The Antimasonic Party, a study of political antimasonry in the United States, 1827-1840

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XVI.— THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY: A STUDY OF POLITICAL ANTI-
MASONRY IN THE UNITED STATES, 1827-1840.

By CHARLES MCCARTHY, Ph. D.,

Sometime Fellow in History in the University of Wisconsin.

[The Justin Winsor prize of the American Historical Association was awarded to tht
author for this monograph.]

365

THE ANTIMASON1C PARTY.

By CHARLES MCCARTHY.

PREFACE.

The writer was first attracted to the subject of the Anti-
masonic party through a study which he made of the Erie
Canal in connection with a class conducted by Prof. F. J.
Turner, of the University of Wisconsin. Since that time he
has carried on the investigation wherever documents on the
subject were to be found. These have been of such a miscel-
laneous character as to require some description.

Material. — As the party I am about to consider had nt> Con-
gressional career, the printed debates, etc., give us no inkling
of its principles and progress. The journals of the various
State legislatures, too, furnish us with but the slightest infor-
mation, as the legislative debates are not printed except in
the newspapers. Although a few books and pamphlets have
been written in which matter relating to the movement can
be found, yet they have treated the question almost wholly
from the social rather than the political aspect and therefore
give the coloring and not the substance. Nevertheless, there
are a few sources of this nature which are particularly useful,
such as Weed's Autobiography, Seward's Autobiography,
and Hammond's Political History of New York.

The newspapers, then, form the main contemporaneous
sources of information. But as is true also in our own day
this source must be used with the greatest caution. In deal-
ing with such material, the political bias of every newspaper
must be thorougly examined. This I have tried to do, and
I have also used where possible several newspapers of differ-
ent political affiliations in order to verify statements.

As newspapers are ephemeral and difficult of access, 1 have
often quoted at considerable length from them. In this way
I have tried to illustrate the movement and show it in its true
color. Considering the material, I believe this to be a more

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368 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

truthful method than generalization because it gives the reader
a chance to judge for himself as to the weight of a statement.
Wherever possible 1 have used pamphlet material, almanacs,
broadsides, and statements of old men who lived in the times
described, in order to verify my coloring and to give the right
setting. I have also visited personally nearly all the great
centers of Antimasonic enthusiasm in order to examine the
present-day feeling, the racial characteristics, and the eco-
nomic and religious conditions of these sections.

Method. — I have tried to examine where possible into the
economic, social, religious, and sectional basis of the move-
ment. It is popular in making studies of these conditions to
map the whole matter and reduce it to estimates, diagrams,
and statistics. While the truth and accuracy of a great deal
of this work is unquestioned, it is not entirely satisfactory as
such a method does not admit of the elements of custom, prej-
udice and irrational impulse or enthusiasm. Such a method
describes but poorly the excitement, the bitterness, the per-
sonal element, and the "hurrah" strength, which all go to
make up any political movement. Such a method leads to
dogmatic conclusions. It would be easy also to generalize
and make my narrative clear cut, but it would not tell the
whole truth. Movements like this do not start from one or
two causes. The beginnings are often obscure and ill defined.
The issues partake of a like nature. In fact, in order truth-
fully to follow the trend of such a movement we must dili-
gently show the changes in principles from time to time and
in different sections, and give a picture of the wavering, halt-
ing, confused nature of its growth. I have preferred this
method for its truthfulness even at the risk of sometimes
"not seeing the forest for the trees."

I have divided my subject into five main parts, as follows:

1. The movement in New York.

2. The movement in Pennsylvania.

3. The movement in all other States briefly considered.

4. The movement in national politics.

5. A short analysis of the fundamentals of the movement.
My thanks are due to Prof. J. F. Jameson, of the Univer-
sity of Chicago, and Prof. F. J. Turner and Dr. U. B. Phillips,
of the University of Wisconsin, for helpful suggestions.

MADISON, Wis., August, 1902.

INTRODUCTION.

The period in the history of the United States covering the
years between the administrations of John Quincy Adams and
William Henry Harrison has received much attention from
American historians. It is a period full of interesting and
striking events. The struggle over the charter of the United
States Bank, the great money crisis, the personality and polit-
ical methods of Andrew Jackson, the social and economic
conditions of the time, invite attention and study.

In spite of the great light thrown by historical research
upon the period, it is nevertheless true that certain phases of
the movements of the time have received but scant attention;
and this neglect has tended to impair the value of research
upon correlated matter. We have had, for instance, a great
deal of discussion upon the origin of the national convention,
and vet the fact does not seem to have struck the investigators
that the party which made that political discovery first prom-
inent deserves to be studied. It is strange, at least, that such
an interesting movement as the Antimasonic party — a move-
ment with which some of the greatest political leaders in the
history of our country have been connected — should have
escaped the attention of scholars. True, the Morgan mystery
has received its share of attention, and historians have put it
down as the main cause of this peculiar political organization;
in fact, it is the practice of even profound historians to call
the Antimasonic party merely an outgrowth of the mysterious
disappearance of William Morgan. Americans are prone to
create a political party out of anything, but a moment's
reflection should convince us that a party having for its lead-
ers men like Thurlow Weed and Thaddeus Stevens must have
had its basis in underlying causes and must have been founded
on stronger reasons than those which present themselves at a
casual glance. A review of the political situation at the
beginning of the period we have been considering reveals to
us soil well prepared for political strife.

It has often been said that the period previous to the elec-
tion of 1824 was an "era of good feeling." A cursory
H. Doc. 461, pt 1 24 369

370 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

glance, however, shows the same divisions as existed previ-
ously still existing. Although all factions had been appar-
ently swept into the Democratic ranks, signs were not lacking
that the party was not so thoroughly united as would appear
at first sight. The Federalists, although dead as a national
party, still kept up a feeble organization in many States.
The radical Democrats had never succeeded fully in getting a
firm foothold in New England or among the more conserva-
tive classes in many other sections. There was still enough
dread of Jacobinism in the North to keep many aristocrats
from joining with the Jeffersonian party.

It was but natural also that in a party so completely victori-
ous, factions should have arisen. The reason for this is not
hard to see — the loaves and fishes could not be divided well
among so many. Men were discontented because they re-
ceived so little for their services. Sections were dissatisfied
because they gained so little from their loyal support. In the
distribution of improvements and in the benefits of the tariff,
commercial, agricultural, and manufacturing districts could
not all gain alike. The West and the South and the East had
all different social ideals. The rich and the poor classes could
not agree entirely. Religious and nonreligious elements were
as far apart as formerly. All of these differences were inten-
sified by the social upheavals of this remarkable democratic
period. The result of the election of 182^ showed plainly
that these divisions existed, and the election of Adams inten-
sified and sharply defined them.

In the State of New York, especially, differences had long
existed over the Erie Canal question; and war between the
supporters of the canal, championed by De Witt Clinton, and
their opponents, the Bucktails, whose leader was Van Buren,
had been carried on fiercely till 1826 when Clinton joined
hands with his enemies a and left the canal supporters without
a leader and practically unorganized. Such was the political
condition of New York when the western part was startled by
the disappearance of William Morgan. It will be readily seen
that this incident happened at just the right time and place to
stir up the excitement which, ably led and skillfull}7 directed,
soon developed into a sturdy young political party.

a See remarkable letter in Weed's Autobiography, I, p. 376. See also Albany Evening
Journal, Oct. 23; 1823.

CHAPTER I —THE MORGAN INCIDENT AND THE BIRTH OF THE

MOVEMENT,

The mysterious abduction of William Morgan and the ex-
citement which followed it has formed one of the most singular
and interesting pages in American history. Contemporary lit-
erature and modern research for the curious and unusual has
led to an immense amount of speculation as well as to heated
argument and pamphlet controversy between the Masons and
their opponents as to the cause and manner of Morgan's dis-
appearance. But to the student of political Antimasonry
who strives to relate the political effects of the incident, and
not to delve into the question itself, the Morgan episode is
merely incidental. With this fact in mind, and feeling as-
sured that this phase of the matter has been sufficiently dis-
cussed, the investigator may give the Morgan incident but the
passing notice it deserves as the immediate occasion of the
political movement which is the subject of this paper.

William Morgan was an itinerant character who had even-
tually settled in Batavia, N. Y. He had been a Freemason,
but having become dissatisfied with the order, he resolved to
expose its secrets. When this became known, he and his asso-
ciates in business were subjected to a series of petty annoy-
ances which culminated finally in his abduction in September,.
1826. The remarkable trial of his alleged abductors elicited
the greatest interest, not only throughout New York but
throughout the Union.

The startling reports which were circulated, together with
the attitude of the Masons, soon worked the community into
a high pitch of excitement. Rumors that jury and judges
were under Masonic influence, and that the legislature too
would do nothing of practical use toward bringing the offend-
ers to justice, quickly brought about the belief in that locality
that Masonry was incompatible with citizenship or Christian
character and must be abolished. The newspaper controver-

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sies, the heated arguments, the stubbornness and aggressive-
ness of the Masons, the church condemnations of Masonry, the
incipient riots, the charges and counter charges, together with
the political conditions of the times, led, in 1827, to the first
steps in the organization of the remarkable political party
that we are about to describe." In February, 1827, meetings
were held at Batavia, Bethany, and Stafford, and about the
same time at Wheatland, in Monroe County, and it was re-
solved to withhold support from "all such members of the
Masonic fraternity as countenanced the outrages against Mor-
gan."6 Soon afterwards other meetings were held at which
resolutions were passed withholding support from all "Free-
masons. Efforts were made, with partial success, to keep the
matter out of politics at the approaching town meetings;
nevertheless the political organization spread rapidly in the
general vicinity of Rochester. This city became the point
from which, for some time to come, all Antimasonic move-
ments, "whether of a judicial or legislative character, ema-
nated. "c

The matter was now brought before the legislature. Francis
Granger, already one of the* leaders in the cause, brought for-
ward a resolution petitioning the legislature to interpose its
authority, as the courts of a single county were found inade-
quate for the emergency. d The debates that followed show
the degree of animosity which had been aroused, and also
show clearly that Antimasonry was not only regarded by its
opponents as a fanatical crusade, but that it was already sus-
pected of having deep political significance — an excitement
aroused and controlled for political purposes by shrewd and
.able leaders. On April 10, Mr. Root, the speaker/ referred
to the excitement as something of merely political origin,
special investigation being unnecessary. He said in the course
of the debate:

We read frequently of murders being perpetrated. Are committees of the
legislature upon all occasions to be sent in search of the murderers? No,

« For fuller accounts see Weed's Autobiography, I, especially; also Seward, Autobiog-
raphy, I; and Bancroft's Life of Seward, I; McMaster, History of the People of the United
States, V.

l> Weed, Autobiography, I, 242.

<-Weed, Autobiography, I, 300. Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 378.

<i Albany Argus (Democratic), April 5, 1827. See also Weed, Autobiography, I, 254.

e Root was regarded as one of the most bitter opponents of the Antimasonic principles.
See Adams, Diary, VIII, 441.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 373

sir; but for the excitement, such a incusmv would not be thought of. Men
are seeking to convert this subject into a political affair, and for the pur-
po.se of excluding Masons from public offices. Masons are represented as
setting your courts and your laws at defiance, * * * the object is to
keep Masons out of office, and those who raise the breeze, to occupy the
places of honor and profit, * * * to keep up the excitement, a memo-
rial has been drawn up and presented to the legislature, and the projector
of it, I venture to say, is an emigrant from the neighborhood of Boston. «

The resolution was defeated by a vote of nearly 3 to 1.
Such an attitude could not but help the very cause which it
tried to defeat, and the Jacksonian party, then in the majority,
was thought by this action to have shown its complicity with
the Masons. From the petty politics of the towns to the
higher politics of the State government the Antimasonic pro-
scriptions spread; and meetings were held every where, in
which resolutions were passed advocating the support of
purely Antimasonic candidates for the State legislature.6

The Adams party, alread}^ weak, now showed signs of drop-
ping out of the coming election in the so-called " infected dis-
tricts," and the central corresponding committee of Genesee
decided to abstain from all participation in the preparatory
measures for the approaching election/ This, and like
actions, tended to drive the bitter and relentless nonmasonic
opponents of Jackson into the only strong and vigorous party
opposed to him, while the anti- Jackson Masons chose rather
to support him than to go over to the hated opponents of
Masonry.'' The amalgamation was helped along by the fact
that Clinton and Jackson were both high Masons. Their
recent political union was looked upon as another evidence of
Masonic influence, and this fact stimulated the spirit of oppo-
sition to both/'

Antimasonic nominating conventions were held all over
western New York in October and September,^ and so suc-

n Albany Argus, April 12, 1827.

''Albany Argus, July 4, 1827.

f Batavia Spirit of the Times, quoted in Albany Argus, July 28, 1827.

rfWeed, Autobiography, I, 301. The Antimasonic Jackson party, however, had a slight
organization in the Twenty-ninth Congressional district this year. See Le Roy Gazette,
Oct. 18, 1827.

' Hammond, Political History of New York, II, pp. 380, 383. The account in Hammond
is by Fred Whittlesey, one of the most active Antimasons. A great many of the Antima-
sonic; leaders had been supporters of the Adams Administration. The " Morgan com-
mittee," consisting of Works, Ely, Bachus, Whittlesey, and Weed, were, with the excep-
tion of Whittlesey, supporters of the Administration. See Weed, Autobiography, I, 301.

/ Albany Argns, October 10, 11, 1827. '

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cessf ul were the candidates nominated that " the results of
the election," says Whittlesey, ''astonished all — even the
Antimasons themselves — and opened the eyes of politicians to
the growing power of the new party." a The Jackson papers
admitted that the Antimasons had succeeded in electing 15
members of the assembly.6 The Adams vote was compara-
tively light, and but 12 assemblymen of that party were
elected/ The Antimasons, however, did not elect a single
senator even in the Eighth senatorial district — the hotbed of
their cause. By a singular act of inconsistency and haste the}T
had nominated a candidate in this district, but found after the
nomination, when the campaign was in progress, that he was
a Mason. The vote, however, was changed to the nominee of
the " Bucktail" party in time to elect him by a large majority.
In this manner they achieved a partial although unsatisfactory
victory. d

The results of the election encouraged the leaders to look
forward hopefully to the year of the general election and the
Presidential campaign.

a Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 382.

bChautauqua 2, Monroe 3, Otsego 2, Orleans 1, Seneca 2, Wayne 2, Yates 1. Albany
Argus, November 23, 1827.

c Albany Argus, November 23, 1827. Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 283.

rf Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 384. This was characteristic of the
Antimasonic party even in its later phase, and was often caused by the evident desire of
the leaders to gain strength by sacrifice of principle or from the fact that in the outlying
districts men of influence were nominated who were not avowed opponents of Masonry.

(1HAPTEH II —THE PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OP 1828 IN
NEW YORK,

When the year of the presidential contest opened it was
found that the Antimasonic party had increased in strength,
for many Masons had seceded from the order and had avowed
their belief that Masonry was an evil. These renunciations,
together with the acquittal of some of the accused and the
refusal of the legislature to change the mode of selecting the
grand juries, tended to confirm the idea that the Masonic
institution was " dangerous in a free government, subversive
of political equality, and hostile to the impartial administra-
tion of justice. "a

In February of this year a convention of seceding Masons
met at Le Roy, Genesee County. It denounced Masonry, up-
held Morgan's Illustrations of Masonry, and sent a memor-
ial to Congress upon the use made of Fort Niagara by the
Masons as a prison for Morgan.6 The publication of the
proceedings of the convention in the papers throughout the
country served as a most powerful stimulus to the new cause
and made many converts. This meeting was followed by a
convention at Le Roy on March 6, 1828. Twelve counties
were represented, viz, Chautauqua, Orleans, Ontario, Erie,
Monroe, Yates, Niagara, Livingstone, Seneca, Genesee,
Wayne, and Tompkins. This convention urged the sup-
pression of Masonry through the ballot box, and recommended
the calling of a State convention at Utica in August follow-
ing; it advocated the establishment of "free presses" and
other means of spreading the "blessed spirit." At this con-
vention Samuel Works, Henry Ely, Frederick F. Backus,
Frederick Whittlesey, and Thurlow Weed were appointed

« Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 385.

i> Weed, Autobiography 1, 256. See also McMaster, History of the People of the United
States, V, 118.

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a general central committee. These men, together with
Timothy a Fitch and Bates Cook, remained upon the com-
mittee through the most important years, of the Antimasonic
party.

The rapid growth of the excitement, and the vigorous
means adopted, alarmed the Jackson party, and on March 18
Lieutenant-Governor Pitcher urged the legislature to appoint
a special commission to investigate the death of Morgan. On
April 15 a bill for this purpose became a law, and Daniel
Mosely of Onondaga was appointed commissioner. The
motive of the sudden change in policy of the Democratic
party is apparent. They had recognized the necessity of con-
ciliating these Antimasonic elements before the approaching
State and national elections, and their policy was altered
accordingly. b

Both parties now vied with each other in their efforts to
win over the Antimasons, and the Adams party rested their
only hope of carrying the State upon an alliance with them/
The Adams men had an advantage in their candidate, for it
was known that Jackson was a Mason while Adams was not.
Furthermore, custom and precedence strengthened this ten-
dency, for the district which was now the stronghold of Anti-
masonry had formerly been opposed to the Democrats. The
basis of this opposition was economic, and, f ortunately for the
Antimasons, there was enough of the opposition spirit still left
to rally a strong force to any banner, whatever its emblem,
that would lead against the hated opponents of the canal.
Adams combined in himself the elements necessary for such
a union of forces.

The Jackson party, as soon as the sentiment in favor of
Adams became apparent, sought to hold the ; ' coalition " up
to public opprobrium. They loudly proclaimed that "the
friends of the Administration in the western part of the State
have been unwearied in their exertions to connect the public
feeling with the Presidential question; and that they have
spared no pains to contribute to the public agitation with that
in view. This purpose has been steadily pursued by several of

a Proceedings of Le Roy convention, Albany Argus, May 17, 1828.

*>Weed, Autobiography, I, 258.

c Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 386.

THE ANTIMASONIC PAETY. 377

the Administration members of Congress from that section of
the State, and by their agents and tools in these counties. "a

This effort was furthered by the attitude of the Masonic
Adams men, as may be seen from the following extract from
the Albany Daily Advertiser, the principal Adams paper of
the time, referring to the Antimasons:

Their persecuting and unhallowed principle- has extended itself to the
Presidential contest, and the most disgraceful measures are now taken to
make the Masonic question bear on that important election. It is said
that one of the candidates for that office is a Mason, and therefore he must
be opposed; that his opponent is not one, and therefore he must be sup-
ported. To this course, we enter our strong and solemn protest. We
know not whether Mr. Adams be a Mason, and we care not. We are in
favor of his re-election, but we must despise ourselves did we desire to gain
a single vote through the Antimasonic excitement, and we look with con-
tempt, and almost horror, on those who endeavor to further his election
by such means. &

It was the great aim of men like Weed to quiet such grum-
bling within the anti-Jackson ranks and to present a broad,
united front to the enemy. Consistent Antimasonry was for-
gotten by these ambitious leaders and carried out only by the
lesser but more fanatical politicians, such as John Crary and
Solomon Southwick, who henceforth with their followers can
be called the only true, consistent, and uncompromising Anti-
masons.

The papers of the day accused Weed of intriguing with
Washington, and of receiving money to start various Anti-
masonic newspapers "in order to use the Morgan excitement
for the benefit of the Administration party." Whatever may
have beenc the truth of it all, Weed became Adams's polit-
ical manager in western New York.6* From this time he was
looked upon by his opponents as the leader of a conspiracy/
He brought to his views some of the' brightest men of the
Adams party in the State, as well as some of the most able
politicians the country has ever seen. These men saw that
the Adams, or National Republican party, had outlived its
usefulness and could not hope to compete upon anything like

a Albany Argus, April 5, 1828.

6 Albany Advertiser, April 5, 1828. See also for similar opinions, Albany Argus, June
4, extracts from Buffalo Journal. (Adams.)

c Geneva Palladium in Albany Argus, May 7, 1828.

d Weed Autobiography, I, ;-;). 303, 307. Weed was at this time editor of the Antimasonic
Enquirer at Rochester.

e Albany Argus, April 9, 17, and July 14, 1828.

378 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

equal terms with the vigorous spirit of Jackson Democracy.
In the words of one of these men, "The Administration party
in this State is in the hands of men not able to steer it to a
successful issue. Were it not for the Antimasons,

they would not have a loop to hang a hope on."a

These men fought and worked first and foremost for Adams
and against Jackson, and they held Antimasonry as merely an
excitement that might be turned to their advantage. They
made the mistake, however, of being overconfident of their
power to lead the excite populace blindfold whither they
wished. They encountered many strong, zealous, and often
fanatical men who would not be led in this manner; and they
never completely quelled their discontent. Antimasonry in
consequence at no time presented a solid front to the enemy.

Signs of discontent with the leadership of men of the Weed
stamp had already begun to appear. The Le Roy convention
of July 4, 1828, passed the following resolution:

Resolved, That whatever may be our predilections for the prominent
candidates now before the public for the Presidency, and whatever part
we as individuals may see fit to take in the national politics, we consider
the same as entirely disconnected with Antimasonry, and of vastly para-
mount importance; that the convention would view with undissembled
feelings of regret, any attempt to render the honest indignation now ex-
isting against the [Masonic] institution subservient to the views of any of
the political parties of the day; that we do most unhesitatingly disclaim
all intentions of promoting political principles. &

Contrary to general expectations, however, the convention
made no nomination for governor. This was looked upon as
another of Weed's schemes, and it was asserted that he in-
fluenced the convention to give the Adams .party a chance to
nominate a suitable candidate to be indorsed by a later Anti-
masonic convention. c

Weed made strenuous efforts to unite the parties, and traveled
rapidly from place to place reconciling differences and seek-
ing in every way to combine the elements of opposition. He
was accused, indeed, by his opponents of bargaining even with
Masons. d In the light of subsequent events such a charge
does not appear to have been without foundation. Weed's

a A. H. Tracy to Weed, June 19, 1828. See Weed Autobiography, II, p. 321.

b Albany Argus, July 14, 1828.

clbid.

d Albany Argus, July 14, Aug. 4, 1828.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 379

plans were realized in part. The Adams convention which
was held at Utica on July 23 nominated Judge Smith Thomp-
son for governor, and Francis Granger, the legislative cham-
pion of Antimasonry, for lieutenant-governor." But that
arrangement did not satisfy the more bitter Antimasons, for
Thompson, though not a Mason, was not a radical Antimason.
To the enthusiastic opponents of Masonry the outcome of the
convention seemed merely a trick to forestall their nominations
and deprive them of a candidate of their own. b They therefore
resolved to hold a convention and to present a ticket, and in
spite of the utmost efforts of Weed this convention, which met
August 4, resolved "to disregard the two great political
parties, that at this time distract this State and the Union, in
the choice of candidates for office; and to nominate Anti-
masonic candidates for governor and lieutenant-governor. "c
Mr. Granger, having not yet accepted the previous nomina-
tion, was nominated as candidate for governor and John
Crary, of Washington County, for lieutenant-governor.6*

Mr. Granger was thus placed in a very difficult position.
Both sides awaited his decision with anxiety. It was not
until August 28 that, to the great indignation of the Anti-
masons, he declined their nomination. He had spent the time
meanwhile negotiating with Crary. Crary signified his
intention of declining, but intimated that Mr. Granger, as
the nominee for governor, should publish his declination first.
This he did, but "Honest John Crary" did not carry out his
part of the agreement/

The radical Antimasons, not entirely disheartened, deter-
mined to have a candidate, and accordingly held another con-

a Albany Argus, Aug. 4, 1828. Weed, Autobiography, I, pp. 302, 303. Weed says that the
"delegates from the rural districts generally were for Mr. Granger" as governor. The
reason he assigns for the nomination of Thompson was that the nomination of Granger,
"avowedly to secure the Antimasonic vote, would offend so many National Republicans
as to jeopardize not only the State, but the electoral ticket." Autobiography, I, pp. 302.
303,304.

b Hammond, Political History of New York, II, p. 387. Albany Argus, Aug. 13, 20, 1828,

c Albany Argus, Aug. 13, 20, 1828. See also Hammond, Political History of New York,
II, p.387.

dHammond, Political History of New York, II, 388. Albany Argus, August 11, 1828.

It was charged by the Jackson papers that Weed, who attended the deliberations, aided
by John H. King, chairman of the Adams central committee, busily intrigued to prevent
this nomination; but that a " large proportion of the convention saw the destruction of
Antimasonry in the attempts of desperate political adventurers to connect it with the
Presidential question. * * * They accordingly disappointed Messrs. Weed and King,
and nominated their own candidates."

<• Hammond, Political History of New York, II, pp. 285, 286, 287.

380

AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

vention at Le Roy on September T.a There the}T nominated
a typical exponent of extreme Antimasonry, and at the same
time a most picturesque figure in the history of New York
politics — Solomon Southwick — author of Solomon South wick's
Solemn Warning, the editor of the National Observer, a re-
nouncing Mason, a broken-down politician, who had been a
candidate several times before, and incidentally had been ac-
cused of much corruption, and who was now an enthusiastic
lecturer upon Antimasonry and upon the Bible.6

GRANGER
SOUTHWICK

Election for Governor of New York, 1828.

Weed, seeing his plans completely frustrated by this last
nomination, denounced it and withdrew his support/ He in
turn was himself denounced by the Antimasons as a traitor.
At a meeting of the Antimasons in Rochester, it was resolved
"that the Antimasonic party in this county, has reason to
fear that they have been betrayed by the men in whom they

"Albany Argus, September 15, 1828. Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 389.

l> Weed gives an interesting description of him in his Autobiography, I, pp. 43, 86. He
represents him as full of quaint superstitions, often determining his actions by the toss of
a coin. He was spoken of as a possible candidate as early as March, 1828, by the Anti-
masons. (Albany Argus, March 14, 1828. ) He was henceforth with Crary, to stand at the
head of the uncompromising Antimasons, bitterly opposed to Weed and his machinations.

<• Albany Argus, September 30, 1828.

THE ANTIMASONIO PARTY. 381

have most trusted, and that the recent course pursued by
Thurlow Weed, in giving support to the Administration in
preference to genuine Antimasonry, calls loudly upon genuine
Antimasons to come out and act independent of leaders. "a
Followers of Weed retorted "that the character of Mr.
Southwick was such as to discredit any party at whose head
he might be placed."6 In view of this division, success for
the State ticket was impossible.

In national affairs, however, the Antimasons were drawn to
Adams through the influence of a letter in reply to an inquiry
addressed to him on March 31, from Canandaigua, by one
Oliver Heart well, upon the subject of masomy. He replied,
"I state that I am not, never was, and never shall be a Free-
mason." In spite of his request the letter was made public,
and immediately became a subject for heated political discus-
sion. The Jackson papers produced affidavits to show that a
political bargain was made wherein the Antimasons promised
support because of this assurance. Numerous sworn state-
ments were produced on both sides of the question as to the
exact wording of the letter. The whole matter resolved itself
into a question of veracity between the Antimason, Heart-
well, on one side, and one Cutler, who claimed to have a copy
of the letter/ The letter undoubtedly tended to unite the
Antimasons of New York in support of Adams. d

Meanwhile the excitement had increased as the election
approached. Weed says:

The feelings of the Masons, exasperated by the existence of a political
organization which made war upon the institution of Freemasonry, became
intensely so by the renunciation of Masonry by ministers, elders, and
deacons of the Presbyterian, « Methodist, and Baptist churches. The
conflict therefore became more embittered and relentless, personally,
politically, socially, and ecclesiastically, than any other I have ever par-
ticipated in, and more so, probably, than any ever known in our country.
Thousands of Masons, innocent of any wrong and intending to remain
neutral, were drawn into the conflict, when all were denounced who ad-
hered to the institution. On the other hand, the Antimasons maintained
that the abduction and murder of Morgan resulted legitimately from the
obligations and teachings of the order./

. « Albany Argus, October 11, 1828.

&Whittlesey's account in Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 390.
c Albany Argus, August 6, 20, 1828. Adams was not at this time so radical an opponent
of masonry as he soon became.
d Weed, Autobiography, I, 302.

e The term Presbyterian was often used to include Congregationalists at this time.
/ Weed, Autobiography, I, pp. 302, 303.

382 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

In the election the west gave a heavy vote for Adams; the
counties of Orleans, Genesee, Niagara, Monroe, Livingstone,
Ontario, Wayne, Erie, Chautauqua, including the "infected
district," threw their votes for him.a Eighteen electors were
chosen by the people of the State favorable to Jackson and
sixteen in favor of Adams. This made a total of twenty for
Jackson, when there were added the two electors chosen by
an electoral college acting for the State at large. b Van Buren
received 136,783 votes for governor; Thompson, 106,415;
Southwick, 33,335.c

In the senate the Antimasons were to have William H.
Maynard. from the Fifth district, one of the most brilliant
men the party ever produced — a man of remarkable talents,
whose bright promise came to an untimely end in the great
cholera scourge of 1832. Hiram F. Mather was elected from
the Seventh and George H. Boughton and Moses Hayden
from the Eighth district. These men, together with seventeen
assemblymen, were to constitute the first real legislative
party of the Antimasons. d

The election of 1828 gave new life to the party. The end
of that year showed Antimasonry advanced to the dignity of a
recognized political unit, but an organization as yet without
well-ordered machinery. The great leaders like Weed, who
were to hold the reins in the future, were unsuccessful in
wholly affiliating the movement with the Adams interests in
the State, especially in the gubernatorial issue. The great
difficulties of the future had all presented themselves. They
arose from the fact that it was impossible to get perfect har-
mony between the extremists, who wished for nothing but
the extinction of Masonry, and the machine politicians, who
would manage this excitement to the interest of the old Adams
party. Then, too, the Masonic Adams men, with their organ,
the Daily Advertiser, formed an element which could not be
mustered with complete success under the banner of Anti-
masonry, and in the eastern and southeastern counties these
men held stolidly aloof from any combination with the Anti-
masons. Had all the supporters of Adams united on one

a Albany Argus, November 18, 24, 27, 1828.
& Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 289.

c Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 290. Weed, Autobiography, I, 307. See
also newspapers mentioned.
dAlbanv Argus, November 18, 1828; Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 290.

THE ANTIMASONIC TARTY. 383

gubernatorial ticket, had not the Antimasons voted for South-
wick and Crary, it is very probable that Van Buren and
Throop would have been defeated."

A considerable degree of success was achieved, however,
in uniting these jarring elements to the support of Adams,6
although it is probable that the existence of the Antimasomc
issue alienated from him a number of voters who would have
been his supporters had not the cause been locally identified
with the attack on Masonry.

n Hammond, II, 289. Whittlesey, who was a Jackson man, does not hold this opinion.
He tries to make out that Antimasonry sprang from both parties. It was to. the interests
of the Antimasons to show that the party had no political basis in any old party move-
ment, but sprang spontaneously from both. There is a grain of truth in this, but any-
body who examines the roll of leaders of the party, the fundamental causes, the locality,
the attitude of the Jackson party, the future career of Antimasonry, can not but come
to the conclusion that it had its basis politically in the old opponents of Jackson and of
the Bucktails. See Whittlesey's account in Hammond's Political History of New York,
II, 391.

ft Albany Argus, November 27, 1828; Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 391.

CHAPTER IIl-REORGANIZATION AND GROWTH IN 1829,

The unexpected strength shown by the Antimasons under
the most unfavorable circumstances in the election of 1828
encouraged them and discouraged their enemies. Thereafter
the Adams party in New York was practically superseded
by the new and vigorous organization, made up of the broken
fragments of all parties. It was replaced, in fact, by an
anti-Jackson party of discontent. Even the radical Anti-
masons to a large extent deserted their quixotic leader and
joined the new movement. However, Southwick and Crary
were not entirely mollified, but continued to prove a thorn in
the side of Weed and his associates. Again and again Weed's
plans were frustrated and his designs exposed to obloquy by
these doughty warriors who saw but one issue, and that the
true opposition to the Masonic institution.

The Democrats for a time did not cease to court the spirit
which could be so dangerous in opposition. Governor Van
Buren, astute politician, referred to the excitement in his
January message to the legislature, as Whittlesey says, uln
terms of moderate commendation, and deprecated the perver-
sion of the feeling to selfish and sinister purposes. It was
evidently intended to convey the idea that the excitement
created by a great and local cause was worthy of the people
among whom it found existence; but its direction to political
objects was unworthy of their good sense and intelligence. "a
The efforts of Van Buren and the Democrats had little effect
in diverting the movement, which had already become an anti-
Jackson crusade.

The Antimasonic convention which met on February 19,
1829, marks a new starting point in the history of the party
in New York. In the words of Bancroft: "Henceforth, until

« Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 392.
384

THE ANTIMASONIC PAKTY. 385

the Antirnasonic decline set in, they carried on the most
effective system of political propagandism that the State had
ever known. "a It was all the more effective because the
political nature of it was concealed by an outward show of
Antimasonry with all its verbiage and prescriptive decla-
rations. Their peculiar methods were exhibited plainly by
the proceedings of the convention. In the first place, the
jarring elements of the party were brought together. The
seemingly repentant Weed was forgiven and once more was
admitted as a delegate. Although Solomon Southwick opened
the convention with a long address, yet it was such men as
Weed, Whittlesey, Granger, Seward, Myron Holley, Maynard,
A. Tracy, and Henry Dana Ward who were the most active
men in the assembly.

Resolutions passed the assembly to draft an address on the subject of
the late Masonic outrages and on the principles of Masonry; on the nature
and effect of Masonry on our civil and religious institutions; in relation to
the truth of Morgan's illustrations; and of the exposure of the Le Roy
convention; to enquire if any laws exist in this State relative to Masonic
institutions, and if any application shall be deemed necessary for their
repeal; to enquire if it be expedient to have a United States convention of
Antimasons; to inquire if the wife of Morgan has the means of support for
herself and children, and whether it is necessary to provide for her relief;
to appoint a committee to inquire into the propriety of erecting a monu-
ment to Morgan, etc.

All of these resolutions passed. On Friday, February 20,
it was resolved to hold a national convention at Philadelphia,
September 11, 1830. b This last action aroused a furor of criti-
cism from the Democrats. The Argus remarked: "That
meeting is just preceding the next election for governor of
the State. Nobody, we presume, suspects Mr. Granger of
any intention to connect the two subjepts."c In the light of
these events, and considering the character of the men then in
power, it is very doubtful if Mr. Whittlesey was justified in
saying that the proceedings of the convention " were similar
to those of former conventions and directed exclusively against
Freemason ry."0*

The Democrats described the objects of the meeting as

a Life of Seward, I, 29.

b See Albany Argus, February 21, 23, 1829; Albany Advertiser, February 21, 1829.

c Albany Argus, February 23, 1829.

d Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 392.

H. Doc. 461, pt 1 25

386 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

"fully disclosed in the lives and conduct of the leading dele-
gates and in the tenor of their proceedings." The Argus said:

Indeed it is no longer attempted to be disguised, that the design of those
who now have the charge of this combination is political, and that they
look directly to the elevation of the political leaders in the game, and to
the consequent overthrow of the Republican party. This is the whole
design. The yearning for office and power and a resolution to strive to
obtain it, by whatever means, was manifest in nearly all the movements
from the opening maledictions of the great leader, Solomon Southwick,
to the plausible sophistry of the newest convert, Myron Holley; and from
the perpetual caucusings and private whisperings of the profligate Weed,
to the exclusive and proscribing moderation of Samuel Miles Hopkins.
* * * The same men, ever since they abandoned the name Federalist,
have resorted to every trick and device, and have bestrid every hobby
that promised the slightest aid in the accomplishment of their designs
against Republicans. It is the same broken-down, foiled, and defeated
politicians — the same traders under every flag — that have paid Antimasonry
the compliment to assume its keeping, and to render it subservient to their
political schemes. We have said that this is the old Federal party, and
the disaffected of all parties in a new dress. In relation to the former
party, there are honorable exceptions. There are many, we well know,
who have not only refused the sanction of their names to this deception,
but who, notwithstanding they have been approached with the assertion
that it is best to encourage the scheme, " for it is the only way to defeat
the Jackson party," have spoken with scorn and indignation of the unprin-
cipled attempt. «

It was said b}^ the Democrats that "not a single individual
who supported the Republican [Jackson] ticket at the late elec-
tion was a delegate to the convention."6 Articles from the
local papers, such as the Oneida Observer, were cited to -similar
effect, giving long lists of former Adams men, called " Feder-
alists," who had joined the Antimasons/ The Antimasons in
the legislature were meanwhile found upon the National
Republican side in nearly every issue. d

Trials and investigations had been going on all this time, and
a growing party in the legislature, composed of Antimasons, was
constantly clamoring for "more light." The Democrats had
learned by former experience the danger of resisting such
demands, and, accordingly, select committees composed exclu-

« Albany Argus, February 26, 1829. This is probably the work of Croswell, editor of the
Argus, a member of the Regency, and one of the opponents of Weed. He was a brilliant
political writer.

b Albany Argus, March 5, 1829.

c Albany Argus, February 26, March 5, 1829.

d Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 392.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 387

sively of Antimasons were appointed in the senate and house
to recommend measures for the investigation of the Morgan
affair. In the senate this committee brought in a report ask-
ing further direction from that house. The committee of the
whole resolved to send back the report with directions to
bring in such a bill as they thought expedient and proper "to
remedy the evils complained of, if any legislation is deemed
necessary. "rt

In the house the Antimasons seemed to be equally lax and
inefficient, now that the\^ had partially obtained what they
wanted. The only thing of importance which this committee
did was to approve of continuing the law appointing a special
commissioner. * That such men did not take advantage of
these concessions argues that they were probably hindered in
some indirect way, as was often charged by the Antimasons.
Incidents like the above seemed only to make the whole body
of the party more and more bitter toward the Democrats.
These concessions and Van Buren's message, however, show
that attempts were still made to stem the growing influence
and unity of opposition in New York.

The city of Rochester was during this time the point where
the bitterest strife was waged. The spring elections left the
town about equally divided between the friends of the two
parties. c In Rochester Weed published his Anti-Masonic
Enquirer; and in Rochester the radical Masons determined to
make a bold stand. The great majority of the Masons of
that section of the State had condemned the Morgan affair
and had given willing aid, as good citizens, toward the con-
viction of the participators therein. The enthusiasts, how-
ever, kept up a bitter warfare against Antimasonry, and
finally made the great mistake of openly establishing a news-
paper to uphold their cause. The paper was called the
Craftsman and was printed at Rochester. Although its tone
was Democratic, the Democrats recognized that it was a pow-
erful help to Antimasonry and repudiated it. They looked
upon it as a movement, "the tendency of which," they said,
" can scarcely fail to revive the scenes of the past year, to at
least continue, much beyond the natural duration, the embit-

a Albany Argus, March 2, 1829.

b Ibid.

c Albany Argus, May 12, 1829.

388 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

tered and excited feelings of the times, and to put weapons in
the hands of those, who, under the mask of Antimasonry, have
sought their own political and personal elevation." "With
this paper and its contributors," says the Argus, " we pre-
sume the mass of the Masonic fraternity do not act; but
whether they do so or not, the Democracy of the State, so far
as we have been able to ascertain their wishes, decline its
associations and disapprove of its course. "a

Governor Throop, too, realized the danger to the Democrats
of these new efforts of the Masons to strike back at the Anti-
masons. In his inaugural address upon taking the executive
chair vacated by Van Buren he reviewed the situation. He
asserted that he was no Mason, and said:

And yet I find it difficult to believe that a society, which has been exist-
ing several centuries; which has enrolled among its members persons of all
ranks and conditions, and many distinguished for their piety and purity of
life, and devotion to their country, is founded on principles which tend to
subvert all government, or exact obligations from its members incompatible
with their duty to their fellow citizens, their country, and their God. I
have not found that the members of the Masonic fraternity, anywhere,
contend that there is in the present condition of the world, whatever may
have heretofore been the case, any great object to be effected, or particular
good to be obtained, by upholding the institution. If that be so, I can not
but believe that all well meaning members will soon see the propriety of
dissolving an association, which can only remain as a source of useless irri-
tation among its members, and between them and the rest of their fellow
citizens. But in making these avowals, I owe it to my own feelings, and to
the occasion, to say, that any attempt to make the subject subservient to
political or party purposes, which labors to introduce into the community
a prescriptive crusade against any class of our citizens, and which threatens
to expose this highly favored land to those scenes of fanaticism and bloody
persecution which have in succession overturned and devastated the fairest
portions of the globe, shall meet in me a mild and temperate but a stern
and inflexible opponent. &

Such an address, representing as it fairly did the sentiments
of the nonmasonic Democratic politicians of the day, could in
no wise satisfy the radical Masons or the Antimasons, and
consequently it added no strength to the Democratic cause.

The election of 1829 was on the whole favorable to the
Jackson party. Nevertheless, the strong Antimasonic Eighth
senatorial district elected Albert H. Tracy, a man who was

a Albany Argus, September 2, 1829.

b Inaugural address, Albany Argus, September 4, 1829.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 389

probably unsurpassed by any of the party in his capacity for
political intrigue; a for the first time Antimasonr}r crossed
"Cayuga Bridge-' and elected two out of the four candidates
for the assembly in Seward's county;6 and there was also a
slight gain in some of the old Adams counties, such as Wash-
ington and Oneida/ The united opposition had learned a
lesson by the split of the previous year, and this year they
were careful not to encroach on each other's territory. The
Antimasons seemed to have concentrated their strength in
their former strongholds, and to have left by default a clear
field for the National Republicans in the other counties. d

The year 1829 was, in the main, a period of quiet preparation
and organization. The plan for a national convention showed
that the bold and ambitious leaders were gradually getting
hold of the party and preparing it for its higher national
career. True Antimasonry had become subverted to anti-
Jacksonism. The beginnings of the Whig party in New
York, and we may say in the nation, had appeared.

"Weed acknowledges him to be the leader in this respect. Weed, Autobiography, 1,
4-21.

b Bancroft's Life of Seward, I, 29. Seward had not as yet distinguished himself in the
cause to any great extent.

c Albany Argus, November 16, 20, 26, 27, 1829.

d Seward Autobiography, I, 75. In the "infected district" alone, the Democrast
allowed 22 men to the Antimasons, viz: Chautauqua, 2; Erie, 2; Genesee, 3; Living-
ston, 2; Monroe, 3; Niagara, 1; Ontario, 3; Orleans, 1; Seneca, 2; Wayne, 2; Yates, 1. "It
appears that in 20 counties the opponents of the National Republican party nominated
50 members for Assembly as Adams men, and that in 28 other counties the opposition 63
candidates, denominating them Antimasons — making a total of 113 candidates out of 128
"members."— Albany Argus, November 26, 1829.

CHAPTER IV,— THE HIGH TIDE OF POLITICAL ANTIMASONRY
IN NEW YORK,

The election of 1829 proved that the National Republicans
had united with the Antimasons to a larger extent than
theretofore. It was asserted by the Democrats that not one
Democratic member had been returned from any of the dis-
tricts in which Antimasons controlled the vote.a In view of
these results the Democrats despaired of uniting with the
Antimasons and no longer hesitated to denounce the leaders
and the fc ' coalitions. " In fact they openly opposed the Morgan
investigation itself — a thing which they had seldom previously
done. The leaders of the party, like Governor Throop, stated
that Antimasonry was "overflowing its proper boundaries,"
was " misdirected in its efforts," and was "carrying into public
affairs matters properly belonging to social discipline."6 The
Antimasons in the legislature, led in the senate by Albert
H. Tracy and in the assembly by Granger, Weed, and Philo
C. Fuller, joined the opposition to the administration on all
the leading questions of the day. The two great questions in
New York politics were the Chenango Canal and the safet}^
fund system in banking. The Democrats had constantly
defeated the attempts to build a canal which should connect
the interior lakes, and would consequently connect the Erie
Canal with the Pennsylvania system through the Susquehanna
River. It is not strange, then, that the Antimasonic party,
containing as it did so many Clintonians, should champion the
cause; nor is it strange that it should, by promoting this
movement, strive to curry favor with the South central sec-
tion of the State, and thus destroy its support of the Demo-

a Address of the Jackson electors, Freeman's Journal, Cooperstown, N.Y., September
20, 1830.

b Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 393.
390

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 391

crats. Accordingly we find them vigorously supporting this
scheme/'

The active, shrewd leaders who now controlled the destinies
of Antimasonry never lost an opportunity to pierce a joint in
the armor of the Regency. They were in legislative matters
the old enemies of the Regency and the Bucktails. They
stood, openly and avowedly, the party of internal improve-
ments with the old Clintonian policy, vigorously advocating
the extension of the canal system, as well as fighting every
effort of the Regency to raise the tolls.6

On the bank issue they made still another effort to curry
sectional favor. The New York City banks had petitioned
the legislature for some modifications of the safety-fund law
and for charters under that act/ When it was proposed to
tax them in the regular manner, the Antimasonic leaders saw
at once a chance to oppose successful!}^ the administration
and gain the favor of these institutions. As the strength of
party was almost wholly in the agricultural interior of the
State, this policy attracted great attention and was widely
commented upon by the Democratic press of the day/* Inci-
dents of this kind were pointed out by the Democrats as proof
positive that real Antimasonry no longer existed/

The party kept up the opposition to the Masons; trials and
investigations went on as before; and petitions were presented
for the repeal of the charter of the grand lodge of the State.
All of these proceedings were looked upon by the Democrats
as efforts to u keep the pot boiling" for political purposes; and
indeed it was necessary that something of this sort should be
done if the more radical of the party were to be kept at all in
subjection to the machine. Two circumstances occurred in

« Hammond, Political History of New York, II, pp. 327, 328.

I) Albany Evening Journal, April 16, 1830.

c Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 327.

d Says the Argus: "The banks of the city of New York were a few days since described
by certain veracious newspapers as odious monopolies, aristocracies, and all that; and
the idea that they should be received into the safety fund upon any other terms than
the other banks of the State (whatever might be the peculiarities of their situation) was
scouted through the same sources. Now, in order to regain the favor of those ' odious
aristocracies,' it is declared to be a great hardship to compel them to contribute to the
security of the people, in the same manner as the other banks of the State freely con-
tribute; and the presses which assaulted them yesterday, declaim to-day almost with
tears in their eyes, against a system which is so harsh as to require them not only to
conduct their affairs well, but to secure the people against their defalcations."— Albany
Argus, March 27, 1830.

« Freeman's Journal, Cooperstown N. Y., September 20, 1830. Democratic addresses.

392 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

this connection to help the party to gain converts. In the
convention of February, 1830, it was decided to draw up a
memorial charging the grand lodge with furnishing funds to
help the Morgan conspirators. The legislature, by a vote of
75 to 30, referred the whole matter to the attorney -general,
who was to file a quo warranto if he should find the grand
chapter guilty, and thus deprive them of their charter.
Such action was plainly of no use to the Antimasons, as
there was no way^ of compelling the members of the grand
chapter to testify, and testimony had to be obtained before a
quo warranto could be granted. a Antimasons considered
this action fair proof of the Masonic character of the Jackson
party, and of the part Masons were playing in politics.

Another incident tended to confirm this feeling. Mr. John
C. Spencer had succeeded Mr. Mosely as special counsel to
investigate the Morgan outrage.6 In the course of his duties,
he thought that by applying to the purpose the reward of
|2,000 which Governor Clinton had previously offered he
would be able to solve the whole Morgan myster}^ and con-
sequently he wrote to Governor Throop for advice and author-
ity to use the mone}^. The authority was refused, and soon
afterwards Mr. Spencer made a report to the legislature which
bore very heavily upon the Western Masons. The legislature
cut his salary down to $1,000, thus showing their disapproval
of his work. This produced, naturally, great indignation
among the Antimasons and led to Spencer's resignation/

Mr. Spencer's letter of resignation was very bitter and re-
flected severely upon the administration. He complained that
he was not given the "advice, direction, and support of the
executive, and of the other branches of the government," and
that "positive aid, beyond the performance of formal duties
from which there was no escape," had in no instance been
rendered him, and that official communications to the governor
had been divulged so as to defeat his measures and bring
undeserved reproach upon him. "These communications,"
he said, "related to the means of discovery of evidence of
the fact of William Morgan's death; they were not only in

« Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 394. Albany Argus, March 9, 1830.
b Weed, Autobiography, I, pp. 233, 258. Mr. Spencer had been one of the counsel for the
defendants in the trials of 1826.
c Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 395.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 393

their nature strictly confidential, but the success of the meas-
ure suggested, depended entirely upon their being unknown
to the parties and their friends, yet they became known to
the counsel of the persons implicated in the offense upon
William Morgan.""

The Democrats made all haste to disprove these charges
and accused Spencer of wanting to use the money to bribe
witnesses. They also accused him of lying, of "gmss per-
version of the facts in relation to Governor Throop, of the
entire omission of the published statements of Governor
Throop," and of divulging the facts himself.6

All this tended to strengthen the Antimasonic spirit at a
time when the shrewd leaders of the party could use it to the
most advantage. It tended to solidify the opposition to the
dominant party, and men, who before had been lukewarm,
now turned sharply against an administration which was pic-
tured in such high colors as "the hotbed of Masonry." It
was easier to combine the scattered elements of the oppo-
sition than formerly, and in the campaign the opportunities
thus afforded were skillfully used.

The party leaders now in power spared nothing that could
lie used to strengthen the machinery of its organization out-
side of the State as well as within. On February 25 a con-
vention was held at Albany in which it was determined to
strike out boldly for wider empire, c or, in other words, to put
the "new, vigorous, and enthusiastic Antimasonic party" in
the place of the discomfited and overthrown National Repub-
lican party, which had practically withdrawn from the field in
most of the Northern States. It became evident that the
work done by the leaders in New York had stirred up many
like movements in other States and that first steps in the for-
mation of a great party had been taken. d

When the convention met, a report was made on the press
which showed remarkable growth; of the 211 newspapers in
the State, 32 were Antimasonic. Thirty-six delegates were
appointed to attend the Antimasonic convention, to be held in

« Spencer's letter, Albany Argus, May 14, 1830.

& They charged that the "trusty agent of the central committee [Weed] for the manu-
facture of 'Goodenough Morgans' was the special aid, second, and abettor of Mr.
Spencer in all this matter." Albany Argus, June 24, 1830.

<>Se ward's Autobiography, 1, 76.

d Seward, ibid.

394 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

Philadelphia the following year. Among- them were Tracy,
Whittlesey, Granger, Holley, Seward, Maynard, Crary, and
S. M. Hopkins, the greater number of whom belonged to the
young group of politicians who were now directing the party.
We see no mention of Solomon South wick as a delegate to the
convention, and he was probably discarded. However, though
he was not there, his spirit was present, if we are to judge
anything from the reports of the Democratic papers/*

The convention also virtually discarded Mr. Southwick's
political organ, the National Observer, and provided for the
establishment of the Albany Evening Journal, to be conducted
by Thurlow Weed. The party was thus provided with an
efficient newspaper at the seat of government to compete with
the Argus and the Advertiser. The first number of this paper
appeared on March 22, and announced its political policy,
pledging itself "to the cause, the whole cause, and nothing
but the cause of Antimasonry; * * * a cause which com-
prehends all the great and cherished interests of our country."
It. promised to advocate "zealously on all occasions, domestic
manufacture, internal improvement, the abolishment of im-
prisonment for debt; repeal of our militia system; and all
other measures calculated to promote the general interest and
welfare of the people. " b

It advocated also the temperance cause; contained a great
amount of religious news, largely of a controversial nature;
and in many ways tried to catch the spirit of the times. The
establishment of this paper and its support of many things
besides Antimasonry, together with the suspicion that it was
created for the advancement of the shrewd young politicians
who had followed the fortunes of its editor, drove many sin-
cere Antimasons to oppose it. The dissatisfaction was greatly
increased when such hints as the following began to appear
in Weed's paper: "The great body of the Antimasons would

a The Albany Argus, March 1, 1830, gives the following significant remarks of John Cox
Morris: "He urged the purity and disinterestedness of Antimasonry and objected to
having it said ' You want to be a member of the assemby;' ' you want to be a senator'
(looking all around the chamber); 'you want to be a member of Congress' (laying his
hand on his breast); 'you want to be governor' (dropping his hand toward Mr. Tracy,
who sat directly in front of him). ' What,' said he, ' if you talk to a man of Antimasonry,

is the answer? You are a d d fool. You are followers of Solomon Southwick, and he is

mad.'"

b Handbill, with early numbers of Che Albany Evening Journal.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 395

much rather see Mr. Clay at the head of public affairs than the
Masonic dignitary who tramples on the rights of the people."0

The party had another difficulty to overcome, which tended
to split the opposition to the Democrats. The rise of the
Workingman's Party in New York at this time threatened
also to thin their ranks. The birth of this party was due to
agitation to secure for the mechanics of New York a more
effectual lien for the labor and materials furnished in the erec-
tion of buildings.6 Moreover, the feeling in that democratic
age that the workingman's position was despised, and that he
was deprived of his rightful share in the government and
offices, helped along the movement. All the discontented men
who could not join the Antimasons, including, of course, great
numbers of the anti-Jackson Masons, joined this part}7. It
soon became a heterogeneous mass, which, says Hammond
' ' professed, among other things, an opposition to the monopoly
of banking, to banks and bank paper, although you might
very soon perceive bank directors, clerks, and cashiers figur-
ing in their ranks." c On April 16 they nominated Erastus
Root, one of the most radical Masonic leaders, for governor.**

The Antimasonic leaders immediately began negotiations to
win over this movement to the support of their party in the
city of New York. "It seemed necessary," says Seward,
"to name a candidate for lieutenant governor who resided
in the city of New York, was identified with the ' working-
men, 'and free from the reproach of previous connection with
the Antimasonic party. Samuel Stevens, a young, talented,
and distinguished alderman of the city, was approached, and
gave his consent to assume that place." €

The leaders having planned the nomination, the next thing
to do was to have the State convention* ratify it. The conven-
tion was held at Utica, on August 11, and to Mr. Seward was

« Clay was a Mason. That Weed was actually engaged in trying to tie the fortunes of
the party to Clay is shown by the published correspondence with Clay. (Weed's Auto-
biography, I, 350.)

bSee Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 330.

« Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 331.

rflbid. John Crary, of Washington County, said in the Argus, August 24, 1830, that "the
Workingman's party has been considered under Masonic influence, and got up in cities
and villages to oppose Antimasonry."

e Seward, Autobiography, I, 78. To like effect Crary's letter, Albany Argus, August 24,
1830. Weed, Autobiography, I, 367, gives an account of the search for a candidate in New
York and the final acceptance of Stevens.

396 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

assigned the duty of convincing the delegates of the "expe-
diency and propriety of the nomination of Mr. Stevens. "a
Mr. Seward, by that wonderful acuteness which always distin-
guished his political career, wove such a mesh of connection
between Antimasonry and the political events of the past }^ear
that it was seemingly impossible to refute him. Among other
remarks are those so aptly quoted by Bancroft, the resolution
in which he said:

In the events which called the party into existence we have proof that
the society of Freemasons has broken the public peace, and with a high
hand deprived the State of a citizen; that in the guarded and studious
silence of the press throughout the Union on the subject of that outrage,
we have proof that Freemasonry has subsidized the public press; that in the
refusal of the house of assembly to institute a legislative inquiry into the
acts of the society of Freemasons in relation to that outrage, we have proof
that the legislative department has been corrupted; that in the withhold-
ing by the acting governor of all positive aid in bringing to justice the
actors in that profligate conspiracy, and in his recent denunciation of the
same public, which when a judge he hailed as "a pledge that our rights
and liberties are destined to endure," we have proof that Freemasonry has
made a timid executive subservient to her will, and that in the escape of
the guilty conspirators by means of the Masonic obligations of witnesses
and jurors, we have fearful proof that Freemasonry has obstructed, de-
feated, and baffled the judiciary in the high exercise of its powers. That
for these reasons the society of Freemasons ought to be abofished. &

However, the radical Antimasons readily saw through the
efforts of Seward and put up a vigorous opposition in the
convention.

Mr. Stevens was nominated by Mr. Fessenden, a delegate
from New York. Mr. Fessenden's words upon this occasion
are highly interesting. After alluding to Mr. Stevens and his
popularity among the workingmen of New York, he said he
"should not object to Mr. Crary if the majority of the State
were Antimasons, but of what use would it be to nominate a
governor and lieutenant governor, and have both defeated."

He said he was "opposed to coalitions, but this was not a
coalition ; it was using the name of a man known to be opposed
to the Masonic institution, the name of an individual popular
and honorable, for the purpose of gaining a victory in favor
of Antimasonry." He spoke at some length, alluding to the
advantage of a partial victory if a complete triumph could not

« Seward, Autobiography, I, 78.

b Proceedings or the convention, pp. 4, 5. Bancroft's Life of Seward, I, 33.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 397

be gained, and the desirability of obtaining all the votes possi-
ble, " whether Antimasons or not."a This quotation is given
in order to show more clearly the position of the Antiraasonic
party at this time. That such sentiments could have been
uttered and such a nomination made shows clearly that the
party had deviated from its fundamental principles, and really
was indistinguishable from the old opposition to Jackson. An
attempt on the part of the Radicals to make a separate nomi-
nation failed.6

Southwick and Crary had now lost the last vestige of power
in the new party. The celebrated author of "Solomon South-
wick's Solemn Warning," like a prophet of old, wailed aloud
in his grief and heaped solemn anathemas upon the heads of
the iconoclasts who had dared to dispute his leadership. He
accused Weed and his friends of toying to destroy his paper,
of going into the "dark corners," as he says, "like Free-
masons, which they pretend to oppose, and attempt by vile
calumny and mean insinuation to impeach my fidelity, my
prudence, and my judgment in supporting the cause, * * *
let them meet me face to face, front to front, before a just,
impartial, and independent people, and I fear not the issue.
I shrink from no investigation, fear no responsibility, I fear
none but God. I hate none but the devil, and his works of
darkness. " c

Mr. Crary, too, in a letter stated his grievances. He said
that Mr. Stevens was not an Antimason and " that whenever a
candidate is nominated that does not sustain the character of
an Antimason, the party and principle is dissolved." He ac-
cused the party of having lost its integrity, called for a puri-
fication, and urged the Antimasons to throw off "the bondage
of men who have entered the party from unworthy motives,
so that the character of honorable men belonging to
it be vindicated from reproach. "rf

Many of the discontented men leaned toward the Democrats,
and we hear Southwick proclaiming against "Henry Clay's
Grand Trinity of Corruption, Bankocracjr, Freemasonry, and
National Internal Improvement." "Already," he says, "are
the branches of the national bank multiplying among us, and

a Proceedings of convention, Albany Argus, Aug. 16, 1830.

b Weed, Autobiography, I, 367.

c National Observer, August 21, 1830.

d Letter dated Salem, August 17, 1830, in Albany Argus, August 24, 1830.

398 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

that, too, under Masonic influence as well as Clay influence,
which are one and the same thing. The cloven foot of Clay
begins to show itself so clearly in the movements of some
folks who pretend to be Antimasons, that it may be seen
with half an eye."a

The last remarks were called forth, no doubt, by the in-
creased interest shown by the political Antimasons in national
affairs. The Antimasonic convention had assembled at Phila-
delphia September 11, and New York, Massachusetts,
necticut, Vermont, Rhode Island, Pennsylvania, New
Delaware, Ohio, Maryland, and Michigan were represented.
The convention was distinctly under New York influence, and
Francis Granger, the candidate for governor, was president.
The national character of the designs of the party were fully
set forth, although it was not thought expedient to nominate
a candidate for President. It was voted, however, to hold
another convention of " the people of the United States
opposed to secret societies * * * to meet on Monday, the
26th day of September, 1831, at the city of Baltimore, by
delegates equal in number to their representatives in both
Houses of Congress, to make nominations for suitable candi-
dates for the office of President and Vice-President to be
supported at the next election."6

During the course of the proceedings the political nature of
Antimasonry was openly avowed by Mr. Irwin, of Pennsyl-
vania, who remarked "that he had been surprised the other
day to hear a gentleman express his surprise that the conven-
tion had assembled for political purposes." He declared
uthat they had met for no other but political purposes."0
Here, then, we have the Antimasonic spirit fashioned into a
recognized national political party with many issues to present
to the people besides its opposition to Masonry. The resolu-
tions of the convention are remarkable for the manner in
which national issues are sandwiched in with rabid Anti-
masonry. The following may serve as examples:

Resolved, That a committee be appointed to consider the nature, princi-
ples, and tendency of Freemasonry as regards its effects on the Christian
religion.

a South wick' s letter, Albany Argus, October 16, 1830.

b See proceedings and also Philadelphia National Gazette, September 11, 1830; Albany
Argus, September 17, 22, 1830.
c National Gazette, ibid.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 399

Resoh-ed, That a committee of five be appointed to inquire and report
concerning the effect, of the ties and obligations of Freemasonry upon the
commerce and revenue of the United States.

Resolved, That a committee be raised to inquire into the pecuniary cir-
cumstances and situation of the family of Capt. William Morgan, and to
report what measures, if any, should be adopted.

Resolved, That a committee be appointed to consider and report the most
expedient time, place, and manner, for making nominations of candidates
for the offices of President and Vice-President of the United States. «

The gubernatorial campaign was exciting, and everything
which could possibly be brought against the Jackson party
was used. Some of these charges deserve a brief treatment.
The Jackson party was decried in the Lake sections because
Jackson had vetoed a bill for the construction of harbors on
Lake Erie.6

The Cherokee question and the missionaries were topics of
general interest at that time and were used to the best advan-
tage by the Antimasons in working upon the religious ele-
ments, and Antimasonic conventions throughout the State
passed resolutions condemning the Democratic policy in these
matters/ The "American system," too, was universal!}7 sup-
ported by the party, and great stress was laid in this par-
ticular campaign upon the interests of "mechanics and work-
ingmen" as helped by that system. It was no doubt a very
welcome shibboleth because of the efforts to draw the " Work-
ingmenV'rf party to their standard.

In distinctively state matters the canal and internal improve-
ment question was put proininenthT forward. Granger, on
accepting the nomination, had pledged himself "to foster and
extend that system of internal policy which has placed our
State upon its envied preeminence. "e The party, as usual,
directed a fierce crusade against the Regenc}T, declaring that
the "Regency combined with the canal commissioners, had
conspired to raise the canal duties so as to divert our com-
merce into the Welland Canal of Canada; * * * that they
opposed the railroad contemplated to be made between Albany

a From New York Courier and Enquirer in Albany Argus, September 17, 1830.

''Albany Argus, October 21, 1830.

fSee Queens County convention, Albany Evening Journal, October 13, 1830.

dCayuga convention proceedings, Albany Evening Journal, September 25. Sullivan
County convention, Albany Evening Journal, October 8, 1830. Seventh senatorial dis-
trict convention, Albany Evening Journal, September 25.

e Albany Argus, August 23, 1830.

400 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

and Boston; * * * that they denounced all internal im-
provements as "unconstitutional and dangerous to their
party," a and that they contemplated levying a direct tax to
provide funds for the State.6

The irritation among the people of the southern and central
counties because of the continued postponement of the Che-
nango Canal was one of the most valuable sources of gain to
the party. Although Chenango County, which was most
anxious for this ' improvement had been one of Van Buren's
strongest counties in the famous election of 1826, and this
district was in general a staunch Democratic one, yet because
of this question, the Democrats were now in a fair way to
lose their strength there. The Twenty -first Congressional
district convention of Antimasons resolved that they deemed
the construction of the Chenango Canal to be an object of
"paramount and vital importance to the interests of this dis-
trict," and that they would not "support any man for office
whom we know to be opposed to it."6' As events proved,
these threats were not idle, and represented not only the
ideas of the Antimasons, but of the great mass of the inhabit-
ants of the south central counties.

The Antimasonic excitement itself must not be forgotten in
summing up the political condition of the people in this cam-
paign. We have the following strange and chaotic condi-
tions: (1) Antimasons attacking the Masonic* institutions; (2)
both Jackson Masons and Clay Masons attacking the Anti-
masons; (3) Clay Masons to some extent supporting Antima-
sohry; (4:) Masons openly supporting Throop as Masons; (5)
Weed negotiating for support from the Masons; (6) radical
Antimasons attacking the followers of Weed; (7) Democrats
attacking radical Masons and repudiating their support.

To explain more fully these conditions, it is to be noted in

« Albany Argus, November 18, 1830.

& Albany Evening Journal, October 19, 1830. Seventh senatorial district convention,
ibid, September 25. Chenango convention, ibid, October 5, 1830.

c Albany Evening Journal, October 15, 1830.

In a meeting of the Antimasons, of the town of Oxford, it was resolved: "That in the
opinion of the meeting the defeat of the Chenango canal may be traced to the duplicity
of the canal commissioners, the hypocrisy of its pretended friends, and to the deep and
settled hostility of the Albany Regency to every question of public policy which does not
minister to their private interests and selfish ambitions as individuals, and their ascend-
ancy as a party."— Albany Evening Journal, October 4, 1830.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 401

the first place that the Antimasons did what they could to
keep alive the excitement and persecution of the Masons.
Orations were delivered; collections taken up for the support
of the widow of William Morgan; pamphlets, almanacs, and
addresses circulated; Masons forbidden to preach or to par-
take in the communion service; a and various itinerant preach-
ers and lecturers patrolled the country in aid of the cause.
Ex-Masons opened lodges, and disreputable characters as ' 'poor
blind candidates" were initiated as " entered apprentices,"
passed to the degree of " fellow-craft," raised to the " sublime
degree of master mason," advanced to the " honorary degree"
of "mark master," installed in the chair as "past master,"
received and acknowledged as "most excellent master," and
exalted to the degree of "holy royal arch," before delighted
audiences.6 The excitement was further propagated by
the manufacture of other Morgan cases. In Washington
County a great stir was produced- over the murder of a man
named Witherill, which was declared to be the work of the
Masons/

The Antimasons received great aid from the increasingly
bitter attitude of the radical Masons and their paper, the
Craftsman. Of this latter, the Democrats said: "There is
probably no single cause to which anti-masonry is more
indebted for its continued prevalence in the western coun-
ties. "rf Although this paper was plainly acting with the
Democratic party, yet the Argus, the organ of that party,
denounced it unsparingly. Its attitude is well shown by the
following:

Though it [the Craftsman] desires to be understood as acting with the
Democratic party * * * the truth of the matter is simply this: The
Craftsman is devoted to the cause of Mr. Cla^y. For that purpose it was
established and to that end its efforts have been directed. The design
had been to give the publication a circulation and character on other
grounds, so as to attach weight to its recommendations when the time
would come for an avowal in favor of Mr.

« Albany Argus, October 16, 1830. See papers of the day.

bSeward, Autobiography, I, 76. See papers of the day.

c Albany Evening Journal, October 16, 1830. Washington County was the home of John
Crary, and bordered on the strong Antimasonic State of Vermont. It was a strong Anti-
masonic county.

d Albany Argus, July 24, 1830.

H. Doc. 461, pt 1

402 AMERICAN" HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

The desperate efforts of the Democrats to get rid of this
uOld Man of the Mountains" were piteous and unavailing.
They could not escape the stigma of this forced relation. a

While Weed was busily engaged in abusing others, he was
being abused by the Democrats, by the Southwick Anti-
masons, and by the Clay men who refused to unite with him
and whose organ was the Albany Advertiser. He was accused
on all sides of being inconsistent and of recommending Anti-
masons to vote for Masons who had not renounced. One in-
stance of this kind was especially harped upon. The Anti-
masons of Albany were not strong, and after vain attempts
at organization, it was urged in a meeting on October 13, " that
as our contest is against Masonry only, and we are sorry to
say, that the consequence- of this count}^ being the very sink
of Masonry that there is no prospect of our selecting an
assembly ticket of our own on pure Antimasonic principles,
and we therefore recommend to Antimasonic friends to select
such persons not adherents of any secret society as they think
proper to vote for."*

Among the men recommended by Weed for the nomination
were several who were accused of being Masons/ Weed'
caused the report to be circulated that these men had
renounced and that he had their renunciations in his posses-
sion, but that he did not wish to have them published till after
the election for fear of injuring their popularity. His oppo-
nents clamored loudly for these renunciations, and the South-
wick Antimasons accused him of having "been guilty of a
mean and base deception" and of having "duped the honest
Antimasonic yeomanry" to vote for adhering Masons. d It
was said that he had openly made bargains with the Masons
for their votes/

a The Anti-masons used the changed attitude of Throop toward their movement and
his recent denunciation of it with success. It was said ' ' that his inconsistent and contra-
dictory conduct in relation to the excitement produced by the abduction of William
Morgan shows him as destitute of firm principles as he is of intellectual strength. In
1827, as a judge of the bench, he abandoned judicial dignity and propriety and went out
of his way to catch the popular breeze. He applauded the excitement, called it a
'blessed spirit,' and remarked that he saw in it a pledge of the continuance of the same
principle which had achieved our independence. In 1829, while president of the Senate,
he indulged in the most wanton abuse of the excitement he had two years before
applauded; and compared it to the delusion of our ancestors respecting witchcraft."—
Albany Evening Journal, October 19, 1830.

b Albany Argus, October 19, 1830.

elbid.

dSouthwick's National Observer, November 13, 1830; Albany Argus, October 17, 1830.

e Albany Argus, October 16, 1830.

THE ANTIMA SONIC PARTY.

403

As will be seen later, there were some very good grounds
for these accusations. Never was Weed more bitterly
attacked. The papers were full of humorous and sarcastic
allusions to him. He was called a "trickster," the "all pow-
erful dictator," the "modern transformer who, if the anti-
masons do not ratify his bargains, will clip their whiskers and
so transform them that they will not be recognized by their
wives when they return home."a

1830. GRANGER

Election for Governor of New York in 1830. Granger also carried Queens County (on
Long Island), which does not appear on this map.

The results of the election were surprising. Throop
received 128,892 votes, while Granger received 120,361. b
The election was lost by the fact that the Clay counties of
the east, containing so many strong Masons, went over to the

« Albany Argus, July 22, 1830. Newspapers of the day. This latter is a reference to
the clipping of the beard of the dead body of Timothy Monroe in the well-known "good-
enough-Morgan-till-after-the-election " story, which virtually became aBanquo'sghostto
Weed. (See Weed, Autobiography, 1, 319; Bancroft's Life of Seward, 1, 39.) The papers
of the day are full of these canards, and Weed is commonly called "Sir Whiskerando,"
"The Knight of the Shorn Whiskers," " The Manufacturer of Good-Enough-Morgans,"
etc.

Z> Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 336. Root had withdrawn, but his
successor, Ezekiel Williams, received 2,332 votes.

404 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

Jackson party rather than vote for Granger. a Rensselaer,
Columbia, Albanj^ Saratoga, Washington, Montgomery,
Oneida, Lawrence, Franklin, and Essex counties had all been
carried for Granger in the election of 1828. Now they had
turned Democratic.6

Many of the Clay papers openly avowed that they had de-
feated Granger on account of his Antimasonic principles.
The Albany Advertiser boasted that "the results of the late
election have proved in a voice of thunder that our cause was
approved by the people, and by the party with which we
have always acted. In this and the counties adjoining, Rens-
'selaer, Columbia, Montgomery, and Oneida, which have given
and can give at any time, and will give whenever the question
shall distinctly come up, a majority of 3,000 for the National
Republican party, have now given a majority of 7,500 for
Throop. "c It was asserted that the u friends of Mr. Clay,
almost to a man, gave their votes for Throop and Livingston
instead of Granger and Stevens because they knew that of
the parties these last * * * are not more the enemies of
social order than they are of Mr. Clay."'*

The nomination of Stevens was apparently of no avail; only
Queens County was carried by the Antimasons in the eastern
part of the State \e but the efforts of the Antimasons in favor
of the Chenango Canal were appreciated in the counties of
Broonie and Chenango. These counties, which had voted
against Granger in 1828, were carried, together with many
towns in Madison and Oneida counties. The sixth, seventh,
and eighth senatorial districts were carried by the party, and
Charles W. Lynde, Trumball Crary, Philo C. Fuller, and the
brilliant young politition, William Henry Seward, were
elected.-^ Tompkins and Cayuga, although Throop lived in
this district, were carried by Seward through the support of
the " Workingmen." ff The Democrats acknowledged that the

a See Albany Evening Journal, February 18, 1831; Albany Argus, November 10, 11, 15,
1830; Boston Independent Chronicle (Clay), June 30, 1832; Clay's Private Correspondence,
289; Adams's Diary, 8, 261; Antimasonic Inquirer in Ohio State Journal, December 2,
1830.

b Rensselaer gave Throop 1,918 majority, Albany upward of 900, Columbia more than
800, Montgomery 1,749.

c Albany Advertiser, November 20, 1830.

dQhio State Journal (Clay), December 2, 1830.

e Albany Argus, November 11, 1830.

/ Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 337.

gr Bancroft's Life of Seward, I, 35. Seward Autobiography, I, 80.

THE ANTIMA8ONIC PARTY. 405

Antimasons had elected 33 members to the lower house, while
they claimed 91. a

The election was a big disappointment to Weed, who was
greatly downcast by the result. Man\^ Masons who had prom-
ised him their votes, and upon whom he had confidently rested
his hopes, voted against him. There seems to be no doubt,
from his own admission, that he negotiated with the Masons,
as South wick accused him of doing.6 There is some reason
to believe, too, that many Masons voted the Antimasonic
ticket. c

The Antimasons had lost the election by presuming too
much upon the merely political nature of the citizens of New
York. The management of the campaign shows great skill,
but it also shows the political optimism of young men. Al-
though this election is called the "high tide of political anti-
masonry, "rf yet it showed the great inherent weakness of the
Anti-Jackson party in New York, the difficulty of uniting all
jarring elements under such a banner as Antimasonry.

« Albany Argus, November 11, 1830.
b Weed, Autobiography, II, 40. Weed to Granger,
c Weed, Autobiography, I, 368. Whittlesey to Weed.
d Bancroft's Life of Seward, I, 35.

CHAPTER V— POLICY OF THE PARTY UPON LOCAL AND
NATIONAL QUESTIONS,

Although their plans had miscarried in many respects, yet
the Antimasons had good ground for hope, and were not dis-
couraged or disheartened. They had, in both houses, as
brilliant a group of young politicians as ever had graced the
floor of the legislature of New York. Among these were the
eloquent Maynard; the cultured, brilliant, and diplomatic
Tracy; Millard Fillmore, whose fate it was to occupy the
Presidential chair; the polished Granger; John C. Spencer,
once the ic special counsel," now a welcome addition to Anti-
masonry; and, above all in possibilities, William H. Seward,
able, eloquent, and shrewd. a These bright young leaders of
the party in the legislature soon showed their strength in the
many popular issues which they supported.

Very early in the session Seward attacked the militia
system which then existed and which had degenerated to
paper enrollment and a farcical field day. He showed clearly
how useless was such an enormous system as then existed. b

Another measure upon which the party stood together, and
which tended to increase its popularity, was the bill to abolish
imprisonment for debt, which passed with considerable oppo-
sition.0

Of all their efforts, none had been more profitable to them
than their advocacy of the Chenango Canal. The same atti-
tude toward this particular project and the canal and improve-

a See Bancroft's Life of Seward, I, pp. 37, 38, for a description of these men.

bThis system required 180,000 men, and of course precluded the idea of efficient drill-
ing. It was unpopular, too, because of its compulsory nature and the fine imposed for
nonattendaiice. Mr. Seward' s amendment proposed to reduce the number and to make
the service voluntary — in short, a system ' ' which would do away with those features
which rendered militia duty so odious that every young man sought to be released from
it." The movement was a very popular one, and, in line with the Antimasonic policy,
was vigorously supported by them. For Seward's speech, see Albany Evening Journal,
February 9, 11, 1831. Maynard' s speech in the committee of the whole, ibid., February 8,
1831. See, also, Seward, Autobiography, I, 82, 180. Bancroft's Life of Seward, I, 80, 41.

c Seward, Autobiography, 1, 192. It did not go into effect till March 1, 1832. " The act
as passed retained imprisonment as a punishment only for fraud committed by debtors,
and forever prohibited the incarceration of debtors, who, though unfortunate, were not
guilty of dishonesty," Seward, ibid., I, 84. See also Weed, Autobiography, I, 379.

406

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 4Q7

ment policy in general was again exhibited in this session.
After a considerable struggle the Chenango Canal bill was
finally reported to the senate on the last day of February.
Here it was defeated by a vote of 16 to 14, the Antimasons
voting in a body in favor of it.a

The party attacked boldly the power of the Regency over
the Erie Canal. Maynard was particularly persistent in his
efforts. In pursuance of this policy, he introduced a resolu-
tion providing that there should be four canal commissioners
who should be appointed by the legislature and hold their
office for three years unless sooner removed by concurrent res-
olution of the senate and assembly. This plan was intended
to " bring the question of their appointment before the people
at stated periods." It was defeated, however, by a vote of 16
to 6 in the senate, the Antimasons voting in a body for it.6

The people of Monroe, Livingston, Genesee, Allegany,
Cattaraugus, and Steuben counties had several times petitioned
for a canal from Rochester to the Allegheny and had been re-
fused by the Democratic majority in the legislature. This
was another item which added to the popularity of the Anti-
masons/

More important than these measures because of wider sig-
nificance was the attitude of the Antimasons toward the banks
of New York and the national bank. The State banks under
the safety-fund system were naturally desirous of obtaining
the profits and opportunities which they would gain if the
deposits of the United States banks were turned into their
vaults. The Democrats had been the originators of the safety -
fund system and consequently were in direct opposition to
the national banks. d On March 4 a resolution was introduced
into the assembly as follows: "Resolved, That it is the senti-
ment of this legislature that the charter of the Bank of the
United States ought not to be renewed." The resolution was
carried by a vote of 73 to 35 in the lower house and in the
senate by^a vote of 17 to 13/ The Antimasons voted against
it upon both occasions.-^ The Antimasons made much political

a Albany Argus, March 1, 1831. Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 352.

b Albany Evening Journal, March 11, 1831.

c Albany Evening Journal, February 21, (?) 1831.

dSeward, Autobiography, I, 86. Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 350.

« Albany Argus, April 9, 1831. Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 351.

/Albany Argus, April 12, 1831. Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 352.

408 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

material of this question. They- warned the people of the
power of the State banks and the supposed corrupt relations of
the canal commissioners with them,a and held as one of their
principal arguments that the United States Bank not only
kept "in check the power of the aristocracy [Regency], but
in consequence of being obliged by- its charter to lend money
at six per cent, it materially diminished the income which the
State banks would derive from loans at seven per cent.6-'
The attitude of Weed did not exactly concur with that of
the rest of the party. That farseeing politician felt the pulse
of the times. He saw the unpopularity of the Bank among
the great mass of voters, and consequently already doubted
the issue as a vote-winning political force. His paper was
full of equivocations upon the subject. He intimated in sev-
eral numbers that the Antimasonic members of the legislature
who voted for the Bank were not necessarily in favor of that
particular institution. These remarks were quickly taken up
by the enemies of the party anxious to insert a wedge wher-
ever possible/

Enough has been shown for us to see that there was a very
strong and active party ably led in both houses of the legis-
lature, and that they had substantially absorbed the old National
Republican party and had taken up the old issues together
with various clever vote-getting additions.

While Antimasonry was so prominent in the legislature the
leaders were no less actively engaged in perfecting the politi-
cal organization of the party, both in the State and in the

o Albany Argus, May 2, 1831

& Address of the Antimasons of the legislature to the people of New York, Albany
Evening Journal, April 28, 1831.

c Albany Argus, May 20, 1831.

The Antimasons introduced during this session many matters of smaller importance,
but yet of a popular nature, such as tended to strengthen their cause. A proposed
amendment was introduced by Seward intended to secure a "decentralization of the
political power of the State," providing that the mayors of all the cities in the State
should be elected by the people. It was finally adopted after a hard struggle, and some
years afterwards it was practically incorporated into the constitution of the State.
Seward, Autobiography, I, 84. Albany Evening Journal, April 28, 1831. Bancroft's Life
of Seward, I, 41.

A bill of like nature, intended to curtail the patronage of the governor, was that which
was introduced advocating the appointment by the legislature, instead of by the gov-
ernor, of the superintendent and inspector of the salt-manufacturing works of the State.
There had been much abuse connected with this matter, as these officers, it was said, had
mingled in the electioneering contests of Onondaga County, where the salt works were
situated. Address of Antimasons of the legislature to the people of New York, Albany
Evening Journal, April 28, 1831.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 409

broader field of national politics. The Antimasonic State con-
vention held on February 18 proved to be a very stormy
affair. Men who had gone into the party to kill Masonry
were disgusted with the way the election was conducted, and
called loudly for reform. Immediately upon the opening of
the convention they urged the adoption of a resolution that
"we renew our league and covenant, and that we will not
support any Mason for office, under an}^ circumstances what-
soever, who adheres to Masonic obligations. '" a It was urged
that the party "might lose some of its adherents by adopting
these resolutions; but ultimately it would secure its predomi-
nance."6

Such ideas, of course, were utterly foreign to Weed's con-
ception of politics, and they met with decided opposition from
his followers. One gentleman said plainly '" that Antima-
sonry had other and higher objects in view than the prostra-
tion of the Masonic fraternity. * * * Between two Ma-
sons who were candidates for office he would choose the least
obnoxious when there was no chance of electing an Antima-
son. * * He believed that there was no longer any

danger to be apprehended from Masonry. That it was a cor-
rupt institution he well knew; but to preserve the Union,
which he considered in danger, he was willing to let Masonry
exist a little longer. "c

Samuel Miles Hopkins, one of the oldest and most influ-
ential Antimasons, said that he thought that the Union was
in danger from Jacksonism, and at the last election he had
u thought it advisable to support men who were adhering
Masons. * * * He was induced to oppose the nomination
of the Antimasonic ticket in Rensselaer, Albany, and Wash-
ington counties. * • * * He was free to admit, however,
* * * that he had done nothing to advance the cause of
* Antimasoriry, and now * * * he fully accorded with the
sentiments expressed" by the resolution. d

The resolution as amended by Mr. Fuller passed the con-
vention on February 19 and read as follows:

Resolved, That inasmuch as very erroneous sentiments respecting the
views of the Antimasonic party have been industriously circulated by its

a Albany Argus, February 21, 1831.

b Albany Argus, February 21, Proceedings of the Convention.

* dlbid , Hopkins's speech.

410 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

enemies, we do hereby declare that we will not support any man for office
under the state or General Government who at the time of his nomination
is an adhering Mason. «

Weed was in the convention, and, as far as we know, was a
silent witness of these proceedings which threatened to put
so many stumbling blocks in his path in the future. The con-
vention, in fact, was a distinct defeat for him and his friends.

The summer was passed in negotiations between the Nation-
al Republicans and the Antimasons, for it was evident to the
National Republicans, not only in New York but throughout,
the Union, that they needed the growing power of the Anti-
masons in order to win the approaching Presidential contest.
Their candidate was Henry Claj^, and they did what they could
to make it appear that he was no longer a Mason, and tried to
placate the Antimasons by calling upon the Masons to throw
aside their order for the good of the National Republican
party, and ultimately for the nation.6

To Weed this union, which for a while seemed hopeful, now
looked doubtful, particularly after his defeat in the conven-
tion and the reactionary attitude of the Antimasonic press/
After negotiations with Clay he found it impossible to get
him to renounce Masonry and he finally declared that ''Mr.
Clay's friends have placed Freemasonry between him and our
party. * * * Indeed our party is prohibited from sup-
porting Mr. Clay, even if it desire to do so, by [reason of]
his own letter published last fall in the Daily Advertiser. In
this Masonic organ, an extract from a letter from Mr. Clay
appeared, in which he forbid the association of his name or
interest with the Antimasonic party." d

In accordance with this policy, Mr. Clay was abandoned in
the Antimasonic national convention of September 26, 1831,
and William Wirt was nominated as the candidate of the
party/ The leading spirits of this convention were New York
men, including Seward, Spencer, and Weed. Spencer, the
converted ex-' 'special counsel," presided.

a Albany Argus, February 25, 1831.

*>New York Commercial Advertiser (Clay), in Albany Argus, June 30, 1831. Buffalo
Journal (Clay) , in Albany Argus, July 20, 1831.

eNew York Whig, in Albany Argus, July 21, 1831, and papers of the day.

d Albany Evening Journal, June 1, 1831. See also ibid., June 6.

e Seward, Autobiography, I, 90. Weed, Autobiography, I, 389. The party as a national
party will be considered later.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 411

The election of November, 1831, excited very little new
interest, since the great source of disturbance and political
material — the Morgan trials — had ceased because of the fact
that the statute of limitations barred further prosecutions
except for murder; and as Masonic lodges had to a great
extent given in their charters throughout the State, there was
very little of that bitter spirit which had characterized the
political elections thus far. More was now said about general
politics. a The party elected about 30 members to the assembly,
and the National Republicans elected 6.&

The end of the year shows Antimasonry developed into a
full-fledged national party with a Presidential candidate. It
shows us also the old spirit of Antimasonry still alive, but,
in spite of the reactionists of the State convention, fast turn-
ing from the waning interests of the old excitement into a
steady opposition to the Jacksonian policy and the Regency.
Though losing a little in the election of 1831, we find it pre-
paring to put forth all its strength in the great effort of 1832.

« Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 397. Seward, Autobiography, 1, 91. The
Craftsman still kept up its warfare upon Antimasonry, with an occasional fling atThroop,
who had so offended them by his utterances. See extracts from Craftsman, Albany
Evening Journal, February 28, 1831.

b Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 397. The Argus allows them but 26.
Albany Argus, November 14, 1831. Weed claimed 31 in the assembly and 7 in the senate.
Weed, Autobiography, I, 391.

CHAPTER VI— PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1832 IN
NEW YORK,

The session of the legislature of the year 1832 was occupied
to a great extent 03- partisan politics of a national character. a
One of the first matters to come before it was the question of
the renewal of the charter of the United States Bank, which
had again been taken up by Congress. It was brought before
the legislature of New York in the form of a joint resolution
against the renewal of its charter. The question was ably
debated, Seward leading the Antimasons in opposition.* Not-
withstanding the great efforts made the resolution finally
passed the senate on February 4 by a vote of 20 to 10, the
Antimasons voting in a body against it.c The resolution
passed the assembly by a vote of 75 to 37. (l

The State banks were assailed as having aristocratic and
corrupt power in contravention to the charge brought for-
ward by the Democrats that the Antimasons and Clay men
were supporting an aristocratic monopoly. The opposition
received unexpected succor from Mr. Root, who declared in
Congress that the "Albany Regency favor the State banks
and have brought them under control, and through them
control the elections, the countervailing influence of the
United States Bank being the only check upon their power." e

Another very important matter brought before the legisla-
ture was the old question of the Chenango Canal, which had
been brought up so many times and had been so many times
defeated.^ The Antimasons had gained votes in the previous

aSeward, Autobiography, I, 93.

b Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 402. Seward, autobiography, I, 209.

c Albany Argus, February 6, 1832. Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 407,
sets the date as February 16.

d Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 407.

<? Albany Argus, March 21 and April 12, 1832.

/The canal was one of a system. It is generally conceded that it promised least and
yielded the least. Seward, Autobiography, I, 95.

412

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 413

elections by advocating this measure, and they now renewed
the attacks. The great popularity of the canal in the south-
ern part of the State made this one of the most strongly cdn-
tested questions between the parties. The Democrats intro-
duced a bill into the senate providing for the construction of
the canal, but with so many restrictions that it could not have
satisfied the petitioners. a It was lost in the assembly by a
vote of 64 to 52 despite all the exertions of Granger. The
friends of the bill in the assembly consisted of the Anti-
masons, the members from the Chenango Valley, and several
of the members from the city of New York.* Meetings were
held in the various counties, and a great convention of the
friends of the canal met on Septembers. Delegates from
Oneida, Madison, Chenango, Otsego, and Broome were pres-
ent, and the greatest indignation was expressed at the action
of the Democratic majority. c

Throughout the summer Mr. Granger was lauded as the
great champion of the canal/ and the Democrats saw clearly
that desperate efforts must be made to retain these counties.
In the first place, it would be fatal to run Throop, who had
opposed the canal \e in the second place, they determined to
nominate a lieutenant-governor from that section, which they
did in the person of John Tracy, of Oxford;'' in the third
place, there is some reason to believe that they promised the
people of these counties that the next legislature would pass
a law providing for the construction of the desired improve-
ment.9' The effects of these measures were decisive, and will
be discussed later on.

In national affairs the Antimasons of New York came out
with exactly the same platform as the National Republicans —
in general, the American system, national bank, and internal
improvements/ They pursued the same policy as heretofore,
and every little local issue was made to furnish ammunition
against Jackson and against Marcy, who was running for gov-

a Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 413. Albany Argus, March 9, 1832.
b Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 414.
c Albany Evening Journal, September 13, 1832.
d Albany Argus, July 9, 1832.

e Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 406.

/Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 406. Weed, Autobiography, II, 44.
Spencer to Weed.

g Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 422. Seward, Autobiography, 1, 100.
A Albany Evening Journal, August 24, September 14, 1832.

414 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

ernor. They raised the old cry upon the Maysville road veto,
that Jackson was opposed to internal improvement. In this
they made a mistake, because the Democrats triumphantly
pointed out that the Maysville road would be a rival to the
Erie Canal ;a they assured the people that no enterprise of
the nature of the Erie Canal would be helped by the National
Government; and insisted that all help from the Government
must be confined to national objects, thus practically securing
monopoly for the New York Canal over all others, and quiet-
ing the fears of those who dreaded that help would be given
by the Government to the Pennsylvania system.^

A bill was introduced providing for the improvement of the
Hudson River, especially the part called the "Overslaugh," a
few miles below Albany, known in the political literature of
the times as " Marcy's farm." Marc}T and other leading Demo-
crats of New York voted against it, and Jackson vetoed it.
The Antimasons naturally seized this opportunity, and conven-
tions in various places passed resolutions against the use of
the veto power/ The Democrats explained that the veto was
caused by the objectionable riders attached to the bill.^ Jack-
son's veto of a bill to improve two harbors situated at the
mouth of the Big Sandy Creek and the Salmon River on Lake
Erie, and Marcy's vote against the bill furnished material for
opposition from that section/

Another grievance was in connection with the Lake Erie and
Hudson River Railroad survey. This railroad was intended
to go through the southern tier of counties. According to an
act of Congress the survey was to be made at public expense,
if the President should think it of national importance. Jack-
son detailed engineers for the purpose, but ordered the surveys
not to be made unless the State or incorporated companies or

« Albany Argus, October 16, 19, 1832.

frTallmadge's letter, Albany Argus, September 15, 1832. See also Albany Argus,
October 5.

clt was declared "that the improvement of the navigation of the Hudson River is of
national importance, not merely to this State, but of portions of New England and of all
the Western States. * * * We can not comprehend the logic by which the President
was led to the conclusion that such a measure was unconstitutional, when at the same
time he approved of appropriations for objects far less national in their character and
comparatively less important to any interest, either local or general." — Albany Evening
Journal, Oneida convention of August 15, and Montgomery convention in Albany Even-
ing Journal of August 25, 1832.

d Albany Argus, October 5, 1832.

« Proceedings of the Oswego convention, Albany Evening Journal, October 8, 1832.
See, also, Ibid., September 22, 1832.

THE ANTIMAiSONIC PARTY. 415

individuals interested should meet all the expenses, except
such as belonged to the personal compensation of the engi-
neers and the procuring and repairing of necessary instru-
ments. The money not being forthcoming, they stopped
work. The President was declared by the opposition "to
have evinced 'unprincipled opposition' to the internal im-
provements and the interests of the State." a

These are but minor incidents. What was really remark-
able about the year 1832 was the manner in which the forces
of the opposition were collected and marshalled against the
Administration and its candidate for governor. The Antima-
sonic State convention met at Utica on June 21. Albert H.
Tracy, of Buffalo, was elected president, and Francis Granger,
of Ontario, and Samuel Stevens, of New York, were unani-
mously nominated as its candidates for the offices of governor
and lieutenant-governor. The convention concurred in the
nomination of Wirt and Ellmaker for President and Vice-
President, and nominated a remarkable electoral ticket, con-
taining the names of many men who were at least not avowed
Antimasons. Says Weed: ' ' We aimed, in the selection of can-
didates, to secure the votes of all who were opposed to the
re-election of General Jackson."6 Chancellor Kent was put
at the head of the ticket, and half of the electoral ticket were
Antimasons and half from the old National Republican party/
The whole attitude of the convention shows it to have been
completely under the thumb of Weed and his friends. The
addresses dwelt upon the abuses of the Administration, and
had little to say (doubtless to placate the Clay supporters)
about the principles of the party. d This policy was in line
with the general silence upon Antimasonic topics for some
time previous, partly, no doubt, caused by the dying out of
the Masonic institution, and partly from the desire not to hurt
the coalition by offending the Masonic National Republicans/

The plot had been so carefully arranged, and the electors
so evenly divided that the National Republican convention of

a Proceedings of the Cayuga County convention, Albany Evening Journal, Octobers,
1832. See, also, Ibid., September 5, 1832.

bWeed, Autobiography, I, 413.

c Seward, Autobiography, I, 99.

d Albany Argus, June 23, 1832. See, also, Ibid., October 9, Address of the Columbia
electors.

a Seward, Autobiography, I, 213. Letter of April 14.

416 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

July 25 found no difficult\T in nominating the same State and
electoral ticket, although they nominated Clay and Sergeant
for Presidential candidates.0
Seward says:

The question as to which man the electoral vote would be given if the
ticket was elected was earnestly discussed, but, so far as I know, no pub-
lic explanation was ever given. Perhaps I know all on that subject that
was known by anyone who was not a member of one or of both of the
State conventions. * * * I thought the chances about equal that the
combined opposition might carry the State. I expected that, in that case,
the electoral votes would be cast for Wirt and Ellmaker, unless it should
appear from the results of the election in other States that, being so cast
for Wirt and Ellmaker, they should not be sufficient to secure their elec-
tion, but would secure the election of Clay and Sergeant if cast for them. &

To bind the opposition more firmly together and to prevent
quarrels, it was decided that a man from each party should
attend the district and county conventions to harmonize con-
flicting interests and opinions/

But if the scheme seemed to succeed, the leaders of the
Antimasons had, as events show, presumed too much upon the
good nature of those of the party who were still bitter and
uncompromising in their hatred of Freemasons. Weed's dis-
comfiture in the convention of 1830 had not made a sufficiently
lasting impression on him, and he again overreached his mark.
The ghost of Southwick arose to confront those who would
thus tamper with the "blessed spirit" and mingle with the
worshippers of that "Satan's synagogue," the Masonic insti-
tution. The coalition was repudiated and denounced. d

John Crary, the former candidate for lieutenant-governor,
came out with a long letter in the Argus addressed to the
Antimasons of 1828.* This was an able document, and no
doubt had great influence on the election. He claimed that

n Weed, Autobiography, I, 413; Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 398.

& Seward, Autobiography, I, 100.

c Weed and Matthew L. Davis, the literary executor of Burr, were the men selected.
Weed, Autobiography, I, 414. The Jackson men gave the name " Siamese Twin Party "
to this coalition.

ft Spencer was evidently very early apprehensive of this feeling. In a letter to Weed,
July 13, 1832, he says: "All that I apprehend from it is that our Antimason friends will
doubt whether all our electoral candidates will go for Wirt," and advised against a nom-
ination by the National Republicans. In a letter of September 15 he says: "Our Anti-
Mason friends stand firm and treat with contempt the cry of coalition. * * * Still, we
have judged it expedient to furnish them occasionally with Antimasonic matter."
Weed, Autobiography, II, pp. 43, 44. These letters are typical of the spirit of the leaders
of the party.

t Albany Argus, August 14, 1832.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 417

the old Adams party had tried to appropriate the spirit of
Antimasonry to itself since the spirit had shown its power in
the election of 1828. He said:

It must be obvious that if Antimasonry was right in 1828, it must be
wrong now, for it is different both in principle and practice from what it
was then. In 1828 the object was the destruction of Freemasonry, now
it is the protection of it, for the benefit of all those who will connive at
the hypocrisy of the party. In 1828 the Antimasons abandoned their
political parties for the cause of Antimasonry * * * now they abandon
the cause of Antimasonry for the sake of resuscitating the old Adams
party for the benefit of Mr. Clay, and unite with the Masons who are in
favor of him. With a view to this object, we have seen the Antimasonic
and National Republican journals cease their denunciations against each
other and for months past chime in together against General Jackson and
the Albany Regency.

This letter was followed by many others of similar nature.
The radicals also received much encouragement from Anti-
masons outside of the State, especially from Massachusetts. a

One of the most important documents used by the anti-
coalition party was the "Appeal of the Antimasons of Colum-
bia County" denouncing Weed and the coalition, and asking
the electors to come out and say for whom they would vote.
This paper received all the force of Weed's sarcasm and bril-
liant political wit and was as strongly defended by the Jackson
papers and the Radicals.6 It exposed the political methods
of the coalitionists in Columbia County, and then said:

At the local elections in almost every part of the State, coalitions as
complete and as disgraceful have been formed. In proof of this, we refer
to the support of Clay men and those opposed to Antimasonry on the one
hand, and to the support of Antimasons by Clay men on the other, in
almost every county in the State. We refer you to the counties of Albany,
Rensselaer, Sullivan, Schenectady, and many other places. We refer you
to the whole six counties composing the third senatorial district, in which
the two parties united on a candidate for the Senate. We refer you to the
convention in Montgomery County, called by 366 individuals, part of whom
are Antimasons and part Clay men, to insure "concert" of action among all
opposed to the Republican party without regard to their opinions on the
subject of Masonry.-" We refer to a convention of Antimasons and Clay
men in Franklin County which appointed delegates to the State convention
of both parties, or as it termed them "the divisions of the great political
party," which resolved that for the accomplishment of the paramount

a Letter from Boston Free Press (Antimasonic) in Albany Argus, August 14, 1832.
& See Albany Argus, September 18, October 4, October 9, 1832. Albany Evening Journal,
September 18, 1832.

H.Doc. 461, pt 1 27

418 'AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

object all minor considerations should be made to yield, and

that no difference not strictly of a polical nature, should be allowed to
create divisions and dissensions. a

These statements are in the main true, as shown by those
of Weed himself.6 The}7 show that he had done his work
well and that Antirnasonry pure and simple had become but a
shadow. We can say truly that with this election the Whig-
party was really formed/

The attitude of the National Republicans deserves notice.
They were naturally delighted at the turn affairs had taken.
The Albany Advertiser, which had been credited with carry-
ing the National Republican counties of the interior against
Granger in the previous election/ agreed to support the
"ticket on the broad and distinct ground that it was the para-
mount object of all those who .truly love their country to put
down and destroy the present shamelsss and corrupt adminis-
tration. 'v Man}7 of the electors, like Chancellor Kent, were
the oldest and strongest men of the party, which fact gave
confidence that Clay would receive the electoral vote, and it
was indeed understood that the Antimasons had formed the
union on the ground that the electors should give their votes
for Mr. Clay as an equivalent for the National Republican
votes which would be cast for Granger. This seems to have
been understood outside of the State, as well as within, and
was evidently accepted by the Masons. •'

The election was hotly contested and the parties were
highly excited; ^ but the Jackson party, with its shibboleth
of "Remember the Aristocrats at the Polls,"7* were too strong
for the combination, and the "huzza strength, "* as Weed
called it, won by a vote of 13,000 majority for its Presidential
candidate.^" Marcy received a majority of nearly 10,000 votes.
Granger regained the counties of Washington, Essex, and

a Albany Argus, October 9, 1832.

''Weed, Autobiography, I, pp. 413, 414.

f A curious feature of the contest now showed itself because of the above and similar
documents. As Masons had renounced in 1828, we have the papers full of renunciations
of Antimasonry in 1832.

<i Pennsylvania Intelligencer, July 5, 1832.

c Albany Daily Advertiser, August 3, 1832.

/Albany Argus, August 11,1832. See extract from Boston Masonic Mirror. See also
Albany Argus, August 14, November 3,* and Ohio State Journal, August 11, 1832.

» Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 423.

h Albany Argus, November 3, 1832.

i Weed, Autobiography, II, 46.

j Albany Argus, November 6, 12. 14, ll, December 13, 1832.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY.

419

Franklin, which had voted for him in 1828. He also gained
Madison and Cortland, which had never before voted for him;
but he lost Chenango, Cayuga, Seneca, Tompkins, Steuben,
and Wayne, which were carried by him in 1830. Chenango,
which in 1830 gave him a majority of 1,100, now gave Marcy
and Tracy about 40/<

After the election, both the Antimasons and the National
Republicans were generally satisfied with the struggle they
had made. The only thing the National Republicans com-

1832. COALITION

plained of was the outside interference of the Boston Ariti-
masonic press, which they charged with raising " discord by
the continued and systematic and obstinate course of misrep-
resentation.-' b There is no doubt that the radical Antimasons,

a Albany Argus, November 21, 1832. See Ibid, November 11, 1830. Hammond, Politi-
cal History of New York, II, 399. Hammond, II, 424, puts it 200, which is an error. The
action in Chenango was doubtless influenced by the changed attitude of the Democrats
on the canal questfon.

&From New York Commercial Advertiser, quoted in Ohio State Journal, Dec. 1, 1832
There is some evidence of this in Spencer's letter to Weed, of July 13. Weed, Autobiog-
raphy, II, 43.

420 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

as well as many former supporters of Granger, turned away
from him because of the sharp practice indulged in by the
leaders. They had overreached themselves in their strenuous
efforts. Antimasonry as a party was doomed, and already it
was suggested that a new name be given to the combined par-
ties a now cemented by a common defeat.* Indeed Anti-
masonry was to receive its death blow in New York within a
year.

« Weed, Autobiography, II, 47. Letter of Patterson to Weed.
b Hammond, Political History of New York, I, 398.

CHAPTER VII— BIRTH OF THE WHIG PARTY,

The political year of 1833 opened with a triumphant Demo-
cratic party, which immediately began to fulfill its pledges.
Governor Marcy, in his inaugural message, reviewed the sub-
ject of the Chenango Canal and finally indorsed it in the fol-
lowing words: "I commend the proposed work to your favor-
able notice, with the expression of a strong desire that its
merits may be found such as to induce you to authorize its
construction. '"* a Accordingly', after the legislature was organ-
ized, a bill for the construction of the canal was introduced
into the assembly by the Democrats, with limitations as to
the expense, and with but slight limitations in other respects.6
It passed the House on February 1 by a vote of 79 to 40 c and
was immediately sent to the Senate. On February 21 it passed
that body by a vote of 17 to 10.''

Mr. Hammond says of this movement by the Democrats:

The reasons assigned by these gentlemen for their change of opinion
were quite singular. * * Several senators of high standing and char-
acter, declared in their places that they believed the project ought not to
be sanctioned by the State; but as they had no doubt the applicants would
persevere until a legislature would be chosen who would grant their re-
quest, they thought it their duty to vote for the measure: for if they did
not pass the lawr, their successors would. To illustrate more clearly the
rule of action by which these gentlemen profess to have been governed, I
will suppose that I am quite sure that Ton* Jones will steal your horse to-
morrow night: and to prevent such, an outrage, I determine to steal the
horse this night. l>

The Antimasons had realized long before this that they
would be beaten on this question out of which they had made
so much political capital. Consequently many of them turned

a Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 431.
'•Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 425.
'•Hammond, Ibid., Albany Argus, February 2, 1833.
<i Albany Argns, February 21, 1833. Tracy and Seward voted against it.

421

422 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

and voted against the bill and in so doing fell back upon the
support of the farmers of the western part of the State. To
carry out this policy, Spencer, in a speech on February 1,
opposed the bill because of the seventh section, which provided
that the expense of the canal should be chargeable upon the
canal fund. This, he argued, would prevent, for a time at
least, the reduction of the tolls on the Erie Canal, and thus
prevent the farmers of the west from competing with the
south in the New York market. rt

Spencer's action met with at least a partial support from
the Antimasons throughout the State and especially in the
western part, where it was felt that the bill as reported was
unfair to them. "The construction of the Chenango Canal,"
says the Rochester Inquirer, "is to be a charge upon the
canal fund, and is therefore built by the tolls of the people of
the west. We are for the Chenango Canal, but not on such
principles. Mr. Spencer and our friends in the House have
resisted the measure manfully, but what efforts can meet suc-
cess against the settled determination of the Regency to pick
the pockets of the people of the west? What earthly reason
exists why money should not be raised for the object on the
credit of the State, as was the case with the Erie Canal ? And
if the canal revenues are insufficient to meet the loans, let
them be met by an equal tax. * * Why should the
farmers of Monroe contribute so vastly more than their pro-
portion to this object* There can be no reason for it founded
on justice."6

The assembly inserted a provision in* the bill providing that
the surplus mone}rs belonging to the canal fund should be
invested in that stock, but it was rejected by the senate.
The Antimasons in general voted for the amendment and
claimed it was defeated by the banks because it would "draw
from the banks part of that enormous amount now loaned to
them, at the very reduced rates of three and a half and four
and a half per cent per annum, while they loan out at seven
per cent. " c

The question of the canal is fully discussed here because of
its great importance in the subsequent histor}^ of New York

a Albany Argus, February 2 and March 8, 1833.
l> Albany Evening Journal, February 8, 1833.

<• Address of the Antimasonic members of the legiplatnre. Albany Evening Journal,
May 1, 1833.

THE ANTIMASON1C PARTY. 423

politics." "It was," says Mr. Hammond, "the commence-
ment of, or entering wedge to, a system of measures, and a
policy which have involved the State in a debt, which, for
aught I can perceive, will not be exterminated by the present
[1852] and I apprehend, many succeeding generations." All
agree that the work was absurd, and, as such, stands as a
model of \yhat American political parties can selfishly com-
mence and cany through against public interests and for
their own trivial triumphs.

The Antimasons confined their attention during this year to
advocating the lowering of the tolls upon the Erie Canal.
The people of the State directly interested in the canal were
greatly dissatisfied because of the numerous competitors
which were springing up. "There is scarcely a county
between the shores of Lake Erie and the banks of the Hud-
son," said the Buffalo Patriot, "tfyat has not applied to have
its brooks made navigable and its coal beds and clay beds con-
nected with the tide water in public works to be constructed
out' of the tolls of the Erie Canal. * * * The friends of
the railroad on the south and the Oswego and Welland canals
on the north will not relax their efforts to share the envied
monopoly of the Western trade which we now enjoj^."6

The position of Antimasons on national questions under-
went a decided change during the year. In the first place,
the shrewd politicians who controlled the policy of the party
saw that the election of 1832 was a positive decision against
the Bank, and they as a body at length realized, what Weed
had seen for some time, that they would lose popularity by
supporting it. In the second place, they saw that it would
be impossible again to unite on Clay as the leader of a strong
tariff policy. The New York Whig* puts Clay's position as

« Political history of New York.

ft Albany Evening Journal, December 4, 1833. This discontent of the west led to the
forming of a new party known as the "Liberal Republicans,1' which nominated Shel-
don Smith, of Buffalo, for assembly. Mr. Smith voices the sentiments of the section in
the following manner: "That the people of Erie, in common with other portions of the
great West, have important and vital interests at stake, at the present time, is a proposi-
tion which all must admit. * * * Ever since the death of Clinton * * * a fatal,
disastrous policy has been pursued by those who have had charge of the New York
canals. * * * It was to be expected that the immensely rich and rapidly increasing
trade of the boundless West would produce powerful competitors for its benefits. These
competitors already exist on both sides of New York, and have already directed large
portions of the trade into other and less natural channels The return of trade to our
State depends entirely on the more discreet management of our canals.1'— Albany Argus,
October 29, '.833.

424 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

follows: "The new tariff bill from the hands of Mr. Clay
separates him from the most ardent of his friends. It is
regarded as a death blow to the tariff. Indeed, Mr. Clay
avows it to be so, but he claims this: That the people have
willed its death, and that all he could do now, is to make that
death slow. He has obtained a nine years' life for the fac-
tories, which, without his aid, would have been cut down in
two years. "rt To avoid the issue thus presented, the Anti-
masonic members of the legislature in their address of this
year to the people declared that " as a body, we are neither
for the tariff nor against it. Nor for or against any of the
other important projects of the day. We have no connection
with them, but individually we act and think in reference to
them according to the dictates of our judgments."6

The attitude of Weed and a few powerful Antimasons to-
ward the Bank had been hostile for some time. Just before
the election we find him warning the friends of the institution
that if they expected the votes of the Antimasonic members
they would be disappointed. After saying that he "hoped
that the friends of the Bank will not attempt to renew a des-
perate and unavailing conflict, * * * the Bank is doomed
and nothing can arrest its fate; * * * the veto of the
president received the sanction of the people," he said:

Can the Bank hope, under the existing circumstances to obtain a re-
charter? Certainly not by fair means; and it were better that a thousand
such banks be annihilated than that other means should be brought into
conflict with the purity of Congress. * The Bank must perish.

The Kitchen cabinet and their King, * * * seek to make their op-
ponents the supporters of the Bank. Shall we permit them to occupy this
vantage ground? * * * It is absolutely certain that no party however
pure, can rise with the U. S. Bank upon its shoulders, and it is equally
certain that any party, however profligate, will triumph, if identified with
Jackson in his crusade against the Bank, f

With all these conflicts within the party, success in the elec-
tion of 1833 was impossible, and the election terminated almost
universally in favor of the Democratic party.'7 All the sena-
torial districts but the eighth elected Democratic senators;
and in this district (the western), where Antimasonry had its

a Albany Argus, March 14, 1833.
b Albany Evening Journal, May 1. 1833.

e Albany Evening Journal, October 25, 1833. See alro Albany Argus, October 26,1833.
Weed, Autobiography, I, 424.
d Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 435. Albany Argus, November 16,1833.

THE ANTIMASONIC PAKTY. 425

stronghold, A. H. Tracy, one of its most popular leaders, was
elected by a vote of but 165. a Out of the 128 members of the
assembly elected, lOi were Democrats.6 Even the counties of
Orleans, Chautauqua, Allegany, and Monroe gave majorities
against the party in the west/

The election meant the death of the Antimasonic partly and
the organization of the Whigs. Weed says:

The election of 1833, demonstrated unmistakably not only that oppo-
sition to Masonry as a party in a political aspect had lost its hold upon the
public mind, but that its leading object, namely, to awaken and perpetu-
ate a public sentiment against secret societies, had signally failed. The
Jackson party was now more powerful than ever in three fourths of
the States in the Union. The National Republican party was quite as
fatally demoralized as that to which 1 belonged. This discouraging con-
dition of political affairs * * * resulted in a virtual dissolution of the
Antimasonic party. Ail or nearly all of our leading friends having no
affinities of sentiment or sympathy with the Jackson party found them-
selves at liberty to retire from political action or unite with the then largely
disorganized elements of opposition to the national and State adminis-
trations. I had by this time become irreconcilably opposed to the Regency,
and fell naturally into association with their opponents. The "Evening
Journal" went diligently and zealously to work organizing the elements of
opposition throughout the State into what soon became the "Whig
party."'' '

Many after reading this account will no doubt not entirely
agree with Mr. Weed that the leading object of Antimasonry
was to awaken and perpetuate a public sentiment against secret
societies. At least it does not seem to be entirely true of the
last few years of their existence. Even the statements of Mr.
Hammond, shrewd and accurate historian as he was, seem
naive in the light of the history of the events here recorded.
Nevertheless, his statement of the transition of the Antimasons
to the Whigs is of value and contains hints of the nature of
the Antimasonic movement in its last stages. In the consider-
ation of this party it is strange that the historians of America
have put so much weight upon Antimasonry itself and so lit-
tle upon its political nature. After what has been put for-
ward in this account, it is well to give Mr. Hammond's ideas,

<i Albany Argus, ibid. Hammond, ibid.

l> Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 435.

f Albany Argusr November 16, 1833.

d Weed, Autobiography, I, 425. The name Whig was used for the amalgamated party
in 1834. Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 442; Albany Argus, November 11,
1834.

426 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

just and liberal as they are, upon the ending of the old party
and the beginning of the new. Says Mr. Hammond:

It is remarkable, that when this attitude and name [Whig] was assumed
by the National Republican party, the Antimasonic party instantly dis-
banded. They seemed as if by magic, in one moment annihilated. That
unbending, and as they were called proscribing party, comprising many
thousands of electors, among whom were great numbers of men of high
character for their talents and standing, and distinguished for their piety
and sacred regard to the dictates of conscience, who had repeatedly most
solemnly declared, they would never vote for an adhering Mason for any
office whatever, in one day, ceased to utter a word against Masonry,
assumed the name and title of Whigs, and, as it were, in an instant amal-
gamated into one mass with the National Republicans, a party composed as
well of Masons as of other citizens. This seems to be a high evidence of the
community of feeling which existed among the members of the Antima-
sonic party; and that what is called the discipline of party was, by no
means, confined to the Democratic party in the State of New York. It
may, however, be s#id, and it ought to be stated, because it is true, that
the institution of Masonry had, in point of fact ceased to exist, and
therefore, that the Antimasons had accomplished the object they originally
had in view, which was the destruction of Masonry. But then it is
equally true, that Masonry was as effectually demolished in November,
1832, as in February, 1834.«

In conclusion, it seems upon a careful examination of the
subject that we can call the only true Antimasonic party in
New York that of Southwick of 1828. The development of
the great strength of the party under 4he name of Anti-
masonry we must attribute to the able leadership and fertile
talents of Weed and his friends, aided by the political condi-
tions of the times, and by many circumstances which will be
discussed later on in this work. The spirit of Antimasonry
which had found lodgment in the other States which we are to
consider was a reflex of that in New York. It is to New
York that the other States looked for guidance, for leaders,
and to a large extent for political material and methods.

« Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 399.

CHAPTER VI11,— THE FORMATION OF THE PARTY IN
PENNSYLVANIA,

Upon examining the rise and progress of Antimasonry as a
political party in the State of New York, we saw that it started
in the western part of the State in the honest spirit of oppo-
sition to the Masonic institution which marked the period
directly after the murder of William Morgan. It was taken
up by the religious sects of that part of the State and became,
in fact, a religious crusade. We found also that it was soon
brought into the politics of the day in local affairs, and finalty,
through the skillful maneuvering of tactful and able leaders,
was made to unite its cause with the remnants of the faction
which had formerly supported the canal policy of De Witt
Clinton. It is but natural, then, considering the tremendous
excitement of the time, that we should see the same condi-
tions elsewhere producing the same results.

If we turn to the State of Pennsylvania we shall find here,
too, the Democratic party triumphant and their opponents
nearly blotted out of existence; we shall find a large State
with many different physiographic conditions, and conse-
quently different sectional desires and interests; we shall
find here, too, a canal and improvement problem like that of
New York, but vastly more complicated; we shall find here,
too, not only radical religious sects like those of New England
affiliations in central New York, but numerous German sects
with tenets opposed to oaths, and also the Puritans of Penn-
sylvania, the stern and radical Scotch-Irish Presbyterians.
Considering the soil, it is not remarkable that the seeds of
Antimasonry should have spread to Pennsylvania and found
lodging in so well prepared a field as that which Lancaster
County and the surrounding country presented. In the first
place, this region was inhabited chiefly by German sectarians.
Among these were the Mennonites, the German Reformed,
the Amish, the Dunkards, the Moravians, the Schwenkfeld-
ers, the "New Born," the Inspirationists, and many others.
Besides these there was a large sprinkling of Quakers, Luth-
erans, and Presbyterians. Many of these sects had provisions

427

428

AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

in their creeds against the taking of oaths/' hi the second
place, it is to be noted that much of this region was physio-
graphically connected with the Baltimore market, and its in-
terests lay to the south along the Susquehanna and not to the
west. When the State was spending millions of dollars con-
necting Philadelphia with the West it can readily be seen that
the internal improvement policy of the State would be un-
popular in this section. In the third place, the lower tier of
counties enjoyed a traffic east and west which the canal to the
north would compete with and tend to destroy.

Another section of the State which ofl'ered good ground for
the "Blessed Spirit," as well as for a new and vigorous polit-
ical party, was the western tier of counties. In the first

Pennsylvania's Canal Problem.

place, the people who inhabited these counties to the north
were mostly of New England stock, allied to their kin of the
" infected district" of New York, to which this portion of
the territory was physiographically connected; while the peo-
ple of the center and south were of a peculiarly severe type
of Scotch-Irish Presbyterians, and much opposed to oaths
and secret societies. In the second place this tier of counties
was separated from the east by high mountain ranges. It
was the special desire of the people of the West to connect
their section of the country with Philadelphia — in other words,

a The Dunkards, the Quakers, and the Mennonites had such rules. Lehigh, Northamp-
ton, and Berks were inhabited, to a large degree, by Lutherans or German Reformed,
who had at the time no provisions against taking oaths.

THE ANTIMASO.NIC PARTY. 429

to have another Erie Canal. Pittsburg had already become a
busy manufacturing center, and anxiously awaited the open-
ing of the new canal to Philadelphia. The Democratic State
administration, however, showed a tendency to procrastinate,
and to dawdle away time and monej7 in various branch canals a
and so-called improvements. The indignation of the western
people was great, and culminated in a very hostile attitude
toward all improvements not directly to their benefit. It can
be easily seen that there was read}^ soil for the Antimasonic
movement in Pennsylvania, but it can be easily seen, also, that
the thorough organization of a party founded upon such
diverse interests was a matter of great difficulty.

According to the Antimasonic accounts, the introduction of
Antimasonry into Pennsylvania was attributed to the " visit
of a Geneseean to the place of his former residence, and to the
Batavia Advocate of 1827, which he carried in his pocket."6
Another account considers Whittlesey's activity in sending
Antimasonic documents and papers into Pennsylvania as the
chief cause of the movement there/ At any rate, efforts were
made to organize the party and establish a paper in the west-
ern part of the State as early as 1827,* and in 1828 Weed's
paper was ordered from Allegheny, Somerset, Union, Lan-
caster, and Chester counties/ The first really effective act,
however, was the establishment of the Union Telegraph and
the Antimasonic Herald, in Lancaster County.^ The first
appearance of political Antimasonry occurred in the fall of
this year, when the party put forward a candidate for Con-
gress, William Hiester, of Lancaster Count}7, who was defeated
by over 1,500 votes. It also put up a slight opposition in the
Westmoreland-Indiana district, and also in Somerset, but
elected nobody either to Congress or to the State legislature.9'

Antimasonry had little to do with the national election.
The only counties giving Adams majorities were Delaware,
Bucks, Adams, and Beaver. Jackson's total vote was 101,652,
while Adams received 51,569.7i It is a fact worth noting that

"Report of canal commissioners, December 25, 1827. Shulze's veto message, April 20,
1829, in Hazard, Register of Pennsylvania, III.

& Report on the piess in the New York State convention of 1831. Albany Evening
Journal. March 1, 1831.

c Albany Evening Journal, June 13, 1831.

dSeward's press report in United States convention at Philadelphia, September 11, 1830

<-Weed, Autobiography, I, 310.

/ Antimasonic Review, I, No. 12, 375.

sr Pennsylvania Reporter (Democratic), Harrisburg, July 3, 1829.

* Pennsylvania Reporter, Harrisburg, November 11, 1828.

430 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

the Adams counties lay in the southeast and in the west. The
German counties to the southeast, as a general thing, gave
large majorities for Jackson.

In order to trace, step by step, the growth of Antimasonry
in Pennsylvania it is necessary to digress somewhat and to
describe briefly the State and local issues before the people.
The legislative session of the winter of 1828-29 is well worth
our study in this connection, as its deliberations show us the
sectional feeling then existing.

The southeastern counties of Pennsylvania are some of the
richest in the State. With fine fertile limestone valleys bor-
dering on mountains full of minerals and with good water
power, their natural outlets were to the south. The high
mountain walls to the west and north seemed to preclude the
idea of trade and commerce in those directions and the people
of this region longed for the improvement of those natural
outlets which would be the means of enriching and developing
their fair valleys. It is small wonder, then, that they should
have little interest in great canal projects then being under-
taken and should seek other means of bringing their goods to
market/' A project was therefore introduced into the legis-
lature which in final form aimed to incorporate the Baltimore
and Susquehanna Railroa'd Company, to construct a "railroad
from the Maryland line * * * to some eligible and prac-
tical point in the Cumberland Valley * * or to incor-
porate a Pennsylvania company for that purpose."6

Preliminary to the above resolution was much debating
pro and con. The opposition to the scheme was led by Phil-
adelphia, and was the result of that city's efforts to check the
trade to the south and receive it herself. The attitude of the
city may be seen,by the following remarks:

The people of these counties [southern] acknowledge that they opposed
the canal system; their excuse is that they had no interest in it; they
were unwilling to extend that to others from which they could derive no
advantage, and as interest is the sole ground on which they placed that
matter, it is but fair they should be answered with their own arguments.
It is not to the interest of the State to permit the construction of the
Baltimore Railroad, but obviously against it, and therefore the State is
bound not to grant it. c

It was said in this connection that the proper title of the act
should be 4i An act to vest in the State of Maryland commer-

a Pennsylvania Reporter, January 23, 1828.
ft Pennsylvania Reporter, February 13, 1829.
"Pennsylvania Reporter, January 30, 1829, Burden's speech.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 431

cial jurisdiction over one-half the territory of Pennsylvania. "a
We are not surprised to learn that the committee to whom
the petitions were referred finally reported that the construc-
tion of such roads within the borders of Pennsylvania by the
Baltimore and Susquehanna Railroad Company would not be
in accordance with public policy. b This matter was to be a
bone of contention in the future and' a fruitful source of
strength to the opponents of the Democratic Administration.

In the session of the legislature, too, the loan for the canal
system and improvements was roundly denounced by enemies
of the canal and its branches. The size of the loan itself and
the manner of securing it were especially attacked/ The
South and Southwest, which had enjoyed a great deal of over-
land traffic, felt the necessity of keeping the roads in order
and of building new ones if they were to compete at all with
the canal. They naturally grew indignant at the constant
neglect of their interests while millions were being spent on
a canal. Many speeches were made and petitions presented
in favor of their cause, but they received scant attention. <*

Although this was the year of the gubernatorial contest, yet
the Antimasonic spirit remained for a long time dormant and
apathetic. Finally, however, a convention assembled at the
court-house in Harrisburg on June 25, in which delegates from
the counties of Lancaster, Chester, Lehigh, Dauphin, Union,
Somerset, Franklin, Erie, Mifflin, Westmoreland, and Indiana
appeared. These counties, it may be observed, are in the
southeastern, southern, and western parts of the State. The
proceedings of the convention were much like the earlier con-
ventions in New York. After the usual stock Antimasonic
speeches and resolutions, the convention listened to a lengthy
address by Frederick Whittlesey, of tl\e central committee of
Rochester, N. Y. • No doubt this had much inspiration in it,
for the convention nominated for governor Joseph Ritner, of
Washington County (in the western part of the State), a man
of German parentage, a soldier of the war of 1812, and for-
merly a speaker of the lower house/ The Democrats nomi-

n Pennsylvania Reporter, January 30, 1829.

& Report of committee on inland navigation and internal improvement, Pennsylvania
Reporter, February 17, 1829.

c Pennsylvania Reporter, April 17, 1829. The loan was to be secured through the
Baring Brothers, a proceeding very unpopular in these times of intense Americanism.

dSee Pennsylvania Reporter, April 21, 1829.

« Pennsylvania Reporter, June 26, July 3, 1829. Albany Argus, July 2, 1829. Lancaster
Antimasonic Herald, July 31, 1829.

432 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

nated George Wolf, of Northampton County, a Mason, who
had been a Representative in Congress for three terms.

The campaign which followed was quiet, and not at all char-
acterized by the excitement which marked the early Antima-
sonic movements in New York. In fact it was asserted by
the Antimasonic leaders that because of the insufficient organi-
zation in- a great many counties, it was not known generally
that there was any opposition to Wolf.a What little excite-
ment occurred was largely the result of the conversion to Anti-
masonry of Ner Middles warth, of Union County, speaker of the
lower house, who made the charge that the Masons approached
him and assured him that he would be nominated for governor
if he would become a Free Mason.6

The results of the election showed that the people of Penn-
sylvania were ready for Antimasonry. Ritner polled 49,000
votes and carried the counties of Adams, Bedford, Cambria,
Chester, Crawford, Dauphin, Erie, Huntingdon, Indiana, Jef-
ferson, Lancaster, Lebanon, Ly coming, Mercer, Somerset,
Union, and Washington, and polled a heavy vote in Berks,
Fayette, Greene, Lehigh, Mifflin, Montgomery, and WTest-
moreland/' In general, his heaviest vote was in the southern
and western parts of the Stated The Democratic papers con-
ceded 15 members of the house and 1 member of the senate/
Harmar Denn}^, an Antimason, was also elected to Congress
from the Pittsburg district. -;'

The election of 1829 demonstrated the fact that a new and
strong party had arisen in Pennsylvania. The leaders had
obtained results far beyond their expectations. The remark-
able suddenness of its rise can only be attributed to the fact
that the elements were all there, and it required but thorough
organization to make it a triumphant success.

« Seward's press report in the Antimasonic national convention, September 11, 1830.

b Pennsylvania Reporter, August 21, 1829.

c Pennsylvania Intelligencer, December 14, 1829. Albany Evening Journal, November
11, 1830. Wolf's majority was about 27,000. Albany Argus, November 2, 1829.

f*In the western part of the State, in Westmoreland, Allegheny, Fayette, and Greene,
the Antimasonic vote was no doubt reduced by an act of the session of 1828, which pro-
vided for the improvement of the Monongahela River from the city of Pittsburg to the
Virginia State line. Work had not begun on this, however, at this time. Pennsylvania
Reporter, October 9, 1829.

eFrom the Bedford-Somerset district. See Pennsylvania Reporter, October 23,1829.
Pennsylvania Intelligencer, Novembers, 1829.

/Pennsylvania Reporter, December 1, 1829. Albany Argus, Decembers, 1829. Seward's
press report in the Antimasonic Convention, Philadelphia, September 11, 1830.

CHAPTER IX— A WKAK LEGISLATIVE ORGANIZATION FORMED,

The legislative session of the year 1829-30 was in man}7 ways
similar to that of the preceding- winter. The election of
George Wolf, a strong exponent of internal improvements,
was expressive of the desire of the people of Pennsylvania for
the completion of the vast system of canals which was in prog-
ress. This question involved many local issues and it was
obvious that the immense sums required would not be voted
by the legislature, except by a system of logrolling. The
counties bordering upon the north and west branches of the
Susquehanna wanted local improvements in these sections in
return for their support of improvements in other quarters
or for the main line of the canal. It was thus impossible to
put all effort into one great canal from Philadelphia to Pitts-
burg, and the consequent result was immense sums of money
frittered away upon short lines in every direction. By the
report of the committee of ways and means of this year, we
find that the State had already contracted loans to the amount
of $8,140,000 for improvements.05

It is not surprising under these circumstances that a new
loan should be unpopular in many sections of the State. A
bill was finally passed approving of a loan of $3,459,532 for
the completion of such portions of canals and railroads as were
under contract and for the payment of temporary loans. The
Juniata division, the most difficult p^rt of the main line, re-
ceived but $300,000, with provisions for a portage railroad
over the Allegheny Mountains.* The few Antimasons in the
legislature showed as yet little organization and voted with

a Pennsylvania Reporter, February 28, 1830.

b Pennsylvania Reporter, February 16, March 19, 1830. Primarily the branch canals
were to follow the Susquehanna in order to form an outlet for the coal fields, but recently
their advocates had grown more ambitious, and it was urged that the north branch could
well connect with the New York system, while the west could be extended to open up
the fine lands of northwestern Pennsylvania, and some even thought that it could be
rx tended profitably to Lake Erie.

H. Doc. 461, pt 1 28 433

434 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

their sections on the local questions, while on the final vote
they were nearly divided. As the opposition came mostly
from the strong Antimasonic sections of the State a consider-
ation of this opposition is of the utmost importance. a

The southern portion of the State still clamored for appro-
priations for turnpike roads. They claimed that their fail-
share in the general welfare was denied them as the canal did
not aid them. The roads were embarrassed with debt and it
was claimed that they would have to be abandoned if not soon
aided. b

The controversies over the place of termination of the main
canal in the west also caused much debate. Man^y preferred
that the canal should terminate in Erie, while others desired
to connect it with the Ohio system. Some favored the exten-
sion to the Ohio system by way of the Beaver and Chenango
rivers, while others favored French Creek connections to
Lake Erie. Those in favor of the Beaver-Shenango line stren-
uously opposed the appropriations for the French Creek line.c
This is especially significant when we consider the fact that
Erie County was one of the strongest Antimasonic counties in
the State.

The most significant act, perhaps, of this session, however,
from an Antimasonic standpoint, and one which tended to
weld the party together, was the bill which was introduced
repealing the law to exempt the Masonic hall in Philadelphia
from taxation. The debates were violent. The Masons

a The Albany Argus speaks of 13 men who gave their votes to Middleswarth for speaker.
Albany Argus, November 26, 1829.

bin the course of debate upon this subject, Mr. Fetterman, of Bedford, said: "Had
Pennsylvania made the leading routes herself and thrown them open free of toll, it
would have enabled us to compete successfully with the great National road. When that
road was first made, it had nearly depopulated 100 miles of your mountainous territory
and ruined your citizens. However, Congress neglected it, and suffered it to go out of
repair, and a reaction took place. Last winter Congress made an appropriation of
$400,000 for its repair, and, sir, there are fearful forebodings that it may prove as preju-
dicial to us as was the first commencement of that road * * * forebodings that may
prove too true, unless some measures are adopted for our relief * * * if you will not
adopt it, you had better at once strike off the proscribed section to Maryland and let us
become a little State of our own." He said further that the route to the north of them
had been aided by the laying out of the canal to such an extent " as to enable it to divert
from them that business, and in some measure that carrying and traveling which they
had formerly enjoyed * * * so that property had been depreciating in value, busi
ness had been declining, and their general prosperity was on the wane.1' Pennsylvania
Reporter, February 12, 23, 1830. Members from Westmoreland, Cambria, Fayette, Frank-
lin, and Cumberland spoke to the same effect. Pennsylvania Reporter, Febniary 19, 23,
1830.

c Pennsylvania Reporter, March 5, 26, 1830.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 435

defended their order, and the Antimasons, especially the
members from Lancaster, vehemently denounced it. There
seemed to be no good reason why the building should not be
taxed, and the motion was carried 53 to 31. a

In order to appoint delegates for the coming national con-
vention, an Antimasonic State convention was held at Harris-
burg on February 26. Joseph Ritner was president and del-
egates appeared from nearty all the counties. An event of
the greatest significance to the cause in Pennsylvania was the
fact that Thaddeus Stevens, of Adams County, took a seat in
the convention. The delegates were appointed and the meet-
ing adjourned without any remarkable results.6

The campaign of this year caused but little excitement.
The Clay men and their Antimasonic supporters attacked the
last legislature for its extravagance. It was charged that the
"affairs of the State were in an embarrassing and ruinous sit-
uation, with an impending load of taxes and a reckless and
unattentive set of public servants. "c

The Democrats called upon all who uare opposed to the
ruinous system of national appropriations of millions for
roads through our neighboring States, when Pennsylvania has
had to make her own roads and improvements, * * * all
who are in favor of Pennsylvania sharing in the surplus reve-
nue of the United States in order to extinguish our State debt
without taxation," to oppose the progress of the Clay party.
Jackson was lauded to the people of Pennsylvania as the
champion, the protector, and the encourager of domestic
manufactures, and the Antimasonic party was denounced as
being but an ally of Clay, a party gotten together by ambitious
and disappointed politicians. d

In the election which followed, thes Antimasons succee&ed
in electing, according to Democratic accounts, 6 members to
Congress, 4 Senators, and 27 members of the House/ They

a Pennsylvania Reporter, February 9, 1830.

b Pennsylvania Reporter, March 2, 1830. Albany Argus, March 8, 1830. Lancaster
Antimasonic Herald, March 12, 1830. Seward's report In the national convention, Sep-
tember 11, 1830, Philadelphia. These accounts all give but the barest outlines of the
proceedings.

<• Lancaster Antimasonic Herald, October 1, 1830.

d Pennsylvania Reporter, October. 9, 1830. See also Ibid., August 20, 1830.

« Pennsylvania Reporter, October 13, 17, 22. Albany Argus, October 18, 20, 21, 25,
November 25, 1830.

436 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

gained in the west, but lost votes in the east, especially in
Lebanon and Dauphin. They claimed to have polled 54,000
votes. a

As in New York we can not attribute all of this success to
the Antimasonic movement alone, but a large part of it was
due to a combination of all elements of discontent under the
guise of Antimasonry. No small share of its success must be
laid at the door of the Clay party, which voted in the interior
counties with the Antimasons.6

"Albany Evening Journal, October 26, November 11, 1830.

b Albany Evening Journal, October 25, 1830. Lancaster Antimasonic Herald, November
12,1830.

CHAPTER X,— THE LEGISLATIVE SESSION OF 1880-31 AND THE
CANAL QUESTION,

Governor Wolf's message to the session of 1830-31 speaks
of internal improvements in the following manner:

On the subject of internal improvements my opinion has ever been in
favor of the policy ; and, although circumstances have occasionally occurred ,
calculated to dampen the ardor of its warmest friends, still I feel persuaded
that a gradual progressive system of improvements by means of roads and
canals such as this State might have prosecuted from time to time, with-
out embarrassing her finances, or endangering her credit, would have been
the policy. The great mistake on our part, has been in undertaking too
much at once, which has obliged us from year to year since the commence-
ment of our public improvements to borrow and to expend large sums of
money, and to incur the payment of a heavy interest, without obtaining
from them any adequate return. Although all the works that have been
contracted for, have been finished or are in a state rapidly approximating
to completion, yet until those in the east shall be so connected with those
in the west as to form one entire connected chain of communication
between Philadelphia and Pittsburg, the great emporium of the east and
west, we can not expect to derive much advantage from them.«

The above has been quoted fully, not only because of its
complete analysis of the problem before the people of the
State, but also to show Wolf's policy at this particular time.
He was to be constantly criticised in the future for favoring
a widely extended and ruinous policy. It is safe to say that
had he pursued the policy herein set down, however useless

a " The connecting link necessary to complete such a line of communication between the
east and west, as well as to give value to the works in that direction and render them
useful to the people and profitable to the State, are the railroad from Columbia, in the
county of Lancaster, to the city of Philadelphia, about 81 miles in extent, 40 miles of
which * * * have been nearly completed." [Various other gaps in the line includ-
ing the Allegheny Portage Railroad are mentioned, after which he goes on to say:] "The
aggregate cost of constructing the several links * * * [is] a sum exceeding two mil-
lion and a half, and may be safely set down at a sum not exceeding three millions of dol-
lars. * * * I submit to the wisdom of the legislature, whether sound policy does not
require that the connection mentioned should be formed with as little delay as possible,
and whether the best interests of the Commonwealth in this particular are not intimately
connected with its speedy completion." Message of Governor Wolf, Pennsylvania Re-
porter, December 10, 1830. Hazard, Register of Pennsylvania, VI, 388.

437

438 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

it seems to run a canal through such a mountainous country,
a great part of the opposition which he met from the counties
on the main line would have been turned into support. There
is no doubt also that the Democrats would not havre lost the
support of the thrifty, debt-hating, tax-hating German popu-
lation to the extent that they did.a As it was, logrolling proved
too much for this policy.

In this session the Antimasons showed in their vote for
speaker that they existed as a party in the legislature and had
gained in numbers. Middleswarth, their candidate, received
24 votes to 20 for his opponent. b On local questions, as a
general thing, we may say that they voted with their sections,
although on the question of the expenditure of large sums for
the branch canals they voted in opposition pretty solidly.

Early in the session the members from the branch canal
counties began a fight for their share in the public expendi-
tures, and the claims of the West Branch, the Beaver Creek,
and the French Creek divisions were earnestly advocated/
A bill was introduced, and almost the entire session was taken
up with discussing this all-important subject. The friends of
the Beaver and the French Creek divisions were fairly suc-
cessful, as the former received $100,000, while the latter
received $60,000.^ This was considered as equivalent to the
securing of the ultimate extension of the work to Lake Erie
and, as we have before noted, through the Antimasonic region
of the northwest. The North and the West branches both
received liberal appropriations. Indeed, the act was a dis-
tinct victory for the branches. On March 21 Governor Wolf
signed this bill and returned it to the house. In doing so he
restated his former position, but submitted to the will of the
majority/

Early in the year the Antimasons throughout the State
began to hold local meetings in order to send delegates to the
State convention to nominate delegates to the national con-

a The Germans, as a whole, supported Jackson in 1828. Albany Evening Journal,
October 25, 1831. Pennsylvania Reporter, October 28, 1831.

ft Pennsylvania Reporter, December 10, 1830. Niles Register, 39, 276, says 25.

<• Harrisburg Chronicle, January 31, 1831.

dHarrisburg Chronicle, March 24, 1831.

e Pennsylvania Reporter, March 24, 1831. Hazard, Register of Pennsylvania, 7, 208. He
wanted at this time to extend the branch canals only to the coal fields. He seems to
have been greatly dissatisfied at the result. It is well to note this as it is in marked con-
trast with his policy later on.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 439

vontion. It is a suggestive and illuminating fact as to the
political affiliations of Ant.imasonry in the State at this time
that the delegates to the State convention from many of the
counties were instructed to vote for only such delegates to
the national convention as were known "to be in favor of
nominating for President and Vice -President

men who are friendly to a system of protection to
the farmer and mechanic, and a liberal system of national
internal improvement, and who have no connection with, but,
on the contrary, are opposed to the Masonic combination. "a

The State convention met the last of May and, in strik-
ing contrast with New York, it was poorly attended and not
very enthusiastic. Of 133 members who should have been
present, but 61, from 26 counties out of 52, actually attended.
The convention condemned Jackson because of his Masonry,
advocated an acknowledgment from all judges that they were
not Masons, and appointed 28 delegates to attend the national
convention at Baltimore. A significant act was a resolution
instructing the delegates to the national convention to give
no support to Mr. Clay. That statesman, although a Mason,
had many friends in the assembly, and a hot debate ensued.
The resolution passed only wrhen it was modified by striking
out Mr. Clay's name and extending the disqualification of
Masonry to any candidate.6

The Antimasons showed a little spirit in the preparation
for the contest of this year. Conventions were held, addresses
were made, religious controversies were aroused, renuncia-
tions of Masonry were printed, and all the paraphernalia of
the party made its appearance. In the words of the Demo-
.cratic papers: "Antirnasonic papers were established through
the German sections of the State, Morganic books, almanacs
and ridiculous Masonic bugaboo pictures were peddled and
distributed without number where ver the people were supposed
to be sufficiently credulous to be imposed upon."6'

These efforts had begun to bear fruit in the increasing op-
position to the Masons, as evinced in the continual notices of
the dissolution of lodges. In dissolving their lodges, the
Masons often issued addresses, pleading with dignity innocence

a Cumberland County meeting, Antimasonic Statesmen, Harrisburg, April 27, 1831.
& Albany Argus, June 3, 16, 1831. Pennsylvania Reporter, May (31) ?, 1831.
c Pennsylvania Reporter, October 28, 1831.

440 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

of any conspiracy or design upon the public weal, and stating
that they dissolved their associations only for the peace of
society. In the words of the members of the George Wash-
ington Lodge, of Franklin: " We know no duty which requires
of us to continue an association when such continuance may
distract society and separate those who ought to be friends;
nor are we aware of any beneficial results likely to flow from
an adherence to the order that will not be more than counter-
balanced by the excitement which such an adherence ma}'
perpetuate. "a

In lines of national policy it is hard to see any great differ-
ence between the principles laid down by the Antimasonic
conventions and the strong protective tariff polic}* advocated
in Governor Wolf's last message.6 In fact, upon the leading
questions of national polity, it is hard to see any difference
between the Pennsylvania Democrats at this time and the fol-
lowers of Clay.

In the Antimasonic campaign literature of the da}T, we find
very little positive policy advocated on the question of State
improvements. The fact was that the party had within its
ranks so many conflicting interests that sound political policy
compelled them to criticise rather than to put forward any
definite plan of their own. This is well illustrated b}^ the fol-
lowing statement from the proceedings of the Dauphin Count}^
convention: "Let it not be said that we are opposed to State
improvements.- No such thing, but we are opposed to placing
the improvements of the State in the hands of the incompetent.
We are opposed to lavishing the people's money on a* band
of government favorites; and it is notorious that the State
improvement (if it can be so called) is a wicked system, or
rather practice of a profligate and profuse favouritism. "c

Wolf was attacked as being the head of the S3rstem. It was
declared uthat a State formerly so happ}7, is now troubled
with a governor who is a Mason and a weak-heaYied man, by
whose corrupt administration, connected with the cooperation
of a wicked and wasteful legislature, a debt has accumulated
to more than fifteen millions, and yet not a single one of our

a Albany Evening Journal, December 30, 1831.

<> Governor's message, Pennsylvania Reporter, December 10, 1830. Antimasonic States-
man, July 6, 1831.
c Antimasonic Statesman, August 7, 1831.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 441

public works is entirely finished for which these millions are
appropriated. And as it appears to us probable that Masonic
officers, under the protection of the Masonic governor * * *
make full use of the opportunity of wasting the money; we
feel ourselves entitled to meet their mischievous conduct by
uniting ourselves in order to keep these squanderers from
* * * all public offices by our suffrages."

The growing unpopularity of the Democratic National
Administration, together with the attitude of Wolf, stated
above, seems to have exerted a reviving influence upon the
dying National Republican party. This is demonstrated by
the success of the party in electing members to the lower
house from Franklin, Delaware, Butler, Crawford, and other
Antimasonic counties."

To their reviving hopes, too, we can probably attribute the
local divisions and the presence of volunteer candidates to
which the Antimasons ascribed their defeat in Adams, Union,
Huntingdon, Westmoreland, Dauphin, and York counties.*
The Democratic accounts concede the election of 6 Antimasons
and 4 Cla\T men to the senate and 20 Antimasons and 4 Clay
men to the house of representatives/ The loss to the oppo-
sition in the western counties may be attributed to a good
extent to the money voted by the legislature for internal
improvements in that section, while the most potent factor in
its defeat throughout the State was Governor Wolf's policy
upon national questions.1

a Pennsylvania Reporter, October 21, 1831. Albany Argus, October 22, 24, 28, 1831.
*>See Albany Evening Journal, October 25, 29, 1831.
c Pennsylvania Reporter, October 28, 1831.

CHAPTER XL— THE ELECTION OF 1832 AND THE ANTI-
JACKSON MOVEMENT,

The main question of the session of 1831-32, as usual, was the
canal question. Governor Wolf in his message gave a short
history of the canal and deplored the tendencies toward diffu-
sion and isolation in the application of the appropriations.
He indirectly censured the legislature of 1831 for not having
stopped this process, but, in almost direct contradiction to
these utterances, toward the end of the same message, he
mentions favorably the extension of the North Branch Canal
and the Pittsburg-Lake Erie connection. The message marks
a decided, though not yet fully developed, change in his
policy."

The canal bill precipitated the usual struggle. Great efforts
were made by the members from the counties on the branches
to get a share of the appropriations, while Philadelphia, whose
interests lay in direct communication, opposed, as usual, all
such appropriations. The opposition of Philadelphia was
much resented in the country districts, and meetings in which
resolutions were passed declaring u utter hostility to all inter-
course by sale of our produce, or purchase of merchandise to
or from any citizen of Philadelphia," were matters of every-
day gccurrence.6

The act as finally passed provided that the railroad between
the Susquehanna and Philadelphia should be completed, and

n Message, December, 1831. Hazard, Register of Pennsylvania, VIII, 385. The canal
system in 1831 embraced a canal and railroad from Philadelphia to Pittsburg, a distance
of 393 miles; a canal and slack-water route from Clarks Ferry, on the Susquehanna River
at the mouth of the Juniata, to the head cf the Wyoming Valley, upon the North Branch,
112 miles; a canal and slack-water route from Northumberland up to the West Branch at
Bald Eagle, 68 miles; and a canal from the Delaware tidewater to Easton; in all, a dis-
tance of 700 miles of improvement, besides the projected works upon the Beaver Creek
and French Creek divisions.— Pennsylvania Reporter, August 3, 1832; Albany Evening
Journal, December 27, 1832.

l> Reports of meetings held at Williamsport, Lycoming County, and Wi Ikes barre,
Luzerne County. — Pennsylvania Telegraph (Antimasonic), March 24, 1832.
442

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 443

also the main canal between the terminus of the railroad at
Columbia and the point of junction with the division of the
same canal at Middletown, in the county of Dauphin. The
completion of the portage railroad over the Alleghenies and
the Franklin line of the Juniata division, also on the main line,
were provided for. The appropriation for the Beaver Canal,
after a long struggle, was finally struck out." On the whole,
the bill can be called a victory for the Philadelphia party com-
bined with the German anti-improvement elements. Gov-
ernor Wolf, on returning the bill with his signature, March
30, 1832, remarked:

I trust * * * the representatives now assembled, will separate until
justice shall, at least, have been so far done as to relieve the people of the
North and West branches of the Susquehanna, and those on the Beaver and
French creeks, along which extensive public improvements have been
commenced, from the ruinous and deplorable condition in which the legis-
lature of this State, should it stop at the point where the present bill leaves
it, will have placed them.6

Governor Wolf was thus forced into a policy of wide exten-
sion by an honest desire to protect the work alread}r done.
We have seen, however, that in his message of 1831 he had
shown a change of policy in this direction. There is a possi-
bility that he foresaw the united opposition of the year 1832—
an opposition which was soon to become the basis of a strong
political unity. Wolf goes on record from this on as decidedhr
favoring a widespread and diffuse system of internal improve-
ments, a policy which he gradually upheld more and more
as he found that his chief support came directly from it.

Another thing which was much discussed in this session was
the repeal of the direct tax which had gone into operation on
October 1. This tax was unpopular throughout the State, and
especially in the conservative German anti-canal counties. An
amendment to the canal bill was offered on March 8, propos-
ing to repeal this tax, but was defeated, 76 to 22. It speaks
little for the organization and tact of the Antimasonic leaders
that five Antimasons voted against the repeal/

The party later used this bill against the administration,
but those five relentless votes always stood forth to belie their

a Pennsylvania Reporter, March 30, 1832.

l> Pennsylvania Reporter, April 3, 1832; Hazard, Register of Pennsylvania, IX, 221.
« Pennsylvania Telegraph (Antimasonic), March 10, 1832; also, Ibid. .September 28, 1831,
and September 19, 1832; Pennsylvania Reporter, September 14, 1832.

444 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

statements. Indeed, in striking contrast with New York, the
party shows a remarkable lack of able leaders. Throughout
the year they show but little organization. The reason for
this can be easily seen when the interests of such strong Anti-
masonic regions as Erie and Lancaster are compared. As a
general thing we find them, however, voting for the main line
of canals against the branches/' Other elements of organiza-
tion can be found in the contest over the election of speaker,6
and also in the fact that Richard Rush received their undivided
support for United States Senator/

The Antimasonic State convention which met on Februaiy
22, at Harrisburg, nominated Ritner for governor and in-
dorsed Wirt and Ellmaker as national candidates of the party.
They condemned the State administration, and made the
charge that under the leadership of Wolf, a Mason, the gov-
ernment was under Masonic influence. It was declared that
"Masonry encourage's in the business and intercourse of life
preferences for its own members, destruction of fair compe-
tition, and is deepty prejudicial to the industry of others. It
creates in favor of Masons a monopoly of public offices and
public honors injurious to the services of the Republic, and a
fraudulent invasion of the constitutional rights of the rest of
the community." d

The recent utterances of Wolf on the internal improvement
question, together with a growing opposition to Jackson
because of his known policy on the bank question and his
suspected hostility to the protective tariff, made the nucleus
of a party of anti-Wolf -anti-Jackson Democrats, whose chief
leader was ex-Governor Schulze. This party, on January 9,
met at Harrisburg and nominated Schulze for governor, made
an electoral ticket, and appointed delegates to the Baltimore
convention/ Governor Schulze's declination finally broke up
the movement, important only in showing the drift of political
sentiment. After he declined, however, he published a letter

a Pennsylvania Telegraph, May 7, 1832.

b Pennsylvania Reporter, December 9, 1831.

c Pennsylvania Reporter, December 16, 1831. Rush, whose home was in York County,
had become popular among the Antimasons because of his stirring letters on Freemasonry.

d Proceedings of the convention. Pennsylvania Telegraph, February 25, 1832. Albany
Evening Journal, February 29, 1832.

e Albany Evening Journal, January 16, February 29, 1832. Niles's Register, XLII, 274.
Niles says: "Governor Schulze while in office took an obstinate stand against extravagant
expenditures for improvements." Niles's Register, January 8, 1832.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 445

which served as good campaign literature to opponents of the
party in power. In this letter he stated the change in his sen-
timents and acknowledged that the course pursued by General
Jackson since his elevation to the Presidency had compelled
him "to come to the conclusion that neither his education, his
acquirements, or his previous habits, have, in anywise, fitted
him for the station to which he now, after experience, and in
violation of his pledge, desires to be elected." a

The regular Democratic convention, which met in March,
nominated Wolf for governor arid ratified Jackson's nomina-
tion. As somebody must be made a scapegoat for Jackson's
unpopular policy in Pennsylvania, William Wilkins was nomi-
nated for V ice-President instead of Van Buren. The position
of the Democratic party in Pennsylvania may be seen in the
resolution which passed the House of Representatives unani-
mously on June 1 in favor of the tariff and signifying its
approval of the Bank in the following words: "And be it
further resolved by the authority aforesaid that connected as
the prosperity of agriculture and manufactures are with the
successful financial operations and sound currency of the
countiy, we view the speedy rechartering of the Bank of the
United States as of vital importance to the public welfare."6
These resolutions were in the main approved by Wolf ,c and the
"heads of the departments drank toasts on July 4, strongly
and unequivocally supporting the same sentiments. "rf

The Clay men were jubilant over this turn of affairs and
many of them urged the support of Wolf. They said:

Here then are Gov. Wolf's opinions on the subject of the United
States Bank * * * in part on the American system, and what Na-
tional Republican can desire anything better? Has any man seen any-
thing from Governor Wolf's pen or heard anything from his tongue that
contradicts these sentiments? We have never seen or heard anything of
the kind. If Wolf should be chosen, the National Republicans

taking no special part against him, his party leaders, knowing they are
liked a.t Washington little better than they like Jackson and his course,
would they not relax their efforts and let the electoral election take care
of itself, leaving the ground to us and the Antimasons, and a great many
of their party throwing in for our ticket a silent vote? f We are in favor

a Ohio State Journal, November 2, 1832.

6 Albany Evening Journal, June 8, 1832.

c He added the word "judicious" to the tariff resolution.

d Pennsylvania Telegraph, August 9, 1832.

*Harrisburg Gazette (Clay), September 11, 1832.

446 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

of George Wolf because the same principles that led us to come out in
opposition to General Jackson and in favor of Henry Clay and John Ser-
geant induce us to support George Wolf. b

However, after the veto of the United States Bank (July
10), Wolf did not break with Jackson, but accepted the inev-
itable result. In spite of the tenor of the above quotations,
there is little doubt that he lost the support of a great part of
the National Republicans, who thought that had he been per-
sistent enough in his policy the Bank would have been saved.6

The Clay convention which had been held on May 5 had not
nominated a governor, but had adopted an electoral ticket,
which, foreseeing coming complications, it had left under the
power of the State committee. The latter publicly stated
that they preferred Wolf to Rltner, but, having awaited for
some time his renunciation of Jackson, and finding on the con-
trary that he was about to support him, they urged the sup-
port of Ritner. They promised not only the support of the
body at large, but also of the Masons, because, they said,
' ' Masons will not stand by and see Gen. Jackson elected and
the Constitution prostrated without exerting every nerve in
their power to prevent so great an evil. Masonry has thus
become not the principle but the collateral and subordinate
consideration."0

Their next move was to appoint a convention for October
15, with the proviso that "if it shall then appear that we can
not elect our own electoral ticket, and that by supporting it,
we shall render the success of the Jackson ticket probable, we
are prepared to abandon it."rf We may truly say that the
Whig party of the future in Pennsylvania had now been born.
As we have seen, the difficulties were not over with, however.
The committee acknowledged that their sentiments were not
universal throughout the State.

Although Wolf had turned about, Ritner, on the other hand,
met the issue squarely. In a letter written July 7, 1832, he
said:

No consideration should induce Congress to adjourn before that question
[the Bank] is finally disposed of. It is impossible to forget the deplorable

a See Harristmrg Gazette, October 2, 1832. Quotation from the Patriot and Shield. See
also Harnsbnrg Gazette, September 11, 1832.

b Pennsylvania Intelligencer (Clay,), September 6, 1832.

c Address to the people of Pennsylvania, Albany Evening Journal, September 24, 1832.
See, also, Pennsylvania Telegraph, July 4, 1832.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTF. 447

condition of tin1 < JoviTiinient during the late war for want of such a Bank,
and the wretched state of the currency up to the time the Bank commenced
operations was no less so. I can scarcely persuade myself that the man
who can oppose rechartering the Bank, with all these facts staring him in
the face, possesses either a sound head, or a good heart. «

His attitude upon the canal question is not so clear. As
has been pointed out, it was caused by- the conflicting interests
of his supporters. We have *io words of his own upon this
subject, except the vague generalization that he was opposed
to enormous expenditures. He was thought to be on the whole
in favor of expending the State mone}^ on the main line. The
Democrats put his position as follows:

Joseph Ritner, after voting for canals and railroads which have involved
the State in all her difficulties and her present taxes, is now supported as
the anti canal candidate in the an ti canal counties where his friends pledge
him to sacrifice all the money expended and put a stop to all future appro-
priations to complete the work commenced by his own votes; and in the
canal districts, his friends support him as a friend to the whole system,
branches and all.&

If we turn to the Antimasonic newspapers, we find all kinds
of conflicting and obscure statements. The Pennsylvania
Telegraph contents itself with saying that his "views on this
subject [canals] are too well known to create any alarm. The
journals of the House while he was a member * * * dis-
close his views upon the canal system." It repudiates indig-
nantly the idea that he was not a friend to the system/ The
Lancaster Antimasonic Herald, on the other hand, makes him
emphatically opposed to the system/7 In a later edition the
Telegraph changes around enough to condemn Wolf for ap-
proving of the appropriations for the Beaver and Shenango
route in the session of 1831,e while the Beaver Argus, another
Antimasonic paper, advocated the election of Ritner u because
he voted on the ninth of April, 1827, for a survey of the
Beaver and Shenango route of canal, and because, as he says,
Gov. Wolf is opposed to the Beaver and Shenango route. "^

All this shows how very hard it was to unite the opposition

a Pennsylvania Reporter, June 19, 1835.
l> Pennsylvania Reporter, Octobers, 1832.
c Pennsylvania Telegraph, May 2, 1832.
d Lancaster Antimasonic Herald, August 28, 1832.

« Pennsylvania Telegraph, September 5, 1832. Pennsylvania Reporter, September 7,
1832.
/Quoted from Beaver Argus, September 1, in Pennsylvania Reporter, September 7, 1832.

448 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

upon this one vital question. A few more examples will show
more fully the sectional nature of the contest.

The Eastern Germans being naturally a conservative people
and particularly opposed to heavy taxes, it was natural that
the anticanal element should appeal to their prejudices. It
was charged by the Democrats (and there appears Antimasonic
evidence to sustain the charge) that Ritner and his followers
excited the fears of these people by disparaging the value of
the improvements, and also by " insinuating that the opening
of the trade with the Western country would bring such a
flood of Western produce to the Eastern market as would re-
duce the price and consequently the value of the property in
that section. "a

In the West, especially around Pittsburg, the Democrats
were urged to abandon Jackson for three reasons: First, be-
cause of local manufacturing interests; second, because of the
supposed effect on business of the veto of the Bank; and third,
because of his veto of a bill for the improvement of the Mo-
nongahela River.5 Ritner was lauded as the only man who
would bring about direct communication with the East/ The
effect was immediately apparent; a great meeting was held in
August in this section in favor of Ritner, and the Democrats
admitted a large secession of former Jackson men.^

In the northwestern part of the State the Wolf advocates
strove to overcome the strong Antimasonic spirit by telling
the people that "the only hope of seeing a completion of the
canal to this region rests in the re-election of Gen. Wolf,"*
while along the branches they added considerable to their
strength through a forged letter bearing the name of Ritner,
which stated that if elected he would oppose the extension of
the work in this direction. Ritner corrected this, but not
until it had done its work.-^

Besides the issues presented above, the Antimasons, doubt-
less imitating their brethern of New York, appealed to the
popular prejudices of the day. An instance of how the

a Pennsylvania Reporter, July 3, 18&. See, also, Lancaster Antimasonic Herald, August
21, 1832.

i> Pennsylvania Intelligencer, September 27, 1832.
c Pittsburg Gazette, August 3, 1832.
(i Pennsylvania Reporter, September 21, 1832.
('From Erie Observer, in Pennsylvania Reporter. August 10, 1832.
/ See letter with Ritner's remarks, Albany Evening Journal, November 6, 1832.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 449

intense democracy and patriotism of the day was used for
this purpose may be seen from the following extract:

The administration have not, and dare not deny that the state debt is
not only held in Great Britain but by British nobility. For the informa-
tion of the people we reassert the fact, that his Royal Highness, Charles,
Duke of Brunswick, nephew of William the Fourth, 8^* King of the
United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, owns nearly, or about one
million of the state debt and that the citizens of Pennsylvania must pay
annually to his Royal Highness about fifty thousand dollars, as a tribute
for interest. «

The temperance movement, then growing in power, was
treated in a similar manner. Governor Wolf had recom-
mended in a message that the use of whisky should be forbid-
den to laborers on the public works.6 This action tended to
make him popular with the temperance advocates, and was
widely published by his supporters/ Unfortunately for his
cause, however, the good effects of his action were lost by
the licensing of the oyster cellars of Philadelphia with his
approval. The Antimasons charged him with being in favor
of uany scheme that promises him popularity, as is proved
by his professing himself the friend of temperance, and licens-
ing a thousand grogshops, that he may gain the votes of
Philadelphia. "<*

The election was close. Wolf received 91,235 and Ritner
88.186 votes/ The Democratic papers state that 15 Democrats,

a Pennsylvania Telegraph, September 26, 1832. See also, for similar remarks, Lancaster
Antimasonic Herald, August 21, 1832; Pennsylvanian, October 12; Albany Argus, October
24, 1832.

b Harrisburg Chronicle, April 4, 1832.

c Temperance conventions were being held at this period throughout the State. (Har-
risburg Chronicle, February 7,1831.)

d Pennsylvania Telegraph, March 31, 1832. See also ibid., March 3, August 1, Septem-
ber 19, 1832.

The fact that Ritner was a farmer and Wolf a lawyer was made the most of. Ritner
was described as the "real and practical plowman * * * the Pennsylvania farmer
whose good husbandry, assisted by competent, intelligent, and industrious workmen
* * * would put our good old farm into order by repairing the fences, clearing out
the ditches, draining the meadows, driving the cows out of the corn and destroying the
Wolves and Foxes that have too long run riot among our flocks and hen-roosts." ( Penn
sylvania Whig, quoted in Albany Evening Journal, May 7, 1832.) See also, for similar
expressions and criticisms, Pennsylvania Telegraph, March 31, August I.September 19,26,
1832. The Telegraph at this time was edited by an artist in scurrility, Theophilus Fenn,
who is described by the Democrats as a "Yankee adventurer." He was originally editor
of the Lancaster Antimasonic Herald. He was constantly in trouble, and was at one
time forbidden the floor of the House.

e Albany Argus, October 24, 1832. See also ibid., October 12 and 13; Pennsylvania Re-
porter, October 19, 1832.

H. Doc. 461, pt 1 29

450

AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

8 Antimasons, and 5 Clay men were elected to Congress; to
the State senate, 21 Democrats, 9 Antimasons, and 2 Clay men;
while to the house, composed of 100 members, 32 Antimasons
were chosen. a In general the Ritner strength was in the
southeast and south and in the western tier of counties.*

The defeat was a great blow to both the National Repub-
licans and the Antimasons. The general cause ascribed was
that "in the canal districts the people were apprehensive that
Ritner would not finish the Branch canals. " c Other causes also

Vote for governor of Pennsylvania, 1832. (Philadelphia city for Ritner but the county
was carried by Wolf.)

were sought. It was thought that the Government officials
exerted an undue influence, and that in the canal counties the

a See Pennsylvania Reporter, October 19, 1832. Hazard, Register of Pennsylvania, X,
265, says 4 Antimasons were elected to Congress, 8 to the senate, and 34 to the lower house.

&He carried the city of Philadelphia, and Delaware, Chester, Lancaster, York, Union,
Franklin, Dauphin, Lebanon, Huntingdon, Allegheny, Indiana, Beaver, Mercer, Wasl -
jngton, Mifflin, Juniata, Adams, Lehigh, Erie, Somerset, and Green counties, while very
jarge votes for him were cast in Philadelphia County, Montgomery, and Butler. Th _•
Democrats assigned this great increase to the "discontent with Gov. Wolf in conse-
quence of the great expenses incurred by the extensive system of improvements and the
taxes levied." (Pennsylvanian, in Albany Argus, October 15, 1832.) They also asserted
that " in the German counties the enemy electioneered their tickets 'Jackson, Ritner,
and no Taxation,' and carried thousands with them on this deceptive representation."
(American Sentinel, October 16, Albany Argus, October 18, 1832.) In Philadelphia, Ritner
obtained a majority of 1,379, which was ascribed to the existence of the Bank in that city.
(Albany Argus, October 12, 1832; Poulson's Advertiser, October 10, 1832.) In 1829 Ritner
received but 546 votes to Wolf's 11,393 in the city (Albany Argus, October 20, 1829), while
in 1830 but 70 Antimasonic vote were cast there. (Albany Argus, October 18, 1830.)

c Albany Evening Journal, October 16, 1832.

THE ANTIMASONIC PAETY. 451

engineers distributed forged letters, and, as in "Cambria
County, circulated handbills accusing Ritner of deism. "a

The Clay papers laid the blame on the Antimasons entirely,
accusing them of deserting the ticket in large numbers. The
attitude of the radical Antimasons also displeased them, as
they believed they (the Antimasons) turned away many Masons
who would otherwise have voted for the ticket. " The bitter-
ness displayed by Richard Rush in his occasional effusions,"
it was said, fck was calculated to disgust the friends of Mr.
Clay wherever they have been circulated/'6

Both sides began to prepare immediately for the coming
national election. The opposition saw that their only hope
rested in the most perfect union and organization, and every-
thing was done with a view to this end. The National Repub-
lican convention met in accordance with the call of the State
committee at Harrisburg on October 16, and adopted the fol-
lowing resolutions: % .

Resolved, That to preserve the Constitution of our beloved country and
to enable the Anti -Jackson party of Pennsylvania to present an undivided
front in the approaching election, this convention resolves to withdraw
the electoral ticket adopted at their session in May last.

Resolved, That this convention adopt the electoral ticket formed by the
Anti-Jackson convention which assembled at Harrisburg on the anniver-
sary of the birthday of Washington, in February last, and earnestly rec-
ommend that ticket to the support of the National Republican party, c

As to whether this ticket was pledged to vote for Wirt or
not it is hard to say. It was probably not, for in response to
the demand for the pledges the Pennsylvania Telegraph
attempted to produce them, but published only four dubious
statements. One of these, from a Philadelphia elector, will
serve as an example. After pledging- himself, the gentleman
said:

But you will readily conceive that there may, before the election, be
such a change of circumstances that the public interest would require a
change of electors, and such too as would be appointed by the Antima-
sonic convention were they in session. <*

We have, then, here an arrangement similar to that in New
York. There is every reason to think that had Clay had a

a Pennsylvania Telegraph, October 15 (?), 1832.

b Columbian Sentinel, Boston, November 9, 1832.

c Pennsylvania Intelligencer, OctberlS, 1832; Albany Evening Journal, Octber 23, 1832,

d Pennsylvania Telegraph, March 28, 1832.

452 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

chance of success this ticket would have been thrown for
him.a

Desperate efforts were made to bring in the wavering Ger
man vote for Wirt. From the first they had been flattered
with the idea that they were to vote for a German ticket.
Said the Telegraph:

The Antimasonic ticket for the office of president and vice-president of
the United States, is the first ticket composed of German descendants that
was evjer presented to the United States, and it would be a libel upon the
national character of the German population of the state to suppose that
when they are .presented with candidates from the descendants of their own
countrymen, possessing as they preeminently do * * * the avowed
determination to support the " supremacy of the law," & that they will
abandon them. * * * The German patriotism that fills the heart of
the freemen of this state will triumphantly sustain these men in November
next, c

Although every effort was made to hold them—

The German Antimasons * * * deserted their own electoral nomi-
nations in a body, and went to the polls hurrahing for "Sheneral Shack-
son," as in 1824 and 1828.^

Jackson polled 90,983 votes to 66,716 for his opponents.
The coalition carried only Adams, Beaver, Bucks, Chester,
Delaware, Erie, Franklin, Lancaster, and Philadelphia city,
while it polled a large vote in Montgomery, Allegheny.
Dauphin, and Huntingdon.6

The Antimasons ascribed their defeat to the "all-pervading
popularit}^ of Jackson, 'V together with the fact that the con-
test between the Antimasonic and Clay parties had been car-
ried on in many sections to a very late hour, so that "when
the Clay ticket was withdrawn sufficient time did not remain
to explain the object and effect of the withdrawal."^ They
also charged desertion of the ticket by the Clay Masons/ but,
on the other band, there is no doubt that many Antimasons

a Many prominent Antimasons seem to have believed that the ticket was pledged to
Wirt. The members of the committee of superintendence of Philadelphia evidently
thought this was the case, although there seems to be no positive proof of such a pledge.
See American Sentinel, quoted in Albany Argus, Octber 25, 1832.

b A phrase used by Wirt in his acceptance speech.

c Pennsylvania Telegraph, August 1, 1832.

rfNew York Commercial Advertiser, quoted in Ohio State Journal, December 1, 1832.

e Albany Argus, November 27, 1832; Columbian Sentinel, Boston, November 26, 1832.

/ Pennsylvania Telegraph, November 21, 1832.

g Pennsylvania Telegraph, November 14, 1832.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY.

453

voted for Jackson because they thought the ticket would vote
for Clay anyway if elected. The Pittsburg Gazette said:

In Allegheny County many Antimasons who had been Jacksonites
were alarmed, and became suspicious that the Antimasonic electoral
ticket would, if elected, vote for Henry Clay, * * * and even some of
the Clay men, with more zeal than discretion, propagated the same
opinion. * * * Under these circumstances * * * many who had
not yet overcome the strong prejudices which they had against Mr. Clay,
concluded that, if they must vote for a Mason they would prefer Gen.
Jackson or not vote at all."

As in New York many sincere Antimasons became disgusted
at the political juggling going on, and the leaders found to
their sorrow that they had overshot the mark in their efforts
for success.

The Cla}^ papers ascribed the defeat to a letter written b}T
Richard Rush to a man in Boston, who published it, so that it
was received in Pennsylvania just before the election. The
letter contained many of Rush's most radical views upon
Masonry. "From the moment we saw that letter," said the
Columbian Sentinel, "our confidence in the vote of Pennsyl-
vania was destroyed. If people will cut their own throats,
there is no helping it.'"1* "In the city of Philadelphia," said
another account, "the letter was disregarded, but in York

« Pittsburg Gazette (Antimasonic), quoted in Pennsylvania Telegraph, November
14, 1832.
l> Columbian Sentinel, Boston, November 26, 1832.

454 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

County — the residence of Mr. Rush, and elsewhere — the Na-
tional Republicans were equally enraged and disgusted at the
letter, and in York they refused to vote at all, or, in the
moment of indignation, threw their votes for Jackson. "a

It is very evident from the above that the charge made by
the Antimasons that the Clay men had deserted them was not
wholly unfounded. Here, again, is evidence of similar phe-
nomena to those in New York State, although on the whole we
can say that there was less organization than in that State. A
little comparison of votes in this connection will make clear
the situation in Pennsylvania. By the returns it is evident
that although Jackson had a majority of 24,267 and Wolf
3,049, yet, as the Democratic papers point out, Wolf had
91,235 votes to Jackson's 90,983. Ritner's large vote was
occasioned by the strong support he received in the eastern
anti-improvement counties. Berks gave Jackson a majority
of 3,322 votes, yet Wolf's majority was but 323. In Lebanon
Jackson's majority was 212, yet Ritner beat Wolf in this
county 904 votes; and in Union Ritner's majority was 1,110,
whereas Jackson beat the Antimasonic candidate for Presi-
dent by 193 votes. These counties were all anti-improvement,
German counties. On the other hand, it is probable that
Wrolf, because of his previous National Republican polic}^,
received some votes that were also thrown for Clay.6

Antimasonry had received a blow from which it took a long
while to recover. It did not die out, as in New York, but
lingered on to suddenly burst into strength again when the
opposition to Jackson had grown strong. The next period
we are to consider presents to us at first a receding of the
movement. It seemed for a moment as if the storm had spent
its force, but it was soon lashed into a fury again through
the genius of one of the greatest fanatical leaders the country
has ever produced — Thaddeus Stevens. Antimasonry in
Pennsylvania, unlike that in New York, had needed a leader;
it now received a mighty one.

« New York Commercial Advertiser (Clay), quoted in Ohio State Journal (Clay), Decem-
ber, 1, 1832.
ft See very good summing up of conditions in Pennsylvania Reporter, June 19, 1835.

CHAPTER XIT-A PERIOD OF DECLINE,

The legislative session and in fact the whole political year
1832-33 presents little of an instructive or interesting nature.
The opposition being demoralized showed little spirit and there
was none of the fierce controversy and sectional bitterness of
the preceding year. Wolf, taking his reelection as the voice
of the people, continued his former canal policy without op-
position," and in general the Democrats did what they pleased.
They were aided in many of their plans by the National Re-
publicans who felt bitter toward the Antimasons for their
desertion of the national electoral ticket. This was evident
upon the organization of the house in the election of speaker
and of State printer.6

A long struggle took place in this session over the election
of United States Senator. The three principal candidates were
Richard Rush, McKean, and Sergeant. An attempt was made
to unite the Clay and Antimasonic votes upon Sergeant, but
the plan was blocked by the friends of Rush/ The hostility
of the Antimasons was no doubt the result of the ill will the
parties bore each other. McKean was a strong candidate
because of his opposition to the constitutional convention and
to Van Buren and because of his support of the United States
Bank/* The contest took up much of the session, and many
ballotings were held without result/

a Message, Hazard, Register of Pennsylvania, IX, 221.

b Pennsylvania Intelligencer, December 10, 1832. Pennsylvania Reporter, December
6, 7, 1832. A National Republican, Anderson, of Delaware, was elected speaker of the
house, and Francis Shunk, a Jackson man, was elected clerk.

c Lancaster Antimasonic Herald, November 22, 1832. Pennsylvania Reporter, Novem-
ber 30, 1832.

It was urged by the Antimasonic papers supporting Rush that "although Sergeant is
not a mason, yet he is one of the bitterest foes our principles can meet with and conse-
quently they [the legislature] had as well directly vote for a mason as a man of the
above class. We have nothing to do as a party but to look to our principles let the con-
sequences be as they may." York Antimasonic Republican, quoted in Pennsylvania
Reporter, December 18. 1832.

a Niles Register, XLIII, 274. Pennsylvania Reporter, October 18, 1832.

« Pennsylvania Reporter, December 18, 1832. Albany Evening Journal, December 27,
1832. On the seventeenth trial the vote stood McKean 50, Rush 18, Sergeant 2. It was
decided the next session. The Antimasons deserted Rush because of the fact that he
wrote a letter sustaining the President in the removal of the deposits. Pennsylvania
Intelligencer, December 9, 1833. McKean was elected. Niles Register, XLV, 294.

455

456 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

The Antimasonic convention was held on March 11, 1833.
It was of little political significance except in so far as it was
a rally and a reassertion of the fundamental principles.
Speeches were made lauding the struggle under the discourage-
ments of the past and praising particularly the work of the
convention of 1829, " which amid discouragements, and under
the taunts of Masonic devotees, firmly led the way as a faith-
ful pioneer in the cause of equal rights and unshackled repub-
licanism."0

There is nothing in the meager accounts of this convention
that would lead us to suppose that the organization of the
party in Pennsylvania had reached that state of affairs that
it did in New York where true Antimasonry was forgotten.
In fact, the whole course of the party in Pennsylvania may
be said to have been a great deal less inconsistent and more
true and honest in purpose.

The most significant fact of the year, and perhaps in the
history of Antimasonry in Pennsylvania, was the election of
Thaddeus Stevens as representative from Adams County. &

The election this year, as might be expected, did not show
the union of forces of the previous election, the National
Republicans, especially in the West, supporting their own
candidates/ The campaign, according to the Democratic
accounts, resulted in the election of 23 Antimasons to the
lower house and 10 National Republicans and 7 Antimasons to
the senate/ It is apparent that the party did not lose a great
deal in spite of its disorganization. Their losses they charged
to the hostility of the National Republicans/

a Lancaster Examiner, quoted in Albany Evening Journal, March 13, 1833.

bThis great leader is described by his enemies at this time as a "lawyer of much cun-
ning and adroitness, and of considerable celebrity. He was originally an Eastern man,
and has been all his life an uniform and undeviating Federalist, a warm friend of John
Q. Adams and as violent an opponent of General Jackson. He is now the great luminary
of Antimasonry in Adams County, within whose orbit all the lesser planets of the new
system revolve and reflect the light he dispenses." Pennsylvania Reporter, March 23,
1830.

c Miles Register, XLV, 160.

d Pennsylvania Reporter, October 18, 1833. For other election returns, see Albany
Evening Journal, October 16, 19, 1833. Pennsylvanian, October 16, 1833.

e Albany Evening Journal, quoted in Albany Argus, October 25, 1833.

CHAPTER XIII— THE BANK QUESTION AND THE REORGAN-
IZATION OF ANTI-JACKSON FORCES,

The period which we are now to consider shows us many
radical changes in the policy of the Antimasonic party. The
first thing noticeable is in the election of speaker in the
lower house. On the first ballot the Antimasons voted as a
body for John Strohm, one of their own number, giving him
21 votes. On the second ballot, however, we find them uniting
with the Clay party on Patterson, of Washington, and electing
him by a vote of 53 to 41. n

This marks the beginning of an alliance which was to last as
long as Antimasonry was a party of strength in Pennsylvania.
On the other hand, the Democratic party exhibited once more
tendencies to disintegrate because of its lack of sympathy with
the Jacksonian policy. Indications of this were shown when
the members of the party held a meeting in which resolutions
were passed upholding the President's policy. Dissatisfaction
led to another meeting in which his enemies seemed to be in
the majority. This meeting, or "adjourned meeting," as it
was called, condemned Jackson's Bank policy, charged him
with giving the public treasure to favorite corporations, of
forestalling Congressional action, and of tampering with the
currency. b These meetings are but indications of the friction
which had for some time been growing and which was soon
destined to break the party in the State in twain.

The question of the banks was a delicate one, in Pennsyl-
vania particularly. Already, in the previous Presidential
campaign, the Democrats of the State had been accused of
supporting corrupt State banks in opposition to the United
States Bank/ a charge which the opposition did not suffer to
die out. In this session of the legislature a member from

a Pennsylvania Reporter, December 20, 1833. Niles Register. XLVII, 163.
b Pennsylvania Intelligencer, April 10, 1834.
c Pennsylvania Telegraph, August 1, September 19, 1832.

467

458 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

i

Philadelphia offered a resolution in the lower house to investi-
gate the State banks, but the resolution was killed, and the
National Republicans were thus able to impute to the Demo-
crats the suppression of such an inquiry in order to shield the
State banks. a Whatever may have been the attitude of some
of the Democrats toward these institutions, Wolf, to his credit
be it said, kept a strong rein upon them and repeatedly vetoed
bills for their establishment. In his message of December,
1834, he states his attitude emphatically and speaks of the
banking craze as " a depraved, insane spirit, evincing a vitiated
anxiety for the establishment of banking institutions."6

On their side the Democrats strove to prove that the United
States Bank meddled in the affairs of Pennsylvania to such an
extent that a large part of the canal loan which had been
thrown on the market had not received a bid. Governor
Wolf, in his message of February 26, said:

It can scarcely be doubted that it is from the course of operations that
the institution has been pursuing for some time past (whether justifiable
or not I will not undertake to determine) that the State is indebted in a
great measure for its disappointments heretofore, and for the failure to
obtain its [last] loans. * * * An immediate suspension of the works
upon the several lines of improvements until the loan is negotiated will
be indispensable. c

In the several battles over the Bank the Antimasons and
National Republicans voted together, putting up a strong
opposition, although the Democrats had the majority. Stevens
made many brilliant but bitter and harsh speeches, in which
he reproached the administration of the General and State
governments and lauded the Bank and the principles of Anti-
masonry at one and the same time.^ In the Senate, also, we
find the same combination supporting a resolution to recharter
the Bank, which, however, was defeated by a vote of 22 to
10/ It was clear that radical changes were going on in part}T
politics and that the opposition had at last found an issue upon
which all could unite. Hereafter the National Republicans

a Pennsylvania Reporter, January 24, 1834.

b Hazard, Register of Pennsylvania, XIV, 371. Only a few banks succeeded iu obtaining
charters during Wolf's administration.
c Pennsylvania Reporter, February 28,1834,
d Pennsylvania Reporter, March 4, March 21 \ 1834.
<• Pennsylvania Reporter, March 21, 1834.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 459

may be called the Whigs, while the Antimasons, although
remaining a separate party, tend more and more to be ab-
sorbed into the ranks of the new party and vote with it upon
all important questions."

Although the Bank question was now predominant, the
canal question remained one of the strongest points of conten-
tion. If Wolfs policy was wise in regard to the restriction
of State banks, his policy upon the canals can not be called so.
From a conservative position he had gone to the wildest
extremes. In his message upon this subject he reviewed the
progress of the work. He admitted that it was not nearly
finished, but nevertheless said:

With prospects so flattering, fellow-citizens, in the very infancy of our
public works, the friends of the internal-improvement policy may rest
satisfied that the day is not far distant when Pennsylvania, encouraged by
the success which has attended her public improvements; their continually
increasing productiveness; the overflowing treasury, for which she will be
indebted to the redundant revenues derived from that source; and threat-
ened, as she is on all sides, to be deprived of that commerce which the
God of Nature seems to have destined for her use, will in her own defense
force the waters of Lake Erie to mingle with those of the Allegheny and
the Delaware; the Ohio canal to become tributary to her own extensive
improvements; the waters of the Cayuga and Seneca lakes, by means of
the Elmira canal, to unite with those of the Susquehanna; and will cause
the wilderness countries drained by the improvements by which all this
will be accomplished to "smile and blossom as the rose." This may be
regarded as fancy now, but it must become fact before long; and judging
from the "signs of the times," it would not be surprising if it should hap-
pen in our own day and generation, and be achieved by the force of public
opinion itself.6

Suffice it to say that the spirit of the times favored such
vast plans, and great sums were voted for these improvements.

The canal was brought forward prominently in this session,
not through the appropriations, but through an effort at inves-
tigation. On January 24 a debate took place on the subject
of the official conduct of the canal commissioners. It seems
that a committee was appointed to investigate certain charges
against them relating to misconduct and favoritism on the

a The first mention of the name Whig in Pennsylvania is that in the Pennsylvania
Reporter, April 25, 1831, although it was doubtless applied long before this.

b Hazard, Register of Pennsylvania, XII, 373. A complete statement of the canals in
Pennsylvania is given in ibid., XI, 316.

460 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

North Branch division. The committee appointed informed
the commissioners that certain witnesses would be examined
by them in one of the committee rooms, where they might
attend if they thought proper and hear the testimony. This
the canal commissioners resented, and laid before the house a
remonstrance signed by all the commissioners declaring that
the committee had no power to investigate their conduct or
to cite them to appear before them. It is unnecessary to say
that the commissioners were upheld by the Democratic ma-
jority.0 The cry of fraud and corruption upon the canal was
raised by the opposition. Their orators poured forth the most
earnest protests against such proceedings, and Ritner took
advantage of the occasion to write a letter in which he ar-
raigned the Administration, complained of the excessive cost,
and charged fraud and favoritism and blocking of investi-
gation.6

The rapid combining of the different elements of opposition
in the various parts of the State led to a Whig convention
which met on May 27. It was made up of men from all
parties except the Van Buren Democrats. Ner Middles warth,
the old Antimasonic leader, was vice-president of the conven-
tion, and a few other Antimasons were present/ From the
first the members of the convention seemed to realize that it
was hopeless to again tie their fortunes to Henry Clay. He
had won the dislike of the Antimasons by his position at the
last election, and his recent attitude of compromise upon the
tariff made him particularly obnoxious to the members of the
an ti- Jackson party of Pennsylvania. As Stevens said pre-
vious to the convention:

The statesman of the West * * * has changed his position with his
interests; abandoned the American System, laid violent hands on his own
child; out of hatred to a successful rival joined the nullifiers, and become
their apologist, if not their advocate.^

It can hardty be said that the convention did anything of
importance, however, except to draft a few memorials of a
conciliatory and unifying character. In fact, it was but the

« Pennsylvania Telegraph, January 25, 1834.

b Ritner's letter of April 15. Pennsylvania Intelligencer, May 8, 1834. Pennsylvania
Reporter, July 31, 1834.

c Pennsylvania Reporter, May 30, 1834. The following counties were represented:
Washington, Union, Northumberland, Erie, Adams, Bucks, York, Allegheny, Lancaster,
Berks, Philadelphia, Dauphin, Huntingdon, Montgomery, Susquehanna, and Mercer.

d Pennsylvania Reporter, March 13, 1834.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 461

merest preliminary step in organization." Henceforth, until
the Antimasons were absorbed in the great Whig movement,
they worked side by side with that party on all the great
issues.6 That they were not immediately absorbed was due
solely to the untiring zeal of Stevens, a Solomon South wick
as well as a Weed, who revived the radical spirit of opposition
to Masonry and constantly and tirelessly kept the issue before
the people. That Antimasonry pure and simple had had a
revival is seen by the enthusiasm at many of the recent con-
ventions and by resolutions which have the true ring of the
part}T in its early days in New York. Said the Dauphin
County convention:

Resolved, That we consider the question of the Bank as a matter of trifling
importance, compared with the great principles for which we are contend-
ing, and that we will continue to wage an unintermittent war against
masonry and masonic usurpation in defense of our dearest rights, let the
Bank sink or swim. «

The source of this new and fervid spirit lies in the activity
of Stevens and his colleagues in the legislature of this year.

On February 6, 1834, Mr. Stevens presented the following
resolution, in support of which he spoke at some length:

Resolved, That a committee be appointed to inquire into the expediency
of providing by law for making Freemasonry a good cause of peremptory
challenge to jurors, in all cases where one of the parties is a Freemason
and the other is not; and on the part of the Commonwealth; in all prose-
cutions for crimes and misdemeanors where the defendant is a Mason, and
also where the judge and only one of the parties are Freemasons, to make
the same provisions for the trial of causes, as now exists, where the judge
and either of the parties are related to each other by blood or marriage;
and that the said committee have power to send for persons and papers.

The resolution was rejected by a vote of 45 to 31, d many of
the Whigs, especially from Philadelphia, voting with the

a Pennsylvania Reporter, May 30, 1834.

The Democrats perceived the new movement with evident surprise and alarm. The
newspapers were set to work to print again the old charges against the National Repub-
licans and apply them to the Whigs. The latter were charged, as the former had been,
with being the old aristocratic Federalists in disguise, with being opposed to universal
enfranchisement and the rights of man, and of aiding the Bank and the power of prop-
erty. Pennsylvania Reporter quotes National Bank Gazette, April 11, 1834; Boston
Courier, April 14, 1834; Richmond Whig, New York Courier and Enquirer, National
Intelligencer, and many other Whig papers to substantiate the charges.

6 Richard Rush, supported by the Philadelphia Sun and Lancaster Herald, tried to
bring about a divergence of the Antimasonic party in favor of Jackson, but without
much success. Pennsylvania Intelligencer, January 9, 1834. Pennsylvania Reporter,
March 7, 1834.

c Vermont State Journal, September 1, 1834.

d Pennsylvania Reporter, February 11, 1834.

462 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

Antimasons. Mr. Stevens was not discouraged, but again
brought up the resolution on January 21. In his speech upon
this occasion he made the following significant remarks:

This vote will show who and what party are the protectors, the foster-
ers and guardians of that institution [Masonry]. That party which shall
now oppose this resolution can never afterwards, by all their sophistry and
denials, persuade a watchful and intelligent people that they are not the
Masonic party. a

The resolution was again defeated by practically the same
vote.a The struggle was kept up with great bitterness, and on
February 24 Mr. Patterson, of Armstrong, brought in a
petition, which was laid on the table, asking for an investiga-
tion of Antimasonry.6 Mr. Stevens on the same day brought
up a preamble and resolution against "extra-judicial" oaths/'
and thus the fight kept on until the house, in order to get rid
of it all, appointed two committees, one to investigate Ma-
sonry, and the other to investigate the " political motives and
evils of Antimasonry."^

Mr. Stevens's committee met and gave the clerk a precipe
for a subpoena for witnesses to be issued in the usual way and
signed by the speaker. It was objected to, however, and the
committee then asked to be given power to take "testimony
of such witnesses only, as would appear and testify voluntarily
before them." This the house by a large vote also opposed. e
Mr. Stevens's report speaks of the intentions of the com-
mittee in the following characteristic manner:

It was particularly desirable that the Governor of the Commonwealth
should be a witness. It was thought that the papers in his possession
might throw much light on the question, how far Masonry secures political
and executive favor. Their inspection would have shown whether it "be
true, that applications for offices have been founded on Masonic merit and
claimed on Masonic rights. Whether in such applications the " significant
symbols" and the "mystic watchwords" of Masonry have been used,
and in how many cases such applications have been successful in procuring
executive patronage. It might not have been unprofitable also to inquire

a Pennsylvania Reporter, February 21, 1834.

b Pennsylvania Reporter, February 25, 1834.

c Pennsylvania Reporter, February 27, 1834.

d Pennsylvania Reporter, March 1, 4, 1834. Harvey's History of Lodge No. 61, F. and
A. M., Wilkesbarre, 1897, gives a very good and accurate Masonic account.

c Pennsylvania Reporter, March 27, 1834. The reason was that the committee would
probably take the testimony of renouncing Masons and thus bring in a strong report
against Masonry.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 463

how many of the convicted felons, who have been pardoned by the present
governor, are "brethren of the mystic tie" and connected by blood or
politics, with members of that institution; and how few of those who could
boast of no such connections, have been successful in similar applications.

He proposed also to bring before them the judges to ascer-
tain u whether * * * the grand hailing sign had been
ever handed, sent, or thrown to them by either of the parties
litigant, and if so, what had been the result of the trial. "a

On April 1 Mr. Patterson's committee reported. Included
in this report was the following statement:

We are not Masons and have no peculiar motive or inclination to sup-
port the institution, except those to which we are driven by that unjust
principle of Antimasonry which includes all in the general proscription
who will not join in the chase and assist in running down their prey.
Antimasonry owes its origin to the same latitudes which produced the
celebrated blue lights and blue laws, and Golden Bibles and Mormon reli-
gion, and seems akin to the similar infatuation instituted against the faiVer
sex of Salem for witchcraft, who were tied by their legs and arms and
thrown into deep water — to swim if watches, [and] be burnt; if innocent,
simply to drowrn. The ordeal and justice of Antimasonry seems equally
equitable and wise. The annals of our country have condemned such past
folly, and your committee cannot sanction it. Antimasonry comes from
the land of notions and is quite unadapted to the climate, common sense,
and sober feelings of Pennsylvania. It aspires to public honors, without
the stamp of merit. It envies the possession of office, and influences that
power and respectability which it feels not to be its own. &

These reports were both printed by the State and distributed
as campaign literature. This was the beginning of a long-
continued legislative struggle full of singular episodes.

In the election of this year the union of interests resulted
in the choosing of 11 of the combined Whig and Antimasonic
party as Representatives to Congress, 8 State senators, and 38
members to the lower house.0 Stevens and McSherry (a mem-
ber of the last Whig convention and an Antimason who was
to be very prominent in the future) were elected from Adams
county. d

As was to be expected, the combined party showed the
greatest strength in old Antimasonic regions of the southeast

n Hazard, Register of Pennsylvania, XIII, 223.
b Pennsylvania Reporter, April 3, 1834.
c Pennsylvania Reporter, October 28, 1834.

d Pennsylvania Intelligencer (Whig), October 17, 1834. The Whig papers imply that
they were elected by the Germans of that county.

464 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

and west and in the city of Philadelphia. The Pennsylvania
Reporter said:

Are not all the old Federal counties in the State strong in the opposition?
Look at Adams, Lancaster, and Chester, and the city of Philadelphia.
The truth is, the Federal Anti masons, the Federal National Republicans,
and the Federalists proper, have by a natural affinity united in opposition
to the Democratic party, and formed a party as distinctively Federal as
any that has heretofore existed."

From what has been narrated it is evident that the political
year just described saw the birth of two new forces in Penn-
sylvania politics — the Whig party, made from a gathering to-
gether of discontent and opposition of all sorts, and a new
spirit aroused by the enthusiasm and persistent aggressive
policy of Thaddeus Stevens, from now on the great political
leader as well as the great high priest of Antimasonry.

a Pennsylvania Reporter, October 31, 1834.

CHAPTER XIV —THE YEAR 1834-35 AND THE LEADERSHIP OF

STEVENS,

Upon the organization of the houses this year it became
evident that, as before, the Whigs and Antimasons would
stand solidly together. The coalition candidate for speaker,
Middleswarth, received 33 votes, while the Democratic candi-
date received 57. a

Immediately after the preliminary work had been accom-
plished, the irrepressible Stevens introduced a resolution
against extra judicial oaths, b which, however, was defeated
by a vote of 58 to 38, Philadelphia and the National Repub-
lican districts voting with the Antimasons/ By the aid of
the above combination, Mr. Stevens then began a policy of
obstruction by constantly bringing the matter before the
house. d The house met these measures by postponement or
by laying the resolutions on the table, till at length Stevens
gave notice that he would call the matter up every morning
till the end of the session. At length his persistency was
rewarded and the resolutions were passed after being amended
by striking out the preamble and the words " Masonic" and
"Odd Fellows" and inserting ''secret societies."6

The question of education was perhaps second to none in
importance among the discussions of this session. The Ger-
mans and the Quakers of Pennsylvania, the strong supporters
of Antimasonry, had for a long time had their own schools
and consequently did not desire public education. Public
sentiment, however, had long desired a change, and as early
as the session of 1830 the question of a proper and modern
school system had been considered. Governor Wolf, too, in
nearly every one of his messages had urged the importance

a Pennsylvania Reporter, December 3, 9, 1834.

ft This resolution, as it pictures so well the attitude of the Antimasons, is quoted to
considerable length in the appendix.

c Pennsylvania Reporter, December 12, 1834.

rf Pennsylvania Reporter, March 9, 12, 20, 1835.

e Pennsylvania Telegraph, April 2, 1835. It is a noteworthy fact that so strong was the
party feeling at this time that Dr. Anderson, of Delaware, a Whig and a Mason, voted
constantly for Stevens's resolutions in order not to break the bargain and Jose the support
of the Antimasons upon other measures.

H. Doc. 461, pt 1 30 465

466 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

of the measure. In 1834 efficient aid came to this movement
from a most unexpected quarter. Thaddeus Stevens had been
elected by Antimasonic constituents, of whom many were
Germans and opposed to the new educational ideas; but in
spite of this fact he came forward as the champion of the
cause, and it was his powerful personality and matchless elo-
quence which kept in check in the session of the previous
year (1833-34) the various amendments which would have
spoiled the system by pauperizing it.a Although the bill did
not entirely meet Stevens' s approval, yet it passed both houses
with considerable unanimity at that time.6

In the session now considered a strong effort was made
to repeal the law on the ground of unjust apportionment
of taxes and money received to support the schools, and also
struction expenses/ The bill to repeal the act passed the sen-
because of the burden of taxes by reason of the canal con-
ate, but was defeated in the house by a vote of 57 to 35 by a
sectional vote.rf A substitute, which was offered by Mr.
Stevens, essentially modifying the law, of 1834, was finally
adopted/ Notwithstanding the position of Stevens and many

a Proceedings of the house, January 21, 1834. See Pennsylvania Intelligencer, January
27, 1834.

Stevens' s fearless attitude upon all questions relating to education is shown in a letter
written to some of his party who had opposed his support of the Pennsylvania College.
He says: " You tell me, that my course, in relation to the college will injure your political
party, and consequently injure you individually. If anything could change my purpose,
a belief of this position would. For, however I may sacrifice myself, I do not assume the
right to sacrifice you. But that could only happen upon the supposition that I become
unpopular, and still continue to be your candidate. That, I will never do. I have
already resolved that the weight of my name shall never again burthen your ticket. I
will withdraw from any active part in your political discussions. And if it be necessary
to the well-being of our country, dear to me as all my Friends and Constituents, I will
withdraw from your county to some place where the advocates of Antimasonry may be
advocates of Knowledge." Pennsylvania Telegraph, January 25, 1834.

& As it provided for local option, however, it was defeated in the counties of Adams,
Bucks, Berks, Chester, Columbia, Dauphin, Lancaster, Lehigh, Lebanon, Union, West-
moreland, Northumberland, Somerset, and Bchuylkill, the German element and prob-
ably some of the Quakers voting against it. Pennsylvania Reporter, December 2, 1834.

c Pennsylvania Intelligencer, May 7, 1835.

d Pennsylvania Reporter, April 14, 1835.

e It was upon this occasion that Stevens made one of the most remarkable oratorical
efforts of his life. Democrats, Whigs, and Antimasons were united for once in admira-
tion of the great orator. It was upon this occasion, too, that Stevens forgot his bitter ani-
mosity toward Wolf and described him as the leader " whose banner streams in light."
The Democratic Pennsylvania Reporter speaks of his efforts upon this occasion in the
following language: "The speech delivered by Mr. Stevens was particularly fine. The
acknowledged talents of this gentleman were never exerted in a nobler cause or with
greater effect than on this occasion, and we feel assured that a more powerful effort of
oratory was never listened to within the walls of this or any other legislative hall."
Pennsylvania Reporter, April 15, 1835. See McCall's Life of Thaddeus Stevens, pp. 41-45.

THE ANTIMASONIC PAETY. 467

of the Antimasons, the question became of political signifi-
cance in the coming campaign and Wolf certainly lost much
popularity among the German Democrats.

The canal policy of Wolf had been supported by the Dem-
ocratic majorities, and generally his suggestions were very
nearly carried out. In his message of this }reara he went as
far as to suggest the combining of the Wrest Branch with the
French Creek division, thus forming two proposed passages
to Lake Erie. As this would bring a main line of canal
through some of the strongest Democratic counties, it was
very popular in these sections. The vote upon the bill in the
house was the very close one of 47 to 45, b the eastern German
Democrats plainly showing their discontent. The senate
returned the bill, striking out the Erie extension, and in this
form it passed the house a .second time.6'

Another matter of political importance was the action upon
the amendment of the constitution. As early as 1833 Demo-
cratic meetings advocated changes in the old constitution
because it did not fit present conditions and because of the
great and arbitrary power given by it to the governor and the
judges. In April, 1835, an act was passed providing for the
submission of the matter to the people at the next election.**
The measure was unpopular with the Germans as a whole, and
in the coming political movements and the campaign which
followed we find these people, both Antimasons and Demo-
crats, opposing the Democrats because of their attitude on
this question/

That dissatisfaction would come sooner or later in the ranks
of the German Democrats of Pennsylvania, supporting as they
did a man who was practically a National Republican for so
long, who had favored a vast and costly system of internal
improvements and who had championed the school bill/ was

« Hazard, Register of Pennsylvania, XVI, 370.

l> Pennsylvania Reporter, April 7, 1835.

t> Crawford Messenger, May 2, 1835. It provided liberally for nearly all the other lines.

(i Pennsylvania Reporter, April — , 1835.

e A respected citizen of Harrisburg of German extraction, who was a young man at this
time, told the author that the natural hatred of the Germans to any change was the
basis of this opposition.

/The Germans did not want secularization, although not opposed to education. Henry
A. Muhlenberg, in a letter to the workingmen of Philadelphia, January 26, 1836, says:
"The Germans of our State are not opposed to education as such, but only to any system
which to them seems to trench on their parental or natural rights." They had estab-
lished and maintained schools and did not want to abandon them.

468 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

to be expected. The vote at the last election had shown
that he was not popular in the German districts of the
State. This, together with the fact that the supporters of
Wolf were thought to be opposed to Van Burena and allied
with the party that had all along disliked extreme Jackson-
ism, presaged trouble in the coming State convention. When
the convention met on March 4: it was found that a faction
from the counties of Adams, Beaver, Chester, Delaware,
Dauphin, Erie, Fayette, Franklin, Greene, Lebanon, Luzerne,
Lehigh, Montgomery, Mercer, Northumberland, Susque-
hanna, and Union were determined to nominate for governor
Henry A. Muhlenberg, of Berks, a man of distinguished
family, a former minister of the gospel, and one of the great-
est preachers in the State.6 In spite of their efforts, how-
ever, the convention nominated Wolf after several days of
fruitless quarrel over delegates. The Muhlenberg supporters
withdrew and soon after nominated their candidate in a con-
vention held at Lewistown.c

The seceding delegates were generally understood to be in
favor of Van Buren and opposed to internal improvements,
and the school bill/ It is apparent, also, that they came,
to a large extent, from those German counties which had
cast so large a vote for Ritner in the previous election/
Every means was tried to close the schism. President Jack-
son even wrote a letter to Muhlenberg asking him to with-
draw for the sake of harmony, but without a vail, f

The Antimasons again nominated Ritner/ and though his
policy was not clearly defined in regard to the canal system,
we find none of the opposition to improvements manifested
during the last campaign. He and his supporters confined
themselves to criticising the administration for extravagance
and for corruption connected with the work.^

aNiles Register, XLVIII, 198.

6 Pennsylvania Reporter, April 3, 1835. Niles Register, XLVIII, 20.

c Pennsylvania Reporter, May 6, 1835. Niles Register, XLVIII, 190.

d Pennsylvania Reporter, May 1, June 5, August 28, June 26, 1835. Pennsylvania Intel-
ligencer, May 14, 1835. Niles Register, XLVIII, 198.

« Pennsylvania Reporter, April 7, June 19, 1835.

/Jackson's letter of July 1, 1835. Pennsylvania Reporter, 1835. In a Fourth of July
address Jackson mentioned Wolf as the "patriotic governor," a phrase which was used
against the other faction. Niles Register, XLIX, 189.

v Niles Register, XLVIII, 20.

h Pennsylvania Reporter, June 10, June 19, 1835. Centre Democrat, June 10, 1835.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 469

The efforts made by the Muhlenberg faction to win over
the German Antimasons singularly failed, and but a few of
them, led by Richard Rush, entered into the support of Muhlen-
berg. a

The northern counties of the State had received many favors
from Wolf, and it was this section which displayed at this
crisis the greatest enthusiasm for his cause. His supporters
said:

When George Wolf was elected governor of Pennsylvania, the North
was regarded more as a colony of outlaws than citizens of the State. We
have now a firm prospect of having the State improvements extended
through this section of the State. To whom are we indebted for this
prospect more than George Wolf? He has boldly stepped forth and urged
his measures upon the legislature. Is there a man in the North who can
turn recreant to such a governor?*

The people of Erie County, too, were indignant at the long
neglect of their interests, and made an issue of the failure to
extend the canal to the lake. At a meeting of the friends of
the canal it was resolved "to support no man for the office of
governor who was not its avowed and independent friend. "c
Letters were addressed to all the candidates upon the matter,
with the result that Wolf said it should be "completed with-
out delay;" Ritner, as soon as the "circumstances of the
State should justify it," and Muhlenberg admitted the work
was "important," but did not commit himself. a

One of the interesting phases of this campaign was the
religious spirit connected with it. The Antimasons had long
been called advocates of a union of church and state. The
Wolf Democrats now imputed the same doctrines to Muhlen-
berg. "For upwards of eighteen years," says the Chester
Democrat, " H. A. Muhlenberg professed to be a minister of
the Message of Peace. * * * History portrays in glaring
characters the danger of the unity of the civil with religious
power. Would every Pennsylvanian resist the en-

croachments of religious upon civil power, let him on this
ground alone refuse to give his vote to Rev. Henry A. Muh-
lenberg. "d

« Pennsylvania Reporter, August 28, 1835.

b Northern Banner, quoted in Pennsylvania Reporter, July 17, 1835. See also account
of Center County Democratic meeting, Pennsylvania Reporter, September 11, 1835.
c Pennsylvania Reporter, September 11, 1835.
d Chester Democrat, quoted in Pennsylvania Reporter, September 25, 1835.

470

AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

Wolf in turn was attacked by his political opponents for
having appointed a man to a position through the influence
of a Catholic priest. "We have read much about church and
state in this contest," said the Pittsburg Manufacturer, " and
from whom has it come? none other than those who for the
last six years have priest-ridden the Commonwealth^ It was
declared repeatedly that "Catholicism, Masonry, and infidelity
were combined to crush the liberty of the Republic." In those
days of religious disturbance and bitter religious feeling such
accusations were not to be despised, and formed valuable cam-
paign literature. This was the beginning of the strong anti-

Vote for governor of Pennsylvania, in 1835. (Philadelphia City for Ritner; Philadelphia

County for Wolf.)

Catholic feeling in Pennsylvania with which so many prominent
Antimasons, especially in the western part of the State, were
later connected.6

The result of the election was an overwhelming victory for
Ritner. He carried the southern part of the State and the
western tier of counties, receiving 94,023 votes to 65,804 for
Wolf and 40,586 for Muhlenberg/ According to the Demo-

a Pittsburg Manufacturer, quoted in Pennsylvania Intelligencer, September 24, 1835.

<>Mr. E. Wilson's valuable History of Pittsburg, compiled largely from newspapers,
gives a good picture of the struggle in the city of Pittsburg.

c Pennsylvania Reporter, October 30, 1835.

Specifically, he carried Adams, Allegheny, Beaver, Bedford, Butler. Bucks, Crawford,
Cambria, Chester, Cumberland, Dauphin, Delaware, Erie, Fayette, Franklin, Greene,
Huntingdon, Indiana, Juniata, Lancaster, Lebanon, Lehigh, Luzerne, Lycoming, Mercer,

THE ANTIMASONIO PARTY. 471

cratic account, 9 Antimasonic senators were elected, and in the
lower house all but 28 were either Whigs or Antimasons.
These two parties, if united, could control the lower house
entirely, and on a joint vote both houses. a

Montgomery, Philadelphia City, Somerset, Union, Washington, and York counties.
Muhlenberg carried Berks, Columbia, Northumberland, Perry, and Schuylkill; all of
these except Perry being adjoining counties. Berks was Muhlenberg's county, and had
been the seat of political discontent for some time. In 1832 it had given Jackson 3,322
majority and Wolf but 323. Pennsylvania Reporter, June 19, 1835.

Berks, Schuylkill, and Northumberland also voted against the proposed convention
for amending the constitution. Pennsylvania Reporter, October 30. 1835. Members
from all these counties except Northumberland had opposed the improvement bill of
1835. Pennsylvania Reporter, April 7, 1835. These counties always elected Democratic
members to the legislature, but were always decidedly opposed to the policy of Wolf.
The split in the Democratic ranks undoubtedly caused the defeat of their party, although
it must be admitted that the Muhlenberg ticket polled heavy votes in nearly all the
eastern Antimasonic counties. Wolf carried 17 counties, 13 of which favored the conven-
tion. Every county in the State in which the German population predominated gave a
majority against the convention. These counties were Lancaster, Berks, Schuylkill,
Northampton, Lehigh, Lebanon, Dauphin, York, Montgomery. Union, Perry, Northum-
berland, and Somerset. Lancaster, the greatest Antimasonic county, gave the most
votes against it, while Berks, the Muhlenberg stronghold, was next. Besides these
counties. Adams, Bedford, Bucks, Center, Chester, Delaware, Mifflin, Northumberland,
Philadelphia City, Philadelphia County, and Juniata voted against the convention. The
convention was, however, decided upon by a vote of 84,611 to 73,008. Pennsylvania Re-
porter, October 30, 1835.

« Pennsylvania Reporter, October 23, 1835.

CHAPTER XV —THE ANTIMASONTC-WHIG ALLIANCE IN POAVER,

As soon as the session opened it became evident that not
only was the Whig-Antimasonic combination supreme but
also that several of the Muhlenberg Democrats showed a
tendency to unite with them as well. In the senate, Cun-
ningham, a member from the western part of the State who
was understood to be opposed to Van Buren, was elected
chairman; while in the house, Middleswarth was elected
speaker/'

In his inaugural address Ritner defined his polic}r toward
the State improvements as follows:

With the vast debt already contracted before us, prudence would forbid
the undertaking of any new, separate, and independent work, until those
now in operation and in progress, prove by actual experience to be capa-
ble of sustaining themselves, and furnish evidence that they will, in a
reasonable time, extinguish their original cost, without resort to taxation.
But where further extension of the public works is necessary, to render
those already made or in progress, profitable, and beneficial, economy and
sound policy, and a just regard for the interests of the people, would
require such extension to be authorized and completed.6

His policy was soon put to the test, for both houses passed
a resolution authorizing the canal commissioners to purchase
and place additional locomotives upon the railroads of the
Commonwealth. He returned this with his veto, and the
remark "I regard this as the first question that has arisen,
involving those principles of reform and economy for the
support of which I stand pledged before my fellow-citizens. "c
How the matter of improvements was finally settled will be

a Pennsylvania Reporter, December 4, 1835. The Reporter estimated that a Muhlenberg
man was elected clerk and an Antimason assistant clerk. Two of the printers are called
Muhlenberg men and one a Whig. Cunningham received 20 votes to his opponent's
(Reed) 10. He received all the votes of the Muhlenberg men, the Whigs, and the Anti-
masons. In the house, Niles estimates that there were 45 Antimasons, 26 Whigs, 17 Wolf
men, 12 Muhlenberg men. Niles Register, XLIX, 230.

& Pennsylvania Reporter, December 18, 1835.

c Pennsylvania Reporter, January 5, 8, 1835. Niles Register, XLIX, 292. Hazard, XVI,
394.

472

THE ANTIMASCXNIC PARTY. 473

considered in connection with the establishment of the United
States Bank, where it properly belongs.

That Ritner looked upon his election as a triumph of Anti-
masonry is evident from the following- statement from his
message:

The supremacy of the laws, and the equal rights of the people, whether
threatened or assailed by individuals, or by secret sworn associations, I
shall, so far as may be compatible with the constitutional power of the
Executive, endeavor to maintain, as well in compliance with the known
will of the people, as from obligations of duty to the Commonwealth. In
this endeavor I shall entertain no doubt of zealous cooperation by the
enlightened and patriotic legislature of the State. The people have willed
the destruction of all secret societies, and that will can not be disregarded. «

In accordance with this recommendation a committee was
appointed to inquire into Masonry, and on December Y Mr.
Stevens, chairman of that committee, reported a bill entitled
' 'An act to suppress secret societies bound together by unlaw-
ful oaths."6 On December 19 a committee of five, with Ste-
vens as chairman, was appointed to investigate the evils of
Freemasonry, with power to send for persons and papers, and
January 11 was fixed as the date for an investigation before
the committee/ As the witnesses took no notice of the sum-
mons, the next day Mr. Stevens made a report that the com-
mittee had summoned George Wolf and others to appeal-
before them, but that they had all denied the authority of the
house and the committee to serve process upon them, and
had refused by letters to appear. He then offered a resolu-
tion that " attachments issue to compel the attendance of
George Wolf, John Neilson, and other delinquent witnesses. "d

On January 14, after much debate, it was decided by a vote

« Pennsylvania Reporter, December 18, 1835. See also Harvey, History of Lodge No. 61,
F. and A. M., and the American Free Mason, Louisville, Ky., II. This gives a Masonic
history of Antimasonry.

b Pennsylvania Reporter, December 8, 1836, American Daily Advertiser, December
25, 1835.

cHarrisburg Chronicle, January 11, 1836. American Sentinel, January 12, 1836.

d Harrisburg Chronicle, January 14, 1836. Governor Wolf in his letter said: "I respect-
fully, but solemnly repeat my protest against and utterly deny the right of the committee:
of the House of Representatives itself: or any human power to interfere with my consti-
tutional rights as a free citizen of the State of Pennsylvania, with my privileges as a free
agent, or with indulgence of my predilections to form such associations, not prohibited
by law nor violating any provisions of the Constitution, as I may from time to time think
proper, * * * or to interrogate me concerning the same, or to compel me to answer
in anywise in relation thereto. I therefore respectfully decline appearing before the
committee as requested by the subprena." Franklin Repository, January 19, 1836. Har-
risburg Chronicle, January 14, 1836.

474 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

of 59 to 29 to bring these men before the house. An analy-
sis of the vote shows that many of the members from the
Muhlenberg counties either did not vote or voted for the res-
olution, while the rest of the Democrats to a man voted
against it. a

On January 18 the witnesses were accordingly brought
before the committee. The excitement was intense. Crowds
of people attracted from everywhere were present to hear thp
secrets of the Masons revealed. Masons, Antimasons, "Mu-
lies,"6 "Jacks,"' c c Bats, "* "Collar Democrats,"6 "Canalers,"
"Anticanalers," Quakers, Dunkards, Mennonites, Lutherans
fought with one another to get within hearing of the awful
things to be revealed. All the terms that human ingenuity
could devise were brought forth by the Democrats to describe
the proceedings. The days of Salem witchcraft were held
up as the only parallel in American history. It was called an
"Old Woman's Curiosity Convention," with Stevens as
"Chief Old Woman;" it was compared to the Inquisition,
with Stevens the "Arch Priest of Antimasonry," as "Chief
Inquisitor," and many other terms equally ingenious were
invented and used.^'

The curiosity seekers and the investigators were disap-
pointed. Each Mason, as he was summoned, refused to answer
the questions put, and instead read a protest. Many of these
protests were remarkably strong and dignified documents.
The limits of this work do not permit their appearance here.
As the reading was continued at great length, Stevens showed
signs of impatience and is said to have lost his temper several
times.9'

« Harrisburg Chronicle, January 14, 1836. Franklin Repository, January 19, 1836.

b Followers of Muhlenberg.

e Men who were not Masons yet sided with them.

d Those who neither were Masons nor sided with them, and yet did not see the
"light."

e A common name for the Democrats. It comes from a saying of Crockett's that each
Democrat wore a collar upon which was inscribed "Andrew Jackson, his dog."

/Stevens, indeed, appeared well in the part of an inquisitor. He is described at this
time as a "gentleman with gray eyes, smooth hair, robust person, and a cold severe
look." Harrisburg Chronicle, January 18, 1836. His Puritan ancestry, his fanatical
spirit, his radical nature, all fitted him for the part he was playing.

{/Franklin Repository, January 19, 1836. Harrisburg Chronicle, January 21, 1836.
Niles Register XLIX, 379, 381, 382. Mr.Egle says that when Rev. Mr. Sproul was read-
ing his address he came to the expression "Gentlemen, if you are willing to convert
yourselves into a modern Juggernaut, then roll on." "Stop," thundered the chairman
of the " Inquisition," white with wrath, and further reading was dispensed with. Penn-
sylvania Magazine of History and Biography, XXIII, 137. Mr. Egle was a Mason.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 475

On January 20 a resolution was adopted directing the
sergeant-at-arms to take into custody 25 witnesses named in
the resolution and bring them before the bar of the house. a
On January 21 Mr. Stevens offered another resolution that
the prisoners at the bar be committed to the charge of the
sergeant-at-arms, and there continue until delivered by due
course of law. To this resolution amendments were offered
in great number. One of these, by a member from Allegheny
Count}7, proposed that " the speaker of the house be instructed
to apologize to the prisoners at the bar." The house was
beginning to get tired of Stevens and his fruitless " inquisi-
tion," and political expediency could not hold them on his
side much longer. Says an eyewitness: "For a time it was
uncertain whether the prisoners would be committed or the
house apologize to them."6 After a struggle the house decided
to discharge the prisoners by a vote of 48 to 45. c Stevens
did not give up the idea of investigation, but continually
brought the matter up, without, however, accomplishing any-
thing, the Whigs being utterly disgusted at his disgraceful
defeat.*1 He finally gave up his task, but nevertheless vowed
vengeance. In a speech in the house on March 5 he said:

The Antimasons in the State have been in the minority, and will be in
the minority until they have exterminated the unholy orders. The troops
from Switzerland and Cassel, after having sacked the archives of the tem-
ple will now turn and destroy the fair city itself. Sir, I will go home
again in a minority, and call again and again upon the people and will
either succeed in crushing that polluting order, which will sustain itself
by trampling over the best interests of the country, or will go down to
the grave never faltering in a righteous cause.

He said that he would appeal to the people, and in their
decision all would soon perceive that there was uno other
question than Masoniy and Antimasonry."*

As the election of Governor Ritner was a triumph for the
friends of the Bank, efforts were made early in the session to
incorporate it. On January 28 a bill passed the house to that
effect by a vote of 57 to 33, the members from the Muhlen-

a The vote was 47-43.

b Editor of United States Gazette. Harrisburg Chronicle, January 28, 1836.
cNiles Register, XLIX, 382.

d Harrisburg Chronicle, February 4, 22, March 3. See also journal of house of repre-
sentatives, 1835-36, II, pp. 810-921, and Document No. 268.
e Harrisburg Chronicle, March 10, 1836.

476 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

berg counties voting with the Democrats. a By the terms of
its charter it had to pay $4,500,000 as a bonus and contribute
nearly $700,000 to various improvements.6 The act was des-
ignated an "Act to repeal the State tax on real and personal
property, and to continue and extend the improvements of
the State by railroads and canals." The improvements to
which the money was applied embraced nearly all the schemes
then in existence. Many railroad companies — notably the
proposed Baltimore and Ohio branch in Pennsylvania, and a
proposed railroad from Columbia to Pittsburg, and the
famous Gettysburg, Wrightsville and York Railroad — were
helped. The turnpikes, especially in the southern and west-
ern portions of the State, received their due share, while the
branch canals received large amounts. Even the survey of
the West Branch to the Allegheny, the French Creek exten-
sion to Lake Erie, and the plans to connect the Pittsburg to
the Ohio system were not forgotten. In this way the greater
part of the money received was spent and comparatively little
was assigned to the discharge of the public debt. Many
improvement companies and speculative enterprises sprang
up in every direction. Work was commenced which it would
take untold wealth to complete. The logical result can be
foreseen; the crash came in the next year/

Conditions so advantageous to all sectional interests and
enterprises won many adherents to the Antimasonic-Whig
party. This was noticeably true in the case of many Democrats
who had shown some tendency not to follow their party as it
then existed in the Stated

Such a concession could not have been made without criti-
cism, and almost immediately a senator accused another of
trying to bribe him to vote for it. A committee was appointed

aHarrisburg Chronicle, February 8, 1836. It was incorporated February 8, 1836. Ibid.,
January 25, 1837.

b Harrisburg Chronicle, July 6, 1836.

cFor the text of the act, see Philadelphia Courier, January 30, 1836. See also Laws of
Pennsylvania, 1835-1836.

<*Says the Harrisburg Chronicle: "The crisis in our State affairs was startling. Our
commerce was sinking beneath the pecuniary agitation: our State treasury was bank-
rupt; our people were already overburthened with taxes. * * * Besides all this, our
improvements would have gone to decay for want of means, and many valuable lines of
improvements would have been checked altogether. Ruin, utter ruin, would have
ensued." Harrisburg Chronicle, May 30, 1836. The Chronicle at this time bore at the
head of its columns the names of Van Buren and Johnson, although just before the
election it became Whig.

THE ANTIMASONIC PAKTY. 477

to investigate the matter, and although there was a great
weight of circumstantial evidence against the accused he was
acquitted, although publicly reprimanded. The committee
reported that they were " satisfied that neither the Bank nor
any person connected with it improperly interfered to pro-
mote the passage of the bill."a

The chartering of the Bank set a precedent for the estab-
lishment of other State banks, among which was the Girard
Bank, of Philadelphia. Although Ritner, in his message, had
not taken as positive a position toward such institutions as
had Wolf,6 yet he vetoed this bill, and in doing so made a
restatement of the arguments in favor of the Bank of the
United States. He seems to have favored that, and that
alone. c It is also probable that he tried to avoid the odium
cast upon the previous administration by reason of the char-
ters granted by the Democrats, in spite of the executive veto.
As in the case of Wolf, the bill was passed over his veto.
This opened the way for the establishment of many banks
during his administration/

The friends of the Bank received a severe shock later in the
year when George Dallas said that the constitutional conven-
tion then assembling could "possess within the territory of
Pennsylvania every attribute of absolute sovereignty, except
what may have been yielded to the United States and is
embodied in the Federal Constitution." He recommended
that the Bank be demolished by this method. Although this
view of the matter caused an uneasiness bordering on panic
in commercial centers, yet nothing finally came of it.*

Another measure well adapted to please the thrifty German
farmers of the State was the repeal of the direct tax. This

« Harrisburg Chronicle, February 15, March 14, 1836. Niles Register, XLIX, 434; L, 110.

£>He promised to limit the amount of paper money, etc., but said, however, that " pub-
lic accommodation and the demands of business will be consulted.'1 Hazard, Register
of Pennsylvania, XVI, 394.

c Franklin Repository, March 29, 1836.

rflbid. Stevens, in a characteristic speech, condemned Ritner for his veto. " For his
part," he said, " he could see nothing to justify the act; and he could not stand by and
see kingly prerogative exercised without always being opposed to the exercise of such
power. It was no new doctrine with him. He had always been opposed to the exercise
of the veto power, whether it was done by hispolitical friends or foes. He never retraced
his steps to please in any quarter. He would look upon the success of this veto as a
triumph over the deliberations of legislative action and independence." Harrisburg
Chronicle, March 21. 1836.

« Harrisburg Chronicle, November 2, 9, 1836.

478 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

tax went into effect October 1, 1832, and was levied especially
upon such articles as mortgages, bonds, notes, bank stock,
turnpike stock, and other personal property, and provided
for an increase of county rates." The law had been the cause
of great discontent and of much severe censure of Wolf,6 and
various attempts had been made to repeal it.c

The act was finally repealed on March 10, 1836. The fol-
lowing resolution shows how the party in power made a strong
bid for the patronage of the people:

Whereas, although the law levying taxes on real and personal property
for the use of the State will expire on the twenty-fourth day of March
next, yet it appears by the report of the State Treasurer, made to the legis-
lature at the present session, that these taxes are estimated in the receipts
of the current year at two hundred and eight thousand, nine hundred and
sixty-three dollars, and that the same would have been collected from the
people, notwithstanding the expiration of the same law, but by the passage
of the late act entitled "An act to repeal the State tax on real and personal
property, and to continue the improvements of the State by canals and
railroads, and to charter a State bank to be called the Bank of the United
States," d the treasury will be supplied in lieu thereof, and it is thereby
rendered unnecessary to demand the payment of the same from the citizens
of the Commonwealth.

Another strong bid for public favor was a resolution intro-
duced by Stevens instructing the delegation in Congress to
use their influence for the passage of a law making an appro-
priation for the improvement of the navigation of the Ohio.
Only ten Democrats had the hardihood to vote against the
measure. e

a Pennsylvania Telegraph, September 28, 1831.

bWolf, in his last message, however, had advocated that it be allowed to expire.
Hazard, Register of Pennsylvania, XVI, 370.

• <?For controversy over this before its existence and after, see Harrisburg Chronicle,
April 20, 1830. Pennsylvania Telegraph, September 28, 1831; March 10, September 19,
1832. Pennsylvania Reporter, September 14, 1832.

rfHarrisburg Chronicle, September 28, 1836. See also ibid., February 29, 1836, for debates
in Senate of February 15, 1836.

e Pennsylvania Reporter, January 12, 1836. They were instructed also during this session
to vote against the expunging resolutions, and in the extra session they were instructed
to vote against the distribution of the surplus revenue among the States. Niles Register,
L, pp. 16, 291.

A resolution which was of comparative insignificance at this time, and yet must be
noticed because it marks the beginning of the political antislavery movement in the
State, came up in this session. The governor, in his message, had alluded to resolu-
tions from the States of Virginia, Missouri, and Kentucky relative to abolition and
incendiary publications. This was referred to a committee, of which Stevens was
appointed chairman, and on May 30 it reported the following resolutions: "Resolved, That
the slave-holding States alone have the right to regulate and control domestic slavery
within their limits." "Resolved, That Congress does possess the constitutional power, and

THK ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 479

As the time of the national election was approaching, much
interest was manifested in the position of the Antimasons.
Would they unite with the Whigs or would they run an inde-
pendent ticket of their own? Already earl}7 in 1835 some of
the counties had instructed their delegates to the State con-
vention to bring the name of Harrison before the convention
as a candidate for President.0 Letters were addressed by
other conventions to prominent men of the country asking
them for their views upon Antimasonry. Harmar Denny
and others of Allegheny county addressed a letter to Web-
ster. He replied in a letter in which he positively announced
his belief in the doctrines of the party and said:

Under the influence of this conviction it is my opinion that the future
administration of all such oaths, and the imposition of all such obligations,
should be prohibited by law. * * * I have ever found the Anti-
masons of Pennsylvania true to the Constitution, to the Union, and to the
great principles of the country. They have adopted the "supremacy of
the laws " as their leading sentiment, and I know none more just or more
necessary. &

Stevens had meanwhile been negotiating with Harrison.
According to the Democratic accounts, he asked Harrison the
following questions: (1) "Do you believe that Freemasonry
and all other secret oath -bound societies are evils and incon-
sistent with the genius and safety of republican government? "
(2) " Will you join your Antimasonic fellow-citizens in the
use of all constitutional, fair, and honorable means for their
final and effectual suppression?" Harrison replied that he
believed in Antimasonic principles, but that, although he
was ''far from asserting that evils arising from Masonry do
not form a proper subject for the deliberations and action of
some constituted authorities in our country," yet he was
"certain that there exists no such power either in the whole
Government of the United States, or in any of its departments,

it is expedient to abolish slavery and the slave trade within the District of Columbia.'1
Harrisburg Chronicle, June 2, 1836. These resolutions may appear exceedingly mild to
come from a committee of which Stevens was chairman, but it must be remembered that
the opposition in Pennsylvania was considering the national unity of parties opposed to
the Democrats, and was therefore more careful than ordinary. However many of the
leaders of the Antimasonic movement in the State were soon to become out-and-out
abolitionists, as would be expected from such natural extremists.

a Juniata and Union meetings, Pennsylvania Reporter February 24, 1836 Pennsylva-
nia Intelligencer, February 23, 1835.

& Boston, November 26, 1835. Pennsylvania Reporter, January 5. Pennsylvania Tele-
graph, December 9, 1835.

480 AMEKICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

and that the attempt to exercise it would constitute an usur-
pation of power, pregnant if tolerated by the people, with
mischief infinitely more fatal than those which it was intended
to remedy. "a These last few words were wormwood and gall
to the fiery Stevens. Able politician though he was, he yet
could not be reconciled, and determined to throw his weight
in favor of Webster. b

When the State convention took place (December 14, 1835),
the Harrison men, who were in the majority, effectually op-
posed a recommendation to send delegates to an Antimasonic
national convention, and nominated Harrison for President
and Granger, the former New York gubernatorial candidate,
for Vice-President. These nominations were not made with-
out a struggle. When it became evident that such a course
was to be pursued, the radical Antimasons, like Denny and
Stevens, entered their protest against such a step, and finding
a majority determined upon the measure, withdrew from
further participation in the proceedings/

Soon after, the seceders met and approved of holding a
national convention on May 1, and appointed delegates to it.
These delegates included Stevens, Denny, and Ellmaker/'
They also issued an address which is interesting because of
the light it throws upon Antimasonry in Pennsylvania. After
saying that the delegates to the previous meeting had dis-
obeyed the call, the object of which was to nominate delegates
to the national convention, the address said:

A Masonic Whig or Harrison convention was called to meet in Harris-
burg at the same time with the Antimasonic convention. It met and
organized by electing a Masonic president, and one or more Masons, vice-
presidents. A large number of their body were adhering Masons, and
most of the others the strenuous defenders of the lodge. A regular inter-
communication was kept up between the members of the Masonic and
such of those of the Antimasonic convention as were privy to the plans of
both. James Todd, esq.. who, it was well known, was to be appointed
attorney-general under the new administration, caused his son, as is
believed, who was a delegate, to create a vacancy, and came into the con-
vention as his substitute, notwithstanding the solemn remonstrances of
those who believed that the purity of deliberative bodies could be preserved
only by excluding from them all official influence. It is ascertained that

a Pennsylvania Reporter, January 8, 1836.
bSee in this connection Adams's Diary IX, 273.

c Pennsylvania Reporter, December 18, 1835. Niles's Register, XLIX. 177, 287. Ameri-
can Daily Advertiser, December 17, 18, 19, 1835.
d Pennsylvania Reporter, December 22, 1835.

THE ANTIMASONIC PAETY. 481

sixty-four members of the convention were applicants for office, either to
the governer or attorney-general for themselves or relations. Mr. Todd
was believed to possess the special confidence of the governor, and was
, known to hold the patronage of more than fifty appointments. Without
any authority, and as we believe in express violation of the feelings and
intentions of the governor, he had induced the belief, that the sure road
to Executive favor lay through the immediate nomination of General Har-
rison without regard to his political Antimasonry. * * * The coalition
with the Whig convention was completed, and resulted in their joint nom-
ination of the same candidates for President and Vice-President. * * *
A motion was made to read the instructions of the several counties to their
delegates, which was opposed by the amalgamation party, and rejected.
We shall not pretend to state what occurred in the Masonic convention, as
it sat with closed doors a considerable part of the time. After General
Harrison was nominated, Mr. Gest offered the following resolution, which
was rejected by a large majority: "Resolved, That if Gen. William H.
Harrison will give such unequivocal expressions — declarative (if elected to
the Presidency of the United States) that he will not knowingly appoint
adherents of oath-bound secret societies to office — that such expressions
will be evidence that he is sufficiently Antimasonic to be the Democratic
Antimasonic candidate for the Presidency of the United States and conse-
quently, as such, ought to be unanimously sustained by the Antimasonic
party of Pennsylvania." It is firmly believed that every true Antimason
in the State will refuse to sanction this coalition, but hold himself bound
by the decisions of the national convention about to be held. In addition to
the sixty-four applicants for office, the convention contained, as we believe,
twenty-four Whigs and one Mason. Fellow-citizens, after much toil and
some suffering in your company, in defense of ' ' equal rights, ' ' we had hoped
to be permitted to repose from our labors. But the enemy has assumed a
a new, and most dangerous shape. Permit us therefore to exhort you to
buckle on anew your armor, as we have already done, to meet and again
overthrow the evil monster whose slightest touch is pollution. Signed,
Thaddeus Stevens, W. W. Irwin, Samuel Parke, committee of delegates. «

They were sustained in their position by the radicals
throughout the State and particularly in the west. Repeated
calls went up for the dismissal of Todd,6 and it seemed for a
while that another nomination would be made, but the action
of the other States was not favorable to a convention, and
Harrison had to be sustained, although it is probable that he
lost many votes through the spirit engendered.

The campaign of this year showed an increase of the anti-
Catholic spirit that appeared in the previous election. Martin
Van Buren was declared to be a correspondent and eulogist of

a Pennsylvania Reporter, January 5, 1836.

& Allegheny County meeting, December 26, Pennsylvania Reporter, January 5, 1836.

H, Doc. 461, pt 1 31

482 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

the Pope and a friend of many Catholics. These insinuations
were used effectually among the severe Presbyterians of the
western part of the State. a

The State elections resulted, according to Whig accounts, in
the election of three Whigs to Congress and four Antimasons.
Eighteen of the senate were classed as "Whigs," "Antima-
sons," and "State's Rights Democrats,"6 while eleven of the
lower house are called "Whigs," and twenty "Antimasons."
The Antimasons came from the west and from Philadelphia
City.6' It was apparent that in spite of all their tactics, their
popular measures, and their gerrymandering,^ the party was
badly beaten, and, above all, Stevens was not returned/

Some of the attempts made by the coalition to explain its
defeat are, to say the least, very weak. The Chronicle
ascribed its defeat to the fact that the party, which was com-
posed of so many German farmers, could not gather its voters
at the polls because " the day of the election comes at a bad
season just at a time when their buckwheat and

seeding must be attended to."^

The real fundamental cause of the defeat, however, was
due, no doubt, to Stevens's arbitrary measures in the legisla-

«A sample of this spirit can be seen from the following: " Van Buren and the Pope!
* * * now for the first time a candidate for the first office in the Union, comes before
the people, as the correspondent of the Pope of Rome, as the fawning sycophantic flat-
terer of a foreign tyrant — for the purpose of arraigning one religious denomination against
another — of making a sectarian party in politics, and of securing the influence of what
he impiously calls the ' Holy Father' upon the Catholics of the United States, to unite in
a body, in politics. * * * In a letter to the Pope, Martin acknowledges the Pope to
be the ' head of the great Christian Church ' and offered ' congratulations- to the Holy
Father upon his recent accession to the tiara! ' " Pennsylvania Intelligencer, September
15, 1836. For similar remarks see same paper, October 17, 1836. Allegheny County
meeting, November 11, 1835. Boston Independent Chronicle, November 21, 1835. Amer-
ican Daily Advertiser, September 14, 1835. See also Wibon's History of Pittsburg. The
Antimasonic spirit with its own peculiar patriotism furnished a good basis for the anti-
Catholic Know-Nothing movement of the future. This was the period, it must be
remembered, of the publication of " Awful Disclosures of Maria Monk," the troubles over
the convent in Pittsburg, and a little earlier (1832) the burning of the Charlestown con-
vent in Massachusetts.

b Democrats who were opposed to the distribution of the surplus revenue among the
States. It was held that it would give the Federal Government control over the States
They were generally anti-Van Buren Democrats.

e Harrisburg Chronicle (Whig), October 26, December 7, 1836. It is hard to tell just
what the politics of the papers were at this period, they swung around so rapidly. There
were ten newspapers in Harrisburg, although it was but a town of about 5,900 people.

d There were several gerrymanders during the period discussed by this paper, but the
limits of the work forbid any study of them here. See Harrisburg Chronicle, June 8,
1836.

e For that matter, Dallas and William Wilkins were both defeated for Congress.

/ Harrisburg Chronicle, October 26, 1836

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 483

ture with regard to Masonry, and to the fact that the investiga-
tion ended in such a fiasco. Coupled with this was the dissatis-
faction of many of those who did not participate in the benefits
derived from the chartering of the Bank. Many felt that
their particular enterprises had been slighted or discrimi-
nated against by the administration. Considering the great
works projected, it is easy to*realize how nearly all were dis-
satisfied. No doubt also a great many votes were lost because
of the charges of corruption which had marked the struggle
for the incorporation of the Bank. Conservative and careful
business men doubtless saw the inevitable result of the policy
pursued, and used their influence against it. Many of the
conservative Germans could not but be alarmed at the condi-
tion of affairs, and consequently withheld their votes or threw
them against the State administration.

In the Presidential election, however, in spite of the divi-
sions, Harrison polled 86,784 votes to 91,383 cast for Van
Buren. He carried the counties of Adams, Alleghen}^, Bed-
ford, Beaver, Bradford, Bucks, Butler, Cambria, Chester,
Delaware, Dauphin, Erie, Franklin, Huntingdon, Indiana,
Lancaster, Lebanon, Mercer, Somerset, Union, and Washing-
ton, and Philadelphia cit}T. The Germans again showed that
although they may have been rebellious upon State issues, yet
in Presidential elections they were good Democrats at heart. a
Of the counties recognized as German counties, but Lancas-
ter, Somerset, Dauphin, Lebanon, and Union threw their
votes for Harrison. The old Muhlenberg districts gave very
strong majorities against him.6 The northern part of the
State was on the whole Democratic.

The election plainly showed that the elements of opposition
had become solidified, and that Antimasonry was practically
absorbed into the new Whig movement as far as national
questions were concerned. In State matters it was yet to
make one more final struggle before its complete overthrow
and absorption into the triumphant Whig party of the future.

« The Wolf party had ratified the Baltimore nomination of Van Buren and Johnson, and
this took the wind from the sails of the Muhlenberg movement. At their convention
January 8, 1836, they, too, ratified the electoral ticket.

*>The vote in Berks was 4,967 to 1,584; Columbia, 1,560 to 544; Northumberland, 1,421 to
712; Schuylkill, 1,380 to 687; Perry, 1,107 to 473. Official returns, Harrisburg Chronicle,
November 23, 1836.

CHAPTER XVI,— THE YEAR 1836-37— THE BANK,
IMPROVEMENTS, AND ABOLITION,

As usual after a general election the political excitement
subsided somewhat in the year 1837. This may be also attrib-
uted to the great strength of the Democratic party in the lower
house, and perhaps still more to the fact that Stevens was not
returned to the legislature.

The State treasurer having still a great amount of money
on hand, it is not surprising that a desire should be felt for its
disbursal among the different improvements. Ritner, in his
annual message, mentioned those improvements which seemed
to him to demand the greatest attention. One of these was
the long-contested Erie extension. This work had from time
to time received driblets, which served but slight purpose.
Even the previous legislature had not provided completely for
its needs. Ritner said of it:

The extension of the main line of canal to the harbor of Lake Erie has
the strongest claims to the attention of the legislature. This work will
complete the original plan of a connection between Philadelphia and Lake
Erie, and will throw business upon the whole length of the improvements
between these points. Though the amount of business upon the line will
not be so great as upon other sections of the canal, yet the profit to the
State will be equal to any. This will be caused by the description of arti-
cles to be transported upon it. They will be mainly merchandise from the
seaboard for the West and Northwest, to the early shipment of which upon
the lake, the harbor of Erie offers peculiar advantages; and the heaviest
articles of produce seeking an Atlantic market, for whose transportation
this route to Philadelphia, composed as it chiefly will be of canal, pre-
sents the greatest facility/*

As will be remembered, this plan accorded with Ritner's
original ideas and with the ideas of those Philadelphians who
wished direct connection with the Great Lakes.

In the claims for the money in the treasury every little

a Franklin Repository, December 20, 1836.
484

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 485

crossroads speculation, every proposed railroad, beginning
nowhere and ending nowhere, every private company of
almost anv sort cried for its share. The bill as it was drawn
up provided for so many different works that if they were
all carried to completion the}7 would increase the State debt,
it was estimated, from 124,330,000 to $45,120,000." The pro-
posed appropriation itself was over $3,000,000^ "It is, in
fact," says the Intelligencer, " a bill to distribute the surplus
revenue among the people for internal improvement, and we
do not know how it could be better expended."6 The Erie
route was to receive $400,000, the North Branch $100,000,
and the Gettysburg Railroad $150,000, and nearly all the rest
went to turnpikes and proposed railroads/

The bill finally passed both houses, the southeastern mem-
bers, as a general rule, opposing it.c Ritner, however, vetoed
it on the grounds that—

(1) Its main feature is the distribution of the great portion of the pres-
ent resources of the Commonwealth, among works not owned by the State,
and its consequent withdrawal from the future prosecution of the public
works and from the present decrease of the State debt. (2) It bestows on
capitalists and speculators the money which is the property of the whole
people, thereby enriching individuals and sections, to the injury of the
rest of the community. (3) It not only thus fritters away the means
which should now otherwise be applied, but by enabling the companies
who are the recipients of its liberality to commence and prosecute works
which they will not be able to complete, it embarks the State so far in
those works that she will at no distant day be compelled to increase her
present debt for the purpose of finishing them, or lose what is now pro-
posed to be given. (4) It will increase the State debt in four years to
$45,000,000, etc.^

The veto was sustained, although the vote stood 47 for the
bill to 45 against it, but, as a two-thirds vote was necessary,
the State escaped this misfortune. ' An anatysis of the vote
shows no particular party division, the south and southeastern
German sections generally voting against the bill, while the
city of Philadelphia, the home of so many speculative enter-
prises, voted for it/

An important and significant part of Ritner's message dealt

a Franklin Repository, April 11, 1837. See also Pennsylvania Intelligencer, March 23,
1837. Wilson's History of Pittsburg, 785.
b Quoted in Franklin Repository, April 4, 1837.
c Franklin Repository, April 11, 1837.

d Franklin Repository, April 11, 1837. Niles Register, LII, 104.
* Harrisburg Chronicle, April 5, 1837.

486 AMEEICAN HISTOEICAL ASSOCIATION.

with the proposed Gettysburg Railroad. Many plans had
been made to construct railroads through the southern coun-
ties which would connect with the Baltimore and Ohio system
to the west and in some degree restore to these counties the
prestige lost since the coming in of the canal route. These
efforts had met with strong opposition from Philadelphia and
those interested in the canal to Pittsburgh Stevens now
stepped forward as the champion of the new scheme,6 and
Ritner, in order to placate the southeastern section of the
State, mentioned the matter favorably in his maessge/ As
we have seen, the canal bill was defeated and the scheme for
the present remained in abeyance.

As to Antimasonry itself, the governor in his message, after
denying Washington's active support of the Masonic order,
said:

What was comparatively restricted and harmless in his day has assumed
the dangerous character of regularly organized oath -bound, secret-working,
widespread, and powerful societies. Of these * * * the society of
Freemasonry is the fruitful mother. Their efforts are: The propagation
and support of principles and doctrines by concentration of influence,
to the justification or even avowal of which individual character
and responsibility would shrink; the disregard of all law and right, both
constitutional and legislative which, if unchecked, is the sure precursor of
anarchy and the first step to despotism; the demoralization of society by
the administration of unlawful and wicked oaths, which, if kept, produce
the result for which they were intended; and if broken, accustom our citi-
zens to make light of that which is the great agent of justice, and one of
the bonds of society: the promotion of monopoly and prostration of the

a Pennsylvania Reporter, March 19, 1830, January 24, 1832, April 7, 1835.

The Philadelphians were against many of the first railroad schemes because they were
designed to run south and consequently might take trade away from Philadelphia. The
Gettysburg Railroad was designed to run from that city to the west, and consequently
found favor with a large body of the business interests which were not satisfied with the
canal, which, at the most, could run only part of the year and was constantly breaking
down, besides causing a costly reshipment at the Allegheny portage.

b Pennsylvania Reporter, April 7, 1835. He had tried to get an appropriation of $75,000
in the previous legislature, but had failed. He was afterwards elected president of the
company which was known as the " Wrightsville, York and Gettysburg Railroad."

<"He said: "It will be perceived that the board recommends an- appropriation of
two hundred and eighty thousand dollars to the Gettysburg Railroad. This improvement
is intended to connect, westwardly with the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad and the
Chesapeake and Ohio Canal, and eastwardly by means of the company road from Gettys-
burg to the Susquehanna at Wrightsville opposite Columbia, with the Philadelphia and
Columbia Railroad, communicating through the heart of six of the southern counties of
the State and terminating at our commercial metropolis. The propriety of such a work,
at a time when it can be prosecuted without increasing the public burthens, can not
remain a moment problematical, particularly when it is remembered that the counties
to be benefited have heretofore derived no advantage from the State improvements."
(Franklin Repository, December 20, 1836.)

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 487

uninitiated man of business. These inevitable and indisputable results are
sufficient to arouse, and, I have no doubt will receive the attention of
the legislature. Permit me to recommend the subject to your early and
deliberate consideration. At the last session it was partly acted upon. The
question of the constitutional right of the legislature to investigate and leg-
islate on the subject of secret, oath-bound societies was settled, after a full
and deliberate discussion. You meet under different and, permit me
to say under peculiarly favorable auspices for the final disposal of this
unpleasant matter. Whatever you do wdll not be attributed to party zeal or
excitement. You have in your power by a full investigation of the nature
of secret societies, and by the passage of proper laws for their suppression
or control forever to remove the stumbling block. The people of the State
expect the emergency to be met by the legislature, not as partisans, but as
freemen, determined to perform their duty to the country, regardless of
mere political consequences, and of every obligation except those which
bind us all to the support of the Constitution and the laws.«

As might be expected, the Democratic majority did not
see fit to carry out these suggestions, but on the other hand
called upon the governor to explain the basis of his opinions
upon Washington. This he did in a most able document
which the house did him the justice to have printed.6

The increasing agitation throughout the country on the
question of slavery found many champions among the Anti-
masons of Pennsylvania, especially among the Quakers. This
agitation had greatly increased in the last two years/ Gov-
ernor Ritner in his message charged the Democrats with
"basely bowing the knee to the dark spirit of slavery."
This statement aroused the ire of not only the Democrats,
but also of many of the Whig allies of Antimasonry, seeking,
as they were, to form a strong united party North and South/*
Says the Democratic Pennsylvania Reporter:

That this is the hobby [abolition] which the friends of the existing
State administration now intend to mount for the purpose of retaining
their ill-gotten powrer can not be disputed. * * * The decided ground
assumed by Governor Ritner in his message, * * * the incendiary
articles which have from time to time appeared in the organ of his
administration here, * * * the vehemence with which Mr. Stevens

« Franklin Repository, December 20, 1836.

ft See Vindication of General Washington, printed in Boston, 1841, by Ezra Lincoln.
It contains the proceedings as well as the document communicated to the house on
March 8. See also American Freemason, Louisville, II, 106, for Masonic account.

c Says the Pennsylvania Reporter: "The publication of Dr. E. W. Channing's eloquent
and powerful though visionary letter in favor of Abolition has infused a new spirit into
the hearts and movement of the Abolitionists of this quarter." Pennsylvania Reporter,
January 31, 1837.

d The Pennsylvania Intelligencer, one of the strongest Whig papers, was decidedly
proslavery

488 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

and Mr. Burrowes,^ his excellency's confidential advisers, are urging the
promulgation of their dogmas, and the fidelity with which the presses
owned and controlled by officeholders in various counties of the State
reecho the doctrines, and obey the orders of the masters, all combine to
show, that this is hereafter to be regarded as the leading policy of that
body of individuals who formerly range^ themselves under the equally
prescriptive but less bloody banner of Antimasonry. &

The Antimasons agitated the matter in the legislature, but,
as was to be expected, with no result. A bill introduced by
them to give jury trial to fugitive slaves was defeated/ They
seem, however, to have stood quite solidly together on these
measures.

It was but natural that the Democrats, now in the majority,
would do what they could to destroy the Bank, and accord-
ingly a resolution passed the house for the appointment of a
committee to make certain inquiries touching the management
of that institution and the mode by which its charter was
obtained. d Stevens was called before the committee and testi-
fied that one of the reasons for the chartering of the Bank was
that Ritner was elected upon an implied promise to his political
friends that neither the State debt should be increased nor
taxes imposed/ and that consequently the chartering of the
Bank furnished a means of fulfilling his promise. He vigor-
ously protested against the investigation, and it was no doubt
largely by the influence of his great powers that the report of
the majority and the minority of the investigation committee
acquitted the officers of the Bank and the members of the legis-
lature of having used corrupt means to procure the act of
incorporation.-^

The Democrats had failed to in jure the Bank in this manner,
but new strength was soon added to their cause by the sus-
pension of specie payment by the banks of Pennsylvania on
Ma}7 11. The proposed issue of paper money aroused a storm
of protest throughout the State, and matters were so alarming
and the distress so great that pressure was brought to bear
upon the governor to convene the legislature for an extra

a Thomas Burrowes, afterwards noted for his great work in building np the school
system of the State, now one of the most prominent Antimasons.

l> Pennsylvania Reporter, January 31, 1837.

c Miles Register, LII, 34.

d Harrisburg Chronicle, January 25, 1837.

e Harrisburg Chronicle, March 1, 1837.

/Niles Register, LII, pp. 69,94. The report of the majority held that the State could
annul the charter if it so wished, while the minority denied this power.

THE ANTIMASONIC PABTY. 489

session. This the governor did not do, and in his message
relating to the matter he reviewed the situation and showed
how useless temporary laws such as stay laws or any other
makeshifts of the moment would be.a

A resolution instructing the delegation to Congress to use
their influence against any measure which would interfere
with the rate of duties passed through the house by a vote of
56 to 22. It is significant of the attitude of Pennsylvania
toward the Democratic party that such a motion should have
been passed by such a majority in a Democratic house. The
opposition came from the strong Democratic counties, such as
Berks, Philadelphia County, and Westmoreland. b

The campaign resulted in the election to the senate of 18
members of the Antimasonic-Whig party and 40 of the same
party to the lower house. Stevens was returned again for
Adams County/ It was a great gain over the previous elec-
tion, but still it did not give the united party the necessaiy
majority in a combined vote, although it had a majority in
the senate. d

a Niles Register, LII, 200. See also Wilson's History of Pittsburg, 785.
b Harrisburg Chronicle, February 1, 1837.
f Pennsylvania Reporter, October 27, 1837.

dThe majority in the senate was due to a great extent to the red istric ting plan put in
operation by the Whig administration of 1836.

CHAPTER XVII— LEGISLATIVE ISSUES AND THE ELECTION

OF 1838,

Upon the opening of the legislature, Burden, a Whig, was
elected chairman of the senate by a vote of 18 to 11, while
the Democrats elected a speaker in the lower house by a vote
of 53 to 42.«

The legislature found itself with an unexpected balance of
over $2,000,000 in the treasury, thanks to the veto in the pre-
vious session. This was a tempting state of affairs to the
different enterprises which were being hurried forward in the
State. The same spirit which had characterized the previous
house took possession of this one, and an act was passed ap-
propriating a large amount for repair and expenses and con-
tinuing the work on the Erie extension and also on the North
Branch Canal and the Gettysburg Railroad. The governor
in a message pointed out that the bill contained appropriations
entirely inadequate for some portions of the work while other
portions, whose needs were not so urgent, received the full
estimated amounts. He pointed out also that the railroads,
and especially the Gettysburg Railroad, did not receive suf-
ficient amounts.6 .

The bill became a law, however, without his signature. The
Gettysburg Railroad appropriation was not decided until
March, when it was finally passed by a vote of 55 to 38. Mil-
lions were squandered on turnpikes, railroad and canal com-
panies, and enterprises of all kinds. Philadelphia City voted
for the Gettysburg Railroad, but Philadelphia County gave it
only one vote; a sufficient number of Democrats from the
north and west supporting the project to make the appropri-

aNiles Register, LIU. 325.

ft See message, Harrisburg Chronicle, January 13, 1838. See also ibid., January 10, 1838.
American Daily Register, January 13, 1838.

490

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 491

ation a surety. a Though the measure could not have gone
through without Democratic votes, yet it was made one of the
chief grievances against Ritner in the coming election, it being
alleged that he was under the control of Thaddeus Stevens in
this matter.6

That the Democrats had not ceased their efforts against the
banking system was made apparent by the introduction of a
bill for the regulation of banks, especially in regard to the
issuing of notes and the resumption of specie payments. The
suspension of specie payment of the previous year, together
with a flood of paper money, formed good grounds for the
regulation of this business. In spite of meetings protesting
against the bill, "because if it become a law it will compel
many of those institutions [banks] to wind up their affairs and
require payment of debts due to them without allowing such
indulgence in the periods of payments, as the circumstances
of their debtors in most instances will absolutely require,"*
the bill passed the house by a vote of 56 to 40, the opposition
being either Whigs or Antimasons, except one member (Reed)
from Philadelphia County. a It was defeated in the senate by
a vote of IT to 13.*

The resumption of specie payments by the New York banks
had raised such a clamor in Pennsylvania-^ that the banks de-
cided on June 5 to resume payment on August 1. The United
States Bank, or, as it was called in derision by its opponents
because of a previous utterance of Ritner's, the "Balance
Wheel," voted against this move. Ritner accordingly issued
a proclamation requiring "all banks of the Commonwealth, on
or before the thirteenth day of August * * to resume
and continue the redemption of their respective notes, bills,
and other obligations in gold and silver coin, according to the

a Pennsylvania Reporter, March 20, 1838. Niles Register, LVI, 72. American Daily
Advertiser, March 19, 22, April 6, 1838. It received $195,000. For other matter relating
to the railroad, see American Daily Advertiser, December 9, 13, 16, 1837 and January 11,
February 8, 9, 17, 1838. For appropriations to improvements see Laws of Pennsylvania,
1837-38, acts No. 4, 74. Act No. 74 received the governor's signature and carried by far
the larger appropriations.

6 Account of Center County Democratic meeting. Pennsylvania Reporter. February
6,1838.

c Lebanon meeting. Pennsylvania Intelligencer. March 7, 1838.

rf Pennsylvania Intelligencer, May 2, 1838. Pennsylvania Reporter, April 31, 1838.

e Pennsylvania Reporter, May 11, 1838. See also ibid. February 2, March 6, 1838. The
Whigs introduced a bill to allow the banks to issue notes under $5, but failed because of
the Democratic majority in the house. Pennsylvania Reporter. July 26, 1838.

/ Pennsylvania Reporter, April 27, July 20, 26, 1838. Franklin Repository, May 1, 1838.

492 AMEKICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

true intent and meaning of their charters." It was also
required that "all persons or bodies corporate who have vio-
lated the laws of the State by the emission and circulation of
notes of any denomination under five dollars,, commonly
called 'shin plasters,' to take instant measures for the full
and honest redemption of the same * * * under penalt}^
provided in such cases. "a

The abolition question came up again in this session upon a
petition presented by a member from Chester asking for the
use of the hall of the House of Representatives to deliver
lectures on the "Rights of Man." It was defeated by a vote
of 56 to 27. An analysis of the vote shows that these 27 were
nearly all Antimasons. Many Whigs voted against it. But
one man from Philadelphia city, the Whig stronghold, voted
for it.6

A bill of this session which clearly showed the tendency-of
the Democrats of Pennsylvania to differ with the national
leaders upon party questions was the bill instructing the
Pennsylvania delegation to move for a postponement of
the subtreasury bill then before Congress. This passed the
house by a vote of 51 to 49, the Whigs and enough Demo-
crats to carry it voting for it.

The campaign which followed these events was the most
exciting in the history of the Antimasonic party in Pennsyl-
vania. The racial element was prominent from the first. The

a Proclamation of July 10. Pennsylvania Reporter, July 20, 1838. Niles Register, LIV,
pp. 304, 320. The question of doing away with the Bank was discussed in the constitu-
tional convention, but nothing was done. Harrisburg Chronicle, January 5, 1838. For
further matter relating to the Bank in Pennsylvania politics see American Daily Adver-
tiser, January 11, 12, 16, 24, 25, February 3, 23, December 8, 13, 22, 1837; and January 10,
February 26, March 5, 15, 1838.

bNiles Register, LIII, 354. "That Governor Ritner," said the Pennsylvania Reporter,
"is entitled to take rank among the abolitionists of Pennsylvania we presume will not
at this late day be doubted. If his private sentiments be thrown entirely out of view,
his public acts, his appointments to high and responsible stations of individuals noto-
rious for their zeal in the cause of abolition and its consequence of amalgamation, leaves
no room for doubt. He stands before the freemen of this Commonwealth as a candidate
for their suffrages, and the fact of his being a colaborer in a cause so disorganizing in its
tendencies, to the political institutions of the country, as the spread of abolitionism must
be; and so repulsive to public feeling and public morals as amalgamation, evidently
must not be lost sight of in the canvass." Pennsylvania Reporter, May 25, 1838. Many
Antimasons, however, denied the abolitionist tendencies of their party. See Dauphin
County Antimasonic convention. Pennsylvania Intelligencer, August 21, 1838. It was
not so popular among the Germans on the whole as it was with the Quakers and the
New England element. In the vote just mentioned some members from Lancaster voted
against it. See also American Daily Advertiser, January 14, 19, February 2, 3, 1837; and
January 20, February 1, 5, 1838.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 493

Whigs and Antimasons again put Joseph Ritner forward as
their champion, while the Democrats nominated David Kitten -
house Porter, of Huntingdon, one of the Democrats who had
voted with the Whigs for the postponement of the subtreasury
bill. He was an iron manufacturer and had been in the State
senate in the session of 1836-37. As he was of Scotch-Irish
extraction, the Whigs tried to turn the German vote against
him, and immediately upon his nomination their papers raised
the cry of "conspiracy against the Germans," and pointed
out the fact that only a few Germans were delegates to the
convention.**

Everything that had happened to the State was loaded upon
Ritner by the Democrats. "Since Joseph Ritner came into
power," said the Reporter, "he has received, in addition to
all the ordinary revenue of the State, a large amount in the
shape of bank bonuses, and near three millions from the
General Government, * * * yet not a mile of additional

a Pennsylvania Intelligencer, March 10, 1838. See, also, Harrisburg Chronicle, March
5, 9, 1838. Niles Register, LIV, 16. It was obviously sound political policy to cause
another split in the Democratic party. As Porter was a Democrat of the Wolf stripe it
was hoped to split off the former German supporters of Muhlenberg. The German vote
was appealed to in every manner. It was asserted that "ever since Joseph Ritner has
been placed in the executive chair he has been systematically slandered and abused,
and through him the Germans of Pennsylvania. The most opprobrious epithets have
been heaped upon him, and them, originating in that peculiar hatred which is enter-
tained by a portion of our population against German citizens. * * * When the Ger-
mans of Pensylvania are thus treated, the native Germans— the quiet, steady, and sober
farmers of the greatest portion of the State— it becomes them, as men who love their
language and their institutions, to hurl back with scorn the foul imputations attempted
to be. cast upon them and to rise in their might in support of German interests. * * *
Joseph Ritner is a German born of German parents in the German county of Berks.
Will not the German farmers flock to his support in opposition to a candidate of but
doubtful character, a portion of whose supporters always make it a point to ridicule and
defame the German name? Yes; they will this year show that the German farmers will
not tamely submit to the calumnies of their bitter enemies any longer." Lebanon
Courier, quoted in Pennsylvania Intelligencer, August 31, 1838. A great deal of this was
inspired by the attacks made upon Ritner under the title of letters to his "Kitchen
Cabinet," which were printed in some of the Democratic papers and which were imita-
tions of the famous Maj. Jack Downing letters about General Jackson. Ritner, like
Jackson, was pictured as an uneducated and unstatesmanlike figure, depending upon
his "Yankee Kitchen Cabinet," composed of Stevens, Burrowes, Todd, and Penrose.
The Democrats had many able writers who replied to the pro-German articles in like
strain. The following is an instance: " 'Our German Administration." This is the war
cry of the present humbug State administration. Does a man laugh at one of Governor
Ritner' s simple messages, he forsooth abuses the Dutch. Does he scoff at the palpable
humbug of the last proclamation, he opposes Dutch measures. Does a friend of General
Porter salute the secretary of the land office with ' Wie Gates? ' he thereby makes light of
the Dutch. If we were not almost all Dutch in Pennsylvania, means so vile, as are in
daily use to convince us that Governor Ritner's men and measures are not all Dutch
would not be made use of. His excellency's measures may be all German for aught he
or anyone else can understand them, * * * but it cannot be so easily proven that his
men are the very ' perl druck of Dutch.' " Pennsylvania Reporter, July 20, 1838.

494 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

improvements has been brought into use, * * * the
State debt has been increased, * * * the treasury is
bankrupt, not having sufficient funds to meet the demands
of the appropriation bill, and the next legislature

will be compelled to resort to a permanent loan or stop the
public improvements. "a Ritner thus entered the race handi-
capped by being made the scapegoat of the extravagance and
speculative spirit of the time, to circumstances which owed
thieir origin fundamentally to national and not State issues.

Never in any election so far considered were there more
reckless accusations, blatant falsehoods, obscene poetry, and
general bitterness displayed than in that of 1838. Ritner was
accused of being the tool of designing politicians for corrupt
ends and of being under the thumb of Stevens, whom he had
appointed president of the board of canal commissioners.®
The Gettysburg railroad, pictured in the form of a letter S,
nicknamed the u Tape worm," and ending at Stevens's iron
works, was exhibited in all the leading Democratic papers;
the church people, too, were warned that there was a " Deist"
in the executive chair; in short, every sort of device was used
to belittle and degrade him in the eyes of the people.

But if Ritner was abused, Porter was even more abused by
the artistic and ever-ready hands of Theophilus Fenn and his
fellow editors. He was accused of being grossly immoral and
of having illegitimate children, and supposed letters from them
were published in the papers with all sorts of ribald poetry
and comments. He was accused, too, of being a forger and a
swindler and the papers were full of affidavits on both sides of
the question. Political elections are notorious for such as the
above, but the election of 1838 in Pennsylvania will rank as
one of the worst in American history in this respect. Jt is
but natural that this boiling caldron of political excitement
should have led to the contested election, and the mob law and
violence, known as the ""Buckshot War," the result of which
left the Democrats triumphant and the Antimasons as a polit-
ical party crushed out of existence.

a Pennsylvania Reporter, May 25, 1838.

CHAPTER XVIII— THE BUCKSHOT WAR,

What is known as the Buckshot war was the outcome of
election difficulties in Philadelphia County. Conditions were
such that if either party succeeded in electing its candidates
to the lower house, it would have a majority in that body.
There never was any question but that the senate was Whig,
and, consequently, the election of Whigs or Democrats to the
senate from this county made no difference, and was but a
minor point of contention. It made no difference either as
to the number of votes cast for Ritner or Porter, as whatever
the results in this county, Porter was elected.** The main
struggle, then, was over the legality of the votes cast for
members of the lower house — each party claiming that it had
elected its candidates.

Of. the troubles in Philadelphia County, and the right or
wrong of the case, it is impossible to give a clear account.
There is no doubt but that both sides used illegal methods at
the polls, and the returns thus obtained were supported by
partisan officials. After the election board had met, a dis-
agreement over the results occurred, and the Whigs held a
meeting of their own. At this meeting a return was made
out and forwarded to Harrisburg by express. By this return
the Whig ticket was declared elected. Burrowes, the secre-
tary of the commonwealth, received this return in due form
and in a legal manner, while the return from the Democratic
judges was received by an agent of the sheriff and not by that
official in person. Burrowes considered that he could do
nothing but acknowledge the returns received ni the most
legal form.

The district concerned particularly was Northern Liberties,
which the Whigs claimed by 1,000 votes. Some of the votes

« The Whig account says by 5,4% and the Democratic 9,152 See Pennsylvania Reporter,
October 26, 1838. Pennsylvania Telegraph, October 10 (?), 1838.

495

496 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

for this district had been lost and trouble of a complicated
nature had arisen, consequently the judges by a vote of 16 to 7
had declared that the whole district vote should be thrown out.
This elected the Democratic ticket. The Whigs contended
that the judges could not do this, but that it was a matter for
the legislature to decide upon as a contested election.®

There seems to be no denial that the Whigs acted within
the technical meaning of the law, and there is no doubt but
that the secretary had a technical right in considering the re-
turns which he received in the legal manner as the correct
ones. But who was to decide on the correctness of these re-
turns? If the members designated by these returns were
allowed to take their seats, it would put their party in the
majority temporarily, and they could then easily vote their
party in the majority permanently. Stevens claimed by a
very clever argument that this should be the manner of pro-
ceeding. According to him, the house was not a house until
its members were sworn in, and the only way to organize it
was to swear in the members who had been designated in the
legal returns. ""Until then," he said, "no parties exist be-
tween whom to form the issue. It is absurd to say that the
prima facie decision of the contested seats in the house of
representatives can be postponed until all the undisputed re-
turns are read and those members decide the disputed ones;
because until the speaker is elected and the members duly
qualified they are not a body competent to entertain any ques-
tion. * * * Everything anterior to that is a mere con-
sentable agreement among so many gentlemen. And by the
constitution and laws there must be one hundred members
capable of voting for speaker and taking their seats at the
organization. If the disputed seats are to be postponed until
such organization is perfected, it would be easy to defeat it
altogether, by contesting all the seats and leaving none as
umpires. * * * The house is competent to take no vote
as to the right of members to seats. They must, in every
instance, be sitting members upon the returns furnished by
the secretary of the Commonwealth; and the only way which
they can be unseated, is by a petition presented by the claim-
ing members, and that petition referred to a committee se-

«Stevens's address to citizens of Adams County. Pennsylvania Telegraph, January 17,
1839. For Democratic account see Pennsylvania Reporter, October 26, 1838.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 497

lected by lot, according to the act of 1791; whose report is
final and conclusive. "a

As the time approached for the organization of the legisla-
ture, wild threats were made on each side. The Democrats
said that if the Van Buren members did not have their seats
upon the first day of the session, "twenty-thousand bayonets
should bustle at Harrisburg." Threats were made that Sec-
retar}r Burrowes would be punished for not turning the elec-
tion returns over to the clerk of the house of the previous
session upon his demand b and for stating that the election
should be treated as if there had been no defeat.6

As the time drew near the Democrats began to organize
their forces. Squads of men came from Philadelphia, " com-
mittees of safety " were formed, leaders appointed, and every-
thing made ready. The result was that upon December 4, the
day upon which the legislature waS to meet, the little town of
Harrisburg was full of armed belligerents, most of whom came
from Philadelphia County. When the session of the house
began on that day, the hall was crowded to the doors with
outsiders. d

The secretary of the commonwealth appeared and announced
to the house that he delivered to them " the official returns of
the late election for members of the House of Representatives."
The clerk read these till he got to the county of Philadelphia,
when a member arose, and pulling from his pocket a paper,
said it contained the certified legal returns. After commotion

a Stevens' s address, ibid., Pennsylvania Telegraph, January 17, 1839.

b Pennsylvania Reporter, November 3, 1838.

cNiles Register, LV, 205. Mr. Ruldoph Kelker, a prominent citizen of Harrisburg,
now living, was an eyewitness to many of the transactions of the time, and has a great
amount of literature upon the subject. He is perhaps better fitted than anyone else
living to write a correct history of the events. Much»of the present account is based
upon his corroborative testimony. Dr. Egle's account in Pennsylvania Magazine of
History, XXIII, is not to be trusted, as he was a Mason and gives an unfair account of
the matter. He says, for instance, that what Burrowes said was that "the election would
be considered as not having taken place," which is not true, as shown by letter in Niles's
Register, LV, 205. McCall's Life of Stevens, 51 et., gives a fairly good account of the
proceedings; as also does Callender's Life of Stevens. Chapter 111.

d Stevens in his partisan language describes them as follows • "An unusual number of
people filled the galleries and lobby. Several of the aisles, and the open space in front
of the speaker s chair, were choked up with rude-looking strangers and the chairs of sev-
eral members were surrounded with rough brawny bullies. My seat had the honor of
being guarded by eight or ten of the most desperate brawlers of Kensington and Spring
Garden who thrust themselves determinedly against my chair, and when 1 left it occa-
sionally, one of them occupied it until my return. Most oi them wore coats with outside
pockets, in which their hands were generally thrust: and it was afterwards satisfactorily
ascertained that they wc-re armed with double-barrelled pistols, bowie knives, and
dirks. ' Pennsylvania Telegraph, January 17, 1839.

H. Doc. 461, pt 1 32

498 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

and heated debate, Stevens proposed that they should proceed
to organize by electing a speaker, and that the names returned
by the secretary should be called, and then " if any gentle-
men thought any other mode legal, they would call such
names as they pleased, and if in so doing two speakers should
happen to be chosen, they certainly would be courteous
enough to find room for both on the speaker's platform until
the law decided between them."a

Accordingly General Cunningham, a Whig, was declared
elected, receiving 52 votes, while Mr. Hopkins, a Democrat,
was elected by that party. The two speakers proceeded to the
platform and occupied it jointly, but as no business could be
transacted both houses, now known as the u Hopkins house"
and the "Stevens rump," adjourned until the next day at 10
o'clock.*

The leaders of both parties now proceeded to the senate,
which had organized by using the Whig returns. Brown, of
Philadelphia County, who was excluded, attempted to make a
speech, but was called to order, whereupon a great tumult
broke forth in the gallery and lobby, and cries of " Hear him!
Hear him ! " together with threats against Penrose, the speaker,
and against Burrowes and Stevens, who were present. Brown
was finally allowed to speak, and loudly and persistently de-
manded his rights. While he was doing so, the attitude of the
crowd became so threatening that the whole proceedings had
to be abandoned, and the speaker and his friends had to beat
a hasty retreat through the rear windows/ The crowd then
proceeded to hold a meeting in the senate rooms, where excited
speeches were made.'* The attempt made by the Whig mem-

a Pennsylvania Telegraph, January 17, 1839.

bSee Stevens's address, Pennsylvania Telegraph, January 17, 1839. See also Pennsyl-
vania Telegraph, December 13, 1838, for Whig account, and for Democratic account
American Volunteer, Carlisle, December 6, 1838.

c Niles Register, LV, pp. 237, 238, 240. Stevens gives the following account of their
escape: " Mr. Burrowes and myself were standing in front of them near the fire. We were
urged several times to withdraw as the only means of safety, and of preventing the effu-
sion of blood. * * * Private information was conveyed both to Mr. Penrose and my-
self, by persons from the crowd, that the ruffians were arranging it to 'stab' or 'knife'
us. Mr. Burrowes * * * had left the house by a back window, and as the tumult grew
thicker and nearer, after dark Mr. Penrose and myself did the same, and were followed
by a large number of gentlemen, senators, and members of the house, as well as others.
We had scarcely got behind the Treasury building when twenty or Jhirty of the mob broke
out of the capitol and ran around to the window whence we escaped. On seeing it open,
a person present testifies that they said: ' We are a minute too late', and inquired for Pen-
rose." Stevens's address, Pennsylvania Telegraph, January 17, 1839.

d See address of Whig and Antimasonic senators, Pennsylvania Telegraph, December
10, 1838.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 499

hers of the lower house to hold a meeting was also frustrated
by the mob who pulled the temporary chairman from his seat
and the scattered fragments of the house adjourned to a hotel.

The whole city now was in the hands of the rioters. Upon
a rumor that Ritner had seized the arsenal a savage crowd
assembled before it and began an attack upon it. They were
calmed, however, by being assured that no arms would be
distributed by the governor." The mob next organized a
" provisional " government which ran things as it pleased.6
The Whig officers did not dare to appear upon the streets, and
it was publicly asserted that if they- should again try to or-
ganize a legislature, Harrisburg " would be smothered in
blood."*

Meanwhile Governor Ritner issued a proclamation in which
he described the existing disturbance and state of lawlessness,
which he. said was encouraged "in person by an officer of the
General Government from Philadelphia," and he called upon
all good citizens to help to suppress these conditions, and
ordered the militia to be in readiness. ^ The part of the proc-
lamation calling on the citizens produced no impression, for
the sheriff of the county, being a Democrat, insisted in a coun-
ter statement that there was no rioting. Accordingly Ritner
made a special requisition on Major-General Patterson, com-
manding the first division of the Pennsylvania militia. He
obtained a quantity of the ammunition then used by the Reg-
ular Army, consisting of buckshot cartridges, and proceeded

a Pennsylvania Telegraph, December 6, 1838.

& Stevens said: "They prefer provisional governments! Next will come the 'revolu-
tionary tribunal* and the guillotine, and these leaders of the 'people' will shine forth
the Dantons and Robespierres of the age! " Stevens's address, Pennsylvania Telegraph,
January 17, 1839.

c Statement of Rudolph Kelker: Stevens describes the mob in the following language-
"The most respectable of them, the 'Captains of Tens,' were keepers of disorderly
houses in Kensington. Then came journeymen butchers, who were too worthless to find
regular employment, next professional boxers, who practice their pugilisiic powers for
hire; low gamblers, who infest the oyster cellars of the suburbs. A portion of them con-
sisted of a class of men whose business you will hardly understand — dog keepers, who
in Spring Garden and Southwark, raise and train a ferocious breed of dogs, whom they
fight weekly for wages, and for the amusement of the 'indignant people Their troop
was flanked by a few professional thieves and discharged convicts. These men, gathered
up from the holes and hovels, were refitted with such cast-off clothes as their .employers
could command, and hired at fifteen dollars the head and freighted to come to Harris-
burg and instruct the legislature in its duties, and protect their rights. ' Stevens s
address, Pennsylvania Telegraph, January 17, 1839.

d Pennsylvania Telegraph, December 10, 1838.

500 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

to the city with his troops. a He arrived ori December 9, and
immediately quieted the opposing forces, although he wisely
did nothing to decide the case. Many of the men from Phila-
delphia, however, were arrested and many more were com-
pelled to leave the town.6 Ritner also applied for the United
States regulars stationed at Carlisle, but was refused/ Pat-
terson's troops stayed but a few days and were superseded
by a new detachment commanded b}r a Whig general.

Quiet having been restored and the houses again organized,
the Whig majority in the senate was found to be unques-
tioned. The question now arose, which house would the sen-
ate recognize as legal. As was to be expected it refused to
recognize the " Hopkins house" by a vote of 20 to 13,rf but
three members of the "Stevens rump" went over to the Dem-
ocrats, thus giving them the majority and breaking the dead-
lock. A resolution was therefore offered in the senate recog-
nizing the Democratic house which passed by a vote of 17 to
16 on December 25. e

Montelius, of Union County, a member of the lower house,
stated his reason for changing, as follows:

In joining my party friends in organizing the house of representatives
with the eight Philadelphia County members of the Whig party, I thought
these had been elected by a majority of the votes of the county, and had
been returned by a majority of the judges, but I soon found that this was
not true, and that eight members of the opposition party from the county
of Philadelphia had been elected by a majority of about five hundred in the
whole county, and had been returned elected by a majority of the judges.
I am sorry to say that the secretary of the State kept back these returns,

a From this and from the fact that a negro was caught who was carrying some of the
ammunition made by the Whigs at their headquarters, comes the name "Buckshot War."
A verse of a popular doggerel of the day, entitled " Last days of Governor Ritner," con-
tains an allusion to the incident:

" Come up and come down,
Come from country and town
And obey the fat Deutchlaender's writ, sir.
Come one and come all
With buckshot and ball
And take care of Governor Ritner."

From Pennsylvanian, quoted in Carlisle Volunteer, December 27, 1838.
^ Pennsylvania Telegraph, December 10, 1838.

cThis was made the subject of a very interesting debate in Congress. See Twenty-fifth
Congress, third session, debate in the House of Representatives, Wednesday, December
19. these proceedings and accompanying documents are given fully in Niles Register
LV, pp. 268, 294.

d Pennsylvania Telegraph, December 19. See also Ibid, December 13, 1838.
e Pennsylvania Telegraph, December 27, 28, 1838. January 14, 1839. Niles Register,
LV, 273.

»

THE ANTIMASONJC PARTY. 501

which I think was wrong. Under the circumstances I could not continue
to act with men who had no right to their seats no more than my oppo-
nent had to mine.«

Of the members who changed in the senate, Mr. Strohm
explained his act by stating that he could only recognize the
house when it was legally assembled, and that he had done so
according to his oathj and because he wanted especially to end
the matter and restore peace and order. b

So ended the "Buckshot war," c and so ended practically
the Antimasonic party in Pennsylvania. d

It seems from all the evidence that the Democrats did elect
their members, but the matter is hidden by conflicting state-
ments and affidavits. Philadelphia County had been Demo-
cratic through the whole period, and it was probably so in
1838, although signs of change had been seen in the attitude
of Reed, member of the house from that county in the pre-
vious legislature, and in the fact that in a special election held
there the previous year a Whig had defeated a Democrat for
Congress/ There seems to be no doubt, however, of the
culpability of the Democrats in causing the riot at Harris-
burg and using illegal and extreme methods/

Stevens, fuming over the defeat of all his plans, stayed away
from the house in protest until May, filling the papers mean-
while with his denunciations of the Democrats. The house
finally expelled him from his seat for using disrespectful lan-
guage, declaring, too, that he had forfeited it by his long
. . , t

a Carlisle Volunteer, December 27, 1838.

b Pennsylvania Telegraph, January 22, 1839.

c J. Q. Adams in his diary says of it: "The whole series of these events is a develop-
ment of our condition of no good omen to the future of our political institutions."—
Adams's Diary, X, 65.

dThe Carlisle Volunteer (Democratic) of January; 10, 1839, has the following amusing
notice: "For Salt River! To sail on Tuesday, the 15th of January [inauguration day
under the new charter]. The schooner Peg Beatty [a disreputable character whose
name his opponents had connected with Porter's in the campaign], with a full cargo of
wooden nutmegs and other notions, together with a considerable supply of live stock.
The vessel will be commanded by Thaddeus Stevens, and is expected to navigate the
headwaters of the aforesaid celebrated river. The following-named persons have also
taken passage, viz, Joseph Ritner, Thomas H. Burrowes, Theophilus Fenn, Chas. B.
Penrose. * * * The company will be select. No 'bullies' or people with ' ugly noses,
ugly looks and no shirt collars' will be permitted to interrupt the delightful harmony of
the voyage. An excellent band of music will be provided for the voyage, which will
from time to time play the delightful and popular air called the 'Rogue's March.' "

e Special election, Third district; Harrisburg Chronicle, July 5, 1837.

/They were charged, and it seems with much truth, of a design to blowup a train
load of soldiers on the way to Harrisburg. Niles Register, LVII, 27.

502 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

absence. a He, however, was triumphantly returned by his
constituents. b

The Antimasonic spirit did not immediately die out in the
State, but continued to live in the western part, where it was
connected with the temperance, antislaver}7, and anti-Catholic
movements, certainly as late as 1855/

As compared with New York, we have noted many like con-
ditions. The chief points of difference seem to be the follow-
ing: (1) The party in New York was composed almost exclu-
sively of National Republicans, while in Pennsylvania a large
number were undoubtedly Democrats, as shown by the vote
for Jackson. How, then, did the union come about? This
question brings us to another great difference. (2) The Anti-
masonic policy in Pennsylvania was primarily an anti-Wolf
policy and anti-improvement policy, in fact, just opposite to
what it was in New York. Many Antimasons in the early
days, especially among the eastern Germans, were practically
Jacksonian Democrats, but in later days were turned by Stev-
ens into anti-Jackson as well as anti-Wolf men. This was the
more easily accomplished because of the union of Wolf and
Jackson. That this could be done leads us to the third fact.
(3) Antimasonry in Pennsylvania was a far more honest and
real movement than in New York, and was deeply rooted in
the soil furnished by the various radical sects of the State.
It was because of this fact that the eastern Germans could be
led to, unite with the Whigs upon so many questions. (4) The
fourth difference lies in the fact that the New York Antima-
sons had from the start a galaxy of brilliant writers and able
and ambitious politicians in their ranks, while Pennsylvania
had few of these. To Thaddeus Stevens must be given the
credit of uniting the Whigs and Antimasons of Pennsylvania
after the partial union of 1832 had proved a failure and when

a Pennsylvania Telegraph, June 12, 1839. Ibid, January 3, June 19, 1839. Niles Regis-
ter, LVI, 228.

& Niles Register, LVI, pp. 216, 277.

e Gazette and Advertiser, February 22, 1846; Pennsylvania Reporter, October 22, 1841;
Wilson's History of Pittsburg, 803. Stevens, in 1843, tried hard to revive it, but without
success. (See McCall's Life of Stevens, 61.) The Scotch-Irish of the west had condemned
Masonry, even before the Morgan incident. Wilson's History of Pittsburg, 793. This sec-
tion contains to-day great numbers of the United Presbyterians, who do not allow their
members to belong to secret organizations. The " Christian " party, which has gathered
a few votes in nearly every national election from 1866 till the present time, has had a
strong following in this region. The pardoning of a man named Pluymart, a Mason who
had robbed a bank, formed in the early days one of the strongest arguments against the
Masons in this region.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY.

503

the opposition was disorganized and declining. The Whigs
were comparatively few in number, and by showing them
that in cooperation with him in his crusade against Masonry
lay their only chance for success he united these opposite
interests. When the farmers of the east saw that they would
have to pay taxes if the Bank was not rechartered, they were
reconciled to a large extent to Whig doctrines. Of the other
elements, the western people about Pittsburg were already in
strong opposition to Jackson because of their manufacturing
interests, and looked upon the Bank question as all manufac-
turing districts naturally would, while the people of the north-

presidential election in Pennsylvania in 1840.

west saw the only realization of their plans for connecting
the Lake with Philadelphia bound up with the Whig policy
and the Bank. We have here, then, the elements of the strong
Whig party which in 1840 carried the State of Pennsylvania
for their candidate, General Harrison/'

After all is said, the great fact in the history of Antima-
sonry in Pennsj^lvania is the personality of Thaddeus Stevens,
a Yankee leader of Pennsylvania Quakers, Scotch-Irish Presby-
terians, and German Sectarians.

a Pennsylvania Reporter, November 20, 1840. Harrison carried the State by a vote
of 446.

CHAPTER XIX,— VERMONT,

We have to consider briefly a group of States which are of
less importance in the history of the Antimasonic party than
the great political centers of the country — New York and
Pennsylvania. This group is comparatively unimportant for
several reasons; first, in some States like Ohio and Massachu-
setts the part}^ was comparatively weak; second, where Anti-
masonry was strong, as it was in Vermont, the State itself was
of little importance in the great political struggles of the time;
third, in many of these States the party was not really dis-
tinct from the National Republican party, had no original
platform of its own, and was rather a social than a political
movement; fourth, these States produced no such able politi-
cians and organizers of Antimasonry as Weed in New York
or Stevens in Penns}^lvania. It is true that the party had in
its ranks such men as Adams in Massachusetts, but it was on
the whole more of a social than a political issue with them.
With these preliminary remarks we will consider briefly the
State of Vermont.

Vermont was well fitted for such a movement. The State
bordered upon New York, and in the exciting days of the
early agitation caught some of the spirit of Antimasonry pre-
valent in that State. To this had been added the fact that
some of the witnesses wanted in the Morgan abduction trials
had escaped into Vermont. Again, the soil was favorable
because the people were almost entirely small farmers of the
religious New England type, and it was in this sort of com-
munity that Antimasonry found its most fruitful soil.a

«The newspapers of Vermont at this time seem to have been all weekly. They reflect
the life of the State very well. They usually contain very little political news, but con-
tain a great many stories, mostly of a moral or religious nature— sermons and temper-
ance exhortations. The sessions of the legislature were of but a few weeks in length and
the matter transacted was trivial, such as the repair of the roads, bridges, etc. The
papers reflect in fact the life of a rural population absorbed in religious matters.

504

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 505

As early as 1827 the excitement appeared in eastern Ver-
mont, especially in Caledonia County, and was spread largely
through the efforts of the Danville North Star, which may be
said to have been the pioneer paper devoted to Antimasonry in
the State. The county of Caledonia was henceforth to be con-
sidered the headquarters of the "blessed spirit" in the State. a

In 1828 Weed's paper was ordered from all parts of the
State,6 and town meetings were held upon the subject in many
of the towns of Orange and Caledonia counties/ In the
fall of that year a hot contest for a Congressional Repre-
sentative was waged in the Caledonia district (fifth), and as
the Antimasonic candidate, Gaboon, did not receive a ma-
jority of the votes, the election had to be contested many
times. The struggle in this district was clearly between the
National Republicans and the Antimasons, the Jackson party
never polling a large vote/' Ity October the battle through-
out the State had begun in earnest, and we hear of the mutual
recriminations and abuse of the rival sects, the troubles in the
churches, the renunciations by Masons, and renunciations by
Antimasons because of the " domination of unprincipled politi-
cal leaders," in fact, all the bitterness and feverish excitement
that marked the contest in the other States/

It is well to note here that Vermont was a strong National
Republican State. The National Republican support of the
American system could not but meet the approval of an iso-
lated and declining agricultural community such as this State
was. With the decline of agriculture came an effort to grow
wool and to manufacture woolen goods and iron. Petty manu-
facturing concerns were springing up in many directions,
especially in the eastern part along the upper course of the
Connecticut/ With these industries came projects for better
communication. A scheme was formed for a canal to unite
Lake Champlain at Burlington with Dover and Portsmouth,
N. H., through the valleys of the Onion and Wells river to
the Connecticut, and then to connect with a route formerly

a Albany Evening Journal, September 16, 1831. Seward's report in the national con-
vention, September 11, 1830.

b Weed, Autobiography, I, 309.

f Seward's report in the national convention, September 11, 1830.

d See Albany Argus, September 23, 1828. New Hampshire Patriot, September 15. Salem
Gazette, September 16, 1828.

eSee Albany Argus, October 24, 1828.

/See Vermont Watchman, April 21, 23, 1829.

506 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

surveyed for the New Hampshire canal at the mouth of the
Oliverian River in Haverhill, and from thence to Lake Win-
ipiseogee.^ Actual surveys were made by United States en-
gineers upon this route.6 Schemes for the improvement of
the navigation of the Connecticut were also much discussed/'
Keeping these facts in view, it will readily be seen that any
efforts to disrupt the party which the great majority of the
people of Vermont thought favorable to her future happiness
and prosperity would meet with the strongest opposition. It
will be readily seen, too, why the Antimasons, with their
strongholds in the eastern part of the State along the Con-
necticut, would have the same national polic}^ as the National
Republicans. That they should secede from the latter party
and form one of their own was looked upon as evidence of
sheer wantonness and selfish desire for office upon the part of
the leaders. These conditions made the hatred between the
two factions more intense, perhaps, than even in Pennsylvania
or New York.

On August 5, 1829, the Antimasonic party was first truly
organized in the State. .Upon that date a State convention
was held, which, after much the usual proceedings of such
conventions, nominated a candidate for governor. Among
those present, it is significant to note, were the Rev. Nathaniel
Colver, a noted Antimason of New York, and Henry Dana
Ward, one of the great agitators and writers from that State.
The convention was composed mostly of ministers. Much
of the time was taken up with discussing plans by which the
movement upon the west side of the mountains, where it was
stHl weak, could be strengthened. The candidate for gov-
ernor soon afterwards declined the honor. d

The party polled over 7,300 votes, and elected 33 members
to the legislature, the National Republicans electing 136 and
the Democrats 45. € As this gain is astonishing, we are not
'surprised to find that there was a cause for it in an incident
which happened immediately before the election.

About this time a man named Cutter, of Woodstock, made

a North Star, Danville, September 8, 1829.

b Governor Craft's speech, Vermont Watchman, October 8, 1829.

c Vermont Watchman, October 27, 1829.

^Vermont Watchman, August 11, 1829. Seward's report in the national convention,
September 11, 1830.

e Albany Argus, September 10, October 20, 1829. Vermont Watchman, September 8 (?),
1829. Seward's report in the national convention, September 11, 1830.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 507

an affidavit before a magistrate that he had in July met in
New York one Joseph Burnham, a Mason who had been sent
to prison, and was supposed to have died there on October 15,
1826. He was formerly intimate with Burnham, and posi-
tivety identified him. As Burnham was a Mason, and the
superintendent of the State prison was a Mason, this was suffi-
cient to convince the Antimasons that Burnham was not dead,
but was still at large. The legislature immediate!}^ began an
investigation. A committee was appointed, one of whom
went to New York and hunted up the man seen by Cutter and
found that he was not Burnham. This did not, however,
satisfy the Antimasons, and Burnham's bod}: was afterwards
several times disinterred, and finally identified by his wife.a
The incident caused feverish excitement for a while, and was
afterwards made the subject of a great deal of ridicule by the
enemies of the Antimasons.

The long-continued struggle in the Fifth Congressional dis-
trict ended this year with the election of Cahoon, the Anti-
masonic candidate. The contest had been going on for a
year, and had resulted in the gradual increase of the Anti-
masonic vote till a majority was obtained.*

The election of 1830 showed a remarkable increase in the
Antimasonic votes, so great, indeed, that of the three candi-
dates none received a majorit}T, and the election had to be de-
cided by the legislature. Crafts, the former National Repub-
lican governor, received 13,186 votes, while William A.
Palmer, the Antimasonic candidate, received 10,925, and
Meech, the Democratic candidate, received 6,285. After
thirty -two ballotings of the legislature, Mr. Crafts was elected
by a small majority/

An analysis of the vote shows that the strongest Antima-
sonic counties were Caledonia on the east and Addison on the
west. Samuel Prentiss was elected senator this year, receiv-
ing 120 National Republican votes, while William A. Palmer,
Antimasonic, received 60, and the Democratic nominee 29.

a See Albany Argus, November 8 (?), 20, 1829. Records of governor and council of Ver-
mont, VII, 360.

b Vermont Watchman, November 10, 1829. Albany Argus, November 23, 1829. See,
also, Albany Argus, September 23, 1828, May 22, September 17, 1829. Vermont Watch-
man, January 13, 1829.

c Danville North Star, September 21, 1830. Albany Argus, October 26, 1830. Thomson's
History of Vermont (Burlington, 1842), gives a short account of the election.

508 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

This shows a distinct gain for the Antimasons. It probably
puts the National Republican strength too high, as there is
some evidence that many Democrats, hopeless of electing
their candidate, threw their votes for the National Repub-
licans. a

Although the National Republicans had full sway in the
legislature, they did not dare refuse the demands of the Anti-
masons that the charter of the grand chapter and grand lodge
of the State should be repealed. There is no doubt that if
they had refused it would have but added greater strength to
the Antimasonic cause.6

1831.

The year 1831 was a very important one for the party in
this State. The State convention assembled on June 15, at
Montpelier, and nominated William A. Palmer for governor
and appointed seven delegates to the national convention. The
temper of the convention and its dislike for Jackson is shown
by the following resolution, which was offered:

Resolved, That the convention views with great regret and astonishment
the influence of Masonry — that no man is duly qualified to be President
of the United States unless he is a high Mason, murderer and a duelist.

The convention distinctly declared that it ' ' considered adher-
ence to Masonry a disqualification for any responsible office
in the State or nation. "c

The National Republicans thought that by nominating a man
who was in sympathy with the Antimasonic movement they
would help their cause and possibly unite the broken party.
They accordingly nominated Heman Allen, who had received
the Antimasonic nomination twice and declined both times. a
Ezra Meech again received the nomination of the Democratic
party. The election resulted in no choice, but Palmer received
about two thousand more votes than Allen. The Antimasons
carried the counties of Windsor, Addison, Orange, Caledonia,
Franklin, Orleans, and Essex, of which all but Addison are in
the eastern part of the State. They also elected 114 members
to the house and council, while the National Republicans

a North Star, November 1, 1831.

6See Albany Evening Journal, November 20, 1830. New York Commercial Advertiser,
quoted in same, December 3, 1830. Niles Register, XXXIX, 188. Niles says that it passed
without opposition, the Masons generally voting for it.

c Albany Argus, June 23, 1831.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 509

elected 63 and the Democrats 31. a Palmer received 15,258
votes, Allen 12,990, and Meech 6,158. When the legislature
assembled, Palmer was elected governor on the ninth ballot,
the National Republicans dividing their votes between Crafts
and Allen.6

In his message of this year Governor Palmer defined the
policy of his party in Vermont. It in no way differed from
the National Republican principles on the matter of tariff and
internal improvements/ He differed, however, in recom-
mending the abolishment of "extra judicial oaths" and in his
idea that in the appointment of officials only those "who
are unshackled by any earthly allegiance " should be recom-
mended. c

The work of the session was trivial; a few bank and rail-
road incorporation bills were passed, but nothing was done
about "extra judicial oaths." In fact, from the opposition
accounts, there was no particular hostility to the Masons. ^

Meanwhile, a very exciting contest was going on in the
Second Congressional district, composed of Addison and Rut-
land counties, in the western part of the State. Addison was
strongly Antimasonic, while Rutland was National Repub-
lican. This contest proved a victory, after many trials, for
Slade, the Antimasonic candidate/ In the Fourth Congres-

a Vermont Watchman, September 26, 1831. See, also, Albany Argus, September 17, 23,
October 20, 1831. Albany Evening Journal, September 13, 16, 20, 24, 1831. Vermont State
Journal, August 6, 1832.

& Albany Evening Journal, October 20, 1831. See Records of Governor and Council,
VIII, pp. 6, 7.

c"The approbation uniformly expressed by the people of this State of the policy of a
protecting tariff and the encouragement given to works of internal improvement by the
General Government can not fail to produce in us a hearty cooperation in suitable meas-
ures for the promotion of these great objects." Albany Evening Journal, October 27,
1831. Vermont Assembly Journal, 1831, p. 26. Albany Argus, October 29, 1831. Records
of Governor and Council, VIII, p. 263.

dSays the Vermont Watchman (National Republican): "After the struggle that has
resulted in the complete triumph of Antimasonry in the legislature of Vermont, to see
that legislature, with an Antimasonic majority, and in full and free exercise of its power,
abandon every principle held sacred before the election in relation to the appointment
of members of the Masonic fraternity to office — now to see them turn to the ' rightabout
face ' and deliberately place two high Masons upon the bench of the supreme court,
* * * place other adhering Masons in the sheriff's and many other important depart-
ments of the government, and even commit their souls to the keeping of a Sir Knight
Templar as the chosen chaplain and their bodies to the care of a Royal Arch Door Keeper;
to witness all this, we must acknowledge would most certainly excite some little astonish-
ment among the people, did we not believe they feel disposed to make very great allow-
ance for the frailty of poor human nature." Albany Argus, November 21, 1831.

« Albany Argus, November 21, 1831. See also Albany Evening Journal, July 9. 11, 18,
November 6, 1831. Vermont State Journal, July 16, 1831. Slade was a noted Abolitionist.
Schouler, History of the United States, IV, p. 301.

510 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

sional district, composed of Franklin, Chittenden, Orleans,
and Grand Isle, a lively fight was carried on despite the fact
that the Antiunasonic candidate had once turned his vote over
to the National Republicans. a In 1832 Heman Allen, of Mil-
ton (National Republican), was finally elected.

1832.

The year 1832 opened with Antimasonry in full control and
hopeful of national success. The State convention of this
year met at Montpelier on June 27, and there resolved—-
That in order to prostrate and destroy the power of Freemasonry, to main-
tain the protective system, to sustain the authority and integrity of the
Supreme Court, to support the United States Bank, to continue the con-
struction of necessary and national works of internal improvements; to
arrest the heresy embraced in the doctrine of nullification, and to vindi-
cate the pledged though violated faith of the nation to the poor Indian,
we will ourselves support, and recommend to the support of all our citizens
in every quarter friendly to the same measures, William Wirt, as a candi-
date for the office of President of the United States, and Amos Ellmaker
as a candidate for the office of Vice-President, believing them to be men
to whom these and every interest of the nation may be safely intrusted
for maintenance.

They also resolved that a "repeal or modification of the
duties on wool and woolens which shall cease to afford ade-
quate protection to the wool grower and manufacturer will
completely prostrate and paralyze the prosperity of this part
of the Union."6

Palmer was again nominated for governor and again the
election was thrown into the legislature. Palmer received
17,318 votes; Crafts, 15,499, and Ezra Meech, 8,210. In the
legislature Palmer was elected on the fort}^- third ballot/
The national election resulted in a plurality for Wirt, he
receiving 13,106 votes, while Clay received 11, 152 and Jackson
7,870. Wirt carried Windsor, Addison, Orange, Caledonia,
Frankl:n, and Orleans counties, while Clay carried Windham,
Rutland, Chittenden, and Grand Isle. The counties which
had projects for internal improvements or expected to gain

« Vermont State Journal, June 11, 1832. Albany Argus, June 13, 1832. See also Albany
Evening Journal, December 27, 1830, April 30, June 13, June 30, 1831. Vermont State
Journal, December 26, 1831. Albany Argus, December 28, 1831.

& Albany Evening Journal, July 16, 1832. Vermont State Journal, July 2, 1832.

c Albany Evening Journal, September 8, 1832. Albany Argus, September 18, 1832. See
also Albany Argus, September 18,19,20,1832. Records of Governor and Council, VIII,
pp. 58, 60.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 511

from the National Republican policy as a rule gave either
Antimasonic or National Republican majorities. a

Governor Palmer's message of this year referred again to
the "imposition and multiplication of extra judicial oaths,"
and spoke of the necessity of high tariff and the rechartering
of the United States Bank.6 In accordance with these recom-
mendations, the delegation to Congress was instructed to pre-
vent a reduction of the tariff and the appropriation for internal
improvement, to work for the recharter of the Bank, and to
uphold the Supreme Court. The matter of "extra judicial
oaths" came up again, and a committee reported favorably
upon it, but as there was not a sure majority in its favor it
did not finall\T pass till the next session. A law was passed
also redistricting the State and changing the election laws
upon Congressional elections so that a plurality only was
required on the third trial if no person had a majority on the
first two/

At the January Congressional elections, in accordance with
the new law, the party succeeded in electing three members
to Congress. They asserted that they were beaten in the
Second district by a coalition of Democrats and National
Republicans. d

The bitterness which the followers of Clay felt after the
election of 1832, showed itself in Vermont in the form of a
coalition or union with the Jackson forces in order to defeat
the Antimasons at the coming election. The Antimasons evi-
dently foresaw the move, for in the State convention held at
Montpelier on June 26, 1833, they passed resolutions upon
this subject/

The Democratic and the National Republican State conven-

'« Albany Argus, November 26, 1832.

''Albany Argus, October 30, 1832. Records of Governor and Council, VIII, p. 265.
Albany Argus, October 30, 1832.

c Albany Evening Journal, December 21, 1832. The districts seem to be on the whole
favorable to the party.

d North Star, May 20, 1833. See also Albany Argus, January 30, February 5, March 25,
1833. Albany Evening Journal, January 18, 1833. Vermont Courier, May 10, Vermont
State Journal, March 11, 1833.

«They resolved that "a coalition between two opposing parties to put down the third
at the expense of the abandonment of their distinctive party principles is a most mani-
fest departure from consistency, integrity, and republican independence, and is substi-
tuting the blindness of party zeal or the mandates of party leaders for the honest convic-
tions of truth and a laudable adherence to principle." "Resolved, That such is the
character of the coalition now forming between the Masonic parties of this State against
Antimasonry notwithstanding they shrink from a fair discussion of its principles before
the public and dare not meet its advocates in the field of honorable argument." "Re-
solved, That Antimasonry being in opposition to Freemasonry with an intent to abolish

512 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

tions assembled at Montpelier on the third of July. They
united on a ticket, with Ezra Meech, the former Democratic
nominee, at the head of it. The Burlington Sentinel said
these proceedings resulted from "the universal desire mani-
fested by all for a thorough reform of the political character
of the State. In the selection of an union ticket it will be
perceived that the delegates have been governed by a desire
to advance men to public office who are of sterling sense and
acquirements; and we can not but believe the great mass of
the people, * * * the lovers of good order and equal
rights will cheerfully come forward in their support. * * *
The fate of Palmer nnd Antimasonry is sealed in Vermont. "a

The nominee for lieutenant-governor and 8 councillors were
National Republicans and 4 were Jackson men. The Middle-
bury Free Press classified 9 out of the 15 councillors nomi-
nated as Freemasons.6

The union was the cause of much excitement, which ex-
tended to the neighboring States. Many of the National
Republican papers openly expressed approbation of the course
of their political brethren in Vermont, while on the other
hand the radical Jackson papers and the radical National
Republican papers, together with those of the latter party
with an Antimasonic tinge, denounced the scheme/ Many
of the National Republicans and Democrats within the State
were dissatisfied with the combination, and the dissatisfied
National Republicans nominated Horatio Seymour, who had
been Senator from 1821-1833.

The election resulted in an overwhelming victory for Pal-
mer. The Antimasonic ticket received 20,565 votes, the
Union ticket 15,683, Seymour 1,765, and Roberts, dissenting
Democrat, 772. The Antimasons carried the counties of
Windham, Rutland, Windsor, Addison, Caledonia, Franklin,
and Orleans. d The Democrats blamed the National Repub-

it, such a coalition for such purposes, as its advocates allege, of ' putting down Anti-
masonry' is a coalition to save Freemasonry from destruction." "Resolved, That we
continue to support the leading measures of national policy in relation to the judiciary,
currency, protection to domestic industry and internal improvements of which we have
heretofore expressed our approbation." Albany Evening Journal, July 11, 1833.

a Albany Argus, July 15, 1833.

b Albany Evening Journal, July 9, 1833. The Vermont State Journal, July 22, 1833, calls
ten of them Masons.

<?See letter of Edward Everett in Albany Evening Journal, Augusts, 1833. See also
Vermont State Journal (Antimasonic) for further effects of the scheme.

d Albany Evening Journal, October 14, 1833. See also Albany Evening Journal, Sep-
tember 6. Vermont State Journal, October 11, 1833. Albany Argus, September 9, 16, 17;
October 16, 1833. Burlington Sentinel, September 6, 1833.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 513

licans for the defeat. They said that the newspapers of the
latter " have denounced the ticket as one which ought not to
be supported because it would be considered favorable to the
administration. * * * In general, the National Repub-
lican editors opposed the ticket and denounced it to the
last.""

It was found upon the opening of the legislature that the
Antimasons had a majority in the house and council. With
this decided victory, the act forbidding extra judicial oaths
was passed November 7, 1833.* The party also attempted to
arraign the supreme court of the State, but failed to prove
its charges/

1834.

The year 1834 found Antimasonry in Vermont, although
triumphant, yet despairing of national success. In New York
the party had become practically Whig, and many urged the
necessity of uniting with the Whigs in Vermont. This ques-
tion was discussed in the State convention of this year. It
was pointed out by many that the Masonic institution was
practically abolished and that the party had all other interests
in common with the Whigs. The opinion, however, pre-
vailed that the Whigs were "Masonic," and it was decided
not to join them. Consequently Palmer was again nominated
for governor. a The Whig convention nominated Horatio
Seymour, who had been the candidate of the National Repub-
licans of the previous year/

The election resulted in a plurality for Palmer. He re-
ceived 17,131 votes, while Bradley, the Democratic candidate,
received 10,365, and Seymour 10,159. The State Journal
(Antimasonic) claimed that 102 Antimasons, 57 Whigs, and 49
Jackson men were elected/ As Bradley and Seymour both
refused to be candidates in the assembly, Palmer was again
elected. g

<i Albany Argus, September 17, 1833.

ft Vermont State Journal, December 2, 1833. Vermont Assembly Journal, 1832, pp. 150,
152. This act, as far as could be ascertained, has never been rescinded.

f Records of the Governor and Council, VIII, pp. 291, 294, 296.

d Vermont State Journal, May 26, August 4,18, 1834. Boston Independent Chronicle,
June 4, 1834. See also Slade's letter against the union, Niles Register, XLVII, 238.

e Vermont State Journal, July 14, 1834.

/Vermont State Journal, September 15, 1834.

9 Records of Governor and Council, VIII, 164.

H. Doc. 461, pt 1 33

514 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

Governor Palmer, in his inaugural message, expressed the
opinion "that a national bank, with proper powers and re-
strictions is both necessary and constitutional. * * I
deem, however, the charter of the present bank exceptionable
in several of its provisions, and am opposed to its renewal at
the present time."a

These opinions led to a great deal of criticism of him.
Many thought him about to break away from Whig prin-
ciples, and some of the Democrats even claimed him as a con-
vert to their opposition to the Bank.*

1835.

Palmer became unpopular, and some of the Antimasonic
county conventions in the year 1835 refused to ratify him,
putting Paine's name in his place. He received 16,210 votes,
while Bradley, the Democratic nominee, received 13,254, and
Paine, the Whig candidate, 5,435. Jennison, the Antimasonic
candidate for lieutenant-governor, received the Whig vote
also, making his total vote 21,316.c The Antimasonic and
and Whig votes could not be united upon Palmer, and after
many ballotings with no result, Silas H. Jennison became

governor/

1836.

The next year both Whigs and Antimasons united upon
Jennison for governor and Harrison and Granger for Presi-
dential candidates/ General Harrison's letter upon Masonry
made it easy for the Antimasons of Vermont to become
Whigs, now that their main issue was dead. Many of their
prominent leaders, nevertheless, became followers of Van
Buren/ Jennison was elected, and Harrison carried the State,
receiving 20,990 votes to 14,039 for Van Buren. The counties
of Bennington, Windham, Rutland, Addison, Orange, Chit-
tenden, Orleans, Grand Isle, and Caledonia were carried by
the Whigs. All of these but Grand Isle had been Clay or
Antimasonic counties in 1832.^

"Records of Governor and Council, VIII, 270. It is probable that he followed Weed in
this matter.

& Boston Independent Chronicle (Clay), October 29, 1834.

(•Independent Chronicle, Boston, October 17, 21, 1835.

rtNiles Register, XL VIII, 36. Records of Governor and Council, VIII, pp. 215, 218, 219,
220, 245.

e Niles Register, L, 33. Boston Independent Chronicle, November 23, 1836.

/North Star, September 6, 1836.

0See Vermont State Journal, November 22, 1836, for returns by counties.

CHAPTER XX— MASSACHUSETTS,

Long before Antimasonry received a political character in
Massachusetts its social phase was apparent there and news-
papers had been established to propagate its principles.
Massachusetts at this time furnished excellent soil for the
cause. In the cities and large towns in this exceptionally
democratic age there had been a remarkable growth of free
thought. This was shown particular!}^ in religious matters,
especially in the Unitarian movement. The spirit was chiefly
felt in the more wealthy and aristocratic communities, as may
be seen from the literature and religious controversies of the
day. In these social centers, Masonry, a select society which
tended to bring within its ranks many of the wealthy, educated,
and influential men, found its strongest foothold. In these
centers, too, the strictest Hartford convention Federalism
had existed. In the country, on the other hand, there was
more conservatism on religious matters and much hatred of the
cities for their aristocratic influence, power, wealth, and cos-
mopolitanism. These conditions, together with that natural
reforming spirit, jealous patriotism, and prescriptive religious
zeal of the New Englander which has so often displayed itself
in American history, formed an excellent basis for the move-
ment which is being described.

On June 20, 1828, the first number of the Boston Free
Press was issued, and soon afterwards another paper, the Bos-
ton Antimasonic Christian Herald, was founded. This paper
in its prospectus stated that it would ugive a general view of
the progress of evangelical religion throughout the world,
while its columns will be open to cool and candid discussions
of the principles of Freemasonry. "a By February, 1829,
there were four newspapers in Boston alone devoted exclu-
sively to the subject of Freemasonry.6

« Antimasonic Herald, Lancaster, Pa., January 30, 1829.
b Ibid., February 5, 1829.

515

516 AMEEICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

Political Antimasonry is traced back to a meeting on
November 1, 1828, in Fall River, which led to a political
organization in the Congressional elections of that year.
Other meetings soon followed, one at Dedham January 1,
1829, and one in Boston August 27, 1829. At the latter,
what was known as the "Suffolk committee" was chosen. a

A slight movement was noticeable also in the spring elec-
tions of 1829, * but nothing of real importance was accom-
plished. Every effort was made to spread the doctrines, and
thousands of copies of the Antimasonic convention report
upon the abduction of Morgan were distributed in these places,
especially in Bristol County. c

In 1830 the party showed its tirst real political strength
and succeeded in electing three senators and from twenty to
twenty-five members of the house, in the April election. a

Until 1831 they seem to have had no great political differ-
ences with the National Republicans. This year, however,
they considered that they had been unfairly dealt with in the
filling of vacancies in the senate. e This fact infused new life

« Se ward's report in national convention, September 11, 1830. See Boston Free Press,
November 14, 1828, and January 9, 1829.

&See pamphlet "Doings of the Plymouth County Antimasonic Convention," Abington,
March 10, 1829. This convention supported Lincoln for governor.

c Report of committee on press in Antimasonic national convention. See Albany
Evening Journal, March 1, 1831.

d "Proceedings of convention, May 19, 20, 1830," Boston, 1831.

ej. Q. Adams speaks of the Masonic influence exerted and says: " In every instance
they chose the Masonic candidate with the smaller number of primary votes in prefer-
ence to the Antimasonic candidate with the larger number." Adams's Diary, VIII, 364.
He speaks also of the selection of a Jackson man in place of a National Republican
Antimason, although the latter had from three to four hundred more votes of the people.
Ibid., 400.

The following account of resolutions adopted by a legislative caucus of the party June
17, 1831, illustrates their temper at this time: "Resolved, That the conduct of the legisla-
ture of this State on the recent occasion of filling the vacancies in the senate affords the
most conclusive evidence that Masonry is political and possesses the entire control of the
National Republican party of this Commonwealth." "Resolved, That we cordially
respond to the resolutions adopted by the late Antimasonic State convention in Pennsyl-
vania; that Antimasonry is necessarily political; that with attacking Masonry at the
ballot box where it is intrenched behind the political patronage and power of the
Government all efforts to destroy its usurpations on the rights and privileges of the
people must fail, and like a rebellion suppressed, must contribute to the power and vigor
of Masonic despotism." "Resolved, That it be strongly and urgently recommended to
the people of the different senatorial districts of this Commonwealth to nominate and
support for senators men of known and decided Antimasonic principles." "Resolved,
That we adopt with great pleasure the spirited resolutions of the recent Antimasonic
State convention in New Jersey; that Freemasonry is a positive evil, inasmuch as its obli-
gations require the performance of acts in direct violation of the constitutional authori-
ties of our country, which seriously affect the equal rights of individuals and the civil
and political rights of the public, for it is an alarming fact which can not be too generally
known 'that 10,000 active, efficient men, embracing almost all in office, from the President

THE ANT1MASONIC PARTY. 517

into the party and in the spring they showed surprising
strength, especially in the' Bristol district. a The convention,
too, was well attended and enthusiastic. The Masons were
denounced in a masterly document in which questions were
asked for them to answer. b

A committee was also appointed to wait upon Governor
Lincoln and ask him his position upon the question/ Gov-
ernor Lincoln, in his reply, stated that "Sincerely and ear-
nestly" as he desired the "dissolution and extinction of the
institution of Freemasonry," an institution "obnoxious to
the spirit of republican jealousy," as "chief magistrate of the
Commonwealth" he could not unite himself with any "com-
bination of men in means for its suppression." d As this, of
course, did not agree with their ideas, they tendered the
nomination to Adams, but found that he approved of Lin-
coln's course and could not be made to run against him/

In a convention in October they nominated Samuel Lathrop,
who had been president of the senate in the previous year/
As in Vermont, the National Kepublicans viewed this split in
their ranks with alarm, and did whatthe}7 could for a while to
unite the parties, but with little success; later they turned
to vituperation and denunciation.^

In the election Lincoln polled 28,804: votes, while Lathrop
polled 13,357, and Morton (Democrat) 10,975. Lathrop car-
ried the counties of Franklin and Hampshire, and polled a
large vote in Bristol. Morton carried Berkshire. h The Anti-
do wnwards, banded together with sanctions of blood and oaths of perdition, with disci-
pline, with concert, with signs of recognition, and ciphers of secret correspondence,
armed with public press, and bearing in their train the artillery of slander and of ruin of
men, are united to engross all power and influence, and to direct the resources of a great
nation to the separate profit of their order.' " Says the Argus: "In its remarks upon this
meeting the Boston Press says, 'We helped the Nationals last year to elect their quorum,
and most of the very men elected by our help voted for Jackson Masons in preference to
Antimasons. This fall we hope everything will be allowed to stand on its own bottom.'"
Boston Free Press, June 17, quoted in Albany Argus June 24, 1831. See also Albany
Evening Journal, June 24, 1831.

a Albany Evening Journal, April 12, May 20, and July 1, 1831. '

&They were answered in December by a declaration of 1,200 Masons, which only added
fuel to the fire. See pamphlet, "An Address to the Freemasons of Massachusetts," Wor-
cester, 1832. See also Commercial Gazette, December 31, 1831; New England Galaxy and
Masonic Magazine, December 31, 1831; Niles Register, XLI, 385.

c Account of the convention, Boston Free Press, May 20, 1831.

d Niles Register, XLI, 86.

« Adams's Diary, VIII, 414.

/Boston Daily Advertiser, October 8, 1831.

g See New York Whig, quoted in Albany Evening Journal, June 10, 1831. Boston Pat-
riot, quoted in Albany Argus, Octol&r 12, 1831. Albany Argus, September 27, 1831.

A Independent Chronicle, January 7, 1831. Boston Free Press, quoted in Albany
Evening Journal, January 9, 1832.

518 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

masons claimed 150 members elected to the lower house out of
a total of 490.«

1832.

The year 1832 was marked by several attempts to get the
Antimasons to unite upon Clay or to make some arrangement
like that existing in New York and Pennsylvania, but the
New England Antimasons were of stern Puritan stock and
were firmly imbued with the necessity of carrying out their
fundamental principles. If the National Republicans " con-
tended that there was no difference in principle between the
National Republicans and Antimasons, to this the fair reply
was that if so, the electoral vote might well be given to Mr.
Wirt, ' whose moral character was fair, rather than to Mr.
Clay, whose days and nights had been spent in the brothel."
Again it was urged that as the Clay men in New York had
" with a magnanimity beyond all praise joined the Anti-
masons, the}^ being the stronger party in the State, it was but
fair requital of that kind of service that the Antimasons in
Massachusetts, they being the weaker party, should unite with
the Nationals. This overture was indignantly rejected * * *
the utmost favor they would grant was the privilege of voting
for the Antimasonic ticket, with an assurance that that ticket
' will on no occasion support an adhering Mason.' " b

The Antimasonic convention met at Worcester September 5
and nominated Samuel Lathrop for governor and Timothy
Fuller for lieutenant-governor/ They organized an electoral
ticket pledged to vote for Wirt and Ellmaker, and adopted
an address in which they said they would not vote for Clay
because "no public man in the nation [has] placed himself so
directly in opposition to the fundamental principles of Anti-
masonry as he has done * * * however eminent as a states-
man [he] is so far behind the ordinary standard of morals that
there is no intimation of virtuous example in his private life."6*

a New York Whig, in Albany Evening Journal, November 28, 1831. See also Albany
Evening Journal, November 19, December 2, 1831, and Albany Argus, November 21, 1831.

&See letter from Springfield, Mass., October 16, 1832, in Albany Argus, October 25, 1832.
For other evidences of desire to unite, see Boston Independent Chronicle (Clay), August
25, 1832.

c Fuller is said to be the author of the pamphlet in which Mr. Clay was charged with
"spending his nights at the gaming table and in the revels of the brothel." Adams was
not present at the convention, and the National Republicans intimated that he was not
in favor of the movement. John Bailey, however, wrote a letter in which he explained
that the reason why he did not attend was that he had made a rule to take no part in
the pending Presidential election. Independent Chronicle, September 12, 19, 1832.

d Proceedings of the Antimasonic convention, Boston, 1832.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 519

The Boston Free Press said:

Any man who was in that assembly and who witnessed the thrilling
response when * * * the President, in a speech declared that Henry
Clay, by his own acts had severed forever the ties wrhich once bound the
Antimasons of New England to him, and might as soon hope to constrain
them to vote to establish a monarchy as to vote to sustain Masonry through
Henry Clay," would not doubt the intention of the party to oppose him
in New England.

Iii the election Lincoln received 33,946 votes, Morton 15,197,
and Lathrop 14,755. Lathrop again carried Hampshire. The
votes for the national candidates were approximately the same
as those given for governor.6

1833.

The meeting of the legislature at the beginning of this
year shows in many ways the extreme hatred that the National
Republicans bore toward the Antimasons for the part they had
taken in the State and national election. Among these evi-
dences of hatred may be cited various hostile acts shown in
the selection of the council, opposition to the petition to do
away with the grand lodge, and a gerrymander of Antima-
sonic districts of the State/

The Antimasonic State convention was held in Boston on
September 4. In the call made by the State committee was a
curious circular, in which it was requested that the delegates
" furnish the State committee * * * a correct list of
adhering Masons in their towns, their places of business and
occupations, * * * the several offices each have held or
now hold; their general cnaracter for morals, temperance,
charity, and [knowledge of] science, especially geometry \a
what number of indigent persons, widows, and orphans, are
known to have been relieved in their town, and to what

« Rochester Republican, quoted in Albany Argus, October 15, 1832.

b Boston Independent Chronicle, November 14, 17, 21, 24, December 1, 1832; January 5,
1833. Albany Argus, November 12, 26, 1832. Boston Columbian Sentinel, November 20,
1832. Niles Register, XLIII, 213.

c Adams's Diary, IX, 41. See also "Address to the People " on the political influence of
Freemasonry, Boston, 1833. The county of Bristol as a congressional district was divided.
It had 49,592 inhabitants, while 47,700 was the ratio. The Antimasons of New Bedford
and Fairhaven were neutralized by adding Nantucket and Barnstable. There was also
gerrymandering in Franklin and Norfolk. The Norfolk district was made to extend
nearly from Buzzards Bay to Boston.

dThe Masons were suppose J. to use a great deal of geometry in their ceremonies.

520 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

amount, what good or bad acts are known to have been done
by Freemasons in their towns, and whether Freemasonry has
tended to restrain or encourage the commission of crime. "a

As it was well known that Adams did not want the nomi-
nation, and that because of his radical position toward the
Masonic order there was less chance for the National Repub-
licans to unite upon him, the nomination was offered to
Edward Everett and then to John Bailey. As both of these
gentlemen declined, it was offered to Adams. The letter
addressed to him said that "No citizen * * * is at lib-
erty * * * to refuse * * especially where the
citizen so nominated is best qualified to concentrate public
sentiment in favor of those principles, and to heal the divi-
sions of part}^."6 He very reluctantly accepted/ stating that
he did so ; ' with a fervent prayer to the Ruler of the Universe
that the voice of the people of the State should concur with
yours [that] the final result may be to heal the division of
party, to promote the harmony of the Union, and to maintain
the freedom of industry and the purity of the Constitution."'7

In preparing for the election of this year it soon became
evident to the National Republicans that Lincoln could not be
run again, as a combination of both opposing parties might
defeat him/ There were, however, two men who if nomi-
nated by the National Republicans would unite the whole party.
One was Adams, who had already been nominated by the
Antimasons, and the other Edward Everett. Both were sin-
cere Antimasons. Everett had never declared his belief in
political Antimasonry , and therefore was not so likely to unite
the two parties, while he was Antimasonic enough to be
looked upon with suspicion and dislike b}^ the Masons.-''
Adams, on the other hand, although he had supported Lin-
coln in the last election, had written a letter to a gentleman in
Rhode Island, in which he advocated the election of such
members to the legislature of that State as should vote for

a Albany Argus, August 30, 1833.

b Proceedings Massachusetts Antimasonic Convention, September 11, 12, 13, 1833: Boston,
3833. Independent Chronicle, September 14, 18, 1833.

c Adams's Diary, IX, 6. See also ibid., p. 25. "The controversy seems destined to
destroy the comforts and tranquillity of my last days, and to bring my life to close iu
hopeless conflict with the world."

d Albany Argus, September 12, 1833. See also ibid., September 16, 18, 1833.

e Adams's Diary, IX, 45. See also ibid., p. 25, where Lincoln attributes to Adams's
publications on Masonry the falling off in his support.

/Independent Chronicle, May 15, July 27, 1833.

THE ANTIMASIXNTC PARTY. 521

the repeal of the Masonic charters." He was well known as
one of the most influential opponents of Masonry on social
and religious grounds in the country. He was, therefore,
opposed by all the Masonic power in the National Republican
party and by Lincoln and his friends. On the other hand, he
had behind him the powerful support of Daniel Webster and
his friends.6

As the convention drew near it was apparent that Boston
and the Masons would do their best to oppose him,0 and so
successful were their efforts that the man once President of
the United States was put aside, and John' Davis was nomi-
nated instead. d

The campaign created considerable interest and animosit3T.
The part that Boston and Worcester Masons had played in
defeating the nomination of Adams, together with the hatred
of the city by the countiy districts where Antimasonry was
strong, gave the Antimasons a greater enthusiasm, perhaps,
than they had before possessed/ Mr. Davis, however, ob-
tained a plurality, receiving 25,149 votes, while Adams re-
ceived about 18,274; Morton, 15,493; and Allen (Working-
men), 3,459. Adams carried Norfolk, Bristol, Franklin,
Middlesex, and Plymouth/ The election went to the legisla-

a Independent Chronicle, October 2, September 28, 1833. He was not prescriptive,
however. See letter to Davis, Niles's Register, XLV, 86; Adams's Diary, VIII, pp. 426,
428. His opinion of the order is characteristic : " It is a matter of curious speculation
how such degrading forms, such execrable oaths, and such cannibal penalties should
have been submitted to by wise, spirited, and virtuous men. It is humiliating to the
human character."

b Webster had been nominated on January 10, 1833, for President by the Antimasons
of the legislature.

c Adams's Diary, IX, 16. "The National Republicans of Boston have elected 63 dele-
gates to the Worcester convention, 35 of whom are Freemasons."

d Independent Chronicle, October 19, 1833. The address of the convention condemned
Antimasonry. Adams says one of the leaders against him was William Sullivan, of
whom he remarks: "Sullivan has the double venom of Hartford convention Federalism
and of spurious masonry in his blood." Adams's Diary, IX, pp. 20,24.

eThis spirit is evident in the proceedings of the convention, where the "aristocracy of
the cities" and the "monarchial" tendencies of the Masons were harped upon. Davis
was accused of being the tool of the manufacturers. General Dearborn, who was run-
ning for Congress, was called "the most eloquent and grandiloquent representative of
the Boston aristocracy."

See Independent Chronicle, August 16, November 9, 1833, quotations from Boston Advo-
cate. See, also, Proceedings of Convention, Boston, 1833. S. D. Green was editor of the
Advocate. He had been a member of the same lodge with Morgan, and had lectured on
Masonry around the country. His adventures are set forth in his book called the
"Broken Seal." His paper constantly harped on "Boston aristocracy," and later fol-
lowed Richard Rush into the Democratic ranks. Adams's Diary, IX, 48.

/Independent Chronicle, November 13, 15, 16, 20, 27, December 21, 1833. Albany Argus,
November 12, 20, 1833. Albany Evening Journal, November 15, 1833.

522 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

ture, whereupon Mr. Adams withdrew from the contest in
order to unite the two parties. a

1834.

The National Republicans in the legislature carried out their
policy of filling the senatorial vacancies with members of
their own party without reference to the actual votes of the
people.* They were well paid for this partisanship, however,
when it was seen that a resolution on the removal of the de-
posits could not be forced through without the aid of the
Antimasons. Through the influence of Adams, who saw the
danger of the Antimasons going over to the Democrats, as
they did in Rhode Island, if the National Republican policy
was kept up,c efforts were made to conciliate them. Accord-
ingly a bill to enlarge the powers of the grand lodge in order
that a building which they were erecting in Boston could be
completed was defeated. This led to the surrender of the act
of incorporation.^

In response to many petitions, a bill was introduced against
extra judicial oaths. It produced a great debate, the house on
the whole favored it and the senate opposed it. It was finally
passed by leaving out the word "masonic" and softening its.
provisions so as to make them very easy to evade/ An
investigation into Freemasonry was also begun, the house, as
before, favoring it and the senate opposing it. The house
went so far as to favor giving the committee on the matter
full power to send for persons and papers, but this was killed
in the senate, and consequently the investigation amounted to
nothing, f

a Adams's Diary, IX, 71. Independent Chronicle, January 11, 1834.

b They had a majority over the other two parties. Niles Register, XLV, 330, says there
were 297 National Republicans, 135 Antimasons, and 126 Jackson men in the lower house.
The Independent Chronicle, January 4, 1834, says that in all but two cases the Democrats
and Antimasons combined. See also Niles Register, XLVII, 182. Adams calls the
National Republican party a " Union of federalism and Freemasonry." Adams's Diary,
IX, pp. 17,70.

c Adams's Diary, pp. 9,65,66,103.

(i Niles Register, XLV, 331. Independent Chronicle, January 4, 1834. They had already
tried several times to have their power increased. They did not dissolve their organiza-
tion, although a large part of them in Worcester County especially resolved that the so-
ciety was unnecessary, and disbanded. Niles Register, XLVI, 447. Independent Chron-
icle, August 23, October 1, 1834.

e Independent Chronicle, January 29, February 1, March 13. A great deal of the debate
was caused by the Boston Masonic Mirror's statement that it would not harm Masonry.

/See Independent Chronicle, January 31, February 5, 22, April 4, 1834. See also pamph-
let, "An Investigation into Freemasonry," printed by order of the house of representa-
tives, Boston, 1834.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 523

These useless measures did a great deal to drive the more
radical Antimasons away from the Whig party, then forming,
and to turn them toward the Democrats. It was only through
the efforts of Adams, Everett, and Webster that they were
kept in the party at all.a These gentlemen tried to heal the
split by every means in their power. In declining to be a
candidate for United States Senator, Adams had stated that
the Antimasonic party was in hopeless minority, and as they
had the same policy as the National Republicans they should
unite with them.6

Early in the jrear the Antimasons addressed a letter to Davis,
questioning him as to his position on the matter of Masonry.
His reply did not satisfy them, although he greatly desired
peace and was supported by Adams/ The Whig convention
made no overtures, but nominated Davis and Armstrong. d

The Antimasonic convention was ruled by the radicals, and
its proceedings were decidedly interesting. Mr. Hallett, one
of the members, spoke of the efforts at conciliation made by
some of the party, and advocated an independent position.
1 n the course of his remarks he said :

Who is to blame, then, if this party now resolve to depend on their own
resources; to select able and sound and efficient candidates? If coming as
they do from the people, they take their candidates, not from the exclu-
sive circle of aristocracy, but from the people? Look around, sir, in this
assembly. Do you find great wealth or great individual pretensions here?
No, sir. You see the best samples that the enlightened towns of this
Commonwealth can furnish of their substantial, intelligent, moral yeo-
manry, mechanics, and workingmen, * * * men of moral courage,
the middling interest of the Commonwealth to whom alone, in these de-
generate days our country can ever look for the exercise of that moral
courage which achieved her independence. «

n Adams's Diary, IX, pp. 65, 170. Independent Chronicle, November 8, 1834. The plan
of the radicals was to unite upon Morton.

& Vermont State Journal, January 20, 1834.

"Adams's Diary, IX, 184. For Davis* s letter, see Niles Register, XLVI, 433.

fi Independent Chronicle, August 23, 1834. ^

e Substantially the same language was used in the convention of 1831. See Albany
Evening Journal, May 23, 1831. As to the nomination of Davis in the previous year it
was said: " It was pretended at the time by some of the Masonic party that the Antima-
sonry of Mr. Adams was not so serious an objection as was his former desertion of the
Federal party and his known hostility to the men and measures of the Hartford conven-
tion. To obviate this pretended or real objection to the democracy of Mr. Adams, it was
well known to the committee of the Worcester convention, who pushed Mr. Davis into
the field, that if the name of Edward Everett were presented, Mr. Adams would use his
influence with those who nominated him to permit him to withdraw in order to promote
a concentration of action in the election of Mr. Everett; * * * but the name of Ed-
ward Everett was received by the Masonic convention at Worcester with scarcely less
scorn than that of Mr. Adams although Mr. Everett never had and never has in any

524 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

As neither Adams nor Everett permitted their names to be
used, John Bailey was nominated for governor. a

The party, however, was unsuccessful. Davis received
43,757 votes, Morton 18,683, Bailey, 10,160, Allen 166.*

1835.

The beginning of the year 1835 saw Antimasonry very fee-
ble in Massachusetts. The Whigs showed their hatred of the
party by electing John Davis senator over Adams/ Never-

way detached himself from the National Republican party, but uniformly supported its
most ultra measures in State or nation, with the bare exception of the support of Free-
masonry." Proceedings of convention.

« Proceedings of convention. Bailey was a graduate of Brown University. He was a
tariff man in 1824. He attacked Otis in 1820 for his defense of the Hartford convention.
In 1831 he was a senator from Norfolk, and again in 1833. As he was not a lawyer it
was said: "His views are not narrowed down by a profession which in modern times is
almost always arrayed on the side of wealth and aristocracy against the people." The
convention report is full of such expressions, directed against " Ultra Federalists," "aris-
tocrats," "lawyers," etc. Heman Lincoln was nominated for lieutenant-governor, but
declined, and George Odiorne, of Boston, was substituted. A convention ratifying the
choice of Bailey was held in Norfolk. This convention said that "John Davis * * *
is * * * from the manner in which he was forced into office, so completely under the
control of ultra aristocracy, the ultra Federalism, and the ultra Freemasonry of Boston
and Worcester [Worcester had been called the "very throne of Masonry in the Common-
wealth " by Adams in 1833. See Adams's letter to the legislature of Massachusetts, Jan-
uary 1, 1833.] * * * that he could not, if he would, act for the people and with the
people, * * * whereas John Bailey * * * must look for support to the body of
the people, the middle interest, the yeomanry of the country, and not to the combined
wealth of the great cities and towns. * * * [As] farmers, mechanics, and workingmen,
while we respect highly talented and distinguished men, and rejoice to do them honor
wherever we find them acting honestly as friends of the people and not as instruments
of aristocracy, and freemasonry, we nevertheless are pained to see the tendency in this
country of distinguished men to combine with wealth and aristocracy against the popular
will." See proceedings of Antimasonic Republican Delegates to convention for the county
of Norfolk, held in Dedham, the 20th of October, 1834. The Suffolk meeting, November 3,
1834, resolved: "That too much influence has been unconsciously exerted over the legis-
lature of the State by means of the social influence of the aristocracy of Boston," etc.
An editorial in the Boston Advocate, November 4, 1834, says: "Will they [the people]
exercise their rights as legislators for their own best interests, or will they send men to
the legislature merely for the benefit of the great capitalists of Boston and Lowell?
* * * Shall Boston make the laws for the State; * * * shall lawyers fix the statutes
to their liking? * * * The Whig party * * * [being] entirely under the control of
the aristocracy * * * laws * * * will be framed * * * to suit especially, mo-
nopolists, men of large capital, and lawyers. * * * Boston will strive to send a regi-
ment of Whigs, all in the interests of monopolists. The country must send her full com-
plement of sound and firm men to meet this army and watch their movements."

The State convention adopted a resolution which has great significance when the
future is considered. It was resolved "that means ought to be taken to present memo-
rials to Congress from the people, praying for measures to insure a more thorough quali-
fication of adult foreigners previous to their full admission to the powers of an Ameri-
can citizen, and for a provision extending the renunciation of oaths and foreign allegiance
to a like renunciation of all oaths to secret societies.'

b Independent Chronicle, November 12, 15, 19, December 27, 1834; January 14, 1835.
Vermont State Journal, March 10, 22, 1834.

c-Niles s Register, XLV11, 387.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 525

theless, with the Presidential contest coming on, something
had to be done to unite the parties. This union^ was brought
about by the nomination of Edward Everett by the Whigs.
Such a move could not but be approved by the great mass of
the Antimasons, and consequently the choice was ratified in
their convention. a Only a few radical Masons and Antimasons
refused to concur in these proceedings. b The election resulted
in an overwhelming victory for Everett/

As the Presidential election was approaching the Antima-
sonic State convention resolved to have a national convention/
but as no other States agreed the matter was dropped. How-
ever, a portion of the party in the legislature met and nomi-
nated Webster and Granger/

The Antimasons of Massachusetts, with the exception of a
few radicals, were complete^ united with the Whig party in
the election of 1836. ^

a Independent Chronicle, February 28, 1835. The Whigs of the legislature put his
name in nomination. On October 11, 1835, the Antimasons ratified the choice, but sub-
stituted William Foster instead of Armstrong for lieutenant-governor. Proceedings
of convention.

b Armstrong was dissatisfied because Webster, Everett, and Davis had shut him out,
and did not accept the nomination but ran himself. (Adams's Diary, IX, pp. 242, 243.)
For other discontent see Independent Chronicle, October 17, 1835.

c Independent Chronicle, November 11, 14, 18, 1835.

d Pennsylvania Intelligencer, March 5, 1835.

e " Resolutions adopted by Antimasonic members of the legislature opposed to the
nomination of Van Buren and Johnson," March 9, 1836. See also Vermont State Journal,
March 22, 1836.

/Some of the party worked for Morton, as there was still great hatred of the " aristo-
cratic Whigs." Independent Chronicle, October 28, 31, 1835. Adams's Diary, IX, 313.

CHAPTER XXL— OHIO,

The Western Reserve of Ohio, settled by a New England
population and connected directly with the Antimasonic line
•of counties which led through Erie County, Pennsylvania,
into the "infected district" of New York, formed good soil
for Antimasonic doctrines. These counties were also thor-
ough National Republican counties and thus shared the fate
of that party. a

Weed says that in 1828 his paper was ordered from all
parts of this district. In his report upon the press in the
Antimasonic convention of 1830, Seward traced the be-
ginnings of the agitation in the State to the fact that an
"editor fourteen months ago, by invitation, went with only
his printing materials from the city of New York, and com-
menced an Antimasonic paper in Portage County. " b Another
account makes Ashtabula the first county in the State to
accept the doctrines/ Ity September, 1830, Antimasonic
presses had been established in Adams, Knox, Tuscarawas,
Harrison, Wayne, Richland, Huron, Portage, Geauga, and
Ashtabula.^

Notwithstanding the introduction of the issue into poli-
tics in 1829, yet there seems to have been very little polit-
ical bitterness such as marked the cause of Antimasonry in
other States. In fact it is extremely hard to tell the Anti-
masonic candidates for the legislature from the National
Republican. In spite of the great canal system of the State,
in politics Ohio contrasted strongly with New York and Penn-
sylvania, and was more like Vermont. There were no great

a In 1828 Jackson carried the State, but the chief support of Adams came from this
northern tier of counties.— Pennsylvania Reporter, November 11, 1828; Ohio Sentinel,
Columbus, November 15, 1828. The State, however, elected a National Republican gov-
ernor by a majority of 2,120. See Ohio State Journal, December 4, 6, 10, 18, 1828.

& Albany Evening Journal, March 1, 1831.

cOhio Star, quoted in Albany Evening Journal, October 28, 1831.

d Seward' s report on the press, September 11, 1830.

526

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 527

party questions apparently and no fierce or bitter contentions
over sectional matters, such as in Pennsylvania. Each mem-
ber of the legislature seems to have voted as a general thing
independently of party issues. Questions such as roads,
canals, and other matters of " purely legislative character
appear to have been decided solely on their own merits, with-
out any reference to the political predilections of the mem-
bers with whom they originated. "rt In all the course of Anti-
masonry in Ohio, there were no controversies upon the subject
such as rent the other States.

In 1830 a convention of 30 delegates from 12 counties was
held at Canton, Ohio, on July 21. It elected delegates to the
national convention, but outside of that does not seem to have
been political in its character.6 The party did not grow to
any extent, and in 1831 it had but 15 members in both houses
together/

The nomination of Wirt was received without any great
bitterness by the National Republicans. It was said " that
aside from our dislike to the party grounds upon which he
was nominated, and the decided preferences which we have
for another, we feel no objection to his elevation to the Presi-
dency. "rf The truth was that the Clay leaders saw that the
only hope for their party in Ohio was some kind of a compro-
mise with the Antimasons. If the party split, the case was
hopeless. Said a Clay paper of the time:

We must examine our position, and if it promise nothing but defeat, we
should agree to change it. If we do not, but plunge on in reckless

and hopeless desperation, defeat is an inevitable consequence. * * * If
we are so devoted to one man that, if he can not succeed, we care not who
does, then, indeed, we ought not to succeed. * * * If petty personal
predilections control us, or "coalition" terrify us, the case is hopeless —
utterly, irretrievably hopeless; it is consummate folly to proceed in the
contest. *

"Ohio State Journal (Clay), February 19, 1829.

/> Ohio State Journal, August 5, 1830. This year the National Republicans again elected
their candidate, Duncan McArthur, by about 1,000 votes.— Ohio State Journal, October 28,
November 4, 1830.

<* Hamilton (Ohio) Telegraph, quoted in Albany Argus, December 9, 1831. It is probable
that many of these were indistinguishable from the Clay members. The Moral Envoy,
November 10, 1830, an Antimasonic paper, said that in that year members were elected
from Portage, Ashtabula, Geauga, and Huron counties. The Albany Evening Journal
claimed Senator Thomas Irwin as an Antimason.— Albany Evening Journal, February 28,
1831. Jonathan Sloan, elected from the Fifteenth district (Lorain, Cuyahoga, Portage, and
Medina), in the northeast, was probably an Antimason.— Adams, Diary, IX, 114.

a Hamilton Intelligencer (Clay), November 19, 1831.

e Cincinnati Gazette (Clay), May 2, 1832, quoted in Columbus Sentinel, May 31, 1832.

528 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

The Antimasonic convention which met on June 12, 1832,
at Columbus, after tendering the nomination to several gen-
tlemen who, although Antimasons, refused to split the opposi-
tion to Jackson, finally chose Darius Lyman, of Portage
County, previously a member of the senate from that district,
and pledged an electoral ticket to Wirt and Ellmaker/'

The nomination was, however, not immediately concurred
in by the Clay party, who nominated Governor Me Arthur.
That gentleman, however, declined when it became evident
that the lack of unity would defeat him. He gave the follow-
ing reason for his actions:

With a view of uniting all who are opposed to the reelection of General
Jackson, upon one candidate for the office of governor and also upon an
electoral ticket for President and Vice-President, and with the hope of
accomplishing so desirable an object I have come to the determination to
have my name withdrawn from the list of candidates for that office at the
ensuing election. 6

Immediately after the above announcement the papers
which had been warmly supporting McArthur and abusing
the Antimasons turned about and praised the nomination of
Lyman upon the ground of expediency and of the necessity
of opposing Jackson successfully/' The union of the part'es,
however, came too late to quiet all dissensions, and in many
counties it was hardly known at all. This was true especially
in the southern counties, and led directly to Ly man's defeat.
Lucas, the Democratic nominee, received about 8,060 major-
ity. Lyman polled his strongest vote in the northern tier of
counties. d

The Antimasonic State committee, immediately after the
election, issued an address recommending the abandonment of

« Ohio State Journal, June 23, 1832. See also Albany Argus, June 27, 28, 1832. Colum-
bus Sentinel, June 21, 1832. National Historian, St. Clairsville, July 14, 1832.

ft Ohio State Journal, September 15, 1832. See also Albany Evening Journal, Septem-
ber 24, 1832.

<• Said one of these papers: " Darius Lyman * * * is a gentleman of unapproachable
character, he is in favor of the Constitution, the independence of the judiciary and the
supremacy of the law. He is in principle a National Republican. * * * We are op-
posed to political Antimasonry, but when we have to choose between a man whose
principles we oppose and whose moral character is disreputable; and one who stands high
for his talents and integrity and whose politics are National Republican, we can not
hesitate." Hamilton Intelligencer, September 27, 1832. For similar expressions, see Ohio
State Journal, September 29, 1832.

d Columbus Sentinel, October 25, 1832. See also Albany Argus, October 18, 20, 22, No-
vember 2, 1832; New York Standard, October 17, 1832; Albany Evening Journal, October
29, 1832; National Historian, St. Clairsville, October 27, 1832.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY.

529

the Antimasonic electoral ticket and the support of the Clay
electoral ticket, with the idea that if Wirt had the greater
number of votes throughout the country the ticket would be
thrown for him — in fact, they proposed somewhat the same
arrangement as in New York." This brought a storm of pro-
test from the radical Antimasons throughout the State, and
led to dissentions and to the dividing of the opposition to
Jackson,6 although the National Republican papers tried to
keep before the minds of the Antimasons that it was a mu-

Shaded portions represent the strongholds of political Antimasonry.

tual ticket, which would be given to the highest number of
votes/ The coalition was unsuccessful, as Jackson received
4,707 votes for a majority. There were only about 500 votes
given to Wirt independently in the Stated It is entirely
probable that the Antimasons of Ohio voted with a fair de-

n See Columbus Emigrant Extra, quoted in Albany Argus November 2, 1832. See also
Albany Argus, October 26, 1832; Hamilton Intelligencer, October 20, 1832; Ohio Sentinel,
October 25, 1832; Niles' Register, XLIII, 138.

& Albany Argus, November 1, 2, 1832; Boston Columbian Sentinel, November 26, 1832.
Protests "condemning any bargain" had been made before the union took place. See
National Historian, October 13, 1832, report of Uniontown, Belmont County, Antimasonic
meeting.

<-• Ohio State Journal, October 27, 1832.

d Ohio State Journal, November 17, 1832; Columbus Monitor Extra, quoted in Albany
Argus, November 17, 1832.

H. Doc. 461, pt 1 34

530 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

gree of enthusiasm for the CJay electoral ticket. They were
accused of treachery by the National Republicans throughout
the country, but the Ohio Clay papers did not support this
charge and praised them for their zeal.a

This election was the deathblow to Antimasonry in Ohio
and although conventions were held after this b and petitions
were sent to the legislature constantly Apolitical Antimasonry
united in 1834 with the new Whig movement in Ohio which
arose over the opposition to the nomination of Van Buren.^
The Antimasonic cause never had great strength in Ohio
and is chiefty important for its possibilities to the party if it
had developed. The Antimasonic leaders and newspapers of
the East gave much attention to it, and as we shall see the
party sought a president from the State in the person of Judge
McLean/

a Ohio State Journal, November 24, 1832.

b Pennsylvania Telegraph, March 12, 1834; Pennsylvania Intelligencer, November 26,
1834.

c Ohio Statesman and Annals of Progress, Columbus, 1899, p. 166.
dOhio State Journal, October 25, 1834.
« For other States see the appendix.

CHAPTER XXII— ANTIMASONRY IN NATIONAL POLITICS.

As early as 1827 the leaders of the party in New York had
already formed the plan of a great national organization, and
efforts were made to ascertain the position of Henry Clay upon
the question of Masonry, in view of making him a possible
candidate. a

In 1828, as we have already seen, Adams made himself the
national leader of Antimasonry by his letter upon that subject
during the campaign.6 He, however, did not suit the pur-
poses of the leaders; the " cause needed a new name not before
identified with its history. * * * It felt that it could
derive no strength or prestige from the nomination of one of
its well known and practiced leaders. "c Then, too, he was
unpopular in New York and his nomination would hurt the
cause there. d

It was to Henry Clay, therefore, that the party turned for
a leader who would unite all the elements of opposition to
Jackson; but, unfortunately, Clay was a Mason. As he was
known to be but half-hearted in his adherence to the order
every sort of pressure was brought to bear to make him re-
nounce it, or at least show that he was in sympathy with
political Antimasonry/ But the actions of the Antimasons

« Weed, Autobiography, I, 350.

ft Albany Argus, August 6, 26. 1828.

<-Seward, Autobiography, I, 90.

rfSeward to Weed, September 14, 1831. Weed, Autobiography, I, 41.

«Clay's Correspondence, 304, January 23, 1831. "I have been urged, entreated, im-
portuned, to make some declaration short of renunciation of Masonry, which would
satisfy the Antis. But I have hitherto declined all interference on that subject. While
I do not, and never did care about Masonry, I shall abstain from making myself any
party to that strife. I tell them that Masonry and Antimasory has legitimately in my
opinion nothing to do with politics; that I never acted, in public or private life, under
any Masonic influence: that I have long since ceased to be a member of any lodge; that
I voted for Mr. Adams, no Mason, against General Jackson, a Mason." See letter to Anti
masons in Niles's Register, XLI, 260, in which he said that to use the power of Govern-
ment to " abolish or advance the interest of Masonry or Antimasonry * * * would
be an act of usurpation or tyranny."

531

532 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

of New York, as reported throughout the country/' as well
as the inconsistency of renouncing Masonry for merely politi-
cal purposes, led him to "disclaim and repudiate the party."6
This was a hard blow to Weed and his fellow-politicians, who
had carefully worked the matter up for some time under try-
ing criticism and adverse circumstances. c

The Antimasons "generally sympathized with Mr. Clay
upon questions of Government policy, and especially in regard
to the question of protecting American industries. "rf So anx-
ious, indeed, were they to secure Clay as a leader that the
Antimasonic papers industriously tried to clear away and
explain the Masonic stain. It was said that Clay looked upon
Masonry as a "mere bauble." He had but to utter the
slightest platitudes (as was afterwards the case with Wirt) to
become the candidate of the party. Said the Antimasonic
Providence American:

We care not about his renouncing Masonry, but he should let us know
that he is bound by no oaths and no ties that have not for their [aim] his
country's welfare, his whole country's good. Another year will not pass
before we shall see this, or Henry Clay is not the ' ' frank and peerless
man" he has ever shown himself. e

Hopeless of securing Cla}7, the leaders looked around for a
candidate who would in some way be in sympathy with their
doctrines and at the same time be popular in the three great
States of New York, Pennsylvania, and Ohio. Calhoun was
considered, because, as Seward said, "Calhoun, more than any
other of the candidates, talks Antimasonry,"/ but he was an
impossibility, because "the stain of nullification" was "too

a Weed, Autobiography, I, 353.

&Ibid.

c The action of the Clay Masons in New York in the election of 1830 aroused the indig-
nation of many of the Antimasons and made it exceedingly hard to put his name for-
ward. The executive committee of the Antimasonic party in New York wrote to him,
November 24, 1830, and told him they could "not directly support him because of the
election of 1830." Clay's Correspondence, 290.

dWeed, Autobiography, I, 350. See also Clay's Correspondence, 309. Independent
Chronicle, September 12, 22, 1832. This was true everywhere, except among some of the
Germans of Pennsylvania.

« Albany Evening Journal, June 6, 1831. See also Ibid., August 3, 1831, and the account
of the Antimasonic and National Republican meeting at Abingdon, Mass., July 4, 1832.
for similar expressions. Certificates, probably false, were made to show that he had
demitted. Niles Register, XLI, 346. Rush offered his services to Clay, if he would con-
ciliate the Antimasons. Clay's Correspondence. 299.

/Seward, Autobiography, I, 184. He did not believe in proscription, however.— Cal-
houn's Correspondence, Manuscripts Commission, 1900, pp. 293, 296.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 533

black upon his record.7'" Richard Rush was then thought of,
but he soon made it known that he should decline if offered
the nomination.6

Negotiations were next opened with McLean, of Ohio. Ohio
seemed to furnish good ground for the Antimasonic spirit,
because of its large National Republican New England popula-
tion, and it was hoped that if McLean was nominated the State
would become Antimasonic. The party would then, it was
thought., control the three great States. c McLean was com-
municated with and gave his consent on condition that no
other candidate should be put forward against Jackson. ^
New England, however, strongly favored Adams and was
jealous of McLean, because it was thought that he was "a
protege" of Calhoun's, a feeling which was thought by Seward
to have been " grounded upon conversation with Mr. Adams
regarding McLean. "e Seward went to Boston to patch the
matter up, and found Adams unwilling to run, although, if
nominated, he would not decline. He did not wish to disrupt
the National Republican party, and regarded "a harmonious
choice at Baltimore" as " vastly more important than a per-
sonal question."/

Before the convention assembled it became known that Clay
would accept a nomination from the National Republicans.
This brought a letter from McLean declining the nomination. d
The party was thus left without a candidate when the conven-
tion opened. However, Weed, accompanied by John C.
Spencer, Albert H. Tracy, of New York, and Dr. Abner
Phillips, of Boston, called upon William Wirt and induced
him to become a candidate/ although he was a Mason and had
never renounced the order. He was, ^nevertheless, nominated. h

aSeward, Autobiography, I, 184. Says Seward, "the free, the cold, clear, intelligent
North is the field for the growth of our cause. Let us not jeapordize it by transferring
its main stalk into South Carolina sands. The great States which we need, and must
combine, are Pennsylvania, Ohio, and New York. In these Calhoun is lost." Ibid., 1, 195.

b Adams's Diary, VIII, 403.

<? Seward, Autobiography, I, 195.

rfWeed, Autobiography, I, 389.

eWeed, Autobiography, II, 41.

/Ibid. See, also, Seward, Autobiography, I, pp. 198, 206.

(/Weed, Autobiography, I, pp. 390, 391. I have not included an extended account of
the convention, because the proceedings throw no new light upon the subject. The
proceedings contain the average Antimasonic speeches and are of little significance.

A Stevens opposed his nomination to the last moment, thinking that if the nomination
was forced upon McLean he would accept. Seward. Autobiography, I, 90.

534 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

His letter of acceptance states his ideas upon the subject.
It may be called a practical renunciation of Masonry, although
he nowhere announces the fact explicitly, nor does he con-
demn and denounce the order. .In fact, his letter makes light
of the whole affair, and is in astonishing contradiction to the
supposedly proscriptive tendencies of the movement. He
does not say that no Mason should be elected to office. In
short, he says nothing which could be objected to by the
Masons of the National Republican party. This remarkable
document said, in substance:

I have repeatedly and continually, both in conversation and letters of
friendship, spoken of Masonry and Antimasonry as a fitter subject for
farce than tragedy and have been grieved at seeing some of my friends
involved in what appeared to me such a wild and bitter and unjust perse-
cution against so harmless an institution as Free Masonry.

He then acknowledged that he had received a sudden change
of ideas upon the subject, and did find some harm in the action
of some of the overzealous members of the order. As to
Antimasonry he said:

I had supposed that the very principles of your union was a war of
indiscriminate proscription against all persons throughout the United
States who had ever before borne the name of a Mason; that you would
put in nomination no person who had ever been a Mason himself, and who
would not moreover pledge himself to become party to such a war of indis-
criminate extermination, and wield the appointing power of the office
under your dictation; who would not, in short, become the President of
your party instead of being the President of the United States. I am
happy to find that this is an error; * * * I am relieved from both
these apprehensions by learning since your assemblage here that you have
no other object in view than, in effect, to assert the supremacy of the
laws of the land; that you seek to disturb no portion of the peaceable and
virtuous citizens of our country.0

Such equivocation and so entire a reversal of all they had
been fighting for disgusted the more earnest Antimasons and
it was held by many that from the principles he avowed he
4 'had no claim for the support of the Antimasons superior to
either Jackson or Clay." b Wirt's actions, too, after the nomi-
nations were not such as would inspire hope or confidence.
He was old and sick, and no sooner was the step taken than he

« See "Letters of Rush, Adams, and Wirt." Boston, 1831, p. 46. Kennedy's Life of
Wirt, II, 304. " Proceedingsof Convention of 1831," Boston, 1832. Niles's Register, XLI, 83.

b Huntingdon Gazette ( Pennsylvania) quoted in Albany Argus, October 18, 1831. Niles's
Register, XLI, 378.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 535

wished to withdraw. He said that his only object in accept-
ing the nomination was to unite the party, and as he could not
do this, he did not want to continue in the race, but desired
the election of Clay.0 The leaders were, however, more than
satisfied and immediately set about forming schemes for get-
ting the votes thrown upon Antimasonic grounds for Wirt to
benefit Cla}r, the Mason who had scorned their cause. How
well they accomplished this we have seen. We have seen
that their plans miscarried in every State except New York,
Pennsylvania, and Ohio, and even in Pennsylvania the Ger-
mans broke away and threw their votes for Jackson.*

The national election of 1832 proved the futility of trying
to run a national ticket again on the Antimasonic issue. In-
deed, the chief leaders thought the party politically dead.c
But if it was dead as a national party, yet it was obvious that
the support of these sections was absolutely necessary to the
next anti- Jackson nominee of 1835. It was also obvious that
Clay, because of his lack of prestige in those districts on
account of his previous campaign position and his compromise
upon the tariff question, could not hope to unite these elements
into the anti- Jackson party of the future. d

Daniel Webster had upon various occasions shown his sym-
pathy with the Antimasonic cause/ and Clay being an impos-
sibility, the party now turned their eyes toward him. On
January 10, 1833, he was nominated by a meeting of the An-
timasons of the legislature of Massachusetts, and all through
that year he intrigued with the great leaders in New York for
their support/ We have already seen how he gained the sup-
port of the radical Antimasons in Pennsylvania by his letter in
in which he severely condemned Masonry and agreed with their
tenets.9' The fact that he came from New England, together

a Kennedy's Life of Wirt, II, pp. 317, 319, 363, 369.

b Weed and Wirt both assert that Clay's refusal to renounce Masonry spoiled his
chances for the Presidency. Weed, Autobiography, I, 364. Kennedy's Life of Wirt, II,
380. It is probable that he could never have secured it even if he had renounced. If
Clay had become an Antimason he would have lost many votes not only in Pennsylva-
nia and New York, but in New England, especially in the cities where the Antimasons
were bitterly hated, and it is probable that he could not have gained much from the
German Antimasonic Jackson vote of Pennsylvania.

cSeward, Autobiography, I, 232. Adams's Diary, IX, March 27, 1834.

dSee extracts from Ontario Phoenix, New York, and Boston Free Press, in Albany
Evening Journal, March 30, 1833. See also Albany Evening Journal, February 26, 1833.

e Adams's Diary, IX, 71.

/Tracy to Weed, June 10, 1833. Weed, Autobiography, II, 49.

0Niles Register, XL1X, 293, gives the letter.

536 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

with his attitude toward the South, made him difficult to accept
throughout the country. A new man of no positive principles
was demanded for such a disjointed movement as the Whig-
party. Accordingly Harrison's statement, that Freemasonry
was a u moral and political evil,1' was made to serve what pur-
pose it could, and although the Massachusetts Antimasons again
nominated Webster and coupled with his name the champion
of New York Antimasonry, Francis Granger,a Harrison had
not only all the important States at his back, but a large fol-
lowing in the South, and, as we have seen, remained the candi-
date of the party.6

On September 11, 183Y, fifty-three Antimasons from Penn-
sylvania, Ohio, New York, and Massachusetts met in Phila-
delphia and decided to hold a nominating convention the next
year. On November 13, 1838, this convention met in Phila-
delphia, and after denouncing the Administration, and espe-
cially the subtreasury plan, upon the motion of the reconciled
Stevens, nominated Harrison and Webster/ Webster was
again sacrificed to the interests of the Southern Whigs and
Tyler was nominated in his place. This marks the closing
scene of the Antimasonic party in national affairs.^

Although various attempts were made to unite the Anti-
masonic members in Congress into a party, yet they all failed/
and Antimasonic members voted with the National Repub-
licans almost without exception/

a Vermont State Journal, March 22, 1836.

bThe ticket was Harrison and Granger, finally.

cNiles Register, LV, pp. 176, 221. Pennsylvania Intelligencer, November 16, 1838.
Pennsylvania Reporter, November 16, 1838. An electoral ticket, pledged to support this
ticket, headed by ex- Governor Shulze, was nominated soon after in Pennsylvania. Niles
Register, LV, 209. The Pennsylvania Telegraph, the organ of the Antimasons, kept these
names at the head of its columns till December 11, 1839, when they gave place to the
regular Whig nominees.

dThe National Christian party, founded in Illinois in 1867, kept up the idea. On Sep-
tember 12, 1882, they erected a monument to Morgan. Weed says that Seward's anti-
masonry hurt his chances for nomination in I860. Weed, Autobiography, II, 295.

e Adams's Diary, VIII, 430, gives the only instance of such organization. At the begin-
ning of the Twenty -second Congress eighteen of the party threw their votes for John W.
Taylor, of New York, for speaker. For Antimasonry in Congress see also Adams's Diary,
VIII, 441, IX, pp. 114, 372.

/See votes on bank question, Albany Argus, January 9, 1832; Albany Evening Journal,
July 6, 1832. Deposit bank bill, Harrisburg Chronicle, June 29, 1836. The bill to prevent
the circulation of the notes of the Bank, Pennsylvania Reporter, April 27, 1838. On the
tariff, Albany Argus, January 11, 14, 1833; Pennsylvania Intelligencer, January 10, 1833.
The act to appropriate the proceeds of the sales of public lands, Pennsylvania Telegraph,
September 20, 1832.

CHAPTER XXIII— ANALYSIS OF ANTIMASONRY.

Having- considered the political history of the party, it is
well to inquire before completing this study as to the condi-
tions that caused the movement and to point out some of the
significant factors in its organization and the incidental aids
to its growth. That anthnasonry should have sprung into
prominence from apparently so slight a cause leads us to sus-
pect that there were a great many more reasons for its rapid
growth and strength than the excitement over the abduction
of William Morgan.

The peculiarly desperate and declining condition of the
opposition to Jackson and the connection of this opposition
with the young strength of Antimasonry has been already
considered in this paper.^ There are, however, conditions
favorable to the growth of Antimasonry and incidental to it
which have received but slight mention and must now be
summed up and given their place before a history of the Anti-
masonic party is complete. The first thing that strikes our
attention upon closer inspection is that this strange agitation
occurred in the remarkable period of the Jacksonian Democ-
racy, an era in America of the Renaissance of the Rights of
Man, and of renewed Jeffersonism. It was a period, too, of
the extension of the franchise, of humanitarian movements
such as temperance, abolition of capita] punishment, and of
imprisonment for debt, of the struggle for workingmen's
rights, of educational reforms, of Owenism, of Fanny Wright-
ism, of the beginnings of the Abolition agitation, and of many
other equally radical movements. In religion also it was an
age of free thought, discussion, struggles over dogma, and with
it a strong reactionary spirit which was almost fanatical in its
hatred of the new French ideas and of Unitarianism and free

537

538 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

thought in general. The religious activit}7 of the time is
shown by the agitations over the Sunday mail, the proposed
Christian party in politics, the increased zeal for missions,
Bible and tract societies, the growth of the Mormons and other
peculiar sects, and of the powerful Campbellite agitation in
the South. Europe was occupied with the French and Polish
revolutions which especially excited American sympathies.
It is not surprising that out of this seething mass Antimasonry
should have risen. We must, then, in order to find the true
basis of the party look beyond the mere Morgan incident and
examine into the conditions we have observed and find the
reasons outside of those already mentioned which made pos-
sible the rise of so great a political movement from so appar-
ently trivial a cause.

The first fundamental consideration is the attitude of the
Masons. All evidence points to the fact that at the time of
the Morgan affair the Masonic institution ' ' may be said to
have been in its palmy state " a and had in its ranks the wealth}r
and influential men in all walks of life. When it was attacked
because of the Morgan abduction, its loyal members sprang
forward at once to defend it by tongue and pen. Papers were
established and able editors secured to defend the order/'
while other papers under the influence of the order or from
political purposes either fought its battles or sought to hush
up the outcry/ The strength gained by this means was so
great that in the early part of 1827 there was actually a reac-
tion in favor of Masonry. d The members of the order grew
confident, entered politics, and boldly upheld their principles/

a Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 237.

b The Craftsman of Rochester, the Masonic Tyler and Anti Masonic Expositor of Phila-
delphia, the Xenia Atheneum of Ohio, New York Saturday Evening Gazette, Boston
Masonic Mirror, Anti Masonic Opponent of Lancaster, Pa., and many others.

c Such was the case with nearly all the Democratic papers and some of the National
Republican papers, such as the Ohio State Journal, Boston Columbian Sentinel, Albany-
Ad vertiser, Boston Independent Chronicle, Pawtucket Chronicle, Groton(Mass.) Herald.

d Weed, Autobiography, I, 249.

<>Weed, Autobiography, I, pp. 300, 350. At this time they openly called the men who
had pleaded guilty of abducting Morgan "Masonic martyrs." It has been asserted by
Rush (Letters on Freemasonry, Boston, 1831) that not a single one of these men was
expelled from the order. Notices of such expulsions have been looked for, but have
not been found. Masonic papers and histories since have been industriously engaged
in seeking to disprove the Morgan abduction. The American Freemason of Louisville
was especially strong in its arguments. See also The Masonic Martyr, by Robert Morris,
Louisville, Ky., 1861. This gives a Masonic account of the conviction of Eli Bruce, sheriff
of Niagara County.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 539

Such determined opposition and such strength displayed
served only to prove their opponents' arguments that the or-
ganization was using its strength for political purposes, a and
that they were trying to subvert the Government. This added
fuel to the flame and led to a white heat of excitement which
finally demolished their lodges and destroyed their organi-
zation. If the}7 adhered to their doctrines they were accused
of fostering the "spirit of their indomitable opponents,"6
while, on the other hand, when they renounced it was looked
upon as an additional proof of their misconduct and original
evil intentions. Said Harvey, a Mason:

Lodges by scores and hundreds went down before the torrent and were
swept away. In the State of New York alone upward of 400 lodges, or
two-thirds of the craft, became extinct. * * * In June, 1838, there
were only 46 lodges at work in Pennsylvania. c

The majority of the Masons were thought to be naturall}T
opposed to the Jacksonian Democracy/' forming as they did a
select class in the community; but whether this was so or not,
it became evident that the most of them were driven event-
ually into the Jackson party. The reason for this is twofold:
(1) The union of the Antimasons with the National Repub-
licans, especial \\ in New York, Pennsylvania, and Ohio. (2)
The attitude of Jackson, who alone of the great leaders sup-
ported and praised the Masonic institution openly, and even
in the midst of the excitement complimented the Grand Lodge
of Massachusetts and declared: that in his opinion " the Ma-
sonic society was an institution calculated to benefit mankind
and trusted it would continue to prosper."'' In Pennsylvania
it was said that the grand lodge became a bod}7 of Demo-
crats/ in New York the Democratic party became full of

« Quotations were given in the Antimasonic papers showing that Masons had appealed
to brother Masons for votes upon purely Masonic grounds. One of these was from the
Boston Sentinel, March 30, 1816, in which an article appeared stating that a Mason was
under obligation to vote for a brother Mason and signed by a Master Mason. Another
urn- was an appeal to the Masons to support Clinton for governor of New York. This
article appeared in the New York National Union October 30, 1834. These can be found
in almost any volume of Antimasonic newspapers.

&New York Commercial Advertiser, in Ohio State Journal, December 1, 1832.

c Harvey Lodge 61, F.and A. M., Wilkesbarre. See also notices of dissolution in Albany
Argus, March 13, 1829; Albany Evening Journal, December 2, 1830, and July 2, 1833 (pro-
ceedings of grand lodge held June 5); Independent Chronicle, Boston, August 23, 1834.
Schultz History of Freemasonry in Maryland, III, 6; Niles' Register, XLVII, 281.

rfWeed, Autobiography, II, 40.

eSeward, Autobiography, I, 145.

/Harvey Lodge 61, F. and A. M., Wilkesbarre.

540 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

Masons, a and in the other States the same tendency was
exhibited. As time went on, however, it became apparent
that the Antimasonic party was little more than an Anti-
Jackson party, and consequently the Masons crept back into
the National Republican ranks and worked with so-called
Antimasons like Weed. The various " coalitions" which have
been previously described show us this plainly.6

The next element to be considered is the religious and moral
basis of Antimasonry. We have already noted that the period
was one of intense religious activity. On July 4, 1827, in
the Seventh Presbyterian Church of the City of Philadelphia,
Ezra Stiles Ely preached a sermon in which he said:

I propose, fellow citizens, a new sort of union, or if you please, a Chris-
tian party in politics, which I am exceedingly desirous all good men in
our country should join, not by subscribing to a constitution, but by
adopting and avowing to act upon religious principles in all civil matters, «

Such a statement could not but cause excitement in so demo-
cratic a period, and when a great petition was drawn up request-
ing Congress to pass a law forbidding the transportation of
the Sunday mails, it was immediately thought that a party
was in formation which had as its object the union of church
and state. d At this time also the more orthodox members
of the Congregational Church were alarmed at the different
beliefs creeping into their fold and strove to have their creed
more strictly denned. For this purpose it was proposed by
many to adopt synods like those of the Presbyterian Church
in order to define their tenets exactly. A large body of the
church even desired the union of the two churches/ Under
these circumstances, many people became uneasy and feared
lest the final outcome of these conditions and such expres-
sions should result in the union of church and state. Charges
that the union was in progress were frequently made, par tic u-

a Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 402, Whittlesey's account.

b For Masons voting for Antimasons, see Weed, Autobiography, I, 369. Albany Argus,
August 4, 1828; February 5, June 3, 1831; August 14, October 9, 1832; Albany Evening
Journal, September 24, 1832; August 3, 1833. Mr. Holcomb's speech in the Pennsylvania
house of representatives, Pennsylvania Reporter, March 4, 1834. For Antimasons voting
for Masons, see Albany Argus, March 22, 26, October 5, 14, 16, November 27, 1830; Septem-
ber 18, 1832. The Sun, of Philadelphia, quoted in Pennsylvania Reporter, September
10, 1830.

c Ohio State Journal, February 2, 1831.

d Vermont Watchman, May 5, 1829. Ohio State Journal, November 4, 1830. Pennsyl-
vania Reporter, January 29, 1830; March 4, 1834 (?).

« Cincinnati Christian Journal Presbyterian), January 14, 1831.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 541

hirly by the liberals and the opponents of the Presbyterians
and Congregationalists."

The Antimasonic party, having so many of the prominent
religious men of the country in its ranks and being at this
time in a crusade in which "churches were distracted,"6 natu-
rally entered as another element in the religious distress of
the period. In New England this was especially true as the
party there was composed of the ultra religious country people
already in opposition to the liberal spirit of the cities.
It can be easily seen from these circumstances that the party
soon received the stigma of the "Christian party in politics. "c

Indeed if there was a religious party in existence it was the
Antimasonic, for it wielded religion as one of its strongest
weapons. Not only was every effort directed against Masonic
preachers and laymen/ but the churches in their councils con-
demned the order. The charge was made that the —

Masonic Society professes to find its foundation in the sacred volumes, to
have an intimate relation with Solomon's Temple, and to be a religious
fraternity — a household of faith — a band of mystic brethren. Examining
it in the light, we find the religion of the association to be a mixture of
Paganism and Mohammedanism, with a corruption of Judaism and Chris-
tianity; for many professed Christians, many Baptists, Jews, and even
Gentiles are found in its community. We also find that it perverts the
meaning [of Christianity] and is full of names of blasphemy and [is guilty
of] administering illegal, profane, and horrible oaths. e

a Christian Register (Unitarian) , Boston, August 23, i828. This paper contains also a ref-
erence to the Christian Advocate and Journal, New York, August 15, to the same effect.
The orthodox in New England were charged with the "design of electing an orthodox
State legislature, with the ultimate purpose of renovating our supreme judicial court and
bringing it under subserviency to the dictation of orthodox ecclesiastics." * * * The
Recent Attempt to Defeat the Constitutional Provisions in Favor of Religious Freedom
Considered in Reference to the Trust Conveyance of Hanover Street Church, Boston, 1828.

feWeed, Autobiography, I, 289.

c Albany Argus, September 25, 1829: November 29, 1831. Lancaster Anti-masonic Herald,
April 16, 1830. So strong was the fear of the union of church and state that a paper was
founded with the avowed object of preventing it. The paper was called "The Defender
of Our Religious Liberties and Rights," and in its prospectus it announced its purpose to
be "to expose and resist such measures, in either sect, the design or tendency of which
appears to be the union of spiritual and temporal power or sectarian ascendency or
aggrandizement." Albany Argus, June 10, 1831. The Antimasonic papers of the day all
have a religious tone. The Albany Evening Journal, the Lancaster Antimasonic Herald,
and Vermont papers all show this.

dguch as to exclude them from communion. Albany Argus, January 5. July 19, 1829;
September 10, 1831: November 24, 1832. Weed, Autobiography, I, 249.

« Proceedings of the Dutch Reform Church, in Hackensack, N. Y., June. 1831: in Penn
sylvania Telegraph, September 21, 1831. See also like phrases in North Star. Danville.
Vt., April 12, 1831, copied from the Boston Christian Herald; and aiso proceedings of joint
meeting at Sangerfield, N. Y., March 14, 1830; in Lancaster Anti Masonic Herald, February
12, 1830.

542 AMEKICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

The Antimasons in their political meetings passed resolu-
tions similar to the above. a

Even before the disappearance of Morgan the Presbyterian
Church, in the synod of Pittsburg which met January, 1821,
condemned the Masonic institution as unfit for professing
Christians. b After the Morgan incident occurred the church
took a decided stand against the society throughout the
country, bade its ministers renounce it, and its laymen to sever
all connections with it and to hold no fellowship with Masons/

What the Presbyterians were to the West the Congrega-
tionalists were to New England and eastern New York. They
attacked at one and the same time the Unitarians, the Univer-
salists, and the Masons. In New England Antimasonry was
looked upon as " nothing more than orthodoxy in disguise. "rf

a See report of committee appointed "to consider nature, principles, and tendency of
Freemasonry as regards its effects on the Christian religion," in the proceedings of the
national convention of 1830. Maynard was probably the author of this report. See
also proceedings of the convention of delegates opposed to Freemasonry, at Le Roy,
Genesee County, N. Y., March 6, 1828; proceedings of Massachusetts convention, 1829;
Boston Daily Advocate Extra, October 5, 1832, for reply to statement of 1,200 Masons,
December 21, 1831. " For Democratic accounts see Freeman's Journal, Cooperstown, N.Y.,
September 20, 1830, and Albany Argus, September 17, 1830.

b Lancaster Anti Masonic Herald, January 22, 1830. See also Harvey Lodge, No. 61,
F. A. A. M., Wilkesbarre, p. 81.

c See proceedings of Genesee Synod, September 30, 1829; Oneida Synod of February,
1820, in Boston Christian Herald, quoted in Vermont North Star, May 3, 1831. See also
North Star, September 28, 1830, for other notices. It was said by the Masons that " nearly
every Antimasonic press is under Presbyterian surveillance." Craftsman (Masonic) in
North Star, Danville, Vt., May 5, 1829. This in the language of the day would include
the Congregationalists. Wirt says that it was suggested to him that the Presbyterians
were coming to his aid. Kennedy's Life of Wirt, II, 314. For a typical Antimasonic
document by a Presbyterian preacher see, " Masonry proved to be a work of darkness
repugnant to the Christian religion and inimical to the Republican government; by Leb-
beus Armstrong, late pastor of the Presbyterian Church of Northampton, * * * in
the State of New York." Hartford, 1833.

d Adams's Diary, IX, 11. Adams says that Lieutenant-Governor Armstrong was nomi-
nated by the National Republicans for his orthodoxy so that the orthodox party might be
conciliated. The orthodox as a whole leaned toward Antimasonry. See Boston Recorder
(Congregationalist), July 27, 1831, "Anti Universalist " quoted in Moral Envoy, September
22, 1830. For the views of a Congregational Antimasonic minister, see "An address
delivered at Weymouth South Parish, June 21 (1829 ?), by Moses Thacher, pastor of the
church at North Wrenthams, Mass. Beecher, the celebrated Boston Congregational
preacher of the time, was apparently an Antimason. Adams's Diary, VIII, 379. For the
attitude of the church in New York, see "Reply of the Genesee Consociation to Joseph
Emerton," 1830(?). The Unitarians and Universalists condemned the excitement and
refused to take part in it, a proceeding of course which ranked them with the Masons in
the eyes of the Antimasons. See Christian Register (Unitarian), Boston, September 12,
1829, December 19, 1829. See also quotations from the Universalist magazine, the Olive
Branch, of New York, in American Masonic Register, September 21, 1839. In one of the
Vermont papers opposed to the Antimasons appeared a curious letter in which the writer
made the following appeal: "Universalists, awake! awake from thy slumbers; and show
to these orthodox [Antimasons] that we are yet a majority and that we calculate to retain
the majority." From Vermont Patriot, quoted in Vermont State Journal, March 11, 1834.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 543

As early as 1823 the General Methodist Conference prohib-
ited its clergy from joining the Masons in Pennsylvania, and
during the Masonic excitement it was said by the Antimasons
that "No religious sect throughout the United States has
done more for the Antimasonic cause than the Methodists. "a
It forbade its members to join lodges or to be present at any
of their processions or festivals, and passed strict rules against
ordaining amy ministers who belonged to the order/ The
Methodist Church was rent and torn by the struggle, and
many churches fearing the strife did not allow the question
to come up, but passed nonpartisan resolutions/

The Baptist Church also was rent with dissensions over the
question, although not to so great an extent as the churches
previously mentioned. Papers which opposed Masonry were
founded by members of that faith (or of some of its more
radical branches) ,rf and different church communities through-
out the country passed resolutions denouncing the order/
Many other sects also condemned the order or had already
provisions in their creed against it. Among these were the
Dutch Reformed/ the Mennonites, the Dunkards, and the
Quakers.9'

Many of the friends of temperance, at this time a very
strong and growing reform, were also enemies of Masonry.

a Lancaster Antimasonic Herald, October 9, 1829.

&See proceedings of the Pittsburg annual conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church
in Lancaster Anti Masonic Herald, September 24, 1830; also, resolutions of the annual
conference of the Methodist ministers held at Perry, Genesee County, N. Y., July 29,
1829, in Lancaster Anti Masonic Herald, August 14, 1829; proceedings of the Massachu-
setts Antimasonic convention of 1831; account of the quarterly meeting of the Methodist
society on the Sparta circuit and resolutions in the Rochester annual State conference in
Rochester, June, 1829; in the North Star, Danville, September 18, 1829; also, the same
paper, January 6, 1829, for resolutions at Monkton, Vt., and account of the renunciation
of many ministers in the Ohio conference of that year; account of meeting of Metho-
dists in Marengo County, Ala., May 13, 1829, condemning the order, in Lancaster Anti
Masonic Herald, July 31, 1829.

cgee notices in Albany Argus, June 11, 1829, and also resolutions of a nonpartisan na-
ture passed at Portsmouth, N. H., at a Methodist conference. Albany Argus, November
25, 1829.

ft Baptist Herald of Boston.

f Baptist Church at Ira, Vt., in Danville North Star, September 28, 1830; Conquest, N. Y.,
June 6, 1829, Second Baptist Church of Oneida County, N. Y., May 23, 1829, in Lancaster
Ant' Masonic Herald, August 14, 1829. See articles in Albany Argus, April 15, August 8,
1829, relating to Baptist churches. See also New York Baptist Register, September 14,
1827; Le Roy Gazette, December 29, 1827, for troubles in the churches of Le Roy, York,
Elba, Stafford, and Byron. Weed, Autobiography, I, 249.

/General Synod, June, 1831, "condemned Masonry and bade its ministers renounce,
and forbade the receiving into communion any member of the order. Pennsylvania
Telegraph, September 21, 1831.

0 Antimasonic Herald, August 27, 1830.

544 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

The Masons frequently used wine in their festivals, and it
was claimed that their associations tended in many ways to
spread the drink evil/' Many of the temperance papers were
either entirely in favor of the Antimasonic movement or were
inclined that way.*

The connection of the Jacksonian party with the increasing
foreign population, composed as it was of so many Irish Cath-
olics, added another element to Antimasoniy. "Masonry,
Roman Catholic Faith, Monks, and the Inquisition" were
often put in the same category/ 4 ' Popery and Freemasoniy "
were denounced as "schemes equally inconsistent with repub-
licanism," and every escape from the "trammels of these hor-
rid oath-binding systems" was viewed as an "emancipation
from the very fangs of despotism. "^ Such a spirit led natu-
rally to the Native American doctrines of the future; indeed,
many of the prominent Antimasons became leaders of that
excitement.

The party, as we have already seen, was active in organiz-
ing the political phase of antislavery in Pennsylvania; and in
New York it was the western part of the State, the "infected
district," which afterwards took up the abolition agitation
in that vicinity. Some of the great leaders, like Weed, Sew-
ard, and Stevens, were afterwards among the great leaders of
national antislavery activity.

Another fact to be noted about Antimasonry was that it
was essentially democratic and partook of the democratic
spirit of the age. This may appear to be a strange statement

a See discussions in Massachusetts house of representatives, in which the Antimasons
tried to fasten the charge of intemperance upon the Masons. Pennsylvania Telegraph,
February 20, 1830. See also proceedings of the Massachusetts Antimasonic convention
of 1829. See also Fall River Moral Envoy, June 30, 1830.

b The Genius of Temperance, of Albany, -was looked upon as an Antimasonic paper.
Albany Argus, April 16, 1833. Frequently papers were, like the Ithaca Chronicle, devoted
to Antimasonic, temperance, moral, and religious news. Moral Envoy, April 14, 1830.
The Albany Evening Journal made some pretensions of being a temperance paper when
it was first started. Mr. Rudolph Kelker, of Harrisburg, an eyewitness of the move-
ment in Pennsylvania, mentions intemperance as one of the strongest arguments put
forward against the Masons.

c See quotation from the Tuscarawas Chronicle (Antimasonic) in Ohio State Journal,
April 16, 1829.

d See quotations from the Indiana County Free Press in Pennsylvania Reporter, April
15, 1830; see also quotations from Greensburg Gazette (Antimasonic) in Pennsylvania
Reporter, April 30, 1830; also quotations from the Saturday Protestant in Harrisburg
Chronicle, August 22, 1838(7). Egle's account of the Buckshot war, Pennsylvania
Magazine of History, XXIII, 137. See, in general, the account of Antimasonry in
Pennsylvania.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 545

at first glance, because it seems contradictory when we exam-
ine the religious and social composition of Antimasonry and
find that the conservative elements made up its membership,
but it must be remembered that even the conservative classes
were influenced by the spirit of the age. It has been before
stated that the Masons as a class occupied the higher positions
of society and the Stated They were therefore looked upon
as members of an antidemocratic institution, the object of
which was to u benefit the few at the expense of the many,
by creating a privileged class in the midst of a community
entitled to enjoy equal rights and privileges."6

The names and ceremonies used by the Masons were espe-
cially the subject of attack. We read:

Will the people of the Republic suffer slavery and oppression because
it has assumed the name of masonry instead of monarchy? Will they
suffer grand kings and grand princes and rights and privileges because
they hypocritically feign to be republican when by no other name could
Americans be enslaved? c

And again:

Resolved, That the Antimasonic party is an organization of the people
against a secret society — of republicans against grand kings — of American
citizens against the subjects of the Masonic empire, which extends over
Europe and America and is governed by laws paramount to all other law. d

a Lists given in the Antimasonic papers of the day bear this out. We find by examin-
ing this list that the Masons had a very large number of doctors, lawyers, merchants,
teachers, bankers, and politicians in their ranks. This fact can be very easily verified
by examining the lists of notable men of the period or by turning the leaves of such a
book as Harvey's History of Lodge No. 61, F. and A. M., Wilkesbarre. For statements
from the Antimasonic side, see Lancaster Anti Masonic Herald, August 14, 1829, Anti-
Masonic Statesman, Harrisburg, May 4, 1831, and the address of the State convention of
May 25, 1831, in the same paper for June 1, 1831.

b Journal of the Proceedings of the Second National Anti Masonic Convention at Balti-
more, printed in Boston, 1832. See also similar expressions in account of the national
convention of 1830; Mr. Holley's resolutions, in the Albany Evening Journal, September
22, 1830; Herkimer, N. Y., county convention, in Albany Evening Journal, October 9,
1830; Anti Masonic Review, p. 267.

f Lancaster Antimasonic Herald, July 10, 1829.

d Dauphin County (Pa.) meeting, August 15, in Pennsylvania Intelligencer, August 18,
1836. For similar expressions see Steven's resolution in the appendix; the Anti Masonic
Statesman, Harrisburg, June 1, 1831; Pennsylvania Telegraph, May 9, 1832; Lancaster
Antimasonic Herald, July 10, August 5, 14, 28, September 25, 1829; Vermont State Journal,
June 9, 1834; Le Roy Gazette, September 27, November 15, 1827; proceedings of Massa-
chusetts conventions of 1829 and 1831; account of the meeting at Dedham, Mass., Chris-
tian Register, Boston, January 17, 1829; Everett's letter to Middlesex County committee,
Independent Chronicle, July 17, 1833; The Broken Seal, by S. D. Greene, editor of Boston
Christian Advocate, printed in Boston, 1870, page 211; An Oration Delivered at Fanueil

H. Doc. 461, pt 1 35

546 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

The revolution in France had many friends in America, but
there were also many who had no sympathy for the revolu-
tionists or their principles. The New England Antimasons
and Antimasons elsewhere of New England affiliations viewed
the revolution in France with suspicion and distrust. They
had a horror of any sort of a democracy which would lead to
disorder or atheism. It was well known that secret societies
had played a large part in all the French democratic struggles.
These facts furnished the Antimasons in America with good
ammunition at a very opportune time. As early as 1828- the
Le Roy convention passed a resolution " That we discover in
the ceremonies and obligations of the higher degrees of Ma-
sonry principles which deluged France in blood, and which led
directly to the subversion of all religion and government. "a
This view, however, was not universal, for manj^ instances
occur, especially outside of New England, where praises of
the revolution were sung and resolutions were passed favor-
ing it.6 The guarded and eclectic sort of republicanism man-
ifested by the party in New England was expressed by the
opposition to foreigners, as shown in resolutions favoring
restriction of the naturalization laws/ In Pennsylvania it is
shown, as we have seen, in the hatred for Catholics, but there,
too, one may see traces of all the New England prejudices, in
sucb documents as Steven's resolutions.^

Another peculiarity of Antimasoniy is that it found its chief
support in the country and not in the city. Everywhere

Hall, July 11, 1831, by Timothy Fuller, Boston, 1831. The Moral Envoy, June 9, 1830, gives
an extract purporting to be from Hardie'a Masonic Monitor, which says that "men in low
circumstances, although possessed of some education and of good morals, are not fit to be
members of the institution. They ought to know that Freemasonry requires not only
knowledge but ancestry, and decent external appearance, to maintain its ancient respect-
ability and grandeur." Quotations of this sort, without regard to time, place, or country,
were considered by the party as good material to prove their charges.

« Proceedings of a convention of delegates opposed to Freemasonry, Le Roy, Genesee
County, N. Y., March 6, 1828. See also report of committee to consider the connection
between French riluminism and the higher degrees of Freemasonry, in proceedings of a
convention held at Fanueil Hall, December 30, 31, 1829, January 1, 1830. Printed, Boston,
January, 1830. For controversies over the question see, Ancient Freemasonry Contrasted
with Illuminism or Modern Masonry, by "Tubal Cain," Utica, 1831. Proceedings Massa-
chusetts convention of 1829 gives a history of Illuminism and connects it with Masonry.
See also article in Le Roy Gazette, October 18, 1827; Report of Committee of Grand Lodge
of Maine in American Free Mason, II, 82; Moral Envoy, July 14, 1830.

?>See Proceedings of national convention of 1830.

^See Proceedings of Massachusetts State convention, September 10-11, 1834.

tf See appendix.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 547

throughout the country the Antiraasons boasted of their
strength in the rural districts and acknowledged the strength
of Masonry in the cities. a

Another fact about Antinmsonry is that it was essentially a
New England movement. Of course there were exceptions
to this in the German sectarians, the Scotch-Irish Presby-
terians of Pennsylvania, and the Quakers; but in New England
and New York6 and throughout the path of New England
emigration the party was strongest. Most of the leaders in
New York like Weed, Granger, Holley, Ward, and Maynard,
were of New England extraction; the party in Pennsylvania
was led by Stevens and Burrowes and others, also of New
England extraction; and was called by the Democrats "a
Yankee concern from beginning to end."c Moreover the

a Mr. Winden, in a thesis upon the influence of the Erie Canal on New York politics,
University of Wisconsin, 1900, very carefully compiled statistics of the election of 1830 in
New York. He shows that it was the tier of towns removed from the cosmopolitan life of
the canals that voted for Granger in that year. For statements from Antimasonic
sources as to their strength in the country see Weed, Autobiography, I, pp. 301, 304, 368;
Proceedings of Anti Masonic Convention at Cayuga, January 1, 1830, printed in Auburn
1830; Anti Masonic Review, 257; Lancaster Anti Masonic Herald, October 1, October 22,
1830; address of the State convention of Pennsylvania; Anti Masonic Statesman, June 1,
1831; account of Fourth of July celebration in Anti Masonic Statesman, July 6, 1831; Pro-
ceedings of the County of Norfolk, Anti Masonic Convention, October 20, 1834; Hallett's
speech in Massachusetts convention, September 10, 1834; Albany Evening Journal, May
23, 1831, and November 10, 1831. It is a fact, which is shown by the vote cast, that the
large cities had only very few of the party. Even Pittsburg showed no activity in this
direction till 1835, when other interests than Antimasonry were at stake.— Wilson's His-
tory of Pittsburg. In the early elections Pittsburg was distinctly against the party.—
Ibid., 769. See Albany Evening Journal, April 23, 1833, for Rhode Island returns, in
which Providence and Newport are shown to be against the coalition. See returns for
Lancaster County, Pa., in Lancaster Anti Masonic Herald, October (22)?, 1830, which
shows that even in that radical county the city of Lancaster was against the movement.
See returns for Dauphin County in Pennsylvania Telegraph, October 12, 1831, for city of
Harrisburg, etc. The great cities of Boston, New York, and Philadelphia cast but few
votes for the cause. Connected with the fact that it was a movement in the country is
the curious fact of the constant condemnation of the lawyers, seen in so many agrarian
movements. The lawyers were said to have banded, against the people.— Pennsylvania
Telegraph, September 12, 1832. Articles appeared in the papers, one of which, after
discussing the feasibility of destroying lawyers' "shops," concluded with the statement,
" Would it not be better to cut lawyers' throats at once and save the 'shops' for the poor
women and children whose substance they are eating out? :— Penn Yan (N. Y.)Anti
Masonic Enquirer, May, 1831, quoted in Albany Argus, June 3, 1831. The Boston Advo-
cate constantly railed against lawyers and Freemasons. Boston Advocate Extra,
November 4, 1834.

ft Winden's thesis proves that the districts in which the New England stock was strongest
cast also the strongest vote for Granger in 1830. See also Albany Argus, April 10, 1827.

c Pennsylvania Reporter, September 17, 1830. For similar expressions, see Harrisburg
Chronicle, January 18, 1836, toasts at the Fourth of July Masonic celebration in Lan-
caster Anti Masonic Herald, July 10, 1829; quotations from Pittsburg Mercury in Penn-
sylvania Reporter, September 14, 1832.

548 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

cause received its strength and vigor largely from New
England newspaper editors who established themselves in the
State and took up the cause. a

Having considered these conditions we find that the Morgan
incident was but the spark that lit the fire. The fire was
fanned and controlled by some of the shrewdest leaders this
country has ever seen; so it is necessary for us to consider
another fact powerful in its effect upon the movement; the
influence of great leaders and their methods. Outside of the
influence exerted by the writings of Rush, Adams, and Ever-
ett, and the known sympathy of John Marshall,6 Calhoun,
Madison/ Webster, d Harrison, and many others of lesser
light e which did so much to convince people of the supposed
danger of Masonry; they had in Weed, Seward, A. Tracy,
Maynard, Granger, Whittlesey, Spencer, Holley, Ward, Fill-
more, Stevens, Burrows, and Fenn, some of the brightest
men of the generation; some of the most brilliant newspaper
writers and politicians of the time. The greatest of all these
is Thurlow Weed, the magician whose wand controlled and
directed the operations of the party/ The next greatest in
the State of New York was perhaps Albert Tracy, the shrewd
politician whose leadership was acknowledged by Weed him-
self and who did so much to unite the jarring elements.9' The
next is Thaddeus Stevens, of Pennsylvania, who was to that
State what Weed was to New York. His work, together with
that of others of the first rank, like Seward and Maynard, we
have already sufficiently described. Among the lesser lights,
few did more to spread the " Blessed Spirit" than Henry Dana
Ward, who acted as a sort of missionary for the cause. h Fred

aTheophilus Fenn, the famous editor of the Pennsylvania Telegraph, was probably
such. — Pennsylvania Telegraph, July 11, 1832. Huntingdon County had an able editor
in A. W. Benedict.— History of Huntingdon County, Lytle, Lancaster, 1876, page 124. The
Pittsburg Gazette was also edited by a New Englander.— Lancaster Antimasonic Herald,
December 17, 1830.

& Letter to Everett, July 22, 1833.

"Letter in proceedings of Massachusetts Convention, 1832.

d Curtis' Life of Webster, I, pp. 508, 511.

e Among these were Cadwallader D. Golden, mayor of New York, whose letters exerted
a powerful influence. — Anti Masonic Review, No. 6.

/Seward, Autobiography, I, 179.

o Weed, Autobiography, II, pp. 177, 299, 836, 421. He came near being nominated for
Vice-President in 1839. Ibid. , 77.

h We find him in the Vermont convention of August 5, 1829 (Watchman, August 11,
1829); in the Massachusetts convention of December 30, 1829 (Proceedings of Convention,
printed in Boston, 1830) ; in a meeting at Faneuil Hall, September, 1830 (Boston Free Press,

THE ANTIMASONIC PAETY. 549

Whittlesey was an active campaigner in New York as well as
an organizer in Pennsylvania." Myron Holley, after helping
to organize in New York, established at Hartford, Conn., a
paper which helped to keep alive the cause in that vicinity.6
Among those in New England that did a great deal for the
cause must be mentioned Hallett, of Rhode Island; Dr. Abner
Phelps, Moses Thacher, Micah Ruggles, George Odiorne, and
S. D. Greene, of Massachusetts.

The methods used by these leaders for spreading the spirit
were unique. The first great factor was the newspapers — the
4 ' free presses," as they were called. It was held by the leaders
that the press was muzzled by the Masons, and that it was
necessary to spread the doctrines by the establishment of
Antimasonic papers/ The New York committee bought the
first materials for a newspaper, and they soon sprang up in
every direction. In 1832 there were 141 of these papers in
New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland,
Ohio, Indiana, Tennessee, Virginia, Alabama, Massachusetts,
Maine, New Hampshire, Rhode Island, and Vermont. New
York had 45 weeklies and 1 daily, while Pennsylvania had 55
weekly papers/* These presses turned out tons of tracts,
addresses, almanacs, reports of conventions, histories of the
Morgan abduction and the trial, and letters by Rush and
Adams/

The party, having few members in Congress, could not nomi-
nate a President by that means, so they resorted to the national
convention, a device which gave their cause unity as well as
advertisement.

Lectures by prominent leaders was another means of spread-
ing their doctrines. A host of lesser lights also traveled about,

September 3, 1830); at the Rhode Island convention of 1830 (Lancaster Anti Masonic Her-
ald, April 10, 1830); active as the editor of the Anti Masonic Review, and active in the
national plans of the party as correspondent of McLean and Calhoun before the elec-
tion of 1832 (Adams' Diary, VIIL 412).

a See page 68.

?>The Free Elector, Albany Evening Journal, December 28, 1833.

c Many of the papers, especially the Democratic papers, observing the political ten-
dencies of the movement, either would not print the accounts of the trials and other
Antimasonic matter or else laughed at the whole affair. There is no doubt, however,
from the tone of many papers that they had Masonic editors.

rf Albany Evening Journal, February 24, 1832. See accounts of founding of these papers
in Ohio State Journal, April 7, 1831; Cincinnati Chronicle, June 11, 1831; Albany Evening
Journal, March 1, June 3, 1831; Lancaster Antimasonic Herald, January 30, 1829, and in
the Catalogue of Antimasonic books.

«• See Catalogue of Antimasonic books.

550 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

lecturing and giving exhibitions. Chief among these were
S. D. Greene, the author of the Broken Seal, a member of the
same lodge with Morgan, and Jarvis Hanks and Avery Allen,
who were both recanting Masons. That these methods were
successful is shown by the quickness with which the spirit
spread and became a strong factor in the national politics of
the country.

Having now carefully examined the fundamental conditions
of the question, as well as the facts which helped its growth,
it is apparent (1) that the Antimasonic party owed much of
its strength to the conditions of the times, and was not wholly
the product of the abduction of Morgan; (2) that pure Anti-
masonry had a slight and ephemeral existence politically, and
that Antimasonry as it appeared in the election of 1832 was
a complex of political and social discontent guided by skilled
leaders. Political Antimasonry, disregarding the basic princi-
ples of the party, nominated a man for President who did not
believe in its proscriptive basis, who had been a Mason and
had never formally renounced the order. Having nominated
him, it combined its electoral votes in the States of New York,
Pennsylvania, and Ohio, with a party whose leader not only
was a Mason, but who publically declared his objections to the
principles of Antimasonry, and scorned its proposals. The
party in the political history of America has its chief import-
ance in that it furnished the first solid basis for the Whig
movement of the future.

APPENDIX.

RHODE ISLAND.

Early in 1829 Antimasoniy appeared in Rhode Island, and
a paper was established known as the Anti-masonic Rhode
Islander. The next year a convention was held which sent
delegates to the national convention and organized the party
in the State. a

This year a few votes were cast for the party, but it was
not until 1831 that it gained any strength. In January, 1831,
a memorial was drawn up and presented to the legislature
asking for the repeal of the charter of the grand lodge. An
interesting but fruitless investigation was the result of this
act.6 In 1832 their nominee for governor, William Sprague,
polled 811 votes/ They refused to unite with the National
Republicans upon the national question, and repudiated such
coalitions as occurred in New York, Ohio, and Pennsylvania.
"Their object," says the New York Commercial Advertiser
(Clay), "was to rule or ruin."^ They polled but 875 votes
for Wirt/ and Clay carried the State by 684 majority.^

Although the vote of the party was so insignificant, yet it
was very important because it held the balance of power.9'
Each party consequently tried hard to win this vote. The
Democrats by uniting upon Sprague for speaker of the house
elected him, and won the political gratitude of the Antimasons.7*

« Moral Envoy [Antimasonic] , Fall River, Mass., March 24, 1830. Massachusetts Yeo-
man, April 2, 1830.

b Proceedings of Rhode Island convention of 1831, printed at Providence, 1831. See also
Albany Evening Journal, November 11, 1831. April 20, 1833. See also A Legislative Inves-
tigation into Masonry — before a committee of the General Assembly of Rhode Island,
Boston, 1832.

<-• Rhode Island Manual, 100. Albany Argus, July 28, 1832.

rfNew York Commercial Advertiser, quoted in Ohio State Journal, December 1, 1832.

e Columbian Sentinel, Boston, November 29, 1832.

/ Rhode Island Manual, 177. Independent Chronicle, November 24. 1832.

0 As the Rhode Island constitution required a majority, Lemuel H. Arnold (Clay), who
had been elected in 1831, held the office until 1833, as, after five trials, no majority was ob-
tained. Rhode Island Manual, pp. 95, 96, 99, 100.

A Independent Chronicle, November 3, 1832.

551

552 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

The Clay papers called it a bargain by which the Jackson mem-
bers voted for Sprague in order that the Antimasons would
helpa to elect Elisha R. Potter to the senate. It is certain
that the Antimasons combined with the Jackson forces there-
after.

The Antimasons profited by the coalition to push their par-
ticular doctrines, and an act passed the house this year re-
quiring the several Masonic corporations to show cause why
their charters should not be forfeited. It was put over until
the next session by a vote of the senate.6 However, they
succeeded in having a law passed against extra-judicial oaths/

This spirit of combination also manifested itself in the elec-
tion of senator, many Antimasons throwing their votes for
Elisha R. Potter, Democratic candidate. Asher Robbins,
nevertheless, was elected. This election produced one of the
most interesting contests in the history of Rhode Island. d

1833.

In this year Mr. Sprague declined the nomination and John
Brown Francis was nominated by the Antimasons. The
Democrats afterwards concurred in this/ and the election
resulted favorably to the coalition, Mr. Francis receiving a
majority of nearly 750.^

The Antimasons looked upon the result as a rebuke to
Arnold, the National Republican candidate, "who pretended
to be favorable to the views of the Antimasonic party * * *
until he was elected * * * when he threw off the mask and
did everything in his power to annihilate them as a party, "ff
They were especially bitter toward the National Republicans,
who were hostile to their pet schemes and actively opposed
their candidates. There is some evidence even of combina-
tions between Masonic National Republicans and Jackson

« Independent Chronicle, November 7, 1832.

b Independent Chronicle, January 26, 1833.

<• Albany Evening Journal, January 29, 1833. Pennsylvania Telegraph, February 20, 1833.

d Independent Chronicle, January 23, 1833. Rhode Island Manual, 139.

e Hartford Anti-masonic Intelligencer, quoted in Danville, Vt., North Star, May 13, 1833.
This account says that Francis had been a delegate to the convention which nominated
Henry Clay.

/ Albany Evening Journal, April 20, 1833. Albany Argus, April 20, 1833. Rhode Island
Manual, 101.

g Boston Daily Advocate, quoted in Albany Evening Journal, April 23, 183;?. The cities
of Providence and Newport were National Republican.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 553

supporters to oust Antimasonic National Republicans, notably
in the case of Dutee J. Pearce, who turned to the Antimasonic -
Jackson coalition because of this action and was elected to
Congress. a

In the October session of this year the coalition succeeded
in having the ""perpetuation act," as it was called, repealed.
This act provided that in cases of no quorum because of some
candidates having no majority the old organization held
through. The act had helped the election of Robbins for
senator in the previous year, and now his election was de-
clared null and void and the office declared vacant. Jn the
grand committee Elisha Potter, the coalition candidate, was
declared elected by a unanimous vote, the opposition refusing
to vote.6

An act was passed in this session by which the charters of
certain Masonic lodges were repealed and those which con-
tinued to exist were put under the most careful inspection
and surveillance/

1834r.

Mr. Francis was again elected, although his majority was
but 156. d However, the Whigs secured a majority in the
house. This majority did not dare to offend the Antimasons,
and Sprague was again elected speaker/ The senate was still
Democratic. The Whig majority succeeded in passing reso-
lutions favorable to the Bank/

« Adams's Diary, IX, 46. Vermont State Journal, Decembers, 1833. Niles's Register,
XLIV, 226.

bin Congress the election was contested and Robbins again given his seat. Senate
Journal, first session Twenty-third Congress, 1833-34, p. 285. See Rhode Island Manual,
139. The "perpetuation act" came up several times after this. Niles's Register, XLVI,
pp. 173, 188.

c Independent Chronicle, February 5, 1834. Proceedings of Massachusetts convention
of 1834. It was provided that every lodge which may continue to exist is required to
make returns in writing "yearly and every year to the Secretary of State of the number
and names of its members and officers, the number and names of the persons who have
been admitted within the year last preceding the date of said returns, with mode and
manner of their admission and the form of promise or obligation which such new
members have taken on their admission, the place and times of the meetings of such
society holden within the last year together with a schedule or inventory of all funds
and property, real or personal.'' The grand lodge gave up its charter.

rf Independent Chronicle, April 19, 16, 23, Rhode Island Manual, 101. Vermont State
Journal, May 12, 1834.

e Independent Chronicle, April 19, 16, 23, August 30, November 1, 1834. Niles's Register,
XLVII, pp. 7, 150.

/Independent Chronicle, November 1, 1834. Niles's Register, XLVII, 150. The vote
was 46 to 23.

554 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

1835.

In this year Francis was again elected over Nehemiah Knight
by a majority of 106,a but the Whig candidate for lieutenant-
governor was elected. In the legislature the Whigs still re-
tained the majority and succeeded in electing Nehemiah Knight
to the senate/ In the fall, however, matters had changed, and
Pearce and Sprague were both elected to Congress/

For a considerable time, many of the prominent Antimasons
had showed a tendency to split off from the coalition. This
was particularly noticeable in the election of 1835/and as the
party was in hopeless minority they were practically divided
up between the great parties. Francis was elected in 1836
and 1837, but in 1838 he was opposed successfully by William
Sprague, who had become a Whig and led that party and the
remnants of the Antimasons/

CONNECTICUT.

In Connecticut the movement began to be agitated in the
last few months of the year 1828. A State convention was
held in February, 1829. In 1830, according to Antimasonic
accounts, they elected six senators and about one-fourth of
the house of representatives/ By combinations with National
Republicans they were able, in 1832, to elect 67 members in
the lower house and 8 senators and? 1 United States Sen-
ator/

On the national question the party kept their integrity and
gave Wirt 3,335 votes/ He polled the most votes in Wind-
ham and Tolland counties in the northeastern part of the State.
In 1833 the party cast but 3,250 votes for Storrs, their can-

« Independent Chronicle, May 13, 1835. Rhode Island Manual, 101.

& Independent Chronicle, January 24, May 16, 1835. Rhode Island Manual, 140.

c Independent Chronicle, August 18, October 3, 1835. Niles's Register, XLIX, 153.
Adams wrote to Pearce congratulating him on his victory over the "base compound
of Hartford Convention, Federalism, and Royal Arch Masonry," which he said had
betrayed Tristram Burgess by not electing him United States Senator.

ft Independent Chronicle, April 8, 1835.

e Niles's Register, LIV, 176. Van Buren carried the State in 1836 by 234 majority. Rhode
Island Manual, pp. 101, 177.

/See Seward's report to national convention, September 11, 1830. It is probable that
many of those elected were practically National Republicans, although favoring their
cause. The Antimasons were prone to look upon such men as their own.

g Albany Evening Journal, April 12, 1832. Vermont State Journal, April 16, 1832.

h Vermont State Journal, May 23, 1832.

i Albany Argus, November 13, 21, 1832. Columbian Sentinel, November 27, 1832.

THE ANTIMASOFIC PARTY. 555

didate for governor, but by a coalition they succeeded in elect-
ing four Congressmen favorable to their cause." In 1834 they
cast but 2,108 votes for Storrs and elected fourteen members
to the house of representatives/ In 1835 their vote for gov-
ernor had dwindled down to 757,c and after this they prac-
tically disappear as a political party, being absorbed by the
Whigs.

NEW JERSEY.

Antimasonry earty took root in Salem County, which was
largely impregnated with the Quaker element opposed to
secret societies. It also bordered on a similar Antimasonic
vicinity in Pennsylvania. d

In 1831 a convention was held at Trenton, by which dele-
gates were appointed to the national convention and Richard
Rush nominated for President of the United States/ Although
they cast a few votes this year they accomplished practically
nothing.^

In August, 1832, a convention was held at Trenton, which
approved of the nomination of Wirt and Ellmaker and nomi-
nated an electoral ticket pledged to ihem.ff They cast less
than 500 votes for their candidate, however. h As small as
the vote was, if it had been cast for Clay it would have carried
the State for him. The National Republicans also charged
them with the loss of three members to Congress. They were
accused of purposely ruining Clay's chances in the State.
We had it from the lips of one of their candidates for elect-
ors," says the New York Commercial Advertiser, " that if the
friends of Mr. Clay would not abandon their own principles
and their own candidate, their design was to throw the state
into the hands of Jackson."* After -this election the party
dwindled into insignificance.

"Albany Evening Journal, April 29, 1833. Niles Register, XLIV, 131.
& Independent Chronicle, April 2, 23, May 14, 1834. Niles Register, XLVI, 109; XLV1I,
103.

c Niles Register, XLVIII, 186.
rfSee Albany Argus, November 28, 1830.
* Albany Argus, June 16, 1831.
/Albany Argus, October 20, 1831.

0 Albany Argus, September 4, 1832.

ft Columbian Sentinel, Boston, November 29, 1832. Albany Argus, November 26, 1832.

1 Quoted in Ohio State Journal, December 1, 1832.

556 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

MICHIGAN.

It is but natural that the stream of New England emigra-
tion reaching westward should bring the seeds of Antimasonry
with it. According to their own accounts it appeared in
Michigan territory as early as 1828, and the first convention
was held in February, 1829. The county of Washtenaw,
especially, took up the cause, while Monroe, Oakland, Wayne,
Lenawee, Macomb, and St. Claire had some Antimasons
among their inhabitants. a

A convention was held in June, 1829, which nominated John
Riddle as Territorial Delegate to Congress.6 He was elected
by a majority of 800. c These triumphs were short lived, for
in the succeeding elections they were beaten d and the party
died out.

In many other States Antimasonry as a political institution
had an ephemeral existence. In Indiana a convention was
held as early as March, 1830,* and in 1832 it formed a factor
in the elections in Decatur, Franklin, Fayette, Hamilton,
Jennings, Knox, Marion, Ripley, Switzerland, Union, and
Wayne counties/

In Maine they nominated candidates for governor in 1832,
1833, and 1834.^ In New Hampshire, across the river from
the Antimasonic district in Vermont, a convention was held
June 1, 1831. h In 1832 the leaders in this State did not dare
to put forward a ticket, as it would surely throw the election
into the hands of Jackson.*

In the South movements more or less political took place in
Alabama (Marengo County)/ in Maryland, especially in the
Boonsboro district/ and in North Carolina in Mecklenburg
County. l

a Seward's report, September 11, 1833. See also Lancaster Anti Masonic Herald, January
(28) ?, 1829.

b Lancaster Anti Masonic Herald, June 19, 1829.

«Ibid.. August 14, 1829.

d Albany Argus, September 17, 1832; September 17, 1833.

e Lancaster Anti Masonic Herald, April 30, 1830. Moral Envoy, Fall River, Mass., May
5, 1830.

/Albany Argus, November 21, 1832.

a Albany Evening Journal, July 18, 1832. Maine Register for 1901-2, 119.

h North Star, Danville, June 7, 1831.

J Letter of William Plumer, October 26, 1832. Independent Chronicle, Boston, Novem-
ber 3, 1832.

j Lancaster Antimasonic Herald, July 31, 1829.

fcSchultz's History of Freemasonry in Maryland.

l Vermont North Star, July 3, 1832.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 557

APPENDIX TO CHAPTERS ON PENNSYLVANIA.
STEVEN'S RESOLUTIONS UPON EXTRA JUDICIAL OATHS, DECEMBER 10, 1834.

Whereas it is alleged and believed by a large and respectable portion of
the Commonwealth; that the Masonic institution is injurious to the rights,
and dangerous to the liberty of the people; that it imposes on its members
oaths and obligations unauthorized, by and inconsistent with the laws of
the country; that it binds its members to give a preference to each other
in all things over the rest of their fellow-citizens; to " apprise each other
of all danger," whether such danger arise from the legal prosecution of
their own crimes and misdemeanors or otherwise; to conceal the secrets
and crimes of each other, not excepting even murder or treason; to espouse
each other's cause, and if possible extricate them from all difficulties,
whether they be right or wrong; to avenge even to death, the violation of
any Masonic oath, and the revelation of any of their secrets; that the rules
and ceremonies of the lodges are of a degrading, immoral, and impious
character; that the candidates are stripped nearly naked, and led to the
imposition of their awful oaths, hoodwinked, and with a rope or cord
around their necks, called a "cable tow;" that in the Royal Arch degree,
they affect to enact the sublime and sacred scene of God appearing to Moses
in the burning bush of Mount Horeb.

[Here was a long statement accusing them of intemperance, drinking
wine out of a skull, etc.]

That it is an antirepublicaii and an insidious and dangerous enemy to
our democratic form of government; that it creates and sustains secret
orders of nobility, in violation of the spirit of the Constitution; that it is a
regularly organized kingdom within the limits of the Republic, assuming
and secretly exercising all the prerogatives and powers of an independent
kingdom; it has its knights, its grand commanders, its kings, its high
priests, and its great grand high priests; it has established a central and
controlling government, extending its branches over all the civilized world,
which they denominate the "holy dmpire;" the seat of this government
in America, is in what, in Masonic language, is called the "Valley of New
York." This branch of Masonic power is called "The Grand Supreme
Council of the Most Puissant Sovereign Grand Inspectors General of the
Thirty-third Degree at the Grand Orient of New York; " it sends ambas-
sadors to and receives them from all the Masonic kingdoms of the earth;
it forms secret treaties and alliances offensive and defensive with those
powers, continues its correspondence and relation with them, although
our own Government may at the same time, be at open war with the gov-
ernments in which such Masonic kingdoms are located; it secures an
undue, because unmerited advantage to members of the fraternity over
the honest and industrious uninitiated farmer, mechanic, and laborer, in
all the ordinary business transactions of life; it prefers a corrupt "brother"
to honest citizens, in appointments to office; it prevents the wholesome enact-
ment and due administration of laws; it enters and corrupts our legislative
halls, our executive affairs, our courts of justice; the trial by jury, instead
of being the palladium of our rights, it converts into an engine of favor-

558 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

itism and Masonic fraud; its whole tendency is to cherish a hatred of
democracy, and a love of aristocratic and regal forms and power.

The truth of all these things has been repeatedly proclaimed to the
world under the signatures of thousands of honest men by authentic docu-
ments procured from the lodges themselves, and by the testimony under
oath, of numerous adhering Masons of good character; and it has never
yet been contradicted by the sworn testimony of a single witness: There-
fore, Resolved, That the committee on the judiciary system be instructed
to bring in a bill effectually to suppress and prohibit the administration
and reception of Masonic, Odd Fellows, and all other secret, extrajudicial
oaths, obligations, and promises in the nature of oaths. (Pennsylvania
Reporter, December 12, 1834. Steven's Resolutions of December 10.)

APPENDIX TO NEW YORK.

The following is an amusing and instructive political writ-
ing, which is illustrative of the struggle in New York. It
was printed in the Albany Evening Journal, April 29, 1831,
and is copied from the Schoharie Free Press. It is "most
respectfully dedicated to the ' distinguished editor of the State
paper.' r [Croswell.]

THE PARTY.

This is the house that Mat« built.

The people's money. This is the Malt that lay in the house that Mat
built.

Wright, Croswell, Flagg, Bouck, the modest adjutant-general, Fat Sal-
aries, Direct Taxation & Co. These are the i^^rats1^® that eat the malt
that lay in the house that Mat built.

Free Presses. — These are the cats that are killing the rats that eat the
malt that lay in the house that Mat built.

Officeholders and Office hunters. — These are the dogs that bark at the
cats that are killing the rats that eat the malt that lay in the house that
Mat built.

Enos T. T. &— "^gThis is the man all tattered and torn, that kissed the
handmaid all forlorn, that bribed the "Small light" with her "wine and
her corn" — that fondles the lap-dogs that growl at the cats that are killing
the rats that eat the malt that lay in the house that Mat built.

Antimasonry. — This is the Lion with eyes flashing scorn, that shakes
"little Enos" all tattered and torn, that kissed the maid with the crippled
horn (alas for the ribbons, no more to be worn), that fondles the lap-dogs
that whine at the cats that are killing the rats that eat the malt that lay in
the house that Mat built.

Pope Martin. — This is the priest of his prospects all shorn, that married
the man all tattered and torn, that kissed the handmaid all forlorn, that

a" Mat" or "Martin" is Martin Van Buren.
b"Enos" Throop.

7 "
THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 559

shrinks from the Lion's glance of scorn, that tosses the lap-dogs that yelp
at the cats that are killing the rats that eat the malt that lay in the house
that Mat built.

Jack Masons. — These are the asses that bray night and morn, that serve
the " Magician" all shivering and shorn, that married the man, scurvy,
tattered, and torn, that ogled the handmaid all naked and lorn, that
cursed the day the "Blessed Spirit" was born g^s^that is crushing the
puppies that snarl at the cats that are killing the rats that eat the malt
that lav in the house that Mat built.

BIBLIOGRAPHY.

There are a very few accounts which give us any inkling of
the political basis of the Antimasonic party. In nearly all
the accounts of the time we find mention of the excitement
produced by the disappearance of William Morgan and dis-
cussions about the aims and methods of the Masonic fraternity,
but we find little of value to the student of political Anti-
masonry. The principal sources may be divided as follows:

A. Lives and letters of contemporaries. Of these the most
valuable are:

1. Autobiography of Thurlow Weed.

Weed gives a good history of the political conditions of the times, but
his work is colored by his desire to prove his own consistency. He
is especially valuable for the history of the party in New York and
national affairs.

2. Autobiography of William H. Seward.

The same criticism which applies to Weed's Autobiography applies to
this work.

3. Diary of John Quincy Adams.

A valuable source not only for Adams's position, but also for an in-
sight into the politics of Massachusetts.

4. Kennedy's William Wirt.

Valuable for Wirt's letters upon the subject.

5. Bancroft's Life of Seward.

It gives a sane and consistent account of Seward's connection with
the party in New York.

6. Curtis' s Webster.

Valuable only for Webster's letters showing his connection with the
party.

7. McCall's Life of Thaddeus Stevens.

Too short to be of great use.

8. Clay's Correspondence.

Useful for incidental references showing his ideas upon Masonry and
negotiations with Antimasons.

9. Calhoun's Correspondence.

Contains a few references in regard to his attitude toward Anti-
masonry.

10. Letters of Jackson, Van Buren, and others.
Very few and unimportant references.
560

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 561

H. General histories.

< if no use with the exception of a short account of the beginnings of
Antimiisonry in New York in McMaster's History of the People of the
United States. Vol. 5.

C1. Local histories.

1. Wilson's History of Pittsburg.

A work of great value compiled from original sources.

2. Other local histories of counties and cities.

Of value only in the accounts which they give of individuals.

D. State histories.

1. Egle's History of Pennsylvania.

Valuable only for the short account it gives of Pennsylvania history
during the period studied.

2. Thompson's History of Vermont.

I'seful only for outline of political events.

3. Other State histories.

They sometimes give us brief outlines of political activities in the
State, otherwise unreliable and unimportant.

E. Political histories.

1. Hammond's Political History of New York.

This is the best book upon Antimasonry in New York. It has two
contemporaneous accounts. Hammond's account is that of a fair-
minded National Republican, while Whittlesey's account is colored bv
his Antimasonic beliefs.

2. Other political histories.

Too general and superficial in character. They do not touch the
basis of the movement. They do not go into the State questions at all.

F. State records.

1. Laws and statutes.

Very useful when other material is not accessible. The official State
papers of the times publish the same material with comment and de-
bate, and therefore are more useful to the student of a political party.

2. State legislative journals.

Often useful for records of votes upon questions, but as the State
papers also give this material, and with it the politics of each man, they
are much more useful. Journals, however, are of great use where the
other material is missing. The reqords of the governor and council of
Vermont are of especial use in this connection.

:?. Governors' messages.

Often useful, as they give us a condensed account of the affairs of the
State and the policy of individuals. These messages, however, are
printed in the official State papers, and have been used in connection
with those sources.

4. Financial affairs, canal reports, etc.

Valuable material for the study of State questions. They are gener-
ally printed in the official papers, and the newspapers of the day, and
have been used in that connection.

5. State manuals and registers.

Of use in giving the names of officers, terms of office, votes, etc. Wil-
liams's New York Register is of especial use in this connection.

H. Doc. 461, pt 1 36

562 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

G. Congressional debates, proceedings, etc.

The Antimasonic party had no Congressional career, and was but once
or twice referred to in Congress. Votes upon national questions are in
some cases of use.

H. Masonic histories and proceedings of lodges.

They have very little to say about the matter, and whatever is said
bears merely upon the abduction of Morgan or is in defense of the order.
However, Harvey's Lodge, No. 61, Free and Accepted Masons, Wilkes-
barre, Pa.. 1897, has a very valuable account of political Antimasonry in
Pennsylvania.

I. Miscellaneous.

1. Catalogue of Books on the Masonic Institution in Public Libraries of
Twenty-eight States of the Union * * * by a Member of The
Suffolk Committee of 1829. Boston, 1852.

This is a very valuable compilation, as it gives not only the books and
pamphlets, but also the principal Antimasonic arguments and the dates
of the different conventions.

J. Pamphlets, broadsides, etc. In giving a list of pam-
phlets, it is necessary to distinguish between the pamphlets of
political significance and those which deal merely with the
social side of the question. The following selected pamphlets
are useful for the light which they throw upon politics:

1. Extracts from the Proceedings of the First Antimasonic Convention.

Boston, 1833. (In Wis. Hist. Library.)

Of great importance for the study of national organization of Anti-
masonry.

2. The Proceedings of the Second United States Antimasonic Convention.

Boston, 1832. (In Wis. Hist. Library.)

Valuable for the study of the national aspects of the question.

3. Vindication of General Washington from the Stigma of Adherence to

Secret Societies by Joseph Ritner. * * * Together- with a letter
to Daniel Webster and his reply. Boston, 1841. (In Wis. Hist.
Library. )

Especially valuable for the negotiations with Webster.

4. Proceedings of an Antimasonic Republican Convention of the County

of Cayuga. Held at Auburn, January 1, 1830. Auburn, 1830. (In
Wis. Hist. Library.)

Pamphlets such as these give us an insight into the political basis of
the party in rural districts.

5. Proceedings of the Rhode Island Antimasonic State Convention, Sep-

tember 14, 1831. Providence, 1831. (In Wis. Hist. Library.)

Important for the study of the history of the party in Rhode Island.

6. A Legislative investigation into Masonry * * * before a com-

mittee of the General Assembly of Rhode Island, by B. F. Hallett,
George Turner, and others. Boston, 1832. (In Wis. Hist. Library. )
A curious pamphlet, showing the legislative aims of the more radical
Antimasons.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 563

7. An Official Report of William Sprague, jr. ; one of the Committee of

the House of Representatives of Rhode Island, upon the Subject of
Masonry. Providence, 1832. (In Pa. State Hist. Society Library.)
Shows the result of the coalition between the Democrats and Anti-
masons in Rhode Island.

8. Doings of the Plymouth County Antirnasonic Convention hekl at Ab-

ingdon, March 10, 1828. (Broadside in Wis. Hist. Library.)

One of the earliest pamphlets issued by the party in Massachusetts.
It shows us the early efforts for organization in rural districts.

9. An Abstract of the Proceedings of the Antimasonic State Convention

of Massachusetts. Boston, December 30 and 31, 1829, and January

I, 1830. Boston, 1830. (In Wis. Hist. Library.)

A rare and useful pamphlet of great political significance.

10. A Brief Report of the Debates in the Antimasonic State Convention of

the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. Held in Boston, December
30/31, 1829, and January 1, 1830. (In Wis. Hist. Library.)

It has but slight political value, but it gives us a good idea of what

the grievances of the members were, and also their attitude toward the

masons of the State.

11. Address to the People. From the Antimasonic Convention * * *

Held in Faneuil Hall, January 1, 1830. (Broadside in Wis. Hist.
Library.)

Practically a platform of the party.

12. An Oration Delivered at Faneuil Hall, Boston, January 11, 1831, by

Timothy Fuller. Boston, 1831. (In Wis. Hist. Library.)

Mixed up with the tirade of denunciation is a good deal of matter
showing the attitude of the party on the questions of the day.

13. An Abstract of the Proceedings of the State Convention of Massachu-

setts, held in Faneuil Hall, Boston, May 19, 20, 1831. (In Wis.
Hist. Library.)

A useful source for State politics.

14. Antimasonic Rupublican Convention of Massachusetts, held at Worces-

. ter, September 5, 6, 1832. Boston, 1832. (In Wis. Hist. Library.)
Valuable especially for the attitude of the Antimasons toward the
National Republicans upon the question of a National candidate.

15. Proceedings of the Massachusetts Antimasonic Convention, September

II, 12, 13, 1833. Boston, 1833. (In New York State Library,
Albany.)

IB. Antimasonic Republican Convention of Massachusetts. Held at Bos-
ton, September 10, 11, 1834. Boston, 1834. (In Wis. Hist. Library. )

17. An Address to the People of Massachusetts. In relation to the Politi-

cal Influence of Freemasonry on some of the * * * proceedings
of the Legislature at the last session, for the year 1831. Boston,
1833. (In Wis. Hist. Library. )

Very important, as it shows the whole political struggle of the National
Republicans and the Antimasons in the Massachusetts legislature.

18. An Investigation into Freemasonry. By a joint Committee of the

Legislature of Massachusetts * * * March, 1834. Boston, 1834.
(In Wis. Hist. Library.)

The results of the investigation show us little, but the pamphlet
reveals the purposes and methods of radical Antimasons.

564 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

19. Proceedings of the Sixth Antimasonic State Convention of Massachu-

setts, held in Boston October 1, 1835. (Broadside with the Boston
Daily Advocate Extra. In Wis. Hist. Library.)

Reveals the growing dissolution of the party in Massachusetts.

20. Resolutions adopted by the Antimasonic members of the legislature of

Massachusetts * * * opposed to the nomination of Martin Van
Buren. * * * March 9, 1836. Boston, 1836. (In Wis. Hist.
Library. )

It is important, as it shows the attitude of the remnant of the Anti-
masons of Massachusetts.

21. The Character of General Jackson and Mr. Van Buren, by Alexander H.

Everett, in 1832, also Notions of Antimasonry, by the same author
in 1833. (In Wis. Hist. Library.)

A political pamphlet directed against the aspirations of Alexander
Everett.

22. Proceedings of the New York State Convention at Albany, 1829. (In

New York State Library, Albany. )

Important for a study of the political organization of 1829 in New
York.

23. Proceedings of the New York State Convention held in Utica, 1830.

(In New York State Library, Albany.)

Reveals the growing power of Weed and his followers.

24. Light on Masonry. David Bernard, Utica, 1829. (In Wis. Hist.

Library. )

Contains some political matter such as the Proceedings of the Le Roy
Convention of New York Legislature of 1828.

25. Narrative of the Anti-Masonick Excitement in the Western Part of the

State during the years 1826, 1827, 1828, and part of 1829. Henry
Brown, Batavia, N. Y., 1829. (In Wis. Hist. Library.)

A Masonic account, dealing but slightly with political matters.

26. Proceedings of a Convention of Delegates opposed to Free Masonry,

Le Roy, Genesee County, N. Y., March 6, 1828. (In. New York
State Library, Albany. )

An important pamphlet, showing the genesis of Antimasonry in
New York.

K. Books and pamphlets showing the social side of Anti-
masonry. A great many pamphlets, almanacs, broadsides,
etc. , were issued by each side upon the Morgan affair and the
Masonic Fraternity. The Antimasonic pamphlets are quite
fully given in the catalogue of Antimasonic books. The fol-
lowing pamphlets are especially useful.

1. The True History * * * of the Abduction of William Morgan. P. C.

Huntington. New York, 1886. (In Wis. Hist. Library.)

2. The Masonic Martyr. The Biography of Eli Bruce. Rob. Morris,

Louisville, Ky., 1861. (In Wis. Hist. Library.)

A Masonic defense of one of the individuals on trial for the abduction
of William Morgan.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 565

3. The Broker Seal, or Personal Reminiscences of the Morgan Abduction

and Murder, by Samuel D. Greene. Boston, 1870. (In Wis. Hist.
Library. )

Greene claimed to be a member of the same lodge with Morgan, and
was afterwards editor of the Boston Advocate.

4. Letters on the Masonic Institution, by John Quincy Adams. Boston,

1847. (In Wis. Hist. Library.)

Important for the attitude of Adams.

5. Illustrations of Masonry. William Morgan. New York, 1827. (In

Wis. Hist, Library.)

<>. Letters on Masonry and Antimasonry. Addressed to Hon. John
Quincy Adams by William L. Stone. New York, 1832. (In Wis.
Hist. Library. )

7. Letters of Hon. Cadwallader D. Golden upon the Secret Order of Free

Masons. New York, 1829. (In Wis. Hist. Library.)
Mr. Golden was mayor of the city of New York.

8. Another Masonic Murder. By Samuel G. Anderton. Boston, 1830.

(In Wis. Hist. Library.)

9. Letters addressed to William L. Stone, esq., of New York, * * *

upon the subject of Masonry and Antimasonry, by John Quincy
Adams, to which is added a Portrait of Masonry, by John C. Spen-
cer. Providence, 1833. (In Wis. Hist. Library.)

10. History of Masonic Persecutions. Rev. George Olive, D. D. 1866.

(In Wis. Hist. Library.)

11. Nathaniel Very's Renunciation of Free Masonry. Worcester, 1830.

(In Wis. Hist. Library.)

12. Renunciation of Free Masonry. Hiram B. Hopkins, esq. Boston,

1830. (In Wis. Hist. Library.)

13. Rev. Joseph Christmas' s. denunciation. 1830. (In Wis. Hist.

Library. )

14. Renunciation of Free Masonry. By Hon. Pliny Merrick, of Worcester,

Mass. Worcester, 1871. (In Wis. Hist. Library.)
Merrick's renunciation took place in 1832.

15. Constitution of the Young Men's Antimasonic Association for the

Diffusion of the Truth. Boston, 1832. (In Wis. Hist. Library.)

16. A Portrait of Masonry and Antimasonry, as drawn by Richard Rush,

John Quincy Adams, William Wirt, etc. Providence, 1832. (In
Wis. Hist. Library.)

17. Masonry Proved to Be a Work of Darkness, Repugnant to the Chris-

tian Religion and Inimical to a Republican Government. By
Lebbeus Armstrong. Hartford, 1833. (In Wis. Hist. Library.)
Useful as an example of religious opposition to Masonry.

18. Free Masonry, in Reply to Anti-Masonry; in the American Quarterly

Review, March, 1830. Boston, 1830. (In Wis. Hist. Library.)

19. A Brief Defense of John the Baptist against Foul Slander and Wicked

Libel of Free Masons. John Gest, 1834. (In Wis. Hist. Library. )

20. Reply to the Declaration of 1,200 Masons. Boston, 1832. (In Wis.

Hist. Library.)

566 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

21. Letters on the Entered Apprentice's Oath, by John Quincy Adams.

Boston, 1833. (In Wis. Hist. Library.) '

22. A Collection of Letters on Freemasonry, Chronologically Arranged.

Boston, 1,849. (In Wis. Hist. Library.)

23. A Letter on Freemasonry, by the Hon. Richard Rush, to the Committee

of the Citizens of York County, Pennsylvania. Boston, 1831. (In
Wis. Hist. Library.)

This latter did much to break up the National Republican Antimasonic
coalition in Pennsylvania in 1831.

24. Letters of Rush, Adams, Wirt. Boston, 1831. (In Wis. Hist. Library.)

25. An Address Delivered at Weymouth, South Parish, June 21, 1830.

Moses Thacher. Boston, 1830. (In Wis. Hist. Library.)
By a leading Antimasonic Congregational minister.

26. A Freeman on Freemasonry, 1831(7). (In Wis. Hist. Library.)

27. An Address to the Freemen of Massachusetts, by a Freeman. Worces-

ter, 1832. (In Wis. Hist. Library.)

28. A Voice from the Green Mountains on the Subject of Masonry and

Antimasonry, by Samuel Elliott. Brattleboro, 1830. (In WTis. Hist.
Library. )

29. The Opinions of the late Chief Justice of the United States, John

Marshall, Concerning Freemasonry. (In Wis. Hist Library.)

30. Letters of John Quincy Adams to Edward Livingston. Boston, 1833.

(In Wis. Hist. Library.)

31. A Letter on Speculative Masonry, by Charles Pinckney Sumner. Bos-

ton, 1829. (In Wis. Hist. Library.)

32. Ancient Freemasonry Contrasted with Illuminism, or Modern Masonry,

by Tubal Cain. Utica, 1831. (In Wis. Hist. Library.)

33. Address Delivered Before the Grand Lodge of Massachusetts, * * *

by Joseph Jenkins, 1829. Boston, 1830. (In Wis. Hist. Library.)

34. An Address Delivered before the Members of the Antimasonic State

Convention, Augusta, Me., July 4, 1832. Moses Thacher. (Pa.
State Hist. Society.)

35. Solomon Southwick's Speech. New York State convention, 1829.

(In New York State Library, Albany. )

3x Reply of the Genesee Consociation to Joseph Emerton. 1830. (In
New York State Library, Albany.)

Very important for the religious standpoint.

L. Newspapers. The newspapers furnish the best means
by which we can get at the political basis of the Antimasonic
party. To give the complete list of the newspapers would
result in a volume by itself. I have sought to give a list of
such as are of greatest use. Many of the newspapers, and
especially the official organs, publish the laws and the pro-
ceedings of the legislatures, together with the most important
debates. An official paper, such as the Albany Argus or the
Harrisburg Reporter, furnished hardly anything but political

A

I

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 567

news, while some of the great city dailies are of but little use
in this way. In using newspapers, I have tried to compare
the statements, where possible, of papers representing differ-
ent factions. I regard this as the only historical method. I
have included in this list also papers which help us to study
the religious and social basis of the movement.

1. Connecticut newspapers:

Connecticut Courant, Hartford.

1828, 1830-1834. In New York Public Library.
Jan., 1828-Dec. 16, 1828. In Library of Congress.
Hartford Weekly Times.

Mar. 2, 1829-Dec. 26, 1831. Jan. 7, 1834-May6, 1834. Semi-
weekly edition, May 10, 1833-Dec. 29, 1838. In Library of
Congress.
Columbian Weekly Register. New Haven.

Jan. 2, 1830-Dec. 29, 1832. Jan. 4, 1834-Dec. 30, 1837. In

Library of Congress.
:>. Maine.

Eastern Argus. Portland.

Mar. 31,1829-Sept. 18, 1832. Jan. 6, 1833-Dec. 20, 1835. In

Library of Congress.
3. Massachusetts.

Boston Daily Advertiser.

Jan. 3, 1832-1837. In Library of Congress. 1827-1836. In
American Antiquarian Library, Worcester, Boston Public
Library, and Harvard College Library.
Boston Free Press.

Jan. 20, 1831-Mar. 19, 1834. In Library of Congress.

An Antimasonic paper and one of the most important sources not
only for Massachusetts but the movement throughout the country.

Boston Recorder.

1829-1837. In Library of Congress, Boston Public Library,

and Havard College Library.
1831-1832. In Wis. Hist. Library.

A Congregational paper and valuable for occasional references as to
the attitude of the sect toward the politics of the State.

Daily Evening Transcript. Boston.

1831-1836. In American Antiquarian Library, Worcester.
Oct.-Dec., 1831. Apr. -Sept., 1833. Jan.-Sept., 1834. In

Wis. Hist. Library.
Independent Chronicle. Boston.

1829-1837. In Boston Public Library and Harvard College

Library.
1829-1832. 1833-1836. In Wis. Hist. Library.

A National Republican and Whig paper opposed to the Antimasons
It published the laws and the proceedings of the legislature. Chief
source from the Whig side.

568 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

3. Massachusetts — Continued .

Columbian Sentinel. Boston.

1828-1837. In Albany State Library, Boston Public Library,

and Harvard College Library.
1829-1832. In Wis. Hist. Library.

A very important National Republican paper opposed to Antimasonry.

Christian Register. Boston.

1828-1830. 1833-1839. In Wis. Hist. Library.

A Unitarian paper important for occasional references as to the atti-
tude of Unitarians upon Antimasonry.

Boston Advocate.

1829-1835. A few scattered copies in the Wis. Hist. Library.
An Antimasonic semireligious paper, edited by S. D. Greene. It had
Democratic leanings.

New England Galaxy.

1829-Dec. 20, 1834. In Library of Congress.
1831-1833. In Wis. Hist. Library,

1829-1835. In American Antiquarian Library, Worcester,
and in the Boston Public Library.

A literary magazine of Masonic affiliations. It is not a rabid or dis
tinctly partisan paper. Useful for occasional references.

Berkshire Advocate. North Adams.

Nov. 20, 1833-June, 1834. In Library of Congress.
Worcester Paladium.

1834-1837. In Library of Congress.
Worcester Spy.

1829-1836. In American Antiquarian Library, Worcester,
and the Boston Public Library.

1829-1830. 1831-1837." In Library of Congress.
Massachusetts Yeoman.

1828-1837. In American Antiquarian Library.

Aug. 30, 1828-Aug. 8, 1829. In Library of Congress.
Valuable for the political views of western Massachusetts.

Moral Envoy. Fall River.

1830. In Wis. Hist. Library.

A rabid Antimasonic paper*. Very useful from a political as well as a
social standpoint.

4. Michigan.

Detroit Courier.

Feb. 17, 1831-Dec. 22, 1831. In Library of Congress.
Detroit Free Press.

Jan. 15, 1832-1835. In Library of Congress; also in Detroit
Public Library.

5. New Hampshire.

New Hampshire Gazette. Portsmouth.

Jan. 26 1829-Dec. 28, 1830. In Library of Congress.
New Hampshire Patriot and State Gazette.

Aug. 17, 1829-1835. In Library of Congress.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 569

6. New Jersey.

West Jersey Observer, Bridgeton.

May 14, 1829-Nov. 21, 1829.

Jan. 9, 1830-Dec. 25, 1830.

Jan. 1832-Dec. 28, 1833. In Library of Congress.
Trenton Emporium.

Jan. 1, 1830-1835. Tn Library of Congress.
Jersey man, Morristown.

Jan. 7, 1832-Dec. 12, 1832; Jan. 2, 1833-Dec. 17, 1834. In

Library of Congress.
Newark Daily Advertiser.

Mar. 28, 1832-Aug. 31, 1832; Jan. 2, 1833-Jan. 30, 1835. In
Library of Congress.

7. New York.

Albany Argus.

1827-1834. In New York State Library, Albany.
Jan. 1, 1828-Dec., 1830; Jan. 1, 1832-1834. In Library of
Congress.

A Democratic paper, edited by Croswell, one of the Regency. This
paper is one of the most important sources, as it published the laws and
legislative proceedings and often the speeches of the members.

Albany Evening Journal.

1830-1834. In the office of the Albany Evening Journal,
Albany, N. Y,

Thurlow Weed's paper. It was the greatest Antimasonic paper in
the country.

Albany Daily Advertiser.

1827-1834. In ttie office of the Albany Evening Journal.
Jan. 1-Dec. 31 , 1833. In Library of Congress. The New York
State Library also has a few numbers.
A national Republican paper, strongly opposed to Antimasonry.

National Observer. Albany.

1827-1831. New York State Library, Albany.

Edited by Solomon Southwick. A very radical Antimasonic sheet,
with Democratic leanings.

Albany Microscope.

1832-1834. In New York State Library.
Christian Intelligencer.

1830-1834. In New York State Library.
Albany Masonic Record.

1828-1834. In American Antiquarian Library, Worcester.
New York American, New York City.

1827-1834. In American Antiquarian Library, Worcester.

1831-1833. In New York State Library.

1827. Boston Public Library.

1827-1828. In Boston Athemeum.

May 14, 1831-May 17, 1834. In Library of Congress.
New York Commercial Advertiser. New York City.

1827-1829. 1831-1833. In New York State Library, Albany.

570 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

7. New York — Continued.

New York Courier and Enquirer.

May 26-Dec. 18, 1830; Jan. 1, 1833-Dec. 30, 1833. In Li-
brary of Congress.

1829-1830. Pennsylvania State Library, Harrisburg.
New York Evening Post, New York City.

1827-1834. Pennsylvania Historical Library and New York
Public Library.

1830. In New York State Library.
Rochester Observer.

1827. In New York State Library.
Rochester Republican.

Jan. 1-Feb. 26, 1828. Jan. 3, 1832-Aug. 20, 1833. In Library

of Congress.
New York Statesman. New York City.

1827-1834. Harvard College Library.

1827-1828. New York State Library.
New York Mirror. New York City.

1827-1834. Harvard College Library and American Anti-
quarian Library, Worcester.
Freeman's Journal. Cooperstown, N. Y.

1827-1829. 1830-1832. In Wisconsin Historical Library.
Masonic Intelligencer. Batavia, N. Y.

Feb. 21, 1827. Wisconsin Historical Library.
Le Roy Gazette.

1827. In Wisconsin Historical Library.

Very important for the early movements, as it was an Antimasonic
paper.

Anti-Masonic Review and Magazine. New York.

1828, 13 numbers. In Wisconsin Historical Library.

This magazine was edited by Henry Dana Ward. It incidentally
keeps up with the political movements and is therefore very valuable.

Craftsman. Rochester.

A few scattered numbers in New York State Library, Albany.
The organ of the Western Masons.

Anti-Masonic Enquirer. Rochester.

1828-1830. A few scattered numbers in New York State
Library.

This paper was edited by Thurlow Weed and is of great value for a
study of early Antimasonic movements in western New York.

New York Miscellaneous Papers.

About 30 volumes in the State Library in Albany.

They contain occasionally a valuable local paper or fragment.

8. Ohio.

Cincinnati Advertiser.

June 6, 1829-Dec. 25, 1830. Jan. 5, 1833-Dec. 26, 1838. In

Library of Congress.
Cincinnati Daily Gazette.

Jan. 4, 1828-Dec. 31, 1829. Jan. 7, 1833-Dec. 31, 1835. In
Library of Congress.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 571

8. Ohio — Continued.

Ohio State Bulletin. Columbus.

1829-1835. In State Library, Columbus.

Important for laws, state reports, and legislative proceedings.

Columbus Sentinel.

. 1832-1834. In State Library, Columbus. Western Reserve
Historical Library, Cleveland.
A leading National Republican paper.

Hamilton Intelligencer.

1829-1835. Ohio State Library, Columbus.
A leading National Republican paper.

Cincinnati Chronicle.

1828-1835. State Library, Columbus.

Cleveland Weekly Herald.

1829-1835. Western Reserve Historical Library, Cleveland.

National Historian. St. Clairsville.
1832. In State Library, Columbus.

Cincinnati Christian Journal.

Jan., 1830-July, 1831. In Wis. Hist. Library.

A Presbyterian paper, important for occasional references to Anti-
masonry.

Cincinnati Sentinel.

Nov. 21, 1829-Sept. 18, 1830. Oct. 30, 1830-Oct. 15, 1831. In
Library of Congress,

Ohio Monitor. Columbus.

1830-1836. In American Antiquarian Library, Worcester.
Jan. 3, 1831-Dee; 22, 1831. Jan. 3, 1833-Dec. 26, 1836. In
Library of Congress.

Ohio State Journal.' ; Columbus.

1832-1835. In State Library,' Columbus. Also copies in
Cleveland Public Library and Chicago Historical Library.
A National Republican paper which gives laws, discussions, etc.
Devoted largely to politics.

9. Pennsylvania.

Statesman and Antimasonic Republican. Harrisburg.

Apr., 1831-Dec., 1831. Pa. State Library, Harrisburg.

A very important source for the study of political Antimasonry in
Pennsylvania.

Harrisburg Chronicle.

Feb., 1828-June, 1840. Pa. State Library, Harrisburg.

A National Republican and Whig paper. After 1836 Nicholas Biddle
was interested in this paper. It is important especially for the speeches,
debates, etc., in the Pennsylvania State senate.

Franklin Repository. Chambersburg.

1830-1840. Pa. State Library, Harrisburg.
A bright Whig paper full of political news.

572 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

Pennsylvania Intelligencer. Harrisburg.

Apr., 1831-1840. In Pa. State Library, Harrisburg.

A Whig paper printing laws, debates, and full of political matter.

Pennsylvania Reporter. Harrisburg.

Dec., 1829-Jan., 1836. Jan., 1837-1840. In Pa. State Library,

Harrisburg.

Jan. 4, 1828-Dec. 26, 1828. Jan. 4, 1831-Dec. 30, 1836. Jan.
15, 1836-Aug. 4, 1836. Feb. 3, 1837-Nov. 20, 1840. In
Library of Congress.

A most important source in Pennsylvania. It was the State paper and
the chief Democratic organ. It printed laws, debates, and political
matter.

Antimasonic Herald. New Holland, Lancaster County.

Jan., 1829- Aug., 1832. In Pa. State Library, Harrisburg.

Edited by Theophilus Fenn. This was a pioneer paper in the cause
and is especially valuable for the accounts it gives of the Antimasonic
movements throughout the country.

Harrisburg Telegraph.

1832-1837. In Pa. State Library, Harrisburg.

The leading Antimasonic paper in the State. Edited by Theophilus
Fenn. It was the official State paper during the Antimasonic regime.

Harrisburg Gazette.

1832. In Pa. State Library, Harrisburg.
A Clay paper supporting Wolf.

Hazard's Register of Pennsylvania.

1828-1835. In Pa. State Library, Harrisburg; Wis. Hist.
Library, and Boston Atheneum, etc.

Useful for canal reports, governors' messages, State financial reports,
etc.

Westmoreland Intelligencer. Greensburg.

1833-1834. In Pa. State Library, Harrisburg.

Valuable as an example of an Antimasonic country paper.

American Sentinel. Philadelphia.

Jan. 1, 1829-Dec. 31, 1830. Jan. 2, 1832-Dec. 31, 1838, In
Library of Congress. Pa. State Library, Harrisburg, has a
file, but it is in such bad shape as to be practically useless.

American Daily Advertiser. Philadelphia.
1827-1839. In Library of Congress.
1829-1832. 1833-1835. 1837-1838. In Wis. Hist. Library.

American Volunteer. Carlisle.

Oct., 1831-1840. In Pa. State Library, Harrisburg.
A bright, country, Democratic paper, full of political news.

Lancaster Examiner and Herald.

April 15, 1830- April 30, 1834. In Library of Congress.

York Gazette.

May 27, 1828-Sept. 15, 1829. In Library of Congress.

THE ANTIMASONIC PARTY. 573

9. Pennsylvania — Continued.
Pittsburg Gazette.

1829-1840. In Pa. Historical Library, Philadelphia.

A radical Antimasonic paper, which shows the opinions of the Scotch-
Irish Presbyterians of western Pennsylvania.

10. Rhode Island.

Rhode Island Republican. Newport.

Jan. 1, 1829-Nov. 19, 1829. Jan. 7, 1830, Dec. 2, 1830. Oct.,
1833-1838. In Library of Congress.

Republican Herald. Providence.

Jan. 7, 1833-Dec. 8, 1833. Jan. 3, 1835-1838. In Library of
Congress.

11. Vermont.

Vermont Gazette. Bennington.

Feb. 9, 1830-Dec. 5, 1832. Jan. 7, 1834-1837. In Library of
Congress. Nearly a complete file, 1827-1835, in Vermont
State Library, Montpelier.

Vermont Intelligencer. Bellows Falls.

February 25, 1832-February 15, 1834. In Library of Congress.
1832-1833. In Arermont State Library, Montpelier.

Vermont Patriot and State Gazette. Montpelier.

May 4, June 22, June 29, 1829. August 6, 1832-1837. In

Library of Congress.
1830-1833. In Vermont State Library, Montpelier.

Vermont Argus. Middlebury.

January 4, 11, February 28, 1832. January 5, 1836-Septem-
ber 26, 1837. In Library of Congress.

Burlington Sentinel.

1827-1830. In American Antiquarian Library, Worcester.
1830-1837. In Vermont State Library, Montpelier.

North Star. Danville.
1827-1836.

The pioneer Antimasonic paper of the State.

Vermont Watchman. Montpelier. * ,

1829 and 1831. In Vermont State Library, Montpelier.
Also in Library of University of Vermont, Burlington.

A leading National Republican paper, containing important political
news.

Vermont State Journal. Montpelier.

1831-1836. In Vermont State Library, Montpelier.

An official organ during the Antimasonic regime. Gives the best his-
tory of Antimasonic movements in the State from an Antimasonic
standpoint.

Vermont Chronicle. Windsor.

1831-1836. In Vermont State Library, Montpelier. Also in
Library of State University of Vermont, Burlington.

574 AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

1 2. Miscellaneous papers.

American Free Mason. Louisville, Ky.

1854. In Wisconsin Historical Library.

Contains a Masonic account of Antimasonry. It is very useful from
that standpoint.

Temperance Recorder. Albany, N. Y.

March, 1832-February, 1835. In Wisconsin Historical Li-
brary.

Important for occasional references as to the views of temperance
advocates on the subject of Antimasonry.

Niles Register. Baltimore.
1827-1840.

One of the most valuable sources for election accounts, investigations
speeches, incidents, etc.