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Antiquities of Epitaurum. 


4. The original site of Epitaurum Eagusa Vecchia and not Prevlaka as suggested by Jlommscn. 

5. Greek coins and gems found on the site of Epitaurum. 
8. Existing architectural remains: the Aqueduct. 

1 1 . Bath-chamber or Piscina at the head of the Aqueduct. 

12. Monument to P. Corn. Dolabella. 

13. New Inscriptions, one mentioning ' ^dile ' and ' iivir Quinquennalis.' 

16. Development of Civic Institutions at Epitaurum, as illustrated by monuments. 

17. Gems relating to cult of ^sculapius: this cult apparently extinguished here by St. Hilarion. 
19. Discovery of Mithraic monuments near Epitaurum. 

22. Observations on some Mithraic gems. 

26. Engraved Christian gem, probably representing Vision of Constantine. 

27. Roman Christian ring. 

27. Observations as to the date of the destruction of Epitaurum. 

Antiquities of the District of Canali. 

29. Derivation of the name by Constantine Porphyrogenitus explained. 

31. Illyro-Roman survival in tlie local nomenclature and physical types. 

36. Apparent site of lloman Municipium at Sveti Ivan and Djare. 

37. Monument mentioning the 'iivir ivre dicvndo.' 

39. Traces of Roman road leading from Epitaurum to Risinium. 


Antiquities of Rhizon oh Risinium. 


4(1. Heinains ol Acropolis at Risano. 

41. The '..Eaciaii ' walls oC the ancient city- 

4"J. JUviian coins struck at Risinium. 

44. l!reek terra-cotta vase and Askos trom this site. 

45. Notes on the Greek commercial connexion with the lUyiuin coast. 

46. Roman inscriptions. 

48. Traces of Aqueduct and Reservoir. 

49. Christian intaglio. 

4!». The Kisinian episcopate in tlie sixth century. 

,')(>. T.atc Roman i-namelled pendant displaying Persian influences. 







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Jiijiicutijuf tJie (cia'.se of the- Hoods and the' Sites 
where Honuin RemajJis /uwe been/ discovered-. 

Prepared/ hy t/ia Author. 

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Owing to the neit^hbourhood of the civilized republic of Eagusa, Avhich sprang 
as it were from the ashes of the Grseco-Eoman city, the antiquities of the Dal- 
matian Epidaurus have been investigated from the early days of the Renascence. 
The merchant antiquary, Cyriac of Ancona, who visited Ragusa during his voyage 
into the Levant, undertaken in 1435, had already begun the work of copying tlie 
remaining inscriptions, which was continued in the next century by the native 
Ragusan antiquaries, who supplied Aldus Manutius and others with epigraphic 
materials from the Epidaurian site. The work thus early begun was worthily 
continued in the last century by the Ragusan patrician De Sorgo," more recently 
by Dr. J. A. Kasnacid and others, and Professor Mommsen personally collated 
many of the inscriptions for the great work of the Berlin Academy.'' The aque- 
duct and general antiquities of the site are treated at length by Appendini, but 
in a somewhat fantastic and uncritical manner.'' A residence on the spot has now 

" Comment. Lud. Cervarii 2'uheronis de origine et incremento Urbis liliacusuncc. Eagusa, 1790. 

^ The hitherto known inscriptions from t]ie site are collected in C. I. L. iii. p. 288 seqq. and Prof. 
Mommsen (.?. v. epidaurum) gives a resume of the earlier sources for the epigraphy of the place. 

"^ Notizie istorico-criiiche sulle Antichitd, Storia e Letteratura di Ragusei. Ragusa, 1802, t. i. lih. 
i. ii. The remains at Eagusa Vecchia have been touched on since Appcndini's time by Stieglitz, Istricn 

H 2 

4 ^Lntiquarian Itescarchcs in lUi/ricum. 

enabli'd luc fo make some fresh conti-ibutions to the materials ah-eady collected, 
and to correct perhaps some prevailing misconceptions. 

The site of the ancient city, at present occupied by a small town called, by a 
curious transference of names, Ragusa Vecchia, l)ut still knoAvn to its Slavonic- 
speaking inha])itants as Zavtat or Cavtat, from the earlier llomance form Cicifofe, 
is on a small pciiiiisiila jutting out from the opposite side of the bay to that on 
wliieh its oifsin-ing Ragusa stands. Although tlie Dahnatian Epidauros, or, to 
accept the prevalent local orthography, Epitaurum," does not appear in history 
till the time of the Civil Wars, the name itself mav be taken as a sufficient 
indication that it was an Adi'iatic colonial station of one or other of its Pelo- 
ponnesian namesakes; and its peninsular site Avas just one of those which offered 
special advantages to the early Greek settlers on a barbarian coast. 

Mommsen, indeed, who visited tliis site in order to collate^ the monuments for 
the Corpus Inscriptionum, has revived in a new form a theory, already propounded 
by Mannert,'" and others, that the site of Epitanrum is to be sought at Prevlaka, 
at the entrance of the Bocclie di Cattaro, and not on the peninsula of Ragusa 
Vecchia. It has been pointed out by these authorities that the Tabula Feutln- 
geriana makes Epitaurum 105 miles distant from Lissus and 103 " from Narona, 
while Pliny '^ makes it equidistant — 100 miles from citlicr — and it lias been urged 
that these measurements can only be reconciled with the position of Prevlaka. 

As Mommsen however himself admits, the statement of the Itinerarium 
MarUimuDi " that Epitaurum was 200 stadia from the isle of Melita (Meleda) can 

und Dalmazien, p. 2G4 (Stuttgart unJ Tubingen, 1845), Wilkinson, Dalmatia i. 373 (London, 1848), 
Kohl, Reise nach Isirien. Dalmazien und Montenegro, ii. 33 ser/r/. (Diesden, 1856), Lago, Memovie sulla 
Dalmazia (Venezia, 1870), and others, but the notices are slight and add little to our knowledge. 

' On a Privilejium Veteranoru7n of Vespasian found at Salona there is mention of a P. Vibius 
Maximus, — eimtavu . kq . r. In the Tabula Peutingeriana the name appears as Ej)ilau7-o: in the Geo- 
grapher of Ravenna as Epitauron (."79, 14) and Epilnunnn (208, 10). In St. Jerome {Vita S. Hilarionis) 
Epitaurum : in the sixth century Council-Acts of Salona, Epitaurensis Ecclesia. The town is alluded to 
by Constantine Porphyrogcnitus {l)e Adm. Imp. c. 29) as tu Kdarpov ro imXeyvfitvov IliVaupa; and its early 
Slavonic name was Starigrad Pitaxir, still preserving the t in preference to d. The readings of Ptolemy 
(2, IG, 5), Pliny (23, 143), and Antonine {It. Mar. 520), cannot weigh against this consensus of local 
testimony; but we need not with Prof. Tomaschek {Die vorslaivische Topographic. &c. p. 37) seek an 
Iliyrian derivation for the name. 

" 7, 350. 

' Accepting the correction of the distance Naron,-; — Ad Turres (see p. 79). 

J Hist. Nat. iii. 22, 143. 

<^ .4 MELiT.t EPiDAVRos STADIA cc. /(. Antonini. 520. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 5 

only be reconciled with the K-agusa-Vecchian site. He further observes that 
any one Avho, like himself, has visited Ragusa Vccchia, who has seen the remains 
of the amphitheatre cut out of the solid rock, the traces of the Homan harbour, 
the inscriptions which, though not presenting in a single case the name of the 
city, are numerous and imposing, and the other abundant traces of Roman 
habitation that are daily brought to light, can fail to recognise the fact that 
a famous and important Roman city must have existed at this spot, epithets 
which, among all the Roman stations on the coast between Lissus and Karona, 
alone apply to the Colony of Ejiitaurum." 

In order to reconcile these conflicting indications Mommsen has recourse to 
the hypothesis that the original Epitaurima existed at Prevlaka, but that for some 
reason unknown, and at a still flourishing period of the Roman Emjoire, it was 
transferred to the Ragusa-Vecchian site ; so that there woixld be an Old and New 
Epitaurum as well as an Old and New Ragusa. 

This hypothesis, not very hopeful in itself, appears to me to be untenable for 
several reasons. At Prevlaka a single inscription only has been discovered, refer- 
ring to a decurion of the Sergian tribe,'' the tribe to which the citizens of Risi- 
nium and the Roman predecessor of Cattaro belonged, but not the tribe of the 
Epidauritans, which was the Tromentine . Taken by itself, therefore, this inscrij)- 
tion supplies internal evidence that it belonged to one of the known Roman cities 
of the Rhizonic Gidf . A careful examination of the isthmus and peninsula of 
Prevlaka has convinced me that no ancient town has ever existed at that spot." 
Not only are all architectural traces wanting, but the soil is absolutely deficient 
in those minor relics, such as fragments of pottery and tiles, that always mark an 
ancient site. 

On the other hand, tlicre liave been discovered on the site of Ragvisa Vccchia , 
indubitable relics of Hellenic intercourse, dating from prae- Roman times. ( / 

'^ C. I. L. iii. p. 287, s. v. epidaurum. I do not know to what Prof. Mommsen refers as the remains 
of tlie Amphitheatre. 

" C. I. L. iii. 1738. 

° Dr. Ljubic, Viestnik hrvatslcoga archeologickoga Druztva {Jotirnat of the Croatian Arcliceological 
Society), iii. p. 52, and of. ii. p. 102, completely corroborates my observations: '• Na Prevlaki neostoje 
ni traga rimskomu gradu, a rimski nadpis koji ondje stoji uzidan u crkvici bez dvojbe je iz Bisna iii iz 
Kotora doncsen." (There is not a trace of a Roman town at Prevlaka, and the Roman inscription, which 
is there walled into the chnrch, has been doubtless transported from Risano or Cattaro.) Dr. Ljubic is 
replying to G. Gclchich, who in his Memorie sidle Bocche di Cattaro (Zara. 1880). p. 7, asserts at random 
that remains of the city exist at Prevlaka. 

6 AiiiiqiKiriaii Eesearchcs in Illyriciim. 

Among: tlic coins here brons^ht to lii?lit, I have noticed sovpval silver pieces of 
Dyrrluiclnuni and ApoUonia, of the third century B.C., in one case an autonomous 
coin of Scodra, datini? probal)ly from about the year 108 B.C.," and I have, myself, 
picked up a small brass coin of Bocotia. A few years since there was dug up here 
a pale carnelian intaglio in tlic perfect Greek style, representing Apollo Agyieus, 
guardian of roads and streets, leaning on a pillar and holding forth his bow.'' " 
The old Greek connexion Avitli this ])art of the Dalmatian coast is still traceable 
in the local names, and one of the llagu.san islands has ])reserved in a corrupted 
form the name of the Elcqihites Nesoi.'^ 

Finally, I hope to be able to adduce some fresh evidence as to the course of 
the land communication between Epitaurum and Narona which may serve to 
reconcile completely the statements of Pliny and fbc author of the Tabula Peutin- 
f/eriana with the position of Epitaiirum as indicated by existing remains, and may 
enable us to dispense once and for all with the ingenious hypothesis of Mommsen. 
This evidence I am compelled to reserve for a future paper ; but it may be iisef ul 
to mention that I have discovered the traces of the Roman junction road from 
Epitaurum, running inland, and not, as hitherto supposed, along the coast ; and 
that an inscription on this road shows that, in Claudius's time at any rate, the 
maritime terminus of this road was to lie found on the Ragusa-Vecchian site. 

The existing architectural remains of Epitaurum are small. The rocky nature 
of the soil has hindered tiie usual accumulation of humus, Avliich so often pre- 
serves for us at least the foundations of ancient buildings. On the other hand, 
what remained of the Roman city has, no doubt, largely contributed to supply its 
more renowned mediaeval offspring with building materials. Epitaurum, only 
scA'en miles distant, across the bay, by sea, has become a convenient quarry for 
Ragusa. Traces of the quay, however, and jiarts of the city walls, may yet be 
seen, and the ancient steps, cut in the rock, show that several of the steep and 
narrow streets of Ragusa A^ecchia, the small town that now partially occuj)ies the 

» Vide Numismatic Chronicle, N.S. vol. xx. pi. XIII. fig. 2. 

•> This gem is now in the possession of Mr. W. J. Still man. It greatly resembles that engraved by 
King, Aiitique Gems and Rings, pi. XV. fig. 8, and probably preserves the outlines of a celebrated 

•= Lopnd {It. Mezzo) in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, Z>a/a/o<a, i.e. Da Lafota or D'Alafota, 
Cf. Dr. Constantin Jirecek, Die Ilandclstrassen und Bergwerke von Serbien vnd Bosnien u-cihrend des 
Mittelallers, Prag, 1879, p. 9. Pliny {II. N. iii. 30, 151), mentions the seven Elapliites Insula; as lying 
south of Melita (Meleda). 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricmn. 7 

site, follow the Roman street-lines. On the height, now crowned by a chaxiel of 
S. Rocco, are evident remains of the Roman cemetery, the oblong cavities of sarco- 
phagi being cut out of the solid rock ; and on the shore of the Bay of Tiha, along 
which the Roman road leading to the peninsula gate of Epitaunmi must have 
run, are still to be seen Roman mortuary inscrijitions cut in the face of a ledge of 
roct. That considerable suburbs existed on this side is shown liy the fact that 
Roman remains are abundant as far as Obod, where a Hue tessellated pavement '"' 
was discovered in the last century ; and in the bay itself walls believed to be 
Roman are at times visil)le in the shallows. On the further side of the present 
har1)our of Ragusa Vecchia Roman remains are also distinctly traceal)le. In the 
walls and courtyards of the present town are fragments of sculpture, and columns, 
inscriptions, and monuments, amongst which is an interesting representation of a 
Roman Signifer (fig. 1).'' 

Fii;. 1. Roman Signifer. 

•T •■ 1 di lui vivacissimi coluri con maraviglioso artificio fra loio dispusti presentano all' occliio una 
serie lumiiiosa di vatrliissiiiu' liste," is Appendini's high-flown description of this mosaic in 1S02. Storia 

di Ragusa, p. 50. 

•> The on"raving which 1 here reproduce is taken I'rom my work on Bosnia, in wliiili 1 have already 
"■iven a popular account of some of the Roman Antiquities of Ragusa Vecchia. 

8 Antiquarian Besearches in Illyricum. 

Bill llu' most important relic that remains ol lloman Epitaurum is unques- 
tional)ly the Aqueduct. The total length of this great work, the remains of which 
extend to a mountain soui-ce called Vodovalja, on the further side of the i)lain of 
Canali, is about fifteen miles. I have myself traced it throughout the greater 
part of its course, and from a comparison of its different levels am persuaded that 
the water was in places conducted up eminences a siphon by means of large 
reservoirs a ehasse and afiiite, as has been shown to be the case with some of the 
great aqueducts of Provence. The arches by which it spanned the level tracts 
have unfortunately all perished, though some were existing in the immediate 
neighbourhood of Epitaxirum within the memory of man. The last pier of one 
of these, formerly existing just outside the present gate of Ragusa Vecchia, 
was removed not longer ago than 1875 to widen the road in honour of the 
Emperor Francis Joseph's visit. The great length of this aqueduct curiously 
illustrates the known daintiness of the llomans in regard to their Avater supply. 
At a point several miles nearer Ragusa Vecchia the aqueduct spanned a mountain 
source called Gljuta, far more copious than that to which it is ultimately con- 
ducted. The water of the Gljuta, so far as my own exi)eriencc goes, is not only 
deliciouslv cool to bathe in but eminentlv drinkable. I found hoAvever that the 
natives of the district through which the aciiu^duct runs, and to which it gives 
its name Canali, the old Serbian Zupa Konavalska, have a prejudice against 
either drinking or bathing in the water of this stream. They declare that it 
is slightly saline, and that after drinking it you are quickly seized Avith thirst 
again, that bathing in it is liable to give you ague, and that it is not beneficial 
to herbage. Hence they call it Gljuta, or the bitter Avater. This prejudice may 
be traditional, since, although the Canalesi are at the present day a Slav-speak- 
ing people, the name Canali itself, and many of the village names" of the district 
as well as some of the prevalent physical types attest a coijsiderable surA^Aal of 
lUyro-lloman blood. 

• As for instance Molunta (cf. Illyrian-Mcssapian suffix -uvtiim, -ventttm, &c.), Vifaljtna from Vitalis, 
Cilippi, not to speak of the mediaeval reminiscences of Epitaurum, as Starigrad Pitavr, and its modern 
local name, CaWo/^CVi;i<f/<e, cf. Rouman : Cetate, CiV«r, Albanian: Giutet, &c. (cf. p. 32). Excavations 
conducted by my friend Dr. I^usdian ami myself in mediseval cemeteries about Mrcinc and 8okk(i, not far 
ilistant from the head of the Aqueduct, uiiiply demonstrate the prevalence of non-Slavonic crania. For 
the survival of Roman local names in the territory of Ragusa, see Jirccek, op. cit. p. 8. Still more 
curious are the fragments of the Roman provincial dialect of Dalmatia existing in the Slavonic dialett 
of the Ragusans. Vide Prof. Luko Zore, Dubrovnik, iii. p. 19.^), Nai jezik tijekom vaie knjizevnosti v 
Dubrovniku. (Our language in the course of our literature in Ragusa.) 

AntiqAia7'ian Researches in lUyricum. 9 

The remains of the piers that still exist are formed of a conglomerate of 
rul)ble-masonry, mortar, and bricks, and not of deftly-hewn blocks as in the 
aqueduct of Salona. The most interesting feature in the existing remains is the 
conduit hewn out of the solid rock, which may be traced for miles in the more 
hilly part of the country to be traversed, taking great curves in order to maintain 
the level. In the last century, to judge from a manuscript letter of the secretary 
of the Reimblic of Ragusa, Antonio Alleti, to his friend Mattel at Rome, it must 
have been still more perfect. " I have been," he writes on December 14, 1724, 
" with much satisfaction at Canali to see the Aqueduct through which the Romans 
from a distance of thirty Italian miles [an exaggerated estimate] used to conduct 
the water to Epidaurum, and in order the better to enjoy that venerable antiquity 
at times I rode on horseback in the very channel in which at one time the water 
ran." " 

It is noteworthy that in Canali the breadth of the channel of the Aqueduct is 
nearly three times as great as at Ragusa Vecchia. More Avater was needed in 
this part of its course to be employed in irrigating the fields. The district of 
Canali is still the best artificially-watered tract in the whole of Dalmatia, and 
the inhabitants seem to have preserved the art of irrigation from ancient days. 

The Aqueduct on abutting on the peninsular hill on which Epitaurum stood 
ran along the northern wall of the Roman city, which follows for awhile the 
northern steep of the peninsula, the city itself lying below on the southern flank 
of the hill, where the town of Ragusa Vecchia is at present situate. From the 
north-western angle of the old city wall it descends slightly, in part of its course 
by a subterranean channel tunnelled out of the rock, to a semicircular Chamber 
overlooking the ancient quay, and Avliich appears to have foi-med part of the 
public baths. 

Just above this spot I excavated a very jierfect portion of the ancient channel. 
The channel itself had been hewn, here as elsewhere, in the more rugged part of 
its course out of the limestone rock, but the vault above had been constructed of 
masonry and concrete. From the pitch of the vaulting to the floor the height 

* " Sono stato con sommo contento in Canali per vedere gli avanzi dell' Acquedotto per cui i Eomani 
dalla lontananza di trenta miglie avevano condotto I'acqua in Epidauro, e per inaggior godere di quclla 
veneranda antichita alia volta con cavallo mi cacciai in quel letto medesimo su cui nn tempo scorreva 
I'acqua." The correspondence of Alleti is in the possession of Don Paulovicli of Ragusa, by whose 
kindness I am enabled to reproduce the parts bearing on the antiquities of Epitaurum. Cervarius Tubero, 
Commentaria suornm temporum, remarks, " Quod autem Canalensis ager territorii Epidaurii fuerit, argu- 
mentum est opus mirabilis structurae effectum, qua a vigesimo prope milliario aqua in urbem perducta est, 
partim subterraneo rivo, partim opere arquato." 



Antiquarian Researches in Ilhjricum. 

was exactly five feet, the object beinc^ apparently to enable workmen to walk 
along it when repairs were necessary. The rock walls sloped inwards from the 
spriniij of the arch so as to present a somewhat coffin-like secti(m, due, no doubt, 
as in the case of a coffin, to the desire to give space for the upper and broader 
])ai-t of a man's body. The base was trilateral (fig. 2). 

Fiji. 2. Section op Aqueduct tunnelled thuouch Rock. 

The most remarkable feature, however, is the vaulting above the rock channel. 
The concrete with which its surface is coated presents a curious cogged ov 
serrated section, due to the impression of the planks of the wooden framework or 
centering on the soft material, as is proved by the grain of the wood being itself 
in places reproduced. From this it appears that the centering em])loyed by flic 

Antiquarian Researches in lllyricum. 


Epitaurian architect was different from those generally in use at the present day. 
That it consisted of overlapping planks supported below on a semicircular frame- 
work is evident, but it is difficult to understand what the special advantages 
of this form of centering may have been. The fact, however, that no inter- 
stices are left between the planks, shows that the concrete used was of a very 
soft nature. 

Showing Channel o/ Aqutduct 
in -wall and steps of Nldie B 

Q, probably Cistern aTid fountain. 

E.E. Marble ledge runnings: 
round bath 

Approx. Breadth of bath floor. U—0=hGft. 
Exterior Breadth G_..G.7J/'- 


Tlie Aqueduct Channel is Si feet above the cement 

floor of bath.. 
Breadth of outer wall D.F. = 15 feet. 

Bath Chamter at Epitaurum. 
(Ragusa Veoohia.) 

The semicircular basin into which the channel of the aqueduct runs was ex- 
cavated by me in 1878 (fig. 3). The water entered the Chamber by a semicircular 
niche containing two steps 8 inches high. This again opens into what was 
evidently a semicircular Piscina, about 46 feet in diameter, floored with cement, 
and surrounded with a ledge on which the bathers could stand. The depth of 
the Piscina is 3 feet 6 inches, about half a foot deeper than a similar bath at 
Pompeii. Not only the niche and surrounding walls and ledge, but the concrete 
floor of the bath itself, had been covered with plaques of marble, all of which — 
with the exception of fragments — had been removed by the inhabitants. The 
channel of the Aqueduct is continued along the middle of the western wall of the 
building, and thence along another wall which follows the line of the straight 



Anliquarian JlcsearcJies in Illyricum. 

side of the Piscina. Unfortunately, however, the ruin of the rest of the bath 
buildini^s has been too complete to admit of reconstruction. 

The hitherto known inscriptions discovered on this site ai"e collcct(Kl in the 
Corpus Inscriptionitm, and many of those still existini^ on the spot have been 
personally examined by Professor Mommsen, The most important of those, con- 
taininiif an honorary dedication by the cities of Upper Illyricum to P. Corn. 
Dolabella, w lio, as rr()-pra3tor under Tiberius, directed the execution of at least 
live great lines of roadway from Salona into the Dalmatian interior, now, un- 
fortunately, exists only in a frasj^mentary condition." Accordiui^ to the accounts 
of the llag-usan antiquaries, this inscription was originally discovered, together 
with a head and other fragments of a statue, at Obod, in 1547, in the remains of 
a small quadrangular building that lies about a mile distant on the line of 
the Roman roadway that leads to Epitaurum from the north. The building 
itself has the appearance of a low tower, about 18 feet square, and, according 
to the testimony of a local antiquary, originally showed traces of a cupola. 



Fig. 4. Epitaurum. 

It has certainly been built u]) of the remains of an earlier building, as frag- 

» C. I. L. iii. 1741. In its perfect state the inscription ran : p. cornelio || dolabellae cos || 


8VPERIORI9 II PRoviNciAE HiLLYRici. This Dolabella is referred to by Vellejus Paterculus, who, after 
mentioning the good government of his Illyrian province by Junius Blajsus in a.d. 14, continues: " Cujus 
curam ac fideni Dolabella quoque, vir simplicitatis generosissimae, in maritima parte Illvrici jicr umnia 
imitatus est." 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 


ments of moulding and a portion of a triangular arcli had been built into the 

To the inscriptions discovered at Ragusa Vecchia I am able to add the 
following. The right hand portion of fig. 4 I foimd in 1875, embedded in 
a recently constructed wall in the upper part of the town. I afterwards 
learnt that the inscription had originally been discovered in a more perfect 
state, and succeeded in obtaining from an inhabitant of Ragusa Vecchia a 
native copy of the inscription in its entirety, from which I here supplement 
my own. 

On the lower part of a sarcophagus carved out of the solid rock, in the Roman 
cemetery already mentioned as existing on the summit of the Epitaurian penin- 
sula, I was able to decipher the following fragment of an inscription (fig. 5) : 

Fig. 5. Inscription on Sarcophagus hewn out op thb rock. 

Hearing that a " written stone " had been found some time since, embedded 
in the Roman Aqueduct, at a point near the north-east corner of the ancient city, 
but had subsequently been removed for building purposes, along with other frag- 
ments from the same source, and buried in the foundation of a wall, I prevailed 
on the owner of the wall to permit its re-excavation. It proved to contain the 
following not uninteresting inscription. (See fig. 6.) 

The portion of the inscription that lias been preserved may be completed : 

II .■i^viLio // . F. TiiOM(entina sc. tribu) aqvi/./a'o 



Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 


cipal dm- 


thus presented with the first epigraphic record of the hifi^hest muni- 
\\ at Epitaurum — that of tlic Diuiiuviri (Juinquennalos — (^Icctod every 

%FTR0/vVA(3VI P 





Kijr. (i. Epitaurum. 

lustrum, or five years, to discharge in their Municipium duties analogous to those 
performed by the Censors at Rome, Avhose title, indeed, they on occasion assumed." 
One of their most important functions was to revise, in accordance with the fun- 
damental law of the city, the list of the Decuriones, or local Senators, and to enter 
it in the album, or Libro d' Oro, of their civic Republic. The Patrician Roll of 
Epitaurum, perpetuated and renewed by its offspring Ragusa, was closed by 
Napoleon within the memory of man. 

The mention of the local J*]dile is also new on Epitaurian monuments. The 
A(|ueduct in the ruins of which the inscription was found would have been under 
his special charge; and we are temjited to believe that the magistrate Avhose name 
it records, and who added to his duties of municijml Consul and Censor that of 
u:uardian of the public Avorks,"* liad connected his name in some honourable 
manner with this important fabric. 

* Cf. Marqnardt, Handbuch der romischen Alterthumer, pt. iii. sec. i. p. 300. Their financial 
functions seem to have been later on transferred to the Ctiratores. 

•' At Dyrrhachinm (Durazzo), ^T^nona (Nona), and Apsorus (Ossero) on this coast, the titles of 
AEDiLis and iiviR qvinqvexnalis are coupled on inscriptions. (Cf. C. I. L. iii. Cll, 2077, 3138.) 
AEDiLis iiviR is common: but on the other hand there were .^diles who were not Duumvirs, and Duumvirs 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 15 

Considering the peninsular position of the town, the character of the soil, and 
the climate, which rendered it liable to droughts, the water suj^ply of the city, 
notwithstanding the existence of an aqueduct, must have been a special care of 
the civic officers ; and we find accordingly another Epitaurian monument 
recording the restoration by the Duumviri Jure Dicundo, at the public expense, of 
a large cistern or reservoir." The present city of Ragusa, though provided Avitb 
an aqueduct constructed by a Neapolitan architect in the fifteenth century, stands 
greatly in need, during a dry season, of such a reservoir as was provided for her 
Roman predecessor by the wisdom of the Epitaurian magistrates. The Duumvirs, 
or local Consuls, are referred to on two other monimients. Prom an unpublished 
letter of the then Secretary of the Republic, Antonio Alleti," the brother-in-law of 
the great Ragusan antiquary, Banduri, it ajipears that part of the bust of the 
Duumvir M. Pomentinus Turbo was, in 1724, still attached to the momunent 
recording his name. In three instances decrees of the Decuriones are preserved, 
in which these municipal senators pay, in the name of their city, the last honours 
to citizens that had served it. In two instances they vote a public statue : in one 
case the mother and grandmother of the deceased treating the Decurions, the 
Sacral College of the Augustals, and their officers or Sexviri, to a banquet, and 
the citizens at large to a show of prizefighters." The third inscription, relating to 

who were not ^diles. At Narona we read of aedilis iiiiviii: at Salonae of a Curule ^dile. (C. I. L. 
iii. 2077.) 


vecunia . vuhlica . reficien||dam . cvravervnt. (C. I. L. iii. 1750.) 

>> Antonio Alleti, Segretario della Repubblica di Ragusa, al Rev''" Don Georgio Mattei, a Roma, 
Dec. 14, 1724: " Mi sono impossessato di un mezzo busto di marmo ed e la figura di m. pomentino figlio 
di M. POMENTINO TVRBONE iiviRO I. D." The inscription lias been published by Aldus Manutius and others 
and is given by Mommsen, who had himself personally collated it, in C. I. L. iii. 1748; but the hitherto 
unpublished passage in Alleti's correspondence is, I believe, the only reference to the bust which formerly 
accompanied it. The inscription itself at present exists in the Casa Gozze at Ombla. Alleti adds, " Anche 
alio scoglio di Mercanna ho trovato fraumienti di vari isciizioni senza pero che abbia potuto cavare altro 
che un barlume indistinto." (Mercanna is a rocky isle opposite the peninsula on which Epitaurum stood; 
personally 1 have been unable to find Roman remains there.) In a letter written from Ragusa in April 
1714 he describes an urn found near Kagusa Vecchia with tipansianas stamped on the lid. The stamp of 
the Figlinm Pansiance is common on Dalmatian sites. (Cf. C. I. L. iii. 3213.) 


iii. 1745.) Discovered in 1856 in the ruins of an ancient building on the shore. 

in Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

a decree ol the [Jecurioiis, has l)ee]i only iniperl'ectly given in the Corpus I)iscr/p- 
tioniim,"' and I therefore veproduce it — 




Nothing:, indeed, is more instructive on this site than the lari^'e ])roportion of 
inscriptions illustrating- the municii)al life of Epitaurum. Out of twenty-three 
extant inscriptions no less than ten, or nearly half the total number, refer to the 
civic government or record the public benefaction of some citizen to the town. 
Of titnli militares there are only two. This overwhelming preponderance of 
civil and civic records becomes all the more noticeable when we compare the case 
of Epitaurum with that of the neighbouring coast towns on either side. At 
Risinium, indeed, out of twenty inscriptions only tw'o have any reference to the 
common weal. Even at Narona, where there are some splendid records of 
private munificence to the city, the proportion of municijial records is far 
smaller than at Epitaurum. At that city the nucleus and germs of the later 
municipality are to be found in an informal commercial colony of Roman citizens 
in an Illyrian emjiorium who formed a vicus governed by two ]Magistri and two 
Quaestors.'' On the deduction hither of a formal colony about the time of 
Augustus we find the city governed by iiiiviki, but the civic life of the place 
seems rather to have centered in the sacral guild of the Augustales, whose Sex- 
viri are mentioned in no less than eighteen inscriptions found in that site ; and 
the liberality of the citizens is chiefly displayed in vows of temples and altars to 
the Gods. The government of a victis Avas based on sacral rather than purely 
political relations, and this characteristic seems to have clung to the city even in 
its later colonial days. At Epitaurum, on the other hand, Avhich was not in its 
origin a native market, a mere Illyrian tribal aggregation, later moulded into 
shape by a guild of Roman merchants, but, as its very name proclaims, a Greek 
colonial city, the case would have been very different from that of Narona. At 
Epitaurum we may believe that the local Senate, or Ordo Decurionatns, and the 
Plebs of the Roman Municipium, were in some degree, at all events, nothing 
more than a recasting in a Roman guise of the Boule and Demos of the original 

» C. I. L iii. 1746, on the authority of Dr. Eitelberger (Jahrbuch der Central Commission, &c. v. 288), 
who makes the third line simply l d d d. The letters, liowever, as given in my copy, are perfectly clear. 
>> C. I. L. iii. 1820, and cf. Mommsen, op. cit. p. 291, s. v. narona. 

Antiquarian Besea7'ches in Illyricum. 17 

Dorian colony, still known by their old names in the Greek-speaking half of 
the Em2)ire on the borders of which this city never ceased to stand. In the 
Parian colony of Pharia, in the isle of Lesina, which lies a little further np 
the Adriatic coast, inscriptions "■ have been discovered referring to the Botile and 
Demos of the Greek city, to the Demarch and Prytanes. We find a self- 
governing community, waging war with the IlljT.'ian mainlanders,'' striking coins 
in its own name, receiving legates from another city, and sending a deputation 
to consult the Delphic oracle. Issa, a Syracusan insular colony on the same 
Dalmatian shore, presents us with similar monuments," and her Roman Muni- 
cipium'' was only a perpetuation of the earlier and more complete autonomy of 
her Hellenic days. The discovery of Greek coins and gems on the site of 
Epitaurum to which I have already referred gives us something more than 
etymological evidence that the Eoman city sprang out of an earlier Greek 
foundation ; and though, in the absence of epigraphic records, we are at present 
debarred from knowing the exact form of its autonomous institutions, we may 
with confidence infer their general character. To these Hellenic antecedents, 
to the abiding Hellenic contact of the Roman city, I would refer the specially 
high development of the civic sense noticeable on the existing monuments of 

Among the gems of Roman date discovered at this site I have noticed another 
interesting indication of the Hellenic traditions of Epitaiu'um. Three of those in 
my possession contain representations of JEsculapius, in two cases associated with 
Hygicia. This may be taken as fair evidence that the special cult of the Saronic 
Epidauros was perpetuated in its Hlyrian namesake. Dedicatory inscrij)tions to 
the God are unfortunately wanting, but the fact that the cult of iEsculapius 
floui'ished in the neighbouring city of Xarona, and that his name appears there 
twice under the quasi-Greek form of iEsclapius, is not without significance, as 
showing the extent to which the cult of the Epidaurian patron had taken root in 
Roman times on this part of the Dalmatian coast. The serpent form under which 
the God of healing was worshipped in his inmost shrine may still indeed be said to 
haunt the ruined site of the Starigrad Pitaur. St. Jerome, writing in the fifth 

" C. 1. G. ii. add. 1837, b, c, d, e. All these Pharian inscriptions arc now in the museum at Agram. 
Vide S. Ljubic, iDscripHones qua Zagahria: in museo nationali asservantur. Zagabriaj, 1876, p. 71 seqq. 

•> C. I. G. ii. add. 1837, c. The mainlanders with whom the Pharians seem to have been at war 
were the Jadasini, the inhabitants, that is, of the later Jadera (Zara) and their Liburnian allies. 

<= C. I. G. ii. 1834. 

'' In C. I. L. iii. 2074, are mentioned two decwiones of the Roman Jlunicipium of Issa. 


18 Antiquarian Researches in Ulyricum. 

century," mentions that tlie inhabitants of the Dahnatian town of Epitaurum, 
■who Avc may inforentially assume to have been then Clivistian, had handed 
down a most marvellous talc of how St. llilarion had freed their city from a 
jiortentousserpent or "Boa/"' that was devouring both men and cattle, and in this 
early legend " we may be allowed to see reflected the final triimiph of Christianity 
over the local cult. The horrible aspect of this Epitaurian serpent will surprise no 
one who understands the peculiar animosity displayed by the early missionaries 
against the God of healing, Avho as the pagan master-worker of miracles did most 
to rival their own. At a centre of yEsculaiiian worship, more than elsewhere, the 
counteracting tradition of mighty Christian miracles was necessary, and Hilarion, 
we are told, not only compelled the portent to mount his auto da fe, biit during a 
great earthquake, probably the historical earthquake of Jidian's time,'^ rolled back 
the waves that were threatening to engulph the city. The cult of the new 
and Christian miracle-worker of Epitaurimi still survives on the spot,'' and an 
nnfathomed cavern,' Avhose precipitous recesses descend into a watery abyss, is 
pointed out by local tradition as the former habitat of the portentous Boa. At 
the present day the peasants tell you that it is the haunt of the Serbian nymphs 
or Vilas, and that at times a terril)le " Neman," or portent, somewhat akin to the 
Irish Pliooka, j)lunges into its depths. Eying as it does, near the upper or 
northern wall of the Roman city, it is reasonable to suppose this mysterious 
abyss to have supplied a local habitation for mythic beings in ancient as well as 

" S. Hieronymi Opera, lili. iii. qi. 2, Vita Sancti Hilarionis. 

^ " Draco mira> magnitudinis quas gcntili scrmone Boas vocant." The word boa = huge serpent, 
■was known to Pliny (8, 8, 14). It is remarkable that a large species of snake still found in this district 
is known to the present Slav-speaking inhabitants as kravosciac, i. e. cow-sucker, as it is supposed to 
suck the milk of cows. As Coleti, however, judiciousl}' remarks, it is hardly big enough to swallow a 

■= The words of St. Jerome, who must have had opportunities of taking down the tale from the lips of 
the Epitaaritans themselves, are worth notice : " Hoc Epidaurus et omnis ilia regie usque hodie prsedicat 
inatresquc decent liberos sues ad niemoriam in posteros transmittendam." 

'• This earthquake is placed by the Chronicle of Idatius iu the year 385. 

« In the sonorous words of Appendini (Storia di Ragiisa, vol. i. p. 68 ) : " II culto verso questo Santo 
Tion e punto scemato appresso i Ragusei : anzi una parrochia di cui egli c il Titolare : il concorso nel di 
della sua festa ad xma piccola capella vicina a Ragusa Vecchia (c cio per voto), e tre altre piccolo ehiese 
innalzate nel sobborgo di Ragusa in sua memoria pcqjetueranno in tutti secoli awenire la tenera pieta e 
gratitudiue dei Ragusei verso un si gran Santo e Protettore." 

' The existing popular tradition given by Appendini and others, that this and another cave on Mt. 
Sniesnitza (about five hours distant from Ragusa Vecchla) were sacred to /Esculapius or Cadmus, is of 
course of later engrafting, and is akin to the appearance of Dolabella in Ragusa- Vccchian folk-lore. 

Antiquarian Researches iti Illyriciim. 19 

modern times. It is known to the inhabitants by the name Scipun or Sipnn, a 
word of no Slavonic origin. 

It is certain that anotlier ancient cult connected with rocks and caverns, and 
therefore singularly adapted to the limestone ranges of Dalmatia, that of Mithra, 
"the rock- born," " floiu'ished at Epitauruni during the Roman Empire. In my 
work on Bosnia I have already described the discovery of a rock containing a 
rude bas-relief of Mithra, which stands on the Colle S. Giorgio, that overlooks 
the site of Epitaurum on the land side. The relief, which is vmfortunately much 
weather-worn, represents Mithra in the usual attitude, sacrificing the mystic bull 
between two ministers, one with a raised, the other with a lowered, torch, and 
both with their legs crossed. The rej)resentation does not, as is so usually the 
case, stand in connexion with a natural cave. The Mithraic spelcetim was 
necessary to the worshij)pers as the mystic image of this sublunary world, to 
which the sph'it of man descended, and from which when duly purged by ritual 
it was to ascend once more, according to their creed, to its celestial abode.'' We 
are therefore left to suppose that, in this as in some other instances, the " cave " 
itself was artificially constrvicted against the natural rock on which the icon itself 
is carved. The rock itself faces east, according to the universal Mithraic practice, 
and within the area which would have been included in the artificial spelceinn, 
now wholly destroyed, are two square blocks hewn out of the solid rock, and with 
a small gutter round them, which were evidently altars. In the artificial 
spelcBum found at Kroisbach, in Hungary," two votive altars were foimd. In 
the Mithraic temple at Ostia, attached to the baths of Antoninus Pius," there was 
one large square altar before the chief icon at the east end, and seven smaller 
ones near what may be described as a side chapel. Representations of these 

" 'tbv mTpoyevi], the epithet appHed to Mithra by Johannes Lyiliis. So St. Jerome (Adv. Jovinianum, 
247 J, " Narrant et gentilium fabulje Mithram at Ericthonium de lapide vel in terra de solo libidinis sestu 

esse generates;" and Commodianus (Z/ier /MsirHcizowrai), " Inyictus de petra natus deus." At 

Carnuntum, in Pannonia, an inscription was found — pkteae genetrioi. It has been supposed that the 
idea toolc its origin from the fact that fire was produced by means of flint ; but this method of ignition 
was apparently, at least among Aryan peoples, a late usage. The real origin of the connexion of Mithra 
with rocks and mountains should be sought in cloudland. 

•• Cf. Porphyrius, de Antro Nympharum, c. vi. &c. 

<^ Das Mithreeum von Kroisbach. Dr. F. Kenner (in Mittheilwujen der k. k. Central Commission, 
1867, p. 119 seqq.) 

•' Del Mitreo annesso alle terme Ostiensi di AnUmino Pio. C. Visconti (Annali di Corr. Arch. 
1864, p. 147 seqq.) 

D 2 

20 Antiquarian Researches in Illyriciim. 

smaller altars occur on atlicr !Mitliraic monuments ; tlu.\v represent the sevenfold 
nature of tire in the Magian religion. 

Although in the present instance there was no trace of a cave, artificial or 
otherwise, I ohserved a natm-al fissure in the rock, helow the Mithraic slab, and on 
clearing it as far as was feasible from the black earth which choked it \\\), found 
three small brass coins, one of Aurelian, one of Constantius Chlorus, and the 
third of Constantius II. From this it may be inferred that Mithraic worship 
went on at this spot during the third and the first half of the foui-th century. 
Mithraic worshiji survived, in fact, to a considerably later date in Western 

Near the village of Mocici, in the district of Canali, and about an hour 
distant from the site of Epitam'um, I found a more perfect Mithraic relief carved 
over the mouth of a limestone grotto known as " Tomina Jama," or " Tom's Hole " 
(fig. 7). The lower part of the grotto forms a natural basin containing a i)erennial 
supjoly of fresh water, which had been vaulted over to serve as a cistern for the 
villagers. Situated on a rugged range of hills, still to a great extent covered with 
a woodland growth of sea pines, cypresses, and myrtles, and its rocky brows 
overhung when I saw it Avith the azure festoons of ivy-leaved campanulas, the 
cavern seemed singularly appropriate for its religious ijurjiose. In selecting such 
a natural temple the local votaries of Mithra were faithfully following the 
example of Zoroaster, who, we are told," when founding the worship in its later, 
established form, sought out a natui'al cave in the neiglibovu'ing Persian moun- 
tains, overgrown with flowers, and containing a fount within, which as the 
microcosm of the created world he consecrated to Mithra, tlie Demiurge or Father 
of all. 

The relief itself gives the conventional repi*esentation of Mithra sacrificing 
the generative Bull of Persian cosmogony, by which, according to this belief, he 
was to give a new and spiritual life to all created l)eings, and the tyj)ical sacrifice 
of which at the hands of his votaries brought them Regeneration unto Eternal 
Life." From below, as is usual on these Mithraic groups, the scorpion, snake, 

* " npiira fiivi i)Q eift] Eu/SouXoc, Zuipoaarpov atiTopvii aviiKaiov Iv roif ffXijoiov upeai rijg Hepailos av9t]f)bv kuI 
TTqyac €X^^ avifpuiffavTog (i*c Tifit)v tov iravruv TrotriTOV Kai Trarpoc M(0pov itKova ipepovTag avrtji rov (nrtiXaiov toi 
Kuafiov o o iU9pas ilrnitovpyijai." Porphyrius, De Ayitro JS^7/mphann», c. vi. 

■^ In the Mithraic mysteries the initiated died fictitiously in order to be bom again by the symbolic- 
sacrifice of a bull. Tavrobolio in aeternvm rexatys- nccurs on a uionumont of a Mithraic votary in 
C. I. L. vi. 510. Darmesteter {Ormttzd et Ahriinan, p. 329^ observes that ilithra has usurped the part 

Antiquarian ^Researches in Illyricum. 


and clog, animals supposed to be specially connected witli generative power, dart 
forward to quaff the life-blood of the victim, while on either side stand the two 

Fig. 7. MiTHRAic Relief. Tomina Jama, Canali. 

ministering Genii, one with a raised, the other with a lowered, torch, symbolical in 
ancient art of Day and Night, Grief and Joy, Life and Death ; but in the present 
connexion bearing a direct and undoiibted reference to the descent of the soul to 
earth and its subsequent re-ascent to the heavenly spheres" through the purifying 
grace of Mithra. In the two spandrils of the arch above these figures are seen 
the crescent moon, from which the human spii'it was believed to descend, and the 
rayed sun, the gate of its retiu'n. Three of the seven mystic rays of the orb of 
light are seen to be prolonged in the present representation, as if to illuminate in 
a special way the bird which leans forward over the sacrificing divinity. This is 

performed by Qaoshyant in the Mazdean religion, who according to the Bundehesh (75, 6) will give men 
an immortal body from the marrow of the immolated bull Hadhayaos. 

^ The soul was thought to descend from the moon through the " gate " of Cancer, and to ascend again 
through the "gate" of Capricorn to the sun. Plato had learned this Magian doctrine (cf. Porphyrins, 
op. cit. c. XXX.) On their return to their celestial abode the spirits of men were thought to pass through 
the seven planets (answering to the seven Mithraic grades on earth), by which they were purified and ren- 
dered worthy to enter the fixed heaven, the dwelling-place of Ormuzd. 

22 Anliquariaii Hesearches in Illyricum. 

the Eoi'osh, the Colostial raven described as "speaking the language of heaven," 
and the symbol of Mithra as interpreter of the di\ine will. The projecting rays 
on the present monument may seem to have a special significance when it is 
remembered that one of tlie distinguishing epithets of the Mithraic raven in the 
Zendavesta is " irradiate with light."" Pray to liim, we arc told in another pas- 
sage, and "he will shed much light, both before him and behind him." 

The celestial raven, Ilierocorax, among the Mithra worshippers of the Ex)man 
Empire, ga^■e its name to an inferior grade of devotees, and to the rites connected 
with their initiation called Coracica. The grotto itself, and the rugged ranges 
that surround it, was admirably adapted for these Mithraic hermits and fakirs to 
be the scene of the successive trials through which they hoped to mortify the flesh 
and fit themselves for "the better life."'' In some remarkable monuments ° 
discovered in Transvlvania and Tvrol, manv of the self-inflicted tortures, — the 
scorching by fire, the bed of unrest, the flagellations and fasts, — are still to be seen 
dejiicted as they once were imdergone by the jiredecessors of Simeon Stylites in 
these Illyrian wilds that were soon to rival Lerins and lona as the retreat of 
Christian ascetics. The basin within the grotto supplied in this instance a 
natm-al font for the Mithraic rite, alluded to by Tertullian,' of baptism for the 
remission of sins. 

From the site of Epitaurum itself I have obtained an engraved stone, such as, 
apparently, was given to those who, after the due period of fasting and mortifica- 
tion of the flesh, were admitted to share the Mithraic Eucharist." It is a white 

» In Lajarde's translation of the passages in the Zendavesta referring to the Eorosh : " Eclatante dc 
lumiore " (Recherches sur le cultc de Mithra, p. 355.) The elongation of the sun's rays is observable on 
another Mithraic monuniont, found at Rome in the Via di Eorgo S. Agata (Aniiali di Corr. Arch. 1864, 
p. 177). In this case a ray is made to shoot through a sacred cypress towards Mithra. 

>> niov riv KfiUTTova — the words used by Himerius the Sophist (Oral. vii. 9) in describing the state of 
the initiated. 

"^ See Hammer (ies Mithriaques, PI. V. VI. VII.), and cf. Greg. Naziauz, Oral. 3, who describes 
several of the tortures. 

'' De Prcvscriptionihns adv. hareii'cos, c. xl. "(Diabolus) ipsas res sacramentorum divinorum idolorum 
mysteriis wmulatur. Tingit et ipse quosdam utique qredentes et fideles suos. Expiationem dc>lictoruni de 
lavacro repromittit." 

' Cf. Augustine (in Johannis Evangelium, Tract, vii.) : " Et magnum est hoc spoctarc per totum 
orbem tcrrarnm victum Lconem sanguine Agni . . . ergo nescio quid simile imitatus est quidam Spiritus 
nt sanguine simulacrum suum emi vellet quia noverat pretioso sanguine quandocumque rcdimendum esse 
genus humanum." The Spiritus quidam is Mithra, as appears from the succeeding paragraph, in which 
the Christian Father alludes to the honey mixed with the sacramental water of the Persian rite : King's 

Antiquarian Hesearches in Illyricum. 


carueliau, streaked appropriately with blood-red, containing a singularly rude 
representation of a figm-e sacrificing tlie Mithraic bull before a lighted altar, above 
which are the crescent moon and rayed sun (fig. 8). The absence of the charac- 
teristic Phrygian cap and flowing mantle in the sacrificing figure makes me hesi- 
tate to suppose that it is actually Mithra himself who is here depicted. The two 
ministering Genii, and the scorpion and other animals representing the generative 
principle, are also conspicuous by their absence. It 
might have been thought that in any design, however 
barbarous, of the Mithraic sacrifice, these characteristic 
features would not have been omitted. Or, have we 
here, perhaps, simply the representation of the actual 
liturgic sacrifice performed by the Mithraic priest ? So 
far as the vestment is delineated at all it seems to be 
simply a short-sleeved tunic or dalmatic. The style of 
the head would indicate a post-Constantinian age. 
Another class of gem, discovered on this and other Dalmatian sites, engraved with 
the Mithraic lion, characterised by its peculiar radiated mane, may not impro- 
bably have been the badge of the high Mithraic grade known as Leontes or 
Lions, and whose special ritual was called from them Leontica. 

In this connexion I cannot pass over another engraved stone which appears to 
me to be intimately connected with Mithraic symbolism (fig. 9). 
It is a red carnelian, acquired by me at Scardona, on this same 
coast, presenting a figure of what, judging by other somewhat 
conventional designs, is intended for a bee, from whose mouth, in 
place of a proboscis, proceeds the twisted end of a caduceus. 
Now, from two passages in Porphyry, de An fro Nymphariim,^ it ^'k- ^• 


appears that the bee, amongst the worshippers oi Mithra, was j-rom Scardona. 
the special emblem of the soul. As bees, according to the (Enlarged two diams.) 
ancient idea, were generated by bulls' carcases," so bees, representing the vital 

Fig. 8. 


From site of Epitanmm. 
(Enlarged two diams.) 

inference (Gnostics and their liemains, p. (il), that by the simulacrum given to the initiated is betokened an 
engraved Mithraic gem, affords a reasonable expLanation of the passage. It would even seem from St. 
Augustine's words that he had in view a representation such as the present one of a Mithraic sacrifice, which 
result gives special point to his parallel. Even as " the Lamb " slays "the roaring Lion," the Devil, so the 
false Spirit, " the Capped One," is represented by his worshippers as slaying the Bull, which, according to 
their creed, was to herald the resurrection. 

" C. XV. and c. xviii. 

^ '^ Sg (so. yueXiiTTOf) liovyevitc ihmi (rvftfiepiiKiv." Porph. op. cit. c. XV. Cf. Virgil, Georg. iv. V. 554: 

-i Antiquarian Researches in lUyricuni. 

principle, sprans: from the Cosmic bull of Persian mythology. So, too, no fitter 
emblem coiild be found for the spirits of men that swarmed forth, according? to 
this creed, from the horned luminary of the heavens, the Moon, their priiual 
dwelling-place, to migrate awhile for their earthly pilgrimage below. In this 
way the Moon itself was sometimes known, in the language of the mysts, as " the 
bee," " and it is noteworthy that the bee appears on the coinage of Ephesus, the 
special city of the Asiatic Moon-Goddess. The line of Sophocles — 

/So/i/SeZ he veKpwv crfiijvo';, ep^erai r ciXrjj^ 

may be taken as evidence that the identification of bees with si^irits had early 
invaded Greek folk-lore. EverAi:hing seems to point to a Persian origin for the 
idea, at least in its elaborated form, and had Eubulus's copious history of Mithra 
been preserved we should doubtless find that it entered largely into the Magian 
philosophy. On the Roman monuments of the sect a bee is sometimes seen in 
the mouth of the Mithraic lion," as the emblem of the soul — ^ovyev-q? like to 
insect — and, connected with this symbolism, was the practice of mixing honey 
in the eucharistic chalice, and the singular rite performed by the Leoutcs or Lion 
priests of Mithra,'' of purifying their hands with honey in place of lustral water. 
From all this it will be seen that the present conjunction of the bee and 
the "Well-known symbol of Mercury, the shepherd of departed souls, has a deep 
mystic significance. In the hands of one of the ministering Genii, symbol- 
ising the ascending soul, on a Mithraic monument. Yon Hammer- detected 

" Ilic vero subitum ac dictu mirabile monstrnm 
Aspiciunt liquefacta bourn per viscera toto 
Stridcre apes ntero et ruptis effervere costis." 

It is to be observed that this portent is obtained by sacrifices offered to the shades of Orpheus and Eury- 
dice; an indication that Virgil was conscious of a mystic connexion between bees, the Magian bull, and the 

ravpoQ, Sovytviti; ci «1 liiXtaaat." Porph. op. cit. c. xviii. An allusion to the same idea will be found on a 
very interesting engraving on a gold ring from Kortcli (m the Siemens Collection) representing a bee 
above a full-faced bust of Deiis Lnnvs. 

^ Fragmenta (Dindorf. C93). Quoted by Porphyrins, op. cit. in this connexion. Bcrgk emends the 
tpxerai r aXXij of Porjihyrius, as above. 

■= As for instance on one engraved by Hyde, Historia Religionis veterum Persarum eorumque Magorum, 
O.xonii. 1700, tab. I. 

•^ Porph. op. cit. c. xv. 

« Les Mithriaques, p. 252. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 25 

a wand, described by him as resembling that of Mercury ; from which it 
may be inferred, that the caduceus was by no means alien to the later Mithraic 

It is impossible to close this accoimt of the traces of Mithra worship existin<r 
on the site and in the immediate neighbourhood of Epitaurum without recallini? 
a sepulchral inscription described as existing here by Aldus Manutius and the 
early Ragusan antiquaries/ the spiritualism of which bears striking witness to 
the triumph of Oriental religious ideas in the Roman city : 





The belief in the immortality of the soul, in the reward of the righteous and 
the incorporeal resurrection, set forth in this epitaph, are among the character- 
istic featui-es of the Mithraic creed, and its language suggests comparisons with 
such formulae as " iiEXTis divixae dvctv " and "ixaeteexym eexatvs," of 
known Mithraic monuments. The imagery of Elysium, as portrayed by Virgil 
(not untouched, himself by Persian influences),'' had certainly much in common 
with the starry paradise of these children of " the Unconquered Sim : " 

Largior hie campos ather et lumine vestit 
Purpureo, solemque suum, sua sidera norunt."^ 

Among the smaller relics found amongst the ruins of Epitaurum, the engraved 
gems, of which this and the other Roman sites of the Dalmatian littoral are 
astonishingly prolific, are by far the most interesting. At least a hundred of 
these from this spot have come under my personal observation, and in such 
abundance are they discovered in a field near the point of the Epitaurian penin- 
sula that we are perhaps justified in inferring that a jewellei^' quarter of the 
city lay on that side. As I propose to take a more collective view of the gems 

» Given in C. I. L. iii. i759. I hare been nnable to find any trace of its present existence. 
" See p. 23, noU ". 
<: j£n. ri. 640. 


26 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

discovered on the Dalmatian sites, I sliall here content myself with calling attention 
to one which, like the yEsculapian and Mithraic stones already mentioned, seems 
to have a special local interest. In the Beliqidario of the Cathedral at llagusa 
I noticed a ring, a peasant oifering to the Madonna, set with a carnelian intaglio, 
which, from the character of the subject and the workmanship, must be assigned 
to the fourth or fifth century of our era (fig. 10). It represents an Emperor on 
horseback, robed in the paludamentum or military mantle, facing 
the spectator, and with both hands raised in the attitude of 
adoration common in figures of saints and martyrs in the 
catacombs, and in Byzantine representations of the Theotokos. 
Above, on either side of the riding figure, ar(5 two crosses, and 
in the exergue below are the crescent moon and star, the emblems 
of Byzantium. There can be little doubt that it is intended to 
j,.j,, j^ represent the Vision of Constantine, on the eve of liis crooning 

ROMAN CHRISTIAN vlctory ovcr Maxentius : 


(Kiilargeil two diams.) 

Hoc signo invictus transmissis Alpibus uhor 
Servitium solvit misi-rabile Constantinus." 

'IMie appearance of tu-o crosses in the design suggests some variation from" the 
recorded versions of the A^ision, but the moon and star below sufiiciently connect 
the adoring figure with the founder of New Rome. The only existing contem- 
porary monuments directly referring to the alleged miracle hitherto known are 
the coins of Constantius II. and the Moesian usurper Vetranio, both from Illyrian 
mints, and dating from the year 350,'' on which these Emperors are severally 
depicted holding the Labarum standard and surrounded with the legend hoc 
SIGNO viCTOii ERis. The present gem supi)lies an actual representation of the 
ceh'stial Vision, hitherto, so far as I am aware, entirely unknown on early Christian 

" Prudentius, Contra Si/mm. i. 467. 

'■ In the case of Constantius possibly also of 351. As Vetranio was deposed in January of that year 
the design can have nothing to do with the .appearance of a cross in the heavens recorded four months 
later in the Chronicon Alexandrinum and in a letter of Cyril, both which authorities fix the date of the 
meteor, or whatever it was, on May 7, 351. Still less can it have any reference to the Vision of 
Constantius, which, according to Philostorgiiis, took place on the eve of the battle of Mursa, in September 
or October 351. 

Antiquarian Hesearches in Illyricum. 27 

A silver ring obtained by me from the same Epitaurian site (fig. 11) proved to be 
a Roman-Christian relic of probably still later date than the gem in the Reliquiario. 
Its bezel contains an incised monogram, which, like many similar monograms of 
the fifth and sixth centuries, is difficult to decipher, and has besides been cut 
about by a later hand. On the exterior of the ring, in late letters inlaid in 
darker metal or niello in the silver, is the inscription, curiously 
inverted, viva in viva, ajiparently standing for vivas in vita. 
These two Roman Christian relics, with some Byzantine 
p. jj coins — including an aureus of Phokas — are the latest Epitaurian 

ROMAN CHRISTIAN antiquitics that I have been able to discover. The statement, 
repeated by the latest writer on Dalmatian history," that Epitau- 
rum was destroyed by the Goths in 265 a.d. and its successor, Ragusa, founded 
shortly afterwards by the surviving citizens, rests on no authority whatever, 
and is wholly at variance with recorded facts. St. Hilarion, as we have seen, 
wrought his miracles at Epitaurum in Julian's reign, al)out a century later, 
and St. Jerome — Illyrian-born — took down the local ti*adition of the Saint's 
mighty works, apjiarently from the lips of the Epitauritans themselves, in the first 
quarter of the fifth century. 

Equally impossible is it to accept the statement (probably due to an error of 
transcription) made by Constantine Pori^hyrogenitus,'' who observes of the year 
949 — in which he wrote his account of the Dalmatian Theme — that it is the fifth 
centenary of the founding of Ragusa, built, as he tells us, by refugee citizens from 
the overthrow of Salonse and Epitaurum. There is no evidence that Attila 
destroyed, or even apjiroached, these cities. The Dinaric Alps seem, in fact, to 
have been as useful in shielding the Dalmatian coast-cities from the Hunnish 
cavalry as they were nearly a thousand years later in breaking the fury of the 
Tartar invasion ; and at a time when Siscia and Sirmium lay in ruins Salonae and 

■• H. Cons. La Province Romaine de Dalmatic (Paris 1882, p. 285): '' Les Goths avaient encore 
fait irruption au-dela du Danube, penetre de nouveau jusqu'a I'Adriatique et detruit la Colonie d'Epidaure 
(Ragusa Vecchia, 265). Les habitants de cette malheureuse ville se refugierent au fond de la baie cachee 
oil bientot s'dleva Raguse." Now, although the Eastern provinces of Illyricum, including Macedonia and 
Greece, suffered fearfully at this time, there is no mention of Dalmatia being invaded, much less of 
Epitaurum having been destroyed. 

^ Dc Adm. Imp. C. 29 : "01 Se avrol 'PanvraTot to naXawv iKparovv to KuffTpov to iTriXeyofxtvov TIiTavpa' 
Kat iTrnSij TfvUa ra Xoiira iKpaTiiQjjaav KctcTpa irapa twv S(c\a/3wv tuiv ovTtov (v Tfji 9f.ijaTt^ hKpaTr}Qi) Kai to toiovtov 
KauTpov, Kat oi ^iv i<7(payi]irav o'l H y\iia\tjjTi(T9t)aav^ o't Se ?ivvij9ivTfQ fKipvyttv Kai Sta(Tio9ijvai tig roi'c viroKpiifxvov^ 

TOTTOVQ KaTi^Kijtrav tl^' ov St OTTO ^aXuiva fiiTtijKt)nav fit; 'Paovfftov tiffiv tTq tp' /*tXP* ^'K (rrj^fpov. i'lTir 

tvSiKTiutvo^ *7^5o/iijc iTovt; ffrvj's'." 

E 2 

28 Antiquarian Researches in lUyricuin. 

Epitaurum were still llourislunc:. In 530, durini,' Justinian's Gothic war," we 
liud tlic Byzantine commander makini? Epitaurum^still, as is to be gathered 
from Procopiiis's words, a city of souk^ importance — a preliminary base for his 
descent on Salonae. Six years pi'evious to this, in the provincial council of Salonae 
of r)30,'' Fabricianus, bishop of Epitaurum, Avas the fourtli in order to attach his 

Still later, in 591, the bishop of Salonae ay)pears exercising his metropolitan 
authority to deprive and exile Florentius, })ishop of E])itaurum, in a fashion so 
uncanonical as to provoke a remonstrance from Gregory the Great.'' Seven 
years later Florentius is still in exile, and Gregory, stirred by a renew^ed appeal 
from " the inhabitants of the city of Epitaurum," again urges on his brother of 
Salonae the necessity of bringing the matter to a canonical issue. 

Whether he attained his object we are not told, but this letter of 598 '^ is the 
last mention of Epitaurum as a city. The " Sancio Upitanrif ana Hcclesia,"" to 
whose si)iritual head, Tope Zacharias,' in 713, conc(!des an extended charge over 
the southernmost Dalmatian cities, and the, by that time, Serbian and Zachulmian 
lands of the interior, can hardly be more tlian an ecclesiastical anacliroiiism, and 
must refer to the ehui-cli of Uagusa which claimed Epitaurum us its ancient self. 
In the first year of the seventh century, Gregory sends the bishop of Salonae the 
expression of his vehement atflictifm for what Dalmatia and its border lands were 
alreadv suffering from the Slavonic hordes." From another of his letters, written 

" Procopiiis, (le bello Gothico, lib. 1. 

'' Farlati, Illi/ricuin Sacrum, t. ii. p. 163. The liishoj) of Epitaunim signs next to the bishop <•( 
Siscia, what 4ttila had left of that once great city being now in ecclesiastical subjection to Salon*. 

•^ Farlati, op. cit. t. vi. p. 4 seqq. 

•^ Gregorius Sabiniano Episcopo Jadcrtino (in Farlati, op. cit. t. ii. p. 269) ad fin. : — Prirterea habitatores 
Epidaurensis Civttatis Florentium quern suum dicunt esse Episcopuni sibi a nohi-i restituendum studiosissime 

' In the same way after the destruction of .Salona?, the church of Spalato was still known as " .Sanctn 
Salonitana Ecclesia.'" 

f This important letter, f'lniurly in tlir llagusan archives, begins " Dilecto in Christo filio Andree 
archiepiscopo Sancte Ejiitauritane ecck-sie. Constituimus te onmibus diebus vite tue esse pastorem te et 
successores tuos super istam provinciam. Inipiimis Ziichulniie regno et regno Servulie, Tribunieiiue regno. 

Civitati namque Catarensi sen Rosa atque Buduanensi, Avaroruni (Antivarorum ?), Liciniatensi 

( Ulciniatensi), atque Scodrinensi, nee non Drivastinensi atque Polutensi cum ccclesiis atque parochiis eorum. 
Owing to the insertion of the Archiepiscopal title doubts have been thrown on the genuineness of this letter. 
Il is, however, accepted by Kukuljevic, who gives it in the Codex diplomaticus regni Croatiix, &c. p. 35. 

* Gregorius Maximo episcopo Salonitano . . . ■• Et quidem de Sclavurum gentc qua; vobis valde 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 29 

about the same time, we learn that Lissus — in the language of the times the 
Civitas Lissitana — the present Alessio, on the Dalmatian coast south of Ejjitau- 
rum, was already in Slavonic hands, and its bishop an exile." Salonse, itself, seems 
to have been overwhelmed in the great Avar-Slave invasion of 639. Epitaurum, 
at the most, could not long have survived the fall of the greater city. It is, 
perhaps, something more than a coincidence that 649, the year in which Pojw 
Martin dispatched his legate to Dalmatia for the redeeming of captives and tlie 
rescuing of the sacred relics from the hands of the heathen Slaves,"" attained its 
tercentary in the year 949, mentioned by Constantine as the five hundredth 
anniversary of the founding of Ragusa by the refugee citizens of Epitaurum and 
Salonse. If Ave may suppose that the <I>, representing 500 in the original MS. of 
Constantine, or in some MS. notes from which the Emperor copied, has been acci- 
dentally substituted for a T = 300, his notice may conceal a genuine historical 

The mainland behind the peninsular site of Epitaurimi, and, in a certaui 
sense, the whole region between it and the next sea-gulf to the South-East, the 
Bocche di Cattaro, derives its name, Canali, from the artificial canal of the 
Roman Aqueduct already descriljed which traversed a great part of its extent. It 
is, indeed, remarkable that Constantine Porphyrogenitus, in whose valuable 
account of tenth century Dalmatian geography the name Canali first occurs, 
should have assigned to it a ditt'erent derivation" from the sufficiently obvious 
one of Canalis in its sense of a watercoui'se, and his remarks on the origin of 
the name have been hitherto placed in the same category with his suggested 
derivation for the Dalmatian citv of Jadera, " iam ei'at." But the etvmolotj-v of 
the Byzantine Emperor is by no ineans always of this fantastic kind,'" and in the 

imminet aflfligor vehenieiiter et contiirbor. Affligor in liis qiuv jam in voljis patior; conturlior quia por 
Istrise aditum jam Italiam intrare couperunt." 

» Mansi, Collectio Concil. t. ix, Gregory appoints the refugee liisliop to tbe bishopric of Squillace. 
Should, however, his own city be liberated at any time from the enemy he is to retum to it. 

'' Farlati, op. ci't. t. iii. p. 22. 

■^ .Safarik for example {Shnvische Alterthumer, ii. 27J) imagines Constantine's derivation of Canali to 
have been founded on some blundering reminiscence of " Kolnich" which appears as the Slavonic equiva- 
lent of Via Carri in a document of the year 1194 referred to by Lucius {De regno Da/iiHitia- et Cnialicr:, 
lib. vi.) 

"> His explanation for instance of the name of the neighbouring old Serbian district of Zacliulmia, 
"ojrio-w Tov jiovvoi" is a perfectly correct piece of Slavonic etymology. Equally exact is his rendering of 
the Croatian Primoije by ">; UapaBaXataia" His derivation for the river-name Bona contrasts favourably 
with Safarik's. 

.'50 Antiquarian Itesearches in Illyricum. 

present instancH' he liacl more warrant lor his suj:;^'este(l explanation than may at 
tirst sii^ht ajjjjear. Constantino, ^vhose Dalmatian to2)ogra})hy is singularly 
accurate, after mentioning the Serbian district of Terbunia, observes that 
beyond this is another district called Canali. " Now Canali," he continues, 
■' in the Slavonic dialect means a wagon-road, since from the level nature of 
the spot all transport service is accomjilished by means of wagons."" If we now 
turn to the Theodosian Code Ave find that the word canaUs is used there in the 
sense of a highway or post-road. In the law on the public posts promulgated 
by Constantius II. a special provision is made against the abuse of wealthy or 
powerful citizens requisitioning the pack animals'' (post-horses), reserved for the 
public service of the province, to convey the marble required for their palaces 
along the canaUs or liighway. in the law regulating the functions of the Curiosi, 
or imi)erial })()st-inspectors, the canales are spoken of in the sense of the post- 
roads along which wlieeled traffic of all kinds was conducted.'' In the Acts of 
the Council of Sardica (a.d. 3-i7) the word occurs in the same sense, and in this 
case has special reference to the great postal and military higliAvay across 
Illyricum from the borders of Italy to Constantinople. Gaudentius,'^ bishop of 
Naissus, in Dacia Mediterranea, a city A\liieli derived its importance from its 
position on what was then the main line of communication between the Eastern and 
AVestern halves of the Empire, proposes a canon specially affecting bishops, who, 
like himsell', are on the canaUs (in its Greek form KavaKiov) or highway ; and 
Athanasius in his Apologia alludes in a similar manner to the bishops on the 
kanalion of Italv." 

* ** To c't KaraXr) ipfitivivirai Ty ruiv 2»c\a/3wi' CtaXcKrttj u/ia^ia, tTrtiStij dtd to tivar tov tottov tjrtVifov, iratra^ 
ai'Twi' rdq 6ov\eiac Sid dfiu^wv tKTiXovaivy Ue A.dni. Imp. C, 34. 

^ JJe Ciirsit Publico, xv. " Manciiiium, cursus publici dispositio Procoiisulis forma teneatur. Ncque 
tamen sit cujusquam tam insignis audacia qui parangarias aut paraveredos ad canalem audeat commovere 
quominus marmora privatorntn vehiciilis provincialium transferantur." Du Cange (s.v. CanaUs) interprets 
this to mean that pack-horses, &c. destined for lanes and bye-ways are not to block the highway, but agrees 
in the important point that canaUs = via pubUca. 

'^ JJe C'lirw^if, ii. " Quippe sufticit duos (sc. agentes in rebus) tantummodo curas gerore et cursuni 
pnblicum gubernare ut licet in canalibns publicis hsec necessitas explicetur.'' (Law of Constantius and 
.lulian, 347 a.d.) Gothofrcd (ad loc.) observes, " Illud satis constat hie non pertincre ad aquarum sen 
ttnminum canales, quandoquidem in his rhedse, birotum, veredi, clabula;, moveri dicuntur." 

■' (jcaudentius (Cone. Sardic. can. 20) speaks of " ««r«(TToc ly/idv twv iv toIq irapoSois i'/Toi ravnAi'^j 
Ka9iaTMrtov." In the Latin translation (Mansi, t. iii. p. 22) : " Qui sumus prope vias publicas seu canales." 
Ducango supposes that the word canaUs in a charter of a.d. lOuO, published by Ughellus {Epkcopi Berga- 
menscs), has the same meaning of "via pubUca." 

^' Apol. i. 340. 01 iv Tt^ KavaXitii rqc; 'iraXiac- 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 31 

Whatever associations, however, the word canalis had in the mouth of a 
Byzantine, the natives of Canali itself seem to have derived this name for their 
district from the Roman Aqueduct.'' The word, indeed, as used in this sense, 
passed from the Illyro-Roman inhabitants to the Slav-speaking occvipants of a 
later date, and, when the new aqueduct connecting Ragusa with a mountain 
source in another direction was built in the fifteenth centu.ry, it, too, was known 
by a Slavonized form of the Roman Canalis.'' The district of Canali itself had 
by Constantine's time become the Serbian Zupa Konavalska, otherwise KonavU, 
but the parallel preservation of the word in its Roman form, which his record 
attests, is of interest as corroborating what we know from other sources as to the 
considerable survival of the Illyi'o-Roman element throvxghout this whole region. 

Politically the country outside the limits of the still Roman coast-toAvns was 
by Constantine's time in the hands of Slavonic Zupans, but side by side with the 
dominant race the older inhabitants of the land continued to inhabit the Dinaric 
glens and Alpine pastures. The relics of the Roman provincials who survived 
the Slavonic conquest of Illyricum were divided, in Dalmatia at all events, into 
two distinct classes, the citizens of the coast-towns, who retained their municipal 
and ecclesiastical institutions and something of Roman civilization under the 
aegis of Byzantium, and the Alpine j)opulation of the interior, the descendants 
for the most part of Romanized Illyrian clansmen recruited by the expropriated 
coloni of the municipia, or at least that jiart of them who had been forced to give 
up fixed agricultural pursuits for a semi-nomad pastoral life. Both classes spoke 
the Latin language, approaching, in various stages of degradation, the Romance 
variety still spoken by the Rouman population of parts of Macedonia and the 
Danubian provinces ; and both were indiscriminately spoken of by their Slavonic 
neighbours as Vlachs, or Mavrovlachs : Romans, or Black Romans." 

^ In Serbian it often appears in the plural form, konavle = the channels, showing that the name took 
in the lateral system of irrigation which ramified across the plain from the main Aqueduct. The plain of 
Canali is still (as has already been noticed) one of the best irrigated regions in Dalmatia — the inhabitants 
having in this respect inherited their Roman traditions. 

•" Kouo (i. e. konol). 

■^ The earliest Dalmatian chronicler, the Presbyter of Dioclea, who wrote about the year 1 150, expressly 
identifies this Rouman population with the descendants of the Roman provincials of Illyricum. After 
mentioning the conquest of Macedojiia by the Bulgarians under their Khagan he continues : " post hjec 
ceperunt totam provinciam Latinorum qui illo tempore Romani vocabantur modo vero Alorovlachi, hoc est 
nigri Latini, vocantur." Regnum Stavorum, 4. 

32 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

llai^usa* — the new Epitauvum — was in tlie time of Constantine Porphyrogenitus 
still a Roman citv, and tliouijh in \\w course of the sncceodiniT: centuries Ra,iz:usa 
became a Slav-speakiui!^ comuiimity there are still interesting' traces of her older 
lllyro-Pioman speech to be found in the later dialect,^ while the names of many 
of the smrnmiding villages clearly indicate a Neo-Latin origin. The nameCavtat 
(in its earliei- form Capetate) still applied by the present Slav-speaking population 
of the neighbourhood to the town that occi4pies the Epitaurian site is, as we have 
seen, simply a Kouman Civitate, to be coin])ared Avith the Wallachian Cetate or 
Citat, and the Albanian Gintet or Kintet. iloloiita, Yitaljina, and other Canalese 
villages, still present us with non-Slavonic name-forms," and there is documentary 
evidence that as late as the fifteenth century the shepherds who pastured their 
herds on the mountains of Upper Canali were still Rouman or Wallachian.'' 

» The materials relating to the Rouman population of D.ilmatia, Herzegovina, &c. existing in the 
archives of Ragusa have been collected by Dr Const. Jiiocek in his paper entitled Die Wlachen vnd 
Maurowlachen in den Denkmalern von Ragusa. ( Sitzungsberichte der k. bolim. Gesellscha/i der Wissen- 
srhajlen, 1879). 

" e. g. Dokes = doccssus (of the tide), rekesa = recessus, plaker = placere, lukjernar = hiccrnarius. 

(Prof. Luko Zore, Nasjezik tijikom nase knjizevnosti u Duhroimiku. (Our language in the course of our 

literature in Ragusa.) (Dubrnvnik, iii. 1871.) The preservation of the k sound of the Latin c is also a 

cliaracteristic of the Latin forms contained in Albanian. The discovery of a Roman-Christian glass bowl 

of sixth-century date among the ruins of Doklea (Dukle in Montenegro), presenting inscriptions in the 

local dialect, shows that this guttural survival was an early peculiarity of the Romance dialect of this ))art 

.)f Illyricuni. On the Doclean vase under the figure of Jonah and the whale occurs the line '■ Diunan de 

ventre queti liberatus est," where the " queti " for " ceti" is, as the Comm. di Rossi (Bull, di Arrli. Crist. 

1877, p. 77) points out, not a mere barbarism but an archaistic survival carrying us back to the 

-oquoltod" for "occultu," '' qiiom" for ''cum," &c. of the S. C. de Bacchanalibus. On a Dalmatian 

inscription (C. I. L. iii. 2046) qvelie occurs for coeliae. In the matter of the survival of the k sound of 

the c Dalmatia showed itself more conservative than the West. The epigrammatic address of Ausonius to 


" Orta salo, suscepta solo, patre edita coelo " 

loses its alliterative |ic>iiit unless the citIo he pronounced as beginning with a sibilant: and the natural 
inference is that ia fifth-century Gaul the guttural sound of the Roman c had been already softened down. 
*= E.g. Vergatto (SI. Brgat), mediaeval Vergatum, from Latin Virgelnm; Zonchetto, Latin Junchetum; 
Rogiatto (SI. Rozat) = liosetum; Delubie, on the bank of the Ombla, = Diluvies. (Cf. Jire^ck, Die 
Handelstrassen, &c. p. 8.) Montebirt, the name of a pine-clad height near Ragusa, seems to me to be a 
.yfons Viridis (cf. Brgat for Virgetmn), though the derivation from a combination of the Latin and Slavonic 
name for mountain — brdo — has been suggested by Professor Zore. In the latter case it would find a 
parallel in " Mungibel." The rocky promontory of Lave or Lavve on which the earliest city of Ragusa 
was built derives its name from a low Latin form labes = land-slip. Constantine Porph. (De Adm. 
Imp. c. 29) gives it under the form Xai" and makes it = t:pqfiv6s. 
'^ Cf. JireCek, Die Wlachen und Maurowlachen, &c. p. 6. 

Antiquarian Hesearches in Illyricum. 33 

Excavations made by Dr. Felix von Luschan and myself in the mediaeval 
cemeteries of Canali have supplied craniological proofs of the existence here in 
the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries of a non-SlaA^onic race presenting^ 
apparently Illyrian and Albanian affinities. What is especially pertinent in this 
regard, a large number of the skulls on which this generalisation is based were 
obtained from a mediaeval graveyard above the present village of Mrcine, known 
from old Uagusan records " to have been a Vlach or Roiunan centre as late as the 
fifteenth century. The name Mrcine itself, written Marzine according to the 
Ragusan orthography, appears to me to be of the highest interest. It is a 
characteristically Roimian word, and is found with its derivatives in the present 
Rouman lands north of the Danube under the form Mrdcina or Maracina, meaning 
the prickly thorn of Eastern Eiu'ope,'' Cratcegus Oxyacantha, the Slav Drive, 
with which indeed the rocks of Mrcine are covered. Tlie Roumanian antiquary 
Hajdeu," who notices its aiipearance as a Vlach surname in a chrysobull of the 
Serbian Emperor Dusan, which contains many references to the still existing- 
Rouman population in the old Serbian regions, after pronouncing the word, justly 
enough, to be neither of Latin nor of Slavonic origin, expresses his opinion that it is 
probably derived from the old Dacian tongue. It would seem to be rather of 
Illyrian origin, for the modern word for blackthorn among the Albanians, the 
existing representatives of the Illyrian stock, is Muris-zi, in the plural Muriza-te.'* 
The name Mrzine or Mrcine appears in this case to have been a Rouman equiva- 
lent for the old Slavonic name of the hilly district on whose borders it Hes: — 
Bra^evica, or the " Thorny Country," from drac, draca, the Serb equivalent of the 
Wallachian Maracina. 

The colossal stone blocks with their curious devices and ornamentation that 
cover the graves at Mrcine show that those who built them had considerable 
resources at their disposal." In the Middle Ages indeed these descendants of the 

* Libri Rof/atormn, 1427-32. The older name for Mrcine in the Ragusan records is Versignc. 
Cf. Jirecek, Die Wlachen, &c. p. 6. 

'' E. g. Mdrdcinisu, = a place overgrown with thorns ; Mdrdcinosti, = thorny. 

' Arc/lira istorica a Eomaniei, t. iii. Bncuresci, 18G7. Rcsturile unci carti de donatiune de pe la 
annul, 1348, emanata de la Imperatul Serbesc Dumn, &c. 

•^ This etymology, if admitted, would be a strong argument against the exclusively Thracian origin 
of the Wallachians, which at present finds so much favour. 

" Similar niedia;val iiiegalithic cemeteries, of which I hope to say something on another occasion, are 
scattered over a large part of what is now Herzegovina, Bosnia, Northern Montenegro, and certain districts 
of Dalmatia, and are common to both old Serbian and old Eouman districts. They are therefore not by 
themselves of ethnographical value. The inscriptions when found are always Serbian, and in Cyrillian 


31 Antiquarian Researches In Illi/ricum. 

Illyro-Roman provincials were the carriers and drovers of the j)eninsula. In the 
Balkan interior they were tlie pilots of llai^usan commerce. Tlieir wanderhii^ 
enterprise reoju^ued ancient trade routes, and they seem not imfrequeutly to have 
availed themselves of old Roman road-lines known only to themselves. On the 
mediicval caravan route, leading from this Vlach station to the Trebinje Valley, 
is another station of the same kind, at present conspicuous only hy its ancient 
sepidchres and monimients, but which still bears the distinctively Roiunan name 
of Turmente. Ttirma was the name given by these mountaineers to their 
caravans, and I found that the Avord in this sense has not been wholly forgotten 
by their Slavonized successors. 

The disappearance of the Roman-speaking element at Ragusa itself " and in 
the regions around, was, as a variety of still-existing records shows, of a most 
gradual character. The Illyi-o- Roman inhabitants seem to have early discovered 
the necessity of acquiring the speech of the new settlers and conquerors by whom 
they were siu'rounded, and to whom in most cases they Avere politically subject. 
The result of this Avas that they passed through a bilingual stage, continuing to 
speak their own language among themselves, while able to converse in Slav Avith 
their neighbours, a condition of things almost universal on the borderlands of 
conflicting nationalities, and finding its parallel still in the Dalmatian coast- 
cities, though there the case is at present reversed, the citizens for the most part 
speaking Slav among themselves, Avbile holding converse Avith outsiders in 
Italian. One result of this habit has been that throvighout a large part of Dal- 
matia, and notably in the neighbourhood of Ragusa, we find a nvunber of Neo- 
Latin or Illyro-Roman village names Avith an alternative SlaA'onic form " exactly 
translating their meaning ; and finally, in many cases, as the inhabitants forgot 
even the domestic use of their native Rouman, the original Latin form has 
altogether passed aAA^ay, leaving no trace of its existence beyond its Slavonic 

characters ; the " Yladis " do not seem to have had a written langnage. A rich " Vlach," however, being 
bilingual, might put up an inscription in Serbian, which was to him the language of Church and State. 

" The Ragusans early found a more convenient Romance language in Italian. Nor is it necessary to 
suppose that they ever spoke a Rouman dialect in the sense that the Dalmatian highlanders spoke it. 
The correspondence between Ragusa and the other Dalmatian coast-cities, Cattaro, Budua, Antivari, &c. 
was conducted in Latin. 

" This fact had already struck Lucius {De regno Dalmatiw et Croatia, lib. vi. Francofurti, 1666, 
p. 277), who instances "Pefm" = SI. "Brits"; "riaCa>Tr = i>]."CoInicir; "Circuitus," = S\."Zavod"; 
" Calamet" = SI. " Tarstenich." Cf. " Cannosa," near Ragusa, SI. " Trstenik" In the same way Vlach 
personal names were early translated into Slavonic equivalents, so that in Ragusan records we hear again 
and again of '' Vlachi" with Serbian names. 

Aniiqua}'ian ^Researches in Illyriciim. 35 

translation. This process has been, in all probability, of far more frequent 
occiu'rence in this part of Illyi'icnm than can at present be known. It is only, 
for instance, by the chance that Constantiue'' refers to the earlier name of the 
place that we know that the name of the Herzegovinian stronghold of Blagaj is 
simply a translation of the Bona of formerly Romance-speaking mountaineers. 
Another curious revelation of the survival of ancient nomenclature in a Sla^'onic 
guise is due to the quite modern discovery of a Roman monument. In 1866 an 
inscription,'' apparently of second or third-century date, was discovered in the Kerka 
Valley, revealing the ancient name of the rocky crest that there overhangs the 
stream, Tetra long a. To the present inhabitants, who for centiu'ies have spoken 
a SlaA'onic dialect, the crag is still known by its Roman name in a translated 
form, J)u(ju Sfina, " the long rock." 

Physical types, distinctively im-Slavonic and presenting marked Albanian 
affinities (an lUyrian symptom), are stiU to be detected among the modern 
Canalese, Brenese, and Herzegovinian peasants, mingled with types as character- 
istically Slav. Their langviage, however, is at the present day a very pure Serbian 
dialect, and, taken by itself, afPords us no clue to the fact, illustrated in this case 
by historical record, by craniological observations, and by the stray survival of 
local names, that their forefathers were as much or more Illyro-Roman than 
Slavonic. This interesting 2)lienomenon, repeated in the case of many districts of 
Herzegovina, Serbia, and Montenegro," may throw a valuable light on similar 

* De Adm Imp. C. 33 : " iv rif roiourifi X'^P'V Powoc iirn ftiyoQ, fx""' «>'w9f>' «iVor' ivo Kciarpa, to Boi'« xai to 
XXovfi' oTTirjQev it rov towvtov fSovvov CifpxeTat TroTafiuQ KaXov^ei'og Bora, o tppiivev€Tai koKov. At present the castlc 

on the peak is called Blagaj, the river which wells in full volume from its foot is still called Buna. This 
]iassage of Constantine affords valuable evidence of the existence in the tenth century ef an Illyro-Roman 
population among the interior ranges of what is now Herzegovina. Bona is a characteristic Rouman 
name for good, clear, streams (cf. SI. Dobravoda, &c.), and re-appears in this sense in the North Albanian 
Alps, where the Val Bona indicates the former presence of Romance-speaking highlanders in a glen which 
so far as language is concerned is at present Albanian. In the same way we find f(iniis like Alp'bona in 
the Ladinc or Romance districts of Tyrol. 

" C. I. L. iii. G418. *"'. 

^ The Ragusan records and old Serbian chrysobulls reveal a great extension of Rouman tribes in this 
part of Western Illyricum in the early Middle Ages. Amongst those in the present Herzegovina and 
Montenegro were the Vlachi Banjaui, Niksici, Mirilovici, Pilatovci, and the Rigiani in the mountains that 
overlook the ruins of Risinium. Their Alpine villages were called Cantons, in Slav. Katun, from whence 
the Katunska Nahia of Montenegro has its name. Like the Dokleates, the Illyrian tribe that once occu- 
pied a considerable part of the same mountain region, and of whom they were in part the Romanized 
descendants, they were great cheese-makers. The foundation charter of the church of St. Michael and St. 
Gabriel at Prizrend (1348) presents us with a number of Wallachian personal names with the Roiunan 
suffix -id, showing the Illyro-Roman survival in the ancient Dardaniau province and its border-lands. 


36 Antiquarian Meaearches in Illyricum. 

researches regardiiiii; Britain, the conquest of which hy the English presents some 
.striking analogies with the Slavonic conquest of Illyricum. It cuts, at all events, 
the ground from the feet of those who, hecause tlu' people of Englaiul speak a 
laiuruane containin": few Welsh or E-omano-British elements, and can trace most 
of their institutions to a Teutonic origin, would liave us therefore believe that the 
earlier inhabitants of a large jiart of Britain were either expatriated or exter- 
minated wholesale. The inhabitants of Southern Dalmatia, of Herzegovina, and 
Montenegro, are at present Serbian, not only in language but in customs, in 
})o])ular traditions, in village and domestic government, and yet Ave have in this 
case irrefragable proofs that, down to a late i)eriod of the JMiddle Ages, a con- 
siderable i)roportion of them were still speaking an Illyrian variety of Eomance. 

Although enough has been said to explain Constantine Porphyrogenitus's 
derivation ol' the word Canali, it seems, as we have seen, to be tolerably certain 
that the local term owed its origin solely to the course of the Epitaurian Aqueduct. 
The general accuracy, however, of Constantino's information as to Dalmatian 
matters, and the acquaintance which he shows with the prevailing physical 
characteristic of Canali itself, may embolden us to believe that when he seeks the 
etymology of the plain in the late Roman signification of canalis as a highway on 
which Avheel-traffic Avas conducted, he may not have been without some apparent 
foundation for his statement. In Uoman times, at all events, the district of 
Canali Avas a canalis in the sense in Avhich the Avord is used in the Theodosian 
Code, and by the fourth -century Illyrian bishop. There can be no question but 
that the Eoman road from Epitaurum to the next great Illyrian city to the south, 
Eisinium, ran through the present A^ale of Canali, emerging on the Bocche, the 
ancient Sinus Rhizonicus, through the Suttorina gorge, in the neighbourhood of 

The Tabula Feutingeriana, so fertile in difficulties for this part of Dalmatia, 
makes the distance from Epitaurum to " Eesinum " only tAventy miles, about 
lialf the real distance. The idea that Epitaurum itself Avas ever situate on the 
Sinus llhizonicus, and therefore nearer Risinium, I have already scouted. It 
only remains, therefore, to imagine either that a numerical error here occurs in 
the Tabula or that an intermediate station has been left out. Professor Tomas- 
chek " accepts this latter theory, and imagines Castelnuovo to have been the site 
of the omitted station. 

Local researches had long convinced me that a Roman station of some 
importance existed between Epitaurum and Risinium. Its site, however, Avas 

•■» Die vorslaivische Topographic, &e. \>. 37. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricimi. 


not Castelnuovo, where, so far as I am aware, no Roman remains have heen 
discoA'^ered. Near the village of Gruda, ahout the centre of the plain of Canali, 
have heen found Roman coins, intagli, fragments of pottery, and other relics ; 
and it is a common saying among the Canalese peasants that there once existed 
a city at this spot. The locality where these remains are found is known to the 
natives as Djare, from djara, a jar, owing to the amphorce and other vessels 
discovered liere. A little to the east of Djare rises an isolated height capped 
hy the small church of Sveti Ivan (St. John), a sanctuary, as the early mediaeval 
monuments round it show, of considerahle antiquity. Visiting this spot, in 
company with my friend Dr. Aon Luschau, I had the good fortune to discover, 
walled into the church porch and partially concealed by plaster, a Roman 
inscription, Avhich, Avlien cleared of mortar and cement, read as follows (fig. 12) : 

Kig 12. Sveti Ivan, Canali, from probable site of Roman Mnnicipium between Epitannim and Risiniuni. 

38 Antiquarian Researches in lllyricum. 

D M 

Q FVJ. Via I Filio 

II \lli liirf Dicunilo 
ET ^ViATUES Titvlum Posuere 

Taken by itself the mention of a Duumvir Jure Dicundo, tlic chief municiiial 
magistrate, on this monument raises a fair i)resumption that the Roman station at 
this spot was itself a Miinicipinm, and not a mere Tlcus of tlie Ager Epitauri- 
tanus. On the other hand, the coiu'se of the Epitaurian Aqueduct, across the 
whole extent of the j)lain of Canali, in the midst of which Djare and Sveti Ivan 
lie, certainly tends to show, as was pointed out long ago hy the Eagusan historian 
Cer^arius Tuhero, that, originally at least, Canali was comprised in the territory 
of Epitaurum. It is to be observed that the name of a Q. Eulvius Clemens occurs 
among the tituli found at Eagusa Yecchia." 

Be this as it mav, it is certain that there Avas a considerable lloman station in 
this vicinity ; and the position is itself admirably adapted for a half-way post 
between Epitaurum and the Khizonic gulf. Opposite the isolated height of 
Sveti Ivan, on which the inscription stands, oi)ens a pass in the mountains 
dividing the huge mass of Movmt Sniesnica on one side from the offshoots of 
Mount Orien on the other. It is at the opening of this pass that the village of 
Mreine is situate, already mentioned as an important llouman centre in the Middle 
Ages, and above Avhich Avas the ancient cemetery, also, in all probability, belonging 
to these descendants of the Illyro-Iloman provincials. It is certain that the pass 
itself, which served these later representatives of Rome for theu* caravan traffic 
Avith the inland countries between the Adi'iatic and the Drina, would not have 
been neglected bv the Eomans themselves as an aA'enue of communication. The 
remains of a paved medijrval Avay may still be traced tlu'eading the gorge, and 
AAX" have here, perhaps, the direct successor of a Eoman branch line of road con- 
necting the station, which appears to have existed at Sveti Ivan, Avith another 
Eoman station, of Avhich I hope to say mov(>, in the A-alley of Trebinje. 

On the other hand, there are distinct indications that SA^cti Ivan lay on the 
direct Eoman road betAAcen Epitaurum and Eisinium. The old Eagusan road 

» C. I. L. ii:. 17.39. 

Antiquarian Besearches in Illyricum. 39 

through Canali to the Bocche di Cattaro ran past this position, and the old bridge 
over the Ljuta lies just below it. What, too, is extremely significant, a long 
line of hedges and ancient boundary lines, that originally bisected the plain, runs 
from the direction of E,agusa Vecchia towards this point. Any one who has 
endeavoured to trace Roman roads in Britain must be aware how often, when 
other traces fail, the continuous hedge lines preserve the course of the ancient Way. 

The distance from Djare and Svcti Ivan to Bisinium is as nearly as possible 
twenty miles. It is, therefore, not imjiossible that at this point was the station 
ex hypothesi omitted in the Tabula. It is probable, as I hope to show in a 
succeeding paper, that this was also a point of junction between the road 
Epitaurum-Risinium and a line communicating with the interior of the Province. 

From this point the way to the Bocche runs down the Suttorina Valley, 
reaching the Adriatic inlet near Castelnuovo. After following the coast for 
some miles, the road would again strike inland, over the Bunovic Pass, which 
forms the shortest line of communication with the inner gulf on which Bisinium 
stood. Prom this point the course of the Roman road is no longer a matter for 
theory. Between Morinje and the western suburb of the little town of Risano 
that preserves the name of the Roman city its course can be distinctly traced along 
the limestone steep that here overhangs the sea. 

The site and early history of Rhizon, or Risinium, form a marked contrast 
to that of Epitaurum, as, indeed, to most of the GrjBCO-Roman sites on the 
Dalmatian shore. Here there is neither peninsula nor island : no natm*al bridge 
nor moat to secure the civilized colonist from the barbarism of the mainland. The 
peak which formed the Acropolis of Rhizon is but a lower oif shoot of the greater 
ranges beyond. An Alpine pass, communicating with highland fastnesses as 
rugged and inaccessible as any to be found within the limits of Illyricum, zigzags 
directly into the lower town. Thus the early history of Rhizon is neither Greek 
nor Roman, but pre-eminently Illyrian. 

In 229 B.C. Teuta, the Illyrian Pirate Queen, defeated by the Romans, took 
refuge at Rhizon, as her securest stronghold. Prom the expression of Polybios ^ 
that Rhizon was " a small city, strongly fortified, removed from the sea, but 
lying directly on the River Rhizon," some writers, including Sir Gardiner Wil- 
kinson,'' have endeavoured to discover its site somewhere in the mountains of 

** " \\o\i<y^tarwv cv Trpot; tixvponjra KaTCiaKevaaftfyoi'f avaKf)^u)f}i\Kot; ^tiv uirti Ti'itj 0aXarr?jy, tTT* avTi^ Be KeifievoJ' rtp 
'PiZoivi TTOTainp." Polybios, ii. 11. 
•• Dahnatia, vol. ii. p. 234. 

40 Autiquarian Researches in Illyriciim. 

tlio interior. As, however, I lia^-e elsewhere shown," there can he no doubt that 
the Hhizon of Queen Teuta is identical in site as well as in name Avitii tlie later 
Roman colony, which gave its name to the Rhizonic gulf, the present Bocche di 
Cattaro, and which still prolongs its continuity in the little town of Risano. The 
Ehizon Potamos of Polybios is used, in fact, as a general term for tlie Avinding, 
river-like fiord itself, otherwise known to ancient poets as the " Illyrian river," 
the chosen lurking-place of piratic craft. In its narrower local application it 
may he taken to signify the small torrent, the Finmai'a, which bursts from a caA'c 
in the mountains, about half-a-milc from the head of the fiord. The name llisano, 
apjjlied to two similar torrents on the East Adriatic coast, one in Istria, near 
Ti'ieste, the other near Durazzo, leads us to infer that Rhizon or Risinium was an 
aboriginal Illyrian river-name, which, in the present case, attached itself to the 
town past Avhich the torrent ran. 

The remains of the old street terraces are distinctly traceable on the flanks of 
the peak that dominates the right bank of the torrent. It is evident that this 
was the ancient Acropolis, the chosen stronghold of Queen Teuta, but I have been 
unable to discover any remains of primeval walls, such as are to be seen on the 
more southern Illyrian peak stronghold of Acrolissos (Alessio). The lower town 
lay unquestionably on the level space between the Acropolis and the shore, to 
the right of the torrent. Here I have at difPeront times excavated the foundations 
of houses and narrow streets lying at a depth of a1)out ten feet beneath the present 
surface. I was not so fortunate, however, as to hit on the remains of any remark- 
able building, foundations may also be seen, as at Ragusa Vecchia, beneath 
the sea, proving a slight submergence of the land within the historic period. 
The most important architectural relic is the remains of the eastern city-wall, to 
be seen in places overhanging the right bank of the torrent, which must have 
washed this wall of the city almost throughout its length. 

The remaining fragments of this wall, built of huge oblong blocks, recall the 
long walls connecting Salona; with its Piraeus, a work dating in all probability 
from the period preceding the actual conquest, though executed under Grseco- 
lloman influences. It is remarkable that epigraphic evidence exists, showing 
that, in the time of Marcus Aurelius, the inhabitants of Risinium traced back the 
antiquity of their walls to heroic times. At Lambsese, in Numidia, in a shrine of 
the temple of ^sculapius, was discovered a votive inscription raised by a native 

» See " On some recent discoveries of Illyrian Coins," Numismatic Chronicle, N.S. vol. xx. pp. 

Antiquarian Researches in Ulyricum. 41 

of Risinium, who liad risen to the position of Legate of Numidia and Consul 
Designate (afterwards elect), in honour of the patron divinity and "public Lar" 
of his native Dalmatian city. In this poetic dedication the walls of Risinium are 
referred to as "^Eacia Moenia," and the expression has created some difl&cvilty. It 
seems to me, however, to be susceptible of a perfectly natural and probable 
explanation. The Epirote Princes, in right of their Thessalian connexion, had 
always insisted on their descent from Achilles the son of Jj]acus ; and one at least 
of them appears in history as J^acides pure and simple. The connexion between 
the reigning families of Epirus and Southern Ulyricum was intimate, and we are 
expressly told of King Glaucias, the Taulantian, that his wife was of the ^acid 
race.'' The South Illyrian princes who succeeded him, and who, like their 
Epirote kinsmen, affected Greek manners, and adopted a Greek style on their 
coinage, would certainly not neglect this claim to Achsean descent. The ^acia 
Moenia of the inscription would, therefore, indicate the local tradition that the 
walls of Risinium, this ancient stronghold of the native kings, were reared by 
one of these Illyrian Jjlacidae. 

As any account of the antiquities of Risinium would be incomplete without 
some reference to this remarkable inscription, I here reproduce it.'' 

" Aloenia qui Risinni jEacia qui colis arcem 

Delmatiae, nostri publice Lar populi, 
Sancte Medaure domi e(t) sancte hie: nam templa quoq(ue) ista 

Vise precor parva magnus in effigia. 
Succussus Iseva sonipes (c)ui surgit in auras 

Ahera dum letum librat ab aure manus. 
Talem te Consul jam designatus in ista 

Sede local venerans ille tuus y y — 
Xotus Gradivo belli vetus ac tibi Caesar 

Marce, in primore clarus ubique acie." 

" Adepto Consulatu 7 v 7 V 7 

Tibi respirantem faciem patrii numinis 
Hastam eminus quce jaculat refreno ex equo 
Tuus, ]Medaurc. dcdicat Medaurius " 

The continuance of the cult of Medaurus, the Illyrian Lar of Risinium, in 

" Justinus, lib. xvii. ?) : " (Pyrrhus) defertur in lUyrios et traditus est Beroa; uxori regis Glauciaj 
quae et ipsa erat generis /Eacidarum." 

^ As edited by Mommsen in C. I. L. iii. p. 285. 


12 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

liuiuaii Imperial times, is itself a proof of tlie streiiij^tli of the indis^enous element 
at this s[)ot. The excavations and researches made by me on the site of the 
ancient city have brought to light abundant evidence of the importance of Eisi- 
niiim as an Illyrian staple and royal residence before the days of the Roman 
conquest. This evidence, which is almost exclusively derived from Illyrian 
coins, discovered in abundance on this site, has formed the subject of a commu- 
nication 1)y me to th(> Niunismatic Society, so tliat T may here content myself 
with siimniarising the results at which I was enabled to arrive." 

Ill tlic numismatic history of the Illyrian city two periods are to be noticed ; 
the lirst during w liich the Rhizonian mint was under Greek influence, and the 
later period, during which Roman influence predominated. The coins are of 
three main varieties : — 

1. Autonomous coins, struck in the name of the city, with the legend 

Pizo, or I'izoNiTAN, showing that here, as at Lissos (Alessio) and 
Scodra (Scutari d' Albania), there was a Republican period in the 
history of the city : in all probability the period immediately suc- 
ceeding the break-up of the Illyrian kingdom of Genthios by the 
Romans in 107 B.C. 

2. Coins of an Illyrian Prince Balhcos, unknown to history, but who pos- 

sessed another prolific mint in the Isle of Pharos (Lesina). It is 
j)robable that this prince reigned in the second half of the second 
century B.C. and that his dominion represents a revival of the old 
Ai-diycan dynasty. These coins have Greek legends, like those of 

3. Coins of one or more successors of Ballaeos, some with the legend myn. 

Ill the figure of Artemis, on the reverse, these coins resemble those of 

Halhcos, but the obverse presents us Avith heads imitated from the 

Pallas, Libertas, and Virtus on Roman consular denarii. 

The i;i'iicral conclusion which Ave are enabled to draw from these coins is, that 

llliizon, or Risinium, remained in a position of independence or quasi-indepen- 

(Iriicc of Rome, at least under the gOA'ernment of native princes, at a period when 

large tracts of the Illyrian coast both north and south of this point had been 

placed under direct Roman government. We are, in fact, informed by LiA'v'' 

that, as a reward for their timely defection from King Genthios, the inhabitants 

» Si'i> Xiiiiiismatic Chronicle, X.S. vol. xx. p. 2G9 8eqq. ^ Lib. xly. c. 26. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illj/ricum. 


of Rhizon and Olcinium, with the Pirustse and others, were not only left free to 
govern themselves hut Avere exempted from all tribute. 

Among the coins of prae-Roman date found at Risano silver pieces of Corinth, 
Dyrrhachium, and Apollonia, are of comparatively frequent occurrence, and I 
have obtained one of the Paeonian King Lykkeios. But the extraordinary 
feature of this site is its inexhaustible fertility in the small brass pieces of the 
native King Ballseos and his successors. Considering that these coins themselves 
occasionally attain to a fair art level, that the inscriptions are in Greek, and that 
they are universally associated with fragments and remains that are undoubted 
products of Greek and Roman civilization, we are justified in inferring that 
already in Illyrian days Rhizon was beginning to present many of the external 
features of a civilized city. The historians of Greece and Rome, from whom all 
our written knowledge of the Illyrian coast-lands in their yet imconquered days 
is due, naturally lay stress on the piratic and barbarous side of Illyrian life. But 
the indigenous coinage existing at Rhizon, Scodra, Lissos, and the Isle of Pharos, 
and even among the mainland tribe of the Daorsi, is itself a proof that more 
commercial instincts were developing among the aborigines of the Adriatic coast. 
The ancient trade route between Greece and the lands at the head of the Adriatic 
could not have been without its civilising influence on the inhabitants of the littoral, 
and there is strong presumptive evidence that Phoenician, Pontic, and Etruscan 
merchants frequented the Illyrian havens in still earlier days. This Phoenician 
contact has left its trace in the persistent repetition by Greek writers of legends 
connecting Cadmus and his consort with the Illyrian towns, and in a special way 
with Rhizon itself. That coins of the Illyrian king Genthios have been found I 
in Sicily tends to prove that his dominion had a mercantile as well as a piratic 
side, and this drunken barbarian, as he is described by Polybios and Livy, has 
deserved well of medical science by bringing into use the herb Gentian, that still 
preserves his name.* Nor are there wanting ancient writers who have passed a 
more favourable verdict on the inhabitants of the Illyrian coast. We read of 
their cities, of their regular government, now under chieftains, now under kings, 
now autonomous in its constitution, and Scymnos adds, that " they are very 
pious, just, and given to hospitality, that they respect the ties of social life, and 

* Pliny, H. N. lib. xxv. 34: •' Gentianam invenit Gentius rex Illyiioruin. ubique nascentem, in 
Illyrico tamen pvsestantissimam." 

G 2 

44 Antiquarian Researches in Illi/ricum. 

live in an orderly manner."" The splendid booty collected by Anicius on the 
capture ol" Kins; Genthios in his royal city of Scodra renders it tolerably certain 
that King Balkcos and his successors at Rhizon knew how to surround their court 
with the luxuries of civilisation, and a silver coin of this prince in the British 
Museum, in all probability coined in his llhizonian mint, proves that on occasion 
he could employ Hellenic workmen. 

The historv of the Illvrian mint at Rhizon, as illustrated l)v the coins, un- 
doubtcdly reflects the general course of civilisation in the Illyrian city. During 
the period marked by the autonomous coins and the coins of King Ballceos, the 
external culture introduced was Greek so far as it w^ent, and the numerous coins 
of Greek cities found on this site evidence considerable mercantile intercourse 
with Hellas. The semi-Roman character of the coins of Ballaios's successor, taken 
in connexion with the presence of numerous consular denarii, tends to show that 
towards the end of the second century B.C. iJomau commercial enterprise, follow- 
ing in the wake of political sujjremacy, Avas supplanting the old Greek connexion 
with this part of the Adriatic coast. 

Gi*eek inscriptions have been found at Risano,'' one or two of prae-Roman date, 
but the greater part of the remains found at Risano belong rather to the later 
period, when Roman influences preponderated. Among the pottery however 
obtained from this site I have one good example of Greek fictile art. It is an askos 
of reddish brown and yellow ware, of that peculiar form that seems to be character- 
istic of Magna Graecia, and which certainly bears a greater resemblance to a small 
china teapot than a " bladder." (See PI. II.) On its ujiper surface is stamped a 
medallion containing a highly artistic Faun's head, with pointed ears pricked, and 
flowing locks. The funnel-shaped opening of the spout is unfortunately broken 
ofp. It is difficult to understand for what use this kind of vessel may have served. 

» V. 420 seqq. 

" Kai Ttva fiiv ai'Tuiv fiovXiKiii^ llovaiaiq 
vnijKo' elvai, Tiva St Kal fiovapxiai^, 
ii o' avTOVOfisiaOai' 0fo(T€/3t7c S^ aiTOVf dyap 
Ku'i fT(j}i'}^pa SiKaiov^y ipaaiy Kai ^tXo^tvoVf,') 
KOil'ioi'iKtjV cutBtfftv iiyaTTyKuTaQ 
elvai^ (itov l^rjXovv n KOfffiitorarov,'" 

His words have a special reference to the south Dahnatian coast, as he places opposite the region of these 
civilized mainlanders the Greek island colonies of Pharos (Lesina) and Corcyra Nigra (Curzola). 

•• Cf. G. Gelchich, Memorie storiche sulle Bocche di Cattaro, pp. 10. 11, and Ljubic, Viestnik hrvatskoga 
Arkeologickoga Druitva, an. iii. p. 52. Most of these have been transported to Perasto. 


1U1 Ajjviu ri 11. 


cc: -1 oj 











O -— 
(X uj 

"- y g; 

-^ " Ph 

— -jo 
z r^ 0) 


PuhliAsheci by the- Soctety ofAnU<fiMtyne6 orjjoruloro, 1883. 

Antiquarian Hesearches in Illyricum. 45 

The expanding mouth of the spout seems to preclude the idea that it was used 
for filling lamps, and the fact that it has no other orifice but the spout must have 
prevented free flow from it for any purpose. Possibly it served for letting the oil 
drip in the process of anointing. This vase was found at Carine, on the western 
part of the ancient site, by a peasant digging in his vineyard. In the same grave, 
for so he described to me the place in Avliich it lay, were a patera and another vase 
which has lost its handles, but Avhicli also bears a Magna Gra3cian character. 

It is noteworthy that at the present day the East Adriatic ports obtain theii- 
pottery almost exclusively from the Apulian coast, and the modern potters of the 
Terra d'Otranto are thus only keeping up a connexion begun, as these Risinian 
relics prove, in days before the Roman conquest of Illyricum. Compared with 
the handiwork of the ancient artists of Uria and Lupise tlie modern crockery is 
rude, but in some of the forms a distinct Hellenic tradition is perceptible, and 
amphoras, especially, of singularly old Greek aspect are still to be seen exposed for 
sale on the quay of modern Risano. 

The asJcos and vase described belong to the latest prse-Roman period of Greek 
art. There is, however, evidence that Greek mercantile enterprise was supplying 
the Illyrian aborigines with earthenware, and that from a more remote quartei-, 
at a considerably earlier period. Theopompos "^ of Chios, who wrote in the foiu-tli 
century B.C. and who ought certainly to be an authority on matters that relate to 
the wares of his own island, informs us that Thasian and Chian pottery was found in 
the Naron, the next river-inlet on the Illyrian coast beyond the " Rhizonic gulf." 
This notice is supplemented by a passage in the pseudo-Aristotelian work," On 
Wondrous Reports,"'' in which the author of that work states that between 
Mentorice and Istria is a mountain called Delphion, " from the peak of which 
the Mentores who inhabit the Adriatic coast are said to see ships sailing on the 
Pontic Sea," and that " in the intervening space is a common market where 
merchants coming from Pontus sell the wares of Lesbos, Chios, and Thasos, and 
others coming from the Adriatic coast sell Corcyraean amphoras." " Apart from 

" Fr. 140. Theopompos imagines that the vases must have reached the Naron by some underground 
river course forming a connexion between the Adriatic and the ^gean. Strabo, to whom the preservation 
of this notice is due, is justly sceptical as to the geological deduction of Theopompos : " Kai liXXa o ov vkttu 

XiyeC TO re avvTerpliaOai ra TreXayi; aTro rov ivpioKeadai Kipafxov ri Odawv Kai Xlov Iv riji Ndpovi." (vii. p. 488.) 

** Uefii Oavpatjitov aKovafidrMV^ C. CIV. 

* *' ilvai t'f Kai Tiva tottov iv to7£ dvd fiffjov ^laarrifiautv etg ov dyopdg KOtviiQ ytvofitvijg nwXeXffQat TTcinu ^iv Tutv ix 
Tou UoVTOV ifiTTopuv dvafSaivovTuv rd Aia/ha Kai X'la, Kai Hdaia, irapd ii twv Ik tuv 'Acpiov Tovr KepKvpoiKoir 

l() Antiquarian Uesearches hi Illyricnm. 

tlie i;:eogTaj)liical al)sui'(lity of Pontus beini,' visihlo from a mountain near the 
Adriatic coast, thoro can l)o little doubt that this notice, contaiuiui; as it does an 
alhision to the old Danul)ian trade-route between the Euxine and the head of the 
Adriatic, is true so far as it relates to the importation of Greek Avares and pottery 
to some native market on the Illyrian coast, in all probability either Rhizon 
itself or the old lUyi-ian staple of the Narenta. In the Greek insular settlements 
in these waters at Issa, Black Corcyra, Pharos, and elsewhere, there was naturally 
a demand for such wares, and tine Greek vases and oiVoxoat have been found at 
iLissa" and elsewhere. It is reasonable to suppose that a part of these imported 
I wares found its way to the native markets of the mainland, and it would even 
]a})pear that the fictile works of the native potters were, at an early period, 
.1 rudely imitated from Greek models, though without their colourinii^ and ornament. 
On a fragment of a cup discovered by me in a pre-historic stone-barrow in Canali, 
an account of the excavation of which I hope on some future occasion to com- 
municate to this Society, and which dated apparently from the later period of the 
Illyrian bronze age, Hellenic influence appears to be distinctly traceable. 

That in Roman times the suburbs of the city embraced a considerable area is 
sho^Ti by the fact that the foundations of houses, including a mosaic pavement, 
are to be seen about half-an-hour up the mountainous steep on the East and near a 
delicious fountain. The sepulchral remains lie for the most part either at Carine or 
in a campagna to the left of the Risano Fiumara. I copied the following," (v. figs. 
13 — 17) not contained in the Corpus Liscriptionum or Ephemeris Epigraphlca. 

The name Plsetoria or Plsetorius, as it appears to occur on another Ilisinian 
inscription,' with its variant forms Plsetor, Plator, and Pletor, is a Latinization of 
one of the most characteristic Illyrian names,'' and derives special interest from 

» Cf. Glavinich, Mittheilungen der k. k. Central Commission, 1878, xcii. In ilif nmseiim at Ragnsa 
is a Greek painted vase said to have been found on the .site of Epitaurum. 

•> Since I took down these inscriptions copies of figs. 13, 14, 15, and 17 have been sent to the 
Croatian Archa;ological Society, and are given by Dr. Ljubid in Viestnik (an. i. p. 127; an. ii. p. 101), 
where ray e.\cavations are referred to. The examples in tlie Viestnik will be found to dilTor in some small 
details from mine, and do not represent the original lettering. Figs. 14 and IG are at present in the 
Casa Misetic. Fig. 13 was found in the campagna of Paprenica. Fig. 15 is from the left bank of the 
Fiumara; I have since deposited this stone in the museum at Ragusa. 

" C. I. L. iii. 1730, as completed by Mommsen. 

■^ Cf. C. I. L. iii. 2751, 27.52, 2773, 2788, among inscriptions found at Vcrlikka and S. Danillo in 
Dalmatia; 3144 in the Isle of Cherso; 3804, 3825, at Igg near Laibach, herein a Celtic connexion:— 
•' voLTREx PLAETORis"; in a Privilegium (C. I. L. iii. D. vii.) granted by Vespasian — platori . veneti . 
I- . CEKTVRio.Ni . M.xEZEio ; at Apulum and Alburnus Major (vicvs pirvstarvm) in Dacia where was a 
large Illyrian mining colony (1192, 1271) 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 



Fig. 13. 

Fi":. l.^i. 



\U XXS/ 

Kig. H. 


Fig. IG. 


Fi". 17. 

Inscriptions fbom Risinium (Hisano). 

48 Antiquarian Researches in Illyriciim. 

its reappoai'ance among the Messapians * of the o^jposite Italian coast, the Illyrian 
affinities of Avliom ave undoubted. The occun-oncc of this and other indigenous 
names on llisinian monuments, taken in connexion with the abiding cult of the 
native Lar, show that the IlljTian element continued to hold its own in the 
Roman city ; and I may observe that the modern Risanotes, though at present 
entirely of Slavonic speech, must ethnologically be classed with the Albanian 
descendants of these same Illyrians. The finely-modelled head, the aquiline nose, 
such as King Ballteos displays on his Rhizonian coins, the " stricti artus, minax 
\ultus," recall at once the Illvrian aboriu:ines of ancient writers and the modern 
Skipetar. Meanwhile the Risanote tales about Queen Teuta or Czaritza Tiuda, 
as they call her, may be safely placed in the same category with the Ragusa- 
Vecchian traditions of Dolabella and Cadmus. 

The Roman city appears to have drawn its water supply direct from the 
cavern from which the Risano Fiumara issues. On the right bank of the 
stream I found the channel of an aqueduct, resembling that of Epitaurum, hcAvn 
out of the solid rock. This channel leads into the vast atrium of the cavern, 
the floors and walls of which have been hewn out apparently to form a large 
reservoir. There can be no doubt that in ancient times this was filled with 
water, and that the supply of water was considerably greater than it is now. 
At present in summer the bed of the Fiumara is almost dried up, and the 
aqueduct would be useless even in the rainy season. That the character of the 
source should have altered will surprise no one who has observed the vagaries of 
streams and sources in a limestone country ; and its diminished volume may be 
connected with the continued deforesting of the Dalmatian coasts during the 
last two thousand years, Avhich here, as in Greece, has contributed to decrease 
the rainfall. The cavern is still, however, a considerable reservoir. Following 
it by an easy descent of about one hundred yards into the moiTutain you arrive 
at the brink of a subterranean pool of unknown dimensions. In Roman days 
the summer level of this pool must have reached the excavated chamber in the 
mouth of the cavern, from which the channel of the aqueduct issues. The 
Slavonic-speaking natives, having wholly forgotten its former api)lication and 
origin, regard the rock-hewn channel as of supernatural creation, and call it 
" Vilin Put," " the Fairies' Way." 

" Cf. inscriptions found at Capo di Leuca, UXaropag n«\6r«oc Xuaptn, and at Ceglie bcginnins: taatopas, 
f^yeumTsiommsexi, Dieunteritalienischen Diahkle,i^. 51. The plebeian family name Plsetoria at Rome 
was derived from this source. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 49 

Engraved gems are not so abundant on this site as on that of Epitaurum, 
where Grseco-Roman culture was less alloyed with indigenous barbarism. I have, 
however, procm-ed four or five; and a fine gold ring set with an ovljs. engraved 
with a lion, recently discovered here, was presented by the Commune of Eisano as 
a baptismal gift to the second son of Prince Nikola of Montenegro.* One intaglio, 
a pale sard from this site, in my own possession, is remarkable as presenting an 
unique Roman-Christian composition (fig. 18). On it 
is seen the Good Shepherd, not in the usual attitude, 
but holding forth what appears to be intended for the 
typical lamb, which he has lowered from his shoul- 
ders." Before him stands a ram, while to the left is a 
tall amphora-like jar, probably meant to represent one 
of the water-pots of Cana of Galilee. Above is seen 
the Christian monogram, and another symbol con- 

sisting of three upright strokes crossed by one T.^' iMTsr.'I.^^^S:.:;!)^" 

As late as the end of the sixth century the Christian Church of Risinium 
seems to have been still flourishing and important. Two letters are extant 
addressed by Pope Gregory the Great to Sebastian, Bishop of Risinium, one of 
591 and the other of 595 a.d.'= In the latter of these Gregory speaks of " dulcis- 
sima et suavissima fraternitatis tuce verba" but laments at the same time the 
evil which he suffers from Sebastian's friend, Romanus, Exarch of Ravenna, to 
whose government Risinium with the other Dalmatian coast-cities then belonged, 
and whoso malice towards the representative of St. Peter cut sharper in Gregory's 
opinion than the swords of the Lombards .*' The next mention of a Bishop of 
Risinium occurs after an interval of seven hundred years. 

Of a date still later than the Christian intaglio, and by far the most beautiful 
object, to my knowledge, discovered at Risano, is a gold pendant, inlaid on either 
side with cloisonne enamel, dug up in a campagna at Carina in 1878 by a man whom 

» Amongst other objects of Koman jewelry obtained by myself from this site may be mentioned a 
part of a gold earring terminating in a lion's head, and two spiral snake bracelets of silver, much resembling 
a kind of bangle which has lately again become fashionable. 

" On another Christian gem, obtained by me at Salona, the Good Shepherd stands at the side of a 
group of sheep and goats beneath a palm tree. The material is green jasper. 

"= Given in Farlati, Ilhjriciim Sacrum, t. vi. pp. 411, 412. The letters are headed " Gregorius 
Sebastiano Episcopo Rhiziniensi." 

^ " Quia ejus in nos malitia gladios Longobardorum vieit." 



Antiquarian Researches in Illyricinn. 

I had employed to make excavations (fig. 19) . It presents on one side a crested 

l)east of grotesque and mytliieal aspeet, witli n projecting tontrue, tlie colours oF 


Kit'. !"•' (ioLD Knamelled Pendast, Carina, 187S. 

the animal i)eing green, yellow, red, and bluish white on a dark blue ground. On 
the other side is a conventional rose, with dark blue and yellow petals, and red 
centre on a green ground. This rose, w^hich has much in common with the 
familiar rose of heraldry, is of a form frequent on Roman mosaics, and not least 
upon those that adorn the walls of E-oman-Christian basilicas. The four round 
excrescences attached to the broader petals may be regarded as singular, other- 
wise there is nothing in the design on this side alien to the lloman art of the 
Western Empire to which Kisinium in Justinian's time belonged. So far as 
the colours go they recall with singular fidelity the predominant tints in the 
mosaics of the mausoleum of Galla Flacidia, of the church S. Apollinare Nuovo 
and other Kavennate indniinients of the fifth and sixth centuries. The sombre 
l)lue and green ground in mosaic work, at least, is more distinctive of Western 
than of pure Byzantine traditions. 

The quasi-heraldic animal on the other side of the pendant is suggestive at 
once of Oriental influences. It bears a strong family likeness to the griffins, 
winged lions, and other fabulous monsters, on some remarkable vessels found 
at Szent ^liklos. in ihe district of Torontal, in Hungary, in 1799, and which 
are now among the treasures of the Antiken Cabinet at Vienna." Among the 
points in which the animal on the Eisano pendaiit bears a special resem- 
blance to some of those of the Torontal hoard may be signalised the character of 
the head and eye, the drop-shaped spots or stripes on the body, and the attitude 
of the legs and tail. On the other hand, the crest or mane is of a more cocks-comb- 
like form; the wings with which most of the Torontal monsters are equipped, as 

* See Von Anieth, Monumente des k. k. Mum uiid Antiken Cabinettes, Wien, 18.i0, PI. <;. iv., g. v., 

G. XIV. &c. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 51 

well as their arabesque appendages, are wanting, and the general elegance and 
spirit of the design is considerably diminished. 

The Torontal objects are unquestionably of Persian origin ; " the mythic repre- 
sentations that occur on them are thoroughly Oriental, and the monsters repre- 
sented are the true forerunners of the Mahometan Borrak, of which fabulous 
animal we learn that it had a mane of pearls and jacinths, that its ears were as 
emeralds, and its eyes as rubies. The form of the Torontal gold vessels is also 
characteristically Persian, much resembling the cups which every Persian hangs 
at his saddle-bow when he goes out riding. Von Arneth considers them to be of 
fifth-century workmanship, though they bear inscriptions of later date. One of 
these, in Greek characters, seems to be a line of a Byzantine missionary hymn. 
Another gives the names of two chiefs, apparently of Bela, Zupan of the Theiss, 
and Butaul, Zvipan of the Jazyges, a people, be it observed, of Medo-Sarmatian 

The Bisano pendant may therefore l)e taken as illustrating the influence of 
these fifth-century Persian models on late Boman and Byzantine art, an influence 
which, from this time onwards, becomes more and more perceptible. No example 
of any perfectly analogous jewel has come under my observation ; there is, liow- 
ever, one feature besides the general character of the enamel and goldwork, which 
it shares with some other ornaments of Byzantine date. The outer rim is pro- 
vided with a groove and five loops — three below and two above. The use to 
which these were applied is shown by an earring in the British Museum, witli 
similar groove and loops, to which a circlet of pearls — strung on a golden wire — 
is still attached. Two other Byzantine earrings, in the Biu'ges Collection, enriched 
on one side with that well-known Christian emblem, a pair of doves, enamelled, in 
one case, on a gold field, and dating probably from the seventh century, show an 
arrangement of the same kind. 

Taking into consideration on the one hand this Byzantine feature in tlie form, 
and, on the other hand, the distinct reflection in the design of Persian models, 
the introduction of which into the Illyrian jirovinces was probably not uncon- 
nected with the great Hunnish irrujjtion of the fifth century, we cannot greatly 

" An account of the Torontal treasure will be found in Von Arneth, op. cit. p. '20 aeqq. 

^ This inscription reads : BOVHAA • ZOArrAN • TE2H ■ AVrETOIPH • BOI'TAOVA • ZUAIIAN ■ TAri'orH ■ 
HTZITH • TA12H. Von Hammer (Osmanische Geschichte, iii. 726) compares TArpOFH ■ nrziTH with Aanpiyoi 
lalvyeq, a tribe of .TazTges mentioned by Dion (Ixxi. 12). The Tagri are mentioned by Ptolemy (iii. c. h). 
The inscription is cited by Safarik (^Slaivische Alterthumer, i. 345) as a monument of the early connexion of 
Slavs and Sarmatians. zoahan cannot be other than the Slay Ztipan, the governor of the Ziipa or Mark. 

H 2 

52 Antiquarian Researches in Illi/riciim. 

err iu assigning the present work to the period of comparative peace and pros- 
perity that dawned on Dalmatia in the first half of the sixth century. Of later 
date than the sixth century it cannot well be, as lloman Risinium itself was 
utterly wiped out some time in the first half of the next century by a barbarous 
horde of Slavs and Avars. The early part of the century that preceded this 
awful overthrow — which Risinium shared with its sister cities, Epitaurum and 
SalonjE — was marked in Dalmatia, as in Italy, by the beneficent Ostrogothic 
dominion. The Dalmatian cities gained a now lease of life, and the relative 
al)undance of Ostrogothic coins on these Trans-Adriatic sites is itself a tangible 
proof of their prospei-ity. On the recovery of Dalmatia by Justinian's generals, 
the Roman cities of its coast ranked among the most valuable possessions of his 
Exarchs at Ravenna, and the Province was then reckoned " the stronghold of 
the "West." There can be no good reason for doubting that the Risano jewel was 
of Dalmatian, perhaps of local Risinian, manufacture ; indeed, its somewhat 
heavy Occidental aspect, coupled with the purely Roman form of the rose, asso- 
ciated as they yet are with undoubtedly Oriental features, render the work 
peculiarly appropriate to the character of a Province which formed the border- 
land between the Eastern and Western Worlds. 





54. Alternative routes from Salonse to Siscia. 

55. Route through the Lika. 

55. Inscription fixing site of Ausancalio. 

56. Inscription referring to iiviri at Lapac. 

57. Explorations in the Upper Kraina. 

57. Surviving traditions of the great Tatar invasion. 

58. Legend of King Bela's flight: his road and milestones identified with Roman Way from Siscia 

to Salonae. 
60. Bas-relief of Mercury, remains of Roman building and other monuments in Unnac Valley. 
62. Roman remains near Knin, and monument of early Croat prince. 
64. Antiquities at Verlika, traditions of Gothic occupation in Dalmatia. 
66 Memorials of Hunnish and Tatar invasions existing at Salonas and Spalato. 
68. The Roman road Salonje — Narona. 

68. Bridge-station of Tilurium. 

69. Observations on the site of Delminium, the original capital of Dalmatia. 
72. Sites of Ad Novas and Bigeste : new inscription. 

75. Narona: monuments, glass like Anglo-Saxon, her Iris Illyrica; crystal iinguetituiinm from 

77. Roman sacrificial knife, and turquoise ring. 

78. Trappano, an ancient site. 

80. The road Narona — Scodra, inland, and not along the coast. 

83. From Scodra to Niksic. 

84. The birthplace of Diocletian. 
86. Roman outline of Niksi6. 
8''. Site of Andarva. 

88. Traces and traditions of ancient Way from Rhizonic Gulf to Drina Valley. 
90. Roman remains and inscription referring to andauvani at Gorazda. 

92. Course of Roman road from Narona to Niksid via Stolac (Diluntum). 

93. Junction-line from Epitaurum: discovery of road and milestone in Mokro Poljc. 
98. Site of Asamo, near Trebinje. 

101, Milliary column of Claudius. 

104. Proofs of existence of ancient Way from Epitaurum to the River Drina. 

105. Its course followed later by Ragusan caravans. 



Two lilies of communication between the Dalmatian capital, Salonse and the 
great Pannonian city, Siscia, are indicated by the Tabula and Itinerarium Antonini. 
One ran through yEquum, near Sinj, and thence by an obscure route across wliat 
is now North-West Bosnia, to Scrvitium, identified with Gradiska, on the Save, 
where it met the important valley line connecting Siscia and Sirmium. The 
other, followed the Via Gabiniana to Promona, marked by the abiding name of the 
mountain, Promina. Thence it proceeded to Burnum, identified by the extensive 
ruins near Kistanje, known, from the still-standing portion of a Roman triumplial 
arch, as Archi Romani, — to the Morlach natives as the " Hollow Church " or 
" Trajan's Castle," — an account of Avhich was communicated to this Society," in 
1775, by John Strange, Esq. from information supplied by the Abbe Fortis. 
From Burnum the road crossed the steeps of the Velebic range into the ancient 
lapygia, at present the Lika district of Croatia. At a point called Bivium it 
divided into two branches, one running to the port of Senia, the modern Zengg, 
the other, traversing what is now the Kraina, to Siscia, past the station of Ad 
Fines, w hich has been recently identified with the hot springs of Topusko '' in 
the valley of the Glina. 

' Taking Burnum as a fixed point. Professor Mommscn has identified the next 
station, thirteen miles distant on the route, Hadre, witli the village of Medvidje, 
where Roman inscriptions have been discovered, and to Avhich the traces of a 
Roman road from Biiriiiiiu certainly conduct. Were this identification to be 
accepted, it would follow that the Roman route from the Liburnian district of 
Dalmatia into the Japygian interior approximately coincides with the course of 
the present liighway which winds up the steeps of Velebich from the Dalmatian 
town of Obbrovazzo, and descends into Avhat has been not inaptly called the 
Croatian Siberia at the little village of St. Roch. Near here, at St. Michael, and 

* Archaeologia, vol. iii. p. 346. 

" Prof. Ljubic in Viestnik hrvatskoga Arkeologiikoga Dridtva, 1880, No. 1. 

Antiquarian Hesearches in Illyricu/m. 55 

again at Ploca, Roman inscriptions * have been discovered, and it is in this 
district accordingly that Professor Mommsen places the site of Ausancalio, 
marked on the Tabula as 29 miles distant from Hadre. 

On the other hand, it may be urged that the natural pass into the Lika 
district from Kistanje, the site of Burnum, lies rather up the Zermanja valley 
and past Mala Popina to Gracac. A good road runs through its whole extent, 
and this is the route which a native would undoubtedly take at the present day. 
In this case the site of Hadre would have to be sought in the Zermanja valley, 
somewhere near the mediaeval ruins of Zvonigrad. The next station, " Clambetis," 
13 miles distant, would lie in the neighbourhood of Gra6ac, where, at Omsica, a 
fragment of a Roman inscription has been discovered, and the succeeding station, 
Avisancalio, 16 miles further, should be sought at Udbina, to which place a 
natural route, of about the requisite length, conducts us from the plain of 

Two Roman inscriptions from Udbina are already known. I am now enabled 
to describe another, which remarkably corroborates the view that here, rather 
than at St. Michael, is to be sought the ancient Ausancalio (fig. 1"). The inscrip- 
tion itself had been transported from Udbina to the neighbouring town of Lapac, 


Fi;^. P. Inscription referring to the Municipium of Ausancalio. 

Found at Udhina. 

" C. 1. L. iii. 2992, ii995. 

'' This is far from denying that there was an alternative road from Liburnia into .lapygia by way of 
the Municipium tliat apparently occupied the site of the present Obbrovazzo. It stands to reason indeed 
that this line of couimunication was known to and used by the Romans. All that I have been maintaining 
is, that the natural route from Burnum towards Siscia and Senia would run through the easier pass of 
the Zermanja. I am, personally, well acquainted with both routes. 


Antiquarian Ecsearches in Illyricum. 

where I saw it in the out-house of a local eccentric called Omeikus, who had 
collected a variety of antiquities and other miscellaneous ohjects under his roof, 
ani(tniJi:st which he lived, in what he was pleased to call a state of nature. 
The two penultimate lines may, perhaps, be completed : — 


The preceding word must be regarded as uncertain, but the reference to the 
name AusancaUo, here Ausancnlio, is clear." 

The long plain of Corbavia (Krbava), extending from Udbina to the north- 
w'est, would afford an admirable avenue for the continuation of the Roman road. 
The position of Bunic, 15 miles distant, at the other extremity of this plain, w^ould 
answer to the succeeding station Ancus, which, as we may infer from its con- 
taining an element common to Aus«??calio or Ausffl»c?flio, must have stood in some 
obvious geographical opposition to the latter. So in Southern Dalmatia we find 
a Derva and an A.\iderva. 

From Udbina a road leads eastward, over the wild 
and romantic forest-mountain known as the Kuk 
rianina, to the fertile plain of Lapac. Here, in the 
lower village of that name, and in the same locality 
as the last, I copied the following Roman inscription, 
found on the spot (fig. 2''). The inscription was, un- 
fortunately, in a fragmentary condition, the low^er 
portion being detached from the rest. 

The mention of the iiviRi ivbe dicvndo is an 
indication that a Roman Municipium existed on the 
site, or in the immediate neighbourhood, of Lapac. 
Roman coins are of frequent occurrence, those I saw- 
being mostly of fourth-century date, and from the 
Siscian and Aquilejan mints. From the same site I 
obtained a Gnostic gem of green jasper, and of remarkably good workmanship, 
presenting the legend iao adonis abraxas. 

Fig. 2". Fbagments of Insceiption 
Lower Lapac. 

' A copj- of this inscription was sent by its present possessor to Dr. Kuknljcvic, and has been com- 
municated by liim to the Ephemeris EpigrapJdca (vol. iii. n. 570). The rersion given there, however, is 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 57 

Beyond Lapac, to the East ami Soiith-East, on the other side of what till lately 
was the Turkish frontier, stretches the rugged Alpine district of the Upper Kraina, 
watered by the Unna and its tributary the Unnac, which is one of the wildest 
and least-explored districts in the whole of Bosnia. During the recent troubled 
years its inaccessible glens formed the strongholds of rayah insiu'gency against 
the Ottoman ; and the wholesale exodus of the Christian population from the 
Turkish districts filled the limestone caverns and rock shelters, which abound 
throughout the region, with a new race of cave-dwellers. In the heart of this 
region, archseologically speaking a terra incognita, but which I had occasion to 
traverse throughout the greater part of its extent, I discovered interesting traces 
of mediseval and Roman civilization. At Preodac, Vissuca and elsewhere are con- 
siderable remains of feudal castles, dating from the davs of the Bosnian kingdom. 
At Uj)per Unnac are the remains of an ancient church, surrounded by the huge 
sepulchral blocks usually found in mediaeval Bosnian graveyards ; Avhile lower 
down the valley are interesting ruins of a tower and an ancient minster, whose 
name, Ermanja, would lead us to connect them with Hermann of Cilli. But the ' 
most remai'kable feature of the district is the trace of an ancient paved way. The 
whole country-side abounds in legends connected with this ancient way, which 
perpetuate in an extraordinary manner the memory of an historical event which 
occurred in this part of the world in the thirteenth centmy. A contemporary 
writer, Thomas the Archdeacon of Sj)alato,'' informs us with the vividness of an 
eye-witness, how on the occasion of the great Tatar invasion of Hungary of 1241 
King Bela fled from Agram with his queen, Maria Lascaris, the shattered relics 
of his chivalry, and his royal treasui-es, across the Dinaric ranges to his mari- 
time Dalmatian stronghold of Spalato, the mediseval successor of Salona?. The 
Tatar Khagan, we are told, Utegai, the son of the terrible Genghis Khan, or 
rather the Khagan's general, pursued King Bela, to quote the Archdeacon's words, 
" with a furious host across the mountains, flying rather than marching, scaling 
the most inaccessible heights," " till he finally swept down on the Dalmatian 
littoral, there to dash his forces in vain against the walls of the coast-cities, and 
to see his horse-flesh waste away on the Dalmatian rocks. It is said that the 

" Hktoria Salonitarm. c. xxxix. : " Eex relictis stationibus Zagrabieusium partium cum omni 
comitatu suo ad nuii-o descendit . . . Rex vero et totus flos reliquorum Ungarorum ad Spalati partes 
devenit." Later he retreats to Traii, " cum uxore sua et cum omnibus gazis suis." 

'' " Vcnit autem non quasi iter facicns sad quasi per acrem volans loca invia et monies asperrimos 
supergrediens undo numquam exercitus ambulavit." Op. cit. c. xl. 


58 Antiquarian Researches in Ilh/ricum. 

names of Monte Tartaro, near Sebenico, and of Kraljazza, or the King's island, 
whither King Bela transported his treasures, still perpetuate the memory of the 
great Tatar invasion and the royal tlight on the Adriatic coast. In the Unnac 
district the record of the Tatar invasion and of King Bela's escape has been even 
more distinctly preserved, although in some cases partly confounded with the 
later flight of the last King of Bosnia from the Turks, which found its tragic 
tei*mination in the field of Bilaj, on the borders of the same district. So deeply 
had this earlier episode of the terrible Mongol inroad impressed itself on the 
imagination of the inhabitants, tliat not even the Turkish conquest has been able 
to efface its record among the Kraina peasants. Without entering into details on 
the present occasion, I may here briefly relate the legend as it was told to me by 
the inhabitants. 

" When the Tatars invaded Bosnia, the King, Bela, took refuge in his strong- 
hold, the Starigrad of Bravsko, that lies on the forest-mountain of Germed." 
There he sate Avith his family, and his nobles, and his treasures ; but when the 
Tatars came nearer he resolved to fly once more, leaving only his daughter behind 
him, who for her tarrying Avas transformed into a dragon, to guard his hoards. 
And there, above Bravsko, is a walled enclosiu*e, still known as Kraljevo Torine, 
or the King's Yard ; and there is a fountain called the King's fountain. But the 
King fled with the Queen and the rest of his family, and part of his treasure, to 
the South, into Dalmatia, and as he went he laid down a road wherever he 
passed, and jilaced milestones along it, round in shape and five feet above ground, 
and five feet under the earth. And these milestones are to be seen to this day 
along the King's road from Bravsko onwards to Resanovce." 

Such is the legend in its main outline. The road itself rims fi'om Bravsko to 
Crljevica and crosses the Unnac near the village of Drvar, from which point I 
have myself traced it to Resanovce and thence in the direction of the Tiskovac 
Valley. At Resanovce I was pointed out a square pillar about eight feet high 
now in the churchyard, but which was said to have been transported from the 
" King's Way." A spring further along the road is still known as " Mramor," 
from the " Marble Stone " that is said to have existed there. Although I w^as 
not fortunate enough to find any of these milliary columns in situ, it is certain 

" The name Germec covers a greater area to the South-East than that assigned to it in the Austrian 
General-Stabs Karte. 

Antiquarian Researches in lllyricum. 59 

that more than one was to be seen within the memory of man. The description 
of their deftly-rounded form, of their deep socketing in the earth, which I had 
from more than one native, leaves no doubt in my mind that they were of Roman 
origin, and that this now forgotten route by which King Bela fied represents a 
section of an important line of Roman road bringing the Dalmatian coast-cities 
into communication with the Save Yalley and the great cities of Siscia and 
Sirmium. In all probability it forms part of the line ah*eady mentioned at the 
beginning of this paper leading from Salonge via Ji]quum to Servitium, the 
course of which on the Dalmatian side has never yet been satisfactorily traced. 
From Bravsko, a road, which is in fact the continuation of the " King's Way," 
leads down to Kliuc, the ancient " Key-fortress " of the Ujiper Sana. We are 
thus brought within a stage of Dobrinja, the village to which Dr. Blau " traced a 
Roman way leading from Gradiska, the site of Servitium, on the Save, past 
Banjaluka, where the hot springs still well up, as at Novipazar, imder a late 
Roman cujwla, and thence across the ranges which form the water-shed between 
the Verbas and the Sana. The line followed by Dr. Blau was identified by him 
with every appearance of probability with the northern end of the Roman road 
connecting Salonse with Servitium and the great Pannonian cities. He, himself, 
looked for its continuation from Dobrinja in a more southerly direction, on the 
strength of a hearsay account of an old Kalderym, or paved way, running from 
Han Podraznica (where he seeks the ancient Leusaba), in that direction. Dr. Blau, 
however, himself acknowledges the absence of ancient remains about Podraznica,'' 
while on the other hand he mentions the existence of two marble sarcophagi. 

* Monatsbericht der k. preuss. Akad. der Wissenschaften, 1867, p. 741 seqq. Cf. La Via romana 
da Sirmio a Salona (in Bullettino di archeologia e storia Dalmata, 1882, p. 69). Hoernes, Altei'thumei- 
der Hercegovina, ii. 131 seqq., accepts Dr. Blau's conjecture a.s'to the course of the way from Dobrinja 
across the Crnagora, and sees in the Roman remains found at Glavice, Glamoc, and Livno, an indica- 
tion of its subsequent course. Tomaschek advocates the same general line {Die vorslawische Topo- 
grapkie der Bosna, &c. p. 16 seqq.), but his views on Dalmatian topography are not corrected by 
personal observation. A comparison of the Tabula and the Itinerai-y seems to show that between 
Leusaba and /Equum there were two alternative routes. In the Tabula we have iEquo, viii. in Alperio, 

xiiii. Bariduo, lonnaria, xiii. Sarute, vii. Indenea, v. Baloie, xii. Leusaba. In Antonine : jEquo, 

xvii. Pelva, xviii. Salvia, or Silvire, xxiiii. Sarnacle (or Sarnade), xviii. Leusaba. 

•> " in Ermangelung antiker Reste kann Leusaba nur im allgemeinem in der Hochebene Podraznica 
angegeben werdeu." 

I 2 

60 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

supposed to be Roman, at Radkovo," in othev words, on the road from Dobrinja to 
Kliuc, and only separated by a small range from the Sana Valley.'" 

It is indeed difficult to ima2:ine that a main line of communication, Avliicli in 
its early asi)ect was before all things a coupling-chain of fortified posts wherewith 
to bridle the fierce highlandcrs of the Dalmatian Alps, should not have aflForded 
access to such an important strategic point as Ivliuc has shown itself doAvn to tlie 
Aery latest days of Illyrian warfare. 

In the Vale of Unnac itself," I lighted on some important remains which 
greatly serve to corroborate the hj^iothesis that King Bela's road owed its original 
construction to Roman engineers. A little below the point where the old road 
crossed the Unnac by a bridge, now destroyed, at a spot called Vrtoca, is a large 
and apparently artificial mound, partly imbedded in which are a confused medley 
of accurately squared limestone blocks. Some of these had been used in later 
times as Christian tombstones, as was evidenced by the crosses carved on them" 
but the Avhole gave me the impression that I was on the site of some considerable 
Roman structure, and although the circimistances of my visit did not permit of a 
long investigation I found upon one of the blocks a bas-relief of really fine Roman 
workmanship, representing Mercury holding the caduceus (see fig. 3"). The 
block itself was about five feet square, its depth three feet, the height of the 
face of the relief itself about two feet and a-half ." 

In front of the mound on which these ancient remains occur, a vallum about a 
hundred yards in length traverses the level part of the valley from the river- 

" Cf. Blau. Reisen in Bosnien, &c. p. 110. 

" Near Varcar, to the North of Banjaluka and Eastward of Kliuc, have been recently discovered 
Roman remains, including a large hoard of denarii, mostly of the Emperors Alexander Sevenis, Gordian, 
Philip, Trajan Decius, Gallus, and Volusian, some sixty of which have passed through my hands. The 
discovery of Human remains at this site establishes a link ol connexion between the Sana Valley and the 
succession of Roman sites at Podlipci, Runic, Mosunj, Putacevo and Vitez, in the Valley of the LaSva, !ind 
points to an old lino of communication between the Upper Bosna and the Sana, which ojiens the most 
natural route towards Siscia. 

>= Interesting remains have been lately discovered by Capt. Von. Handel in the Valley of the Unna 
about an hour to the south-east of Bihac. They consist of several inscriptions, one presenting the female 
Elyrian name-fi)nn ditveio and the Mazeian name Andes, a Mithraic relief, a figure of a Faun or 
Sylvanus, and other fragments. Prof. Tomaschek, who has published an account of the discovery 
{Sitznngsherichte der k. k. Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1881, h. 2, p. 466 seq<i,), is inclined to identify 
the site with the ancient Rretinium. There is a height answering well enough to the description of the 
Acropolis of Rajtinium, besieged by Germanicus. 

•I In one case a monogram appeared, ;■£ 

■= I have alluded to this discovery in my Illyrian Letters, London, 1878, p. .37. 

Antiquarian Researches in Ulyricum. 


bank. This is known as Sanac," or " the dyke," and on the neighbouring height 
of Mount Obljaj, are two more, known as Gradine. 

More recently I learn that a schoolmaster from Srb on the triple frontier has 
discovered another Eoman monument in the Unnac Valley, described in the 

i '^.riii'A. , 

;;J*M*- _-*» - AiCi^- -^ 

Fig. 3". Roman Bas-relief of Mercuby. 
Vrtoca, in the Uunac Valley, Bosnia. 

Croatian Archfeological Journal as a fragment of a sepulchral .slab showing a 
liuman figure in bas-relief Avith crossed arms, and beneath it an inscription too 
weather-worn to be deciphered, but in Boman characters.'" 

After crossing the water-shed the ancient road descends into the vale of tlu' 
TiSkovac stream a little above the village of Strmica. Here, again, lloman 
remains are abundant. I have procured many good specimens of imperial arid 
consular denarii from this site, and a sepulchral inscription was found lu-vi' in 

" Cf. Gerin. Schanze. 

*' Viestnik hrvatskoga arkeologicknga Z'?'«i/ya, 1880, p. 63: "jedan komail luulgrobne piece nakojoj 
JO 11 basirilifu Ijufka slika skr.^tcnima rukama izpod koje nadpis koj je zub vremena vcoiiia iztrosio, im 
vidi se ipak da je limski."' In tlio same communication is mentioned tlie discovery of Roman coins nf 
Constantino's time, together with olher antiiniities, at Knmicgrad, an liour's distance from Srb. 


Antiquarian Researches in lllyricum. 

honour of a soldier of the 11th Legion." From Strmica the River Butisnica 
opens a natural avenue to the Vale of Knin, in the immediate neii;hl)onrhood of 
which and atTopolje, near the heautiful upper falls of the Kerka, lloman remains 
are of frequent occuiTence. 

At Knin itself, apparently the ancient Varvaria — wit- 
ness an inscription'' found on the neighbouring banks 
of the Kerka, the ancient Titus or Titius — I observed, 
walled into a gateway on a public walk, a little behn\- the 
old castle, or "Starigrad," a monument dating probably 
from the period when the interior part of Dalmatia was 
in the possession of Croat princes, the coast-cities being 
still Roman imder the more or less shadowy suzerainty 
of Byzantium. I paid, indeed, the by no means unex- 
ampled penalty of being arrested by the Austrian Com- 
mandant for my temerity in copying a stone which was 
within his " rayon,'" but I was able to preserve at least 
the front view of this interesting memorial (fig. 4"). 
It has since, I am informed, been mysteriously removed 
from its ancient site ; for there are still, it would ap- 
pear, Eui'opean countries in which archEeology savours 
of sedition. 

The monument is of a remarkable kind. Its face, so far as it is preserved, 
presents two compartments, in the upper of Avhich stands a fidl-length figure 
holding a spear, and some unknown object ; in the lower is the full-face bust of 
a larger figiu-e, Avhich suggests a dii-ect tradition from Constantinian times, to the 
left of which is a sceptre. The acanthus leaf and chevron bordering— the latter of 
which is frequent on the Roman monuments of Dalmatia— also show the in- 
fluence of Imperial models. The elaborate palmetto ornament (fig. 5"), which 
forms the border of the exposed side of the slab,' also occurs on the Roman 


Knin, Dalmatia. 

" C. I. L. iii. G417. 

'' The monument (C. I. L. iii. 6418) is erected to a veteran of the 11th legion killed here, " finibvs 
Puljanp, at a spot still known as Duga Stina, " the long rock " (cf. p. 35). 

•^ The other face of the monument when I saw it was built into the wall. Its height was about 2 J feet. 
The segment of this ornament (fig. 5") is taken from a sketch which the susceptibility of the Austrian 
authorities prevented me from completing and which is therefore imperfect. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 63 

monuments of the province, and as an ornamental tradition was preserved by the 
Roman coast-cities of Dakuatia in the early Middle Ages. It is seen, for instance, 
on the repousse silver area of St. Demetrius at Arbe, an indigenous Dalmatian 
work of the eleventh or twelfth century," as well as on the panels ~ ^^^ ^^ 

of the wooden door of the Duomo at Spalato, executed hy that 
admirable Spalatine artist, Andrea Guvina, in the year 1214. 
In lapidary sculpture it seems to have been not unfrequent in 

Adriatic regions in the eighth century, occurring in a rather 

degraded form on the altar of the Lombard Duke Pemmo, of {y^^'/^-^ '^-•- - 
Friuli, who was deposed by Liutprand in 738. ^'s- '">"■ specimen of 

'- t/ X Oexamentatiox on 

The legend between the two panels on the face of the slab the side op the 
appears to be stefaton|| (te in ligature). It is possible, how- ^io.nlment. 
ever, that the final letter may be part of an m. The sceptre to the left of 
the bust would certainly seem to indicate a princely personage, and I observe 
that a sceptre of similar form is repeated at intervals round the font of the 
Serbian Great Zupan Voislav, or Viseslav, of Zachulmia, formerly in the 
church of S. Salvatore, at Venice, at present existing in the Museo Correr. 
The Great Zupan, whose name it bears, and whom Dr. Kukuljevic Sakcinski** 
first identified with the historical personage referred to by Constantine Por- 
phyrogenitus, ruled over Zachulmia, the old Serbian region inland from 
Ragusa, embracing a good deal of what is at present the Herzegovina, be- 
tween about the years 870 — 900. The son of this Zachulmian prince, Michael 
Visevic, is twice brought into connexion with the Croatian King Tomislav. 
About the year 925, Pope John X. addressed to both a letter exhorting them to 
luring up their children in the knowledge of Latin letters ; " and shortly after this 
exhortation, both princes are found presiding at a synod at Spalato,'' in which the 
use of the Slav vernacular is again denounced. Could it be shown that Tomislav, 
like so many later Slavonic princes, attached the Christian name Stej)hanus, or 

* Engraved in Eitelberger, Die mittclalterlichen Kiinstdenhmale Dalmazieng, p. 150. 

^ ArJciv za poriestnicu jugoslavensku, vol. iv. p. 390 seqq. The frontispiece to this volume contains a 
representation of the font. 

'^ Codex diplomaticus Regni Croatia Dalmatiw et Slavonic, xc. (t. i. p, 7G). The Pope continues, " Quis 
enim specialis filius sancta Romanse ecclesise, sicnt vos estis, in barbara seu Sclavinica lingua Deo sacrificium 
offerre delectatur ?" 

^ Codex diplomaticus, xcii. (t. i. p. 78). 

64 Antiquarian liesearches in Illyricum. 

Stofaiius, to his Croatian name, the insci'i])tion on the present stone— the linal 
letter of which is uncertain — might he taken for the coniniencement of the words 
STEFAN TOMiSLAV. It is certain that Knin was highly favoured hy the early 
Croatian princes ; its hishops received from them the title of Episcopi regii, or 
palatini," and the Latin style of the present inscription fits in well with Xing- 
Tomislav's acquiescence in the Pope's injunction to abjure the barbarian letters, 
in other words, the Glagolitic alphabet. 

It is probable that the course of the Eoman road, with Avhich we are at pre- 
sent specially concerned, passed rather to the east of Knin, skirting its plain, to 
the Roman site at Topolje. 

From Topolje the present road leads by an easy pass to the town of Verlika, 
in the neighbourhood of which, and especially near the source of the Cettina, 
several Roman inscriptions have been found, presenting some Illyrian name- 
forms. "While examining one of these in the mediaeval graveyard that surrounds 
the rumed church of S. Salvatore (Sveti Spas) — itself, as some interlaced Byzan- 
tine ornament built into its walls shows, the successor of a still earlier founda- 
tion — I had tlie curiosity to ask my Verlika guide to whom he thought the 
ancient monuments owed their origin. lie replied that they Avere made by the 
old inhabitants of the land, the Qoti-Romani, or Roman Goths, Avho Lived there 
before his own (Slavonic) forefathers took possession of it. The reply was curious, 
as this local tradition of the Goths was certainly, in his case, not derived from 
book-learning. The Ostro-Gothic dominion in Dalmatia, as has already been 
remarked, Avas a prosperous episode in the history of the province. The number 
of coins of Theodoric, Athalaric, and even the later kings, Witiges, and the 
Totila " of history, that are discovered on Dalmatian soil is remarkable, and w^e 
have the distinct statement of Procopius that there existed, side by side Avith 
the Roman provincials, a settled Gothic population in Dalmatia. That the name 
of the Goths should still survive in the local folk-lore is the less to be Avondered 
at when we remember how large a part they play in the early Slavonic sagas 
collected by the first Dalmatian historian, the Presbyter of Dioclea. 

From Verlika the road runs past Citluk, near Sinj, the site of the ancient 
^quum, to Salona and Spalato. Thus from the upper Sana to the Adriatic, on a 
line of ancient communication between the valley of the SaA^e and the local 

* F<irlati, Illyricum Saci-um, t. iv. p. 280. 

'' On his coins, Baduila or Baduela. In this connexion I may mention that i have obtained from 
Bosnia a jacinth intaglio on which is engraved a monogram bearing the closest resemblance to that of 
Theodoric on liis coins. 

Antiqtiarian Researches in lllyricum. 65 

successors of Siscia and Sii'mium ou the one liancl and the Dalmatian littoral 
and the local successor of Salonse on the other, I have traced a succession of 
sites marked by the occiu'rence of Roman moniiments and remains. It is diffi- 
cult not to believe that this ancient line of communication and the paved road 
across the ranges of the Uj)per Kraina represent the Roman road by -which, 
according to the Itinerary of Antonine and the Tabula Feutlngerlana, the port 
of Salonse was brought into connexion with the Pannonian cities Siscia and | 
Sii-mium. It was by no other road that, when Attila overwhelmed these two I 
imperial cities, the fugitive remnants of their citizens made their way across the 
Dinaric ranges to what was then the great Dalmatian city of asylum. It does 
not appear that the ravages of Attila actually extended to the Dalmatian littoral, 
but in 591 a.d. we find the Avar Kliagan making use of this avenue of com- 
munication to penetrate into the Adriatic coast-lands from the valley of the 
Save. According to the Byzantine chroniclers^ the Avar Khagan, compelled 
to evacuate Singidunum, the present Belgrade, hvu-ried to Dalmatia and the 
Ionian, we may translate the Adriatic, Sea, capturing on the way, with the aid 
of siege material, a city variously named Bankeis, Balkes, Balbes, and Balea, 
and destroying forty other strongholds. That his chief advance was made along 
the Roman high-road appears from the succeeding notice of Theophylact, that 
the Roman officer who was despatched with a small body of not more than 
two thousand men to observe the Khagan's motions kept to the byways and 
avoided the main roads ^ lest he should encounter the enemy in overwhelming 
forces. In this city, which from the context we may infer to have been the key 
stronghold of the Roman main line of communication across the Dinaric Alps, 
some have traced the Baloie which appears in the Tabula Feutiufferiana as the 
midmost station between Servitium and Salonoe, and Safarik° has discerned in it 
the peak-stronghold of Bilaj, about ten miles distant from the confluence of the 
Unnac and the Unna, famous in later history as the scene of the execution of 
the last King of Bosnia by his Tiu'kish captors. Dr. Ra6ki "^ prefers to see in it 
Baljke, near Dernis, within the modern Dalmatian border." Personally, I would 

" Theophylact Simocatta, Hist. vii. 11, 12 (EJ. Bonn, p. 291.) Theophanes, Chronographia, 
p. 428. 

■^ Slav. Alt. vol. ii. p. 238. 

'' Man. Spec. hist. Slavorum Meridionaliwn, vol. vii. p. 2.54. 

^ I can see no reasonable grounds for accepting Prof. Tomaschek's conjecture (in the teeth of all the 
MSS.), that the word is a corruption of Salviis {Vorslaivische Topographic, &c. p. 19), or the suggestion of 


06 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

Aonturc to suggest that the alternative forms " Bayy/ceis " and "BaXKr^s" simply 
represent a late Latin " Balneis " or " Bagneis," the Italian Bagni. The 
Eoman word in its singidar form Balnea has supplied the present Slavonic- 
sjjeaking inhabitants of Illyricum Avith the word " Banja," universally applied 
to places where hot springs exist, and the thermal som-ce and remains of the 
llomau bath-building at Banjaluka give the word a peculiar signiiicancc in con- 
nexion with the great liighAvay from Pannonia to the Dalmatian coast, Avliich, 
as has been already pointed out, passed by that position. In the Tabula IJanjaluka 
appears as Castra," but by the sixth century the toAvn may have already begun 
to bear the vidgar Latin name that it has preserved to this day. Geographically, 
this identification squares well with the course of this Avar invasion, and, 
indeed, from a military point of view, the position holds the key to the northern 
end of the line of passes through which the Roman road ran after leaving the 
lowlands of the Save. 

This Roman highroad Avas thus already in the fifth and sixth centuries an 
avenue at once of barbarian iuA'asion and of civilised exodus towards the sunny 
shores of the Adriatic. Eight centuries after the time of Attila the descendants 
of the very hordes that had driven forth the Romans from the Pannonian cities 
Avere forced to flee from Mongols more savage than themselves, and the abiding 
traces and traditions that I have been able to j)oint out serve to show that it was 
In' this same Roman road-line that King Bela and the remnants of the Hungarian 
chivalry sought their Dalmatian City of Refuge. It is interesting to notice that 
on the site of Salonee, and in its local successor Spalato, moniunental records 
both of the later and of the earKer catastrophes have been preserved to us. At 
Salonse, beneath the floor of the Roman-Christian basilica, there was recently 
discoA'ered, above a violated tomb, a marble slab erected to the memory of the 
infant daughter of some high-born Roman, " vf\\o Avas brought," the inscription 
tells us, " from Sii-mium to Salonai " (fig. 6'^):"— 


Dr. Hoernes (Alterthumer der Hercegovina, &c. vol. ii. p. 134), tliat " Salvice" (in mostMSS. " Silvice") 
and ''Balbeis" arc alternative names for the same place. 

■' I'erbaps the ad ladios of Antoninus. 

'' This monument is at present in the Museum at Spalato, and has been described by Dr. Glavinid. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 


Written' in a style and letters tliat proclaim the age of Attila, the simple record, 
"QucB a Sirmio Salonas adiicta est," speaks for itself. Side hy side with this 

J ■■■" ' 


Fig. 6". Roman Christian Sepulcheal Slab. 
Fi-om the Christian Basilica, Salona. 

Salonitan memorial to this tender victim of the Huns and their associates may 
he set a monument formerly existing outside the Cathedral Church at Spalato, 
reared to the memory of the two young princesses, daughters of King Bela, who 
succumbed at Clissa to the hardships and terrors of the flight from the Tatars, 
and whose bodies were carried to Spalato :" — 


'' Cf. Thomas Archidiaconus, op. cit. c. xl. "Mortuae sunt duae puellas virgines, scilicet Hliaj regis 
Boise at in ecclesia B. Domnis honorifice tumnlatiB." 

Lucius, who gives this inscription in his notes to Thomas Archid. (in Dc Rcf/no Dfilmatiiv et Croatia:. 
Frankfort, 1666, p. 473), adds, " Gulielmus quoque, Bel* ex filia nepos, in hac eadem fuga mortnus, 
Tragurii sepultus fuit." The epitaph of this prince formerly existing at Trail is given liy the same author 
in his Memorials of that city. It contained the lines, 

" Arcente denique barbaro perverse 
Infinitis Tartaris marte sub adverso, 
Quartum Belam |)rosequens ejus consobrinum 
Ad mare pervenerat usque Palmatinum." 
K 2 

68 Antiqnariau Eesearches in lllyrictim. 

The roads, tlio couvse of wliich I have been liitherto attemptini^ to investigate, 
were of considerabh' importance as the highways of communication between the 
Dalmatian capital and the great Adriatic emporium of Aquileja, the key of Italy, 
on the one side and on the other between it and the imperial Pannonian cities, 
Siscia and Sirmium. Fi'om Salonoe onwards another main line of thoroughfare 
was opened out along the lateral valleys of the Dinaric ranges to Scodra and 
Dyrrhachium, where it joined the famed Egnatian Way and the Greek and Mace- 
donian road svstem. 

The coiu'se of this road — which forms, in fact, a continvxation of the land 
route connecting the Italian cities Avith Athens and Thessalonica — has been 
ascertained Avith tolerable precision as far as the next important Dalmatian 
centre, Narona. 

From Salonse the road ran inland, past the key-fortress of Klissa, the KXeicra 
of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, that closes the mountain-pass conducting towards 
the Vale of the Cettina. That river, the ancient Tilurus, it reached at a bridge- 
station called from it Pons Tiluri, or Tilurium, the name of which still survives 
in that of the modern village of Trilj, near which, at a spot called Gardun, the 
ancient site is still distinctly visible. 

Here, on the right bank of the Cettina, was discovered an important inscrip- 
tion referring to the restoration of the Roman bridge over the river by the 
citizens of Novse, Delminium, and Ilider, in the name of the Emperor Commodus." 
The site of two of these cities has been fixed with certainty. Rider,'' the Muni- 
cipium Riditarum, was an important lUyrian staple near the present coast-town 
of Sebenico, the mediaeval commercial relations of which with the interior it 
seems to have anticipated. The site of Novae we shall pass at Runovic, on the 
high road to Narona. The position of Delminium, the historic stronghold which 

RIDITIS • Cv||rAKTE • ET • DEDICANTE || L " IVNIO • RVFINO " PROCv||liANO • LEG ' PR ' PR • (C. I. L. iii. 3202.) 

This inscription was discovered by Dr. Carrara and first published in the BuUetino dell' Inst, di Corr. 
Arch. 1815. The name of Commodus had been defaced in accord.incc with the orders of the Senate recorded 
by Lanipridius. 

^ The form in which it appears in Ravennas, the only geographer who mentions it. He gives it 
(5, 14) as the last station before reaching Scardona, on the road from Tragnrion (Triiii). Its actual 
site was at St. TJanilo near Sebenico. (Cf. C. I. L. iii. 2767, c<Lc.) 

Antiquarian Researches in lllyricum. 69 

gave its name to the dominant Dalmatian race,'' is more difficult to determine. 
Earlier writers had no hesitation in looking for it beyond the Prolog range that 
overhangs the Cettina Valley to the north, in the plain of Duvno, the mediaeval 
name of which, Dulmno, is derived unquestionably from an lUyro-Roman form 
Dalminq ;" and where, on the heights of Zupanjac, Eoman remains have been 
discovered. On the other hand, the occurrence of the name on the inscription 
relating to the Cettina bridge, covipled with the existence of considerable Roman 
remains on the height of Gardim, has led the most recent authorities to fix here 
the site of Delminium." Mommsen argues with some force that the brid<?e must 
have been comprised in the territory of one of the three cities that bore the 
expense of its restoration ; that we know that neither the Novenses nor the 
E/iditEB embraced the Cettina valley in their district, and that, hence, it follows 
that the bridge lay in the territory of Delminium,'' which he fixes at the site of 
Gardun. Professor Tomaschek, judging by the general range of the campaign 
that preceded the captiu'e of this famous Dalmatian stronghold by Pigulus, in 
156 B.C. had been ah-eady led to seek its site in the Cettina valley ; "^ and Pro- 
fessor Glavinic, of Spalato, who shares this view, has traced to his own satis- 
faction both the line of the walls of the original Illvrian citv and the more 
restricted circumvallation of the Roman town, as rebuilt after the capture by 
Pigulus and Scipio Nasica.' 

Still, it must be observed that the simple fact that Pigulus took Narona 
as his base in his campaign against Delminiivm does not by any means exclude 
its having been situated on the Duvno plain. The actual distance from 
Narona to Duvno is considerably less than that from Narona to Gardun, and 
a route might be chosen presenting few serious obstacles.'^ The evidence 

" " TloXiv AeX/iiviov o9(v apa ko'i to uvo/ia avToXg ic; AiX/iaria^ iira AoX/idraf irpdvi]." Appian, Illyr. ii. 
Cf. Strabo. vii. 5. 

^ The variant forms of the name occur: Delminum, Dahnis, Dalmion, Delmion. 

"= Cf. Prof. W. Tomaschek, Die vorslairische Topographie der Bosna, Herzegoviina, Crnagora. und der 
angrenzenden Gebiete (Wien, 1880). (^Separat-ahdruck aus den Mittheilungen der k.k. geographischen 
Gesellschaft), p. 9. The Catholic bishopric that existed here in the fourteenth century was still known as 
Ep. Delmensis or Dulmcnsis. 

'' C. 1. L. iii. p. 358, s. v. delminium. 

'^ Die vorslau'tsche Topographic der Bosna, Herzegowina, Crnagora und der angrenzenden Gebiete. 
(Separat-abdntck aus den Mittheilungen der k. k. geographischen GesellschajT), p. 10. 

' Bullettino di Archeologia e Storia Dalmata, 1 878, p. 23. 

8 What is extremely pertinent in this regard, Constantine Porphyrogenitus mentions that the "Zupa of 
Dalen," the form given by him to the old Slavonic Dulmno (Duvno), belonged to the Pagani or Narentans: 
a fact which shows a certain facility of inter-comniunieation between the inland plain of Duvno and the 

70 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

again of the Itineraries is aijainst Delmiuiuni having stood at Gardun, which 
answers to the station Tilurium or Pons Tiluri, a name as wc have seen still 
perpetuated by the neighbouring village of Trilj. It is further noteworthy that, 
admitting that the ancient Delminium stood in the district which still ■^vq- 
serves its name, the routes from Delminium and Novae towards the port of the 
RiditiE would converge just at the point where the bridge was constructed. The 
name Delminium is absent in the Tabula and Itincn-arics, yet we know that it 
continued to sm-vivc from the fact that in the Second Provincial Council of 
Salouae, a.d. 532, we find mention of an JEpiscojms Delminensis Ifontanorum," a 
bishoj), that is, whose district embraced Avhat was then a mountain-girt territory, 
taking its name from the ancient city which itself, probably, Avas already in ruins. 
This sixth century " Delminian Weald" reappears in Constantine Porphyro- 
genitus '' four centuries later as the 2upa of Dalen, the Dulmno or Duvno of later 
Slavonic records; and the Presbyter of Dioclea, avIio composed his Reynum 
Slavorum (woven for the most part out of earlier Sagas) at Antivavi in the 
twelfth century, places the fabled Synod of King Svatopluk on " the Plain of 
Dalma." " In the other version of this earliest Serbian Chronicle, that, namely, 
discovered in the Kraina and translated into Latin from the original Slav by 
Marcus Marulus in 1510, the King's name appears as Budimir, and tin* place of 
the great Moot is expressly mentioned as on the site of the ruins of Delminium. 
These traditions are at least valuable as showing the continued living on of the 
old Illyrian city-name on the Duvno plain in an ecclesiastical connexion ; and 
this is further brought out by Thomas, the Archdeacon of Spalato, Avho, writing 
in the thirteenth century, speaks of Duvno as Delmina, and as containing the 
site of the ancient city Delmis. He further tells us that in his day there was 
still to be seen here a church with an inscription recording its dedication by 
St. Germanus, Bishop of Capua,'' who, as we learn from other sources, was sent 

Narenta Valley. {De Adm. Imp. c. 30.) Dr. Kiikuljovid, Codex diplomaticus regni Croatia, Dalmaticv et 
Slavonia-, pt. I. p. 86, note, agrees in identifying the Zupa of " Dalen " with Duvno. 

* Farlati, Illyricum Sacrum, t. ii. p. 173. 

•> Loc. cit. The geographical details of Constantine regarding Dalniatia and its borderlands are 
peculiarly valuable, and seem to have been supplied by trustworthy native informants; not improbably 
Ragusan patricians, amongst whom was a Byzantine Proiospatharins. Constantine's words are : " >) ^i rov 
Ad\<ivov (XoVTravia) /iijKoSev ioTi rijg BaXaaaiis Kai U His Ipyaaiag ?w(Tt T>jf yqf. 

« " In planitie Dalma;," Diocleas, Hegnnm Slavontm (in Lucius de Regno Dalmatia:, &c. Frankfort, 
1666, p. 289.) 

•i Marci Maruli, Regum Dalmatice et Croatice gesta (in Lucius, op. cit. p. Si>6). 

« Historia Salonitana, cap. xiii. " Istaque fuerunt Regni eorum (so. rcgum Dalmatiaj et Croat!*) 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 71 

by Pope Hormisdas to Constantinople in 509 a.d.'' Tliis is certainly an indica- 
tion that the bishopric of Delminium, mentioned in the Council- Acts of Salona 
of A.D. 532, should be sought on the plain of Duvno, where in Thomas's days tbis 
ancient basilica was still standing. Prom the early part of the fourteenth cen- 
tury (1337) onwards we again hear of a regular series of bishops of Duvno, 
Episcopi Delmenses}' 

The Roman monuments themselves discovered on the Gardun site supply 
strong negative evidence that the city that existed there was rather a Eoman 
foundation than a great native centre. They are almost purely of a legionary 
character. On the other hand, if we examine the monuments discovered on the 
site of the Municipivim of the Riditse, which appears from the inscription relating 
to the bridge to have been the maritime outlet of the old Dalmatian capital, we 
find a very large proportion of pure Illyrian names, such as Panto, Madocus, 
Tritano, Aplo, Baezo, Vendo, Pladomenus, and if we tiu^n to another inland 
example of an important native site, the old Illyrian hill-stronghold of St. Ilija, 
near Plevlje, we are again struck with the great preponderance of native names, 
the bulk of which are absolutely identical with those that occur on the monu- 
ments of the Riditse. So remarkable, indeed, are the coincidences that we are 
reduced to infer that a strong commercial bond of some kind linked these two 
sufficiently remote Illyrian centres. How much the more must this community 
of names have existed between the Riditse and the comparatively neighbouring 
Delminenses, whose cities, moreover, we know from the Gardun inscrijition to 
have been connected by commerce as well as by the affinities of race. And yet we 
are asked to believe that a site characterised rather by an absence of Dalmatian 
names was that of the city which gave its name to the Dalmatian race. 

Prom all these considerations I am led, the high authority of Mommsen not- 
withstanding, to seek the site of Delminium on the more inland plain that stiU 
preserves a corruption of its name. Von Halm's derivation of the name Del- 
minium, as suggested by A11)anian parallels, from an IUyi"ian word signifying a 
sheep-pastui-e," fits in weU with the character of the Duvno Polje, and this 

confinia, ab Oriente Delmina ubi fuit civitas Delmis in qua est qusedam Ecclesia quam B. Gennanns 
Capuanus Episcopus consecravit sicut scriptum reperitur in ea." 

* Farlati, Illyricum Sacrum, t. iv. p. 1G9. 

" Farlati, op. cit. t. iv. p. 1 68 seqq. From 1 685 onwards the diocese was placed under Vicars Apostolic. 

' Albanestsche Studien, p. 232. Hahn is of opinion that Delminium answers to a Gheg Albanian 
form Si\fiiv-(a = sheep-fold, or shcep-pasturc. He further compares the name of the Dalmatian city with 
that of the two Epirote towns Delvino and JJelvinaki. 

72 Aniiquarian Researches in Illyricnm. 

pastoral origin Avoukl exi)lain the statoment of Strabo" that Scipio Nasica 
made \\\o plain a sheep pasture at the same time that lie reduced the size of the 

Whether or not, however, the Roman city that stood on the site of Gardun 
bore any earlier name than that of Tilurium, under which it appears in the 
Itineraries, it is certain that the remains of an aqueduct and of an amphitheatre 
attest the former existence at this spot of a station of considerable importance. 
Gems and other minor antiquities arc discovered here in great abuiidance, and a 
carnelian intaglio representing the head of the Emperor Antoninus Pius i)rocured 
by me from this site is one of the most exquisite examples of R^man portraiture 
Anth which I am acquainted. 

Beyoiul the bridge station of the Tilurus traces of the road liave been 
detected,'' running from Vedrine, on the left bank of the river, past the village of 
Budimir, and along the vale of Cista to Lovrec,"" and thence to Runovid, on the 
skirts of the plain of Imoski. Here was the site of an important Municipium, 
the identification of which with the ad novas of the Tabula is established by the 
discovery at this spot of inscriptions referring to the Novenses.'^ Here were 
found two altars dedicated to Jove and the Genius of the Municipium, and other 
inscriptions referring to the local iiviRl and Decurions. The remains of baths 
and of tasteful mosaic pavements attest the prosperity of the Roman town ; and 
the Christian Basilica of the Municipium Novense is mentioned as late as 532 a.d. 
The bridge over the Cettina, in the construction of Avliich, as we have seen, the 
inhabitants of this city participated,'^ must have been of the highest importance to 
the Novenses, as improving their communication with the North Dalmatian 

Beyond Runovic the Roman road crosses the watershed into the upper 

" G(Oq. vii. 5: " AdX/iioi' Ci ^(yoXij TTiJXif j/c iTruivvfiov to t9vo(; fiiKpdi' tV inoiiiai Naffiicoc Kai to irf^iov /i>)X(5/3oToi' 
^((i t!)V v\iOvei,iav tu>v avBpwvuv. 

^ Cf. Gliiviiiid, Jkdleltino di Archeologia e Storia JDcdmata, 1878, p. .54. A. K. Matas, Prinos za 
iztrazivanje tragova rimskih puteva u Dalmaciji ("A contribution towards investigating the traces of the 
Roman roails in Daluiatia"), in the Viestnik hrvatsko<ja arkeologickoga Druztva, 1880, p. 32, mentions an 
alternative route along the right bank of the Cettina, but omits to specify the evidence on which his state- 
ments rest. 

<= According to Prof. Glarinic. toe. rit. traces of a Roman road are to be seen running from Lovred to 
the Western part of the plain of Duvno. 

-» C. I. L. iii. 1892, 1908, 1909, 1910. 

"= Acta Concilii'u. Salonitani, in I'ariati, Illyricum Sacrum, t. ii. p. 173. 

Aniiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 73 

valley of the Tihaljina or Trebizat, where remains of it are still to be traced near 
the village of Nezdravica and elsewhere, running along the left bank of the 

The next station along the road that can be determined with certainty is 
Bigeste, the last station before reaching Narona. The ruins of this city are 
visible at Gradcine and Humac, near the Herzegovinian town of Ljubuski, still 
in the valley of the river ^Trebizat, and the foundations of a Roman bridge that 
spanned the river at this point are still preserved.'' Several inscriptions have 
been discovered on this site, two of them recording the restoration of a temple 
and portico of Liber Pater by officers of the 1st and 11th Legions ; ° and a mile- 
stone, now, imfortunately, no longer to be seen, is said to have been found near 
the village of Humac. 

To the inscriptions from this site I am able to add the following, a copy of 
which I obtained from the Pravoslav Kalugjer of Ljubuski, Kristofor Milutin- 
ovic. It was found near Ljubuski, in January last, and exists at present near 
the Serbian chvu'ch. (See fig. 7'\) 

The auxiliary cohort of the Lucenses to which this Eques belonged Avas from 
Lucus Augusti, the present Lugo, in Gallsecia. There is epigraphic evidence of 
the presence of the 1st cohort of the Liicenses in Pannonia,'^ in the year 80 a.d. ; 
and there are references to the second and fifth Lucensian cohorts in other 
lUyrian military diplomas of the first and second century." The name Andanu- 
onius has, as might be expected, a Celtic ring, recalling the Andoco{mius) and 
Ammimis of British coins. Andes occurs as an indigenous Dalmatian name. 

Between the site of Bigeste ' and Narona the Roman road is distinctly trace- 

" Dr. Glavinic traced its course in 185G from Runovic past the villages of Ploce and Urinovce to the 
Upper Tihaljina. Biillettiiio, loc. cit. Cf. Dr. Blau, Reisen in Bosnien u. der Hertzegovina, Berlin, 1877, 
c. 42. 

•> Cf. Hoernes, Romische Alterthiimer in Bosnien u. der Hercegovina in Archciologisch-epigraphisclie 
Mittheilunf/en, vol. iv. p. 37 seqq. 

<: C. I. L. iii. 63G2, C363, one of a.d. 173. 

<! Cf. the Diploma of Vespasian, C. I. L. iii. D. xi. 

« 11 LvcENSivM, C. I. L. iii. D. xxi. in Moesia A. 105: v. lvciensivm et cai.laecorvm. A. GO in 
Illyricum. D. ii.: A. 85 in Pannonia D. xii.: in Pannonia Superior D. xxxix. In the Xotitia Utriusque 
Imperii (Occ. xlii. 29) is mentioned the Trihumis CoJiortis Lxtcensis, Luco. 

' From the occurrence of Roman remains at a succession of localities (Vitina, Kreindvor, Studenci, 
Gradnic, Cerin, Kruska), between Ljubuski and the Vale of Mostar, Dr. Hoernes conjectures that on this 
side a road branched oft' from Bigeste to the valley of the Narenta. ( Cf. Blau, Reisen in Bosnien, &c. ]i. 42). 



Antiquarian Researches in Illyricmn. 

al)lo, being, indeed, in parts so well preserved that, if cleared of bushes, it mii^ht 
still Ix' useful for traffic." The natives, without taking in the meaning of their words, 


^-^/S POSIT 




still repeat a tradition, that it leads from " Solin to Norin," in other words, from 
Salona to Narona. They call it Sekulan or " Janko's Road," from a supposed con- 
nexion with the feats of the latter-day lUyrian hero, John Hunniades, the Deli 
Janko of South-Slavonic epic. At distances respectively of one and two miles from 
A^iddo, the site of Narona, the bases of two Roman milestones are still in position. 
The site of the important Dalmatian city of Narona has been better explored 
than most. One hundred aiul twenty-six inscriptions from this spot have been 

* Glavinic-, MUtlieilungm dcr k. k. Commission, &c. 1880, i'. xciii. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 75 

j)ublishecl in the Corpus Inscriptionum^ and others have been added more recently 
by Professor Glavinic, being the result of excavations conducted at this spot on 
behalf of the Central Commission at Vienna.'' The early existence of an Illyrian 
staple on the lower Narenta may be gathered from the passage of Theopompos 
of Chios, already cited f and the fact signalized by Prof, Mommsen, that here 
alone among Dalmatian sites have been discovered Roman inscriptions of the age 
of the Republic, indicates that a Roman mercantile plantation had been established 
here at a period considerably anterior to the " deduction " hither, about the time 
of Augustvis, of a colony of Veterans. 

The chief remains are situate on a conical hill,'* the existing vUlage on which 
owes its name, Viddo, to a divinity of the Narentine Slavs, — the Tagani of Con- 
stantino Porphyrogenitus. Here, probably, was the Castra or citadel of Narona, 
of which Vatinius speaks in his letter, addressed to Cicero from this city f tlie rest 
of the town lying in terraces on the mountain theatre behind. 

A number of beautiful objects found on this site, besides the inscriptions 
recording the erection of temples and public baths by local benefactors, attest the 
former opulence of this lUji'lan city. In the course of his recent excavations 
Professor Glavinic discovered here an amethystine glass l)owl of exquisite fabric, 
and from the occurrence of glass tumblers of that late thorn-bossed kind,' which 
in the West we are apt to associate with Prankish and Saxon sepultvu'e, we may 
infer that here, as at Doclea further to the South, glass manufacture continued 
till a very late date ; at least, it is difficult to imagine that such fragile wares as 
I have seen excavated at Narona were transported from any great distance. It 
is possible that the Ostro-gotliic chiefs in Dalmatia, like their Teutonic kinsmen 
of the West, patronised this curious excrescence of late-Roman luxury. 

The smaller glass bottles and so-called lachrymatories, so common on this site, 
have a special interest in their connexion with a local product. Pliny tells us 
that only two unguents of the royal Persian kind are produced in Europe, the 

" C. I. L. iii. p. 291 seqq. and p. 1029. 

^ Cf. Glavinic, BuUettino di Archeologia e Storia Dalmata, &c. Ephemeris Epigraphica, vol. iv. p. 80 seqq. 

" Sec p. 45. 

'' Cf. Glavinid, Mittheilungen, &c. 1880, p. xciv. 

•= " V.atinius Imp. Ciceroni .... ex castris Narona." {^Ad. Fam. v. eii. 9.) Vatinius complains of 
the Dalmatian winter. 

' A specimen seen by me at Metcovich, and found at Viddo on tho site of Narona, was precisely 
similar in form to tumblers found in Kent, in the Saxon cemetery at Fairford, in the Frankish graves at 
Sclzen in Rhenish Hesse, in Normandy, and elsewhere. Cf. lloach .Smith, Collectanea Antiqua, vol. ii. 
pi. 11. Lindensehmidt, Z)ie Alterthumer nnserer heidnischen Vorzeit, vol. i. Heft xi. t. 7, &c. 

L 2 


Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

Illyriau Iris and the Gallic spikenard.'' Tlie l)est quality of Iris i,'rew, he tells, 
in the ^vo()ded interior ahout the Uriii and the city of Xarona. The months o1" 
the Naron or Narenta,'' on which this city lay, and the Drin, liad already been 
celebrated for this herb l)y ]N'ikander in his Theriaca," and the natnralist Theo- 
])lirastos'' yields \\\v palm to the Illyrian /m. The flower from whose root the 
s|)ikrii;ir(l was prepared is abundant throughout all this region, and its rain- 
bow petals may still be seen lighting u}) Ihe ruins of Naroua. To the natives it is 
known as Macic, a translation of the Latin word Gladiolus," hut also as Ferimika,* 
sugi^estive of the name of the old Slavonic Thunder-god Perun, and thus attesting 
the abiding veneration in Avhich the herb was held. We may perhaps reasonably 
infer that many of these Naronitaji unguentaria contained the precious balm 

for which the neighbouring Illyriau wilds were so early 
famous, and which Avas exported, as may be gathered from 
Pliny's reference, to the other provinces of the Empire. 
In this connexion I may mention an unguentaritim, re- 
cently obtained by me on the site of the ancient Salome, 
which seems to show that that luxurious Dalmatian city 
was not content with j)erfumes of native origin. It is a 
small crystal bottle of a form suggestive of Oriental in- 
fluences, and was no doulit one of those precious cnjstalla, 
or crystal vessels imported, as Martial '^ tells us, by the Nile 
fleet (fig. 7*) : — Alexandria, being then the channel by 
which the products of India and the furthest East reached 
Italy and the West. I obtained the unguentarium on the 
spot from a peasant who had dug it up with other Roman 
remains in his campagna within the circuit of the ancient 
walls. It is not improbable that it formed part of the 
Cbystallum "from salona:. contents of a late-Konian grave ; a variety of crystal 
vessels were found in the sarcophagus of Maria, the child-bride of Honorius, 

" '' Er^o rcgiili' uiigui'iituni appellatur quoniam rcgibus Parthorum ifa temporatur Niliili|iio 

ejus rei causa in Italia victrice oiiiiiium, in Euiopa vcro tota, piivter iiim lUyricam et narclum Gallicum 
.gignitur." (//. N. lib. xiii. c. 2.) 

i> " Iris laudatissima iu IHj'rico et ibi quoiiue non in maritimis scd in silvestribus Drilonis et 

Xarona." (//. N. lib. xxi. c. 19.) Pliny here names the city Narona and not the river Naron. 

' 'Ipiv «' iiv idpe^ie ApiXiov Kai NapOfOf ox^l- 

'' Hist. Plant, lib. ix. c. U. 

■= Cf. the French word for Iris, Glaieul. 

' Also as Bngua, from Bog = God. 

e xii. 74, " Cum tibi Niliacus portet crystalla cataplus." 


Antiquarian Researches in lllyricum. 77 

brought to light during some excavations at St. Peter's in 1544," and, in the fiftb 
centvu'y, Salonae, the last refuge of Empire in the West, rivalled Rome and 
Ravenna themselves in the dignity of her interments. 

Among the objects obtained by myself from Narona are two marble heads, 
one of a Roman lady, the style of whose coiffure appears best to tally with that 
of the daughter of Diocletian and wife of Galerius, the Empress Galeria Valeria, 
though the workmanship would seem to belong to a better age ; the other head is 
of Mercmy, and is executed in a fine Grseco-Roman style. The cult of Mercury 
was specially popular at Narona, as is witnessed by an altar and another 
dedicatory inscription,'' both raised by the Seviri Augustales, who add to their 
titles on several more of the local inscriptions the letters m.m. interpreted to mean 
Magistri Merciiriales." 

On the same occasion I jirocured the handle and part of the blade of a sacrificial 
knife (see PI. II.), the use of which was possibly not unconnected with the sacral 
functions of these Naronese Sevu-i. The blade of this knife is of iron, the hilt of 
bronze, circled with an interlaced palmetto ornament, and terminating in a griffin's 
head of considerable spirit. The Roman sacrificial knife seems to have been of 
various forms and materials, and Festus '' tells us of the gold and ivory handle of the 
" secesjnfd " used by the flamens and pontificcs at Rome. The present example 
answers exactly to a common form of the sacrificial knife as seen associated with 
other sacrificial utensils on ancient monuments. This monumental form, like the 
Naronese knife, is of great breadth in proportion to its length, and the handles, as 
in the present instance, terminate in the heads of animals such as 
lions and eagles. 

Engraved gems are plentiful among the ruins of Narona, and 

I acquired a ring of peculiar form and material (fig. 7t.). It is 

carved out of a single pale Turquoise, the highly valued Sap- 

phirus of the Ancients, and has engraved upon it in high relief 

fai^] a two-winged insect resembling a moth with folded wings. 

Fig. Tf. The coins that have passed throvigh my hands from this site 

Turquoise Ring range from Dvrrliacliian silver pieces of the thii'd ccnturv B.C. to 


* Luc. Faunus, de Antiquitatihis Urbi'f Roma;, c. x. Cf. King, National History of Gems or scmi- 
precimis Stones, p. I'i5. 

b C. I. L. iii. 1792, 1793. <= Cf. Mommsen, op. cil. p. 291. 

•I Ad. Virg. JEn.vt. 262. Festus' words are: " Secespitam esse Antistius Labeo ait cultrum forreum 
oblongum, manubrio rotundo, eburnco, solido, vincto ad capuhim auro argontoque, fixum clavis a;nois, a're 
Cyprio : quo Flaiiiines, Flaminicas Virgines, Pontificesque ad sacrificia utuntur." On Consular cdius the 
instrument of sacrifice generally appears as an axe. 

78 Antiquarian Hesearches in Illijricum. 

the fifth century of oiiv era. Coiisidar denarii and coins of the early Empire 
are abundant; the latest piece that I have noticed is of the Emperor Anas- 

AVith reference to the early Greek mercantile connexion with the Narenta 
valley, the name of Trappano, a little town on the peninsula of Sabhioncello, 
opposite the Narenta mouth, suggests a Hellenic origin. Its peninsular position 
was precisely such as the old Greek colonists on the Illyrian coast were prone to 
choose for their plantations, and it would stand to the Illyrian staple of Narona 
in the same relation as the Greek settlement on the isle of Issa stood to the 
staple of Salonai. The name of Drepanon, or " the sickle," seems to have been 
commonly applicnl hy Greek settlers to similar promontories, and the horn of 
rock which here runs into the sea presents analogies Avith the Cretan Dhrepano 
and the Siciliaii Ti*apani, At Trappano itself the stranger hears of antiquities at 
every turn. Below the town is a tower known to the inhabitants as Ciesar's 
Palace, but a very slight examination convinced me of its mediaeval origin. The 
same is probably true of the remains of the castle on the hill, but I observed a 
cistern and a wall with narrow bricks and tiles alternating with masonry, that 
cei'tainly seemed to be of Roman construction. Roman coins are of frequent 
occurrence, and I was informed that, two and a-half years since, in making the 
new road, some beautifully-Avrought marbles, including several inscriptions, were 
brought to light and at once broken up for road material. It is to be observed, 
as explaining the apparently Hellenic origin of Trappano, that it lies on the 
natural transit route across the peninsula of Sabhioncello, between the ancient 
emporium of the Narenta and the port of Cm-zola, the KepKvpa jj-ekaiva, or Black 
Corcyra, of the ancients, one of the earliest Greek island colonics on the 
Illyrian shore, and which must have stood to the mainland staple of Narona in 
the same economic relation as that in which Issa and Pharia stood to Salona?. At 
the present day the communications between Curzola and Metcovich, the modern 
local representative of Narona, follows this line. 

Up to Narona the general direction, at times even the exact course, of the 
great Dalmatian-Macedonian highway is Avell ascertained. The distances from 
Salonse and Narona of the three identified stations, Pons Tilm'i, Ad Novas, and 
Bigeste fit in well w^ith the numbers of the Itinerary and Tabula;'^ and the total 
distance given — 83 or 8-1 Roman miles — squares equally well Avith the actual 

" .Vdding on in the case of the Tabula the omitted distance of xiii. m. p. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 79 

distance from Viddo, the site of Narona, via Ljubuski, Riinovic, and Trilj, to 
the site of Salona;, and at tlie same time ajiproximates within a mile to Pliny's 

From Narona onwards to the neighbourhood of Scodra aU is as dark and 
uncertain as it was clear before ; and the last writer who has attempted to 
elucidate the problem, Dr. Hoernes,'' in despair of reconciling the distances given 
with the probable localities of the stations, throws over the numbers supplied by 
the Tabula and the Itinerary altogether. 

It must be observed, however, that, with the exception of a single omission in 
the Tabula, which Antonine enables us to supj)ly, we have up to this point had 
every reason to rely on the mileage given by our two authorities ; and that the 
sum of the mileage given between Narona and Scodra, 172 m.p. is very much 
what we should expect to find it. Admitting that we have lost our compass, that 
is no reason for throwing away ovu' measiu*ing-rod as well. 

Hitherto, for the whole distance, Narona — Scodra, there has been no inter- 
mediate fixed point to guide us in oiir inquiry. In the course of my explo- 
rations of the Herzegovinian ranges that lie inland to the north-east of the site of 
Epitavirum, I have come upon some Roman remains which may help to supply 
this desideratum. In order, however, to show what I believe to be the full 
bearing of these new materials on the question at issue, I may be allowed to 
examine the whole subject from a point of view which appears to me to have been 
hitherto too little regarded. 

Before proceeding fm'ther with this investigation, it may be well to give a 
comparative table of the route Narona— Scodra, as given by the Tabula and the 
Itinerary of Antonine. 

Itinerary. Tabula. 

NAROKA . . - . , NARONA 

XII ° 




" Ixxxv. m. p. 

'' Alterthiimer der Hercegovina und der siidlichen Theile Bosniens, vol. ii. \k 140. 
'^ Accepting the correction of the xxii. given, in order to square with the xxv. m.ii. given hy 
Antonine as tlie distance, Narona — Dalluiito. 


Antiquarian Hesearches in Illyricum. 




































It will l)e seen that the Roman road from Narona to Scodra (the modern 
Scutari d' Albania), as given in the Tabula, forks at a point called Ad Zizio into 
two branches, one of which leads through the interior of the country to Scodra, 
the other runs to Epitaurum (Ragusa Vecchia), and follows thence the coast-line 
to Butua and Lissus (Alessio). 

nitherto, owing mainly to an expression of the Geographer of Ravenna, it has 
heen assumed that the earlier part of this route, the route common to the two 
lines of communication, followed the coast-line from Narona. This conclusion I 
am altogether unable to accept. 

Ravennas, in a confused list of Dalmatian cities, all of which, according to 
liis statement, are on the sea-coast," adds after Epitaurum, " id est : Ragusium," 

» L'.li, iv. c. 16: "Attameu Dalmatisc plurimas fuisse civitatos Icgimus ex quibus aliquas designare 
volumus quifi pjnuntnr per litus maris, id est: Burzumi, Aleta, Saliintum, Butua, Decadoron, Buccinum, 
Rucinium, Epitaurum id est Ragusium, Asamon, Zidion, Pardua id est Stamnes, Turres, Narrona," &c. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyriciim. 81 

— "Asamou, Zidion, Pardua, id est Stamnes, Turres, Narrotia." The order of the 
names between Epitanrum and Narona shows an agreement with the Tabula, 
" Dilunto " alone being omitted, and the identification of Epitaiu-um with the 
site of Ragusa, by Ravennas' time abeady a famous city, being correct within a 
few miles, it is inferred that E-avennas is an equally good authority for the 
approximate identification of Pardua with " Stamnes," or Stagno, a town situate 
on the neck of the peninsula of Sabbioncello. 

On the other hand it is equally probable that the Geographer of Ravenna, 
knowing the order of some of the most famous towns on the other side of the 
Adi-iatic, as they existed in his day, and knowing the connexion between Ragusa 
and Epitaurum (a fact which, as Ragusa Vecchia preserved the name of Pitaur to 
a much later date, must have Ijeen tolerably notorious), proceeded further to 
identify Stagno, the next modern seaport known to him, midway between Ragusa 
and the mouth of the Narenta, with what on the ancient chart from which he 
drew was the middle station between Epitaurum and Narona. Considering the 
grotesque blunders with which his list begins, j)lacing " m ipso lit ore maris " three 
cities which lie, beyond all contestation, in the central glens of what is now Monte- 
negro, the fact that Ravennas places Pardvia, Asamon and Zidion (the ad zizio 
of the Tabula), on the coast, can prove nothing as to theii' real position, and the 
situation of Stagno lying on a peninsula, off the line of any possible coast road, 
makes its identification with any station on the line Narona — Scodra highly im- 
probable. Stagno derives its name from the Stagnimi or shallow lagune of sea, 
whence from time immemorial salt has been obtained by evaporation. In Con- 
stantine Porj)hyrogenitus it appears already as Stagmmi,^ but there are no remains 
either on this site, or anywhere within miles of it, of Roman habitation. 

To prove that the earlier stages of the great line Narona — Scoth-a lay along the 
Adriatic coast requires something more than a random statement of a -OTiter 
like Ravennas. The Tabula, which from its distorted form can rarely be appealed 
to with confidence as to the exact direction of a road, observes in this case a 
judicious neutrality. The line of stations between Narona and the point of 
junction at Ad Zizio are represented as filling a narrow striji bctAveon the Narenta 

» 'S.Tayvov. It is difficult to understand why Professor Tomaschek, op. cit. p. 3(1, should go out of his 
way to suggest a derivation for the word " Entweder aus einem yorauszusetzondem illyr. ^Varte Stamen,- 
Maul, liachen, Hals, oder aus Gr. aTeviv, — Enr/e." The niediajval Latin form Stamniiiu, like the Stamnes 
of Ravennas, is simply a corruption of Stagnvm, and it is to be observed that these forms illustrate a 
Rouman characteristic, cf. Latin Sif/nurn, Wallachian ,Semnu, &c. The Slavonic abbrenation of the 
name is Ston. 


82 Antiquai'ian Researches in lUyricum. 

(which is mado to run parallel to the sea from East to AYest)" and the Adriatic. 
The road itself is not indicated till Ave reach Ad Zizio. In this chart Narona 
itself is placed on the sea, from -which in reality it was distant ahout fifteen miles, 
and it is to he ohserved that the name of the next station, Ad Turres, has an 
inland tendency. 

All a pi'iori considerations should make us look for the course of the great 
lii^liwav hetween Narona and Scodra inland from the hef^innini^. The road itself 
ouii'ht not to 1)0 regarded as if it was a merely local line, or series of local lines 
constructed for the convenience of the citizens of Narona, Epitaurum, or other 
individual cities. The only right way of regarding- it is as a section of the highly 
important tlu'ough route connecting the great city of Salonae with Dyrrhachium, 
in a still wider sense connecting Italy witli Greece. The main ohject of the 
highway Narona — Scodra was to open out the shortest land route between Dalmatia 
and Epirus, and we may he sure that all local considerations were subordinated to 
this aim. 

"\Ve may assume, then, that the military engineer who superintended the con- 
struction of the section Nai'ona — Scodra endeavoured to follow as direct a line 
between these two cities as the physical configuration of the country admitted. 
A straight line from Scodra to Narona would pass through Eisinium on the 
inmost inlet of what is now the Bocche di Cattaro, but the intervening mass of 
the Black Mountain, in a less degree the Lake of Scutari itself, Avould prevent the 
route from taking anything like a direct course. 

Tlie mountain mass of what is now South-Western Montenegro has, in fact, 
in all historical times, operated to deflect the traffic betw^een Albania and DaLnaatia 
(to use the geographical language of more modern times) from its direct course, 
and the vaUey of the Zeta, that leads from the lacustrine basin of Scutari to 
the plain of Niksic, must in all ages have been the avenue of communication 
between the North-West and South-East. Prom Scodra, therefore, to Avluit is now 
the plain of Niksic, the course of the lloman road was dictated by physical condi- 
tions, as cogent in ancient days as they are now. So far, indeed, all who have 
endeavoured to trace the course of this lloman highway are agreed. Whatever 
its subsequent dii-ection, it must have run from Scutari, along the eastern shores 

• A little to the west of the Narcnta nioutli the Dnna is made to run into the Adriatic, coalescing in 
some strange way with the Cettina. The promontury of Sabbionccllo is not so much as indicated. On the 
<3thor hand the outline of the coast and islands in the neighbourhood of Salonte has much greater preten- 
sions to exactness. 

Antiquarian Researches in THyricum. 83 

of the lake between lake and mountains, it must have followed the Zeta Valley, 
and it must have debouched on the spacious plain of Niksic. 

As on this side we are, by all accounts, on certain ground, it may be well to 
take Scodra as our starting point and work backwards awhile along the shores of 
the lake and up the Zeta Valley to the plain of Niksic. The position of Scodi'a 
itself lying between the river outlet of the lake and a branch of the Drin has 
been of considerable strategic and commercial importance in all times of which 
we have any record. • Its rocky Acropolis, which forms the key of the whole 
lacustrine basin, was the royal stronghold of the most important of the lUyrian 
dynasties, and after its capture, together with the Illyrian king Genthios, by 
L. Anicius in 167 B.C., it became a Roman administrative centre and the 
appointed place for the Conventns of the native chieftains of the Labeate district. 
Of its intercom'se with the Hellenic communities in early times a curious monu- 
ment has been discovered in the neighbouring village of Gurizi, in the shape of 
a bronze statuette representing a female figure of archaic Greek workmanship, 
not unlike some of those discovered at Dodona,'' and I have elsewhere described a 
new series of Illyrian coins discovered at Selci in the North Albanian Alps, 
which introduce us for the first time to Scodra as a free city under Macedonian 
hegcmone.'' On the other hand, after careful researches on the spot I have 
been unable to discover any such architectural or epigraphic traces as are to be 
found on other historic sites in Southern Illyi'ia, at Alessio, for example, and 
Durazzo. On the South-western edge of the citadel peak, now known as Rosafa, 
there are indeed some traces of a rude wall built of huge uncemented blocks, the 
existing remains of which bear some resemblance to the so-called Cyclopean 
fragments in the foundation of the citadel walls at Alessio." Excepting this, 
however, I was unable to obtain other relics of Scodra, Illyi'ian, or Roman, 
beyond coins and a few intagli. Among the coins, silver pieces of Dyrrhachium \ 
and Apollonia are still so abundant that they occasionally pass cm-rent along 
with old Ragusan and Venetian pieces in the bazaars of the modern Albanian 
town. An onyx gem in my possession from this site bears the legend avsoni. 

The disappearance of larger monuments on this site is no doubt du(5 to the 
extraordinary deposits of alluvial matter resulting from the yearly inundations of 
the lake and river. So rapid is the growth of the soil owing to this cause that on 
the plain near Scutari I have myself seen the columns of the Turkish canopied 

" Picvue Arche'ologique, N.S. t. xxiv. \'. 1, oiigravcd pi. xv. 

^ See Numismatic Chronicle, N.S. vol. xs. " On some recent discoveries of Illyrian Coins." 
" A fragment of the Alessio wall is engraved in Halin, Alhanesische Shidien, p. 122. 

M 2 

84 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

Tcbds built during tlie last three centuries buried up to the spring of tlic arches 
that support their cupolas. 

After leaving Scodra, the Roman road, the better probably to avoid the 
marshy tract near the borders of the lake, appears to have run for a few miles 
almost due north. On the spacious plain or conimon that opens to the north of 
the modern town of Scutari, which is studded Avith pre-historic barrows (here, un- 
like the stone mounds of the rockier Dalmatian region, mainly composed of 
earth), I have ol)served the remains of an ancient embanked way, now overgrown 
with heath and bracken, running to the West of the Kiri river and the " Venetian 
bridge " leading to Drivasto, almost midway between lake and mountains. In 
the neiglil)ourhood of the village of Boksi the Roman road appears to have taken 
a westerly bend, and the distance of Cinna," the lirst station beyond Scodra, given 
in the Tabula as twenty miles, must lead us to seek its site in the district of Hotti, 
where a marshy inlet of the lake juts into the mountains. I am informed by the 
Padre Superiore of the Franciscans that in their church at Hoiti arc two Roman 
inscrij)tions, and that on the neighbouring site of Helmi arc the remains of a con- 
siderable ancient building which he believed to be a temple, as Avell as another 
inscription built into the house. On these remains I hope on a future occasion 
to be able to give a more satisfactory report. 

Cinna, to be identified with the modern Helmi (an Albanian form of the Old 
Serbian Intlm, a hill), bears the name of an Illyrian queen. In the mountains 
beyond it lay Medeon, where Anicius captured the consort and two sons of the 
last Scodran dynast. King Genthios. The name of this old Illyrian stronghold 
appears to survive in that of the hill-fortress of Medun, to the North-east of 
Podgorica, the mediajval Medon, so long the bone of contention between Monte- 
negrin and Albanian Turk. Near Medeon, and below the heights on which its 
modern representative, Medun, lies, is the village of Dukle, which still preserves 
the name of the ancient Doklea, later Dioclea, the birth-place and nauie-giver of 
Diocletian. This site is rich in monuments of antiquity, amongst which was dis- 
covered an honorary dedication to the Emperor Gallienus by the Commonwealth of 
the Docleatcs.'' It was here that the famous glass vessel, generally known as the 

* According to the Itinerary of Antonine tliis station is only xii. miles from Scodja — prob.ably an 
error for xxii. In the same way the Itinerary increases the distance between Cinna and Berziminium by 
two miles =^m. p. xviii., as atjainst xvi. in the Tabula. With regard to the name of the jilace I adopt the 
reading of Antonine, as being generally more correct than those of the Tabula, and as giving the name of 
an Illyrian queen. In Ptolemy it appears as Xiwa. 


PVBL • DoCLEATi\T« ' (C. I. L. iii. 1705). The best account of the ruins on the site of Dukle is in Kovalevski, 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 85 

Vase of Podgorica, was found, engraved with typical scenes from the Old 
Testament by a Roman-Christian hand, explained by inscriptions which afford 
a most valual)lc indication of the provincial dialect of this part of Roman 
Dalmatia.^ As a further proof of the indigenous character of this manufacture, 
I may mention that I have recently seen some additional fragments of late- 
Roman glass from this site, resembling in the style of their engraving the 
celebrated Vase, but without inscriptions. 

Neither Doklea '' nor Medeon appear in the Tabula, or Antonine, from which 
we may infer that they lay slightly off the main route between Scodra and 
Narona. In these authorities the next station is Birzinio, or Bersumno, accord- 
ing to Antoninus eighteen miles distant from Cinna ; according to the Tabula, 
sixteen. This fits in well with the neighbourhood of Podgorica," the cradle of 
the Nemanjas, the princely race which placed for awhile on Serbian brows the 
falling diadem of Diocletian and Constantine. The Roman station of Birzimi- 

Cetyre mesjcica v Cernogorii. (Four months in Montenegro.) St. Petersburg, 1841, pp. 81-85, cited by 
Jirecek, op. cit.. There are massive remains of an aqueduct, town walls in the form of a parallelogram, 
columns and ruins of a temple or large building known as " Carski Dvor=the Emperor's palace," sar- 
cophagi with bas-reliefs and Latin inscriptions. Some new inscriptions from this site have been recently 
communicated by Dr. BogiSid to the Ephemeris Epigraphica. Doklea gave its name to the Slavonic 
region of Dioklia, from which in the early Middle Ages the Serbs extended the name More Dioklitijsko, 
" the Dioclitian sea," to the Adriatic itself. The additional " i " of the later form of the name, Dioclea, 
is said to have been due to an endeavour to justify its etymological connexion with the name of Diocletian. 
But the alternative name Dioclea appears too early to justify such an artificial origin. The authority for 
Diocletian's birth at Dioclea is the almost contemporary Aurelius Victor, whose statement on this head 
is clear: " Diocletianus Dalmata, Anulini Senatoris libertinus, matre pariter atquc oppido nomine Dioclea, 
quorum vocabulis donee imperium sumeret Diodes appcllatus, ubi orbis Eomani potentiam ccpit Grajum 
nomen in Romanum moreni convertit." {Epit. c. xxxix.) It is to be observed that Constantine Porphyro- 
genitus, while placing Diocletian's birth-place at Salona, makes Diocletian found Dioclea : "To Katrrpov 

AwkXhu to vvv Tzapa rwv AioKXtiriavuiv Karexo/ievov 6 avriiQ (laaiXevc AioKXiiTiavug i^KoSupiaiv." (^De Adm. Imp. C. 

29, and cf. c. 35, where he speaks of it as being then ipijuoKaarpov, as we should say, " a waste chester.") 
Ptolemy mentions a AiokKc'iu (al. Aok-tXa) in Phrygia ; not unknown to ecclesiastical liistory. 

* This vase is now in the Musee Basilcwsky in Paris. It is described and illustrated by the Cav. di 
Eossi in the BuUettino di Archeologia Cristiana (Rome, 1877, p. 77). The linguistic peculiarities of the 
inscriptions on it suggest interesting comparisons with the Romance survivals in the dialect of Ragusa. 
See p. 32, Note. 

^ It appears to me probable that the obscure " Diode," placed Lietween " Lissum " and " Codras," or 
Scodra, in Guidonis Geographia (114), stands for "Dioclea," a hint that the name appeared under this 
form in some copy of the Tabula. 

" The older Serbian name of Podgorica was Ribnica, still preserved by the small stream that flows 
beside its walls. (Cf. .lirecck, op. cit. p. 20.) This place derived its importance as lying in the centre of 
the district of Zcnta. 

86 Antiquarian Researches in Ilhjricnm. 

nium would have boon the point of bifurcation for the road leading to Uoclea and 
Medeon, and its ideutiticatiou with the site of Podgorica fits in very well with a 
hint of Eavennas, that " Medione " lay in its vicinity. 

It is certain that from this point the Roman road must have followed the 
upward ascent of the Zeta valley. The next station, Alata or Halata, the Aleta 
of Ptolemy and Ravennas, ten miles distant from Bii"ziminium, would thus take; 
US to the neighbourhood of Danilovgrad,'' and the seventeen or eighteen miles 
given as the distance from this to the next station, Salluntum, brings us over the 
pass of Ostrog to the plain of Niksic. It is interesting in connexion with the 
proved affinities between the Illyrians and the Messapians of the opposite Italian 
coast to note the cm-ious parallel between the juxta-position of Aleta and Sallun- 
tum in the Dalmatian Itineraries, and the ajipearance of an Apidian Aletiwn in 
the district of the Sallentini. 

The aspect of the town of Niksic, better known as the Onogost of Old Serbian 
history, is singularly Roman (PL III.); indeed its ground-plan (fig. 8") presents 
the familiar outline of a Roman castrum, with square and polygonal towers at 
the four corners and in the centre of the side walls. This quadrilateral arrange- 
ment, however, occurs in some other Herzegovinian towns, Ljubinje, for instance, 
and is rather, perhaps, due to some later wave of Byzantine influence. The walls, 
in their present construction, are unquestionably mediaeval, though it is always 
possible that the Old Serbian architects followed pre-existing lines. 

Excepting this ground-plan, I have been unable to light upon any direct 
indications of the existence of a Roman Municipium on the site. Roman gems 
and coins, however, occur from time to time in this neighbourhood, and the impor- 
tance of this central plain of Niksic, whether as one of the most fertile spots in 
this part of the Dinaric Alps, or as the natural crossing-point of routes leading 
from East to West, and from the Bocche di Cattaro, or Rhizonic gnlf, into the 
interioi-, renders it certain that it fulfilled in the Roman economy of this lUyi-ian 
tract a function at least as important as that j^erformed by it in mediaeval 
times. Tlie archaeological explorer in the plain of Niksid is struck by the nimiber 
of medieeval cemeteries to be met with on every side, and by the grandeur of the 

" Geog. Ravennas, p. 211 (oil. Piiulcr ct Parthcy): " //ew j}ixta Burzwnon est Civitas r/uce dicilur 
Medione" &c. 

'' Prof. Tomaschek neglects the abiding conditions of intercourse as fixed by the physical configuration 
of the country in seeking the site of Aleta out of the Zeta Valley: " Vielleicltt ostlich von Cettinje, hei 
Gradac oder Uljici," op. cit. p. 42. The name Aletu itself he compares with the Albanian hel [pi. heljete 
{hejetey] = a point, as of a lance, &c. 


Vol. XLVIII. Ti, face page m. PI. III. 

\ ; i.4i.:>., ,.\'.s 





Antiquarian Researches in lUyricum. 


tombs, the sculptm-es of wliich are in this district wrought in a better style than 
elsewhere. These Old Serbian monuments derive both their general outKne and 


Outer Gtte 10 Citidel 



Sept. 1877. 

Fig. 8». Plan of Old City, Niksic. 

their special ornamentation, notably the vine spiral, the most frequent of all, 
from Roman prototypes, and the excellence of the Niksic tomb-sculptures is itself 
sufficient proof that those who wrought them had Roman models at hand. On a 
mediaeval gravestone found near Nevesinje the Old Serbian sculptor has actually 
executed a rude copy of the symbolic Genius with reversed torch, so often seen 
on Roman sepulchral monuments. 

Assuming that the site of the first Salluntum (another is subsequently mentioned 
on the same route) is to be sought on the extreme east of the Niksic plain, 
perhaps even in the Gracauica valley, there would be room for the two next 
stations, Varis eleven miles distant, and Andarva, or Anderva, six miles further 

88 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricwn. 

ill tliL' middli- o[' the plain it sell', aiul du its AVcsteni mai'i;iii, ivispt'ctivcly." On the 
ground of a Montenegrin saga, Dr. Jirecek and otliers have considered them- 
selves justified in assuming that the Roman road in its onward coiu'se, from the 
Upper Zeta vaHcy and the margin of the Isiksid plain, took the direction of 
Grahovo. Accorduig to this saga, as related by Vuk Karadzic,'' three brothers 
fell to contending "which should take with him their only sister, "whereupon they 
set themselves three tasks. One said that he "would wall in the mountains, another 
that he Avould build a cluu-ch in Dioclea, the third that he would join the Cijevna 
and the Moraca. The third brother finished his work first, but " foolish Vuk," 
the first, had time to l)iiild a boundary wall from the Bijela Gora (which forms 
tlie triple frontier of Dalmatia, Montenegro, and Herzegovina), four days' 
journey to the great mountain of Kom, which lies in the Montenegrin canton of 
Kuci, near the Albanian border. On the strength of an assertion of the French 
traveller, Vialla de Sommieres, this semi-mvthical boundarv-dvke, of Avhich it is 
especially said that (unlike a Roman road) it follows the contour of the hills," has 
been converted into a Roman road, although its Avhole course, as described in the 
Saga, is wholly irreconcilable with the exigencies of road engineering. In the 
neighbourhood of the plain of Grahovo, by Avhich it is said to run, I have sought 
for it in vain, but, on the other hand, I have come upon an existing trace and a 
])opular tradition connected with it which preserves the distinct record of a road 
running inland from the site of the ancient Risinium to the plain of Niksie, and 
far into the interior. In cb*y weather a straight line, the trace of an ancient Way, 
is seen Tui"ining straight across the Crivoscian plain of Dvrsno, from the opening 
of the pass which leads to Risano, the ancient Risinium, to that leading to the 

" The attempt to identify Salhinto (ii.) with the Hlansko Polje (Hoernos, Alterthumev der Ilerce- 
govina, vol. ii. p. 149), on the ground of similarity of name, is too hazardous; and the same applies to its 
comparison with cither of the two Slanos. The Serbian form of the lllyro-Roman word, if directly 
adopted and preserved, would be Solunat: Toniasehek's suggested comparison with the name of the 
village of ZaJjut (inadmissible on other grounds) must therefore be discarded. I would suggest the 
identification of this " Sallunto " with the " Lontodocla " in the region of Dioclia, mentioned by Constan- 
tine Porphyrogenitus {op. at. c. 25). It might be a " SaUnnto-Docleatium" to distinguish it from the 
other " Sallunto " on the same route further to the West. 

'' Lexicon, s.v. Vukova Megja. 

■^ " Od jednoga kraja do drugoga ove megje prijekijem putem ima oko cctiri dana lioda ; a kad bi se 
i>lo preko gudura i litic-a pored nje bilo bi mnogo viSe." (" From one end to the other ol this boundary- 
wall, as you go forward, is about four days' journey ; but were one to go along it through glen and over 
ridge it would be mucli further.") Vuk, loc. cit. This description recalls rather the up and down progress 
of a Roman frontier-wall, such as that from Tyne to Solway, than any Itouiau road. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 89 

Montenegrin plain of Graliovo. The trace is known to the Crivoscian peasants 
as " St. Sava's path," and they have a tradition that it was along this route that 
the founder of the Serbian Church was carried to his Minster tomb at Mileseva, 
which lies in the Novipazar district beyond the Lim.^ The trace itself, as well 
as the tradition, points to the existence of an ancient line of comnumication 
between the Rhizonic gulf, the Drina Valley, where it would join the Danubian 
road-system, and the route which traversed the ore-producing ranges of Dardania. 
The same Kne was still followed by the Cattarese merchants in the Middle Ages, who 
passed from E,isano through this Crivoscian plain, then peopled by a Rouman 
tribe, the Vlachi E-igiani (who seem to have perpetuated the Illyro-Eoman 
race of the ancient Risinium), thence through Grahovo to Niksid, and thence 
again across the Drina to Plevlje, itself the site of the most important Roman 
settlement in that part of Illyricum. The natives declare that " St. Sava's path " 
can be traced right away to Mileseva itself. My own observations have led me 
to the conclusion that the " kalderym," or paved mule-track, over the mountains 
between Grahovo and the plain of Niksid, runs in places along the trace of a 
Roman Way. 

The point where this cross-line of communication between Risinium and the 
Drina Valley intersects the highway Scodra — Narona, which we have been pur- 
suing, lay unquestionably in the Western angle of Niksic plain, where, as has 
been shown from a measurement of distances, we must seek the city of Anderva. 
I have now to adduce some remarkable evidence bringing the name of this 
city into relation with a Roman Municipium on the Drina, and thus affording a 
new indication that a cross-line of Roman road, connecting Risinium with that 
river, cvit the Dalmatian-Ejiirote highway at this spot. 

The ancient track already mentioned, running from Risano and the Bocche di 
Cattaro to the plain of NikSic, and which for practical purposes may be identified 
with the Roman road-line, is continued across the plain and through the long Duga 
Pass, so often the scene of combat between Turk and Montenegrin, to the plain 
of Gacko, where it meets another ancient route, running from the site of Epi- 
taurum and the later Ragusa, of which more will be said. From this point both 
routes unite and are prolonged across the wild Cemerno ranges to Foca, in the Drina 
VaUey, and the important bridge-town of Gorazda, where this Adriatic line meets 

» This, of course, is historically impossible, as St. Sava died at Tirnovo, in Bulgaria, and must 
therefore have been carried to MileSevo from the East. 

•> Jirecek, Die Handehstrassen, sect. 11. Von Cattaro nach Flevlje (p. 72). 



Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

the cross-line of communication between tlic n])j)or valley of the Bosna, the Lim, 
and the ore-l)earin2r ranges of Old Serbia, — in other words, the ancient route con- 
necting Salonic with the Metalla Dalmaiica and Argentaria. 

At Gorazda Dr. Hoernes " had already observed a sarcophagus with an 
obliterated inscription. During a recent visit to this place I found, near the old 
l)ridge over the Drina, several more ancient fragments, and amongst them a bas- 
relief of an eagle, in a rude style but of Roman origin, carved on a porpiiyritic 
marble, which was much used by the Roman masons and sculjitors of Plevlje, tlie 
next important Roman site to the south-east of Gorazda. Walled into the apse 
of the Orthodox chm'ch, a foundation of Duke Stephen, from whom Herzegovina 
derives its name, and which lies on the banks of the Drina a little below the 
present town, I was so fortunate as to discover two Roman inscriptions. When 

Fig. 9". Roman Monument. 
Gorazda, Hosniu. 

1 first saw them they were almost wholly covered with a coating of plaster, which 
however, with the aid of the priest, I succeeded to a great extent in removing. 

Remische Alterthumer- in Bosnicn und der Hercegovina, vol. ii. (in Arch. Epigr. Mitth. vol. iv. p. 47). 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 


The first was apparently a part of an altar with the inscription term, perhaps 
originally a bovindary altar, marking the limits of the municipal Ager (fig. 9"). 

The other monument formed a portion of a larger slab, containing a dedication, 
probably of a temple, to Jupiter Optimus 3Iaximus CoJiortalis (fig. 10''), to whom a 
dedicatory inscription has also been found at Narona." 

Fig. 10*. Roman Monument kefebking to the Andarvani. 
Gorazda. Bosnia. 

Tlie part preserved of the second line probably records the share taken in 
the dedication by a Becurio of the MVNICIPIVM ANDARVANORVM, about 
which latter name there is no room for doubt. Andarva, or Anderva itself, 
lying as it did on the main-line of road between Scodra and Narona, cannot by 
any possibility be sought so far inland as Gorazda ; but the occurrence of the 
name of the Andarvani on a monument at Gorazda is of valvie, as indicating a 
direct road-connexion between it and the plain of Niksic, where we have to seek 
the ancient site of Andarva.* 

The plain of Nik§ic, then, in Roman times was in all probability the point of 
intersection of two important thoroughfares, one leading from Scodra and the 

" C. I. L. iii. 1782, i • o • m || ciiou || tali. In the present inscription the h of chor(tali) is 
obliterated, hut doubtless was originally contained within the c. 

'' It seems to nie probable that this line Niksic — Gacko — Gorazda is indicated In the Geographer of 
Ravenna, who refers to a line of stations, " Sapua — Bersellum — Ibisua — Deiva — Citua — Anderba." 

N 2 

92 Antiquarian Beseai'ches in Illyricum. 

Epirote cities to the threat Dalmatian emporia of Xarona and Salonte ; the 
other connecting the coast-city, which gave its name to the Rhizonic gulf, with 
the mining centres of the old Dalmatian interior, and the Danubian provinces. 
From this central plain, i)ursuing the route towards Narona, avc find the physical 
obstacles by no means so great as those that then deflected the route from Scodra 
to Niksid. Hence, it follows that a straight line (li;i\\ii IVom t lie centre of the 
plain of Niksid to the site of Narona may give some idea of the general direction 
of the Roman Way in this part of its course. A glance at the map discloses the 
fact that, if Ave now* start from Xarona, a line so drawn, so far from approaching 
the sea at any point, inclines further and further inland from that city to the 
plain of Niksid. On the other hand, it will be observed that this ideal line passes 
either through or in close proximity to sites which in mediaeval and modern 
times have been at once the chief centres of habitation, and the principal 
strategic points in this part of the Dinaric interior. 

It passes within a few miles of the very important position of Stolac, Avhere 
Roman remains and inscriptions indicating the former existence of a Municipium 
have recently been discoA'ered. The distance of Stolac from the site of Narona 
answers almost exactly to the xx m.p. given by the Itinerary of Antonine 
as the distance from Narona to the next station on this side, important enough 
to be mentioned by that authority — Dallunto, the Dilunto of the Tabula. The 
continued importance of Diluntum is attested by the appearance of the M\;nici- 
pium Diluntinum — or, as it appears there, " Delontino " — in the Acts of the 
Council held at Salona? in 532 a.d. It is there mentioned along with the Munici- 
pium Novense (the site of Avhich, as Ave have seen, lay at Runovie, near Imoski), 
and an obscure Municipium Stantinum, as having a Christian Basilica, placed 
under the charge of the bishop of the inland Dalmatian town of Sarsenterum." 

At the A'illage of TassoA'die,'' lying in the Narenta valley, between Stolac and 
Narona, are ancient columns and other remains, and the position ansAvers A\ell to 
that of Ad Turres, the intermediate station between Narona and Diluntum. 

Assuming the identification of Stolac with Diluntum to be correct, the course 
of the natviral route toAA'ards Niksid leads us to seek for the next station, Pardua, 

* Acta Concilii II. Salonitani, in Farlati, Illyricum Sficrmn, t. ii. p. 1 73. The identification of 
Stantinum with Stagno, urged by Dr. Iloernes on the strength of tlic existence of the later Zupa Stantania from 
Ston, the Slavonic form of Stagno, is hardly admissible, since the Acts of this Council of Salona show as 
yet no trace of Slavonic settlement or nomenclature in that part of Dalmatia which they concern. 

•^ I have referred to these in my work on Bosnia (2nd cd. p. 361), where, however, TassovCic is 
wrongly printed Tassoric. 

Antiquarian Researches in Ulyricum. 93 

fourteen miles distant, in the plain of Dabar, a district— as its Old Serbian monu- 
ments show — the scene of some commercial prosperity in the Middle Ages." The 
next station, "Ad Zizio " (sixteen miles), where, according to the Tabula, i\\Q 
junction line to Epitaurum branched ofp, would thus lie in the neighbourhood of 
Bilek. The two stations, "Leusinio,"m.p. viii. and "Sallunto," m.p. xii. that occur 
between this and Andarva, which all authorities agree in placing on the plain of 
Niksi6, should be sought, according to tliis calculation, in the passes of Banjani. 

We have only now to deal with the objection abeady alluded to, that, 
according to the Geographer of Eavenna, the earlier stages of the route Narona — 
Scodra ran along the Adriatic coast. Something has been said already on 
Ravenna's identification of Pardua with " Stamnes," or Stagno ; it may, how- 
ever, be weU to point out how absolutely his statement on this head is at variance 
with the more trustworthy data supplied by the Tabula and the Itinerary of 
Antonine. If the distances given in those two authorities are to be even 
approximately observed, it is impossible that the five stations between Narona 
and Epitaurum, or even four out of the five, lay along the sea-coast. The distance 
to be traversed by road between Epitaurum and Narona is, according to the 
Tabula, 112 miles ; the actual distance along the coast is about 55. It is impos- 
sible, as Dr. Iloernes admits, to make up this disparity of two to one from the 
bends of the road, and he draws the conclusion, that it is better to set aside the 
distances in the Tabula altosfether. 

But the distances given in the Tabula are the best guides we have. As a 
whole, they square well with the distances given in the Itinerary, and with the 
general statement of Pliny, that Epitam-um was 100 miles distant from Narona. 
Moreover, the general correctness of our two authorities in what regarded the 
section Salonse — Narona gives us just grounds for believing that they are still 
to be relied on in the section Narona— Scodra. 

When we find the distance, Epitaurum — Narona, via the junction to Ad Zizio, 
is over twice the length of the coast line between the two, the natural inference 
is that the junction station of Ad Zizio is to be sought considerably in the 
interior, and that the angle formed by the two lines Narona— Ad Zizio and 
Epitaurum — Ad Zizio must approach a right angle. 

" The name Dabar suggests a connexion with the important tribe of the Daversi or Baorsi, who 
inhabited the ranges East of the Narenta at the time of the Roman Conquest. In the Romance dialect of 
Dalmatia (as exemplified by its surviving remnants in that of Ragusa), v is changed to b. 

" Though the Itinerary of Antonine seems to give us authority for striking off 10 m. between 
Dilunto and Narona, see p. 79. 

'.)l Antiquarian Researches in Ilhjricum. 

Wliat has been said already here specially applies. The road Narona — Scodra 
was not made to suit the convenience ol' the inhabitants of Epitaunim. That 
the road Narona — Scodra made a detour to the coast of at least 35 miles 
to suit the convenience of any more obscure coast-city is a still less admissible 
hypothesis. As a matter of fact, the communications between Epitaurum and 
I lie Ljreat emporium of the Narenta must have been almost exclusively maritime, 
the land journey being restricted to the single mile across the peninsula of 
Stagno. The traffic between Ragusa, the modern representative of Ejiitaurum, 
and Metcovieh, the modern representative of Narona, runs at the present day 
almost entirely by sea and river, and, in ancient days, when the whole coasting 
traffic of the Adriatic ran along the Dalmatian shore, the communication 
between the two cities woiild have been as exclusively maritime. 

To Epitaurum, as to Ragusa, the value of a road must have depended on 
the extent to which it opened out its communications willi the centres of 
liabitation, in the Ali)ine interior, with what are now ih(^ ii})land plains of 
Trebiuje, Gacko, Niksie, and Nevesinje, in a still higher degree -with the A^alley 
of the Drina beyond. The great caravan route, by which in mediteval times 
the merchandise of the West left the Adriatic coast for llic I'lii-thest East, ran 
from Ragusa, the local successor of Epitaurum, straight inland over the interior 
ranges, past Trebinje and Gacko, to the valley of the Drina. It is highly 
prol)able that, as in the ease of Cattaro already cited, this mediaeval caravan 
route represents a veiy ancient line of communication between the Drina valley 
and its Adriatic outlet. In the course of many jcnirneys among the Dalmatian 
and Herzegovinian ranges a phenomenon has been repeatedly observed by me, 
nowhere more than in the neighbourhood of Ragusa, which seems to prove that 
the mule tracks leading from the coast into the interior are often of high 
anticiuity. The course of these hoof -worn mountain tracks is very often literally 
mapped out by a succession of prehistoric barrows belonging to the Illyrian 
Bronze Age, which persistently follow the course of the route. That the Roman 
road should have taken the same general direction as this ancient line of traffic 
between the Adriatic port and the Drina may be reasonably inferred, though, no 
doubt, its course was straightcr than the actual route followed by the indigenes. 

We will now turn to the evidence afforded by existing Roman remains. At Klek 
and Ranjevo Selo, near the southern mouth of the Narenta, have been found three 
Roman sepulchral inscriptions relating to private individuals." Along the whole 

» C. I. L. iii. 1763, 1764, 1765. 

Antiquarian Researches in lllyricum. 95 

coast of the Raguseo, however, from Stagno to the site of Epitaurum, with the 
exception of a single sepulchral inscrijition found near Slano'' of the same unim- 
portant character as the last, absolutely no relics of Roman habitation have been 
brought to light. Carefully as I have myself examined this coast line I have neither 
been able to discover any new inscriptions nor to find any traces of a Roman road. 
It must be remembered, moreover, that this maritime strip, unlike the wilder tracks 
of the Herzegovinian interior, has been for centuries under antiquarian observa- 
tion. It has formed a part of what, to the beginning of the present century, was 
the highly civilised Republic of Ragusa, the birthplace of Banduri, and the 
Roman remains of which had already been made a subject of research by Aldus 
Manutius in the early days of the Renascence. And yet, despite this prolonged 
antiquarian scrutiny, the remains of the Roman towns and stations that we are 
told to look for in the neighbourhood of Stagno, in the bay of Malfi, the valley 
of Ombla, or on the site of Ragusa itseK, are absolutely non-apparent. 

The absence of such remains along the coast, and the general considerations 
already enumerated, had long forced me to the conclusion that the Roman road 
communication between Epitaurum and Narona ran inland and not along the 
coast. In this conclusion I was strengthened by observing on the flank of 
the mountain above the village of Plat, about three miles from the site of 
Epitam-um, the distinct trace of an ancient road running from the du'ection of 
Ragusa Vecchia towards a rocky col leading into the interior in the direction of 
Trebinje. Owing to the accumulation of talus on the platform of the road in the 
lapse of ages, the surface is concealed from view, and indeed it is best traced by 
looking at it from a hill a mile distant ; but the arrow-like directness of its course 
at once proclaims its Roman origin*". In general ajipearance tliis talus-hidden 
track much resembles the track of the Roman road already described by me as 
running along the limestone steeps above the sea in the direction of the ancient 
city of Risiriium. 

" C. I. L. iii. 17G1. 

'' The traces of the Roman road ahove Plat are doubtless the same as those observed bj Dr. 
Constantin Jirecck in the neighbourhood of Ragusa Vecchia. {Die Handelsstrassen nnd Bergwerke von 
Serbien und Bosnien wahrend des Mitte.lalters, p. 8.) Dr. JireCek observes that the " via vetus quic 
vocatur via regis " is mentioned in the Ragusan Catastcrs of the fourteenth century, and supposes, with 
great probability, that its Slavonic name was " Carski Put," " Caesar's Way," a name by which Roman 
roads were generally known to Serbs and Bulgars in the Middle Ages, and answering to the Byzantine 
!>di>s (iaaiXiKl). In 1880 I took Dr. Hoernes to visit the traces, and his impression of their appearance as 
recorded by him (Eomische Aiterthiimer in Bosnien und dcr Hercegovina, vol. i. p. 2) agrees entirely with 
my own. 


Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

The wild linu'stone i*angcs amongst which the trace ol' the Hoiuau way above 
Epitaunmi is seen to lose itself, pursuing when last discernible a Xorth -Easterly 
direction, arc knowTi by the general name of Drinji Planina. Inland to the 
north of this mountain mass opens the well- watered valley of the TrebinjCica, on 
which stands the old Herzegovinian city of Trebinje. It was Avhilst exploring 
this district that I came upon a more important clue. About tAvo miles and a-half 
south of Trebinje, a tributary inlet of the main valley opens into the mountains 
that lie betAveen that city and Eagusa Vecchia. This plain, known from its 
liability to inundation as the Mokro Polje, or " wet plain," presents an elongated 
I'oi'in. and its major axis, if produced, would exactly connect the present site of 
Trebinje with the former site of Epitaurum. 

Whilst examining a curious earthen mound in the centre of the spacious Mokro 
Poljo, about one hour from Trebinje, I observed a rounded block of stone (fig. 11"), 
about two and a-half feet in length, lying in some bushes at its base. Its form 






A 5.7 '^ -=5 

Fig. 11°. KoMAN Milestone. 
Mokro Polje. 

leading me to suspect that it might be a Roman milestone, I turned it over and 
discovered on the formerly buried side distinct traces of a Roman inscription. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricwm. 97 

which j)roved. that my conjecture had been correct. The letters were vinfortu- 
nately much weather-worn, and the copy wliich I am able to give, though the 
result of six separate visits to the sj)ot, and careful collations of the inscription in 
all lights, is still far from satisfactory. 

The titles " Vic(toriosissimi) Semp(er) Aug(usti)," which form the most 
legible part of the inscription, at once enable us to assign to it a fourth-century 
date. The latter part may, perhaps, be restored : — 

N (a)c VIC SEMP 


i.e. (Prin(ciii(es) max(imi) p(eren)n(es) a)c Vic(toriosissimi) scmp(er) Aiig(usti) 
B(ono) r(ei)p(ublicse) n(ati). The style thus elucidated agrees very weU with 
the age of Valens and Valentinian, and it is possible that the work of road resto- 
ration begun in Dalmatia under Julian (as may be learnt from niilliary inscrip- 
tions found at Narona, Zara, and elsewhere)"' was continued under his successors. 
The imperfect preservation of the earlier part of the inscription prevents us from 
determining the names of the Emperors under whom this monument was raised, 
but the (a)avvgg implies, according to the usage of the time, that two Augusti 
were then reigning. 

Examining now the spot with a view to lighting on the traces of the road 
itself, the propinquity of which the milestone indicated, I was gratified with the 
sight of a slightly raised causeway running with arrow-like straightness across the 
j)lain, almost from north to south. On further insj)ection this proved to be the 
remains of an ancient road about seven paces wide, flanked by two small lateral 
ditches ; and, as was to be expected from the nature of the soil, constructed of 
small fragments of grey limestone. In places it was extremely perfect, and pre- 
sented a characteristic Roman section. Towards the middle it was slightly 
raised, and its sides were contained and supported by two low walls of massive 
well-cut masonry, with a slight inward slope (figs. 12% 13"). 

Southwards the track ran from the neighbourhood of the mound by which the 
fourth-century milestone lay straight and clear across the plain to an angle of 
mountain which concealed Trebinjc from view. In places a modern path runs along 
the top of the embankment. Elsewhere it is accompanied l)y a mediaeval j^avcd 

" C. I. L. iii. 3207, .3208, .3209, 3211. The title given to Julian on these is " Victor ac triumfator 
totiusquo orbis Augustus, bono iei2)ublic.T natus." 


Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

May, or Turkisb kalderi/m, quite distinct from the Homau A\ork in character ; 
and, finally, the roadliue is prolonged, as so frequently in Britain, by a continuous 
line of hedgerow, reminding me of a "long hedge" on the Akeman Street. 


Stctti'n of Roiuan Way 

across Mok-ro Polje. 

(Fig.l3 ) Fragment oj side-vjAll 

supporting road-wdy- 

A little way beyond the small churcli of St. Pantaleon, which belongs to the 
A'illage of Cicevo, and nearing the mountain promontory already mentioned, the 
traces of the road become still more distinct. An old l)ed of the Tvebinje river, 
along which its current must have flowed in Roman times, is here perceptil)le, 
talcing a considerable bend southwards. Along this bend, in the narroAV strip 
between the former channel of the river and the mountain steep, and just below 
the modern road, the old road-line forms a clear-cut terrace, banked up on the 
side of the former river-bed by a wall of Avell-cut stone blocks, of undoid)tedly 
3?oman construction. From fragments of this stone embankment a lat(>r dam, 
Avhich also serves as a footway, has been built in a rough fashion across a marshy 
l)art of the old channel, and at this point may be seen the remains of a pier of 
older masonry, Avhich seems to have been the land abutment of a Roman bridge 
across the former course of the Ti-ebinjcica (fig. 14"). 

A little below this appear other distinct traces of Roman work. On the steep 
above the track of the Roman road, and leading out of it, a flight of stejis seven 
paces in width has been hewn, like so many street stejjs on the site of E2)itaurum., 
out of the solid rock. These steps, of Avhich only the first two or three are at 
present traceable, seem to show that at this point a considerable street mounted 
Avhat is at present the bare limestone steep ; and, taken in connexion with the 
traces of a Roman wall, here visilile aboA^e the ancient road, as well as the stone 
embankment and bridge-pier below, lead us to seek for the Roman station which 
was the local pi-edccessor of Trebinje rather in this vicinity than at Trobinje 
itself, where, so far as my observation goes, no Roman remains are to be foimd. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 


The neighbouring village of Ci6eA^o occupies the pleasantest and most fertile 
angle of the Moki'o Polje, and Roman coins are not unfrequently discovered in 

( ) Roman reviaini n£ar 
Trehinje River. 

the neighbouring fields.'' It is, in fact, inherently probable that the Roman 
station should have been built terrace-fashion on the rocky steeps that flank the 
plain rather than on the " wet plain " itself. The fact that the Roman road 
across the Mokro Polje runs throughout on a low embankment shows that in 
ancient times, as at present, it was liable to floods ; and though the periodical 
inundation, due mainly to the welling-up of the water, from rock reservoirs below 
the surface, is at present mostly confined to the southern part of the plain, it is 
probable that, in Roman times, when the mountains were more wooded, and the 
rainfall consequently greater, it was subject to floods throughout its length. 

Beyond the old bed of the Trebinjcica the traces of the road disappear, 
destroyed in all probability by its alluvial deposits, and still more by the constant 
tendency that it shows in this part of its course to shift its channel, a tendency 
illustrated only a short distance beyond the last traces of the Roman road by 
the disaj)pearance in its waters of a kalderym, or paved way, that apparently at no 
remote date followed its bank. 

Having traced the Roman road north Avards to the banks of the Trehinje 
river and the apparent site of a Roman station, I will return to the mound by 
which the milestone lay, as a starting-point for exploring its southward course. 

Xear this point there are apparent traces of the beginning of a branch line 
of road leading towards the modern hamlet of Bugovina, whence it probably 
ascended an intervening range into the plain of Zubci, and reached, by a jiass 

^ 1 have a denarius of the Empress Lucilla from this site. ^Yith the reverse legend ivnoni lvcinae. 



Aniiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

¥\''. 14' 

already alliulcfl to, the site of the Roman station that appears to have existed in 
the plain of Canali midway hetween Epitanvum and the llhizonic i?nlf. 

From Zubci I obtained a lLio\\\i\n fibula 
or safety-pin of very remarkable form (see 
fig. 14*). It will be observed that the 
groove in which the pin itself catches is 
provided with a hinged lid, so as to keep 
the pin doubly secure, and the appearance 
of another groove above the hinged lid 
shows that this in turn was made fast by 
a small bolt or catch. As an example of 
an improved Roman safety-pin this fibula, 
so far as I am aAvare, is altogether unique, 
and the invention may be reasonal)ly set 
to the credit of local, probably Epitaurian 
FnuLA ..ROM z, Mcr. ^^ Risinian, manufacture. 

To return to the main road. The course of the Roman Way to the south con- 
tinues so far as the i)lain extends mth the same arrow-like directness as before 
(sec sketch map PI. III.), leaving on the right, less than a mile distant from the 
milestone mound, the medirpval ruins of an Old Serbian Minster dedicated to St. 
Peter — Petrov Manastir — the foundation of which I found ascribed l)y local saga, 
amongst others, to " Czar Duklijan " — the Emjieror Diocletian ! From this spot the 
trace of the Roman Way makes straight for a defile in the range already referred 
to, that separates the Mokro Polje from the Adriatic haven where Epitauriun 
formerly stood. Observing the point in the mountains to which the ancient 
roadway tended, I inquired of a party of peasants whom I found working in 
the fields near to where the milestone lay whether there was not another stone 
like it in that direction. All shook their heads, but at last an old Mahometan 
answered that there certainly Avas a rock knoAvn as " the round stone" {Obli 
Kamen) in the direction I had indicated, and, finally, for a consideration, con- 
sented to guide me to the spot. Three-quarters of aii hour's walk brought us 
to a rocky eminence at the entrance of the defile (which is known as Lucin Do), 
commanding a full vicAV of the long Mokro Polje, and here, after a prolonged 
hunt among the brushwood, my guide hit upon a large cylindrical fragment, 
partly imbedded in the soil, Avhicli turned out to be the " round stone " we were 
seeking. It lay not far from the present mule-path between Trebinje and Ragusa 
Yecchia, which here follows more or less accurately the course of the Roman Way. 



C F KeU Lilh S.Castle Si Ifalbom Louden £ C 

Iktihshecb by ike' Soczeiy ofjintufuaries af'Zonxioiv, J8S3. 

Antiqtiarian Researches in Illyrictim. 


The " round stone " proved to be part of a larger monument, other portions 
of which I presently discovered in the hushes near. The first discovered frag- 
ment was 81 inches in length, exhibiting at what was its upper end a circular 
section 25i inches in diameter, but which took the shape at its lower end of an 
ellipse 28i inches by 25^ inches, thus presenting a slightly-tapering outline, 
showing it to have formed part of a somewhat obelisk-like cokimn. At its 
larger elliptical end lay a huge fragment of its square base. 

A few feet off lay a smaller fragment, which appeared to be the top of the 
column. Upon this was an inscription giving the name and titles of the Emperor 
Clavulius, engraved in letters nearly three inches high, so as to be legible from a 
considerable distance (fig. 15''). The central portion of the inscription was broken 
away, Init from a calculation of the letter space at our disposal it can be 
restored with sufiicient certainty. 



Fig. 15°. MiLLiART Column of Clafdius. 
Lucin Do. 

Tiberius clavdivs, drvsi fil^s, caesar angusIus, germanic;/.9, 
'Po^rifex UAximtts, T'&ibiinicia voTestate viii imperator xv, 
consul nil, 'sater vatrice, CENSor. 

The date of the inscription would thus be 47-48 a.d. The column itself is 
unquestionably of the milliary kind, and, though the continuation of the inscrip- 
tion recording the mileage from Epitaurum or elsewhere has unfortunately perished. 


Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

the mcution of the name and titles of Claudius shows that, in all probability, tliis 
road connecting Epitaurum with the interior was completed under his auspices. 
It would thus appear that this Emperor, by the hands of his legates, continued 
the work of road-making tlu-ough the Dalmatian Alps, so Avorthily begun by 
Dolabella under his predecessor Tiberius. The date of this Claudian column, 
whicli must certainly have recorded no mean achievement of Roman engineering, 
almost synchronises (if the numbers siqjpUed l)e correct) wath the oi)ening of the 
Via Claudia Augusta, leading from the mouth of the Po, over the Brenner Pass, 

to the banks of the Upper Danube, the construction 
of which had been directed by Drusus, but which was 
finally completed by bis son in 47 a.d." It Avould 
appear that in Upper as well as in Lower Illyricum 
Claudius cemented the conquests of his father and 
predecessor Ijy completing another great line of lloman 
road, this time leading from the Adriatic to the Drina 
and the ^Middle-Danubian syst(Mn. The still-existing 
tribute of the cities of Upi)er Illyricum to Dolabella 
Avould lead us to believe that this, like so many other 
Dalmatian roads, owed its first beginnings to the 
energetic provincial Governor of Tiberius. 

The diameter of the summit of this inscril)ed frag- 
ment, the section of which was circular, was just 
twelve inches ; the lower part of it was too much 
broken to enable an exact measurement to be taken. 
Assuming that the column or obelisk, after taking its 
circular form, continued to diminish in the ratio 
of about six inches to every 80, indicated by the 
first discovered fragment, the whole must have stood 
originally about 20 feet high, excluding the base, 
which may have added another thi-ee feet above the ground level. When perfect 
the monument w'ould have presented an imposing appearance, and from its con- 
spicuous site must have been visible for miles (fig. 16"). 

Fig. 16*. Column of Claudius, 


" The constmction of this road is recorded on .a milliary cohmm foiiad at Feltria (C. I. L. v. 8002): 


DANvvivM • M. P. cccL. AnothcF similar was found at Meran (C. I. L. v. 8003). 

Antiqtmricm Researches in Illyricum. . 103 

Near the remains of this larger column were fragments apparently of two 
lesser monuments of the same kind, the basis or part of the shaft of one being 
still fixed in the soil. In aU I coimted seven cylindrical fragments, but, although 
I excavated the half -buried fragments and repeatedly explored the spot, I did not 
succeed in bringing to light any fresh inscription. 

Following the later mule-track which leads from the Mokro Polje past "the 
round stone," and across the mountains to the Gulf of Breno and the peninsular 
site of the ancient Epitaurum, now Ragusa Vecchia, I came here and there on 
distinct tei-races along the mountain side, which evidently mark the continued 
course of the Roman road-line. These traces were most ajjparent below the 
Tiu-kish Kula or watch-tower of Smerdeda, on the flanks of the Lug Planina, and 
again at Glavski Do, where a considerable halderym follows apparently the old 
trace. Beyond this point the remains may be traced uninterruptedly till they 
join the trace of the Roman road, which myself and others had already observed 
running along the mountain side above the village of Plat and the Gulf of Breno. 
Thence it descended to Oljod and the spot where the memorial monument was 
discovered dedicated to Dolabella, the Road -Maker, by the grateful cities of Upper 
Illyi-icum, and past the cliffs which served as Roman gravestones, to Epitaurum 

From the column of Claudius to Ragusa Vecchia may be reckoned four hours 
of difficult progress by the present mule-paths, and, considering the ruggedness 
of the country, the Roman road must have made still greater bends in traversing 
these Flaninas. The distance as the crow flies is barely eight miles, but the 
distance by the Roman road could hardly have been under 15 miles. If we now 
add to this an additional five miles as the distance between the "round stone" of 
Claudius and the remains on the Trebiujcica, which apparently indicate the 
former existence of a Roman station, we arrive within a mile of the xx m.p. given 
in the Tabula Peutingeriana as the distance between Epitaiu'um and Asamo, the 
intermediate station on the junction-line Ad Ziziuni —Epitaurum. Asamns 
appears elsewhere in Illp-icum as a river-name, being the ancient form of the 
Bulgarian river Osma. Judging therefore from the name alone, we should 
naturally look for the site of Asamo on a river. 

The discovery of an important line of Roman road (as its monuments show), 
running inland from Epitaurum, and the identification of the Roman remains on 
the Ti-ebinjcica with the ancient " Asamo," give us at once a new starting-point 
for our investigation. The conclusion which I had already arrived at on other 
grounds, that the junction-line connecting Epitaiu'um with the main line of com- 

101 Antiquarian Researches in Uli/ricum. 

imiuication Narona — Scudra, ran tlirouyli the interior ol' the country, and not 
ah)ny; the coast, as liitherto believed, is placed on something more than a theoretic 

Assuming that the course of the lloman road across the Mokro Polje gives at 
least an approximate indication of its subsequent route over the ranges beyond 
the Trebinje river, the station of " Ad Zizio," niarked as the point of junction 
between the Epitaurum road and the main line from Xarona, and ])laced 28 miles 
distant from " Asanio," should l)e sought in the district of lludine, beyond the 
Herzegovinian town of Bilck, in the district that is, in which, from independent 
considerations, I had hccn already led to seek it. I am informed l)v an engineer 
who had to do with a modern road in tliat district (although circumstances have 
prevented my verifying his statemeiit) that traces of an ancient embanked way, 
distinct in structiu-e from the Turkish kalcleryitts, and believed by him from the 
directness of its course to be lloman, are to be seen leading from near Bilek, jiast 
Korita and Crnica and across the plain of Gacko, in a Northerly direction. The 
existence of this ancient trace greatly supports the vicAV already advanced that 
the junction-line from Epitaurum continues to pursue the same general airection 
after leaving "Asamo"; and corroborates the opinion that the real usefulness of 
the line from Epitaurum to "Ad Zizio " was not so much as affording a practicable 
avenue of land communication with Xarona, but rather as forming a section 
of an independent road-line, the f m-ther course of which is clearly marked by the 
ancient embanked way across the plain of Gacko, connecting the Adriatic haven 
with the Di-iiia Valley and the Danubian system, and which, further inland, 
coalesced with the line already indicated, that brought Risinium into the same 

In the valley of the Drina this Adriatic route would intersect another main- 
line of thoroughfare between AVcst and East, that, namely, which brought 
Salonas into communication Avith the ore-bearing ranges of what in the Middle 
Ages formed the cradle of the Rascian kingdom, and, ultimately, with the Mace- 
donian \alleys. Of the Roman remains along this route I hope to speak in a 
succeeding paper ; meanwhile, it is interesting to reflect in connexion with the 
Roman road from Epitaurum with the interior that, when centuries later its local 
successor, the Republic of Ragusa, took the lead in opening up anew the re- 
barbarized midlaiuls of Illyria to commerce and civilization, her caravans passed 
along a line identical throughout the greater part of its extent with that of the 
Roman Way. So close, indeed, is the parallel, that the Itinerary of the Venetian 
Ramlx-rti, who in 1533 passed along tliis Ragusan overland route to Con- 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 105 

stantinojile, may serve to indicate the probable position of some of the Roman > 
stations." His first night station after leaving Ragusa by a rough mountain track t 
was Trebinje, sixteen miles distant, near which, as we have seen, was the ancient 
Asamo, 20 m.p. according to the Tabula from Epitaurum. His next station, 
twenty miles, is Rudine, the very district in which we have been enabled to place j 
the site of Ad Zizio. " Curita " (Korito) and " Cervice " (Crnica)," the next two ' 
stations mentioned, are still on the trace of the Roman road. In all, from Ragusa 
to the Drina was then five days' journey. 

Thus it was that in days when Ragusa stood forth as the successful rival of 
Venice in the Balkan lands, her caravans that transported the products of Italian 
industry overland to the shores of the Black Sea and to the furthest East, and 
bore in return the silk of Tartary, the spices of India and Arabia, together with 
the silver ore of the Serbian mountains, to be transhipped to Venice and Ancona 
and transported to the markets of Florence and the West, passed along a route, 
which had been opened out by Roman engineers over a thousand years before to* 
their forefathers of Epitaurum, under the auspices, as we now know, of the son of 


'■^ Ramberti, Delle cose de Turchi, Libri ti'e, Nel prima, il viagrjio da Venetia a Costantinopoli, &c. p. 5, 
(In Vinezia, nelF anno m.d. xxxxi. In casa di Maestro Bernardin Milanese.) 

•• Mentioned already in 1380 as the site of a Ragusan customs station and small commercial colony. 
(Liber Reformationum Majoris, Jlinoris, et Rogatorum Consiliorum, Civitatis Ragusii. Cf. JireCek, op. cit. 
p. 75.) 









THE A K C H A E (J L U (J 1 A. 

VOL. \I.IX. 





5. Interior lines indicated by Roman Milestones found at Salonje. 

6. Large exploitation of Dalmatian gold mines under the Empire. 

8. Importance of Salons as seat of the Provincial Office of Minc;^, Imperial Troasnrv, and 


12. Traces of ancient gold-washings on Mount Rosinj. 

13. Mining industry of the Illyrian tribe of the Pirust;e: utilized in Dacia. 

14. Road connexion between Salonas and ore-bearing ranges of the interior of Illyricum. 

16. Discovery of site of Roman Municipium at Blazui on the Plain of Serajevo. 

17. Illyro-Roman monuments on neighbouring height of Crkvica. 

17. Thermal source : mining and commercial importance of the position ; suggested ideiuitication 

of site with the ad matricem of the Tabula Peutingeriana. 
20. Survival of ancient architectural features in Turkish Bosnia. 



21. Inscribed gem of apparently Celtic workmansliij). 

22. Ciirlnniflc intaglio presenting monogram of Ostrogothic King Tiieodoric. 

23. IJoman Municipium at (Jorazda. 

24. Traces of Illyrian aborigines on Mount Kovac. 

25. Site of important Mnnici])ium near Plevlje ; existing monnmcnts and inscriptions. 

30. Altar of Silvanus. 

31. lllyro-Iloman hill station of St. Elias or Sveti llija. 

32. Traces of praj-Roman sepulture, and indigenous character of the names and monuments. 

33. Survival of Illyro-Roman ornamental traditions on Old Serbian sepulchral blocks. 

37. Monument containing a dedication to a Procurafor Augustormn by the local Popiiltin. 

38. On the region occupied by the Illyrian mining race of the Pirustiu. 

42. Roman site and inscription at Podpec. 

43. Course of Roman road from Plevlje to the Lim Valley : discovery of Milestone. 

44. Site of Municipium near Prijepolje. 

44. Altar of Diana and inscription mentioning civic officers. 

45. Further course of the Way towards Novipazar. 

46. Roman Milestone on the " Afotitagna di Morlacco.^' 

46. 3Ii)rlaehs, or " Black Latins " — descendants of the Roman Provincials. 

47. liouman character of Uardanian local names given by Procopius. 
49. Ancient bridge called Suhi Most, and remains of embanked Way. 
49. Thermce of Banja, near Novipazar. 

51. Bath-chamber over the hot springs there, resembling early-Christian baptistery. 

53. Round church of late Roman construction. 

54. The ancient Has identified with the Arsa of Procopius. 

55. Thermce at Banjska. 

56. Monument referring to Municipium formerly existing at the foot of the medieval yontagna 

d' Argento. 

57. Importance of the site, as one of the principal mining centres of the Peninsula. 

58. Inscriptions on the Kossovo Polje. 

58. Li|)ljan the ancient vlpiana. 

59. Its Roman inscriptions. 

59. Altars of Jupiter. 

60. Inscriptions at Pristina. 

61. Ancient remains, mining and metal-working industry at Janjevo. 

62. Importance of Ulpiana in late-Roman and ecclesiastical history. 

63. Justiniana Secunda. 

63. St. Florus and St. Laurus. 

64. Byzantine ('hurch of Lipljan. 

65. Notes on the road-line Lissus-Vlpiana-Naissus. 
65. Roman Way across North Albanian Alps. 


66. Antiquities of Metocliia. 

66. Roman inscription at Prisren. 

67. Inscription referring to Fourth Legion from bridge of Svajan. 

68. Roman sites and inscriptions near Ipek. 

69. Ancient silver-mining industry. 

69. Proofs of former e.xistenee of Rouman indigenous population on ))lain of Metocliia. 

71. Roman monuments at Kacanik. 

72. Votive Altar for welfare of Septimius Severus and Consorts. 

73. Altar of unknown Illyrian god, Andinvs. 

74. Milliarium of .il^milian. 

75. Roman Way through Kacanik Pass to site of Scvpi. 

76. Milliary column of Marcus Aurelius and Constantine. 


.n! ::iide-,.- =. 

cvo ' M I "^ " 


E S 











i Mil, 





'je N 



J A H 










•BOVAN -' 


PPRO'-; SITE;{JF.- .;- 











o "^ 








A x> 









^'i^ > 


•^r?^'"..- O L'-^^D 




' X'*'^ 

E \ m J3 1 


■ ■'Mi' 

yH, ,/ 







;/»N' Q<p\j Liireiux 



• ^iCticirje^a 







MT KORitf' 






f^uiiujA OR US Ki7^**^'\i--"^'' 







Hitherto we have been concerned with the Dalmatian coast-cities and the gi-eat 
parallel lines of road that traversed the length of the Province from the borders of 
Pannonia and Italy to those of Epirus. From Salonas there were, in addition to 
these highways to the North and South, at least two main-lines of Roman Way 
that traversed the interior ranges of the Dinaric Alps and led to the Moesian and 
Dardanian ^ borders that lay to the East and South-East. Milliary columns have 
been found at Salonte, one ** recording the completion by Tiberius' Legate Dolabella 
of a line of road leading from the Colony of Salonge to a mountain stronghold of 
the Ditiones — -an lUyrian clan probably inhabiting what is now the North-East 
region of Bosnia ; another, also of Tiberius' time," referring to the construction of 
a line, 156 miles in extent, from Salonas to a Gastellum of the D^esitiates, an lUyrian 
clan belonging to the Gonventus or administi'ative district of Narona, and whose 
stronghold, according to the mileage given, must be sought somewhere on the 
Upper Drina, towards the Moesian and Dalmatian confines. This latter line may 
very well be that represented in the Tabula Peutuigeriana as leading from Salonas 
to Argentaria, a name which seems to connect itself with the silver-bearing 
ranges lying on the uncertain boundary of the ancient Dalmatia and Dardania, 
and which, from its mineral riches, was still known in the Middle Ages as Monte 

* Dardania, under the earlier Empire a part of Upper Mcesia, forms from the eml of ilif thinl 
uentuiy a separate Province. 

" C. I. L. iii. 3198 (and cf. 3199). 
<= C. I. L. iii. 3201. 

6 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

I shall Lave occasion to describe a succession of important Roman sites along 
this route, coupled with other traces, which tend to show that an avenue of com- 
munication was opened out on this side by Roman engineering between the 
Dalmatian cities and the central Dardanian plains, and which finally, through the 
pass of KaCanik, brought them into connexion with the Macedonian road-system. 
Meanwhile it may be well to point out the great economic importance of the high- 
road connecting the Dalmatian capital with the chief mineral centres of the 
interior, not only to Salonae itself but to the Roman World. 

The Illyrian highlanders, and notably the Southern tribe of the Pirustae, had 
shown themselves skilful miners in their own Alps before the Roman Conquest. 
Augustus, on the reduction of the Dalmatse, the race whose valour finally trans- 
ferred their name to a large part of the original Illyrian area, " compelled," we 
are told, " this savage race to dig mines and extract gold from the veins of the 
rock." " But it was only the comprehensive scheme of road-making carried into 
effect by Tiberius' enterprising Legate that could have paved the way for the vast 
development of gold production that took place in the succeeding Age, and which 
for a time made Dalmatia the Eldorado of the Empire. By Nero's time Pliny 
informs us that fifty pounds weight of gold was daily extracted from the Dalmatian 
mines, representing an annual sum of between eight and nine hundred thousand 
pounds of our money. From Pliny's statement it would appear that this Dalmatian 
gold was in his day largely obtained from the surface of the ground," and the 
cost of collection was no doubt diminished, as in Dacia " and elsewhere, by the large 
employment of slave labour. It is probable, moreover, that a good deal was 
gathered by independent gold-washers, or auri leguli, who afterwards handed in 
the proceeds of their toil to the local officers of mines, and were remunerated on a 
regulation scale : an arrangement still in force in Transylvania, where the gipsies 
pursue this ancient industry on the sites of the Daco-Roman gold- works. Modern 

» Floras, iv. 12. 

'' Pliny, H. N. xxxiii. 21. "Aurum .... invenitur aliquando in summa tcUure protinus, rai-a 
felicitate: ut nuper in Dalmatia, principatu Neronis, singulis diebus etiam quinquagenas lil)rii.s 

'^ Dr. Julius Jung, Bomer und Bomanen, p. 34 seqq. has collected the existing records of the 
Roman administration of Mines in Dacia, from which we may supplement our knowledge of the 
same administration in Dalmatia. The chief control was in the hands of a Procurator Aurariarum. 
Under him were various officers, such as tahularii, or treasurers, dwpensatores, paymasters, and others. 
The exploitation was conducted by slaves condemned ad metalla, of whom there may have been 
20,000, and by independent leguli aurariarum. Cf. Karl Gooss, Innerverhiiltnisse des Trajanischen 
Daciens, Excurs. I. — Bie Goldbergwerke. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 7 

critics, indeed, have accused Pliny of exaggerating the amount obtained from 
these Dalmatian gold-fields." But it is probable that writers who appeal to the 
short-comings of ancient mechanical skill, have neither taken into adequate 
account the cheapness of such labour as was supplied, for instance, by the forty 
thousand slaves in the mines of Carthagena, nor realised the resources of Roman 
enterprise, which, as we know in Spain and elsewhere, undermined whole 
mountain sides'* in order to expose the auriferous strata, and conducted streams 
by artificial channels a hundred miles in length for the purpose of washing 
the gold ore. It would appear that in Dalmatia, besides the surface workings 
alluded to, the other gold-mining processes described by Pliny of digging 
shafts ° and excavating vast underground galleries were largely resorted to. The 
poet Statins, writing in Domitian's time, deplores the long tarrying of his friend 
Junius Maximus among the Dalmatian mountains, where the miner penetrates to 
the Nether World, " and with visions of Dis upon him returns as pale and jaundiced 
as the gold he has dragged forth.'"' Nothing indeed in the experience of modern 
pitmen can approach the horrors of those ancient gold mines," where, by the 

* To Fetter, for instance {Bal7nazien,.li. i. p. 24 note), it is incomprehensible that the annual gold 
production of Roman Dalmatia should have been six times as great as that of modern Hungary, and 
that it should have i-ivalled in amount that of the South American goldfields. " Bedenkt man ferner 
dass der Bergbau zu den Romerzeiten noch auf den untersten Stufen stand, da den Romem alle 
Hilfsmittel der Jetztzeit wie z. B. Schiesspulver, hydraulische Maschinen, Dampfmaschinen, u. s. w. 
unbekannt waren." 

^ " Mons fractus cadit ab sese longe, fragore qui concipi humana mente non possit. . . . Speetant 
victores ruinam naturse .... Alius par labor, ac vel majoris impendii, flumina ad lavandam. hanc 
I'uinam jugis montium ducere obiter a centesimo plerumque lapide. Cori'ugos vocant, a corrivatione 
credo." (Pliny, xxxiii. 21.) The word ruiiia, in the sense of " landslip" or " talus," has been preserved 
in the form Bafein among the Germanized " Ladine " population of the ancient Rsetia. The local 
names Bunovic, Bunic, associated in several cases with Roman sites in Slavonic Illyria, may suggest 
a comparison. 

<= Loc. cit. " Alio modo puteorum scrobibus eft'oditur . . . vagantur venamm canales per latera 
puteorum ; tellusque ligneis columnis suspenditur." 

^ Silvarum, 1. iv. c. 7. Ad Maximum, Junium, : 

" Quando te dulci La tic remittent 
Dalmatse montes, ubi, Dite vise, 
Pallidus fossorredit, erutoque 
Concolor auro ?" 

The idea has been borrowed by Silius Italicus (1. i. 231) and by Claudian, who applies the epithet 
" Pallentes " to the Bessian miners. 

' " Cuniculis per magna spatia actis cavantur montes ad lucernarum lumina. Eadem mensura 
vigiliarum est, multisque mensibus non cernitur dies." Pliny, loc. cit. who proceeds to describe the 

8 Anfiqvarian Researches in Illyricum. 

li^ht of open iron lamps (the Roman shape, material, and name of which arc 
still preserved in the Dalmatian Alps)," the slave-gangs worked for months at a 
time without seeing the light of day. Even were there not preserved to us the 
definite statements of ancient writers as to the magnitude of the Roman gold-mining 
operations in the ancient Dalmatia, the fact might be sufficiently inferred by the 
existing traces of some of the works, and by the ruins of flourishing cities in the 
wild Bosnian interior, which, like those that sprung up amidst the most sterile 
Sierras of Roman Spain, must have owed their rise and fortunes in a great degree 
to the exploitation of the mineral wealth of the province. 

Of this golden harvest Salonee now became the principal garner. It was not 
without reason that Martial congratulates his friend Macer, transferred as 
Governor from Spain to Dalmatia, on his approaching arrival at " long-shored 
Salonae " and the Land of Gold. 

" Ibis litoreas Macor Salonas. 
• • • » • 
Felix aurifene colone terrje."'' 

To this City the proceeds of the gold-fields of the Dalmatian interior were 
transported by the newly-opened roads. It was here that the imperial officers 
resided whose function it was to direct the working of the provincial gold mines, 
and amongst whom a Gommentariensis Aurariarum Dalmatai-um and Dispensator 
or paymaster are mentioned in an inscription from this site." At the time when 
the Notitia Dignitatum was drawn up Salona^ appears as the seat of an Imperial 
Treasury ,'' and the abundant supply of the " Dalmatian ore " seems to have 

risks which the miners ran from falls of rock and explosions of fire-damp. The ore was passed on 
from one gang to another, whole days and nights being consumed in the mere pi-ocess of transmis- 
sion : only the last lot of workmen saw the light. 

' In the mountains of Montenegro and the adjoining Herzegovinian and South Dalmatian high- 
lands I have observed iron lamps known as Lukijernar (= lucernarius) of a foi'm precisely similar to 
that found in Roman mines. The shape has survived in other European countries, but the remark- 
able thing here is that both shape and name should have been preserved amongst a Slav-speaking 
population. In the Ragusan dialect the name Lukijernar has also survived, but the lamps have lost 
the characteristic form preserved by the highlanders. I have already alluded to the significance of 
the survival of the "k" sound in "Lukijernar" and other similar fragments of the Dalmatu- Roman 
provincial dialect among the present inhabitants. 

" Martial, Ep. lib. x. 78. 

"= C. I. L. iii. 1997. 

* Not. Occidentis, c. x. " Prsepositus Thesaurorum Salonitarum Dalmatise." Cf. C. I. L. 1992, 
1993, 199-1. 

Antiquarian Researches in lUyrieum. 9 

favoured the growtli of a native artistic industry, the traditions of which may, 
indeed, be said never to have passed away from the Bast Adriatic shores. Gokl 
ornaments found at Salona3 and other Illyrian sites rank among the treasures of 
the Antiken Kabinet at Vienna, some of which are executed in a peculiar style of 
filigree work, which, when, compared with other specimens from this site (one of 
which I have been enabled to lay before this Society), indicate the existence of a 
Salonitan speciality of gold filigree-work. In their prevailing features, the con- 
ventional amorini and filigree rosettes, these Salonitan jewels greatly resemble 
many similar ornaments from Southern Italy and elsewhere ; but, from the 
frequency of their occurrence on the site of the great Dalmatian city, and from 
certain barbaresque nuances of style, and, notably, a tendency to diverge from 
natural forms into ornamental developments, we may be allowed to claim for them 
a local origin. 

Statins uses the " Dalmatian ore " as a poetic equivalent for gold itself ,Mnxt 
the mineral exploitation of the province was not by any means confined to the 
gold workings. The Station Argentaria on the Tabula speaks for itself as regards 
silver mines, and the iron ore, which occurs in great abundance in the Dinaric 
ranges of the interior, formed another fertile source of Dalmatian prosperity. A 
late Roman geographer mentions the large export of iron from Dalmatia;** and in 
the sixth century we find the Ostrogothic King Theodoric entrusting a fiscal 
ofiicial in Dalmatia with a special commission to inspect the iron mines of the 
province and develope their working." It was, perhaps, to pay the auri leguli and 
that part of the workmen who were not slaves, and generally to facilitate the 
petty traffic amongst the large mining population which this manifold exploitation 
of mineral wealth in Dalmatia and its borderlands called into being, that, under 
Trajan and Hadrian, and apparently Marcus Aurelius, an issue of small bronze 

" Statius, Sylvarum, 1. 2 ; EpUhalamium Stellm et Violantillm, v. 1.54 (referring to the Chamber 
of Venus) : — 

" Robora Dalmatico lucent satiata metallo." 

" Expositio totius muncli. (Geog. Lat. Min. ed. Riese, p. 119.) 

" Dalmatia . . . ferrum habundans emittit." 

* Cassiodorus, Variarum, lib. iii. Ep. 25 ; Sivieoni V. I. Gomiti, Theodoricus Bex " Prreterea 

ferrarias venas prffidictee Dalmatise cuniculo te veritatis jubemus inquii'erc, ubi rigorem ferri parturit 
terrena mollicie.s, et igni decoquitur, ut in duritiem tran.sfei-atur. Hinc, auxiliante Deo, dcfcnsio 
patriiB venit : hinc agrorum utilitas procm-atur, et in usus liiimaniB vitte multiplici commoditate porri- 
gitur. Auio imperat et servii'e cogit locupletes constanter armatis. Convenit itaque banc 
speciem diligenti indagatione rimari, per quam et nobis lucra generantur et hostibus procuiatitur 
exitia." Cf. Ep. 26. Ostmi, V. I. Corniti, Theodoricus Bex. 

10 Antiquarian Researches in lUyricuvi. 

pieces was struck with legends referring to tlie mines of this and the adjoining 
Illyrian provinces." These pieces, if not, as has been sometimes advanced, struck 
in the provincial mines themselves,'' were at least coined of metal derived from 
the sources indicated, and their material may be taken as proof that the Dinaric 
ranges were as productive in Roman hands of the elements of bronze as of iron, 
gold, and silver. Those of Trajan — struck between the years 10 1-110 — present 
on their reverse a figure of Equity and the legend metalli vlpiani i^KLMafici." 
Those of Hadrian read metal. DEL^r,'' sometimes accompanied with a stag, emblem- 
atic of the Dalmatian forest-mountain, and of the patron divinity of the last of 
the native dynasts,* sometimes by a breastplate, an apparent allusion to the skill 
of provincial armourers. That this branch of native industry flourished in 
Roman Dalmatia there is other conclusive evidence. At Salonte, as in the more 
northern Illyrian cities that owed their principal industry to the Noric iron 
mines,' was established an imperial Arsenal, the existence of which is attested by 
the Notitia Dignitatinn,^ and by a monument of fourth-century date, referring to 
one of the armourers.'' 

Connected with the abundance of the precious, as well as the useful, metals 
at Salonse is the prominence among its epigraphic records of a guild of artificers, 

" Eckhel, D. N. vi. p. 445, remarks of these coins : " Sunt omnes wnei, III. forma?, etsi certum 
sit fodinas in liis numis memoratas nobiliora etiam metalla fudisse. Ex quo argui potest istud 
monetffi genus in eorum stipendium qui ad opus in metallis faciunduni destinati fuere percussum 

" Cf. Neumann, Populorum Ntmiismata, ii. 152. Rasclie, Lex. Bei NwmaricB, s. v. met. xor. 

*= Cohen, MedaiUes ImperiaUs (2""® edition). Trajan, No. 183. There are other similar coins of 
Trajan with the legend metalli vlpiani, metallt vlpiani pann., and metalli panxonici. Another, 
representing on the reverse a female figure raising her robe and holding ears of com, reads dahdanici. 

'• Cohen, op. cit. Hadrian, Nos. 1616, 1517. That with a stag is engi-aved in the Pembroke 
Catalogue, p. iii. t. 91. Another, reading dardaxici, and with the revei-se similar to the coin of 
Trajan, has on its obverse the head of Rome and the legend roma (Coh. No. 1514). Cohen omits to 
mention another type of this Emperor, of whifh J have a specimen, with met. nok. in an oak-wreath 
on the reverse, for metalli norici. (Cf. Raschc, loc. cit. and Pembrol-e Cataloyue, p. iii. t. 91.) Other 
coins of uncertain attribution read metal, avkelianis. These, like some of those reading metal. 
DELM. present on the obverse a youthful head, perhaps of M. Aurelius, l)ut without legend. 

' Artemis is represented on the coins of the Illyrian Prince Balleeos and his successors struck at 
Pharia and Rhizon. 

' Laureacum, where was a fabrica Scutaria ; Camuntum, which, though within the Pannonian 
border, must have depended on Noric mines for the same industry, and Sii-mium the seat of a 
" Fabrica Scutorum SconUscorum et armorum." 

B Not. Dign. Occidentie, c. 8. Fabrica Salonitana "Armorum." 

" C. I. L. iii. 2043. The tomb of a certain Maurentins fabricensis. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 11 

the Collegium FaWiom Veneris. A wliole series of inscriptions illustrates the 
important part played by this worshipful company in the Roman city." On these 
we find mention of its noljle Patrons and benefactors, amongst whom the Emperor 
Constans figures,'' its Prjefects and Decurions, and the corporation seems to have 
claimed a special jurisdiction in what concerned its members." One inscription 
commemorates the erection of a bronze statue by the Collegium to T. Flavius 
Agricola, Prsefect and Patron of the guild, who combined the highest municipal 
dignities of Salonse itself and the tw.> cities of ^quvim'' and of Riditge," with 
the more fiscal office of Curator of the Republic of Splonistte.'^ The city of 
Splonum, which lay in the heart of the Dinaric Alps, appears to have been one of 
the great mining centres of the interior ; and from a Dacian inscription we learn 
that a Dalmatian Prince of this Municipium received an imperial commission 
to direct the gold mines of Alburnus.^ This record of the fiscal functions 
performed by the Prtefect of the Salonitan Collegium at Splonum supplies an 
interesting connecting link between that flourishing guild and the mining, in all 
probability the gold-wox'king industry of the interior of the pi'ovince. When it is 
further remembered that at Apulum and Sarmizegetusa — ofiicial centres of the 
Dacian gold-fields — monumental records have been preserved of similar Collegia 
fabrum of equal local prominence with that of Salonge, we may be allowed to 
connect the guild in a special manner with the craft of the fabri Aurarii, to whose 
handiwork attention has been already called. The dedication of the guild to 
Venus, the lady of the golden necklace, the natural patroness of the jewellers' 

» Cf. C. I. L. iii. 1981, 2026, 2087, 2107, 2108. 


1981. (a.d. 333-7.) 

" An inscription on the tomb of a Decitrio Collegii Fahruni found at Salonae (C. 1. L. iii. 2107) 
concludes: si QVis aeam ARCAM aperire vo(lv)erit inferet decvriae meae*xxv. Here the Becuria is 
evidently that of the Guild. In other instances we find a similar fine claimed by the Respublica 
Salonitana ; at a later period by the Ecclesia Salonitana. 

^ Near Sinj. We are almost tempted to connect the figure of Equity on the Dalmatian Mine- 
Coinage with this COLONIA AEQVITATIS. Vide infra. 

' Near Sebenico. 

' T . PLAVIO II T . FIL . TKOmeiUina \\ agricol* II DKCurio . COhonice . sxLonitanoB\\ 

k'E'Dili IIVIEO . IVEE II BlCimdo . VECurio . COLonim . AEQVIJJTATIS . iiviro . 
QuinQuennali . msi'ensatwi . \\ mvnicipi . eiditarvm . || PRAEFec/o . et . 

TRTBVXVS . LEGianis X . Gemince . vire videlis. . . . (C. 1. L. iii. 2026.) 
« C. 1. L. iii. 1322 : and cf. Mommsen's observations (p. 305), s. v. albuhnus major. The inscri])- 
tion itself was found at Zalatna in Transylvania, the ancient Ampelum. 


12 Autlquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

art, certainly points to this connexion, nor do we need the constantly recui'riiig 
amor i III of the Salonitan goldwork to remind us how intimately this craft was 
associated with that of the " Mater smva Cupidinwn." It is, however, only 
reasonable to suppose that various classes of Salonitan artificers were enrolled in 
the Colh'ijium ; and how, indeed, in the later days of the Western Empire was it 
possible to separate the callings of armourer and goldsmith ? The connexion 
between Venus and Vulcan was of old standing ; and " Venus Victrix," the special 
personality under which the Goddess was worshipped from the second century 
onwards, was certainly as well qualified to preside over forgers of weapons as over 
moulders of ornaments. The frequent appearance of the Goddess under this 
aspect on Salonitan monuments is not without significance in its connexion with 
the (^(^1 leg! u III Veneris. In the museum at Spalato is to be seen a marble statue of 
the Goddess in this character, of some merit; and gems — notably gi-een plasmas 
and red jaspers — representing the Armed Venus, are of specially plentiful occur- 
rence on the prolific site of the ancient Salonas. 

The mining-town of Sploniim referred to in the above inscriptions has been 
identified with the Dalmatian stronghold of Splaiinum, mentioned as a strongly 
fortified and po]iulous city by Dion," in his account of Germanicus' campaign against 
the North Dalmatian tribe of the Mazgei. It appears to have been situated in what 
is at present the Bosnian Kraina, probably in the neighbourhood of Stari Maidan'' 
("the Old Mine "), where iron is still worked. The surrounding district is known 
at the present day to be rich in minerals, including gold and silver, though the 
precious metals are found in inconsiderable quantities.'' In the ranges of more 
central Bosnia the engineer Conrad'' has recently discovered some remarkable 
traces of ancient mining operations. On Mount Rosin j, the limestone steeps of 
which overlay veins of quartz and greenstone, are numerous heaps of washings, 
the largest 80 feet high, 150 broad, and 400 long, containing tailings of quartz and 

" IlL'if. Rom. lib. Ivi. C. 11 : rfpfiavtKoc li Iv rovrifi aWa rf X'op'" 'JfA/inriCK fl\e rni STrAai'i'Oi', naiirip ry re 
(fft'trft iff\vpov ("»v, Kai ro7g Tiixitriv ui TTHltriayfikvov^ Tovg re afivvofiivovQ nafiTr\ii9Hg t^or. Gcrjlinnicus, stai'tillO^ froill 

Siscia, as a base, took Splaunum on his way to Rcetinium, the position of which is pi'obably to be 
identified with the site of the newly-discovered Municipium near Bihac. 

^ Cf. Tomaschek, Die vorslawische Topngraphie der Bosna, &c. ]). 12. 

' It appears from two Bosnian documents of the years 1339 and 1422, that gold was exjiorteil 
from the country in the Middle Ages ; and the Venetian geographer Negi-i, writing at the end of the 
fifteenth century, mentions the auri ramenfa of the river Verbas. Gold- washings existed on the upper 
Lasva near Ti-a\-nik in the sixteenth century. Cf. Jirecek, Die Handelsstrassen und Bergwerhe von 
Serbien und Bosnien wahrend des Mitielalters. Pi'ag, 1879, p. 42. 

^ Ilosnien in Bezug atif seine Minerahchiitze (Mitth. d. k. k. geogi-. (Jes. in Wien, 1870, p. 214 

Antiqtiarian Researches in Illyricum. 13 

iron-ore, mixed with red earth," which gives to this heap the name of Crvena 
Zemlja, or "the bloody plot." Another of these is still more appropriately known as 
" Zlatna Griivna," or " the golden threshing-floor." The position of these artificial 
monnds shows the direction of the quartz-veins, and indicates a prodigious gold- 
digging activity in past times.'' It is remarkable, however, that no epigraphic or 
other remains indicating the former existence of a Roman Municipium have been 
found near these ancient works. 

The chief centre of the gold- working activity in ancient Dalmatia appears, how- 
ever, to have been the country of the Pirustge, a branch of the great Dassaretian 
clan who inhabited the inaccessible Alpine extremities of the province towards the 
Dardanian and Bpirote confines, and who appear to have had the Dgesidiataj as their 
northern borderers." The mining aptitudes of this race were utilized by the 
Romans at a later date in developing the resources of their Dacian gold-fields ; 
and the waxen tablets discovered in the Transylvanian mines have revealed the 
existence of a Dalmatian settlement near the Dacian city of Alburnus Major, known 
as the Vicits Pirustarum^ These Dacian tablets are indeed a striking witness of '"■■ 

" " Aus den Uebeiresten dieses Bergbaues ersieht man deutlich dass das gediegene Gold in den 
Zersetzungs-produkten, namlich aus dem Schwefelkies enstandenen Brauneisenstein (Bratuieisenerz) 
und in den Ablagertingen enthalten war, welche aus den zerstriimmerten und durch die Flut 
weggeschwemmten Gebirgsmassen gebildet haben." (Op. cit. p. 221). 

" The present inhabitants have a superstition against continuing the search for gold, though the 
tradition of its existence is preserved by the local proverb : 
" Vol se cese o zlatni stog a Ijudi ne vide." 
(The ox rubs himself against the golden sheaf but folks see it not.) 

"= Ptolemy, Oeog. lib. ii. c. 16, places the Pirust® after the Dokleates (whose territory roughly 
answered to the modern Montenegro), and before the Skirtones, described by him as ^pi>e ry Manecovi?. 
From Livy's notice (lib. xlv. c. 26) we may infer that they lay inland from the Rhizonic Gulf. 
Velleius Paterculus (lib. ii. c. 115) speaks of their inaccessible position. Although, as their names 
show, lUyrian among the Illyrians, they are placed by Strabo (lib. vii. c. 5) in a Pannonian connexion 
along with their Dfesidiate kinsmen : and it is to be observed that Bato, the Dsesidiate chief, took the 
lead in the great Dalmato-Pannonian outbreak. We may therefore infer that there was some avenue 
of communication between the Dsssidiates and PirustiB of South-East Dalmatia and the Pannonian 
lands of the Save : an avenue naturally supplied by the Drina Valley. From the fact that the Salona 
milestone places the Castellum of the Deesidiates 156 miles distant we should be led to look for it on 
the Upper Drina. The Pirusta?, who as borderers of the Dokleates lay beyond the Dassidiates, must 
therefore be sought in the mountain district beyond the Upper Drina. (See p. H8 seqq.) 

^ Cf. the deed of sale to "Andveia Batonis," of half a house, " que est Alburno Majori Vico 
Pirustarum." (Tabelhn OeraUe, viii. ; C. I. L. iii. p. 944.) Another deed records the i)urchase by 
Maximus, the son of Bato, of a female slave from Dasius, the son of Verso, — "Pirusta ex Kavieretio." 
(Tab. Cer. vi. ; C. I. L. iii. p. 936.) 

14 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

the extent to wbicli the gold-mining industry in that province had fallen into 
Dalmatian hands. They supply a whole treasury of Dalmatian names," amongst 
which that of the national hero, Bato, occiirs repeatedly. The military indebted- 
ness of Rome to these mountaineers is siifficiently attested by the imperial name of 

Thus it will Ije seen, that the Roman higlnvay leading into the Dalmatian 
interior from Salonfe to the Castellum of the Dtesidiates referred to on the mil- 
liary column, and that marked on the Tabula as leading from the same place in 
the same south-easterly direction, towards " Argentaria " and the silver-bearing 
ranges of the old Dalmatian-Dardanian border country, have a peculiar interest in 
their connexion with the ancient centres of mining acti^dty in the Province. It is 
probal)le, as we have said, that, in the main, both routes are one and the same : 
the prolongation to "Argentaria," marked on the Tabula, being a continuation of 
the more ancient road, which originally extended, as the Salonitan inscrijition 
indicates, only 156 miles, to the Deesidiate borders. 

From Salonae the road marked in the Tabula runs to Tilurio (Gardun near 
Trilj) on the Cettina, by the route already described as forming a part of the line 
Salona?-Narona. At this point the road branches off from the Dahuatian- 
Epirote line and pursues a more inland course, across the Prolog range. This 
part of the road is still clearly traceable, and has been followed by the engineer 
Moiza along tlie northern margin of the plain of Livno, where, at the village of 
VidoSi," ancient fragments and an inscription have been found, to Grad Buzanin, 
where are some uncertain remains. This site has been identified, on the strength 
of the name,'' with the station in Monte Bulsinio, placed on the Tabula thirty miles 
distant from " Tilurio." 

" E. g., Andueima Batonis (cf. Andveia above), Andesis Andunocnetis, Bato Annsei, «fec., Bradua 
Bensantis, Cerdo Dasas Loni, Dasins (or Dassius) Breuci, Epicadus Plarentis qui et Mieo, Liccaius 
Epicadi Marciuiesus (cf. the Pffionian King, Lj-cceius), Lupus Caiciitis (h-om Cares), Masurius 
Messi, Planius Verzonis Sclaies, Flares (Plarentis), Plator Venetus, Veranes, Verzo (cf. tlie 
Dalmatian chief " Versus "). 

" There is an e-xtant diploma of Vespasian (C. I. L. iii. p. 849), nkrvae . laidi . f . dksidiati. The 
name occui-s on a Salonitan inscription (2390) and may be compared with other Dalmatian forms in 
-erva, such as Derva, Anderva. 

<= Here was probably the station Ad Libros marked on the Tabula as 22 miles distant from 
Tilurio. There was an altei-native way into the plain of Li\^lo from Salonae via ./Equum (near Sinj). 
While making the i-oad from Sinj to Livno, Moiza found traces of the Roman way, and, cut on a rock 
at the top of the pass over Mount Prolog, the inscription " flavivs maximus fecit." 

^ Tomaschek, Vorslawuche Topographie der Boma, &.C. p. 22. The gi-eatest caution, however, is 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 15 

From tliis spot the course of the road is uncertain." On tlie one hand it is 
possible that it made a northern bend, so as to approach the ancient ore-washing 
basins already described on the flanks of Mount Rosinj ; while, on the other hand, 
the arduousness of the country to be traversed rather suggests the alternative 
route, by one of the lateral valleys, into the defile of the Narenta, and thence by 
the pass that leads from Konjica to the plain of Serajevo. This has been, in all 
historic ages, the main avenue of communication between the inland districts of 
what is now Bosnia and the Adriatic coastlands, and the frequent discovery of 
Roman coins at Konjica, as well as the existence of a Roman monument in the 
pass itself, are certainly indications that the road followed this route. 

We are now on more certain ground. The " Serajevsko Polje," or plain of 
Serajevo, is the natural, we may say the inevitable, crossing-point of all the main- 
lines of communication through the interior of the country. It is here that the 
river Bosna, which has given its name to the whole country, wells in full volume 
from the rock. Here, in the Middle Ages, was the Slavonic stronghold and market 
of Vrchbosna,'' chosen by the Turks, on the conquest of Bosnia, as the seat of their 

necessary in accepting identifications of sites based on merely verbal coincidences. Prof. Tomaschek's 
ingenuity in this regard at times outruns his discretion. Thus, for example, he observes of 
Torine, a village near Travnik, " Der nahe Ort Torine ist unslaiuisch und enspricht einem alien Tarona." 
So far from being " un-Slavonic " the word Torine is of universal use in Bosnia, and simply means a 
" sheep-fold " ; a slender foundation on which to consti'uct an ancient city. Again, heedless of the 
fact that " Bysti'ica " is the universal Slavonic name for clear streams (Old SI. Bystrit, Serb. Bistar, 
cf. Miklosich, Die Slavischen Ortsnamen, s. v.), the same wiiter goes out of his way to seek for the 
Pannonian river Bustricius, mentioned by Ravennas, an Albaniau-Illyrian origin from BuStre = bitch 

* The stations and mileage given by the Tabula after " in Monte Bulsinio " are — " vi Bistue 
Vetns — XXV Ad Matricem — xx Bistue Nova — xxnii Stanecli " ; after which follows " Argentaria " 
without any numerical indication. Prom evidence supplied by an inscription found at Rogatica 
(see p. 18), Bistue Nova appears to have been in the neighbourhood of that town, and Ad ilatricem 
near the source of the Bosna. Hence we must seek for the position of Bistue Vetus about Konjica 
on the Upper Narenta, and it becomes evident that a deficiency must be supplied either in the names 
or mileage of the earlier stations of the Tabula. 

One of the Bistues, probably Bistue Vetus as being nearer to the maritime tract, seems to have 
been still flourishing in the sixth century. An "Andreas, Episcopus Ecclesiae Bestoensis" is mentioned 
in the Act of the Provincial Council of Salona of 5.30 and 532 (Farlati, Illyricum Sacrum, t. ii. p. 173). 

*• Cf. Jirecek, Die Handelsstrassen und Bergwerke von Serbien mid Bosnien wiihrend dss Mittel- 
alters (Prag, 1879), p. 85. The plain of Serajevo was known as the Zupa Vrchbosna, but the strong 
hold was on the site of the present citadel of Serajevo, not at the actual source of the Bosna as has 
sometimes been asserted. As early as 1436 we find a Tui'kish Voivode placed here to control the 
tributary Christian dynasts of Bosnia. 

Antiquarian Researches in Ilhiricnm. 

jirovincial governor, and better known under its later name of Bosna Seraj, or 
Serajevo. A position wliicli has given birth to the modern capital of the province 
was not neglected by the Romans, and during my journey through Bosnia in 1875 
I was so fortunate as to come upon the first trace of the Roman predecessor of 
Serajevo." At Blazui, in the western angle of the Sarajevsko Polje, I found a 
Roman bas-relief of Bros or the Genius of Death, leaning on an extinguished 
toi-ch ; and, near it, numerous other antifjue fragments built into the remains of a 
stone fountain, and a Turkish "Han." Dr. Hoernes, on subsequently visiting the 
spot,'' discovered a bas-relief of a good style, representing a Majuad, or Bacchante, 
the panther skin flung round her shoulders, but otherwise nude ; a thyrsus leaning 
against her left arm, her right stretched forward, and her liead tlu-OAvn back in orgi- 
astic rapture. Walled into the neighbouring bridge over the Bosna he observed a 

Genius with reversed torch, somewhat similar 
to the first, but which, from its Phrygian cap, 
had probably, a Mithraic signification. 

In 1880 I had the opportunity of renewing 
my explorations aboiit this site. I was able to 
copy a small fragment from Blazui,'' repre- 
senting the lower part of a figure of Diana 
standing before her doe, beneath which was an 
inscription, showing that it was part of a 
votive monument erected to the goddess by a 
votary of the appropriate name of Silvia. 
Another inscription from Blazui has since been 
communicated by the Pravoslav Metropolitan 
to the Serajevo Gazette, but, unfortunately, in 
an unsatisfactory shape. 
On the left bank of the small stream that flows past Blazui rises the brush- 
wood-covered height of Crkvica,** whilst examining which I came upon remains 

Fiff. 1. 

" Through Bosnia aiid ttte Herzegovina, &c. 1876, p. 237 (2nd ed. p. 237). 

*• Arch. Epigr. Mitth. aus Osterr. iv. 44. 

•= For this I am indebted to the kindness of M. Moreau, the French Consul at Serajevo, in whose 
hands tlie fragment now is. It is six inches in height. From Vitina, near Ljubuski, in Herzegovina 
(i;f. C. I. L. iii. 6.365, 6368; Hcernes, op. cit. p. 41), the same gentleman had obtained a fingei' of a 
colossal marble statue, and a tile with the inscription leg vni avg. 

'' The name is equivalent to "church-land." A part of it i.s .still used as a cemetery, and several 
medifeval tombs of the usual kind are to be seen, indicating the former existence of a church (crkva). 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricmn. 17 

that seem to indicate tliat here was the Acropolis of the ancient town ; perhaps the 
original Illjrian stronghold that became the nucleus of the Roman Municipium. 
Here I found a part of a cornice with antique mouldings, and two Roman sepul- 
chral slabs, the inscription of which, however, had been utterly obliterated by 
atmospheric agencies. On one of these, above the sunken field which formerly 
contained the epitaph, are two full-face busts of the rudest workmanship, accom- 
panied with equally rude degenerations of the rose and acanthus ornament. The 
monument, however, has a peculiar interest in the resemblance it bears to the 
Illyro-Roman sepulchral slabs on the height of Sveti Ilija above Plevlje, which I 
shall have occasion to describe," and confirms the hypothesis that here was the 
original Illyrian quarter.'' 

Besides the general suitableness of the position already indicated, the Romans 
in selecting this site were doubtless influenced by local advantages of a more 
special kind. Situated at the western extremity of the plain, the Roman town 
commanded the entrance to the pass which was most indispensable to it as forming 
its avenue of communication with maritime Dalmatia ; just as the present city of 
Serajevo, lying at the eastern extremity of the plain, derived much of its im- 
portance in Turkish eyes from its holding the key to the defile that secured its 
communications with Stamboul. The abundant source of the Bosna, hard by, sup- 
plied the first essential of Roman municipal requirements ; while the hardly less 
abundant hot springs of Illidze on the neighbouring banks of the Zelesnica, known 
here as elsewhere in the lUyrian wilds by the name of Banja, a corruption as we 
have seen " of the Roman Balnea, must have given the situation a peculiar value in 
the eyes of colonists and soldiers from the warmer Mediterranean climes doomed 
to adapt themselves to lUyrian Alpine winters. 

" See p. 31 seqq. 

'' More recentlj- Hen- DiimiCic has discovered in the same neighbourhood, on the left hank of 
the Lepenica near Kisseljak, and not far from the confluence of the Fojnicka Rjeka, the following 


C L 

ANN 1 1 II 

Tlio cippus on which this was inscribed lay amongst hewn stones and other ancient fi-agments on a 
steep rock called Crlrs-ice, to the north of which is a sloping terrace. (ArcJi. JEpigr. MUfheihmfjm 
aus Oesterreich, 1883, p. 130.) A fi-agmentary sepulchral inscription has also been discoverwl by 
Captain Von Handel at Divjak in the LaSva valley south of Travnik. 
•= See Archmologia xLvin. p. 66. 


18 Anflquanan Besearches in Ilhjricuin. 

There is moreover the strongest presumption that the fortunes of the Roman 
city on this site were intimately bound up with the copious existence of ore-bearing 
strata in the surrounding ranges. The neighbouring defiles of Foinica and Kresevo 
are still reckoned the principal centres of the mineral wealth of modern Bosnia; 
and both these places in the Middle Ages were frequented by a mining colony of 
Saxons and Ragusans." Besides iron, copper, lead, and quicksilver in abundance, 
the more precious metals are not wanting. The silver mines of Foinica'' are 
repeatedly referred to in the Ragusan archives. Grold is known to occur in the 
same neighbourhood ; it is to be detected in small quantities in the sand of the 
Foinica stream," and there can be little doubt that here as in the not distant ranges 
about Vares it was also exploited. I have myself observed on the flanks of the 
mountains about Foinica huge scars and traces of ancient excavations,'' and have found 
the surface in places covered with fragments of quartz containing various ores, and 
accompanied, as in the case of the tailings described by the engineer Conrad on 
the northern side of the same range, with hfematitic iron ore and ochreous earth. 
It is to be observed that Blazui stands at the point where these metalliferous 
defiles open out into the broad and fertile Serajevsko Polje. The neighbouring 
village of Rudnik owes its name to mining industry," and it appears to me highly 
probable that the name of the Roman city, the site of which we have been ex- 
ploring, was derived from the same source. 

From an inscription existing at Rogatica referring to a Dec(urio) C(ivitatis) 
Bis(tuensis),' it appears that there, or rather perhaps on the neighbouring site of 
Gorazda, stood the Bistue Nova of the Tabula and Itineraries. From this we may 

" JireCek, op. cit. p. 49. Foinica or Chvojnica is frequently mentioned in tlic Ragusan archives 
of the fifteenth century as the seat of a mining colony of the Republic ■which numbered amongst its 
members scions of the patrician houses of Bonda, Bucchia, and Gozze. 

^ Hcrr Dumitid of Kisseljak showed me specimens of oi'C from this neighbourhood containing as 
much as thirty per cent, of silver. 

*= Accompanied by grains of silver, cinnabar, and globules of quicksilver. 

'' Through Bosnia, &c. p. 210, 227, seqq. 

" Rudnik is derived from the Old Slavonic Ruda = Metallum. Cf. Miklosich, Die Slavischen 
Ortsnanien aus Appellativen, s. v. 

' The first describers of this inscription. Dr. Blau and M. do Stc Maiie, differed as to their 
reading. Dr. Blau reading dec . C . lus completed by Mommsen (C. I. L. iii. 2766 b) Bec(urio) 
C(ivitatis) Ris(ini) : (Itineraires de V Herzegovine) ; M. de Ste Marie reading dec . C . bis to be 
completed I)ec(urio) C(ivitatis) Bis(tuae) or Bistuensis. Dr. Hoernes on first examining the stone 
accepted Dr. Blau's version, though with the remark that " das untcn besehiidigtc R einem n iihnlich 
sieht " {Arch. Epigr. Mitth. iv. p. 45); but on a second examination of the stone in 1880 he convinced 

Antiquarian Researches in Ilhjricum. 19 

infer that the important station that precedes it on the road from Salonaj, 
Ad Matricem, marked in the Tabula with lofty towers and a central pinnacle, — more 
prominently indeed than any other Dalmatian city, — is to be identified with the 
Municipium that formerly existed at Blazui, and which was in fact the Roman 
predecessor of Serajevo. Dr. Hoernes, who accepts this view, sees in the name an 
allusion to the source of the Bosna," but I should prefer to trace in it rather an 
allusion to the sources of mineral wealth. In both the Dacian and Moesian mining- 
districts have been found frequent Roman dedications, tereae matei,'' to Mother 
Earth, who was naturally invoked in such districts as the goddess from whose 
matrix all mineral treasures were brought forth. At Rndnik, in the centre of the 
old silver mining country, of what is at present the kingdom of Serbia, there were 
discovered the remains of a temple of terra mater, with an inscription recording its 
restoration by the Emperor Septimius Severus," and from an altar found at Karls- 
burg in Transylvania, the ancient Apulum, it Avould appear that this goddess 
was regarded as the peculiar patroness of the Dacian Eldorado f" In this case 
Ad Matricem, would simply mean the town near the matrix, or load, of mineral 
deposits, and would correspond to the present name of the neighbouring village of 

From the neighbourhood of the small mud craters, formed by an old source of 
the hot springs on the right bank of the Zielesnica stream, an ancient paved way, 
which in part of its course appears to me to represent a Roman road line, leads ui 
the direction of Serajevo. This road traversed the Dobrinja stream by a bridge 
the lower part of which is apparently composed of Roman blocks ; and a portion of 
a rounded column imbedded at one point in the pavement of the road itself bore a 
suspicious resemblance to a fragment of a Roman mile-stone. It leads towards 
the village of Svrakinsko Selo, where was found a votive altar dedicated to Jupiter 

himself that the true reading was BIS. Identifying the " Mun(icipium) S." on the site of Plevlje 
with the Stanecle of the Tabula, he observes that it must be the Bistue Nova, which is to be sought at 
Rogatica or Goiazda, and adds the ob\'ious corollary, " Dann ist aber auch die Lage von ad Matricem 
bestimmt und wir miissen diese wichtige Station in das Quellbecken der Bosna verlegen " (AUerthiinier 
der Hercegovina, ii. 139.) 

» Tomaschek compares the Pannonian and Galatian " Matiica " and the " Mediomatrici " of 
Metz and seeks a Celtic origin. It is always possible that the Latin name was due to some adaptation 
of an earlier indigenous form. 

" Cf. C. I. L. iii. 996, 1152, 1284, 1285, 1364, 1555, 1599, 6313. 

<= C. I. L. iii. 6313. The remains of the temple and the inscription were discovered in 1865 by 
Dr. Janko Safarik, and are de.scribed in Glasnik, 31, 217 — 236. 

'' C. I. L. iii. 996. 


20 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricuin. 

'Ponitrator," at present existing in the garden of the French Consulate at Serajevo, 
iu this viUage I noticed the cornice of another Roman monument. 

On the northern margin of the plain, near the village of Hreljevo, is a bridge 
I ivt'i' the Bosna, the stone piers of which appear to be formed of Roman blocks. 
Great caution, however, is reqiiisite in this country before deciding too confidently 
on the Roman origin of bridges such as this. In general the Turkish masons '' 
show a tendency to cut their building stone into smaller and more cubical blocks 
than was usual with the Romans ; but in this part ' of Bosnia, owing doubtless to 
some peculiarity in the strata, the blocks are larger and of more oblong shape. 
This is, to a certain extent, the case witli the bridges over the Miljaska at 
Serajevo, known from the inscriptions they bear to date from Turkish times ; so 
that, in the absence of other evidence, the shape of the blocks cannot be taken to 
decide their origin. Nor can their colossal size in the case of the Hreljevo piers 
and some other examples be regarded as by itself conclusive of Roman handiwork, 
when we remember the prevalent old Bosnian and Serbian custom of ciitting huge 
monolithic blocks for sepulchral monuments. The purely Roman character of so 
many modern arts and buildings is continually striking antiquarian eyes in the 
Balkan peninsula. From this point of view the Turkish conquest of Bosnia and 
other parts of Western Illyria may almost be regarded as a re-conquest of old 
Rome. While the influence of Roman arts in the West is often less superficially 
visible, simply because they have transformed themselves by a living continuity of 
developement, the Turks have preserved and fossilized what Byzantine con- 
servatism handed on to the Arabs or to themselves. The hamams still visibly 
recall the ancient baths ; the woodwork of the bridges might be copied from 
Trajan's column ; the mosques, with their colonnades and porches, approach nearer 
to Justinian's churches than their Christian descendants ; the arrangement of tiles 
and bricks in the walls of buildings, with their broad interstices of mortar or 
cement, transport us to Constantinople and Thessalonica ; and, to take one instance 
out of the many, a low stone archway of the Turkish Bezestan at Serajevo, witli 
its blocks dovetailed into one another, is almost an exact representation of a flat 
arch of the Porta Aurea of Diocletian's Palace-Castle at Spalato. 

Among minor .momiments of antiquity from this central Bosnian district I 
have obtained some engraved gems of considerable interest. One from Serajevo 

» C. I. L. iii. 2766 a. 

*> We may include in the same catcgoiy tlie Ragusan and Italian architects, known in several 
instances to have been employed by the Turkish Pashas in Bosnia, &c. to build bridges. Cf. p. 24. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 21 

itself is a very beautiful late-Greek engraving on a sard, representing a Faun 

pouring wine from an amphora whicli lie holds on his shoulders. Another, of 

dull-brown chalcedony, displays characteristics of a truly remarkable kind. It 

represents a rude image of a boar accompanied by a legend, the 

first line of which, as seen in the impression, reads from right to 

left, the remaining two lines from left to right. The letters are 

Roman, but the legend, to be read apparently wio lo p\T:iLis, 

forms a combination which is as decidedly un-Roman. It is to 

be observed that the first part of the inscription presents some 

analoafv to the name voccio, which appears on the Celtic coins ^^^°- '-■ 

^T ■ IT. ■ 11- 1 • (Enlarged 2 diams.) 

found m ]>« oricum and rannonia ; and this analogy is supported 
by the style of the intaglio itself. The character of the boar itself, and notably 
the conventional representation of the bristles on its hind quarters by a line 
of pellets, as well as the three pellets introduced under the hind legs of the 
animal, and again at the end of the inscription, are familiar features on the 
Celtic coinage from Britain to the Lower Danube. That the Greeco-Roman 
art of gem-engraving was occasionally imitated by Celtic hands can, I think, 
be sho^vn by examples from our own island ; and notably by a carnelian intaglio, 
found on the Roman Wall, representing a man on horseback, which might 
almost have been copied from an ancient British coin. The relations between 
the Dalmatian tribes of the interior and their Celtic neighbours to the North 
were of the most intimate kind, as is shown by their combined revolt against 
Rome under the Bates. It is, moreover, certain that at one period there was 
a considerable Celtic extension in the interior of the Illyrian peninsula, and I 
have myself obtained Celtic coins very similar to those of Pannonia and Noricum 
in the central plateau of Dardania. The interior Dalmatian tribes, including the 
Mazaei and Dsesitiates of Northern and Central Bosnia, are reckoned by Strabo 
as Pannonians ; " nor is it possible to lay down any rigid ethnographic line 
between the Celtic and Illyrian area on this side. Considering the extraordinary 
spread of Roman arts and culture among the Pannonian tribes in the age of 
Augustus, it need not surprise us that the Roman fashion of wearing engraved 
stones on signet-rings was already making its way among these jieople before the 
days of their final subjugation. Vellejus Paterculus informs us that when the 
indigenous races between the Middle Danube and the Adriatic rose in their final 
effort to shake off the Roman yoke, a knowledge not only of the di-ill but of the 

" Strabo, Oeogr. lib. vii. 


Antiquarian Researches in Illyrieum. 

language of Rome was general througliout these regions, whilst many were familiar 

with letters, and themselves devoted to literary pnrsnits." 

Another engraved gem in my collection from the Sarajevo district is of the 
highest interest, as supplying a record of the Ostrogothic 
dominion in the Alpine interior of Roman Dalmatia. It 
is a small carbuncle or garnet with bevelled circumference, 
presenting a monogram which appears to have belonged 
to an official of the Ostrogothic King Theodoric. There 
are several slightly variant forms of Theodoric's mono- 
gram on his coins, and the general agreement of these with 
the monogram on the present gem is so close "" that there 
can, I think, be no doubt as to its identity. It must be 

remembered, as accounting for the absence of the small s usual (but not 

universal) on Theodoric's coins, that on an official signet we should expect 

Pig. 3. 
(Enlarged 3 diams.) 

FiK. l. 

i'iir. G. 

the form o. x. theodorici," while the natural style on coins is in the nomi- 
native, D. N. THEODOKicvs. What is conclusive as to the royal or imj)erial character 
of the commission held by the possessor of the present signet is the presence 
of the D. N. in ligature, standing for the supreme late -Roman title dominvs 
XOSTER, and adopted under the same monogrammatic form on the coins of the 
Ostrogoths, of the Vandals in Africa, and of the Emperors Justin and Justinian. 
The signet with the royal monogram may have been entrusted to high officials in 
the provinces for purposes of state, and tlic discovery of this gem in the old 

" Veil. Paterculus, lib. ii. c. 110. "In oiunibus autem Pannoniis iiou discipliua; tantuinmodn 
sed linguae quoque notitia Romance : pleri.sque etiam literarum u.sus et familiaris animoi'um eitit 

'' The only discrepancy that suggests itself is the non-pi'olongation of the ci-oss-line of the h to 
the peipendicular line of the d. A parallel instance however may be found on coins of Athalaric, 
and it appears that in both cases the u was an approach to the so-called " Lombardic " h ■ ^^'i' 
should thus read DN tJjEoDoRICI. 

" On the King's own seal, doubtless, theodorici regis. The signet ring of Childeric had tlir 
inscription childirici regis (Chifflet, Anastasis Childerici Begis, p. 97, Antwerp, 1655). The insertion 
of the D.x. shows that the present gem belonged to an official and not to the king himself. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 23 

Dalmatian interior serves to remind us of the importance attached by TLeodoric to 
the iron-mines of the province, and his special despatch of a commissioner of mines 
to inquire into their working.* The present signet gem, by showing the character 
of Theodoric's official signature, may help to confute, whilst at the same time 
explaining, the vulgar calumny of the Anonymus Valesianus that the Gothic 
king, whose perpetual aim was to preserve Roman civilization, and who had him- 
self received his education in Kew Rome, was not sufficiently acquainted with 
letters to write his own name. This Catholic, and therefore hostile, chronicler 
informs us that Theodoric for this reason had recourse to a stencil-plate of gold, 
in which he traced the first letters of his name, theod." "WTien, however, we find 
that on his official signets, as so often on his coins, Theodoric had recourse to this 
complicated monogram, we can well understand that for his own convenience he 
made use of a stencil-plate to affix his signature. 

From the Eastern angle of the plain where Serajevo now stands, the Roman 
road in its course towards the Drina must have followed much the same route as 
that taken by the present road to Gorazda. Ascending the river pass, past the old 
Bosnian stronghold of Starigrad, overlooked by the "Eagle Crags" of the Romanja 
Planina — a name which seems to mark this table-headed range as a former pro- 
montory of Byzantine dominions, — the way descends into thefertile valley of Praca, 
in the Middle Ages one of the principal commercial staples of the country and the 
seat of a Ragusan colony. This neighbourhood abounds in mediaeval sepulchral 
blocks and the ruins of legendary castles, but I searched in vain for Roman monu- 
ments. From Pra6a there diverge two ancient rotites across the forest -moimtain, 
one to Rogatica and the other to Gorazda on the Drina, at both of which places 
Roman remains are forthcoming. 

At Gorazda I discovered, besides other relics of antiquity, the two inscrip- 
tions already mentioned " in my previous paper ; one of them referring to the 
Andarvani, and indicating, as has been pointed out, that there was a point of 
junction with a Southern road-line bringing the Upper Valley of the Drina into 
communication with the Plain of Niksic and the South Dalmatian coast-cities, 
Epitaurum and Risinium. The Roman predecessor of Gorazda (not improbably 

' Cassiodorus, Variarum, lib. iii. Ep. 25. See p. 9. 

" Anon. Valesianus, c. 79. " Igitnr rex Theodoricus illitei-atus erat, et sic obi-uto sensu, nt in 
decern annos regni sui qaatuor litteras subscriptionis edicti sui discere nullatenus potnisset. De qua 
le laminam auream jussit interrasilem fieri quatuor litteras regis habentcm theci. ut, si scriberc 
voluisset, posita lamina super cbartam, per earn penna duceret, et subscriptio ejus tantum ^-iderctur." 

' See Archwologia XLViii. p. 90, 91. 

24 Antiquarian Researches in Ilh/ncmn. 

tlie Bistue Nova of the Tabula),"' must, like its ■modern representative, have been 
an important hridp^e-station. The existing bridge wliich here spans the Drina 
(wlicn I saw it in 1881 in course of restoration by the Austrians) was constructed 
in 1568 by Ragusan architects and masons at the expense of Mustapha Pasha, of 
Buda, whose almsgiving took this practical form.'' Previous to this, in Slavonic 
times, there had only been a ferry, but the relief of a Roman eagle and other ancient 
fragments which I observed on the Drina bank not far from the present bridge 
may be taken as indications that the Drina had been already spanned at tliis point 
in Roman times. 

From Gorazda the road, after crossing the Drina and traversing the glen of 
Cajnica, ascends the steeps of Mount Kovad, still covered with a primgeval forest 
growth of gigantic firs and Iteeches. On this range I came upon one of the most 
striking ethnological phenomena anywhere to be found in the Balkan lands. The 
peasant women, whose attire through this and the adjoining Serbian provinces is 
as exclusively Slavonic as their language, have here preserved a distinctively 
niyrian element in their dress. They wear, in fact, over and above the Slavonic 
apron, an Albanian fustanella ; " and, though their langiiage is pure Serb, their 
longer and more finely-cut faces and the expression of their eyes, as much as their 
characteristic skirts, proclaim their kinship with the aboriginal people of Illyricum. 
We are reminded that this Kova6 range lies on the borders of a central Alpine 
region known as Stari Vlah or " Old Wallachia," a name which by itself affords 
sufficient indication that these inaccessible highlands continued to be a stronghold 
of the Romanized indigenous element long after the Slavs had ousted them from 
the more open-lying parts of the country. In these fustanella'd peasants we may 
venture to see the actual descendants of Illyrian clansmen. 

" See p. 18. 

'' A letter of the Ragusan Government to their ambassador at Constantinople, dated Sept. ]!•, 
1568 (given by Jiredek, op. cit. p. 86), refers to the construction of this bridge. " Dovcte sapere che 
nelli mesi passati fummo ricercati dall 111. Signer Mustaffa Bassa di Buda che li dovessemo mandare 
marangoni, muratori, fabri et molte cose neccssarie perche sua Signoria dovea fabricare per fare 
elemosina nn ponte in Ghorasda al quale habbiamo ser»4to volentieri." This Ragusan bridge was of 
five arches of woodwork, resting on piers of deftly-liewn stone blocks, oblong in shape but not so 
thick as Roman blocks. The woodwork was so constructed that the middle of tin; bridge was 
greatly elevated. 

•= The male peasants — less conservative in dress than their womankind — (except in Albania, an 
almost univei-sal rule in the Ottoman dominions in Europe) have adopted the Oriental and Slavonic- 
attire of the surrounding populations. In parts of North Albania the fustanella is common to both 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 25 

Beyond Mount Kovac opens the plain of Plevlje, the Turkish Tashlidja, con- 
taining relics of antiquity which mark it as a principal centre of Illyro-Roman 
civic life. This plain is the only large open space to be found in the mountains 
for two days' journey on either side, and at the same time is the natural crossing- 
point of the highways of communication between the Adriatic coastland and the 
Moesian and Dardanian staples, of which Scupi (Skopia) and Naissus, the modem 
Nish, may be taken as representatives. On these accounts the site on which Plevlje 
stands has never ceased to play a leading part in the internal economy of this part 
of the ancient Illyricum. The mediaeval importance of Plevlje (formerly known as 
Breznice,^ from the little river that flows through its midst) is still attested by the 
Orthodox monastery in a neighbouring gorge, with its ancient church, resplendent 
with frescoes in Byzantine style, representing old Serbian Kings and Czars. Its 
military value was also considerable ; and it was here that, in 1463, the Turks 
gained the victory over Stephen, Duke of St. Sava, which placed Herzegovina at 
their mercy. The Ragusan and Venetian caravans passed through Plevlje on their 
way to Nish and Constantinople ; and the Venetian traveller Ramberti, writing in 
1541, describes the town as "large and well-favoured, according to the country," 
though the surrounding mountains were at that time the haunt of robbers, who, a 
few years previously, had plundered a Venetian caravan of about a hundred horses, 
and slain two nobles of the Serene Republic, a Nani and a Capello.'' The trade 
connexion with Ragusa has never been entirely lost, and the traveller " is still 
astonished, on inquiring the direction of the southern road, to hear the name of the 
old commercial Republic of the eastern Adriatic shore when he expected merely 
to be told the name of some neighbouring village or insignificant Turkish town. 

To this abiding connexion between Plevlje and the Dalmatian civic Republic, 
which in the Middle Ages succeeded to the place of Salonse as the maritime empo- 
rium of these Illyrian midlands, was due the first discovery at this spot of the 
remains of a considerable Roman city. In 1792 the Ragusan ambassadors, passing 
through Plevlje on their way to Constantinople observed there numerous Roman 
antiquities, the base of a statue, marble columns, and inscriptions ; and, in answer 
to their inquiries, were informed that about an hour distant were to be seen other 

" Cf. Jirecek, op. cit. p. 73. 

•> Belle Cose de Turchi, p. 6. (In Vinegia, 1.541.) Ramberti gi-oups " Plevie " with Pi-ijepolje as 
"secondo il paese assai grandi e buoni." 

" Cf. Blau, Monatsbericht d. k. Preuss. Akad. 1866, p. 840. He adds, " Nocb jetzt wird von 
Plevlje uber Gatzko und Trebinje ein namhafter Handel mit Ragusa geti-ieben." 



Antiquarian Researches in Ilhjrimm. 

splendid iiioiuinients." One of the two inscriptions copied by them on this occa- 
sion referred to an Eqncs Romanns, who was a deciirion of the local municipium; 
but, unfortunately, of the name itself only the initial letter S is given. The 
notice of the Roman antiquities at Plevlje, contained in the journal of the 
Ragusan envoys, has been in recent years much augmented by Dr. Blau, formerly 
Prussian consul at Serajevo, who, at the request of Professor Mommsen, paid a visit 
to this spot, and copied a whole series of fresh inscriptions.'^ Fresh contributions 
have recently been made to our knowledge by Herr MiiUer, the Austrian consul at 
Plevlje, and by Dr. Hoernes, who visited this locality in 1880.° My own investi- 
gations on this interesting site may serve to supplement, and in part perhaps to 
rectify, these observations of fellow-explorers. 

The existing remains are distributed over three principal sites— the modern 
town of Plevlje ; a side valley about two miles distant, still known as Old Plevlje ; 

and the hill of Sveti Ilija, lying about half an hour distant 
on the south-western margin of the plain. Plevlje itself, 
at present in mixed Turkish and Austrian occiipation, is 
a busy market-town containing a population of about 8,000 
Serbs, Mahometan and Orthodox. It enjoys the luxury of 
fine mountain air and innumerable springs of the purest 
water ; but, excepting one or two stately mosques, there 
is little to remark in the present town beyond the ancient 
remains transported hither from the older site. These 
remains lie mostly on the western side of the town. In 
the bazaar street are two fountains built entirely of Roman 
blocks, amongst which is still to be seen the elegant 
sepulchral monument which arrested the attention of the 
Ragusan ambassadors. The inscription is interesting, as 
presenting, in a peculiar style of lettering and abbrevia- 
tion, the neo-Latin name-forms Amavilis for Amahilis and Masimile for Maximilla;. 
The foundations of several of the Plevlje mosques are built almost entirely of 
ancient blocks. The Podstrazica Mosque contains four inscriptions walled, face 


Fiir. 7. 

' Giornale del Viaggio a Const antinopoH fatto dagli Ambasciatori della Mepuhhlica di Jxagnsa alia 
Sublime Porta VAniw 1792. (In Engel. Geschwhfe des Freystaates Bagusa, Wien, 1807, p. 312, seqq.) 

'' MonatsbericM der k. Preuss. Ahademie der Wissenschaften, 1866, p. 838, seqq. The inscriptions 
copied by Dr. Blau are given in C. I. L. iii. 6339-6357. 

' Archaologisch-Epigraphische Mittheilungen aus Oesterreich, 1880. 

Antiquarian Besearches in lUyrieum. 27 

outwards, into its minaret, and seven more, some liowever no longer legible, in 
its basement.'' One of tliese commemorates a Duumvir Quinquennalis and a sacral 
functionary;'' another records a decree of the local Senate giving a site for a 
monument to some deceased municipal worthy." In the yard opposite the mosque 
was an altar turned upside down and half buried in the earth, upon which Dr. 
Hoernes ** thought that letters could be detected. I had it dug out, but satisfied 
myself that no trace of an inscription was now visible. Outside the Musluk 
mosque was another similar altar, with the remarkable inscription : 

I. 0. N.« 
The omission of the title of M(aximus) after O(ptimus) is rare, but not altogether 
unexampled,*^ on monuments of Jove ; and we may perhaps assume that the altar 
was dedicated to Jupiter Nundinarius, the patron of markets, a dedication 
eminently appropriate to the commercial position of the town. Amongst all the 
inscriptions existing at Plevlje itself that referring to the Municipium S. must 
command the highest interest. It is still to be seen on an imposing block oppo- 
site the Hussein Pasha mosque, as the Eagusans found it ; but for presuming to 
copy it I narrowly escaped stoning at the hands of the Mahometan rabble of the 
place, who seemed to imagine that the stone contained secrets only to be revealed 
to true believers. The inscription is of clear-cut letters of a good period. It 
records the erection of a monument to T. Aurelius Sextianus, " Bques Romanus, 
Decurio Municipii S. . . . ," by his father, and the public gift of the ground to 
erect it on by a decree of the Decurions."^ 

The two examples, of which representations are given below (figs. 8 and 9),'' 
may afford an idea of the prevalent style of sepulchral monument at this locality: — 

" The inscriptions in the Podstra2ica Mosque are given by Dr. Blau (cf. C. I. L. iii. 6344, &c.) 

» C. I. L. iii. 6.344. = C. I. L. iii. 6345. 

^ Op. cit. p. 7. " Im Hof derselben Moschee ist eine etwa Mannshohe Stele bis an den Fuss in 
die Erde vergi-aben. Ich konnte sie nur ein paar Fuss tief blosslegen und ueberzeugte mich, dass 
die Vorderseite eine romische Inschrift tragt, deren letzte Zeile die Buchstaben (M)oNVM(enf«m) 

" Not, as en-oneously given by Blau (C. I. L. iii. 6339), i . o . m. The n is perfectly clear, and 
cannot be regarded as an imperfect M. 

' Cf. I . . BESSVMARVS. C. I. L. iii. 10.53. 

s It is given in C. I. L. iii. 6343. The punctuation, line 2, is however . e . Q . it. 

^ Fig. 8 is from the Podstra2ica mosque. Fig. 9 from the konak of Sali Beg. Tlie inst-nption.s 
are incon'ectly given by Dr. Blau (C. I. L. iii. 6346, 6349). My copies agree witli Dr. Iloemes' 

E 2 


Antiquarian Researches in lUyrieum. 





P. P 

(Hv ^^'^^^^^M 




lig. 8. 

Fig. 9. 

The way from the modern town of Plevlje to the actual site of the Roman 
Municipium runs across the Cehotina stream by the Avdovina bridge, opposite 
which, on the left bank, is another fountain composed of ancient fragments, where 
I noticed part of an unpublished inscription (fig. 11). 

Following the left bank of the stream, about a mile and a-half further, more 
monuments and two inscriptions will be found in a cottage " near the confluence of 

" Tlic place is called Radosavac. The inscriptions are accurately described by Dr. Hoernes and 
need not be repeated here. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyncum. 


the Celiotina and Vezeznica. At this point opens a beautiful undulating glen 
watered by the Vezeznica stream, where unquestionably the ancient city lay." 

Fig. 10. 
Sketch plan of I'levlje and neighbourhood, app. scale i inch to mile. 

Ancient remains and foundations occiar all along the slopes that overhang the 
Vezeznica to the West. By the hamlet of Vidre and up the little torrent called the 

" My own impressions reojarding the site will be found to agi-ee genei-ally with those of Hen- 
Miiller and Dr. Hoernes as given by the latter in Arch. Ep. Mitiheilungen, loc. cit. I differ, however, 
from my fellow-explorers in considering that the ancient site extended also to the right bank of the 
Ve/.eznica. I may take this opportunity of expressing my obligations to Herr Miiller for his valuable 
advice, although he was unfortunately absent from Plevlje at the time of my visit. 


Antiquarian Researches in lUyricum. 

Babi§ Potok " the foundations of walls and buildings are specially distinguishable. 
Here, in the country-house of a Selmano^^c Beg, is an altar to Jove," and a 
sepulchral monument representing two heads in relief ; and at Koruga in the same 
neighbourhood, a house almost entirely composed of fine Roman blocks and monu- 
ments, and with a hopelessly effaced inscription in the stall below. Many of the 
blocks and monuments here and elsewhere on this site are of a peculiar black and 

white marble, others of a red marble, the 
same material as that of the Eagle relief 
described at Gorazda. The remains extend 
to the left bank of the Vezeznica, where are 
to be seen traces of what was apparently a 
Roman fountain, the sockets for tlie clamps 
of the stone-work being cut out of the solid 
rock above an abundant source. Near here, 
in the mud at the bottom of the stream itself, 
was observable the well-cut cornice of a large 
squared block, which with the aid of four men 
and Avith considerable difficulty I succeeded in 
dredging from the depths. It proved to be an 
altar to Silvanus (fig. 12) raised by a certain 
M.JEmiliusAntonius, apparently the Dmimvir 
of that name, who dedicated an altar to 
Jupiter Fulgurator at present existing oppo- 
site the Curkovac mosque in Plevlje itself." 
The third principal site besides Plevlje itself and the glen of the Vezeznica, 
where the ancient remains occur, is that of the hill of Sveti Ilija, lying about a 
mile and a half to the South-Bast of the last-named locality. A consideration of 
these remains brings us to a very curious part of our subject. The monuments at 
the spot already described are of characteristic Roman execution. The letters are 
often elegantly and boldly cut, and the ornamentation, if conventional, comes up to 
the usual municipal standard. Tlie inscriptions i^efer to the civic officers, priests, 





■■r,-j,n I , , „ ,|, ^ |i , ,1^^^^^^ ,^^ 


Fig. 11. 

' Near here Dr. Hoemes foimd a fragment of an inscription reading l || camhiuanvs || 

li . p. ; apparently in situ — " Wahi-schcinlich noch unveri-iickt an seiner urspriinglichcn Stelle." 

•> This reads i . O . si . || stativs || victor . bkiIIzidia . v . l . ta. Tlie last line is not quite 
correctly given by Dr. Hoemes, who gives v . l . p. 

' It reads i . o . m . f || m . aemil || antonivs || u . viR || i- . p. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 


legionaries, citizens, for the most part witli Roman names. A frequency of ^lius 
and Aurelius inclines us to believe that the Mimicipium was founded in Hadrian's 
time, and enlarged by a fresh settlement of 



- - - — ^ 

'ii|Ti'lliliiiiNin iil|ii,,iiiiiiii;iiiiiii;i 


■3f /^ 


veterans in the age of the Antonines. 

The remains on the height of Sveti Ilija are 
generally speaking of a very different character. 
The inscriptions are less boldly cut and the 
most important of them refers to the Pojmlus 
and not the Decuriones. The monuments are of 
a decidedly ruder and more barbaric style, and 
a strikingly large proportion of the names are 
native lUyrian. There is in fact just that con- 
trast which we have already noted in the case of 
the remains at Blazui between the hill site and 
the valley site. The names, the style of the 
monuments, the position itself, proclaim this to 
have been the original Illyrian centre, and the 
discovery at this site of silver coins of Dyrrha- 
chium, one or two examples of which I saw, 
dating from about the year 200 B.C. affords by 
itself sufficient indication that an lUja'ian staple 
existed here long before the Roman conquest of 
this remote part of the interior. 

The present nucleus of these remains is the 
little Orthodox church of Sveti Ilija or St. Blias, 
which gives its name to the steep isolated height 
on which it stands. This is a small Byzantine 
building, dating from the days of the old Serbian 
kingdom. Like the church of Milesevo, built by King Vladislav about the year 
1225, it had two stone lions with plaited manes on either side of the tympanum of 
the inner of its two portals ; " and there were remains of frescoes within, stronglj^ 
resembling those in a ruined church near Trel^inje, in Herzegovina.'' This Old 

* One of these had been knocked away by the Turks, who recently gutted the church and bunieil 
the priest's house. I found it in the yard of a cottage at Grevo, below the hill of St. Ilija, with some 
other ancient fragments. 

'' At the \'illage of Gomiljani the treatment of the drapery was curiously similai'. 


Fi.'. 12. 

32 Antiquanan Researches in Illyrictim. 

Serbian church appears to have been a successor of a still earUer foundation, as 1 
noticed, built into its western facade, an open-work carving of the Christian 
monogram of the same form and style as those to be seen in the Bski Dzamia at 
Salonica, a church dating from the time of Justinian. The continuous habitation 
of the spot in Byzantine times is shown by the not imfrequent occurrence here of 
coins of the Eastern Empire ; amongst those that I have seen was a silver 
iHilinresion of Heraclius and Heraclius Constantine (a.d. 613 — 641), with the legend 
beus AbmCA RoCDanis," and a besant of Manuel Comnenos (1143 — 1180). Con- 
sidering, indeed, the survival already noted of the indigenous Illyrian population, 
blended witli the Slavonic, in the surrounding ranges, it is not improbable that the 
sanctity of the spot has been handed down from prehistoric times. " Saint 
Elijah," Sveti Ilija, to whom the church was dedicated in the Old Serbian days, 
is well known to have taken over most of his fiery attributes from Perun, the 
Thunder-God of the pagan Slavs. Within the church, by an almost startling 
coincidence, an altar of Jove has been converted to the purposes of Christian 
sacrifice, and, on a spot so early hallowed, Jupiter himself must not improbably 
jneld precedence of worship to a ruder Illyrian forerunner, the coeval of the 
Dodonifian Zeus.'' 

That the spot had been used for purposes of interment from pre-historic 
times, appears from the remains in its neighbourhood of gomilas or stone 
barrows, of a kind common throughout these regions, and dating, as their con- 
tents show, from the Illyrian bronze age. From one of these lately destroyed in 
building a house near Gorazda was found a remarkable bronze " kettle-wagon," 
a probable indication of an old commercial connexion between the aboriginal 
staples of this part of the Illyrian interior and the Illyrian Colonies beyond the 
Adriatic. The sepulture thus early begun was continued at this spot after the 
Roman conquest. The southern end of the hill of St. Ilija is literally undermined 
with graves, and the recurrence of native names on the sepulchral slabs of Roman 
date that have been discovered shows that those who under the Empire continued 
to bury their dead here were essentially of the same indigenous race as the 
barrow-builders who had gone before them. The remains were for the most part 
originally encased in pinewood coffins, traces of which are still to be seen ; and 

" Sabatiei', Jdomiaies hyzantines, i. '276, No. .59. 

'' A head of Zeus appears on some autonomou.s lllyiiiui coins of Scodni uiid Kliizon. 

Antiquarian Researches in lUyricum. 33 

these again were enclosed in rude stone cists, the direct descendants of the more 
massive cists to be found inside the " gomilas." In some cases the skeletons 
actually occur in a contracted posture, a primitive usage characteristic of the 
earliest Stone-Age interments, and representing the natural attitude of sleej) 
among savages." I obtained from one of these Illyro-Koman graves sufficient por- 
tions of a skull to establish the fact that it was brachycephalic, and with a rather 
narrow face, characteristics shared by modern Albanian heads. A plot to the 
South-Bast of the little church of Sveti Ilija is still used for burial by the Serbian 
rayahs of the neighbourhood, and some of the graves of these Slavonized indigent s 
date back to mediaeval times. 

The walls and pavement of the little church itself are largely composed of 
ancient monuments, amongst which Illyro-Roman sepulchral slabs predominate. 
Amongst these the style of workmanship and decoration is rude almost to gro- 
tesqueness, of which the annexed specimen (fig. 13) may give some idea. The 
upper part of the stone containing the busts is bedded into the pavement of the 
atrium; the lower part with the inscription, which owing to its abraded state 
has been hitherto imperfectly decyphered,'' is bedded into the pavement of the 
church itself. 

In this and other examples I was struck with the extraordinary way in which 
the characteristic ornamentation corresponds to that reproduced in the Middle 
Ages by the later inhabitants of these Alps for the same sepulchral purposes. 
There can be no doubt whatever that they simply took on the traditional style 
from their Illyro-Roman predecessors. The arch and spiral columns, the rose, 
the vine and tendril border of the above monument, — the trefoil, the zigzag and 
rope moulding, and the wreaths characteristic of the ancient monuments of this 
site, — are all alike the stock-in-trade of the sculptors of the later " Old Serbian " 
monoliths, of which so many are to be found scattered throughout these regions. 

It is to be observed that these Old Serbian monuments do not present nearly 
the same resemblance in characteristic decoration to the more artistic monuments 
of the cities of the Dalmatian littoral, or even to the better class of Roman monu- 
ments to be seen at Plevlje itself, as they do to the barbaric modifications of 
Roman forms existing on this old lUyrian hill-site. It would almost seem as if an 
imbroken continuity of indigenous sepulchral art had been preserved here through 

" This explanation of the practice of depositing the body in a contracted position has been 
suggested by my father in his Ancieiit Stone Implements ^'c, of Great Britain, p. 135. 

■^ In C. I. L. iii. 6.347, Dr. Hoernes read • adii. • a, and considered that it contained the name 



Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

the days of Slavonic conquest and dominion, to receive a new development in the 
palmy days of the Serbian kingdom and czardom. It may, at least, be safely said 


^D'^f'F ^- 

fhy^-^ A; P 



Fig. 13. 

that the monuments of the Illyro-Roman cemetery at Sveti Ilija throw as much light 
on the later monument.s of the country as the classic models of a more famous 
Campo Santo do on medifeval Tuscan art. 

Opposite the west door of the church stands a huge sepulchral block of cubical 
form with a gabled top (fig. 14), which, in bulk at least, is the apt precursor 
of some of the later mediaeval monoliths of the country, and which, from an inscrip- 
tion on one .^side in Cyrillian characters, appears to have been actually adopted for 
sepulchral purposes by one of the later inhabitants of the land. Its front face 
contains the half-length figiires of a man and his wife, of barbarous execution and 
of late character ; while on the sides are carved two Genii, one with a raised, the 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 


other with a lowered torch, and wearing Phrygian caps like the same torch-bearing 
Genii which so constantly appear on Mithraic reliefs. It is probable that here, too, 

they are to be taken in a Mithraic connexion as representing the ascending and 
descending soul, rather than as merely symbolical of grief or the extinction of 

The inscriptions are of considerable interest as presenting a variety of indige- 
nous Illyrian names, both male and female, with the characteristic ending in — o, 
as Vendo, Panto, Apo or Ap2)o, Tritano, Titto. It would appear that, in some 
cases at least, these forms are diminutives of longer names; thus from Panes, 
gen. Panentis (of which the Pinnes of history, the son of Queen Teuta, represents 
only another form), is derived Panto ; from Aples, apparently, Afo. To any one 
acquainted with the modern inhabitants of the country a parallel must at once 
suggest itself in the Serbian diminitive name-forms of a precisely similar kind." 
Thus, Panteleon becomes " Panto"; Gjuragj (George), " Gjuro "; Nikola, "Niko"; 
Simeon, " Simo "; and so forth : of female names, Maria becomes " Maro," and 
Fatima, " Fato." That this peculiarity was taken over by the Slav occupants of 

" This parallel has been pointed out by Dr. Otto Blaii {Eeisen in Bosnien, p. 64), who pivcs 
many examples. 



Antiquarian Researches in lUyricum. 



Illvricum from the native elements al)sorbed by them appears prol)able from 
its reappearance amongst the Albanians/ the true modern representatives of the 

Below the church, on the southern slope of the liill, are the remains of the 
pope's house, recently burnt by the Turks, in the foundation of which are several 
ancient monuments. One of the stone posts of the stable-door contains a dedica- 
tion to the Caesar, Diadumenian, a.d. 217 — 218, the shallow lettering of which is at 
present so weatherwoi-n as to be almost invisible to the eye, except in a very 
advantageous light (fig. 15)."' It is possible that this monument, though not of 

the usual rounded form, is of a milliary cliaracter; and 
that it would, if complete, record the restoration of 
roads and bridges in Dalmatia by Macrinus and his 
son. In the neighbouring provinces of Pannonia and 
Noricum several milestones have been discovered with 
the titles of these Emperors." 

The monuments and inscriptions on the hill of 
Sveti Ilija are for the most part of late date. While 
among the remains at Plevlje and Old Plevlje, from 
the actual site of the ]\Iunicipium S. there arc many 
inscriptions of a good period, some dating, ])robably, 
from the beginning of the second century of our era, 
it would be difficult to single out an inscription on the 
hill-site of earlier than third-century date. Yet, as 
we have seen, there are various indications that the 
site itself was in native occupation in times anterioi' 
to the Roman conquest. We may infer that Roman 
arts and letters, which had reached the indigenous 
populations of the Save-lands by the time of Augustus, 
and those of the Adriatic coast at a still earlier date, 
were of much slower infiltration into these remote 
Alpine centres. On the hill-site of Sveti Ilija, the first monuments of this influence 
date, apparently, from the age of Severus. Yet the very memorials that intlicate the 


1^0 NO 

Ait iir^^V/WAt 



Fig. 15. 

* Blau (loc. cit.) cites among female Albanian names of this kind, Laljo, Liljo, Kondo, Brano, &c. 
" Not in C. I. L. The inscription is given bj- Di-. Hoernes, loc. cit. p. 9. My own copy is some- 
what fuller. 

-= C. I. L. iii. 3720, 3724, 3725, 3726, 5708, 5736, 5737, 6467. 

Antiquarian Researches in lUyricum. 


operation of this Eomanizing process show us liow miicli of the aboriginal element 
remained. This sur\'ival of the indigenous names in a Latin guise, the semi- 
barbarous renderings of Roman sculpture and ornament, represent alike, in lan- 
guage and art, the beginnings of a rude Illyrian "Romance" and Romanesque. The 
mediaeval monuments of the country are direct descendants of these Illyro-Roman 
slabs. The names of " Stari Vlah," or " Old Wallachia," still applied to the 
bordering mountain districts, show us that the descendants of the Romanized 
natives, who buried their dead on the hill of Sveti Ilija, lived on in their ancient 
homes imder Slavonic and Turkish as under Roman dominion. Though the 
numerous Rouman tribes and communities of these inland regions which we learn 
to know from the Old Serbian chrysobulls and the archives of Ragusa, have long 
since, for the most part, become merged in the Slav-speaking populations around 
them, a scattered Rouman population still lives on — 
within the old Dalmatian limits in the valley of the 
Spreca. The great value of the monuments of the 
hill-site of Sveti Ilija is that they present to us the 
meeting-point of the Roman and the indigenous ele- 
ment, and supply us with the first records of the 
Illyro-Roman race, substantially the same as that of 
the Roumans or Wallachians of the ivestern parts of 
the peninsula, — predominantly Illyrian in pedigree, but 
speaking with national modifications the language of 
their Roman conqueror. 

One of the most interesting of the Sveti Ilija monu- 
ments has yet to be mentioned. This is a votive altar 
(fig. 16) dedicated to Jupiter, apparently for the health 
of a Procurator Augustorum, by the local Populus. 
Since it was first observed, the right-hand portion 
has been broken off, but the important part was 
happily preserved when I saw it. Dr. Hoernes, in 
his endeavour to identify the Municipium S. with 
the Stanecle of the Itineraries, believed that he 
detected on the lowest line traces of an inscription 
s/a////o///, which he would naturally complete staneclorvm; he admits, however, 
that only an uncertain trace of the S is to be found on his squeeze. After 
a searching and repeated examination of the stone, the result of several visits to 

Fig. 10. 

38 Antiquarian Researches in Ilhjricum. 

the spot in all lights, I have absolutely satisfied myself that the only letter is a 
well defined p in the middle of the pedestal. It is certain that no residts obtained 
from a squeeze can weigh against the impression immediately produced by the 
monument on the human eye, and I am convinced that the appearances on -which 
Dr. Hoernes based his reading were due to some slight natural irregularities which 
exist on the surface of the stone. 

The natural inference that we must draw is that the r standing by itself at 
the end of the dedication means simply " posvit." 

The great predominance of native Illyrian names on the hillside of Sveti 
Ilija and the generally barbaric style of the monuments show that the mvnicipivm 

s lay on the borders of a district still peopled by the indigenous race. 

To what Illyrian tribe did this Alpine region behind Montenegro belong in Roman 
Imperial times ? The tribe inhabiting the central valley of Montenegro itself 
was unquestionably that of the Dokleates, who at a later date passed on their name 
to the Serbian Dukljani. From Ptolemy's list of Illyrian tribes it appears that the 
northern borderers of the Dokleates were the Pirustse, beyond whom again were 
ine Skirtones, whose name seems to connect itself with the Scordus or Scardus 
range.* The famous Illyrian mining race of the Pirustte was originally a branch 
of the Dassaretes,'' who inhabited the valley of the Black Drin and the region 
of which Lychnidus on the present Lake of Ochrida was a centre, and may thus 
have early exercised their mining industry in the neighbouring silver-mining 
district of Damastion and Pelagia." From Livy's account of Anicius's campaign 

" Ptol. Geog. lib. ii. c. 16. 

'' Cf. Lhy, lib. xlv. c. 25. For tlieir connexion with Lychnidus, see lib. xliii. c. 9. "(Appius 
Claudius) <ad Lj'chnidum Dassaretiorum consedit." Lychnidus was a central station of the 
Egnatian Way, and Pylon, a little bej-ond it to the East, was reckoned the boundary of Illyricum and 
Macedonia (Strabo, Geog. lib. vii.) 

' The silver coins of Damastion throw an interesting light on ancient Illyi-ian and Epii-ote 
mining industiy. On the I'everse of some of them are represented hammers, picks, the symbol of fire, 
and an object which Profcssoi- Gardiner, with great probability, considers to be bellows. The exact 
site of Damastion remains to be identified, but Dr. Imhoof-Blumer, in his interesting account of some 
of the coins in the Zeifschrift fiir Numismatik (B. i. p. 99, seqq.), calls attention to the village name of 
Danwsi, near Tepelen, where silver mines appear to have anciently existed. Closely allied to these 
coins of Damastion are those of Pelagia and others with the legend sapnoatqn. The attempt of Dr. 
Imhoof-Blumer to identify the name Pelagia with Belagrita, an older form of the Albanian Berat, 
cannot be accepted, it being simply an Albanian corruption of a Slavonic Belgrad ; Tomaschek's 
comparison with Pljage is more hopeful. With regard to the attribution of both these places, how- 
ever, I shall venture some new suggestions. (See p. 89.) 

Antiquarian Researches in lUyricum. 39 

against tlie Illp-ian King Grentliios " we may infer tliat tlie territory of the Pirust^ 
lay to tlie nortli of that of the Dassaretes proper and bordered on the lake-lands 
of Skodra. We are told that they seized the occasion of the Roman invasion to 
throw off their allegiance to King Genthios, and, from the context, it is highly 
probable that they played an important part in the native revolt, to suppress 
which the King's brother was called off at the critical juncture into the mountain- 
ous region to the East of the Lake. All this, coupled with the indication supplied 
by Ptolemy, points to their occupying the Alpine tract between the united Drin 
and the upper valley of the Lim,'' where lay the rich silver veins that in the 
Middle Ages gave birth to the Serbian mining town and prolific mint of Brskovo," 
the counterfeit Venetian grossi of which brought down the anathema of Dante 
on the Rascian king. The evidence of Strabo, again, strongly coroborates 
the view that the race of the Pirust^ extended into the valley of the Lim. 
He expressly classes this Illyrian clan along with the Mazaei and Daesitiates ^ — 
tribes well within the modern Bosnian limits — as of Pannonian kin, and the 
appearance of the Pirustte as mining colonists in Dacia might by itself be 
taken to show a certain geographical inclination towards the Danubian system. 

The names, again, on the wax tablets from the Dacian ViciTS Pirustarum^ 
seem to be characteristic of a race which formed a kind of connecting link be- 
tween the northern and southern Illyrian clans ; some, like Liccaius and Bpicadus, 
pointing rather to Pseonian and Bpirote kinship ; others, like that of Yerzo and 
the oft-recurring name of Bato, being as distinctively Dalmato-Pannonian. The 
territory of the Dgesitiates, with whom the Pirust^e are associated by Strabo, lay 
in Southern Bosnia, and from the milestone already referred to,^ which places the 
Casfellnm Dcesitiatmn 156 miles from Salons, we should be led to seek for the 
stronghold of the tribe at least no further to the South-East than Rogatica or 

" Hist. xliv. c. 31, and xlv. c. 43. Polybins, xxx. 19. 

•> The scene of the campaign of King Genthios' brother against the native rebels is indicated Ijy 
his subsequent capture by the Roman general at Medeon to be identified with the hill-fortress of 
Medun, in Montenegro. This district was then occupied by the tribe of the Dokleates, whose civic 
centre Doklea still sui-vives in the modern Montenegi-in village of Dukle. See Archaeologia, vol. 
XLViii. p. 84. 

" Prof. Stojan Novakovid {Bad. xxxvii. (1876), 1-18) believes to have identified the site of this 
important old Serbian staple with the site of Plava, in the vale of Gusinje, where according to 
Hecquard are remains of a more ancient city. It is certain that Bi'skovo, the Brescova of the 
Ragusans, lay somewhere on the Upper Lim. (See JireCek, op. cit. p. 69.) 

Geogv. lib. Vll. "eOi^j ^' ioTi riov lUwvovitov . . . neipoPffroi koJ Ma^aTot Kai j^ataiTiarat. 

« See p. 14. ' P. 

40 Antiquarian Researches in Illi/ricum. 

Gorazda. It is possible that the Drina acted as a southern boundary between 
them and the PirustJB ; in any case, in view of Strabo's statement as to the Pan- 
nonian kinship of the latter, it is ditficult to believe that in the age of Augustus 
the Pirustan border was far removed from the river which opens a natural avenue 
of communication between the ore-bearing ranges of the central Illyrian district 
and till' Pannonian lands of the Save basin. In considering the obscure qiiestion 
of the boundaries of the Illyrian tribes considerable shifting and variations of 
area " at vario\is epochs, due to wars and migrations, must always be taken into 
account ; and, although from the Dassarctian connexion of the Pirusta? we should 
be inclined to seek their more ancient homes nearer the Epirote border, the dis- 
covery and exploitation of new sources of mineral wealth in Dalmatia, consequent 
on the Roman conquest, may itself have tempted this race of miners to extend their 
field of operations fiirther to the North- West of their original area. That this 
should have occurred will appear all the more probable when it is remembered 
that the three important tribes of the Autariata3,Da;sitiates, and Daorsi, or Daversi, 
who once held an extensive dominion in this part of Illyricum, had been reduced 
to very straitened circumstances by the Roman invader.*" 

It is, perhaps, not an accidental incident that Livy,° in describing the settle- 
ment of Illyricimi after King Genthios' defeat, in his list of peoples who had 
earned immunity from tril)ute by their timely defection from the native dynast, 
mentions the Pirustje immediately before the inhabitants of Rhizon, an Illyrian 
maritime emporium connected, as we have seen, with the ancient sites of this part 
of the interior by a line of Roman road, which, in all probability, followed the 
course of an earlier native line of intercourse. The name of the modern town of 

" Strabo, for example (lib. vii.), mentions that the Romans had driven the once piratic race of 
the Ardiaei away from the sea to a sterile tract of the interior where in the impossibility of obtaining 
sustenance the whole race had almost died out. He adds as similar e.xamples the case of the 
.Vutai-iatte and Dai-danii, the Gallic Boii and Scordisci, and the Tliracian Boii. 

'' Velleitcs Paterculus, lib. ii. c. 115. " Quippe Daorisi ct Dsesitiates Dalmatse, situ locoi'uni ac 
montinm, ingeniorum ferocia, mira etiam pugnandi scientia et prcecipue angustiis saltuum jMrne 
ine.xpugnabiles, non jam ductu, sed manibus atque armis ipsius Cajsaris, tum demum pacati sunt cum 
poene funditns eversi forent." The Daorisi, Daorsi, or Daversi had, like the Ai-direi, been a maritime 
people, and, as is proved by their coins representing a galley with the legend aaopsun, had shown 
themselves receptive of Greek culture. Their original area lay to the South of the Narenta mouth. 
For the Autariatse see Strabo, loc. cit. 

<= Hist. lib. .xlv. c. 26. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 41 

PerastOj near tlie site of Rliizon or Risinium, miglit by itself suggest a suspicion 
that its origin was not unconnected witti the famous mining race of tlie interior," 
and tliat in the vicinity of Rhizon, as in that of the Dacian city of Alburnus 
Major, there had sprung up a Vicus Pirustarum. In the neighbourhood of Plevlje 
scope could be found for the mining industry of the race. I have myself seen 
specimens of silver and iron ore from the neighbouring mountains, and in making 
the new road there was discovered below the present surface the stumps of a 
mighty oak forest, which had been felled at a remote period, a circumstance 
thoroughly consistent with the former existence of extensive smelting-works. 
Here again the name Budnice shows conclusively that mining operations were 
carried on in this vicinity in Slavonic times. 

At Sveti IHja I noticed two Roman tiles with the following stamps. 

Fig. 17. Fig. 18. 

At Rogatac, a small hamlet in the Vezeznica valley, about an hour's distance 
to the North of the Municipium S., Herr Miiller had observed a sepulchral slab 
without inscription, but containing a relief of a Grenius leaning on an extinguished 
torch. Hearing of other ancient monuments at Podpec, about an hour further up 
the valley in the same northerly direction, I resolved to visit the spot. As a 
sample of the difficulties which the explorer has at present to contend with in this 
part of the Ottoman dominions, I may mention that on my applying to the Pasha 
at Plevlje for an escort to this -village he refused point blank, on the ground that no 
escort he could give me would be sufficient to guarantee my safety, — and that in a 
village distant less than three hours from his seat of government ! I had, there- 

•' I observe that the same etymology has occurred independently to Dr. Simo Rutar, Starine 
Bokokntorslce (" Antiquities of the Bocche di Cattaro," in Program c. I: realnog i velikog G-uniMzija u 
Koforu,lS80). " Pri brojenju ovih slobodnih obdina spominje Livij Pirustas odmah prije Risna. I 
dandanasnji imamo gi-ad odmah pred Risnom, kojega imc, skoro do slova,. jednako glasi kao Pirustm, 

t. j. Ferast od koga znamo da je prestari grad i da narod izvadja njegov izvor ve<5 iz doba 

rimskili careva." (" In enumerating these free communities Livy mentions the Pirustae immediately 
Isefore Rhizon (Risano). At the present day too we have a town in the immediate neighbourhood of 
Risano the name of which corresponds almost to a letter with that of the Pirustas, namely Pera^to, 
... of which we know that it is a town of gi-eat antiquity, the origin of which is traced back by tlic 
people to the time of the Roman Emperors.") 



Antiquarian Researches in 1 Ih/ricum. 

fore, to trust entirely to my o\\m resources, but 1)y adopting tlie disguise aiul 
cliaracter of an Effcntli from Stamboul, and in company of a trustworthy iuili\e 
Mahometan, I succeeded in visiting Podped mthout let or hindrance from the 
fanatics on the spot. The hamlet itself lies in a l)eautiful undulating vallej', 
endowed ^vith a singularly rich soil, and overlooked hj the forest-covered ranges 
of Kolasiue. On a height above were some mediaeval Serbian monuments ; a little 
below were the charred remains of the Orthodox church recently burnt l)y tlic 
Turks (who murdered the last priest), and around it a rayah cemeteiy, where 1 
found the annexed portion of an lUyro-Eoman monument, made to serve thi' 
purpose of a Christian tombstone (fig. 19). Like so many of the Sveti Ilija monu- 
ments, it formed a record of piety towards female members of the family — in this 
case an Aurelia Panto, and another, Aurelia Testo (or perhaps Titto) — monumental 
records which sufficiently attest (what indeed we may partly gather from historic- 
sources) the prominence of women in the primitive lllyrian communities. 

j-'ig. ly. 

Antiquarian Researches in Ilhjricum. 


On the same slope of the hill I observed the remains of an ancient fountain 
constructed of Roman blocks s and it seems to me to be by no means improbable, 
considering the beauty and fertility of the valley, that a Roman station existed in 
the immediate neighbourhood of Podpec. It is to be observed, moreover, that the 
village lies on an old line of communication between the plain on which Plevlje 
stands and Jezero on the Upper Tara, a place abounding in monuments of at least 
mediaeval antiquity. The remains of an old kalderyn or paved way are to be 
traced leading up to Vezeznica Valley and past Podpec in that direction ; and the 
occvirrence of Roman remains along this road at Rogatac, and again at Podpec, 
gives us some grounds for supposing that in this, as in so many other cases, the 
medigeval paved-way follows the course of a Roman predecessor. 

It would appear that from the Municipium that existed on the site of Old 
Plevlje two main lines of Roman Way conducted to the East and South-East. 
From the discovery of an uninscribed monument and some other Roman frag- 
ments in the highland glen of Obavde, lying between Plevlje and Brdarevo on the 
Lim, Herr Miiller was inclined to believe that the Roman road which brought the 
Municipium S. into communication with the important Roman site near Prijepolje 
took a bend to the South, instead of following the more direct course of the 
existing road between Plevlje and Prijepolje. The 
remains at Obavde, however, may very well represent 
a direct line of communication between the Roman 
predecessor of Plevlje and the upper valley of the Lim, 
eventually bringing it into connexion with the ancient 
city, which, as we have seen, appears to have existed 
in the vale of Plava and the district where, in medigeval 
days, rose the Serbian mint-town of Brskovo. That, on 
the other hand, the ancient road from the site of Plevlje 
to that of Prijepolje followed the same direct course as 
that actually existing, appears to me to be established 
by the discovery which I made on the Cicia Polje, at 
the top of the pass between these two places and near 
the present road, of a Roman milestone (fig. 20). The 
stone, which presents the usual oval section, was un- 
fortunately much mutilated and weather-worn, so that only a few of the letters 
can at present be decyphered. 

From this point the road descends somewhat abruptly to the fertile gorge of 


Fig. 20. 



Antiquarian Besearches in Ilhjricum. 

the Seljacnica stream, at tlio confluence of whicli \\\i\\ the Lim, at a Imnilet 
called Kolovrat, about hall' an hour's distance from Prijepoljc, 1 came upon a 
highly-interesting Roman site, recently discovered by Vice-Consul Midler. A little 
above the road to the left of the stream was a brushwood-covered bank, consisting 
entirely of ancient fragments. Cornices and bases, altars, sarcophagi, sepulchral 
slabs, and lesser fragments innumerable lay about in wild confusion, and in the 
middle a broken column, and the base of another stood apparently in situ. 

Two of the blocks bear inscriptions. The first, an altar dedicated to Diana 
by T. Aur. Saturninus, Eques Bomanus, has been correctly given by Dr. Hoernes 
from Herr Miiller's drawings. It contains a votive address to the Goddess, of 
three lines, and in a metre that recalls a Prudentian hymn : — 


The second stone, a large square slab, is of considerable interest as containing 
a reference to an lUyrian Clan and City. 

D • M • S 





H • S • F 

Fifr. 21. 

Antiquarian Researches in Ilhjricum. 45 

In spite of a lacuna on the stone I was able to trace the first letters of tlie word 
AVEELi in monogram, an epithet which sufiiciently declares that the Municipium 
with whose name it is coupled looked back with gratitude for civic benefits to 
the age of the Antonines, Herr Von Domaszewski^ would complete the title 
" VRk^Yedus [lure ma(7ido iixmcipii^ aveeli s(a)lo(niaxi)." " Saloniana" is men- 
tioned by Ptolemy 'amongst the inland cities of Dalmatia, as lying in the same 
degree of latitude as ^quum, near Sinj, a district far removed from the valley of 
the Lim. Indeed, if we are to seek the site of the city here referred to as far 
away as Northern Dalmatia, it seems to me preferable to trace a reference to the 
better-known Dalmatian city of Splonum or Splaunum. This city, as we have 
seen, was one of the principal mining centres of the province, and a native 
rrinceps belonging to it was of service to the Romans in exploiting the Dacian 
gold-fields. In this case the reading would be : PEAEFeci?ts lure mamdo UTsicipii 
AVEELI &{v)'Lo{mstanim) . Could it indeed be established that the Municipium of 
the mining community of the Splonistee was otherwise known as the Municipium 
AureUum, we might obtain a valuable clue to the hitherto unexplained legend 
METAL . A\TJELiANi upon a Small brass issue, resembling in every particular the 
coins referring to the Metalla Dahnatica. 

Whether the title in the third and fourth line of the inscription should be 
completed PEAEreciMS civitativm (melco)m, and be taken to conceal a reference to 
the Melcomani, mentioned by Pliny among the Illyrian clans represented in the 
Conventus of Narona, must, in the absence of further evidence, remain uncertain. 
The further suggestion, however, of Dr. Domaszewski, that the " piadome " of the 

first line contains the elements of two cognomina piado me and that caevanio 

stands for the place of origin, can hardly be accepted as satisfactory, piadome .... 
I should prefer to complete piadomeno, and see in it a slight variation of the well- 
known Illyrian name pladomenvs,'' while caevanio as closely resembles the name of 
King Genthios' brother, who was captured by the Romans at Medeon, in the 
present limits of Montenegro, and who appears in Livy as Garavantius. The 
wife's name on hue 7 is " Panto, '^ and not " Testo." 

I was able to trace a succession of ancient fragments and remains for about a 
quarter of a mile's distance to the south, along the left bank of the Lim, In places 

" Arch. Ep. Mitth. 1880, p. 14. 

^ Cf. C. I. L. iii. 2787, " pladomenvs . sera . tvri . f " ; 2797, " vendo tvdania pladomeni r " ; 
6410, "(i) . . M APLV . Dv//// MEVEKTENS . PLttDOMENi . FiLiv||." All from Muiiicipium Biditaruvi. The 
termination domenus has a Celtic sound, e. g. Dumno-vellaunus, Dumno-Rix, Cogi-dubnus, &c. 

46 Antiquarian Researches in lUijririiu). 

were heaps of Roman masonry, slioAving that the Roman city which here existed 
must have covered a considerable area. At one spot I found a cornice and piece 
of the fiekl of an inscription, but learnt that the inscription itself had been broken 
into fragments by the Turkish landowner in hopes of discovering gold or treasure 
inside the stone ; a superstition unfortunately widespread in these regions. 

At Prijepolje the present road to the South-East crosses the Lim by a wooden 
bridge built in 1550, supported on pillars, also of wood, and prowed so as to look 
like a row of vessels breasting the current. To complete the illusion of antiquity 
the bridge-head of this old-world construction is defended by a wooden tower. 
From this point the track leads up the valley of the Mileseva stream to the 
monastery of that name and the famous shrine of St. Sava, the Serbo-Byzantine 
frescoes of which are of the liighest interest and considerable beauty. About an 
hour beyond the ruined peak castle of Milesevac," a stronghold of Serbian Kings and 
Emperors which protected the minster below and completely commands the defile, 
I found another Roman mile-stone. The stone was, unluckily, even more weather- 
worn than the last, insomiich that of the inscription hardly a letter was to be 
decyphered, l)ut tliere could be no doubt as to the milliary character of the monu- 
ment, and its existence may be taken to demonstrate that the Roman road fi'om 
the I\runicipium in the Lim valley to the south-east took substantially the same 
direction as the present track from Prijepolje towards Sijenica and Novipazar. 

The forest-covered range between Mileseva and Sijenica over which this ancient 
highway runs was known to early Venetian travellers as the Mountain of Morlac- 
chia and forms a part of the larger district already referred to, which still bears 
the name of " Stari ^^ah," or " Old Wallachia." Both names afford interesting 
evidence of the survival of the Romance-speaking Illyro-Roman stock in this 
central Alpine region on the old Dalmatian and Dardanian borders. The Murlacha 
were not, as has been sometimes supposed, "dwellers on the sea" (in Serb Morjorl), 
but MavpofiXaxoi, or Black ^lachs, an etymology borne out by the early Dal- 
matian chronicler, the Presbyter of Dioclea, who, after identifying them with the 
descendants of the Roman Provincials, translates their name into Nigri Latini." 

" By the Turks called Hissardjik. 

I" Ramberti, Viaggio da Venefia a Constantinopoli (In Vinegia, 1541), p. 6, " Passamnio il 
castello di Millesevatz ed il Monte Molatscidi, clie h come a dire Moncagna di Morlacco." 

"= Presbyteri Biocleatis Eegnum Slavorum (In Lucius de Regno Dalmatim et Croatke (Fi-ankfort, 
1666, p. 288) : " Vulgari (sc. Bulgari) post h»c ceperunt totam provinciam Latinoiuiii ,|ui illo tempore 


Antiquarian Researches in Illyricmn. 47 

In the upper valley of the Uvac, which washes the eastern flanks of this 
Morlach " mountain, the village of Ursula still preserves the well-known Rou- 
man personal name of JJrsidu = " Ursus ille," " il orso," finding its counterpart 
in another village near Yranja, further to the south-east Surdule, from a kindred 
Rouman name Surdulu."' It is noteworthy in this connexion that the earliest 
treasury of Romance as opposed to classical Latin names in the lUyrian peninsula, 
relates largely to the Dardanian province on the confines of which we have now 
arrived. In the highly interesting list which Procopius gives us of lUyrian for- 
tresses built or restored by the Emperor Justinian,'' we find (side by side with 
names which attest the vitality of the old Thracian race and language in the eastern 
and central parts of the peninsula, and with others that connect themselves as 
conclusively with the Ulyrian aborigines and the Slavonic new-comers) a whole 
catalogue of local names presenting Romance, and, it may be added, distinctively 
Rouman characteristics." There is no mistaking the significance of names like 

Romani vocabanttu" modo rero Morovlaclii hoc est Nigii Latini vocantur." Opposed to these Crni 
Vldlii, or black " Vlachs " as they were also known, were the Bijeli Vlalii, or white " Vlachs," hut on 
what the distinction was founded is iincertain. At a later j)eriod Mavrovlachia appears as the equiva- 
lent of Moldavia. It is to be observed that Lucius of Trail supplies the right derivation of the word 
Moi-lach ; and to him is really due the credit of ha\dng in his mastei'ly chapter de Vlahis exploded 
the fallacy of their Transdanubian oi-igin. The chief arguments adopted by Sulzer, Roesler, and 
other vmters of recent times, will be found clearly and succinctly stated by the seventeenth-centuiy 
Dalmatian antiquary. 

" Both Surdidit and TJrsulu occui' among the Rouman personal names in the foundation charter 
of the church of the Ai-changel at Prisren, issued by the Serbian Emperor DuSan in 1348. 

^ Procopius de ^dificiis, lib. iv. 

"= These names are of peculiar value, as giving us an insight into the nomenelatm-e of the_country 
districts of Illyi-icum in the sixth century of our era, a subject on which histoi-ians and geographers 
are for the most part silent. The (ppoipta of Justinian wei-e mostly small castles, or even mere block- 
houses, like the later Turkish Icaraidas, for the protection of the country-side. The age of castle- 
building on peaks has begun, and the sixth-century Castellnm was doubtless in many cases the local 
predecessor of the " Grad," or central stronghold of the Slavonic "Zupa." The Roman or Romance 
names have frequent reference to mineral and other natural soui-ces of revenue which it was desii-able 
to pi'otect, as ^raria, Ferraria, Argentarias, Lapidarias ; in many cases they contain an honorary 
tribute to Emperors and Empresses, who reigned in the fourth, fifth, and sixth centuries, e. g. Con- 
stantiana, Justiniana, Pulchra Theodora, Placidiana, &c. Names like Castelona, Braiola, Vindemiola, 
Lutzolo, Casyella'ha.Ye a decidedly Italian ring: others such as Buceprattcm {? Doucepre). Lupofontana, 
Lucernariohtirgus show us that the neo-Latin language of Illyricum had attained a Teutonic facility 
for forming compounds. In some instances, as "Sa&mi-bries." and " Prisco--pera,," Latin and Thi-acian 
elements arc blended. The Thracian, Ulyrian, Slavonic, and Gothic name-forms are of the highest 
interest, but can only be refeiTed to here. 

48 Antiquarian Researches in Ilhjricum. 

" Sceptecasas," " " Lupofontaiia," " " Marmorata," " Capomalva," " Tuo-nrias," 
" Strameiitias," and other kiudred forms. In " Burgiialtu " and "(Jemullo- 
mimtes " we detect already the Illyro-Roman preference for U in place of 0. In 
" Maurovalle," the dark valley, we find the characteristic mixture of Greek and 
Latin; and the pass of " Klisura," another instance of the same, shows us the 
most typical of all Rouman name-forms already existing in sixth-centur3f Illyri- 
cura." In " Erculente," again, we have the earliest example of the Rouman local 
suffix " -ente," of which we have already noticed an example in the Herzegoviuiau 
Turmente, parallels to which may be found in the Cici districts of Istria. Not 
in Dardania alone, but from the Adriatic to the Lower Danube, from the 
southern borders of Thessaly to the northern limits of Aurelian's Dacia, there 
existed already, in Justinian's days, an Illyrian form of Romance which, for 
better and for worse, had parted company from its western sisters, and which, 
rendered precocious by its very misfortunes, displayed already features which we 
recognise as specifically Wallachian. When in the succeeding century the Danu- 
bian Limes was finally broken down, and the Dalmatian, Mcesian, and New Dacian 
provinces were overwhelmed with a Slavonic and Bulgarian deluge, we may well 
imagine that these central Dardanian fastnesses became a principal refuge and 
rallying point of the remnants of the Romance-speaking peasantry. It is not only 
in " Stari Vlah " and the mountain of Morlacchia that they have left abidin"- 
traces. In the ranges of the Shar mountains that overlook the Dardanian low- 
lands to the "West these traces, as I shall show, are not less apparent. 

Beyond the watershed of the "Montagna di Morlacco " the pine-forest gives 
way to bare downs of a schistose formation, rich in iron ore, from which the road 
descends into the grassy plateau of Sijcnica, the next night-quarters for caravans 
after leaving Prijepolje. Here I was unable to discover any remains of Roman 
antiquity, but the square walls of the " Starigrad," or old town, have a curiously 
old-world aspect, and much recall those of Niksic.'' From this place the road to 
Novipazar (ten hours distant) leads over the pass of Dugopoljana into the fertile 
and wooded valley of the Ljudska, an upper branch of the Raska. In this glen, 
still known by the old Rouman term of Klissura, about two and a half hours 
distant from Novipazar, I observed the remains of an ancient paved road on a 

" Cf. Wallachian, septe = 7. Accepting Tomaschek's emendation of another name in Procopius' 
Catalogue, " tredecitilias " gives us already the Wallachian fredeci = 30. 

^ This compound reminds us of tlie common Shivo-Rouman local name Lupoylava = wolf's head. 
" This pass led fi-om IlljTicum into Greece. 
** See Archaeologia, vol. XLViii. p. 86. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 


stone embankment whicli crosses tlie former bed of tlie river, through which the 
stream has long ceased to run, by an arch of well-hewn masonry, known as Suhi 
Most, or " the dry bridge." It is difficult to resist the impression that this bridge 
(the character of which will be seen from the annexed cut), as well as the roadway 
it supports, are of Roman origin. In that case we have here the continuation of 
the Eoman Way which brought the Municipia already described on the Gorazda, 
Plevlje, and Prijepolje sites into communication with the Dardanian and Moesian 
cities to the South-East. 

Fig. 22. 

About three hours further down the valley, and three miles below Novipazar, 
on the banks of a tributary brook to the right of the Ra§ka, is a domed, octagonal 
bath-chamber, built over a thermal source of the highest antiquarian interest. 

Undoubtedly the greatest caution is necessary in determining the age of 
buildings in these Turkish regions, however Roman, or at least Byzantine, may be 
their general appearance. In the case of the buildings, and notably the aqueduct of 
Skopia, I shall have occasion to illustrate the necessity of such caution; and in the 
present instance it is right to observe that the ground plan and general form of 
this bath-chamber do not essentially differ from those of bath-buildings of 
Turkish date, specimen^ of which may still be seen at Skopia and in the neigh- 
bourhood of Prisren. On the other hand, in all these parallel instances, so far 
as I am aware, there are to be seen distinctly Oriental features in the form of the 
arches and the decoration of the interior, features which are here conspicuous by 



Antiquarian Researches in Ilh/ricum. 

their absence. It may, therefore be preferal)le to regard the Turkish l)uihlings 
which approach this form as imitations or restorations of pre-existing Byzantine 

The bath-buihlings of Banja consist of two (h)nied chambers, the first of 
wliich, whether built on ancient foundations or not, is obviously of Turkish con- 
struction. This chamber is surrounded by eight semi-circular niches, and on 
either side is a raised wooden platform, or divan, on which the Slavonic Maho- 
metans and Albanians, of whom the bath-giiests are composed, lull themselves 
to their " siesta " to the somnolent purring of their narghilehs, or partake of a 
light refection of coffee, sherbet, and melons, to the more inspiriting strains of 
Albanian lays, sung to the wild accompaniment of the national tamhvra. In 
the centre is a vase-shaped marble fountain of cold water, surrounded by an 
octagonal basin, and the whole apartment serves at once as a frigidarium and an 

Fig. 23. 

From tliis, tlie more modern part of the establishment, a vaulted passage leads 
to another domed chamber, the site of which cannot fail to impress the spectator 
-n^th an idea of its great antiquity. In the centre is a large octagonal basin, into 
which the hot sulphur-springs flow, and where, when I saw it, a shaven crew of 
true-believers were disporting themselves. This central bath is tempered to tepid 
warmth by cold-water jets issuing from- three somewhat altar-shaped fountains, set 
in three apse-like recesses behind it and on either side. These side-niches or apses 
give the interior a cruciform outline, and, taken together with the monumental 

Antiquarian Uesearches in lUyricum. 


fountains and the domed vault above, call up a reminiscence of Galla Placidia's 
mausoleum at Ravenna. The level of their pavement is raised a step above that 
of the central octagonal space of the bath-chamber, and in this, as well as the 
fountain or mill iari urn, in the innermost recess of each, we may trace an interesting 
analogy to the raised side-niche originally containing a fountain, of apparently 
similar form, in the Roman bath-chamber already described ^ at Bpitaurum. 

Fig. 24. 

The central piscina itself descends in steps constructed, like the walls, of long 
narrow bricks. The domed vault above has evidently at some period fallen into 
a ruinous condition, and has been somewhat rudely restored, the upper part being 
eked out with wood- work. At the top of the vault is a round opening, canopied 
above, out of which the sulphurous and steamy exhalations that fill the whole 
chamber gi'adually find their way. The interior walls are coated with a sulphurous 

Archaeologia, xlviii. p. 11. 
H 2 

512 Antiquarian Researches in Ilhjricmn. 

iiicvustation, but, where this has broken away, narrow brickwork of Roman 
character is distinctly perceptible. 

In the four angles of the buikling (the exterior outline of which is square), 
between the recesses formed by the entrance arcli and the three apselike niches, 
are four small chambers set apart for the " Sudatio " and " Calda Lavatio." Each 
is provided with a square marble fountain, from which issues a jet of thermal 
water, the temperature of which is so high that I could hardly bear my hand in 
it ; for the purposes of the douche it has, consequently, to be tempered with water 
from the cold source. 

— ^Z'f^ ■//// /> // / //Afl ,11 111 1. 1. ■ - /' -J-LU . . ' 

Fig. 25. 

The domed vault above the piscina of the central chamber is externally contained 
in a low octagonal tower rising above the roof of the lower quadrangular part of 
the biulding, and covered itself with a sloping roof which conceals its interior 
dome. This octagonal character of the central part of the building, as well as 
the octagonal bath, the side niches, and the dome externally concealed, cannot fail 
to recall the characteristic features of early-Christian baptisteries of fourth, fifth, 
and sixth-century date, such as are still to be seen at Novara, Ravenna, Aquileja 
and elsewhere. The octagonal fons bajotisterii of these early-Christian buildings 
is well known to be identical in shape, as well as name, with the baptisterion of 
Greco-Roman baths ; and the steps, by which the interior of the present bath 
descends, afford an interesting point of comparison with the font of the old 
baptistery at Aquileja. It is a natural infei^nce that the Christian l)aptisteries of 
the later Roman Empire represented in their general form a then prevalent style 

Antiquarian Researches in Ilhjricmn. 53 

of bath-building. Of this, indeed, we get little evidence in Vitruvius, or in 
existing Roman remains in Western Europe. The small sudatory chamber known 
as the " Laconicum,"" though hemispherical at the top, can hardly have been the 
prototype of these spacious Christian vaults. On the other hand, we learn from 
Timarchos that the Athenian baths were domed and circular inside,'' and we should 
be naturally inclined to seek the Christian models in the eastern half of the Empire. 
The striking points of resemblance between this Dardanian Ijath-chamber and the 
early- Christian baptistery go far to show that the lliermce under notice present to 
us an example of the late-Roman type of l^ath-building, the existence of which 
may be inferred from its ecclesiastical adaptation. 

I learnt that two " Latin " inscriptions had been in recent times removed from 
the neighbourhood of the baths to the konak at Novipazar ; one had since been 
broken up and the other was lost. There are, however, other remains of at least 
late-Roman antiquity with which the Tliervue seem to stand in a special connexion. 
On a height that rises on the opposite bank of the Raska stands an ancient church 
known as the Petrova Grkva, the church of 8t. Peter and St. Paul. This building 
has been considerably restored and rebuilt at various times, and in so piecemeal a 
fashion that its present ground- plan is one of the most irregular that it is possible 
to conceive. Enough, however, of the original church remains to show that it was 
once of circular form with a low octagonal tower in the centre, which still exists, 
concealing a cupola under its low tiled roof, and supported below by massive 
columns." It was in fact an example of the circular mausoleal churches, dating 
from Constantino's time onwards, as a specimen of which on Illyrian soil we may 
take the church of St. Donato at Zara. The natives have a tradition that it was 
originally a temple converted to Christian uses ; an antiquity as great as Justinian's 
time may however be claimed for it with more reason. At present it is used as a 
Turkish magazine. 

It is indeed by no means improbable that both the bath-buildings and the 
church owe their existence to the architectural activity of Justinian in his native 
Dardanian province to which Procopius bears such ample testimony. The arciii- 

" The Laconicum, being mei-ely a steam- bath, had no piscina, as will be seen from the repre- 
sentation of the chamber supposed to be a Laconicum discovered at Pisa, and given by Robortelli 
(in Scribonius Largtis, ed. Rhodius. Patavii, 1655). This Pisan example is a domed circular 
chamber with niches, small squai'C windows round the vault, and an opening at the top. 

' In Athen. xi. p. 561, quoted by Marquardt, Bomische AUerthilmer, part v. p. 299. 

' The jealous precautions of the Turks prevented me from examining the interior. 


Antiquarian Researches in lUyricum. 

toctural activity of Jiistiiiiau in Illyricum is the counterpart to that of 'ilieodoric 
in Italy, and the restoration of bath buildings connected with thermal sjjrings as 

,y . 



Fig. 26. 

well as the erection of Christian temples and l)aptisteries formed part of the 
pious work alike of Gothic King " and Roman Emperor. But there is, I venture 
to beUeve, in the present instance direct evidence connecting the name of Justinian 
in his capacity of builder mth this immediate vicinity. It was here that in the 
early Middle Ages stood the old Serbian town and royal residence of Rasa, on the 
river of the same name (now generally known as the Raska), which gave its name to 
the kingdom of Raska or Rascia. Now, remembering that the Arsia on the Istrian 
confines has been Slavonized into Basa, we have, conversely, a priori grounds for 
assuming that here too the original form of this Serbian Basa was also Arsia or 
Arsa in Roman times. When, therefore, we find the Castellum of Aisa mentioned 
among the Dardanian strongholds restored by Justinian,"" we can have little 
difficulty in identifying it with the later Rasa. 

From Constantine Porphyrogenitus " it appears that in the tenth century 
Rasa was a frontier stronghold on the then Bulgarian and Serbian confines. 

» It would be interesting to know know fai- the batli-buildings restored by Theodoric over the 
famous hot si)rings of Aponus, near Patavium (Cassiodorus, var. ii. Eji. ."39), were the counterpart of 
S. Giovanni in Fonte. 

'' Procopius, De JEdificiis. 

*= De Adm. Imp. c. 82. Tlic Bulgar Prince Blastimer, captured by tlie Serbs, is on his release 
uafely re-conducted fixi" '"'"•' "vopw*' '"^E ^nc 'Pa<";f- 

Antiquarian Researches in Ilhjricum. 55 

Captured, lost, recaptured, and lost again by the Byzantines," it early became an 
important Serbian centre, giving its name to the Zupa as later to the kingdom of 
" Rascia " itself . The bishopric of which the church of St. Peter and St. Paul 
was the cathedral church is mentioned as early as 1020, and in its neighbourhood '' 
rose the royal castle and the grander foundations of the Neman j as, the church of 
Grjurgjevi Stupovi, the ruins of which are to be seen on the height above," and the 
monastery of Sopocani. 

The commercial importance of this part of the RaSka Valley is evidenced by 
the rise of the mediaeval Serbian staple of Trgoviste"' (literally " Market-place "), 
later known as ISTovipazar. It was at this point that the caravan route from 
Ragusa and Bosnia bifurcated into two lines, one towards the plain of Kossovo, 
Skopia, and ultimately Salonica; the other, the direct line to Constantinople, 
taking a more easterly route via the Toplica Valley, and thence to Nish, the ancient 
Naissus, where it struck what has always been the main highway of communication 
between Central and Western Europe and Eastern Rome. In view of the evidence 
that I have already adduced, all tending to show that the medieval Ragusan trade- 
route to the South-East followed substantially the line of a more ancient Roman 
highway, we are led to conclude that in Roman as in mediaeval times the branching 
point of important lines of way leading from Dalmatia to the Dardanian Plains, 
Scupi and Thessalonica on the one hand, and to Naissus, ultimately to Byzantium, 
on the other, lay in the neighbourhood of these Rascian Thermce. 

The more southerly of these routes, that conducting to the plain of Kossovo, 
has, after leaving the valley in which Novipazar and the baths of Banja lie, to 
traverse the ranges of Moimt Rogozna. The present highway first emerges on the 
level country near the town of Mitrovica and the historic ruins of the castle of 
Svecani, the Byzantine Sphentzanion. About three hours before reaching this the 
route passes through a well-watered gorge, in which rise the hot-springs of 
Banjska, where ancient monuments " exist, showing that it, like the baths of the 

•■' To PdtTov (ppovotov in Kinnamos {Hist. lib. ii.) taken bj the Serbs from the Byzantines (Hist. 
lib. iii.) ; retaken by the Emperor Manuel. Kinnamcs I'eckons it a Dalmatian .sti-onghold. 

'' The castle of the Zupans and later Kings is, as Jiretek points out (Die Ilandelsstrassen, &c. 
p. 77), to be sought in the neighbourhood of the episcopal church. 

■= A description of the remains of Gjurgjevi Stupovi vn\l be found in Travels in the Slavonic 
I'rovinces of Turkey-in-Europe, by G. Muir Mackenzie and A. P. Irby, 2nd cd. vol. i. p. 273. 

■' JireCek, op. cit. p. 77. 

« Captain Sterneck of the Austrian Survey has given a very imperfect copy of a Roman 
sepulchral inscription from Banjska in his Geographische Verhciltnisse, Gommunicationen, nnd das lieisen 
in Bosnien, der Herzegovina, und Nord Montenegro, PI. IV. (Vienna, 1877). 


Antiquarian Researches in Ilhjricum. 

Raska A'alley, was a Roman tliennal station. At Kailiacki Han, about an lionr to 
the north-west of this, I came npon a monument which indicates the existence of 
a Roman civic foundation on a site of the highest economic interest. 

At Kadiacki Han Miss A. P. Irby had observed a drinking-trough believed by 
her to be a Roman sarcophagus, and she and her companion were informed, in 
answtr to their inquiries, that it had been oi'iginally transported hither from the 
village of Socanica, about two hours' distant, in the Il)ar valley." The stone-trough 
had, in fact, been observed in its present position by the Ragusan ambassadors, 
who passed this way in 1792, and it was recognised by them to be of Roman work- 
nianshi]).'' I found it tn l)e, as these travellers liad stated, a Roman sarcophagus, 
and was able to decypher npon it the following inscription, showing that the %allage 
in wliicli it orginally existed had been formerly tlie site of a Roman Municipiuni. 



xi'f-m^^? v(i^,- / 



M »F 

Fig. 27. 

It is impossible, in the present state of our knowledge, to give the full name of 
the im^iciPiVM n.ii., of wliich this Felicianns was decvrio. The village of Socanica, 
where the monument originally stood, contains a variety of ancient remains, 
including, I was informed, several "written stones." Near it are the ruins of an 
old Serbian church, dedicated to St. Cyril and St. Methodius, the Apostles to the 
Slavs. What makes the former existence of a Roman civic Commonwealth in this 
neighbourhood of peculiar significance is the character of the mountain mass 
which here overlooks the Ibar valley. Tliis range is known to its present Serbian 

" The Slavonic Provinces of Turkey-in-Europe, by G. ^luir ]\Iaekcnzie and A. P. Iiby, vol. i. 
p. 262 (2nd ed.) 

'' Giornale del Viaggio a Gonstantinopoli fatto dagli Ambasciatori della Eepuhlica di Bagwsa alia 
Sublime Porta VAnno 1792. " In distanza di un' ora del scquente alloggio (Banjska) trovarono 
una fonte che scon-eva in un' urna antica ben lavorata, ma molto patita, coU' izcrizionc latina die per 
troppo fi-etta non ebber commodo di leggere." (In Engel. p. 320.) 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 57 

inliabitants as Kopaonik, or the " Mountain of Mines." To the mediaeval Ragnsan 
and Italian travellers "■ it was known as the Montagna dell' Argento, or ilonte 
Argentaro, names which it is difficult not to bring into connexion with the 
"Argentaria" of the Tabula Petdingeriana, already mentioned as the extreme 
south-eastern goal of a main-line of Dalmatian roadway leading inland from 
Salona3. The successful exploitation of the rich silver veins of this range by the 
Ragusan and Saxon miners gave birth in the early Middle Ages to the important 
mining town of Trep6e, only a few miles distant from this Roman site, and, some- 
what further to the South, the still more famous city of Novobrdo — the Nyeuberge 
or Newburgh of the Saxon colonists — of which Dr. Jirecek justly remarks, that 
from the middle of the fourteenth to the middle of the iifteenth century it was the 
most important civic foundation in the whole interior of the Balkan peninsula.'' 
Fabulous reports of its mineral wealth reached foreign countries, and a Byzantine 
writer goes so far as to assert that gold and silver were literally ploughed out of 
the soil. When the Burgundian traveller, La Brocquiere, passed through Serbia in 
1433, he learnt "from well-informed persons" that the Despot obtained from the 
mine here over 200,000 ducats annually." 

The mineral wealth of this district, and its economic importance in mediaeval 
times, makes it all the more desirable that the site of the Roman Municipium, 
proved by the present inscription to have existed on or near the slopes of the 
" Silver Mountain," should be thoroughly explored. Unfortunately this European 
terra incognita is still in Asiatic possession, and I was prevented by the Turkish 
authorities from following up my investigation on the site of Socanica itself. 

1 E. g. Ramberti, Lelle Cose de Ttirchi, p. 7 (In Vinegia, 1541) : " Passamo la Montagna dell' 
Argento ... si cliiama dell' Argento perchio che continuamente vi stanno huomini in essa che 
cavano argento." 

^ DieHandelsstrassen Serhiens, &c. p. 55. "Novo Brdo (Novaberda, Novabarda, in Lat. Urk.) 
NovTis Mons, Novomonte der Italiener, Njeuberge der sachsisclien Bergleute, No/Joirupyov, No/5ojrpo5oj/ 
der Byzantiner, war, 1350-1450, die grosste tind beriihmteste stadtische Ansiedelung des ganzen 
Innern der Halbinsel. Von iliren Schiitzen crziihlte man sioh im Auslande ganz fabelhafte 
Gescbichten ; der Byzantiner Ki-itobulos sclireibt Gold und Silber werde liier formlich aus dem 
Boden bervorgeackert." 

'^ Bertrandon La Brocquiere, Counsellor and First Esquire-Carver to Pbilip-le-Bon, Duke of 
Burgundy, Travels to Palestine and return from Jerusalem overland to France during the years 1432-1433. 
Translated by T. Jobnes at tbe Hafod Press, 1807, p. 274. " Tbe Despot of Servia possesses towards 
the common confines of Bulgaria, Sclavonia, Albania, and Bosnia, a town called Nyeuberge, wliicb 
bad a mine producing botb gold and silver at the same time. Each year it pays bini more than two 
hundred thousand ducats, as well-infonned persons assured me; without this ho would be soon 
driven out of his dominions." 


58 Antiquanan Researches in lUyricum. 

From SoCanica the Ibar valley forms a natural avenue of approach to the 
historic plain known as the Kossovo Polje, or " Field of Thrushes," and in ancient 
times, as at present, two lines of road, the Ibar valley line and that which 
leads more directly from Novipazar, past the Roman thermal station at Banjska 
must have converged about the actual site of Mitrovica. On the Kossovo Polje 
itself " was found a Roman sepulchral slab, described by the Serbian traveller, 
Milojevic.'' In the centre of the southern part of this plain lies the village of 
Lipljan, which, as Dr. JireCek has pointed out, is simply the Slavonized form of 
the important Dardanian city of Ulpiana." 

The old Byzantine church at Lipljan, to which I will return, as well as a neigh- 
bouring cistern, is largely composed of Roman fragments. Outside the church I 

' Since this paper was communicated to the Society of Antiquaries a copy of the following 
interesting inscription found at Batus, in the Kossovo Polje, has been sent by Signor Paolo Orsito the 
Arch. Epigr. Mitthcilungen axis Oesterreich (1883, heft 1. p. 146), the ligatures here omitted: 

I . . M . V / PP 

D . D . ET . gen// 
PEO S . DN . IMP . 
/l . S . A . V . S . L . M . AVG . 

Which is there read : 

3{ovi) O(pHmo) M(axi7no) d(omui) d(ivincB) et Gcn(to) Stationis pro s(alute) i(omini) 

n(ostri) Severi Alexandri Aug(tisti) Valcrianus specul(a<or) liCg(ion{s) nil (F)\(avice) S(everiaiice) 
A(lexandrian(e) v(ofum) s(olvit) \(ihe7is) m(erito) Av.g(usta) (sic) Severe Alcxand(ro) [ii] et Aufid(io) 
Marcello [ii Co{7i) sQul-ihiis]. The d.d. in the second line seems to connect itself with the Muni- 
cipium D.D. the existence of which I have now established in this neighbourhood. Perhaps the 
preceding letters should be read R.P., i. e. Rci Publiceo d.d. The inscription is of 226 a.d. 

'' Putopis Stare Srhije, pi. i. (since published by Engelhardt, Revue Archeologique, 26 (1863), 141; 
Eph. Ep. ii. 500). It reads: vlp ionice have bene vaeeas qvi me/ salvias /d . m/clavdia nysmki 


' Handelsstrassen und Bergwerke von Serbien, &c. pp. 2, 68. 

Antiquarian Researches in Ilhjricum. 


observed a fragmentary inscription (fig. 28), and the altar within was a Roman 
sepulchral monument turned upside down (fig. 29)." 











Fig. 28. 

Fig. 29. 

About a third of a mile to the North-East of the church is a knoll covered with 
ancient elms, from which quantities of Roman blocks, including three containing 
inscriptions, had been recently excavated. According to the engineer, who 
informed me of this fact, the inscriptions had been sent to Constantinople. Near 
this spot is a mill entirely composed of the same blocks. The knoll is known as 
Gradina, and was evidently a part of the Roman city. The clump of trees which 
covers it — the Lipljanski Dubovi, as they are called, is a landmark throughout the 
whole length of the Kossovo Polje, and is visible from Mitrovica at the far end of 
it. The Roman town appears to have extended some distance to the West of this 
spot, and to have covered the low hilly spur below which lies the village of Gus- 
tarica. According to the peasants, the whole of this hill is underlain with founda- 
tions of houses, while the fields are strewn with broken tiles and pottery. In the 
Serbian church at Lower Gustarica I found an altar of Jupiter, considerably 
obliterated (fig. 30), and by the roadside, a little above the village, was a fragment 
of another altar to the same God (fig. 31). 

Further up the valley lies the little town of Janjevo, near the Latin church, of 

" The inscription lias been published by Hilferding (Bosnia, Herzegovina i Stareja Serbia) {Eph. 
Ep. iv. 215) in an incorrect form. 



Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

which is an inscription ah'cady described by Von Hahn ;" wliilc, outside the 
mosque, lies a fine piece of a Roman cornice. To the North-West of this, on the 





Fig. 30. 





Fig. 31. 

other side of a mountain spur, lies the old Serbian monastery of GraCanica, with 
its noble church, the foundation of King Miljutin and his wife Simonida Paleologa. 
It is obvious that the Serbian architect of this church has laid the neighbouring 
ruins of Ulpiana largely under contribution. Many Roman fragments are to be 
seen, both within and without the building, and in the Proavlion lies a large 
sepulchral block with an inscription.'' An intervening range of hills separates 
G-racanica Minster from the considerable Turkish town of Pristina, the seat of the 
Vali of Kossovo and the true representative of Ulpiana in the modern economy of 
these regions. Here, opposite the mosque of Sultan Murad, I noticed an altar-like 
monument (fig. 32), which, as I learned from a native Mahometan, had been 
brought, about fifty years back, from Lipljan, and placed in its present position. 
Every letter of the inscription had been purposely defaced by the Turks. From 

" Beise von Belgrad nach Salonik, p. 240. C. I. L. iii. 1691. I was infoiTaed by the monk.s that 
this inscription had originally been fotmd on Mount Veljetin above the town, where there are said to 
be other remains. 

" C. I. L. iii. 1695. I could no longer sec 1694. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 6] 

the few -words, liowever, still decypherable, it appears to have been an epitaph 

m verse. 






Cr^L ■' \H 

Fig. 32. 

Near to the same mosque was a fountain, the trough of which had been formed 
out of a Roman sarcophagus, containing the lower part of an inscription (fig. 33). 

rig. 33. 

A noteworthy feature of the monuments from the site of Ulpiana is their 
material, in many cases a very beautiful kind of rose-veined marble. It is the 
same stone of which the exquisite old Serbian church of Decani is constructed, 
and was not improbably derived from the same inexhaustible quarries in the 
eastern gorges of the Shar. In other ways the immediate neighbourhood afforded 
a natural supply of building material, as I noticed clay-pits within a hundred yards 
of the knoll of Gradina, where brick-making of a rough kind was being carried on 
by the modern inhabitants of Lipljan. 

The glen which leads from the site of Ulpiana to the little town of Janjevo 

62 Antiquarian Researches in Ilh/ricum. 

affords interesting evidence as to the industry of the ancient city. In places it is 
literally strewn witli iron ore, and at one spot was pointed out to me an opening 
in the mountain side, said to be an old mine, witli a passage leading an untold 
distance into the earth. At Janjevo itself there is a chalybeate spring and the 
whole district abounds in mines. Situated in one of the southernmost recesses of 
the Montagna iVArgcnto, not far from Novobrdo, it was already in the Middle Ages 
a centre of mining industry and the seat of a Ragusan colony," and the present 
occupation of the inhabitants, as Avell as the predominance of Latin Christianity 
among them, is an inheritance from prte-Turkish times. They enjoy a special 
reputation in the Peninsula as metal-workers, and, with their Vlach*" instinct for 
itinerant commerce, sell their cheap jewelry and church ornaments through all 
the countries between the Black Sea, the ^gean, and the Adriatic. The amount 
of ancient coins, to a great extent from this neighbourhood, in the possession of 
these Janjevo silversmiths, was truly astonishing, and shows the early commercial 
importance of this metalliferous region. Exclusive of the Roman and Byzantine 
coins, including a find of three or four thousand small brass pieces of the age 
of Valens and Valentinian, and another smaller find in which coins of Claudius 
Gothicus predominated, I observed Macedonian tetradrachms of Philip III. and 
Alexander, with Celtic imitations of a class which extends to Pannonia and the 
Lower Danube, and silver coins of P^onia and Thasos. 

Standing on the knoll of Gradina at Lipljan it is not difficult to realize the 
importance of the ancient Ulpiana in Illyrian geography. A watch-tower built 
at this spot would command the whole of the Kossovo plain. To the South the 
Pass of Kacanik affords an easy access to Macedonia, while the ranges to East and 
"West dip down on either side and open into convenient passes towards the valleys 
of the Morava and Drin. It appears, in fact, from the Tabula and the Geographer 
of Ravenna" that Ulpiana lay on a line of Roman road bringing Naissus (Nish) into 
connexion with the Adriatic port of Lissus (Alessio). That this high-road was 
not always an unmixed advantage to Ulpiana appears from a passage of the 
Gothic historian Jordanes, who informs us that Theodemir the Amalung (the father 
of Theodoric), having possessed himself of Naissus, sent forward some of his 
" Comites " by this route, who, passing through the intei-mediate station, Castrum 

* See JireCek, Die Handekstrassen, &c. p. 57. 

*> Some of the inhabitants here are recogpaised to be Roumans ; most understand the Rouman 
language. Their wanderings sometimes extend beyond the Russian frontier. 
" In Ravennas the name appears under the foi-m Ulciano. 

Antiquarian Researches in lUyricum. 63 

Herculis, captured Ulpiana and took considerable booty." It is probable that Ulpiana 
suffered from the great barbarian incursion of 517 and from tbe terrific earthquake 
described by the lUyrian chronicler, the Comes Marcellinus, which in the succeed- 
ing year destroyed twenty-four Dardanian strongholds.'' "When Justinian set about 
his work of restoration in his native province the walls of Ulpiana were in a 
ruinous condition." The Emperor, not content with rebuilding the walls and 
generally embellishing the town, gave it the new and honorary name of Justiniana 
Secunda, raising it thus to the second dignity among Illyrian cities after his more 
famous metropolis Justiniana Prima. 

The ecclesiastical importance of Ulpiana is shown by the mention of a bishop 
from this place at the Council of Serdica in 347 and again in the CEcumenic Synod 
that met at Constantinople in 553 ; and it is to be observed, as showing the persist- 
ence of the earlier name, that, although the city is officially referred to in the 
Acts of this Synod as Justiniana Secunda, the bishop, Paulus, signs himself 
Episcojms Ecclesice Ulpiaiiensis. In the early Martyrologies and the Acta Sanc- 
torum the two martyrs, La\irus and Floras, are associated with this ancient City. 
According to the legend," which is common to both the Eastern and Western 
Churches, Floras and Lauras, like so many other Illyrian saints, were stone- 
masons by profession," a fact not without interest in connection with the quarries 
of the neighbouring ranges of the Shar, the exquisite marble from which forms 
such an ornamental feature amongst the existing monuments of the Roman city. 
The two masons, then engaged in practising their craft in " the city of Ulpiana 
in Dardania," were employed by the Emperor Licinius to build a temple. 

a Jordanes, De Getarum sive Oothmum Origine, c. Ivi.: " m villain comites per Castrum Herculis 
transmittit Ulpiana." The name is used in both its singular and plural form, Ulpianum, Ulpiana. 

Cf. Schol. ad Ptolem. iii. 9,6; "to OvXmavov, OuX-jnava (cnXoi'/ievoi/ jrapa roTc //erayfveffrspoif." (Closs. ad loc.) 

The mention of Castrum Herculis, the Ad Eerculem of the Tabula, the first station on the line 
Naissus-Ulpiana, fixes the route followed. 

^ Marcellinus Comes, Chrmi. sub anno, 518. See p. 89. 

" Fvoco-pius, De jEd. iv. 1.: " »> St tiq Iv Aapdavoig U 7r«XaioO TroXij i/jrep OvXmrii'a wro/iaffro ; 7-ni'r>;f 
Tov mpifioXov KaOiXdji' tK ro? iTn-rrXticTTOv {i]V ynp tr^aXepis ig ra ftaXtara Kal oXmc axpeToe) dXXa re uvry Tra^TrX/je,; 
tyKaXXtoTrhpara Troiijira^tvof, cf re Tr,v v'vv piraBipevog (vKoapiav, aeKovvdav avTi]v 'Xovariviaviiv iiruivoliaaev . aeKoOvtav 

yap r(> dtvripav KarXvoi XeyovCTi. He built another city near it which he named Justinopolis, in honoui- 
of his tincle Justinus, an indirect piece of evidence that Procopius is right in making Justinian's 
fatherland Dardania. (See p. 1.37.) 

^ Acta S8. t. .35, p. 522. The Martyrium chiefly followed in the Acta 8S. is headed : "Auctore 
Laurentio Monacho Rutiensi in Calabria," and is written in Greek. The chronology is obscure, 
the account being divided between the reigns of Hadrian and Licinius ! 

^ Tijv Xieojowv iKTraiStvovTai Ttxviiv. They had been originally in Constantinople but afterwards 
practised their craft at Ulpiana. 


Antiquarian Researches in Ulyricum. 

Having built it, however, the Saints one night collected a great number of poor 
people, to whom they were in the habit of giving alms, and in their presence 
pulled down the idols with which Licinius had filled the building, whereupon the 
Governor " ordered them to be cast down a deep well. 

In Justinian's time, the peace of the city seems to have been disturbed 
by ecclesiastical factions. Procopius informs us that a force that was being 
despatched by Justinian's orders to aid the Lombards against the GepidfB, was 
detained at Ulpiana by the Empei'or's orders, " by reason of an outbreak amongst 
the inhabitants, due," as he somewhat ironically expresses it, " to such questions 
as Christians are wont to dispute about." 

The old Byzantine church of Lipljan is a very interesting memorial of the 
former ecclesiastical importance of the place, which was still a bishop's seat in 
the days of the Bulgarian empire and recovered Byzantine dominion.'' Internally 


Fig. 34. 

■• See the chrysobull of Basil II. reorganising the Bulgarian Church (1020). Jirefiek, Gesch. d. 
Bulgaren, p. 202. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 




66 Antiquarian 'Re>ieairhcx in llhii-icnni. 

the church shows a regular Orthodox arrangement, the roof being supported l)y 
two massive piers and the icoiwstasis wall, the Proavlion, however, being a later 
addition. In external form it resembles a small basilica, terminating in a tri- 
lateral apse, a feature which it shares with many early Byzantine churches at 
Thessalonica and elsewhere, bi;t which also reappears as a charactei-istic of the 
mcdifeval Slavonic foundations of the Skopia district. In one important respect, 
however, the church of Lipljan differs from all the Byzantine, Serbian, and Bul- 
garian churches of the interior of the Peninsula with which I am acquainted. It 
is entirely devoid of cupola or dome. Moreover, in the construction of its walls, 
it combines to an extraordinary degree the characteristics of late-Roman work. 
The alternating layers of stones and narrow bricks, the herring-bone arrange- 
ment of the latter and the exterior arches, inclosing the small round-headed 
windows, make upon one the impression of extreme antiquity ; and, although these 
features are reproduced to a greater or less extent in the mediaeval churches of 
this region, it may safely be said that not one of them so completely transports 
the spectator to prae-Slavonic times as the church which marks the site and 
perpetuates the name and traditions of Roman Ulpiana. 

The regions that lie to the "West of Lipljan, and which the Roman road from 
Ulpiana had to traverse on its way to the Adriatic port of Lissus, are amongst 
the wildest and most inaccessible of the Balkan Peninsula, and are peopled for the 
most part by savage and fanatical Albanian mountaineers, amongst whom the work 
of exploration is often one of considerable risk. Hitherto the course of the Roman 
"Way from Lipljan to Alessio, and the site of the Roman settlements in the inter- 
vening region, have not far advanced beyond the stage of pure conjecture. The 
accepted view, however, is that the road followed much the same route as that at 
present followed to Prisren, and thence proceeded along the existing track to 
the neighbourhood of Spas below Mount Krabi, identified wath the Crevenum of 
the Tabula, and thence to Puka, identified with Vicaria." Nothing, however, so 
far as I am aware, beyond a certain a priori probability and a questionable simi- 
larity of names, has been brought forward in favour of this hypothesis. No 
portion of the Roman road itself has been described. 

On the other hand, I have now obtained a certain amount of positive evidence 
which tends to show that the original Roman road-line across the North Albanian 
Alps ran considerably to the North of the route hitherto connected with it. My 
friend the Padre Superiore of the Franciscans at Scutari has informed me of a 
fine piece of Roman road running broad and straight, though now grass-grown, 

• Cf. Jii-eOek, Die Heertrasse van Belgrad nach Constantinopel, j). 23. 

Antiquarian Besearches in Ilhjricum. 






along stretches of the mountain from Dusmani on the northern bank of the Drin, 
a few hours to the north of Puka, thence to Toplana in the Shalla Valley, and so 
on to Brizza in the district of Merturi, and the neighbourhood of Nikai, from 
which it can be traced into the district of Krasnichi." It is known to the 
Albanians as Drumi Kaurit, or " Giaour's Way."" There can be little doubt that 
this fine stretch of Roman road represents a section of the line from Lissus to 
Ulpiana, and the fact that it traverses the Krasnichi country prepares us to find it 
emerging in the neighbourhood rather of Djakova than of Prisren. 

The Inroad open country in which Prisren, Djakova, and Ipek lie, and which is 
known by the general name of Metochia, has in all medieeval times played an 
important part in the history of the Peninsula. Prisren 
itself was the Czarigrad or Imperial City of Czar 
Dusan. At Decani, not far from Djakova, rose the 
royal Serbian church of Stephen Uros III., the noblest ( ^' 
ecclesiastical foundation of the interior of the Peninsula, 
while at the north-eastern extremity of the plain Ipek 
or Pec became the seat of the Serbian Patriarchs. The 
physical conditions which favoured this mediaeval civic 
and ecclesiastical development must have been equally 
operative in Roman times, and we must therefore be 
prepared to find that considerable Roman municifia 
existed in Metochia. The abundance of ancient coins 
discovered throughout this district is at least note- 
worthy ; they include Pgeonian and Macedonian pieces, 
coins of the Illyrian mining-cities Damastion and 
Pelagia, Celtic imitations of the coins of Philip of 
Macedon, coins of Thasos, and quantities of the silver 
pieces from Dyrrhachion and Apollonia, all tending to 
prove that already in prje-Roman times Metochia was 
traversed by trade-routes connecting it with the 
Adriatic and ^gean and intervening countries. Coins 
of Roman date are equally abundant. 

At Prisren itself the only Roman monuments that I was able to discover after 
a long investigation were on the extreme outskirts of the town on the Djakova 

" In Krasnichi is a ruin known as Giutet (Rouman, Civtat, Civetate = Latin, Civitas), but the 
Latin word is used in Noith Albania to signify any ruined castle. 
•> Drumi =: SI. Drum = Bjz. {pofioe- 

K 2 











Fig. 36. 


Antiquarian Researches in lUyricum. 

side, and consisted of two sepulchral blocks outside the little mosque in the Jeni 
Mahala. One of these -was hopelessly obliterated, the other I was able to copy 
(fig. 36). The Roman traces in the Djakova district are more frequent, l)ut the 
difficulties in the way of exploration, owing to the fanatical temper of the popu- 
lation, are at present almost insupcral:)lo. M. Jastrcbov,' the Russian consul at 
Prisreu, who has occupied himself with the Slavonic antiquities of the district, 

and to whose assistance I was much indebted, had already 
discovered two Roman inscriptions in the village of 
Orahovac, interesting as supplying lUyrian name-forms, 
and one of them aifording a suggestive indication that 
the predatory habits of the indigenes are of no modern 
growth. M. Jastrebov further informed me that a Roman 
inscription existed at Skifiani, between Djakovo and 
Decani,'' but the circimastances of the times did not admit 
of it being copied. About an hour's distance from 
Orahovac is the fine old Turkish bridge" of Svajan across 
the White Drin, immediately below a hill known as Gradis 
or Gradid, from the bastion-like rocks with which it is 
girt. The present bridge, traditionally known as King 
Milutin's work, may be the successor of an earlier fabric. 
The blue waters of the Drin emerge at this point from a 
narrow rocky defile cut by them through an island-like 
range of low limestone hills, and the point is one which 
an engineer would naturally seize on for the construction 
of a bridge. I was at least successful in connecting it 
with Roman remains. In the neighbouring village of 
Dzerzan I observed, and was able to copy, an interesting 
Roman sepulchral slab with an inscription of a naive and 
informal character referring to a soldier of the Fourth Legion (fig. 37), which 
the inhabitants informed me had been taken out of the Drin by the bridge of 

D M 





O CARP;\{ 



ANNOS ^i^ 

Fig. 37. 

* Podatci za istoriju Srpske Vrkve (Contributions to the History of the Serbian Church), 
Belgrade, 1879, p. 65. M. Jastrebov infoi-med me that lie believed Roman remains to exist at 
Suharjeka, on the present route from Piisren to Lipljan. He had not, however, discovered any 
traces of a Roman line of way taking this route. 

^ At Dedani itself I could find no Roman monuments. 

' Absurdly described as " Roman " by Isambert. 

Aniiquarian Researches in Ilhjricum. 69 

The peculiar interest of the stone is that it is to my knowledge the only 
monument from this region referring to the Fourth Legion ; while, on the other 
hand, monuments referring to the Legio VII. Claudia abound (as -n-ill be seen ") in 
the neighbouring Dardanian basins of the Lepenac and Vardar. The headquarters 
of the Fourth Legion were at Singiduuum (Belgrade), and the occurrence of a 
detachment in the plain of Metochia suggests some old line of road communication 
across Western Serbia.*" 

At Pec (Ipek) itself I heard of a Roman sepulchral monument with an inscrip- 
tion, which had been recently found on the hill of Jarina, or Jerina, the old " Grad " 
or castle named after Irene Brankovic, that rises above the town, but I was not 
able to copy it. About three hours to the North of this are the ruins of the Old 
Serbian church and monastery of Studenica ; and here, a few years since, the 
Serbian traveller, Milojevid," found several '^ Roman inscriptions. Milojevic, who 
appears to have had his head full of " Czaritza MiHtza " and " Krai Vlkasia," 
has supplied, it is true, a very distorted version of two of the three inscriptions 
that he copied. I append them here, however, as his discovery seems to have 
been entirely overlooked by antiquaries.'' The ruined monastery, where these 
remains exist, was formerly the seat of the Old Serbian bishopric of Chvostno. 

At the village of Crnaluga, a little to the South of this, at the point where the 
road from Ipek to Mitrovica crosses the White Drin, about an hour from its source, 
is an old Turkish cemetery overlying some more ancient remains. The earth 
here had recently fallen in near one of the graves, and revealed an imderground 
vault communicating with another ; and the Arnaouts, who naturally came here to 
look for treasure, broke into another not far from the first discovered. Descending 
into the first by a hole in the vaulting, I found myself in a low, liarrel-vaulted, 
rectangular chamber, constructed of small roughly-hewn blocks, and with an 
aperture opening into another apparently similar chamber. In the first of these, 
which was half filled with rubble, I found a large piece of a Roman cornice, the 

' See succeeding paper. 

'' The discovery of an inscription on the Kossovo Polje referring to this same legion (sec p. 58 
note *), now adds additional probability to this conclusion. 
° Putopis Stare Srbije (Travels in Old Serbia), p. 166. 
■■ Milojevic only copied the three that appeared to him most perfect. 

"^ 1. D . m/vELS SADEAGi/tA mag . DOM . VIX/aN XXXII ET Sv/fIL BLAZZIZA V . / . . . PKOCVL . VIX .... 

MER . . . VIVOS / F . c. For the formula mth which No. 3 begins compare that on the inscription 
from the Kossovo Polje (p. 58), vlp ionice have bene valeas Qvi me salvias. 

70 Antiquarian Researches in Ilhjricum. 

underside of which had been hollowed out apparently to form a medieval 
sarcophagus. The other vault into which I descended was of a more original 
kind, oval in shape, and with a flattish vaidting of rough unhewn stones. It was, 
however, almost choked with earth and ruljble. Whatever the date of these sub- 
terranean chambers — the purpose of which was probal)ly sepulchral — the Roman 
cornice affords certain proof of the vicinity of a Roman settlement; a fact which 
is further explained by the existence of the copious hot springs of Illidzi, about 
half-an-hour above this spot. At Banja again, a few hours distant amcng the 
hills to the North-East of this, is another thermal source," used as a bath, and 
believed to have great healing powers, where I observed broad steps, apparently 
of ancient date, cut in the rock. 

The traces of the former existence of a Roman civic settlement in the neigh- 
bourhood of Studenica and Crnaluga derive additional interest from the existence 
of ancient silver mines in the neighbouring range of the Mokra Gora. The village 
where these mines formerly existed is known as Suhogrlo, or Srmogrbovo ; and 
lies at the opening of a pass called Klissura, which leads into the upper valley of 
the Ibar. Two neighbouring villages, IMaidan and Rudnik, derive their names 
respectively from the Turkish and Serbian word for mines, and traces of the 
ancient workings can still be seen on the flanks of the moimtain. Ipek, itself, is 
still celebrated throughout the Peninsula for its silver filigree work, and I saw a 
silver cross of elaborately Byzantine workmanship, that had been recently made 
here for the Prince of Montenegro. Once more we find the Roman remains of 
this part of Illyricum connecting themselves with its mineral treasures. 

I was further informed by the Franciscan priest at Ipek, that at Glina, a 
village about five hours distant to the South-East, were stones with obliterated 
inscriptions, that appeared to him to be Roman. The traces of the former exist- 
ence of a Romance-speaking population are nowhere more apparent than in the 
southern part of this Metochia district, where, as the famous Prisren chrysobull 
of Czar Dusan ^ shows, a Rouman population still existed in the Middle Ages. Of 
this population there are still isolated relics and it is remarkable that, at Ipek, a 
tradition prevails among the inhabitants that they were formerly "Vlachs." 
Several of the village names, like Sermiani, Skijiani, Nepote, Piran, Larena, 
seemed to me to deserve investigation. In the neighbouring ranges of Dukagine, 

» The temperature is only 76° Fahr. 

'' See Hajdeu, Festurile tmei carti de donatiune depe la annul 1348, evianata de la Imperahd Serbesc 
jDu^an, &c. (in Ai-chiva istorica a Romaniei, Bucm-esci, 1867). 

Antiquarian Researches in lUyricnm. 71 

amongst, at present, Albanian-speaking clans, there is some eqnally remarkable 
evidence of the former existence of Romance-speaking tribes, and, altliougli, taken as 
a whole, the Latin elements in Albania seem to represent rather a Romance dialect 
once spoken in the maritime district inchided in the Byzantine Theme of Durazzo, 
more East Romnan influeiices, due to contact with the Alachs of Dardania, cannot 
be excluded. The word gintet, the Macedo-Rouman civtat, or civitnte, is frequently 
used in North Albania in its derivative sense of a castle rather than a city ; and I 
found the most inaccessible glen to which I penetrated in these Alps known by 
the purely Romance name of Valbona.^ At Ipek itself, I heard the word cojnli 
(which is simply the Rouman copUlii ^ = children) applied by my Albanian guards 
as a term of reproach for the street Arabs. The deep impress left by these 
Romance-speaking provincials on the Eastern Albanian tribes of the Shar ranges 
goes far to show that the bordering Dardanian regions formed part of the original 
Provincia Latinorum, the " Mavrovlachia " of which the earliest Dalmatian chronicler 
speaks."^ Here, we may venture to believe, a portion of the migratory Rouman 
race existed more nearly in situ, if the expression is allowable, than in most of 
the regions to which it has successively spread. The Patriarchate of Ipek was 
known to the Serbs as " Stara VlasJca," and thus fits on to that " Old Wallachia " 
of which I have already spoken.'^ "We are here within the area of continvious 
Roman and Rouman habitation, to be distinguished from that far wider region in 
which the appearance of this East Latin element may, as in Istria, for example, 
and Galicia, be fairly ascribed to later immigration.^ 

* I have given some account of Valbona and the Rouman traces to be foTind in that part of the 
North Albanian Alps in a letter to the Pall Mall Gazette, "From the North Albanian Alps " (Sept. 
14, 1880). In the map appended to this communication the upper Valley of the Valbona is for the 
first time given with approximate accuracy. In the last edition of the Austrian Stabskarte its place 
is occupied by a huge mountain mass. 

•> Copillu is said to be derived from the Latin ptipilhis, on the analogy of poturnichia from 

' Presbyter Diocleas., JRegnum Slavorum (Lucius, p. 288.) 

1 See p. 24. 

« These local traces of Albanian and Rouman juxta-position, and the deductions at wliicli T h:ul 
quite independently arrived on linguistic grounds, entirely agree with tlie general results arrived at 
by Cihac in his analysis of the Rouman language. (Dictionnaire d'etymologie Daco-rnmane, pref. 
p. xiii.) : " Le point capital et le plus important qui nous permet de juger des relations entre Roumains 
et Albanais dans le passe, — relations qui doivent avoir ete des plus intimes, — sont les elements concer- 
nant la langue que I'albanais possede de commun avec le roumain. Dans mes elements latins de la 
langue roumaine et dans I'ouvrage present, j'ai indique environ 500 mots latins, 1,000 mots slaves, 
300 mots turcs, 280 mots gi-ecs-moderne et 20 a 25 mots magyars pour I'albanais qui sont idcntiqucs 


Antiquarian Researches in Ilhjricum. 

From the eviik'nce at our disposal we are justified in concluding that at least 
two Roman Municipia existed in the spacioiis plain of Metochia ; one in the neigh- 
bourhood of Ipek, anil the other of Djakova. It is probable that this latter settle- 
ment answered to the Theranda of the Talmla, the last station on the road from 
Lissus to Ulpiana, although in default of furthei- local evidence the course of the 
road across the range which separates the plain of Metochia from the Kossovo Polje 
can only be approximately fixed. The further course of this line of Way from 
Ulpiana to Naissus must be left to a future investigation. I may, however, hei'e 
call attention to the fact that a line drawn from Lipljan to Nish passes through 
the very important ruins of a Roman Castrum and Prgetorium existing at Zlato, 
and which, probably, answers to the station called Acmeon in Ravennas and 
Hammeo in the Tahida of Peutinger." We are at present, however, more especially 
concerned with the great southern line of communication connecting Ulpiana, and, 
in a more remote degree, the Dalmatian and Pannonian cities, with Sciipi, and 
eventually Thessalonica, — a line not mentioned, at least in its later stages, l)y 
the ancient Itineraries, l)ut of the existence of which I have already, I trust, 
adduced sufficient evidence. 

From Ulpiana this Macedonian highway runs through the pass of Kacanik, 
whicli forms the natural avenue of communication between the Kossovo Polje and 
the more southern Dardanian plain, on which stood the metropolitan city of Scupi, 
the present Skopia. 

At Old Kacanik, which lies at the northern opening of the pass, there is 
abundant evidence of the former existence of a Roman settlement. Many ancient 
fragments are here visible ; one of these (fig. 38) is the square base and pedestal 
of a votive column, of the purest white marble, dedicated to Jupiter Optimus 
Maximus, for the health of the Emperors Septimius Severus and Caracalla, and 
of the Empress Julia Domna, who here receives her favourite title, Mater 
Castroriim. It was found at a spot in the district of Runjevo, about two 

avec les vocables con-espondants roumains. Cette circonstance, assurement tr^s-remarquable, ne peut 
etre millement fortuite, surtont en ce qui conceme les elements latins qui ont subi dans les deux langues 
un changement d'acception presque analogue." It is precisely this last circumstance that excludes 
Hajdcu's hypothesis that the community between the two languages is to be refen-ed to an original 
relationship between the Illyrian and old Dacian languages. 
» See p. 160. 

Antiquarian Besearches in Illyricvm. 


kilometers above KaCanik." Tlie Consulsliip of Pompelanus and Avitus, in wliicli 
this column was erected, took place in the year 209 a.d. 





[m'l. >;:/"-f/i/j'-;/^;^-: (rf^i ff, \:;,\\\\\l V^ .■ Y> 

Fig. 38. 

lovi Optimo Maximo peg salvte imp. l. SEvrimii se\t;ei 


MATEi CASTROEttwi TH . . . ION EOEVNDem Yeteramis Yotvm Qusceptmn 
Solvit hibens . (p)ompeiano et av(ito) considibus. 

"■ This monument has been described by Henzen in EpTi. Ep. ii. p. 330, " ad pctypon qund misif 
Morten Noe." ]\Ij- copy, however, which I made and very carefully collated on the spot, differe in 
line 9 and in other details. This monument, as well as the milestone (fig. 40), lias been lately 
removed to the garden of the railway engineer at Kacanik ; this place lying on the new line from 
Salonica to Mitroviea, 


Antiquarian Researches in Ilhjricum. 

Another monument (fig. 39), a small altar, 21 inches high by 12 broad, proved 
to be of the highest interest, as containing a dedication to a hitherto unknown, 
probably lUyrian, God. The inscription informs us that it was consecrated by a 
Beneficiarius Consularis of the Vllth Claudian Legion to the God " Andinus." It 
is to be observed that what is apparently the same word, under slightly variant 
forms, is to be found in the feminine names Andena, Anduenna, and the compound 
Amliuwcnes, amongst the Illyrian personal names (belonging mostly to the mining 
race of the Pirustae) found on the Dacian monuments and wax tablets. The 
similarity between these name-forms and the Deus Andinus of the present 
monument gives us ground for assuming that we have here the name of an 
lilyrian divinity which also entered into the composition of some native proper 
names. It is probable that the Legionary who raised the altar (to whatever 
nationality he himself may have belonged) was desirous of conciliating the 
indigenous Dardanian god of the place where he was stationed, just as in Britain 
we find Roman soldiers raising monuments to local gods like Belatucader or 






i^ig. 39. 

DEO ANDINO SACrviii. 'yir.evius ctaudius ceetvs 
Benenciarius consularis legi'oiws vii CLaudioi, \otum 
nulvit lAhens uerito. CLEMe»te kt peisco {consulihvs).'' 

' Clemens and Priscus do not appear together in the Fasti Consulares. In 195 a.d. we find 
Ttrlullus and Clemens Consuls; in 196 Dexter and I'risais; it is probable, therefore, that the 

Anti'quarian Researches in lUyricum. 


Considering tliat Dardania, the region with which we are at present concerned, 
was included during the first centuries of the Empire within the limits of Mcesia 
Superior, and that the chief Moesian City, Viminacium (the modern Kostolac on 
the Danube) was the headquarters of the Legio VII. Claudia, it is natural enough 





Fig. 40. 

iMveratori CkEs.M-AEUiuo \ aemiliano pi'o 'selici invicto \ AVGusto pontific/ 
MAXIMO TRiBVN?'ci"a | voiestate Fater vatriae consul VROConsul ab viMinado . . 

inscription belongs to one or the other of these years. Since this paper was communicated to the 
Society of Antiquaries a copy of this and the milestone on p. 74 has appeared in the Archnologisch- 
Epi'graphische Mittheilnngen aus Oesterreich, 1883, part i. p. 145, on the strength of somewhat imperfect 
paper-casts sent by Signor Paolo Orsi of Rovereto. The name is there wrongly given andenvs and cos 
is added after peisco, which I did not see on the stone. With regard to the date Dr. Otto Hirschfeld 
remarks : " Vielleicht von J. 73 ? Der Name des CoUegen im ersten Consulat des M. AiTcciuus 
Clemens ist nicht bekannt." But from the character of the letters the inscription cannot be of 
earlier date than the end of the second century of our sera. Sig. Orsi's copy of the milestone of 
.dimilian is still more imperfect, the important part being omitted. 


76 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum,. 

that we slioulcl find a reference to this Legion among the Kacanik monuments. I 
am able to describe another monument, a milestone lately discovered in the bed of 
the Lepenac about two miles above Kacanik, which supplies another and important 
link of connexion -with the great Danubian city. The milestone itself is about 
three feet high, and is remarkable as presenting the name of the Emperor 
^Emilian, whose reign extended over less than four months, and of whom very 
few monuments have been hitherto discovered, ^milian, we are informed, 
was chosen Emperor in Moesia," and the present inscription affords interesting 
evidence that, short as was his dominion, he was able to confer some lasting 
engineering benefit on his Moesian province. 

There can be no reasonable doubt that the vi . . of the last hne of the inscription 
is to be completed vi(m). for viminacio." Viminacium," itself, being the meeting- 
point of the great roads leading in one direction to Singidunum, Sirmium and 
Italy, in the other to Naissus and Constantinople, and in others again to the cities 
of Trajan's Dacia, and of the lower Danube, would be the natural terminus a quo 
of any Moesian road-line. From Scupi itself there was probably, as I shall show,** 
a shorter route to Naissus and Viminacium by the valley of the Bulgarian Morava, 
which answers to that described in the Tabula ; but from a Municipium at or near 
Kacanik the natural route would be md Ulpiana. The present milestone may 
therefore be taken as lying on a road which in one sense was a line of communi- 
cation between Scupi, Ulpiana, and the Dalmatian borders, but which also served 
as an alternative route to the Danubian place of arms, and on which the mileage 
was naturally reckoned from Viminacium. The distance given, as far as can at 
present be decyphered — two hundred and odd Roman miles — tallies very well -wath 
the actual distance to Viminacium. From Kacanik, where this miUiarium was 
found, to Lipljan, the site of Ulpiana, is about twenty-two Roman miles. From 

■ Aur. Victor, Epitome, c. xxxi ; EntropiTis, ix. 5 ; Zozimus, lib. i. speaks of ^milian as Umuvikuiv 
I'lyoviitvog ralimv = Bux PannonicoTum ordinum, and mentions a great victory gained by him over the 
barbarians who were then ovemmning lUyricTim. 

^ Forms like abverto show the possibility of au before v which was pronoonced as w. ab 
TLCinio is a possible but not probable alternative. 

' Some account of the antiquities of Viminacium has been given by Kanitz, Beiirage zur Alter- 
thunuku7ide der Serhischen Donau, in Mitth. d. k. k. Central Commission, 1867, p. 28 seqq.) It was 
Trajan's chief base of operations in his Dacian campaigns, and was one of the principal stations of the 
Danubian fleet, as well as the headquarters of the Seventh Legion. The Leg. VII. Claudia is refeiTed 
to on its autonomous coins and monuments, and tiles are found here with its stamp. 

^ See p. 153 segg. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 


Ulpiana onwards tlie Tahda Peutingeriana supplies us with the total distance by 
road to Naissus of seventy-nine miles ; and the same authority gives one hundred 
and thirteen miles as the distance from Naissus by road to Viminacium." This 
gives us altogether two hundred and fourteen miles. 

It is probable that the road to which this milestone belonged crossed the 
Lepenac near the spot where it was foimd. Between Kacanik and Eles Han the 
Roman Way itself is very clearly perceptible, coasting the mountain side above the 
right bank of the stream. In places a regular terrace is cut out of the rocky 
steep at a mean elevation of about one hundred and fifty feet above the Lepenac. 
At times the road descends at a considerable gradient, though still straight and 
even as a hand-rule, and in parts showing its original pavement. Near Eles Han 
it appears to have crossed the river by a bridge now destroyed ; and here, on the 
left bank of the stream, and near the modern road which henceforth follows the 
Roman track through the pass, is still to be seen a remarkable milUary column. 
The copy which I append is the result of repeated visits to the stone, which, it 






Fi-. 41. 
* Tn the Itinerary of Antonine, 118, M.r. 

78 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

will be seen, bears inscriptions of two periods, one in honour of Marcus Aurclius, 
and the other, apparently, of Constantine.' 

A few miles beyond Eles Han the pass opens into the broad plain of the Upper 
^'ardar, across which the Roman Way pursued its course to the site of Scupi, the 
old Dardanian Metropolis, while the modern road, leaving the old line to the 
right, leads past the arches of an ancient aqueduct to the modern city of Skopia, 
or tJskiip. 

" A copy of this inscription has been given by Hcnzcn in the Ephemeris Epigraphica, from ii 
paper-cast that had been sent him by an engineer. 








82. Strategic and commercial importance of the site of Scupi. 

82. Dr. Edward Brown's account of Skopia and its antiquities in 17th century. 

83. Scantiness of previously-existing materials. 

83. Professor Tomaschek's attempt to dissociate Skopia and Scupi and to place the latter in 

Morava Valley. 

84. Absence of remains of classical antiquities in situ Skopia. 

84. Wealth of archaeological remains in environs, mediaeval as well as Roman. 

86. Discovery of the site of Scupi at Zlokucani. 

87. Remains at Bardovce. 

88. Iron mines and quarries near the site of Scupi. 

88. Mineral springs and remains of baths and buildings. 

88. Bas-relief of Hercules. 

89. Traces of the great earthquake that destroyed the Roman city. 

90. Roman remains in the Karadagh of Skopia. 

90. Roman cemetery and inscriptions at Kuceviste. 

91. Cave and altar in Monastery of St. Ilija. 

92. Ruined town and castle > if Davina and Markova Kula. 

92. Ruined church at Ljubanze largely composed of Roman fragments. 

92. Remai-kable old Serbian church at Ljubiten with frescoes of Serbian Emperor and Empress. 

93. Remains on Mount Karsjak ; Markova Magazija ; old road to Ochrida and Prisren ; remain.-; 

at Timpaniea and Sofce. 



yo. Byzantine Cliurch of Naresi, Roman monumc]it, and Comncnian inscription. 

97. Roman and Old Serbian remains in Treska Valley. 

98. Remains in district of Markova Rjeka : old gold mine ; Roman inscriptions, and Monastery 

of JIarko Kraljevic. 

99. Illyrian name on inscription. 

100. Altar dedicated to Fortuna by local Respublica. 

101. Roman monuments in Skopia itself. 

102. Roman milestones in Skopia. 

102. Monnmcnts and remains at Hassanbcg and Eelombcg. 

103. Roman road, milestone, and ruined site of Rusalinsko. 

103. Surviving traces of Rosalia, or spring feast of departed, amongst the Slavonic races. 

104. Altar of Jupiter at Ibrahimovce. 

104. Libations still poured upon it by villagers in time of drought. 

105. Notes on cult of Jupiter Pluvius and comparison with Slavonic and Romaic customs. 
105. Survival of Illyro-Roman element in Dardania. 

105. Excavation of large mound called Tianha. 

109. Site of Roman settlement at Seliste and altar of Hercules Conservator at Hadzalar. 

1 10. Hot baths of Banja ; Roman thermal station. 

HI. Description of Roman inscriptions discovered at and near the site of ScvPl. 

111. Inscriptions relating to municipal constitution. 
111. Name of Seupi on inscriptions and title of Colonia. 

113. Tombs of original colonists, " deducti" and '^ deditcticii.'' 

114. Monument of youth honoured with ^Edileship and Decurionate. 

115. Base of statue erected in honour of the Emperor Gallienus by the Commonwealth of Scupi. 

116. Historical occasion of adulatory address. 

IIG. Defeat of Sarmatians under walls of Scupi by Regalian. 

119. Inscriptions recording Augustales. 

120. Altars to Jupiter and unknown god : mention of Flamens. 
1 20. Ahar of Silvanus. 

120. Monuments to soldiers of 7th, Claudian, Legion. 

122. Miles Frumentarius. 

123. Testamentary disposition of Comicularius. 

124. Legio VII. Claudia Pia Fidelis. 

12.5. Inscription with Thraeiau name of Eupor. 

126. Thracian and other inscriptions at present at Thessalonica. 

127. Intermixture of Thracian and Illyrian elements in Dardania. 

128. Elegiac epitaph on local Nestor and tomb of citizen of Methymne. 
12y — 131. Sepulchral inscriptions from Scupi. 

132. Christian inscription. 

133. Civil and ecclesiastical importance of Scupi under the Christian Emperors. 

133. Special connexion between Dardanian and Illyrian Cliurch and Roman Catholicism. 



134. Destruction of old city of Scupi by earthquake, a.d. 518; rebuilt on site of Skopia. 
134. Was Scupi Justiniana Prima ? Difficulties suggested. 

136. Passage in John of Antioch. 

137. Reasons for identifying Skopia with Justinian's city. 

138. Bishops of Dacia Mediterranea under Metropolitan of Scupi before Justinian's time. 

140. Continued importance of Scupi or Skopia in Byzantine and Slavonic times. 

141. Suggested comparison between Tauresium and Bederiana and names of villages ofTaor and 


142. Description of Bader ; Roman remains at Blace. 

143. Cyrillian inscription in Monastery of St. John, mentioning Bulgarian bishop of Justiniana 

Prima and Ochrida. 

144. Exploration of Taor. Roman remains, and altar with apparently Greek inscription. 

145. Foundations of late-Roman or Byzantine Castellum. 

146. Local tradition that Constantine was born there. 

146. Byzantine inscription on walls of Akropolis at Skopia. 

147. Turkish and Byzantine antiquities of Skopia: the Kursumli Han. 

148. Hamam of " the two sisters." 

148. Influence of Bj-zantium on buildings of Skopia. 

149. Coins of Justinian's time found here. 

149. Tlie Aqueduct. 

150. Probably restored by the Turks. 

151. Arches of earlier aqueduct existing in Old Bezestan. 

Scupi — Naissds— Remesiana. 

153. Difficulties suggested by Tabula and Itineraries. 

154. Votive altar to Jupiter Dolichenus at Kumanovo. 

154. Byzantine Chru'ch of Matejci. 

155. Genealogical tree of Comneni. 

156. Roman remains at Prsovo. 

157. Roman site at Zlato. 

159. Brick dam of Roman reservoii". 

160. Castrum identified with Hammeo or AcMEON. 

161. Site of the ancient Naissvs. 

161. Inscriptions at Nish. 

162. Votive Jlonument erected to Carinus by Province of Upper Moesia. 

163. Remesiana and St. Nicetas. 

164. Dedication slab of Roman Church of St. Peter and St. Paul. 
166. Coi'ona, lamps and crosses fi'om Roman church at Pii'ot. 


82 Antiqnarian Researches in IJh/yiniin. 


On enicrgiug from the pass of Kacanik to the South the traveller tiiids liiuiself 
in the spacious plain of Skopia, the Turkish Uskiip, and the modern and mediasval 
successor of Scupi, the Dardanian metropolis. Whether regarded from the point 
of view of strategy or commerce the position is splendid, and the town forms the 
natural key to a large part of Western Illyricum. To the North the Lepenac 
cleaves a passage between the Easternmost promontories of the Shar and the 
Karadagh of Skopia — a passage threaded as we have seen by a Roman road 
which brought the Dardanian capital into connexion with, the Dalmatian ports on 
one side, and on the other with Singidunum and the great Pannonian cities. To 
the West the Vardar and its tributaries open a way through what is now the plain 
of Tetovo, to little-explored Illyrian regions, once probably the scene of extensive 
mining industry. To the East the forest-covered ranges of the Karadagh dip 
down to form an easy avenue of communication, — through what was once erroneously 
supposed to be the central chain of the Balkans, — with the Upper Valley of the 
Bulgarian ]\[orava, and thence ind Nish, the ancient Naissus, with the great staple 
and stronghold of the Middle Danube in Roman times, Viminacium. To the South 
the Iron Gates of the Vardar, the Axios of classic times, bring the Dardanian city 
into connexion with the P»onian emporium of Stobi, the Macedonian plains, and 
ultimately, Thessalonica. Thus, it will be seen, that the site of Scupi lies at the 
crossing-point of great natural rotttes across the Western part of the Ilh^rian 
Peninsula. To those approaching the ^gean port from the Middle Danube it 
occupied a position almost precisely analogous to that held by Serdica on the 
military road to Constantinople. In making, as I hope to show, the Dardanian 
^letropolis the seat of government for his new-constituted Illyrian prefecture, 
Justinian displayed a true appreciation of the important function which the land 
of his birth and the city of his affection were destined by nature to play in the 
economy of the Western half of the Peninsula. Eight centuries later we find the 
Serbian Krai Dusan, placing on his brow the imperial crown of all the Illyrian 
lands, within the walls of Skopia. 

The first account of the antiquities of Skopia was due to the English traveller, 
Dr. Edward Brown, son of Sir Thomas, who published a relation of his travels in 

■ 'tYaf\ Atiiutntii 


MT LlUgrrRN 



„ •II. Inn 


ml'/ 1*1 ^ 



SKOPIA, srvFi), 

Prepared from Personal Observations by 

Arthur J Evans 

Scal^ cf O 


f^rniiiji Kt'inif, 

Ccnifi'Utrai cxn^rse t^' Jf<^na7L Rcuds , 


RcrtKUH ttnixiui* , 

f/rmttii .ifiJf^lcnes , 
Cviifse crAmcrcUnl , 
RrnutrictihU Mi'dtexal rmuiuts. j 
Bvittnitttr ufifi Stuvrntr , I 

R^nutn Hnth.s, -- 








^.t*: — J/ 


- Bnr,' 



/ . 

j4inrcLt San 

. • 


*TcJ\'ine Sflo 


\K,i;,:s.-n ^g_,^anbi-ff ^ 





* MajHarUxr 

Wi' ^ ^ 



VrwffWe ^ ^ 

ARUSALINSKO *•'"'*'"'"'""- --£.^'^7'/^^o 



'-— . ^.t/l^f^ -O/^KT^JA/ZI 






«!r«<7«4x ■*•'?'/» 






V Scslfr // 

• Bad^rskcJftUefiy 

• Bre^tjnta 



• Li'X'thma 


Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 83 

the Balkan lands in 1673,"' and who gives as a reason for describing this place 
somewhat at length that earlier geographers had "passed it over in few words." 
"And I could never," he adds, "meet with any who had been at it." Brown 
identified Skopia with the Scupi of Ptolemy, and after recounting the beauties of 
the existing town proceeds to describe some of its antiquities. He mentions an 
arch "which seemeth to be ancient, and a rivulet running under it"; also, "a 
large stone which seemeth to be part of a pillar with the inscription shianc." 
"A little way out of the city," he continues, "there is a noble aqueduct of stone 
with about 200 arches, made from one hill to another over the lower ground or 
valley." The arch is gone, and the aqueduct hardly answers to Bi-own's dimen- 
sions, but the inscribed pillar, a part of a Roman milestone, to which I shall have 
occasion to refer,*" is still a conspicuous object in the streets of Skopia. 

From Dr. Edward Brown's time to a quite recent date, the antiquities of 
Skopia received no further illustration. Ami Boue, who visited this place, 
described a fragment of an inscription, referring to the Emperor Severus, walled 
into the aqueduct." One or two inscriptions from the neighbourhood of Skopia 
have since been communicated to the Revue Archeologirpie, by M. Engelhardt, 
French Consul-General at Belgrade, on the authority of a Serbian Professor of the 
Belgrade Lyceum; only one of these however has any claim to be regarded as an 
accurate reproduction of the text.'^ Add to this, one inscription communicated by 
the Austrian Consul, Herr Lippich,^ and two from a village near the confluence of 
the Pcinja and Yardar, with two fragments of milestones, and I believe I shall 
have exhausted the catalogue of the known epigraphic materials from Skopia and 
the whole region round it. 

Of the scantiness indeed of the hitherto known materials no better proof could 
be given than the fact that Professor Tomaschek, of G-ratz, has recently written a 
learned dissertation to prove that the site of the ancient Scupi was neither at 
Skopia nor in its vicinity, but that it ought rather to be sought somewhere in the 

" A brief Account of Some Travels in Sungaria, Servia, Bulgaria, Macedonia, ^-c. by Edward 
Brown, M.D. of tlie College of London, Follow of the Royal Society, and Physician in Ordinary to 
his Majesty. London 1673. 

•" See p. 102. The shianc of Dr. Edward lirown is evidently derived from the Tkaiano of 
the stone. 

= Turquie d'Europe, T. 2, p. 354. 

'' Ephemeris Epigraphica, vol. ii. 498. 

" Ui'. Kenner Inschriften aus der Vardarschlucht, Sitzungsberichte der k. Akadcmic der Wissen . 
schapten, 1875, p. 276. 

M 2 

84 Antiquanan Researches in IJhjricum. 

valley of the Bulgarian Morava." The materials that I have at present collected 
will supply, I trust, the final solution of this problem in ancient geography, and 
will sufficiently establish the historic connexion between Skopia and the ancient 
Scupi. But it does not therefore follow that the sites of tlie present city and of 
its original Roman predecessor are absolutely identical. The fine position of the 
akropolis hill of Skopia, the noble stone bridge across the Vardar, the ancient walls 
and l)uildings, the general air of anticpiity that pervades the place, had all indeed 
combined to induce earlier and later travellers to identify the actual site of Scupi with 
the Turkish tJskiip, and I must confess that I was at first inclined to do the same. 
It was not till after a prolonged exploration of the town and neighbourhood that I 
gradually acquired the proofs that the site of the original Roman Colony must be 
sought outside the limits of the modern city. There are, in fact, in Skopia itself 
no remains of classical antiquity that can fairly be regarded as in situ. The oldest 
of the buildings are at most Byzantine. The vast majority of the existing archi- 
tectural monuments are Turkish, and the bridge itself, which has been described 
as Roman, dates no farther back than the great days of Turkish dominion, when, 
with the aid of Italian and Dalmatian architects, Ottoman Beglerbegs and Pashas 
were raising such engineering monuments in the Peninsula as had not been seen 
there since the days of Trajan and Diocletian. 

Thanks to the friendly protection of the Mutessarif of Uskiip, Fcik Pasha, I 
was able to devote two months in the course of last year to the systematic 
exploration of the plain of XJskiip, and the surrounding mountain ranges. The 
archgeological results of this exploration have been not inconsiderable and relate 
to more than one epoch. The number of ancient churches and monasteries dating 
from early Serb, Bulgarian, and Byzantine times still preserved in the glens of the 
Karadagh and the southern offshoots of the Shar Planina is truly surprising, and 
hardly less so the fact that these interesting monuments should so long have been 
overlooked by European travellers. In mediaeval frescoes representing Serljian 
and Byzantine princes the chiu-ches are peculiarly rich. At Liubiten is a ruined 
church containing full-length representations of the Emperor Stefan Dusan, liis 
Empress, and his young son Uros in their robes of state. At Markov Manastir, 
or Marko's Monastery, King Vukasin and his son, the hero of South Slavonic Epic, 
are both represented, and the epitaph of " King's Son Mai'ko," may still be 

" Zur Kunde der Hamus Halhinsel. (Sitzungsberichte der K. Akademie der WisseBscliaften, 
Wien 1881. H. 2, p. 437-499.) Prof. Tomaschek proposed to seek the site of Scupi near Leskovac 
in Serbia. Skopia he places in Pffionia. 

Antiqiiarian IieftcnrrJiPn in Ilh/ricmn. 85 

decypliered. In the ruinous Minster Church of Matejci I came upon a genealogical 
tree containing full-length fresco portraits of the imperial race of the Comneni, the 
counterpart of the Nemanid tree in the royal Serbian foimdation of Decani. At 
Naresi in the Karsjak range above Skopia, is another fine Byzantine Church con- 
taining a Comnenian inscription to which I shall return. 

It is, however, with the Roman remains of earlier date that we are at present 
more immediately concerned. Of these remains the whole region that surrounds 
the site of the ancient Scupi turned out to be equally prolific, and I found that in 
not a few cases the mediseval Serb and Byzantine builders had profited by the 
relics of Roman civilization with which the neighboiirhood of their later foundations 
abounded. In investigating the Roman monuments and inscriptions in this district 
I had often indeed to contend with the jealous and secretive spirit of the peasants, 
who, having been for centuries exploited by an alien and despotic government, are 
apt to regard inquiries concerning their ancient monuments as a prelude to further 
exactions or forced labour. There is, besides, a widespread belief that all ancient 
inscriptions are in some way connected with the concealment of treasure, and the 
peasants are naturally anxious to reserve for themselves whatever " unearned 
increment" is to be derived from such sources. In the wilder Albanian regions 
North of the Shar range the prevalence of such ideas is a source of real danger to 
the too inquisitive traveller. In the Skopia district, however, where the popula- 
tion is mainly Slavonic, the chief obstacle with which I had to contend was tlu^ 
reticence observed by the peasants regarding their ancient monuments. Thus, on 
more than one occasion I had to undertake rides of eight or nine hours' duration 
two or three times over, in order to visit villages where I knew that ancient 
inscriptions existed, before I was successful in discovering what I sought. That 
in the end I was able to collect so many was largely owing to the good humoured 
tact and inexhaustible local knowledge of my Zaptieh, Osman Ombashi, an 
Albanian by birth, who soon acquired a truly antiquarian zest in tracking cnit 
Roman monuments. 

The spacious plain of Skopia and the Alpine slopes that overlook it on every 
side go to form a well-defined geographical district, which as the monuments to be 
described sufficiently declare, formed once the Ager of the Roman city. The 
remains from this whole district may therefore be fitly grouped with those existing 
on the actual site of the ancient Scupi, and those within its modern representative 
the present town of Skopia or Uskiip. On the other hand, the Roman remains 
that I have discovered beyond the water-shed of Mount Karsjak, to the West of 
Skopia, and in tlie valley of the Markova Rjeka, may be better perhaps regarded 

86 Antiquarian Researches in llh/rintm. 

separately as l)oing possibly, though liardly prohably, comprised in the territory of 
some other Dardanian Muuicipium. 

The hill on which the Akropolis or " Grad " of Skopia lies is an offshoot of a 
low range, to the left of the.Vardar, which juts oiit to the North into the middle of 
the plain. A little rivnlet divides this range from a more isolated hill beyond, the 
Western slope of which overlooks the confluence of the Lepenac and Vardar. The 
point is important, as being the natural meeting point of two lines of road over 
the passes of the Shar. That to the West gives access to Kalkandelen and Prisren 
on one side, and the Dibra district of Albania on the other. The route to the North 
is that already described, which threads the pass of Kacanik and secures com- 
mmiication with the ancient Dardanian city of Ulpiana in a more remote degree 
with the Dalmatian littoral and the Save basin. From this hill, known as the hill 
of Zlokucani, both avenxies could be watched with even greater facility than from 
Skopia itself. The site was therefore admirably adapted for a watch station and 
bulwark against the wild Illyrian regions to the North and West. 

Immediately beneath this hill, at the confluence of the Lepeuica and Vardar, 
lies the village of Zlokucani, where I had the satisfaction of first coming upon 
remains Avhich fix beyond reasonable doubt the original site of the ancient Scupi. 
The abundance of Roman fragments about this village was truly astonishing. To 
the North of the modern road the foundations of a considerable public building, 
perhaps a temple, were clearly visible, including several of the bases of a double 
row of columns. A little to the East of this was a corner portion apparently of a 
city gate. In the immediate vicinity were to be seen broken shafts of columns, 
pedestals, a piece of a stone pavement, and innumerable other blocks, and the tiles 
and pottery that strewed the neighbouring fields bore still more unmistakeable 
witness to the existence of an ancient city. That so much of the Roman founda- 
tions should have been visible was due to some recent excavations of the surface 
soil conducted by an engineer in the Turkish service with the ol)ject of procuring 
building material for a new bridge over the Lepenica \um\ Ijy. The number of 
inscriptions thus unearthed about this spot was, by all accounts, very considerable; 
they were however, without exception, walled up into the foundations of the 
bridge, and are probably lost for ever to archeology. More than this, the chief 
Turkish proprietor of the village, who has a fanatical detestation of inscriptions, 
had given orders to the peasants to throw all " written stones " such as they are con- 
tinually finding in their fields, into the river, " all such being works of the Devil 
and the cursed Giaour." In the bed of the river several large Roman sarcophagi, 
uninscribed as far as I could observe, lay about pell mell, but they owed their 
present position to the gradual excavation of the river-bank by the stream. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 87 

The smaller remains extended from tlie callage to the hill above already 
described, which is locally known as the Zlokucan Kalesi. On the "Western flank 
of this was a Bulgarian Cemetery, and here again were many fragments of Roman 
monuments, amongst them of some fliited columns. Above this the whole hill-side 
was covered with debris of Roman tiles and stone-work, while at one point there 
rose a fragment of an old wall of conglomerate masonry. Above this again a well 
defined ridge, concealing apparently the course of a wall of circumvallation and 
covered ynih. stones and tiles, ran round the whole hill-top, while within it rose 
another similar stone and tile-covered bank. The summit of what was evidently 
the Akropolis of the original Skupi, perhaps representing the original Illyrian 
hill-stronghold, is of small area, but the position is most commanding, and, save for 
the fact that the Vardar actually washes the foot of the akropolis-hill of the later 
Skopia, is, from a military point of view, superior to the latter. This akropolis- 
hill is connected by a narrow neck with another portion of the same range, the 
upper surface of which is as thickly strewn with the remains of the Roman city 
as the more fortified part. While examining this I found a Roman sepulchral 
monument of perhaps third-century date, erected by her husband to a certain 
Claudia Ingenua (fig. 72), and near this lay a tile containing an interesting- 
fragment of another inscription (fig. 88), dating from the Christian period of 
Roman Scupi. 

A crossway leads through the fields — here everywhere strewn with tiles and 
pottery — from Zloku6ani to the neighbouring village of Bardovce, before reaching 
which it passes a low hill which must have been an important quarter of the aucient 
Scupi. Along the side of this some recent excavations, made in order to obtain 
material for building purposes, had revealed a variety of ancient blocks, and 
amongst them some huge fragments of a cornice and a base evidently belonging 
to an important building. In the neighbourhood of this were two Roman tombs, 
which I excavated. The first proved to be a large cist, consisting of six ponde- 
rous slabs, and lined with square tiles in two parallel rows ; it contained nothing 
but a few bones, and must have been rifled in ancient times. The second, 
equally unproductive so far as relics were concerned, was of the same general 
construction, but made up of the remains of earlier monuments, as was proved 
by the fact that it contained within it an inscribed slab with a dedication 
of a local priest of Augustus to the " Gods and Goddesses " (fig. 56). This 
part of the Roman site forms as useful a quarry to the present inhabitants as 
that near Zlokucani, and many monuments have been quite recently dis- 
interred to be l)roken up or lost in nioderu buildings. Two sepulchral slabs, 
however, from tlie spot had been preserved in the neighbouring Konak of Hakif 

88 Aniiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

JMecbraed Pasha at Bardovce, where I was permitted to see them in the inner 
court of this fine Turkish countrj^ house. Both of them apparently owed their 
preservation to the fact that they contained reliefs, in the one case of a husband, 
wife, and child (fig. 75), in the other of a Miles Frumentarius of the Seventh 
Legion (fig. 60). 

The sources of Mechmed Pasha's fortune are interesting in the light which 
they throw on the local industry of the ancient inhabitants of Scupi. These 
I learnt to be an old iron mine near Kisela Voda, a chalybeate spring which rises 
on the Southern flank of the range dominating the right bank of the Lepenica, 
and, in the same neighbourhood, a quarry of excellent white marble. This 
marble is in high repute throughout the central part of the Balkan Peninsula, 
and is largely used for tombstones, both Mahometan and Christian. Quantities of 
it are exported to a considerable distance and as far away as Nish (the ancient 
Naissus), in Serbia, I saw marble monuments, the material of which had been 
ordered from the Pasha's quarries near the ancient site of Scupi. Once more we 
find the site of a Dardanian city connecting itself with ancient mines and quarries. 

The virtues of the mineral spring of Kisela Voda " were probably not unknown 
to the Roman citizens of Scupi. The spring itself spurts up with fountain-like 
force in the centre of a ruinous octagonal basin. The hill to the East of it seems 
to have been formerly the scene of a similar fountain, as it was covered with iron- 
stained fragments and a white deposit in all respects resembling the deposit 
formed by the existing source. On the rocks at the top here were observable arti- 
ficial grooves and channels, evidently belonging to an ancient bath, l)ut ))roken up 
and tossed about in chaotic disorder by some vast natural convulsion. Lower 
down, near the Anllage of Vucidol were traces of another mineral source, — a 
curious line of undermined rocks, the cavities of which were filled with the same 
chalybeate deposit. On examining their upper surface I foimd an im])hivhuii of 
angular form and sockets for small columns cut out of the rock, showing that 
here, too, must have existed an ancient l)uilding. ; but in tliis case, as the former, 
the natural floor of rock had been ploughed up by cataclsymic agencies. In the 
wooded glen above, a little below the village of Kuckova, had been recently found 
a small image, a sight of which I obtained with difficulty from the Bulgar 
peasants. It proved to be a rude Roman bas-relief of Hercules clad in the 
Xemean lion's-skin ; and 1 have since heard that a " written stone " has been 
discovered, together with an ancient fountain, near the same village. Somewhat 
further, in a gorge opening on to Lepenica valley, is the Albanian village of 

" Litei-ally " Bitter Water," a common name for mineral soui-ces throughout the South-Slavonic 
countries. The temperature was 7.5° Fahr. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 89 

Nekistan, wliere, amongst tlie ruins of a medifeval cliiircli, lay a large fragment of 
a Roman tombstone (fig. 53) referring to the Coloxia of Scupi. 

The traces of the ancient buildings near the mineral springs, destroyed by some 
great natural catastrophe, afford a highly interesting commentary on the passage 
of the sixth century lUyrian chronicler Comes Marcellinus, who records the 
overthrow of Scupi itself, and other cities of Dardania by a terrific earthquake in 
the year 518. The writer describes the catastrophe with the vividness of an eye- 
witness. " In the province of Dardania," he writes, "twenty-four CasteUa were 
ruined in a single moment by repeated shocks of earthquake. Two of these were 
overwhelmed, with all their habitations ; four with half their buildings and inhabi- 
tants ; eleven were overthrown with a loss of a third of their citizens and houses ; 
seven more lost a quarter of their houses and population and were left deserted 
through fear of the neighbourhood of the ruins. Moreover, the Metropolitan City 
of Scupi was ruined to its foundations, though without any destruction of its 
citizens, for they were at the time in the act of fleeing from the enemy. In one 
castle, in the district of Canisa, called Sarnunto, there took place an eruption, and 
the earth vomited forth from its inner cavities a continual burning shower on 
every side, like the blast from a fiery furnace." Many mountains, we are told, 
throughout the province were rent asunder ; rocks and forest trees were torn from 
their sockets ; and a yawning chasm " twelve feet in breadth and thirty miles in 
extent " intercepted and entombed many of the fvigitive citizens.'' In the volcanic 

" Comes Marcellinus (Ad. Ann. 518). "In Provincia Dardania assidno terrsemotu xxiv. CasteUa 
uno momento collapsa sunt. Quorum duo suis cum habitatoribus demersa, quatuor dimidia sedifi- 
cioi'um suorum hominumque amissa parte destructa, undecim tertia domorum totidemquc populi 
clade dejecta, septem quarta tectorum suoi'um tantaque plebis parte depressa, vicina vero (al. 
" vicinarum ") metu ruinarum despecta sunt. Scupus namque Metropolis, licet sine civium suorum 
hostem fugientium clade, funditus tamen corruit. TJno in Castello, regionis Canisje, quod Samunto 
dicitui-, ruptis tunc terra venis et ad instar ton-idfe fornacis exrestuans diutinum altrinsecus 
fei'ventemque imbrem eTomuit. Plurimas totius Provincias montes hoc tei'rremotu scissi sunt, saxa 
que suis evulsa compagibus, devolutaque arboi'um (? devoluteeque arbores) crepido per xxx. passuum 
millia patens et in xii. pedum latitudinem dehiscens profundum aliquantis voraginem ci^-ibus 
castellorum saxorumque ruinas vel adhue liostiuni inciu-siones fugientibus jussa* paravit." The 
last jiaragraph is evidently corrupt, but the general sense is cleai-. Crepido here = fissura (Of. 
Du Cange, s. v.). With this Dardanian " Sai-nunto" I will venture to coivnect the Sarnoates, referred 
to on the Illyrian coins reading SAPNOATUN, and the ■s.apvovQ of Stephanus of Byzantium and 
Polya!nus. I will even go further and suggest the emendation of the unknown (BapvoDf) " Hapvovvra 
of Strabo (7, 7, 4), mentioned as lying on or near the Egnatian Way between Lychnidus (Ochrida) and 
Heraclea Lyncestis, into 'S.apvovvra, and its identification in turn with the 'S.apvovq of the coins, and the 
" Sarnunto " of Marcellinus. This attribution would bring down a comer of sixtli centuiy Dardania 
to tlic neighbourhood of Monastir, but it is nut at least inconsistent with Procojuus' description of 


90 Antiquarian Beaearches in Ilhjricum. 

rocks that strew the neighbourhood of the Roman thermal station of Banjska, 
above Mitrovica, we may see, perhaps, another landmark of the same catastrophe. 
Outside the actual site of ancient Scupi and its immediate vicinity the most 
abundant traces of Roman settlement are to be found on the slopes and amongst 
the sliatly glens of the Dardanian Tzernagora, or Karadagh, to the North of the 
plain of TJskiip. Fertile, well-watered, and cool in summer, this upland region 
seems to have been a favourite viUeggiahira of the citizens of Scupi, and, as 
numerous medifeval churches and monasteries attest, the Orthodox of a later 
period found its sites not less adapted for their monastic retreats. Several small 
tributaries of the Lepenica and Vardar here take their rise, and from one of these 
sources the towTi of Skopia has from time immemorial derived its water supply 
by an Aqueduct of Byzantine construction, to which we shall have occasion to 
return. It is noteworthy, that in this district vine culture is carried to greater 
perfection than elsewhere among the South Dardanian peasantry, and the wine of 
Kuceviste, especially, enjoys a deserved reputation in Skopia. Tliis village, lying 
on a neck of land between two streams, has a fine Serbo-Byzantine church, 
founded, according to local tradition, by one of the Nemanjas, where, behind the door 
of the Proavlion, I found the most interesting existing record of the municipal 
government of Roman Scupi (fig. 54, see p. 114). In the churchyard, amongst the 
other slabs lay a Roman sepulchral monument (fig. 51) to a Veteran of tlie 
7th Legion, remarkable for the artistic finish of its execution. This monument 
had been removed, not many years since, to its present position from a field about 
half an hour's walk below the village, which was by all accounts a Roman cemetery. 
I learned that the whole gi'ound, at a depth of two or three feet below the present 
surface, was occxipied by ancient graves, and that many slabs had at different 
times come to light presenting inscriptions. On visiting the spot I found it, 
unfortunately, covered with growing vines, and was thus prevented from making 
excavations ; I saw, however, a place from which large blocks had been recently 
taken, to be used in the restoration of the neighbouring church of St. Athanasius. 
At a farm-house at the village of Mirkovce, a little lower down, were two large 
fragments of another Legionary tomb (fig. 61), and a portion of a third inscrip- 

the "European Dardanians " as living above Dj-rrliaehium. The to'\\'n and region of Monastir itself 
(at or near the site of the ancient Heraclca Lyncestis) was known in Byzantine times as Pelagonia, 
and we have here, I venture to think, a clue to the whereabouts of the Pelagia of a series of Illyi-ian 
coins that in all respects are companion pieces to those reading SAPNOATQN. On the other hand, the 
superior workmanship and Zacynthian affinities of the kindred Damastian coins would lead us to seek 
for the site of Damastion nearer the Epirote littoral. See p. .38. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricnm. 91 

tion, besides a part of a monument displaying a cross, and perhaps of Byzantine 
date. In the neighbouring village of Brazda I observed another Roman sepulchral 
slali (fig. 52), also belonging to a Veteran of the 7th Legion, built into a fountain. 
This, however, according to an old inhabitant of the place, had been removed 
from a spot called Dancov Bres on the plain below, and not far distant from 
Bardovce. The transfer from that place was no doubt facilitated by a curiously 
straight piece of road across the plain, which had all the appearance of having 
been of Roman origin. At Dancov Bres itself I could only find fragments of 
stone in a clump of brushwood; but several monuments have been, at different 
times, unearthed there. 

In a leafy gorge above Kuceviste is the Monastery of the Archangels, with a 
fine old Serbian church, said to have been bu.ilt by the Emperor Dusan. Crossing 
the watershed to the "West, and passing a source with the time-honoured name of 
Banja, to which attention has been already called, the traveller reaches the rich 
valley of the Banjanska Rjeka, and the Minster Church of St. Nikita, another 
well-preserved old Serbian monument, rising on a vine-clad height above the 
village of Banjani. Near this, again, is a ruined church of the Theotokos, or 
Bogorodica, where was another fine Legionary slab (fig. 62) ; and in the threshold 
and before the door of a small church " hard by, two smaller Roman sepulchral 
monuments (figs. 78, 85). Further up the same gorge, in the very heart of the 
Karadagh, is the orthodox Monastery of St. Ilija. The chvirch here is very small, 
biit is built into a cavern, which points, perhaps, to a local cult of greater than 
Christian antiquity. In all likelihood, here, as in the case of St. Ilija above 
Plevlje, the mantle of the Thunder-God Rerun has fallen on to the shoulders of the 
Slavonic St. Blias. Nor, considering the continuity of religious tradition in these 
remote regions, to which I shall again have occasion to return, is it by any means 
improbable that this sacred cave of the Karadagh may have been devoted to a 
Thunderer of still earlier date. In the court-yard of the Monastery below I 
observed a Roman altar ; but, unfortunately, the inscription, if it ever had any, was 
hopelessly defaced. 

A mountain-path leads from the gorge of Banjani past the village of Cucera, 
where, in the bone-house of the church, I saw another Roman sepulchral inscrip- 
tion (fig. 76), and thence over the watershed into the valley of the Lepenica at the 
Southern end of the Kacanik Pass. At this point a peninsular peak overhangs the 
left bank of the stream. On the col connecting this promontory with the main range 

' Gornjaiiska Crkva. 


92 Antiquanan Researches in Ilhjricum. 

of the Karadagli, and reaching thence to the summit of the peak, were very extensive 
remains. The ruins were of the most thorough-going kind. Xotliing beyond tlio 
foundation of walls, and heaps of stones and tiles, is at present to be seen, but 
these cover a considerable area, including the whole hill-top, as well as the con- 
necting neck of land. They show that a peak stronghold and surrounding walled 
town nnist in farmer times have existed here. There is at present no human 
habitation in ihe immediate neighbourhood, but the inhabitants of Banjani call 
the place " Davina," and have a tradition that it belonged to a lady of that name, 
wlio was slain by the Turks when they con(iia'ivd tlic country. They also call it 
Stari Bazar, or the " Old Market," and the remains of the peak castle are known, 
like so many other Old Slavonic " grads " hereabouts, as Markova Kida, the 
" tower," that is, of King's Son Marko. Amongst the remains I discovered a few 
fragments of Roman sarcophagi, and an ornament of apparently Serbo-Byzantine 
style, from which, as well as from the local tradition, we may conclude that the 
ruins are those of a mediasval Serbian town and stronghold, which formerly guarded 
the Southern end of the pass, as Kacanik the Northern. The chief object of my 
search was a Roman stone, of the existence of which near these ruins I had been 
assured by more than one peasant. After more than one fruitless visit to the spot, 
I was at last successful in finding it in pieces amongst the brushwood on the soutliern 
steep of the hill. It proved to be a monument erected by the local Republic to the 
Emperor Gallienus, the most interesting historic relic of Roman Scupi (fig. 55). 

Eastwards of Kuceviste, a path leads over another mountain spur to the village 
of Ljubanze, inhabited by a Bulgar population. On the way here I found a 
" Crkviste " or ruined site of a church, on which were one or two Roman 
fragments. A little to the West of the village was another similar ruin to a 
great extent composed of Roman blocks and monuments. Amongst these, firmly 
bedded for the most part in the walls and foundations were shafts, capitals, 
and bases of columns, an altar, part of which however had been defaced, and 
five slabs containing inscriptions, four of them sepulchral (figs. 69, 70, 84, 87), 
but one containing a dedication to an apparently local God (fig. 58). A little 
lower down the stream on which Ljubanze lies is the village of Radusan, where a 
large sepulchral slab had been recently found by an Albanian whilst working in 
his garden ; it was divided into two compartments, but on one alone was the 
inscription legible (fig. 77). Above this village again, on a peninsular height, 
commanding far and wide the plain of Skopia, is the noble church of Ljubiten, 
roofless, alas ! and doomed to inevitable decay, but still preser\4ng when I saw it 
some of the most I'emarkable illustrations of the most remarkable period of old 

Antiquarian Researches in Ilhjricum. 93 

Serbian history. No traveller has described, and, as far as I am aware, no traveller 
has hitherto visited this highly interesting shrine, which has long since fallen into 
the alien and infidel hands of Albanian Mahometans ; and, although the present 
communication relates rather to the remains of an earlier period, a ciirsory descrip- 
tion may not be out of jilace. The ground plan of the body of the church is square, 
terminating externally in a five-sided apse. The cupola, at present in a ruinous 
state, was supported by four massive columns. Of the capitals one has disappeared 
entirely, two, perhaps of later date, are merely painted with a chevron ornament, 
the fourth has its four corners carved into the shape of a scallop, an eagle, a 
foliated coil, and a ram's head, and it may be remarked that all these ornaments 
recur in the capitals of the Comnenian Minster church at Matej6i, on the other side 
of the Karadagh. The walls are of stone alternating with tiles, and over the 
Western doorway is a Serbian inscription in Cyrillian characters recording the 
erection of the church to the honour of St. Nicholas in the year 1337, and mider 
the rule of King Stephen Dusan. But the chief glory of the church are the 
frescoes within, which were evidently completed after the date when the Serbian 
monarch assumed the insignia of Empire. On the North wall of the church Czar 
Dusan himself is to be seen depicted with the Imperial crown vipon his h^ad, and 
the Imperial mantle on his shoulders, holding a three-limbed cross. At his side, 
crowned like himself, stand his Empress Helena and his young son Uros, while on 
either side of the chief entrance rise the Emperor's angelic and saintly protectors ; 
on the right the " Archistrategi " Michael and Gabriel, and on the left Saints 
Cosmas and Damian. Both the Czar and his Consort appear as they are repre- 
sented on their contemporary coinage. No record of this crowming achievement of 
Dusan's ambition could be better placed than in this chiirch, overlooking afar the 
domes and towers of his residential City of Skopia, where he first assumed the 
crown and title of Emperor of the Greeks and Serbs, and of " all Romania." A 
less questionable monument of Roman rule is to be seen at the East end of the 
church, where lay a sepulchral slab with a finely wrought cornice, but the inscrip- 
tion on which was wholly oblitei-ated. It appeared to have formed part of the altar. 
The remains hitherto described lie amongst the Southern and "Western offshoots 
of the Dardanian Karadagh, which bounds the plain of Skopia to the Norlh-East. 
To the "West of the site of Scupi, and on the further side of the the Vardar, rises 
the elongated limestone-mass of Karsjak, which is detached from the outlying 
ranges of the Shar to the North by the stupendous cleft of the Treska. IMount 
Karsjak itself forms the watershed between the Skopia expanse and the basin of 
the Markova Rjeka, the Roman remains of which I shall treat separately as 

94 Antiquarian Researches in lUyricnm. 

possibly tu be rereiTed to another lMunicij)iuiii. The iiiomnnents however of Koinaii 
dat« existing on the Eastern slopes of Karisjak come fairly within the antiquarian 
domains of Scupi itself, and the same may be said <_)f the rugged promontory of 
the 8har that separates the confluent waters of the Treska and Yardar. 

At a village at the south-eastern foot of Karsjak, which, like tlie old bath already 
described, is called Kiselavoda from a slightly bitter sjiring there, had ai)parently 
been a Roman cemetery; I saw one large iniinscril)ed sarcophagus in s/7», and, 
according to the Bulgar inhabitants, many others had been dug up at the same 
spot. Hearing of an inscription graven on a rock on the very summit of the 
moinitain, I started from Skopia witli local guides, to investigate it. On a liead- 
land, about an hour above Skopia, 1 observed the ruins of an ancient castle, termi- 
nating in a })olygonal tower, and with chambers excavated in the ground, from 
which it derives its name, MarVuva Magazija — " Marko's storehouse." It certainly 
dates from old Serbian time. About an hour from the summit I came u])on an 
ancient road, which follows with much evenness the eastern contour of the moun- 
tain; according to the local account it leads in one direction to Prilip and Ochrida, 
and in the other over the Shar to Prisren. That it was useful in tlie days of the 
old Serbian dominion as a means of commimication wnth the numerous monasteries 
scattered al)out this Alpine region there can be no doubt; it is always ])ossible 
however that, in part at least, it represents a Roman line of communication 
between Scupi and Heraclea or Lychnidus. It seems to me not imjjrobabk' tliat 
this road answers to that described by the Arabian geographer, Edrisi," as leading 
from Skopia,"' through a place called Bolghoura, or Bolghar, to Ochrida, and thence 
through " Teberle " (? Debra) to Durazzo." Near the gorge of the Treska I 
observed on another occasion a branch or continuation of this running Westward 
along the Korthernmost terrace of Karsjak, which, from its linear directness, 
ap;)eared to me to be of Roman origin. An hour above this ancient road we 
reached the summit of the mountain, only to find that the inscription had been 
recently destroyed by some fanatic. The panorama, however, was magnificent ; 
to East and North Skopia, its plain and intersecting rivers ; to South and West 

* GeograpMe d' Edrisi, traduite d'Ai-abe en Fran9ais par P. Am^dee Jaubcit, t. ii. p. 289, 290. 

* Edi-isi desci-ibes Skopia itself as " a considerable town surrounded by many vineyards and 
cultivated fields." P'roni Slsopia onwards he mentions a route to Kratova (Koi-tos), where two lines 
of communication bi-anehed, one to Nish, the other to Seres, Dmnia, and Christopolis. 

<^ Thei-e is an apparent discrepancy in Edrisi's account. On p. 289 " Bolghoura " is mentioned 
as " a pretty town on the top of a high mountain," four days from Scopia : on p. 290 " IJoulghar " is 
mentioned as one day distant from Skopia. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 95 

the broad undulating glen drained by the Markova Rjeka and its tributaries ; 
wliile the snowy line of the Shardagh fringed the North- Western horizon. 

From the rocky knoll that forms the highest summit of Karsjak we descended 
to the North-East through woods of Sjjanish chestnut (locally known as Kustanje — 
a near approach to Castanea) to some remarkable ruins. The first we visited was 
known as Timpanica, and proved to be the remains of a very substantial stone 
building ; the walls were strongly cemented of roughly-shaped stones, and may 
have belonged to a Roman Castellum, but their ground-plan could no longer b& 
restored with any certainty. About a quarter of an hour below this was a much 
more extensive ruin. On one side a wall, about six feet broad, of uncemented 
blocks of the local micaceous rock descended along the side of a ravine ; and, 
about one hundred yards below, took a turn at right-angles and ran along the 
face of the slope till it ended in what had been, apparently, a tower. Beyond this 
point the traces were obscure. The massiveness of the wall points to early times 
for its construction ; but the rudeness of the blocks and the absence of mortar 
forbids us to regard it as Roman; It is not impossible that here, on the North- 
Western declivity of Mount Karsjak we have the remains of an early Dardanian 
stronghold that existed before the Roman Conquest. The natives call it Sofce, or 
Sofia ; there was, however, no trace of a church, nor of any work which could be 
referred to medigeval times. 

To the North of this, perched on a peninsular sjjur of the same mountain, and 
shaded by magnificent Avalnut-woods, is the village of Neresi, or Naresi, tenanted 
by an Albanian population. An ice-cool fountain here bursts from the rock, and 
it is diificiilt not to connect the name of the village with the primitive word for 
water lurking in Nereus, and revived in the modern Greek v€.p6, and to recall the 
Illyrian clan of the Naresii, who, in Pliny's time, inhabited the upper valley of the 
Narenta, still known as the Neretva.* On the opposite side of the ravine rises a 

* It is remarkable that in 409 a.d. we find Pope Innocent adch-es.'iing a letter " ifavliano 
Episcopo Naresitano " in wliioh he refers to the " Clerici Naresienses " as having been iu)miiiated by 
the heretic bishop Bonosus (of Sei-dica). Fai-hxto, Illyricum Sacrum, remarks on this, ■• Xaresitanaia 
ecclesiani nnspiam invenies in ecclesiastica geogi-aphia," and would read " Naissilanani " : bnt the 
pai'allel form " Naresienses " and the high improbability of such a corruption of a well-known 
name like that of Naissus militate against the suggestion. Here at least wo have an '' Ecclesia 
Naresitana or Naresiensis of Byzantine date and within a territoi'ial sphere over which a hei'etic 
bishop of the Metropolis of Dacia Mediteiranca may have usui'pcd authority. Dardania, it must be 
remembered, was at this time one of the " Five Dacias "; and, though the Meti-opolitan of Scupi seems 
to have claimed precedence over the Metropolitan of Serdica (see p. 138), Bonosus may have succeeded 
for a while in turning the tables. 

96 Antiij^aaiiaii Researches iti llli/ricum. 

Byzantine church, which proved to be of considerable interest. It forms part of 
a small Bulgar monastery, but I noticed that it differed from the prevailing Old 
Serbian type of this disti'ict in having four turrets at its angles, over and above 
the central cupola. Inside were some curious early Byzantine fragments, notably 
a flat marble plaque, on which birds and animals were carved in coilwork medal- 
lions, of a style which carried one l)ack to tlu' iiol)l(' teiitli-century foundation of 
the Emperor Romanos, at Styri, in Greece. The proavlion had been destroyed 
and rel)uilt at a later period, but over the door leading from this into the body of 
the church was a long slab with the following Byzantine inscription, recording 
the erection and embellishment of the Church " of the great and glorious Martyr 
Panteleemon," by an " Alexios Comnenos, son of the imperial-born Theodora, in 
the year 1165, in the 3rd Indiction, Joannikios being Hegdmen" : 

\< 6'Kfi jIi eFrH'oHaoc ? ^(ToY K^ireN:a o^^HerM oH^PTvpoc naiiTeh^ woe eKCYHap°HicKYP8 u e f i«y 

f KOl^HoVMSTicnoP'l'VPoreHHH Iwl^OiCJPACH CCmeHEPrVfle ToYC^Xb^ 

Fig. 42. 




KYPAC (sic) eeOAirPAC MHN(i) cenxeMBPiir in(aiktiu,inoC) r 


Theodora Comnena Forphyrogenita was the youngest daughter of the Emperor 
Alexios Comnenos (tlll8), and married Constantine Angelos, a noble of Phila- 
delphia, by whom she became the mother of the imperial race of Angelos." Her 
son Alexios, the founder, or possibly restorer, of this church, is not mentioned by 
Ducange in his Familke Bi/zajitliue, but one of her sons, who appears in history as 
Constantine, distinguished himself in Manuel's campaigns against the Serbians, 
and after the re-capture of Ras,*" about the year 1150, was left in command of the 
Byzantine troops in Dalmatia.'' The present inscription affords new evidence of 
the important position held at this time by the house of Angelos and Theodora in 
this part of the peninsula. 

• Ducange Familice Augustoe Byzantinoe, p. 178, and 202. (Paris, 1680). 
'' Near Novipazar. (See p. 54.) 
" Kinnamos Hist. Lib. III. 

Antiq^iiarian Researches in Illyricum. 97 

The wall paintings round the church differed slightly in style from the usual 
old Serbian frescoes of this part, and the scrolls in the Saints' hands were, so 
far as I observed, in Greek instead of Cyrillian characters. On the massive square 
pier to the right of the ikonostasis (one of the four supporting the cupola) was 
a well-executed fresco of St. Panteleemon. The painting was canopied by a 
remarkable baldacchino, suggestive of Italian parallels, and forming a trefoil arch 
over which peacocks linked in Byzantme knotwork were carved within a palmetto 
border. In the porch was a large Eoman gravestone (fig. 63), interesting as 
giving a Thracian name and its Latin alternative. 

From Naresi I descended to the level of the Vardar and made my way along a 
road which follows first its right bank and then the right bank of the Treska to 
the village of Sisova, which lies at the Eastern opening of the Treska ravine. 
"Walled into the little church here were several Roman fragments, including two 
Ionic capitals. My exploration of the iron-gates of the Treska above may be 
passed over here" as the interest attaching to the churches of St. Nikola and 
St. Andrea that lie in that almost inaccessible region belongs to the days of the 
Old Serbian kings ; nor did I anywhere notice Roman monuments. The trace of an 
ancient road running along the terrace of Mount Karsjak, that breasts this Treska 
ravine has been already noticed ; it is probable that the mediaeval road which, 
according to tradition, eventually brought this mountain district into connexion 
with the Czarigrad, Prisren, crossed the Treska near the village of Sisova, as there 
are still traces of an ancient bridge. Here, on the left bank of the stream, which 
at present has to be forded, rises the Monastery of Matkovo, with a fine Serbo- 
Byzantine church. "Walled into the church was a Roman sepulchral slab (fig. 71), 
a Byzantine relief of birds in interlaced medallions, a column, and many other 
ancient fragments ; and from a spot a little below the monastery I was brought a 
portion of another Roman monument reading — 

FLA . V . . . 

The old road-line that skirts the heights above, to the left of the river, would 
have afforded a means of access from the basin in which Scupi anciently stood to 

" It is well, however, to mention that the upper course of the Treska as depicted on the Austrian 
Stabs-karte is entirely erroneous. No tributaiy I'uns into it near St. Nikola, and the river itself 
takes a long straight turn to the West above that monastery, instead of running, as represented, 
from the North. On my sketch-map I have corrected the geogi'aphy of this district so fai- as my 
explorations enabled me. 


Antiquarian Researches in lUyricum. 

the undulating glens of the IMarkova Rjeka, separated from the Skopia plain 
by the intervening mass of Mount Karsjak, the antiquities of which, as jiossibly 
belonging to the Ager of another Roman Municipium, it may be well to present in 
a collective form. This region is of the greatest fertility, and is covered with 
cherry orchards, the fruit of which is the finest in the country ; but a still more 
important feature, as explaining the presence of Roman settlements, is an old gold 
mine on the right bank of the Markova Rjeka, a little below the village of Susica, 
which, according to my local informant, was still worked by the Turks only a 
dozen years back. A little above Susica is the interesting Monastery, Markov 
Manastir, where the tomb of the legendary hero of Serbian Epic is still to be seen, 









Fig. 43. 

Fig. 44. 

Antiquarian Researches in lUyricum. 


together with other old Slavonic frescoes and inscriptions of great importance for 
the mediaeval history of these coim tries. Here I observed, walled into the church, 
a monument to a Veteran of the Seventh, Claudian, Legion* (fig. 43). On the 
Western slope of Mount Karsjak, in the village of Dolnji Sulna, the fountain was 
adorned with a sepulchral slab containing the Illyrian name-form " Gatties," the 
son of Alexander (fig. 44). 


In the upper church of the same village were two aJcroteria of Roman tombs, a 
portion of a cornice or pedestal, and other fragments. Near this, at Govarljevo, 
were several more ancient fragments, including an altar with a defaced inscription, 



Fig. 45. 







Fig. 46. 

Incompletely given by Engelliardt, loc. cit. 


Antiquarian Researches in lUyricum. 

and at Barova opposite, ^vere three Roman inscriptions. Two of these of sepul- 
chral character (figs. 45 and 46) were walled into the precincts of the church. 
One of them (fig. -iG), apparently referred to a VETeranus LECiionis VII. ClauditB 
Pice Felicis, who was also Dscnrio of a Colony,* in all probability of Scupi. The 
third inscription in a neighbouring cottage wall, though in an imperfect condition, 
is of considerable interest. It is part of an altar to Fortuna, apparently erected 
by a local Hcs PuhJica, but whether the name on the penultimate line refers to the 
city, or is an indigenous epitaph of Fortuna, it is not easy to determine — 

Fig. 47. 

BETVAN . . . ? 

KES Tuhlica Taciendum curavit. 

In this valley and on the heights of Mount Karsjak above, as in other places in 
the kSkopia district were patches of the wild pear-tree — the Albanian Darda — with 
which Von Hahn connects the ancient name of Dardania.** 

» It must be observed, however, that the stone appears to read dfc . c and not dec . c. 

'' In the accusative form Barde-ne. Von Hahn Albanesische Studien, p. 236, compares the ancient 
derivation of the kindred Mysian race from a tree called in their hmguage Mvaos = the Okl Gi'eek 
'oKmi, and instances Hcsiod's account of Zeus creating the thii-d or brazen race of men from ash 
trees QkhcXiuv). 

Antiquarian Researches in lUijricum. 101 

Having briefly surveyed the Roman remains of the Markova Ejeka and the 
ranges that skirt the Vardar basin on either side .of the site of Scupi, I may turn 
to those existing in the modern town of Skopia and its immediate neighbourhood. 
It will be convenient to confine our present attention to the earlier relics to be seen 
in Skopia, and to defer the description of those of Byzantine dates till we come to 
treat of the later foundation of Justinian. It is noteworthy that none of the 
Roman monuments in the town itself have any claim to be considered in situ. 
The fine stone bridge which here spans the Vardar has, as already observed, no 
title to be considered Roman, and belongs to the category described in the 
preceding paper, of great bridges built by Italian and Dalmatian architects for 
Turkish governors in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, of which the old 
bridges over the Drina at Gorazda and Visegrad are conspicuous examples. 
Neither in the bridge itself, nor in the walls of the Akropolis that rises above it on 
the left bank of the Vardar, is there any trace of Roman construction. In the 
outer wall of the Akropolis there are however one or two fragments of inscriptions 
(figs. 81 and 82) that have been walled in at a later period. According to Hahn 
another existed near the entrance gate, but at present all traces of it have dis- 
appeared. In the lower town the Roman remains are mostly scattered about the 
Easternmost quarter, and in the old Hamam " of the Two Sisters " I saw several 
slabs presenting more or less fragmentary inscriptions (figs. 73, 'lA, 79). In the 
pavement of a neighbouring street was a large part of another containing the con- 
cluding lines of an elegiac epitaph to a local Nestor (fig. 68). In the wall of a 
ruined Mosque was also a sepulchral tablet (fig. 80), and the troughs of the drink- 
ing fountains in this part of Skopia are to a great extent made of Roman sar- 
cophagi. A little below the Musta Pasha Dzamia I observed an altar to Silvanus, 
while another altar with a Greek inscription and apparently dedicated to Zeus had 
recently been found by a Turkish Sheik in his garden in the Balaban IMahala, 
where he courteously invited me to inspect it (fig. 57). 

A point to be noted abovit the distribution of the Roman remains in Skopia 
itself is, that they approximately indicate the course of what was undoubtedly, in 
Roman times, the main line of communication between Scupi and the Macedonian 
towns to the South. The present direct route to Velese and the Lower Vardar 
runs nearer that river, but the older way takes an Eastward turn, along a low 
line of hills, in order to avoid the swamps of this part of the Vardar level. This 
older way, as the remains along it show, represents the course of the Roman road. 
At Skopia itself are two fragments of Roman milestones. No. 1 is embedded in 
a naiTOw lane near the clock-tower ; No. 2, which is in a still more mutilated 

102 Antiquarian Researches in Ilhjricum. 

condition, supports a wooden column of tlio verandah in front of a Turkish 
house, near the Orthodox school, 


IM . CAESAR/ . . . 




km . P . J[ . Ti;i/? . POTEST . 



. . . ])ontifici jfAXlMO .... 
Tribunicia potestatb . . 

cos III 

The first of these milestones belongs to Hadrian's time." 

The remains in the Southern part of the plain of Skopia, to the left of the Vardar, 
may be all conveniently considered in their relation to the Roman "Way the course of 
which is marked by their occurrence. About a mile out of Skopia, to the South-East, 
the old road, which I venture to identify with the Roman Way, passes near a melon 
garden, in which I saw a Roman sepulchral inscription (fig. 83). To the East 
again of this lies the village of Hassanbeg, where, in making the new road to 
Kumanovo, the workmen had recently come upon a large " ^vritten stone." The 
stone proved to be a heavy block, submerged in a deep trench by mud and water 
from recent heavy rains. It was only, after an hour's struggle, and with the 
aid of eight peasants, that the stone was raised to such a position that, standing 
up to my waist in liquid mud and water, I was able to copy it. It proved to be 
of great interest, as referring to an Augustal "of the Colony of Scupi " (fig. 50). 

To the South-East of this is the village of Belombeg, with a Mahometan and 
medifBval cemetery, where, according to the local tradition of the Bulgar peasants, 
had once been a Monastery dedicated to St. Peter. By the cistern here was the 
lid of a huge Roman sarcophagus, overturned and used as a trough for cattle, on 
the underside of which was a sepulchral inscription in well-cut letters (fig. 86).'' 

" It was undoubtedly from this stone that Edward Brown derived his inscription shianc See 
p. 83. No. 1 has been given by Dr. Kenner in a but sliglitly variant form on Herr Lippich's 
authority. See Sitzungsber. d. Wiener Akad. v. 80, p. 274 ; Eph. Ep. vol. iv. p. 82. 

'' This block was so heavy that it took six men to lever it sufficiently for mc to icad the 
inscription. The Hassanbeg stone ha.s since been removed to the Konak at Skopia. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricurn. 103 

Beyond Belombeg the road, -^vliicli is liere a broad grassy track, forks into two 
branches, — each in all probability representing a Roman road-line, — that to the left 
leading to Istib, the ancient Astabus, that to the right being the main line of 
communication with Stobi and Thessalonica. Following the latter — still a grassy 
track — for about twenty minutes in the direction of the village of Ibrahimovce, 1 
came upon the most satisfactory evidence of its Roman origin. On a grassy slope 
above the road lay the massive base of a Roman milestone, but the upper part 
of the column, containiug the inscription, had unfortunately been broken off. Near 
this lay a large Roman slab with a cornice, and several other ancient blocks. 
There is at present no himian habitation in the immediate neighbourhood of these 
remains, but I found that the spot was known to the peasants as " Rusalinsko," 
a name which seems to me to be of the highest interest. The Roman liusalia, 
the spring-feast of the dejaarted, as opposed to the Brwnalia, or winter-feast, 
answering, as it did, to a widespread vernal celebration, not by any means confined 
to Aryan peoples, took a firm hold on the provincials, notably in the old Thracian 
part of the Empire, where in the gardens of ]\Iidas bloomed, it was said, the hun- 
dred-petalled rose. The practice of strewing the graves with flowers, though at 
first stoutly opposed by the Christian Church, had finally to be accepted by them, 
and in the Eastern Empire at least the pagan spring-feast of the Manes appears to 
have long retained its ancient name. Whether Slavonic tribes early acquired the 
name from actual contact with the Empire in Dacia, or whether they absorbed it, 
in the process of assimilating East Roman populations after their occupation of 
the Peninsula, it is certain that the Roman name for the feast — and that, origi- 
nally, at least, in no derived Christian sense — has spread, not only to the lUyrian 
Slavs, but beyond the limits of the Roman Empire to the Russians, and even 
the Lithuanians." The Russian Nestor (sub anno 1087) mentions the Rusalije 
amongst unholy merrymakings ; and " Rusalka," a derivative of this, has come to 
mean a Russian fairy. In the twelfth century, the Byzantine, Theodore Balsamon, 
in his Commentary on the 62nd Canon of the sixth Council of Trullo, which took 

" Some interesting remarks on the Slavonic Eiisalje, Rusalije, &c., and their connexion with the 
Roman Busalia will be found in Miklosich, Die Btisalien (^Sitzungsherichte der k. Akad, d. Wissensch 
vol. xlvi. p. 386 seqq.), and W. Tomaschek, Vber Brumalia und Bosalia (Sitzungsberichte, Sfc. vol. v. 
p. 351 seqq.). For the Roman Bosalia, see especially F. M. Avellino, Oposcoli (t. iii. p. 247 seqq.). 
Amongst the Lithuanians there is a June feast called Basos Svente, which Miklosich shows to be the 
same celebration and derived from Bosas. Several inscriptions recording the celebration of the 
Rosalia on old Thracian soil have been discovered by Heuzey (ie Pantheon des rochers de Philippes, in 
Mission- de Macedoine, p. 152 seqq.). The Roman Bosalia, at least in later times, seem to have been 
specially associated with the cult of Flora (Cf. Ovid, Fasti, lib. v.) 

104 Antiqxiarian Researches in Illyricum. 

place in the seventli century, explains the ungodly assemblies there condemned 
as the " Rusalia," still celebrated, he tells \is, in out-of-the--way disti-icts. 
Amongst the Bulgars, who to a not inconsiderable extent represent a Slavonized 
Rouman population, this name for the old Parentalia, the spring-feast of departed 
spirits, has transferred itself to the Christian feast of the Holy Spirit, without, 
however, losing some of its heathen associations. The Bulgarian writer Zachariev 
mentions a spot near some ancient ruins, in the Tatar Bazardzik district, whither 
at the time of the " Rusalje " the sick are brought to be cured by laying them on 
a bed of rose-like flowers, sacred to the Elves, or " Samodwas."" It is probable 
enough that this or similar practices have attached the name to the ruin-field 
of " Rusalinsko." As to the actual practice of crowning tombs with roses and 
other flowers at the season of the Rusalje, it prevails throughout all this region, 
and in village after village I found the gravestones decorated with bunches of 
sweet-smelling herbs and flowers, amongst which roses were conspicuous. 

Beyond " Rusalinsko," approaching the village of Ibrahimovce, the terrace of 
the Roman road was clearly traceable, running along a low slope which overlooks 
an old bed of the Vardar, filled in places ivith dead water. This ancient bed of 
tlie river, and the swamps in which its course is ultimately lost, amply account 
for the easterly curve taken by the old Thessalonican highway at this point. The 
modern road runs straight from Ibrahimovce to Uskiip, but in rainy seasons it is 
often impassable, and travellers have to make their way by the older track. 
Ibrahimovce itself is a small Bulgarian village, but it contains a monument of 
antiquity, interesting in itself, and of greater interest in its connexion with a 
local cult which has at least all the superficial appearance of being a direct 
inheritance from Roman times. Lying on its back on the village green was a 
large block, which proved on examination to be a Roman altar, erected to Jupiter 
Optimus Maximus, by an ^Edile of a Colonia, of which we learn no more than 
that its name began with co . . . , who was also Duumvir of the Colony of Scupi. 

To my astonishment, I learnt that this monument of Roman municipal piety 
towards the " cloud-compeller " is still the object of an extraordinary local cult. 
I was informed by one of the inhabitants that in time of drought the whole of the 
villagers, both Christian and Mahometan, with a local Bey at their head, go 
together to the stone, and, having restored it to its upright position, pour 
libations of wine over the top, praying the while for rain. The language of the 
villagers is at present a Slavonic dialect, and the name of Jove was as unknown 

" See Jirecek, Qeschichte der Bidgaren, p. 56. 

AntiqiMvian Researches in Illyricmn. 


to them as the inscription on the stone was unintelligible. Nevertheless, it was 
difficnlt not to believe that in this remote Illyrian nook some local tradition of the 





l^Uf^ COLON 




Fi^. If<. 

cult of Jupiter Pluvius had survived all historic changes. The ceremonial pro- 
cedure essentially differs from the time-honoured Slavonic method of procuring 
rain. In Serbia, where the practice chiefly flourishes, a girl known as a Dodola, 

] 06 Antiquanan Researches in Illyricimi. 

after being fii'st stripped almost to a state of nature, and then dressed np witli 
garlands and green branches, is led from house to house, singing what is called 
a Dodola song, in return for which she is well soused with water by the inmates." 
Among the Bulgars the Dodola reappears as the "Preperuga;" and the preva- 
lence of this practice among the old Slovene settlers in the Balkan lands is shown 
by its transmission from them to the Romaic Greeks'* and the Wallachians. But 
libations, and libations of wine, poured on an altar, and that an altar of Jupiter, 
introduce us to an altogether different cult. The solemn assembly of the villagers 
led by the local Bey, or Mahometan landowner, irresistibly reminds us of the 
Roman rain-procession, as described by Petronius, when the women, " clad in 
stoles, made their way barefoot — chaste of mind and with dishevelled hair — to 
the sacred hill, and won rain from Jupiter by their prayers, so that then or never 
it rained bucketsfull, and all laughed to find themselves as wet as rats." Petro- 
nius speaks of the disuse of this practice at Rome itself as a sympton of the 
irreligious spirit of the Age, but it was precisely one of those homely rites that 
woiild most naturally survive in country places. The Emperor Antoninus, in his 
Meditations, cites the Athenian prayer, " Rain, rain, dear Zeus, on the ploughed 
fields and plains of the Athenians," as the very model of simple and noble prayer. 
To the paganus it was certainly the most necessary, and in a country where both 
the new year's feast of the Kalendas and the summer feast of the Rosalia are still 
known by derivatives of their Roman names, the possibility of a survival of the 
Roman rain-procession and of the calling down of rain by votive offerings and 
prayer cannot be absolutely excluded. 

The fact that the present inhabitants of the district are Slavonic-speaking 
cannot weigh against this possibility. In tla' old Dalmatian regions I have 
already, more than once, had occasion to insist on the survival of the Romanized 
indigenous population in a Slavonic guise. In Dardania the evidence of this is 
at least as strong,"^ and in the neighbouring Thracian districts the old tribal 
names have in some cases been preserved by populations who would, so far as 
speech is concerned, at present be classed as Bulgarians or Serbs. Thus the 

' Cf. Vuk Stopanovic, Lexicon, s. v. Dodola. A Dodola song is translated hy llr. Ralston in his 
Songs of the Russiaji People, p. 228. The derivation is obscui'c. 

^ The modem Greeks have the Dodola in the form of nopmipiwva which is simply derived fi-om 
the nasalized old Slovene form of Preperuga. The Wallachian name is Papelnga. Compare also 
Pr/joruse and Prpac, alternative male forms of the "Dodola" among the Serbs of Dahnatia (Vuk 
Stefanovic Lexicon s. v.). Prpa is a Serbian word for ashes mixed with water. 

<= See p. 47. 

Antiquarian Researches in lUyricum. 107 

Noropes, wlio inhabited this very region of the Upper Axios, re-appear as the 
Neropch or Meropch of the early Serbian laws ; the Mijatzi of the Dibra district 
have been compared with their Moesian predecessors ; the Pijanci, who still 
inhabit a tract in Northern Macedonia, with the old PjBonians; the Sopi of the 
Sofia basin recall the Thracian Sapsei, and the Timaci of Ptolemy find their con- 
tinnity on the banks of the same river as the Slavonic Timociani. Amongst the 
Albanian tribes the evidence of the absorption of Romanized elements is still more 
striking, nor is this anywhere more evident than amongst those members of the 
Albanian race who inhabit the Dardanian ranges." That these North-Easternmost 
representatives of Skipetaria should have become thus saturated with Latin 
linguistic elements — Rouman rather than Roman in character — shows the long 
survival in the old Dardanian province of Vlach successors of the Latin-speaking 
provincials, a survival amply attested by Old Serbian Chrysobulls like the Decani 
grant of Stephen Dusan. There is evidence that in the early Middle Ages there 
was a Rouman population in the neighbourhood of Skopia.'' Nor is the dis- 
appearance of this element from the Upper Vardar basin necessarily to be 
accounted for by wholesale emigration. We are justified in inferring that the 
same phenomenon that we have been enabled to ascertain in the case of parts of 
Southern Dalmatia, of Herzegovina and Montenegro, has repeated itself in these 
Dardanian valleys ; and that here, too, a Romance population, after long existing 
side by side with elements Slavonic and Albanian, has finally, and after first 
passing through a bi-lingual stage, adopted the language of one or other of its 
political superiors, though more often, it must be admitted, of the Albanians. If 
there is one thing that my present explorations have placed beyond the region of 
controversy, it is that the native Dardanian population of this whole region, 
whether on the plains of the Vardar or in the gorges of the Karadagh and neigh- 
bouring ranges, had by the third and fourth centuries of our era become thoroughly 
Romanized. Roman inscriptions, as we have seen, and as I shall yet have to show, 
are scattered throughout the remotest glens of the country, and the proportion on 
them of indigenous names is distinctly less than on the monuments existing on 
the Roman sites in the back parts of Dalmatia Montana. 

The present Slavonic speech of the inhabitants of Ibrahimovce is, therefore, 
by no means an insuperable bar to the possible survival among them of Roman 
traditions. The rite itself, moreover, is, as we had shown, foreign to the pi'e- 

" See p. 71. 

'' Vlaclis near Skopia are mentioned undei- the Bulgarian Czar Constantine (1258-1277). See 
Jirecek, Geschichte der Bulgaren, p. 218. 

p 2 

108 Antiquarian Researches in lUi/rirum. 

valent Slavonic usage, whether amongst Serbs or Bulgars. The cult of certain 
stones and rocks is, indeed, widely spread amongst the Albanians; " but I am not 
aware of any rain-compelling ceremony amongst them at all answering to that 
performed over this altar of Jupiter. Equally impossible is it to regard llic 
jiresent rite as of Oriental origin, though the Turks and Mahometans geuei'ally 
have undoubtedly taken over from the jirimitive Chaldtean religion the cult of 
innumerable local " betuli," besides the Caaba. On the other hand, it is well to 
remember tliat, apart from the utilization of an altar of Jove for the jwrjiosi' 
(which may, after all, be the result of extraordinary coincidence), the ])ractiee of 
obtaining rain by means of libations poured on a holy stone re-appears in the 
most remote quarters of the globe. Thus, among the Kol tribes of Bengal the 
women climb the hill which is supposed to be the Rain-God himself, and ])lace 
offerings of milk on the flat rock at the top, after which the wives of the Pahans, 
with loosened tresses, pray the Mountain God to give seasonable rain.'' The 
liljation on a rock for such a purpose has also Celtic parallels. In the Roman df 
Ron, the Breton Imnters go to the spring of Berenton, fill their horns with water, 
and pour it on the fountain -stone to produce a copious rainfall,'' 

The CoL . Co .... of the inscription on the altar is not impossibly connected 
witli the site of a considerable Roman settlement that I discovered on the hills 
about half-an-hour to the Bast of Ibrahimovce. My attention had been originally 

" An extraordinary instance of sucli a cult at the village of Selci belonging to llic Clemcnti 
ti-ibe is given in I)e6aiiski Prvenac, Novisad (Neusatz), 1852, p. 81. 

^ Tylor (Primitive Culture, vol. ii. p. 260, 2nd ed.), who cites Palton, Koh in Tr. Ethn. Soc. vol. 
vi. p. 3.5. 

« Eoman de Bou, ii. 6.399. (Ed. Andresen ii. 283). 

" La fontaine de Berenton 
SoT't d'une part lez un pci-ron ; 
Alcr soleient ueneor 
A Berenton par grant clialor, 
E a lor cors I'eue espuisier 
E le perron desus moillier, 
Por CO soleient pluio aiieir; 
Issi soleit iadis ploueir 
En la forest e enuirun 
Mais io ne sai par quel raison." 
Cf. Grimm. Deutsche Mythologie (4th Ed.) vol. iii. p. 494. At Kulen Vaknp in Bosnia I came 
upon the i-everse of this method. There, sacred stones are let dow-n in a net into the sjiring to 
produce rain. If the stones were to drop out of the net a gi-eat flood would ensue. See my lUyrian 
Letters, p. 109. For another Breton parallel see Crestien de Troies, TA romans dou Chevalier an Lynn, 
V. 387, seqq. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricvm. 


attracted to tlie spot by the sight of two round barrows which crown two opposite 
headlands about 250 feet above the level of the plain. The nearer of these I under- 
took to excavate, Feik Pasha kindly supplying me with workmen for the purpose. 
The greater part of the barrow, which was fourteen feet in height, consisted of a 
concretion of clay and calcareous particles very difficult to dig into, so that it took 
fifteen men two days and a-half to cut a trench as deep as the base of the mound 
to its centre. The results were disappointing; besides a surface interment, 
probably of the Roman period, consisting of two skeletons, a fragment of iron, 
and a couple of Ijronze rings, I found nothing, except some horse-bones at a depth 
of twelve feet. The mound would therefore not be of sepulchral origin, and both 
it and its fellow about a mile distant may possibly, as in the case of the mounds to 
be seen at intervals both on the Egnatian Way and the Agger Publicus that 
traversed Central Illyricum, have stood in some relation to a Roman road. 

The excavation of the mound, though otherwise unfruitful, gave me leisure to 
explore the neighbouring country. In the valley, between the two mounds, I 
found the surface of the ground literally strewn 
with Roman tiles and pottery. The natives univer- 
sally recognise the fact that an ancient town once 
existed here, and call the site " Seliste," which 
literally means "the site of a settlement," the mound 
itself being known by the presumably Rouman name 
of Tumha. To the Bast of the Tumha the remains 
extended to the village of Hadzalar, in which di- 
rection the peasants assured me there had formerly 
been considerable blocks of masonry (since removed 
to build the Bey's Konak in two neighbouring- 
villages), and the remains of a conduit constructed of 
tiles. Here also had been lately discovered a bronze 
figurine answering to the description of one that I 
subsequently saw in the possession of a merchant 
at Uskiip. It represented a very late Roman type of 
Mercury with wings on his heels, and apparently 
growing out of his head. In his left arm he held 
an infant Faun with long pointed ears, and in his 
risrht hand a broken caduceus. In the Turkish 
graveyard, outside Hadzalar, I observed a large 
block which proved to be an altar dedicated to 

Fig. 49. 

110 Antiquarian Besearches in Illi/ricnm. 

Hercules Conservator, much defaced however, as the annexed iUnstration will 
show (fig. 49). 

Above Hadzalar opens a glen leading to the village of Tekinoselo, where is a 
Teke or shrine kept by a Dervish, containing a stone pillar which is the object 
of a singular cult. I "will reserve, however, an account of tlic mysteries at wliicli 
I here assisted for another occasion, as they have not the same classic associations 
as those of Ibrahimovce. 

From Ibrahimovce the course of the Roman road answers approximately to 
that of the present highway to Kaplan Khan. To the left, the road skirts a long 
sedgy pool known as Jezero or the Lake, more anciently the lake of Jelatno, the 
haunt of innumerable pelicans and wild ducks, and thence crosses a low neck of 
land, where the terrace of the Roman Way is distinctly "\asible, to the valley of 
the Pcinja. On the right bank of the stream, about half-an-hour above, is a spot 
called Illidze or Banja, where are some hot sulphur l)aths much frequented by the 
natives. The bath-house is a rude shelter surrounding a square open basin well- 
formed of four gradations of stone steps descending to a flat bottom, and thus 
resembling on a smaller scale the newly-discovered Roman bath at Bath. Above 
this bath-house, on the top of a rocky eminence largely composed of a siilphurous 
deposit, is a smaller square pool cut out of the rock and fed by a channel from a 
square cistern also cut out of the rock, presenting every appearance of Roman 
antiquity. The temperature of the water is here 105° Fahr. Above this again is 
another covered Turkish bath of more tepid water, and near it the remains of an 
ancient quarry with the ends of shafts of columns still in situ, showing that they 
were cut out of the rock into their round form before being detached from the 
stone matrix. Below were some modern quarries which had been worked, at the 
time the Macedonian railway was made, by Italian workmen, but which were 
wholly distinct from the ancient cuttings. Along the top of the ridge on which 
the baths and quarry lie was the very distinct track of an old road leading in the 
direction of Kaplan, with the wheel marks furrowed into the rock, reminding one 
of a street of Pompeii. There is thus distinct evidence that both the stone- 
quarries and thermal springs of Banja were known to the Romans, and I have no 
doubt that its site answers to the Bath Station marked on the Tabula Pewtingeriana 
as the first after Sciipi on the Thessalonica road. 

It will be convenient to reserve my observations on the highland angle 
between the Pcinja and the Vardar and the ancient remains associated with the 
suggestive names of Taor and Bader till I come to discuss the birth-place of 

AntiquarioM Researches in lUyricum. 


Justinian and the sites of Tauresium and Bederiana. I will therefore proceed at 
once to pass in brief review tlie inscriptions that I have been able to collect on the 
actual site of the ancient Scupi and the sur- 
rounding district, included as we may legiti- 
mately infer in the municipal Ager. 

Of inscriptions referring to the constitu- 
tion, magistrates, and hierarchy of the Roman 
colony I have collected nine in all, including 
the altar already described referring to a local 
Duumvir, apparently an Augustal, and giving 
Scupi the title of Colonia. This title and the 
name of the city reappear on the inscription 
(fig. 50) discovered near Hassanbeg." 

From the name JJlpius occurring on this 
monument, coupled with the fact that an 
JJlpia Marcia appears on another stone from 
the neighbourhood, we might be tempted to 
suppose that the Colony itself dated back to 
Trajan's time. From the title aelia however 
applied to Scupi on an inscription at Rome," 
it would appear that the town was first made 
a Roman Colony in the time of his succes- 
sor, Hadrian. It is to Hadrian's reign there- 
fore, or shortly after that tune, that we must 
refer the following remarkable inscription 
(fig. 61, see p. 90) from Kuceviste, erected to 
the memory of a Veteran of the Seventh 
Legion, who appears to have been one of the 
original colonists. Fi^. so. 

" D-AA 


SVI 14^FrP 


a See p. 102. 


In Kelleiinan, Vigil. Rom. No. 119. 


Antiquarian Researches in Ilhjricum. 






I T-F-I 


Fig. 51. 

Q. PETRONius . t/iarci Filius scAptia (sc. tril)ii) rvfvs VEieranus hi&oionis vii 
claudiae viae Yelicis dedvcticivs Titulum rieri lussit. 

The stone would be remarkable if only from the fine execution of the inscrip- 
tion and from the arabesque design of the frieze wliich almost savours of Italian 
Renascence. The epithet Dedvcticivs applied to this Veteran is new to the Latin 
vocabulary, but on the analogy of similar forms like dediticius^^^^one belonging to 

Antigtiarian Researches in Illyricum. 


tlie class of dediti, missicius^oi the missi, translaticius=^he\ongiag to the translati, 
can only be taken as meaning tliat he was one of the deducti or of the Veterans 
originally "deduced" to form the Colonia. On another monument (fig. 52) from 
Brazda, there appears mention of a Miles dedudus of the same legion, and both 
this and the preceding are of value as revealing the name of the trilDe to which the 
Colony belonged, namely, the Scaptian. 

Fig. 53 from Nekistan, also appears to contain the word [C]oLONm. 






-■^^yMV DEDVCm 

V ■■! X ITMN 
N 05 XXXI 





Fig. 52. 

Fi.'. 5:i. 

Of the highest civic interest is the following inscription (fig. 54) from the 
church at Kuceviste " (see p. 90), which from the style of the letters and general 
execution can not well be later than the second century of our era. 

" A mutilated and blundered vcr.sion of this inscription was communicated by " a Belgrade 
professor " to M. Engelhardt and published by him in the Revue Archeologique, vol. xxvi. p. 137, 
from which it has been copied into the Ephemeris Epigraphica, vol. ii. p. 497. It is strange that 
there should have been any difficulty about this clear and boautifully-cut inscriptiim. 



Antiquarian Researches in Ilhjricmn. 


D ^ M 












Fig. 54. 

I) . jr. 



cvi OEDO cohoniae scxTensis onores A^mhitatis et decvrionatus 
CONTVLIT . ANTios XVIII DIES xxxx . mc sepultus Est. 

Here, there can be no doubt, tliat by an error not uncommon on sepulchral 
tituli the name of the Sextus Cjelidius Secundus to whom the monument was 
erected is placed in the nominative instead of the dative case. The female form 
of the name, Cwlidia Secuiula, occurs in another Scupese inscription discovered at 

Antiquarian Researches in Ilhjricum. 




"fi VQ V E 

Fig. 55. 

Zlokucani,' the name of Avra or Aveha is found on three Italian tombs.'' This 
inscription is not only interesting as bringing Scupi into intimate and amicable 
connexion with the great Macedonian staple 
of the lower Axios, the Colony of Stobi, but 
as informing us for the first time that it was 
to the ^milian tribe that Stobi belonged. 
The most remarkable feature however in this 
monument is the decree it records of the 
Ordo Colonise Scu^Densis, conferring the hono- 
rary distinction of the ^dileship and mem- 
bership in the local Senate on a yoiith who 
died at the premature age of eighteen. It 
appears probable that in this case ° the titles 
belonged to the " sepulchri supervacioos lionores " 
of a kind specially frequent, it would seem, 
in the Macedonian province. On monuments 
foimd at Drama, near Philippi/ the " orna- 
menta decurionalia " are found conferred on 
mere children of five and six years of age. 
The mention of the name of Scupi on this and 
two of the preceding inscriptions (figs. 48 
and 50) will sufficiently refute those geogra- 
phers who, like Professor Tomaschek, would 
transpoi't the ancient Scupi from the banks of 
the Vardar and the vicinity of Usklip to some 
as yet undiscovered Roman site in the valley 
of the Biilgarian Morava. 

The most interesting historic monument 
however of Eoman Scupi (fig. 55) remains to 

" D . Jl/CAELIDIA . Se/cVNDA . VIX . AN L / H . S . E . CL / HERCVLANVS MA / RITVS B . M . P . . GivCJl 

in Eph. Ep. vol. ii. 498. 

" C. I. L. V. 5963, NVJIMIA AVKHA, of Canusium ; ix. 395, atilia avra, at Milan ; x. 2438, ma«cia 
.4VEA, at Naples. 

■^ See Mommsen, Eph. Ep. loc. cit. ; and cf. C. I. L. v. 1892, where in the case of the (rnaiinentu 
dicoviralia he observes : " Oniamenta duovii-alia cum non soleant concedi vivo nisi ei qui per legem 
duovii' fieri non possit, crediderim et hie et in aliis similibus (ut Henzen 7172), ubi ingenuis ea 
tribuuntui", significari ornamenta post moi-tem decreta, sepultura^ causa." 

« C. I. L. iii. 649, 659. 


116 Antiquarian Researches in Ilh/ 


be described. This is the broken slab found by me on tlie steep of Davina (see 
p. 92) containing the follo\ring remarkable dedication to the Emperor Galliemis 
by the local Commonwealth. 

/xviCTO mveraton 'Pio Felici (tALLIENO A\Gusto, 


lies viibUca. 

From the form of the slab (which is about five feet high), it may be assumed 
that it formed part of the basis of a statue of the Emperor himself," and a historical 
record has been preserved to us which supplies at least a probable occasion for the 
erection of such a monument by the citizens of Scupi. The reign of Gallienus was 
one of the darkest periods in the history of the Illyrian provinces under the Roman 
Empire. It was at this time that Trajan's Dacia was ^^rtually lost,'' tliough a 
formal recognition of the fact Avas postponed to the time of Aui'elian. Thrace, Mace- 
donia, Thessaly, Achaia, and Epirus were over-run by the Groths, while the Sarma- 
tian hordes, after devastating the Pannonias in conjunction with the Quadi in, or 
shortly after, 258 a.d." extended their ravages to the neighbouring Moesian province. 
From a letter of Claudius, afterwards of Gothic fame, to Regalian, then " Dux 
lUyrici," it appears that Gallienus' lieutenant had gained a victory, or rather a 
series of victories in a single day, over the Sarmatians under the walls of Scupi. 
" I have learnt," says Claudius in this epistle, " what you have shown yourself to be 
in the fight at Scupi, of the number of your conflicts in a single day, and of the speed 
with which you brought them to a successful issue." Claudius begs him to send 
him of the spoil some Sarmatian bows and a couple of cloaks with their fibulas 
attached, the Sarmatian fibula being then highly prized in the Roman Empire. 
He warns Regalian however, in cautious language, to be careful A^dth his victories 
as more likely under such a prince to lead to the scaifold than to a triumph.'" 

" Compare for the abbreviated character of the lines the almost contempoi'ary inscription on a 
six-sided base of a statue of Marsyas erected pro sa / lvte / et in / colv / iuta / tk d d / n n va / leuia / 
NiET / GALLi / ENI / AVGG &c. at Verecunda in the Pro\Tnce of Numidia (C. I. L. viii. 4219). The whole 
insci-iption in this latter case extended over three sides of the base containing sevei-ally twelve, 
fom-teen, and eight lines. 

'' Sextns Riifus, in Brev. " Dacia Gallieno imperatore amissa est." Foi' Aurelian's Dacia cf. 
Fl. Fopiscus, 39, from whom Eutropius (ix. 15) copies. Mcesia is described as " deperdita " at this 

' "Fusco (lege Tnsco) et Basso Consnlibus" the date of Ingenuus' revolt (Treb. Poll, xxx 
Tyranni. 8), which was caused by the imminence of this Sarmatian invasion. 

" Treb. PoUio. Triginta Tyranni ix. " Claudius Regilliano (sic) multam .salutem. Felicem 

Antiquarian Researches in IJhjricnm. Ill 

This victory, as gained under the auspices of Gallienus, would in oflEicial acts 
be ascribed to his name, and in the triumph which he celebrated at Rome, on the 
occasion of his decennaUa in 263, we find Sarmatian captives, real or pretended, 
led amongst the others. There were, moreover, special reasons why the citizens 
of Scupi, then with the other Dardanian cities included in Upper Moesia, should 
seek to court Gallienus' favour. The inhabitants of Moesia had just received a 
fearful lesson of the Emperor's ferocity in the massacres and executions consequent 
on the abortive elevation of Ingenuus to the purple by the provincial legionaries. 
G-allienus, roused on this occasion from his habitual apathy, had fallen with fury 
on Ingenuus' supporters, and, having defeated the usurper, " wreaked a savage 
vengeance not only on the Moesian soldiers but on the citizens at large." In 
some cities, we are told," the whole male population was exterminated, and it was 
on this occasion that Gallienus addressed to his lieutenant Verianus a letter 
unsurpassed in any age for bloodthirsty ferocity.'' The outcome of these cruelties 
was that the Moesians in despair proclaimed Regalianus, whose victory over the 
Sarmatians had proved his capacity, and whose Dacian parentage and alleged 
descent from Decebalus himself " apparently appealed to some still not wholly 
unextinguished feeling of Dacian nationality in the Ulyrian Provinces, a feeling to 
which Galerius ^ seems to have had recourse at a later date. Such, however, had 
been the impression produced by Gallienus' savagery, that on the initiative of the 
Roxalanian allies, but with the consent of the soldiers and provincials who feared 

Rempublicam qu® te talem vii'um liabere rei castrensis bellis his memit, felicem Gallieniun, etiamsi 
ei vera nemo nee de bonis, nee de malis nuntiat. Pertulerunt ad me Bonitus et Celsus stipatores 
Pi'incipis nostri qualis apud Scupos in pugnando fueris quot iino die prselia et qua celeritate 
confeceris. Dignus eras triumpho si antiqua tempera exstarent. Sed quid multa '^ Memor 
cujusdam ominis cautius velim vincas. Arcus Sai-maticos et duo saga ad me velim mittas, sed 
fibulatoria, cum ipse misei-im de nostris." The "omen" refen-ed to was uo doubt the fate of 

" Treh. Pollio. Triyinta Tyranni, viii. " In omnes Moesiacos, tam milites quam cives, asperrime 
sseviit, nee quemquam suse crudelitatis exsortem reliquit : usque adeo asper et truculentus ut 
plerasque civitates vacuas a ririli sexu relinqueret." 

'' 76. " Perimendus est omnis sexus virilis, si et senes atque impuberes sine reprehensione nostra 
occidi possent. Occideudus est quicumque male voluit, occidendus est quicumque male dixit contra 
me, contra Valeriani tilium, contra tot pi-incipum patreni et fratrem. Ingenuus faetus est imperatoi'. 
Lacera, occide, concide." 

■= Treb. Poll. Triginta Tyranni, ix. " Gentis DacisB, Decebali ipsius ut fertur affinis." 

'' Cf. Lactantius de Mortibus Persecutwum, C. xxvii. " Olim quidem ille, ut nomen Imperatoris 
acceperat, hostem se Romani nominis erat pi-ofessus, cujus titulum immutari volebat ut nun Ro- 
manum imperium sed Daciscum cognominaretui-." 

1 IS Antiquarian Researches i)i lUi/ricttm. 

new scenes of saiii^uinaiy vengeance, tlie usurper was slain by his own supporters. 
It will be seen that there were sufficient reasons why the inhabitants of Scupi 
should erect an adulatory moniiment to Gallienus, and it seems natural to connect 
this inscription with the historic victory achieved by Gallienus' lieutenant under the 
walls of their city and with the civil troubles of which this barbarian repulse was 
the prelude. In 267, after his residence in Greece, we find Gallienus himself 
gaining a victory over the Goths in Illyricum, but the scene of the combat is not 
given, nor have we any historic ground for connecting it with Scupi, though it is 
always possible that the Emperor in returning to the West may have passed 
through this city. 

The elaborate and superlative adulation of the inscription before us reminds 
us somewhat of that on the Arch of Gallienus at Rome : ^ 


where the strangely misplaced compliments to a prince whose inert and unfilial 
conduct was notorious read like a satire. In the present case the comparison of 
Gallienus with the Gods " both in soul and countenance " is quite in harmony with 
the numismatic records of this reign, where the Emperor appears with the 
alternate attributes of Mars, Hercules, and Mercury .° He seems, however, to 
have regarded himself as in some special way under the protection of Apollo, 
whether under the refined Hellenic aspect of the God as patron of the arts in 
which Gallienus himself, even on his detractors' showing,'^ was allowed to excel, 
or in a more mysterious Oriental character as the Unconquered Mithra or the 

" The revolt of Regalianus appears to have taken place about the date of Grallienus' Decennalia, 
A.D. 263. Cf. Clinton Fasti Romani; cul annum. 
" C. I. L. vi. 1106. 

° The language of the present inscription recalls the lines of Calpumius (Eel. IV.) 

" In uno 
Et Martis vultus et Apollinis esse notatur." 
The flattering comparison of Calpurnius is, however, addi-essed, as Moriz Haupt has conclusively 
sho^vn (Be Carminihii^ hucolicis Calpurnii et Nemedani) , to Jfero and not, as earlier commentators 
supposed, to Carinus or Gallienus himself. 

^ Treb. Pollio. Duo Gallieni. " Fuit enim Gallienus (quod negai-i non potest) oi-atione, poemate, 
atque omnibus artibus clarus. Hujus est illiul cpithalamiiim quod inter centum poetas praecipuiim 

Antiquarian Researches in Ilhjricum. 


Edessan God Azizus,^ the warlike slayer of the Python. The colossal and never 
to be completed statue which Gallienus had designed to erect to himself on the 
summit of the Bsquiline ^ represented the Emperor in the guise of the Sun-god, 
nor shall we be thought hypercritical if we find in the dedication before us, 
beginning as it does invicto, a hint as to the character of the divinity with whose 
attributes the Emperor would be invested in the statue which probably surmounted 
the inscribed base. On the reverse of coins of Gallienus the inscription invictvs, 
INVICTO AUG. surrounds the image of the radiated Sun-god ; on a coin of Carausius '^ 
the Emperor's head is conjugated with the rayed head of Mithra, and with the 
inscription INVICTO bt oaeavsio avg. and according to the usage of the times this 
epithet had acquired a too specialized religious meaning, as associated with the 
Persian cult, to be without at least an allusive significance when added to the title 



Iinil Vld 


Fig. oli. 

" Thus we find the Praefectus of the 5th Macedonian Legion at Potaissa in Dacia erecting a 
votive altar to Azizus " Bonus Puer Conservator " for the health of Valerian and Gallienus. C. I. L 
III. 875. Julian Or. IV. mentions the worship of Azizus at Edessa in conjunction with that of the 
Sun, and notices that Jamblichus identifies this god with Ares. From inscriptions found at Apulum, 
however, as Mommsen has pointed out, Azizus is seen to be the equivalent of Apollo Pythius. See 
C. I. L. III. 1133. 

•> Treb. PoUio. Gallieni Duo : " Statuam sibi majorem colosso fieri preecepit, Solis habitu, scd ca 
imperfecta periit . . . Poni autem illam voluerat in summo Esquiliarum montc, ita ut hastani 
teneret, per cujus caput infans ad summum posset ascendere. Sed et Claudio et Aureliano dcinccps 
stulta res visa est, &c." 

° In my father's cabinet : unpublished. 

120 Antiquarian Researches in TUi/rimm. 

of ail Emperor who reigned in the latter lialf of the tliird century and avIio liad 
himself in a special way assumed the Sun-god's attributes. 

From the monument erected by the Eesjmhlira Scupensis to this imperial 
" compeer of the Gods " we may pass to those which illustrate the local cult of the 
Gods themselves. To the two inscriptions (figs. 48, 50) already given referring 
to the College of the Angustales I may add the following (fig. 56) excavated by 
me on the actual site of Scupi (see p. 87). 

Besides this altar, dedicated dis et deabus, votive monuments to Jove and 
Hercules, as well as a bronze statuette of Mercury, have been already mentioned. 
The fragment (fig. 57) presenting part of the Greek inscription, with letters of a 
form not uncommon on IMacedonian monuments, found in modern Uskiip (see 
p. 101), probably formed part of an altar of Zeiis, as may be gathered from its 
having an eagle relief on its side. 

The fragmentary dedication (fig. 58) found by me in the ruined Church of 
Ljubanze is of a more enigmatic character. 

That the abbreviated fll in the third line stands for Flamines may be gathered 

from other examples. The God whose name begins with ze however is not 

so clear. The initial letter is rather suggestive of a Thracian connexion. There 
exists a Thracian Asclepius Zimidrenus." 

To these may be added the altar of Silvanus (fig. 59) near the Musta Mosque 
in tlskup itself (see p. 101). 

Of imperial records, with the exception of the monument to Gallienus and the 
two fragmentary milestones already given, I found nothing more than the 
imperfect votive dedication to Septimius Severus and Caracalla which still exists 
where Ami Bone first observed it, walled into the Byzantine Aqueduct.'' Of 
military inscriptions referring to the legio vii cla\T)IA pia fidelis there was an 
abiindance. Four have been already given," two of these being of considerable 
interest as showing that the veterans to whom they severally referred as 
"deductus"or " deducticius " had been amongst those led hither to form the 
original colony. A monument of a Miles Frumentarius of this legion from 
Bardovce (see p. 88), is interesting from the well-preserved relief which it 
presents of a soldier standing between a veiled and seated female figure and a boy 

" Gf. C. I. L. vi. 2385. 

*• Ami Bone, Turquie d'Europe, 2, 354; C. I. L. iii. 1696; pro sAi.v/e ttop. caes. h. aeptimi 
severi vertinacis Aug. Arab. / adiab. vont. iiax. . . . / a. avreli Antonini caes. . . . The a of 
ADiABenici is clear. 

<= Two from the neighhouring Markova Rjeka district (Figs. 43, 46). 

Antiquarian Researches in lUijricum. 


pd U-. ^ 



Antiquarian Researches in lUyricum. 

or Genius carrying in his right hand a kind of chest, such as not infrequently 
occurs on tombs, and in the left what appears to be a conventional representation 

of ears of corn, doubtless in allusion to the soldier's 
office." The Milites Frumentarii were enrolled 
amongst the Peregrini, who had their Castra on 
the Ccelian, at Rome, and who were a kind of 
imperial gendarmerie.'' The Frumentarii them- 
selves, from being originally connected with the 
collection of the Annona, were found useful by the 
Emperors for obtaining secret information regard- 
ing provincial affairs, and hence grew into a kind 
of spy serAHce. Though abolished by Diocletian 
their hateful functions continued to be fulfilled by 
the Agentes in rehus of his successors." 

The next military titulus, which I observed at 
Mirkovce in two pieces is, unfortunately, too frag- 
mentary to admit of complete restitution. It is 
evident, however, that it refers to a certain C. 
Julius Longinus, a veteran of the same (seventh) 
legion, who had received his missio honesta. It may 
be suggested that daed in the fifth line of the second 
fragment refers to an Ala Dardanorum.. An Ala 
Vespasiana Dardanorum is referred to in three mili- 
tary diplomas'^ relating to Lower Moesia. From 
the imposing character of the letters and the size 
of the monument it may be inferred that the 
officer commemorated was of some distinction. The 
inscription belonged to a good period. 
The last legionary monument to which I have to call attention from this 





F ^C' 

i'ig. liO. 

* A copy of the inscription sent by the Austrian Consul Lippich was published by Dr. Friedrich 
Kexmev (Sitzungsberichte d. k. Akademie d. Wisseusch. vol. 80, p. 275, and sec Eph. Ep. vol. iv.), but the 
relief is inaccurately described. In Dr. Kenner's version, line 6, obvlcha. 

'' See Henzen, Sui militi peregrini e frwmentarii, in Bullettino dell' instituto di Corr. Archeologica, 
1851, p. 113 seqq. 

•= AureUns Victor, De Gaess. 39, speaking of Diocletian, says : remoto pestilenti frumentariorum 
ge7iere quorum nunc agentes in rebus simillimi sunt. 

* C. I. L. iii. D. XX. xxii. xxxiv. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 


district relates to a Corniculariiis of tlie same seventh legion and records a 
testamentary disposition of the deceased. 

G ivLlor 





Fig. 61. 

D ' 






Fig. 62. 

D. M 


" Prcecipere testamenfn " is a well-known law-term signifying, of legatees, " to 

R 2 


Antiquarian Besearches in IJhjricmn. 


AN-bH s m 

CIE MA>^M.f 

Wis ' ' 


Fig. 63. 

receive in advance," before the rest of the 
property bequeathed is divided." In the pre- 
sent case this advance seems to have been 
conditional on the execution of some pious 
work, of -which however, owing to an unfor- 
tunate lacuna in the stone, we only learn that 
it was completed on the Ides of August, in the 
consulship of Crispinus'' and iElianus (a.d, 
187), under the rule therefore of Commodus. 

The head-quarters of the Legio VII. Clattdia 
Pia Fidelis were at Viminacium (Kostolac on 
the Danube), and on the coins and monuments' 
of this Moesian city the local Genius is asso- 
ciated Avith the bull, which was the symbol of 
the seventh legion. From the inscriptions, 
figs. 51, 52, it appears that the original colony 
of Scupi was formed of veterans of this legion. 
At the beginning of the third century Dion 
Cassius'^ mentions "the seventh, generally called 
the Claudian," in Upper Moesia, and their Fra'- 
fectura was still at Viminacium at the time 
when the Notitia was draAvn uji.*' 

This legion was stationed in Dalmatia pre- 
vious to Vespasian's withdrawal of the legions 
from that province.' On an inscription at 

" Cf. Forcellini Lexicon (Ed. De Vit), s. v. Proeceptio. " Per prseceptionen dare, legare, relin- 
quere, est ita dare ut percipiatur ante quam tota hereditas dividatur et partes aliis coliercdibu.s 
distribuantur." Julian, Big. 30, 122, " Si heres centum prascipere jussus sit." 

'' In 184 .^lianas had been consul in conjunction with Marullus. The name of Ciispiniis 
however squares better with the letter-space at our dispo.sal, whicli has been vcr}- accurately 
observed throughout this inscription. 

■= Cf. especially a bas-relief of the Genius of Viminacium represented as a stoled female figure 
with her right hand on the bull of the 7th, Claudian, Legion, and her left on the lion, which here 
stands for the 4th Legion (figured bj Kanitz, Beitrage zur Alterihmnshunde der serhischen Bonan, 
in Mitth. d. Central. Gomm. 1867, 28 seqq.) The .same device is common on the coins of this citj. 

Lib. IV. C. 23 : " Kai 'i^ionoi o'l Iv ry 'Slvaiif ry di'to oi Tu fiaXtara KXav^inoi wvofidZciTm." 

•= '■ Preefecturre Leg. vii. Claudife Viminacio." 

' Mommsen, C. I. L. iii. 272. Cf. Inscriptions at Narona (1813, 1814, 1818), Salona (2014, 

Antiquarian Researches in Illp-icum. 125 

JJ^aissus" (Nish) this Claudian legion receives tlie additional title Severiana, a 
title also bom by tlie fourth Claudian legion stationed at Singidunum. 

Of the private inscriptions, of which I have collected a considerable number 
(see PL I. II. III.) the foUoTving (fig. 63) from Xeresi (see p. 97) is specially 
interesting, as presenting us with a Thracian name-form with its Roman equivalent : 

Dis - Manibus / /// maxt / Mvs - vixiT / an - L - nic 
Sepultus Est/vALerius evpoe/qui et maximks 

FILIUS ET h/uXSLirs T^ENTIN^ c///// / 
ET SEEVEJyr^ ? //// j VIVE B 

Faciendum Curavenmt. 

The name Evpoe which presents obvious analogies with other Thracian names 
such as Mucapor, Sempor, Dindiporis," and Bithoporus King of the Costoboci, occurs 
as a widely diffused Thracian name." The present formula val . evpoe qvi et 
M AXIMVS is interesting as giving the Eoman name " Maximus " as an alternative 
form for the more barbaric " Eupor." This formula answers to that of other 
inscriptions in which indigenous Thracian and lUvrian names occur, and notably 
to the case of the remarkable Thracian inscription found by Heuzey ^ at Drama, 
near Philippi, beginning : bithvs . tavzigis . filIus . qvi . ET macee . an . lx . tavzies . 

BITHI . qvi et EVFVS. 

The name Eupor imder the Hellenized form Euporos, to be distinguished from 
the not infrequent Hellenic name Euporos, occurs on the annexed inscription 
which I observed at Salonica, where it had been recently discovered, together 
with figs. 65 and 66, which, as also unpublished, I here place beside it. 

In this connexion I may mention that I also noticed at Salonica, in the court 
of the Konakj the following inscription (fig. 67), interesting both from the reliefs it 

2019, 2040, 2033, 2048, 2071), at Tilurinm (Gardnn), (2709, 2710, 2714, 2716, 2717), where Mommsen 
fixes their PrEetorium, at Nedinum (2882), and at Jader (2908, 2913). Detachments of this Legion 
are found serving in Sj"ria and Asia. 

» C. I. L. iii. 1676. 

*> Bithynian, C. I. G. 379.5 ; ef. Tomaschek, Bnimalia, ^-c. p. 386, for this and other instances. 
Tomaschek also compares names like Rascupolis, AbmpoUs. 

' The name occnrs in Dalmatia, Italy, and other parts of the Empire. 

'' Eevue Archeologique, VI. Annee (1865), p. 451. Tomaschek, op. cif. p. 392, cites other instances, 


MAEzeius (Dalmatian), &c. 


Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 

represents and the Thracian names it contains, and w 
broncfht to that city along \\-ith other inscriptions " from 

hich was not improbal)ly 
the Thracian borders. 








Fig. 65. 



loicxAiPf xAipeKAicrTicnorei 





- ^ 

Fig. 64. 

Fig. 66. 

" I was informed that some liad been lately tlius transported to Salonica from Zlokucani. 
Others have in the same way been removed by the Turkish authorities from Bardovce. Monuments 
with sculpture are more especially sought for by the Turkish authorities as they are thought to have 
a monetary value. No pains are taken in such cases to preserve a record of the locality where the 
monuments were found. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricuon. 


f QPVJ.SFtLNL->J)-iS-5 


Tlie occurrence in the epigrapliic records of the district of Thracian name- 
forms on the one hand, and lUyrian — such as the form Gatties already mentioned 
(p. 99), and perhaps also the God Andinus (p. 
74) — on the other, is quite consistent with what 
we gather from other sources as to the ethno- 
graphy of the ancient Dardania. That the 
Eiu-opean Dardani were originally one and the 
same people as their Trojan namesakes, agrees 
with what we learn from ancient writers as to 
the Thracian descent of so many Asianic tribes. 
On the other hand the early names of the 
Dardanian princes in Europe, such as Mon- 
unios, Longaros, and Bato," present un- 
questionable Illyrian affinities. The same 
intermixture of the Illyrian and Thracian ele- 
ments, of which the births of Justin the 
Thracian and Justinian on Dardanian soil are 
conspicuous examples, results from a com- 
parison of the local names of Justinian's 
castles in Dardania supplied by Procopius. On 
the whole, however, on comparing the names "" 
supplied by the inscriptions from this district, 
we are struck with the evidence they supply 
of its thoroughgoing Romanization. Of Greek 

inscriptions from Scupi and its vicinity I am able to supply but two (figs. 57, 79),*" 
though names of Greek origin are not infrequent. 

Amongst other private inscriptions of interest may be mentioned the concluding 
part of an elegiac epitaph to a local Nestor. 

Fig. 67. 

" Cf. Tomascliek, Ziw Kunde der Hamus-Halhinsel (Sitzungsb. d. k. Akad. d. W. 1881. H. 2, 
p. 446.) 

'' A Dardanian with the Illyrian name Epicadus is mentioned on an inscription at Rome C. I. L. 
VI. 2845. 

"= Cf . also the uncertain fragment from Taor (p. 145) and the later Byzantine inscription on the 
walls of Skopia. 


Antiquarian Researches in Uhjricum. 




Fig. 68. 



In another case (fig. Qd) a citizen of Methymna in Lesbos is mentioned, who 
died at Scupi at the mature age of eighty. Of unquestionably Christian inscrip- 
tions I am only able to describe one (fig. 88). It is engraved in a late and quasi 
cursive style on a tile which my wife picked up on the actual Acropolis of Scupi. 

There is, indeed, ample evidence that under the Christian Emperors Scupi 
retained its importance. When, in accordance with the new division of the 
Empire, Dardania " had again been detached from Upper Moesia, Scupi became 
the chief civil and ecclesiastical Metro])olis of the newly constituted Dardaniau 
Province. A Bishop of Scupi'' is the first-mentioned of the two Dardauian 
Bishops who attended the Council of Serdica in 347 a.d. In 379, the year in which 
Theodosius expelled the Goths from Thrace, we find him dating a law from this 
city," and again in 388." Ten years later, St. Paulinus of Nola, mentions Scupi 
among the important Illyrian cities that St. Nicetas, of Remesiana, would visit on 
his return from Italy to his Dacian See.' On the Tabula Peutingeriana Scupi is 

' Less the part which was now incorporated in Dacia Mediterranea. Naissus itself had been 
included in the older and more extensive Dardania by Ptolemy. 

^ " Paregorius a Dai-dania de Scnpis " : the other Dardanian Bishop who attended this council 
was Macedonius of Ulpiana. Mansi, Coiic. 

' Cod. Theod. Be Palatinis 1. 2, dated " Scopis." 

* Cod. Theod. De Decurionihus 1. 119, dated " Scupis.' 

" S. Paulini Nolensis C. xxx : Be reditu Nicetce Episcopi in Baciam : see p. 163 seqq. 

a x\- . 

L- ^ 


Fig. i;y. 








! I 

A W\K^^ 





Fig. 70. 






rig. 71. Fig. 72. 

KojiAN Sepulcheai. Inscbiptioxs from the Site op Scvpi and its Neighbourhood. — I. 



1 ARE 

I riLIA. 

i-ife-. 73. 




ANN :^' 



rip 76. 

i'ig. 75. 

D M 
L V A% R 





ti!!. 7$. 

Fig. 77. 

l:l■J|.^^" ^EPVLCl]nAL lNst'BiPiiON"s from the Site of Scvpi and it^ Neiohboubuood. — IL 

Fig. 79. 






•i L i '•. J . 

I \ i 




i-'i;.'. ^3 


tl/R' >lWVi 

I'ig. 80. 


Fig. 84. 




H s r 


Fig. 82. 

D M 

F^ 'HELPl^ 

D ' M 



Fig. 87. 

Fig. 86. 
Roman Sepulchral Inscriptions from the Site of Scvpi and its Neighbourhooi).— III. 

S 2 


Antiquarian Researches in IlhjricKm. 

indicated by the two towers of a Prastorian gate, and tlio continued impox-tance of 
this city as a place of arms appears from the Notitia Imperii, when the " Comi- 

Fig. 88. 

tatenses Scupenses " are mentioned among the Legiones Pseudocomitatenses under 
the command of the Magister Militum per Illyricum.* 

It was natural that Scupi along with the other cities of this Illyriau region 
should have suffered from the barbarian ravages so eloquently described by Saint 
Jerome, and which culminated in the days of Attila. About the year 480 we find 
Zeno's lieutenant, Adamantius, exhoi'ting Theodoric to forego his claims on Epirus, 
as it was intolerable that the inhabitants of its large cities should be turned out to 
make room for the Gothic host, but " to turn rather to Dardania where there was 

" Not. Orientis IX. The Ulpianenses and Mer(i)enses are also mention pel ; tlie names of wliicli 
connect them witli the Dardaniau towns of Ulpiana and Merion. 

Antiquarian liesearclies in Illyricum. 133 

land in plenty besides that already inhabited, both fair and fertile, but lacking 
both inhabitants and cultivation.'"' The Ostrogoths turned towards Italy and the 
Dardanian wastes were left awhile without barbarian tillers. To the last, how- 
ever, the old Dardanian capital maintained its supremacy both lay and spuntual, 
and the Church of Scupi continued with other Dardanian Churches to play its part 
in the ecclesiastical disputes of the time. The Roman element in Dardania seems 
at this time to have headed the conservative reaction of the Latin-speaking parts 
of the Illyrian peninsula against the semi-Grreek administration of Byzantium, 
and the Dardanian Bishops on more than one occasion won praise from the repre- 
sentatives of St. Peter for their loyal adherence to AYestern orthodoxy and the 
See of Rome. In 492 the " Catholic " Dardanian Bishops, and at their head 
Johannes, " Bishop of the most sacred Metropolitan Church of Scupi,"" addressed a 
letter in this sense to Poj^e Gelasius, and were complimented by the Pope in 
return;" while in 516 Pojoe Hormisdas in his letter to Avitus, Bishop of Vienne, 
expresses his joy that the Dardanian and other Illyrian churches sought bishops of 
his nomination.'' The " Illyrician " soldiers took the same side, and in the revolt 
of the Moesian rebel Vitalianus, against the Emperor Anastasius, the " Catholic 
soldiery " of Serdica and Pautalia were conspicuous for their fidelity to the Latin 
cause." Meanwhile, however, though barbarian colonists had not yet settled down 
en masse to till the waste-lands of Dardania, barbarian marauders continued the 
work of devastation, and a more awful natural catastrophe was impending over the 
devoted land. The Illyrian chronicler, Marcellinus Comes,*^ writmg of the earth- 
quake which in 518 destroyed so many Dardanian cities and strongholds,* mentions 
that the inhabitants of Scupi owed their escape from entombment in the ruins to 
the fact that they were then in the act of flying from their city owing to the scare 
of some barbarian invasion. The walls of Scupi, as we see from this last incident, 
had already ceased to be a protection to the citizens ; the whole town was now 
reduced by the earth cpiake to a heap of ruins. 

* Excerpta e Malchi Eisforia. (Ed. Bonn, p. 255). 

'' " Johannes Episcopus Sacrosauctae Ecclesiae Scopinre, Metropolitanfe." ilansi. viii. 13. 

"^ " Gelasius Episcopis per Dardaniam sive per Illjrieum constitutis Audientes 

orthodoxam vestrje dilectionis in Cliristo constantiam." ISIansi viii. 46. 
^ Mansi viii. 408. 

* Marcellinus Comes, in Ghron : Anastasius was constrained to send back the Bishops of Naissns 
and Pautalia, oh metum Illyriciani Catholici inilifis. Pi'of. Tomaschek i-ightly, I think, connects the 
Roman and Italian sympathies of the IlljTian church and army with the prevalence of the Latin 
tongue in the interior of the peninsula. 

* In Chron. siih anno. * See p. 89. 

134 Antiquarian Researches in lUijricum. 

The old Scupi was tliiis destroyed, but tlie historic continuity of the Dardanian 
Metropolis lived on, and it is to this period that we must refer its migi-ation from 
the old site to the new. The old position of Scupi with its broad plain and the 
undulating hill of the upper city answered to the possibilities of a civilised age. 
The original Illyrian watch-station on the height of Zlokucani had been merged 
in the ampler city of the plain below by a race whose engineering capacities had 
enabled them to trust to artificial bulwarks. But the character of the times had 
changed once more. Throughout Illyricum the age of castle building had begun, 
and strong natural positions, the peak and the promontory, were sought once more 
for civic foundations. It was natural that those who, about Justinian's time, 
rebuilt the ancient city — and we have historic evidence that it was at this period 
that the need for its complete reconstruction first arose — should give the prefer- 
ence to a loftier and more defensible position than was the original site of the 
Roman town. And such a position was supplied in the actual vicinity of the 
ancient site by the more craggy height rising sheer above the Vardar, the height 
still capped by the Byzantine Akropolis of the modern Skopia. 

There are strong grounds, I say, for assuming that this municipal migration 
should be referred to the period succeeding the great overthrow of 518. Nine 
years after that event Justinian succeeded to the Empire, and there is thus an 
overwhelming a priori presumption that the rebuilding of Scupi, at least as a 
military bulwark, must connect itself with the general reconstruction and restora- 
tion of his provincial towns and fortresses by the great Illyrian Emperor. We 
thus approach the question — "Was this the chosen City of the Emperor himself ? 
Was this the City of the land of his birth which Justinian not only restored and 
embellished, but made the capital, both civil and ecclesiastical, of his reconstituted 
Illyricum, and named after himself Justiniana Prima? 

As the whole question has lately been reopened it will be well to review the 
literary sources at our disposal. Procopius tells us that, " amongst the Dardanians 
who dwell beyond the borders of the Epidamnians, very near the castle called 
Bederiane, is the district named Tauresium, from which the Emperor Justinian, 
the re-founder of the Roman world, drew his origin. Here the Emperor erected a 
small quadrangular castle with a tower at each angle, from which it was called 
" Tetrapyrgia," and near it he built a most glorious City, which he called Jus- 
tiniana Prima (" Prima " means " first " in the Latin language), thus offering 
maintenance to his nursing mother."" Procopius further tells us that he made an 

" De JEd. iv. 1. "ti/ Aapcdj'oif ttov toXq Et'pwn-aioic, oV ci) neru rot's,- 'EiriCa/iviwi' vpovs (fKiivrat, tov <j>povpiov 
dyxiiXTa ovip BeCipiavd iiTiKa\i't-ai, \'iupiov TavpijOiop vvofia ttv, ivGev lovartviai've linaiXti'g a Ti/e oUovfiivijQ oiKiOTrii 

Antiquarian Besearches in- lUi/ricum. 135 

aqueduct there to siipply the town with a perennial stream, and that he wrought 
many things that reflect glory and renown upon its founder. " It would 
not be easy," he continues, " to enumerate the the temples of the Gods, the 
palaces of the magistrates, the size of the porticoes, the beauty of the market- 
places, the fountains, streets, baths, and bazaars. In a word it is a great and 
populous City, in every respect prosperous and worthy to be the Metropolis of all 
that region. And such a dignity it has in fact attained. It is, moreover, the seat 
of the Archbishop of the Illyrians, and has precedence of the other cities in this as 
well as its size." 

Procopius, it Avill be seen, places Justiniana Prima in Dardania, and had we 
only his authority to deal with, there could be no reasonable ground for refusing 
to accept the identification of Skopia with Justinian's new foundation. In his 
own " Novella " of 535 a.d., however, defining the jurisdiction of the new Illyrian 
Archbishop,"' Justinian himself distinctly indicates that Justiniana Prima lay within 
the limits of Dacia Mediterranea, and as clearly shows that he regarded himself 
to be of Dacian origin. On the other hand, it might be urged that Procopius, 
whose antiquarian phraseology is noteworthy in this passage,** would have the autho- 
rity of Ptolemy for including Naissus, itself one of the principal cities of the later 
Dacia Mediterranea, within the Dardanian limits.'' This connexion of Justiniana 
Prima with Dacia Mediterranea siiggests a real difiiculty, and the claims of Skopia 
have recently received another blow. Professor Tomaschek, of Grratz, to whose 
painstaking researches into the ancient topography of the peninsula all students. 

Siplii]Tai. TnvTO jiiv ovv to xi^P'ov tv jipax^'i rfi^i'Ta/itvoe Kara to TCTpdyuivov <rx>il"' "«' yi'vicf iKanry iri'ipyoj' ivBiiitvoQ 
T^rpaTTvpyiav elvai r€ Kal KaXelffBai iziiroiiiKe. liap nvTo Ce fiaXiuTa to x^ptoj' ttoXlv iTrKpaveaTaTijv tCiifiaTo, I'lVTref} 
'\ovi7Tiviavi}V wvofiaffs irpifiav (ttihotii de toT'to Ty Aarivujv (piavy ^vvarai) ravTU Ty 9pe.-\^afikvy Tpotpela tKTtVioi'." 

" Novella Constif. ii. " ]\Iultis et vai'iis modis nosti'am patriam augere cupientes, in qua primo 
Deus pi'testitit nobis ad hunc munduni, quern ipse condidit, venire, et circa Sacerdotalem censuram 
earn volunius maximis increnientis ampliare, ut Primse Justiniana^ patriiB nostrce pro tempore 
sacrosanctus Antistes non solum Metropolitanus sed etiam Ai-chiepiscopus fiat, et csEter® provincise 
sub ejus sint auctoritate, id est tarn ipsa Dacia Mediterranea quam Dacia ripensis necnon Mjsia 
Secunda, Dardania et Prsevalitana Provincia et secunda Macedonia et pars secundse etiam Pannonise 

qufe in Bacensi est civitate " necessarium duximus ipsam gloriosissimam 

Praefeotui-am, quse in Pannonia erat, in nostra felicissima patria collocare cum nihil quidem magni 
distat a Dacia Mediterranea Secunda Pannonia." So too in Nov. 131 Dacia is placed first amongst 
the provinces under the jurisdiction of the Ai-chbishop of Justinian's father-land. 

* As for example, when he speaks of the "European" Dardanians, and of their living above, 
the " Epidamnians." The name of Epidamnos had long given way to that of Dyrrhachium. 

" Ptol. Geogr. 

lo(j Antiquarian Besearches in lUijricum. 

however mucli \.\\oj may differ from his conclusions, must acknowledge tlieir 
indebtedness, has pointed out" that in the fragment of John of Antioch, piiblished 
by Mommsen, in 1872,'' Justinus, the future Emperor, is mentioned as coming from 
Bederianon, a ' phrourion,' or castle, in the neighbourhood of Naissiis." 

This passage Prof. Tomaschek regards as conclusive''; but unfortunately it 
settles nothing. The difficulties which must suggest themselves to all wlio icgai-tl 
the matter from a large historical standpoint are rather increased thai: dimiiiislicd. 
Justinian's new capital of Illyricum could have been no mushroom growth. Its 
populousness, its commerce, its administrative importance, all point to the fact 
that Procopius is only disguising the truth when he makes it an entirely new 
creation of the Emperor. If Skopia is not to be identified with Justiniana Prima, 
Mannert's demands still remain unanswered. " How otherwise," he asks," " is it 
possible that Procopius, or anyone else, while describing the Emperor's restorations 
in the smallest and most unknown Dardanian towns, should have passed over in 
obstinate silence the City which up to this moment had been the capital of the 
country?" The old identification of Justiniana Prima \n.t\\ Ochrida, the ancient 
Lychnidus, dates no further back than the thirteenth century, and was due to 
the desire of the auto-kephalous Bulgarian Archbishops of that See to profit by 
Justinian's Novella. Moreover, as will be seen, the eai'ly Byzantine and Bulgarian 
official style of these Archbishops, though it cou])les the two names of Justiniana 
Prima and Ochrida expressly refrains from asserting their identity.'' The attempt, 
followed by Gibbon, to identify Justinian's City with Kiistendil, or Gjustendil, 
simply arose out of a false etymology. The name of Kiistendil, in fact, only 
originated in the fifteenth century, from the name of a local despot, Constantine.""' 

" W. Tomaschek, Miscellen aus der alien GeograpMe in Zeitsclirift fiir die OesteiTeicliischen 
Gymnasien 1874, p. 659. 

'' Hei-mes, B. vi. p. .323 seqq. 

■^ "'lovanvos Ik BfSeptavov ippovpiov ■ir\ii(TiaCovToc'Sataa(fi'' op. cif. p. 339. Justin was assisting the 
Empei'or Anastasius against tlic Isauiian rebels in the capacity of Hypostrategos. 

'' " Die Sache ist cntschieden." As to the opinion — suppoi'ted by weighty arguments by 
Mannei-t, Hahn, and Tozer — that Scupi and Justiniana Prima were identical, Prof. Tomaschek 
thinks it not worth the trouble of refuting. " Diese Meinung zu wiederlegen verlohnt sieli nic^ht 
der Miihe." Miscellen. ^-c. p. 658. 

'' Geographie der Griechen und Homer, vii. p. 105 (Landshut). Mannert, however, had not 
observed the difficulty raised by Justinian's attribution of this city to Dacia Mediterranea. 

' See p. 143. 

8 " Gospodin " Konstantin, Lord of Northei-n Macedonia (f 1394), well-known in Serbian epic 
as the friend of Marko Kraljevic. In 1500 the teiritory formerly held bj- him was still known as 

Antiquarian Researches in Ilhjricum. 137 

Its medieval name was Velebuzd, and it occupies the site of the ancient Pautalia, 
which, as a bishopric, is expressly distinguished from Justiniana Prima. JVor can 
we see in Justiniana Prima another name for Naissus, since the restoration of 
Naissus, or, as he calls it, Naissopolis, is specially mentioned by Procopius, after 
his account of the creation of Justiniana Prima and as a separate act of the 
Emperor, and the bishopric of Naissus is found under the supremacy of the Bishop 
of Justinian's City. 

On the other hand, it seems to me that there is traceable in Procopius' 
account certain internal evidence of probabilit3^ According to Procopius, Jus- 
tinian coupled his foundation of his ifew Illyrian capital with the restoration of 
Ulpiana, another ancient Dardanian city, to the remains of which I have alreadv 
alluded in the preceding paper," which he called Justiniana Secunda. Now the 
relation of Justiniana Prima to Justiniana Secunda, to a great extent, reproduces 
the relation already existing between Scupi and Ulpiana. If Scupi, as we have 
seen, was the old Dardanian Metropolis, Ulpiana appears to have ranked nearest 
to it amongst the pro\ancial cities. But Procopius informs us of a further fact. 
In the neighbourhood of Ulpiana — or, as it Avas now called, Justiniana Secunda — 
the Emperor built another city, which he called Justinopolis, in honour of his 
uncle Justinus. Now, if Justinus had not been born in a Dardanian district,'' it 
is hard to see why his nephew should build a town in his honour in that province, 
as is proved from its vicinity to Ulpiana. But Justinus, as we learn from the 
fragment of John of Antioch, was connected with Bederiana. Hence it appears 
that the words TrXijcrta^oi^ros rw Natcrcrii) must, after all, be taken in a vague, 
general sense, and as not excluding the possibility that this " phrourion " was 
situate on Dardanian soil in the narrower sense of the word. 

The permanence of the name of Scupi, Scopi, or in its Byzantine form 
Skopia, in spite of its official substitute, again receives an illustration from the 
case of Ulpiana. Even during the reign of Justinian himself we find, as I have 
already shown, the names Justiniana Secunda and Ulpiana used indifferently in 
official acts relating to the same bishop. On the other hand, the fact that no 
Bishop of Scupi is mentioned at this time, while the title of Bishop of Justiniana 

Zemlja Konstantinova. In 1559 his City of Velebuzd or Baiija (this latter name derived from its 
liot-baths) appears in an Italian Itinerario as " Constantin-bagiio." Kiistcndil is simply the Turkish 
form of Konstantin. See Jirecek, Gesch. d. Bulgaren. p. .SS3. 

« See p. r,8. 

^ He was of coui-se of Tliracfian descent. 


138 Antiquarian Eesearche.'^ in Ilhiricmn. 

Prima appears on iiiort' tLaii one occasion towards the end of the sixth century, 
may show that for awhile at least the more imperial name eclipsed the older, and 
what was doubtless still the popular form. lu the fifth cent\uy we find a special 
connexion between the Bishops of Dardania and the Bishop of the South-Eastern- 
most Dalmatian (Pra^valitane), diocese of Doclea or Doclitia. The Bishop of this 
Dalmatian town signs among the Dardanian Catholic Bishops in the letter 
addressed by them in l-M to the Emperor Leo. It is at least a noteworthy 
coincidence that the last mention of the Bishop of Justiniana Prima should occur in 
a letter addressed in 602 by Gregory the Great to Johannes, Bishop of Justinian's 
city, to be foi'wcirded to him, should circumstances reqiiire his intervention, through 
the Bishop of Scodra, and relating to charges brought against a Bishop of Doclea." 
There remains however a still more conclusive argument which has been 
curiously overlooked by all those who have treated of this vexata qucestio, and 
which goes far to neutralise and explain the statement contained in Justinian's 
Novella, that Justiniana Prima lay in Dacia Mediterranea. It appears, namely, from 
the letter addressed in 492 by John, Metropolitan of Scupi, to Pope Gelasius, that 
in his quality of Bishop of the metropolitan city of Scopi, " Ejjiscujjus," as he styles 
himself, " Sacrosanctce Ecclesim Scopince, Metropolitance Civitatis," he claimed a 
supremacy not only over the Bishops of Dardania in its contemporary official sense 
but over other Bishops who sign beneath him, one of whom was Bonosus, Bishop of 
no less a place than Serdica, the capital of Dacia Mediterranea.'' In view of this 
fact the letter addressed by Gregory the Great in 595 to Felix, Bishop of Serdica, 
enjoining him to obey his superior, and the Pope's vicar, Johannes, Bishop of 
Justiniana Prima, acquires a fresh significance. In 553 we find from the Acts of 
the Fifth Synod of Constantinople " that the Bishops of Naissus and Ulpiana had 
refused to attend and sided with Pope Vigilius, and when appealed to on the sub- 
ject refer the synod to their Archbishop Benenatus. Both Farlato" and Le Quien'' 

" Mansi, x. 329. " Dc Paulo Docleatinte Civitatis episcopo lapso." Justiniana Prima seems to 
1)6 thus brought into a certain geogi-aphical connexion with Scodi-a (Scutari d' Albania), from which 
place as we have seen a line of Eoman road led to the Dardanian Citj- of Uli)iana (.Justiniana II.), 
and thence to Scupi. 

'' Marius Mercator, in Appendice ad Contradictionem 12 Anathetismi Nestm-iani, " Sardicensis 
Bonosus qui a Damaso urbis Romje episcopo piwdamnatus fuit : " Lc Quicn; Oriens. Christianus, t. ii. 
p. 302. Farlato III. Sac, t. viii. p. 34, endeavours to make Bonosus Bishop of Naissus, but on 
uo valid grounds. His statement would anyhow not affect the present argument, as Naissus was 
also in Dacia Mediterranea. 

" Mansi, ix. p. 199. * Ulyricum Sacrum, t. viii. p. 17. 

* Oriens. Christianus, t. ii. p. 310. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 139 

are agreed that this Benenatus must have been bishop of Scupi, but they have 
both failed to grasp the logical deduction that the Archbishop of " the Most Holy 
Metropolitan City " of Scupi, as it appears before Justinian's time, has now become 
the Archbishop of his special city. The Primacy, then, of Illyricum was not an 
altogether new creation, but in part represented earlier claims of precedency 
exercised by the Bishops of Scupi. The language of Procopius and the language 
of the Novellce are thus reconciled, and the special tie of allegiance which l^ound 
the Bishop of Justinian's city to the Bishop of Rome is seen to be in fact the direct 
inheritance from an earlier time when the Metropolitans of Scupi stood forth as 
the principal champions of Western orthodoxy in Illyricum. 

When we find the Bishop of the Dardanian Metropolis taking precedency of 
Dacian Bishops at a time when, politically, Dardania and Dacia Mediterranea were 
separate provinces we are tempted to suspect that the ecclesiastical supremacy 
represents, as is so often the case, a survival of an earlier political distribution. 

There is, in fact, clear historic evidence that, according to the original arrange- 
ment of Aurelian, Dardania was tacked on to Dacia Mediterranea, insomuch that 
in the early lists of the provinces of the Moesian diocese, as given by the MS. of 
Verona, Rufus, and Polemius Silvius, Dardania and Dacia Mediterranea are given 
indifferently as the names of one and the same pro^ance. At some time after the 
completion of the list of Polemius Silvius and before that of the Notitia" the pro- 
vince which bore the double name of Dardania and Dacia Mediterranea was divided 
into the two provinces of Dardania, as we find it in Hierocles, with Scupi as its 
Metropolis, and Dacia Mediterranea under Serdica. But it is obvious from this 
that there may have been a time when, as the later ecclesiastical arrangement 
indicates, Scupi was the political Metropolis of a Dacia Mediterranea which 
included the later Dardania. 

In the Notitia^' itself, indeed, Dardania continues to be reckoned along with 
Dacia Mediterranea and Ripensis, Moesia Prima, Praevalitana, and a part of Mace- 
donia Salutaris as one of the " Five Dacias " which had now replaced the "Three 
Dacias " of the original Trans-Danubian province. There is, indeed, evidence that 
in Justinian's time the name of Dacia coiild still be extended to the furthest limit 
of the provinces originally included in the " Five Dacias." Procopius on two 
separate occasions attributes to Dacia Singidunum, a city which according to 

'^ See Mommsen, Bevue Archeologique, N. S. xiv. p. 387. The words of Rufus in describing the 
formation of Aurelian's Dacia ai'e : •' Per Aurelianum, translatis eximle Bomanis, chice Dacia: in 
regionibus Moesice et Bar danice facta: sunt." 

" Not. Or. iii. 14. 

T 2 

140 Antiqnanan Researches in I Ih/ricum. 

Hierocles' list was included in Up])er M(tsia, and what in tliis resjiect is true of 
Upper iloosian cities, applies equally to the cities of the once " Dacian " Dardania. 
Dacia was the more renowned name, and there was always a tendency to iise it, 
the more so as at this period the actual provincial divisions were becoming vague 
and uiuU'HirhI." 

It must be allowed that the language of the Novellce is inconsistent, yet it will 
be seen that, in placing Scupi in Dacia Mediterranea, Justinian was but reverting 
to an earlier arrangement, still apparently kept up by the existing ecclesiastical 
organisation. And the prestige of the Dacian name was still such that in raising 
what was now in strict official phraseology a Dardanian city to the chief place in 
his newly constituted Illyricum, it was convenient to revert to this earlier usage 
which attributed Scupi to Dacia Mediterranea. The Dacian hegemony could not be 
ignored in an Illyrian government, the geographical limits of which almost precisely 
answered to what was still known as the " Five Dacias." In Justinian's eccle- 
siastical arrangement indeed no change in official language was required, for Scupi, 
as we have seen, was still the recognised Metropolis of the whole of that original 
Mediterranean Dacia that had once politically embraced Dardania. 

In the case of Justiniana Secunda we have seen that the old name of the city 
continued to be used concurrently with the official title, and finally in an altered 
form survived it. The same process undoubtedly occurred in the case of Justiniana 
Prima. Towards the end of the sixth century the name of Scupi, or " Scopis," as 
it is written in the language of the times '' reappears in history, and Theophylact 
jnentions that the town was plundered and many of its citizens taken captive by a 
Slavonic band." It is probable that the town passed definitely into Slavonic hands 
about 695, in which year we find numerous refugees from the Dardanian cities taking 
i-efuge within the walls of Thessalonica.'' Under the Bulgarian princes " Skopje," 

» D. B. Goth. ii. pp. 80, 418 (Bonn cd.). 

'' ('ompare Jornandt's' Sirinis, ^'c. In Ravcnnas tlic form tiaqjis occui'.s, cf. Londinis, ^c. 

' Hint. vii. 2 (Bonn ed. p. 272). T<i yap ZaXoaTrd Kai'AKvg Kai XKoirig KaTaTrpovofifiiravTig, &C, 

* Acta 8. Demeirii, c. ii. It is there mentioned as a chief cause of the second Slavonic 
onslaught on Thcssalonica that that city sheltered escaped " mancipia " from the interioi' of 
Illyricum. One city only ought not to be allowed to hold out when all the other cities and provinces 
I'ound had been made void of Roman habitation ; " ha3c autcm " (to quote the Latin version) " sola 
superesset omnesque e Danubii partibus Paunoniaquc et Dacia ct Dardania reliquisque provinciis 
cL nrbibus transfugas reciperet atquc in sinu suo foverct." The citizens of Naissiis and Scrdica aio 
specially mentioned. 

Antiquarian Besearches in Illyricum. 141 

as its name was known in its Slavonic form," continued to be an important civil 
and ecclesiastical centre. The eleventli century Byzantine chroniclers '' call it 
even the "Metropolis of Bulgaria," a title which conveys a hint as to the source 
whence the later auto-kephalous Bishops of Ochrida drew their style of " Bishops 
of Justiniana Prima." 

Apart from this ecclesiastical and other evidence as to the identity of Scupi 
and Justiniana Prima, I have already called attention to two facts, arrived at by 
researches on the spot, which ought to weigh on the same side, against the confi- 
dent assertions of Professor Tomaschek. I have shown, from a series of monu- 
ments, that the site of the Roman colony and later metropolitan city of Scupi is to 
be found in the immediate neighbourhood of the important Byzantine, Slavonic, 
and Turkish emporium of Skopia, or Uskiip, with which its name is, in fact, 
identical," and that to hunt for it in the Morava Valley would, therefore, be super- 
fluous. I have further shown, that a direct line of Roman way through the pass 
of Kacanik brought Scupi into peculiarly intimate relation with the Dardanian 
sister-town of Ulpiana ; in other words, with Justiniana Secunda. It remains to 
consider the existing Byzantine monuments of Skopia itself, and some important 
evidence connected with local names and sites in the neighbourhood. 

Previous to his journey undertaken from Belgrade to Salonica, the attention of 
Von Hahn had been called by the Austrian Consul-General Mihanovich to the 
striking similarity of the names of Taor and Bader, two villages near Skopia, to 
the Tauresium and Bederiana mentioned by Procopius as native places of Jus- 
tinian.'' Owing to imfavourable weather, the snow lying then on the ground. Von 
Hahn had been unable during the course of his journey to follow up the inquiry 

* Nikeptoros Biyennios, iv. 18 (Bonn ed. p. 148), in the eleventh century still calls Skopia hy 
its ancient name of S/couttoi and places it correctly on the Vardar as he tells us the Axios was then 

" Skylitzes and his copyist Kedi-enos (Bonn ed. ii. 527). The revolted Bulgarian Prince, Peter 
Deljan, marches " 5id re NaVffo-oi) Kai rwv SKOiuriwj' 7-ijc Mjjt-pojtoXemj Boi/Xyapmf " (a.d. 1040). When Basil 
organised the Bulgarian Church in 1020 the Bishop of Skopia was assigned 40 Kleriki and 40 
riapoiKoi, putting it on a level with the largest Bulgarian Sees (see Jirecek, Geschichte der Bulgaren, 
p. 202). 

"^ By the neighbouring Albanian tribes, tlic best local representatives of the Roman provincials, 
the town is still called " Scup." 

'' Reise von Belgrad nach Salonik, p. 156. Tauresium might easily represent a Vicus Taurensium, 
j)ointing to some form with which Taor would connect itself. Neither Taor nor Bader appears to 
be of Slavonic origin. As a set-off to this. Prof. Tomaschek, who seeks his Justiniana Pi'ima neai' 
Kursumlje, has sought to connect the name of Tauresium with that of the village of To\Tljan in the 
Toplica district. 

11^'- Antiquarian Researches in Ilhjricmn. 

"with any definite results, but lie had heard of some old foundations in the neigh- 
bourhood of Taor," liad been sho^^^l in the village a stone " postament," with what 
appeared to him to be a Slavonic inscription,'' and had seen a copy of another 
Slavonic inscription from a neighbouring monastery, wliich, he was led to believe, 
contained a reference to Justinian as its founder." On the strength of these 
observations of Von Hahn, and this striking similarity of names, I made it my 
special business to explore Bader, Taor, and the surrounding region. Both 
villages lie on the skirts of a mountainous triangle that lies between the Vardar 
and its tributary the Pcinja, near the confluence of the two rivers, and partially 
shut in by the sedgy lake of Jelatno. The starting-point of my explorations was 
Banja, in the Pcinja valley, the hot baths and ancient quarries of which I have 
already described, which, apparently, formed the thermal station marked on the 
Tabula of Peutinger as the first station on the Thessalonican road, twenty-one 
miles distant from Scupi.'" The Roman way itself, in its southward course, must 
have proceeded from the neighbourhood of Banja, along the left bank of the 
Pcinja, which it would here cross, and the heights above it would be the natural 
position for a castle commanding the pass. At this point, in fact, are the ruins of 
a Turkish watch-tower, known as the Badersko Kaleh, which formerly commanded 
the road through the gorge ; a road which certainly represents the Roman line. 
The name of this Kaleh is interesting, as showing that the name of Bader still 
clings to both banks of the river, and its function at least supplies a raison d'etre 
for the former existence of a Byzantine " phrourion," such as was Bederiana, in its 
vicinity. Bader itself lies on the right bank of the stream, which is here easily 
fordable. The village is nothing more than a wretched group of Bulgar hovels 
enclosed in mud walls ; indeed, its sole redeeming feature was a fountain erected 
by a pious Moslem dame, Fatima by name ; its position, however, hanging on a 
steep above the " iron gates " of the stream, was certainly lovely. I was unable 
to observe any remains here of Roman date, though there was a Christian ceme- 
tery near it of some antiquity and considerable extent scattered about in an oak 

* Op. cit. p. 157. " Hiur war kein Platz fiir Prokop's Tetrapyrgion, docli erzahltcn die Uauern, 
dass sie beim Beackern der auf der Platte oberhalb dei- Dorfes gelegenen Felder auf Cementsubstruc- 
tionen stiesscn, nnd bejahtcn unsei-e Fragc, ob diese ein Viereck bildeten, doch mochten wir durch 
diese Bejahung die Frage noch nicht als unwiderruflich entscliieden lietrachten. Die auf dor Platte 
lagemde Schneedecke maehte die Untersuchung derselben durch den Augenschein unmoglicli.' Tlio 
peasants also spoke of a quadi-angular tile conduit loading to these remains. 

" Op. cit. p. 158. <: Op. cit. p. 162. 

« See p. 110. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 143 

wilderness. About an liour's walk higher up the lateral valley, at the opening of 
which Bader lies, is the village of Blace, where two Roman inscriptions were 
found by engineers engaged in quarrying operations in this neighbourhood, con- 
nected with the construction of the Macedonian line. In the little church here, I 
found one of these monuments, an altar with the comprehensive dedication : " To 
Jupiter Optimus Maximus, Juno Regina, Minerva Sancta, and all the other Gods 
and Goddesses :"" erected by Aur. Titianus, a Beneficiarius Gonswlaris of the 7th, 
Claudian, Legion, to which we have so often had occasion to refer, in the Consulship 
of Victorinus and Proculus, that is in the year 200 a.d. The other inscription was 
no longer to be found ; but it is interesting, as referring to the serpent-worship 
introduced by Alexander, the prophet of Abonotichos, of whom Lucian has left us 
an account ; and whose authority was, apparently, popular amongst the Dacians- 
I noticed one or two other fragments in the neighbourhood of the church of Blace, 
which seemed to be of Roman origin. Fi'om this village, which occupies a central 
and commanding position in this hilly tract, between the Pcinja and Vardar, a 
straight line of road, embanked in places, runs along the watershed almost due 
Soixth, towards the village of Koslje, and the confluence of the two rivers. To this 
road I am certainly inclined to attribute a Roman origin. 

In the Bulgarian monastery of St. John, which lies on the left steep of the 
Pcinja, near its confluence, I saw a Slavonic inscription, a copy of which Von 
Hahn had been shown at Yelese, and which he supposed to contain a reference to 
Justinian. It is painted in black letters in the inside of the little Byzantine 
church, above the doorway ; but it did not by anj- means answer to Von Hahn's 
description. A few words were indecipherable, but the inscription, as a whole, is 
clear enough, and runs as follows : — 

" This church was built from the foundation and painted within by the jjresent 

labour and expense of the God-loving Bishop Kirioseph from the 

Monastery of Zograjahu. In the time of the Patriarchate of the blessed and .... 
Lord and Bishop of the First Justiuiana or Ochrida, the Lord Zozimos, and of the 
.... Sultan Mechmet. At that time Crete was taken. And the founders 
(Ktetors) were from Rudnik,^ Jovo, Neda, Nera, . . . ica, Prodanj, Stepanj, Vaso, 
Damceta. In the year (1669)." 

The mention of the capture of Crete enables us to supply the date, which was 
obliterated in the original. 

TITIANVS . BF . / COS . LEG . VII . CL . / T . S . L . M 

•* A neighbouring village. 


Antiquarian Researches in Ilhjrimm. 



It mil be seen that this inscription does no more than record the official title 
of the aiito-kephalous Bnlgarian Bishops " of Justiniana and Ochrida," and does 
not, as \o\\ Hahn was given to suppose, in any way connect the founding of the 
monastery with the Emperor Justinian." 

It is remarkable that the village of Taor stands, 
to the Vardar River Pass at its opening on the Plain 
of Uskiip, in much the same relation as Bader and 
tlic Badersko Kaleh stand to that of the Pcinja. 
The village itself lies in a beautiful wooded glen l)y 
the banks of the river, and a little above it is an 
old ferry across the stream to the village of Orezan. 
A few hundred j^-^rds to the north of Taor, at the 
foot of the imdulating heights that here dominate 
the level expanse on which Skopia stands, is the 
little church of St. Ilija, about which were many 
Roman fragments, including shafts of columns, 
broken cornices, and a sepulchral slab with dolphins 
and a banqueting scene in the apex, but in the field 
below a Slav inscription, which has supplanted the 
original Roman titulus (fig. 89). Much might, no 
doubt, be made of this by the champions of Justinian's 
Slavonic origin were not the letters of mediaeval form, 
certainly not earlier than the fourteenth century. 

Within the church, and serving as an altar, is 
a block which is probably the " postament " de- 
scribed by Hahn.** It is simply an altar of Roman 
Imperial date tiu-ned upside down. The inscription 
I /. / in small letters was exceedingly illegible, but the 

^^^S-- ,.i ^ letters that I was able to make out seemed to bo 

Fig. 89. rather Greek than Cyrillian (fig. 90). 

" Tlic trauslation of the inscription as given to Hahn (p. 1G2) was of a cuiious kind: "die Inschrift, 
. . . wcnn mann sie Tins richtig iibersetzt hat, den Ai-zt eines turkischen Pascha's, welcher dessen 
Gattin von der Unfruchtbai-keit heilte, als den Wiederliei'stellcr des von Justinian gegriindeten 
Klostere nennt "{•') 

^ Op. cit. p. 158 : " Leider stand das Postament axif dem Kopfe nnd ist die Inschrift so vei-wischt 
dass wLr nnr mit grosser Miilie einige roh gearbeitete slavische Charaktere erkennen konnten." 

Antiquarian Researches in Ilhjricum. 


I explored tlie neighbouring downs above tlie village for any ancient founda- 
tions in vain, till at last a Bulgar guided me to a terrace above the church of 
St. Ilija, which was literally strewn with Roman tiles and fragments of masonry, 
and surrounded by foundations of ancient walls of brick and rubble masonry. 
That this was a "phrourion" or "castellum" of late Roman date I cannot 
doubt. It had obviously more than four angles, but if, as I am inclined to 
suppose, the points ABC and D in the annexed plan (fig. 91) " were occupied 



/v\oNArur.:,.''.// | 

*> , '' 

'- KonoA.'AKFr. 


Fig. 90. 

V, ?■;'' 

'■■■'■"/Ini^" of old ■ 

so ,10 feet 

Fig. 91. 

with towers, we should have before us a Tetrapyrgia not inconsistent with 
Procopius' description of the castle of Tauresium. In any case, the occurrence of 
such a castle on the spot where ex hypothesi we were led to look for Justinian's 
" phrourion " must be regarded as a remarkable coincidence. 

Of the antiquity of this ruin there appears, indeed, to be one remarkable piece 
of documentary evidence. In a grant of the Bulgarian Czar, Constantine Asen 

* The fouadations about the corner a were very indistinct, and in ordei' to ascertain the outline 
of this part of the castellum excavations would be necessary. The measurements given are 


1-iG Jiitiquuriaii, lieseardies in lllijricnm. 

(1258-1277) to the monastery of St. George, near Skopia, is mentioned the 
"Gradiste," or ruined site of a castle, by the village of Tavor," the later Taor, and 
the lake of Jelatno. " Gradiste " is a term frequently applied by the Slaves to 
sites once occupied hj Roman constructions. 

Nor has the local saga forgotten this ruined site. From an intelligent Bulgar 
schoolmaster at Kuceviste, in the Karadagli, I leariit one or two interesting 
popular traditions which bear upon the question at issue. He told me that 
old men of this district say that " Three Emperors were born at Skopia," and 
that there was a tradition that " Czar Kostadin " was born at Taor, and reigned 
afterwards at Skopia. It seems to me by no means impossible that the Emperor 
Constantino, as an ecclesiastical as well as political celebrity, has usurped Justinian's 
place in the folk-lore of the country. 

"We may now turn to an examination of the Byzantine antiquities of Skopia 
itself. That the original walls of the Akropolis are of Byzantine date appears 
from an inscription in large tilework letters on the upper part of the inner wall to 
the left of the main entrance. This inscription in its present state is extremely 
dithcult to decipher. I was able, however, to make out a few fragments, sufficient 
to show its Byzantine origin — 


The impression given by these fragments is that they formed part of a Byzan- 
tine inscription of the usual bombastic style, examples of which are to be seen in 
the inscription recording the erection of a tower at Durazzo by Theodore Diicas 
Comnenos,'' and in another, written in large characters of the same ceramic 
construction on the outside of the old cathedral-church of Hagia Sophia, at 
Ochrida." The walls themselves of the Akropolis are in their older portion formed 
of large square stones, framed, as it were, with tiles ; a Byzantine form of construc- 

* "Selo Tavor, gradiSte . . . . s Jezerom Jelatuim." (Safariik. PamJiA-y 25; quoted in 
Jirecek Geschichfe der Bulyaren, p. 79. 

'' Given in Hahn : Albanesische Studien, p. 122. When I saw this inscription, it was broken 
into two fragments and used as a support for the wooden post of a verandah in tlie Turkish 
Governor's Konak. 

" Hahn. Drill und Vardar-Beise, p. 115. The name of the prelate in whose honour the inscrip- 
tion (of colossal size) was put up has disappeared, but we are tohl : 

^^ aK7}ft)v lyeipag rhv Geo^avov i'ofiov 

Antlc[uaiian Besearches in lUy 



tioiij of wliicli a good example may be seen in tlie great tentli century cliurcli 
of St. Luke's, at Styri, in Greece, and of wliicli tlaere are many later examples 
amongst tlie Slavonic buildings of Skopia and the surrounding regions." 

The first impression which the town of Skopia makes upon the stranger, is that 
he has before him in an almost perfect state of preservation a Byzantine city. 
In wandering amongst the moss-grown domes of the hamams, the ancient brick 
and stone-work bazaars, the noble caravanserais of which the famous Kurshumli 
Han" or Lead Han is the type (fig. 92), one is tempted to recognise the very baths 

Fig. 92. Kurshumli Han, Skopia. 

and market-halls with which Justinian embellished his favoured citj\ A more 
detailed study, however, shows that many of these antique edifices, Byzantine as 
is their style and appearance, are really of Turkish origin, and date from the first 

* Tlie beginnings of this form of construction may be traced in the walls of the Imperial Palace 
at Trier. 

'' This Han has been well-described bj Mr. Tozer, Highlands of Turkey, vol. i. p. 367. The 
Sulci Han is another edifice of considei-able antiquity. In the Ferei-li Han are said to be concealed 
inscriptions. These buildings at present afford lodgings and warehouses for merchants. On the 
piers of the Kui'shumli Han many names of old Ragusan merchant.s are to be seen painted in red 

letters, e. g. "anno domini 1777 marinvs zamagna post iikevkm mokam "I also 

noticed the names of Lucich and Radegla. On the outside wall of the Han is a Turkish inscription. 

IT 2 

148 Antiquarian Researches in Ilhjricmn. 

days of tlie conquest, wlien a large Osmanli colony was planted in the town, and 
Moslem tTskiip arose to be the " bride of Rumili." 

The mosques supply a standpoint for couiparison. Thus, after a prolonged 
study of the Kurshumli Han, I was inclined to ascribe to it a Byzantine origin, 
till a minute examination of a small mosque opposite it assured me that both were 
the work of the same hands." The pillars of the arcade in the Han, and the 
abacus surmounting them, exactly answer to those of the porch of this mosque. 
In the same way baths, which externally look as ancient as that described near 
Novipazar, contain Arabic features m their interior construction and ornament. 
Thus, the great Hamam of Uskiip, which, with its low octagon capped with 
a roofed cupola, externally much resembles the old octagonal thermal cham- 
ber near Novipazar, presents internally an entirely Oriental appearance, with 
ogival arches and corner niches or alcoves, with rows of angidar excrescences, 
which, Avhen sufficiently projecting, give them somewhat the appearance of 
stalactitic grottoes. On the other hand, the mere insertion of a Turkish inscrip- 
tion into the outside wall of a building does not necessarily prove that it was the 
work of the Turkish dignitary thus honoui'ed, and some of the buildings, especially 
in the North-East quarter of the town, may well date from prae-Turkish and even 
prae-Slavonic times. Of these, the most ancient in appearance is unquestionably 
the ruined Hamam of " the two Sisters." Two sisters, according to local tradi- 
tion, daughters of a king, were taken by a pasha to wife. He died, leaving them 
childless, and the widows built the Hamam. It is built — like so many Byzantine 
buildings of this district — of square blocks of stone encased with tiles, but in the 
present instance, many of the blocks are, as already mentioned,'' wrought out of 
Roman sepulchral monuments. Nothing seems more difficult than to deter- 
mine the age of buildings built in the same Byzantine style before and after the 
Turkish conquest. But the existence of so many ancient buildings in the same 
style at Skopia itself, and amongst the monasteries of the surrounding ranges, is 
itself sufficient proof of the strength of the local Byzantine tradition. In no 
other town in the central districts of the Balkan Peninsula is the living impress 
of New Rome so strong as here. Indirectly, if not directly, the hand of Justinian 
is still felt in what I, for my part, shall not scruple to call his native city. The 
numismatic evidence as to the importance of Skopia in the fifth, sixth, and 
succeeding centuries is not less strking. In the bazars of the town, in addition 
to coins of Macedonian, consular, and early imperial date — and amongst them 

* The Tm-ks attribute the construction of the KurSumli Han to a certain ilahmoud Pasha, 
x P. 101. 

Antiquarian Researches in Ilhjricum. 149 

autonomous pieces of Thessalonica, Stobi, Pautalia, and Viminacium, illustrating 
the old commercial connexion witli tliose places — I observed an abundance of coins 
of Anastasius, Justin, and Justinian, besides others dating from later Byzantine, 
Bulgarian, and Serbian times. Cnriously enough, the parting keepsake given me 
by my host at Uskup was a large brass coin of Justinian himself. 

The Aqueduct of Skopia is visible about an hour distant from the city to the 
North. There are fifty-four brickwork arches, supported on piers of alternating 
stone and brick, spanning a small valley connecting one of the lower undulations 
which roll across the plain from the foot of the Karadagh with the range of hills 
on which the akropolis of Skopia stands. From this spot it runs, as an under- 
ground channel, in a North- Easterly direction to the village of Gluha, which 
lies in a wooded and well-watered glen of the Karadagh range. The source is 
covered and preserved from possible contamination by a low, square, stone-tiled 
building of rubble masonry, which cannot pretend to any vast antiquity. The 
spring itself is known to the villagers as " Lavovac." In the Skopia direction 
the channel is again lost beneath the surface, and comes out finally near the noble 
Mustafa Mosque (which rises above the town not far from the entrance to the fort- 
ress), where its first function is to supply the fountain that embellishes the court 
of the mosque. In surveying the arches of this Aqueduct as they span the valley — 
so Byzantine in their general effect — the traveller is again tempted to imagine 
that he sees before him the actual handiwork of Justinian, and that this is the 
very Aqueduct by which the Emperor, according to Procopius, conducted a 
perennial stream to his native city. In this case again, however, a closer study 
has led me to modify this opinion. Though several ancient fragments, — including, 
besides that containing a part of the titles of Severus, a portion of a Roman 
sarcophagus and an Ionic capital, not improbably of Byzantine date, — have been 
walled into the fabric, the general appearance of the work and the character of its 
preservation is not such as to warrant the belief that in its present state at least 
it dates from Justinian's time. There is no single feature in the construction 
which is not reproduced in mosques, hamams, and hans of Tiu'kish date in Skopia, 
while the ogival character of many of the arches, which may be gathered from 
my sketch (fig. 93), is certainly not inconsistent with a late origin ; thoi;gh not, 
perhaps, conclusive, as such pointed arches do occasionall}^ occiir in undoubtedly 
Roman aqueducts." On the whole, therefore, I am reduced to suppose that the 
upper part, at least, of the Aqueduct in its present state represents the recon- 

» For pointed arches in the Aqueduct of Segovia, built in Trajan's time, see Archaeologia, vol. iv. 
page 410, note. 


AiitlqiiariuH Iicscarclics in Illi/riciDn. 

structioii ill Turkish times of a pre-existing Byzantine work. The local traditions 
that 1 am al)le to gather thoroughly support this view. The prevalent tradition 

i'ig. 93. The Aqueduct of Skopia. 

amongst Christians, as well as Turks, is, that the Aqueduct was a pious work of 
the same Musta or Mustafa Pasha who built the mosque, which, as we have seen, 
was its first goal, in Skopia." On the other hand, I also came upon traces, and 

" Au older Christian tradition regarding the aqueduct is, however, mentioned in the rehition of 
the Ragusan ambassadors who passed through Uskiip in 1792. " Nella vicinanza di Uschiup 
videro un antico acquedotto mezzo rovinato volgarmente detto Geiina Ciupria, cioe Ponte di Jerina 
moglie di Giorgio Despot, per che da lei fabricato acquedotto fatto a forza di archi molto simile a 
quelle di Pisa." Jerina or Irene, wife of the Serbian despot George Brankovich, is popularlj- credited 
with many buildings throughout those countries. Tlie description " mezzo rovinato " is interesting 
as showing that some restoration of the work must have taken place since the end of the last 

Antiquarian Researches in Ilhjrinim. 


that from an iinexpected quarter, of a saga, wliicli points to the existence of the 
Aqueduct in some form in much more remote times. Whilst examining the 

Fig. 54. Arches in the old Bezestan, Skojiia. 

milliary cohimn which exists in a street of Skopia, I read out the name of Trajan 
to a group of enquiring Turks who were collected round me whereupon one of, 
the most venerable of the number, old Abderrahman Aga, at once exclaimed, 
" Trojan, — Kapetan Trojan ! Why, he it was who built the Aqueduct." The 
name of the great engineering Emperor, who bridled the Danube and conquered 
Dacia, still lives in the folk-lore of the Peninsula ; and in this instance " Kapetan 
Trojan " appears to have appropriated Justinian's work, in the same way as wc 
have seen " Czar " Constantine usurp his birthplace. 

I was fortunate enough to discover in Skopia itself something like a proof 

152 Autiquarian Researches in lUtjricmn. 

that the Aqueduct had once existed throughout its extent in an earlier form. 
Hearing of an old " Bezestan " or "cloth hall," at present closed (partly, indeed, 
in a state of demolition), and hidden from view by the surrounding booths of the 
bazar, with some difficulty I obtained access to it. What was my surprise to 
find the central court traversed by three large brickwork arches, supported by 
stone piers of well-cut masonry, surmounted by a well-executed cornice or abacus, 
and evidently representing a section of that part of the aqueduct which supplied 
the lower town of Skopia. The court itself had obviously been altered in later 
times, and holes for beams, supporting some later flooring or roof, had been 
knocked out of the sides of the central line of arches. That parts of the building, 
however, belonged to the same date as the fragment of the aqueduct which it 
included was obvious, from the fact that the arches coalesced with the structure 
of the walls at the two extremities of the court. 

The construction of the piers and arches seemed to me in this case to be not 
earlier than late Roman times, and distinctly superior to that of the Aqueduct 
outside the city, one obvious defect of which is that the piers are too large for the 
brick arches they support. The old Bezestan itself, which forms in part at least 
an organic whole with this early work, is a good example of the style of blended 
stone and brick-work which at Skopia, as we have seen, survived Byzantine times. 
The walls of its central court contain small chambers, access to which is obtained 
by small round arched doors, and in the middle of each side of the court is an 
entrance arch of larger dimensions. The interior is at present cumbered with 
LUbris of brickwork, and the whole is threatened with speedy demolition. If we 
may be allowed to regard the central arches as a surviving relic of the actual fabric 
of Justinian's Aqueduct, we may venture to see in the ruined building which it 
traverses one of the very market halls with which, according to Procopius, the 
Emperor adorned his native City. 

Antiquarian Researches in Ilhjrlcam. 



In tlie Tabula Peutingeriana and the Geographer of Ravenna, there appears a 
line of road bringmg Scupi into direct connexion with the historically better 
known city of Naissus, the birthplace of Constantine, and thus with the great 
central highway of Illyricum, the "Agger Publicus " that ran from Singidnnum, the 
present Belgrade, jjast Serdica (Sophia) to Philippopolis, and eventually to Byzan- 
tium. Grave difficulties are suggested by the mileage and stations of this route, 
which itself falls into two parts : 

1. A cross-line from Scupi to Hammeo, the Acmeon of Ravennas, a station 
twenty miles distant from Naissus on the military road already referred to,'' which 
brought Naissus into communication with Ulpiana, and eventvially with the 
Adriatic port of Lissus. 

2. The section from Hammeo (or Acmeon) to Naissus common to the route 
Naissus-Ulpiana, and Naissus-Scupi. 

In Ravennas we have nothing more than a confused list of cities. In the 
Tabula there is no intermediate station given between Scupi and Hammeo 
(Acmeon), which at the lowest compiitation must have been three days distant. 
It was this omission that led Professor Tomaschek, wrongly, as we have seen, to 
look for the site of Scupi itself in the valley of the Bulgarian Morava. "We may be 
allowed to suspect that stations on the line Scupi-Hammeo have been erroneously 
transferred on the Tabula to the line Scupi-Stobi, where the chain of stations is too 
long. But the whole question is obscure and I shall here content myself with a 
few antiquarian observations made during a journey from Skopia to Nish (the 
ancient Naissus) some of which throw a certam amount of light on the c»urse of 
the Roman road-line and the position of two at least of the principal stations. 

The modern road that traverses the low Southern offshoots of the Karadagh to 
Kumanovo affords a certain guide to the earlier part of the Roman route from 
Scupi, in the Naissus direction. The physical configm-ation of the country and 
the interposition of the Karadagh ranges admit in fact of no alternative line in 
that part of the route. 

* See p. 65 seqq. 


Antiquanan Researches in llhjrlru 





At Kumanovo, outside the orthodox church, was an altar to Jupiter Optimus 
]\laxiinus D(olichenus) erected by a certain Achilleus for the health of Caracalla 
and Julia Douina in the consulship of Sabinus and Anulinus," A.D. 216. 

I was informed that this stone liad l)een 
brounlit tVom the villaij'e of JjOpod about an 
hour and a-lialf to the West of Kumanovo, 
where another inscription is said to exist near 
the mosque. At this place, therefore, rather 
tlian at Kumanovo itself, should be sought the 
first station on the Roman road from 8cupi to 
Naissus. Above this village, on an eastern spur 
of the Karadagh, rises the noble Byzantine 
chiircli of Matejci, near which I observed a 
Roman sepidchral slab witli an illegible in- 

The church itself, with its brickwork central 
tower, its four surrounding cupolas, and its 
triple apse, stands like some peak-castle of the 
Middle Ages on the summit of one of the beech- 
wood-covered spurs of the Black Mountain. 
Its ])osition at an elevation of about ;3,000 feet 
looking forth over the broad Kumanovo plain, 
and the distant Serbian and Bulgarian ranges is 
most commanding and may vie with that of 
the temple of yEgina. I found the monastery, 
such as it is, tenanted by a few Bulgar peasants, 
and the church itself, one of the noblest monu- 

Fig. n 

, loci Optimo M.aximo DuIicJieno 


* Tliis stone had been previously observed by Von Hiiliii {lieise von Lelyrad nach Salonik, 239. 
C. I. L. iii. 1697). His observations were conducted, however, under most unfavoiu-able climatic 
conditions, and his copy is inaccurate in every single line. He niiulc out the dedication to be one to 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 155 

ments of Eastern Rome in this region, far advanced on the road to total ruin. 
The great central cupola had fallen in, and the two massive columns on either side 
of the entrance were overthrown. Their capitals were very remarkable and 
recalled those of the church containing the Emperor Dusan's effigy at Ljubiten. 
The four angles of one were adorned with scallop foliage, two heads of bulls, and 
one of a ram ; of the other with the same foliation, a ram's head, an eagle, and a 
kind of Ionic volute. In its ground plan, with its two side apses, and indeed in 
its spacious dimensions, twenty-eight paces long by seventeen broad, it differs from 
most of the churches hereabouts. 

The inscriptions on the frescoes, with which the whole interior of the church 
had been covered, were in Greek. Of the wall-paintings themselves, which, in 
spite of the ruinous condition of the church, are in some places brilliantly pre- 
served, the full-length image of the Theotokos and Child (to whom, according to 
the local tradition, the church was dedicated) to the East of the blocked-up 
southern entrance is amongst the most graceful. Over the door is a large repre- 
sentation of the Pantokrator. To the left, entering the church, the whole of the 
second bay of the western wall is filled mth a sacred genealogical tree, on the 
central stem of which I could read the names of David and Solomon ; on either 
side of this the coiling foliage enclosed rows of prophets and patriarchs. To 
the right of the entrance the sacred tree is balanced by another. Imperial and 
Orthodox. Unfortunately, this is much effaced ; but enough remained to show 
that it was a Byzantine counterpart of the tree of the Nemanjids in the royal 
Serbian church of Decani : "■ the figures here were smaller and inferior to the 
Serbian, but, in other respects, much resembled them. One legend still remains, 
attached to a figure in the highest row but one of the tree, 


to show that this was intended to represent the genealogical tree of the imperial 
house of the Komneni. In the South-East corner of the church are three more 
imperial full-length portraits : an Emperor, holding a roll in Byzantine fashion ; 
an Empress, whose robes are elaborately ornamented with a fleur-de-lys pattern ; and 
a younger Emperor; in this case again the style much recalling the representations 
of Di;san and his son and consort. In the centre of what is now the ruined l)ody of 

° About two hours distant from Kumanovo to the East, at Naguric, is a splendid example of an 
old Sei'bian church, with an inscription recording its erection by King Miljutin, and frescoes within 
of the King and his consort Simonida. Like Dei'ani, it is evidently the work of a Dalmatian architect, 
and represents a compromise between Italian and Byzantine styles. I must however resei-vc its 
description for another occasion. 


156 Antiquarian Researches in Illi/riciim. 

the cliurcli, a later chapel has been erected for purposes of Avorship, and about one 
hundred yards below are ruins of another of smaller dimensions, with frescoes of 
a later date. 

At Kumanovo itself I obtained several coins " and other antiquities, the bulk of 
which were said to have been found at Prsovo, a small town some three hours 
distant ; and I had previously met an engineer who had been recently occupied 
with the construction of a road near this place, who informed me that, to his 
knowledge, tlnve Rouian inscriptions had been found there. To Prsovo I accord- 
ingly proceeded, following the western edge of the plain that skirts this side of 
the Karadagh. The little town itself consists of five or six hundred houses, of 
which only ten are Christian, and lies at the point where a tributary of the 
]\IoraA-a issues from a -sanding gorge of the Black Mountain, and where, to the 
North- West, a pass leads across the range to Gilan, five hours distant. The inscrip- 
tions had, unfortimately, vanished ; their disappearance but too probably connect- 
ing itself with the needs of road paving ; ])ut traces of Roman occupation were 
not wanting. The Kaimakam informed me that some children, playing in a field 
by the stream, had recently found several coins, one of which was brought me as a 
specimen. It proved to be a denarius of the Empress Faustina. From an intelli- 
gent Albanian guide, Mustafa by name, I learnt that on the height above the 
A-illage there had formerly been a stone with a wolf, as he thought, sculptured on 
it, and an inscription. In the upper part of the glen he showed me a spot where 
ancient foundations and Roman tiles abounded ; and informed me that many 
graves had been dug up here, ornaments being sometimes foimd with the remains. 
Above this spot were some curious niches with remains of frescoes, but these of 
medifeval Byzantine or Slavonic date, cut in the face of the cliiT. The present 
population is Albanian, belonging to three " Fises " — " Plahac," "Sopa," and 
" Kilment " (" Clementi," as pronounced by my guide). From what I learned fi-oni 
liim as to the local dialect, Roman or Bmiman influence on the language must be 
here very marked, and I was much struck with his remark: "Albanian, Italian," 

" Tlic coins included silvoi- pieces of the Preoniaii piinces, Patraos and Audoleon, Macedonian, 
Roman, and Byzantine. Preonian coins seem more abundant in this district East of the Karadagh 
than in the immediate environs of Skopia. They are also abundant about Vranja in the upper ^^'llley 
of the Bulgarian Morava. 

•> Mustafa had picked up a little Italian from some workmen engaged on the new Serbian line. 
Amongst words in the local dialect which struck him as like Italian he instanced Szavle=Sand. 
(Cf. Ital. Sabbia, Rouman, Sabhi), Plop or Plep=poplar (Ital. Pioppo, Macedo-Rouman Plop), Sielce= 
willow (Italian Salice, Macedo-Rouman tSalice or Salce), Supra= above (It. Sopra, Rouman Supra, 
ordinary Albanian Siper), Ca'olli also Cavolli. horse (It. Cavallo, Rouman, Callu, ordinary Albanian 
Colli or Calli), &c. 

Antiquarian Researches in Ilhjricum. 157 

and Vlacli are all the same," On the opposite side of the Golema is a \411age with 
the purely Rouman name, Pratosielce^Willow-mead, and Koncul on the other side 
of the Morava has an equally Rouman sound. 

The Roman remains at Prsovo — and, according to my guide, several inscrip- 
tions had been recently broken up here — seem to mark it as a considerable Station 
on the Roman road-line between Scupi and Naissus. Of the further course of the 
"Way into the valley of the Bulgarian Morava, approached from this place by an 
easy descent, I could find no direct evidence. That the hot-baths of Vranja were 
known to the Romans is highly probable. In the neighbourhood of this town 
Roman coins are of frequent occurrence, and, from the coins of Pajonia and 
Damastion that I obtained here, it would certainly appear that this, the natural 
avenue of approach from the ^gean to the Danubian basin was frequented by 
traders in prse-Roman times. 

At Leskovac, the only trace of Roman habitation that I observed was a large tile 
with part of a stamp beginning with E . . . but broken off, and some fragmentary 
capitals, on the site of an old church of St. Elias, now in course of restoration. 

Whilst exploring the wild country that lies to the North of Leskovac — a part 
of the former Arnaontluk — till the Serbian occupation, almost inaccessible to 
strangers — I came upon some more important remains. I had learnt, from some of 
the natives, that at a spot called "Zlata," beyond the valley of the Pusta Rjeka, or 
Desert River, and about foiu" hours ride from Leskovac, was an ancient bridge, or 
dam, by which, according to the local tradition, the waters of a stream had been 
diverted from the Turkish besiegers of a stronghold that rose beside it. The 
village of Zlata itself turned out to be a wretched group of straw-thatched hovels, 
near which however were the remains of an old church, dedicated, according to 
tradition, to the Bogorodica (Theotokos), amongst the ruins of which I found part 
of a marble slab, containing a relief of a cross on a globe of singularly Ravennate 
aspect (see sketch-plan B). At the West end of the village, on the slope of a hill 
which here rises above the stream, there were visible two high blocks of brick- 
work, which, on nearer inspection, proved to be parts of a Roman gateway (see 
sketch-plan C), a part of the spring of the arch, of narrow bricks, being visible on 
one side. It was, in fact, the city gate, on the Naissus side — the Porta Naissitana, 
of a considerable Roman Castrum, the plan of which can be best understood from 
the annexed sketch-plan. The outer wall of this Castrum climbs the hill above to 
the brink of a precipitous ravine to the North. This outer wall, the massive brick- 
work of which was still visible in places, stood in direct relation with the gateway. 
Beyond it, however, was what had been, in all probability, the original castrum, a 


Antiiiuarian Researches in Illyricum. 

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 159 

rained rectangle of the same brickwork, tlie approximate dimensions of whicli are 
given in my sketch-plan, the upper wall of which overlooked the Northern ravine. 
In the North-Bast corner of this were the remains of the oblong Pnetorium, — 
colossal masses of brickwork and cement in boulder-like confusion. The Pnetoriimi 
occupied what was the most level, and at the same time the most commanding, 
part of the area of circumvallation. 

The most remarkable part, however, of this Roman civic settlement remains to 
be described. This was a huge brick wall running across a hollow watercoiirse a 
little below the remains of the gateway. This watercourse, which runs parallel to 
the lower or Southern wall of the Castrum, is formed by two brooks, known as 
the Zlata Potok and Zitni Potok, which flow into one another a little lower down 
the gully. The cross-wall itself is of extraordinary dimensions, gradually 
increasing from six to as nearly as possible twelve feet in thickness, and rising 
twenty feet alcove the bottom of the ravine. At one point it has been breached by 
the Zlata Potok, and it is not traceable beyond the second stream. It is composed 
of square flat bricks and cement, its upper surface presenting the appearance 
shown in fig. c. — a method of construction which recalls Trajan's bridge-head at 
Turn Severia and the walls of Serdica. On the Eastern face are visible two semi- 
circular turret-like projections, which evidently served as buttresses, one of which 
is entered by a round arch and contains a small domed chamber. On the other 
side, almost choked with rubbish and just above the present level of the soil, is 
seen the top of a small arch communicating with a hollow space, too full of 
fragments to admit of my entering it. It is here that an Arnaout is said to have 
found a heap of gold, which, however, the genius of the spot would not permit 
him to remove; and from this tale of treasure-trove this place is called " Zlata," — 
the plural form of " Gold." 

That this huge work, the colossal strength of which still impresses the 
spectator, was originally constructed to dam up the waters of the streams thei'e 
can be no reasonable doubt. The natives called it " Stari Most " or the Old 
Bridge ; but the tradition already referred to, tliat it was built to divert the water 
from beloAV, contains a real kernel of truth. That it may have also served as a 
bridge is probable enough, but the primary purpose of its massive construction 
was to form a dam ; and this fact accounts for its great thickness in the centre of 
the gully, where the pressure of the pent up waters would naturally be greatest. 
The Zlata brook has in fact only succeded in lu-eaching it by attacking its wing, 
where the thickness of the wall is diminished by three or four feet, and where the 
support of the turret-biittresses is wanting. The practical object attained by this 

160 Atitiijiiiiriini Rpt^pnrchf.'i in Illi/rlcuni. 

huge dam was also ob^'^o^ls enough. Its effect would be to secure a capacious 
reservoir of fresh water at a spot where, in summer, water is apt to be deficient. 
Both lirooks were dry when I saw their channels in the month of July. A furtlier 
proof of the connexion of the work with the water supply of the Roman town is 
to lie found in a subterranean channel, now covered with earth and dehns^ leading 
from the Soxithern slope of the gully in the direction of tlie Castrum. 

The Castrum itself lies on a promontory of a low range of hills, tending 
directly in the direction of Nisli, and exactly on the line formerly taken liy 
the Roman road from Naissus to Ulpiana, and eventually to Lissus. Its distance 
from the site of Xaissus squares almost to a mile with that of the second station 
on this road, the hammeo, of the Tahvla Peufingeriana, set down there as twenty 
miles distant from Naissus and six from the intermediate station, ad herovlem, the 
Castrum Herculis of Jordanes. Theodemir the Amalung, the father of Theodoric, 
must therefore have passed through this station on his way to Ulpiana, at the 
same time as he passed through the preceding station. The name of Hammeo 
appears in the Geographer of Ravenna, the only other authority who mentions it, 
as ACMEON, which must probably be taken as the preferable form, and the 
identification of its site is especially pertinent to our present subject, since it was 
at this point that the junction took place between the two Roman road-lines Scupi- 
Naissus and Ulpiana-Naissus. 

The view from the Pr^etorium height is most commanding, and well brings out 
the relation of this Roman stronghold to the geography of the district. To the West 
rise the mountain mass of the Petrova Gora, dipping do^vn to the left as if to indi- 
cate the pass formerly followed by the continuation of the Roman road to Ulpiana. 
On the other side of the same range runs an old road Avhich still brings Zlata into 
connexion with Kursumlje and the Toplica valley. The general impression of 
the scene, the oblong well-marked Castrum on the height, overlooking to the 
North a precipitous ravine, and looking forth on the wild highlands beyond, 
strangely recalled one of the Wall Chesters of Britain ; and, considering the 
remains still extant above ground, an excavation would assuredly yield I'esults not 
inferior to those obtained at Borcovicus or Cilurnum." 

' Since this account was written, I see that the ruins ot Zhita arc alluded to by Von Hahn 
(Seise von Belgrad nach Salonik, p. 55). On his way fi'om Z\tni Potok to Lcskovac, he passed the 
ruins of " Slata " — the Albanian form of the Serb Zlata. He saw upon the hill the remains of an 
" TJmfassungs-mauer " of hard burnt brick and tirm cement, and speaks of the remaijis of a bridge 
on both sides of the brook, by which he certainly refei's to the dam. Hahn apparentlj- had no 
opportunity to explore the remains further, but he noticed their Roman appearance and rightly 

Antiquarian lipsearrhcs In Ulyrlcnm. 


The antiquities of Naissus itself would deserve a separate investigation, and I 
must here content myself with a few passing observations. In his work on 
Danubian Bulgaria and the Balkan, Herr Kanitz has endeavoured to show that the 
actual site of Naissus was not to be sought, as had been hitherto believed, at Nish, 
the city which certainly preserves its name, but at the village of Brzibrod, three- 
quarters of a hour distant from Nish." Here, on the left bank of the Nisava, 
Herr Kanitz discovered the remains of an ancient wall of circumvallation, and 
near it the foundations of an octagonal building, which was possibly a Christian 
baptistery. The identification of these remains with the ancient Naissus was 
however quite inconsistent with the position of that town on the right bank of the 
river as described in the recently discovered fragment of Priscus' history,'' and 
the clearest evidence of the accuracy of Priscus' account is now to be seen in tlie 



'^^ m w 


Fit;. 'M. 

Fig. 97. 

brought them into connection with the Roman i-oad from Naissus to Ulpiana. He leamt from an 
Arnaout Aga a local tradition that Sultan Murad had taken the stronghold from a certain" Kralica " 

••> Donau-Bulgarim und der Balkan, Bd. 1, p. l.")7 seqq. (1875). 

" See Fragments inedits de Vhistorien grec Prwcus rectieiliis et puUie's par C. Wescher in Revue 
Archeologique N.S. vol. xviii. (1868), p. 86 seqq. Cf. Jirecek, Heer.^trasse, p. 21. Priscus, however, 
DiToneouslj calls the i-iver " the Danube." 



Aiitiiiiiijiidit li/'Aearcheii iii Illi/rinon. 

"(Jrad " or fortress of Nisb itself, where, as we know from William of Tyre, the 
Metliitval city stood. The result of the work of clearance effected within the 
older " Grad ", which stands on the Northern bank of the river opposite to the 
newer to^\ni on the Southern bank, has been to reveal large parts of the fovnida- 
tions of the Roman walls as well as the Southern or river gate of the ancient 
Naissus, the gate, namely, which seems to have been the chief object of Attila's 
attack. The foundations of this gate, flanked by two square towers, are to be seen 
about a hundred yards further from the river than the Turkish gate on this side. 
Many monuments and architectural fragments had also been unearthed during these 
military works, and by the kmdnessof the Serbian Commandant, General Benitsky, 
I was able to copy the two following hitherto unpublished inscriptions (figs. 9(> 
:md 07). The first is a votive altar to Juno, the other an altar of the same 









Kig 98. 

Antiquarian Eesearchef in nii/ricurn. 16-'5 

description dedicated to Jupiter Optimus Maximus Labrandeus, or perhaps 
Liberator, by a certain Aur. Vitalis, who seems to have been a member of the 
O(rdo) Od(essitanus) the local Senate of Odessus on the Pontic shore. 

It is impossible to close this account without some reference to the neighbour- 
ing Municipium of Remesiana, the next station South-East of Naissus on the great 
Military Way that traversed the centre of the Peninsula, the site of which is at 
present occupied by the village of Bela Palanka." Here, walled into a house oppo- 
site the old Turkish Palanka, was an inscription (fig. 98) apparently recording the 
erection of a votive altar for the health of the Emperors Carus" and Carinus (in 
the year 283 therefore) by the province of Upper Moesia. 

Remesiana derives its chief historical interest from its bisho{), St. Nicetas, 
who at the end of the fourth and beginning of the fifth century completed in the 
remotest glens of Ha^mus and Rhodope that missionary work in the Illyriau 
Peninsula which St. Paul had begun. His labours of conversion, alike amongst 
the barbarian settlers in the new Cis-Danubian Dacia in which this city lay, and 
amongst the wild Bessian gold-miners of the Thracian highlands, are recorded in 
the Ode " of his friend and contemporary St. Paullinus of Nola : 

" vices rerum, bene versa formal 
Invii niontes prius et crueiiti 
Nunc tegunt versos monachis latrones 
Pacis alumnos .... 

Te patrem dicit plaga tota Borrae, 
Ad tuos fatus Scytha mitigatur, 
Et sibi discors fera te magistro 
Pectora ponit. 

Et GetEe currunt et uterque Dacus, 
Qui colit ierrse medio vel ille 
Divitis multo bove pileatus 

Accola ripae ■'.... 

* The Turkish Mustafa Pasha Palanka. 

'' The part of the stone containing the name of Carus is broken off : the i; . . i (the last lettei- 
doubtful) after Caring is enigmatical. To restore rkgi would be too bold, though we recall 
Vopiscus' curious statement with regard to this Emperor " Regcm dcnique ilium Illyrici plcriquc 
vocitarunt " (Vop. Carinus). 

"= S. PauUni Nolensis, c. xxx, Be Nicetm reditu in Daciam, written about the year 398. 

"* i. e. the Pi-ovincials of Dacia Mediterranea and Dacia Bipensis. Rcmesianri itself was in Dacia 

1()-J- .iiiliijiiniidii Ixi'sroiclit's ill Illi/ririini. 

Callidos iiuri legulos in aiinini 
Vertis, et Bessos imitaris ipse, 
1-] quilms vivuni, t'odioiitc vcrbo, 
Eriiis auruin " 

Of the position of Remesiana, lyinof on tlie A'"ia Militaris, twenty-four miles 
(lislaiil from Naissus, there can be no doubt, thouij-li it is remarkable that two 
monuments discovered on this site tend to show that, under the earliei- Empire at 
least, thi' i)Hiri;il iiaiiie assumed by this Roman city, which, lik(^ so many others of 
this rciifioii, seems to have lookc(l to Trajan as its fouiuh'!', was Ursjnililini 

Several traces are still visible of St. Nicetas' city. The old Turkish 
'■ ])alanka,'' an oblong cadnim with a Northern and Southern gate and bastion 
towers at tlie angles, has — like those already described at Niksic,'' Sijenica, and 
elsewhere — a singularly Roman aspect. The walls themselves are largely com- 
posed of squared blocks and tiles from the ancient city, and are certainly partly 
built on older foundations, which are also traceable in a case of ruined wall, 
which forms a continuation of the Western side of the " palanka." T further 
learnt that some workmen in recently building a house outside the North-Eastern 
tower had eonie u[)on extensive foundations of an ancient buildiiig, then iinfor- 
tuuatelv no longer exposed to view. \ was shown, however, a marble fragment 

Fig. 99. 

» C. I. I.. 111. |i. 268 (No. 1685, 1686). This site, as Mominscn justly observes, iiiiist iidI 1)c 
confounded with that of the Dardanian Ulpiana. 
^ See Archoioloijia, vol. xi.viii. p. 86-7. 

Anflqnarinii N exr a )■/■]/ rs i)i [lli/i'ieinn. 165 

discovered amongst these foundations, wliicli proved to be of tlie highest interest 
in connexion with the Christian traditions of Ramesiana. It contained part of 
a Roman inscription — judging from the characters — of fourth or fifth century 
date, and evidently relating to the dedication of a church, which may well liavc 
been the actual church of St. Nicetas. 

The inscription in its present state is too imperfect to admit of confidence in its 
completion. That it contained the names of St. Peter and St. Paul may however 
be regarded as certain, and fi'om their names appearing in the nominative case, 
we may look for some kind of invocation. It is to be observed that, in the case 
of the recently-discovered dedication slab above the door of the Christian basilica of 
Salonae — the only Illyrian parallel that I can recall — we find an invocation of divine 
protection on the Roman Commonwealth, then synonymous with Christendom ; " 
and it may, perhaps, be inferred that this was an invocation of the same kind, in 
which St. Peter and St. Paul were called on to protect the Church of Christ in 
general and the Church of Remesiana in particular. I would, therefore, ventui'e 
to suggest some such restoration as the following : 

t ecclesia[m peotegant pe] 


t sant[i qve omnes] 

The dedication to St. Peter and St. Paul has a special interest in relation to 
the close ecclesiastical connexion subsisting between Illyricum and the Apostolic 
See. The Illyrian Bishops, through their metropolitan, continued to acknowledge 
the authority of the Bishops of Rome to the very moment of the Slavonic con- 
quest, and Justinian himself, in his new civil and ecclesiastical settlement of 
Illyricum, ratified this arrangement. In the controversies of the Age we find the 
Bishops of the Roman cities of Dacia Mediterranea, to which Remesiana belonged, 
fighting the battles of Western orthodoxy against the Byzantine East ; and the 
personal relations of St. Nicetas himself with Italy are only another symptom of 
the solidarity of Latin-speaking Illyricum with the cities of Latin Christianity. 
The coupling of the two apostolic names in early dedications is repeated in the 
case of the Church of St. Peter in the Aliscamps at Aries,'' of Loja in Spain," of 


^ De Rossi: — (Bullettino di Archeologia Cristiana, 1874, p. 14.5), si^jq., wlicie sec also tlie (Icdic;!- 
tion of S. Pietro in Vincoli. 
<= Op. cit. 1878, p. 37. 


Aiitiipiariitu licttearclus in llh/rlrum. 

the basilica built l)y Justinian, before his accession, at Constantinoplp,' and in that 
of the Roman basilica of jS'. J'ietro in Vincoli, on which its founder, " Xystus," — 
in ntluT words. I'opo Sixtus III. (432 — 440 a.d.) inscribed the dedicatory lines : 




At Pirot, a few hours further on the Roman I'in Militaris, the course of which 
— a raised causeway, often overgrown with brushwood, and flanked by two lateral 

Fig. IIKI. 

• Op. cit. 1872, p. 14. The Legates of the Apostolic See in the East wrote to Pope Hormisdas in 
519, that Justinian, then Comes, — " basilicam Sanctorum Apostoloritm (Petri et I'anU) constituit, in qua 
desiderat et leati Laurentii Martyris reliquiae esse," &c. 

Antiquarian Researches in lUyrieum. 167 

(litclies — is clearly visible, crossing, recrossing, and at times coalescing, with the 
modern road that traverses the pass above the site of Remesiana, I was so fortunate 
as to come upon some further relics of Roman Christianity. In the suburbs of this 
town, beneath the floor of the small, half-ruinous Church of St. John the Divine, 
the foundations of what had evidently been a far earlier church had recently 
been uncovered. Visiting the spot, I observed some Roman tilework, of much 
the same character as that of Zlata, and was shown a curious relic of the early 
prae-Slavonic Christianity of the spot, — a bronze Corona suspended from a cross, 
fragments of the glass, bell-shaped lamps, which it had once supported, and 
another small detached cross, also of bronze. The shape of the crosses bears an 
obvious resemblance to those on the dedicatory slab from Remesiana, and both 
may be safely referred to the same period. 

With the mention of these Christian relics from the scenes of St. Nicetas' 
labours, I may conclude my present investigation into the antiquities of a region 
the Roman highways of which were trodden by the pilgrim feet of this last of 
the Illyrian Apostles. St. Paulinus of Nola, in his Ode, already qiioted, on St. 
Nicetas' retui'n from Italy to his New Dacian home at Remesiana, distinctly traces 
his journey to Thessalonica by sea, thence by the highroad up the Axios Valley to 
Stobi, and thus to Scupi, the cross-line from which city to Naissus gave him easy 
access to his own See. 

" Ibis Aretoos procul usque Dacos, 
Ibis Epiro gemina videiidus, 
Et per ^geos penetrabis aestus 

Thessalonicen .... 

Tu Philippseos " Macetum per agros 
Tu Stobitanam •' gradieris urbeni 
Ibis et Scupos patrias propinquos, 
Dardanus hospes." 

" Hei-e Fhilippceos is to be taken not as referring to Fhilippi, but as an epitheton aniaiia for 
Macedonia in general. Thessalonica was the special city referred to. 

•" Accepting Pagius' admirable emendation, " Stobitanam " for '" Toraitanam." Tonii lay fai- 
away from any possible line of route that St. Nicetas could have taken. 





J. A. R. MUNPiO, ESQ., M.A., F.S.A. ; W. C. F. ANDERSON, ESQ., M.A. ; 
J. G. MILNE, ESQ., M.A. ; and F. HAVERFIELD, ESQ., M.A., F.S.A. 



A R C H A K O L G I A, 

vor. I.V. pp. :«— 92. 

On the Roman toion of Dodea, in Montenegro. By J. A. R. Muneo, Esq., 
M.A., F.S.A.; W. C. F. Anderson, Esq., M.A.; J. G. Milne, Esq., 
M.A.; and F. Haveeeield, Esq., M.A., F.8.A. 

Read June 14, 1894. 

The following pages present tlie results of an expedition organised in tlie autumn 
of 1893 for the purpose of investigating tlie antiquities of the Roman town of 
Doclea, in Montenegro, the reputed birthplace of Diocletian. Excavations had 
already been carried on there during three seasons by H.H. the Prince of 
Montenegro, to whom the explorers desire to record their grateful acknowledg- 
ments, not only for his gracious permission to continue the work so auspiciously 
begun, but also for the kind reception and many facilities accorded to them. To 
M. Paul Rovinski also, the skilful director of the former excavations, they owe 
the warmest thanks. His generous co-operation and his local experience were 
simply invaluable, and his genial friendship can never be forgotten. 
The account of the work is distributed as follows : 

Part I. Doclea. 

§ 1. The environs of Doclea. j 

§ 2. Topography of the town. By J. A. R. Munro. 

§ 3. The history of Doclea. ) 

Part II. Buildings recently excavated. 

§ 1. The temples ) -n -rrr /^ n » _, 

! « m, n , , By W. C. F. Anderson. 

§ 2. ihe large church. ' 

§ 3. The small church. By J. G. Milne.- 
Part III. The inscriptions. By F. Haverfield and J. A. R. Munro. 


2 On fhc Boman town of Doclea, in Montenegro. 


§ 1. Tin- F.NviHONs OF Doclea. 

At the innermost nook of the great plain that lies to the north of the 
Lake of Scutari two rivers emerge from the hills, the Moraca flowing from the 
north-east, and the Zeta from the north-west. The rivers unite, and their joint 
stream, which keeps the name Moraca, passes along the foot of the low bare ridge 
that bounds this corner of the plain on the west, down to the town of Podgorica 
about two miles below the junction, and so onwards to the distant lake. Between 
the two rivers, forming the base of a triangle to their apex, the naked limestone 
hills of the Piperi highlands rise abruptly from the flat. From them descends a 
torrent, dry in the summer time save during heavy rains, and after following on 
a smaller curve a course roughly parallel to the Moraca, issues into the Zeta a 
few hundred yards above the confluence of the rivers. 

The traveller from Podgorica towards Niksic by the high road up the right 

bank of the Zeta can hardly fail to notice on the opposite side between the Morada 

and the mouth of tlie torrent a tract of rough level ground encumbered with 

heaps of stones and shimmering white ruins. It is the site of the Roman Doclea. 

The name survives in the modern Dukle, but there is not even a village to claim 

it, only a few scattered cottages on or about the site, and a large house and mill 

by the roadside. Should our traveller wish to visit the ancient town, he must 

proceed past it as far as the mill-house, and cross the fine new bridge over the 

Zeta. Turning back along the other bank, he will come first upon an ancient 

cemetery, which has been partially excavated. A group of little round stone 

urns, each with its circular lid, stands ranged on a large block like pots on a 

stove. Half a dozen epitaphs inscribed on small panelled stones may be found by 

searching, and a few paces further down the ])ath lies a broken sarcophagus of 

the big-eared type so common at Salona. The path turns to the left away from 

the Zeta, and descends to a recently constructed bridge over the torrent-bed. 

The bridge is built almost entirely of ancient fragments, columns, bases, bits of 

cornice, and carved stones. Up the opposite slope a line of inscribed blocks, 

forming a parapet to the roadway, extends from the bridge to a gap in the town 

walls. These blocks and many of the fragments in the bridge were derived from 

the wreck of a great gate, which once occupied the gap. The gate itself seems 

to have been built of material collected from all quarters of the site, perhaps 

hastily put together to meet a barbarian invasion in the last days of Doclea. 

On the Roman town of Doclea, in Montenegro. 3 

The ancient town (see plan, Plate IV.) is of irregular shape, lying east and 
west, with a length very much greater than its breadth. The situation is a 
strong one, in spite of the level ground. The south side is defended by the 
Moraca, the west by the Zeta, and the north by the gulley of the torrent. All 
three streams flow in deep rocky beds between overhanging walls of conglomerate 
strata. In very few places is the water accessible from above, and although the 
torrent is an uncertain defence, the rivers are broad, swift, and deep. There is 
only one ford, at a point on the Moraca near the middle of the south side of the 
town, and it is quite impassable except when the river is low. The best proof of 
the natural strength of the river faces of the site is that there is no trace of forti- 
fication along them. The massive wall which covers the north and east sides 
ends at the one extremity on the Zeta, at the other on the Moraca. The east 
face is the weakest, but it is also the shortest, and has been most carefully 
fortified. The wall here runs across to the canon of the Moraca from an elbow in 
the torrent's course, where, having spent the impetus of its descent from the 
hills, it turns westward to join the Zeta. Between these two points a broad ditch 
or moat has been dug outside the wall, completing the isolation of the peninsula. 

Large portions of the walls are still standing, especially the east wall and 
eastern half of the north wall. They are solidly built of a thick rubble core with 
a facing of small square blocks laid in regular courses. At rare intervals are 
traces of projecting rectangular towers. Besides the west gate there must have 
been a gate near the north-east corner, b\it its existence has rather to be inferred 
from the roads inside and outside the walls than demonstrated by actual remains. 
There is, it is true, a gap in the north wall at the right place, but it is so ruinous 
and jagged that by itself it would prove nothing. From this gap a narrow but 
direct and unimpeded lane leads through the ruins of the ancient town down to 
the ford on the Moraca. The lane may well represent an ancient street narrowed 
by the debris of the buildings on each side. Outside the walls a track runs east- 
wards between the roots of the hills and the river. It has quite the character of 
a Roman road, and is lined with fragments from sepulchral monuments. About 
half a mile out of Doclea in particular there is an old grave-yard just under the 
hill, where among innumerable ancient fragments of all kinds is a large collection 
of sarcophagus lids. But the best evidence is a Roman bridge on the Moraca, 
about a mile above the ancient town. It was once a fine structure of sis arches, 
and is still impressive although nothing is standing but the piers and abutments. 
The river is here hemmed by high rocks, and flows in one concentrated sweep 
under the right bank. The northernmost arch had a span of not less than fifty 
feet. This bi'idge must have been the main means of communication between 


4 On the Roman town of Doclea, in Montenegro. 

Doclea and the country to the south and east, and we cannot suppose that all the 
traffic was sent round to the west gate, even were it possible to carry a road along 
between the north wall of the town and the torrent. We are compelled therefore 
to regard the gap near the north-east corner as a second gate, altliougli it cannot 
have been a very large one. 

The bridge and gate have some bearing on the problem of the Roman road 
from Scodra to Narona. Mr. Arthur Evans has fully discussed the course of this 
road in his Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum" I have not the necessary local 
knowledge to carry that discussion any farther. All that I know of the country 
is in favour of Mr. Evans' general hypothesis, and it may be added that the 
assignment of the Docleates to the conventiis of Narona*" seems to postulate some 
fairly direct communication. Only, on the one hand, I find it difficult to believe 
that, if there was already a Roman bridge over the Moraca just above Doclea, the 
road crossed the river just below at Podgorica ; and on the other hand, if the 
road crossed by that bridge and passed through the town, it becomes more than 
ever inexplicable that Doclea is not mentioned in the Itinerary and Tabula. Is it 
possible that the Roman road crossed the Moraca several miles below Podgorica, 
and followed the valley of the Sitnica, so as to strike the Zeta at Spuz and cut off 
the bend by Dukle ? 

From Duklc up to Spuz the Zeta is closely hemmed by the hills, but at Spuz 
the valley opens out into the level plain of Bjelopavlic ; a broad fertile flat, broken 
only by a row of rocky crests which rise at intervals in the middle. The old 
fortress of Spuz crowns the southernmost of these crests, and commands at once 
the passage of the river by the quaint narrow bridge at the base of the rock, and 
the defile towards Dukle. In the side of one of the crests above Spuz are the 
quarries which supplied Doclea with its best building stone. 

The MoraCa valley is for the most part a mere rift in the mountains, too 
narrow even for a road. A hasty ride down the lower part of it failed to reveal 
any ancient traces. 

In the great plain it is otherwise. Right across it, from the Ribuica about 
due east of Podgorica nearly up to Doclea, an attentive eye can follow the line of 
a subterranean aqueduct. The Ribnica, a tributary of the Moraca, springs full 
grown from the mountain side. The aqueduct crossed it near its source on a 
bridge, of which the rubble core of the abutments on each bank is still standing. 
The water was drawn, M. Rovinski informed me, from the Cijevna, some distance 
beyond. The reason why the Roman engineers could not utilize the water of the 

■' Pt. ii. pp. 79 sq. ^ Pliny, N. H. iii. 143. 

On the Roman toivn of Doclea, in Montenegro. 5 

Ribnica is plain enougli. The bed of the stream lies below the level of the imdula- 
tions of the plain. To get a flow of water, a source higher up the hillside had to 
be tapped, and this made it necessary to go beyond the Ribnica to the Cijevna. 
"We had a section of the aqueduct cleared at a point in the plain where the vault 
had collapsed. It is an arched channel about 4J feet high by about 2^ wide, 
built of rubble and lined with fine cement. The earth thrown out Avhen the 
trench was cut still shows as a faint ripple on the surface of the ground. The 
popular story says that the aqueduct was carried over the Moraca to Doclea on the 
Roman bridge above the town. It is doubtless this tradition Avhich has led to the 
myth of " massive remains of an aqueduct " ^ at Doclea. But the story cannot be 
accepted ; for firstly, the aqueduct does not make for the bridge, but rather for the 
ford ; secondly, the Moraca is itself an aqueduct for Doclea, and its water is highly 
esteemed by the natives ; thirdly, were water wanted for Doclea, it could be brought 
by a shorter route and with less trouble from the Piperi hills on the same side of the 
river. The aqueduct does not reach so far as the Morada, and its destination must 
be sought on the south bank. 

Opposite to the ancient town there is a small tumulus, and tombs are some- 
times discovered. A low ridge in the ground, possibly an ancient road, runs 
from near the ford towards the hamlet of Zlatica at the foot of the eastern 
hills. Here there are remains of two churches, one standing in skeleton, the other 
beside it almost obliterated. Among the debris of the latter is some Roman 
brickwork, a couple of large slabs with ornamental carving, like those found in 
the Christian basilica at Doclea, and several inscriptions.'' 

Zlatica lies close under the mountains, at the foot of the steep pass that leads 
from the Podgorica plain directly into the eastern corner of Montenegro. The 
top of the pass is commanded by the ruined fortress of Medun. Whatever the 
date of the present castle, there was an lUyrian hill-fort here before the Roman 
conquest. Medun is Livy's Medeon," where the family of King Gentius sui-rendered 
to the legate Perperna. On a lower ridge under the castled crag are some 
remains of a large fortified enclosure of polygonal masonry. Similar walls exist, 
I believe, at Scutari, Alessio, and elsewhere, samples of which are figured in 
Hahn's Albanesische Studien, p. 122. I bought from a villager of Medun, who 

* Quoted by Mr. Evans from Kovalevski, Antiquarian Besearches, p. 85, note. 

^ Mr. Milne did a day's experimental digging on this site after the close of our work at Doclea. 
He reports that there are about 2 yards of earth above the floor. Probably the church could be 
cleared for £50, and several more inscriptions recovered. The materials seem to have been brought 
from Doclea, vphicli is only an hour's walk distant. 

" Livy, xliv. 23, 32. Polybius, xxix. 2. 

6 On the Roman town of Doclea, in Monte)U'(jro. 

had found tbem in his field, two copper coins of Scodra, which Professor Gardner 
has deciphered as follows : 

(1)" Obv. Head of Zeus. Rev. API . Galley : below it, dolphin. 
(2)"0bv, Head of Zens. Rev. AAA | ISKOAPEI [ NflN. Galley? 


The internal topography of Doclea will be best described if we start tVom 
the west gate and follow the broad grassy way which runs eastwards from this 
point until it meets the cross lane from the north-east gate at right angles. The 
broad way has been cleared and levelled by M. Rovinski during his three seasons 
of work on the site, but there can be little doubt that it fairly represents the 
course of the main street of the town. Along it extends on each side a line of 
important buildings. 

Of the gate itself little now remains. To the left, as one enters, there is a 
strong wall, built, not of rubble with a facing of small stones, but of large squared 
blocks. On the right, between the roadway and a flanking tower, are scanty 
remains of a thick wall, which seems to have been chiefly composed of fragments 
of worked stones loosely put together with a little mortar. Two or three large 
blocks projecting at the roadside indicate the position of the gate. We did a 
little digging on both sides in the hope of finding some more inscriptions, but 
only unearthed one fragment. 

A few paces inside the gate stands a low isolated block of concrete, which 
from its shape and size may have been the base of an equestrian statue. Hard by, 
but probably not in situ, lie some carved cornice blocks from a large building. A 
little farther in to the south is the groundwork of a small temple (A on plan, 
plate IV), probably a temple of Roma, and beside it stands one of its gleaming 
white columns, a conspicuous object from all parts of the site. Bast of the 
temple follows a complex of chambers more or less closely connected with one 
another, which can scarcely be anything but a magnificent private dwelling (B on 
plan). The area covered is a large one. Near the centre is a small ornamental 
garden, round which the rooms of the house are ranged on three sides. The 
other half of the space is occupied by an open court, or pleasure ground, at one 

* Cf. Brit. Mus. Catalogue, Thessaly, PI. xxxi. 14. 
•• Compare Numismatic Chronicle, 1880, PI. xiii. 2. 



-— --«SS5£3S*«^ 




"■>"«', ^^ 

■/(,<, I >^ RUIN 





M ' S 








On the Roman town of Doclea, in Montenegro. 7 

end of wliicli is the foundation of a grotto or fountain. Still east of this palatial 
residence is a second small temple (C on plan) of which there are sufficient 
remains to afford material for a fairly complete restoration. Interesting frag- 
ments are the bust of Diana, sculptured in high relief on the east pediment, and 
the pair of large flat dolphins which formed the balustrade on each side of the 
front steps. 

Beyond this temple on the same side of the street lies an extensive group of 
connected buildings, in which we may recognise the public baths of the town 
(E on plan). There are not only hot and cold rooms, a plunge bath, and other 
conveniences for which one would now look in vain throughout the land, but 
gymnasia, open courts, covered walks, and suites of chambers, large and small ; in 
fact, a complete palace of luxury. Opposite to the baths, on the north side of the 
way, is a large quadrangle fenced from the street by a simple wall, in the middle 
of which is the main entrance. The west side of the enclosure is occupied by the 
most important building in Doclea, the great civil basilica (D on plan). The 
north and east sides are formed by rows of shops opening on to the central 
square. In the centre of the north side facing the gateway in the south wail is a 
raised podium with a mosaic floor, perhaps an exedra. There can be little doubt 
that this square represents the forum of the ancient town, but it must be noted 
that the rows of shops along the north and east sides are, at least as we now see 
them, of very late date. The shops are in fact largely constructed of fragments 
from the ruins of the basilica, and it is not difficult to identify pieces of the 
cornice and architrave converted into door-posts and thresholds. The basilica is 
better preserved than might have been expected, and there are ample materials 
for a complete reconstruction. "We imderstand that Dr. Jelic, who devoted a 
fortnight to the study of the building, will shortly publish a full account of it 
with detailed plans and drawings.* Here, therefore, the briefest notice will suffice. 
The building lies north and south, with its apse to the north. The principal 
front faces eastwards to the forum. It was adorned with a fine colonnade 
constructed entirely of the beautiful white Spuz stone. None of the cohunns are 
now left, but a number of large fluted fragments, some standing in front of the 
palace of Krusna Glavica, near Podgorica, others built into the bridge over the 
torrent, may be confidently referred to this basilica. The pilaster bases are still 
in situ, engaged in a back wall of excellent brickwork. The south end of the 
building looking on to the street is of the usual small blocks of local stone, with a 
moulded sill course of white stone for a row of windows about five feet from the 

" See also M. A. Gerard in the liemie archeologiqne, 1890, pp. 434-7. 

8 On the Roman town of Doclea, in Montenegro. 

ground. The west and north walls arc of similar plain construction. The apso 
is the only feature in the latter, and the former is broken only by two doors and a 
line of pilaster buttresses for the support of the roof. The street entrance is at 
the south-east corner in a line with the colonnade. Immediately to the left a door 
opens on to the narthex, and there were three more doors in the cast wall The 
internal plan is interesting; the general form is basilicau, but there seem to have 
been no aisles. We could see no stylobate for any columns but the two enormous 
pairs which divided the north and south ends from the main body of the nave. 
There may, however, have been arcades of engaged arches along the side walls. 
The northern end is a separate chamber, connected with the nave by a broad 
central doorway, and lighted by windows in the east wall. The excellent style 
and execution of the basilica, and the inscriptions on the architrave, alike point to 
an early date. It is natural to refer the building to the first years of the 
municipal existence of Doclea under the Flavian emperors. 

Between the basilica and the west gate there is little to notice on the north 
side of the road. Faint traces of building, and a semicircular foundation about 
midway between the two, may suggest a long portico, but they may be deceptive, 
and nothing can be said to be certain without excavation. It is otherwise to the 
east of the Forum. Between the south-east corner of the quadrangle and the 
cross lane lies what may once have been a considerable building (B on plan). It 
seems to have had a portico front on the street, with many small chambers behind. 
A well-made cemented water-channel passes along the front, and at a short 
distance to the back is a ruinous platform with a bit of mosaic floor. The front 
part was laid bare by us, but the whole building proved to be in such poor pre- 
servation, that it did not seem worth while to complete the excavation. 

Opposite to this portico, in the gap between the lane and the baths, there is a 
small grassy patch rising to a mound at its southern end. The mound was the 
site of another of our experiments which, had time permitted, might have been 
carried farther. It covered a curious group of short, thick, parallel walls, one set 
arranged north and south, another set at right angles to these, east and west. 
The walls are divided by deep, narrow passages. (Gr on plan.) Between them 
were found large pieces of a thick rubble and cement floor paved with flagstones, 
which must have overlain the whole basement. On the brink of the northern 
slope is a large corner fragment with remnants of marble lining still projecting 
from its edges. The fragment might suggest, what is quite possible, that the 
building is related to the neighbouring baths. A maize field which intervenes is 
said to have been paved with stone slabs, dug out and removed within living 

On the Boman toum of Doclea, in Montenegro. 9 

A little to the south, between the monnd and the Moraca, stands an isolated 
building in the middle of a field. It was here that we began our operations. 
Before it was excavated the site looked promising enough, a well-defined heap of 
debris from which protruded three biggish columns, but the building proved to be 
more singular than interesting. Only the eastern half was excavated. It is an 
oblong divided into two nearly equal chambers with a door between them. (H on 
plan.) The walls are standing to a height of about three feet, except for one 
higher fragment in the west side. There is no entrance. Rude steps lead down 
into each room at its south-east corner. The columns are merely stumps set on 
end on the ground, perhaps to suppoi-t a roof or floor. 

The north-western quarter of the site presents few interesting features. It is 
comparatively clear and level ground, mapped out into patches of maize-field and 
pasture. There is also a stretch of fairly open ground on the south side of the 
main street along the bank of the Zeta ; but for the most part the south-western 
region is one complicated tract of ruins, a wilderness of walls and heaps of stones, 
piled confusedly together and thickly overgrown with brambles. Large blocks 
are rare, and it is scarcely possible to trace the outlines of the buildings. The 
stones have been piled up into dykes and mounds to make room for scanty plots 
of cultivation or of hay. The most attractive site lies near. the Moraca, about 
midway between the ford and the confluence of the rivers. It is inai-ked by a 
slight rise, some fragments of wall, and several large blocks of cornice, etc. For 
the rest one heap of stones looks about as good as another. 

There remains the eastern part of the site beyond the cross lane. This quarter 
has a character between those of the two regions just described. It is neither so 
featureless as the north-west, nor so hopelessly encumbered as the south-west. 
The most prominent object is a high piece of ivy-covered wall, which shelters a 
cottage and little kitchen garden. A few yards to the west of this wall was a 
piece of rough hummocky ground, where lay a carved capital and several frag- 
ments of columns. M. Rovinski remembered the tradition of a mosaic pavement 
having been discovered hereabouts. We started digging, and laid bare the large 
Christian basilica. (K on plan) My attention had been attracted by some large 
blocks peeping through a clump of undergrowth a little to the south of the church. 
As soon as men could be spared, we extended our operations. to this site, and 
discovered the massively built little church. (I on plan.) 

Although Doclea was an episcopal see, the Christian antiquities of the site 
were hitherto limited to the famous Podgorica vase, a glass vessel engraved with 
scenes from the Bible and highly interesting explanatory inscriptions in the local 


10 On the Roman toivn of Doclea, in Montenegro. 

dialect of Latin. We can now point to two early churches, the larger of which 
must surely have been the cathedral church of the bishopric. 

The rest of the eastern half of the site has never been touched by excavation, 
and calls for no special notice. 

A few remarks may be made on the character of the site in general. The 
type of construction is very constant, and varies litflo in the earliest and the 
latest buildings. The civil basilica, a great ]niblic building of the prosperous 
Flavian period, is naturally better built than the Christian basilica of about the 
sixth century. The masonry of the city walls is more regular and better laid 
than the courses of a private house. But the materials and methods are the 
same throughout. The walls are built of small, roughly squared blocks of the 
local limestone, laid in courses with mortar. They were no doubt plastered in 
most cases, or covered with fine stucco and decorated with colour. The stone is 
a good hard material, and may be had for the lifting close up to the gates of the 
town. Brickwork is rare. There are some excellent pieces in the east wall pf 
the civil basilica, and brick is used for arching the stoke-holes of the furnaces 
in the baths and elsewhere. But evidently stone was cheaper and more popular. 
There are a few slight remnants of thin marble facing, especially in the temple of 
Diana and in the plunge bath. Marble must have been a costly material, which 
had to be brought from a distance. For decorative purposes, such as the east 
front of the basilica, carved work, inscribed bases, and the like, and for thresholds, 
door-posts, lintels, paving, and steps, the favourite material was a very fine white 
limestone, derived from the quarries beyond Spuz. This is a magnificent 
building stone, which withstands the weather well, and tones to a rich golden 
hue. In general effect it resembles a finer kind of travertine, but has a more 
compact crystalline structure, coming very near to marble in the best specimens. 
If many of the inscriptions of Doclea are hard to read, it is not by fault of the 
material, but because they have been purposely defaced. The roofs were of 
tiles, a layer of which is always to be foimd between the wreck of the outer 
walls and the floor. 

From the archaeologist's point of view Doclea has two great drawbacks. 
In the first place the town has been ruthlessly rebuilt. Probably some destructive 
catastrophe befell it a century or two before its end. Few of the buildings have 
escaped a more or less complete reconstruction. Those which, like the great 
basilica, were too solidly constructed to be destroyed, and too expensive to be 
restored, served as quarries to the impoverished inhabitants. The small church 
and the later erections in the forum were l^uilt largely out of the materials of the 

On the Roman town of Doclea, in Montenegro. 1 1 

basilica. Inscribed bases were freely used for building. Tliey must have formed 
a large proportion of the stones of the western gateway, and occur sporadically 
in other buildings, probably far removed from their original position. Everywhere 
doors have been opened or blocked up, and walls have been patched or pulled 
about. The reconstruction of the forum is especially to be regretted, but we 
may be thankful that the basilica and temples were not seriously tampered with. 
It is, I think, much more likely that the destruction of the public buildings was 
wrought by earthquake than by a barbarian raid, and the great earthquake of 
A.D. 518 offers an extremely probable occasion. The site is to the present day 
exploited by the population of the neighbourhood for large stones. The block 
on which were recorded the honours held by M. Flavins Fronto in the chief cities 
of southern Dalmatia, the most important inscription hithei-to discovered at 
Doclea, has disappeared. I myself found a pious person carving a cross for a 
tombstone out of one of the blocks from the temple of Roma. The eastern 
cemetery is full of architectural pieces from the site, and I have no doubt that 
many more would be discovered in the ruins of the large church at Zlatica. 

Secondly, beyond the " fixtures " of the ancient town, buildings and inscrip- 
tions, antiquities are scarcely to be found. Sculpture is represented only by the 
busts of Diana and Roma carved in high relief on the tympana of their temples, 
and by one small fragment. One terracotta figure, now in the possession of 
His Highness the Prince, was discovered in the baths. Copper coins are plentiful, 
engraved gems are sometimes picked up by the peasants in the maize fields, and 
a certain number of small objects of bronze, iron, lead, bone, etc. turn up in the 
diggings. The pottery and glass are fragmentary and of no interest. The famous 
Podgorica vase must have come out of a tomb. We found nothing which calls 
for any special notice. It would seem that the inhabitants must have fled before 
the invaders and taken most of their property with them. At all events the 
barbarians and later scratchers have picked the bones of Doclea very clean. 

Against these drawbacks must be set certain advantages. The site is not 
deeply buried and is practically uninhabited. ExcavatioTi is consequently easy 
and rapid. The avails of the houses are often visible on the surface, and there 
is no great accumulation of earth above the floors. The buildings, although 
mostly cut off at a height of from 3 to 6 feet from the ground, are unusually 
complete, and remain much as they were left. The site therefore, so far as it has 
been cleared, presents a picture to which it would not be easy to find a parallel 
of the ground work of a provincial town in the time of Justinian. 

This picture then is the first claim of Doclea to our interest. A second is the 

b 2 

1 2 On the Roman town of Dacha, in Montenegro. 

information to be derived from the numerous inscriptions as to the liistory of 
the Roman province, the condition of the country, and the great Diocletian myth. 
A third claim is the addition made by the two churches to our knowledge of 
the Christian antiquities, and the light thrown by the traditions of the see of 
Doclea on the ecclesiastical history, of Southern Dalmatia. 

§ 3. The history of Doclea. 

Doclea was in ancient times the urban centre of an Illyrian tribe, the Docleates. 
They first appear in history among the peoples reduced by Augustus in his Illyrian 
War in B.C. 35, and compelled to pay arrears of tribute." It is probable that they 
came under the Roman power in b.c. 168, after the war with Gentius, and that 
the tribute was that half of the old royal tribute, which the Romans continued to 
exact. '' 

The Docleates, Pliny tells us,'' were one of the tribes who resorted to the 
conventus of Narona. They were divided into thirty-three decuriae. The nature 
of these decuriae is obscure. They appear to be a division common to all the 
Illyrian tribes, but their number varies enormously. The Delmatae, for example, 
have 342 decuriae, and the Mazaei 2G9, whereas the Duersi have only 17, and the 
Deretini 14. "We may infer from an inscription of Salonae'' that the dectiriae 
had a regular organisation, and each a common chest or treasury. Mr. W. W. 
Fowler" conjectures that they may have been an artificial expedient invented 
by the Roman Government to meet the necessities of a backward people. I am 
rather inclined to believe that they represent a native gentile division adopted 
by the Romans for administrative purposes, in default of a better. The number 
of decuriae seems casual and unsymmetrical, and is not, so far as one can 
see, proportionate to the strength and importance of the tribes. Moreover, all 
analogies from their methods in similar cases would lead us to suppose that the 
Romans adapted an existing institution rather than inaugurated a new system. 
Probably the old Illyrian organisation was not unlike the present Slavonic one in 
the same region. The Docleates would be analagous to the Kuci or the Vaso- 
jevici, the decuriae to some such smaller unit as the modern piemen. 

Doclea probably grew up gradually. The site is equally well adapted for 
trafiic and for defence, and would naturally become at once the refuge and the 
market of the district. The position of the town is strong, and yet the ground is 

* Appian, Ulyr. 16. '' Livy, xlv. 26. 

<= Nat. Hist. iii. 143. * C. I. L. iii. 2107. » Classical Review, viii. 11. 

On the Roman town of Doclea, in Montenegro. 13 

perfectly level and easy. Here the shepherds of the hills could conveniently 
meet the tillers of the plain, and exchange their stock and dairy produce for grain 
and fruit, just as they do now at Podgorica. The evidence of the coins seems to 
show that there was little external trade. Mr. Milne informs me that almost all 
the coins of the lower empire are of the Siscia mint. But the Docleate cheese 
was famous, even at Rome.* 

Doclea is first mentioned in literature by Ptolemy,*' among the inland cities of 
Dalmatia, but the inscriptions prove that the town received municipal rights half 
a century earlier. The tribe Quirina, and the prevalence of the name Flavins in 
the earliest no less than the latest inscriptions (about one in three of the persons 
mentioned is a Flavius or Flavia), indicate, as M. Cagnat' has already pointed 
out, that the town acquired its privileges from one of the Flavian emperors. It 
is, I think, possible to go a step farther in defining the date. No less than six 
of the inscriptions of Doclea refer to one M. Flavius Fronto and his family. 
These inscriptions are the most pretentious hitherto discovered on the site. From 
their style and lettering they cannot be dated later than the end of the first 
century or early years of the second. Three of them are engraved on the archi- 
trave of the basilica in the forum, the most important building in Doclea. Two 
were discovered in the pavement of the same building, inscribed on slabs which 
may have formed the front face of a statue-base. The sixth was on a large 
block, probably a base, which has disappeared from the site. The family was 
evidently the most influential in Doclea, and the great basilica seems to have been 
little else than a monument to its glory. We gather the following facts from 
the inscriptions. Marcus Flavius Fronto was the son of Titus Flavius. He had a 
long list of distinctions : he was sacerdos in the colonies of Narona and Epidaurus, 
duovir jure dicundo of Julium Eisinium, duovir quinquennalis and pontifex in the 
colony of Scodra, diiovir jure dicundo quinquennalis, pontifex, and flamen of a 
deceased emperor "^ in Doclea, and a praefectus of some sort, possibly praefedus 
fahrum. His wife's name was Flavia TertuUa. Their son, Marcus Flavius 
Balbinus, died at the age of fifteen. The ordo Dodeatium decreed him a public 
funeral, all tlie municipal honores, and an equestrian statue, which his parents had 
gilded at their own expense. 

Now it is probable that Titus Flavius, the father of Flavius Fronto, assumed 

» Pliny, Nal. Hist. xi. 240. " Geogr. ii. 16, 7. 

" Comptes-rendus de V Academie des inscriptions, 1890. Memoires de la Societe Nationale des Anti- 
quaires de France, 1893. 

* Probably Titus, see Part III. note on No. 26. 

14 Oi> flie Eoman town of Doclea, in Montenegro. 

his imperial Roman name at the time when Doclea acquired its privileges, and he 
■was enrolled in the trilma Qvirina. Similarly the name Flavia Tertulla is directly 
borrowed from the imperial family. The grandmother of A^espasian and the first 
wife of Titus both bore the name Tertulla. But if the parents of Fla-vaus Fronto 
and FlaAaa Tertulla had already adopted Roman names, we should expect the 
enfranchisement of Doclea to fall in the earlier years of the Flavian dynasty, in 
the reign of Vespasian rather than of Domitian. Tliis inference is confirmed by 
the earliest dateable inscription of Doclea, which records a dedication Divo Tito, 
by one Lucius Flavius Epidianus, quattuorvir jure dicundo qtiinqiiennaUs, oh 
honorem. Doclea, therefore, received its rights before the death of Titus. If we 
could argue from the silence of Pliny that it had not received them at the time of 
the publication of the Natural History, the date woidd be narrowed down to the 
four years 77 to 81 B.C. But it is not safe to assume that Pliny's information 
was brought up to date, especially in reference to Dalmatia. 

The ])romotion of Doclea marks, as M. Cagnat points out, a stage in the 
progress of Roman civilisation in Illyria. The coast towns owed their privileges 
to Julius, Augustus, or Claudius. Vespasian withdrew the legions from the 
province, and it is natural to find that Doclea and Scodra, which lie in the first 
great valley parallel to the coast, received the one municipal rights, the other the 
dignity of a colony, at about the same time. The remoter inland towns, such as 
the municipium of Splonum (?), did not attain to Roman organisation until the 
time of Hadrian and the Antonines. 

In the institutions of Doclea the only interesting feature is the occurrence of 
both quattuorviri and duoviri. L. Flavius Epidianus is q^iattuorvir jure dicundo 
quinquennalis. M. Flavius Fronto is duovir jure dicundo quinquennalis, and one 
T. Flavius Verecundus Thamarianus, on another inscription of about the same 
date, is duovir jure dicundo. There is no hint that Doclea became a colony. On the 
contrary, the official designation of the community is always simply resjnihlica 
Docleatium. It is not very rare to find both titles, even in towns which never 
rose above municipal rank. Marquai'dt quotes a number of cases from Italy, and 
it would not ho difficult to collect a long list from the provinces. Possibly the 
quattuorvirate did not last long at Doclea. Possibly, as in Spain at about the 
same date, the change to duoviri was coincident with the bestowal of Latin rights. 
In any case, the tendency towards uniformity of organisation would tell in favour 
of the change. Although quattuorviri are found at the colonies Aequum, Narona, 
and Salonae, there is no parallel to their existence in a Dalmatian municipium. 
As M. Cagnat observes, duoviri are there the universal rule. 

On the Roman toivn of Boclea, in Montenegro. 15 

But althougli Doclea never attained to the dignity of a Roman colony, the 
town has a probable title to another distinction no less illustrious. An inscription 
found in the large church (No. 64) records a dedication by one of the decurions 
who was sacerdos ad aram Caesaris. Nowhere else in Dalmatia proper has any 
mention of an ara Caesaris yet been discovered. Liburnia had its own altar and 
priesthood of Augustus at Scardona." These facts, taken together with the large 
number of dedications to emperors among the inscriptions, make it extremely 
probable that, as Dr. Hirschfeld has suggested, Doclea was the seat of the imperial 
worship for southern Dalmatia. 

It is as the reputed birthplace of the emperor Diocletian that Doclea claims 
some small share in historical interest. What little we know of the history of the 
town may be appropriately grouped round that central point. It is universally 
admitted that Diocletian was a Dalmatian, but we should naturally infer from 
the language of most of our authorities, and from the fact that he retired thither 
on laying down his power, that he was born near Salonae. His supposed con- 
nection with Doclea rests upon a statement in the Epitome of AureHus Victor 
(xsxix.) that Diocletian was " matre pariter atqiie opijido nomine Dioclea " and 
until he became emperor was called Diodes, but then changed his name to the 
Roman model. The story sounds improbable in itself. The name Diocletianus 
suggests adoption or emancipation, and one is tempted to suspect that some 
confusion, in which the word metropolis played its part, may underlie the " matre 
pariter atque oppido." It is a fur cry from Doclea to Diocletianus, and Gibbon's 
rhetoric does not render the derivation any more plausible. " The town," he says, 
" seems to have been properly called Doclia, .... and the original name 
of the fortunate slave was probably Docles : he first lengthened it to the Grecian 
harmony of Diodes, and at length to the Roman majesty of Diocletianus." 
Here it will be observed that the change from Docles to Diodes blunts the 
point of the story, that Doclea gives the adjective Docleas not Docles, and that 
the poor mother Dioclea is entirely ignored! But there is a more specious 
line of argument than Gibbon's. It is incontestable that to the medieval writers 
from Constantine Porphyrogenitus " onwards, Doclea has become Dioclea. An 
exact parallel to the change may be found in Phrygia," where a town, Dokela, 
which still keeps its name as Doghla or Dola, had become Graecised into Dioclea, 

" C. I. L. III. 2810. De admin, imp. cc. 29, 30, .So. 

Ramsaj, " Cities and Bishoprics of Phry^a," Journal of Hellenic Studies, iv. 422-3. 


16 On the Roman town of Doclea, in Montenegro. 

and issued coins so inscribed, in the third century. Farhiti " produces a bishop 
of Dioclea in the province of Praevalitana, that is to say a bishop of Doclea, 
who signs at the Council of Chalcedon in the year 451. And Aurelius Victor 
carries us back to the middle of the fourth century." May not Doclea, like 
Dokela, have become Dioclea in the third century ? 

Xone of these arguments will stand scrutiny. Let us work back over them. 

(1) There is positive evidence that Doclea had not become Dioclea before 
Diocletian. Not a single inscription ever gives any other form than Doclea, and 
it so happens that the evidence is most abundant just at the time we want it. The 
resjmblica Docleatium dedicates inscribed bases in the third century to Severus 
Alexander, between the years 226 and 235, to the Philippi and Otacilia Severa, 
A.D. 244, to Gallus, a.d. 252, to Volusianus, a.d. 253, to Valerian, a.d. 254, and 
to GaUienus, between the years 257 and 270. Of these inscriptions one falls in 
the year preceding Diocletian's birth, and four others within the next fifteen 
years. No form but Docleates appears on any of them. Clearly Diocletian 
cannot have got his name from Doclea without a free use of the " Grecian 

(2) Whatever be the date of Aurelius Victor, nothing can be said of the 
Epitome except that it is later than the accession of Arcadius and Honorius, and 
that the compiler supplements the " De Caesaribus " from other sources. The 
passage about the birthplace of Diocletian is a supplement. The first mention 
of Dioclea that can be dated is in Constantine Porphyrogenitus. On the other 
hand Doclea is still implied in two letters from Gregory the Great in the year 
602 to the bishops of Justiniana Prima and of Scodra about the misconduct of 
Paulus, bishop of the Givitas Docleatina." 

(3) Gregory's letters raise a presumption against Farlati's bishop of Dioclea 
in 451. In spite of the marginal note "Praevalitana" in the Venetian Codex 
of the Acts of the Council of Chalcedon, I believe that Dioclea in Phrygia is 
meant. In the first place veiy few western bishops attended the Council, and 
it would be strange if the distant Dalmatian town were represented, and the 
neighbouring Phrygian bishop absent. Secondly, the bishop bears the thoroughly 
Greek name of EuavSpos. Thirdly he signs among a number of other Phrygian 

(4) The analogy of the change of name in the Phrygian town is misleading. 

' Jllyricum Sacrum, vol. vii. '' Of. Evans, Antiquarian Besearches, 84, note b. 

<= See Mansi, Concil x. 329-30. 

On the Roman town of Doclea, in Montenegro. 17 

It is natural enough that Dokela should be Graecised into Dioclea in Phrygia. 
It is not so natural that Doclea should become Dioclea in the Latin Dalmatia. 
The extent of the Grreek culture of Doclea may be estimated by the fact that 
out of about seventy inscriptions only one, an insignificant tombstone, is in Greek, 
and by the epitaph set up by Q. Flavins Helenus over his incomparable friend 
Gordius Maximianus, " artis gramaticae Graecae peritissimus," in which Helenus, 
in spite of his Greek name and the learned instruction of his friend, spells 
" gramaticae " with only one m. 

There is thus no evidence or probability in favour of the name Dioclea before 
the tenth century. Constantine Porphyrogenitus, writing in the year 949, is 
the first dateable authority for the form. But at the same time he tells us that 
the town no longer existed. To Constantine Dioclea means a district inland of 
Cattaro and Antivari, in which there is a " waste Chester " {iprjjjiOKaaTpov) 
founded long ago by Diocletian, whence the district derives its name and the 
inhabitants are called Diocletiani. Here we have got round to the opposite 
version. Instead of Diocletian being derived from Dioclea, Dioclea is derived 
from Diocletian. Instead of being the scion of the town, the emperor has 
become its parent. The one version has probably no more foundation than the 
other, both rest simply on a confusion of similar names. The intermediate step 
would be the rise of the form of Dioclea when Doclea was no longer alive to 
resist it ; and Constantine's version, however absurd in fact, has a certain logical 
superiority over its rival, for it was, no doubt, mainly the contaminating influence 
of the name Diocletian that produced the form Dioclea. In stubborn protest 
against both alike the old Doclea remains to the present day Dukle, and the 
inhabitants of its " ager" call themselves Dukljani. 

But we have not yet quite done with the Diocletian myth. If I read the 
Dalmatian historians aright, it had curious and far-reaching consequences in the 
middle ages. The confusion seems to me to have extended beyond names to 
places and facts. What really belonged to Spalato, the true birthplace and 
foundation of Diocletian, was transferred with the name Dioclea to Doclea. Thus 
it was that the archbishopric of Salonae or Spalato was confronted with a shadowy 
double of itself at Doclea, which plays an important part in the ecclesiastical 
squabbles of the time. It is in vain that the Spalatines profess themselves the 
one and only metropolitans of Dalmatia ; they are always rebutted by the spectral 
archbishopric of Dioclea. The mythical rights of Dioclea are claimed on the one 
part by the church of Antivari, on the other by that of Ragusa. Antivari, as the 
capital of the district, arrogates to herself the title of the civitas Diodetana, her 


18 On the Roman town of Dacha, In Montenegro. 

churcli becomes the ecclesia Diocletana, and she pretends, as may be read in the 
pages of the anonymous Presbyter," to be actually the old Doclea or Dioclea, 
rebuilt and re-established as the metropolis of southern Dalmatia by King 
Suetopelek at the fabulous synod of Delma on the conversion of the Slavs ! To 
the writers of the twelfth and subsequent centuries, such as the Presbyter and 
John Cinnamus," Dioclea is no longer, as it was to Const antine, a homeless name 
of a ruined site, but has found a local habitation, not at Doclea, but at the living 
city of Antivari. There is some evidence that Antivari attained to ecclesiastical 
independence and archiepiscopal rank soon after the middle of the eleventh 
century." It was doubtless then that the claim received final sanction and autho- 
rity. But there is no sound evidence that Doclea was ever an archbishopric. 
The archbishopric is that of Spalato transplanted by the confusion of names to 
Doclea, and thence on to Antivari. Similarly the Presbyter maintains that the 
kings of Dalmatia were crowned, not in the cathedral church of St. Mary at 
Spalato, but at tlie unimportant church of St. Mary outside the walls of Antivari. 

After the revival of learning this new Dioclea caused a contrary confusion. 
Ludovicus Tubero for instance, narrating how the sailors of Antivari rendered a 
service to the Ragusans in their wars with the Slavs, makes them sail out from 
the lake of Scutari, which he calls the' lacus Lygnldris, by the river Bojana, 
Avhich he identifies with the Drilo.'' 

The claim of Antivari to the ghostly rights of Dioclea was not undisputed. 
The Spalatine Archdeacon Thomas has a much less romantic version of the origin 
of the archbishopric.' According to his account it was instituted simply to save 
the southern bishops the risks of the voyage to Spalato. The Ragusans contested 
the pretensions of both Antivari and Spalato. They claimed that on the destruc- 
tion of Dioclea the archbishop fled to Ragusa and carried all his rights with him. 
This version is to be explained, I think, by the statement of Constantino, that 
when Salonae fell into the hands of the bai-barians, many of the inhabitants, 
among them apparently the most eminent ecclesiastics, took refuge at Ragusa. 
Probably the so-called archbishop of Dioclea was really the metropolitan of 
Salonae, and the old confusion lies at the root of the story. 

The theory here suggested seems to me to furnish some sort of rational 
explanation of the statements of the later Dalmatian writers. It would also help 

' The Presbyter of Dioclea, Uegnum Slavorum, printed in Lncius, De regno Bahnaiiae ct 
Groatiae, 1666. " V. 17. 

" See Farlati, Illyricum Sacrum, vii. 17. 
" De Temp. suis. bk. v. p. 109. « Hist. Salon, c. xv. 

On the Roman town of Doclea, in Montenegro. 19 

us to understand liow Constantine makes Diocletian the founder of Doclea, and 
the Bpitomist, who puts his birth at Doclea, yet lets him spend his last years at 
Spalato in propriis agris. It is even possible that the Epitomist means b}^ Dioclea 
nothing else than Spalato. I have already noticed that his matre xmriter atque 
oppiclo nomine Dioclea suggests some misunderstanding of the word fjbrjTpoiro'Ki';. 
Thomas the Archdeacon has a curious story which points in the same direction. 
He tells us that Diocletian assigned the temple of Jupiter, afterwards the cathe- 
dral church of St. Mary in Spalato, to his mother to live in, and made the whole 
province subject to her. We are reminded at once of the mother Dioclea and of 
the supreme mother-church of Dalmatia. 

It is not easy to fix the date of the destruction of Doclea. The letters of 
Gregory already mentioned show that so late as the year 602 there was still a 
bishop of the civitas Docleatina, and the ecclesiastical organisation of the pro- 
vince was unimpaired. In 639, however, the land was occupied by the pagan 
Slavs, the Roman population was driven to the coast towns, and the interior was 
lost to the Church. It is scarcely credible that Doclea can have escaped the fate 
that overwhelmed her neighbours. There is nothing on the site that need be as 
late as the seventh century, and we hear no more of Doclea until Constantine 
mentions it as an iprjixoKaarpou three hundred years afterwards. The Presbyter's 
story of its restoration at the time of the conversion of the Slavs, a quite un- 
certain date, has no authority. It is merely intended to justify the claims of 
Antivari. The year 639 may therefore be taken as a downward limit. But it 
may be doubted whether the town existed so long. The coins stop abruptly at 
Honorius, a fact which plainly points to the devastating march of Alaric at the 
beginning of the fifth century. Yet the small church, with the inscription of 
Ausonia which pertains to it, can hardly be earlier than the time of Justinian, 
and the wholesale rebuilding, of which so many traces remain, seems to imply a 
restoration. Moreover, it appears more probable that the great civil basilica, 
which furnished so much of the materials for reconstruction, was ruined by an 
earthquake such as we know to have visited the region in the year 518, than by 
a barbarian raid. On the whole I am inclined to believe that Doclea was destroyed 
by Alaric, but revived to some extent, and maintained a precarious existence 
down to the year 639. The restoration may probably be ascribed to the revival 
of prosperity under Justinian, and Gregory's civitas Docleatina is more than a 
mere survival of an ecclesiastical title. 

c 2 


On the lioman town of Doclea, in Montenegro. 





. 3 











I I 

Constantine . 


. 14 



















Commodus . 



Constantine Ctesar 



Indecipherable, of the p 

eriod of Antonines 




Geta . 


Constantius . 






Gordianus III. 


Indecipherable, of the 
















Claudius Gothicus . 






Valentinian . 








Indecipherable, of the Theodosian family 



Indecipherable, of the 
third century 

latter part of the 




Totally defaced . . . .77 




All the above I have examined. 
of His Highness the Prince. 

heai- that there is a gold coin of Honorius in the possession 


On the Boman toivn of Boclea, in Montenegro, 



§ 1. — The Temples. 

The ruins of two temples are the most easily identified buildings on the 
site. The podium of each stands almost entire, stripped of its coating of slabs 
of Spuz stone, and surrounded by fragments of capitals, columns, and cornices 
discovered during the Montenegrin excavations. From these fragments a fairly 
complete reconstruction is possible. 

In the centre of the pediment of each temple was a bust in relief, in the more 
easterly of Diana, in the western of Minerva or Roma. The latter has been 
removed to the terrace of the new palace near Podgorica. Both temples are of 
the Roman Ionic order, and prostyle tetrastyle with an apse. They are almost 
identical in plan, structure, and size, the proportions of the cella being the chief 
difference ; the temple of Diana having a cella 30 by 25 Roman feet, while that 
of Minerva is 30 by 30 feet. 

Taking the temple of Diana first, as the remains are somewhat more varied, 
there are four rows of steps still in situ, each with a height 
of three Roman jmlmi (22 centimetres). Near these steps lie 
the fragments of two stone dolphins. They formed a balus- 
trade on each side of the steps, as is shown by a series of 
steps, like the teeth of a saw, in their lower edge, which 
correspond exactly with the temple steps. 

Of the temple front, the foundations, with the piers for 
the four columns, still remain in the podium. A base of one 
of the columns, part of one of the shafts, and fragments of 
several capitals, lie scattered at the sides. The base is 
49 centimetres in diameter, the column 39 at the top, showing 
that the columns tapered slightly. 

Fragments of the entablature show that it was identical with that of the 
temple of Minerva. It was surmounted by a band of tioral pattern as a frieze. 
The cornice above the architrave had a plain moulding, whereas the pediment had 
a cornice with cymatium ornamented with a band of palmettes, consoles alter- 
nating with rosettes, an egg and dart band, and a leaf pattern. In the centre of 
the pediment was a bust of Diana carved in relief. The slab which bears it lies in 
front of the temple steps. 

There is nothing to show the character of the inside of the portico. A wide 
doorway, from which the side posts have been removed, leads into the ceJIa. The 




Plan of temple of Diana at 


On the Roman town of Doclea, in Montenegro. 





' I • a. ; 

'' ' " t 


floor of the cella is of stamped brick, but a vast number of small fragments shows 
that it was originally covered with slabs of marble and Spuz stone. The walls 
were also incrusted with marble, red, green, and blue-grey, and there are frag- 
ments of a moulded cornice. 

The apse seems to be part of the original structure, not a later addition. 
Neither in it nor elsewhere arc there any traces of a cult statue or its base. 

The podium wall is of coarse local stone, built in courses of irregular depth. It 
is two Roman feet (59 centimetres) thick throughout. The floor of the cella stood 
4 feet above the outside level, the space between the walls being filled up to that 
height with broken concrete. 

The temple of Roma or Minerva is still surrounded by a course of squared 
blocks of Spuz stone (26 centimetres thick), firmly 
clamped together with iron. These blocks served 
as a foundation for the slabs which coated it 
(y thick). The walls (3 Roman feet) are thicker 
than those in the temple of Diana. The steps 
are of identically the same size (22 high with 
26 tread). There are, however, no traces of 
dolphins having been on the balustrades, which 
seem to have been formed of plain slabs. Owing, 
no doubt, to the greater thickness of the walls, there are no piers for the columns 
in the front wall of the podium. The diameter of the top of a column which 
has been placed upright near the temple is 515 millimetres, considerably larger than 
the columns of the temple of Diana. There is a large slab almost uninjured from 
the architrave, with the entablature and floral frieze mentioned above. Two of 
the corner pieces and several fragments of the cornice show that it had a plain 
moulding. The cella threshold has been removed, but the bed in which it was 
laid and part of both side posts are in situ. The door was 1"72 metres, almost 6 
feet, wide. 

A torso of a figure, considerably less than life size, clad in a fcf/a and bearing 
a cornucopiae in his left hand, was found near the temple. It is the only piece of 
sculpture in the round, except a small fragment of a foot, discovered on the site. 

On the terrace at the new palace near Podgorica is the central slab of the 
pediment, with the head of Minerva or Roma in relief, now much defaced. If the 
togatns is the genius of an emperor, or a deified emperor, and belongs to the 
temple, we may regard it as dedicated to Roma. 

I'hiii of tlie temple of Mincrvn, Doelea. 

On the Roman town of Doclea, in Montenegro. 23 

§ 2. The Large Church. 

Mounds of stone overgrown with thorn marked the site of the larger church. 
The neighbouring farmers had cleared away most of the smaller walls around 
to make room for maize plots, and had piled the stones on the ruins of the main 

After excavation the walls of the church were found standing intact some 
3 to 5 feet above the central pavement. They are of rough local stone, built in 
the same careless fashion as those on the rest of the site. 

The church is oriented nearly south-east and north-west, but for convenience 
we shall speak of it as though it were due east and west. 

The plan is basilican, and only differs from the type represented by St. 
Clement's at Rome in having the court or atrium on the south instead of the 
west side. 

The nave is 80 Roman feet long by 30 wide ; the apse 22 feet wide, 15 deep, 
with a semi-circle 11 feet in radius, the chord being set back 4 feet from the line of 
the east wall ; the aisles are 10 feet wide and open at the east end into two small 
chambers (the prothesis and diaconicum) ; the porch or narthex is not symmetrical, 
the south side, where the main entrance is, being 7 feet longer than the north. 

The floor of the apse, the bema, is raised some 8 inches above that of the 
nave. Seats 20 inches wide run round it, with the foundations of a bishop's 
throne in the centre. The seats have been stripped of their covering slabs and 
only the rough stone remains. The throne seems to have been at least twice 
as high as the seats and to have had three steps. Like the rest of the church the 
iema was paved with mosaic, fragments of which remain at the foot of the throne 
(showing its original breadth) and below the seats on the north side. 

Unfortunately there is nothing to show how the apse was separated from the 
nave, as the edge of the bema is broken away. A solitary base of small size at 
the south angle of the apse may possibly have served as part of the foundation 
for a screen. That there was a screen seems to be proved by the variety of slabs 
and uprights found through the church, which as we shall see below belong to 
three if not four different structures. Of the altar there are no traces, though 
the fact that the semi-circle of the apse is set back 4 feet from the wall suggests 
that it stood, as one would expect, in front of the bishop's throne. 


On the Soman toton of Doclea, in Montenegro. 

In the nave there is a platform aboiit 19 feet wide by 15 feet deep set in front 
of the bevin. 

This solra, to use a convenient term, stands some 2 inches above tlic floor, 

ip ? . 9 IP ^ 30 *o ap 

100 ENo^ .tsH Feet 

Plan of 11 Liii'L'e ChuiTli at Doclea. 

and from the roughness of its edges may be assumed to have been enclosed by a 

On the Roman town of Doclea, in Montenegro. 25 

On the solea there are no traces of an ambo, nor of seats. Like the rest of the 
church it was paved with mosaic, fragments of which still remain. 

The aisles were separated from the nave by a row of columns on each side. 
Six bases, four on the north, two on the south side, remain in situ. Between 
these bases are heavy blocks, some 6 inches thick, placed on the floor between, 
giving the appearance of a stijlobate. There were seven columns on each side, 
placed about 9 feet apart, the intervals between those in situ varying several 
inches from each other. 

The intervals between the three central bases on each side must obviously 
have been larger than those remaining, as there is not sufficient room for two 
in the central gap on the north side. The bases differ in size from 17-J to 
19^ inches and also in style. There are many fragments of the columns, and 
among these, two are so little injured that their length can be determined 
approximately. The best preserved lies as it fell, near the base at the east end of 
the north aisle. It is 9 feet 3^ inches long and cannot have been more than a 
few inches longer originally. Like the bases, the columns vary in size, e.g. the 
diameter of the top, in three cases, is 13^, 14, and 14J inches. 

The rubbish which filled the floor of the aisles was largely broken clay tiles, 
presumably from the roof. The column in the north aisle, mentioned above, 
lay on a stratum of tiles, showing that the roof had fallen in before it was 
overthrown. There are no signs of either brick or stone arches in the rubbish, 
nor were any blocks of a size sufficient to span the space between the columns 
found, so that one may conclude that the roof was supported on timber. 

A number of capitals were found scattered over the church. Two of these were 
of the Romano-Corinthian order, and apparently identical with the capitals trom 
the Pagan Basilica which now stand on the terrace of the new palace near 
Podgorica. Another is Romano-Ionic. Some are of a very debased Ionic type, 
of a rude Byzantine style. One of them has a cross inserted between the volutes. 
Others are square truncated pyramids of the rudimentary " impost " type, 
described by Messrs. Ijethaby and Swainson." 

The pavement was of mosaic throughout the nave, that in the south aisle 
remaining almost intact. 

In the west corner of the south aisle a number of large blocks lay scattered. 
These are gravestones of a late Roman type, one of them has the cippus of Ursus, 
with sculptured ornament and inscription, the others with rosette and central 

" S. Sophia, p. 251, fig. 53. 

26 0)1 the Roman toion of Doclea, in Montenegro. 

flower ornaments. All have been cut down, the parallelogram of the original stone 
being made almost square, and all were found with the ornamental face down- 
wards. Some of them lay on the mosaic pavement without any rubbish between, 
the mosaic beneath being absolutely fresh. One is inclined to suppose that they 
fell from the wall above, or were part of some structure standing near the blocked 
entrances in the south wall which was overthrown before the rest of the church. 

Many gravestone slabs of the same type, a parallelogram panel, with a circidar 
rosette, flower, or diamond ornament in the centre, are to be seen in the old 
Turkish cemetery outside the city wall, and near the ruined church at Zlatica. 

A central door, the threshold of which still remains, though the sideposts are 
missing, leads from the nave to the narthex. A small door in the south aisle also 
communicates with it. 

The central doorway, as it now stands, is 14 feet 7 inches wide, and the 
original door if placed symmetrically in the centre, was probably 10 feet wide, 
allowance being made for the side posts. 

The main entrance to the church is in the south wall of the narthex. Its 
threshold 21 inches wide, 8 feet 5 inches long, and two blocks forming the side- 
post of one side still remain. The grooves in the threshold, in which the folding 
doors slid, show that it was originally 6 feet 6 inches wide. The threshold is 
similar to many in the pagan biuldings of the town, and w^as no doubt taken from 
one of them. 

Behind the west wall of the narthex are three chambers which have no doors 
connecting them with any building. A rude stair of three steps leads to the 
central one, and is obviously of later date than the main building ; as also the 
chambers themselves seem to be. Owing to the mass of stones we were unable 
to excavate the west front, but judging from the inside, it seems to have been a 
plain blank wall. 

Of the various fragments found scattered throughout the church, the crosses, 
the ornamented slabs, and the uprights which supported them, the smaller columns 
and capitals, and the remains of at least three window gratings are all that 
deserve special mention. 

The crosses are roughly cut in local stone, and though all of the same form 
differ slightly in size. Two are complete. One measures 2 feet by 18 inches. 

The several fragments of the broken crosses were foimd so widely scattered 
that it would seem that they were purposely destroyed. 

The slabs belong to four different sets, distinguished from one another by 
ornament, thickness, and quality of stone. 

On the Roman toivn of Dodea, in Montenegro. 27 

The most notable is a fragmentary marble slab witla a central six-armed cross 
surrounded by a circle formed of five cords, with two other interlacing cords 
above, which spread as tendrils on either side of the cross, and end in ivy leaves. 
The back of the slab is ornamented with a plain cross, showing that it was 
intended to be seen from both sides. Its likeness to the slabs in the screen of 
St. Clement's, Rome, suggests that it was part of the screen of the solea. 

There are fragments of at least three of these slabs. They were 2 feet 
11:|- inches high, and probably nearly G feet wide, so that two of them with an 
entrance space between would, as at St. Clement's, fit the front of the solea 
(18 feet). 

Several of the marble uprights which supported the screen were found. They 
are 2 feet 11^ inches high, and the slabs fit exactly into the slots at the side. 
Their only ornament is a longitudinal countersunk panel on front and back. 

The remains of the other three sets of slabs are too fragmentary to admit 
of any certain restoration. One set ornamented with ivy leaves is thicker 
than those mentioned above. Uprights with slots of the same thickness were 

Others have ivy tendrils, a cross inside a circle of rope, and a diaper pattern 
with crosses in alternate lozenges. Another small fi-agment has a fl.ower and leaf 
ornament in vertical panels. 

A small column, the same height as the uprights, and several fragments of 
similar columns obviously belong to one of the screens, possibly the screen of the 
bema, in front of the altar. 

Some fragments of columns of the same size, but with spiral fluting, may have 
belonged to the altar itself. 

A solitary column, which is uninjured, and 7 feet 3 inches high, may possibly 
have been part of a ciborium, but as there are no traces of its base or the 
foundations of the altar this is very doubtful. 

Some small 'capitals, with debased volute surmounted by a truncated pyramid, 
which is ornamented with a cross, seem to have belonged to something of the 

A window grating 4 feet 8^ inches by 2 feet 10^ inches, 5 inches thick, with a 
diagonal lattice of six bars each way, was found in widely scattered fragments. 
Fragments of a similar window, and part of a scale-pattern grating (the latter 
found near the main entrance) also turned up. 

It is not difficult to find many analogies at Ravenna and elsewhere for the 
different floral ornaments, but there seems to be no clue in any of them to suggest 



On the Roman toum of Dacha, in Montenegro. 

an exact date for the structure, uor is there any marked characteristic in them to 
show that they are due to western rather than eastern influence. Uprights, 
capitals, and ornaments of the same style are to be seen built into the walls of 
mosques in Bitliynia. 

So that for the date one must turn rather to the small church, with its 
dedicatory inscription, and to the general history of the site as recorded l)y 
Mr. Munro. 

§ 3. The Small CnuEcn, 

The small church, as it has been called for want of a better name, hes to the 
west of the basilica, separated from it and its buildings by a narrow road. What- 
ever the particular ecclesiastical function of this church may have been, its plan 
and position seem to separate it from the basilica, and so it may conveniently be 
treated by itself. 

The existing remains are little more than foundations. These, however, are 
complete, and enable the ground plan of the church and its immediate surround- 
ings to be traced without much doubt. 

The original building was in the shape of a Greek cross, with a small apse. 

Plan of a Small Church at Doclen. 

the extreme internal measurements being : length, 9*4 metres, exclusive of the 
apse, and 10*5 metres inclusive ; breadth, 7'35 metres. It was lengthened by a 
porch at the west end ; the foundation walls of which were carried 3*35 metres 
further forward. A new and larger external apse was subsequently built unsym- 

0?i the Roman toivn of Doclea, in Montenegro. 29 

metrically on to the east end, its centre being "4 metres soutli of the main axis of 
the church. On the north and south the building is enclosed by boundary walls, "65 
metres away from the foundations, and these are carried on at the west end to 
form a court, lO'? by 5 metres. To the north of this court lies a second smaller 
enclosure, 5" by 3"3 metres, which abuts at its north-east angle on the boundary 
of the road. 

The walls of the main building are solidly constructed, 1 to 1"2 metres in 
thickness, of blocks of limestone, with a core of rough cement. The workmen 
utilized largely in the foundations the remains of earlier buildings, particularly 
the great civil basilica ; fragments from the architrave and cornice of which are 
numerous. The north wall is the only one where anything remains which was 
originally visible above ground. Here the facing is of well-laid limestone blocks, 
above which comes a second course constructed out of the door and window 
mouldings of the civil basilica, as shown in the annexed sketch, and used as a base 

Of the interior nothing is left above the floor level. 

Window moulding. Base-course. 

Civil Basilica. Small Church. 

The porch at the west end appears to have been part of the original building. 
There is a break in the lower foundation course, but the character of the construc- 
tion and materials used are the same as in the main body of the building. 

The external apse at the east end shows a distinct difference. Not only is it 
unsymmetrically added, but the foundation walls are built of small rough stones, 
with none of the fragments of earlier buildings found elsewhere in the church, 
and are laid, without any attempt at joints, in a rough mortar much inferior to 
that of the other work. 

The court in front is surrounded by roughly-built walls which show traces of 
having been plastered with a fine cement, and is floored with the same material. 

30 Ori the Roman totvn of Doclea, in Montenegro. 

The only entrance is in the middle of the front wall, Avhere two steps are pre- 
served, leading down into the court. In the north wall the threshold of the 
entrance into the second court remains, with a column-base in the middle. This 
court is similar to the first in respect of walls and floor. 

The materials for the restoration of tlio building are practically none, beyond 
the foundations. Several small columns were found in the court with a number 
of capitals and a dedicatory inscription (No. 28). These probably had their 
place in the west porch. 

The approach to the church from the court must have been up a Hight of steps. 
The internal lining of the walls has been removed, but the cement backing shows 
the level at which the stones began to be laid in regular courses, and it would 
seem that the floor was not less tliaii 1-2 metres above the level of the court. 
The flooring of the court ends at a line '6 metres in front of the existing founda- 
tions, and the remains of mortar adhering to these foundations show that there 
was a course of stones laid against them '2 metres in height. The churcli was 
therefore probably entered by a flight of six steps of "2 metres. 

The court must have been open ; there are no traces of any kind to show that 
it was anything more than an enclosure surrounded by low walls. The smaller 
enclosure, however, may have been roofed, this is suggested by the column-base 
on the threshold with which is probably to be connected a broken column found 
close by, originally about 2 metres in height. 

The date of the church can only be roughly conjectured. It must be earlier 
than 639, and the fragments from the civil basilica built into it may give an 
anterior date, if, as seems likely, the basilica was overthrown by the earthquake 
of 518. Between these two dates the building of the church may be placed 
nearer to the later than the earlier limit. 

On the Roman toivn of Dorlea, in Montener/ro. 31 



The following pages contain all the Eoman inscriptions and the solitary Greek 
inscription found at Dukle and placed on record. The reader is thus provided 
with a conspectus of the somewhat scanty epigraphic material yielded by the site, 
which seemed worth giving, because that material is nowhere, not even in the 
Corpus, to be found in one collected whole. A few inscriptions from the neigh- 
bourhood of Berane, in the valley of the Lim, have also been incorporated. 

The inscriptions have been found at various dates. Three only (Nos. 16, 40, 
and 42) were known when Mommsen published the third volume of the Corpus 
Inscriptionum Latinarum in 1873 ; the rest have been added since by the researches 
of Mr. Rovinski and by the visits of foreign scholars whose names are mentioned 
below, where their results are quoted. The excavations recorded in the preceding 
pages added twenty-three more or less perfect inscriptions, besides correcting 
the readings of previous investigators in some important points. 

In the following list the inscriptions ai-e arranged in the same order, speaking 
generally, as they would be in the Corpus. After the dedications to gods (1 — 3) 
follow those to emperors (4 — IS), the inscriptions of the basUica and statues 
erected in honour of Flavius Balbinus (19 — 24) and some similar stones, the 
tombstones (29—62), and some miscellaneous inscriptions and fragments of less 
certain character, one of which (No. 64) is of some value. The readings are those 
of Mr. Munro's copies, unless otherwise stated. The present editors have added 
some expansions and brief explanations. Where, as in Nos. 52, 53, 64, and 
elsewhere, these are borrowed from other scholars, acknowledgtaent is made; 
the remainder are either obviously common property or original. The numbers of 
the inscriptions in the third volume of the Corpus are quoted throughout ; the 
numbers from 13626 onwards are taken from proof sheets which Professor 
Hirschfeld has very kindly sent to us. Where more than one reference is given, 
the inscription has been treated more than once in the Corpus. 
1. Dukle: copied by Saski. [C. I. L. 8283.] 


32 On the Roman toion of Doclea, in Montenegro, 

2. Dukle : built side upwards iuto the north abutment of the Roman bridge 
on the Moraca about a mile above the ancient town. Block of hard limestone, 
2 feet 2 inches high, 1 foot 3^ inches broad, with letters about 2 inches. [C. 1. L. 

I • O • INI J(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo), 
EPONE • REGIN Epon(a)e regm(ae), 

G E N I O • LOCI Genio loci, 

P • BENNIVS • EC P. IJcnnius E[g]- 

R E G I V S • MIL • regius, mil(es) 

COH • VOL • ADIV coh(ortis) Vol(untarioruiii), udju(toi-) 

RINC • BF • COS ■ V ■ S [p]riiic(ipis), b(ene)f(iciarius) co(n)s(ularis), 

v(otum) s(olvit). 

Adiutores principis are mentioned in C. I. L. viii 4332 and Ephem. v. 709, 
but in both these cases the men served in legions. They appear to have been 
under-officers attached to the centurions, who were frmcipes, and performing 
much the same clerkly duties as the lihrarU. 

3. Dukle : near the junction of the Zeta and Moraca. Panelled block of Spuz 
stone, 2 feet 6 inches high, 1 foot 11 inches broad, 1 foot 10 inches thick. Letters, 
2^ inches and 1^ inch. Split in two and lacking the upper right-hand corner. 
Surface much weathered ; Mr. Munro observes that the stone seems to have been 
shot at from across the Zeta. When copied before in 1875 and 1882, the inscrip- 
tion was perfect, except for the / of Veneri. [C. I. L. 8284.] 

V {'N^^vn ^''''"■' 

V G Aug(ustae) 

Si^ JCRVM S[a]crum. 

^BASSILLA F[l](avia) Bassilla. 

4 — 18. These inscriptions are all or almost all dedications to Emperors. It is 
possible, as Hirschfeld has suggested, that we shoixld connect them with the 
mention of a sacerdos ad aram Gaesaris below (No. 64), and should suppose that 
a centre of Caesar worship for southern Dalmatia was at Doclea itself. 

4. Dukle : from the west gate, now in the parapet of the bridge. Panelled 
block of Spuz stone, 2 feet 9^ inches high, 2 feet If inches broad, 2 feet 1 inch 
thick. Right lower corner cut away. Letters in first two lines, 3 inches, the 
rest, If inches. The inscription has been purposely defaced, and is hard to read. 

On the Roman town of Doclea, in Montenegro. 33 

Sticotti read practically notMng in the first line ; in line 5 Borman read Q I I D 
on a squeeze sent by Sticotti. [C I. L. 12680.] 

DIVOT I TO DivoTito 

A V C * Aug(usto) 

L F L AV I V S aV I R ^- ^l^^i'^s Qmr(iiia) 

EPIDIANVS Epidianus 

rm V I R-l DQ.V I Q. Illlvir j(ure) d(icTindo) qui(n)q(ueiinalis) 

[not inscribed.^ 
<G' B • H O N CJ^^ ob ton [orem] . 

The occurrence of a quattuorvir iure dicundo qui?iquennalis is notable. In 
general, we find duoviri in colonies, quattuorviri in municijna, but the rule is not 
universally kept, and in Dalmatian municipalities, as M. Cagnat has observed, 
quattuorviri hardly occur. 

This is the earliest datable inscription from Doclea. It proves that the town 
received municipal rights before the death of Titus, and perhaps from him (see note 
on No. 26). From other evidence, it is probable that the town received its rights 
from one of the Flavian emperors, who did a great deal for the Romanisation of 

5. Podgorica, old town : block of Spuz stone, cut away on all sides, built into 
the door-post of a stable in the yard of a Turkish house. [C. I. L. 12681.] 

imp. ca E. S /] '''i 
divi ner \/A / ^ /• 
nervae tr \\ /\ J no aug 
germ, i? Q N T \ ™'^* 
trih. f\.Qb "iVjCos ii 

Erected in honour of Trajan in the autumn of a.d. 98. 

6. At the palace of Krusna Grlavica, opposite Podgorica. Block of Spuz stone, 
3 feet 1\ inch high, 2 feet broad, 2 feet thick, finely cut letters 2f inches high. 
[C. I. L. 12682.] 

D D 
On the right side of the same stone a stonecutter's mark, roughly cut in 
2\ inch letters. 


7. Dukle : from the west gate, outside which it lies. Panelled block of Spuz 
stone, 4 feet 1 inch high, 2 feet broad, 1 foot 10 inches thick. Letters, 2 inches 

34 On the Roman town of Doclea, in Montenegro. 

to 1-j inch. The inscription is purposely defaced, as the inscriptions of tliis 
emperor often are. [C. I. L. 12683.] 

J ]\J P luip(cratori) 

C A E S M Caes(ari) M. 
A V R E L Ainvl(io) 

S E V E R O ScM tio 

A L E X A N Alexan- 

D R O P I () -dro Pio 

F E L A V G Fcl(ici) Aug(usto) 

P O N T M ]K,nt(ifici) in. 

A X T R I B -ax(imo) trib(uniciae) 

POT • P • P • pot(estatis) p(atri) p(atriae) 

C O S • I I • co(n)s(uli) II 

• R . P • r(es)p(iiblica) 

D O C L I nocl[e]- 

A T I V :M -atium. 

8. Planinica near Povje : copied by Novakovic. [C. I. L. 8285.] 

M • I V L I O 

9. Dukle, built into the bridge by the west gate ; copied by Sticotti. Pur- 
posely erased throughout. [C. I. L. 12684-.] 




P • P • COS • IT 

Possibly dedicated, as Sticotti suggests, to Philip; more probably identical 
with No. 15, and belonging to Valerian. 

On the Boman town of Boclea, in Montenegro. 35 

10. Dukle : from the west gate, outside which it lies. Block of Spuz stone, 1 
panelled on three sides, 4 feet 6 inches high, 2 feet 1 inch broad, 1 foot 11 inches j 
thick. The upper left corner is cut away. Letters 2f inches, rather rudely 

inscribed. Surface a good deal chipped. [C. I. L. 12685.] 



PHILPPI (^ic) 




11. Now at the palace of Krusna Grlavica, opposite Podgorica. Panelled block 
of Spuz stone fi'om Dukle, 4 feet 7 inches high, 2 feet If inch broad, 2 feet thick. 

Letters, 2f inches, a good deal defaced. [C. I. L. 12686.] i 





MO • CAES • 
RESP-D- j 

D . D • I 

_ _ ■ i 

Dedicated to the younger Philip. ! 

12. Planinica near Povje, copied by Novakovic. [C. I. L. 8286.] 

Imp. Caesar 

G. Messius Qtdntus 





Decius Trajanus reigned a.d. 249-251. The fact that his name appears here l 

e2 . \ 

36 On the Roman town of Doclea, in Montenegro. 

in the nominative seems to separate tliis inscription from the imperial dedications . 

which precede and follow it. 

13. Dukle : from the west gate, outside which it lies. Block of Spuz stone, 
panelled on three sides, 4 feet 9 inches high, 2 feet broad, 1 foot 10 V inches thick. 
Letters 2f inches, much worn. [C. I. L. 12687.] ' 

I M P 
C AE S • 

COS -11 RP 
DOCL- ! 

• D • D- I 



Dedicated to the Emperor Vibius Gallus in a.d. 252. In line 3 Sticotti read ' 

ViBio. i 

14. Dukle : from the west gate, outside which it lies. Block of Spuz stone, | 
panelled on three sides, 4 feet 2^ inches high, 2 feet ^ inch broad, 1 foot 11 inches 

thick. Letters 2f inches. Surface much weathered. [C. I. L. 12688.] 

C A E S 





coo'ii'ivp^ : 


Dedicated to the colleague of the preceding, in a.d. 253. The first letter of 
line 11 is unintelligible, and may be a stonecutter's error. j 

15. Dukle ; from the west gate, outside which it lies. Block of Spuz stone, 

On the Roman town of Doclea, in Montenegro. 37 

panelled on three sides, 4 feet 8^ inches high, 2 feet 2\ inches broad, and 1 foot 
9 inches thick. Letters about 2f inches. The stone seems to have been inscribed 
three times over, and finally the writing has been purposely obliterated. 
[C. I. L. 13632. See No. 9.] 

IMPCAES Imp(eratori) Caes(ari) 

I ICINIO [P- I^licinio 

VALERIAN Valerian(o) 

PIOFELAVG G Pio Fel(ici) Aug(usto) < G > 

PONT MAX pont(ifici) max(imo) 

npDT'D . pQ'T trib(uiiiciae) pot(estatis) 

P P COS II p(atri)p(atriae) co(n)s(ali; II 

RESPVBLICA respublica 

DOCLEATI Docleati- 

VM -urn. 

The date is a.d. 254 : as often on imperial inscriptions of this period the years 
of the tribunicia potestas are not stated. In line 4 the final Gr is inscribed on the 
moulding, and seems to be a survival from an erased inscription. 

16. Found in porta iirhis Docleae juxta lacum Labeatem. Now lost : a copy is 
preserved in an anonymous MS. collection of Dalmatian inscriptions made in or 
before the sixteenth century. [0. I. L. 1705.] 

TRIE • POT • P • P • CONS • HI ■ RES 
P V B Z • D O C L E A T I V M 

Inscription in honour of the emperor Gallienus, erected a.d. 257 — 260. 

17. Dukle : built (side upwards) into the north wall of the small church, 
inside. Fragment of a block of Spuz stone, about 11 inches square. Letters, 
first line, about 4 inches ; second line, 3 inches. [C. I. L. 13633.] 

Caesa fp^l'l 
P- k'TKl pot' 


18. Dukle : found outside the north-east corner of the small church. Frag- 

•^0 071 the Roman town of Doclea, in Montenegro. 

mcnt of a panelled block of Spiiz stone, 1 foot -J- inch broad, 10} inches high, 
complete only to right. Letters 3 inches, in bad condition. [C. I. L. 13G34] 



[Caesari res publica] d(cdit) d(cdicavit). 

19-22. The following eleven fragments belong to inscriptions which occupied 
the epistyle of the civil basilica. As seen by Sticotti, they lay in four groups in 
front of the fagade, facing the forum, in the following order, except that lllh was 
found first by Munro : 



ah ah 
c d c d 

Jelid, who also saw the inscriptions, observes that they stood over the four 
entrances from the forum into the basilica. They are all in honour of the same 
boy, M. Flavins Balbinus, whose parents were obviously important persons at the 
time when the basilica was erected. 

19. Dukle : four fragments of the architrave of the civil basilica, lying toge- 
ther before the east front of the building, near the north end. Lengths : block 
(a), 4 feet 7 inches ; block (/>), 2 feet 7^ inches ; block (c), 2 feet 10 inches ; 
block (d), 4 feet 3 inches. The architrave consists of travertine blocks, 2 feet 
(5 inches high, and 1 foot 6 inches thick. The inscribed surface is 11 inches 
broad, and occupies the top of the block. The inscription is placed for a point of 
view from below, near the top of the blocks. Letters, in the upper line, about 
3 inches, in the lower about 2} inches, finely cut and picked out with red. 
Measured by the following inscription, the space between the left edge of the O in 
Balhlno and the left edge of the C in defuncto must have been 3 feet 1 inch The 
total length of the inscribed blocks would therefore amount to from 15|- to 
10 feet [0. I. L. 8287 = 12692 L] 



M. Fl(avio), M(arci) f(ilio), Quir(ina), Balbino : [huic defun]c(to) ordo Docl(eatium) honores omnes 

et statuam 
eqnestr(em) decrev(it). [Fl(avius) Fronto et] Fl(avia) Tertulla parentes inauraverunt. 

On the Roman tovm of Doclea, in Montenegro. 39 

20. Dukle : four fragments of the arcliitrave of the civil basihca, lying 
together before the east front of the building, about 25 feet south of the pre- 
ceding group. Lengths: block (a), 2 feet 10 inches; block ih), 5 feet |^ inch ; 
block (c), 4 feet 1 inch. Other dimensions as in the preceding inscription. There 
is lost between the right edge of the Q in Quirina and the left edge of the second 
B in Ball) mo 1 foot 5^ inches ; between the left edge of the D in ordo and the 
middle of the M in omnes, 4 feet 1 inch. The total length of the stones was 
therefore about 17^ feet. One fragment, roughlj the same as (c) in No. 19, 
was not seen by Munro, but was coj^ied by Sticotti and Rovinski. [C. I. L. 
8287 = 12692 11.] 

The inscription is verbatim and litteratim the same as 12,992 i, except that in 
place of PAEENTES • INAVEAVEEVNT the word fIl occurs after tertvlla and under the 

M of OMNES. 

21. Dukle : fragment of the architrave of the civil basilica, lying before the 
east front of the building, about twelve paces south of the preceding group. 
Length, 6 feet 4 inches, to which must be added about 6 inches of broken stone 
on the left of the inscription. This stf)ne has been long exposed to the weather, 
but is quite legible. [C. I. L. 8287 = 12692 IV.] 


FOym-FdONTONI-PRAEF- (' ahrum or f mm. daml. 
riF- FLAM- DlVl- \ 

For the name of the emperor see the note on No. 26. 

22. Dukle : two fragments from the architrave of the civil basilica. The right 
hand piece lies before the east front of the building near the south end, about 14 
paces south of the preceding block. It is 6 feet 2^ inches long, otherwise similar 
to the other architrave blocks. The left hand piece was found in the middle of the 
small church about a quarter of a mile distant from the basilica ; it is 2 feet 9 
inches long, 10 inches high, and 1 foot \ inch thick. Letters, the first line about 
3 inches; the second about 2| inches. [C. I. L. 8287 = 12692 III.] 


\ jnawIaver-vnt- 

ordo Doc]l(eatium) honores omnes et statuam equestr(em) [decrevit . . . parentes] 



On the Roman town of Doclea, in Montenegro. 

This inscription is distinguislied from all the others on the architrave of the 
basilica by the larger size of the letters in the second line. It may be con- 
jectured, therefore, that it belongs, not to the east front like the rest, but to the 

23. Dukle : in the jDavement of the civil basilica. Slab of Spuz stone, 4 feet 
9| inches long, 1 foot 11^ inches broad. Letters 2f inches to 1^ inch, elaborately 
cut and in good style. The left side is much worn, and has been smashed into 
pieces by the fall of the building ; the right side, protected by a wall, is in good 
condition. [C. I. L. 12693=13629.] 


f///////////////mm.D N o RE s 

nW///////S P E Ifi^I C E S CAPER 




t\#l VS-FF 

M. FJavio, M(arci) f(ilio), 

Quir(iua),[i]no ann(orum) xv : 

liu[i]c defunct(o) ord(o) 

in[uni]c(ip.) D[o]c[l](eatium) finius 

[publicum et] statuam 
[equestr(em) ? dec]r(evit) : item 

[decrevit] honores 
q[uanto]s pe[r leg]es caper[e] 
[liceret et stat(uam)] equest(rem) 
[M. Flavius. M. f ? ] Quir(ina) 


t(estamento) p(oni) j(ussit) 
M. Flavius Fronto 
et Flavia Tertulla 
parente[s i]mpeiis(a) adiect(a) 
[M Flav]ius Fr[onto] 

24. Dukle : in the civil basilica. Two fragments of a slab of Spuz stone 
similar to the preceding, but possibly an inch or two broader, {a) was found 
lying loose in the building. (6) was discovered by Mr. Milne face downwards 
in the pavement. It has been roughly hewn to its present shape, and is broken 
into many pieces. The lower part was completely rotten and crumbled to dust 
on being touched. Letters 3 inches to If inch. [C. I. L. 12694=13630.] 

Oil the Roman town of Doclea, in Montenegro. 






Fin iO" 

fl T 

[M. Fla]vio, M(arci) [f(ilio)], 

[Balbino] ann(orum) xv : 
[huic defu]nct(o) ord(o) 
[r ampl. decu]r(ionuin.)fuiiu[s] 
[publ(icuin) et stjatuam 
[equestr(em)?] decrevi[t] : 
[item ordo D]ocleatiu[m] 
[honores q]uantos pe[r] 
[leges (capere)] liceret [et] 
[statuam e]que8tr(ein). 

[Plaviu]s Fronto 
[Fl]avia T. f. Tei-tu[lla] ^ 

Possibly this slab and the preceding are from the base of equestrian statues. 
The last line R T . . . L {Te\rt[ii\l\la ) may continue the last line of the 
preceding. The supplement to line 5 was suggested by Hirschfeld. 

25. Dukle : not far from the junction of the Zeta and Moraca. A block of 
Spuz stone from an architrave, 2 feet 3 inches long, 1 foot 9 inches high, 1 foot 
4|- inches thick, broken to right. Letters 4 inches. [C. I. L. 13640.] 

fac. cu 
? inaicrave 



42 On (he Boman totoii of Doclea, in Montenegro. 

20. Dukle : copk'd liy Koviiit>ki, sought iu vaiu by Muuro. [C. I. L. 12695.] 

M . FLAVIO • T • F • OVIR 
HAM //// PRAEF //// 


M. Cagnat suggests : M. Flavio T. /(ilio) Qniriina iribu) Frontoni, sacerd{oii) in coloni(i)s 
Naron{a) et Epidauro, ii vir(o) i{ure) d(icinido) 7j([?]jo Bisino, ii vir(o) [q']innq(nennaH), 
[p]onlti{Jici)] in co^l] /S'c[o]rfr(a) u vir(o) i. d. qm[nq.'], [Jl^aviini [diui Aug.'] praef. [fabrnvi], pleps 
ex aere conla\Jo]. 

The lost emperor's name in line 8 cannot have been a long one, and as Flavins 
Fronto may well have been the father of the boy mentioned in No. 19, we may 
perhaps suggest Titus and refer the inscription to the origin of Doclea (see 
No. 4). 

The references to Risinium and Scodra are important ; as M. Cagnat has 
pointed out, they show that Risinium received city rights from Augustus, while 
Scodra seems to have been raised from the rank of Municipium to that of Colonia 
by the Flavian emperors. 

27. Dukle : found just outside the door of the large church. Morsel of a 
slab of Spuz stone, 6 inches high, 5 inches broad, 3 inches thick, broken on all 
sides. Letters 1 inch, poorly cut. [C. I. L. 13639.] 


Possibly part of the dedication of the church (cf. No. 28). 

28. Dukle : found beside the gateway facing the west front of the small 
church. Lintel block of Spuz stone, 7 feet 6 inches long, 10 inches high, 1 foot 3-^ 

On the Roman town of Doclea, in Montenegro. 4B 

inches thick. Letters 4 inches, plainly and deeply cut on a concave moulding in 
the middle of the lintel. [C. I. L. 13654.] 


Ansonia diac(onis8a) pro voto suo et filiomm STioram f(aciendtiin) c(uravit). 

29. At Berane, in the valley of the Lim, Albania, but said to have been 
brought from the neighbouring village of Budimlje, built upside down into the 
south wall of the church of G-jurgjevo Stupovi : panelled block of coarse bluish 
marble. Above the inscription is a relief of three busts with clasped hands, over 
two garlands. The letters are picked out with red. [C. I. L. 13641.] 

D A\ S D M S 

A'I-'^R-^AHO Aur(elio) Verzano ? 

AIBERTOQ. liberto q(Tii) 

VlXSir-AN vixsitan- 


In line 3 a Grreek A seems to be used for L. 

30. Zlatica, about two miles east of Dukle : dug up in the old church. Block 
of Spuz stone, much broken ; apparently a capital split in half vertically, 1 foot 
3 inches high, 1 foot broad. Letters 1 inch to If inch. Copy and squeeze by 
:Mr. Milne. [C. I. L. 13642.J 



31. Dukle : in a house by the north wall. SmaU panelled slab, 1 foot 1 inch 
square, 5 inches thick. Letters from 1^ inch to f inch. [C. I. L. 8288a.] 







44 On the Roman town of Doclea, in Montenegro. 

32. Duklo, at the meeting of the Zeta and Morac-a. Now at Ragusa ; copied by 
Hirsclifeld. [C. I. L. 8287.] 


" To Q. Cassius Aquila, a decurion [of Doclea], erected by his wife Epidia 
Celerina and his daughter Cassia Aqu(i)liiia, to him, themselves, and their liouse- 
hold, in their lifetime." 

33. Podgorica, in the Serbian cemetery ; copied by Bogisic and Sticotti. Bad 
lettering. [C. I. L. 8289.] 

D- M • S 
C L A N I C E T O 
M E M O R I A M P O S V I T 
M • Villi DIES • V • HAS 

C A R I S S I M O C O N I V G I- 


Erected to Claudius Anicetus, aged 59 years 9 months 5 days, by liis wife 
CI. Olympia. 

34. Dukle : lying in the ravine close under the bridge, no doubt from the west 
gate. The upper part of a block of Spiaz stone panelled on three sides, 1 foot 
8 inches higli, 1 foot 11 inches broad, 11^ inches thick, with 2:^-inch letters. 

The inscription is complete. [C. I. L. 12707.] 

CL • Q • FIL 

Cl(audiae) Q(uinti) fil(iae) Probillae. 
35. At the palace of Krusna Glavica opposite Podgorica. Block of Spuz stone 

On the Roman town of Doclea, in Montenegro. 45 

from Dukle, 2 feet 8 inches High, 1 foot llf inches broad, 1 foot 8 inches thick. 
Letters 2 inches to 1^ inch. About a third of the face is broken away on the 
left, but the inscription seems to be complete. [C. I. L. 12691.] 




i.e. M • Epidio P(iibli) fil(io) Quir(ina) Latino, dec(urioni) D(ocleati). 

36. Dukle : in the western cemetery. Small block of Spuz stone, 11^ inches 
hiarh, 10 inches broad, 6 inches thick. Letters about 1 inch. ; much worn to left. 


[C. L I. L. 12708.] 

^TT0lHC€<f' eironiae 4> - 

A/^IMOCX -\aKi8io^ X - 

A P I T UJ N • apiTfOP 

ATT IT I AN W 'ATTTrmi'ft; 

.\\\\\\\^HTHM • • • • ^TT, /x- 


This is the only Greek inscription yet found at Doclea. 

37. Zlatica, dug up in the old church. Limestone slab, 2 feet 2 inches high ; 
broken at both sides. Letters 1^ inch. On the back is carved a cross. Surface 
much worn. Copy and squeeze by Mr. Milne. [C. I. L. 13643.] 

. . . F 

I • PL • CKEscenti 
p ATR 

^ • V . ANNIS L 
FL • CRESCens 
B • M 

38. Dukle : found in the large church, near the south-west corner. Block of 
Spuz stone, cut away at the top and bottom, 2 feet 1 inch square. An ornamental 
border runs down each side. The top of the stone was occupied by relief of 
three half-figures facing to right, each liolding an object. Beneath the relief is a 
band of ornament and the panel containing the inscription. In the middle of the 

46 On the Roman town of Doclea, in Montenegro. 

second and tliinl lines of the inscription is an upright hole, which must have 
been there before the stone was inscribed, for it has been carefully avoided by the 
cutter. [C. I. L. 13638.] 1 

D ^AA D(is) M(anibus) 

FLVl' pODC ri(avio) Ursod(e)c(nriom) 1 

AQRLJqVIV Agr(uvino '0 qui V . 1 

I X I T A\ A'X - ixit a(nnos) p(lus) m(inns) 

XXX V 1 1 1 VA L xxxviii Val(orins) 

_M^C ELLL Marcelli - j 

[nus] ... i 

Agruvium was a small Dalmatian town close to the modern Cattaro. ; 

39. Dukle : in the civil basilica. Panelled block of Spuz stone, 2 feet 9 inches | 

high, 1 foot 6 inches broad, broken on the right. The border of the panel is 
chiselled away on the left, but the inscription is complete on that side. Letters 
2^ inches to If inch, well cut in good style. M. Oagnat, judging from a 
squeeze, assigns it to the end of the first or beginning of the second century, to 
which date he also ascribes Nos. 19 to 22. [C. I. L. 8287 = 12678.] 





PKAEFFABl r(nm) 
T- F-I 

Thamaria may be a Dalmatian place-name. 

40. Dukle: now at Ragusa. Copied by Mommsen. [C. I. L. 1707 = 8282.] 

D M S 

To the memory of Flavia Eutia, aged about xxxj erected by her liusl)and> 
Epidius Filipus (Philippus). 

On the Roman town of Doclea, in Montenegro. 47 

41. Dukle: in the western cemetery. Small panelled block of Spuz stone, 
1 foot l-j inch high, 9^ inches broad. Letters about 1 inch. [C. I. L. 13644.] 


i.e. D(is) M(aiiibus) sfaci-um) Flfaviae) Januariae i]uae vixit an(nos) xlviii. Gratus eoujuofi incom- 

parabili posuit. 

42. Dukle, at the north-east gate: copied by Neigebaur and Bogisic. [C. I. L. 
1706=8281 ] 


sTb'- pos 


Probably the conclusion of a memorial stone. Flavia G.fiUa reappears on 
I^os. 45, 56. 

43. Dukle: copied by Rovinski. [C. I. L. 12696.] 

• • AVIA 


F-C • 
L • D • D • D 

\Fr\avia Pinnia t{estaviento) f{ieri) i{nssit : FJ. Ep\i']d\i']a\n\us f{aciendum c{nravit) : l{ocus^ 
d(atus) d(ecrelo) d{ecnrionum) . The emetidation of line t is due to M. Cagnat. 

48 On the Roman toion of Doclea, in Montenegro. | 

44. Dukle : in the western cemetery. Small panelled block of Spiiz stone, 
1 foot 3.y inches liigh, 11^ inches broad. Letters 14- inch. [C. I. L. 13645.] 

D • M j 






F-Q-VI-AI'X ] 

For F(lavia) Pinnia, cf. No. 43. 

45. Dukle: copied by Rovinski. [C. 1. L. 12097.] 



L D D D 

The first remaining line contained probably an official title like iivir. id. ii., 
belonging to the man in whose memory the stone was erected. Flavia 0. f. j 

Rufina may be connected with the persons mentioned in Nos. 42, 56. i 

46. Dukle: found in the basilica and copied by Petricevic and Rovinski. 

Munro saw only a fragment 8^ by 7\ inches, with 1-inch letters, belonging to the j 

lower left side. [C. I. L. 12709.] ! 

I) M i 

M I S E R I M E i 








10 CE ! 

D. m. mise{r)rim{a)e infelicissim{a)e F\_l]. Ursillae qu{a)e vixit an(nos) vi m{enses) ii d(ies) xxv. 
FL Ursus et Fl. Baebia parentes filiae [innojcel^niissimae . .] j 

On the Roman town of Doclea, in Montenegro. 


Small panelled slab, 
Letters from 1^ to 

i.e. D(is) M(anibus) C. 
Gord(io) Maxi- 
-miano art- 
-is gram(in)atic- 
-ae Graecae peri- 
-tissimo. Q. Fl(aviiis) 
Helenus ami- 

co mconpa- 

In 6 Munro read ME, in 8 BA, in 9 lES. 

47. Dukle : now at the hut in the western cemetery. 
1 foot 7 inches high, 1 foot 6 inches broad, 4 inches thick. 
1 inch, well cut. [C. I. L. 12702.] 

D '^ M ^C 


48. Dukle : now in the Ragusa Museum 

D • M • S 



SIB -E -S • V- F- 

D. M. s., ladestinus Baehior{nin) ser(vus) sib(i) e(t) s(uis) v(iLms) f(ecit). 

The slave's name is formed from the town name ladera. For the Baebii 
cf. No. 31. 

49. Podgorica : outside the reading-room. Small column-base of Spuz stone, 
brought from Zlatica. The inscription occupies the square under-face of the base. 
Letters about 1^ inch, rudely inscribed and carelessly picked out with black. 
When seen by Petricevic the initial letters of 4, 5, were extant. [C. I. L. 12711.] 

Copied by Hirschfeld. [C. I. L. 





Tombstone to a daughter and grandson : the daughter's name was given with 


50 On the Roman town of Doclea, in Montenegro. 

the beginning of the inscri[)tion on another stone. The wliole ran probably some- 

■what thus : [D. M quae vixit annos] Villi m(enses) II 

d(ies) VII, et innocentissimo Pusino J[a]nuario [f]ilio ejus, vix(it) an(nos) [I]I 
m[enses] III d(ies) XVII, Secundianus et Januaria parent(es) filia[e] et nepoti 

In all probability the word Pusino is equivalent to Pupo, which is commonly 
used as the i)raenomen of children too young to have legal iwaenomina of their 
own ; it does not seem to occur elsewhere in literature or epigraphy. In line 7, 
P is formed like a Greek koppa, as happens occasionally on rudely cut inscriptions 
{e.g. Eph. vii. 1025). 

50. Dukle: in the western cemetery. Small block of Spuz stone, 1 foot 
\\ inch high, 1 foot ^\ inches broad, 4^ inches thick,, with letters about 1 inch. 
The upper right hand corner is broken away, but the inscription is complete. 
[C. I. L. 12710.] 

D M 


i.e. D(is) M(anibus) M. Jul(io) Laconi, qui vixit a(nno9) XLV: Iniic def(uncto) Baeb[ija 
Moderata ma[r]ito b(ene) iii(erenti) [f(ecit)]. 

51. Dukle: copied by Sticotti. [C. I. L. 12699.] 


QVl • vIXIT . ANN • L 

On the Roman town of Dorlea, in Montenegro. 61 

52. Dukle, found 1890 : copied from a squeeze by Hirschf eld. [C. I. L . 12690.] 

M MA////7 

A M B A C T I 





P S C R I B A Q 


Probably, mucb as Hirsclifeld suggests, M. Ma[_rii?'] Amhadi Gorneli\_ani?~\, 
dom{o) Br{i)xia, P. 8crasius Naeolus aeq{;uo) i}{uhlico), scriha q{iiaestorius) amico 
incomparabi{li) . Bryxia, Naeolus, aequo are variants for Brixia, Naevolus, equo, 
for whicb many parallels occur. 

53. Now, at tbe palace of Krusna Glavica, opposite Podgorica: panelled 
block of Spuz stone from Dukle, 2 feet 7 incbes bigli, 1 foot 10\ inches broad, 
1 foot 8 inches thick. Letters 2\ inches to If inch. [C. I. L. 12700.] 

M'NOVlO M. Novio 

^I " I V S T O Qui(riua tribu) Justo 

np^v^^'T PCtA dec(urioni), ex testa- 

MENTO'EIVS^ -mentoejus 

T'NOVIVS'M T.NoviusMa- . 

XIMVS-FRA -ximusfra- 

"ER'POI^NDNAA -ter ponendum 

CVRAVT^ curav[i]t 

* L''D''D^D l(oco) d(ato) d(eciirionum) d(ecreio). 

54.. Dukle : in the -western cemetery. Small panelled block of Spuz stone, 
9f inches high, 1 foot f inches broad. Letters fi'om 1 inch to f inch. [C. I. L. 
12712.] QVARTIOM 





i.e. Quartioni C. Pla(vii) Jiisti servo Pla [- ?]-ia (Flavia ?) contubernalis. 


52 On the Roman town of Doclea, in Montenegro. 

55. Duklo : found in the small church, the upper part built into the south 
wall, the lower part lying in the middle of the building. Panelled block of Spuz 
stone, 2 feet 10^ inches high, 1 foot lOf inches broad, 1 foot 9 inches thick, 
broken across. The surface is chipped away at both sides, but the inscription is 
complete on the left. Letters 1-| inch to 1 \ inch, somewhat worn. [C. I. L. 







i.e. [C]u. Serto[rio] C. f. Brocc[lio] Ai|uilio Agiicola[c] Ped[an]io F[usoo ?] 
Saliiia[tori] Julio Servia[no .... 

All the names probably belong to one man, who may have been, as Hirschfeld 
suggests, by birth Sertorius Brocchus, by adoption son of Cn. Pedanius Fuscus 
Salinator (cos. a.d. 118), the son-in-law of L. Julius Ursus Servianus (cos. before 
98 and in 102). Such accumulation of names was not uncommon, especially in 
the second century. A C. Sertorius Brocchus was pro-consul of Asia at an un- 
known time. 

56. At the palace of Krusna Glavica, opposite Podgorica. Block of Spuz 
stone from Dukle, 3 feet 7 inches high, 1 foot 10 inches broad, 1 foot 11 inches 
thick. Letters 2-| inches. [C. I. L. 8287 = 12701.] 








57. Dukle : dug up near the surface between the two churches. Two frag- 

On the Roman town of Doclea, in Montenegro. 


ments of a small marble slab, broken below. Total breadth, 11 inches, height 
8 inches, thickness 2\ inches. Letters If inch. [C. I. L. 13648. J 

58. Dukle : found on the surface about mid-way between the west gate and 
the civil basilica. Fragment of rough block, complete only to left, 1 foot \ inch 
high, 1 foot 1\ inch broad, 5j inches thick. Letters about 11 inch, scratched 

rathei' than cut and much worn. 

[C. L L. 13650.] 
D M , 

a VI V I X( 

For Mi\_se'\rrimo, in line 2, compare No. 46. 

59. Zlatica : extracted from the wall of a house near the old church. Lime- 
stone slab, broken to left, 1 foot 6^ inches high, 1 foot 9|^ inches broad. Letters 
\\ inch. Copy and squeeze by Mr. Milne. [C. I. L. 13652.] 

d. in. 

honesfae ? 
nae quae u 



60. Dukle: 
especially in 2, 

Diis) M(antbus) I? Nolvio No[_ 

filiiipi'e XfTISSlMf 
cura /V E R 

copied by Hirschfeld from a squeeze. 
4, 5. [C. L L. 12704.] 

D M 

/////VIo NO/// 
R o M I ,! / / / CD 
//NVS ET PL ■ CI//// 
B • M • PoS 

]«o sodali Itom\^ 

The text is uncertain, 

.] JIMS et Fl (avius Ci[ 

] imiis 

Colleg(a)e b{ene inherent i) pos{%ieruni). 


On the Roman town of Doclea, in Montenegro. 

Gl. Now at Podgorica, outside the reading-room. Small fragment of Spuz 
stone, broken on all sides except the left. Very rudely inscribed. Letters about 
1 inch. The stone is said to have been brought from Zlatica, where Sticotti 
saw it. [0. I. L. 12703.] 


Q,UAEyj\y xit annos 

62. Dukle : (a) copied by Saski ; Q)) dug out of a rubble wall on the south 
side of the west gate, a fragment of panelled Spuz stone 9x14 inches with two- 
inch letters. [C. I. L. 8288 = 13626.] 

(a) PRO 

MA Iri 
PllSSlIM^^E" (&) 
L I) l- 1) • 1) • 

63. Dukle: outside the west gate. Lower left corner of a panelled block of 
Spuz stone, 1 foot 1 inch high, 9| inches broad. Letters, about 2 inches, poor 
late style. [C. I. L. 13653.] 

64. Dukle : found lying in front of the apse in the large church. Panelled 
block of Spuz stone, 2 feet '7\ inches high, 1 foot 9^ inches broad, 1 1 inches thick, 
broken below, especially at the corners, also at the upper left hand corner, and 

On the Roman to2vn of Doclea, in Montenegro. 


elsewhere on the left side. Letters, 2\ incli to 1^ inch, fairly well cut, but 
badly weathered. [C. I. L. 13636.] 

^ mmwis 




-^ AIV\EN 3 


. . . ins 
Quir{ina trihu) 
[viator?'] co[ra]s(M/M'ni) et 
p\_raet(or^i'ni)'\ sac\_e\rd{os) 
at a'ira'lm, Coesar[i]s 

teet~\am,en\to poni , 
[L. d. d.] d 

Hirschfeld, from a squeeze, reads ER (in ligature) for R in 5, AA for M in 6, 
TB in 8 init. and TO PO in 8 fin. The suggestion of viator consulum et jprae- 
torum is due to him, and he also points out that this mention of an ara Caesaris 
is the first yet found in Dahnatia proper, and that, combining this inscription 
with the many imperial dedications (Nos. 4 foil.), we may fix the site of the altar 
at Doclea itself. 

65. Dukle, copied by Rovinski. [C. I. L. 12689.] 




. . iyraef{ectus) 
frumenti^ dand[i 
2Jroc~\os [p'\rov 
.... h'[r, 

The conjectures are due first to M. Cagnat. 

66. Dukle, found in the torrent bed just below the bridge. 

block of Spuz stone, 1 foot 5 inches high, 1 foot broad, broken all round. 
2 inches, in poor late style. [C. I. L. 13637.] 

Fragment of a 





On the Roman town of Doclea, in Montenegro. 

67. Podgorica, old town : block, built into the wall of a house, high up, 
upside down, broken right and left. Letters in first line about 6 inches. [C. I. L. 
82901 = 2098.] 


iVG OB hi*- 

. G]emelli[nns ?] 

A]ug(iisti) ob h[onorem]. 

08. Dukle : outside the west gate. Lower part of a panelled block of Spuz 
stone, 1 foot 'i\ inches high, 1 foot 9^ inches broad. Letters 2^ inches, in good 


[p(oueiidum)] c(iu-avit) l(oco) d(ato) d(ecreto) d(ecuriouuraj. 

69. Dukle : found outside the south wall of the large church. Fragment of a 
panelled slab of Spuz stone, 9 inches high, 1 foot \\ inch broad, 2\ inches thick. 
The slab is broken at the top and bottom, and the border to left, but the inscrip- 
tion is complete on both sides. Letters 1^ inch, picked out with red. [C. 1. L. 


Long{a)evo seems plain; the rest is unintelligible. 

70. Podgorica : copied by Petricevic. [C. I. L. 12705.] 


In line 2, Hirschfeld suggests jjrr/Jjmsii. 

71. Budimlje (about a mile north-east of Berane, in the valley of the Lim) 

On the Roman town of Doelea, in Montenegro. 57 

in tlie old churchyard. Stone about 7 feet long and 3 feet broad. Surface much 
worn. [C. I. L. 13646.] 

Along the upper edge : . . IS . . . M 

Along the lower edge : ANNAI//AX//IIASCCI .... 

Possibly . . Anna [M]ax[im]ia Sc[odrina r*] 

72. Ibid. Similar stone. [C. I. L. 13647.] 

About the middle : T MM MAXIMVS 

Along the lower edge : MAXI H SIT 

The last word may be lusti. 

73. Berane : built into the south wall of the church of Gjurgjevo Stupovi. 
Coarse bluish marble. [C. I. L. 13649.] 


74. Dukle : copied by Rovinski. [C. I. L. 12713.] 


75. Dukle : in the civil basilica. Fragment of Spuz stone, broken on all sides, 
11t inches high, 9 inches broad. Letter, 2^ inches. [C. I. L. 12714.] 

76. Cetinje, in the museum : on a tile from Dukle. Copy and squeeze by 
Mr. Milne. 

[Q] Clodi Am[brosi] 

Cf. C. I. L. iii. 3214, 2; Cagnat, Xo. 17, gives it irapei'fectly. 

77. Dukle : on a fragment of tile found in the large church. 



On the Buvian town of Doclea, in Monteneyro. 


1. Names of Private Persons. 
Names. 7. Orthograpliy, etc. 

Emperors. 3. Military, -i. Religious. 5. Civil. (J. Place 

Names of Pkivatk Peksoxs. 
a. Praenomina. 
Fusinus = Pupus ? 

h. Nomina. 

Aur(elius) Verzanus ? 

Baebius S. 

Bacbia iloderata 

Baebiorum seivus 
P. Bennius Egregius 
C. Caninins Valens . 

Caninius lulianus 

Caiiinius Proculus 
Q. Cassins Aquila . 

Cassia Aqii(i)lina 

CI. Auicetus 

CI. Olympia 

CI. Q. fil. Probilla 
[Q] Clodius Am[brosius 

Epidius Filipus . 
M. Epidius P. fil. Latiiius 

Epidia Celerina . 

Flacidius Cliarito (Greek) 
M. Fl(avias) M. f. Balbiuus 

PI. Ci . . . imus . 

Fl. Crescens 
L. Flavins Epidianus 

Fl. Ep[i]d[i]a[ti]us 


. 29 
. 30 
. 50 
. 48 
. 31 
. 31 
. 31 
. 32 
. 32 
. 33 
. 33 
. 34 
. 76 
. 40 
. 35 
. 32 
. 36 
. 60 
. 37 
. 4 
. 43 

U. Flavius T. f. Frouto . . 19-24, 26 

C. Fla(vius) lustus . . . .54 

Q. Fl. Helenus . . . .47 

Fl. Ursus ... 38, 46 

T. Flaviu[s] Verecuudu[s . . .39 

Flavia C. filia . . . .42 

Fl. Baebia . . .46 

F[l]. Bassilla . . . . 3 

Fl. Eutia . . . . .40 

Fl. lanuaria . . . . 41 

[Fljavia Pinuia . . . .43 

F. Pinnia. . . . .44 

Fl. C. f. Prisca . . . .56 

F. Quintina . . . .44 

Flavia C. f. Rufina . . .45 

Flavia Tertulla . . . 19-24 

F[l]. Ursilla . . . .46 

C. Gordius Maxiiuianus . . 47 

Pusinus lanuarius . . . .49 

M. lulius Laco . . . .50 

M. Licinius Probus . . . .51 

M. Licinius Severus . . . .51 

M. Ma[rius F] Ambactus Corneli[anus] . 52 

M. Novius Iu.stu.s . . . .53 

T. Novius Maximus . . .53 

'r No] vio No . . . . . .60 

P. Scrasius Nae(v)olus . 52 
Cn. Sertorius C. f. Brocclius Aquilius 
Agricola Pedanius F(uscus ?) Sali- 

naior lulius Servianus . . 55 

On the Bovian town of Doclea, in Montenegro. 


Servenia Marcel (1) a 

. 56 


53, 72 

L. Tullius Claudianus 

. 57 


. 50 

Val(erius) Marcelli[nus 

. 38 


. 52 

M. Valerius Quintianus 

. 44 


. 33 

Vale[rius ? . . 

. 73 

Philippus, see 


. 40 

. . . ius Genialis . 

. 64 



Plaia ? 

. 54 


. 56 

c. Cognomina. 


. 34 

Agricola . . . . .55 


. 51 


. 52 


. 31 

Am [brosius 

. 76 

Quartio ser. 

. 54 


. 33 


. 44 

Appianus (Greek) 



. 44 


. 32 




. 32 


. 55 


. 28 


. 49 




. 55 


. 3 


. 51 


. 55 




. 32 


. 46 

Charito (Greek) 

. 36 

Ursus . 

38, 46 


. 57 


. 31 

Corneli[anus . 

. 52 


. 39 


. 37 

Verzanus ? 

. 29 


. 2 
4, 43 

Ci . . imu.s 

. 60 

Eutia . 

. 40 


. 40 



F[uscus] ? . 

G]emelli[nus . 


G rat us 


ladestinus ser. 

lanuarius-ia (len-) 



Laco . 



19-24, 26 
. 55 
. 67 
. 64 
. 41 
. 47 
. 48 
41, 49 
. 31 
3, 54, 72 (?) 
. 50 
. 35 

Titus .... 

Alexander Severus 
Philip . 

„ (son) . 
Traian Decius 
Trebonianus, Volusianus 

4, 26 ? 



8, 9?, 10, 11 

10, 11 


. 12 

13, 14 

. 15 

. 16 

17, 18, 21, 26 

Marcel (l)a 

. 56 

ara Caesaris . 

. 64 

Marcclli[nus . 

. 38 

Maximianus . 

. 47 


(hi thr Tiiimini fn/rit (if Ihx'li'u, ill Montenegro. 


coh(()rs) vo(lnntariorura) 
adiutor prineipis 
bencficiarius coiisnlnris 


dis deabusq(ue) 

I(ovi) o(ptimo) m(aximo) 

Epona Regin(a) 

Genius loci 

Venus Aug(nsta) 

flamen [diui Titi ':*] 
sacerdos at aram Caesaris 
sodalis Rom , . . 

Chiistian : diaconissa 


e(|uus publicus 
scriba quacstorius 
viator cos et praet ? 

. 64 
. 60 

21, 26 

. 28 


tribus Quirina, 
respublica Docleatium 



26, 35, 53, 64 

oido . 



iivir (jiiinquennalis 

. 20 

iiiivir quinquennali.s . 
iivir i(urc) d(icundo) 
praefectus fabrum 
praefectus frumento dando . 

. 26, 
21 v, 

. 4 
39, 45 ? 
26?, .39 

. 65 

pleps . 

. 26 
. 29 

servi . 

48, 54 



Agi-[uvium "r] . 

. 38 




Juliuni Risinuni 




OlnlllHiltAl'lIY, ETC. 

Aequo = equo. . 
At = ad 
Br3-xia = Brixia 

Fill pus 




Pie[n]tisime . 

Pleps . 

Greek lambda in Roman inscri|)tion 


Stonecutter's marks . 

Statiia equestris 

Artis grammaticae peritus 


C. I. L. 1 1 1 . numbers cited. [Copies bj'Hirscbf eld, 
Bogisic, Sticotti, and others.] 

Cagnat, Compfes-rendiis de rAcadnnie, 1890, p. 138. 

„ Memoires de la Soc. des Antiq. de France, 

lii. (1893), 323. [Based on material 

supplied by M. Gerard, Rovinski and 


Pctricevic, bullettino Dahn., xiii. 1028. 

Bulic, hnUeitino Dahn. vi. 66. [Copies l)y M. 

Mowat, revue archeol. xliv. (1882), 81. [Copies by 
M. Saski.] 

. 52 



. 6 


. 47 



(PAirrs I. AND u.) 






Vx //i^^^-j ^ y- 5^^^^ 

'■^ -^Z - ^^.^-/-^^r 




(PAKTS 111. AND IV.) 










J. A. R. MUNRO, ESQ., M.A., F.S.A. ; W. C. F. ANDERSON, ESQ., M.A. 
J. G. MILNE, ESQ., M.A.; and F. HAVERFIELD, ESQ., M.A., F.S.A.