries 
behind most civilised countries as 
regards the means of internal com- 
munication, but this year a little 
advance in the right direction has 
certainly been made. 

RIVER EMBANKMENTS.— During 
the months of July and August 
a large proportion of the popu- 
lation of Imerina left all other oc- 


384 





cupations and assembled in vast 
numbers, in obedience to the royal 
proclamation, on the banks of the 
river Ikopa, in order to heighten and 


‘strengthen the embankments on each 


oe 


e 


a d 


side of the stream. For some years 
ast these great works, carried out 
By former sovereigns, have been 
getting more and more defective ; 
and on account of the gradual rise 
in the bed of the river, their height 
has been insufficient to hold the great 
mass of water which is poured into 
them during the heavy rains of the 
wet season. It had therefore become 
a matter of national importance to 
strengthen these great banks, and 
so to prevent the disastrous floods 
which have become rather frequent of 
late years, and have often destroyed 
thousands of acres of growing 
rice. Every kind of business and all 
teaching was therefore ordered to be 
stopped. The Queen and her Court 
went out to the river, and Her 
Majesty herself carried sods and 
stones and laid than in their place 
to inaugurate the work; and, subse- 
quently, the Queen and Prime Minis- 
ter and a large following of atten- 
dants left the Capital for about three 
weeks to inspect the works, encamp- 
ing in various places along the river 
side, from near Alaséra, to the south- 
east, down to a considerable distance 
north-west of the Capital. The new 
and white lines of embankment 
stretching along the river sides for 
many miles can be quite clearly seen 
from the upper part of Antananarivo, 
and their broad tops form fine roads 
for walking or horse exercise. 


It is a matter for great regret that 
grog shops, where drinking and 
gaming are carried on late at night, 
are now to be seen in considerable 
numbers in various parts of the 
Capital; these are chiefly kept by 
foreigners, and drinking habits as 
well other immoralities are certainly 
greatly on the increase among the 
Malagasy themselves. It is much 
to be wished that by licencing or 
some other method some restraint 


BRIEF SUMMARY OF IMPORTANT EVENTS. 


could be put upon this uncontrolled 
trade, which is now doing so much 
to demoralise the people and nev- 
tralise the benefits of education an 
Christian teaching. 

Trade has been for many months 
past in a very depressed conditios, 
smoney has been scarce, and there 
has been little inducement for any 
speculation or enterprise. 

LITERARY.—REVISION OF THE 
MALAGASY BIBLE. During the early 
part of the year this great work, 
which has been carried on more o 
less continuously for more than 1; 
years, was brought to a completion; 
and on the 2nd of May a largely at- 
tended meeting was held in the Am 
pamarinana Memorial Church to cele- 
brate the event and to give thanks 
for the successful termination of the 
work. The Rev. W. E. Cousins, the 
Chief Reviser, is now in England 
engaged in carrying through the 
press the first editions of the Revised 
Bible and of the New Testament. 

GEOGRAPHICAL.—''M. le Myre 
de Vilers, Resident - General of 
France at Madagascar, having 
learned that the Rev. Father Roblet, 
Jesuit Missioner, had made consi- 
derable topographical researches 
in the provinces of Imérina and 
Bétsiléo, sent one of his secre: 
taries to look carefully into the 
matter (see pp. 341, 342, and). 
On the notes which were supplied 
to him, M. le Myre de Vilers ad- 
dressed a report to the Topogra- 
phical Society of France, in conse- 
quence of which the Society has 
awarded an exception to our indefa- 
tigable topographer, who has reflect- 
ed honour alike on science and on 
France. His reward, the highest 
after the great medal of honour, was 
proclaimed on the 7th of November 
in the General Assembly of the 
Society of Topography of France and 
the Sorbonne.’’—A nnals of the Pro- 
pagation of the Faith ; May 1887. 

A NEW SURVEY OF ANTANA- 
RIVO.—It is now 50 years ago 
since the Capital of Madagascar was 
surveyed for the first time. This was 


nk eeeeeneeeeaaeecenee ~<A ID eC, -« 


—$———=$_.. 


~ 
a 


BRIEF SUMMARY OF IMPORTANT EVENTS. 


385 


‘the late Mr. James Cameron, 
..M.S.; and a map, toa small 
was drawn, which was first 
edin Mr. Ellis’s Azstory of 
rascary (1878), and has been 
three times reproduced with 
idditions. The city, however, 
acreased very considerably 
the last fifty years; and we 
ad to see that some of the 
er officers connected with the 

Residency have for some 
past been engaged in making 
'y of Antananarivo. We hope 
e result of their labours will 
lished, so asto be accessible 
general public, for numbers of 
ers as well as of the native in- 
its would doubtless be glad to 
n a handy form, a map of the 
L. 
JCATIONAL.—On Tuesday, 
th, an attempt was made by 
itor of the monthly publication 
| Ny Fianginana sy ny Sekdly 
. E. Clark) to obtain accurate 

of the number of scholars 
books of the various Protes- 
chools and other educational 
shments in the Capital, in- 
‘ the Palace School, Colleges, 


Soctety 


[n connection with the L.M.S. and F.F.M.A. 
S.P.G 


LF] o) x? 99 
99 99 o) 99 


lorweg. M.S. 


High Schools, etc., and also of those 
in actual attendance on that day. 
At the foot of this section is a sum- 
mary of the results obtained. 

Although it is pleasant to know ~ 
that between two and three thousand 
children and young people in the 
Capital are regularly learning, yet 
these numbers are far from satisfactory 
when the large population of Anta- 
nanarivo is remembered. There are 
probably not fewer that 100,000 in- 
abitants in this city; and applyin 
the same rule here as in England, 
that one-tenth of the total population 
should be in school, and adding 
perhaps a fifth of these figures as 
the numbers in attendance at the 
Roman Catholic schools (3327 x 665= 
4392, and 2387 477==2864), we see 
that the numbers who are regularly 
learning are a good deal under a 
third of those who should be in 
school.* It is evident therefore that 
the laws about putting children to 
school are evaded by a large number 
of the inhabitants of Antananarivo, 
and that much still remains to be 
done in popular education in the 
Capital of Madagascar. 


Numbers Numbers 


on Books. present. 
2847 1948 
336 320 
144 11g 
3327 2387 


ARTURE OF MISSIONARIES.—Our space will only allow us (instead of 
1 fuller notice we had written) to make the simple record of the depart- 
m Madagascar this year of the Rev. L. Dahle, N.M.S., and of 
E. Clark, F.F.M.A., both of whom are well known to all readers of the 
\L by interesting articles, and as having written numerous and valuable 
n the native language. We can ill spare such men from our midst, 
regret that at present there seems little hope of either Mr. Dahle or 
ark returning to this country. 


1ould be remembered also that in the case of the higher schools and colleges, a 
»portion of their scholars are not usually resident in the Capital, but are from the 
so that the attendance from the city is still further reduced. On the other hand, it is 
: the proportion of scholars to total population must be put much lower in Madgascar 
Zngland, on account of the far smaller number of children as compared with adults. 
one-twentieth might be the proper ratio; but even this is far from reached. 


386 THE ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL. 


BOTANICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY NOTES. 


FURTHER CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE FLORA OF MADAGASCAR; 
BY ¥. G. BAKER, F.R.S,, F.L.S. (READ 18TH NOV. 1886.) 


“QIN CE I last reported to the Linnean Society on the Flora of Madagasczr, 

in the session of 1884-85, two large boxes of plants have been received 
from the Rev. R. Baron, F.L.S. One of these, owing to the unsettled state of 

olitical affairs in the island, did not reach us for more than a year after the 
etter announcing it came to hand, so that we had quite given it up for lost. 
These two boxes carry up his collecting numbers to nearly sooo. The 
present Paper contains descriptions of the principal new genera and species 
included in these boxes of which the specimens were sufficiently complete. 
There appear to be seven new genera—one in Menispermacez, one in 
Geraniacez, two in Melastomacez, one in Rubiacez, and two in Composite. 
The species are distributed through the primary divisions as follows, viz:- 
Thalamiflore 51, Calyciflore 48, Gamopetalze 93, Incomplete 31, Mono 
cotyledons 27, Vascular Cryptogamia 5. 

‘‘As before, the great bulk of the new species belong to the large, well- 
known, widely-spread tropical genera, such as Garcinta, Hibiscus, Begonis, 
Vernonia, Vitis, Ficus, Piper, and Cyperus. Of characteristically Cape 
types we have Pelargonium, Stoebe, Belmontia and Ctnerarta added to 
the flora of Madagascar, a second species of Crassuda, several fleshy-leaved 
Kleinioid Seseczos, and a curious dwarf Aloe, allied to the Cape Aix 
aristata of Haworth. Of familiar European genera we have Cel#ss and 
Deyeuxta added, and new species of Nasturtium and Ajuga. Of the 
endemic Madagascar genera we get new species of Asterofeta, Rhodolens, 
Dichetanthera, Veprecella, Eravesia, Kitchingia, Dicoryphe, Onces- 
temum, Mascarenhaista, and Dypfsts. There is nothing materially fresh 
affecting the relations of Madagascar to Tropical Africa, Mauritius, and 
Bourbon. The feeble affinity of the Madagascan to the Indian and Malayan 
flora is strengthened by the discovery of the genus Cyclea and of new species 
of Alyxta, Didymocarpus, and Strobilanthes. Of types of certain or 
possible economic interest, we have species of Dalbergia, Macaranga, ani 
Strychnos, two species of Commiphora (Balsamodendron ), and four of 
Garcinia. Acuricus Euphorbiaceous plant seems to belong to the American 
genus Ped:lanthus, but the material is incomplete. 

‘For convenience of reference I give herewith a list of recent papers which 
have appeared in English periodicals, in which new or imperfectly known 
plants from Madagascar have been described :— 


Gen. Spee. 

1876. Ferns collected by Mr. and Mrs. William Pool. 

Baker, Yourn. Linn. SOC. XV. P. AIL sosescascosseccece a6 
1877, Ferns collected by Miss Helen Gilpin. 

Baker, Yourn. Linn. SOC. XVi. P. 197 .sccccee cvcsecces at 
1879. Flowering plants collected by L. Kitching. 

Baker, Fourn. Linn. Soc. xvii. p. 264.200. .ceee esceee 2 33 
1880. Ferns collected by L. Kitching. 

Baker, Yourn. Bot. 1880, p. 326... .seee waccee cece 13 


1880-85. Endemic genera figured in /comes Plantarum :— 
Micronychta, Oliver, t. 1337; Zpallage, DC. t. 1394; 
Rhaphispermum, Benth. t. 1402; Cardtochlamys, Oliv. 
t. 1403; Bemdbicza, Oliv. t. 1404; Xerochlamys, Baker, 
t, 1413; new Tere ee ee eee Oe ee 2 ee 3 3 


erence. a. OE 
OOOO ane 


BOTANICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY NOTES. 387 


Gen, Spec, 
1882. New Plants collected by Messrs. Baron and Parker. 


Baker, Yourn. Bor: pp. 17, 45, 67, 109, 137, 189, 218, 243, 
] 


266; reprint paged differently .. eee ee 108 
» Baker (with synopsis of CySerus by C. B. Clarke), fourn. 
Linn. Soc. xx. pp. 87-304. 6 © wee ne tee ceee 5 392 
1883. New Monocotyledons collected by W. Deans Cowan. 
Ridley, Yourn. Linn. Soc. xX. p. 329 eee tees 1 10 
1884. On AHyalocalyx, a new genus of Turneracez. 
Rolfe, Yourn. Linn. Soc. xxi. p. 256, t. 10.00. weoeee vee I I 


» New Plants collected by Baron. 
Baker, Yourn. Linn. Soc. xXi. pp. 317, 407» «eee ee eeee 8 190 


»  Cyperacee nove. 
Ridley, Fourn. Bot. p. 13... ccceee cos cone os coor 3 
» Ferns collected by Humbliot. 


Baker, Fourn. Bot. p. 139 ...++ -+-+-: Le eee e eee caer ee 15 
1885. Complete list of all the known Orchids of Madagascar, with 
descriptions of new and little known species. 


Ridley, fYourn. Linn. Soc. xxi. p. 456...... ceeee. eves: 74 

», |New Orchids collected by Fox and Baron. 
Ridley, fourn. Linn. Soc. xxii. p. 116 ...... cence oe 19 
1886. The present paper ........cceee  ceceeeeees ce ceernces J 255 





29 116 
From Zhe Fournal of the Linnean Soctety, vol. xxii. No. 148. s 


The new genera mentioned in the above extract are Gamopoda (Nat. 
Ord. Menispermacez), 7rimorphopetatum (Nat. Ord. Geraniacez), Rhodo-= 
sepala and Amphorocalyx (Nat. Ord. Melastomacce), Gomphocalyx (Nat. 
Ord. Rubiacexz), Astephanocarpa and TZemnolepfis (Nat. Ord. Composi- 
tz). 

Gamopoda denstfiora, Baker. This is an erect shrub found In Antsiha- 
naka and flowering in November and December. 

Trimorphopetalum dorstentoides, Baker, is an herb found in the streams 
in the forest to the east of Imérina. It is abundant at ‘‘the glen’’ near 
Ankéramadinika. Mr. Baker say it is a very distinct new generic type 
nearest /mpatiens. 

Rhodosepala auctfiora, Baker, is an herbaceous plant found in damp 
places in West Imerina. It flowers about the middle of the year. 

Amphorocalyx multifiorus, Baker. This is an erect shrub from North 
Imerina. It flowers also about the middle of the year. 

Gomphocalyx herntarioides, Baker, is an annual from Ankavandra in 
West Madagascar. 

A stephanocarpa arbutifolia, Baker. This shrub, which is in flower about 
September, is from the summit of Vavavato mountain. 

Lemnolepis scrophulariefolia, Baker, is an anoual which is abundant in 
Antairoka (Antéhirdka ?), north of the Capital. 


THE AGY. The dgy is a climbing plant found abundantly is Western 
Madagascar. The hairs which cover its pod sting most virulently.* The 
plant proves to be new, so that it is not the AZucuna pruriens, though it is 
closely allied to it.t Mr. Baker has named it AZucuna axillaris. It 
appears to be in flower during the greater part of the year. 


* See ANNUAL IX. p. 118. + See ANNUAL IX. p. 119. 


388 BOTANICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY NOTES. 





THE IRON-WOOD TREE. This is a tree which is frequently found i 
gardens. I sent a specimen to Kew for identification from the tree in it. 
W. Johnson’s garden (south of the house), and to my surprise it proves 
according to Mr. Baker, to be new. Now asthe tree is undoubtedly intr- 
duced, I suspect Mr. Baker may hereafter find it to be after all Acaas 
hetesophylla, Willd., or some other known species of acacia. However, k 
has named it Acacta xtphoclada. 


THE LANDEMY. The tall shrub or small tree with large cabbage-lt 
leaves known as /and2my, and found about the forests of Eastern Imerinsa, 
proves to be a new species of Amfhocletsta. Mr. Baker has named it Asthe 
cletsta amplexicaulis. The natives, I believe, use the bark (?) for malarial 
ever. 


THE ADABO. Among the commonest trees in Western Madagascar are 
the adabo, of which there are two species, the adadbolahy and the adabovary. 
They are both new species of Ficus, the former having been named by Mr. 
Baker Ficus sakalavarum, and the latter Ficus cocculifolia. The ade- 
bovavy, whose fruit is sometimes five or six inches in diameter, is much more 
common than the adadbolahy. 


THE RHODOLANA ALTIVOLA. On p.114 of the VIIIth No. of the ANNUAL 
the following remarks respecting this plant were made: ‘‘It was discovered 
about a century ago by Petit Thouars, but until recently has not been 
gathered since that date. In Wallace’s /sland Life it is mentioned as one 
of the characteristic plants of Madagascar, where it is described as a ‘semi- 
scandent shrub with magnificent campanulate flowers the size of a camellia 
and of a brilliant purple colour.’ It is not, however, a semi-scandent shrub, 
but a large tree........ It is pretty common in the forest of Eastern Imerina, 
where it is known as Fdvona. Its fruit is edible.’’ Now it seems that the 
remarks of Mr. Wallace are correct, and that the plant referred to in the 
above is a new species of Rhodolena, which M. Baillon has recently named 
Rhodolena Bakertana. R. altivola seems to be found in the north-eastem 
parts of the island. 


In addition to the above there have also been described recently in Zhe 
Fournal of the Linnean Society, 4 species of Garcinia, 4 of Hsdiscus, § of 
Dombeya, 3 of Vitis, 9 of Kalanchoe, 3 of Dicoryphe, 2 of Begonia, 3 0 
Dirichletia, 3 of Psychotria, 6 of Vernonta, 3 of Conyza, 3 of Pstadia, 4 of 
Helichrysum, 3 of Aphelexis, 7 of Senecto, 5 of Philippia, 5 of Once 
stemum,\ of Strychnos, 7 of Hyfoestes, 5 of Euphorbia. 3 of Antidesma, 
8 (including the two above-mentioned) of /icus, 5 palms of the genus PE 
and 1 of the genus Phloga, 5 of Cyperus, and 1 Chara of the genus stelle. 


R. BARON. (ED.) 


HABITS AND FOOD OF THE AYE-AYE, 


ONE of the most remarkable of the smaller mammalia to be found in any 
part of the world is the Aye-aye, which inhabits Madagascar only, and of 
which only one species is at present known. This little creature is s0 
different from all the other quadrumanous animals that it forms a genus and 
even a family of itself, while it differs in some important points of structure 
from the lemurs, to which Order it is most nearly allied. It is now well 
known to naturalists that Madagascar, from its geographical position as a 
continental island, presents some very anomalous forms of animal life, 
survivals of antique forms, which have maintained their existence in this 
large island. while they have been exterminated in the struggle for life with 
other animals on the continents. 


BOTANICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY NOTES. 389 








The Aye-aye is one of the most interesting of such animals, and its organ- 
isation presents one of the striking examples that can be found of typical 
forms modified to serve special ends. Its food, according to Dr. Sandwith’s 
account of its habits when newly caught, consists of wood-boring larve, 
which tunnel beneath the bark of certain hard-wooded trees. To obtain 
these, the creature is furnished with very powerful chisel-shaped teeth with 
which to cut away the bark and the wood. As, however, the larva retreats 
for safety to the end of its hole, the middle finger of the Aye-aye’s fore-hands 
is considerably diminished in thickness, so as to act as a probe. Thus 
provided, the finger with its hook-like claw is inserted in the tunnel, and the 
dainty morsel drawn from its retreat ; and so the animal obtains, at least in 
certain conditions and seasons, the bulk of its food.*® 

There are also other modifications of structure, all tending to the more 
perfect accomplishment of the purposes fulfilled by this little creature in the 
order of nature: the eyes being very large so as to see by night, for it sleeps 
by day; the ears expanded widely, and of delicate membrane, to catch the 
faint sound of the caterpillar at work ; and the thumbs of the hinder hands 
being largely developed to take firm hold while working. Dr. Sandwith 
also observed that the probe finger is used as a scoop when the Aye-aye 
drinks ; being bent so as to separate it from the other fingers, it is carried 
so rapidly from the water to the mouth, passing sideways through the lips, 
that the liquid seems to pass in a continual stream. Another observer has also 
pointed out a remarkable point in the structure of the lower jaw of this animal, 
namely, that the two sides are only joined together by a strong ligament, 
and do not, as in most other animals, form one connected semicircle of bone. 
They play easily in a vertical direction, independently of each other, and 
when the animal is gnawing, alternately. This accounts for the prodigious 
power of gnawing that the Aye-aye possesses. It was seen tocut through-a 
strip of tin- plate nailed to the door of its cage. As this power is added to the 
usual vertical and lateral motion of the lower jaw, its effect is not astonishing. 
From this strong gnawing power the Aye-aye was at first classed, by Cuvier 
and Buffon, among the Rodentia, but it is now determined to be an exceed- 
ingly specialised form of the lemuroid type. ‘‘Thus,’’ says Professor Owen, 
‘‘we have not only obvious, direct, and perfect adaptations of particular 
mechanical instruments to particular functions—of feet to grasp, of teeth to 
erode, of a finger to probe and extract—but we see a correlation of these 
several modifications with each other, and with adaptive modification of the 
nervous system and the sense organs: of eyes, to catch the least glimmer 
of light, and of ears, to detect the feeblest grating of sound ; the whole deter- 
mining a complex mechanism to the perfect performance of a particular kind 
of work.”’ 

The Malagasy living in the eastern forests and coast plains have a super- 
titious dread’ of the animal, believing that any person who kills an Aye-aye 
will die within a year. This fear, added to the nocturnal habits of the 
creature, has made it difficult to obtain specimens of the Ayeaye ; but a female 
was sent over in 1859 to England, and lived for some time in the Regent’s 
Park Gardens. As regards the habits of the animal, fresh information was 
soon obtained by the Superintendent of the Gardens, Mr. A. D. Bartlett, in 
some points curiously differing from Dr. Sandwith’s observations. The 
animal slept during the day, the body curved and lying on the side, while the 
tail was spread out and flattened over it, so that the head and body were 


* These notes on the Aye-aye, although written some years ago, appear to me to be worth 
placing on permanent record, as another small contribution to the few facts yet known about 
this curious and anomalous animal. For further facts about the Aye-aye, see ANNUAL VI, 
pp. 83 and 123; 


390 BOTANICAL AND NAZURAL HISTORY NOTES. 








almost covered by it. Only at night did it show activity, crawling about and 
gnawing the timber of its cage, but showing no uneasiness at the appearance 
of a light, indeed trying to touch it with its long fingers. It often hung by 
its hind legs, and in this position would clean and comb the tail with a rapid 
motion of its hook like finger, in this action much resembling some of the 
bats ‘Pleropus). 

In feeding, the left hand only was used, and from its very rapid movement 

it was difficult to observe it closely, but the peculiar middle finger was raised 
so as not to touch the food. This Aye aye showed no inclination to take any 
kind of insect, but fed freely on a mixture of milk, honey, and eggs, or on any 
thick, sweet, glutinous fluid, rejecting meal-worms, grasshoppers, larve of 
wasps, etc. From this fact Mr. Bartlett is disposed to think that the animal 
cannot be carnivorous; but from its possessing such large and powerful teeth, 
he infers that it may perhaps wound trees, and cause them to discharge their 
duices into the cavity made by its teeth, and that upon this fluid it possibly 
eeds. He thinks this supposition confirmed by the fact that the Aye.aye 
frequently returned to the same spot on the tree which she had previously 
injured, Other habits in feeding seemed to strengthen this view, siuce the 
animal paid little attention to its food, and did not watch or look after it, 
continuing to thrust out its hand for a while after the vessel containing the 
food was removed. ‘This apparently stupid act is so unlike the habits of 
animal intended to capture and feed on living creatures, that Mr. Bartlett 
believes that its usual food consists of inanimate substances. He frequent! 
saw it eat a portion of bark and wood after taking a quantity of its fluid f 

The facts noted by two such careful and scientific observers seem to differ 
80 much on important points that they raise the question whether there may 
not be more than one species of Aye aye, or whether the food of the female 
may not differ, at certain times at least, from that of the male. Possibly, 
however, the explanation is to be found in the fact that none of the insects of 
England which were offered to the Aye-aye were suitable to its tastes, It 
therefore preferred another kind of food to starvation, and ate bread, e 
and honey with milk ; for its native habits and food in the woods of Mada- 
gascar declare plainly its office as a check upon the undue prevalence of 
tree-destroying xylophagous larve. ‘‘Had the Aye-aye possessed an indis- 
criminate appetite for insects, it would satisfy such appetite on much easier 
terms than by gnawing into hard wood for a particular kind of .”? But 
as testified by a French observer, it has by no means an equal iin for all 
species of larvz, but distinctly chooses certain kinds; and Dr. Sandwith 
specifies its favourite food as the destructive monferek. The restriction of its 
likings to the wood boring kinds was therefore necessary to insure the com- 
plete use of all the wonderfully adapted parts of its organisation. 

According to M. Soumagne, the Aye-aye constructs true nests in trees, 
which resemble enormous ball-shaped birds’ nests. He found them in a belt 
of forest inland from Tamatave. They were composed of the rolled up leaves 
of the Traveller’s-tree (Urania speciosa), and were lined with small twigs and 

ry leaves. The opening of the nest was placed at the side, the nest being 
lodged in the fork of the branches of a large tree. In this nest-building 
habit the Aye-aye resembles the lower lemuroid animals. __ . 

“The Aye-aye is about three feet in length, including the long tail, which 
is one foot, eight inches and a half long; and there is a half Fox, half Lemur 
look about it, with a little of the Squirrel. The hind feet are at first sight like 
those of a Monkey, as are also the limbs; but the fingers are of all kinds 
of lengths, and the middle qne looks as if it were atrophied or wasted’ 
(Cassell’s Nat. History ; vol. i., p. 251). 


JAMES SIBREE, JUN. (ED.) 


i. - Ce 


ey, 


THE ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL. 


LITERARY 


W BOOKS ON MADAGASCAR. 
(1) Zhe Children of Made ga- 
By Herbert F. Standing. 1. 


»c., London: 1887; 176, 


, BP: 
to, with map an many 


itions. Although written pn- 
for children, Mr. Standing’s 
vill be found full of interest to 
> read it, both young and old. 
ibject which Mr. Standing has 
up has not, until now, been 
lof, except a very slight fashion, 
of the numerous books already 
1ed about Madagascar; and 
ormation given is not compiled 
he works of others, but has 
carefully got together from 
al research and observation. 
book the life of Hova Mala- 
hildren is depicted from birth 
riage: the superstitions and 
; customs connected with them, 
omes and surroundings, their 
and food, their amusements 
ames, their nursery tales and 
s, their schools and learning— 
| minutely described, as well 
the condition of slave children 
lagascar. The last chapter of 
1k is occupied by a number of 
ting narratives of Malagasy 
pn, by which further light is 
upon their social condition, 
lly as affected by Christian 
ig. The book is illustrated bya 
r of engravings, from drawings 
executed by Malagasy artists ; 
got up’ in the usual tasteful 
f the Pract Society's Christmas 
tions ; and we venture to pre- 
"it a hearty welcome in many 
1 homes during the long eve- 
»f this winter. 
‘Under the title of Za France 
lagascar, par Jean Marield ; 
1887, there has been recently 
ed a book, or rather, a bro- 
The object of this work is to 
ite an invasion of Imérina, a 
gh conquest of the island, 
e handing over of this terres- 


39! 





NOTES. 


trial paradise to—the Hebrews !’’ =r 
Madagascar Times, Dec. 9, 1887. 

(3) We notice in Messrs. Nisbet’s 
list for November the following : Zhe 
Fugitives: or the Tyrant Queet of 
Madagascar ; a Story founded an 
fact; by R. M. Ballantyne. 

(4) Dr. Konrad Keller, of Switzer- 
land, has lately published sketches 
of his travels in Eastern Africa and 
Madagascar; 200 pages of the work 
are devoted to Madagascar. He 
visited the island on both sides and 
also the interior, as a naturalist. (See 
ANNUAL X. p. 259.) 

A new Eng ish. Malagasy Diction- 
ary, in a much fuller form than that 
by Mr. J. S. Sewell, is now bein 

repared by Mr. W. Johnson. ' 
the kindgess of the Rev. Pére Cause 
séque, S. J., we leara that the follow- 
lag books are in preparation at 
the Roman Catholic Press: —Duschson- 
natre malgache-fransats, par le 
Pére Antoine Abinal, S.J., mission- 
naire de Madagascar; and Gram- 
mare fransatse pour les Malgaches, 
in 12mo, 

PAPERS AND PAMPHLETS ON Ma- 
DAGASCAR.—~In the fortnightly 
Review, March 1st 1887 (pp. 432- 
441), is an article entitled ‘‘Frenc 
Aggression in Madagascar,’’ by 
General Digby Willoughby, of the 
Malagasy Army. In Zhe Chronicle 
0 ihe London ue abe Soceety 
or July 1887 (pp. 276-285), 1s a paper 
by yy Rew’ "james Shree, Pun. 
entitled ‘‘The L.M.S. College, Ag. 
tananarivo,’’ with two woodcuts. In 
the same publication for Ane: 1887 
(pp. -355), is a paper by the Kev. 
A. go Hackett, enti ed ‘South-east 
Madagascar.’’ This article coatains 
some curious information as to the 
customs and superstitions of the 
tribes in that part of the island, the 
Taiméro and the Taifasy (or, as Mr. 
Huckett says they should be called, 
Nteméro and Ntefasy), and is ilus- 
trated by an interesting fac-simile of 


392 


LITERARY NOTES. 





a page from their Séra-de or ‘Great 

ritings’, written in a crabbed and 
cursive style of Arabic, very difficult 
to decipher. It has long been known 
that the ancestors of the chiefs of 
these tribes were Arabs; and these 
writings are evidence that a know- 
ledge of Arabic is still retained by 
their descendants. 

A Comparison of the Dialects of 
Eastand West Polynesian, Malay, 
Malagasy and Australian. By the 
Rev. G, Pratt. Read before the Royal 
Society of New South Wales, 2nd 
June 1886. Sydney: pp. 24. 

Since the last publication of the 
ANNUAL, a French monthly periodi- 
cal in newspaper form, entitled J/ad- 
agascar: France Ortentale, has 
been issued at Paris, for the purpose 
of upholding French interests in this 
island. From the specimens we have 
seen of this publication it appears to 
be animated by a bitterly hostile 
feeling to English influence of every 
kind in this country, and is full of 
absurd and prejudiced mis-state- 
ments with regard to British officials, 
traders and missionaries. When will 
some French writers learn to write 
with common justice and fairness on 
such points ? and acknowledge that 
Englishmen also have some rights 
in Madagascar, and have done some 
good to the Malagasy ? 

In the Bulletin de la Soctété de 
Géographie de Lyon, ¥év. et Mars 
1880, are articles by Msgr. Cazet, 
Vicaire Apostolique, entitled ‘‘L‘ilede 
Madagascar.’’ In the Proceedings 
of the /nstitut de France, 25 Oct. 
1886, is an article by M. A. Grandi- 
dier, entitled ‘‘Madagascar et ses 
Habitants ;’’ pp. , 4to. In the 
Revue Maratime, Mai 1886, is an 
article by M. D. Maigrot, entitled 
‘Ressources de Madagascar, au 
point de vue d’émigration.’’ (Also 
given in the Montteur Official de 
Commerce, 1886.) 

In Cosmos: Revue des Sciences 
et de leurs applications (Paris) for 
1887, are the tollowing articles by the 


Rev. Pére Camboué, S.J.; — “Le 
Voanjo ( Voandzeta terranes, 
Thouars)” [a species of earth-nut]; 
‘‘Tremblement de Terre a Tanana- 
rive ;’’ and ‘‘Une Invasion de Sau- 
terelles 4 Tananarive.’’ By the 
same writer, in the Bulletin de is 
Soczété Nationale @ Acclsmataton 
de France, is ‘‘Araneides utiles 
et inusibles de Madagascar.’’ In 
the same journal, by M. Crejun 
(Frésident de la Cour d’appel de la 
artinique), ‘‘Sur la Caille de Ma- 
dagascar.’’ And in the Bulletin de 
la Société de Géographie Commer. 
ctale de Bordeaux, by the Rev. Pére 
Cazeaux, S.J., ‘“‘La Vigne a Mada- 
gascar.’’® 
MAP OF MADAGASCAR.—The new 
Map of this country by Mr. William 
ohnson, of the F.F.M.A., announced 
in our last number, has been lately 
issued and is a great improvement 
upon the two former editions. It is 
considerably larger (38% in. by 20} in.) 
and contains much new information, 
especially as to the north-east of the 
island, in the districts traversed by 
Mr. Baron, as described in the first 
article in this ANNUAL ; and also asto 
the southern region, about the sources 
of the Anolahina or St. Augustine 
River, the country explored by Mr. 
H. M. Andersen. This map is very 
clearly lithographed and does much 
credit to the F.F.M.A. Press. 
WORKS IN MALAGASY.—Zanéa- 
ran’ ny Fiangonana eto Madagas- 
kara, hatramy ny niandohany ka 
hatramy ny Taona 1887 (History of 
the Church here in Madagascar, from 
its commencement up to the Year 
1887); by Henry E. Clark. F.F.M.A. 
Press: 16mo0, pp. 510, with lith. 
illustrations. About a third of the 
contents of this volume appeared first 
in the monthly publication of the 
Friends’ Mission entitled Wy Fian- 
finana sy ny Sekoly, but the rest is 
published for the first time. The 
hearty thanks of all who are interest- 
ed in Madagascar are due to Mr. 
Clark for the great pains and care 





* For all the notices in this paragraph I am indebted to the kindness of the Rev. Pare 


Causséque, S.J.—ED. (J.8.) 


oe Sine, 


LITERARY NOTES. 





s taken in the preparation of 
»0k. Itis amine of information 
every subject connected with 
iurches and schools, the litera- 
Biblical translation, and med- 
nission work of this country, 
‘ill be invaluable to all who may 
or write about any of these 
rs. To all thoughtful Malagasy 
ht to possess deep interest as 
and careful record of the reli- 
history of their native land; and 
ype that it will be extensively 
it and read by them. Addi- 
value is given to the book by 
raphic portraits of the Revs. D. 
hs and D. Jones, the fathers 
yunders of Malagasy Christian- 
and by views of the earliest 
ngserected for Christian worship 
tananarivo, those at Ambddin’ 
nalo and at Ambatonakanga, 
also of the L.M.S. College in 
sapital. — Dskstonary amy 
ttboly, Fizarana IV., Kapa— 
' (Bible Dictionary, Part IV., 
l—Paul), edited by Rev. James 
», Jun. L.M.S. Press: 8vo, 
92, with woodcuts. — JMMala- 
Kabary from the time of An- 
ampiisnimérina. Collected by 
W. E. Cousins; 2nd ed., with 
ons. L.M.S. Press: 12mo, pp. 
- Hevi-teny amy ny Romana, 
‘ana l., toko i.—viii. (Commen- 
n the Epistle to the Romans, 
[., chs. i—viii.), by Rev. W. 


393 





Montgomery. L.M.S. Press: 8vo, pp. 
vill. and 200 — Hevi-teny amy ny 
Zpistily nosoratany Paoly taminy 

smoty sy Titosy ary Filemona 
(Commentary on the Epp. to Timothy, 

itus and Philemon), by Rev. J. A. 
Houlder. L.M.S. Press: 8vo, pp. 117. 
Vy Geometria nosoratany Eoklida ; 
Bokiny %. sy #. (First and Second 
Books of Euclid), translated by Rev. 
W. Montgomery; 2nd ed. L.M.S. 
Press : 12mo, pp. 74. — Lesona amy 
” Anatomy Generaly mbamy ny 

hystology tsotsotra fombany (Les- 
sons in General Anatomy, together 
with the simple Physiology connected 
with it) by Dr. J. Tregelles Fox. 
Medical Mission: 8vo, pp. 255; 64 
lith. plates; explanation, pp. lxiv.— 
Lantaran' ny Foda sy ny Israely, 
fizarana Il. {Eistory of Judah and 
Israel, Part Il.), by Henry E. Clark. 
F.F.M.A. Press: 8vo, pp. 250. 

A new monthly periodical has been 
issued by the S.B.G. Press, commen - 
cing last January, entitled Zanfara 
sy Hevttra (Stories and Thoughts), 

8vo, pp. 16. 

The foilowing new works have 
been issued from the Press of the 
Norwegian Mission in Antananari- 
vo :—antaran’ ny Firenena sami. 
hafa.—Hevt-teny amy ny Kate- 
kisma.—Anatra ho any ny Ray 
aman-dreny.—Hevi-teny amy ny 
Lvangelta. 


ate oe 


STSCRIPT.—By the kindness of the author, a copy of the first part of the 
of maps illustrating the first volume of M. Grandidier’s great work on 
gascar has lately reached us; and it has been a very yreat pleasure 
imine the series of exquisite facesimiles of almost all known maps of 
ountry which are brought together in this volume. The earliest maps, 
that of the Arab writer Edrisi (1153), and that taken from the ancient 
of the world at Hereford Cathedral (1300), are very quaint and amusing ; 
ardly less so are those by Behaim (1492) and Juan de la Cosa (1500). All 
maps, however, were made from report only, and a great stride towards 
‘ect delineation of the true outline of the island is seen in the next map, 
f Pilestrina (in 1511), after Madagascar had actually been seen and its 
line surveyed by the Portuguese. Copies of 42 maps are given in the 
1e, concluding with that of Robiquet, which was published in 186s. 


DAILY TABLES OF TEMPERATURE AND 


FEBRUARY. 
(Max. ¥. Min 





‘3 





Carmo BecrM 
bk eahee 


a 
Bak 


FESRISLESSSSSLSSLESEKSLESESSS 
seb 








BELRSASSEGSSSLEVRTLEARSAASSESAARS, 





a 
a 











eI onm esto 








sausacesssetteussaesestsesence|e 


SSBNSy 
SSRSESLES 























© Average for T seen, 


RAINFALL FOR THE YEAR 1887 (SRE NEXT PAGE). 


SEPTEMBER. 
n. Max. F.jMin.F.| Rain. 





© GO ™2 & Orem Go 89 
f=2] 
LX) 





whe Ow 7 be Wt OE te et te hs OO os re ts es ee ee ee eee we 7. 5° 





3 
| 





OCTOBER. 





. F.|Min.F., Rain. Day|Max. F.|Min F., Rain. 
) 59 10 1; 76 58 

3 55 14 2/ 76 62 

) 535 3} 73 58 

3 54 4] 76 54 

5 50 02 5 | 7% 54 

5 51 O01 6| 77 55 

{ 49 .88 7| 74 57 

L 49 8 | 77 54 

) 52 10 9! 82 59 

3 54 08 10 | 79 60 

3 53 11 | 75. 58 

4 52 12 | 75 52 

? 53 13 | 76 56 

3 57 4] 7 53 

t 58 05 15 | 79 56 

3 61 06 16 | 77 59 

? 57 17 | 79 61 

3 4 18 | 76 

2 56 19 | 73 59 

3 56 20 | 71 58 

) 60 21] 71 56 

t 59 221 71 56 

? 55 45 23 | 72 56 02 
35 24) 73 57 

) 50 25 | 70 AZ 

3 55 26 | 78 o7 52 
; 57 27 | 76 62 72 
y 56 28 28 | 74 62 06 
) 60 29 | 73 62 08 
) 59 17 30 | 74 60 2.94 
5 54 . 31 | 79 59 1.60 
Rain (*3.80) 2.34 5.54 7.05 19.51 TK 


* Average for 7 years. 










396 THE ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL. 





DAILY TABLES OF THE TEMPERATURE 
RAINFALL FOR 1887. 


T tables on the preceding pages are the records of observations 
by myselfat Faravohitra, a northern suburb of Antananarivo, the’ 

of Madagascar, 4,700ft. above the sea. The thermometers used are 

self-registering ones from Wood, of Cheapside, London. They have 

hung in the shade under the south verandah of the L. M. S. College 

on the eastern side of the hill, and thus have been fully exposed to 

prevailing easterly winds. 

The first column (maximum) shows the highest point reached during 
day, while the second column (minimum) shows the starting, or lowest, 
‘before sunrise. The third eolumn shows the rain for the 24 hours ending 
8 a.m. on the morning of the same day. At the ends of months, 
have included in the last day's record the rain which has fallen up to 10 

It willbe noticed that the greatest heat registered was on the 6th of Ni 
when we had 85° F.; and the lowest 38°, on June 16th. Thus the 
‘between the hottest day and coldest night was 47°. Compared with the 
tables, I find from Whitaker’s Almanac that in the years 1875-6, the 
temperature in England was qo°, and the lowest 16°, a difference of 74". 

In the monthly variations the differences have generally been very 
Beginning with January, they are respectively as follows: 8, 6, 16, 12, 
9, 10, 14, 23, 16, 16, 12. The same for the nights are : 5, 7, 12, 8, 15, 14, If) 
13, 11,9, 10. The differences between night and day are 10, 15, 24, 22, 
27, 23, 29. 33, 31, 33, 30 respectively. 

In addition to the daily record of rainfall, we give the total for each 
and in brackets the average for the seven years 1881—1887 ; it will be 
that eight months were above, and four below, the average. Five 
January, February, May, August and September, showed the largest 
recorded for those months during the seven years, 

The total for the year is 11. 52 in. above the average of the seven, and it; 
the second highest for the same period. 

The greatest falls of 24 hours were on January 12-13, 3°15 ins, 

5-6, 3:02 in., March 20-21, 3°67 in. In June no one day could be 
rainy, and the total (.10) is the aggregate fall of the drizzle which prevails 
that period. In December, it will be noticed, there were 15 consecutive 
days, a phenomenon we have never noticed in December before ; the 
revious record of consecutive dry days for that month during the seven 
ing 12 in 1885. The easterly winds have been more frequent than 
and from the 19th to the 25th of December the wind from the east 
unusually strong, and the thermometer exceptionally low for that time of 
year, being 71° for three davs in succession, and 70° on Christmas Day. 

There have been five earthquake shocks, on Februat th and ath, 
ith and 13th, and May zoth; that of the afternoon of February 7th being 
sharp one. 
Append 

188: 




















88 .19 in, 
ae = Sk 
1887 = 65.08 ,, 







Average for seven years =53. 46 in. 
It is hoped this record, the first complete one published, we believe, for 
whole year, may be useful to us in after years. 

J. RicHARDson, 





Issue, INASMUCH as Its a LOKen of the valuable scientine work 
being carried on by Christian missionaries in the island of Mix 

“One of the editors of the -lzaw/, the Rev. R. Baron, is a 
plished botanist, indefatigable in his efforts to explore the bota 
adopted home, and unwearied in his efforts to obtain) material 
J. G. Baker and other workers at home ; and his colleagues, no 
himself and his fellow-editor, the Rev. J. Sibree, seem devet 
double duty of teaching the Christian religion and. civilizati 
Malagasy, and of advancine our scientific Knowledge of the str 
in which they are for the time being dwelling.” 

“The technical printing does vreat credit: to the native pri 
though one German quotition has zone a little wrong, the pr 
are otherwise exceedingly few. 

“T feel sure that Timay bespeak the svmpathy of the readers 
with the Aasananirtiee Annual, and that we may look forward 
fidence to much scientifie as well as other fruit from the continue 
of the editurs and their con/rins.” 


From a letter received from Dr. KARL BLIND, we yi 
following :— 


Mr. Pickerseill was good enoush to communicate to me twe 
of the slatvaaanartes Magician, which [found highly interestin 
hadomuch pleasure tn devoting two leading articles in the Gerr 
te their valtuabde contents.” 


Dr. R. Rost, PhoD., Librarian of the India Office, etc., 


The Aaa] ONo, viii.) is, as usual, full of interest; indeed | 
solidity and the amount of information it contains all the Engi. 
Journals published in the Bast. the Bengal Asiatic Socy's. Jour 
excepted. Your plan for facilitating the circulation of the ear 
bers cthat is, the Aegrfat tis very good, and DT have no doubt it 
to stir ap aan interest in Male sisv inatters.” 


THE 


ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL 


AND 


MADAGASCAR MAGAZINE. 


A RECORD OF INFORMATION ON THE TOPOGRAPHY AND NATURAL PRODUCTIONS 
OF MADAGASCAR, AND THE CUSTOMS, TRADITIONS, LANGUAGE, 
AND RELIGIOUS BELIEFS OF ITS PEOPLE. 


EDITED BY THE 


ReEv. J. SIBREE, F.R.G.S., 


Missionary of the L.M.S. 


<9 


fio. XII —Christmas, J8ss. 


(PART IV. (Concluding one) OF VOL. IIT.) 


OOo 


ANTANANARIVO: 
PRINTED AT THE L.M.S. PRESS. 


1888. 
All rights reserved. 


Antananarivo : 


PRINTED AT THE PRESS OF THE LONDON MISSIONARY SOCIETY 
BY MALAGASY PRINTERS. 


Tebwang iii. 


CONTENTS. 


1.—A QUARTER-CENTURY OF CHANGE AND PROGRESS : 
ANTANANARIVO AND MADAGASCAR TWENTY-FIVE YEARS AGO. 
By REV. J. SIBREE, L.M.S. .... 2.00. .cccee secccceessscccce 


2.—THE TRIAL BY CAIMAN: A STORY OF THE ‘TANGEM-ROAY’ 
OR CROCODILE ORDEAL OF THE TAIMORO. By PERCY B. 
ST. JOHN, ESQ. ............ eee ceeee ecceuee cece es cee ences veee 
3.-—M. GRANDIDIER’S SCIENTIFIC RESEARCHES IN MADA- 
GASCAR. PART II.—METEOROLOGICAL AND MAGNETIC. 
PART III.—GEOLOGY AND NATURAL PRODUCTIONS. TZyranse- 
lated from the French by REV. J. SIBREE..... oc ce sees sence 


4.—TRAVELS AND PERILS AMONG THE WILD TRIBES IN 
THE SOUTH OF MADAGASCAR. TZyranslated from the 
Norwegian of REV. J. NIELSEN-LUND, BY MRS. J. BORCH- 


GREVINK, N.M.S. .... ccc cece cna n ceteee cececcen cece se cces 
5§.—‘SIKIDY’ AND ‘VINTANA’: HALF-HOURS WITH MALAGASY 
DIVINERS. (No. III.) By Rev. L. DAHLE, N.M.S. ....... . 


6.—THE VOLCANIC LAKE OF TRITRIVA: ITS PHYSICAL FEA- 
TURES AND LEGENDARY HISTORY. By REv. J. SIBREE .... 
7-—GENERAL HALL, AND THE EXPORT SLAVE-TRADE 
FROM MADAGASCAR: A STATEMENT AND A _ VINDICA- 


TION. By CApr. S. PASFIELD OLIVER, /afe R.A. ........ 
8.—jRICE AND RICE CULTURE IN MADAGASCAR. By Miss 
C. HERBERT, F.F.M.A. cecccecces cescces cece cee coe cecnes 


PAGE 


397 


421 


427 


440 


457 


467 


473 


479 


9.—MADAGASCAR RICE-FIELDS IN THEIR ARTISTIC AND PIC- 
TURESQUE ASPECTS. From ‘‘The Letsure Hour” ....0. wees 


10.—REVISION OF NORTH-WEST PLACE-NAMES: Some 
CURIOSITIES OF TOPOGRAPHICAL NOMENCLATURE. By W. 
CLAYTON PICKERSGILL, ESQ., H.B.M.’S VICE-CONSUL... . 


t1.—CASE IN MALAGASY. By REv. S. E. JORGENSEN, N.M.S. 
12.—OUT OF THE BEATEN TRACK IN MADAGASCAR: A 
VISIT TO THE ANTAKARANA SAKALAVA. From “Temple Bar.” 


13-—VARIETIES: GEOLOGICAL AND TOPOGRAPHICAL JOTTINGS 
FROM THE NORTH, EAST, AND WEST OF MADAGASCAR= 
HURRICANE ON THE EASTERN COAST—IVATOLAHY: A RE- 


PAGE 


499 


MARKABLE ROCK AND SANCTUARY—THE HOT MEDICINAL: 


SPRINGS OF VON1ZONGO—REMARKABLE CAVES IN VONI- 
ZONGO--SOME CUSTOMS AND SUPERSTITIONS OF THE SOUTH- 
EAST TRIBES ..cccces cocessss ecccesccsecs sauce occ ewe cets cee 
14.—BOTANICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY NOTES: Mapa- 
GASCAR WILD FLOWERS—IDENTIFICATION OF SOME FISHES 
FROM EAST COAST LAGOONS—LAND AND SEA SHELLS—MA- 
DAGASCAR FORAMENIFERA—THE MALAGASY FISH-EAGLE . 


15.—LITERARY NOTES .......... a cee eee en eees ee 
16.—BRIEF SUMMARY OF IMPORTANT EVENTS IN MADA- 
GASCAR DURING 1888 .......... cc cece cccene oe corceee 


17.—DAILY TABLES OF TEMPERATURE AND RAINFALL 
FOR THE YEAR 1888 By REv. J. RICHARDSON, L.M.S. 
18.—INDEX To PARTS IX., X., XI., AND XII., FORMING 
VOLUME IIL. ... ccc cence cn cece sc ccce cece eo cces cecces veseee 


504 


518 


g3! 


oO o Fo 


ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL 


AND 


MADAGASCAR MAGAZINE. 





A QUARTER-CENTURY OF CHANGE AND 
PROGRESS : 


ANTANANARIVO AND MADAGASCAR TWENTY-FIVE YEARS AGO. 


Aho fourteen years ago a pleasant meeting of members of 

the L. M, S. and F. F. M. A. missions living in Antana- 
narlvo was held at Faravohitra to listen to a paper read by the 
only surviving member of the first L. M.S. mission in this 
country, the venerable and esteemed James Cameron. At the 
suggestion of the present writer, Mr. Cameron had been asked 
to give us some recollections of the early mission in Madagas- 
car and of his fellow missionaries. With this request he 
willingly complied, and for an hour and a half or more we were 
all charmed by the graphic and often quaint and humorous 
sketches which our friend gave us of Malagasy society and of 
mission work in those early days, then fifty years or so gone 
by. This paper was, by general request, afterwards printed in 
a pamphlet form, and still remains an interesting and almost 
unique record of life and work in Madagascar during the first 
- quarter of this century.* 

The writer of the present paper cannot recall life in this 
country for so far back as fifty years, but since on the day I 
write these words (Sept. 29th, 1888) it is exactly twenty-five 
years ago since I landed in Madagascar, I have thought that 
possibly a few recollections of the Capital and the country 


© Recollections of Mission Life in Madagascar during the Early Days of the L. M.S. 
Mission. By James Cameron, Antananarivo: 1874; pp. 28, 


No. 12.—CHRISTMAS, 1888. 


Rea | QUARTER-CENTURY OF CHANGE AND PROGRESS: 





generally, and of the people, both natives and foreigners, who 
lived here a quarter of a century ago, may not be without some 
interest to those who have more recently arrived in the island; 
and may perhaps serve to recall to my contemporaries some 
memories of their early residence in this country, while it will | 


- 


also show a few of the changes which have passed over it during 
that space of time. 

Before speaking of changes and progress #2 Madagascar, a 
few words may be said about changes which have taken place 
in the means by which we get 4o the island. For several years . 
sailing ships coming round the Cape of Good Hope were usually 
made use of to bring missionaries and other intending residents 
to Madagascar. There was in 1863 no direct regular commvu- 
nication between the island and the outer world. A direct line 
of mail steamers calling at the eastern ports, whether those of 
the French ‘Messageries Maritimes,’ or of the ‘Castle’ line, is a 
matter of very recent introduction, within the last six or seven 
years in fact; although for four or five years before that, Mo- 
janga and Noédsibé were in monthly connection with Zanzibar 
and South Africa by the steamers of the ‘Union’ company. 
Twenty-five years ago, however, the sugar-carrying ships of 
the ‘Blyth and Green’ line were our chief means of getting to 
this country, and about 90 days-——sometimes it was 100 days— 
was the usual duration of the voyage from England to Port 
Louis, instead of the present three weeks to Tamatave by the | 
‘“Messageries’ line, or the five weeks by the ‘Castle’ steamers. 
My first voyage to Madagascar, however, was by a steamer of 
the ‘P. and O.’ line, which company at that time, and for a very 
few years later, ran a monthly vessel between Mauritius and 
Suez, connecting at the latter place—vid the old Overland 
Route, by rail across Egypt—with the India and China mail 
steamers of the same company. My first return voyage home, 
in 1867, was in a ‘Union’ company’s steamer from Port Louis 
via the Cape. 

But after these voyages, whether by sailing ship, or by 
steamer, were accomplished, we still had only got to Mauritius; 
and the voyage across to Tamatave, of only 550 miles, was 
sometimes a more difficult and trying adventure than all the 
5500 miles and more of the Atlantic and Indian Ocean route. 
The well-known ‘bullocker’ of the period was then almost our 
only means of getting to and from Mauritius ; and none of those 
who have sailed in that class of vessel will ever forget their 
experiences on board these delectable craft. The ‘bullocker 
was usually a broken-down ship which had been condemned 
as unseaworthy for ordinary trade, and so had been bought for 
a trifling sum as good enough for bringing bullocks from the 


————— = ed 


ANTANANARIVO AND MADAGASCAR 15 YEARS AGO,-3957 
———— SSSeeSeSeSeeSeSeSeSeheseeeeeeee err 


eastern ports. The commander had often not enough knowledge 
of seamanship to bring his vessel within 50 miles of his desti- 
nation, so that frequently several days were spent in endeavour- 
ing to make the port. Accommodation, as regards berths or 
sleeping cabins, was usually entirely wanting. The cookery, 
to our English notions, was disgusting: oily and garlicky 
messes, bean soup, and plentiful supplies of cabbage and 
pumpkin, formed the staple fare, so that one ran a chance of 
being half-starved, unless private supplies were taken on board, 
When going to Madagascar, the stores of hay taken as forage 
for the bullocks often contained innumerable mosquitoes ; while 
on the return voyage, the presence of from 200 to 300 poor: 
beasts on deck and in the main hold was by no means a pleasant 
addition to the ship’s company. The voyage 4 Madagascar 
was usually (under favourable circumstances! from four to seven 
days; but going back again was a very tedious affair, and from 
a fortnight to three weeks—occasionally a month—was occupied 
in beating up against light and variable winds; and often half 
of the poor animals died on the passage and were thrown 
overboard, as the days wore slowly away. In fact, the voyage 
from Tamatave to Port Louis often took a longer time than 
that from Mauritius to France. Truly we are fortunate now-a- 
days in having so much more speedy and convenient communi- 
cation with the outer world than was the case when I first knew 
Madagascar. Of course the tedium and discomforts of the 
‘middle passage’ during war times, and when going to other 
ports than Tamatave, are still not matters only of the past, as 
Mr. Pearse’s paper in last year’s ANNUAL (No. XI. pp. 325- 
328) shows ; but there seems a possibility that before very long 
steamers will touch at most of the principal Malagasy ports. 
The greater difficulty of intercourse with Europe ¢hen, as 
compared with what is the case zow, of course made our mails 
much longer on the way and much more irregular than they 
have been for a long time past. Eight or ten weeks was the 
usual time letters took to come from or goto England; and during 
the stormy season of the year we have been occasionally three 
months together without any news from our friends at home. 
Travelling 2% Madagascar has not during the last 25 years 
made any change in speed or in comfort comparable to the 
improvements and advance just mentioned in our means of 
getting Zo the island. The pathways along the coast and 
through the forest remain pretty much now as they were then, 
that is, about as bad and as difficult to traverse as they can well 
be. No better bridges span the streams, no more easy gradients 
ascend the hills, no more commodious houses are at the disposal 
of the traveller, than were to be found a quarter ofa century ago. 


400 A QUARTER-CENTURY OF CHANGE AND PROGRESS: 


A little—a very little—improvement has been made in the paths 
along the principal routes in the central province (as noticed in 
last year’s ANNUAL, p. 383), but this has not affected for any 
distance the chief routes from the coast or to other parts of 
interior. A considerable improvement, however, has been made 
in palanquins, especially in those used by gentlemen. The 
very simple (and uncomfortable) /4/anzana of former times, which 
consisted merely of a piece of raw hide or hemp cloth nailed | 
to two poles, without any support for the back, and from which | 
one was very liable to be thrown, has been replaced by the | 
iron-framed and leather-covered and padded contrivance of the 

resent day, which, although still susceptible of improvement, 
is certainly much less fatiguing for long journeys. Great 
advances have also been made in the other appliances necessary 
for comfort in Madagascar travelling, such as folding bedsteads, 
tables and chairs, canteens, sliding-lid tin boxes, etc., etc. No 
one need do now what I did on my first journey here, viz., sleep 
in his f/anjana (a most unsatisfactory arrangement), or sit on 
the floor of a dirty Malagasy hut and eat his meals off a mat. 
Health as well as comfort is greatly promoted by more recent 
contrivances. 

Let me now try to recall the kind of place Antananarivo was 
twenty-five years ago. Very remarkable and extensive changes 
have passed over the Capital since that period, for hardly a 
building of any size now remains standing as it then appeared. 
Every prominent structure now breaking the long line of the 
city ridge has been built since 1863, except the Trano-vdla, or 
second largest palace in the royal courtyard, at the centre of the 
line, This alone remains unaltered. The shingled roof and 
wooden walls of the great palace of Manjakamiadana are 
certainly still there, but its triple-storied and stone-arched 
verandah and its four corner towers are a later addition, as well 
as other royal houses and the Queen’s Chapel, with its tower 
and spire. No Memorial Churches then stood prominent on 
the extreme points of the ridge, nor was the immense house of 
the Prime Minister then built, nor the numerous large and hand- 
some residences of the chief officers, which are now crowded so 
closely together in the centre of the city. Two large double- 
verandahed timber houses— long since pulled down, were then, 
together with the royal palaces, the chief features in a distant 
view of Antananarivo. 

The most important change in the appearance of the Capital 
has come about through the repeal of the ancient (and foolish) 
law or custom forbidding the erection of any building made of 
material other than wood, bamboo, or rush within the boundaries 
of the city proper (that part included by the old gateways). This 


ANTANANARIVO AND MADAGASCAR 15 PEARS AGO. 401 


sensible change was made, together with others of still greater 
importance, soon after the accession of the late Queen Ranava- 
lona II. and her acceptance of Christianity. Up to the year 
1868 therefore, all the buildings covering the central and 
highest portions of the city hill were entirely of combustible 
materials. The houses of the richer people were of the kind 
called ¢rano kétona, that is, of massive timber framework with 
walls of thick planking, and mostly with high-pitched roofs 
covered with Aérvama rush, but occasionally with wooden shin- 
gles, and with long ‘horns’ or projecting poles crossing each 
other at the apex of each gable. Only a very few examples of 
this old-fashioned style of Hova house now remain in the 
Capital, and before many years they will have mostly become a 
thing of the past. Besides this ancient kind of house, there 
were also a few examples of a larger but lower house, built 
more in the Mauritius style, with verandah all round and low- 
pitched roofs. The poorer houses within the city were ér1-daésy, 
of slight wooden framework, filled in with bamboo or rush and 
thinly plastered inside. 

A very natural consequence of such buildings was the frequen- 
cy of devastating fires in Antananarivo. During my first resi- 
dence here (1863-1867) very many fires occurred, and they were 
indeed one of our chief excitements. Crowded closely together, 
as the houses were, all of wood or bamboo, with the roofs of 
rush, dry as tinder after five or six months without rain, and 
with a scorching sun overhead and the heat of cooking fires 
beneath, it was no wonder that if one house took fire, it was 
impossible to save its neighbours for a considerable distance 
round ; and a loss of 50 or 60 or even 100 houses was no uncom- 
mon occurrence. How frequently, especially during the evening 
of hot days in October and November, just before the rains 
come on, have we not been startled by the jangling of the bells, 
the beat of the drums, and the shouts of the people ; and rushing 
out have found the clouds lighted up by the glare, the white 
palaces standing out brilliantly illuminated against the black 
sky, and ina very short time thousands of people gathered 
together to watch the advance of the flames. Twice at least 
Was a great mass of houses above Ampamarinana swept away, 
including the temporary wooden church ; and I remember that 
on one occasion, even across the 200 feet or so of the Antsaha- 
tsirda valley, the houses on the northern side were so scorched 
that all the goods were turned out into the courtyards, lest 
these houses should also catch fire. 

The repeal of the old law or custom caused a great advance 
towards a more durable style of Building in Antananarivo, 
coincident as it was with a much more general use of sun-dried 


— 


402 A QUARTER-CENTURY OF CHANGE AND PROGRESS: 





brick. To Mr. Cameron we owe the introduction of these in 
the L.M.S. Hospital and other buildings at Analakély in 1862; 
the greater convenience and neatness ot bricks as compared with 
mud was soon recognised by the people, and many good brick 
houses were soon afterwards built in the suburbs. After the 
accession of Queen Ranavalona II. in 1868, the combustible and 
unsubstantial houses in the city were rapidly replaced by brick 
buildings ; and the erection of a brick and stone house for the 
Queen in the palace yard gave the plainest proof of the end of 
the old régzme. 

During the last ten or twelve years the much more general 
use of burnt bricks and roofing tiles has marked another great 
advance in the building art. All over and around the city are 
seen numbers of substantial well-built houses with verandah 
pillars of burnt brick, cut or moulded, sometimes with carved 
stone capitals and bases, or entirely of stone; while a rush roof 
is now never seen in a new house of any pretensions. To myself 
there are few pleasanter sights of the kind than the clusters 
of cone-shaped brick-kilns to be seen in the valley between 
Ankadifdtsy and the north road out of the city, for these mean 
more substantial and durable buildings. In hardly any other 
direction have such real advances been made in civilisation in 
Madagascar as in the improvement in the people’s dwellings 
during the last quarter-century ; for an improved dwelling means 
to some extent improved manners, greater comfort and health- 
fulness, and, one would hope, some improvement in morals. It 
was said of the Emperor Augustus that he found Rome of brick 
and left it of marble. And so—to compare small things with 
great ones—it may be said that Mr. W. Pool, to whom a large 
number of new buildings in the Capital are due, found Anta- 
nanarivo of perishable rush and wood, and left it largely of 
durable brick and stone. 

The building of large two-storied and substantial brick 
houses has not been confined tothe Capital itself, but has spread 
throughout Imérina and to distant parts of the island. In many 
of the larger villages, such as Lazaina, Ambatototsy, Ambodi- 
fahitra and other places, numbers of such structures may be 
seen, many of them really handsome buildings. 

Church Architecture has naturally largely shared in this 
advance in Malagasy skill and taste. What rough sheds were 
almost all our churches even in the Capital twenty-five years ago! 
One is amused to recall the disreputable places we used to meet 
in tor worship for months and years before the Memorial Church- 
es and others were erected. Ihe buildings at Ambatonakanga 
and Analakely especially were low, dark and dingy apologies 
for places for divine service. Well do I remember how the rats 


a 
ANTANANARIVO AND MADAGASCAR 15 PEARS AGO. 403 





used often to run races round the top of the walls (only about 
8 feet high) at Ambatonakanga during service time; while the 
small low open windows were darkened by a crowd of gazers at 
the proceedings inside. The Analakely church of that day was, 
if possible, a yet more miserable structure. It was along, low 
and narrow shed, which had been used as a government 
workshop, and was given by Radama II. for the use of the 
congregation. The Ambohipdtsy and Ankadibévava churches 
were a trifle better; and at Amparibé a substantial square clay 
building had been opened not long before my arrival, which, 
with its clean whitewashed walls and coloured borders, etc., 
appeared to us to have quite an ecclesiastical dignity and 
elegance compared with the other places. The building it 
displaced was, I am told, a most curious patchwork, consisting 
originally of three or four native houses joined together, with 
odd additions and enlargements as the congregation increased. 

Village churches, it may easily be imagined, were not much 
better; but it is only here and there in some distant places that 
one can now See specimens of this old style, and can thus justly 
estimate the great advance which has been made. One could 
not wish to see more appropriate village churches than are now 
to be found at Anjanahary, Antsampandrano, Amboddifahitra 
and many other places. 

The Roman Catholic church in Ambddin’ Andohalo was 
then not much better than its Protestant neighbours; a small 
low wooden building, much like a native house, then stood 
where the present elegant cathedral, with its lantern-crowned 
towers, is erected, The S.P.G. mission had no church in the 
Capital at that time, and the Norwegian Lutheran mission had 
not then begun work in Madagascar. | 

Altogether, it is difficult for any one who has only seen An- 
tananarivo within the last few years to imagine how different a 
place the Capital was in 1863. A series of negatives will best 
describe it: no Protestant Memorial Churches or any other 
structure worthy of being called a church; no Anglican or 
Roman Catholic cathedrals; no Chapel Royal; no Lutheran 
church; no stone or brick building in the palace yard; no 
Prime Minister’s house; no Palace of Justice; no College, or 
Normal School, or High Schools, or Girls’ School-houses ; no 
Hospitals; no F.F.M.A. Press or other buildings; in short, no 
brick or stone structure, and no tiled roof, with one exception, 
that of the house with stone pillars in Ambodin’ Andohalo. 

It cannot be said, however, that the Roads and paths of 
Antananarivo have undergone equal improvement to that seen 
in the buildings of the city. With the exception of the well- | 
paved road leading from the palace yate into Andohalo, and 


a aa 
the Troughér piece above Ambatovinaky, the roads are about 
as bad now as they were when I was first jolted over their 
primitive ruggednesses. But let me think: on further reflec- 
tion, I fancy the ascent on the east side of the city was worse 
then, for I well remember a hole near Ankadibevava which 
would have swallowed up a waggon and horses with ease; and 
it is certainly a little better now. Twenty-five years ago a 
good many of the stone bridges over the rivers near the Capital 
were in fairly good order and passable. That at Tanjombato 
had every arch perfect, and so had the one south of it, over the 
Andromba; and the bridge over the Iképa at Andsizato was 
also practicable for traffic, as well as some others. Not one of 
them now remains. One thing may be seen very plainly in the 
Antananarivo roads, viz., how they wear away and _ became 
deepened every year from the roaring torrents that sweep 
down them in the nights of the rainy season. The road south 
of the Ambatonakanga church has in this way sunk ten or 
twelve feet since the opening of the church in January 1867. | 
And this is the case in many other places. 
During a quarter of a century Antananarivo has largely 
' increased in size. In almost all directions the suburbs have 
advanced so as to include what were formerly separate out- 
lying villages. This increase may be seen very plainly on the 
north side of the Ambohijanahary hill, abutting on the plain of 
Imahamasina. In 1863 hardly a house had been erected there, 
but now it is half covered with buildings. But still more 
marked is the extension of the city northwards, on the Faravo- 
hitra ridge. When I first came here there was hardly a house 
all the way from some distance south of the College to nearly 
as far as the junction with the road from Analakely. And when 
Mr. Hartley built his house (the present L. M.S. Rest-house 
north of the College), he was considered a most rash and 
venturesome man to dare to live in such an out-of-the-world 
region, a place of executions, and the reputed haunt of robbers 
' and ghosts, where no sensible person would risk himself after 
sundown! Even Mr. Ellis thought it an imprudent running of 
risk. It is amusing to recall all this as one walks along what 
is really the English quarter of Antananarivo, with its nume- 
rous houses, College, Normal School, Friends’ Press, Girls’ 
School, Memorial Church, etc., all closely grouped together 
along a third of a mile of the northern portion of the city ridge. 
A photograph in my possession shews Faravohitra in 1865, 
with Mr. Hartley’s house as the solitary building on the top of 
the hill. 
It may be here remarked that European Houses have greatly 
improved in comfort and convenience since 1863. Missionary 


"york QUARTER-CENTURY OF CHANGE AND PROGRESS: | 
x 


etre eel 


ANTANANARIVO AND MADAGASCAR 15 FEARS A GO. 405 


residences were for several years very rough and primitive in 
style. In some of them, drainage works had to be carried out 
during the rainy season on the bare mud floor; a glazed window 
instead of a wooden shutter was for long considered a rather 
needless luxury, showing a tendency to pamper the flesh; and 
on my own arrival, good Mr. Ellis, then our resident Director, 
and “guide, philosopher and friend’’ in general, gave me the 
alternative of a “rush lean-to”’ against one of the houses at 
Amparibe, or of taking up my residence in the roof of his house 
at Antsahatsiroa, a black and grimy retreat, well furnished with 
‘matnty moldly’ or ‘ancient soot.’ Either of these he considered 
would be a suitable provision for the juvenile architect of the 
of the Memorial Churches. Eventually I accepted neither of 
these tempting offers, but took up my quarters in a little 
wooden house then serving as a warehouse at the L.M.S. 
Printing office; and this, by the kind help of my friend Mr. 
Parrett, was soon transformed into what I considered most 
‘eligible apartments for a single man.” I hope we do not now 
go to the other extreme, but certainly we began with a Spartan 
simplicity. Health is doubtless much better maintained by the 
more modern style of house. 

With improved dwellings has come improved and more 
health-giving Food. For several years—why, it is difficult to 
say—wheaten leavened bread was here only an_ occasional 
luxury, and was not at all considered an ordinary necessary of 
life. Butter we seldom saw, and even milk was not easy to 
procure regularly. There was an idea it was the proper thing 
to “live on the produce of the country,” that is, on what it 
produced ¢Hen, viz., plain boiled rice, black bean soup, skinny 
fowls, and rice fritters ; a cup of coffee certainly, but sweetened 
with the brown treacly cakes of native sugar. The result to 
some of us —including myself—was a persistent course of boils 
for several months, sometimes laming one for a week or two 
at atime, and leaving scars which will be carried to one’s dying 
day, all, of course, the simple result of poorness of blood arising 
from poorness of food. We have become wiser on this head. 
And the Malagasy, at least the well-to-do classes, have for 
some time past learned the use of bread and cakes, and milk 
and butter, and refined sugar. All this has promoted the 
culture of wheat in the country, and increased the demand for 
machine-made sugar from the coast plantations. Such a 
thing as bread for sale was unknown in Antananarivo twenty- 
five years ago; now, it may be seen on every little stall by 
the road-side. 

With regard to Trade, any one who now walks or rides through 
the city from Andohalo to Zoma market, and sees the large 


406 A QUARTER-CENTURY OF CHANGE AND PROGRESS: 


number of European traders’ stores all along the route, would 
hardly believe that in 1863 not a single foreign trader resided 


here, nor had any of the few firms at Tamatave an agency | 


here. This often astonished me even then, and I wondered 
that Messrs. Procter and other foreign houses on the coast did 
not form a branch establishment in the Capital; but it was 
long before this took place. In some articles a large trade has 
sprung up since then. At that time the Malagasy hardly 
exported a single hide; they preferred to eat the skin of their 
bullocks (as they still do, to a small extent, even now, at the 
New Year’s festival); and all the meat in the markets was cut 
up with the skin adhering to it.* It is difficult to obtain statis- 
tics as to the quantity of hides exported every year from Ime- 
rina, but any one who comes up from Tamatave, and counts 
the large numbers he meets carried down every day, will 
estimate them at many tens of thousands annually.t 

Together with improved houses among the Malagasy has 
come the demand for and use of improved Dress. Wherever 
Christianity and education have taken some little hold upon the 
people, there cleaner and better clothing soon follows. The 
dirty, never washed hemp or rofia /améas are replaced, at least 
on Sundays, by clean white ones of American or English sheet- 
ing, calico, or print. Flannel for children’s clothes as well as 
for adults is in much more general use, with obvious benefit to 
health ; and boots and shoes and stockings are more generally 
worn than in 1863, although I am inclined to consider this as 


a questionable benefit, and a source of risk to health, wherever . 


their use is intermittent. Certainly very excellent boots and 
shoes are now made by native workmen, as neat and well 
finished as European articles, although not nearly so durable, 
owing to the inferior materials used here for tanning leather. 
Apparently no thoroughly suitable bark has yet been discovered 
in indigenous trees. In other articles of dress not much change 
has taken place. The Malagasy have always been skilful in 
the manual arts: in the making of finely woven cloths, in the 
plaiting of fine straw hats, baskets and mats, and in the fabri- 
cation of silver and gold jewellery and ornaments. During 
the past ten years a new employment for women has been 
introduced, I believe by Mrs. Wills, viz., the making of lace, 
both in thread and silk. A large number of young women 
are now well skilled in this art, and very beautiful work 1s 
produced by them. And in embroidery and ornamental needle- 





* Ox-hide, properly cooked with the fat, etc., is a very excellent dish, and is rightly consi: 
dered quite a toothsome morsel. 


+ With regard to Madagascar trade generally, see a paper by Mr, Vice-Consul Pickersgill ; 


in ANNUAL X., p. 177 e¢ seg. 





ANTANANARIVO AND MADAGASCAR 25 FEARS AGO peter — 


work of all kinds, there is little that Malagasy women cannot 
accomplish. 

I spoke just now of the changed aspect of Antananarivo 
within the last few years. This is, however, caused not only by 
the rebuilding of a large part of the city, but also by the intro- 
duction of new Trees and shrubs. The Cape-lilac is a tree 
which, introduced, I believe, by the first missionaries from the 
Cape of Good Hope, has become thoroughly acclimatised here. 
Several hundreds of these, many of them trees grown to a great 
size, are found all over the Capital and its neighbourhood ; and 
in the months of September and October, when the tree is in 
bloom, the districts of Analakely and Amparibe and other suburbs 
are gay with the profusion of lilac flowers which cover the trees, 
and are fragrant with their strong perfume. During the last 
ten or twelve years also the Bougainvillea has been introduced, 
and during the months of August and September great masses 
of its rich purple leaf-like flowers may be seen covering the 
verandahs of many of the houses. A considerable number of 
an Australian Blue-gum have also been planted about the city, 
and many have shot up to a great height. Altogether, Antana- 
narivo is much greener and prettier in appearance now than it 
was in 1863, although almost all the old Avzdvy (Ficus megapoda) 
trees then growing in Andohalo and Ambodin’ Andohalo 
and other parts of the city have disappeared.* Another European 
floweriny plant, however, promises to become a nuisanceand a 
troublesome weed, the French-marigold, which, introduced a few 
years ago as a garden flower, has spread with great rapidity and is 
quickly taking the place of many indigenous plants. The love 
of gardens and flower planting has greatly spread among the 
Malagasy during the last few years through the number of 
European flowers and shrubs introduced by foreigners. A variety 
of Rose has become naturalised and in some places grows wild. 

But not only have many foreign trees and flowers been planted 
here, but the use of European Fruits and vegetables also has 
been greatly extended during the last twenty-five years. And 
in addition to native products and many foreign fruits and vege- 
tables previously introduced, quinces, grapes and plums are 
also now tolerably plentiful in their season ; and peas, parsnips, 
carrots, turnips, beets, cabbages, lettuces, and celery can now 
be obtained, all rare or unknown luxuries to us a few years 
ago. Malagasy coffee is a very excellent article; and, quite 
lately, experiments have been made in the planting of tea. 
Doubtless many more products of other climates could be 
profitably cultivated here. 





* In 1863 a triple avenue of Avidvy trees surrounded the old palace at Iséanicrina; but 
hardly a dozen decaying old specimens of these now remain. 


408 A QUARTER-CENTURY OF CHANGE AND PROGRESS: ' 


Our knowledge of Madagascar itself has become greatly enlar- 
- ged and more exact during the last quarter of a century. In 
18653, and for many years afterwards, we had the vaguest notions 
of every part of the interior, except of the few miles round 
Antananarivo, and of the line of route from here to the east 
coast. All else was almost a blank. The maps of the interior, 
before M. Grandidier’s sketch-map of 1871, were works of 
imagination, not of observation or survey. The Capital was 
then the sole mission station in the interior, and Tamatave the 
the only one (of the Jesuit mission) on the coast. A excursion 
a small party of us made to Lake Itasy in 1866 was a plunge 
into the unknown, and, like every journey beyond about a 
dozen miles away from Antananarivo, had all the interest and 
excitement of a voyage of discovery. Now, for some time past, 
thanks to M. Grandidier, Mr. Cameron, Dr. Mullens, Mr. W. 
Johnson, Mr. Cowan and others, the physical geography and 
the topography of a large portion of the interior has been made 
tolerably clear. The blanks in the map are being gradually 
filled up (although there are yet large spaces still leaving scope 
for the explorer), and the map of Madagascar is now marked 
by the tracks of travellers in numerous directions. The old 
fiction of a vast backbone of mountains, running down the centre 
of the island from Cape Ambro to Cape St. Mary’s, like an 
enormous centipede, with great branches at regular intervals 
on each side, has been exploded by a physical sketch-map, of 
which the general features are tolerably certain, although many 
details still require to be filled up. What M. Grandidier has 
done in this direction has been shown in a translation of the 
summary of his geographical labours here, given in last year's 
ANNUAL (pp. 329-342); but to missionary journeys also a great 
deal is due for widening our acquaintance with the regions 
of Antsihd4naka, Androna, Béfandriana, Vakinankaratra, Ibé- 
tsiléo, Ibara, Ikéngo, Antanala, and several parts of the Saka- 
lava country. 

And this advance in our knowledge of the physical geography 
of Madagascar during the past twenty-five years has_ been 
accompanied by great progress in the allied sciences, so far as 
they relate to this country. Thanks to Mr. Crossley, M. (rran- 
didier, Dr. Vinson, Messrs. Pollen and Van-Dam, Dr. Hilde 
brandt and others, the leading features of the Zoology of the 
island are now pretty: well settled, and are not likely to be 
greatly modified, although probably many of the smaller 
animals, birds and reptiles still remain to be added to the lists. 
And owing chiefly to the labours of my colleague Mr. Baron, 
the Botany of the central portions and eastern side of Mada- 
gascar is now tolerably well known; although the western side 


ANTANANARIVO AND MADAGASCAR 25 FEARS AGO. 409 


and the extreme north and south yet remain to be carefully 
examined by the botanist. More recently Mr. Baron has @lsg 
thrown far more light upon the Geology of the country than 
had been done by any previous observer ; but here the "deld is 
is so wide that only a beginning can to be said to have been 
made. With regard to the Ethnology of the various Malagasy 
races, almost everything yet remains to be done by fuller inves- 
tigation of the peculiarities of the different tribes. 

In a review of the kind I am now trying to give, it is impos- 
sible to ignore altogether the Political changes which the 
quarter-century has witnessed ; but as this is delicate ground, 
a brief outline of simple historical facts is all that will be here 
attempted, excluding criticism upon certain points where there 
might be some differences of opinion. 

First of all then, the twenty-five years now passed have seen 
three sovereigns on the throne of Madagascar, viz., Queen 
Rasohérina (1863-1868), Queen Ranavalona II. (1868-1883), 
and the present ruler, Queen Ranavalona III. During the 
reign of Queen Rasoherina treaties were concluded with 
England, France and America; and subsequently Italy and 
Germany have also entered into friendly relations with Mada- 
gascar, all these five powers placing consuls or vice-consuls 
at the chief ports. The close of the reign of the late sovereign 
saw the outbreak of the war with France, which continued 
during the first two or three years of the reign of the present 
Queen, and ended, notwithstanding the brave and successful 
defence made by the Malagasy, in the obtaining of greater 
influence by the French, and the stationing of a French 
Resident and subordinate officers in the Capital, instead of a 
consul, as had previously been the case. Uptothe year 1865, 
the elder brother of the present premier was at the head of the 
Government, but at that time, His Excellency Rainilaiarivony 
took the office, as well as that of Commander-in-Chief, and 
has ever since exercised predominant influence in national 
affairs. 

During the reign of Queen Ranavalona II., in the year 1881, 
the laws of the kingdom were codified and revised; the 
punishments for various offences being made much less severe, 
particularly in the fewer crimes which were to be reckoned as 
capital, and also in the abolition of the ancient laws by which 
the wife and children of criminals were, in many cases, reduced 
to slavery. The old law by which soldiers deserting their 
colours were burned alive was also abolished. In all this it 
is impossible not to recognise the humanising influence result- 
ing from Christian teaching. In the year 1877, on June 2oth, 
all the Mozambique slaves in the country, whether brought from 


410 A QUARTER-CENTURY OF CHANGE AND PROGRESS: 


Africa, or born in Madagascar, were formally set free by royal 
proclamation. 

In the year 1881, a kind of Cabinet was formed, with depart- 
ments of War, Interior, Foreign Office, Justice, Law, Industry 
and Agriculture, Revenue, and Education, each with an officer 
of high rank at its head and assisted by subordinate officials. 
Before that, in 1876, a proclamation had been issued appointing 
a number of old discharged soldiers (officers and men) to be 
local magistrates in the principal towns and villages of 
Imérina. These officials were termed Sakatzam-béhtiva (lit. 
‘Friends of villages’), their duties being to keep order in their 
districts, to promote education, to act as registrars of births, 
deaths and marriages, etc., etc. These appointments, however, 
seem to have become largely inoperative, probably because 
the people generally were as yet hardly sufficiently advanced 
to carry out the new regulations, although these were excel- 
lent in themselves. More recently new governors have been 
appointed to all the principal ports and interior towns, many 
places being newly made military posts with commanders and 
small garrisons. Within the last few months government 
officers have been appointed to hold the chief authority in a 
large number of the villages of the central province. 

Besides the armies raised during the Franco-Malagasy war 
and sent to various points on the coast, east and north-west, 
two war expeditions have, since 1863, been sent by the central 
Government to distant parts of the island: the first in 1873, 


d 


\ 


[se a a 


under the chief command of Rainimaharavo, 16 Hon., to re | 


establish Hova authority over the central Sakalava, This was 
happily accomplished with little bloodshed and in a very 


humane and merciful spirit. The second expedition, under the 


command of Rainimiadana, 15 Hon., only left the Capital in 
July, and is therefore now (Oct. 12) still on the way. Its 
object is to bring the turbulent Vézo and other south-western 
tribes into obedience to the Queen, and to establish military 
posts in the neighbourhood of St. Augustine’s Bay. 

Embassies to foreign powers have been sent at various times: 
one to England and France towards the close of 1863 ; another, 
not long before the outbreak of the war with France, in the 
latter part of 1882, to France, England, America and Germany ; 
and a third to France only, in 1886. And special commissioners 
have from time to time been sent to this country both by 
France and England, viz., in 1866, in 1881, and in 1886. 

Great changes and improvements have been made during 
the last few years in the discipline, training and equipment of the 
native army. In 1879 numbers of old and infirm soldiers were 
discharged, and annual levies of troops with short service 


ANTANANARIVO AND MADAGASCAR 15 FEARS AGO. 411 
a o—eeo 
were instituted. The troops have been armed with the best 
European weapons, and drilled by English officers, to whom, 
seconded by the bravery of the Malagasy soldiers, it was largely 
due that so successful and prolonged a resistance was made in 
the Franco-Malagasy war of 1883—1885.* 

A few words must now be said about advances in Madagascar 
Guring the past quarter of a century in higher matters than 
material civilisation or political arrangements, namely, in 
literature, education, morals and religion. 

Malagasy Literature in 1863 might almost have been all 
carried in the pockets of one’s coat. It must be understood that 
there is no ancient zmdtgenous literature in Madagascar, the 
knowledge of writing having been introduced by English 
missionaries within the present century; and almost every 
thing that has been printed in the native language has been 
done since the year 1827 and by Europeans. When I arrived 
here the list of books in the native language comprised the 
entire Bible, two separate editions of the New Testament and 
the Psalms, a hymn-book, a translation of the P:lgrtm’s Progress, 

a dictionary (Eng.-Mal. and Mal.-Eng.), a grammar, halfa dozen 
elementary school books, and a few sermons, tracts and cate- 
chisms. In 1888 any one who will take the trouble to glance 
through the pages of A Malugasy Bibliographyt will see that a 
quarter of a century has produced a large number of books in 
the native language, issued chiefly from the presses of the 
London Missionary Society, the Friends’ mission, and the 
Roman Catholic mission, and also, but in less number, from 
the presses of the S.P.G,, the Norwegian Lutheran mission, the 
Madagascar Times, and the native Government. Naturally, a 
large proportion of these books are religious and educational 
in character, including various editions of portions of Holy 
Scripture, Bible handbooks and Bible history, lives of Christ, 
and of the Apostles, Biblical antiquities, a Dictionary of the 
Bible /g10 pp.), commentaries, exegetical and homiletical, theo- 
logy, Church history, homiletics, translations ot Pearson on the 
Creed, Bp. Harold Brown on the XX XIX Articles, and Bunyan’s 
Ffoly War, helps to preachers and teachers, sermons, tracts, 
catechisms, etc., etc. Something, however, has also been done 
in providing more general literature, viz., a pretty complete 
series of school manuals ; histories of Greece, Rome, England 
and Madagascar; several elementary science handbooks, 
including physical geography, astronomy, botany, physics, 
* On several of the subjects briefly glanced at in the preceding paragraphs, much fuller 


information is given in the ‘Bricf Summary’ at the end of the ANNUAL for the years 1877, 
1878 and 1881. 


+ Published at the L.M.S Press, Antananarivo ; 1885, pp, 92. 


2 413A QUARTER-CENTURY OF CHANGE AND PROGRESS: ' 


"—~ehemistry, music, and geometry; dictionaries and grammars 
of Engfish, French and Malagasy, etc.; while the medical 
missionaries have prepared a number of books on materia me- 
dica, surgery, anatomy, the cure of diseases, etc. From the 
Press of the Madagascar Times have issued translations of the 
first portions of several important works treating of poli- 
tics and government; and at the Government Press ‘red- 
books’ giving political documents are occasionally published. 
The traditionary folk-lore of the Malagasy has also been 
studied, and collections have been made of the proverbs, 
speeches, song's, customs, legends and folk-tales of the people. 
Except dictionaries and grammars, the great majority of books 
printed at the Roman Catholic Press are of a religious and 
devotional character; and the same remark may be also made 
of the publications of the S.P.G. and Lutheran societies, except 
that these give more prominence to Biblical study. It will be 
seen therefore that a native literature has been gradually grow- 
ing up during the last few years, and it is being added to every 
year, in fact every month. 

Six monthly magazines (one, Zemy Soa, commenced in 1866), 
a quarterly magazine, two weekly newspapers, a Government 
Gazette at irregular intervals, and a small children’s paper 
about every three or four months, comprise the periodical 
literature in the Malagasy language. 

After going carefully through the lists of works published at 
the various presses, I find that a rough estimate gives the 
following statistics of books issued, excluding small pamphlets 
and slighter publications :— 


Soctety No. of Books Aggregate no. of Pages 
London Missionary Society 200 19,000 
Friends’ For. Miss. Assocn. 100 12,000 
do. for Medical Mission 9 1,370 
Soc. for Propag. of Gospel I 2,750° 
Norweg. Lutheran Miss. Soc. 18 3 goo" 
Roman Catholic Mission 45 9,500f 
Total 389 47,420} 


But books would be of no value were there no readers, 
and accordingly, Education and the maintenance of Schools 
takes a very prominent place in the work of all the missionary 
societies who are represented in Madagascar. Schools were 
commenced by the first L.M.S. missionaries on the eastern 








* A few of the books issued by these two societies have been printed at the F.F.M.A. and 
L.M.S. presses. 


+ There are probably several other smaller R.C. books which have escaped my notice. 


{ The yearly issues of the L.M.S. Press from 1870 to 1880 averaged 150,000 copies of 
various publications; those of the F.F.M.A. Press, 67,000 copies annually. 


_. ANTANANARIVO AND MADAGASCAR 25 FEARS AGO. 413 





coast in 1818, and at the Capital in 1820; and before’they were 
obliged to finally leave the country in 1836, schools had been at 
work for several years in a number of the principal places in 
Imerina, and about twelve thousand children had been taught 
to read and write, etc. During the greater part of the reign of 
Queen Ranavalona I, education was almost at a standstill, but 
on the resumption of mission work in 1862, schools were again set 
on foot ; and from that time to the present educational work has 
had great attention, and considerable sums have been spent on 
school buildings and appliances and on the training of teachers 
by all the societies at work in the country. 

It is unnecessary to go minutely here into the details of the 
educational system carried out by the L.M.S. and F.F.M.A. 
missions, as this has been described pretty fully by Mr. J. C. 
Thorne in a paper in the ANNUAL for 1885, pp. 27-40. But 
it may just be here said that the great majority of the Christian 
congregations of Madagascar, whatever may be the society with 
which they are connected, have a day school, usually meeting 
in the church itself, where elementary instruction is given. 
These schools are of all degrees of efficiency, varying largely 
with the intelligence of the congregations and their nearness to 
or distance from European supervision; and almost all of them are 
taught by teachers who have themselves received some training 
from missionaries. The advance made during a quarter of a 
century will be clearly seen by the following figures, which, 
however, in some cases, from the great difficulty of gathering 
accurate statistics, can only be considered as approximate :— 


1863 1888 

Mission Schools Scholars Schools Scholars 

London Missionary Soc. 3 950 87,000 

Frieuds’ For. Miss. Assoc. not commenced 130 15,000 

Society for Propag. of Gusp. do. 100 ,500 

Norweg. Luth. Miss. Soc. do. 320 39,000 
Roman Catholic Mission ? ? 300°? = 30,000°? 

Total 1,800 172,500 


For higher education the following institutions have been estab- 
lished since 1863: London Mrtsstonary Society, Antananarivo: 
Normal school with Infant school for practisingt; Girls’ Central 
school; Palace school; College for training native evan- 
gelists and secular students; £.4/.S., Fianarantsoa: Normal 
school, Boys; Girls’ Upper school. Friends’ Misston: Boys’ 


* TI have no access to any statistics of this mission; the above figures are only estimated 
from the government returns of 1882, in which the number of R.C. schools in Jmerina is 
given as Ig1, and the scholars as 14,400. Possibly, from the large number of R.C, missiona- 
ries now at work, this is too low an estimate. 

+ This school was begun in 1862, but its proper work as a training school for teachers 
can hardly be said to have commenced until two or three years afterwards. 


414 A QUARTER-CENTURY OF CHANGE AND PROGRESS: 


High school; Girls’ Upper school. Soc. for Propag. of Gospel: 
Boys’ High school; Boys’ school; Girls’ Upper school; Col- 


lege for training native ministers. Norweg, Lutheran Misswn, ° 


Antananarivo: Boys’ High school; Girls’ Boarding school; 
N.M.S., Vakinankaratra : College for training native ministers ; 
Training school for teachers*. Roman Cath. Misston, Anta- 
nanarivo: large Upper schools for boys and girls; and the 
same at Fianarantsoa and Tamatave. In addition to these it 
may be remarked that wherever European missionaries are 
stationed there schools of a superior kind are always found, and 
in many cases training classes for teachers are also carried on; 
every congregation in the Capital has also a good school. 

The native Government does nothing for education in the 
way of monetary help to schools or in the training of teachers. 
The first of these is left entirely to the different societies at 
work, and to the people of the villages where schools are estab- 
lished ; and the second is done entirely by missionaries. But 
school teachers are freed from government service by express 
regulation, and so also are students at the colleges and training 
institutions. And the Sovereign and the Prime Minister have 
also shown great personal interest in education and have done 
much to encourage it. A ‘department’ of education is connected 
with the Government, but as it has no funds at its disposal it 
has little power initiate any work or improvement; its func- 
tions therefore are chiefly confined to the granting of certificates 
to qualified teachers, freeing them from government service, and 
to some other details of registration, etc. 

Students have also been trained for several years past in 
medicine and surgery by European doctors both of the Medical 
Mission and of the Norwegian society. A Medical Missionary 
Board was formed in the year 1886, and this conducts exami- 
nations and grants diplomast. A considerable number of 
Malagasy are now fairly well qualified doctors, while many 
female students have been instructed in midwifery and allied 
subjects. 

It will be evident therefore that the past quarter of a century 
has seen a great advance in educational work in Madagascar; 
and although very, very much yet remains to be done before 
the people even of the central provinces can be considered as 
properly educated, yet a good foundation has been already laid 
for future advance, and many thousands of people possess at 
least the rudiments of knowledge, and can make intelligent use 


SS i we 





* These various institutions, those at least which are at work in Antananarivo and belonging 
to Protestant societies, have about 1500 students and scholars. We have no returns of the 
Roman Catholic schools, or of others away from the Capital, 


+ ‘M.M.M.A,,’ i.e. ‘Member of the Medical Missionary Academy.’ 


ANTANANARIVO AND MADAGASCAR 25 FEARS AGO. 415 





of the books which have been and are constantly being prov 
for their enlightenment. : 

Lastly, we must briefly review the Religious and Mora 
changes in Madagascar since the year 1863. 

Protestant Christianity, it is well known, was first taught 
in this island on the east coast, in the year 1818, and 
was brought to the Capital two years later, by mission- 
aries of the L.M.S. For fifteen years these first Christian 
teachers in the central province laboured zealously to lay 
the foundation of a native Malagasy church. They reduced 
the language to a written form; they prepared dictionaries 
and grammars of Malagasy; they translated and printed the 
entire Sacred Scriptures, and wrote a small number of religious 
works and elementary school books. As already noticed, they 
founded numerous schools in and around Antananarivo, and 
two Christian churches were formed in the Capital, with 200 
church members.* ‘Then came the period of persecution and re- 
pression of Christianity during the reign of Queen Ranavalona 
I., throughout which repeated efforts were made to root out the 
hated religion of the foreigner, and to terrify the people from 
acknowledging their faith in Christ. It is well known that these 
efforts were in vain, and that numbers of Malagasy preferred to 
give up their property, their honours, their liberty, and even 
their lives, rather than deny the truths which they had received.t 

The time of persecution and distress passed away in 
August 1861; and, with slight interruptions, the history of 
Christianity has been one of general advance ever since that 
time. In October 1863 Queen Rasoherina had only within the 
past five months come to the throne. She never accepted 
the Gospel for herself, yet she freely allowed religious liberty 
to her subjects; and her reign (1863-1863) was a time of steady 
and real progress. Soon after the coming to the throne of her 
successor, the late Queen Ranavalona II., the new sovereign 
publicly announced her adherence to Christianity. She was 
baptized, together with the Prime Minister; the national idols 
were burnt, an act followed almost immediately by the destruc- 


* Besides the intellectual and spiritual benefits brought by the L.M.S. missionaries, much 
instruction was also given to the Mal asy by the lay members of the mission in several of the 
arts of civilised life: viz., in improved methods of carpentry, building, iron-work, tanning, 
and weaving ; many useful products of the country were also discovered by them, suchas lime, 
sulphur, potash, soda, etc. 

+ Some slight attempts have been made within the last few years to discredit all this, and 
to insinuate that no persecution for Christianity ever took place in Madagascar! but that all 
who suffered during Queen Ranavalona I.st’s reign, suffered for political offences. I cannot 
here go fully into the question (I hope at some time to take it up), but will only say that no 
facts in the history of the Church are better attested or are more capable of the clearest proof 
than is the persecution of Christianity in Madagascar. Many of those who suffered in various 
ways are still living among us, and they can confirm all that the first missionaries wrote upon 
the subject, 


o 


416 A QUARTER-CENTURY OF CHANGE AND PROGRESS: 








tion of the idols and charms ofthe people generally throughout 
the central provinces, and wherever Hova influence was power- 
ful; and a large mass of heathen people immediately crowded 
the native churches already built, and soon erected new places 
of worship in almost every village of importance. This large 
accession of numbers necessitated a considerable increase of the 
missionary staff, and accordingly, in the year 1870 and for several 
years following, the L.M.S. mission and that of the F.F.M.A. 
(the latter commenced in 1867) were greatly strengthened, so 
that the staff of the former was eventually brought up to 30 
missionaries, and that of the latter to 10. Up to the year 1870, 
Antananarivo was the only station with resident missionaries, 
although their work had been for some time gradually extending 
to a considerable distance from the city and all around it. But 
in that year Ambohimanga and Fanarantsoa (the Betsileo 
capital) were occupied, then four more stations in Imerina and 
Imamo, then Vonizongo and the Antsihanaka province, then 
Mojanga fon the north-west coast), and other stations in Bets: 
leo; while, later still, Tamatave, and lastly, the Taimdr 
country, on the south-east coast, have also been occupied by 
L.M.S missionaries. This makes a total of 14 mission stations, 
if Antananarivo and Fianarantsoa are only reckoned as one 
each, but of 24 stations, if the different districts of which they 
are the centres are counted separately. English missionaries 
of this society have thus spread widely over a large extent 
Madagascar. 

Missionaries of the F.F.M.A. have also gone out into the large 
district under their care (but also in close connection with the 
L.M.S.); and two centres of work away west from_the Capital 
have been formed and occupied by them. 

But the presence of from 30 to 40 European missionaries 
would be utterly inadequate to overtake the requirements of 
from 1100 to 1200 congregations were these not supplemented 
by native agency. About 3700 Malagasy preachers, some of 
very slender attainments, but many with a fair knowledge of 
what they preach, instruct the congregations every Sunday; 
and for more than nineteen years past the L.M.S. College 
has been training an average number of from 40 to 50 young Ma- 
lagasy as native evangelists and missionaries. More than 100 of 


“these are now stationed all over the country wherever Ilova in- 


fluence extends, and are in most cases doing excellent work in 
evangelising and teaching the people. In orderto guideand streng- 
then and promote mutual help among the large number of still 
weak congregations, a Church Congress or Congregational 
Union was formed inthe year 1868 for the Imerina churches, and 
later on, in 1875, also for those among the Betsileo; and great 


ANTANANARIVO AND MADAGASCAR 25 FEARS AGO. 417 


benefit has resulted from the association of all the churches 
these respective provinces. In 1875 the Imerina Union an 
to send native missionaries to heathen portions of the ntry, 
and although its first efforts were unsuccessful, eventually its 
work has become more encouraging, and for some time past 
ten native evangelists have been at work at different stations. 
The Betsileo Union has also native missionaries among the 
Tanala and Bara tribes. In both of these Unions the necessary 
funds are chiefly obtained from the subscriptions, as yet only 
very small in amount, given by the native churches. Within 
the last five years many Sunday Schools have been commenced 
among the larger congregations; and a Sunday School Union 
for mutual help and united action has been established. During 
the same period also a Young Men’s Preachers’ Union has 
been formed for carrying the gospel into the villages, and this 
society supports two native missionaries in distant places. An 
Orphanage for destitute children has also been at work for 
several years past. In all these departments of benevolent effort 
we see self-help developing, and evidence that a spirit of earn- 
estness and liberality and zeal is gradually growing up among 
the Christian people ; evidence more satisfactory than series of 
figures shewing merely numerical increase in congregations, 
church members, or adherents.* 

The Church of England mission in Madagascar at first inclu- 
ded missionaries of the Church Missionary Society as well as 
those of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel. Both of 
these societies commenced work here in 1864, but in 1874 the 
former of the two relinquished its position in the island; and 
since then the work has been entirely carried on by mission- 
aries partly supported by the S.P.G. and partly by a more 
private society. For some years the Anglican mission was 
confined to the east coast, but in 1872 a station was commenced 
in the Capital; and in 1874 Antananarivo was made the seat 
of a bishopric. Subsequently a missionary College was estab- 
lished at Ambatoharanana, about 12 miles north of the Capital ; 
and later on, a station with resident missionary was formed at 
Ramainandro, about two days’ journey away to the west; and 
Anglican congregations have been gathered in many villages in. 
Imerina. European missionaries are stationed at Tamatave, 
Andovoranto and Mahanoro on the east coast, and a consider- 
able number of congregations are superintended by them among 
the Bétsimisaraka people. The S.P.G. staff for some time past 


® T hope it will be excused that I here give more details of the work of the L.M.S. and 
F.F.M.A. than of that of the other sucieties, It is simply because I am better acquainted 
with the formers I heartily rejoice in all good work done by every Christian body labouring 
ere. 


> ne, 
~. 


~-. et A ARTER. CENTURY OF CHANGE AND PROGRESS: 











has consisted of ten missionaries, including the Bishop and 
three lady teachers. 

The Norwegian Lutheran Mission in Madagascar was begun 
in 1867, Its work is chiefly in Vakinankaratra and Betsileo, 
with a representative church in the Capital. Here also is its 
Press, Hospital, Boarding schools and, until lately a College ; the 
last named, however, has recently been removed to Vakinan- 
karatra, where also is a Training Institution for school teachers. 
Besides occupying in force the above mentioned districts, the 
Norwegian mission has also stations in the southern Sakalava 
country ; and within the past year has entered upon a new field, 
in the Tandsy district on the south-east coast. In all, this 
mission,has about 20 central stations, with about 25 mission- 
aries including lady teachers. 

The Roman Catholic mission was in the field a little before 
the reoccupation of the Capital by the L.M.S. missionaries in 
1863, for Réunion being so much nearer to Madagascar than 
England is, it was easy to send over a small detachment of 
mission priests immediately the country was re-opened to 
Christian teaching. A large staff of priests of the order of 
Jesuits (since 1886 headed by a bishop), a number of lay 
brothers, who teach in the schools, and of sisters-of-mercy, also 
engaged in education, has for many years been at work in 
Madagascar. Their numbers have been considerably increased 
since the conclusion ot the Franco-Malagasy war, and they 
occupy central positions at Antananarivo, at Fianarantsoa, and 
at Tamatave, with mission stations and churches in a large 
number of villages in all the three provinces of which those 
towns are the capitals. Large and efficient boarding and day 
schools are taught in the three chief centres of work; but, so 
far, there seems to be no staff of native Roman Catholic clergy. 

From the above particulars, although they may appear at 
first sight very dry and catalogue-like, it may be easily gathered 
that a large amount of work has already been done in Mada- 
gascar by the different societies, as well as by Christian natives, 
during the past twenty-five years. Since 1870 about 70 Protes- 
tant missionaries have usually been labouring here, and _ proba- 
bly there have been as many Roman Catholic missionaries, 
except during the years 1883-1885. 

And now it may be asked, What are the results of all this 
work during a quarter of century? 

Here we can only give the barest outline of the leading facts: 
but let it be remembered, in the first place, that the idolatry of 
the central provinces has been utterly swept away, together 
with a large mass of the superstitious beliefs which were 
connected with the idols, such as the killing of children born 


ANTANANARIVO AND MADAGASCAR 125 FEARS AGO. 419 


on unlucky days, the trust in charms and divination, etc. Thes 


tangena ordeal, so deadly in its consequences to thousands of the 
Malagasy, has been completely abolished. Many tens of thou- 
sands of the people have been educated, their minds enlightened 
and largely freed from the foolish notions of their ancestors, 
and imbued with a knowledge of the leading facts and truths 
of the Christian religion. Polygamy has been put away; the 
facility with which divorce used to be effected has been largely 
diminished; and the open and shameless licentiousness of 
heathen times, especially on certain occasions, has been put down 
by a more enlightened public opinion. The amelioration of the 
laws, and the abolition of cruel and barbarous punishments has 
already been noted, as well as the humane and merciful spirit 
shown even in time of war. Slavery has become less bitter, 
and a large number of African slaves have been liberated. 
Besides all this, from two to three hundred thousand people in 
nearly 2000 congregations listen every week to the Word of God 
and to teaching which must tend to elevate and purify their minds 
and lives. Thousands of people are in church fellowship; and 
while large numbers of these are still ignorant and only 
nominally Christian, there are also numbers who, it cannot be 
doubted, are sincere believers in the truths they profess, and 
are trying to live in obedience to the precepts of the Gospel. 
A religious literature is gradually growing up; and an educated 
native ministry is being formed, which is increasing in numbers 
every year. The native churches are beginning to see their duty 
to evangelise those of their countrymen who are still heathen, 
and are doing something to supply them with religious teaching. 
In all this there is surely cause for thankfulness on the part of 
every true philanthropist as well as of every sincere Christian. 
There is, it cannot be denied, a reverse to the picture; and 
there are still evils and deficiencies which all who wish well 
to Madagascar must deplore. As already said, a large amount 
of religious profession is no doubt merely nominal, and is 
due to the fact that Christianity has been patronised by the 
Sovereign and the higher classes. And this has never been 
concealed by those who know best all the circumstances. A 
great deal of ignorance and superstition still remains; the 
marriage tie is still far too loose, divorce and separation far too 
common; and a sad leaven of impurity of conduct yet defiles 
the churches of every denomination, to say nothing of “‘those who 
are without.” There is still a very low ideal of the purity of justice ; 
but this and other abuses are largely attributable to the fact 


that no salaries are paid to public servants of all ranks, ando 


that /anompéana (unpaid government service, as well as that 
due to feudal superiors) is the principle on which government 


420 A QUARTER-CENTURY OF CHANGE AND PROGRESS. 


has here from time immemorial been carried on. This, no less than 
slavery, still hinders social improvement; but it would be difficult ! 
to make any but gradual changes in either. Many good laws 
have been promulgated, but sufficient motive power to make them 
effective is as yet largely wanting. During the last few years 
drinking habits have certainly greatly increased, and the laws 
forbidding the manufacture or sale of spirits in Imerina have 
been gradually relaxed, so that they are becoming a dead letter. 
But here again, much blame is due to the greed of foreigners, 
who evade the native laws and flood the coasts with bad run, 
and bring wine and spirits into the interior to tempt the people; 
and also to European powers, who have not effectually helped 
the Malagasy Government to keep these evils out of the country. 
Crimes of violence have also increased in number and _ boldness 
Auring the last decade; and within the last two or three years 
large bands of armed robbers have almost depopulated some 
districts, carrying scores of the inhabitants away into slavery, and 
bringing untold misery on the people. 

These are some of the shadows in the picture of the ‘‘quarter- 
century of progress” which I have here tried to paint, and they 
are sufficiently saddening and discouraging. But let it be 
again remembered how little, after all, isthe amount of Christian 
effort which has yet been brought to bear upon the heathenism 
of this great island, when compared with its needs; and how 
short also is the time, compared with that of the life of a nation, 
during which these influences have been in operation. Forit is 
really only about eighteen years ago since systematic work was 
begun in order to guide and enlighten the great mass of heathen 
people who, at the burning of the idols, put themselves under 
instruction. When we look at the state of our own and other 
European countries after cenfurzes of Christian influence, we 
need not be astonished that Madagascar is not yet all we wish 
it to be; and when we remember the condition of some churches 
even in the Apostolic age, we need not wonder that much 
impurity and evil still exists in many Malagasy churches. 

If we keep these facts in view, and if we remember also how 
much has already been accomplished within this quarter of a 
century, all who are interested in the enlightenment and . 
true progress of Madagascar need not be disheartened, but 
may rather thankfully exclaim, “What hath God wrought!” 
Let us be encouraged by the success of the past to labour with 
still greater zeal in the future, until this country takes its place 
among the enlightened nations of the world, and rejoices in the 
tulness of the blessings which civilisation and Christianity 
bring to every people. 


JAMES SIBREE, JUN. (ED.) 


THE ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL. ~~ 421 





THE TRIAL BY CAIMAN: 


A STORY OF THE ‘TANGEM-BOAY OR CROCODILE ORDEAL 
OF THE TAIMORO.* 


ERTAIN philosophers of the last century discovered that savage 
life was preferable to civilisation, and regretted in pathetic tones 
the unhappy condition of those nations which have made any progress 
in the arts of life. These admirers of what is very absurdly called ‘“a 
state of nature” could never have visited Madagascar, or even have 
wandered thither in imagination, wafted on the magic chariot of the 
pen. Had they done so, I doubt if they would have deplored the de- 
moralising effects of civilisation upon a primitive people. The Mada- 
gascarites—whether Malagasy, or Antankara, or Bétsimisaraka, or of 
the numerous other tribes—are in truth primitive. They allow a plural- 
ity of wives, they believe in charms, they delight in war, they venerate 
certain birds and animals, they kill children born in an unlucky hour, 
they bury a large quantity of ready money with every rich man, and 
and never dig it up, suffering severe inconvenience in a short currency 
thereby ; while, worst of all, their criminal justice consists in giving the 
tangéna. The tangena ( Tanghinia venenifera) is a subtle vegetable poison, 
which is administered to persons accused of sorcery. Any individual 
- can accuse another of this crime and demand the application of the fan- 
gena, or the /é/a-dy, i.e. ‘tongue and iron’ ordeal. The accuser goes before 
a judge and states his case; the judge sends him to the ampanangena, 
who is half priest half executioner. Having learned the motives of the 
accusation, this person first experiments on young fowls. He gives them 
/angena in water, and says, ‘‘If thou art come forth from a bull, die!” If 
it dies, the presumption against the accused is strong. He then tries 
again: ‘If thou comest from the shell of an egg, die; if thou hast for 
father a bull, live!” Ifthe fowl dies, the evidence is startling. 
This trial takes place seven times, and if there be three results in favour 
of the prosecution, the ampanangena gives the heads and claws of the 
fowls to the informer, who goes before the judge and gets an order for a 
sahaly or trial. A ¢rano fddy, or ‘tabooed house,’ is built, in which the judge, 
witnesses, accused, ampanangena, and all who are to be present at the 
trial, passthe night. Next morning, the accused, stripped ofall clothing, 
is placed on the green sward and surrounded by the crowd. The judge 
makes a speech, and the ampanangena gives the ‘angena mixed with water 
on a rdvindlat leaf, after which the culprit swallows a draught of rice 
water. Frightful convulsions soon ensue, and the wretched being dies 
-in ninety cases out of a hundred, confessing all he is asked to confess. 
The /e/a-by consists in passing a hot iron over the victim’s tongue three 
times, when, if a blister rises, the spears of the bystanders immediately 


¢ This romantic sto appeared many years ago in an English magazine; and as it is 
veritably ‘founded on fact,’ it is here reproduced for the readers of the ANNUAL.—EDS, 

+ The Traveller's tree (Ravenala madagascariensts, Sonn,), the leaves of which arc long and 
broad end almost exactly like those of the banana and plantain.—EDs. 


422 THE TRIAL BY CAIMAN: 








terminate his life. This barbarous and savage legislation is observably 
effectual in checking the increase of population. Scarcely a day passes 
but some head ofa family perishes. But the most abominable feature in 
the affair is, that the goods of the victim are divided into three 
-one for the chief, one for his officers, and the third for the informer. 
Radama, the celebrated king of Madagascar, when shown the absurdity 
and wickedness of the practice, replied, ‘Find me another tax which will 
as easily fill my treasury.”* 

But these primitive habits are not all. The people of this great island 
have others, which will be explained by my narrative. 

In the village of Matitana, on the river of the same name, lived 
Rakara, a young girl of sixteen, of gentle mien and modest countenance, 

+» belonging to the aristocratic caste of the Zanakandriana. The village is 
situated on an island at some distance from the banks of the river, and 

- containing 300 houses, is not of small importance in the land, being, 
moreover, fortified. Rakara was a beauty and rich, her father having 

e left her much property at his death, and she owned numerous slaves. 
She had many suitors as a matter of course; but she was more fastidious 
than the generality of her people, and none seemed to touch her heart 
until young René, a native born, but whose father was a Frenchman, 
appeared in the village on a trading expedition. Rakara saw and loved. 
The semi-white was handsome, tall, and striking in appearance, and, it was 
said, generous and frank in character. But René scarcely saw Rakara, 
or, if he did, he distinguished her not from the multitude of dark women 
who flitted around him. He was present at the dances of the village; 
he admired the elegant forms of the girls who demonstrated their talent 
before him; but his eye seemed to favour no one in particular. Rakara 
was stricken with despair, and went to an old woman, learned in the sci- 
ence of futurity, for counsel. The old woman took her fee, performed in- 
cantations without number, and promised to turn the heart of the cold 
youth towards her; but more dollars went than results were produced, 
and Rakara almost regretted having used any other charms than those 
she had been endowed with by nature. 

Still, love is a passion which, in this primitive state of society, is not 
easily to be conquercd by reflection, or even by its apparent futility. In 
civilisation the feeling would have been concealed by the girl, unless 
called forth by the addresses of the man. Rakara attempted not to 
convey to René the least suspicion of her emotions, the more that she 
had heard him declaim against the idea of settling in a wild, out-of-the- 
world place like Matitana. But she put faith in the protective genius of 
the Malagasy, and early one morning she crossed over to the mainland 
in a canoe to pray for his intercession. The vegetable productions of 
Madagascar are varied and rich. and the wooded shore was composed of 
a tangled mass of trees and parasites, whose appearance was charming, 
each vying with the other in the beauty of leaf and flower. Amidst a 
dense thicket of this verdure Rakara concealed herself, neither listening 
to the songs of the choristers of the woods, nor dreading the snakes, or 
centipedes, or wild boars and cats, which people the virgin forests of this 





* For further particulars of these Taimoro ordeals, common ta other Malagasy tribes as 
well, sec ANNUAL II, pp. ga-t0z; Reprint, pp, 219-227,—EDs. y 


Cc 


A STORY OF THE CROCODILE ORDEAL. 423 








island. She knew a shady spot, yet open tothe light, where the rdvin- 
ésdra® sent forth its perfume from nut and leaf, and where also grew the 
plants she made use of for her incantation. 

The place selected was a hollow where the grass grew to a great 
height, rank and strong, and here Rakara halted, after collecting a 
quantity of the herbs she needed. These were piled in a heap in an 
open space, which she cleared with her hands, and several odorous leaves 
and nuts of the ravintsara being added, the young girl set fire to the 
whole, and sitting down, began to chant a monotonous ballad beginning 

‘‘Hel he! he! izala he!” the moon looks down; 

‘‘The moon in the blue sky, he! he!” 
such as is widely sung throughout the district. 

The dry grass and twigs crackled, flamed and smoked, while the 
young girl gazed eagerly on, as if expecting an instant manifestation of 
the will of the divinity. But as nothing greeted her eager eyes she 
still hoped that the guardian spirit of her race would act invisibly, and 
was about to rise and return, when a step was heard, and Ratsimy, one 
of her suitors, stood before her. , 

‘‘Rakara is burning incense to the Angatsa” (evil spirit), said the 
young man coldly. 

“And why not to Zanahary?” asked the girl, trembling, and men- 
tioning the good angel of her faith. 

‘‘You do not answer ?” continued Ratsimy. 

“I own no right in you to ask me,” said Rakara, moving as if to go. 

‘‘Rakara knows well that Ratsimy loves her; that he has told her 
so two moons ago; and that, like Rahafo—who dared the enemy of 
man in the Mount Tangory for love of Fihaly—Ratsimy would brave 
any danger for Rakara.” 

‘I have spoken once,” replied the young girl coldly; ‘the daughter 
of the great chief of the mountains will not be even the first wife of 
Ratsimy, much less one of his wives.” 

‘‘Rakara,” cried the lover impetuously, ‘‘do not anger me. Recollect 
I have caught you exercising sorcery.” 

‘Give me up to the ampanangena then !” said the girl indignantly ; ‘‘your 
threats have less value than your protestations ;” and Rakara ran lightly 
through the wood, leaving Ratsimy in great anger, meditating vengeance. 

Rakara was not without alarm. She knew Ratsimy to be a young man 
of violent passions, sometimes uncontrollable; but she still doubted 
his descending to denounce her because she could not return his love. 
She paddled quickly across the river to the village, and met René 
smoking his pipe before breakfast on the strand. René complimented 
the girl, without looking at her, on her address and activity in paddling. 

‘‘A Malagasy girl is not always flying from a lover,” replied Rakara, 
as she was about to pass. 

“What mean you? ‘Flying froma lover.’ That’s not like your age 
and race,” said René curiously. 

‘‘Rakara is different from her race, and runs to avoid the anger of 
Ratsimy, who is heated with passion because I said I loved him not.” 


¢ a tree which grows to a large size (Kavensara madagascariensts) and produc al 
spice. Its leaves are used for scenting oil and other ao hancee EDS. P es & valuable 


424 THE TRIAL BY CAIMAN: 





‘‘And who, pretty one, is the favoured brave ?’ asked René, gazing on 
her with admiration. 

‘‘Rakara never accepted love from any one,” she cried and darted 

away. René filled his pipe and puffed away for some time in silence, 
thinking the damsel a strange girl, and then he went to breakfast and 
forgot the subject. 
' That evening there was solemn council held in the camp of Matitana. 
It chanced to be the night of full moon, but the pale and cold luminary 
had not yet risen over the lofty trees, though its light already pervaded 
the sky. A marshy space near the river’s bank was the spot chosen for 
the deliberation, which never took place but on the night of the full 
moon. The chief of the village sat on a raised pile of boughs; around 
were the men and women of the place in a vast circle. René leant 
against a tree behind Laihéva, the old head-man of Matitana. The river 
ran dark beside them, its swift current glancing by in the gloom; and 
about two hundred yards distant was a low bank covered with reeds, 
often infested by crocodiles, as are most of the rivers in Madagascar. 
Presently the moon rose in the sky, the water sparkled in the light, 
the trees showed clearly their dark outlines, and the whole tribe could 
be distinguished. It was eight o’clock, and the business of the night 
commenced. 

Rakara stood before the chief, accused by Ratsimy of sorcery. As 
soon as the moon had risen, Laihova stood up, and, like most of his 
countrymen, fond of speaking, addressed the assembly at length on the 
atrocious crime of sorcery. He pointed out its fatal consequences, 
visible in the ailments which it produced, and the many deaths yearly 
in the district, all to be attributed to the wickedness of male and female 
sorcerers. He was sorry that a girl so excellent should be there on 
so terrible a charge, but he must see justice done. 

Ratsimy then declared his belief that Rakara was a witch, and 
related what he had seen that morning, leaving out his declaration 
of love and his threat. He expressed profound grief at having to 
accuse one so lovely, and hoped she might clear herself. 

A judge then arose and implored Rakara to tell the truth and confess 
her crime—an act that would have been giving herself to certain death 
on the instant, and which the girl declined performing, it may be 
presumed, for that very reason. 

“I am innocent!” she cried aloud. ‘Ratsimy is a false coward; 
the caimans will decide between us!” 

‘fAs you will; so be it,” said the judge. 
bi ‘‘What are they about to do?” whispered René to a Malagasy near 

im. 

‘“‘Rakara will swim out to yonder island. If guilty, the cafmans will 
devour her ; if innocent, she will come back in safety.” 

“But the river swarms with these savage monsters. The girl is 
innocent: | swear it, I know it!” 

“She must stand the trial,” said the superstitious native. ‘If innocent, 
there is no danger.” 

“This is mere savage stupidity; I will speak !” 

“And die,” said his friend solemnly. ‘The people will spear you 
if you dare to interfere.” 


—-- - 


A STORY OF THE CROCODILE ORDEAL. 425 








René ground his teeth with rage, and moved nearer the young girl. 
‘‘Rakara,” said Laihova, ‘“‘confess ; once more I conjure you !” 
“The caimans shall decide,” replied the girl, who, conscious of her 
innocence of anything beyond trying a harmless charm for a parmess A 
end, under the advice of a ‘wise woman,’ felt safe; for she believed i 
the efficacy of the trial. coy 

‘“‘Ombiasy,” cried the chief, addressing the half-priest half-executioner, 
‘‘she is yours.” 

The ombiasy took her by the hand and led her towards the river, on 
the bank of which he addressed an invocation to the savage crocodiles, 
calling on them to rise and devour her if guilty; then left her to a few 
young attached female friends, who braved contagion and stood by 
her to the last. Rakara thanked them gently. 


‘‘Rafara,” said she, turning to one, “give me that ribbon to tie my 
hair; it may prevent my swimming freely.” 

The girl, much moved, gave the silken tie, and aided her to apply 
it. Then Rakara took off her kifamby and siki/rd/ra— garments equiva- 
lent to European petticoats—and plunged into the river. 

René shuddered and, with the whole tribe, rushed to the banks of the 
stream. The bright moon illuminated the picture in every detail. 
There was the bold swimmer, her head and arms only visible, while 
her long hair floated behind, as driven back by the motion: every splash 
was seen clearly. She swam with astonishing rapidity. René felt 
sick; he knew the fatal character of the river, and had himself shot 
crocodiles on the little island. Most of the people gazed on coldly, 
but some anxiously. Ratsimy stood silent and sullen on one side. 
K-very time there was the least stir in the water, all expected to hear a 
shriek and a struggle. The reptiles to which Rakara was exposed 
could have killed her at one bite. From twelve to sixteen feet long, ' 
their voracity is frightful, and many is the victim which falls under their 
jaws, especially in these trials which at Matitana replaced the /angena. 

A low murmur of applause arose as Rakara stood upright on the 
island, and then sat down to gain breath. René thought the trial was 
now over; but the worst was to come. The unfortunate girl was in 
avery nest of crocodiles, but, nothing terrified, she rose after five 
minutes, and plunged headlong into the stream and disappeared. 
René held his breath for half a minute, at the expiration of which she 
reappeared not, and then felt inexpressible delight as she rose and 
landed. Again, after taking breath, she plunged a second and third 
time, and, rare instance of good-fortune, reappeared as often. After 
some time she entered the river once more, and swam towards home. 

“The worst is now to come,” thought René; ‘‘the savage animals 
must be alarmed by all that noise. God help her!” he added, as he 
caught sight of a commotion in the water near the island, and next 
moment saw a huge caiman with his scales flashing in the moonlight. 
The young man closed his eyes, and when he opened them again, Rakara 
was within fifty yards of the shore. With a wild shout of joy René 
fired the two barrels of his fowling-piece, as if by way of triumph, but 
in reality in the desperate hope of checking the progress of any pursu- 
ing alligator. The people shouted; they felt the girl was innocent. 


426 THE TRIAL BY CAIMAN. 


Ratsimy stood transfixed with terror; still, another death-like silence 
ensued. The girl was weary and swam slowly, but presently was 
within ten yards of the shore. Her female friends were ready witha large 
cloak given by René for the purpose, a white African robe which he 
wore at night ; and as this fell around her, so did the arms of the 
young man. 

“People of Matitana, I claim this heroic and innocent girl as my 
wife,” he cried. wild with enthusiasm and joy. “I knew her innocent 
and beautiful ; I now know her for something more. As for that base 
wretch, I claim for him the law of retaliation !” 

‘“‘As for claiming the girl as a wife,” said the chief, ‘“‘that rests with 
her; but Ratsimy will pay her a thousand dollars, and thus, in poverty 
and misery, will repent his folly.” 

‘Worse than folly!” cried René; “the girl refused his love, and this is 
his revenge |” 

‘Is this true, Rakara ?” asked Laihova. 

Rakara, far more troubled at the sudden explosion of the young man’s 
feelings than at her trial, was silent a moment, and then made an open 
confession, not without blushes—many, yet unseen—before the whole 
tribe. Now that René had spoken, her love was legitimate and just; 
and, according to her native customs, she felt a pride in her public 
avowals. 

‘“‘Ratsimy,” said Laihova, when she had concluded, ‘‘you are a false 
and lying slave. Rakara has the choice: you will swim to Caiman 
Island as did she, or you will pay her all the value of your flocks and 
cattle, and then be bound as a slave to her for life. Choose, girl.” 

“I forgive him all!” cried Rakara warmly, “for am I not happy? | 
have gained the husband that I love; that was worth the race.” 

René’s admiration knew no bounds; and then on the spot he 
denounced the wickedness and folly of this mode of trial, showed how 
easily malevolence could get up false accusations, and offered, if the 
tribe would abolish all such practices, to settle among them; other- 
wise, he would retire to Mauritius, where he was educated, and visit 
them no more. His eloquence was persuasive; the people were in a 
moment of enthusiasm: the custom was abolished, the omdzasy dismis- 
sed, and that very evening the simple marriage ceremony of Matitana 
was celebrated. 

René settled in the place, was very prosperous, and lives there, 
for ought I know to the contrary, up to this very day. He made 
Rakara a happy wife, and found a deep satisfaction in having been the 
instrument of abolishing ‘trial by caiman.”"* 


Percy B. St.Joun. 








* The above scene is no fiction ; it was witnessed by Leguével de Lacombe, 


THE ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL. 427 





M. GRANDIDIER’S SCIENTIFIC RESEARCHES IN 
° MADAGASCAR. 
(Concluded from ANNUAL No. XI.) 
PART If.—METEOROLOGICAL AND MAGNETIC. 


” register where the whole time I spent in Madagascar I kept a 
register where, three times a day, as regularly as interruptions 
from illness and the difficulties of travelling would allow, observations 
by the barometer, the thermometer, and the wind-guage were recorded, 
together with notes on the weather, and the maximum and minimum 
temperatures. Besides these I ascertained at Tolia the temperature of 
the soil. Unfortunately, the registers of the two first years, which I had 
deposited at Saint-Dénis in Réunion, were burned in an accidental fire, 
and I have therefore at hand only the observations taken between May 
28th, 1868 and July 15th, 1870. These observations, which I have 
reduced to curves, are not yet published ; I have only given a first sketch 
of them in the Revue scientifique of 1872. 
For investigation of the magnetism, I have ascertained in nineteen 
different places the declination, the inclination, and the exact intensity of 
the magnetic needle. These observations have not yet been published. 


PART III1.—GEOLOGY AND NATURAL PRODUCTIONS. 


I.—GgoLocy. The geological formation of Madagascar was absolute- 
ly unknown before my explorations.* I was the first to reveal the 
existence in this island of a vast extent of the Secondary formation, 
which is shown very plainly by the various species of Nerinea, 
Ammonites, Astarte, Nucule, Rhynconella, etc., which I there collected. 
These strata do not cover less than a third of the island towards the 
west and the south. Except an extremely narrow belt of Lower Tertiary 
formation which, extending along the western coast, rests in turn upon 
Oolitic beds, the most recent formations found in the island seem to be 
these same Secondary strata. The Oolitic rocks just mentioned are 
characterised by Nummulitic fossils, such as Meritina Schmidehana, 
Teretellum (near to 7. obtusum), Ostrea pelecydium, O. Grandidteri, etc., 
_ and Foraminifera of the same geological period, such as A/veolina orbitoi- 
des, Triloculina, etc., which I have collected there. In the north-west, 
as well as to the south of the central mass of Ankdaratra, I have proved 
the existence of Palzozic rocks; I have brought from Pasindava Bay a 
fragment of Orthoceras, which leaves no doubt as to the age of the 
beds, where are also found the only coal deposits at present known in 
Madagascar.t 


* See. however, ANNUAL IX., p. 77, footnote.—Ebs. 


+ Since the above was written M. Grandidier has seen reason to alter his opinion as to this 
supposed fossil. Mr. Baron, writing underdate Sept. rst, 1887, says, M. Grandidier “in his 
reply tells me he agrees with one, and the Orthoceras, of which I doubted the existence, 
‘proves to be a simple concretion,’ "—J.S. 


428 MM. GRANDIDIERS SCIENTIFIC RESEARCHES 


Although I have not been able to study the geology of this island with }.. 
all the minuteness I could have wished, because of the Hova laws which |; 


prohibit under the severest penalties mining research, and, consequently, ' 
any study of the soil, this first sketch of a country hitherto completely 


unknown in these respects may in the meantime be not without a certain . 


interest. A summary of my geological discoveries will be found set 
forth both in the Revue scientifique (1872), and in the Compies rendus & 
l" Académie des Sciences (Sept. 9th, 1867 and Dec. rith, 1871). 


II.—THE INHABITANTS OF Mapacascar. The inhabitants of Madz- 
gascar do not belong to one and the same race. Immigrants both from 
the Arabs, the Hindoos, the Africans, and the Malays, who have come at 
various epochs into this island, have here become mingled with the abor- 
ginal inhabitants, who, by their appearance, their customs, and their 
language, seem to belong to a group of the negroid peoples of Polynesia 
and Melanesia; so that it is a point of great interest to endeavour to get 
a complete view of their migrations, by carefully studying the character- 
istics of the different Malagasy tribes. 

I have taken measurements of twenty-three individuals of different 
tribes, and I have photographed in front and in profile a certain number 
of types, which I shall have reproduced by engraving. I also procured 
three crania, not an easy thing to do in a country where the worship 
of the dead is a real religion; but two of these were consumed in the 
same fire which destroyed my registers of meteorological observations 
of 1865 and 1866. In short, I have studied carefully and in all their 


™~ 


r 


A TT 


details the customs, the dialects, the religion, and the oral traditions of ; 


the different peoples among whom I have lived. 

I have given a summary of my observations upon the inhabitants of 
Madagascar in the Bulletin de la Société de Géographie (April 1872‘, in 
the Revue scientifique (1872), and in the Archives des Missions sctentifiques 
et littératres (1872). 


III.— NATURAL PRODUCTIONS AND THE GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION 
oF ANIMALS. Although the obtaining of an accurate knowledge of the 
physical aspects and climate of a country should occupy the first place in 
a traveller's thoughts, he ought also, as already said, to study the living 
creatures which inhabit it, and the vegetable productions which grow 
there. Such has constantly been my object in all my travels, especially 
in Madagascar. This island, indeed, which remains in the Indian 
Ocean as a modest witness to the vast regions which formerly occupied 
this part of the southern hemisphere, and which have disappeared in 
one of those violent cataclysms to which our planet has so often been 


subjected, is, notwithstanding its narrow limits, and especially its ~ 


proximity to the great African continent, a world in itself, which has a 
fauna and flora abundant in peculiar species and genera, and an appear- 
ance all its own. And if my two first journeys in the east and in the 
west have shown that all was yet to be done as regards topography, I 
have also become convinced that, notwithstanding the beautiful and 
rich collections gathered together by various explorers, there yet remains 
much of novelty to discover as regards natural history, and numerous 
interesting facts still to elucidate. From that time therefore I formed the 


IN MADAGASCAR: ZOOLOGICAL. 429 








sroject of publishing a complete Physical, Natural, and Political History 
»f the island,* finding that it would be a matter of very great interest to 
itudy in all its aspects a country so curious, and whose limited extent 
vould enable me to treat of it fully with tolerable facility. It was for 
his end that I followed the advice of my learned friend and fellow- 
worker M. Alphonse Milne-Edwards; and notwithstanding the daily 
ittention which I gave to the study of geography, I have not been 
ininterested in studying the animals and the plantg which occupy the 
sountry. I have made every effort to form collections which would allow 
»f a complete study of the very unusual types which Madagascar presents, 
‘specially in the two classes of Mammalia and Birds. I have not been 
-ontent to follow the usual custom of travellers, that is, of preparing only 
sche dried skins, which are of no value except to shew the external 
characteristics, but I have taken care to obtain the skeletons, and also 
perfect examples of the animals preserved in spirits, in order that a 
complete anatomical examination might be made of them. I have also 
striven to obtain for each species specimens of all ages and of both 
sexes, from the foetus taken from the mother, and young animals in the 
time of dentition, upto old adults, records which are all wanting in Euro- 
pean museums. I have also tried to gather together numerous series of 
animals belonging to the principal genera, so as to determine the limits 
of variability which mark each species, both when found in the 
same conditions and also under different conditions; for the science of 
Zoology is not confined to-day, as it was at the commencement of 
the century, to a dry nomenclature intended chiefly to aid the memory, 
and to facililate the artificial classification of living creatures, but it has 
a more philosophical aim: it endeavours not only to seize the relations 
which exist between the animals which are its study, but it strives also to 
note with care the differences brought about by different conditions upon 
animals of the same species. Reptiles, fishes, molluscs, insects—all have 
been equally the object of my attention; and I have collected a very 
large quantity of new species, some of them of great scientific interest. 
[ have also obtained numerous fossil bones and shells. I have fotmed 
in herbarium, especially in the western part of the island, which had 





* The following is a detailed description of the different divisions of M. Grandidier’s magni- 
icent work moh in course of ublication i 7 3 M. A. Grandidi 

I. aphie gue ef mathématique, 1 vol, avec cartes et dessins, par M. A. Grandidier. 

2. Mekorloce et Magnétisme, r vel par M. A. Grandidier. 
hi ; Ethnographic, Anthropologie et Linguistique, 2 vol., avec planches, par M. A. Gran- 

ier. 

4. Histoire politique, coloniale et commerciale, 1 vol., par M. A, Grandidier. 

5. Histoire naturelle des Mammiferes, 6 vol. (3 de texte et 3 de planches), par MM. Alph. 
Milne-Edwards et A. Grandidier. 

6. Histoire naturelle des Oiseaux, 4 vol. (1 de texte et 3 de planches), par MM. Alph. 
Milne-Edwards et A. Grandidier, 

7. HH<sstotre naturelle des Poissons, 1 vol. avec planches, par M. le Dr. Sauvage. 

8. Histoire naturelle des Reptiles, 1 vol., avec planches, par M. A. Grandidier. 

9. Histoire naturelle des Crustacés, par M. Alph. Milne-Edwards; Histosre naturelle 
ves Insectes, par MM. Kiinckel d’Herculais, Lucas, Mabille, Oustalet, de Saussure ; et Histoire 
naturelle des Annélides, par M. L, Vaillant, 6 vol., avec planches. 

10. Histoire naturelle des Mollusqnes tervestrés et fluviatiles, 2 vol. avec planches, par 
MM. Fischer et Crosse. 

11. Histotve naturelle des Plantes, 4 vol. avec planches, par M. H. Baillon. 

12. Géologie et Paléontologie, t vol., avec planches, par MM. Alph. Milne-Edwards, A. 
Grandidier et P, Fischer, 


430 MM. GRANDIDIER’S SCIENTIFIC RESEARCHES 





never before been explored, an herbarium which comprises some ver |: 
interesting plants, many of which belong to remarkable and new genera, |; 
and are described by M. Baillon in the Bulletin mensuel de la Soctté kw . 
néene de Paris. 

The collections which I have gathered together with this scientific 
object are considerable, and I have presented them to the Natural Histo- 
ry Museum of Paris. I could not expect to be able, unaided by others, to 
carry out completely all the investigations necessary; my Own acquain- 
tance with Zoology is too limited to allow of my doing so, besides which, | 
a lifetime would be too short for the purpose. But I have applied to . 
various scientific men known in France for their knowledge of special 
branches of science ; and for the Mammalia and Birds I have been for- 
tunate in obtaining the learned co-operation of M. Alphonse Milne- 
Edwards. 

These collections have enabled me to explain clearly the gener 
characteristics of the Malagasy fauna, a fauna which has a character 
quite peculiar to itself, and to which I take the liberty of calling the 
attention of the Academy. For if I venture to speak at some leng 
upon its principal characteristics, and upon the very curious geographi- 
cal distribution of the Indrisinze and the Birds, descriptions of which are 
already published, it is not simply on account of their different divisions— 
monographs of which are in preparation, and which I believe will in the 
mean-time be useful to point out many details in which my collections 
differ from those of other travellers—it is more because these zoological 
investigations really throw light upon the geography of past times; and 
because the highly specialised character presented by the Malagasy 
fauna shows clearly that we cannot consider Madagascar simply as a 
dependence of a neighbouring continent, as merely an African island, 
but as a country which has had its own individual history, its indepen- 
dent existence. My discoveries go to prove that at the end of the Secon- 
dary epoch and at the commencement of the Tertiary period it formed a 
vast continent extending far towards the east.* , 

Among the Mammalia, the order of the Lemuride is represented in 
Madagascar by nine genera, some of which are numerous in species, 
while in the rest of the Old World (Asia, Oceania and Africa) it can only 
count five genera, all told, which are also poor in species. The only 
plantigrade Feline known is originally from Madagascar: and the Gali- 
dia, the Hypogeomys, the Oryzorictes, and the Geogale are peculiar 
genera. There is no other country in existence, even of much greater 
extent, where there are found so many species differing from those which 
exist in neigbouring regions. But we shall return to this subject later 
on. 

Of the species of Birds which are found in Madagascar, 130 are 
peculiar to the island; and certain genera peculiar to this little corner 
of the world, such as the Couas, number as many as 12 different 
species. 

In the class of Reptiles, besides the exclusively Malagasy genera which 
I have discovered, and which, zoologically considered, are very remark- 
able, it is curious to notice that the genus Chameleon, that very aberrant 


* Sce, however, Mr. Alfred R. Wallace’s different views and arguments in this point it 
ANNUAL &. p. 141, footnote.—ED. 


IN MADAGASCAR: ZOOLOGICAL. 431 


‘pe in the series of Lizards, is represented in Madagascar by a consider- 
dle number of species (24) differing very much among themselves ;* 
hile in all other parts of the Old World one can only reckon, up to 
1e present time, 28 species; and even this figure must certainly be 
onsidered too high, since, from their being less known than those in 
[adagascar, the same species has in several cases been described under 
wo names. 

In the class of Batrachia (Frogs and Toads), I have discovered two 
>markable new genera, which give a special character to the Malagasy 
2una. 

In the class of Fishes, I must notice an interesting zoological fact: 
nis is, the small number of these creatures which are found in the rivers 
nd lakes of Madagascar. Up to the present time only ten species are 
nown, while in France, which is less in extent, there are nearly 50. I 
7ill remark here that the family of the Siluridz, so abundant in Africa, 
3 only represented in this island by a single Ancharius; and, a most 
mportant fact in considering the geographical distribution of fishes, 
hat here there is not a single example of the Cyprinidz or of the Cha- 
acinidz, families so numerous in Eastern Africa. 

An examination of the 1600 Coleopterat which are now known in 
Madagascar also supplies interesting facts bearing on the general 
‘haracter of the Malagasy fauna. The greater part of them are peculiar 
o the island; others approach Indian types, or are even identical with 
hem; others have an African appearance; and one of them recalls 
furopean forms. The Cicindelide (Tiger-beetles) are represented by 
. score of species, and by two peculiar genera, one of which comprises 
ot less than 11 species. Some of the Carabide (Carnivorous beetles) 
ecall our European kinds; others belong to genera which are strictly 
Malagasy and are very numerous. I will not speak of the Aquatic insects, 
those geographical distribution is too wide to permit of their having 
auch interest in this respect ; but the Coleoptera which are most worthy 
f study are the Scarabei. The Cetoniide (Rosechafers) are richly 
2presented in Madagascar, where 70 species have been described, many 
f whom do not resemble any of their allies in the other regions of the 
lobe, either in their form or their colouring, and they consist of small 
nd well-defined groups. Some genera of Melolonthide (Cockchafers) 
ttract attention by their special characteristics, and the fine white or 
2d scales which cover their wing-cases; one of them resembles an In- 
ian species. The great family of the Buprestide (Metallic-beetles) also 
ossesses great interest; for bythe side of the cosmopolitan genus 
"halcophora, one finds also some Psiloptera, of which the extremely 
umerous species in this island (68 of the 189 which are known) are 
»markable for their rounded forms, resembling that of the Cassidz, and 
‘hich have a very specialised appearance. I have not, in this short 
<etch of the special character of Madagascar entomology, spoken of the 
‘urculionidss, the Cerambycide and other Coleoptera, the larve of 
‘hich live in seeds or in trees, and which, spreading over a very wide 
rea, show more their affinities with neighbouring faunas than distinct 
haracteristics ; at the same time certain genera of these are peculiar to 


* See also ANNUAL V. p. 99.—ED. f Beetles, or ‘Sheath-winged’ insects, 


432 MM. GRANDIDIERS SCIENTIFIC RESEARCHES 








the island.. I have also found a true Cantharid of a new species; up to {: 
that time only a A/c/oé was known there as a representative of the Blister: |: 
beetles. One can see from this brief sketch what a very special charac: ' 
ter is presented by the Madagascar Coleoptera. 

The Lepidopteral fauna* is equally remarkable in this respect, that, ' 
as in the case of the other division of Zoology which we are discussing, it 
throws special light upon that of the African continent, to which it is s0 
near ; not only that there are evident connections between the two, but. 
also from the presence of numerous species which are peculiar to the 
island, or which have their origin in common with those of India, of 
Malaya, or of Arabia,f and so give to it a special character, The genus 
Euplea, which is unknown in the continent, but is, on the contran, 
common in Malaya, here includes three species. Some Pieris 
have also a Malayan cast. Certain Lycenide recall those of Arabia; 
and when the genera are African, the species are most frequently 
peculiar, or those which belong exclusively to the intertropical zone 
seem to have been accidentally introduced there. As for the others, the 
greater part of the African species which are developed in Madagascar 
have undergone an alteration more or less great, and which has often 
appeared sufficient to cause them to be considered as specifically distinct; 
but it is probable that eventually they will only be regarded as simple 
varieties, or as local races. The Nocturnal Lepidoptera are not yet s0 
well known as the Diurnal ones; some, however, attract attention, espe 
cially the Bombycidz, of which the cocoon supplies the natives with a 
kind of silk, or, rather, of floss-silk, with which they make woven fabrics. 
Also the Saturniide, a beautiful species of which I discovered on the 
west coast, and also that curious type which naturalists term Acsias cometes, 
and which is remarkable for its two long twisting tails. 

Thanks to my collections and those of other naturalists, the progress 
of our knowledge of this special branch of natural history has been very 
rapid during the past few years. Thus, in 1833, Boisduval was acquaint- 
ed with 75 Diurnals and 67 Nocturnals, making a total of 142 Lepido- 
ptera found in Madagascar; 32 years later, in 1865, Guénée, in his 
Catalogue, brought the number of Diurnals to 88 and that of Nocturnals 
to go, a total of 178 species ; to-day our list comprises about 230 Diurnal 
and more than 400 Nocturnal Lepidoptera. 

I will add that in Madagascar the Coleoptera and the Lepidoptera, as 
also the Vertebrata, are very often of limited range of habitat ; certain 
species are only found in the sandy plains of the west, while others are 
restricted to the mountainous and moist region of the east. | 

The order of Hymenopterat presents a singular mixture of Indian and 
of African species, almost equal in numbers; and these are supplemented . 
bya small number of indigenous species which present points of connection 
with those of the neighbouring continent, and even with those of Europe. 

Among the Malagasy Orthopteras one finds certain Mediterranean 
species, which have come along the East African coast. 

The Myriapod fauna, on the contrary, assumes in Madagascar an 
African character ; for, if the majority of the insects of this order which 





IN MADAGASCAR: ZOOLOGICAL. 433 


re found here belong to extensive genera spread over the whole circuit 
F the globe within the limits of the tropics, and if the species do not 
ear any local stamp, it is those which belong to genera whose geogra- 
hical distribution is less entended which give any indications to this 
ect. 

The fresh-water Molluscs have an African appearance, but the terres- 
‘ial Molluscs have, on the contrary, quite special characteristics of their 
wn, with the exception of a single species belonging to the African 
enus Achatina. 

A very curious fact which has struck me since the commencement of 
ay explorations in Madagascar, and to which I have drawn the attention 
f naturalists, is, the sharply defined geographical distribution of many 
pecies of living creatures, not only between two regions so different in 
‘haracter as the east and the west, one of which is mountainous and 
sumid, and the other flat and dry, but often also between two regions 
1aving the same physical features, the same climate, and the same 
regetation. Thanks to the extensive series of Lemurids which I have 
collected, it has become clear that the species of this genus which are 
described in catalogues to the number of 20 are, for the most part, only 
local races or varieties, and ought to be reduced to six. These animals, 
taken separately, certainly seem to be distinctly characterised by differen- 
ces strongly marked and easy recognisable at first sight; but it is no 
longer the same when one takes into one’s hands a complete series of 
animals of various ages and from different localities. It is then seen 
how impossible it is to know where begins and where ends any one of 
those species which, for want of sufficient information, naturalists have 
up to the present time distinctly separated. Very frequently these vari-+ 
eties form local races which have clearly defined habitats, but of which 
the characteristics, already variable enough even at the centre of their 
geographical area, are still more modified at its outskirts. Besides 
which, it is not only the colour of the fur which varies among these 
animals ; those anatomical distinctions which are usually regarded as fixed 
are subject to important changes ; and even certain skulls might possibly 
have been considered as belonging to new species, if I had not myself 
killed the animal and preserved its skin. The Makis are not the onl 
kinds in which this great variability is to be noticed; it is the same wit 
‘he Indrisinz, the Lepilemurs, and the Hapalemurs. It is also the same 
with certain Birds and with certain Insects. 

It is therefore clear how interesting are these very special features 
presented by the animals of Madagascar, and that it was serviceable, 
from a scientific point of view, to bring together all that had been 
previously done, and to complete the study of them by anatomical 
investigation. 


Here are the various Memoirs and Works which I have published upon 
the animal life of Madagascar. 

13.—Liste des Mammiferes de Madagascar (Revue e¢ Magasin de Zoologte, 
1867). This Notice contains an enumeration of 39 species or varieties 
of Mammifers which I observed in Madagascar from 1865 to 1867. 

14.— Le Propithéque de Verreaux (Album de Vile de Réunion, 1866, with 
two plates). This Notice contains a description of a new species of 


434 M. GRANDIDIER'S SCIENTIFIC RESEARCHES 


Propithecus which I killed at Cape St. Mary, in the south of Madagasca, 
together with detailed information as to its habits and its habitat, which 
extends from Fort Dauphin to the River Tsijobonina. oo 

15.—Description d'un Propithique nouveau (Comptes rendus de 0 Acadtmi \+ 
des Sciences, t. \xxii. p. 231; 1871). This Notice contains a description ‘: 
of a new species or, rather, a new race, of Propithecus, to which I hare : 
given the name of Propithecus Edwardstt. This race inhabits that 2 
of the eastern region which is situated south of the River Masdra. More 





t’ 


to the north is found the type species, the Propithecus diadema. 
16.—Descriphion d'une nouvelle espece de Propitheque (Rev. et Mag. de Zul. 
aofit 1872. In co-operation with M. Alphonse Milne-Edwards). In this , 
Notice we have shown the characteristics of a species or, rather, a new 
race, of Propithecus (/. sericeus), which comes from the N.E. coast of 
Madagascar, and which is confined to the north, as P. Edwardsii is to 
the south. These curious facts of geographical distribution, unexplicable 
up to the present time, I have made a matter of very special study. 
17.—Description Pune nouvelle espice de Chirogale (Annales des Sciences 
naturelles, t. xii. 1869). 1 discovered on the west coast of Madagascara 
Chirogale, still unknown in collections. This little Lemurid is remark- 
able for the size of its tail, which is enveloped by a solid layer of fat, 
stored up there during the rainy season to serve as its nourishment during 
the lethargic sleep in which it passes the dry season. On returning to 
Paris I found among the drawings of Commerson a figure of this curious 
animal, to which Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire has giventhe name of CAirogals: 
meatus. 
18.—Vole sur un nouveau genre de Chiroptere (Bull. de la Soctété Phile- 
mathique, 21 juin 1878. In co-operation with M. Alph. Milne-Edwards). 
This new Bat is remarkable for the air-cushions which are situated under 
the thumb of the anterior limbs and under the foot of the hinder limbs. 
The Zhyroptera of Brazil alone possesses similar characteristics, but the 
Malagasy species differs from it in the arrangement of the teeth, the ears, 
and the tail. We have described it under the name of Myszopoda. 
19.—Odservations anatomiques sur quelques Mammiferes de Madagascar 
(Ann. des Sci. nat., avec planches, Se sér., t. vii., 1867. In co-operation 
with M. Alph. Milne-Edwards). Neither lion, nor tiger, nor panther, is 
found in Madagascar; the Cryptoprocta ferox, the only Malagasy 
carnivore which is of any size, is plantigade like the bears. It had been 
placed among the Viverride by naturalists who, up to the time of my 
researches, had only had in their hands the skull of a young specimen, 
of which the teeth were still incomplete. The adult skeletons which | 
obtained have enabled us to settle the exact place which this animal 
should occupy; in fact, it belongs to none of the known zoological | 
families. On the whole, it approaches nearer to that of the Cats (Feit) | 
than any other ; in a word, it is a plantigrade Feline. ! 
20.—Description de Mammiferes nouveaux (Rev. et Mag. de Zool., sept. | 
1869). In this Notice I have described a new Bat and a large herbivo- | 
rous Rodent, the Hypogeomys antimena, I must call attention to this 
Rodent, which I discovered in Ménabé (W. Coast), as it was believed | 
up till then that the Madagascar fauna did not comprise any represen- 
tative of this order, which is yet so widely spread over the surface 
of the globe. This animal is found on the banks of the Tsijobonina. | 


» 


IN MADAGASCAR: ZOOLOGICAL. 435 





21.—Description Pun Mammifere nouveau découvert 2 Madagascar en 
wsovembre 1869 (Rev. et Mag. de Zool., fév. 1870). I have described in 
this Notice a new genus of Insectivore (Oryzorictes hova), which, although 
belonging to the family of the Centetidz, is very far removed from 
the Tenrecs, the Ericulus and the Echinops by the nature of its fur and 
the shape of its teeth ; and approaches, on the other hand, the Solenodon 
of Cuba, and the Potamogale of the Gaboon. This animal, which sup- 
plies a link which was wanting between the prickly Centetide of Mada- 
gascar and those of softer covering found in America and Africa, 
possesses very special interest. 

22.—Description Pun nouveau Mammifere insectivore (Ann. des Sct. natur., 
se sér., Zoologie, t. xv. 1872. In co-operation with M. Alph. Milne- 
Edwards). This Notice contains a description of a genus of Insectivore, 
the Geogale aurita, which, like the Oryszorictes hova, of which we have 
just spoken, is one of the Centetide with ordinary hair, and which 
possesses, like that one, great interest from a double point of view: both 
from that of the geographical distribution of the Mammalia on the 
surface of the globe; and also as showing the modifications which 
zoological forms can undergo, while not losing the characteristics which 
connect them with the same fundamental type. 

23.—Mammiféres découverts @ Madagascar en 1866 (Rev. ef Mag. de Zool., 
mars 1867). This Notice contains the diagnoses of three new Mammalia 
which I killed on the west coast in 1866. Among the animals is a 
Potamocherus or Masked-hog [more accurately, Bush-hog ?] peculiar to 
Madagascar, the discovery of which possesses great interest when the 
general character of the fauna of this island is considered. 

24.~—Histoire naturelle des Indrisinés. (In co-operation with M. Alph. 
Milne-Edwards.) 2 vols. 4to, 1874, with 122 plates and a map shew- 
ing the geographical distribution of these Lemurids. 

The ‘Natural History of the Indrisine’ forms the first two volumes of 
the Histotre des Mammiféres de Madagascar, a work in course of publica- 
tion, which will comprise six volumes in 4to with about 405 plates, and 
where the Mammalia of Madagascar can be studied in all their details, 
not only from the zoological point of view, properly so called, and view- 
ed geographically, but also as regards their osteology, physiology, embry- 
ology, etc. M. Alph. Milne-Edwards and I have united in the concep- 
tion of this work and have divided the labour connected with it: I have 
occupied myself with the description of the animals, with a study of 
their geographical distribution, and with their osteology; M. Milne- 
Edwards has investigated their physiology, anatomy, embryology, etc. 
The two volumes which have appeared also give an idea of the plan 
adopted for the whole work, and the manner in which the subject will 
be treated. The atlas contains 122 plates, representing the various 
Indrisine and the details of their structure, and also a map on which 
the habitats of each of the different species and races are carefully indi- 
cated. 

Of all the orders of Mammalia which are represented in Madagascar, 
the richest in species and in individuals is that of the Lemuride. This 
order is also the most characteristic one of its entire fauna, which is 
so curious in every respect; and it shows that this island is certainly 
a witness to a vast continent which once extended far towards the 


436 MM. GRANDIDIER'S SCIENTIFIC RESEARCHES 


east.* Some new and important facts have been suggested from the studies 
we have been engaged in on this interesting order; but I cannot here 
enlarge upon the very curious and unexpected anatomical and physiolo- 
gical differences which distinguish the Lemuride from other Mammalia; 
and I will only say that our labours have proved that these animals do 
not occupy an elevated position near the Monkeys, as zoologists have 
supposed, but that they approximate rather to the Herbivorous animals 
and especially to the Pachydermata. 

An inspection of a number of animal outlines drawn on twenty-four 
plates, where I have first shewn the relative dimensions of the different 
parts of the Indrisine and of certain Monkeys, previously considered 
one by one, then have compared them with each other and with those 
of an arboreal quadruped, the Kinkajou, shows plainly that, on the whole, 
the skeleton of thc Indrisine differs much more from that of the Monkeys 
than from that of the Kinkajou. 

One chapter is devoted to a detailed description of the different 
species or races of Indrisine, and to a study of their habits and their very 
remarkable geographical distribution. This we have shown on a map, 
and it proves the very great influence exerted by local conditions upon 
the distribution of species and races in a country. Each of these animals 
has indeed its native land, to which, as Buffon said, it seems restricted by 
physical necessity. 

25.—Liste des Oiseaux de Madagascar (Rev. et Mug. de Zool., 1867-1868). 
This Notice contains an enumeration of the Birds which I have observed 
in Madagascar from 1865 to 1867, about 150 species, of which 94 are 
peculiar to this island. 

26.—Oiseaux nouveaux découverts @ Madagascar en 1866 (Rev. ef Mag. de 
Zool., mars 1867). I have in this Notice given the diagnoses of five new 
species of Birds, four of which belong to the genus Coua, a genus 
exclusively Malagasy, which already contains eight species. All these 
species of Coua have a very distinctly defined habitat. This is an 
interesting fact in zoological geography. 

27.—Description d’un nouvel Otseau découvert &@ Madagascar en 1866 
(Rev. et Mag. de Zool., fév. 1870). This new species of Bird, Bernieria 
(Mystacornts) Crossleyi, belongs to the very curious family of the Eupe- 
tidz and possesses very special interest. 

28.—Histoire naturelle des Orseaux. (In co-operation with M. Alph. 
Milne-Edwards.) 1 vol. of text and 3 vols. of plates, 1879-1884. 

The ornithological fauna of Madagascar is very remarkable. If, in 
short, one excepts the Birds of wide range, such as the Wading birds, 
the Web-footed birds, and certain of the Raptores, most of the species 
which inhabit this island are not found elsewhere; and there are a great 
many genera, 34, which are peculiar to it. The interest which it 
presents has induced us to figure not only all those Birds which are 
peculiar to the island, and those which, although common to it and 
other regions, are little or slightly known, but also, as far as my collections 
have allowed, to give their skeletons and in some cases their viscera. 
M. Alph. Milne-Edwards has willingly undertaken the anatomical exam- 





* See, however, Mr, Alfred R, Wallace's opinion on this point; ANNUAL X., p. 143) 
footnote.—Eb, 


IN MADAGASCAR: ZOOLOGICAL. 434 


nations, while I have occupied myself with the bibliographical, zoolo- 
gical and geographical portions of the work. 

The Birds described in this work, which is accompanied by 400 plates 
and a map shewing the geographical distribution of the Couas, number 
224 species, of which 130 are peculiar to the island. The numerous 
series which I have collected have shown that in Madagascar, where 
there are two altogether different regions, one mountainous and humid, 
the other flat, sandy, and dry, the Birds, sprung originally from 
common parents, but now collected together in these different centres, 
show, and always in the same way, differences of form and plumage. 
The geographical distribution of the Couas or Malagasy Cuckoos, of 
which certain species are peculiar to the eastern side, others of which 
are only found in the west, and one of which even inhabits exclusively 
the central region, has engaged my attention very specially. 

Without here enlarging on the minute studies to which we have 
devoted ourselves upon the Birds, and which has thrown light upon very 
interesting facts, I will say that this monograph, as well as that upon 
the Indrisine which I have already spoken of, is, both from a descriptive 
and anatomical point of view, as well as for the beauty and fullness of 
the drawings, one of the most complete which has ever been published 
upon the fauna of any country, without even excepting the countries of 
Europe. 

29.—Liste des Reptiles nouveaux découverts @ Madagascar en 1866 (Rev. 
ef Mag. de Zool., juillet 1867). These Reptiles, namely two Tortoises, 
seven Saurians and a Serpent, come from the south-west coast. Many 
of these do not belong to any known genera, and present a very special 
interest when considered in connection with the Malagasy fauna. 
I will mention, among others, a river Tortoise which closely approaches 
the American types, and especially a Lizard which, with the organisation 
of a Gecko, has the head and entire body covered with scales like tiles, 
and which connects together two such very distinct families as those of 
the Geckos and the Skinks. 

30.—Description de Reptiles nouveaux découverts pendant Pannée 1869 sur 
da cote ouest de Madagascar (Rev. et Mag. de Zool., sept. 1869). This 
Notice contains the diagnoses of eleven new Reptiles, of which several 
belong to genera which have never yet been described as in Madagascar. 

31.—Desceription de quelques Repliles et Batraciens nouveaux découverts a 
Madagascar en 1870 (Ann. des Sct. nat., 5¢ sér., Zoologie,t. xv, 1872). I 
have in this Notice described six Saurians and seven Batrachians. Among 
the Saurians, I will cite three new species of Chameleon which must be 
added to those numerous ones already known from Madagascar; this 
island seems to the place of the origination of these curious Saurians. 

33.—Description dune nouvelle espece de Chaméléon de Madagascar (Bull, 
de la Soc. Philom., 1880. In co-operation with M. Léon Vaillant). This 
Notice contains a description of a new Chameleon which has been sent 
to me from the eastern side of Madagascar, and to which we have given 
the name of Chameleon furcifer. This is the twenty-fourth Malagasy 
species of this very aberrant genus of Saurians. 

33.—Description de quelques espéces nouvelles de Lépidopleres (Rev. ef 
Mag. de Zool,, aoXt 1867). ‘These Lepidoptera, to the number of three, 
have been discovered on the south-west coast of Madagascar. From this 


438 MM. GRANDIDIER'S SCIENTIFIC RESEARCHES 


same region I have brought the beautiful Fapslto antenor, whose home 
was unknown, although described by Drury in the last century; and 
also several species which have never been described from Madagascar, 
among others, a Pieris, which belongs essentially to the Arabian fauna. 

34.—Observations sur le gisement des eufs de 0 PEpyornis (Compis 
rendus de [ Acad. des Sct., 9 sept. 1867). The attention of the Academy 
has been called at different times by Isidore Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire to a 
gigantic Bird, whose existence has been shown by some enormous eggs 
coming from the south of Madagascar, eggs much larger than those of 
all known birds, since their capacity exceeds 8 litres, and their volume 
equals that of six Ostrich eggs. Some fragments of bone found besides 
these eggs led Isid. G. Saint-Hilaire to think that they belonged to a 
gigantic three-toed bird, which he has described under the name of 
Apyornis maximus. The numerous fragments of eggs which I have 
collected, mingled with sub-fossil land shells, in the sand-hills which 
border the south coast of Madagascar, enable me to say that if this 
gigantic bird is not now existing, it has been living at a very recent 
epoch, since its remains are found in the most recent formations, whose 
development indeed continues up to the present day. Mr. Dawson 
Rowley thinks that the egg-shells collected at Cape Saint-Mary do not 
belong to the Zpyornis maximus, and that they come from a different 
species, to which he has given the name of .Grandidiert. 

35.—Sur les découveris soologiques faites récemment a Madagascar (Compis 
vend. del’ Acad. des Sct., t. xvii. 14 déc. 1868, et Ann. des Sct. nat., Zoologie, 
se sér, t. x. 1868). In this Notice, M. H. Milne-Edwards has presented 
to the Academy ah extract from a letter in which I gave him information 
of the discovery, which I made on the west coast of Madagascar, of 
fossil bones of a new small Hippopotamus, of a Zebu, of the colossal 
Bird known under the name of 2 pyornts maximus, of two large Tortoises, 
and of a still unknown Crocodile. Up to that period it had been believed 
that the fauna of Madagascar did not possess any representative of the 
order of Pachydermata. The discovery of a Hippopotamus peculiar to 
this island, which has coincided with that of the Bush-hog, has modified 
the opinions of naturalists on this point. 

36.—Nouvelles observations sur les caractéres goologiques ef les affinities at 
i’ Epyornis de Afadagascar ; with eleven plates (Ann. des Sct. natur., t. xii. 
1869. In co-operation with M. Alph, Milne-Edwards). 

The fragments of bone which Isid. Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire received in 
1851, at the same time as the eggs of which we are about to speak, did 
not enable him to determine in any exact way the natural affinities of 
the Zpyornis maximus. Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire arranged it among the 
Short-winged birds, Valenciennes placed it near the Penguins and the 
Auks, and M. Bianconi maintained that it was a large Bird-of-prey nearly 
allied to the Vultures. 

The discovery which I made in 1867 at Ambolintsatrana, on the south: 
west coast of Madagascar, of various parts of the skeleton of this 
Bird, has shown in the clearest manner that they come frem a Bird 
belonging to the Short-winged family, having only three anterior toes. 
It is also evident that it had extraordinarily massive proportions, its feet 
being of a size one could hardly have imagined. These characteristics 
remove it from the Ostriches, the Cassowaries, and the Emeus, and 


———. 


<tr 


eee, A. 


mr 


an maaan 


IN MADAGASCAR: ZOOLOGICAL. "439 





ally it more to the Dinornis and the Apteryx, although it is distinguished 
from them by profound differences of internal organization, amongst 
others by the presence of highly developed air passages, which allow 
the air to penetrate into the thigh-bones. 

The bones which I have found show that the height of 3 m. 60 [11 ft. 
g in. ] assigned by Isid. Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire to the Zpyornis maximus is 
very much too great; it would hardly in fact exceed 2 m. (6 ft. 6 in.]; 
but if it was not the tallest of all known birds,* it was evidently the 
bulkiest and most massive one. The portions of bones of much smaller 
size which were mingled with those just mentioned belong to two species 
which present much the same general featiures, but which differ also in 
many respects. The existence in Madagascar of a group of large short- 
winged Birds very nearly allied to the Dinornis and the Apteryx seems 
to establish some new relations between New Zealand and Madagascar. 
It is undeniable that these birds have lived in the epoch during which 
man has inhabited Madagascar, but, destitute of means of defence, 
they were rapidly destroyed and have for a long time past disappeared. 

37-— Sur le Crocodil: fossile d Ambolintsdtrana (Comptes rend. de T Acad. 
des Sciences, 15 juillet 1872. In co-operation with M. Vaillant). The 
bones of Crocodiles which I found mingled with the fragments of those 
of the Hippopotamus and of the A‘pyornis belong to a different species 
from that which now inhabits the waters of Madagascar (Crocodilus 
madagascariensis) ; for while this latter is remarkable for the slenderness 
and length of its snout, and is allied to the common Crocodile, the fossil 
species, to which we have given the name of Crocod:ilus robustus, has 
hardly any nearer neighbour than the convex-headed Crocodile of 
India, or the black Crocodile of Senegal. It is curious that this species, 
which I have found fossil on the west coast of Madagascar, now lives 
only in the great lake of Alaotra in Antsihanaka, its last refuge, where 
also it will not long remain, as this lake is filling up by degrees, and its 
extent diminishing every year. It was evidently a lacustrine Crocodile 
which was common in Madagascar when this island, extending far 
towards the east, and not having been yet overturned by the granitic 
eruption, was covered by enormous Jakes; and here the Hippopotami, 
whose remains I have discovered in such abundance, were found in large 
numbers. 

38.—Un Voyage scientifique @ Madagascar (Revue sceentifique, 1872). 
This Notice contains a general sketch of the Natural History of Mada- 
gascar, considered from the point of view of the geographical distribution 
of species. 


Translated from the French of ALFRED GRANDIDIER, 
By JAMES SIBREE, JUN. (ED.) 


ed 





® The sise of the Dinornts giganicus varios from 2 m, So (8 ft. a in.) to 3 m. [9 ft. ro in.J, 


440 THE ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL. 


NN ee 


TRAVELS AND PERILS AMONG THE WILD TRIBES 
IN THE SOUTH OF MADAGASCAR. 


O* the 2gth of July 1887 I crossed the river Manantanana, two days’ 
journey to the west of Sdatanana, and stood for the first time in the 
Bara country, which I had so often visited in thought since I baptized Jo- 
ba, that promising Bara youth who so urgently begged for missionaries 
for his people. I first travelled three days north-west, along the said river, 
till it joins the Onimainty. It is a very picturesque country, with mountains 
shaped like cones and towers. It is only now and then that a village is to 
be seen, and the inhabitants are frightened on seeing a white man for the 
first time. Some of them try to hide; in others curiosity gets the better of 
fear, and these come running to have a look at the strange human being; 
but they keep at a safe distance, laughing, making a noise, and exchanging 
their opinions. Their ‘kings’—although it is hardly correct to call them 
kings, as Queen Ranavalona governs the whole island, but they give them- 
selves that title —approach one after another to enquire, ‘‘Where dé you come 
from, and whither are you going ?”’ but none of them dare touch my hand, 
lest I should use secret charms to bring misfortune. On entering one of 
the towns I meet a drunkard, who persecutes me partly with abuse, and 
partly with flattery. Further on another man asks me, pointing to the 
moon, ‘‘Is it good? Isit God? OughtI to adore it?’’ e seek rest, but 
sleep will not favour us; “aka (rum) has done its work on the men and 
women of the village, and the noise goes on nearly all night long. 

Having reached the Onimainty river, we followed it first one day’s journey 
to the south-west, through an uninhabited country. We were not without our 
fears lest the unknown guide might try to join the robbers. In a little 
village on the border of this country he wanted very urgently to stay for 
the day; at the same time his companion disappeared, and this was a rather 
bad sign; but we prepared to set off very early in the morning, and he was 
obliged to give in. 

e next travelled southwards for three days’ journey, along the Oni- 
mainty, till we reached one of its tributaries, the Ménamaty. In this country 
there were several villages, whose inhabitants received us in a very friendl 
manner. Only in one village, where the king was not present at our arrival, 
did they insist on turning us out until he came back. The king was very 
angry, but after I had spoken to him for a while, his anger disappeared, and 
he permitted us to stay. He had several women whom he had stolen from 
the Bétsiléo country, and probably he was afraid of their telling us about 
their hard lot and about his robberies. 

The valley through which the Onimainty, together with some of its tribu- 
taries, flows is bordered on the west by a range of high mountains, which 
are the boundaries between the Bara and the Sdkaldva countries, and on 
the east by other lofty mountain ridges. The country here is beautiful, but 
not very fertile. 

In one of the villages, we saw a bull being killed close to two lofty poles 
which were erected between the houses and were worshipped as idols. At 
the foot of the poles a little fire was burning, and next to this the bull was 
lying tied up. The idol priest prayed to the gods for wealth and success, 
and a long life without any illness. and ‘that they might be cool.’ The heat 
being intense at the time, one could easily understand the meaning of the 
last word in the prayer. At the head of the crowd was a woman with a 
a cup of watef in her hand. After the prayer, she gave the cup to the 
priest. He then sprinkled the water on the crowd, on the bull, and on the 


—_—- —— .- 


TRAVELS IN THE SOUTH OF MADAGASCAR. 441 





idols. He looked at me for a while, as if he was thinking of pPiving me a 
splash too, but he omitted it, He then took the butcher’s knife and handed 
it to one of the men. It was piteous to see how long atime it was before 
they got the poor animal killed. A little piece of beef was laid on the fire, 
and the rest was divided among the crowd. 

One day, as we were standing by the Onimainty, the mdromifa (bearers) 
were amusing themselves by throwing stones into the river; when our guide 
called out to them, ‘‘Dont throw stones into the river, it has andriana 
(nobles) in it.” He then explained to us that the andriana changed into 
crocodiles when they died. 

Very often it was said to me, ‘‘The white men are like God;’’ but I 
corrected them, showing them that we were weak human beings like them- 
selves. They then told me that Queen Ranavalona had asked the Euro- 

eans to give her a preservative against thunderstorms; and they accord- 
ingly gave her guns, which were as powerful as the thunder and lightning; 
thus trying to prove the correctness of their assertion. From Menamaty 
the Onimainty runs to the west ; and hereabouts there is but little population. 
We followed the road to the south-west; and after having travelled for 
four hours, we came on high ground, from which we had a view over the 
western part of the Bara country. This is an extensive tract of flat country 
covered with palms and smaller trees and bush. When viewing these vast 
plains from an elevated point, one gets the impression of looking over the 
sea. We continued our journey in a westerly direction for two days, and 
then found that this low land has two rivers, the Malio and the Lalainy, 
which join the Onimainty. ‘These rivers had little water, for it was at the 
end of the dry season, but in the wet season they are quite full, and then 
are very dangerous to ford on account of the loose sand in their beds. The 
traveller may sink so deep into the sand that it is very difficult, nay, often 
impossible, to get out of it again. If one but begins to stick fast, the sand 
carried down by the water will accumulate against the unfortunate traveller 
until he is buried underneath it; so these rivers are very much dreaded. 
Canoes are not used here, and it would indeed be difficult to use them, as 
the river runs with a very strong current; communication is therefore very 
difficult in the rainy season. Here we find a scattered population, divided 
between some petty kings, who are very great in their own estimation; but 
they acknowledge Ranavalona as Queen, and pay her homage as their « 
‘mother.’ 

To the west of the low land we saw a ridge, not very high, but very long, 
called Lambésina, which extends from the Onimainty in the north, to the 
Fiheréna river in the south. This ridge lies in the kingdom of Raihandry, ¢ 
which is on the border of the southern Sakalava country, the kingdom of 
Témpohémana. Raihandry is one of the greatest Bara kings; and long 
before I met him I was told that he had 1000 warriors, 20,000 head of ¢ 
cattle, and three residences. It was necessary to let him know beforehand 
of our coming, and immediately there came back a message to say we were 
welcome. On our entering his town, which, however, did not exactly give 
an impression of any grandeur, we were met with the music ofa violin and 
drum, which instruments had been given to him by Queen Ranavalona as 
a token of friendship. The king—a man of about 36 years of age - was sitting 
on a stone at the gable end of his house, with his retinue to the left, and his 
idols to the right. An immense tree in the courtyard gave us a pleasant 
shade; and at the back of his dwelling there were some small houses, out 
of which peeped his many wives. The king asked the purpose of my 
journey, and when I had answered his questions he seemed to be very well 
pleased. We soon retired and were shown to the house where we were to 
stay, which was in the neighbourhood of the king’s residence. Late in the 
evening there came a man from the king to tell me that ‘his majesty’ 


442 TRAVELS AMONG THE WILD TRIBES 





wanted to Speak to me. I went and found him sitting by the fire in his 

house, quite alone. He gave me his hand and invited me to sit down nert 

to him, saying there were many things of which he could not speak to me 
in the hearing of the crowd. The first matter he mentioned was to ask 
of it was not possible for me to stay with him at once and teach his people. 

It seemed as if the bearing of what he asked was not quite clear to him, 

since he also wanted charms for his gun, so that he would never miss his aim. 

(‘‘How should they believe on Him of whom they have not heard ?°’) I explained 

to him that it would be very difficult for missionaries to stand the climate 

in this low: lying land, where the fever was so deadly; so he asked me to 
travel about in his kingdom to see if no place could be found where it 
might be supposed that the fever would not be so dangerous. 

t was not difficult to comply with this request, since I very much wished 
to travel about in that region. We went first through the northern part of 
his kingdom, where the population was very scattered; and here I fortunately 
met with the lad Joba, already mentioned. It wasa strange meeting as well 
for him as for me, for as I had now seen with my own eyes how far away his 
home was, I admired still more his courage and perseverance. My meetin 
with him was quite unexpected ; and he rejoiced in the hope that the time would 
soon arrive when missionaries would come and settle in the Bara country. He 
got leave from the king to be our guide, on condition that he did not take us 
to the Tandsy country ; for it must not be said that a man from Raihandry’s 
kingdom had led us where, it was reported, robbers might attack us. 

e then went to the south, along the Sakalava country, and here again the 
population is scanty; and it was not until we came to the southern end of 
the district called Ilamatihy, by the river Fiherena, three or four days’ 
journey from Tolia, that we found more people, for here Raihandry has 
another of his residences. The surrounding country was beautiful, and there 

o was plenty of water for the large rice plantations. As there were Sakalava 
erobbers belonging to the kingdoin of Tompohenana on the southern bank 
of this river, the people were in constant fear of them. One evening some 
of these robbers came to the village where we were staying, and tried to 
et the inhabitants of the place to join them in attacking us in the night. 
But the people would not do so, as they knew that Raihandry would make 
them responsible for such an action. It was very fortunate for us, both here 
as well as at other places, that Joba was our guide, for twice during the time 
he was with us it was proposed to him that be should become blood - relation 
of these marauders and then join them in robbing us. But he only took, 
precautions against these dangerous people and led us on in safety. 

Both here as well as at other places in the Bara country we met with 
Sakalava from Tolia, who told with apparent joy of Mr. Rostvig and 
his persevering work among them. Never has our mission work in the 
Sakalava country presented itself to me as of so much importance for the 
Bara people as it appears now. There is no doubt thata mission among the 
Bara people and among the tribes south of the Bara should be connected 
with the mission on the west coast, and would receive strong support from 
this latter. For about a fortnight we travelled about in Raihandry’s 
kingdom ; but we went on very slowly, as several of the bearers were ill 
with fever. I could not of course leave them behind, but was obliged to 
wait till they were able to get along. During this time I spoke to several 
promising youths, and encouraged them to follow Joba’s example, and come 
to our mission stations to get instruction; but it appeared that the people, 
having witnessed the slave-trade on the west coast, of which we have heard, 
had got so frightened about the white people that they dared not respond 
to such an appeal. It may, however, be expected that we should get plenty 
of pupils from different places, to be educated as teachers for their owa 
people, if we settled down somewhere in the Bara country. 


2 


a 


IN THE SOUTH OF MADAGASCAR. _. 443 
ee _ 


The Bara take great interest in singing; and many of the people played 
their national tunes on very primitive instruments. 

One morning, just as we were leaving the village where we had stayed for 
the night, a shocking scene took place between a mother and her son. The 
mother maintained that glass was made of paper, but the son denied this, 
whereupon she got so an that she threw the /améa given her by her 
son at him, saying, ‘‘You disgrace me and reject me as mother; you are 
my son no longer!’’ The son immediately aimed the gun that he was 
c ing against his breast, putting his foot to the trigger, thus intending to 
kill himself. His wife cried out, ‘‘He is going to-kill himself! don’t you 
see, he is killing himself, save him !’’ A man rushed out of his house and 
saved the lad, but hurt himself very badly, as in his hurry he struck his 
head against the lintel of the low door. 

Having heard much of the people at the Salo mountains, we set out for 
that place, although this would lengthen the journey in going tothe Tanosy 
country ; we accordingly left IJamatihy, and on the fifth day we got to the 
east of the mountains. Salo is a very long mountain-range which extends 
from the middle of the Bara country towards the borders of the Tanosy dis- 
trict. At one or two places it is cut through by narrow passages which wind 
like a serpent through the mountain ; and as the mountain wall abuts on the 
road on both sides, there is a saying, ‘‘The Salo road cannot be changed;’’ 
and this road is so renowned among the Betsileo, that the women plait their 
fine straw mats after a pattern called ‘the Salo road.” When we got to the 
east of the mountain we found an attractive and slightly hilly plain, 1500 
feet above the sea, lying before us, with a considerable population. Here 
much kindness was shown to us, and some people expressed their wish 
that we would come and settle among them. The king, Ivéatsa, who is 
said to have 1000 soldiers, I did not meet, as he was on a visit to one of the 
military stations, Ihésy, two days’ journey to the east, where also part of his 
territory lies. We were told that he also would be very glad if the mission- 
aries would come and settle in his kingdom. 

I had now seen a great deal of the Bara country, in which there are not 
fewer than 40 so-called kings, who fight with each other very frequently. In 
order to show what Bara kings can fight about, I will give the following story. 
About the time that we came to Raihandry’s village, he had a fight with his 
father’s brother, Raihara, because he had named one of his sons after his e 
grandfather. The uncle thought that he had the greater right to make use of 
this name; so he and his people set out, of course secretly, and stole 1000 
head of cattle from the kingdom of his nephew. Some men on each side 
were killed, and more were wounded. The people appear to like such marau- 
ding expeditions, for one man, who seemed to be a chief, showed me his 
hands, saying, ‘‘Look at the soft skin on my hands; my business is to go 
about plundering. The gun is my spade.’’ Most ofthe grown-up men among 
this people spoke as freely of robbing as they did of reaping the corn they. 
had sown themselves. They also frequently steal people, for we met several 
persons who had been stolen from the interior provinces and who were being « 

eld as slaves. When the bearers were Pounding rice or fetching frewood, 
these unfortunate ones would come and tell them secretly of their mis- 
fortunes and of their longing to see their beloved relatives again. It was 
impossible for us to do anything for them; but we hope that the Gospel of 
Christ will eventually put an end to this yreat source of misery. hen a 
king dies, plundering expeditions are made not only into neighbouring e 
kingdoms, but even among the subjects of the deceased king, even althou 
they may be among his best friends! On such expeditions they kill the 
people and steal their cattle; and this is looked upon as one of the proper 
accompaniments of a royal funeral. The reason of this custom is, not so 
much to give the deceased king property with him in the grave, as to be a 


444 *~-. TRAVELS AMONG THE WILD TRIBES 


TP 


” 


protectfon for the living king; for as any one may be killed when a king die }- 
nobody will like to be the cause of his death. : 
Nearly all the Bara carry on trade on the west coast, cattle being ther * 
chief article of sale; while guns, gunpowder, and bullets are bought by thea | 
in large quantities. A great proportion of the men who are capable of | 
, bearing arms have guns. In addition to guns they also use spears, but these | 
they make themselves. As the people go about so frequently on plundering 
expeditions, agriculture is very much neglected ; and besides this, the wild 
4 boars, which are found here in large numbers, destroy a great deal of what is 
anted. ° 
P As I felt pretty sure that the road by way of Ihosy was impracticable, we 
did not go in that direction. Joba, who was not permitted to go any further, 
returned to his home, and we got another guide. We then started in a 
southerly direction, east of the Salo mountains, in order to reach the Tasosy . 
*country ; and the further we travelled to the south, the more scattered became | 
the population. On the third day we hoped to reach one of the Bara kings 
furthest to the south, Raifompotsa, who has 800 soldiers. But as soon as 
we had passed the frontiers of his kingdom, we were surrounded by robbers; 
and this is how it came about: we had just came through a very narrow 
valley with steep mountains on both sides, along the river Sdkamaré, a tribu- 
tary of the Onilahy. As we passed a village named Iabohazo some men 
came running after us, requesting us to go up to the town; but as we hoped 
» to reach the village of the king on that day, we excused ourselves. The men 
followed us until we stopped a little further on by the banks of the river to 
cook our rice. It was then just noon: I sat down to read under the shade 
of a tree; all nature surrounding us was beautiful ; the birds sang sweetly in 
the tops of the green trees which grew luxuriantly on the banks of the river 
and up the mountain sides. The men disappeared uttering threats, and before 
we had finished our rice they came back, accompanied by a crowd of people, 
requesting us peremptorily to come up to the village. I answered that we were 
ready to go with them, but first they must tell me what they intended to do to 
us when we arrived in the village. Immediately they seized their guns and 
formed a circle round me, crying out, ‘‘Seize him! seize him!’’ A man just , 
in front of me cocked his gun and was ready to aim at me; another, at my 
back, had a stone in his hand; and they had already thrown stones at my 
people, without, however, hitting them. I ran up to the chief of the robbers 
and said, ‘‘Here I am; seize me, if you like.’’ But it seemed as if they had 
no power to do me any harm, although I was standing among them un- 
armed. They then shouted, ‘‘Seize his men! Kill his men!’ As we had 
several times been in apprehension of robbers, I had told my bearers before. 
hand that they were to run off at once if we were attacked, for resistance 
would of course be in vain. I had, with this in view, given every one of thema 
little money and a few small things, so that they need not be at a loss should we 
be separated. They consequently were soon hidden in the dense forest. The 
robbers then cried out, ‘‘Take his baggage, his men have left him.’’ But 
immediately some of my men were at the place, to show that they had not 
run away. I asked the robbers to take me to king Raifompotsa, but this 
request made them still more angry. As it would be possible for the msaro- 
mtitato run away if I was attacked outside the village, while if we all were 
once inside the town, we should be left to their tender mercies, I said that if they 
would not be quiet, so that we might speak to each other like friends, they 
had better do with me what they pleased at once, for I would not go with them. 
They began to call for order, but this was obtained very slowly, but at last it was 
ossible to be heard. I tried to speak in a friendly way to them, in order to 
ring them to reason. [told them of the purpose of my journey, what had 
made me come to them, and that I intended to go to the Tanosy district. 
Then I said that we would go with thein to the village, if they would treat us 


IN THE SOUTH OF MADAGASCAR. 445 


ike friends. It was of course very easy for them to give such a promise, and 
hey at once cried out, ‘Of course you are our friends! Docome with us!” 
Toping that they might spare us, I promised to come as soon as all the 
uaromita were gathered together. Some of them not being willing to come 
ut of the forest while I was surrounded by the robbers, these went on in 
ront of us towards the village. I then saw that six of my men were missing. 
Ve called out for them, and a little while afterwards three of them appeared, 
sut the other three did not show themselves. Were they prisoners in the 
orest? or had they run away for good and all? we asked. We continued shout- 
ng, until we discovered them high up on the mountain above the edge of 
he forest. They had run up there to be able to see what was going on 
xelow on the banks of the river, but they now came running down towards 
is. 

We followed the men, who, brandishing their spears and guns, and shout- 
ng their war-cries, led us on to the village. Soon after our arrival there we 
found thata gang of robbers belonging to another king lay hidden in theg 
forest a little further on, near the road, in order to seize us, but they were dis- 
appointed. A sadbary was then held to decide what was to be done with us. 
The old chief of the village at last declared, ‘‘The white man is not to be 
killed. The king must be consulted, and everything is to be done as he 
wishes.’’ It was on Wednesday that we were seized ; and on Thursday we were. 
still kept prisoners, and it was said that we could not mect the king before 
Sunday. Of course I was on my guard as to our position, and I got to know 
for certain that they would take my maromita. Most of these were 
scholars, some from brother Meeg, some from my own station; and as they 
were young, they would sell at a high price. What they would do with me, e 
I could not get to know fully. I could not bear the idea of their depriving 
me of my brave kind men and selling them as slaves, or perhaps even killing 
the oldest and most clever of them. As for myself, it was out of the question 
‘or me to escape; soI resolved to be left alone, and they were secretly 
yrepared for trying to escape as soon as practicable, in order if possible to 
save their lives. 

The next day, Friday, a little after noon, they were to try to get out of the 
rillage without attracting attention, as if merely to fetch fire-wood ; so one 
yy one they parted from me. In order not to be discovered, they were obliged 
‘oO restrain their feelings; but it was very hard to say good-bye to each other, 
ind it was an affecting parting, for it appeared to us as if we were to meet 
10 more in this world. To describe all that happened to me in the immediate 
future would take me away from the purpose of this narrative ; so I will only 
mention a few facts td show what the missionaries who intend to settle in 
this country must be prepared for. 

When the last of the marvomzita had disappeared, I was left alone among 
these wild and cruel people. It was a trying time, for it was a time divided 
between fear and hope. Were my dear followers to get happily free ? or were 
they to be caught? This question absorbed my thoughts, and I was as it 
were walking on hot coals. The first hour passed, and I only heard some 
gun-shots close by, which told me that the people were still at the celebration © 
of the circumcision, which had been going on night and day with shouting, 
laughter, noise, and yelling of drunken men, ever since our arrival. The 
evening came, and still I had heard nothing to make me uneasy. The ma- 
romita must have got well through the danger for this day, and I was 
exceedingly happy. The Lord would carry them through the danger and 
be their protection in their perilous flight. 

The prospect of being able to complete the journcy was not very bright, 
but I could only leave the matter in God’s hands; if it was His will that 
I should proceed, He would open the rvad, and this thought sustained 
my courage. I then thought about how I was to get a trustworthy 





Umes ne ran ito the rorest 1n aimerent airecuons to trace them, bu! 
find them ; so then he believed it to be God’s will that he was to 1 
In Josefa I found a servant whom I could trust in everything. Is 
quote a few lines from my diary. ‘I was very glad that Josefa dec! 
self to be ready, nay, happy, to suffer and to die for the Lord’s caus 
should be His will. His parents are still living, and he is a married 
two children ; but he leaves them all in God's hands.”” 

» On Sunday, Raifompotsa and another king from the neighbourho 
dra, came to the village to meet me. But as soon as Raifompotsa f 
some of the men had determined to treat me badly, he at once lei 
that the saromita who had gone to the interior might tell where 
left me. In his country it seemed as if everybody did what he chos 
in the afternoon I was called to king Ivandra and a whole crowd ¢ 
1 advanced to the centre of the gathering and sat down. (It is th 

vin the Bara country to be seated when addressing the king.) I w 
“Where are you going ?”’ As it occurred to me that if they were 
attack me, they would hardly do it in the village, but rather on the 
my leaving, I said, ‘I will answer that question when you have tol¢ 
have done anything wrong while among you.” There was first a lon 
then they whispered to one another, then cried out,” ‘‘You are to be 

I answered, ‘‘If I had feared to die I had not come to you. Butt 
God has given me His word, in which He says that when this eart! 
breaks down, He will take me to Himself in heaven ; and therefore 
fear death.” 

“You detain us! We do not allow you to speak ; do not speak an 

“You have to a certain extent tied my feet, and you also want to 
mouth, but, excuse me, I have not done yet. God has given us His 
to keep it for ourselves, but to give it to others, and therefore to you 
are in debt to you as long as we have not brought you His word. 
intend bringing it to you, and this is the reason for my coming to yo 

“Do not speak any longer. The king is in a hurry to get off. “W 
the presents ?”” 

«This book (the Bible) here in my hand contains the word of God, 
will be very happy if you receive it. I will only point out to you oi 
that this word will work changes among you: when you believe in 

obey His word, you will no more bury new-born infants alive in the a 


IN THE SOUTH OF MADAGASCAR. 447 





‘*No, not to-morrow; with us it is not permitted to start on Mondays; but « 
‘ou may go on Tuesday.”’ 

‘*T must wait then. But who is to be my guide? You know that both the 
ruide and the bearers from the interior have left me, and I am sitting here 
ike a bird with a broken wing.” 

‘“*You shall have men, you shall have many men. But where are the « 
xresents ? We are in a hurry.’’ . 

I gave them four /amdas, two dollars, and two spades, for ironware is very e 
1ighly valued by the Bara. But they all cried at once, ‘It is not enough ! 
rhe king is to go shares with the people. Fetch more things !’’ 

I answered, ‘‘There is nothing more left of my baggage beyond what I 
require for the journey.”’ 

he king said, ‘‘We want a golden crown, fetch the golden crown !’’ 

‘*No, I have no golden crown, your majesty.’ 

‘‘Hear, he has none! No, he will not give it. Produce the gold; go and, 
fetch the golden crown !”’ 

‘You must believe me on my word ; I have none.” 

‘‘Go and fetch the earrings and the other things,’’ said the king. 

‘*] have no such things.’’ y 

‘‘Fetch more things. What you have given is not enough.’’ As I saw it 
would be best for me to comply, I said, ‘If you will not believe what I 
say, you may have a look at what is left, and I am willing to share it with 

ou a” 


They got very noisy, and some of them cried ‘‘Let us seize the baggage! 
Let us seize him now!” But others (probably fearing Raifompotsa) said, 
‘We will not take his baggage.”’ 

The king said, ‘‘If there are no more things, we must have more money.” 
They were given two dollars more; and they then declared, ‘‘It is finished; , 
you are free.”’ . 

When I retired there was a great noise: Sahanamo, the chief of the 
robbers, took one /amda and one spade. The other /ambas were torn into 
ittle pieces, and the strips were fastened round their heads as an orna- 
nent. 

On Monday morning Ivandra came to me and searched my baggage to 
convince himself that I had not cheated him; he searched everything, even 
my camp- bedstead, but he could only find a pillow that he could use. He 
asked what it was made of. ‘‘Fowls’ feathers,’’ was the answer ; but he did not 
believe it. (He was not allowed, by some old custom of /ady or taboo, to 
touch fowls.) He was not satisfied until I had opened the pillow; and as the 
house was crowded I was very close to him, so that the feathers that dropped 
from my hands fell on his feet. But how great was his terror! he drew his feet 
back and cried, ‘‘It is fowls’ feathers! take it away, take it away! it is 
disgusting !’’ so the fowls’ feathers caused him to leave empty-handed. After- 
wards one after another came demanding presents; and the constant bur- 
den of their request was, ‘‘We have not killed you, you consequently must 
give us something.’’ As they were preparing for a plundering expedition 
against the Tandroy tribe, they were all in a very warlike mood. They 
had been drinking spirits which are made of the fruit of a palm called 
safrana and of tamarinds, and this increased the noise. 

It wasa change in all this tumult, when an old woman, carrying her water- 
pitcher on her head, came and greeted me with tears in her cyes, and ex- 
pressed how sorry she was that they intended to do me harm. A man next to 
her said that she had not taken any food since she heard what they intended 
todo. Circumstances did not permit me to speak further with her, as it was 
necessary to be very cautious; but I thought that probably she had eithcr 
been stolen herself, or that she had children who had fallen among men- 
stealers. 


4.48 TRAVELS AMONG THE WILD TRIBES 





On Tuesday there came four men, including the before-mentioned robber 
chief, saying that they were sent by Raifompotsa to take me to the Tanog |: 
country. We did not, however, get off that day, for it was Wednesday before 
we set away. I was happy enough to get hold of two Hova from the interior, ]i 
who were here on trading business, to accompany me and carry the baggage, |x 
in addition to Josefa. Joyfully did we leave the village labohazo and set off |: 
for the river Onilahy, or Mangoka, as it is also called; and after two how, ! 
march we reached its banks. Had I then really escaped ? A glance at the 
Callous facé of the robber chief tended to awaken my doubts as to the possi- 
bility of ever reaching the Tanosy country. Meanwhile, the compulsory 
delay which this man had caused me had been a gain, for I had had an oppor. |: 
tunity of sceing more of the calamities of those who have not received th |: 
Gospel of Christ ; and the desire that this Gospel might soon be preached to 
the poor Bara had become more intense in my heart. The Onilahy, which at 
first runs to the south-west, but further on, to the west, can be navigated in 
rude native canoes from the place we had reached right down to the sea. In 
the dry season it is very shallow where the river bed is broadest, and it takes 
eight days to reach the sea; in the rainy season one can go quicker. On 
this river very small canoes are used, partly because it is so shallow, and 
partly because the forest hereabout has no big trees suitable for this pur- 
pose, on account of the extreme dryness during the rainless season. From 
two to six of these canoes are tied together; on the top are laid bran- 
ches and reeds to form a kind of deck, and upon this the voyager is 
seated. 

o The natives carry rice and other provisions down to the west coast in these 
canoes and sell them there. As the river, beside its shallowness, also runs 

-with a very strong current, the people, as a rule, prefer to walk back, and 
therefore sell their canoes. So we were not abie to hire canoes, but were obliged 
to buy them, in fact no less than seven. The robber chief and his men 
wanted four, which they fastened together as one vessel; and we required 
three, which werc also tied together, and then off we went, getting under weigh 
in the afternoon. But there are only three men with the robber chief; 
what does this mean ? He explains that the fourth man is to join usa little 
further on by the river; and he also informs us that the king has ordered us to 
fasten a piece of white cloth on a pole, so that every one who sees us may 
know that it is the white man, and that nobody may rob us. As such a mark 
may simply gather robbers around us, we suppose it to be a sign he has 
given to attack us further on, and we do not obey his orders. At sunset we 
had advanced a considerable distance, and stayed for the night on the river 
bank. 

The second day we advanced rapidly down this large beautiful river, which 

® winds through the sandy lowland country. Near the river the population was 
very scanty. Evening again came on, and we stopped to rest, sleeping in 
peace, and nothing evil happening to us. 

The third day we continued our voyage. As the day advanced, the robber 
chief seemed to suffer very much from the sun-beams, so he put up a pole, 
on which he fastened his white /améba to get a little shade; and so, in a 
crafty way, he gave the signal which he had failed to make us give. We 
were already familiar with the thought that he was going to attack us along 
with other robbers. As we got on a little further, he ordered us to land; this 

¢ was at the village Serdnana, near the southern border of the Bara country; 
and here there was no small population. An hour later the missing man 
turned up; but he was very obstinate, and we did not know how to manage 
him and his comrades. They, without any reason, wanted to tie up my men, 
and we found that he had heen getting other robbers together, for some of 
these were already on the bank of the river, and it appeared that the guide 
alone did not dare to attack us. 


IN THE SOUTH OF MADAGASCAR. 449 





Hoping to save ourselves we set off rapidly. But we had not advanced very 
Eaar before several armed men came after us, some running on the river side, 
spome wading in the water. As our primitive vessel advanced but slowly, it 
‘wvas impossible to escape, and we very soon were overtaken and forced to 
Rand. The robber chief said, ‘‘We are going to kill you and to tie up your 
wmmen.’’ Hethen ordered his men to seize us; but they could not agree 
together ; and the war-cries that were heard from several places when we 
Thad set off had caused other men, who had no evil intentions, to come running 

«ut to see what was the matter, and these men wanted to save us. This the 

xobber chief had not reckoned upon, and sothe attack was prevented. We 

got out of it by giving some money and a few little trifles to him and his 
ends. 

We now wanted our dangerous guides to leave us and go back, but no, 
they would not do so; there was still something left of our baggage which 
they wanted. They had been thwarted this time; they thought they might 
succeed better next time. As we were in their power, it would have been 
foolish and useless to forbid them accompanying us any further; so we 
continued our journey, still hoping for God’s help. 

As it grew dark we halted for the night on a sand-bank in the middle of 
the river. During the night a crocodile came out of the river towards us; 
but one of our number was not asleep, and as soon as he moved, the beast 
made its escape. The Onilahy swarms with crocodiles; one day we saw 
more than twenty which lay basking in the sun near the water. 

On the fourth day we met with no difficulties. We have now reached the 
Tanosy country; and the river continues to flow to the south-west. As the 
people prefer to settle near the tributaries of the Onilahy, where they have» 
their rice-fields, we do not see much of the population from the main river. 
Throughout several conversations with the robber chief, I tried to direct his 
thoughts upwards, but it was in vain. This day, as I reminded him that he 
would be a happy man if he learned to pray to the living God, he answered, 
**Yes, if I learn to pray, I shall do it excellently, as it is very easy for me to 
speak.’’ I pointed out to him that it did not depend on the words of the 
mouth, but that God looked at the heart. 

In the afternoon we came to a place where the river was very broad, but at 
the same time so very shallow that it was very difficult to get along. We 
here got the company of 50 canoes, tied together so as to make 14 boats, 
laden with provisions and manned by 18 men, all from the Bara country. » 
We had an advantage over these, for when we waded, our canoes had not 
much more than their own weight to carry, and so very deep water was not 
needed to get them along. These Bara, on the contrary, were very badly off, as 
their provisions made their canoes heavy; but they assisted each other until 
they got into deeper water. We once more rested for the night on a sand- 
bank ; but we went forther off from the river, so as to be safe from the croco- 
diles. The Bara settled next to us, and we thus formed quite a larye com- 
pany. We got into a very lively conversation, and found it quite pleasant in 
the clear but slightly cool evening, sitting around the fire, where we cooked 
our rice. The Bara were very scantily clothed, and lay down to sleep on 
the sand around the fire, covered only with little straw mats. When they got 
too cold, they rose, put some more wood on the fire, and then lay down to 
sleep again. 

Next morning we bade farewell to our Bara companions, launching our 
canoes on the river with the hope of gaining the western part of the Tanosy 
country that day. From here the river turns to the west, and as the water 
was deeper we got along quickly. Some mountain tops were seen rising 
from the lowland, thus offering a change in the tiring uniformity. When 
the Onilahy turns to the west, we have the Mahataly people on the south of 
the river, and consequently are travelling on the borders of the Mahafaly 


450 TRAVELS AMONG THE WILD TRIBES 


and Tanosy countries. In the evening we reached the western Tanosy country, 
and the river voyage was finished. We intended to visit king Befandsa, but his 
residence being situated a couple of hours’ walk from the river, we could ne 
get there that day; and not daring to stop in any of the villages, we prepared 
to lie down by the river side. It was with mingled feelings I sent a messen- 
ger to the king to inform him of our arrival. 1s he a capricious prince, who 
will perhaps keep us waiting for days before he gives us permission to 
travel about in the country? Will he, under some pretext or other, refuse 
me leave to continue the journey ? or will he receive me as a friend ? To these 
questions I very soon got an answer. 

The next morning we saw a crowd of people hastening towards us. It is 
the king and his retinue. He approaches, shakes hands with me, salutes me 
as a friend, and sits down next to me. He isa man of about jo years old. 
He carries two horns with charms on his head, one on each arm, one on 
each foot, and besides these a chain of charms on his breast. One of his 
men thus begins the conversation: ‘‘On hearing that you were here, the 
king set out at once to invite you to his village. He is your friend, and he 
does not allow you to lie here on the sand, as there are many rats (robbers) 
hereabout who have not got enough to live upon; and he therefore asks you 
to go with him.’’ I thanked the king both for his friendly expressions, and 
for his having come in person to take me with him. A little talk with the 
king, and we are ready to start. Itis hard work to walk in the intense heat 
( srk. in the sun), but we soon came to our destination. 

When we had entered the village, the king asked about my journey. He 
was told that I wanted first to see the Tanosy country, and then to go east: 
wards to Fort Dauphin. To this he answered that he thought it impossible to 
go by land on account of the robbers. He advised me to go to Tolia and take 
a ship from thence, and he offered to accompany me to Tolia. But I could 
not take his friendly advice, as I should then have no opportunity of seeing 
the country to the east. From the Manantsa it is three days’ journey, whether 
one gocs by canoe on the Onilahy and later on by sea, or goes by land. The ' 
population west of the Tanosy country are Sakalava, but they are said to be 
very scattered. 

I stayed two days with king Befanosa, who was very friendly and gave us 
two guides to take us through the Tanosy country and further on to Fort 
Dauphin ; so the prospect of continuing the journey now seemed very bright. 
After having given some small presents to the king we were ready to begin 

uthe journey, the first stage of which would take us to his elder brother, king 

Befitory. But as we were about to start, the robber chief came and forbade 

us leaving. He tried to stir up the Tanosy people against us, and to get 
them to join him and take what was left of our baggage; but he only 
persuaded two of them to do so. I told them that there was but very little 
left, and if they were going to rob me of that, I had nothing to buy food with 
on the road, and I should be forced to stay where I was; and if the people 
at the place would give me something to eat, I should live; if not, I must die. 
On hearing this the crowd got quite excited. They reproached the men very 
severely, and said it was a shame to deprive the white man of what he wanted 
oto buy rice for the journey. The robber chief was then obliged to submit, 
and d bade good-bye to the king and the people, and off we went. 
* After three hours’ walk we got to the village of king Befitory, Kiliarlvo, 
where a number of people were assembled. Befitory is a handsome pleasant 
man of about 39 years of age. Both he and his people received me in a 
very friendly way, and expressed thcir longing for a missionary. The king 
said, ‘‘If you come to teach us, my children are to be your first pupils.” 

We were shown to a house near the king’s residence, and the robber 
chief, who still followed us, asked to stay near us, as he wanted to protect 
us! Whata hypocrite he was! Upto this time I had avoided contradict- 


IN THE SOUTH OF MADAGASCAR. 451 


ing him, in order not to give him any pretext for attacking us; but now I 
found the time had come to oppose him decidedly. 1 therefore answered that 
it would be a shame if I did not feel safe without any guard in the village 
of Befitory. The king, who understood his designs, gave him a house in 
another part of the village; I for had secretly informed the king of my 
unpleasant position, and he immediately understood what to do. In order 
to get rid of the robber-chief he kept him in ignorance as to the direction he 
would send me, and when I should leave. ‘The robber chief understood the 
king quite well, and not daring to stay any longer, he and his three men 
left. Thus at last I got rid of this man, after having been in his power for ten 
days; but I had been in the Lord’s hands, and I felt like a bird that had 
escaped the snare. 

We stopped one day with Befitory, and then set off in an easterly direction 
through the Tanosy country. We saw that the greater part of the Tanosy 
live on the western side of the Onilahy. 

These people have emigrated from the country about Fort Dauphin, where 
the original tribe is still living. It was about the year 1860 that they emi- » 
grated, on account of the governor’s hard treatment of them. They 
made their way to the Onilahy by conquering the Bara to the north and the 
Mahafaly to the south. The Tanosy are a strong, handsome, intelligent, and 
sympathetic people, promising to receive Christianity, when the Gospel 
shall be preached to them. Wherever I met with them they received me 
with open arms, and many of them said that they would learn whenever we 
came to teach them. 

These people live in a scattered fashion, and are divided among 22 ‘kings,’ , 
which will make it very difficult to carry on mission work among them. But 
it will be an advantage that the communication with Tolia is comparatively 
easy, the Onilahy, as before mentioned, being navigable. A mission amongst 
this people should make it an object to reach the Mahafaly people on the 
south side of the river. It is said about these Mahafaly that they sell evene 
their own children. 

Having gone two days’ journey to the east, we left the Tanosy tribe and 
went on southwards, first passing through a desert for three days’ journey. 
Water is very scarce here, and we had to content ourselves with the stagnant 
water that had been left in the hollows of the river-beds. In this tract of 
country we missed our road. In the eastern part of this same desert the 
lofty Ambahy mountains are seen towering aloft. We passed over them 
and gained a plain country, where there lives a mixed population of Bara and @ 
Tanosy. We stopped at the village labodloka, where the armed men of the 
place were just going off on a plundering expedition to the Tanosy tribe. ¢ 
I felt very sorry for these handsome strong people wasting their lives in the 
bondage of sin. They so little realize their sinfulness that they wanted me to 
look into ‘the book’ to know if they were to get much plunder. They took 
with them lads of about 14 to 15 years of age, who thus early are taught to 
shed blood. They were, however, very friendly to us, and let us buy what we 
wanted for food in the desert through which we had to pass. 

We continued our journey over the Tsitonganakanga, a mountain 4,000 feet 
above the sea. We stopped for the night by a rushing river, and from this 
place and onwards we found plenty of water. On the third day we came toa 
beautiful plain surrounded by mountains and with a fair population. This 
was nearly in the centre of the island, and five days’ journey to the south of the 
military station Ihosy, on the borders of the Bara and the Tanosy countries. 
There were some Hova traders living in the village Tsivdro, and three of 
of these had just come from lhosy on the day of our arrival. When they 
left Ihosy, they were five in company, but they were attacked by robbers, and 
two of them were killed and all their yoods taken, the other three escaping. 
On the same evening some of the inhabitants of the village returned from a + 


452 TRAVELS AMONG THE WILD TRIBES 


plundering expedition to the Tandroy country. They obtained no booty, and 

+ their chief had been killed, and they had not even brought his dead body. 
The whole night we heard funeral songs and firing of guns, both in the village 
and in the neighbourhood. 

It is to be hoped that a mission amongst the Bara will also reach the in- 
habitants of Tsivoro and spread blessings among them. The Hova whom 
we met with here tried to alscourage us about reaching the south-east coast. 
They reminded us that on this road the governor Andriamisy, who left Fort 
Dauphin during the war with France, was attacked. He and his soldiers 
having been beaten, he, his wife and children went to the supply of gunpow- 
der which they carried with them, put fire to it and thus found their death, and 
his body was cut to pieces by his enemies. Another Hova officer, Rainial- 
béita, was here surrounded by the inhabitants and barely escaped. On this 
road they also tried to conquer the governor Rainimavo on his journey to 

+ Fort Dauphin, accompanied by hundreds of soldiers. I was very glad that 
they had no authority from the Government forbidding us to go, and so we 
cheerfully continued our journey. 

We had to pass for nearly three days’ journcy through an almost uninhab- 
ited forest region. On the third day we reached a pretty broad valley, Isira, 

» where the inhabitants received us in a very friendly way, and where we could 
easily buy what food we wanted for the journey. On leaving this place we 
had a rather difficult ascent to the top of the high mountain Sambo y, about 
4000 feet high. At sunset we had passed this mountain and came down to 
the narrow valley Fiahana. We prepared our sleeping-places in the forest, 
among some huge stones, as we did not dare to stay with the inhabitants, 
who had a very bad reputation. The night before they had attacked seven 

+ travellers who slept among the rocks; five were taken and made slaves, and 
two escaped ; we met the latter in the forest, and they told us what had 
happened to them. Ona tree in the neighbourhood of the rocks we found 
an idol-horn or charm embroidered with beads, which had probably belonged 
to one of the unfortunate men. 

A valued little friend who met us everywhere on the journey, but especially 
in these regions, was that excellent singing bird, the /7¢atrala.* The next 

*day we passed the grand mountain-chain Maropingaratsa (‘Many guns’) 
about 4,000 feet above the sea. It has a number of cones closely resembling 
each other, and arranged in ranks, one in front of the other, exactly like 
soldiers prepared to mect a common enemy; and from this circumstance 
comes the boastful name of the mountain. But let us hasten down to the 
bottom of the valley of Ambolo. 

The next day we reached a pretty densely populated, beautiful, and exceed- 
e ingly fertile valley, and have thus come to the eastern Tanosy tribe, and are 
only three days’ journey from Fort Dauphin. The kings of this district are at 
*war with each other, which prevents the people from cultivating the fertile soil. 
Everywhere in the eastern parts of Madagascar, where the rain falls all the 
year round, there is a very rich vegetation, but nowhere I have seen it so 
uxuriant as here. Every piece of ground, every stone and every mountain, 
nay, every stem of the larger trees, was adorned with the most variegated kinds 
of verdure. It was impossible to get tired of looking at the multitude of 
lants to be found here. One day, having but very little to eat, we sought 
or bananas in the lower part of the forest, which had formerly been inhabited, 
and we found them in abundance. On one single stalk we found 176 large 

e bananas, which shows how fertile the ground is here. The fruit not bein 
quite ripe, we roasted them on the embers, or boiled them, and they tast 
pretty well. In the valley there is a spring with remarkably hot mineral 
water. 








* A species of Warbler (Copsychus pica). —EDS. 


IN THE SOUTH OF MADAGASCAR. 453 





‘Te then turned to the south over the mountain Ivandrika, where there are 
.bers of leeches, here called d##za¢:ka, which are very troublesome to the 
eller, attacking his legs, and sticking so fast that it is very difficult to 
them off. After only walking a few steps one is covered with from ten 
venty of these creatures, which must be got rid of. Again a few steps 
ard, and it is the same story over again. It is very fortunate, however, 
_these unwelcome visitors do not occupy a space larger than can be 
ersed in four hours. 

aving passed the mountain we are in the low land by the coast, and the 
atry is very attractive, but the population very small, on account of the ‘ 
msive emigration to the Onilahy district. We continue our journey 
chwards towards the sea. A skull lying by the road-side tells us that 
>a Hova soldier has finished his course; and it also tells us that the 
tions between the soldiers and the Tanosy are not very friendly, or the » 
2r would have found a grave for their dead brother to rest in. After one 
’s journey over plains we reach the sea; then turning to the east, we 
< for a couple of hours along the sea-shore, and we are in Fort Dauphin. 
as just five weeks since we left the village where we had been kept pri- 
ors, All this time I had walked, drunk bad water, and slept thirteen 
its in the open air, but nevertheless I did not get the fever. Often the 
1 seemed shut up for us, but we had come safely through, and great was 
joy on arriving here. 

oth the Hova authorities and the soldiers, as well as the three white 
ers who live here, received us in a very friendly way. Many persons here 
ce with evident interest of what they had heard about our mission on the ¢ 
t coast. Sakalava sailors on board the vessels trading between that 
st and this place had told of the grand work of our missionaries there. 
ort Dauphin is situated on a small peninsula only a little to the east of a 
nificent mountain with jagged summits, which towers over the west of 
sandy low land by the Indian Ocean and extends far to the north, thus 
itly contributing to the grandeur of the scenery. The fort on the northern 
_of the peninsula looks strong, and it withstood very well the attacks 
le upon it by the French shells during the late war. Inside the walls 
e live about 500 soldiers, all from the interior, mostly from the Betsileo - 
itry ; and some of them being Christians, they have built a small church. 
side the gate some Tanosy have settled; and farther to the south the 
te traders have their houses and gardens. The soil hereabout being 
' sandy there is very little, indeed scarcely any, population here. It is 
‘a day’s journey to the west and one day’s journey to the north before 
population worth mentioning is met with, and consequently food is very 
msive. 

1e district governed from Fort Dauphin extends two days’ journey to the 
h-west, and five days’ journey to the north, besides'a good distance into 
nterior. The population of the district belongs to the Tanosy tribe, and is 
altogether insignificant, although very scattered; and it is_ divided 
ng about thirty feudal kings, as they term themselves. As this tract + 
its western part borders on the Tandroy country, it may perhaps 
ossible from here to spread the light of the Gospel into that. still 
: region. 

fter having stayed for one day here we set out northwards, now getting 
g ata quicker rate, as I had obtained bearers. We passed through a 
1 of moderate breadth, in parts of which the road was very near the sea; 
as the country is traversed by a number of deep rivers, the traveller 
'ry often obliged to use canoes, which makes the journey exceedingly 
blesome. 

.the plain country, which is very sandy, the population is very sparse, 
there are more people near the mountains, where the soil is more fertile. 


454 TRAVELS AMONG THE WILD TRIBES 


“The emigration from here to the Onilahy district accounts for the scanty |: 


population of this vast extent of country. After five days’ journey through 
this lowland we gainéd the river Manampanihy, at the northern border of 
the Tanosy country, and were then at the junction of the two districts under 


(. 
\- 


. 


the Fort Dauphin and Vangaindrano governments respectively. The river — 


Manampanihy comes from the previously mentioned Ambolo valley, and is 
navigable with canoes for a good distance. The country hereabout is very 


t- 


pretty, but the population is still scanty. Coming into the Vangaindrano 7 


e district, we find the plain broader and the population larger than to the south 
of it. On the first day we reached the river Matrio, to the north of which 
lies the populous village Iavibdla. One day’s journey to the north we find 
the river Sandravinany, and three large villages, two of which are built on 
islets in the river. The people here gave us a good impression of themselves, 
and wanted us to come and teach them. 


| 


After another short day’s journey we came to the large river Manambdondro, | 


which has several islands in it, and on one of these the principal village 
is built. I went up and down this river in order to see the country. 

» Near the sea a white trader is living, whom I went to visit. He has 
been here for about a year. Another foreign trader, who had been living 
here for twelve years, was killed along with his servants, and all his 
goods were stolen. The place has no harbour, and ships calling here have 
to anchor in the open sea. This region is well peopled, and it seemed 
as if some of the natives longed for a missionary, for they said to me, ‘We 
will keep you back; we will not allow you to leave us.’’ One of the 

» kings said, ‘‘It is no use for me to become a mfzvavaka (praying one), for | 
have many wives.’’ But when I shook hands with him to bid him good-bye, 
he said, ‘‘Do come back to teach us, and I will send away my wives.” 

Another day’s journey further to the north, and we reached the largest river 
of the south-east coast, the Masihanaka. Near the seathe river widens in- 
to a little lake, in which there is a low but long islet with some villages; but 
the population here is only half of that at Manambondro. Here also the 
people asked me to come and live among them. Only one short day’s journey 
more, and Vangaindrano ts reached. It was now more than ten years since 
I was at this place, intending to go from there to Fort Dauphin. But the 
governor forbade my going, fearing that I might be attacked by robbers on 
the road. The man I then got to know best met me a good distance outside 
the town, and we immediately knew each other as old friends. Here also 
there are some soldiers from the interior, and both they, as well as the present 
governor, Rainitsimba, received me in a very friendly manner. 

In Vangaindrano there is a little church in the military town, and a similar 
one outside the gate, both conducted by the governor. Looking about we 
{Soon noticed that there is a large and dense population on both sides of the 
river Mananara ; this runs to the north of the town, which is situated about 
a couple of hours’ distance from the sea. The district of Vangaindrano 
extends five days’ journey to the south of the Mananara, but it goes only a 
little distance to the north of this river. The people in this region call them- 

» selves Taisaka, and are divided among about 30 feudal lords, whose power 
diminishes as the Hova power, represented by the governor, increases. These 
people scem to long for the time when they shall be able to hear ‘‘the good 
news.’’ One of them said to me, ‘‘Joyful, joyful, joyful, nay, very jubilant 
shall we be, when you come to live amony us.”’ 

Thus the exploratory journey with which I was charged by the last Confe- 
rence had come to its end. I began it on the 2oth of July and got back to my 
station on the 26th of November. The Lord had protected me, and He had 
also protected the kind maromrfa 1 had been obliged to send away, for 
none of them had died on the road, in spite of all the perils they had gone 
through. 


IN THE SOUTH OF MADAGASCAR. 455 





In conclusion, I have to add a few remarks about the regions I have passed 
irough. 

The Bara country is very sandy and stony; the marvomzta were obliged to 
se sandals almost always to protect their feet against the stones, and it is very 
ry and consequently unfertile ; and this is also the case as regards a part of 
ie Tanosy country near the Onilahy. In the dry season one very seldom 
»es even a clouded sky, to say nothing of rain; the air is exceedingly hot, 
nd the vegetation suffers very much, so that in many places it is a long 
istance between each root of grass, and what grass is seen is dry and faded. 
ut the trees growing here have a greater power of resistance to the dryness, 
nd many kinds of trees are green all through the rainless season, and the 
‘aves are used to feed the cattle. This statement also applies to the razkéZa . 
¢ prickly-pear, which is used all over the island as a living fence. In the south- 
"n part of Madagascar it is also used as food for the cattle ; for the people . 
urn the grass surrounding it, and thus it is scorched or roasted sufficiently 
» make it eatable. In the Mahafaly and Tandroy countries, where water 
; very scarce, the inhabitants when travelling eat the fruit to satisfy their 
lirst. 

But there are many river-beds, and even if these are almost dry, there is a 
retty fair vegetation along them. On the vast plains in the southern Bara 
ountry, which are covered with grass, heather or brushwood, one can see 
-om a long distance the direction of the river-beds from the lofty luxuriant 
rees growing along them. The people settle wherever water can be led 
ut over the fields ; but on account of the sterility of the country, food is very 
xpensive, and it was often very difficult to get the rice we required. In the 
astern parts of the island it is quite different; the rain here is abundant, 
nd the soil is very fertile, with the exception only of the tracts near the sea. 
tice, Manioc, sweet-potatoes and Indian-corn are grown everywhere. 

The clothing of the people is much the same as that used the interior ; the 
amoa is the principal article of dress, only it is poorer. The Taisaka form 
in exception to this rule, wearing a kind of narrow skirt without gatherings, 
nade of fine plaited straw, and extending from the knees to below the arms, 
ind kept together by a belt. Both men as well as women among these people 
lait their hair. Among the Tanosy, however, some men may be seen 
vith their hair cut short. The Bara roll the plaits together like balls round 
he back of the head, and it looks as if they wore a crown of balls. To make 
hemselves smart—to their taste—and to make the balls big, they rub white 
»arth, ashes, and suet into them, so that it as difficult to see the hair at all. 

The houses everywhere are very small; they are made of slight wooden 
tame-work filled in with reeds, long grass, rushes, or the stalks of palm 
eaves. The roof is covered with grass or palm leaf. 

These people are sunk very low under the heavy yoke of idolatry, and are 
1eavily burdened by it ; but even in these dark places we find man to be the 
mly one of God’s creatures who is conscious of a God and prays to Him. 
Che women, especially by the Bara and Tanosy, are looked upon as slaves. 
Ince I asked some men, ‘‘Why do you not permit the women to take their 
neals along with you? Why are they to wait till you have done, and con- 
sequently set their food cold ?”’ They answered, ‘“1he woman is our slave ; if 
she will not wait, we give her a blow on the head till she is done for.’’ Poly- 
yamy prevails among these people. 

Let us look at the condition of the new-born children. When a child is 
orn, It is the custom to ask the sorcerer if it has a good or an cvil fate. If 
1e says that it is born on an evil day and consequently has an evil fate, it is 
yelieved that if permitted to live it will cause the death of its father or 
nother. The father, for this reason, either buries the child alive in an ant- 
ill, or he throws it into the dense brushwood ; or, more rarely, following the 
sorcerer’s directions, he places it in the way of the cattle. If the cattle do 


456 TRAVELS AMONG THE WILD TRIBES 





not tread upon it, it is permitted to live, and thus sometimes the parents get 
their doomed child back again, but sometimes not, as it all depends on the 
sorcerer. Ifthe child can be saved, he directs how it is to be done. But 
what is invariably required for such recovery is, to sacrifice an ox to the gods. 
It is the custom among the Bara to dig a little tunnel through the Sank 
of the river, and while the bleeding animal is lying close by, the child is 
carried through this tunnel, until it falls into the river, where it is received by 
the father. Part of the sacrificed animal is then buried in the tunnel. On 
the south-east coast the blood of the animal is rubbed on the forehead and 
behind the ears of the infant. Then a strip in the shape of a large ring is 
cut out of the skin of the animal, and the mother with the baby at her bosom 
must pass through this ring. The child can also be saved if a stranger 
adopts it and brings it up as his own. 

As to the idols of these people, they may be divided into three classes. 
There are personal gods, which only protect their owners, and must always 
be worn on the body. There are also village gods, which protect the village 
that owns them. These consist of poles of various lengths, sharply pointed 
at thetop. They are erected inside the village gates, and in some villages 
there are as many as eleven poles arranged in one or two rows. There are 
also some very primitive images cut in human shape, standing either above or 
outside the gates, with spears in their hands. These gods are believed to be 
able to protect the village against enemies. Lastly, there are national gods, 

»to whom everybody may pray. A tree, a stone, or a heap of stones in the 
woods, may be such a god; and in the Bara country a number of trees are 
worshipped. We often witnessed such trees invoked by cutting into the bark 
with a spear, as ifto make sure that the prayers offered would be taken notice 
of by these deaf gods. In the western Bara country I noticed such an idol, 
a fine lofty tree, protected by a fence of thorns. Inside the fence, under the 
shade of the tree, there were put up 26 pieces of wood with round heads; 
these things represented the worshippers, standing praying to their god 
night and day, and are regarded as intercessors for those who had put them 
there. I have never seen anything like this anywhere else in this country. 

Let us hear some of their proverbs, to get an idea as to how far their thoughts 
and imagination go as regards the God of heaven. 

‘‘All men are the children of God, but the white men are his first-born 
children.” ‘‘The little children play, but their mother (God) watches them.” 
‘‘Do not try to find a hiding-place, for God sees thee.”’ ‘‘The chicken drinks 
water, raising its head to God.”” ‘Do not turn thy feet against God, like 
the flying-fox ;* He (God) hates this, as He has made thee’’ (for something 
better). 

There is also some idea of immortality found among these people. The 
Bara, in cases of illness, apply to a kind of astrologer in order to know 

e whether the illness will be fatal or not. These astrologers look at the stars, 
and if one of them, in their opinion, draws nearer, it is to fetch the soul of 
the sick person, and death isinevitable. And they have a proverb which says, 
‘‘The body belongs to earth, the soul to heaven.’’ Among the tribes of the 
south-east coast it is a custom that all who have been present at a funeral, 

' after the ceremonies are over, throw sticks at the tomb to prevent the spirit 
of the dead from wandering about. 

It was with sadness I saw these tribes in their misery. In different ways 
they all reminded me of the call, ‘‘Come over and help us.’’ I shall never 
forget a man ofthe Bara tribe whom I met on this journey. Hetold me of his 
child, which had been born on an evil day, and how he succeeded in saving 
it. Atlast he cried, ‘‘Do come and live amongst us, and I will be the first 
one who comes to you to learn the Word of God.”’ 





* The flying-fox often hangs in the trees by its feet. 


a 


IN THE SOUTH OF MADAGASCAR. | 
ne day we came to a village to the east of the Onilahy, where an — 
just been buried alive in an ant-hill. In the evening the mother was sq.— 
t-sick with sorrow that she did not know what to do. One of my men, wit- 

‘ing her sorrow, said to her that she ought to go and rescue her baby, as it 
a gift from the living God. The poor mother listened to these words and 
t to the grave with a trembling heart, fearing that the baby might already 
: expired, and yet hoping to find it still alive. She dug it out of the ant- 
and found it still living. But when she reached the village, her husband 
very angry and said, ‘‘You are never to cross my threshold with this 
1; otherwise you may do with it just as you like.’’ Here again misery 
>d, ‘‘Come over and help us.”’ 
ne evening I sat talking with some men from the south-east coast about the 
y murders of innocent infants committed through idol-worship. One of 
number, a handsome intelligent man, said, ‘‘My name is Manambintana 
ving (good) fate’), for when I was born, the sorcerer said it was on an 
day, and I had an evil fate ; and I barely escaped being buried alive, for 
zrave was already made. But just when they were going to bury me, a 
and his wife came and wanted to adopt me as their child. They were 
but childless people, and their request was complied with. Thus it was 
that | had a good fate, in spite of the sorcerer’s word. But my real; 
nts have despised me, and I always have been, and still am, a stranger 
cm.’’ This man and his companions expressed the wish that we might 
come and teach them, and it was again as a call from many lips, 
me over and help us.”’ 


Translated from the Norwegian of J. NIELSEN-LUND, 
By JOHANNA BORCHGREVINK. 


SIKIDY AND VINTANA: 
HALF-HOURS WITH MALAGASY DIVINERS. (NO. IIL) 


(Concluded from ANNUAL No. XI.) 


VINTANA AND SAN-ANDRO. 


INTANA. What is vin/ana ? Ifa man was ill, people often said, 
“Perhaps the zin/ana of his son is too strong for him, or he has 
‘me subject to some misfortune,” so they said, “‘Vinfany tzany angaha” 
‘rhaps that is his wa/ana’’); or perhaps he was perpetually un- 
essful, and they said, ‘‘Olona ratsy vintana tzany” (‘This man must 
: a bad vin/ana”). Sometimes even immorality (e.g., an unmarried 
ian becoming pregnant) was excused by the remark, “Vin/any hidny 
ha izany” (“Perhaps that is her z#/ana” (destiny ]), meaning that 
2 was no helping it. 


458 = SIKIDF AND VINTANA: 





Now yyhat did all this mean? It is rather difficult to give a clear and 
conclusivé answer to this question. Vin/ana was like the /a/um of the 
Greeks and Romans, an invisible power that made itself felt always 
and everywhere. If I were to venture to form a theory of it (or, 
rather, to reproduce the theory of the natives, by stating explicitly what 
I think is the view they hold smplicitly, it would be to the following 
effect :— 

1. Earth is not governed by itself, but by heaven. Not only is the 
succession of night and day settled by the most glorious heavenly bodies, 
the sun and the moon, but the fitness or unfitness of times and seasons 
for various work to be done, as well as the destiny of man himself, depends 
upon the heavenly bodies. 

2. As faras mankind is concerned, the stars forming the constel- 
lations of the Zodiac are all-important. Their influence is manifested in 
two respects: they decide the destiny of a man; and it depends upon ]. 
them whether a certain time is fit or unfit for certain kinds of business. ;: 

3. The destiny of a man (his viafana) depends on what day he was |: 
born (partly also on what time of the day), or, rather, on what constel- |r 
lation of the Zodiac governed the day of his birth. It was therefore |~ 

- incumbent upon the mpaminéana (those who dealt with the oz#/ana), or the 4: 
mpanandro (day-makers or -declarers), who were also mpistkidy, to enquire }+ 
about the day or time of the day of a child’s birth in order to make outits | © 
vintana, i.e. under what constellation it had been born, and what in- ‘= 
fluence this would have on its destiny. : 

4. As the names of the constellations of the Zodiac also became the 
names of the months and of the days of each month (at least here in the 
interior), it is not clear what influence was attributed to the moon; but |: 
that it was not considered to be without some influence appears from the !' 
following facts :—(@) Although the days of the month had seemingly 
borrowed their names from the constellations of the Zodiac, they really 
represented the 28 moon-stations (Afanazil-ul-kamari), as I have pointed 
out elsewhere (ANNUAL IITI., p. 131). In the interior of Madagascar these 
names have been superseded by a somewhat simplified nomenclature; 
but on the south-east coast the true names of the moon-stations were, in 
Flacourt’s time, still the names of the days.* (4) The Malagasy year was 

» a lunar year (354 days). (¢c) Both the sun and the moon take their place 
among the planets as governors of the days of the week (cf. 5, below). _' 








—— 


— 


* These names I have given in the article quoted above. In the interior the names of the 
days in a month were arranged in the following way : (a) The houses are generally built with 
their length running due north and south. (4) Four of the month-names were considered as 
attached to the corners, and two to cach side, of the house, beginning with Alahamady (north- 
eastern corner), and ending with Alohotsy (the last onc on the northern side). (c) In naming 
the days they made use of the month-names in the same order ; but as there are more than 12 
days in a month, they borrowed 3 day-namces from cach of the 4 month-names that fell on the 
corncrs, and 2 from cach of the 8 that fell on the sides, of the house. This would give 28 days. 
But as a lunar month has from 29 to 30 days, they added 2 days to cach of the 4 corner-months, 
and onc to cach of the 8 side-months, and 2 days at the end of the year, so as to make it 354 
days (a lunar year). For particulars, sce Ellis's //ist. of Aadyr., vol. i. p. 445-457, where a 
pretty full and tolerably correct description is given, therefore Ido not enter more fully into 
this here. But I may remark that when he invariably calls the 2 days that gct their names 
from the same month severally va@va and wdy (its mouth and its end), and calls the 3 vava, wal, 
Jara (its mouth, its increase, and its end), this docs nof agree with the information I have got 
from my native friends. For Alahasity, Asombola, Alakarabo, Alakaosy, Adalo, Alohotsy, 
my helper also speaks simply of tava and vody ; but for the remaining 6 months he has partially 


—_# 


=e 


HALF-HOURS WITH MALAGASY DIVINERS. 459 





5. Besides the division of the year into months in the manner briefly 
mointed out in the note below, the Malagasy have from time immemorial 
mnown a hebdomadal unit, the week, the days of which have Arabic 
mames. These days were thought to be under the special influence of 
*the seven planets” (i.e. what were by the ancients so called, viz. the Sun, 
the Moon, Mars, Mercury, Jupiter, Venus, and Saturn), which will be 
shown more fully under San-andrv. 

These are, I believe, the chief features in the astrological part of the 
Malagasy vin/ana doctrine, as known at present. 

It is easy to see that the whole life of a Malagasy would be under the 
influence of these heavenly bodies, and consequently at the mercy of 
those who had the reputation of understanding these often very intricate 
affairs. People are gencrally under the spell of those who know their 
destiny beforehand (while they do not know it themselves), who have the 
power of remedying the evils of it, and are able to tell them both what« 
they ought to do, and when (on what days and hours) they ought to do 
it, When we remember what great influence astrologers had over em- 
Perors, kings and princes during the Middle Ages and even far into the 
17th century (see, for instance, the history of a man like Wallenstein), 
we can easily understand what power they must have had in a country 
ike this. 

I do not intend to enter at all minutely into the doctrine of lucky and 
anlucky days, a subject with regard to which I will restrict myself to a 
few general observations. 

1. Although the different months were thought to have their peculiar 
character (being governed, as was supposed, by different constellations), 
their special fdditra and sdrona, etc., it docs not appear that one month 
was considered more unlucky than another. The difference in this res- : 
pect was a difference between the different days in the month. 

z. The character of the days evidently did not depend so much on 
from what month-name it took its name, as on what moon-station it 
represented. Therefore we often find two successive days with the same 
general name, of which one was considered good, the other bad. E.g. 
the 1st and znd of Asorotany were good, and were, and are still, favourite 
days for famadihana (the ceremony of removing corpses from an old» 
family grave to a new one) ; but the 3rd one was considered bad. 

3. Some days were considered absolutely bad, e.g. the 3rd of Asdro- + 
tiny, the znd of Asombola, the 2nd of Alakaosy, and the 1st of Adijady ; 
others were absolutely good, e.g. the 3 days called Alahamady and the 
2nd of Alakarabo ; others again were considered indifferent (¢sy ¢sara, fsy 
ratsy), e.g. the rst and 2nd of Alahasaty. 





or wholly special names for the 2, or 3 days which borrow their names from cach of 
them, viz.—1. The 2nd of Alahamady he calls Axdadron’ Alahamady (the ‘banana’ of A.), 
2. The rst of Adaoro he calls Zandrok’ Adaoro (the ‘horn’ of A.). 3. Theo rst and 2nd of Adi- 
zaoza he calls Ravina (‘leaf’) and Vohkstr’ Adizaoza (‘town’ of A.). 4. The 2nd of Asorotany he 
calls Akdkon’ Asorotany, and the 3rd of the same, A4ifiz’ Asorotany. 5§. The 1st of Adimizana 
he calls Vavan'’ Alakafora (the corresponding moon-station is A/-gafru) ; the and of Adimizana, 
Ampaningan’ Adimizana (perhaps a corruption of Az-cudani, the corresponding moon-station) ; 
and the 3rd of the same, Prara-adihididy (the corresponding moon-station is Al-shiilu). 6. 
The 1st of Adijady he calls Ranomason' Adijady (the ‘tears’ of Adijady); the 3rd of Adijady 
he calls .4fanaparan’ Adijady. It will be scen that some of these names arc corruptions of the 
Arabic names of the moon-stations ; others (e.g. ahoka, akifika) arc at any rate not Malagasy 
words. 


460 SIKID¥ AND VINTANA: 


— 


4. ome again were not considered good in general, but still good — 
for special purposes ; e.g. the rst Alakarabo was excellent for entering |; 
upon family life (mi/ékan-trdno); the 2nd of Adijady was good for ;- 
marking out the ground for a new town; and the 3rd of Adimizana wasa !- 
lucky day to be born on, but a bad day for business. = 

5. Some days had a special peculiarity of their own; e.g. children 
born on the 2nd of Adalo gencrally became dumb! so they said. 

6. Even the bad days were generally so only in the sense of having 
too strong a winfana. This was especially the reason why children bom 
on those days were considered a very doubtful gift. They were mahery 

‘vintana léatra (‘had too strong a winfana’); and if their parents and 
other relatives had not been born with a win/ana equally strong, it was 
¢ very likely they would come to grief sooner or later through the orm/ana 
of the child. Hence the infanticide in former times in the central 
provinces of Madagascar. Generally, however, the mpisiktidy managed to 
remedy the evil in one way or another. Often nothing more was required 
, than to give the child a name which intimated that it would mof do any 
harm in spite of its strong vin/ana. Hence such names as Itsimanésika, 
Itsimandratra, Itsimanfho, Itsimandlaka.¥ Those born on the 2nd of 
Adalo were often called Itsimardfy (‘one who does not become ill’) to .. 
avert the danger of dumbness. Some days, as the 3rd of Asorotany, Ala- 
kaosy, andthe rst of Adijady, were considered exceptionally bad ; but still 
¢ I think it was very seldom that a child was killed because of its vzafana. 
. At least it is my conviction, after a close examination of this point, that 
the terrible pictures of the great extent to which infanticide was carried 
here have been greatly overdrawn (by myself among others, in my work 
on Madagascar). | 

I mentioned above that the different months (and then, of course, also © 
the days named after them) had their fixed places assigned to them at 
the corners and along the sides of the house. My native helper gives me 
a number of rules referring to the regard the inmates of the house had to - 
pay to these circumstances, but I shall not try to reproduce them in 
detail here. The substance of the whole, however, is, that they, on each 
day, had to take particular care not to go to the corner or the side assigned 
to that particular day, or, at all events, not to place a sick person there; 
for by so doing they would manétra ron-fany, i.e. attack and provoke the ' 
spirit (of that region) of the earth; vo I take to be the Arabic re, spirit, ‘ 
as the Malagasy word ro (gravy) would give no sense here. 

What is in the interior called win/ana (Ar. evina/, seasons) is among 
the Sakalava called andro (day or days). Both mean the same thing: 
the time or season, as depending on the heavenly bodies and influencing | 
destiny and actions. 

The mpamintana were generally mpistkidy as well, and as the most 

9 clever mpistkidy were also mpisdrona (idol-priests), it appears that the 
vintana is really the key to the whole system of idolatry here, and to every- 
thing connected with it,t at least so far as it got any real hold on the 
people’s mind. (The idols properly so called were perhaps not directly 


© All expressing in a gencral way that the child would be harmless. , 
¢t This is also acknowledged by the natives themselves. I may refer the Malagasy scholar ( 
-i@ e | 


Femme ane jquabaaveitiade. —_—_—__—eeee°* 
ant ony -? woe Loe aa 1 


Tm | 





to sevcral lengthy articles on this subject (in Malagasy) in Folk-Lore and Folk The 
author's want of precision and good order, his diffusencss and great verbosity, and the some- 


HALF-HOURS WITH MALAGASY DIVINERS. 461 


Sonnected with the win/ana; but therefore they had of so much hold 
on the people.) Much of the terminology of the sikdy also points to its 
connection with the win/ana, as I have shown in the first division of these 
articles (ANNUAL X.); but the theory of that connection has been lost. I 


feel satisfied that even the more practical procedure of szkidy rests on the 


same astrology as the vin/ana,; but I am unable to demonstrate this 
connection in detail, or show how the stkidy gradually developed from 
these astrological theories. This cannot, I think, be done without a 
careful examination of sikidy and astrology among Eastern nations in 
ancient times (Arabs and Persians especially), and I have not the means 
of doing this here. Neither do these means seem easily accessible. 
Through learned friends I have made enquiries in this direction in 
Christiania, Leipzig, London, and Leyden, but without success. But 
when I get to Europe I shall keep my eye on this subject, as it has once 
caught my fancy and is not without considerable interest.* What I have 
aimed at in the preceding remarks has not at all been to give a full des- 
Cription of the win/ana and all the practical outcome of it, but only to 
point out the leading ideas, the general theory of it, so far as known at 
bresent ; and, at the same time, to show how imperfect is our knowledge, 
ind what points especially are still waiting for further investigation. If I 
‘ihould not be able to push the matter further, others may be able to do 
io. It is, at any rate, an advantage to know ‘where we are.’ 


NOTE.—The suggested etymology of the word w:z/ana was first given in 
ny article in this magazine twelve years ago (ANNUALII. p. 79). As will 
’e seen from the passage quoted, I gave it with some hesitation and diffidence, 
ind this has rather increased in the meantime. In fixing upon this etymology 

was less guided by the internal probability, than by the fact that szazdy and 
tntana in Malagasy are evidently of Arabic origin. Still this does not neces- 
arily imply that the word must be Arabic too. What made and still makes 
ne hesitate is, that the Arabic evan, evinat does not seem to be used at all 
n reference to astrology ; and that it is difficult to see why the Arabs did not 
ntroduce a specific astrological term, if they were unable to find a Malagasy 
vord whereby to express the idea they wanted to convey to the people. I felt 
his at the outset, and the etymology suggested was chiefly the consequence of 
ny being unable to find a Malagasy word from which wémtana could be 
lerived. We certainly need no argument to prove that wéana cannot, in 
his sense, be a primitive word, as people surely do not at once form such 
ranscendental ideas as that of fate. They evidently want some stepping- 
tone, some intermediate link, by means of which they can reach it. Upon 
econsidering the subject I have come to the conclusion that vzzfana is an 
ibsolete collateral form of 4zm¢ana,a star. My reasons are: 

1. That the Malagasy 4:zfana is in Malay dintan. This d:ntan should 
n Malagasy become vnfan (in Kawi it is wim¢an), as an initial d in Malay 
3 generally v in Malagasy (e.g. valo, datu; vilo, bulu ; véilana, bulan). 

2. Itis more natural that sfar than “ime (evan, evinat) should be used, 
s the vizfana really depended on the stars in question, and had reference to 
ime only so far as the fitness or unfitness of the time depended on the stars 
hat governed it. 


‘hat affected style (unnecessary accumulation of old and rare words and phrases) makes it un- 
leasant reading but it gives many particulars which I could not touch upon here, and conveys 
good idea of the great power of vintana over the pcople. 

* 1 am sure I am only expressing the feelings of many readers of the ANNUAL when I say 
1at we hope that Mr. Dahle, having now arrived in Norway, will still give us the results of his 
uther investigations on these interesting subjects. —ED. (J.S.) 


r 


462 SIKIDF AND VINTANA: 





In Arabic the word for star (a7 ) is used very much in the same sense 
as the Malagasy wintana (projinita ret ratio) ; and the corresponding verbal 
root (7ajsama_) means to divine, to foretell by the stars (ex astris predixil, 
presagit, divinavit), and a derivative of it (zazamaZz) means astrology. It 
is thercfore very likely that the Arabs found no better Malagasy word for the 
idea they wished convey than the word for star (vintana). 

It may, upon this theory, seems a little strange at first sight that the Ma- 
lagasy word for star is now Azz¢ana, and not vintana. Perhaps both were 
in use as synonyms at the time ; but as the one (u:nfana) was chosen as the 
technical term in astrology, the other became gradually the exclusive name 
of stars in the colloquial (cf. Mars and March in English). The root of both 
is probably Zaz (cf. the forms zen, fern, etc., in some of the cognate lao- | 
guages). A? is a prefix in Malagasy. 

VIII.—San-ANDRO. It is difficult to translate this expression without 
a periphrasis. It means the peculiarities or character of the days of the 
week as dcpending on the Seven Planets, considered as governors of these 
days. The Arabic word sa’a means a short space of time, and then, 
more widely, an hour. But it also occurs in the sense of ‘day,’ especially 
when some great and momentous day or time is spoken of (e.g. as-sa’a, 
the day [lit. ‘hour’], i.e. the Day of Judgment). It seems to be taken 
in this wider sense hcre. | 

I shall now give the seven days of the week, with their respective san- 
andro and special number and character, in their order in the week :— 


_ ee, RD wD 


Name San-andro Number Character 
1 Sunday (Alahady*) Samosy 1 good (Sun) 
2 Monday cares ia Alakamary 5 bad (Moon) 
3 Tuesday (Talata) Mariky 2 good (Mars) 
4 Wednesday (Alarobia) Motarita 6 good (Mercury) 
5 Thursday (Alakamisy) Mosataro 3(2?) bad (Jupiter) 
6 Friday (Zoma) Zohara 7 bad (Venus) 
7 Saturday (Asabétsy) Johady 4 middling (Saturn) 


In the preceding list I have simply reproduced what I have got from 
my native helper, only adding in parentheses the identifications with 
the planets, of which he of course had no idea. 

The writer inthe Folk-Lore and Folk-Tales, whom I have quoted in a 
note under ‘Vintana,’ also mentions the san-andro, but under the name of 
[dminaniana amin’ andro’ (i.e. ‘prediction with regard to [?] days’); but 

e has no knowledge of its connection with the planets; and of the 
remarks he adds to each name I can make nothing. Their character- 
istic numbers he does not scem to know at all, and therefore he is also 
ignorant of the practical part of san-andro, which to a great extent 
depends on these numbers. Flacourt mentions the sanz-andro in use in 
the part of the country where he lived (Fort Dauphin) two centurics ago, 
and he also speaks of its connection with the planets, but there is a 
remarkable confusion in his translations and identifications. 


Flacourt’s list is as follows :— 
Jor comparison with my list. 


1 Samoutst, the Sun (Sunday) = Samosy (No. 1) 
2 Azohora, the Moon (Monday) = Zvhara (5, 


* As to tho Arabic derivation of the Malagasy day-names and month-names, see my article 
in ANNUAL II. p. 77-80. 


HALF-HOURS WITH MALAGASY¥ DIVINERS. 4 


3 Alotarida, Mars (Tuesday) = Motarita (No.4 

4 Alakamari, Mercury (Wednesday)= Alakamary(,, 2 

§ Azoals, Jupiter (Thursday = Yohady Ca. » 7 
zoady) 


6 Alimousetsart, Venus (E riday) = Mosataro » 5) 
7 Alimarehe, Saturn Saturday) = Martky » 3) 


The names are all the same as in the list I got from my native helper, 
although somewhat differently written. This is, however, mostly owing to his 
having kept the Arabic article (a) throughout, except in Samoutsz ; where- 
as my native helper has left it out. In some instances Flacourt’s form seems 
to be the more correct one (e.g. A/-of/arida, cf. my identifications). But the 
curious thing is, that, with a single exception (Samoutsi), he has managed to 
apply the names /o fhe wrong planets all through / In order to show this 
clearly, I have added the names of my list, with their order in brackets. 
The same order is also followed in the list given by a native of Imérina in his 
article on vinfana quoted above ( Folk-Lore.and Folk- Tales of Madagascar, 
p. 283), only that he begins with Wednesday; but he applies the same name 
to the same day as in my list throughout. y list is that of the diviners at 
Ambatofinandrahana. As the order both natives follow is the same, although 
they are from widely distant provinces, this may be taken as the received 
order among the diviners of the interior. And as it agrees exactly with the 
order of the planets in their relation to the days of the week (although these na- 
tives have no idea of this, and consequently cannot be suspected of having 
modified the order purposely, so as to make it agree with the planets), it 
follows that theirs must be considered the right and original one. 

I wonder whether Flacourt’s order is simply a blunder of his, or whether 
such a confusion had really taken place among the diviners at Fort Dau- 
phin where he lived.- In the latter case the diviners of the interior cannot 
have got their knowledge from the south-east coast, but must have acquired 
it from a more direct and original source, perhaps from the west coast by 
way of Ménabé. I wonder what system they follow there. 

Flacourt states that at Fort Dauphin they also divided the day into seven 
parts and the night into seven also, and made the seven planets preside over 
these divisions. This was not the custom in the interior. Here they divided 
night and day into twelve equal parts, which took their names from the four 
corner- months (Alahamady, Asorotany, Adimizana, and Adijady), three from 
each of them (vava, vinto, fara). 

When my. native helper brought me the list I have given above, at a 
time befote: I had had an opportunity of examining Flacourt’s remarks, I 
saw at a glance that the first and second name was that of the sun and 
the moon; and this made me conclude that the remaining five would prove 
to be the five older planets, which, upon examination, was also found to 
be the case. The following are the identifications of them :— 


1 Samosy = Ar. Shams (Heb. shemesh), the Sun. 

2 Alakamary= ,, Al-gamar, the Moon. 

3 Maritky = ,, Marrik, Mars. The Arabic word Marrik seems 
originally to have meant a kind of arrow; then Mars, as the god of war, 
whose symbol was the arrow. 

4 Mofarita. In my Arabic Lexicon I find only the form uéare# (cf. 
Flacourt, A/ofarida) for Mercury; but as mofara¢ would be only 
another form of the same root, there can be no doubt as to the identifi- 
cation. The verbal root means ‘to be fragrant,’ or to deal in perfumes. 
A derivative, a/érzd, means ‘a seller of perfumes,’ and then a merchant. 
This reminds one of the Mercury of the Romans, who was especially the 
god of traders. 


464 SIKIDF AND VINTANA: 





5 ©éosataro=—Ar. Mushfars, Jupiter. Root meaning of the verb, ‘to be 
greedy or greatly desirous of anything ;’ hence to buy; probably musi. 
fart means the purchaser or aqcuirer. 

6 Zohara=Ar. Zahro, Venus. Root meaning, ‘the brilliant one;’ some 
times also used as a name of the Moon. 

7 YFohady=Ar. Zaha, Saturn. The root meaning seems to be, ‘one who 
recedes,’ gives up his place to another. Saturn had to give up his to 
Jupiter. 

Any one who has the slightest knowledge of Latin will immediately 
have noticed that what were in Malagasy the extraordinary day-names 
only in san-andro, were in Latin the ordinary day-names (Dies Solis, 
Lune, Martis, Mercurii, Jovis, Veneris, Saturnii). Even in French the 
same names have been kept throughout, with the exception of Sunday, 
Dimanche=Dies dominica, although greatly altered. The English has 
kept one of them in a corrupted form (Saturday), has translated two (Sun- 
day and Monday), and has borrowed the rest from the corresponding 
Teutonic god-names (Tius=Mars; Wedn [=Wodan or Odin ]=Mer- 
cury; Thor=Jupiter; and Frey=Venus). In Germany and the Scan- 
dinavian countries they have only translated two of them (Sunday and 
Monday). 7 

The explanation of this rather curious fact no doubt is that the astro- 
logy of Babylonia (and Egypt ?) has spread itself both to Arabia, and 
from thence to Madagascar, and to Europe; and, that according to this 
astrology, the planets in question, and the gods identified with them, 
held the sway over the days of the week ; and it depended on the sup- 
posed nature of each planet whether the day under its sway should be 
considered a lucky or an unlucky one. From passing notices in the 
ancient classics we know that the Babylonian astrologers and their Greek 
pupils even had tables of the lucky and unlucky stars, with rules regard- 
ing their influence on human destiny; but as these are lost there is 
perhaps little hope of ever getting to the actual source of these theories. 
We have now scarcely any means of finding out why some planets were 
considered more lucky than others ; we only know that this notion was 
the origin of the other one, that of lucky and unlucky days; a notion 
which has up to quite recent times (even upto the present day in some 
places) been tenaciously held by the common people even in the differ- 
ent countries of Europe. 

In my list above, a certain zumber has been given as characteristic of 
each planet. It will be seen that these numbers are those from 1 to 7, 
corresponding to the seven planets, but in a different order from that follow- 
ed in the list. To Mosafaro my native helper had written the number 2, 
just as in Martky, but I think that is only a blunder. These numbers are 
of great importance in the practical part of the san-andro, to which | 
shall now proceed. 


1.—Vy San-andron’ ny Maty (The San-andro of the Dead or the direc! 
San-andro). 

This refers, as far as I can sce, exclusively to duria/s. If a corpse was 
to be buried, this could be done on any day; but it had to be done with 
due regard to the san-andro of the burial day; although I suppose they 
would gencrally prefer a day considered as ‘good’ (Sunday, Tuesday anc 
Wednesday). ‘The procecdings depended entirely on the numéer charac: 


HALF-HOURS WITH MALAGASY DIVINERS. 465 


teristic of the san-andro of the day of burial. If, for instance, it was on 
‘Wednesday, the special number of which is 6, they had to stop six times 
with the bier on the way to the grave, throw down a stone at each stopping- 
place, and carry the corpse six times round the grave before they buried ti. 
If the burial was to take place on a Saturday, the same thing would be 
done only four times; if on Friday, seven times, and so on, according to 
the characteristic number of the san-andro of the day. 

Why the different planets got these numbers respectively, Iam unable 
to tell. As the Sun has No. 1, it occurred to me at first that the various 
heavenly bodies were probably numbered according to their supposed 
distance from the earth; but this cannot be the case. They may have 
supposed the brightest (the Sun) to have been nearest, and the next 
brightest (the Moon) to come next; but then we should certainly have 
expected Venus to follow, and not Mars and Mercury, which are not 
nearly so bright. It is strange too, that Mars and Mercury should be 
considered lucky, and the bright Moon, Venus, and Jupiter unlucky. 
From the little we know of the astrology of the ancients, we gather that 
the three last ones were considered lucky, Saturn and Mars unlucky, and 
Mercury neutral. 


2.—Ny San-andron’ ny Velona, na Sa-mivéerina (The San-andro of the 
Living, or the San-andro which was counted ‘backwards’). 

The description of it given by my native helper is not very clear, but 
so far as I can make out, this san-andrv had reference only to sacrifices 
(sdrona), When a sorona was brought, prayers were to be offered up too, 
and in these prayers and invocations the priest used to expatiate on the 
corresponding san-andro ; but in so doing he did not refer to the san- 
andro Of the day of the offering, but always to that of ‘the day before 
yesterday ;’ in other words, he always counted two days dackwards to find 
the san-andro he wanted. If, for instance, Sunday was the day of offering, 
the san-andro of the preceding Friday was the one he referred to, and so on. 

It does not fall within the scope of this article to give the prayers 
which the priests used on such occasions; but this one is so peculiar 
that I must briefly refer to it. The priest on this occasion used to call 
on God as ‘Andriamanitra filo mianaka’ (‘God as a family of seven’) and 
as ‘vdlo mivady (‘eight pairs,’ i.e. eight husbands and eight wives ?*). He 
also calls on God as Ratomarajiba, Ratomdraféfy, Rabodisy and Rakéno- 
nkénona. All this is peculiar; the last word is Malagasy and seems to 
mean ‘the loquacious one.’ The three preceding ones seem to be foreign 
words, at least partly so ; /omara, bodisy, and jibo seem to be Arabic, but I 
cannot identify them at present. The ‘seven’ probably had a reference to 
to the seven planets as God’s manifestation. 

Offerings could only be brought on the three ‘good days,’ Sunday, Tues- 
day and Wednesday; but szkidy could be performed on any day. The 
reason probably was, that setzdy belonged to the necessities of life, 
which could never be allowed to be stopped. 


3.— The Character of the Seven Days of the Week in relation to Evils and 
the Foretelling of Evits. 





* Both expressions are ambiguous. s/o mianaka may mean parents with five children, or 
a father, or mother, with six children. Valo mivady most naturally means eight airs, but it 
might aleo mean only four pairs (cight married persons), or even a man with seven wives ! 


466 SIKIDP AND VINTANA: 


My native professor gives the following rules, which I reproduce on 
his authority :— 


1. Alahady was the proper day for everything white : white-haired people 
(Sbtsy vdlo), white stones, etc. 

2. Alatsinainy was the day for everything green and blackish: grass, 
forests, greenish birds, people with blackish skin, etc. 

3. Zalata : the day of people who have many scars (cicatrices), and are 
also pock-marked from the small-pox (sdki-néndra /. 

4. Adlarobta: the day of women and everything female. 

5. Alakamisy: the day of slaves. 

6. Zoma: the day of nobles and everything which is red (red or scarlet 
clothes, etc., characteristic of the higher nobility). 

7. Asabotsy : the day of the young people and everything young. 


If aman suffering from or apprehensive of some evil came to a mpist- 
kidy or other foreteller of future events, he would be sure to be asked 
some question with special reference to the character of the day on which 
. he came. If he, for instance, came on a Sunday (Alahady), it would be 
intimated that his complaint had been caused by some obnoxious white 
stone; or by drinking milk (which of course is white), in which there 


| 





were some ghosts ; or that he had been bewitched by some old white- | 


haired woman ; or, at any rate, that he was in danger of some such mis- 
hap, and had better look out carefully. If on Thursday (Alakamisy), his 
griefs were almost sure to be attributed to some slave, or he was warned 
to beware of his slaves, lest they should murder or bewitch him. 

And so on for the other days, according to the nature of the day. 


4.—Foretelling of the Tastk’ andro, (i.c. the day on which one may be in 
special danger of getting ill through the influence of the ofnfana. 


This was a peculiar compound of winfana and stkidy, subjected to the — | 


following rules :— 
To find the day, you begin from Tuesday (Talata), and work the stkidy 
on the following principles :— 


. Trano and Lalana form (point to) Talata (Tuesday). 

. Lalana and Mpanontany form Alarobia (Wednesday). 

. Mpanontany and Asorotany form Alakamisy (Thursday). 
. Asorotany and Andriamanitra form Zoma (Friday). 

. Andriamanitra and Nia form Asabotsy (Saturday). 

. Nia and Masina form Alahady (Sunday). 

. Masina and Fahasivy form Alatsinainy (Monday). 


N Ctn & Go NH 


That is to say, if a combination of the two rubrics Trano and Lalana 
in the stkidy you have erected gives you a figure which is like Talé (which 
represents the man in question), the man is in danger of being taken ill 
on Tuesday. The procedure isthe same with the other days. 

The dangerous day being found out, the mpistkidy takes a piece of 
Anandrofotsy (an herb), puts it into a bottle (¢avodra), pours water on it 
till it is brimful, puts a cane (Bdrara/a) into it, by which of course some 
water must overflow; and this he takes and rubs or brushes it seven 
times on the man from head to foot, saying, ‘‘His day is conquered by 
him, his z#/ana is conquered (overcome, ‘/eony’) by him, and does not 
overcome him. His day and his wfana shall not govern him (‘mifon- 
dra azy’), but he shall govern them.” 


HALF-HOURS WITH MALAGASY¥ DIVINERS. 467 


As this and the preceding section is neither called vzn/ana or san-andro, 
although it is in reality only a peculiar form of the last, and as san-andro 
is itself only a form of venfana (planetary vin/ana , | ought rather to 
have called the whole of this chapter Vin/ana, and subdivided it into ‘Zo- 
diacal and Lunary Vintana,’ and ‘Planetary Vintana.’ To the first would 
belong everything depending on the Zodiac and the Moon-stations and 
which is connected with the month-days ; to the second all that depends 
on the seven planets and is closely connected with the week. 

The question occurred to me: What is to be done, if a day is a lucky 
one as to its place in the month, but unlucky according to its position in 
the week ? But as the first class chiefly referred to birth and business, 
the second to burial, offerings and diseases, I suppose these sly diviners 
managed to avoid a collzsto offictorum. 

There are many other points in stkidy and vinfana which I have been 
obliged to pass over in silence, or only slightly touch upon. But it is 
time that I should bring this article to a close. 

The szkidy and vinfana was once the most tremendous power in this 
island; let us thank God that its spell is broken, and its influence pass- 
ing away. 

L. DAHLE. 

NOTE.—Let me take this opportunity of correcting an error in the first 
of these papers (ANNUAL X., 1886, p. 228) I expressed some doubt as to the 
phrase mdamo-hefa. A native has pointed out to me that it certainly should 
be mamoiha &fa, ‘to revive again a past (evil),’ e.g. a disease. —L.D. 


THE VOLCANIC LAKE OF ‘TRITRIVA: 
ITS PHYSICAL FEATURES AND LEGENDARY HISTORY. 


HE great island of Madagascar is not at present one of those regions 

of the earth where volcanic disturbances occur ; but there is ample 
evidence from the numerous extinct craters found in various parts of the 
island that at a very recent period, geologically considered-- possibly even 
within the occupation of the country by its present inhabitants—it was 
the theatre of very extensive outbursts of subterranean energy. The 
whole island has not yet been examined with sufficient minuteness to 
determine the exact extent of these old volcanoes, but they have been 
observed from near the south-east coast in S. Lat. 23°, and in various 
parts of the centre of the island up to the north-west and extreme north, 
a distance of 680 miles ; and probably a more careful survey would reveal 
other links connecting more closely what is, as at present known, only a 
series of isolated groups of extinct craters. In the central provinces of 
Madagascar there are two large clusters of old volcanic cones and vents : 
one of them in about the same latitude as the Capital (19° S.), but from 
50 to 70 miles away to the west of it, in the neighbourhood of Lake Itasy ; 


468 THE VOLCANIC LEAKE OF TRITRIVA: 





the other in the district called Vakinankaratra, situated about 80 miles to 
the south-south-west of Antananarfvo, and south-west of the great 
central mountain mass of Ankaratra. | 

This second volcanic region stretches from 20 to 30 miles from Ants- 
rabé away west to Bétafo and beyond it, and contains numerous and 
prominent extinct craters, such as Ivdko, I[atsffitra, Vohitra, Tritriva, and 
many others, some of which have been described by the graphic pen of 
the late Dr. Mullens in his Zwelve Months in Madagascar (pp. 214-219). 
The doctor says that he counted in this southern group about 60 cones 
and craters.* 

There are also many hot springs in this Vakinankaratra region, the 
most noted of which are those at Antsirabe. At this place dne of the 
chief springs is largely charged with lime, which has formed an extensive 
deposit all over a small level valley sunk some 20 feet below the general 
surface of the plain around the village. Fora long time past this place 
has furnished almost all the lime used for building in the Capital and the 
central province of Imérina. Besides the deposit over the floor of the 
valley, there is also a compact ridge shaped mass of lime accretion, 70 
feet long by 18 to 20 feet wide, and about 15 or 16 feet high. This has 
all been deposited by the spring, which kept a passage through the lime 
tothe top. Within the last eight or ten years, however, the spring has 
been tapped by a shaft of no great depth a few yards to the north, over 
which a large and commodious bath-house has been erected by the Nor- 
wegian Lutheran Mission; and here many visitors come to bathe in the 
hot mineral water, which has been found very beneficial in rheumatic 
and other complaints. A little distance to the south-west is another 
spring, not however hot, but only milk-warm, the water of which is drunk 
by those who bathe in the other spring. This water has been shown to 
be, in chemical constituents, almost identical with the famous Vichy 
water of France.ft All over the valley the water oozes up in various places; 
and about half a mile further north are several other springs, somewhat 
hotter than that just described, to which the natives largely resort for 
curative bathing. 

During the excavations for the foundations of the bath-house, the 
skeletons of several examples of an extinct species of Hippopotamus 
were discovered, the crania and tusks being in very perfect preservation. 
Some of these are now in the Museum at Berlin; but the finest specimen 
was sent to the Museum of the University of Christiania in Norway. This 
Madagascar Hippopotamus was a smaller species than that now living in 
Africa, and is probably nearly allied to, if not identical with, another Hip- 
popotamus (/7. Lemerlei), of which remains were found in 1868 by M. Gran- 
didier in the plains of the south-west coast (see p. 438, a#ée). I was informed 
by the people that wherever in these valleys the black mud is dug into for 
a depth of three or four feet, bones are sure to be met with. Probably a 
series of excavations would reveal the remains of many animals, birds and 
reptiles formerly inhabiting Madagascar. From the internal structure of 
the teeth and bones of the Hippopotami discovered at Antsirabe, traces 
of the gelatine being still visible, it is evident that the animals had _ been 
living at a comparatively recent period. There have been occasional 





* See ANNUAL IX., pp. 66-74, + Jésd., p. 74, for analysis of water. 


PHYSICAL FEATURES AND LEGENDARY HISTORY. 469 


vague reports of the existence of some large animal in the southern parts 
of the island; possibly the Hippopotamus is not yet absolutely extinct 
there ; and perhaps the half-mythical stories of the Songimby, Tokandia, 
Laloména and other strange creatures current among the Malagasy are 
traditions of the period when these huge pachyderms were still to be 
seen in the lakes and streams and marshes of Madagascar. 

Within a few miles of Antsirabe are two crater-lakes. The nearer and 
larger of these is called Andraikfba, which lies distant about four miles 
due west. This is a beautiful sheet of water, blue as the heavens in 
colour, in shape an irregular square, but curving round to the north-west, 
where it shallows into a marsh, which is finally absorbed in rice-fields. 
The lake is said to be of profound depth, but the hills surrounding it are 
not very lofty, rising only about 200 feet above the surface of the water, 
from which they ascend steeply. Fish and water-fowl and crocodiles also 
are said to be very abundant in and on its waters. 

But the most interesting natural curiosity to be seen in the neighbour- 
hood of Antsirabe is the crater-lake of Tritriva. This is situated about 
ten miles to the south-west, a pleasant ride of two hours by palanquin. 
Travelling at first in a westerly direction, the road then turns more to 
the south-west, and skirts the southern foot of the old volcano of Vohitra 
(already mentioned). Passing about a mile or so south of the high 
ground round the southern shores of the Andraikiba lake, the road 
gradually ascends to a higher level of country, so that in about an hour 
and a half’s time we are nearly as high as the top of Vohitra—probabl 
about 500 feet. Reaching a ridge between two prominent hills, we catc 
our first sight of Tritriva, now from two to three miles distant in front 
o!tus. From this point it shows very distinctly as an oval-shaped hill, its 
longest axis lying north and south, and with a great depression in its 
centre ; the north-eastern edge of the crater wall being the lowest part of 
it, from which point it gradually rises southwards and westwards, the 
western edge being at the centre from two to three times the height of the 
eastern side. To the north are two much smaller cup-like hills, looking 
as if the volcanic forces, after the main crater had been formed, had 
become weaker and so been unable to discharge any longer by the old 
vent, and had therefore formed two newer outlets at a lower level. 

Descending a little from the ridge just mentioned, we cross a valley 
with a good many scattered hamlets, and in less than half an hour reach 
the foot of the hill. A few minutes’ pull up a tolcrably easy slope, 
perhaps 200 feet in height, brings us to the top, at the lowest part of the 
crater edge ; and on reaching the ridge the crater of the old volcanoand 
its lake is before us, or, rather, below us. It is certainly an extraor- 
dinary scene, and unique of its kind. The inner sides of the crater dip 
down very steeply on all sides to a deep gulf, and here, sharply defined 
by perpendicular cliffs all round it, except just at the southern point, is a 
rather weird-looking dark-green lake far below us, the water surface 
being probably from 200 to 300 feet lower than the point we are standing 
upon, and consequently below the level of the surrounding country. The 
lake, exactly shut in by the cliffs of the crater surrounding it, is not blue 
in colour, like Andraikiba, although under a bright and cloudless sky, 
but a deep and somewhat blackish green. It must look, one would 
suppose, like ink under a stormy sky or in the shadows of evening. 


470 THE VOLCANIC LAKE OF TRITRIVA: 





We sit down to rest and try to take in all the details of this novel 
picture. It is undoubtedly an old volcano we are now looking down 
into; the spot on which we rest is only a few feet in breadth, and we can 
see that this narrow knife-edge is the same all round the crater. Outside 
of it the slope is pretty easy, but inside it descends steeply, here and 
there precipitously, to the edge of the cliffs which so sharply define the 
actual vent and, as distinctly, the lake which they enclose. Looking 
southwards, the crater edge gradually ascends, winding round the south- 
ern side, and still ascending as the eye follows it to the western, the 
opposite, side, where the crater wall towers steeply up from two to three 
hundred feet higher than it rises on the east, where we are sitting. 
The lake we judge to be about 800 to goo feet long and z00 to 250 feet 
wide, forming a long oval, with pointed ends. The cliffs which enclose 
it appear to be from 4o to 50 feet in height, whitish in colour, but with 
black streaks where the rain, charged with carbonic acid, has _ poured 
more plentifully down their faces. These cliffs are vertical and in some 
places overhang the water, and from their apparently horizontal stratifica- 
tion are no doubt of gneiss rock. In coming up the hill I noticed a few 
small lumps of gneiss among the basaltic lava pebbles. The strangest 
feature of this Tritriva is the sharply defined vertical opening of the 
vent, looking as if the rocks had been cut clean through with a Titanic 
chisel, and as if they must dip down—as is doubtless the case—to 
unknown depths below the dusky green waters. At the northern end of 
the lake is a deep gorge or cleft, partly filled with bushes and other 
vegetation. Southward of this, on the eastern side, the cliffs are still 
lofty and overhang the water, but at about a third of the lake’s length 
they gradually decrease in height, and at the southern point they dip 
down to the level of the lake, so that at that part only can the water be 
approached. On the western side the cliffs keep a pretty uniform 
height along the whole length. 

So steep is the inward slope of the crater walls, that we all experienced 
a somewhat ‘eeric’ feeling in walking along the footpath on its edge, -for 
at a very few feet from this a false step would set one rolling downwards, 
with nothing to break the descent to the edge of the cliffs and then to 
the dark waters below. Yet there was a strange fascination in the scene, 
and the variety and contrast and depth of the colours would make the 
Tritriva lake and slopes a striking subject for a painting from many 
different points along its crater wall. When we arrived, the sun, yet 
wanting an hour and a half of noon, was still lighting up the grey-white 
stone of the western cliffs ; but the shadows were every minute growing 
more intense, as the sun became more nearly vertical. Far below us was 
the deep-green oval lake; around it, the stratified gneiss cliffs with their 
black streaks, diversified here and there by patches of bright-green bush; 
then again, from their edges swept steeply upwards the grey-green sides 
of the crater, culminating in the lofty western ridge opposite to us; and 
over all was the blue sky flecked with cirrus clouds—altogether a scene 
such as I have seen nowhere else in Madagascar, or indeed in any other 
country. : 

After fixing in our minds the view from the north-east, we proceeded 
southwards along the crater edge to the higher part at the south-east, 
where the view was equally striking, and the depth of the great chasm 


PHYSICAL FEATURES AND LEGENDARY HISTORY. 47: 


;eemed still more profound. Here we waited some time, while most of 
yur men went down to one of the hamlets in the plain to the east to seek 
‘heir meal, in which quest, however, they had only poor success. On 
xpressing a wish to taste the Tritriva water, one our bearers took a 
zlass, and descending by a break-neck path, went to fetch some water 
‘rom the lake. He was so long away that we were beginning to feel 
uneasy ; but after a quarter of an hour he reappeared with the water, 
which tasted perfectly sweet and good. He also entertained us with 
some of the legends which were certain to have grown up about so weird 
looking a place as Tritriva. Pointing to two or three small trees or 
bushes growing on the face of the cliffs near the northern point of the 
lake, he told us that these were really a young lad and lass who had become 
ittached to each other; but the hard-hearted parents of the girl disap- 
oroving of the match, the youth took his loin-cloth, and, binding it round 
1is sweetheart and his own body, precipitated her with himself into the 
lark waters. They became, so it is said, two trees growing side by side, 
ind they now have offspring, for a young tree is growing near them ; and 
n proof of the truth of this story, he said that if you pinch or break the 
yranches of these trees, it is not sap which exudes, but blood! He ap- 
seared to believe firmly in the truth of this story. 

~ He also told us that the people of a clan called Zanatsara, who live in 
he neighbourhood, claim some special rights in the Tritriva lake; and 
when any one of their number is ill, they send to see if the usually clear 
lark green of the water is becoming brown and turbid. If this is the 
vase, they believe it to be a presage of death to the sick person. 

Another legend makes the lake the former home of one of the mythical 
nonsters of Malagasy folk-lore, the Fandnim-pito-léha or ‘Seven-headed 
Serpent.’ But for some reason or other he grew tired of his residence, 
ind shifted his quarters to the more spacious and brighter lodgings 
for seven-headed creatures afforded by the other volcanic lake of Andrai- 
kiba. 

This same bearer assured us that in the rainy season—contrary to what 
one would have supposed—the water of the lake diminishes, but increases 
again in the dry season. He told us that there is an outlet to the water, 
which forms a spring to the north of the mountain. I noticed a white 
‘ine a foot or two above the surface of the water all round the foot of the 
sliffs, showing a probably higher level than at the time of our visit. The 
ake is doubtless profoundly deep. I was told that a few years ago Mr. 
', Parrett sounded it with a line 600 feet long, but found no bottom at 
hat depth. 

Walking round to the southern end of the crater edge, the lake, here 
oreshortened, has a somewhat close resemblance in outline to that of 
he Lake of Galilee, as seen on maps; but I must confess that the 
irst sight of it in its deep chasm made me think much more of the other 
ake of Palestine, the Dead Sea, in its profound gorge between the Judean 
ills and the highlands of Moab. After making a slight pencil sketch or 
wo, I proceeded up the far higher saddle-back ridge on the western side. 
Tere the lake seems much diminished in size and lying far down at an 
iwful depth. Buta magnificent and extensive view is gained of the 
‘surrounding country: the long flat-topped lines of hill to the east run- 
1ing many miles north and south, and surmounted directly east by two 





THE VOLCANIC LAKE OF TRITRIVA. 





prsfect nes (old volcanoes, Vétovérona and Ihankfana); the peaked 
and javged range of Vélombérona to the south-east; the enormous mass 
of Ib{ty to the south, and then west, a flat region broken by abmpt 
hills ; to the north-west are the thickly populated valleys towards Betafo, 
with many a cup-shaped hill and mountain marking old volcanic vents; 
and beyond this a high mass of country, with serrated outline against the 
sky, showing the district of Vavavato and the peaks of Iavohaika; and 
finally, coming to due north, is the varied grouping of the hills which 
form the southern termination of the central mountain mass of Ankaratra. 
Between us and these again is the extensive plain of Antsirabe, with the 
white walls and gables of the church and the mission buildings plainly 
visible in the bright sunshine, although ten or twelve miles distant— 
altogether, a panorama long to be remembered. From this point also 
the significance and appropriateness of the name given to the old volcano 
is clearly seen: for Tritriva is apparently a combination of the words /rifry, 
a word used to describe the ridge on the back of a chameleon or a fish, and 
iva, low, deep; so that the name very happily describes the long steep 
western ridge or crater wall, and the deep chasm sweeping down from it. 

It may just be said in conclusion, that the slopes of the crater both 
inside and out are covered with turf, which grows on a dark-brown 
volcanic soil, mingled with rounded pebbles of greenish or purple lava, 
very compact and close in structure, and containing minute crystals 
scattered sparingly through it. Occasional blocks of this are found 
round the edge of the crater wall, and the same rock crops out at many 
places on the steep inner slopes. I did not notice any vesicular lava or 
scoria; and at a little homestead not far from the north-eastern foot of 
Tritriva, I was surprised to find the Addy or fosse dug to twelve or four- 
teen feet deep almost entirely through the red clay or earth found all 
through the central regions of the island. The dark-brown volcanic soil, 
here seen in section, appeared to be only about eighteen inches deep, 
with layers of small pebbles. So that the discharge of the volcanic dust 
and ash appears to have extended only a short distance from the moun- 
tain, at least it does not appear to have been very deep, unless indeed 
there has been much denudation. It must be remembered, however, 
that this point is to the windward side of the hill; probably the volcanic 
soil is deeper to the west of it. The much greater height of the westem 
wall of the crater is no doubt duce to the prevailing easterly winds carry- 


. 


ing the bulk of the ejected-matter to the west, and piling it up to two or , 


three times the height of the eastern side. After seeing the amount of 
gneiss rock which must have been blown out of the vent, I expected to 


have found much greater quantities of it, and in larger blocks, than the ; 


very few and small fragments actually seen on the outer slopes. The 
greater portion, however, is probably covered up under the quantities of 
volcanic dust and /apzl/t which were subsequently ejected. 


Tritriva, it will be evident from this slight sketch, will greatly interest * 


those who have a taste for geology and physical geography; while its 
peculiar and somewhat awe-striking beauty makes it equally worthy of 


a visit from the artist and the lover of the picturesque. Certainly it has | 


become photographed upon our memory with a distinctness which will 
render it a vivid mental picture for many a day to come. 


JAMES SIBREE, JUN. (Ep.) 


| 


THE ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL. 473 





GENERAL HALL, AND THE EXPORT SLAVE-TRADE 


FROM MADAGASCAR: 
A STATEMENT AND A VINDICATION. 


[* Ellis’s standard Aitstory of Madagascar it is stated:—‘‘The conduct 

of General Hall brought lasting disgrace on the British name, and added 
another to the melancholy catalogue of events illustrative of the calamitous 
results of even temporary power in the hands of weak or wicked men. It is but 
due to the British Government to state that the conduct of the acting-Governor 
was severely condemned” (vol. ii. p. 217). 

For half a century the memory of Major-general Hall has suffered under 
the shade cast by the above-mentioned notice, which conveys a stigma alto- 
gether unmerited; and it is time that some reparation should be dealt out to 
the gallant officer whose fault consisted (if indeed it was not a merit) solely in 
too rashly opposing public opinion in Mauritius at a time when much tact 
was required while combating the aspirations of a slave-dealing community. 

In writing my ‘Historical Sketch of Madagascar’’ I was thoroughly misled 
by Ellis’s version of the occurrences which led to the undeserved judgment of 
General Hall recorded in his pages, and I unwittingly repeated the libel,* 
for it is nothing less, and therefore it is incumbent on me to take the earliest 
opportunity of rehabilitating General Hall’s character. This cannot be done, 
unfortunately, without discrediting, in some degree, the purity of Governor 
Sir R. Farquhar’s administration; but the reputation of Sir Robert stands 
so high that it can well afford a slight depreciation in the interests of 
justice to his subordinate colleague so long maligned. 

At the end of 1828 a series of documents upon the subject of slavery in 
Mauritius was presented to Parliament; but Blue-books are seldom studied 
by the public, and it is solely owing to the comments made in the A 7/2- 
Slavery Reporter that these records have not remained in oblivion. These 
papers are not calculated to exalt one’s opinion of the favourable disposition 
of the local government towards the Malagasy and negro slaves who were 
employed on the sugar plantations of Mauritius. The first return gives the 
number of government slaves at Mauritius in 1813, when Sir Robert Farquhar 
was governor, as 1638, and in 1827 as 1342, showing a decrease of 296. The 
second return gives the laws in force at Mauritius regulating the punishment 
of slaves by their masters. This comprises the edict from the code of the Isle of 
France dated 1723, containing a few merciful regulations for the slaves, such 
as authorizing the Procureur-general to prosecute complaints by slaves 
against their masters who do not feed, clothe and support them, etc., etc. ; 
and enjoining all holders of slaves to govern them ‘‘en dons pores de famille.” 

But the major part of the regulations are for the security and benefit of 
the master. Slaves are forbidden, if belonging to different masters, to assem- 
ble together, by day or night, on any pretence, under pain of flogging, 
branding and, if repeated, death. Slaves can hold no property whatever, nor 
be witnesses in civil or criminal matters, unless in the absence of whites, but 
in no case, either for or against their master; and they cannot prosecute, 
though they may be prosecuted. A slave who strikes master, mistress or their 
children, producing contusion or effusion of blood, or on the face, is punish- 
able capitally. Andsoon. These regulations were confirmed in 1767, when 


* “Meantime **** the acting-Governor, Major-gencral Hall, not only undid as far as lay 
in his power the beneficent acts of Mr. Farquhar, but refused even to carry out the treaty 
concluded with Ridama, who thereupon permitted the slave-trade to recommence,”—Capt. 
Oliver’s Madagascar, vol, i,*p. 32. 







“ax GENERAL HALL, AND THE 


masters were also forbidden to inflict more than 30 lashes without the 
sanction of the police. 

. Such was the slave law in the colony of Mauritius in 1810, and such t 
remained during the whole of Sir Robert Farquhar’s administration ; and no 
modification of it took place until December 1826, when ordinances were promul- 
gated by Sir G. Lowry Cole, enjoining the strict observance of the limitation 
of flogging to 30 lashes, and recommending the planters to relinquish the 
practice of flogging females. Sir R. Farquhar governed Mauritius, therefore, 
many years without introducing one solitary regulation for the protection of 
the slaves, while persons composing his household were deeply interested 
in upholding the very worst evils of slavery. The Governor told Lord Liver- J 
pool indeed, soon after his arrival, that the slaves in Mauritius had been | 
decreasing during the preceding seven years; and he made use of this fact 

‘to convince his lordship of the necessity of continuing to import slaves, saying 
in 1812, that ‘‘without the slave-trade or some other substitute these colo 

. nies’’ (Mauritius and Bourbon) ‘‘promise to be shortly annihilated.’’ Again, 
he wrote in September 1812,—‘‘I have done allin my power to alleviate the 
oppression of the slaves. Zhe laws are strongly tn their favour’ (\!) [what 
they were has been already shown], ‘‘but with courts of justice constituted 
as those at present in these colonies are, it is difficult to obtain justice.’’ 

In the year 1809 the slave population, according to Sir R. Farquhar, ! 

* amounted tu 60,000. In the year 1815, when, according to the decreasing { 
ratio stated by the Governor, the number of slaves must have been reduced 

-to 44,000, a census gave the number as 87,352. Now it is totally impossible to | 
reconcile this fact with the statement gravely recorded by the Governor; for | 

, either 43,000 slaves must have been imported into the colony in contravention 
of the slave laws, or the numbers and the decrease of the slave population, 
stated so short a time previously as an urgent and unanswerable argument 
for tolerating slave importation, must have been false. Examples are given* 
of the easy way in which the laws against slave-trading were evaded during 
Sir R. Farquhar’s administration. 

At the close of the year 1816 a mission was sent by Governor Farquhar to 
Antananarivo, conducted by his personal aide-de-camp Captain. Le Sage. 
“Tt would have been impolitic,’’ writes Ellis, ‘‘to have developed, at this 
early stage of the proceeding, the great design of endeavouring to effect the 
abolition of the slave-trade, as many powerful and influential parties had at 
that time an interest in maintaining the traffic; such individuals being 
but too likely to sacrifice humanity at the shrine of Mammon, and thus to 
render abortive a scheme which they knew must, if effected, deprive them 
of their accustomed gains.’’—£7//¢s, vol. it. p. 156. 

The effect of this mission was stated by Governor Farquhar’s secretary, 
Mr. Blane, as follows:—‘‘His Excellency has ascertained that the slave 
smugglers have met with great difficulties this season (June 26, 1817) in 
procuring slaves. His Excellency attributes this happy result, which has 
already been obtained from opening a communication and contracting an 
alliance with the most powerful of the Madagascar states, to the represen- 
tations made to Radama last year through the medium of his aide-de-camp 
Captain Le Sage.’’ It subsequently transpires that Captain Le Sage accepted 
fen slaves as a present from King Radama while on this mission, and brought 
them to Mauritius, a fact which must have been known to Governor Farquhar. 

When Mr. Hastie next proceeded to Antananarivo, upon the King noticiag 
among the attendants of his guest a Mozambique, who was one of the slaves 
he had given to Captain Le Sage, the British Agent availed himself of the 

_opportunity offered for acquainting the King that these people could not 
remain in Mauritius as slaves; that the British Government, actuated by 
principles of humanity and justice, could not permit their servants even to 


* Vide Anti-Slavery Reporter, Nov, 1828, and Jan, 1829. 





me oe Be 


i oe ee ee oe ee 


EXPORT SLAVE-TRADE FROM MADAGASCAR. / WS 
——_———-—uwWN  -ES” 
accept slaves as presents. The King said he had given Captain Le Sage ten 
slaves, and asked, with his accustomed shrewdness, whether this law existed 
then. He was told that only four had arrived at Mauritius. ‘‘Where then,’’ 
said Radama, ‘‘are the others ?”’ ‘‘Four of them,’’ replied Mr. Hastie, ‘‘are 
returned to this country, as you have already seen, and the remaining number 
never reached Mauritius.’’ Upon this Radama questioned the slaves them- 
selves, who proved beyond doubt that their companions were still held in sla- 
very in Mauritius, having been sold, presumably by Captain Le Sage himself. 
Radama never forgot this difference between the acts and the words of the 
Governor of Mauritius ; and to show how he appreciated the continuance of 
the slave-traffic with Mauritius, the King sent to the British Agent afterwards 
to say that he could do without selling slaves himself, but that his people, 
vho supported him, would never be satisfied if deprived of the means of 
ncreasing their wealth. He therefore wished to know from Mr. Hastie, 
vhether Governor Farquhar would allow of their proceeding personally to 
dauritius for the purpose of selling off their stock of slaves during the ensuing 
ive years. 

In consequence of the publicity given to these scandals connected with the 
lave-trade at Mauritius, a variety of papers® were laid before Parliament, 
hiefly with reference to the charges made against Sir Robert Farquhar. The 
locument of most importance is the Report of the Commissioners, who were 
‘specially directed to inquire into the conduct of the colonial servants accused 
ither of having been actually engaged in the slave-trade, or of having syste- 
natically connived at those proceedings on the part of others. The essential 
ybject of the inquiry was in fact ‘‘the vindication of the honour of the 
sovernment, in the conduct and proceedings of its servants.’’ But the Com- 
nissioners, after acknowledging the facilities afforded by Sir G. Lowry Cole, 
the Governor, and the assistance they received from the heads of some of the 
public departments, add: ‘‘But with these advantages we are bound to state 
that the difficulties of the inquiry have been considerable from the general 
unpopularity attending it, and which have led to our obtaining by accident, at 
a late period, an acquaintance with facts which must have been generally 
notorious In the community.” 

On the part of the inhabitants, it was apparent that many individuals were 
deeply interested in evading the retrospect into their former proceedings ; and 
they took advantage of their influence to awaken a general apprehension of 
the consequences of such an investigation, and the risk attending any admis- 
sion of the extent to which the slave-trade had been carried on and encour- 
aged. The consequence was that almost all the enquiries were fruitless, and 
and their object was defeated. ‘‘The sale of slaves at Port Louis,’’ the Commis- 
Sioners state, ‘‘was generally conducted by commission. The vessels appear 
to have been considerably crowded from the eagerness of the traders to 
increase the profits of their voyages.’’ The practice prevailed at Port Louis 
of fitting out vessels for the slave-trade and concealing the names of the 
owners, so that if the vessel was captured, the real owner was not compromi- 
sed; and the vessels approaching at night landed the negroes in pirogues or 
rafts. The slaves were then taken into the woods and concealed in caverns, 
whence they were conducted into town for sale. The registration system was 
defeated by the reluctance or refusal of owners to send returns of their slaves, 
and by mal-practices in the Registry Office itself, where one of the clerks was 
afterwards discovered to be the owner of a slaving vessel. 

These transactions occurred mostly under the administration of Sir Robert 
Farquhar, who embarked for England in November 1817. At least culpable 


aap 


© Report of the Commissioners of Inquiry upon the Slave-trade at Mauritius. Copies of 
Correspondence between Sir Robert Farquhar and the Colonial Depariment, etc. Ordered 
to be printed by the House of Commons, une 1829. 


~~ . 


- 


376 | GENERAL HALL, AND THE 


» interest in augmenting the stock of their slaves ; and his attention was direct 








= 





. 


nePtipence, if nothing worse, must have been the reason why the laws agaist i; 5 
slave-trading were not enforced with more energy by that Governor. 
When Sir R. Farquhar left the island, the government devolved 
Major- general Hall, the then commander of His Majesty’s forces ; and ie 
says the Report, appears to have been early impressed with a belief that proper 
measures had not been taken to put down the slave-trade; and that it had beea 


systematically promoted by the inhabitants of Mauritius, who had a direct 


ed to the object of discovering and punishing those who protected and @ 
couraged it within the colony. The consequence of the firm and actne 
measures taken by General Hall was, the seizure of a great number ofp 
recently imported, and the consequent resentment of the legal authorities; 
hence the extreme unpopularity of the officer administering the government, 
The Treaty signed by Captain Stanfell of H.M.S. PAaefon and the British Agest 
at Tamatave with Radama’s commissioners on the 23rd October 1817, stipuly 
ted that it was to take effect from the date of signature; and Mr. Hastie was 
appointed as British Agent by Governor Farquhar prior to his leaving Maat 
tius, and was to see that the conditions were duly observed by Radama 
According to Ellis, ‘‘the first payment of the equivalent agreed upon in the 
treaty with Radama became due in May 1818, when Mr. Hastie, agreeably to 
his instructions, left the Capital for the coast, proposing to return from Maun. 
tius with the various articles stipulated on in the agreement. While waiting a 
short time at Tamatave, a vessel arrived with several slave-dealers (Mauritians) 
on board and bearing the tidings, to them most agreeable, that the then acting: * 
Governor of Mauritius, General Hall, had relinquished further intercourse [ 
with the chieftains of Madagascar; that he refused to pay the equivalent '. 
stipulated by Governor Farquhar and intended to recall the Agent stationed 
at the Capital. A letter from the Governor of Mauritius was at the same |. 
time presented with much formality to Mr. Hastie by a deputation of th |. 


rot Is Ga Paee aL 


~w arnieer 


. Slave-dealers, recalling him from Madagascar. ‘‘Mr. Hastie found on reach- |. 


ing Mauritius that these representations were but too true, and his worst fears - 
were more than realized. His nation was dishonoured, and incalculable evil, . 
for which he had no present remedy, was inflicted onthe Malagasy.”—<Zi/hs, - 
vol. ii., pp. 200, 201. 
Now it must be borne in mind that Governor Farquhar was altogether ° 
responsible for the Treaty, and that he left Mauritius before it had been | 
approved, much less ratified, by the British Home Government. Until Major- , 
general Hall had heard from England that the conditions of this Treaty were 
sanctioned, it was obviously impossible for him to make a payment from the 
Colonial Treasury; and the witholding of the sanction of Lord Bathurst was 
the fault entirely of Governor Farquhar, then in England; so the insinuation ‘ 
in the above narrative that the so-called violation of the Treaty was the work 
of General Hall is altogether misleading and a perversion of fact. I confess 
I was stupid enough to be taken in by such a plain statement; but when 
one comes to think of it, the absurdity of a deputation of stave-dealers being - 
entrusted with an official document from the acting-Governor of Mauritius 
to the British Agent in Madagascar is apparent; more especially when we ¢ 
find from the official Report of the Commissioners that the General was 
“detested by the slave-holding population in the colony, which was loud in 
its praises of Governor Farquhar, who wrote high-sounding platitudes for 
English Abolitionists, but winked at the mal-practices of the colonists in 
Mauritius. The fact is that these slave-dealers, who crowded to Madagascar 
when General Hall assumed the administration of the colony, found Mauri- 
tius too hot for them; and Mr. Ellis, who, it must be remembered, had not ° 
visited either Mauritius or Madagascar when he compiled his Assfory, 
must have been totally misinformed when he gibbeted the name of Governor 
Hall as upholding the causc of the slave-dealers, 


EXPORT SLAVE-TRADE FROM MADAGASCAR. 497 





Fe 
When the first missionaries, Messrs. Jones and Bevan of the L. S\, reach- 
wel Mauritius ex route to Madagascar, they were courteously reteived by 
meeneral Hall, but he wisely discouraged their design of proceeding to Ma- 
Efagascar at that time, because, not having been authorized to pay the treaty 
@absidy, he justly considered that irritation against the British would be 
goused in Imerina; also saying that the climate on the coast was very 









~ According to Ellis :—‘‘General Hall, who was the acting-Governor at the 
Rime of their (the missionaries’) arrival, had discontinued all friendly inter- 
®ourse with Radama. He was also unfavourable to the commencement of their 
¥Hission, and they were consequently obliged to remain at Mauritius.’’ 

Governor Hall's anticipations, as it turned out, were only too correct. When 
the missionaries reached Tamatave, they fell into the hands of a slave-dealer 
gamed Bragg, who treated them with great fickleness and treachery. They 
were detained on the coast, and Radama’s invitation to them intercepted ; 
and after the deaths of Mr. Bevan and his wife and child, and Mrs. Jones and 
her infant daughter, the only surviver, Mr. Jones, was forced to return to 
Mauritius, more dead than alive from repeated attacks of fever. 

Mr. Ellis says :—‘‘Influenced by the circumstances already mentioned, 

which were considerably a gravated by the intrigues of parties ever anxious 

for the renewal of the horrible traffic in slaves’’ (the Mauritian planters and 
officials, be it remembered, and zo¢ the unpopular acting-Governor), ‘‘Ra- 
dama permitted the slave-trade to recommence, and that it was again carried 
On extensively is obvious from General Hall’s letter to Lord Bathurst in 1818, 
wherein he states that three cargoes had been imported during the prece- 
ding fortnight, notwithstanding all his efforts to forbid such illegal impor- 
tations of slaves into the colony.’’ 

On the roth December 1818, orders came from England for General Hall 
to leave the colony, and Lieut.-col. John Dalrymple was received with every 
manifestation of joy, as temporary Governor, by the colonists interested in the 

rpetuation of the slave-traffic. In February 1819, Major general Ralph 

arling arrived from England to replace General Hall, and this officer 
seems to have been at once impressed with the conviction of his predecessor, 


that slaves were still imported and unregistered, contrary to the law, by 


means of fraudulent transfers. ‘The course pursued by Generals Hall and 
Darling subjected them to the odium of the Mauritian Creoles and residents. 
Indeed, a few days after the arrival of the Commissioners of Enquiry at Port 
T.ouis, they received an address, purporting to be from the inhabitants, 
wherein, amongst other things, accusations were brought against both those 
officers. 

In July 1820 Sir R. Farquhar resumed the government; and Mr. Hastie, 
accompanied by Mr. Jones, sailed for Tamatave in September. That port 
had then aga:n risen to considerable importance; for since the renewal of 
the slave-trade, upwards of one hundred good houses had been erected. 

Ellis tells us :—‘‘When Mr. Hastie reached Antananarivo he endeavoured 
to explain to Radama that until the sanction of the King was obtained to the 
act of his representative, the crime of a breach of a predecessor’s act did not 
commonly subject the person who committed it to condign punishment; but 
the relations established by Governor Farquhar with him, being now autho- 
rized by the British sovereign, could no longer be subject to any interruption. 
But Radama did not appear to be convinced, and frequently reverted to 
the breach of the Treaty.’’ This was certainly a neat way of shunting all 
the blame on to the shoulders of General Hall, and hinting that such an one 
was not ‘‘commontly'’ subject to the condign punishment which Radama 
judged should be his portion. 

Shortly after Sir R. Farquhar’s return to Mauritius, a tragic proceeding 
took place which is involved in some mystery. A man named Dorval, a 





@ 


S=au438_; GENERAL HALL, AND THE 


~ “Fororious slave-trader, having in 1821 procured a cargo of slaves from 


4 


~ 












Zanzibar, was discovered landing them near the Morne-Brabant in Mauri- 
tius by a British man-of-war, which attacked the slaver. The latter vessel 
was stranded on the reef and set on fire, four black women left on board 
perishing in the flames ; but the landing of the bulk of the slaves was effected, 
and they were concealed in the woods. As usual, proclamations and 
rewards of 4oo0 dollars for the discovery of the parties concerned were of mo |: 
avail. True bills, however, were found by the Grand-jury against Dorval, }- 
the owner, and |’Hoste, the nominal commander of the vessel, who both §: 
escaped to Bourbon. Dorval returned and gave himself up in 1822, produ- 4: 
cing a secret promise of pardon, signed by Sir R. Farquhar, for all past §: 
offences, on his accomplishing the apprehension of l’Hoste, which he }: 
effected. This man was tried, but the prosecution failed through a conve- }: 
niently arranged flaw in the indictment. 

The Commissionersremarked :—‘‘Whatever inducement may have prevailed }: 
with Sir R. Farquhar to accord so signal a favour to Dorval (the circum- {: 
stances attending which have not been satisfactorily explained), it is much | 
to be regretted that a full disclosure of the persons who had received or 
purchased the negroes, and retained them in defiance of the proclamation | 
of Government, had not been made a primary and indispensible condition of 
any act of grace extended to him.’”’ The Commissioners said, with regard to i 
the extent of the slave-trade, that one vessel, the Coureurs, commanded by 
Dorval or |’Hoste, made six voyages to Madagascar, in 1819 and . 
1820, and the average number of negroes imported each voyage might — 
be 150 or 200; but they observed that ‘‘it has been generally maintained that 
no direct importation of an entire cargo of negroes has taken place at : 
Mauritius since the landing effected from the Coureur in March 1821.” 
They added that ‘‘the measure to which we must primarily attribute its 
suppression within the colony was that which was adopted by Generals Hall 
and Darling, pursuant to the instructions of Earl Bathurst, for sending to 
to England for trial the parties accused of slave-trading; and the example 
made by their transportation in some instances to New South Wales.’’ 

Thus it appears certain, that, although Governor Farquhar might be 
absolved from all suspicion of guilty connivance, the extent of the trade 
during his administration must be imputed to a certain degree of negligence 
on his part; seeing that the measures taken by his substitutes during his 
absence, from March 1817 to July 1820, ultimately suppressed the trade. 
The very popularity of Sir R. Farquhar affords, unfortunately, but unmis- 
takeably, a strong presumption against him in such a place as Mauritius 
was then; while the hostility of the slave-holding inhabitants to Generals 
Hall and Darling affords the most satisfactory testimony to their military - 
vigilance and moral integrity. The Zzmes made the following observation 
on the disclosures laid open by the Commissioners’ Report: ‘‘Whatever dis- 
satisfaction and resistance may have been excited by the measures for 
improving the condition of the slave population in the West Indies seems 
really to have been trifling to the towering indignation which has been roused - 
in our semi-East Indian possession of Mauritius by measures of a similar 
character. And from this we would infer (it is matter of inference and 
conjecture only) that sincere and dond fide exertions had so¢ previously been 
made for alleviating the sufferings and limiting the extent of slavery. We 
do not know who is hit by this remark, but we suppose some one will think 
himself aggrieved ’’ 

Sir R. Farquhar appears to have been stung by the exfosé of the Commis- 
sioners, and yet could make no real defence; and his letter to the Secretary 
of State is largely one of abusive language against the Commissioners. With 
regard to the case of Dorval, he merely remarks that the course taken by 
him was the means of a pecuniary saving to Government of 5000 dollars. 


—— ——— Ths 


_—_ 


—_ 


a 


EXPORT SLAVE-TRADE FROM MADAGASCAR. | a 


ir Robert could not bear the Abolitionists, and hoped the Government 
ould make an example of the Anti-Slavery propagandists. Further, he 
rote :—‘‘The sneering and insolent remark on the tenderness of my early 
iendship for the slave-trade, referring to a time when the Abolition Acts 
‘ere not known at Mauritius, and were not law there, though the spirit 
f them was acted on by my order and upon my sole responsibility, merits 
ttle or no observation from me; it comes with an ill grace from men, who, 
_ fairness and candour had actuated their principles, must be compelled to 
cknowledge that I have effectually done at least as much, and by a series 
ff practical measures, to abolish the slave-trade, foreign as well as English’’ 
referring to his treaty with Mada scat, as the whole party put together, 
wen their great patriarch himself’’ [Wilberforce], ‘‘and that too without 
tailing upon the people of England, as they have done, an enormous expense 
amounting to many millions sterling; which exactions, mark me, is only the 
beginning of their philanthropic plans for drawing money from the people, 
in furtherance of their wild and visionary schemes for the general emanci- 
pation of the negroes ;’’ etc., etc. , 

When Sir Robert Farquhar talks of the ‘‘wz/d and vistonary schemes for 
the general emancipation of the negroes,” in the year 1829, we are able to 
take the measure of his dona fides in dealing with the slave-traffic at Mau- 
ritius. 

From the above it is evident that the condemnation of Major-general Hall 
in not carrying out the conditions of the first treaty with Madagascar has 
been awarded without due enquiry into the facts; and that it was well nigh 
impossible for him to have acted otherwise than he did, when occupying a 
temporary position as acting-Governor of Mauritius. 


S. PASFIELD OLIVER, 
Capi. late Royal Artillery. 


RICE AND RICE CULTURE IN MADAGASCAR. 


MBOHITRAKOHOLAHY is one of the peaks of the important 
A group of mountains in Central Madagascar called Ankaratra. 
nquire the derivation or meaning of the name, and we are told that 
there the son (or, a son) of God descended, bringing with him from heaven 
a cock (akdholahy) and hen; that the craw of the cock was opened 
and found to be filled with rice in the husk; this rice was taken by the 
inhabitants of Ambarinandriananahary (‘At-the-rice-of-the-Creator’) to 
the south of Antsadhadinta and there planted. This again when reaped 
was taken to Ambariarivo (‘At-a-thousand-rice’), where it grew well and 
flourished. Hearing of this, the inhabitants of Andrianakétrina wished 
to purchase a few grains, but the owners refused to sell. Then they 
begged for a few grains, but this also was denied; so the would-be 
purchasers resorted to stratagem and circumvented the refusers by trailing 
their Jamfa over the grain, some of which clung to the edge thereof, 


I 


) 
« 


480 RICE AND RICE CULTURE IN MADAGASCAR. 


These few grains they planted and tended carefully ; when ripe this was 
about sufficient to fill two hands; this again when sown, tended ad 
reaped yielded a great increase, and from this the rice spread over 
the whole island ;—so runs the story. Previous to this miraculous appeat- 
ance of rice, tradition says that the people lived on the Voavdhy, a 
species of climbing lentil. Another tradition is that a son of God came 
to the earth bringing with him one grain of rice; on finding a marsh in 
which there-was a spring of water, he called the people together. When 
they were assembled, he said, ‘‘Look well at this seed I am _ planting; | 
I have brought it that it may become your principal article of food. It | 
will grow and appear like grass ; watch well the changes it will undergo, 
and when you see that it has grains like this one, pluck it, remove the 
husks from some, and soak these in boiling water (from this the people 
Say they learned to cook rice in water); the remainder keep till this 
time of year returns. Then plant it as I have done, and when you reap 
it say, ‘This is rice, O God.” This they did, and the rice increased and 
became the staff of life to the inhabitants of a large portion of the 
island. ‘‘Madagascar rice is of undeniably good quality. That of 


--~ M\ Carolina comes from the same stock, seed having been taken from this 


country to Charleston in the year 1699.”* ‘The most important and 
general department of native agriculture,” writes Mr. Ellis, ‘‘is the growth 
of rice (Oryza sativa, L.), on which valuable grain the whole nation is 
Gependent. It is not therefore surprising that the people should devote 


‘(a large portion of their time to the culture and care of their rice-fields. 


These latter, in Imerina, are of two kinds: first the é/anzn-ke/sa or nurseries, 
in which the rice is first sown, and then those-to which it is afterwards 
transplanted, which are of much greater extent.” 

In the month of April the preparation of the vary aloha (first rice) 
nursery-grounds begins, while those of the rice called zaks-ambiaty are 
prepared in June. ‘The bursting of the buds of the Ambraty” (Vernonia 
appendiculata), says Mr. Ellis, ‘‘which generally takes place in September, 
is a sign for preparing the seed-rice for sowing.” If the ground for 
sowing this be covered with water, it has to be drained, and the work of 
clearing is difficult, because if allowed water enough vegetation here is 
luxuriant. The Malagasy have a proverb in connection with this 
difficulty: ‘‘Asa vadt-drano, ka tsy vita tsy tfanakonana,” i.e., ‘Working 
in the rice-fields, where there is water, cannot well be done alone.”, When 
well drained, men dig up the ground with the native spade, a long and 
narrow-bladed implement with long and heavy handle, driven in not by 
the foot, but by its own weight; andthe clods are not piled up, as is 
done in some cases, as we shall see, but are broken and mixed with 
manure, again worked with the spade, and then levelled for the reception 
of the grain. The sced-rice is now prepared for sowing. This is 
sometimes donc by sewing it into a basket or sack, then soaking it in 
water for three days, after which the water is drained from it, and the 
basket or sack is put into a pit and covered over with grass till the seeds 
begin to sprout, when they are deemed ready for sowing. Great care 
is taken to cast the seed evenly over the field. When only about a 
handful of seed is left in the basket, the sower ceases his work, takes 





* Sec ViceeConsul Pickersgill’s Report; ANNUAL X,, p. 281. 


RICE AND RICE CULTURE IN MADAGASCAR. 48:1 





Emme remainder home, and places it in the north-east corner of the housé 
at is, the sacred corner, where the ancestor$ are invoked, and the 
tmeusehold or family charm is placed. Whilst carrying this he may not 
Kwarn aside from the most direct way home for anything, of whatsoever 
&-wmportance. The reason given for this is, that if these few grains reach 
@he house safely, the harvest will be well gathered in from the seed sown. 
Sometimes the grain is sown in a dry state, an operation termed /a/y 
dd frana, when water has to be let into the field, and the grain is literally 
‘cast upon the waters,” and there it remains for a few days, so that it 
“may soak and germinate. When germination has commenced the water 
is drained off. The attention then given to the fields, whether sown 
‘with wet or dry grain, isthe same. Fine manure froma sheep-fold, or 
wood or grass ashes, is scattered over the newly sown rice; the field is 
allowed to remain dry for four or five days, then the water is again let 
in for a single day ; and this is repeated until the young shoots appear 
above or through cracks in the earth. These nursery-grounds are usually 
on the sides of hills, in a series of terraces down the valleys, at the head 
of which are springs; or they may be strips of ground near the banks 
of rivers, for the sake of the water, for when the blade appears above 
the ground it grows in water. The young plants of the vary aloha 
are ready for transplanting in about four months, while those of the 
later rice are ready in three months—the latter being sown in the 
warmer season causes the difference in the rapidity of its growth— 
during which time great care and attention is given to them. 
Meanwhile, the larger fields, or rice-fields proper, are made ready for 
their reception. First any necessary repairs must be. made to the 
small elevated earthen divisions, ridges, or banks, which are about six 
or nine inches wide, and the top raised six eight or ten inches above 
the field. ‘These low banks serve several purposes: to keep in the 
water or liquid manure, to define each field, while they also forma 
footpath for workers in the fields, or for those whose path may 
lead across the otherwise inundated plain. Then a small channel is 
cut along the side of these banks for the leading of water on or off the 
fields. The fields themselves are dug up in lines from end to end, the 
lines varying in distance apart from three feet to ten feet; the earth 
dug is about a span in breadth and is piled up inclods, like turfs or peat; 
on the untilled part, that they may be well dricd and so easily broken. 
It is also said that the action of the air upon the clods thus piled up 
improves the soil. When dry the clods are slightly broken. up and 
mixed with manure, and allowed to remain thus for about a month; 
when water is let in, and the whole is worked up together. As Mr. 
Sibree says, ‘‘oxen are very frequently employed to trample over the fields 
which have been already worked to some extent by the spade; anda 
score or so of poor beasts may be often seen driven about backwards 
and forwards in several inches’ depth of water, with loud shouts and 
objurgations and beating, until their hoofs have worked up the clods 
into a soft mud ready for the transplanting of the kefsa.” ‘Thus prepared, 
the field is ready for transplanting, which takes place in August, or 
in October or November, according to the kind of rice, the former or 
the latter crop. Great care is here required that the transplanting be 
not delayed, as should the fe/sa begin to send forth new shoots, .it is 


482 RICE AND RICE CULTURE IN MADAGASCAR. 


difficult to remove, and when transplanted will not come to perfection., 

Often have I watched with astonishment the rapidity and dexterity of 
the mpané/sa or transplanters. They root up the young plants with the 
left hand, pass them into the right two or three times a second, and 
when the latter is filled, tie them with a kind of rush called Rindra, ot 
with the rice itself. Hence the Malagasy say, ‘‘Mamingo-téna héatra xy 
ketsa,” i.e., ‘“Entangling or tying one’s-self up, like young rice.” These 
bundles are carried on the head by women or children to the larger 
rice-fields prepared forthem. But in planting out these, their skill is 
marvellous; the rice-plants are-held in the left hand and planted with 
the right thumb and forefinger at the rate of two or three in a second! 
If the soil be very good only one plant at a time is put into the 
ground; if not so good, two, and sometimes three, or even four, 
according to the richness or otherwise of the soil, which at this stage 
is like soft mud. The wife of the owner of the field stands near the 
workers calling out, ‘‘Afatetéha, matetétha! tompokovavy e! Aza manéts 
vary mahdlana /” encouraging them to put the plants in closely, some- 
times only two or three inches being left between each one. The diggers 
and sowers receive from two-thirds of fourpence to fourpence per day; 
the planters from one-third to one-half of fourpence per day, as wages. 
After being transplanted the rice-field is frequently visited, lest it should 
not be presenting ‘“‘that soft yet brilliant green, which, when the wind 
rushes over the rice-fields, looks like a billowy ocean, and when the 
air is still and the sky cloudy, like something solid, on which we could 
walk for miles.” In about six weeks the weeding commences ; but 
weeds are not the only enemies to be watched, but insects, blight, mildew, 
and inundation, for the destructive effects of all these have to be 
looked out for and guarded against. . 

At one stage of growth, when the ear is beginning to ripen and 
droop its head, it is said to ‘mdmpandainga 2zdza,’ i.e., ‘cause the 
children to lie,’ or to deceive their parents. They go to look at then 
rice, and seeing the ears drooping in the golden sunlight, believe it tc 
be ripe, and return shouting, “Our rice is ripe, mother!” But in the 
sunlight it is difficult for anyone to tell whether it be ripe or not, % 
the Malagasy say; you must go in the early morning, or just as the 
sun is setting, so as to be sure about it. A kind of rice called 7émbok 
is planted on hill sides or dry land, the planting of which around Anta 
niména and other places near the Capital has greatly increased during 
the last two years. Not until August do the people till these fields, 
and then much the same mode of preparation is followed: the clods 
are broken by a club or mallet; the grass is removed with a pointed 
stake ; a small hole is made with a knife; and three grains are then 
dropped into each hole. The people say that the rice grown in this 
manner is equally productive with that grown in the ‘wet’ fashion. 

It is the work of the men to reap the rice when ripe; and this they 
do with the native knife with notches along its blade. The reaper holds 
the rice in the left hand, and cuts it down with the right; and it is 
then laid on the stubble to complete the ripening of the ears. The 
ears of two handfuls are put on the straw of that previously cut, and 
arc placed in long rows, so as to keep the grain from the mud and wet. 
Women and children bind up the handfuls into sheaves, and when 


RICE AND RICE CULTURE IN MADAGASCAR, 483 





dry take them to the threshing-floor. Around this the sheaves rémainj 
piled up all around it like a breastwork, till early morning, when the 
“threshing begins. This operation, as well as the threshing-floor 
itself, is most simple. In many villages the threshing-floor, or /famoléa- 
wa, is public property, and so is used by all the inhabitants. It is an 
open space, usually circular, from which the grass has been cleared, so 
as to form a hard clean surface, with a stone of about two feet 
in height fixed in the centre. Upon this stone two or three men each 
beat a sheaf at a time, and the ripe rice is thus separated from the straw. 
It is then winnowed by the women ona rush mat, which they put into 
a position so as to catch the wind, and then pass the grain through 
both hands, so that the wind may carry away the chaff. The grain is 
again dried and then measured, previous to being conveyed to the 
house or the rice-pit. | 
‘‘The pounding of the rice for the use of a Malagasy household 
is the work of the women—the female slaves in rich families, and 
the wives or daughters of poorer people—and it is probably the 
hardest work they have to do. A wooden mortar or /aona, about a 
foot deep and six inches across, with a level square surface around the 
circular opening, is employed, and in this the unhusked rice is stripped 
of its husk by pounding with a wooden pestle or /fandfo. It is then 
‘red rice,’ and is the ordinary food of the poorer people, and is probably a. 
more wholesome food in this state, just as brown bread of ‘whole 
meal flour is more nutritious than perfectly white bread. A further. 
pounding divests the grain of its red skin, and it is then beautifully 
white rice or vary fo/sy. Sometimes two, three, or four girls will pound 
together at one mortar, delivering their blows in perfect time and making 
light work of their task. Rice is cooked ina wide earthen pot with a 
cover, and when properly done should be soft, but with each grain pere 
fectly separate. It is eaten with wooden or horn spoons; and the /aoka 
or relish may consist of vegetables, shrimps, fish, meat, or gravy, accord- 
ing to the means and taste of the family.” ‘A bushel of rice,” says Mr. 
Ellis, ‘when the ground is prepared in an inferior manner, without drying 
the earth in the transplanting ground, will on an average produce fifty. 
bushels. If the clods are well dried, it will produce seventy ; and if the 
ground is particularly well done and manured, it is no uncommon thing 
to take home onc hundred bushels for the bushel sown.” When any of 
the natives chance to have their rice ripe before that of the majority of 
their neighbours, they reap it, take twelve small sheaves and present 
them to the sovereign, saying, ‘‘We offer the first-fruits of your land 
worked by your subjects.” The sovereign accepts the offering with 
thanks, and in return gives a piece of beef, one dollar, and three spades, 
the latter to be used in tilling the ground. Captain Oliver says: ‘The 
Hova and Bétsiléo preserve the rice under ground, keeping it in circular 
excavations, five or six feet in diameter, and seven or eight fect deep. 
The form of these rice-pits greatly resembles a beehive. The sides are 
lined with stiff clay from the floor, also of hard clay, to the summit, 
where a small aperture is left, which is usually covered with a stone. 
Through the aperture the grain is poured when brought from the field, 
and through the same the quantity required for use is obtained. These 
subterranean granaries are constructed with great care, and rice is often 


484 RICE AND RICE CULTURE IN MADAGASCAR. 


kept in them for a long time, apparently without being in the leas 
degree injured. Some of the tribes construct their granaries or Jfasg- 
rina above ground, and make them resemble in shape those already 
described ; they are conical or formed like a beehive, and often rise 
fifteen or sixteen feet above the ground.* The walls are thick, and 
are of clay carefully wrought and impervious to wet. No opening 
is formed in the sides, and only one small aperture left at the 
top closed with a stone. By means of a pole, with notches cut in 
it so as to form a ladder, the top aperture is reached. The Sihd- 
naka, Bétsimisdraka, and Bezdnozano preserve their rice in wooden 
storehouses, raised six or seven feet above the ground on large wooden 
posts, which are furnished with smoothly polished projections to 
prevent the ascent of rats.” f . 

The following table shows the different seasons for sowing, transplant- 
ing, etc., the two main crops of rice :— 


Vary aloha, or Former Rice. Vakit-ambiaty, or Latter Rice. 


Sown in May, Sown in August and September. 
Transplanted in September, Transplanted in November. 
Weeded in November, Weeded in January. 

Ripe in February, Ripe in April. 


The Sakalava plant three kinds of rice, called respectively Ovrdé, Elaira 
and Ménakédly. The peculiarity of the Ovibe is, that whether planted early 
or late, it always ripens at the same time. The kind called Zia/ra has 
two husks, and the /édy or Cardinal-bird, a species of Weaver-finch, 
which eats large quantities of the ordinary rice, never touches it, and it 
looks like chaff. The kind called Menakely also has two husks, and 
these only are red, the grain itself being exceedingly white, though only 
about two-thirds of the size of the Réjo, or largest grained rice grown in 
Imerina. There is but a slight difference in the preparation of the rice- 
fields of the Sakalava as compared with those of the interior tribes; they 
do not use manure, and their young rice-plants, when transplanted from 
their nursery-grounds, are put into the ground plant by plant, at a 
distance of from twelve to sixteen inches apart. When gathering in 
their harvest, they employ oxen to trample out the corn on their thresh- 
ing-floors, which are to be found near every tract of rice-fields. 

The Betsimisaraka grow some of their rice on high ground, in pre- 
paring the soil for which they cut down the forest and burn what timber 
is not carried away ; at times these clearings are a mile in length. The 
seed-rice is then planted among the ashes, in the same way that beans 
and maize are planted, three or four seeds in one hole. ‘Watered by 
the heavy periodical rains,” says Mr. Ellis, ‘‘these generally yield as rich 
a harvest as that planted in the lowlands. The latter kind is called 
Horaka* the former Zevy. There is no difference in the appearance of 
the grain, and the same price is obtained for both kinds in the market.” 
They also plant two other kinds of rice, Haoka and Ampétika, the former 


* Such granaries may be seen in Imérina also, in valleys and plains, where the damp 
would injure the grain if stored under ground.—ED. 

t These clovated granaries are called ¢rano ambo, and are very neatly made and finished, 
yesembling dwelling-houses in every othcr respect. Captain Oliver is, I think, mistaken is 


saying that the Sihanaka make such granarics, Their rice is stacked in the rice-fields fora 
considcrable time.—Ep. 


RICE AND RICE. CULTURE IN MADAGASCAR. 485 


<on the hill slopes, the latter in the valleys, as in Imerina. They are 
e«=areless in reaping their crops when ripe; the reaper takes a small 
%basket in his left hand, and with his right cuts the ears off into it, so 
‘that much of the grain is lost. It isthen put into the storehouses and 
‘tthreshed and winnowed when required for use. 

The Rev. J. Sibree says, ‘“The Hova are very ingenious in rice culture, 
‘but they are far surpassed by the Betsileo in the southern central pro- 
vinces. Not only are the valleys and hollows terraced, as in Imerina—the 
concave portions of the low hills, and the lower slopes of the high hills— 
but the convex portions also are stepped up like a gigantic staircase. 
These works display not only industry, but also some knowledge of 
-hydrostatics, for I could not discover how the water was brought to some 

of the low hills which were surrounded by lower ground. Many of 
these were terraced up to their highest point, the lines of rice-field 
running round them in concentric circles, so that there was not a 
square yard of ground unproductive. Perhaps the most beautiful and 
wonderful display of these rice-terraces is to be seen in the deep valleys 
near Zoma Nandihizana, about a day’s journey south of Ambositra. In 
some of these I counted more than ninety terraces, forming vast green 
staircases right up to the top of the hills.” 

The Betsileo, however, eat less rice, and more manioc, sweet-potatoes, 
maize, and beans than do the Hova. Their improvident use of their rice 
when just reaped may possibly account for this, for when the harvest is 
just gathered in they will sell for sixpence the measure of rice which 
six months afterwards sclls for a dollar and even more. In Imerina 
the Hova eat gravy, meat, or vegetables with their rice; but the Betsileo 
eat the rice by itself, and then any relish they may chance to have. On 
the east side of some of their houses may be seen a small rush basket, 
into which, before every meal, some rice from the centre of the cooking 
pot is placed, so that the spirits of their ancestors may be also fed! 

The Sihanaka use their oxen for the trampling of the soil to prepare 
it for planting. Water is first let into the fields, then as many as four 
hundred or even five hundred oxen are turned into the field at one time. | 
This trampling by the oxen for three days is all the preparation the © 
ground receives, as it is so rich and productive. The seed too is sown 
very sparingly on this account. In some oftheir swamps they burn the 
sedges when dry, and in their ashes sow the seed-rice ; then they turn in 
the oxen to trample it down, so that the birds or rats may not steal the 
grain. These fields are called aiafo. Very little attention is given to the 
culture of their crops, indeed they rarely take the trouble to weed them 
at all. They reap the crop in a like careless manner. They cut it with 
the native knife certainly, but it lies as it falls-till a great deal is cut, 
when they make it up into immense sheaves. When these are dry they 
clear the grass from around and thresh it with a stick as it lies. Some, 
however, do put a mat under the sheaf as it is threshed, but even then so 
much is scattered that a gleaner may get from one sheaf enough rice 
to provide food sufficient for one person for a week. 

As Mr. Sibree says: Rice is the staff of life to the majority of the 
Malagasy tribes, and ‘to eat rice’ (mhinam-bary’) is their equivalent to our 
phrase ‘to have food,’ or ‘to have a meal,’ and to the Eastern and Biblical 
expression ‘to eat bread.’ Most Malagasy indecd think little of a meal 


486 RICE AND RICE CULTURE IN MADAGASCAR. 





in which rice does not form the principal dish, the pzéce de resistana. 
In their opinion it is rice which does emphatically mdhavoky, ‘make 
full,’ and it is astonishing what large quantities of it a Malagasy will 
consume. 

Intimately connected then as rice is with their daily life and a large | 
part of their occupations, it is not strange that it becomes a kind of , 
standard in various ways to the people. Thus, the smallest unit of money 
is a plump or well-grown grain of rice or vari-irat-venly, ten of such } 
forming an éranambatry (another seed, by the way), which is a ninth part 
of a sixpence and the seventy-second part of a dollar. Then again, one 
vary (rice) is also a standard measure, first for rice, and then as a dry 
measure generally ; one such vary being about three bushels. — 

Rice also affords a number of figures and comparisons and proverbial | 
phrases. For instance, a penurious or niggardly person is not said ‘to 
split hairs,’ but, ‘to split grains of rice’ (mamaky akoiry). ‘Rice with milk’ 
(vary aman-dronono) is a figure for something good to begin with, and 
other good things added to it, a superfluity of good ; and so again with the 
phrase ‘rice moistened with honey’ (vary sondrahan-lantely) ; while ‘rice 
cooked with herbs’ (vary a@man-dnana) is a figure for an intermingling of 
thoughts ; and ‘rice scattered’ or ‘spilled’ (vary raraka) is used to describe 
a speech with no definite plan or divisions.’ Again, ‘cold rice’ (vary man- 
gatsiaka) is used of work unfinished to day, so left until the morrow; 
and ‘rice falling down’ (mivarilavo) is a figure for one in deep dejection | 
and sorrow. And again, ‘rice and water’ (vary aman-drano) is a common 
figure for things that are inseparable: for rice is made to sprout, before 
sowing, with water; it is sown on water; it grows first in water; it is 
transplanted in water; it comes to perfection and is reaped still standing 
in water; it is very frequently carried to the threshing-floor in small | 
canoes in the narrow water channels along the banks; it is cooked 
in water; and it is eaten with rice-water as the chief beverage; the 
appropriateness of the figure is therefore very evident. | 

Rice-pits, or /a@va-bary, it may be mentioned, were formerly sometimes 
used as places of punishment. For certain offences people used to be 
placed in one of these pits, which was partially filled with earth, and then 
boiling water was poured over them so as to cause death. In the times 
of persecution rice-pits sometimes also formed places of refuge and 
concealment, and occasionally of worship, for the Christian people. 

In conclusion, it may be said that rice and its various methods 
of culture was doubtless brought by the Malagasy from their original 
home in the Eastern Archipelago. The rice-fields of Baly, Celebes, 
and other Malayan islands seem to exactly resemble those here 
in Madagascar, as may be scen in Mr. A.R. Wallace’s descrip- 
tions in his Malay Archipelago. ‘The Malagasy vary is doubtless the 
Javanese part, and their /evy is the Malayan /ebas. No less than fifty 
separate names are employed for the different varieties of rice known to 
the people ; many of these are doubtless only different provincial words 
for the same thing, but their existence shows the Malagasy power of 
discriminating the various kinds of their chief and most prized article of 
food, and how for many centuries its culture has occupied the minds 
and thoughts of the people. | 

| CLARA HERBERT. 


THE ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL. 489 





MADAGASCAR RICE-FIELDS 
IN THEIR ARTISTIC AND PICTURESQUE ASPECTS. 


W hed the last twelvemonth a paper describing the Rice-fields of 

the Malagasy and rice culture has appeared in the Leisure Hour 
(Dec. 1887, pp. 842—844), going in many points over the same ground 
as that taken up by Miss Herbert in the preceding paper. As a pendant 
to that account, the following paragraphs, treating of the picturesque aspects 
of Madagascar rice-fields and rice culture, may be appropriately added in 
this place. 

Speaking of the rice as it first appears in the famzn-étsa or nursery-grounds, 
the writer says :— 

‘‘At this time, when the rice is literally growing om the water, if you are 
out in the sunshine you may see a wonderful sight—the picture of a great 
green mist, set with diamonds, for the sun lights up every drop of water, until 
you are dazzled with its shining and fain to look away. At sunset too, the 
water takes the flaming reds and yellows from the sky (and the sky at sunset 
here zs worth looking at and remembering), and is a gorgeous spectacle. But 
do not go past the rice-fields when the moon rises, 1f you are nervous and 
alone, for then they look terrible, the pale-green of the young rice seeming 
to make the moonlight on the water even more ghastly and fearsome, while 
there is utter silence as regards mankind; for your Malagasy, rich and poor, 
disappears by eight o’clock, and the only sounds are the stifled croakings of 
the frogs, the eerie whirr of the grasshopper, and the swish of the water-rat 
as he makes a dash for his supper.’’ 

‘After the transplanting is finished, then is the time to wax enthusiastic 
over the landscape. Such a sea of vivid green, without the sea, for the water 
lies below, and none is to be seen! Sucha green! I know not what to liken 
it to! A soft, yet brilliant colour, which, when the wind rushes over the rice- 
fields, looks like a billowy ocean. When the sun is shining, then look up 
some narrow valley that stretches and gradually widens until it is lost in a 
great plain, which, spreading, scems to cover the land. Look at its wealth 
of green, like a great flame of green, or one immense flashing emerald !’’ 

‘‘The great contrast between these green valleys and plains and the mighty 
hills around—some rose-colour, some bleak and grey, some dark and frowning 
—is very wonderful and simply indescribable. ow, when I write, the rice is 
just losing that vivid colouring, for it is beginning to ear; but what it loses 
in colour it makes up in height and grace. If one must compare it with any- 
thing in England, one would be reminded of a wild grass which waves in the 
wind in some English meadows, and which, when plucked and shaken, sheds 
its seeds.’’ 

‘‘Surely the words, ‘Cast thy bread upon the waters, and thou shalt find it 
after many days,’ must have referred to #ce, which was bread to the people, 
and is really sown oz the waters, and ‘after many days’ appears to view. 

‘‘Something I saw one day would be a good foundation for a picture; and 
if painted by an R.A., would at least have the recommendation of novelty, on 
the walls of the Royal Academy. It was a glorious afternoon, the sun just at 
its hottest, when, as I was riding along, I saw a Malagasy, clad in a shirt 
of dark indigo-blue cotton, standing on a red-brown mud ridge. All round 
him lay water, looking more like diamonds than that common fluid, with the 
sun looking full at it. Behind the water, and wrapping it round as it were, 
rose ‘the everlasting hills’ of every shade—of rose-pink and pearl-grey, and, 
seeming to touch it with their gleaming peaks, the still more gleaming blue 
of the sky—a sky one never sees in England, but often im Italy. I can only 


488 MADAGASCAR RICE-FIELDS. 





describe it as ita peared to me that brilliant afternoon, and then the blue 
looked aZ:ve. with tht and colour. 

‘‘The man had in one hand a native straw basket, made of a sort of rush 
which grows here; and with his other hand he constantly took out handfuls 
of rice, and flung the seeds up in the air, so that they scattered themselves 
in falling all over the water. From where I was, every seed looked like a 

ellow bit of gold, as it was flung up, with the blue sky for a background; as 
it fell, with the colours of the hills and the dark colour of the man’s dress, to 
make it look still sore golden; and lastly, as it splashed lightly, and sank 
into the sheet of water. 

‘‘The man was ‘the sower going forth to sow,’ and he was sowing ‘in faith, 
nothing wavering,’ that ‘after many days,’ the seed would have ‘a glorious 
resurrection.’ ’’ 

Let me add, in conclusion, that the above descriptions of Malagasy rice- 
fields are taken from those which are part of or are connected with the great 
plain of Bétsimitatatra, which stretches for many miles to the south, west and 
north of Antananarivo. This is certainly one of the most magnificent rice- 
fields in the world, and extends over many thousand acres, occupying the 
valleys, or, rather the plains, of the river Iképa and its numerous tributaries. 
It is as flat as a bowling-green, with but a few inches’ difference in level as 
the plain imperceptibly descends from south-east to north-west. Doubtless 
it formed at no very remote epoch an extensive lake, with innumerable bays 
and gulfs; and from its blue waters the numerous hills of bright red earth 
rose then like islands, as they still do from the green sea of growing rice in 
December and January. The large population of the Capital and its neigh- 
bourhood, and the presence of the hundreds of villages in the centre of Imé- 
rina, is entirely due to this fertile plain, which is often termed ‘The Rice-field 
of the Capital’ and ‘The Rice-store of Antananarivo.’ The writer of the fore- 
going has hardly exaggerated the brilliance of colouring to be often seen in 
Betsimitatatra. But it is at sunset that this plain is seen to most advantage. 
Then the western sky is often gorgeous with floods of molten gold and crimson ; 
while, as one turns to the east, the red clay of the hills increases in brilliance 
every moment, as the sun nears the horizon; the long lines of earthen walls 
facing the west glow in vivid vermilion ; and all shades of purple glorify the 
distant hills with a variety of tints which are seldom or never seen under our 
English skies. Truly, clouds and sky, mountain and hill and plain, are often 
beheld by us in this inland Imerina with a wealth of colour and a glory of light 
which is one of our chief intellectual enjoyments, and which is ever changing 
and ever new !—J.S. (ED.) 


REVISION OF NORTH-WEST PLACE-NAMES: 
| SOME CURIOSITIES OF TOPOGRAPHICAL NOMENCLATURE. 


NE of the most interesting products of human ingenuity is a bad 
map, especially one that is archaically bad. Full-rigged ships on 
impossible seas, and pictorial savages reckless of latitude, are much more 
pleasing objects to the eye than correctly outlined mountains and a 
prosaic assemblage of names. Even a faithfully unimaginative chart, 
with great bare spaces of confessed ignorance upon it, has advantages 
over the Ordnance geography which knows everything. The mystery of 
yntrodden lands allures us long before they are uplifted within ou 


ae gp Wee so - 


REVISION OF NORTH-WEST PLACE-NAMES. 489 


horizon. Such mystery human nature can ill afford to part with; and 
yet, day by day, it dwindles from the earth like a morning mist. A rest- 
less generation is running broad highways in every direction through the 
ancestral woods, where our children with sigh for adventure and find 
nothing left unexplored. Not even Madagascar has escaped the general 
disillusioning. No novelist locates his King Solomon’s Mines in an island 
he very heart of which has been dissected for the world’s information. 

But the imaginative element is hard to get rid of. It survives revision 
ind correction with wonderful persistency, and in a map that is other- 
wise accurate, changes its effect and becomes irritating; like the pheno- 
nenal finger-nail which survives the morning bath and civilized wristbands 
of a modern Hova dandy. What, for instance, could be more incon- 
gruous than ‘Little Keftlebottom’ and ‘Great Kettleboltom,’ as the names 
of hills in a country where kettles are always called coffee-pots? The 
imagination in this case was supplied, no doubt, by some happy-go-lucky 
sub-lieutenant in the British Navy, as he settled himself down to a 
supper of tinned soup and sardines after a hard day’s work of surveying. 
Nourished upon quickening aliments of that kind, the fancies of sub- 
lieutenants are sometimes exceedingly vivid. There was a youth so 
ranked, on the very same coast where the Xeééslebotloms lie, who, being 
left in charge of H.M.S. Pineapple during the middle watch, with orders 
to take deep-sea soundings at a certain hour, and to summon the cap- 
tain if a bottom were found, came rushing down to his slumbering chief 
with the startling announcement of, “Three feet o’ water under the 
bows, sir!” The captain flew on deck in pyjamas and wildest haste, but 
the big corvette sailed on unheeding, and the discovery was never chart- 
ed. What cooking utensil its Columbus intended to liken it to, he 
alone knows. A listening guest, who occupied the captain’s spare cot 
that night, thought a very good name would have been Frying Pan, or, 
the Shoal of Blasphemous Language. 

Any name would do for a submarine height discovered at one o’clock 
in the morning by letting down a patent sounding-apparatus with the 
line rove on at the wrong end; but it is nothing less than a breach of 
good manners for a stranger to dub the features of an inhabited country 
with foreign appellations. They that go down to the sea in ships have 
no business on the great waters to post up their names on other people’s 
premises. If a voyager find an island unoccupied, let him call it what 
he pleases ; or if he jump a claim on behalf of his nation, let him not 
then stop at trifles, for ousted tenants think little of their sign-boards. 
But if he be simply a visitor, let him behave as such, and adapt his 
geography to the language of the country as faithfully as he does to its 
conformation. His work will then be certain to meet with universal 
respect : it will never bewilder the native school-children at their lessons, 
or provoke the souls of travellers who may wish to carry it on to com- 
pletion. 

It was in this irreproachable spirit that an amateur geographer, during 
a journey made in the year 1881 round the northern end of Madagascar, 
took note-book and pencil and made an effort to eliminate all eééle- 
bottoms. The results of his self-imposed task have lately been made use 
of in a new issue of Admiralty Charts, and it may not be uninstructive to 
relate how some of those results were obtained. 


490. REVISION OF NORTH-WEST PLACE-NAMES: Tu 


He very soon found that the answers received to inquiries made of] 
intelligent natives often need to be as carefully triangulated as the linea- 
ments of the country they are intended to designate. The note-book ¢ 
was produced one day at a conference with a Hova governor and several 
members of his staff, there being present also an aboriginal Sakalin ¢ 

or two. 

“What is the name of that conspicuous mountain over yonder? 
asked the collector of information. 

‘‘Barrahoodaka,” replied the Governor. 

‘*How do you spell it?” 

‘“‘Ba ra hoda ka,” explained an official scribe, proud of his clerkly | 
acquirements. 

‘Looks Malagasy, at any rate,” thought the inquirer, as he jotted | 
down the syllables. 

“That is what you call it?” he then remarked interrogatively to a 
Sakalava who squatted near, with his hair done up in an aureola of dan- 
gling plaits. 

‘‘Yes, Barrahooda,” was the answer. i 

‘‘Oh, it is without the 4a, is it? Well, a ka more or less makes no 
difference. We'll put it down both with and without,” 

It was not convenient to investigate further just then, but the Sakalava’s 
answer had a touch of hesitation about it, and he was made a note of for 
stricter examination. 

“Now, tell me,’ said his inquisitor, shortly afterwards, in the seclusion | 
of private quarters, what that mountain is really called ?” 

“The Governor gave you the name: it is Barrahooda; the Hova say 
Barrahoodaka.” 

‘Very well, but what makes it Barahoda? There is a place called 
Baramahamay a few miles away, has it anything to do with that ?” 

“It is only a name ; people call it so,” was the stupid reply. 

“Exactly, but why : ” 

‘‘Because there is abundance of rahdda there.” 

‘And what is rahoda ?” 

“A plant.”* 

“Then it is really neither Barahodaka nor Barahoda, but Bérahida— 
‘much rahoda’ ?” 

“Oh ! now you have it,’ said the aboriginal, and he smiled in the 
midst of his bob-tail chevelure with that beam of ready intelligence which 
is said to be a sure sign of trustworthiness in an interrogated rustic. 

Another ray of light flashed in among the notes with greater unexpec- 
tedness. The journey was being varied by a cruise to Nosy Mitsio. On 
approaching the island from the east, the enemy of Kefélebottoms and his 
companion found themselves at a loss where to land. Running their 
boat into the first hospitable-looking cove that came in view, they hailed 
a native of the place, who waded out to the craft and clambered in. 
He was a tall Tankarana, bareheaded and of an easily-entreated aspect, 
which was not belied when he at once undertook to act as pilot. 

“But why cannot we go round the island and land, without further 
trouble, where you say the King’s house is ?” he was asked. 


~® Rahéda and Rahédaka are buth given in the Dictionary as names of a variety of swcet- 
potato.—ED. 


| es em tt 








*2/RIOSITIES OF TOPOGRAPHICAL NOMENCLATURE. 49, 








**7sy hisy orro,” was the answer. 7 

“‘Now what in the world is orro?”’ inquired the travellers of each 
ther. ‘It cannot be a floating pier, or a graving-dock, and it is not 
ikely to turn out a mammoth hotel.” Orro, orro, orro! they took the 
rord to bed with them and rolled the 77s of it up the slopes of dream- 
and like Sisyphus and his boulder. Next morning the query was 
‘mswered by nature to their eyesight. Proceeding across the island 
»n foot, they topped its diminutive watershed, and there below, to the 
west, beheld a shelterless stretch of surf-beaten beach. ‘‘Zsy Aisy orro,” 
mdeed: no orro, no oro, no érona, NO Mose, NO nasus, NO nase, NO ness. 

It then immediately became plain that the charts could not be correct 
in naming the extremity of the Mojanga promontory Amérombdto—‘At- 
the-edge-of-the-rocks’—although the orthography of the word had 
evidently been furnished by some person conversant with the Malagasy 
Nanguage. Asa headland of crags, the place is simply Rockness, i.e. 
An-orombalo. 

Améronisanga too was shown to be a Hova corruption, and now rightly 
appears as Anorontsanga ; although the exact derivation of the latter part 
of the name was not ascertained. Future inquirers in that direction 
should remember that the original site of the town, founded of course by 
the Sakalava, was near the mouth of one of the creeks which open on 
the bays to the south. 

These bays, three in number, are not to be crossed without an obsers 

vation. They appear to be the only places upon which native names 
have been bestowed without reference to local usage. Whoever it was 
that conceived the idea of calling the triad ‘Radama’, ‘Ramantto’ and 
‘Rafala,’ he certainly had a soul above kitchen furniture, and, moreover, 
knew something of Malagasy history, for it was from one of these bays 
that Ramanétaka, brotherof King Radama, started in chase of the Sakalava 
who massacred the first Hova garrison of Marovoay. Had the spelling 
of the geographer been equal to his sense of the fitness of things, ‘Ra- 
Jala’ would probably have been written Ra/fdralahy. 

That the names were given by a foreigner is inferred from the fact 
that the natives never use them. Indeed, neither the Sakalava abori- 
gines nor the Hova colonists appear to think that a bay requires any 
special designation, Amdldavatoby being an exception which helps to prove 
the rule. 

The Hova is a landsman. When he first came to Madagascar, he at 
once contrived to get as far away from the sea as possible, and there he 
still remains, sticking to the hills of the interior as lichen does to their 
eternal granite. He can tell you the name of every blade and leaf that 
grows in precious Imérina, but his language knows nothing of his ocean 
gateways. Neither bay, nor gulf, nor estuary, nor frith, nor loch, nor 
channel, nor sound, has any equivalent in his mother vocabulary. More’s 
the pity, for the sea would afford him an inspiriting vision of his magni- 
ficent inheritance such as he can never even dream of on his mountain 
homestead. 

The Sakalava, on the other hand, loves to be near the sea. But his 
only vessel is a frail canoe, and although he can ride the waves with a 
bold enough heart, he is merely a navigator of creeks and inlets, and 
steps ashore to eat and sleep. Bays are named by those to whom they 


a ae 


—, 
~- ~yga___ REVISION OF NORTH-WEST PLACE-NAMES: 


te 
ce 
ESE 








are havens, by mariners who drop their anchors in them and lie at rest 
in welcome security, environed by the steadfast land. 

But if the bays of Madagascar have been left by the natives to gape on 
the world as river-mouths only, such a fate seems more endurable than { 
that which has befallen the great harbour of Mojanga. Fancy the J 
noblest anchorage in the island being introduced to all the white-sailed [7 
coquettes who come in from the ocean as ‘Bembasooka,’ whilst an impe- , - 
rious river is sweeping through the bay with a title above reproach ! 

‘Above reproach !”’ exclaims the mystified stranger; ‘‘ ‘Be/sy Bokka’ ist 
not much of a name to boast of, surely !” 

‘‘Ah! my good foreigner, your ears are untrained. It is not Bety | 


- 


anything, but a resonant indigenous compound, expressive of excellent } 
things ina river.” 

The country through which this chief of the streams of Madagascar 
flows is not devoid of other supplies of water. There are ponds and {- 
swamps near most of the villages, but water obtained from such sourcesis 
generally insipid, however satisfactory it may be in appearance. The na- 
tives call it ‘dooka,’ as they likewise do water that is brackish. The river, on 
the contrary, is /sy boka—‘not doka.’ But in addition to sweetness, it has { 
also strength. As it rolls out seaward with the ebbing tide, it cleaves a 
brown channel through the waters of the harbour, and floods upon the 
offing so overwhelmingly that the Sakalava fisherman, rocking there in 
his outrigger, may quench his thirst a mile from the shore; and thus it 
establishes its greatness beyond dispute and becomes in truth the &- 
tsiboka. 

And what of the harbour? How came it by the mongrel name it 
bears? Well, Bembatooka seems to be a relic of the pre-KXettlebotiom 
period. In those cays there vere certain old sea-doga of Salem in M 
sachusetts, who used to visit Madagascar during their voyages to rabia 
and the East Coast of Africa. They were the pioneers of the present 
American agencies in Tamatave and Mojanga. The last-named place, 
however, had not then come into existence. Vessels making usc of the 
harbour were accustomed to beat up into the inner bay and anchor 
within the point now named Améédantho. Close by there was a Sakalava 
hamlet known as Fombitéka (say Foombetooka), on account of a solitary 
Fomby, or Rofia, palm which grew in the neighbourhood, and which pro- 
bably served as a landmark. Fombitoka, therefore, was heard of by the 
skippers of Cape Cod. But these were not the men to be purists in 
respect of a Sakalava place-name. Supposition has it that one of them, 
spending an idle day with his charts as he was bowling steadily home 
across the Atlantic, tried to recollect what the Lone Palm village in Ma- 
dagascar was called, but could not. Whereupon he inquired of the mate, 
a person profuse in tobacco-juice and profanity, who was not more ready 
in the matter than his boss, but who calculated that the carpenter might 
be able to name the God-forsaken hole, perhaps. So they summoned to 
the cuddy one Mr. Chips, who, being a funny man, had remembered the 
fooka, and from that took a shot at the rest, and down went Bembatsovka 
in capitals. 

Whether supposition be correct or not, it is certain that map-makers 
have followed some such lead for half a century or more. Occasionally 
they follow their own devices, and then they deserve whatever fate may 





ee 


* @URIOSITIES OF TOPOGRAPHICAL NOMENCLATURE. 493 


*"%efall them. On the new Admiralty Charts already mentioned there are 


no less than fifty place-names of north-west Madagascar, the spelling of 


~_ Which has been deliberately altered from the orthography given in pains- 


* taking corrections. Each of those names, as written by all educated 
-' Malagasy, ends in y,; and avery good ending it is too, flowing and 
~ appropriate like an equine tail. But the cartographers have docked it all 

along the coast. Wherefore their punishment shall be that some bare- 


_: degged, brown-skinned pupil in an elementary school will lift his shock 


— 


head from his studies and remark: ‘‘A/arina raha tsy adala tahaka anay 
Arany ny Vasaha !” 

You are right, my boy! but you shall be left uninterpreted, so that the 
.good people referred to may suppose you are saying something compli- 
mentary about them, just as they would about you if you published a 
rmap of Great Britain and Ireland embellished with such spelling-book 
<uriosities as Whrthi, Sheppet, Torquai, Merset, and Liffet. 

It is satisfactory to notice that for the most part the names have fared 

much better on the map which accompanies Captain Oliver's AZudugascar. 
But errors are plentiful even there. Here is one of them which evidently 
has a history. It looks as though correction had o’erleaped itsclf and 
fallen into something else. ‘Ampasimamarina,’ what are we to make of 
that ? In the list of additions furnished to the Hydrographical Depart- 
ment it appeared as Ampasimariny. Shorn of its proper terminal it be- 
came Ampasimarini, as it is now to be found on the Admiralty Charts. 
But Ampasimarini no doubt seemed to the reviser of Captain Oliver's 
map to be meaningless. By supposing the final ¢ to be a slip of the pen, 
and by a correcting itto @, he arrived at Ampasimdrina—‘At-the-level- 
sand.” What could be more likely as a seaside name? Nothing, cer- 
tainly; but all the same the natives persist.in saying Ampasimariny; and 
mariny happens to be a good Sakalava adjective meaning ‘near.’ The 
reduplicate ‘ma,’ of course, is merely a clerical error. 


> Having arrived safely at “The-sand-which-is-near,’ the wisest course 


would be to haul up quictly on the beach, even though we should there- 
by ignore the most interesting place-name in the country ; for how shall 
the critic escape confusion who strains at Bembatooka and Mojanga ? 
He can only plead that it was necessary to swallow something, and 
dMajunga was simply intolerable. His search for a derivation was long 
and far-extended. The Hova were as certain of Afjangd as a mother 
is of the name of her own child. But their attempts at explanation were 
merely random guesses. One intelligent member of the ubiquitous 
brotherhood of scribes thought he had read the riddle by suggesting 
the Sakalava word jdagu, which means ‘cured.’ /duga and janga, 
however, are as differcnt as accent can make them; and besides, Jfo- 
janga was never remarkable for curing anything, except hides, perhaps, 
for shipment to Salem of New England aforesaid. Thus Hova and 
Sakalava were both found wanting at once. 

As a last resource, the puzzle was submitted to an ancient of the 
Islamite community,—a little old man in sandals and long Arab robe, 
who shifted his betel-nut quid, summoned up his totally unnecessary 
interpreter’s English, and gave.the following historical explanation :— 

‘‘Ambéalambo he not first come here. Sakalava not first come cither. 
We Islam first come.” 


——3/ _ REVISION OF NORTH-WEST PLACE-NAMES. 











_“From where ?” interrupted the information hunter, on the scent 
an interesting ethnographical fact. 
“From Boina.” 
' “\Vhat Boina ? Boina away over the bay there °” 
“Ves: but Islam grandfather he born Lamoo. Come Boina in dhow 
make house; live quict; Sakalava friend. The Sakalava king he deg, 
All people shave heads. Sakalava devil want Islam shave beard toa, 
That no go. Islam go aboard, sail away, come here, Nobody li 
nobody at all. Plenty flower, beach full. Call him ‘angaza.’ I 
make town, call him ‘Afji-angara.’,. Amboalambo not know how speak, ® 
he say Jfo-ja-nga.” 
Shade of Great Kettlebottom ! be merciful, we have all said Mojanga! 


W. CLAYTON PICKERSGILL. 


ON CASE IN MALAGASY.* 


T has, as is well known, been very much the practice, in the treatment ». 
of grammars of the different European languages, to introduce}. 
form; and terms belonging to the Latin. ‘The principal reason for this§-- 
has no doubt been, that the terminology has been fixed in teachingt. 
Latin, and it has been felt difficult to find new terms. We have haf. 
for a very long time Norwegian grammars stating that we have fre} 
cases—all the Latin ones cxcept the ablative, just as is the case, I 
believe, in English grammars also. Now, as a matter of fact, the nouns }- 
have in Norwegian, just as in English, only two cases—the nominative, 
and the genitive or possessive, while the pronouns have three. . - 
In this misleading teaching there is no distinction made between what § . 
belongs to etymology and what to syntax. It is a matter of course thal 
the words in Latin have to serve in the same manner as in other lan- 
guages; and what the Latin syntax teaches us about the position of ,- 
words in a sentence we may expect to find again to some extent in the 
grammars of other languages also. But it is questionable whether the 
changes which the Latin words undergo are actually to be found in 
other languages. True it is that in all grammars we must have such 
terms as subject, predicate, object, etc. ; yet it must be settled, according 
to the character of the language in question, what number of cases there 
are to treat of; and this will depend upon the number of changes 
exhibited by the parts of specch which act as subject, predicate, object, 
etc. This seems indeed to be so clear, that there must be a special 
reason for not distinguishing between etymology and syntax in treating 
of grammar. And this reason is, I think, easily pointed out, and _ has 
no doubt had some influence in the preparation of Malagasy grammars : 











* It should be said that this paper was written some time ago; but as tho subject of case 
was taken up by Mr, Dahle in one of his “Studies” last year (pp. 286 291, ate), it bas been 
thought well to give in the present number of the ANNUAL the views of another writer o9 
this question.--b. 


eee 


ON CASE IN MALAGASY. 495 





so. Ifthe words have not different cases to indicate their position in 
<ntences, it is in many instances difficult to find terms descriptive of 
Rnese words in those positions ; and to have fixed terms is a great thing 
Kateaching. If we have a word in the possessive case, we may ask, What 
raase is this ? and get a short and definite answer. But if a word repre- 
eenting the owner of a thing does not change its form, as is the case in 
Mafalagasy (if nouns’, we have a difficulty in finding a term for it; and 
~ his causes perplexity. I think that this has been the reason why some 
Of the missionaries have introduced the cases found in Latin into the 
HMalacasy grammar, although the language is extremely destitute of cases. 
"The right thing to do, however, is certainly to treat as case only what 
mreally is case, i.e. some alteration in the form of the words. I shall try 
@o show (1) what we have in the Malagasy language of case, as well as 
some phenomena referring to what we call case, and which I think ought 
to be treated of in the etymology ; and (2) shall then mention what ought 
to be left to the syntax. 

I.—Under this head we have three phenomena to consider :—(a) case, 
(4) the pronominal suffixes, and (c) the changes which words undergo 
when preceding what are now generally called the possessive and the 
ablative cases. 

(2) As to the first of these, it must be acknowledged that only the 
Yersonal pronouns possess what is really case; and the cases, we find, 
tre only two. One of them exactly answers to our nominative, the 
>ther to our predicative possessive (mine, thine, ours, etc.), dative, and 
Lccusative. The nouns, the adjectives, and the other pronouns have no 
-ase. Notwithstanding this, however, the practical reason already men- 
ioned might perhaps induce us to introduce cases into our Malagasy 
zrammars, not only for the personal pronouns, but also for the other 
darts of speech. I do not think, however, that practical reasons prv and 
‘on are the only ones to be taken into account; I think theoretical 
reasons may be stated against the cases of nouns that have been intro- 
luced ; and these reasons I gain from the following rather interesting 
‘eature of the language. If we look at the pronominal suffixes, we see 
‘hat some of them, as -zay (our [exclusive ofthe person spoken to]) and 
-nareo (your [ plur. ]), draw the chief accent to themselves from the word 
:o which they are affixed ; and that others, as -ko (my), -ny (his, her, its 
or their), leave the accent where it was; ¢.g.nay franonay (our house ; lit. 
she house-our), 2y ¢ranonaréo (your house); but, zy franoko (my house), 
ay trdnony (his [etc.] house). If any word follows as a dependant on 
these suffixes (those which draw the chief accent to themselves), which 
we may call sufi.va gravia, they do not alter, thtus: ny franonay miraha- 
lahy (lit. the house-of-us who-are-brothers); bu the others, which may 
be called the sufi.va devia, cannot carry any attribute, and are substituted 
by the personal pronoun, thus: ny ¢ranon’ izy mirahalahy (lit. the house- 
of-those who-are-brothers). What case is rzy hereer Of course nomi- 
native. But if zy is nominative, how can the word d/ona (people) in the 
phrase ny franon’ ny olona (the pcople’s house) be possessive ? This 
ncongtuity has been felt, but the gordian knot has been cut, and it has 
»een said that the possessive case is sometimes substituted by the nomi- 
ative. This a@ priori statement helps us very little, as we must ask, 
ow can the possessive be substituted by the nominative? I imagine 


496 ON CASE IN MALAGASYF. 





that there are other phenomena in the Malagasy language which may be 
adduced as analogous to the above. Often when we have two objects 
in a sentence, only the first is put in the accusative, the second being 
put in the nominative ; e.g., “‘Wiyery azy sy izahay ny dlona” (‘‘The people 
saw them and us,” lit. ‘we’). Here certainly the nominative is put instead 
of the accusative, but not without a reason. As the last pronoun in the 
sentence (7zahay) is some distance from the verb which governs it, the 
force of the verb is not made to bear upon it, and this accounts for its 
being nominative, Something analogous to this we find in sentences 
having fa, which may be called object-sentences. We say, “Milas 
timiko izy fa iasa ny dlona dry very ny vola” (‘He told me that the people 
were gone and the money was lost”), not, ary fa very ny vola (and that 
the money was lost). Here the last sentence has lost the mark of being 
governed by nz/aza famtko izy (he told me). I think we may say that 
both these instances are witnesses of Malagasy shortness of thought; 
and it is of great interest to compare such sentences with long ones 
in Latin books having the cases correct throughout. But in the phrases 
ny tranon’ ty mirahalahy (the brothers’ house) and ny /ranon’ ny olona 
(the people’s house) there is not the slightest difference of position in 
the words zzy and o/ona, and no reason whatever can be assigned for the 
statement that zzy in the one is nominative, and that o/ona in the other 
is possessive; we are therefore quite at liberty to conclude that as :zy is 
nominative, so also is o/ona. 

The idea of connection between the thing possessed and the owner of 
the thing is not signified by the name of the possessor being altered in 
form, but by a change in the word preceding, and this does not at all 
answer to what we generally mean by ‘case.’ 

As for the personal pronouns, we have only two cases, and hence the 
names of these cases must be other than those now in use; neither 
possessive, genitive, dative, nor accusative will do. Now to coin a 
couple of new words is not so very difficult, and as far as the one case is 
used when the word is independent, and the other when it is in some 
way or other governed by another word, we might call the two cases 
‘independative’ and ‘dependative’; but as we should certainly prefer 
known terms to something quite new, we might call them casus rectus 
and casus obliguus. 

I have chiefly spoken of the possessive case; what is called ablative 
is, however, exactly similar to the possessive as to form; and as regards 
the other cases I shall simply say, that as in them the words undergo 
no change, we ought not to call them cases, in so far at least as Webster 
is right in defining case as ‘‘a mode of varying words.” 

(5) Respecting the pronominal suffixes, there is very little to say 
which touches the question before us. They represent, when added 
to nouns and adjectives, the attributive possessive case and answer 
to our possessive pronouns, or to the possessive case of the perso- 
nal pronouns (my, thy, his, her, etc.). But when added to relative 
or passive verbs, they have quite a different meaning. They may then 
be said to represent the logical subject ; c.g., ‘“Walatko ny vdla” (“I took the 
money;” or lit., ‘‘Was-taken-by-me the money”); ‘Manaovako nahandr 
tzy”’ (“I made him a meal’); but by what combination of thought and idiom 
of the language this result is brought about, it is certainly difficult to sar. 


ON CASE IN MALAGASYF. 497 





(c) The change that words undergo when they precede what is gene- 
tally called a possessive or an ablative case is a phenomenon quite 
wknown in our languages, but is somewhat analogous to the Hebrew 
satus constructus. The change which the words undergo is the addition 

- of the syllable zy (in many cases shortened to #’) to all words except 
those ending in ka, /ra, or na. As for the words that end in ka and /ra 
~ and which have three syllables, having the accent on the antepenult, 
they constantly change the a of these syllables into_y; those which have 


' two syllables sometimes change this @ in like manner, and sometimes 
. add the syllable ny. Those ending in na, with the accent on the 


antepenult, drop the final a, or, as we should perhaps be more correct 
in saying, add the my after the final za has been thrown away. 

As to this ay, different views are entertained. It may be questioned 
whether the ”’ in, for instance, such sentences as ny tranon’ ny olona’ 
really stands for xy, and whether is it right to put the apostrophe to 
denote the supposed elided y. Is not this »’ simply put after ‘rano for 
euphony’s sake ? and ought we not perhaps to write ay /ranon'’ olona? 1. 
have no hesitation, however, in acquiescing in the practice now in use, 
and in taking it for granted that it is really zy which is added to the 
words. But then the further question arises, Which zy is it? We know 
two words ny: the definite article, and the pronominal suffix. If it be 
either of these two, it must of course be the latter. It is certainly a wrong 
opinion of Pére Ailloud that ‘‘the idea of possession is expressed by the 
article ny,” and his orthography in the phrase ny antsy ny jiolahy cannot be © 
agreed to. Mr. Griffiths is of opinion that the -zy is the suffix of posses- - 
sion; and if I have understood him rightly, he regards the noun 
following such a -ay as being in apposition to it, and explains ny 
tranon’ ny olona to be, ‘‘the house of him, the man.” But whatcver 
connection there may be between this -a”y and the sufhx pronoun, it 
Certainly may be said virtually to act only as a euphonic zy, and this is 
especially seen by its wide and varied usage. 

I think we may say that this -my (or n’) is used in five different ways. 
It is used (1) to indicate that a thing is possessed by somebody, as ny 
franon’ ny dlona (the people’s house); (2) that something is done by 
Somebody, as nasaon’ ny zazalahy (done by the boy); (3) to indicate the 
Latin dative, as mamin’ ny vahéaka (sweet [i.ec. agreeable] to the people) ; » 
€4) in comparisons, as /aloha kelin’ izdny (a little earlier than that); (5) to 
indicate place with adverbs, as aizan’ ny fandna? (in which part of the 
town °) With these meanings the suffix pronouns -ko, -varco, ctc., ma 
also be used, and so far it is not possibleto deny their relationship wit 
the -zy here treated of. And as to the words ending in fa and /ra, 
which have the pronominal suffixes joined to them, we see that the 
vowel of the pronominal suffixes and the 4 and /r of the ka and /ra are 
combined, just as is the case with the real suffixes in many cases, as in 
hevttro (my meaning), safroko (my hat). What still remains having 
reference to the position of words in sentences belongs to syntax, and I 
shall briefly mention what I think is neccessary to be stated. 

II.—Speaking from a practical point of view, that is, from what is 
necessary in the preparation of school grammars and in the teaching of - 
the lower and higher classes, I shall try to show that we may dispense 
with case, as we can manage without it. As for the nominative of the 


a 


nouns and adjectives, nothing as to case is needed, for we simply have 
to explain to our pupils that such and such words are subject or predicate 
in the sentence in hand; and this being done we have said what is need- 
ful to be explained. When I meet with a sentence like this, ‘‘Afilalao ay | 
ankizy” (“The children play’), I explain that ny ankzy is the subject of f- 
the sentence; but as the form this word has in this position is the 
only one it possesses (except when in s/a/us cons/ructus\, I have no need to 
ask what case it is in, and I think it a mistake if I do, and so also with } 
the predicate. Jf the subject or the predicate be a personal pronoun, I mus, 
in teaching, mention that the case of this pronoun is nominative, or © 
whatever other name might be deemed more correct. | 


498 ON CASE IN MALAGASY. | 


The Malagasy language is different from ours as to what we call the 
possessive case, not only (as mentioned before) in regard to the non- 
existence of a read possessive case, but in other respects also. What we 
may call an attributive possessive case is signified by putting the word 
which precedes the ‘possessive’ in the said sfatus constructus, if such 
‘possessive’ be a noun; but if it be a pronoun, it is made a 
suffix thus: y /ranoko (my house), ay franon’ ny olona (the man’s house’. 
This part of what touches upon the possessive case might be treated of 
in a section speaking of additions which may be made to the parts of 
the sentence. 

A predicative possessive is in Malagasy expressed in an entirely different 
way from the attributive onc. If it be a noun, it is preceded by the 
adverb day, thus: ‘Any 20 olona to ny ¢frano” (‘The house is this man’s”); 
and if it be a personal pronoun, the oblique case of this pronoun is used 
thus : ‘‘AAy ay trano” (“The house is mine’). 

What is called ablative is the agent joined to passive and relative 
verbs. We might, to have a fixed term, use the word ‘agent,’ and explain 
this to be the performer of the act expressed in the word to which it is 
joined, although, on account of the grammatical structure of the sen- 
tence, it is not the subject. This, however, would only be an explanation [ 
of the meaning, not of the form, of the word; but in this respect we need 4 
no term, as the word does not alter in form. We only note that the '¥. 





suffix pronoun is used when a pronoun is the agent. | 
With regard to the object, several things must be mentioned. As for 
common nouns, generally no change in their form takes place. Before |. 
proper nouns, and also before common nouns commencing with ra, a | 
ralehilahy, rafotsibe, and now and then before common nouns without the 
ra (I have only found a few specimens of the latter kind, as, forinstance, | 
“Mila an-janany ho vddy ty” Fe wished her daughter for a wife” }), we 
put the adverb any (or an-). This is also the case with the interrogative 
pronoun iza. As for the personal pronouns, the oblique case is used. 
Finally, we have the vocative. What is needful to be said about that 
may be put thus: When a word expressing the person addressed is used, | 
we put the particle ry before it, or ¢ after it, or use both. It is true that | 
we have in teaching no term for these words, but I do not see the use 
of speaking of them as being in the vocative case, which they really are 
not. There might be a term found for such words, but I have not yet 


seen any. 
S. E. JORGENSEN. 


_ THE ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL. 499 





-- OUT OF THE BEATEN TRACK IN MADAGASCAR: 
A VISIT TO THE ANTANKARANA SAKALAVA. 


INDING myself at Nésibé after a delightful trip round the Comoro 
Islands, I determined to take advantage of my proximity to the 
mainland of Madagascar to visit that interesting country. My wish was: 
to visit some part of the island unknown, or at least little known, to 
EEuropean travellers. Acting on the advice of the French Commandant, 
EK determined to pay a visit to an independent tribe inhabiting the 
muorth-west peninsula of the island, called Antankarana, or “‘people of 
tthe rocks.” Wishing to travel as quickly as possible, I engaged a fine 
@akana or canoe, which could carry a good deal of sail, and engaged a 
«rew of four at two francsa day and their rice. Through the courtesy 
of the French Commandant, I secured the services of an excellent_... 
guide—Prosper by name, a native of Nosibé, and a Roman Catholic. 
He spoke very fair French, besides Malagasy and Swahili,“and wag 
invaluable. Having purchased some American cloth, and bright- 
coloured handkerchiefs to trade for food’ witt}“nry~prefarations were 
complete, and on the morning of the 1st of August I set sail with my 
little party. Although the mainland of Madagascar is well in sight 
from Nosibé, yet when we were packed into the canoe, luggage and 
all, it looked anything but safe to put out to sea in her. We did not 
- get very far from land before a good breeze sprang up, and we sailed 
along grandly, and reached the island of Nosifaly soon after noon. 
The breeze now dying away, and it being terribly hot in the Jakana, I 
determined to camp for the night in this small, well-wooded island, 
Which is separated from the mainland by a very narrow channel. 
@&There is a small village inhabited by Sakalava, whose chief received 
~ Me very civilly, and gave me a nice clean hut to sleep in. The people 
Mostly talked Swahili, which they have picked up from the Arabs, « 
who have a small trading station on the mainland close by. The next 
Morning, starting before five, we sailed along the coast, steering north 
- for Ifasy. Evening brought us to this important native trading-place, « 
and here I intended to leave my canoe and walk up to the capital of 
the Antankarana. The capital is called Ankarana, and the king’s 
mame is Ratsimidro. Accordingly, I placed my canoe in charge of an 
Arab merchant, and prepared for a march on the morrow. 1 started . 
the next morning soon after four o’clock, and almost before it was light, 
Prosper carrying my gun and cartridges. 

I had considerable difficulty with Prosper, who was one of those 
people who are born idle, but I managed to make him keep up 
without resorting to blows. We marched for four hours and a half 
over very rough country, doing I think about twelve miles, and then 
halted for breakfeast—coffec, rice, and bananas; started again at ten 
and walked till twelve, when we halted till four. Again making a 
start, we reached a good-sized village, called Manambato, a little before 
seven. We had walked I calculated about thirty miles, a very good 


a awe a 


“—JOSNOUT OF THE BEATEN TRACK IN MADAGASCAR: 


ne 





day’s work. We had a capital dinner hcre of fowls and rice; fow 
are very plentiful in this part of Madagascar and can be bought f 
about twopence apiece. ‘The natives here told me that Ankara 
was not more than three hours’ journey from Manambato, so I resolw 
on an early start, so as to reach the capital before breakfast. A 
cordingly starting at sunrise, I arrived in sight of’ the capital a litt 
before nine. I halted outside the town and sent Prosper to infor 
King Ratsimiaro of my arrival. He soon returned to say that tl 
King would receive me at once at the conferencc-tree in the midd 
of the town, and I could hear the tumtums beating, announcing th 
he was on his way there. Accordingly, taking with me a large sheatl 
knife I had brought as a present for his Majesty, and accompank 
by Prosper as interpreter, I at once proceeded to the interview. TI 
King was seated under the tree (a magnificent tamarind), surround 
by his chiefs. A chair for me was placed on his right, and when 
advanced, helmet in hand, he rose, shook hands very cordially, a 
motioned me to be seated. He first inquired if I had come to tral 
there, and when I told him no, he said he was very sorry, as he wali 
some white traders to come there very much. He then asked me if 
was a praying man, and he seemed much rclieved when I told him! 
I explained I was merely a traveller, and being anxious to see ' 
country, I had walked up from Ifasy. He could not make out * 
I had walked, why I had not come in a filanjina (palanqut 
and when I told him I preferred walking, he gave me to understa 
that he did not quite bclieve me. He wanted to know why ! 
English preferred the Hova to the Sakalava; whether I had ¢ 
seen Queen Ranavalona; whether Queen Victoria loved her * 
much; and then he expressed his opinion that Queen Victoria wo 
love him if she knew him better. I did not like to offend his Maj 
by telling him that probably Queen Victoria was quite ignoranl 
his existence, so I acquiesced. I then presented him with the k 
Thad brought with me, and asked permission to remain a few ( 
in the capital. He told me a house was ready for me, and 
in the evening there would be plenty of faka (rum). We 
shook hands again, and I went off with Prosper in search of my hor 
I found my boys already in possession of one to which they had 
directed by one of the chiefs. I started them off at once to buy | 
fowls for breakfast, as it was now nearly noon, and I had eaten no! 
since leaving Manambato. ‘They soon came back shouting, ‘“‘¢ 
omby’’ (an ox, an ox), and sure cnough behind them came a fine bre 
the King had sent me as a present. Soon afterwards some girls a 
with a couple of geese, a couple of fowls, and a basket full of c 
nuts and bananas. Here was a princely supply for six men, < 
soon made an excellent breakfast. Having smoked a pipe and or 
the boys to kill the bullock and get dinner ready by sundown, I s 
off to walk round the town. There was nothing of interest to be 
in it, and I think the most striking feature was the enor 
number of drinking shanties. I have seen a town in Northern Qt 
land, where every fourth building was a public-house, but in Ank 
I believe you could buy rum in every hut. ‘The houses were as % 
well built, some of bamboo, but mostly of the sufa palm, and they 


——— 


ate 


soz. OUT OF THE BEATEN TRACK IN MADAGASCAR: 














most threatening manner, rushed forward as if to attack the nev 
comer. He at once bolted down the street. I afterwards found 
out that he represented a /olo (ghost), come to carry off one of the 
women. After he had disappeared, there was a general dance of © 
rejoicing, in which both men and women joined, and after that more 
rum. It was now long past ten, so I asked permission of the King to | 
retire to my hut. He replied, rather huskily, that it was very early, bu 
gave me leave to go. 

The next morning I determined to go out shooting, so after a 
early breakfast I left the town at seven o'clock. I took with m 
Prosper and four of Ratsimiaro’s men, and lcft my own boys at home 
to rest themselves and get over the effects of the previous evening's 
debauch, which were very apparent. About four miles to the norihof 
Ankarana there is a fine forest-clothed mountain called Ambohitra, and 
thither I turned my steps. There is no four-footed game to speak of 
found in any known part of Madagascar, and the forests round Mount 
Ambohitra proved no exception. I shot a couple of lemurs, and could 
have shot a good many more, but they were all of the same species, 
and it seemed rather butchery to kill them. I also shot a very hand- 
some bird about the size of a heron, called by the natives Voronésy— 
white with black point on the head, tail, and wings. It is, I fancy, a 
species of ibis. I also saw great quantities of the little green paroquets 
so common in Northern Queensland, and some bright-plumaged little 
honeysuckers I have seen often in South Africa. The forest itself was 
very interesting from the great variety of the timber, much of which 
was unknown to me. I recognized, however, ebony, sandal-wood, 
several kinds of acacia, the tamarind, mango, guava, and a great variety 
of palm, especially the beautiful “‘traveller’s-tree” (Urania spectosa), with 
its splendid fan-like head. The first time I ever saw this tree was in the 
cinnamon-gardens in Ceylon; but here seems its natural home, and 
thousands clothe the beautiful slopes of Mount Ambohitra. They 
supplied me with many a good drink this day, and if it grows all over 
Madagascar as luxuriantly as it docs in the country of the Antakarana, it 
would make travelling comparatively easy. I killed two snakes during 
my walk, one a good-sized fellow about four feet and a half long. My 
guides told me it was not poisonous. They call all snakes Kakalave 
(‘long enemy’), but from what I could learn, the only one they 
fear is one they call Ply, which I fancy is the boa of Africa. The 
Swahili name for the boa is P’7/t. I walked till eleven, and then 
rested till two, when I went down to the lower land and followed the 
course of the river back towards the town. I saw a good many duck, 
both teal and the brown wood-duck of Australia; the natives call 
them all alike Zszriry. 1 got three couples, and also a_ couple of 
big birds they call Vorombe, a kind of goose, but I should think 
rather fishy to eat. They told me there were plenty of guinea-fow! 
about, and also a little bird they call Avfanofano, which I fancy 
from thcir description must be the snipe: but I saw none of either. 

I reached the town at sunsct very tired, and spent an exactly similar 
evening to the previous onc. The King told me he would give me 
a guide who would take mc to the coast a nearer way than by passing 
through Manambato, so I determined not to start next day till after 


—~ A VISIT TO THE ANTANKARANA SAKALAVA. 503 





_ kfast. I presented his Majesty with my day’s bag, at which he 
= med pleased. He also hinted very plainly that he would like my 
, but that I did not fecl inclined to part with; I presented him, 
lowever, with twenty-five cartridges, though what he will do with 
- -xfhem I do not know, probably wear them as a necklace. Next day I 
-: Bad breakfast at six, and having rewarded my guides of the previous 
~ .-@ay with some American cloth, I prepared to start on my return journey 
fo the coast. The old King was waiting under the tamarind tree to 
@ay good-bye, and the whole population seemed to have congregated to 
Witness my departure. As 1 approached, the people set up a mournful 
kind of chant, which Prosper afterwards translated for me thus :— 


“‘Oh departiny is our friend—oh! oh! 
Oh scatter'd are the calves, 
Oh weeping are the women, 
Oh sad is our chief—oh! oh!’’ 


They stopped singing when I reached the place where the King 
wwas scated. I then thanked him for his hospitality, and wished 
him a long and prosperous life. ‘Go in peace,” was the old man’s 
zanswer; and then, just as I was moving away, he again asked my 
mame. Prosper translated it into something which sounded very 
unintelligible. The King repeated it several times, and then saying, 
“May I never forget it,” he waved his hand as a final adieu. I 
took one of his men with me as a guide: and, as our little party 
passed out of the town, I could hear them again singing their plaintive 
melody, “Oh departing is our friend—oh! oh!” A more interesting 
- simple-minded people it would be hard to find, and I felt grieved to 
think that civilization (?) in the shape of rum must in no long period dete- 
riorate, if not entircly destroy them. King Ratsimiaro, although he has 
only been brought in contact with the Arab traders at Ifasy, has the 
manners of a European gentleman, and his people were all most courteous 
in their behaviour. 1 believe an attempt was made some thirty years 
ago by the Jesuits at Nosibé to start a mission at Ankarana, but they 
received so little encouragement that they gave itup. Though I do not 
think Ratsimiaro would at present receive missionaries at his capital, I 
believe a mission stationed at Ifasy might do much good work 
amongst these simple-minded people. We had a terribly long tramp 
this day, my new guide insisting that if we pushed on we should reach 
Ifasy by sundown. It soon, however, become apparent that we should 
not, 40 at four o’clock I determined to halt, and start again with the 
moon at cight. This we did, and soon after cleven we sighted the sea. 
Next day I got rid of what remained of my cloth, and started at noon. I 
camped that night on the north side of the island of Nosifaly, and the next 
evening arrived safely at Nosibé. I wish I could have spared time 
to remain longer amongst the Antankarana, but I was anxious not to 
miss a man-of-war which was shortly expected in Nosibé. I will 
only say, by way of finishing my account of this trip, that should any 
of my readers find themselves, in the course of their travels, in the 
neighbourhood of Madagascar, they cannot do better than pay a visit 

to King Ratsimiaro and his interesting subjects. 

From ‘‘Temple Bar.” 


504 THE ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL. 





VARIETIES. 


GEOLOGICAL AND TOPOGRAPHICAL FOTTINGS FROM THE NORTH, 
EAST, AND WEST OF MADAGASCAR. 


66 N the eastern side of this bay [Diego Suarez], which is much exposed 
to storms, the trees are shrivelled, and so matted and interwoven 
together that they are quite impervious to man. The substratum of the 
surrounding hills is composed of sandstone and columns of madrepore, many 
of which latter form hollow cylindrical points ; most of the others are appa- 
rently primitive rock, of volcanic production, in heterogenous masses, which 
seem to have been at some period in a state of fusion. This place abounds 
in shells, particularly the {arpa which our young officers cotlected in great 
numbers.”—p. 37 of Caft. W. F. W. Owen's Narrative of Voyages to ex- 
plore the Shores of Africa, Arabia, and Madagascar. London: 1833. 

‘‘We next made Cape Amber, the most northern cape of Madagascar, a 
little to the southward of which is a low rocky point formed of hollow cylin- 
drical columns of madrepore; this is Point Amber.’’—p. 38. 

‘‘Most of the other islands [to the northward of Port Louké, N.E. coast] 
are well wooded; but many are mere rocks of madrepore, their bases under- 
mined or washed away, and the tops overhanging in the most fantastic 
shapes.’’—p. 39. 

‘‘The coast from St. Augustine’s Bay to Boyana Bay (on the western side of 
Madagascar] is almost an unvaried, low, marshy plain, irrigated by barred 
rivers, bounded by a line of sharp-pointed coral masses, uncovered when the 
tide is out, and in two or three places, a complete archipelago of rocky islets, 
assuming a variety of whimsical shapes, among which that of the cauliflower 
appeared the most predominant. 

‘‘The shore is thickly covered with trees of a stunted growth, above which, 
in the immediate vicinity of the sea, the elegant Casuarina is occasionally 
observed. The coral islets and reefs that skirt the coast are very numerous, 
and to those unacquainted with them extremely dangerous ; but to others 
they afford at all seasons safe and commodious anchorage; the extensive 
group termed Barren Islands, in particular, forming excellent harbours, yet 
they are only worth resorting to for wood, being without fresh water. 

‘‘The islands in the whole extent of this coast are low, formed of coral, and 
seldom exceeding one mile in circumference. It is an observation worthy of 
remark, and equally applicable to the whole coast, that the reefs on which 
they are situated always extend to the southward, a fact that it is difficult to 
account for, otherwise than by supposing the violence of the south- south-west 
wind causes a heavy sea, which sweeps from the surface of that part of the 
reef immediately exposed to its fury some deposit, which in time forms an 
island. That which renders these reefs particularly dangerous to those 
unacquainted with their vicinity is, that the water is discoloured on every part 
of the bank, so that their situation is not to be distinguished.’’— pp. 97, 98. 

“The Bay of Bembatoka is in reality the estuary of several rivers falling 
into it from distant parts of the interior. It is seventeen miles in depth, and 
three and a half across at the entrance, but inside nearly eight, excepting 
about half-way in, where the shores on each side approach and leave a 
narrow channel, through which the pent-up water rushes with so much 
violence as to have scooped out an abyss of sixty-three fathoms in depth. 
The shores are in general low, and covered with mangroves, but in some 
places they rise into a lofty chain of hills.’’"—p. gg. 


VARIETIES. 505 








‘Near the village of PAsandava the mountains that surround the stupen- 
lous and inaccessible peak of Mataola take their rise. This chaotic mass, 
rom the vast chasms and craggy steeps of which it is composed, presents 
t grand and awful appearance. The portion that immediately fell under 
bur inspection was evidently volcanic. * * * * Some of the islands abound 
m large masses of hardened earths of different colours, incorporated and 
stratihed with quartz and basalt, or lava resembling it.”’— p. 136 

‘<The West Minow Group consists of an assemblage of islands and perpen- 

dicular rocks or patches of coral, amounting in all to twenty-seven. The 
largest of the islands is termed ‘Great Minow’ and is of a peculiar form, 
resembling a pair of compasses open towards the sea, at an angle of fifty-five 
degrees, with one leg four miles and a half long, and the other nearly eight. 
When at anchor among the group, we appcared as if in the crater of an 
extinct volcano, the surrounding islands being so many pinnacled relics of its 
ancient circumference. With the exception of two or three that are low and 
of coral, the rest are lofty and of basalt, columns of which, either straight or 
curved, form most of the precipices and bold prominent points. Those at the 
north-west extremity of the Great Minow are particularly grand and imposing, 
being slender, perfectly straight, and about sixty feet in length, varying in 
the number of their sides from four to six, the latter being the most general. 
In their arrangement, the parts of one are perfectly adapted to fit into those 
of another, forming so compact an assemblage that they appear like an un- 
divided mass.’’— pp. 137, 138. 


HURRICANE ON THE EASTERN COAST. 


ONE of the most grievous hurricanes ever remembered in these parts visited 
Tamatave on Wednesday, the 22nd of February. Other storms have lasted 
longer and proved more fatal; this was noted for suddenness and extreme 
violence. 

The morning passed as an ordinary tempestuous morning, and I did not 
realize anything unusual until noon. Then the wind seemed very fierce, and 
I observed with great sadness the most lovely of our cocoa-nut palms lying 
like a broken reed. Some say it was thirty years old. The stem, now it is 
on the ground, measures thirty-eight feet, and above that rose a magnificent 
head of some thirty fronds, each about twelve feet long, the upper ones a 
bright living green, and so shaded off till you got tints of brown and red in 
the under and older ones, with clusters of cocoa-nuts also in every stage of 
immaturity up to ripeness. It was ‘‘a thing of beauty’ on which | had often 
gazed, not, alas, to prove ‘‘a joy for ever.’’ When I saw it prone I first 
realized that the wind was something extraordinary. About the same time I 
saw a woman with a child in the corner of the sort of entrance hall down- 
stairs. The woman I recognized as one who lives close to our gate, and the 
child I had christened nct long ago. They had rushed in here for shelter 
because their house had been blown down, and the man soon followed carry- 
ing their household goods. Directly after came Ramananjoélina, the teacher, 
and his wife from their house, which was under one roof with the Boys’ 
School in the N.W. corner of our compound. (This house is in the S.E, 
corner.) They had sat in their house hoping to weather the storm, until they 
found it actually coming down over their heads; then they escaped hither, 
where they still are and are likely to be, as the school and house were flat on 
the ground a few minutes after they had left. From that time people flowed 
in from all sides, ar.d 1 suppose there were at last about one hundred of all 
ag.s and degrees, including a baby one week old, with its mother. Her I 
accommodated on the sofa, and administered sal-volatile to her and others 
who were faint and cold. Food was out of the question for any one, but I hope 
most had already caten their mid-day meal. And there they sat, all about 
the rooms below, in pools of water, both what they had brought in with them, 


506 VARIETIES. 









and what came in at doors and windows. My rooms upstairs were pitch-dark, f 
all the shutters being made fast. The rain came in tremendously at the ridge 
of the roof, and the floor was hike a bath, but very happily my buoks and 
other goods, being disposed round the sides of the rooms, absolutely escaped 
damage, for which I am most truly thankful. After atime it seemed unsafe 
to go upstairs, for the rooms and all the furniture rocked; and down below, 
leaning against an outer door under the verandah, it felt very much like being 
at sea, for the house seemed to bound and strain her timbers, like a ship in 
a storm. It seemed doubtful whether the house would stand, and one felt 
that at any moment we might all be cither buried under its ruins, or left 
shelterless and blown about like chaff in the wind. I quite expected a night 
of this suspense, but about 4 o’clock we found the shaking of the house less, 
and from that time the wind gradually sank. 

Some of the people left, but more than forty slept here, besides a lot in the 
kitchens ; and loads of luggage of the most curious description were brought 
in, goods saved from the ruined houses, as soon as the storm was less. Some 
of us hastened to inspect the Church. How it had escaped utter ruin is a 
surprise to me, for the wind entering at the north door had bulged out the 
whole of the south wall, and thereupon a large part of the floor of the nave 
had sunk down. (Our buildings here are entirely of wood, and the floors are 
raised some three feet above the sand.) Then the wind escaping had carried 
off a piece of the roof, some fifteen feet square, at the north-west corner, just 
over the font, and had carried it some seventy feet, to beyond the altar! The 
western porch was blown and twisted about in a surprising manner, and 
looked like a demoralized bathing machine. This was all the actual damage 
to the structure, but the harmonium and everything inside was soaked with 
wet. We carried such things as we could into the house. As evening drew 
on, we served out rice to all those who were sleeping here, and had prayers, as 
indeed we had had at mid-day also, remembering especially those at sea. 

The scene in the calm grey of the next morning was remarkable, the ditch 
outside our gate had become a broad stream, and the body of a drowned ox 
was floating in it. The bridge was under water; houses all round were more 
or less in ruins. Our fence was lying flat all round our place; the paths were 
blocked with green boughs, recalling cartloads of evergreens in the English 
streets at Christmas. Our beautiful trees lifted up bare and broken arms to 
the sky. What was yesterday a Paradise was now a desolation. 

The next day I heard that our really beautiful little church at Mahasda, 
eight or nine miles away, was in ruins. Yet we have much cause to thank 
God for our protection, for, so far as I know, only one life was lost on land 
In the harbour, alas! some twenty sailors were drowned.- A. M. HEWLETI. 


IVATOLAHY: A REMARKABLE ROCK AND SANCTUARY. 


HIGH up onthe side of the valley of the Mandalaléndo river, where it 
bends round to the south-west before joining the Kitsdmby, stands a huge 
monolith, the size of a church tower, which has commanded the vene- 
ration of bygone generations, who saw in it something so unique and awe- 
inspiring as to stamp it the special work and chosen dwelling place of the 

ods. 

. Originally it was to all appearance part of a huge gneiss boulder, similar to 
thousands that are to be seen scattered all over Imérina, but of vast size; 
and like many of them, cleft at some pre historic time into three parts, leav- 
ing the vertical surfaces of cleavage as clean as if cut by a knife. The 
outermost third, to the south-west, has fallen forwards, and lies prostrate 
“twenty yards below, leaving the other two still erect, but parted by a chasm 
five feet across and cqual in width from top to bottom. (What was that 
Titanic force that could thus play nine-pins with such huge pieces ?) The 
centre block with its south-west face now exposed and absolutely vertical from 


VARIETIES. 507 





base to summit—well nigh a hundred feet - is the largest and most imposing 
of the stones. Its base is nearly 3oft. square, and it stands upon a little 
terrace of green sward, which about its outer sides is level, but rises steeply 
behind, with numerous very large boulders buttressing the hill. 

The ground before the two large stones has been partitioned off into a 
series of pens by means of low rough stone walls, with carefully formed gate- 
ways, and rising one above another with the slope of the hill. These were 
made by ‘the ancients,’ and were often the scene of religious ceremonial 
and feasting, the second enclosure from below being the most sacred spot 
of all. Nor has the ‘odour of sanctity’ altogether left the place, for even in 
these days of greater enlightenment, when men smile as they tell of the old 
heathen superstitions, there are those who secretly hold to their old faith. On 
the occasion of a recent visit, a cock had but lately been killed there, and its 
blood smeared on the great stone; while in a cleft near were stuck some of 
its feathers. 

. The name ‘Vatolahy’ is the same word which is applied to monumental 
stones or landmarks, which are mostly single blocks of gneiss from 6 to 15 feet 
long set on end, this one being, Jar excellence, the monolith. It dominates 
the deep valley in the bottom of which have collected hundreds of great 
boulders, so as quite to cover from view the river, which finds its way below 
them, fur the space of halfa mile. And so great is the obstruction to the 
passage of its waters, that in the wet season a lake is formed above. The 
sides of the stream there are bare of vegetation for some distance, as though 
for long periods they were deep under water. <A similar disappearance, and 
for a longer distance, occurs on the Antsésika, which this river joins two 
miles and a half below Ivatolahy (see ANNUAL IX. for 1885, p. 83°), their 
combined streams reaching the Kitsamby a quarter of a mile further west.— 
WM. JOHNSON. 


THE HOT MEDICINAL SPRINGS OF VWONIZONGO, 


VONIZONGO is perhapsone of the least likely districts of the Imérina province 
from which ‘‘to hear some new thing;’’ for this wilderness country, with 
its scattered inhabitants, presents, from year to year, but little to vary the 
monotony of its silent valleys and hills. There are few places, however, 
which, though generally uninteresting, do not afford some objects worthy of 
notice ; and I may mention two or three such objects found in Vdnizongo 
which may prove of some interest. First of these may be noted the hot 
medicinal springs. 

Of these there are two with which I am acquainted. ‘The first is situated 
near the north bank of the river [kdpa, two hours to the west of the lofty hill 
Antaramanana, and near to the village of Ihasy. This spring was visited, it 
is said, by the former Queen, Ranavalona I., during a journey to Manériné- 
rina; since that time, I believe, it has been guarded from the public, and no 
one is allowed to use the waters. ’ 

The better known medicinal springs are found about half a day’s journey 
to the north west of Fiarénana, near the Ikopa, and on the way to the Saka- 
lava village of Manéva. The benefits of these springs are said to have 
been discovered about twelve years ago by a native woman who was suffering 
from skin disease. After bathing in and drinking the water, she declared 
herself cured, to the wonder of her friends and the public. The news 
rapidly spread from village to village, until an immense number of invalids, 
suffering from all imaginable diseases and carrying bag and baggage, made 
pilgrimages from various parts of the country far and near, to try the effects 
of the wonderful hot water. A rumour was spread at the time that Queen 








* A point exactly one mile and a half due north of the village of Ambérokély, as given on 
the map, would mark the site of Ivatolahy. 


~ 


~ 508) VARIETIES. 




































Ranavalona II. intended visiting the spot; but with wise discretion 
Queen first despatched some of her officers to make an examination of i 
country and springs before proceeding thither. A report may probably hag 
reached Her Majesty of the remarkably unhealthy position of the place; tf” 
springs being situated in one of the hottest parts of West Vonizongo, at 
foot of the Antamponketsa hills on its western side; and this may acco 
for the Queen not having visited them. An artificial enclosure of stones b 
been made round the spring, forming a small pool scarcely sufficient for 
person to bathe in at atime. Not long after the visit of the Queen's mes 
gers, the crowds of pcople who had taken up their temporary residen 
around this wretched spot gradually returned to their various homes, un 
lingly discovering that the fever infesting the valley was far more injun 
than the waters had proved beneficial. Shortly after the discovery of t 
springs, I sent some of the water to Dr. Davidson, then living at Anta 
narivo, who analyzed it and gave me the following result of his examinati 
‘‘The water is of a mawkish taste, somewhat similar to water that has 
boiled ; it is slightly acid, and contains no free sulphur. It contains ab 
dant sulphuric acid in combination with a base, probably soda or magnes 
The total solid residue of 50 cubic centimetres is about 14 grains of pretty whi 
salt. The water may be of use in some skin diseases and in chronic li 
complaints (not organic); also in some forms of dyspepsia and constipati 
and in many of the nondescript affections often associated with debility. 
The doctor adds, ‘‘I hardly think that the accounts given me of it by a natt 
will be confirmed by experience. He said, ‘It cures the blind and t 
leprous, and paralysis, and everything but dea¢k.’ This must be taken wi 
allowances !'’—E. H. STRIBLING. 


REMARKABLE CAVES IN VONIZONGO. 


IN Vonizongo there are several large caves of considerable interest. The} 
chief and largest I have seen are about five hours’ ride to the west of Fiare-! 
nana, near to Bélafika between the Antamponkéetsa hills. : 

In November 1879, accompanied by Mr. Isaac Sharp (of the Society af 
Friends), then on a visit to Vonizongo, we started off in the early morning fork 
our exploration of the great caves called Anjohibé. Having secured aa} 
intelligent guide, we were conducted with little trouble to the vicinity of th} 
caves, a most romantic spot covered with long grass, various trees and brusk 
wood, with numerous rocky descents which rendered our progress somewha}. 
difficult. The mouth of the cave we now reached was so low and narrow tha} 
we had to advance on ‘‘all fours’ to enter it. We found the cave well worthy 
of a visit, not only from the interest connected with its history, but also froa 
being an extremely novel and remarkable spot. Attheentrance is a smal 
porch about fifteen feet square, which served as a rendezvous for the guards 
during time of siege; and from thence another smaller cavern suddenly 
descends, easily discoverable by the hollow sound of our footsteps. Fromm the 
porch just mentioned we advanced, still crawling, to an opening in the south 
east corner, climbing upto which we cautiously descended again by huge stones 
to a second division of the cave; at the bottom of this we found a plentifd 
supply of running watcr between the rough boulders forming the floor. 
Advancing slowly along the dark passage by aid of the lantern, we nov 
entered the chief and Jargest room, which had apparently served the inha 
bitants for kitchen, living, and bed-room. Here we found the fireplaces, 
two in number, and two bedsteads consisting of immense stoncs arranged 
aloft to the south-east; while to the north we discovered a large spring od 
deliciously pure water. This chief division of the cave is much loftier than 
the other two, and would probably accommodate 150 persons in a time of 
siege. The whole cavern 1s of course extremely damp, and the floor of the 
the chief room is composed of sand. Satisfied that we had left no part un- 


VARIETIES. a 


‘lored, we were now leaving the cave, when our energetic guide was seen 
‘ancing towards new depths, beckoning us to follow, and assuring us there 
‘e several other caverns below still unexplored by the foreigner. We had, 
vever, discovered one of the largest; and deciding to leave the rest for 
ire exploration, we sat down at the mouth of the cave to hear from our 
ive friend a little of its history. 

wnjohibe was formerly, durihg time of war, the hiding-place of two brothers 
i their followers. These two Sakalava chiefs were thus enabled for many 
ear to defy the authority of any neighbouring power, even that of the 
va, who utterly failed to displace Andriamahaibdla and his brother, the 
ed warriors of Anjohibe. When attacked by enemies, they would at once 
‘e refuge in the caves, where, with the plentiful supplies of water and pro- 
ed with rice, these Sakalava brethren would defy their enemies from Imé- 
a for any length of time, assisted probably by other tribes of Sakalava from 
:west. During the reign of Andrianampodinimérina these two notorious 
iefs were subdued, since which time they never regained their former inde- 
ndence or returned to their villages between the Antamponketsa hills. 
er the caves are the ruins of the villages formerly inhabited by the two 
icfs and also the large graves where they with their ancestors lie buried. 

A daughter of Andriamahaibola, the elder warrior, is still living at the 
mlet about an hour to the east ; and our guide was desirous of our paying” 
ra visit that we might obtain further information about her father and his 
narkable exploits at Anjohibe. Unfortunately we were unable to pay a visit 
this Sakalava lady; and proceeding on our way eastward, arrived at 
> village of Fihaonana, from whence we made our way to another most 
eresting spot called the Martyrs’ cave. 

rhis cave is situated a few minutcs’ walk from the north-east of the village, 
lis noted as being the place of meeting for many of the Vonizongo Chris- 
ns during the dark days of persecution. We were conducted thither by 
zaka, the senior pastor of Fihaonana, who gave us a sketch of bygone 
ies, with the part he himself had taken in the secret meetings held in the 
‘e. This place is described by the late Rev. Dr, Mullens in his Z7we/ve 
mnths in Aladagascar, and is shownin one of the illustrations of that book. 
e doctor says, speaking of Razaka: ‘‘He said that they often used to long 
a rainy night in order that they might be able to sing. He showed us the 
Jerground passage beneath the floor of his house, by which, when the 
diers came to search, the inmates and visitors could escape. He accom- 
lied us to a pile of immense rocks, and showed us the little cave three feet 
h, beneath the big boulder, into which they used to creep for their meetings, 
ithe hollow where their Bible was hid away. He brought vividly before 
the sufferings and the persecution which his heroic brethren and himself 
1 endured ; and in him we realized something of the power of that faith by 
ich all had been sustained’”’ (p. 119).—E. H. STRIBLING. 


SOME SOUTH-EAST COAST CUSTOMS AND SUPERSTITIONS. 


N a late number of the Z.AZ_S. Chronicle, the Rev. A. S. Huckett gives 
following particulars about some of the southern and south-east coast 
eS. 

‘One curious custom we noticed [among the Bara] was that of prohibiting 
ads from being carried into the town on both ends of the bamboo. At the 
rance of many towns may Le seen a pole stuck in the ground with a cross- 
im and a stone slung to one end, to indicate this absurd custom. On 
juiring the reason of this we were informed that it was /ddim-pahavalo 
ohibited on account of enemics) and _ /add/m-dbdaratra (prohibited on account 
ightning), which, being explained, means, that when the mJisthidy, or 
‘Iner, was consulted as to the best means of keeping off the attacks of 
ier tribes, and the lightning from striking their houses, he gave answer 





510 VARIETIES. 





enforcing the adoption of the above-mentioned custom. On trying to fnd 
out what notions they had of a Supreme Being, it seemed evident to us that 
they have some belief in a Creator, to whom they are indebted for ther 
harvests, as every year they present an ox, some rice, and rum, as a thanks 
yiving offering to Him.’’ 

‘‘The inhabitants of this district [around Ambahy] are called Taifasy (or, 
more correctly, Ntefasy), and appear to be above the average Malagasy af 
intelligence. It seems that many years ago the present Prime Minister cor 
ducted an expedition against these people and conquered them, taking a} 
large number back to Imérina with him, where they and their children wee} 
taught to read. Afterwards they were liberated and returned to their homes, }. 
and consequently we found that a large proportion of these people were abl 
to read more or less imperfectly.’’ 

‘‘Continuing our journey northwards, along the sea-coast, we reached A 
béhipéno the following Saturday. This place is the largest town of the district 
on the banks of, and near, the river Matitanana. Here we were in the mids 
of a large and most interesting tribe, known as the Taiméro, or Ntéméro, who 
have been very properly called an Arab colony, as there are unmistakable 
evidences that the ancestors of these people, at least on the male side, were 
Arabs, who were probably wrecked on the coast. They possess what they 
call their Séra-é, or ‘Great Writings,’ and these are evidently taken from the 
Koran, with many additions and emendations. They write a kind of Arabic. 

‘They seem proud of their origin, and have great faith in the ‘Great 
Writings.’ In times of sickness, or calamity, or sorrow, the writings are 
consulted, and the portion bearing on the affliction is copied on to a leaf of 
the Traveller’s-tree, which is then soaked in water, and the water drunk by the 
afflicted person. The leaf is afterwards rolled up and sealed with beeswax, 
and worn round the neck as a charm. In cases of dispute, if the accused 
denied the crime with which he was charged, he was ordered to do one of the 
following — | 
‘(1) To drink gold water—z.e., a cup of cold water with a nugget of gold 
dropped into it, after a volume of curses had been pronounced over the water; 

and if nothing happened to him he was proclaimed innocent. (2) To swim 
across the Matitanana, which abounds in crocodiles, and his reaching the 
other side in safety would prove his innocence (see fiage 421, anfe). (2) To 
walk across a rice-field, and if a snake crossed the path, or a bird flew up, or 
anything unusual happened, it was regarded as a decided proof of guilt. 
‘‘The Ntemoro are divided into two main classes—viz., the Antainony, or 
the reigning race, and the Talaotra, or the priestly race. The latter are 
sagain divided into (1) the Anakara, who may be styled Malagasy astrologers, 
as itis their business to watch the heavens, and when anything unusual 
appears, consult the ‘Great Writings,’ and prophesy accordingly ; and At 
the Taitsomaito, whose duty is to watch the earth, and when any extraordi- 
nary phenomena occur, such as earthquakes, etc., to state what they fore- 
bode. Many are the superstitions and curious customs practised by these 
people, and in fact a volume might be filled with descriptions of them. One 
e other fact should be mentioned, however,—viz., that the Ntemoro appear 
more solicitous for the welfare of their children than some other tribes, and 
have a strange custom of cutting off a small round patch of hair at the back 
of the heads of their children, to indicate those who are still under the guar- 
dianship of their parents. After they are married, or have assumed responsi- 
bility, the hair is allowed to grow ayain.”’ 





et oe el 


BOTANICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY NOTES. 


MADAGASCAR WILD FLOWERS. 


T is commonly remarked by Europeans that the wild flowers of Madagas 

car are far from being as numerous or as beautiful as those to be met 
vith in most countries in Europe, or indeed in the Temperate regions generally. 
[his is probably correct as a general statement, but in certain months, and 
n some parts of the island, wild flowers may certainly be seen in very great 
rrofusion and in considerable variety. have never seen elsewhere so 
eautiful a display of wild flowers as that which met our view when travelling 
rom Antsirabé in Vakinankdaratra to Antananarivo in the middle of Decem- 
ier (1887). Leaving Antsirabe and proceeding for several miles towards the 
orth-east, the level country up to the foot of the long ridge running north 
nd south, which is ascended about four hours after leaving Antsirabe, was 
‘ay with flowers, which literally covered the ¢amety or level downs, and in 
1any places gave a distinct and bright colour to the surface of the ground. 
.mong these the most prominent was a palish-pink flower, on stems from a 
rot to eighteen inches high (called by the people Xo/osay), and also the lovely 
eep-blue flower called Vifizakanga (lit. ‘Guinea-fowl’s tooth,’ Commelyna 
tadagascartensis ), which latter covered the paths (recently cleared and 
‘idened), and also occurred very abundantly among the grass and the other 
owers. 

In many places, especially near villages, whether deserted or still 
thabited, a plant with small pale-blue flowers, almost exactly like our English 
‘orget-me not, grew in densc masses, but on stems a foot or two feet high, 
howing a pale-blue tinted surface even at a considerable distance. The 
eautiful crimson flower called Avdko (Vigna angivensts, Baker) was very 
paringly seen, but the lonenzna ( Vinca rosea, L.), a pale pink flower, was 
ery frequent, as well as several species of bright yellow flowers ; one of these 
ras a species of Composite, with a tuft of minute compound flowers looking 
ke a small yellow brush; others were star-shaped; the whole forming in 
1any places a brilliant mass of gold. Three or four species of white flower— 
ne with a large calyxless coralla bending over and facing the ground— 
rere very frequent ; and here and there a few late examples of (I think) a 
orrestrial orchid were seen. A month or six weeks previously these were the 
10st abundant flowers met with, at least on the higher land to the north-east 
f the plain I have been speaking of, and their clusters of waxy-white flowers 
rere very conspicuous. Certain species of these, or perhaps only varieties, 
f rich crimson and also of purple, were even more beautiful; and a few of 
hese still remained among the later flowers in the middle of December. 

We reckoned that there were from twenty to thirty different species of wild 
owers then in bloom on these downs of Vakinankaratra, gladdening our eyes 
y their varied beauty and abundance as we travelled northwards on that 
lorious morning. As we got to the higher ground, however, I noticed that 
1e blue V7inakanga became very scarce, and was also much diminished 
1 size, but deepened in colour, becoming almost of an indigo shade. The 
ale-pink Kofosay was also much less abundant on the heights, but the white 
rchids were still in flower in many places. Seven weeks previously these 
pper Zamefty had heen also gay with great masses of a brilliant crimson 
ower, a leguminous plant, which grew in clusters of many score of spikes 
rowing close together. But in December only here and there was there a 
ower left, and hardly a seed-pod, the great majority having been scattered 
y the winds. Our ride that day certainly made us obliged to modify the 
weeping statement frequently expressed about the poverty of Madagascar 


—— 


a 


THE ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL. C suri’ 


Sw 


312, BOTANICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY NOTES. 


wild flowers. There was abundance and variety enough on that joumey to ;: 


delight the heart of a botanist, or indeed of any one having eyes to see the 
beauty of God’s handiwork.—JAMES SIBREE, JUN. (ED.) 


' IDENTIFICATION OF SOME FISHES FROM E. COAST LAGOONS. 


Korango or Treotreoka Caranx hippos, L. 
. Barahbho Genyoroge marginata, C.V. 
. Lsarasimotra Polynemus tetradactylus, Sh. 
Fébozebo Mugil robustus, Gthr. 
_ Lbfoka —— borbonicus, C.V. 
Fiana Gerrits oyena, Forsk. 
Fiampotsy Chrysophrys sarba, Forsk. 
Saréby Gobius giuris, Ham. Buch. 
Vanovano Ophichthys orientalis, Mc.A. Found in 
the sand at outlet of lagoons. 
Lambantrina The young of a species of Afug7/. 


R. BARON. 
LAND AND SEA SHELLS. 


MADAGASCAR is somewhat rich in Land and Freshwater Shells; many of 
these are of large size, and belong to the genera Helix, Bulimus, Achatina, 
Lurycratera, Megalostoma, Melania, Cyclotus, Cyclostoma, Navtcella, 
Lymnea,and Nerita. Cyclostoma De Burghe was brought by Madame Ida 
Pfeiffer from Madagascar, and was then worth five pounds, although really 
only a snail. See Proc. Zool. Soc., 1873, p. 452; 1875, p. 389; 1876, p. 488; 
1879, p. 728. 

he. dea Shells are largely of the usual Indian Ocean types, but 
many of the Cyfree are remarkable for their exquisite markings (see 
engraving of C. madagascartensis in Cassell’s Nat. Hest., vol. v., p. 205).— 
J.S. (ED.) 


MADAGASCAR FORAMENIFERA. 
(Extract from a letter.) 


“‘T mentioned in a late note something about Langley Kitching’s Madagascar 
and S.E. Africa shore sands. He will be glad to learn that they have turned 
out very valuable, at any rate two out of the three packages,—the Port Natal 
ballast sand was of no use. 

“In 1820 D’Orbigny described a genus of Foraminifera (Pavonina), no 
specimen of which was ever found again for more than 50 years. He gave 
no particulars save the locality ‘‘Madagascar,’’ and as it had utterly anom- 
alous characters, it had been a puzzle to all subsequent observers who did 
not regard it as amyth. Indeed it was regarded as apocryphal till some four 

ears ago, when I had the luck to meet with some, then a few imperfect spec- 
Hmens, in one of Prof. Percival Wright’s gatherings on the Seychelle Islands. 
I then suggested its near alliance to a well-known genus, and was laughed at 
by a foreigner or two, who imagined that wisdom will die with them! It 
was not with the smallest expectation of meeting with it again that, when you 
wrote to me some years ago, I mentioned the desirability of having Madagas- 
car shore sands to look through, if Langley Kitching had the opportunity of 
collecting such. Hence my astonishment and delight at finding six or eight 
beautiful specimens in the stuff from Tamatave. Under any circumstances 
Pavonina is a very interesting and important form, and from this locality 
doubly so. 

‘‘The stuff from Algoa Bay also yielded one quite new species, and fine 
specimens of two others of which the Cha/dengery had supplied only poor ones, 
both undescribed as yet; onc or two of these will be figured in the Challenger 


i) 

. 
_ 
- 

. 
* 


— 


a 





‘BOTANICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY NOTES. 513 


“Memoir. As I believe Langley Kitching is a naturalist himself, I thought 
“that he would be pleased to hear that his kind care in the matter had yielded 
such excellent results.’’—H.BRADY. 


Foraminifera collected at Tamatuve in 1879 by Langley Kitching, Esq. 
Planorbulina mediterraniensis, D’Orb. Sagrina raphanus, P. and J. 


Amphistigina Lessonit, D'Orb. Operculina complanata, Deft. 
Rotalia Bucartt, var. uluinulina repanda, var. 


Polystomella cris pa. Miliolina striata. 
Cymbalopora bulloides, D’Orb. Orbitolites complanatus, Lank. 

- » labellaformtis, Brady. LNontonina armata. 
Globigerina bulloides, D'Orb. Miltolina sp. 


Truncatulina lobatula, var. 


THE MADAGASCAR FISH-EAGLE. 

‘‘THE margin of this bay [Pasandava] abounds in a large species of brown 
Eagle, apparently subsisting on fish, as they generally choose the overhanging 
branch of a lofty tree projecting from the side of some sheltered nook, where 
the uninterrupted smoothness of the water enables them more readily to 
perceive their scaly prey. The eagle’s dexterity of wing is surprising: the 
moment he sees a fish come near the surface, he pounces down with the 
rapidity of lightning to seize it; yet so well does his keen sight measure the 

distance, that, on reaching the water, even should he miss his aim, in an 
instant, by a strong exertion of his sinewy pinions, he arrests his headlon 
flight, and, scarcely wetting his talons in the water, soars majestically bac 
to his watchful post.’’—From Capt. W. F. W. Owen’s Voyages, see p. 504. 

The bird mentioned above is one of the three eagles found in Madagascar 
and is known to naturalists as Halraétus vociferator. Itis, as Capt. Owen 
describes, a fish-eagle ; and the following particulars are given of itin Messrs. 
Pollen and Van Dam’s work, Recherches sur la Faune de Madagascar, 2me 
partie, p. 43 :— | 

‘‘This eagle is not uncommon in those portions of the north-west coast which 
we have traversed. Onc may often see it, sometimes hovering in the sky 
almost out of sight, describing circles and uttering unceasingly its noisy cry 
of swauw-kwauw, sometimes darting upon the great tunnies which leap up 
from the water. The Azkoay, which is the name it bears among the Anta- 
nkarana and northern Sakalava, especially frequents the mouths of rivers in 
in order to fish in the rising tide. At carly morning it leaves its young ones, 
returning towards evening to bring them their food, which usually consists of 
fish. During the heat of the day one may often see the bird perched on the 
branches of the pandanus trees which border the sea and the river mouths. 
These birds construct their nest in the highest trees of the forests which 
extend alony the shores of the sea and the banks of the rivers. The nests, 
which are of considerable size, are formed of stout branches of trees. One 
day while hunting we perceived one of the nests in a tree of such a height that 
it was impossible to climb it even by aid of a rope ladder. There was nothing 
for it but to fell the tree, which was done by the natives with much skill. 
We found an eaglct in the nest in a state sufficiently developed to have quitted 
the nest in a very few days. The nest was about three feet in diameter. 
Over the inside was scattered a considerable quantity of fish bones and the 
crania of some large fishes. While the tree was being felled, the eaglet’s 
parents having seen from a distance their young one’s approaching ejectment, 
came to its help, uttering loud cries and sweeping so near the heads of those 
at work that they feared every moment being attacked by the formidable 
talons of the cayles. It was only when we had killed the male bird that his 
mate quitted the place to return no more. The eaglet, which we fed upon 
fish, meat, and rats, arrived safely in Europe; but subsequently dying, it has 
found a place in the Netherlands Museum.’’—Zvranslated by Ts (Eb.) 


$14 


THE ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL. 





LITERARY NOTES. 


EW BooKS ON MADAGASCAR. — 
During the year 1888 a large 
addition has been made to the publish- 
ed volumes of M. Grandidier’s great 
work /7isfoire de Madagascar (see 
age 429, anfe). The following have 
een issued during the past twelve- 
month : 

Histotre naturelle des Potssons ; 
1 Vol. descriptive Text, and conclu- 
ding part of Atlas of 53 Plates. 

wstoive naturelle des Plantes ; 
2 parts of ist Vol. of Atlas of 100 
Plates. 

Histotre des Mammiftres ; 1 Vol. 
(additional) of Text, and 1 Vol. 
(addl.) of Atlas of 123 Plates. 

Histoire naturelle des Insectes: 
Léptdopleres diurnes ; 1 Vol., Text 
and 63 Plates; Coléopteres ; 1st part 
of Atlas, 25 Plates. 

Histotre de la Géographie de Ma- 
dagascar ; 1 No. of Text, and 1 No. 
of Atlas of Maps, 34 Plates. 


Les Origins de l’tle Bourbon ct 
de la Colonization francaise a Ma- 
dagascar, par M. I. Guét; Paris: 
Pp. 303; 1888. 

adagascar, et les Peuplades 
tndépendantes abandonneés par la 
France. By ex-Col. Du Verge. This 
is a work which, where it treats of the 
non-Hova tribes, is chiefly made up 
of wholesale and unacknowledged ap- 
propriation of papers and pamphlets 
written by other writers, some of 
them articles appearing in former 
numbers of the ANNUAL. Its pages 
have been transcribed in the weekly 
issues of the Afadagascar Times, 
since March 31st, together with an 
English translation. As a specimen 
of literary piracies, see Madagascar 
dimes for Sept. 8th, where, as Mr. 
J. C. Thorne says, a most ‘‘impu- 
dent case of literary dishonesty and 
plagiarism’’is plainly shown by the 
reprinting in the same column of the 
Rev. C. F. Moss’s account of a 
visit to Antsihanaka, and Col. Du 
Verge’s pretended visit to some other 
place hundreds of miles away. An 


examination of other parts o 
book, and comparison of them 
other papers by English writer: 
reveal the sources of several 
chapters. Seeing that Col. Du' 
is so much indebted to Englisl 
thors for his materials, it is a 
ungrateful of him to abuse and 
everything English ashe does thr 
out this valuable and origtnal 

PAPERS AND PAMPHLETS ON 
DAGASCAR.—In the Lessure J 
Dec. 1887 (pp. 842 - 844), is anz 
on ‘‘Madagascar Rice- fields ;’’ z 
the same magazine for June 
(pp. 426 — 428) is an article by the 
G. Cousins, entitled ‘‘Malagas: 
bles,’’ consisting of translations ¢ 
native fables about ‘‘The Dog 
the Alligator,’’ ‘“‘The Wild-boa 
the Chameleon,” ‘‘The King c 
Birds,’’ and ‘‘The Eel andthe Dr: 
fly.” In Zhe Chronicle of the 
don Misstonary Society for July 
(pp. 295— 303) is a paper by N 
e Thorne on ‘‘Elementary Sc! 
as organized, carried on and s 
intended by the L.M.S. in Mad 
car.’ In the same magazin 
August (pp. 359—364) is a 
entitled ‘‘Native Art in Madaga: 
by Mr. Hume Nisbet, with an 
tration (copies of native drawing 

Misstonary’s Outfit for & 
gascar ; by Mr. Henry E. Clark 
pp. 12; J. F. Turner, Doncaste 

In the Bulletin de la So 
Géog. commerciale a Bordeaux, 
1886, is a paper by M. Th. F 
entitled ‘‘Quelques notes sur le 
de Madagascar.”’ 

In a Centenary volume pub! 
by the Société Philomathiqu 
Paris, 1888, is an article, ‘‘Les 
zimba,’’by M. A. Grandidier; f 

‘“‘Madagascar ;’’ article in 
Nouvelle Géographie unive 
a@’ Elisée Reclus. 

In the Linnean Soctety’s ‘ 
nal ( Botany) {for Nov. 1888, 
exhaustive paper on ‘‘The Flo 
Madagascar’ by Rev. R. B 
F.L.S. Of this production Mr C 


LITERARY NOTES. 


—_———, 


F.R.S., and Mr. J. G. Baker, 
, said, it was ‘‘the most 
le and important paper that 
ver appeared on the Flora of 
yrascar, and that it would in 
future afford the basis of our 
>dge of the flora of the island.”’ 
all probably give the substance 
treatise In our next number. 
XKS IN MALAGASY.—The fol- 
have been issued at the L.M.S. 
Antananarivo :—Wy Dzksio- 
amy ny Batboly: natao ho 
avana ny Zavatra maro voa- 
zo amy ny Soratra Masina 
mary of the Bible, for explain- 
uny things in the Holy Scrip- 
; edited by Rev. James Sibree, 
8vo, pp. vill. and gio, with 
loured maps and 100 woodcuts. 
is (with the sole exception of 
le in the time of the first mis- 
he largest book that has ever 
isued from the mission presses 
lagascar, and the editor is to 
igratulated on its completion. 
.re and time and labour expend- 
it by the editor must have 
‘ery great. The volume con- 
git separate articles, of which 
han half have been written by 
bree himself, and the remain- 
ive been supplied by various 
rs of the L.M.S. and F.F.M.A. 
as. Several maps and engra- 
have been introduced, which 
cely to be helpful to readers 
derstanding the letterpress. 
ther the work is one of perma- 
alue, and is calculated to be 
.t service to intelligent natives, 
ally to pastors, preachers and 
rs.—T.L. 
-Lenyamy ny Asan’ ny A fpo- 
misy Fampianarana sy Ana- 
thasoa (Homiletical Commen. 
\ the Acts of the Apostles); by 
. Peill; 8vo, pp. xil, and 328, 
wo maps.—WVy fFuhagagana 
ty Fesosy Kratsty Tompon- 
(The Miracles of our Lord Je- 
cist); by Rev. J. Wills ; 8vo, pp. 
d 119.—y Zantfaran-d Raza- 
y Mpitandrina ny Fiangona- 
» Kihaonana any Vonizongo 
lography of Razaka, Pastor of 
lana in Vonizongo); edited by 





515 


Rev. T. T. Matthews; 16mo, pp. 71—-—-—: 


—Lakolosy sy Ondana (Transla- 
tion of Miss F. R. Havergal’s ‘Morn- 
ing Bells’ and ‘Evening Pillows’); by 
Miss Amy E. Brockway; 12mo, pp. 
65. 
A new (or rather, revived) quarter- 
ly periodical has been issued by the 
L.M.S. Press, commencing the 15th 
of last July, entitled Vy Alpanolo- 
tsatna (‘The Counsellor’), 8vo, pp. 
48. This magazine was first issued 
eleven years ago and appeared from 
May 1877 to Dec. 1880, but was 
then discontinued. It contains arti- 
cles of a more advanced and fuller 
character than any other mission 
periodical, and is intended to meet 
the needs of the educated and intel- 
ligent class of Malagasy. 

The following have been issued 
from the Press of the F.F.M.A. :— 

Ny Ady Masina. Nataony Fohn 
Bunyan (Bunyan’s ‘Holy War’); 
translated into Malagasy by F. Ra- 
sdamanana, Rev, R. Baron, and Rai- 
nandrfamampandry, 15 Hon. ; 16mo, 
pp. 268.—WVy Zantaran’ ny Mpa- 
monjy (The Story of the Saviour) ; 
by F. Rasoamanana; 12mo, pp.xil.and 
266.—Hatrany no mahavaky feny 
(Reading at Sight) ; by Mr. Herbert F. 
Standing. A new system of teaching 
to read by syllables, with illustrative 
diagrams; in lithography, 20 pp. 

For the S. P. G. Mission :—y F2- 
lazantsarany Fesosy Kraisty Tom- 
pontstka nosoratany S. faona, etc. 
(Commentary on the Gospel of St. 
Joho, with Introduction and Expla- 
nation on the Doctrine of the Logos) ; 
by Rev. F. A. Gregory, M.A. ; 8vo, 
pp. xxix. and 204. 

For the Medical Mission Board: — 
Pathology sy Anatomy Morbida 
(Pathology and Morbid Anatomy); 
translated from Dr. T. H. Green’s 
work by Rabdrijaona, Student of Me- 
dicine ; 8vo, pp. xiv. and 182, with 
14 lith. illustrations and 14 pp. expla- 
natory of same. 

For the Native Government :—Wy 
LTelegrafy Elektrika (Handbook on 
the Working of the Telegraph); fiscp. 
4to, 32 pp., with 26 lith. illustrations. 

The following translations of stan- 
dard English theological works have 


—h, 


816 


been issued from the S.P.G. Press. 
Ny Filazan-hevitry ny Sym- 
bolum, atao hoe koa Ny Credo 
(Bishop Pearson on the Creed); trans- 
ated by Rev. F. A. Gregory, M.A; 
cr. 8vo, pp. viii. and 590.— Hore Pao- 
line, na Fampisehoana ny Faha- 
marinan' ny Soratra Masina mt- 
laza any S. Paolo (Archdeacon Pa- 
ley’s ‘Hore Pauline’); translated by 
Rev. E. O. Mc.Mahon ; 8vo, pp. 116 
with map. 


LITERARY NOTES. 


The following have been issu 
the Norwegian Mission Press 

Hlomiletika; by Rev. S.E. 
sen. —Hevz-teny amy ny Ev 
(Commentary on the Gospels 
Church Year); by Rev. L. I 
A fppendix to the Hymn-book 

The following is from the | 
the Afadagascar Times: -.\ 
grafy Malagasy na Fomi. 
ratana (Malagasy Phono 
by A. Tacchi; 16mo, pp. 20. 


BRIEF SUMMARY OF IMPORTANT EVENTS 
MADAGASCAR DURING 1888. 


OLITICAL AND SOCIAL.— 
The chief political event of the 

year 1888 has been the despatch in 
the month of July of an expedition, 
under the command of Rainimia- 
dana, 15 Hon., to the neighbourhood 
of St. Augustine’s Bay, in order to 
establish Hova authority over the 
turbulent Vézo and other south-west- 
ern tribes. New governors have also 
been appointed to several important 

sts. 

During the months of August, 
September, and October, the Quecn 
with her Court made a visit of nine 
weeks’ duration to Tsinjoarivo, a 
place about 50 miles south of the 
Capital. 

For a considerable part of the year 
great misery has been caused to the 
people of large tracts of country in 
the northern and north-western parts 
of Imérina by large armed bands of 
robbers, who have almest depopula- 
ted certain districts in Vonizongo, 
Anativolo, and other places. These 
marauders, it is said, have formed 
fortified camps, from which they 
sally forth to attack the people, num- 
bers of whom have been killed, many 
more carried away into slavery, 


while hundreds of cattle ha 
swept off. Other parts of the 
to the south of Imerina h: 
suffered in the same way, altt 
a less extent. 

Large concessions of forest 


* the north-eastern part of Mad 


have been made to Europe: 
panies. One of these is adi 
40 miles square at the head 
tongil Bay and ceded to an 
company; and another, in th 
sula of Maréa (inclosing that 
the east), toa company dire 
M. Maigrot, the Italian 
Gold-mining concessions ha 
been made to certain Frer 
English subjects ; and gold] 
discovered during the year in 
new localities. 

During the month of Oct« 
people cf the Capital were mu 
ted by the visit of Mrs. Mary C. 
Hon. Sec. of the American VW 
Christian Temperance Unio 
lady has been travelling in 
countries for more then five 
lecturing andspceaking ontemy 
purity, and other social | 
Mrs. Leavitt, during a visit « 
three weeks, addressed no le 


BRIEF SUMMARY OF IMPORTANT EVENTS. 


twenty-four meetings, her speeches 
being mostly translated into Mala- 
gcasy ; and concluded with an address 
in the Palace Church, and a private 
interview with Her Majesty the Queen, 
who took a very kindly interest in 
her work. Mrs. Leavitt's visit was 
well timed, for drinking habits have 
certainly greatly increased of late in 
all parts of the country; and she 
had opportunities of addressing very 
large meetings, both of men and 
women, at the half-yearly assembly 
of the Imérina Congregational Union. 
LITERARY. — During the year 1888 
the printing in England of the finally 
revised version of the Malagasy 
Bible has been carried on under the 
care of the Chief Reviser, the Rev. W. 
E. Cousins. This new version is print- 
ed in larger type and on a larger 
page than the last two editions of the 
Malagasy Scriptures, and will form a 
rather bulky volume of from 1500 to 
1600 pages. A small separate edi- 
tion of the New Testament has also 
been completed, and a first instal- 
ment of it was received here at the 
end of October. 
OBITUARY.—Mks. Hoaca. Many 
Malagasy, as well as Europeans 
who have been in Madagascar, 
would hear with regret of the death 
of Mrs. H. Hogg, late of the Medical 
Mission in this country. For several 
years thisexcellent andkindly- hearted 
Christian woman was matron at the 
L.M.S. Hospital in Antananarivo, 
and laboured hard for the spiritual 
as well as the bodily welfare of those 
who were admitted as patients into 
the institution. Mrs. Hogg passed 
away, after much suffering time from 
cancer, in the early part of this year. 
Mk. F. A. CHESSON. Jt seems only 
fitting that a word or two should 
be said in this ANNUAL to record 
the death of Mr. Chesson, for he 
was a sincere friend to the Mala- 
gasy, and laboured hard during the 
Franco- Malagasy war to awaken the 
interest of English people in Mada- 
gascar, and sympathy for its people 
in their struggle against France. To 
Mr. Chesson was due the formation 
of the ‘‘Madagascar Committee,’’ 
which did so much to spread infor- 


517 


mation about this Isl nd to-bring’ 
the facts of the disbute before the 
British public. All oppressed retion- 
alities struggling for their rights and 
liberties have lost a valuable helper 
and advocate by Mr. Chesson’s early 
removal ; aud his loss is one that will 
not soon, if ever, be fully supplied. 

RAINISOA RATSIMANDISA, 12 Hon., 
Officer of the Palace. The death of 
this venerable Malagasy officerin June 
broke the last link uniting the present 
time with that of the first L.M.S. 
missionaries. Rainisda was a remark- 
able old man, having reached 
upwards of ninety years ofage. For 
several years past he was the only 
surviving pupil of Mr. Griffiths; he 
was one of the first Malagasy who 
received baptism at his hands; and 
he and his wife were the very first 
natives who were united together by 
the rites of Christian marriage. He 
was one of those who assisted the first 
missionaries in their literary work, 
and he always claimed to have been 
the translator of the P:lgrzm’s Pro- 
gress into Malagasy; and during 
the last few years of his life he was 
engaged in making for the Queen a 
translation into Malagasy of AM/a?- 
thew Henry's Commentary on the 
Four Gospels. One of Rainisoa’s 
most marked peculiarities was the 
intense veneration and affection in 
which he held the memory of his 
early teachers. He hada good know- 
ledge of English, and used often 
to read and pray in that language 
with his family; while all of them, 
children and grandchildren, he had 
taught to sing English hymns and 
sacred pieces to the old-fashioned 
tunes sung in England seventy years 
ago. His mind and memory were 
vigorous to the last, for he died (at 
93) not of old age, but from burns 
occasioned by a lamp having been 
overturned, and part of his dress in 
consequence catching fire. He was 
remarkable also for having had but 
one wife during his long life; and 
this, by all those who know anything 
of Malagasy social life, will be admit- 
ted to be a very noteworthy, almost 
a unique, fact. His wife died about 
three years ago. 


DAILY TABLES OF TEMPERATURE AND 
JANUARY. . FEBRUARY. 
Aves, DatelRain|Min, [AVF 















te| Rain| 





yrs 2yrs. 
wa 1 a es 
75 || 2 3 
69 3 64 | 66 
pm | 4 | 64.8, 
715 |) 5 | .ot| 63 | 60 
745 || ©| (26) 6r | 6x5 
73:5 Z|" 58 | or 
69.5 br | 625 
73-5 || 9] .10| 63 | 64 
75-5 | 10 | +50] 62 | 63.5 





BUBEE PEE EE BRE 


















































T & 

2 6 

3 65 

4 6 
5 

6 67 

i ¢ 

5 

9 7 5 68 

7m 10 58 | 57-5] 74 | 72 || 10 7 | $1.5} 69 

69,5 |] §8 | 555] 70 | 67 | rr 53 | 49.5) 65 

69° |] 1a 54 | 52.5| 68 m2 50 | 49.3] 65 

68 13 $3 | 54 | 67 13 53 | $0.5) 64 

68,5 |] 14 $6 | 545 1 48/47 | 60 

69.5 |] 15 S4 | 535 15 49/47 | 38 

70 16 | .01} 56 | 54.5 16 47 | 42.5] 65 

70.5 |! 17 53 | 54 3 |] 17 48 | 45. | 68 

6.5 |] 18 | .ot] $3 | 83 18 38 | 485] 65 






















































































RAINFALL FOR THE YEAR 1888 (SEE NEXT PAGE). 






































AUGUST. SEPTEMBER. 
" "Max AYE" 
te|Rain [Dato Rain|Min, [ATC Max, [°C | Date Rain 
r 44 [44-5 | 60 (605) © 
2 49 | 455/62 |6r |) 2 
3 45 | 44.5 | 63 | 63 3 
4 46 | 40.5 | Go | 63 4 
5 50} 49 | 61 |62 | 5 
6 46/48 | 59 | 605]] 6 
z 49 | 48.5} 60 | 60 || 7 
8 | .o2/45 | 45 | 6x | 6u5] 8 
9 44 | 465 | 6x | 6r 9 
10 | 02/80 | 465/63 ) 6r_ | 10 
am 47 | 465 |63 | 605} a2 
12 $0 | 47 60 | 585 || 12 | .37 
13 | .02/54 | 50 | 60 | 59.5 ] 13 
14 $0] 48 |s9 |} 59 | 14 
15 43 | 485/60 | 6x |i 15 
36 | sor | 47 | 44.5 | 62 | 62 | 16 
7 46] 47 | 62 | 63 }}37 
| 18 46 | 48° [64 | 65.5 || 18 
| 9 47:| 47 63 | 67 9 
60.5 | 26 44 | 49.5 |63 | 64,5 |) 20 
«5 | ar | 2] sx | 50. | 6x |6r.5 || ax | or 
| 22 sx [49 | 65 | 61.5 || 22 | :17 
23 St | 47.5 | 62 | 58 |! 23 | .05 
24 52149 | 63 | 60,5 |} 24 
25 52 | 49 68 | 64 25 
103 26 52] 49 |66 | 63 |} 26 | 33 
27 52 | 49.5 | 68 | 64.5 |] 27 | wrt 
a8 35 | 53 | 69 | 66.5 || 28 | Go 
29 56 | 52.5 | 68 | 64.5 || 29 
3° 52 | 49.5 | 62 30 
3 49 | 50.5 | 6r | 65.5 
vigin, (Aver. 8yrs, .18in. 
NOVEMBER. 
r (Aver. 
jate| Rain) jDate}Rain/Min, tyre, (Max. Datel 
r & | 59 T 
2 |1.66| 38 | 58 2 
“32 3 | 2.56) 56 | 57 3 
54 4 38 | 57 4 
5 | sor] 6x | 58 5 
6 38 | 585 6 
7 | -71] 87 | 5! 7 
8 | .06 re 89 a 
9 | 58.5 9 
8 wor} 56 | 56.5 10 
38 1 56 | 56 11 
27 oo 54 | 54 2 
3 52 | 52 3 
14 $3 | $35 4 
15 |2.33] $7 | $7 15 
16 | .30) $6 | 56.5 16 
1 17 | 123] 60 | 38 7 
109 1B §9 | 57 B 
48 19 | 18/60 | 565 19 
108 20 | ‘93| 60 | 58 20 
ar | . fo os an 
a2 | 113| 61 | 59 22 
23 | 3] 60 | 60 23 
24 | 08] 60 | 3%5 24 
25 | .18/ 58 | 58.5 25 
26 39 sis 26 
27 58 | 5 27 
28 | tr] 60 | 59 23 
29 | .23| 61 | 60.5 29 
30 60 | 60.5 30 
3 



















































































Tot, -a.17in (Aver. ia7in, (Aver: § 


520 THE ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL. 





DAILY TABLES (WITH AVERAGES) OF THE TEM- 
PERATURE AND RAINFALL, 1888. 


‘HE observations contained in the preceding tables have been taken 
at Faravéhitra (wide ANNUAL, 1887, p. 396). 

e first column indicates the day of the month ; the second, the rain- 
fall for the 24 hours ending at 8 a.m.; the third, the temperature during 
the night ; the fourth, the average for two years; the fifth, the highest 
point touched during the day, and the sixth gives the average for two years, 

The greatest heat registered has been 84° F., Jan. 26th, and Oct. 31st. 
In 1887, the highest was 85° F., and the lowest 38° F. 
The easterly winds were unusually frequent at the beginning of the 
. year: but during the latter part, the westerly winds have been much 
more than usually frequent. During the last six days of October the 
average heat was greater than we remember cither at that or any other 
part of the year during our residence here, now nearly twenty years. 
There were some severe storms at the commencement of the year, and 
that of the zoth of March did much damage. At the beginning of 
this rainy season we had very heavy hail-storms, and it is said that in one 
place the hailstones were almost as large as a child's fist. 
At the end of each month we give the total rainfall and the average 
. for 8 years. It will be noticed that the fall for the year is slightly above 
the average, being 53.84in. Seven months, January, February, May, 
June, yy. October and December, were de/ow the average, and the rest 
above, November giving us the largest fall for the month of the eight years. 
There have been five earthquake shocks, or rather, earth tremors, re- 
corded, viz. on Jan. 12th, March 17th, June 8th (two), and October 3oth. 
For easy comparison we append the rainfall of the past 8 years :— 











1881 = 42.12 in. | 1884 = 68.86 in. | 1887 = 65.08 in. 
1882 = 41.08 ,, | 188 §2.19 ,,°| 1888 = 53.84 ,, 
1883 = 57.65 ,, | 1886 = 47.28 ,, | Average for the 8 years 53.51 in. 


Comparison of Heat of Ambitondrazika (Sihanaka) and Antananarivo. 
Aug.— Dec, 26th, 1888, 





A- 
Degrees in Farenheit k 









Degrees in Farenheit dza-|Cap, Dif, j 
| ka | 








3 \Nov. > Highest during the day 





|Aug.: Highest during the day 
Lowest 16 














wow og | 62 | 89 Lowest wy 77 69) 8 
Highest ,, night] 66 | 56 Highest {) finight 68) 61, 7 
Lowest sn | Lowest $8520 

(Sept. Highest during the day 10 |Dec.? Highest during the day y2 839 

owest est yy 751 70 © 
Highest Highest ,, —_,,night! 70 | 05} 6 
Lowest Lowest, | 63! 571-5 
i Big! jest durit i 
owest ny 67|63| 4 i SON, 
Highest |, \night| 68 | 6z | 6 Compiled by J. RICHARDSON. 
Lowest yon on | 86] st | 51 _ 

















Mr. J. G, Mackay has sent daily readings from Ambatondrazaka. Tho thermometer is 
ine same as Mr. Richardson's at Faravobitra, and it hung side. by side with Mr, K.'s 
until Mr. Mackay bought it and commenced making observations in August. 
J. RicHaRpson. 
© This was erroneously put 59.19 in last ANNUAL. 


THE ANTANANARIVO ANNUAL. 521 


ee 


GENERAL 


INDEX 


Nos. IX., X., Xl, AND XII.” 











one=-6O Ou 
Malagasy ... ... ... .. 349  ‘'Bétsimisaraka Superstitions, Some”... 235 
0 err: kf.) — Tnbe... ... wn. 2 
Mal. with the Melanesian Bétsimitatatra rice plain... 2... w.. 75 
(The. we 34300: SBiazavola, a Mal. Bard”... ww. 247 
ontin Mal... ...2, 54, 114,127. Bible, Revision of Mal. ... ... 121, 209, 384 
iM. ee BO Bible Revision work in ML”... 0.1... 209 
he? oo. 8) Bibliography, A Male... 0. ag 
eae tee tee nee vee 266 Blanchard, Emile, quoted - ; 21 
mo extinct Volcano... .... 69 Birds of M.. vee ue 132, 272, 366, 430, 436 
Mo... ... 136, 146 Borchgrevi ink, Mrs., Paper trans. by ... 440 
iny 2) preposition wee eee 29D , Rev. Dr., Book by... ... 126 
latry of the Hova, The” . 78 BotanyofM. ...... ... 88, 115, 125, 340 
jleanie Lake oo... 0... «469 ~~) Bricksand Tiles __... 
extinct Volcano... .. .... 69 Brief Summaries of Important Events 
a, Etymology Of ane 251 every Ycar, 1884—1888, ... 120, 257, 283 
-, Originetname ... .. 79 BullockofM. ... wee see oe QT 
nobles. . .. 384 Burial Customs... ... wee ane 464 
VORAVELONA, Paper by. 79 Camcron, Jas., and hiswork... ... 1. 
inimérina, Farewell speech Canal, Proposed, on E. coast... ... ... 208 
44 CarnivoraofM. ... we KT 


—_—..- , p otic Version 
-—; ; and the Idols... 81 
okoindrindra, King 149, 151 





ap of We... .. 83 
rint . bee eee ... 24s 
ttown., . ven eee 25 

, Etym ology ‘of... rr 15 

, Twenty-five years apo... 397 

‘Rainfall of 128, 260, 394, 518 
1, 83 
ot springs ato. .., 34, 468 
1Malkhw. o.oo. 244, 288 
ntin Mak... 0... 100 
alect of Bets... 235 
sers of carly L.M. S. Miss. 98 
Mah. Lk. 464 
bits, cte. of... 147, 260, 388 
om M. Rotany w. ITS, 125, 340 

.» Death of... 0. 6. ow N20 

, Paper by... 0. we 167 

oM., Book by ae 319 
oe 53 440 
", R., Papers by... 50, 216, 261 

Lae vee nee 387 

bocce gae ccc es cette ee cenetenes 434 

»Paperby 2. 6. SH 
of ‘extinct Volcanoes ae 73 
“et. 235 
ds in reference to Chiefs... 309 


“Case in Mala asy”’ we 494 
Castonnet des Fosses, H., ‘Book by we (254 
Causséque, Rev. P., Book by... 243, 287, 291 
Chamelcons __... w+» 437 
‘Channels and Lagoons of E. of Co. MM. 205 





Charms... . we eee 82, 308 
Chesson, F. A., “Death of 0 wk 517 
Chieftainship, Words connected with .. 305 
Christmas Carols in Mal... .. » oa. «©2012 
Church Decoration eee ase ave ee «3786 

- Architecture... 1... 0... 4. 402 





- of England Mission ... .... ... 417 
CLARK, H. E., papers by we ee = 78, 185 





—_——-, Book by... we 392 
Clay or decayed Gneiss 0. 0. 63 
Clay-slate .., we ee «= 3 
Codrington, Rev. Dr., quoted we «= 16, 3.43 
Committee of Bible Revi ision... ... 210, 215 
Comoro Is., Fauna of...) 0... 1.) 137 


Compound Verbal prefixes.... ... ... 283 
Cotton... . 95 
CovsINsS, REv. W. E., “Papers by 44, 157, 





243 
—_—_—_ ——~, Books by... 89, 124 
Crocodile of M..... . vee 259, 439 





Ordeal among ‘Taiméro 421 
‘Crusoe, Robinson,’ comp. with R. Dru- 
rv's ‘Madagascar’... ere <) 
Cryploprocta ferox animal |... 147 
“Curiosities of Words connected with 
Royalty and Chicftainship in MM.” ... 301 


four numbers form wt a third volume an Index to the four is here given, In ordcr 
+ ace the following abbreviations are usually made : M. for ‘Madagascar ;’ Mal. 

Bets. for ‘Betsiléo ;’ Betsim. for ‘Bétsimisaraka ;) Sih. for ‘Sihanaka.’ The 
tors of papers are given in small capitals ; titles of articles are shown by inverted 
1 scicntific names, as well as Malagasy names, of plants and animals are given in 


522 GENERAL INDEX. 





DAHLE, REV. L., Papers by 99, 218, 283 








_  8tSs 457 
Danvers, G. C., on E.I. Co’s ships... 26 
Days, lucky and unluck wee cee 32, 462 
Defoe, Daniel, and R, Tre &/ 
Destiny, Ideas of Mal.,, as s to. wee eee 185 
Dialects of Mal. wee eee = 89 
Dictionary, New Mal. -English .. 85, 99 
-, Mal., of Bible... wl... 
Divination amongst Mal.... ... ... 218 
Dress of of Mae Mii wee 368, 406 
“ s, Robt., ‘Ma agascar i i is it a 
Fiebos Pn, wes a ©] 
——$—__—_——, quoted err 2X } 
Eagle of M. _... vee eee eee ee 513 
Earthquakes a wee 785 381, 396 
Education i in Antananarivo vee eee eee 385 
eee ee ee 413 
Electric Tel Toleg ah i in M.. we eee 383 
‘‘Elemen ae in M.” ... 
erm egion,’ Probable "past His- 
we «141 
Eteice of M. 51, 428 


Fady or Tabooed Thing nd and Words ar 348 
Féanataovana or votive Cairns... 380 
Fanompouna or Govt. service... ... 

° Fanorona, Game of .. we 148, as 
Farquhar, Sir Robt., Gov. of Mauritius 473 
Fauna, Extinct, of M. and. Masc. Is. ... 137 
_ “Fauna of M. and the Mascarene Islands, 


The” re ©.°) 
Fires in Antananariv 0, Former ... ... 401 
‘Fish’ and ‘Canoe,’ Mal. words for ... 382 
Fishes of M. 136, 146, 431 
Flacourt, Gov., and the Sikidy wus 223, 463 
Flora of M... see ane 27%, 273, 278 
¥.M.M.A. work. in M. see ose .. =416 
Folk-lore of Mal. ... ... ew. 241, 254 
Food of Mal. ou. uc. cue cae eee vee 408 
Forests of M. ou. ee cae ee tee wee 346 
Fort Dauphin ... 2.0.0... eee wee eee 453 
Franco-Mal. War w. 120 
Freeman and Johns on Mal. Schools ... 29 
“Funeral Ceremonies at the Burial of 

Radama I,” ... 311 
————___ of Mal. Sov. creigns 

302, 311 
Gardoz, H., Book by... ... 
“General Hall and the Export Slave- 

Trade from M.”’ ... wee eee 473 
Genitive Caseof Nouns... ... ... ... 286 

Goer esearches... 329, 336, 384 

of M. ... 59, 250 266, 269, 274, 33! 
Ghosts. Belief in... tee ase eee 239 
Gnciss formation vee tee tee eee = 60, 96 
God, Mal. Names for ...... ... «1. 79 
——, Proverbs referringto ... ... ... 79 

Gold deposits and mining vee tee ee 76 
Governors, New _... vee eee eee) 8 2T 
Government of M. ... 410 


GRANDIDIER, A., Papers by. 205, 322, 427 
——--——-- ——, Books by 252, 429, 435, 


43 
Granite formation ... ... ... ... 60,96 
Graphite _... wee eee tee ee = 64, G6 
Griffths, Rev. Dd. ... we aes eee 28 
Hail-storm, A remarkable... ve oe 363 


Hartley, Rev. R. G., as Hymn-writer... 195 


Hartmann, Dr. R., Book by ... 

HERBERT, MIss C., Paper by wes 

HEWLETT, Rev. A. "M., Papers by 

Hides, Trade i in.. - 

Highway Robbers ... ... 

Hippopotamus, Extinct ... 25, 131, : 

Hogg, Mrs, H., Death of .. 

Hornblende rock wes 

Hot springs wee eee 

House- building, Improved wee ee 

Hova, Divisions of vee ee 

——, Idolatry of 

——, Name of . 

—— , Origin of 

“How we got to Madagascar” " 

Hué, F., Book by wees 

Hurricane on E. coast |. ..... 

Hymnology. of Mal... 2. 1.) 

ohen in Mal. 

mi eas of the Mal, with regard to Destir 

The,” wee 
Idolatry of the Hova 
Idols of Imérina 
Ifanja marsh 
Imérina, Descri tion of .. 

——-—, Mapo 

Industrial progress ... 

Infix in Mal. words .. 

Insectivora of M. ww. ww wee 

Insects of M.... . wee eee 138, | 

Iron and its working wee 

- -— pyrites 

Itisy lake ... 

Ivatolahy, a remarkable Rock, etc. 
akobsen, Rev, D., quoted. . 
ean, Rev. Pére, Pamphlet by 
OHNSON, WM., Papers by .. 
ones, Rev. D. 

ORGENSEN, Rev. S. E., Papers by 
ourney's in M. aes 

asigé extinct Volcano ... 

Keane, A. H., quoted ... 

Keller, Dr. Konrad, Book by... 

Kimos, an alleged Tribe of Dwarfs 

Konmr, an old name of M. 

‘King in Imerina; a Dramatic Fra 

ment, The” we aes 

Laborde, Consul J. B. - 

Lahifétsy, a Sakalava chief ... 

Lakes, Ancient... . 

Lamba, Varities of native 

Tand schol 5 Nad; 

c, Wm., on s ‘ ada 
Lemuridz ... . rary dagascar 
Lime and Limestone... 

Literary Notes... ... ... 122, 252, 

Litcrature, Mal... Lane 

Little, Rev. H. W., Book by 

L.M.S. Mission work in M. 

Madagascar Amphibia ... 








-—— Bibliography ...... 
-—— Birds .... ... 132, 272,. 
——--— Rotany...._ 88, 115, 
———--— Geology 59, 250, 266,331, 
-— Fauna... ... ... 
———-— Fishes eee nee 136, t 
—. Flora ... “ 





—--—— > Forests 


GENERAL INDEX. 





ar Insects _..,. 138, 431 
— Land-shells 140, oe 
— Mammalia... 130, 430 
— Orchids 117, 259 
— Palms... ... 94, 269 
— Reptiles 1351 259, 430 437 
— Silk-worms wee eee nee TQ) 
— Timber ow. ee 3 
Black-people... 0.0 0... 362 
, Arabic clement in wes eee ~=L00 
Bible Revision 121, 209, 258, 384 
-English Dictionary.. ... 85, 99 
Folk-lore and Folk-tales ... 254 
Game of Fanorona, The” ... 148 
Grammar, A New”... ... 243 
Hymnology . 187 


Language, Stuiics i in the” 
283, 286, 291 


Literature.. 2... 0 0.000... ID 
Names aes 374, 460 
Native Industries ... wee tee QT 
New Books in... 127, 259,392, 515 
Origin of the . » vee Ty 51, 354 
Personal Article ‘I’ 216, 246 
Poctry 167, 248 
Proverbs .. 79, 124 
Roots: their Classification and 
Mutual Relation” 157 
‘ar 25 yearsago wes 397 
olynesian element in Mal. 5, 
56, 290, £81 
vof M, s+ 130, 430, 433, 434 


a, Voyage to ... 325 
ino group of extinct Volcanoes 67 





ira, Journey to sae, 261, 268 
‘a and its Workshops" wee nee 295 
ures... ee eee 297 
ntandnarivo wes nee ee tee 384 
rina, . -» 335; 341 
adi agasci ar 256, "338, 342, 392 
393, 408 
’, Ankaratra (opposite)... ... 83 
lalafatsy, etc. 4, title- -page i. (1) 
ean, Bock by... oe eee 3Q 
e Islands, Fauna of... |... 136 
, Rev, T. T., notice by .. we 251 
Sooks in Mal. — — 257 393) 515 
fission Academy... ... 0. 25 
— work ; we «414 
in clement in Mal. 15, 290, 343 
wea 241 
shic rocks ... . ae 97 
wards, Alph., Books by” 435, 436 
ad Metals in M. ves nee ave BY 
town ...0 0... oe uee teens 277 
of M.. 433 
MERY, REV. W., » Papers by 118, 148 
mes ... 0... ee ues 237 
vcred bee ae 190, 199 
Mal. Tribes bee . ~ §2 
“roducts used in Mal. Indus- 
gt 


listory. (and Botanical) “Notes 
115, 289, 386, 511 


era of Mal. Plants . eee eee OTS 
il.-English Dictionary, The”. 85 
. Plants... 116 


-LUND, REV. J. Paper by . ; 440 


Norwegian Luthcran Mission in M.. ... 418 
‘‘Notes on the Beétsiléo Dialect” ... ... 235 
“____.... Geology of the Inatcrior 














of M.” ww 59 
(6. —. Tribes of M.".. 57 
Nouns, Genitive Case of Mal, see eee ©6286 
——-— in Mal.... . 347 
“Odd and Curious Experiences of Life 
in M.” .. 367 
Oliver, Capt. Ss. P., ” Papers ‘by ren 256, 473 
—-— ———,, Book by 122, 263 
=) quoted - 7,10 
Onilahy river ... ven aee wee 448 
Oratory, Flowers ofMal. wk 177 
Orchids of M. . 117, 259 
Ordeal by Crocodile, . ves «. 421 
“Over New Ground: a Journey to 
Mandritsfra and the N.W. Coast” . 61 


Owen, Capt. W. F. W., Extracts from 


Oysters... ... vo eee wee = 278 
Palms.. 94 
Pamphlets ‘and Papers on M. 328, 255, 391, 

574 
Parrot, Black . Trae <°) 


PEARSE, REV. Je Pa er by ... wee eee 3285 
PEILL, Mrs. A. P., aper by wee 6310 
Peoples of M., Race Elements of |... I 
Persecution of Christiansin M. ... ... 191 
‘Personal Article ‘I’ in Mal.’ 216, 246, 346 
PICKERSGILL, VICE-CONSUL W.C., 
Papers by 40 177, 247, 364 
Pirates of M. we ane 183 
Place-names of N.W. Coast... ... ... 488 
Planets, The Seven, and their supposed 


Influence . cee cee aee wee) 58 
“Poetry of M., On tho” cee ave eee 167 
Political ChangesinM.... ... .. ... 409 
Population of } . .. 183 
“Possessive Case or Construct State in 

Mal.?, Have wea” ... 10. eee 310 


Postel, R., Book by— we «6-254 
Pouget de St. An ré, H., ‘Book by we «6284 
Prefixes, Compound Verbal .. ... 283, 357 
“Preposition Amy (or Aminy. j The” 291 
Prepositions in Mal... _.. 1 eee 347 
Prichard, Dr., on the Mal. ... .. 
Produce, Vegetable, of M. ... 2... 187 
Pronouns in 

Protective Resemblances in Insects... 11g 
Proto-martyr of M.. wee 257 


Proverbs referring to God, etc. 74, 456 
“‘Providential Deliverance on E. Coast 
of M., A” 378 
“Quarter- Century of Change | and Pro- 
gress, A,” . sane tee 397 
Quartz and Quartzite er | 
Rabiby or Ralambo... . It 


“Race Elements of the Peoples of M.” I 
Radama I... wes 0029s 45 
—_—_—, Funcral Ceremonics of rn © 
Rainfall and Temperature of Antanana- 


rivo.. .. see 128, 260, 394, 518 
Rainiséa Ratsimandisa, Death of... ... 517 
RAJAONARY, Paper by... ewes 305 
Razafilahy, a Malagas Bard... 1... 171 


Religious and Moral Progress in M. 415, 418 
Reptiles of M. . see 135, 146, 430, 437 
“Rice and Rice Culture in M.” wae 479 


524 


Ridley, H. R., on Mal. Orchids... ... 117 
River Embankments ven tee _ 3 


. —-, An Underground. 


Roads and Paths 38: 3; 400, 403 3 





Rodentia of M.. vee eee GT 
Roman Catholic ‘Mission in M. 418 
Rooke, Capt. W., Exploration of E, 
Coast Lakes by 2.0. 297 
Roots of Mal. words .. RF, 187 
Sacrifices... rrr 
Saillens, R., Book by eee ee ee ee «D2 
Sakaliva Idols... . bee ee Rry 
-~—, The... ou. Lees nee Ry 82 
Salo mountains.. ves eran © 
San-andro, or Day -doclaring.. rn UF 
Sankey, Ira TD., Hymns and Times in 
Mal. by... laf 
“Scientific Researches in M.. M.A. Gran- 
didier’s’—Geographieal ...00 2. 329 
—— ———— —— Meteorngical  . 42; 
--——- -- —~—— Geological 2...) 1.) 427 
———— — -—— Ethnological © 2. 28 
——— + Zoological eee ee 28 
Schools, First, in Antaninarivo ...0 2... 27 
—_—-— —— in Imerina . a. 
—— —-, Laws respecting 34 
—--—- Standards., ves 3% 
——-—.-, Statistics of 28, 32, 35. 3f 
———- Teachers, Training of we AY) 
Sedges and Rushes... 0.00000. 2 03 
Sebillot, P., Book by. rs S| 
Seychelles Is., Faun. of bee ae 137 
SHAW, REV. G., Book by 2.0. 122, 274 


SIBREE, REV. J., Papers hy 85, 187, 207, 
JO FO, 307, 383. 390, 108 
, Book. by... 15, A145 

Sthidy and | ‘intana: Hi: alf-hours with 
Mal. Diviners”  ... 218, 315, $37 
IL) 


Silk and Silk spinning . Ges 
‘Singleton, Capt., compared with R. 

Drury’s 'M. id. ugascar bee ae eee 33 
Slate ..... wee ee OG 
Slave-trade from M. 473 
SMITH, Rev. G. HERBERT, “Paper hy 233 
Soap making ee eR 
“Some Thoughts on Church Music in 

M.” oon Ty) 


South-east Coast Customs and Supe rsti- 

TIONS nk cae nee pence nee wee 
Songs, Mal. .. 0. wn. ee we Od 
South Coast of M. 0... a. ce 3 
STANDING, H. F., Paper by Lee OS 
---, Book by. vee eee YI 
St. Augustine's Bay cx sedition vee ee 333 
ST. Jou, PERcy R., ‘in by rr ca ' 
“Studies in the Mal. L: anpuage’™ ... 0... 253 
Sulphur... . 


ere ees eee oa 7 . 


GENER. 4Z INDEX. 


. = 





e226 eae 4 


Superstitions... se. 
“Swaheli Element in the New Ma 
English Dictionary, The’... ... . 
“Tables of Temperature and Rain 
Daily” eae eee 3 
Taiméro Tribe, Ordeals ; among we 
Tanning 4. 


Tanosy Tribe... cen cee een tees 
‘Te-Deum’ in Mal. ... eee : 
Terminal Syllables in Mal. Words" . 
THORNF, J.C. : Paper by coo anes 
Timber...) ce cee tee tte 
Tobaeeo and : its 1 Uistees cee cee eee 


qT rachytic lavas es 
+ Trade and Comme re © of M.. The” 
*Translition of the Farewell ‘Spe ech | c 
A ndrianam.sinimerina™ wee tee ws 
Travelling in M. ... o.. 262, 307, 2 
“Travels and Perils among the Wil 
Tribes in the Seuth of ML" ven 
Travels in M, ... one 2! 
Tree >» and Shrubs introduced .. woe 
"Prnal by Caiman, The" ee ow 
“Tribal Divisions of the Hora Mal 
The occ e cee tee wee ae 
Tribes of M. gee _ con cee eee ST 3: 
Tritriva Volcanic Like ee cee em 
/sinecdla water-insect 1... use tee 
T- Wan. >eustOM ..n une eee ws 
‘Tunes used to Mal, Hvmns . coe nee ew 
“UT nderground River, An” 2.0 ou. aw 
Vaissitre, Pere de la, Book by... 
Valllafatsy, Map of io wpposite title-pag 
Vanewindrano town. ese wee cee os 
Varieties wee 127, 250, 3; 
Vatelihy Me morial stone rr & 
Vagiinba tribe... ... ae eee ee 
ede game in Larned. 
Verbs tu Mal. eee . 
Vintana (ds stiny) and Sav ‘andre. 
vee se ey Origin of the word... 
“Volcame Lake of Tritriva, The’ 7 
—— -- - Phenomena in M.... 0 4... tt 
Dido, apn axpy or Vislet (c clo: ir): orig! 
of the word 


se : ° 








Hot M: dicinal ‘Springs ! 
Vonizonge, Caves in... 
» Hot Medicinal Spring 








in ous ees ene oe 


WAKE. C. ST ANILAND, ‘Paper by - 
WALLACE, DR. ALFRED R., Paper b 
W ar, Franc o-Mal. eee eee eee eco p #7 
Wild-man-of-the- Woods ase cont 
WILLS, Rv. J.. Papers by 2.0... 
Words, List of Provincial” 00... a. 
Zoditw, Signs of the, used in Tistana. 
Zool. nry of M. sae tee wee eee, TF