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I
/,*'''i''1-
- yjri//fy.i. /M/yi^fi'/irm/.ii'ii
l^ai&arli College i-ibrars
FROM THE GIFT Of
WILLIAM ENDICOTT, Jr.
(CUaa of isar)
OF BOSTON
==J
:i
ANTIQUITIES
OF
SHROPSHIRE
BY
THE RrV. R. W. EYTON,
BECTOR OF RYTON.
Non omnia grandior &etas
Qu» fugiamuB habet.
VOL. I.
LONDON:
JOHN RUSSELL SMITH, 36, SOHO SQUARE.
B. L. BEDDOW, SHIFFNAL, SALOP.
MDCCCXJy.
MAR 29 1918'
TT7CKEB, FBIKTEB, PSKBT'S PLACE, OXFOBD 8TBBST.
TO
THE RIGHT HONOURABLE
ROWLAND, VISCOUNT ^ILL,
BARON HILL OF AI^MAREZ, OF HAWKSTONE, AND OF HARDWICKE,
LORD LIBUTENANT AKD GUSTOS ROTULORUM
OV TBB
Counts 0^ SbBiop,
AS TO THE BJSPKESENTATIVE OF A NAME,
WHICH, WHILE LONG AND INTIMATELY AfiSOCIATBD WITH
<Si)ro|idi)ire anti its f^idtors,
HAS BEEN NO LESS IDENTIFIED WITH PATRIOTIC PRINCIPLES AND NOBLE DEEDS.
THIS WORK,
WHICH HE WAS THE FIRST TO ENCOURAGE, IS, WITH HIS LORDSHIP'S PERMISSION,
INSCRIBED,
BY HIS MOST OBEDBENT SERVANT,
THE AUTHOR.
LIST OF ENGRAVINGS.
VOL. I.
'^ 1. Between pp. 16 and VJ. Map op Pabt op Shbopshibe, Stappobbbhibe,
Ain> Wabwiceshibe.
I 2. To face page 42. Chavcel DooB, South Side, Morville. Ber. J. L. Petit, ^I^Z.
/3. — — FiLLAB and Capital, Morville. Ber. J. L. Petit, cid^.
^4. — — ChancbIi Abch, Morville. Eev. J. L. Petit, del,
»^ 5. — — Font, Morville. Kev. J. L. Petit, deh
^6, To face page 66. Bilunoslbt Ghttbch. F. S. A. del.
^ 7. To face page 116. Chancel, Quatford. Bev. J. L. Petit, deL
^8. — — Font, Quatford. Rev. J. Brooke, del.
^9. — — Incised Slabs, Quatford. Rev. J. L. Petit, «fei.
«/10. To face page 146. Upton Cbbssett Chuech. Rev. J. L. Petit, <ie/.
vll. — — Font, Fpton Cressett. Rev. J. L. Petit, del.
V12. — — DooE-WAY, Upton Cressett. F. S. A. del.
^ 13. To face page 208. Head op Doob-wat, Aston Eyre. F. S. A. del.
9inti(imtm of S^firop^iitre*
BT
THE REV. R. W. EYTON,
Sector of Biftony ScUop.
VOL. I.
Non omnia grandior setas
Quse fugiamus habet.
ONLF 800 COPIES PRINTED.
PREFACE.
±N deciding on a plan for the present work, the author has
felt his greatest difficulty to exist in producing that combina-
tion^ which, while it need not offend the mere antiquary, may
also be attractive and useful to those local readers, who feel
a pride or an interest in the County to which they belong.
Large in extent,^ important in position, rich in fertility and
productions, beautiful and varied in scenery, Shropshire has
ever been inhabited by a race of men characteristic for uni-
formity of principle and energy of action.
Great in its antecedents, and not unfortunate in its present,
it may be no bad omen of its future, that those who have
chief concern in its welfare be the slowest of all men to adopt
any theory which identifies patriotism with a contempt of the
past. Much does the antiquary congratulate himself in having
chosen a field of research which promises such unusual ad-
vantages of encouragement and sympathy.
The present series of volumes on Shropshire Antiquities
will relate mainly to the interval which elapsed between the
Norman Conquest and the death of Henry III.
^ The documents which furnish nearly
all the knowledge we possess of the earUer
Anglo-Norman period are written in base
Latin : the use of contracted forms is also
general, though the forms themselves are
various, no two scribes employing exactly
the same. Translations more or less Ute-
ral have therefore been given in the text,
whilst the original has been added in a
note, wherever its meaning was doubtful
or unexpressible in another language. In
the latter case all contractions have been
resolved.
3 Shropshire, with the exception of
Wiltshire, is the largest of the inland
counties of Great Britain. Its limits wiU
have sometime been greatly in excess of
that county. Its ancient position, on a
hostile frontier, is that more particularly
alluded to in the text.
PREFACE.
That period involved two centuries of years, a succession of
eight Kings, and the lives of six generations of Princes of the
Norman dynasty.
The contemporary Chronicles are not numerous, but where-
ever their aid has been available for the present work, they
have been consulted. Their testimony is however seldom of
local interest, as none of them, except Ordericus, had any
connexion with Shropshire, and his was chiefly that of birth.
As regards national records, a short account of those which
have reference to the period must be given, if only in expla-
nation of the more summary mode of citing them which will
be adopted in the sequel.
Domesday Booky or at least its general character, is known
to all. This great territorial record was compiled by itinerant
commissioners, in the years 1085-6, and the result of their
labours returned into the King's Court at Winchester, in the
Easter of the latter year. Its evidence in regard to Shropshire
is most satisfactory, whether we apply such external tests as
remain to us, or look to the better guarantee of internal con-
sistency. The printed edition is a very creditable facsimile
of the original, at least as far as this county is concerned.
The national record, which" comes next, both in point of
date and importance, is the series of Pipe Bolls. The earliest
of these Rolls is of the 31st year of Henry I (a.d. 1130),
but unfortunately any portion thereof relating to Shropshire
is either lost or never existed. The next Roll belonged to the
1st year of Henry II, but it is lost, and its former existence is
only known by its having been epitomized by a later officer^ of
the Exchequer. The Pipe Rolls, from the 2d year of Henry II,
to the end of the period with which we are concerned, still
contain all that was ever entered* on them relative to Shrop-
3 Alexander de Swereford — ^who, at the
time he made this abstract, viz. A.D. 1230,
was Archdeacon of Salop (Lichfield dio-
cese).
^ It is a very usnal subject of regret
amongst antiquaries, that the Pipe Boll of
1 Henry III is lost from the series ; such
regret might be extended to the Boll of 18
John as well as to the Boll of the latter
half of King John's 17th regoal year ;
though the absence of these seems not to
have been observed. It is probable how-
PREFACE. 3
shire. They are the accounts of the sheriffs of counties, of
that revenue for which each was annually responsible at the
King's Exchequer, and they include statements of the ex-
penses of those officers in the Royal service.
The Record, commonly called the Liber Niger ^ or Black
Book of the Exchequer, is mainly the result of an order made
in the year 1165, or beginning of 1166, on every tenant in
capite of the Crown, to return a list before the first Sunday of
'Lent (March 17th, 1166), of all who held under him by
knight's^service, stating whether such tenure was of old or of
new feoffment, that is, whether it had existed from the days
of Henry I, or had arisen since. Subject to this order, there
was a return made and enrolled of the following Shropshire
baronies, viz.: that of Fitz-Alan, Castle Holgate, Clun, and
Lacy, and of some tenures of less .extent ; but we miss from
the record any statement of the Domesday Baronies of Corbet,
Mortimer, Say of Richard's Castle,^ and several other lesser,
but then existent fiefs. Heame's printed transcript of this
document is unusually faithful as regards Shropshire, but
several entries are distinguished in the original, by being
written in a different hand and paler ink than the general
matter. They were in fact supplementary, but Heame's
transcript takes no notice of this important distinction.
The Botuli Liter arum Patentium, or Patent Rolls, are copies
erer, that, owing to the disturbed state of
the kingdom at the time, the business of
the Exchequer was totally suspended, and
consequently that these Bolls never eidisted.
The Shropshire Pipe Bolls of the pre-
ceding and subsequent years supply some
evidence of this fact which will be stated
hereafter. Here it is sufficient to point
out the general value of these records as
tests of historical accuracy, for the national
vanity of our Chroniclers has led them to
understate the disorganization which pre-
vailed at the period.
^ Osbom Fitz-Hugh, the then Baron of
Bichard's Castle, made a return ; but it
was informal, and so was sent back to be
amended. William de Beauchamp, who
had charge to see to its correction, was
Sheriff of Herefordshire and Worcester-
shire I yet the note of this transaction is
erroneously given in the * Liber Niger,*
under Northamptonshire. Osbom Fitz-
HugVs amended return nowhere appears.
The statement as to this barony, which is
inserted under Herefordshire, is of the
supplementary character noticed in the
text. Heame's reading thereof is, how-
ever, so incorrect as to leave it unintelli-
gible. {See Heame*s Liber Niger, voL i,
pp. 169, 217.) The true reading is re*
served for its proper place.
PREFACE.
of such writs of the Crowii as were engrossed on open sheets
of parchment, and had the seal of the Sovereign pendent at
the bottom. These writs have usually a public address or
direction as to their execution, though they may treat of the
concerns of an individual. They comprise documents on
every variety of subject, — ^prerogative, revenue, judicature,
treaties, safe-conduct, liberties, offices, wardships, ecclesiastical
dignities, pardons, liveries, licences, creations of nobiUty, &c.
They exist no earlier than for the third regnal year of King
John (commencing May 3d, 1201), and from that time down-
wards, but not in quite an uninterrupted succession.
The Rotuli Literarum Clatisaruniy or Close Rolls, were writs
of the Crown, which were folded up, sealed on the outside,
and usually addressed to individuals. Their subject was as
diversified as that of the Patent Rolls. They exist from the
sixth year of John (June 1204), but not continuously.
The Botuli Chartarum are the contemporaneous registers
of Royal Grants of lands, dignities, liberties, and privileges.
They commence with the first year of King John (a. d. 1199),
and, with the exception of a few years, are preserved for the
whole period with which we are concerned.
The Oblata and Fine Rolk constitute one series, commencing
at the same period as the last. They are records of sums of
money offered to and accepted by the Crown, when a subject
had to negociate any favour or feudal right.
The Placita and Assize Bolls are records of proceedings in
the Courts of Law, No arrangement of these Rolls, founded
on a distinct principle, has yet been made, and it is not easy
to devise a plan for such arrangement. In general they are
badly and inaccurately written, and ill preserved. More than
half also are lost. Those which remain are, nevertheless, of
the greatest importance, as containing information which no
other source can supply. They contain minutes of trials both
civil and criminal; at Westminster, and in the provinces;
before the King himself, his council, and his justiciars. The
present Deputy Keeper of the Rolls, edited for the Record
PREFACE.
Commission all that was supposed to remain of them, for the
reign of Richard I, and the first year of King John, but a
few undated Rolls escaped observation, owing probably to
the faulty arrangement which is not yet rectified. Two of
these undated, and therefore unprinted, Rolls contain however
internal proof of date, and of being earlier than any oth^s.
Nothing whatever remains of this kind which can be attributed
to an older date than the reign of Richard I.
The Pedes Finium, or Final Concords , are records of the terms
on which ^any real or fictitious suit at law was compounded
between the litigants. These documents are supposed to have
been originally in triplicate. A copy was allotted to each of
the according parties, whilst the third was retained as * a
record by the Crown. Their preservation is extremely acci-
dental, but a few remain of the time of Henry II, Copies of
many are preserved in Monastic chartularies, and other depo-
sitories, the originals of which are no longer existent in the
proper custody.
TYlq Escheat Rolls, otherwise called Inquisitiones post mortem,
are chiefly records of the writs addressed by the Crown to
the proper officer, to summon a jury when the death of any
tenant in capite involved a right of wardship, or marriage, or
a fine by such tenant's successor for livery. The returns of
these juries also form part of the Record, and usually contain
statements as to the extent and value of the deceased's pro-
perty, its tenure, and the name and age of his heir. In some
cases the writ is lost,^ whilst the return is extant, and vice versa.
But these Rolls only commence in the reign of Henry III, and
even then are not well preserved. The Inquisitions of this
and the succeeding reign frequently involve matters which are
not comprehended in the above description, such as perambu-
lations of forests and inquests of the class afterwards entitled
ad quod damnum.
* The printed Calendar of these docu-
ments notices the absence of some which
an earlier index had registered as in the
proper custody. One such I have myself
found in the British Museum. It is the
Inquisition of 31 H. 3, No. 42, and is to
be found in Harl. Chart. 45. a. 33.
6
PREFACE.
By Charta Jniiqua are generally understood, those copies
of certain ancient charters which are enrolled at the Tower.
These are not all royal charters. Similar documents existent
at the British Museum and elsewhere, and to which the same
title would be equally applicable, shall be described when quoted
hereafter, by the place of their custody.
The Bed Book of the Exchequer {Liber Ruber Scaccarit), a
volume of great interest and most varied contents, was com-
piled previous to the year 1246. When quoted in this work,
it will be so as a collection of scutage-rolls, of lists of knights'
fees and serjeantries, and of abstracts of Pipe Rolls.
The Testa de NevUl is also a compilation of similar matters.
As regards Shropshire it contains lists of tenures by serjeantry,
of other tenures in capite, of the knights' fees constituting
particular baronies, also notices^ of churches, wardships or
marriages of the King's gift, and scutages. These documents
are of the reigns of John and Henry III.
The Hundred Bolls for Shropshire are of two kinds, and
relate to two periods, viz., the years 1255 and 1274. The
former is chiefly a territorial record, specifying the tenure and
extent of each manor in a given Hundred,® its privileges and
liabilities as ascertained by Jury. The latter is an inquisition
by similar Juries of Hundreds as to frauds on the Crown
Revenue, or oppressions of the people by public officers.
The Placita de quo warranto were legal proceedings insti-
tuted by the Crown with reference to frauds thus or otherwise
ascertained or suspected. A series of such trials was held in
Shropshire in time of Edward I.
The Forest Bolls, preserved at the Chapter-House, West-
minster, contain pleas and proceedings before the Justices of
the King's Forests in their respective circuits. Mixed with
7 A part of these transcripts is clearly
taken from Assize Bolls. Thus we have a
fragment of a Shropshire AssizeBoll of date
A.D. 1227, and the original of which is lost.
® Boroughs and liberties, where extra-
hundredal, are also reported of. The Shrop-
shire hundred of Brimstree is unnoticed
in each of these Surveys, but the rolls of
many other counties are far more inoom-
plete than that of Shropshire.
PREFACE.
them are perambulations of forests, where a boundary was in
question, and documents relating to other questions of Royal
demesne. A very early forest roll for Shropshire is preserved.
It is undated, but belongs to the year 1180^ or 26 Hen. II,
and is in perfect condition.
The originalia Molh seem to be a series of memoranda of
matters connected with the constant or casual revenue of
the Crown. They were preserved in the Lord Treasurer's Re-
membrancer's Office, as belonging to that department of the
Exchequer called the Exchequer of Account. They commence
with the 11th year of Henry III (a.d. 1226).
A book commonly called Kirhys Quest y^^ and of which
the original and constituent documents are supposed to be
lost, seems to contain a series of extracts from the Escheat
Rolls ; but its more valuable and distinctive feature is a state-
ment of tenures in different Counties and Hundreds, as they
existed in time of Edward I. The survey of Shropshire is very
full, and stands a most valuable continuation of the series
formed by Domesday, the Liber Niger, the Testa de Nevill,
and the Hundred Rolls.
In further continuation of this series there was a record
of the time of Edward II, commonly called the Nomina vil-
larum. The contents of this are similarly' to be gathered only
from transcripts, and those very inaccurate.
A few minor records remain to be noticed. The Eotuli de
^ This date is proved in a curious but
most satisfactory way. At the foot of the
Roll, the sum of amercements levied on
tills occasion is stated as £58 4«. Qd., and
an additional sum of £55 is entered as
accruing from the sale of lead, the pro-
duce of the King's mines at Shelve. In
his account for the fiscal year ending
Michaelmas, 1180, Hugh Pantulf; then
Sheriff of Shropshire, acknowledges each
of these sums as due to the Crown, and
he discharges the debt in subsequent
years. The Sheriff's account further sup-
plies the name of the justice of the forest
who held these pleas, and which is not
given on the Roll itself. It was Thomas
Fitz-Bemard. (Mag. Rot. Pip. 26 Hen. II,
Salopescr.)
10 John de Kirkby, whose name is asso-
ciated with these inquests, was treasurer
to King Edward I at the time they were
taken. He presided himself over the in-
quests in Devonshire, but the justiciars
who visited Shropshire and Staffordshire
were Richard de Stanford, Clerk, and his
fellows. I have two original parchment
rolls of tenures nearly contemporary but
not identical with Kirhy's Quest. They
extend only to the Hundreds of Bradford
and Pimhill.
2
8 PEEPACB.
dominabus etpueris et puellis are a record of marriages and
wardships of the King's gift as ascertained in certain counties
by Itinerant Justices in the year 1185 (31 Hen. II). Shrop-
shire was not thus visited, but we obtain information as to
certain persons connected with the County, and which, as
relating to so remote a period, it would be vain to expect
elsewhere.
The Liberate Bolls are entries of the different precepts
which were in fact the warrants of the fiscal Officers of the
Crown in their payment of pensions, stipends, and other state
expenses, constant or occasional. They remain of the 2d, 3d,
and 5th years of John, when their matter becomes involved
in the Close BoUsy and they are discontinued. They recom-
mence in the tenth year of Henry III, and continue till the
reign of Henry VI.
The Misa Bolls are accounts of the daily expenses of the
King's Court. Only two exist, those of the 11th and 14th
years of John.
The PrasUta Bolls were records of advances out of the
Royal Treasury for* a specific purpose, or on loan. They
exist only for five years of John, viz.: the 7th, 12th, 14tli,
15th, and 16th years of his reign.
With regard to ecclesiastical matters and possessions, there
are no national records of the early date contemplated in this
work, at least none of an exclusively ecclesiastical character.
But whereas documents of a later period have, where places
rather than persons are concerned, a wide retrospective signi-
ficance, I shall fi'equently quote certain national records, which
treat of the temporal and spiritual possessions of the Church.
The principal of these will be three : —
1st, Pope Nicholas' Taxation ^ a survey and valuation taken
between a.d. 1288 and 1292, on occasion of Pope Nicholas IV
having granted in the former year, to King Edward I, the
tenths of all ecclesiastical income in England for six years to
come. These annual tenths were usually payable to the See
of Rome, though in a previous instance they had been granted,
PREFACE. 9
for three years, to King Henry III. The object for which
Edward I was to employ them was a Crusade. His tem-
porary interest in the matter occasioned a Royal Commission,
which surveyed the Church's possessions throughout the
realm; and this valuation governed all ecclesiastical taxes,
whether payable to King or Pope, tiU the reign of Henry VHI.
It was in fact the Domesday of the Church, and from it we not
unfrequently get the earUest notice of our parochial existence
and relations, —
2dly. The Record printed under the title Inquisitiones
Nonarum, or Inquests of the Ninths, purporting to be a valua-
tion taken a.d. 1341, through every parish in the kingdom, of
the ninth of certain stock in such parish. This tax was the
country contingent of a general subsidy granted by parlia-
ment in support of the wars of King Edward III. The ninth
of wheat, wool, and lamb, in a parish, was expected to equal
the ecclesiastical valuation of glebe, and tithes in general ; so
that Pope Nicholas' taxation was in eflFect the basis of the cal-
culation : but this assessment was made in each case by a
jury of parishioners, and where their retttm diflFered from the
taxation, they stated the local or temporary causes which pro-
duced the discrepancy. Hence the Record embodies a variety
of local and statistical information, quite accidental to a fiscal
document. —
3dly. The Valor Ecclesiasticus, or great Ecclesiastical Valua-
tion of Henry VIII, which had its origin in this way. When
the King had succeeded in depriving the Papal See of all
revenue derivable from his realm of England, his next care
was to secure to himself, in some form or other, the income
thus disengaged.
The Parliament which met on 3d Nov., 26 Henry VIII
(a.d. 1534), granted to the Crown the annual tenth of all
ecclesiastical income whatsoever. The institution thereupon
of a Royal Commission, or Commissions, resulted in the
general valuation before us. This Record is printed in six
folio volumes, and Mr. Hunter's Introduction, embodied in the
sixth volume, is ah able account of many further particulars.
10
PREFACE.
The whole or parts of other Records, above described, have
been printed, chiefly by order of the late Record Commission,
whose powers seem to have been withdrawn precisely at the
time when they were in most efficient exercise. When a docu-
ment is quoted in the following pages, which has been thus
well edited, reference will often be made to the page of the
printed book, rather than to the original folio or membrane.
I cannot dismiss this notice of the public Records of the
kingdom, which, according to the libenJ system adopted by
the present Master of the Rolls, I have had the privilege of
consulting or transcribing free of expense, without expressing
my sense of the ready and accommodating spirit with which
the Officers of each department have facilitated my researches.
Something of this is, I understand, the result of general
directions ; but I speak of a uniform civility and readiness to
assist, which is not required, and could not be enforced by
any system of rules.
Passing now from national Records to those of a more local
character, the first which have to be mentioned are the JDio-
ceaan Begistera. These, unfortunately, do not much affect
the period with which we are chiefly concerned. The Lichfield
Beffistera commence with that of Bishop Walter de Langton,
who was consecrated 22d Dec, 1296 : the Hereford Begis-
tersy with that of Bishop Thomas de Cantilupe, consecrated
8th Sept., 1275.
The former I have had every facility for consulting, through
the united kindness of the Bishop, the Registrar, and Deputy-
Registrar of the Diocese. I had already extracted the Shrop-
shire entries of the three earlier^^ Registers when my progress
" The Harleian MSS. 3868 and 4799,
now in the British Museum, and some time
in possession of Peter le Neve, were un-
doubtedly, at a still earlier period, part of
the Diocesan Registers of Lichfield. They
contain documents of extreme antiquity
and interest. They are not, like the later
Begisters, continuous records of the Dio-
cesan transactions, but appear rather to
be eiA'olments of certain documents exhi-
bited at Episcopal yisitations, in proof
of various rights and titles to Church pro-
perty. Duplicates of many entries are to
be found in Monastic Chartularies, but
where the latter are lost or inaccessible,
the information supplied by these Registers
is invaluable.
Further, on fly-leaves or other (origi-
nally) vacant spaces of the first Lichfield
Registers have been transcribed a few
PREI'ACE.
11
was stopped, not immediately, because the Registers refer to
a period later than that in hand, but from finding that the
work had been already done by another. All extracts neces-
sary to a County History, and which the Be^isters either of
Lichfield or Hereford could supply, were taken by the late
Rev. J. B. Blakeway, and may be found among his MSS. in
the Bodleian Library.
Of Monastic Ckartularies, there are four only known to be
in existence, which relate to the greater religious houses of
Shropshire. They are of Shrewsbury, Haughmond, and LiUes-
hall Abbeys, and of Wombridge Priory. The Shrewsbury and
Wombridge Chartularies are in the collection of Sir Thomas
Phillipps, Bart., of Middle Hill, Worcestershire, whose liberality
in allowing access to his valuable collections is too well known
to need mention here. For my knowledge of the contents of
these two Chartularies I am however indebted to Mr. George
Morris, of Shrewsbury, whose extracts from them, while in
the hands of a former owner, have been obUgingly lent me,
and are amply suflBcient for my present purpose.
The Haughmond Chartvlaryy in possession of Andrew
William Corbet, of Sundom, Esq., is open to my inspection,
through permission of its owner ; but Mr. Morrises extracts
have similarly been available to me, and contain all that
1 can at present wish to derive from this som'ce. There is a
fragment of a different Chartolary of Haughmond in the
British Museum, which, with many other documents there,
1 have either copied or carefully consulted.
To the lAUeshall Chartulary and other documents in pos-
session of his Grace the Duke of Sutherland, I have also leave
of access ; but the references, which I am at present enabled
to make to the former, are by means of extracts taken long
since, and to be found in the British Museum, the Bodleian
Library, and the Diocesan Registers.
charters of much earlier date than the
general contents of the series. This pro-
bably was by procurement of parties in-
terested in the pi'eserration of these older
documents, or possibly by the spontaneous
diligence of some clerk anxious to rescue
the remains of an earlier and perishing
Record.
12 PREFACE.
The Chartulariea of Wenlock Priory^ and of BuUdtoas
Ahhey, are lost, or, at least, have not been heard of in this
country since the dissolution. Of the former, a few items
may be gathered from the Monasticon and other quarters.
The loss of the latter may be much more satisfactorily supplied
from various sources. It is not impossible that a connected
Chartulary of either house may yet be found in some foreign
depository. Some inquiries in that direction have however
been hitherto unsuccessful.
For assistance in the loan of private deeds and documents,
I must leave all detailed acknowledgment to the sequel, and
I have reason to anticipate considerable aid of this kind from
several sources. Already I have received valuable contribu-
tions from the Rev. J. Brooke, of Haughton; R. H. Cheney,
Esq., of Badger; R. Gardner, Esq., of Leighton ; and W. W.
How, Esq., of Shrewsbury. ^^
I omit to particularize several promises of most efficient aid
in the illustrative department of this work, simply lest some
unforeseen hindrance may occur to one or other of my expect-
ations. I must be similarly guarded as to some architectural
notices which I have hope of obtaining from a well-known
authority ^^ in such matters. My business here is merely to
disclaim all personal credit for either kind of contribution.
Maps will be given which will follow the territorial arrange-
ment of Domesday y as far as that can now be ascertained.
^ I have further to add to this list of
benefactors, the names of the Kt. Hon.
Lord Forester, Sir Baldwin Leighton,
Bart., T. C. Whitmore, Esq., W,
Wobyche Whitmore, Esq., and Ckorge
Fritchard, Esq., who have given me ererj
facility for consulting and transcribing
documents in their possession. At WiUey
is a register of Wenlock Prioiy, chiefly in
the handwriting of the two Priors, who
preceded John Baylis, the last who enjoyed
that dignity. The volume is extremely
valuable, not only as furnishing in its
various rent-rolls much of topographical
information, but as containing several
earlier dociunents transcribed, I presume,
with reference to some current question of
title or prescriptive right.
w The Eev. J. L. Petit,— who abeady
favours me in a way which I must acknow-
ledge both gratefully and openly. His
notices of the earher ecclesiastical remains
at Morrille, Quatford, and Upton Cresset,
which will appear forthwith, are the result
of a recent visit to those places, under-
taken expressly for my assistance. The
illustrations also, which bear his name, are
presented by him to the work in their
finished state.
PEEPACE. 13
and, where doubt exists, the whole question will be stated in
the text. The tables of Domesday Hundreds which will
accompany these maps, are intended further to illustrate the
state of things at the time of that survey.
With regard to former works on the same or cognate sub-
jects, I shall have most frequent occasion to refer to— -
The History of Shrewsbury^ in 2 vols. (1825), by the late
Ven. Archdeacon Owen, and the late Rev. J. B. Blakeway.
The Sheriffs of Shropshire (1831), a posthumous work of
the Rev. J. B. Blakeway. And to the
Antiquities of Shropshire (1844), by T. F. Dukes, Esq.
I shall not hesitate to borrow from these works whatever
I may find in them necessary to the completeness or illustra-
tion of the subject in hand ; but it is more with reference to
objections which I shall have to make to some of their con-
tents that I wish here to speak and to apologize. The self-
reliance which such objections may be construed to imply
will only be apparent, for of all names associated with our
local history and antiquities that of Mr. Blakeway has ever
seemed to me entitled to an increasing reverence.
The History of Shrewsbury, the joint work of himself and
Archdeacon Owen, is, I imagine, of the very highest order
of excellence ; and that not merely topographically, but as
furnishing those very elements towards a general History of
England which ought to be ready and available to the
national historian, whenever one competent to the greater
undertaking shall arise.
The objections which I speak of are then only to matters
of detail, on which it is impossible for one person at any
one time to attain perfect accuracy. Herein Dugdale himself,
though ignorantly criticised in his day, was no exception to
the general rule, that antiquarian truth must be progressive,
and so never complete. The smallest change of premises will
often largely aflfect a conclusion, and a dozen established facts
assume a totally new complexion, by the addition of one
hitherto uncertified. I close this digression with a simple
14 PREPACK.
acknowledgment which I trust will excuse reiterated apologies
in the sequel. It is only where some further fact, apparently
unknown to Mr. Blakeway, may happen to occur to me, or
where my greater leisure, and more limited sphere of inquiry
may enable me to devote much attention to points, which in
his varied researches he was obliged to treat summarily, that
I would venture to express a diflference of opinion.
I have one more profession to make. It is as to the limits
which I propose between an indulgence in conjecture, and an
avoidance of difficulties. The former is the stigma of the old
school of heralds and antiquaries ; the latter is more likely to
be the error of modem inquirers. And the reason of both is
apparent. The former expected and gained everything by
flattery and invention ; the latter write under surveillance of
a searching, if not over-active, spirit of criticism. Conjecture
is to be avoided till all available resources of knowledge have
been exhausted, but any attempt to solve a still remaining
difficulty is excusable ; and an acknowledgment of a difficulty,
wherever one occurs, is a duty, even though it may provoke
a suspicion of ignorance unfavourable to the author. A diffi-
culty evaded is only a difficulty postponed ; but a difficulty
confessed is a mark for future inquiry, more skilful, more
active, or more fortunate, than the one in hand.
I cannot conclude without some acknowledgment of what
I owe to a Society of living Antiquaries, whose writings I shall
frequently have recourse to, and the very mention of whose
names is a condemnation of that wretched economy which
suspended the operations of the Record Commission, and so
deprived the public of services which may never again be at
command. Some personal obligations, and a wish to avoid
all appearance of flattery, prevent my saying more in con-
nexion with the names of Sir Francis Palgrave, Thomas
Duffiis Hardy, Esq., and the Rev. Joseph Hunter. I am not
so withheld in speaking of the works of the late Thomas
Stapleton, Esq., my extreme admiration of which, as it is
associated with no personal feeling, so can it no longer wear
PREFACE. 1 5
even an appearance of flattery. His commentary on the
Motuli Normannia is a model of antiquarian criticism; and
mention of that particular work is less out of place here,
because it contains the. only correct accounts of two great
families early connected with Shropshire, those of its Norman
Earls and of the Mortimers.
And now, having taken full advantage of that license to
speak in the first person which is usually allowed to a Preface,
I commit my work to the indulgence of its readers, little
doubting that a liberality, kindred to that which has already
welcomed an unknown author with a subscription list of more
than a hundred names, will double that number, and be
yet fiu1;her extended to a judgment of his labours when
pubUshed.
ROBERT W. EYTON.
Rtton Rectobt,
Sept. 2^th^ 1853.
3
smp
OF PART OF
ILLUSTRATIVE OF OOMESDAT BOOK
SHROPSHIRE
a- vf la^r eh^ San, fie ahary {
TBE, ,.'"
i-HHTmiliuAto* Jht-
17
THE MAP.
The foregoing Map is chiefly intended to show the Domesday divisions of
that part of the County with which our survey begins. It contains two
entire Shropshire Hundreds, .viz., Alnodeitreu and PatiiUon ; and the
Bometdcof Manors, forming, or probably forming, each of these Hundreds,
are printed in two different colours {j'ed and green).
There was also a Shropshire Hundred of Bascherch at the time of Domesday ^
the bulk of which lay north and north-west of Shrewsbury, and so, very
distant from the quarter of our present inquiries. But this Hundred had
two detachments, curiously involved in different parts oi Alnodeitreu Hundred.
The Manors forming each of these detachments are printed in a third colour
{blue).
The County of Salop now contains several Manors which at the time of
the Norman Survey were members of other Counties. Some of these must
come under early consideration. Such of them as contributed, in 1086, to
form the Staffordshire Hundred of Saisdcme, are printed in a fourth colour
(yelloio) ; such as were members of the more distant Warwickshire Hundred
of Stanleiy in a fifth colour (brown). Lest, at this early stage, the allegation
of such eccentric divisions should provoke a suspicion of inaccuracy, it is
better to state that they can all be accounted for, and exactly on the same
principle as that which Dugdale laid down long ago, when he met with
similar phanomena in his Survey of Warwickshire. An explanation in each
instance will be offered in its proper place.
Lastly, names marked on the Map in black ink are of five different
classes, viz. : —
1st. Adjunctive terms employed at a later period than Domesday to
distinguish Manors of the same name. Such are the terms Much and
Little prefixed to the two Wenlocks — George and Bumell affixed to the two
Eudons ; and so forth.
2dly. Names of Manors existent at the time of BoTnesday, but belonging
to other Hundreds than those above-named, and which will be properly
distinguished in future Maps. Such are Stottesden, Buildwas, &c.
3dly. Townships or Hamlets involved in various Domesday Manors, but
which have no specific notice so early, e.g.y Astley Abbots, Tasley, &c.
4thly. Places of later origin than Bomeiday^ as Bridgnorth.
5thly. Names of rivers, streams, hills, forests, or woods, few of which are
mentioned in BonMdayy though of course all existed under some name or
other. These land-marks, "more or less enduring, are necessary to any Map,
and their names, wherever printed, are only meant to render the whole
intelligible. In these cases, and for the same purpose, the modem name is
employed. For instance, the Brown Clee Hill is so printed, though I
suppose one part of that name to be extremely recent. Not so the
Wrekin, whose modem name is but a revival, after some disuse, of its
oldest appellation. Yet, if our Map had described the Wrekin as Mount
Gilbert^ that term, though perhaps the most proper when speaking with
reference to the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, did not, that we know of,
exist in the eleventh ; and its use, even if chronologically accurate, would
have interfered with that perspicuity which is so essential to this kind of
illustration.
18
TABLE OF THE DOMESDA
Domesday
Name.
Albricstone
Estone . . .
Estone . . .
BeghesoTre
Bispetone .
Broctone .
Bosle ....
Saxon Owner,
T.E.E.
Dehocsele.
Eldone • .
{
Fayentred
Fuloordie
Oleslei . .
Etone. . .
Etone. . .
Madolea .
Middeltone ....
Membrefeld. . . .
Aldeberie
Pichetome .... J
Soitone <
Stochetone . . . . |
Sudtone
TJltone
wmt
Algar & Godhit
Elric
Sessi
Bruniht .....
Turgod
Bruniht .....
Gethnc
Eoclesia Sanctse
Milburgie . . .
^luuard ....
Ulchetel ....
Archetel
Uluiet
J£luui
Ordui
Ordrio
Ehnnnd .....
Eluuard
Turgot
Turgod
Austin ......
Domesday
Tenant in Capite.
Edrlo
Bex Edwardus .
Elnuard .....
Ecclesia Sanct»
Milburgffi . .
Wiuar
Bricstual ....
Eduin
Ordui
Comes Morcar
Ebnund
Hunnit
Bogerius Comes
. . . Idem ....
. . . Idem ....
,. . . Idem ....
. . . Idem ....
. . . Idem ....
. . . Idem ....
> . . Idem . . <
. . . Idem. . . .
Domeaday
Mesne, (mt next. Tenant.
y. . Idem . . . .
Idem ....
Idem ....
Idem ....
Idem ....
Idem ....
. . . Idem ....
. . . Idem
■1
. . . Idem ....
> . . Idem • • • s
I > . . Idem ....
? . . Idem ....
. . . Idem ....
. . . Idem ....
. . . Idem . • • .
Normannus
Bainaldus Vicecomes .
Idem
Osbemus
Normannus
Osbemus
Helgotus
Ecclesia Sanets Mil-
burgffi
Bainaldus Yioeoomes .
WalcheHnus
Bainaldus Yicecomes .
Idem
Idem
Gerardus
Helgotus
Bainaldus Yicecomes .
Ecclesia Sancti Petri .
Capellani Comitis . . .
Bicardus Pinoema . .
Bainaldus Yicecomes .
Ecclesia Sanct-sD Mil-
burgee
Osbemus
Gkrardus
Idem
Bainaldus Yicecomes
Turold
Domesday
Sub-Tenant.
Tochil
Alcher . . .
Bobertus .
}
Badulfus ....
Azo
Willielmus . . .
Bicardus ....
( . . Alcher . '>
I . . Albert . (
I
Badulfus ....
}
Hugo
Hmmit
• * . .
Bolebeo .
Catinton.
Ponitone
Ardintone
Tuange. . ,
{
{
Stenulf
Qt>deYa Comi-
tissa ....
Cerlecote
Eduinus Comes
Ecclesia Sanctse
Milburgee . .
Manobs pbobab]^ IN Alnodestb£u, but who(
Bogerius Comes
}••
Idem
. . . Idem
1-
Idem
Morcar Comes .... Idem
Manob fbobably in Alnodestbeu, but wHoa
Elsi
Idem ....
Helgotus
19
XTNDRED OP ALNODESTREU.
Domesday Features.
Silya in manu Begis
Molendinum ....
SUva
Silva
SUya
Fresbiter. Molend :
^ Eodeeia ....
< 18 berewichiB
( Molendinum
( Molendinum . .
I Silva. . . .
Molendinum ....
Silva
I
Domesday
Hidage.
1 \ hides . .
1 hide . . .
2 hides . .
\ hide . . .
1 hide . . .
1 virg. 8 acr. . .
1 hide . . .
\ hide . . .
2 hides . .
2 hides . . .
\ hide ....
2 hides . . .
\ hide ....
\ hide ....
\ hide ....
2 hides . . .
12 hides . . .
1 hide 3 virg.
\ hide ....
6 hides . . .
1 hide ....
4 hides . . .
3 hides . . .
i hide ....
Domesday
Beference.
fo. 259, a. 2
255, a. 2
Ibidem.
fo. 257, b. 2
259, a. 2
257, b.2
258, b. 1
252, b. 2
255, a. 2
257, b. 1
255, a. 2
Ibidem.
Ibidem,
fo. 259, a. 1
258, b. 1
255, a. 2
253, a. 2
255, a. 2
252, b. 2
257, b. 2
259, a. 1
Ibidem,
fo. 255, a. 2
258, a. 1
45 \ hides 8 acr.
fHuNDBED IS NOT STATED IN J)OM£SDAT.
i hide . . . . I fo. 254, a. 1
/'Presbiter ....
NPrsepositus . .
) Molendinum . .
( Silva
C Molendinum . .*)
JsUva [
(. 5 Salinffl in Wich )
Bnrgum de
Quatford . . ,
Nova domus . .
Molendinum . .
1 hide ....
3 hides . . .
5 hides . . .
3 hides . . .
IHUNDEED IS MISSTATED IN DOMESDAY.
i hide . . . ,
58 i hides 8 acr.
Ibidem.
fo.253, b.2
254, a. 1
253, b. 2
fo. 258, b. 1
Modem Hundred.
Brimstree .
Stottesden
Ibidem. .
Brimstree
Ibidem . .
Ibidem. .
Wenlock
Brimstree
Stottesden
Ibidem.
Ibidem
Ibidem ......
Brimstree ....
Ibidem
Stottesden . . .
Ibidem
Ibidem
Ibidem
Ibidem
Brimstree ....
Ibidem
Ibidem
Stottesden . . .
Wenlock ....
Stottesden . . .
Brimstree ....
Stottesden . . .
Brimstree . . . .
Stottesden . . .
Modem Name.
Albrighton.
Aston Botterel.
Aston Eyre.
Badger.
Bishton.
Brockton.
Broseley.
DeuxhilL
Eudon Bumell.
Faintree.
Fulwardine.
Glazelej.
Hatton ?
Hatton?
Meadowley.
Middleton Scriven.
Morville.
Oldbitty.
Pickthom.
Byton.
Stockton.
Sutton Maddock.
Upton Cresset.
Willey.
Chetton.
Doxmington.
Eardington.
Tong.
Charloott.
20
TABLE OF ALNODESTREU HUNDRED.
Whereas, in the foregoing Map, the modem orthography has
been substituted for thai of Domesday^ the 1st column of the
annexed Table supplies the latter, as fiajr as this Hundred is con-
cerned.
The 2d column gives the Saxon owner of each Manor in time
of King Edward the Confessor — ^T. B. E. (as Domesday abbreviates
*' Tempore Regis Edwardi.")
The 3d column gives the tenant in capite of 1086, who, in
Alnodestreu Himdred, was uniformly the Norman Earl (Roger de
Montgomery).
The 4th column gives the tenant or tenants holding, in 1086,
immediately imder the Earl, and whether individual or corporate.
If the Earl held the whole or part of the Manor in demesne, and
had therefore no tenant, such fact is marked in this column by a
horizontal line.
The 5th column gives the under-tenant (holding under the EarPs
tenant), where any such is named in Domesday.
The 6th column enumerates certain features or adjuncts of some
Domesday Manors, often useM as evidence of identity, such as
Churches, Priests, Provosts, Berewicks,* Mills, and Woods.
The 7th column gives the Domesday hidage of each Manor, that
is, such capacity as each Manor was rated at for the assessment
called Danegeld. Sometimes a portion of this hidage is stated in
Domesday to be free from that impost {non ffildabilis), but this
exemption does not occur in Alnodestreu Himdred. The Domesday
hidage of Manors is very important, as it formed the basis of later
taxes than the Danegeld, and so is often a guide in questions of
identity. The Domesday hide of this Hundred is computed ^ at 240
acres of the period; the virgate (or yard-land) of the same Becord
at 60 acres. These acres however will have been somewhat larger
* Com-fitrms.
^ This is adyanced as an average rather
than an invariable estimate, and subject
to a special question whether the hide,
even if originally an actual measure, was
BO practically. For instance, — suppose
two Manors of equal areal extent, but
extremely different agricultural value — I
cannot think that the Domesday hidage
(a basis of taxation then and afterwards)
would in such cases be equal.
TABLE 01? ALNODESTREU HUNDRED. 21
than our modem statute acres^ though not so much larger than an
older and ruder mode of mensuration might reconcile and accoimt
for.
The 8th column gives reference to the folio^ page> and column of
the printed Domesday, which faithfiilly represents the original in
this particular*
The 9th column gives the modem Hundred of each Manor^
except where such Manor's identity is uncertain^ in which case the
space is fiUed up with a note of interrogation.
The 10th and last column gives the modem name of each Manor,
as in the Map ; but where doubt exists as to identity, such doubt is
marked by a note of interrogation after the surmised name. If the
identity cannot even be surmised, the same note occupies the space
alone.
The whole contents of the Domesday Hundred are added together
at the foot of the table; but this is in prospect of a fiiture question,
to the solution of which such calculations will contribute their
share.
aittonestreu J^untireti*
This Hundred, variously written by the Norman * Scribes of
Domesday as that of Elnoestrul, EInoelstruil, Elnoelstrui, Elnoel-
stui, or Ahiodestreu^ owed the latter part of its name, perhaps,
to a vill or tre of British origin, whereat in succeeding times
some Saxon ^Inoth may have presided as Ealdorman, over the
folkmote or hundred-court of the district. The locality of such a
British viU cannot now be surmised, as probably its existence, and
certainly its conjectured importance, had ceased before the days of
King Edward the Confessor.
In his reign (a.d. 1042-1065), the Hundred of Alnodestreu had
its centre or capvi at Membrefeld (Morville), where consequently
that local jurisdiction will have been exercised which, together with
the Manor, realized an annual revenue of <£10. The proportion
between the Curial and Manorial income is not stated in Domesday;
but two-thirds of the former, whatever it was, belonged to the
Crown, and the other third to the Earl of Mercia.
When in the year 1086, the Domesday Survey was taken, the
collective value of Morville Manor and its attached Hundred
of Alnodestreu was a little in excess of the Saxon valuation, viz.
£10. 8*. 6rf. The Norman Earl (Roger de Montgomery) was now
entitled to the whole profits ^ of the hundred-court, which are
^ The Domesday CommiBsioners for
Worcestershire and other, probably ad-
joining, Ck)anties, were Bemigius, Bishop
of Lincohi, Earl Walter Gif&rd, Henry
de Ferrers, and Adam, brother of Eudo
the King's Sewer.— ((7o«(w M88.^ Tib,
A, xiij.) They were all Normans.
^ In the age immediately succeeding
that of which we are treating, the distinc-
tive badge of Earldom was a right to a
third part of the revenue arising from such
pleas of the Crown as were held in the
County or City whereof the Earl took title.
But I suppose that Earl Roger's tenure
in Shropshire was like that of the Earl
of Chester in his County, and will best
be described. by the tesrm palatine. The
chief features of such tenure were, that
the judicial revenue of County, Hundred,
and Borough Courts was not, as in Saxon,
or as in subsequent times, divided between
the Crown and the Earl in proportion of
two to one, but belonged wholly to the
Earl. Pleas of the Crown, therefore, did
ALNODESTREU HUfJDEED.
23
estimated at £Sy but that sum probably included the income of such
portion of the Manor as was retained by the Earl in demesne.
As regards the boundaries of the Domesday Hundred of Alnode-
streu, they will best be understood by a perusal of the accompany-
ing Map. It lay in a scattered form, being broken up by isolated
portions of the Hundreds of Bascherch and Patinton ; nor was this
a solitary instance of those eccentric territorial divisions which at
the period in question must have been productive of great incon-
venience. A thorough change in this respect was eflFected in
Shropshire before the accession of Henry II (1154), but by which of
his four predecessors cannot be determined on positive evidence.
There are however some negative considerations, which it may be
worth while to offer on the matter. The reigns of William Bufus
and Stephen were not likely to have been productive of any great
internal reforms of this kind. The last two years of William the
Conqueror (or such part of two years as elapsed between the
completion of the Domesday record and his death), left him little
leisure for English affairs, to say nothing of the County of Salop
being at that time exempt from all subsidiary exercise of royal
prerogative. On other grounds such a reform might have been
expected, almost as a corollary of the Domesday Survey ; but then
it would hardly have escaped the notice of those contemporary
Chroniclers, who have dwelt so much on the adjuncts of that great
territorial record.
King Henry I inherited much of the administrative ability of
his Father. Thirty years of his reign were years of uninterrupted
tranquillity as regarded this County. His powers of interference in
all its internal affairs were unlimited, and his ministers were men of
great capacity and energy. To his reign then may be ascribed the
change, which rearranged the divisional system of the County, as
weU as its external boundaries.
The feature of this change, which we have at present to do with,
is, that the Hundred of Alnodestreu was swept away, and came to
not exist in Earl Boger*8 principality.
Similarly, no writ of the King would be
cognizable, or, as the term went, "current"
in any lands of Earl Eoger's tenure, except
the "writ close," i.e., addressed to the
Earl himself. Against a subject thus
powerful, in case he were refractory or
rebellious, the King had no legal and
smnmary remedy, till he had been tried
by his peers, or refused to undergo such
trial after due summons.
Thus the fealty which the Earl of
Shrewsbury owed to the King of England
was much what was claimed from the
latter, as Duke of Normandy, by the
King of France.
4
24 ALN0DE8TREU HUND&ED.
be represented by portions of the Hundred of Stottesden, Brimstree^
and Mnnslow, none of which had any existence at Domesday.
A second but more partial change in the reign of Richard I
assigned that part of Alnodestreu Hundred^ which meanwhile had
been in Munslow Hundred^ and one Manor (Badger), which had
similarly been in Brimstree Himdred, to the then newly-created
liberty of Wenlock. In the latter case (the assignment of Badger
to Wenlock liberty), the anomaly produced was exactly of the kind
which the first reform was clearly intended to remove.
With regard to the Manors which appear on the face of the
Domesday Record, as members of Alnodestreu Hundred, they are
enumerated in the Table already given.
Only one of them is of doubtful identity, viz. Etone.
The Domesday Survey does not specify the Hundreds of many
Manors, which were of the Norman EarPs demesne. A probability
that four of these unclassified Manors were in the Hundred of
Alnodestreu will be stated under their respective notices. A fifth
Manor, similarly of the Earl's demesne, and written '^ Bolebec ^' in
Domesday, is not identified, and therefore its position in this
hundred is matter of the merest conjecture.
A seventh Manor, '^ Cerlecote," is assigned in the printed
Domesday to the Hundred of " Reoordin;" nor is the original
record in this instance misrepresented. It is nevertheless quite
clear that such assignment was in the first case, a mere scribal in-
accuracy, which will be noticed in its proper place, and would not
have been mentioned here, but to explain the appearance of the
Manor of Charlcott in the annexed Map and Table of the Hundred
of Alnodestreu.
iHorbtlle-
When the Domesday Survey was taken^ the Manor of Membre^
felde remained^ as in Saxon times^ the caput or centre of the
Hundred of Alnodestreu. Its relations in that respect have been
already spoken of^ and it remains further to describe its state as a
Manor.
Manorially then, at the time of Domesday, Morville was in a
condition of uncompleted, but then meditated change. Beyond the
transfers then contemplated, a lapse of twenty years brought about
other changes of tenure and condition not then to be expected.
No wonder then that a comparison of its Domesday state and
limits with those of a subsequent date should inyolve much
research in the first instance, some conjecture in the next, and
perhaps little of positive conclusion in the last. Even the starting
point — the evidence of Domesday as to this Manor, is in one
respect obscure, in another false, and in a third silent. Much of
this was doubtless a result of the condition of the Manor at the
time ; but after thus deciding on the inadequacy of this paramount
authority in the case in question, we have little other evidence to
guide us except that which proves, though it does not correct, the
errors of the greater record.
That which Domesday^ tells us consistently is as follows: —
The whole Manor of Membrefelde contained twelve hides of land
^ The Domesdaif notice of Morville, with
the contractions resolved, is as follows : —
Ipse Comes tenet Memhrefelde cum xviii
berewichis. Bex Edwardus tenuit. Ibi
xii hidffi. Una ex his berewichis. Calve-
stone, de i hidA, est in Wirecestrescire.
De hde terrd iiii hidee sunt in domiuio, et
ibi ii carrucse, et vi alise carmcsB possent
esse. Ibi ix villani et vi bordarii cum iii
carrucis, et adhuc du£e aliffi possent esse.
Ibi mi bovaru.
Huic Manerio pertinet totum Alnodes-
treu Hundredum. Duo denarii erant Begis
Edwardi, et tercius Comitis. Inter totum
reddebat x libros. Modo, quod Comes
habet valet iii libros.
Ecclesia hujus Manerii est in honore
Sancti Gregorii, qusB tempore Begis Ed-
wardi habebat de h&c terr& viii hidas, et
ibi serviebant viii canonici. Hanc eccle-
siam cum v hidis terree tenet ecclesia
Sancti Petri de Comite. In dominio sunt
ibi ii carrucffi et iiii alise possunt esse.
Ibi ix villani et unus bordarius et iii pres-
30 MORVILLE.
to that Abbey. The collective eight hides may however be esti-
mated as thus involved : —
One hide at Galveston (Coldweston).
Five hides in Astley^ that is^ in Astley Abbots and its adjuncts,
viz. Little Astley, Nordley, Crofte, Haughton, Kingslow,
Bode, Stanley, Dunvall, Colemore, Severn, Bucroft,
Cantem, &c.
One and a-half hides at Billingsley.
Half a hide in Morville itself (including, perhaps, Harpswood).
Such then were the eight ecclesiastical hides, supposed to be
implied by the five and three hides of the Domesday Survey.
There are yet four hides to be allocated. These are stated in the
first instance to be held by the Earl in demesne; but two of them,
in a notice which appears to be supplementary, are said to be the
tenure of Bichard Pincema.
To deal with the latter first, it must be submitted, that no two
hides within any supposable area of Morville Manor ever descended
as a tenure, immediately under the Earl (or his ultimate repre-
sentative, the Crown) to any imaginable heir of Bichard Pincema.
But we know that Tasley was in the area of the Domesday Manor
of Morville, that it has no distinctive notice in that record, and that
it constituted a Manor of two hides at a later period. We also know
that in its adjunct, Henley, Warin the Sheriff had a seignoral
interest before Domesday, and that in the usual course of Warin^s
succession a correspondent interest to that which he had exercised
appears, after Domesday, vested in Fitz-Alan, ' and this both in
Henley and Tasley. At the intermediate period, viz. 1086, this
interest was almost uniformly represented by Bainald, the Sheriff,
Warin's successor and Fitz-Alan^s antecessor : ^ yet Domesday says
nothing of Bainald being a tenant under the Earl anywhere in
Morville Manor. It may therefore be presumed, that the two hides,
said to be held by Bichard Pincema immediately under the Earl,
were in Tasley and Henley, but that they were held by the said
Bichard, of Bainald the Sheriff, and by Bainald of the Earl. ®
7 1 use the word "antecessor*' rather than
" ancestor" advisedly, because we usually
associate a descent by blood with the
latter term, an idea which, in the present
instance, would be erroneous.
* Similar as to Cold Weston. — The
Knight who held one hide of the Monks
might have been under-tenant there. The
same Jiuy however which said that Cold
Weston was in Worcestershire was pro-
bably not in a condition to give very
accurate information to the Domesday
Commissioners as to how it was held.
MORVILLE.
31
To conclude with the two hides which, in 1086, were still of Earl
Roger's demesne, they must be allocated as follows, that is to say,
partly in Astley (if Hugh, son and successor to Earl Roger, be truly
stated to have granted tithes of his demesne of Astley, to Salop
Abbey) ; partly in Aldenham, Underdon, Bridgewalton, and Lye,
and even in Morville itself, as will appear hereafter.
Earl Roger^s demesne in this Manor will also have extended in
a direction which then had no specific name or occupancy. North-
ward of Morville, and surrounded by localities which either were
members of Morville, or else had a distinctive notice in Domesday,
there was a wide, barren rock, somewhat elevated above the sur-
rounding country in general, and naturally fortified on three sides
by ravines and valleys of greater or less depth. On the fourth or
eastern side, it overhung the channel of the river Severn, at a still
more commanding height. This rock or platform, then so in-
significant, had once perhaps been the site of a Saxon fortress, but
if so, its importance was only traditionary, and the fortress itself a
ruin. Yet was this unnamed locality destined, within twenty years
after Domesday , to become the scene of great local and national
events. First, it was to be the site of a Castle of uncommon
strength, the work of the last Norman Earl of Shrewsbury, whose
engineering skill was as famous as his cruelty and ambition. Such
a combination it was, which served to fortify Bridgnorth in a
space of time otherwise incredibly short. The result proves how
judiciously the site was selected, and how eiBSciently occupied, for
there, within the same period of twenty years, the chief power 9 of
the kingdom, though marshalled under the eye of an able and war-
like Monarch, was to receive a sturdy though temporary ^^ check,
from the foresight of the rebel Earl, and the valour of his depen-
dants. This spot, naturally unnoticed in Domesday, as part of the
Earl's demesne in MorvUle Manor, will, in regard of its subsequent
importance, demand a separate and more prominent notice in the
sequel.
Having now sketched the presumed area of the Dovfiesday Manor
of Morville, it is necessary to speak further of its details. — ^The chief
feature here was The Church.
' "Totius AnglieB legiones" are the
words used by Ordericus. — {Vide Nor-
, ma/nnorvm Scriptores, page 807 A.)
*® The siege of Bridgnorth lasted three
weeks. — {OrdericiM, ibm,)
32 MORVILLE.
THE CHURCH.
A Collegiate Cfhiircli of the usual Saxon cliaracter,ii had existed at
Morville in the days of King Edward the Confessor. It was in
honour of St. Gregory. Its endowment was eight hides of land^
and it was served by eight Canons. The forfeiture of the Saxon
Eaxls, Morcar and Edwin, a. d. 1071, was probably in the first
instance subversive of this foundation, but before a. d. 1086, the
Norman Earl had devoted the whole of these possessions to an
ecclesiastical purpose. He had bestowed the Church and five hides
on Shrewsbury Abbey, and three hides on his domestic Chaplains ;
but with a proviso as regarded the latter, '^that as fast as the
Clerks (or life-tenants) died off, the Abbey should appropriate their
Prebends.^' Thus undoubtedly did Shrewsbury Abbey become at
some time possessed of the Church and eight hides which had
formed the Saxon establishment. We are fortimate in having a
record of the lapse of one of these Prebends, and of some diflSculty
which the Abbey experienced in establishing its reversionary claim.
Between the years 1108 and 1113, Richard de Meilnil Hermer, a
Chaplain, died, having been first shorn a Monk of Salop. His son,
Hubert, claimed his father's Prebend as his inheritance, but King
Henry I enjoined Richard, Bishop of London, then Viceroy or
Steward of this County, to hold trial thereupon. The consequence
was the defeat of the claimant, the King himself apparently sitting
in Court, and attended by the chief Barons of the Coimty. We
learn from this, that Earl Roger's Chaplain was, as might be ex-
pected, a Norman, Mesnil Hermer being a Norman town and giving
name to a Norman family. It also would appear that celibacy was
at this period either not incumbent on the Norman Canons, or that
these Morville Chaplains of Earl Roger were not esteemed regular
Canons or amenable to the rules which governed such collegiate
bodies.
Besides the lapse of these Prebends, the Church of Morville had
at this period been otherwise endowed ; or, at least, grants which
had been made to Salop Abbey, were considered appanages of its
subject Church of Morville. Such were the grants of a great part
" Vide Eist. Shrewsbwry, vol. ii, page 2; and Archatoloffia Cambrensis, New Series,
No. xiv, page 100.
MORVILLE.
33
of Tugford (perhaps including Fertecote^ a vill not at present traced)
by Warin the Sheriff, and his successor Rainald, previous to 1086.
Such also was the grant ^* of tithes of his demesne in Astley, by
Earl Hugh de Montgomery, if indeed this were the origin of that
undoubted right of the Abbey. Moreover, Warin's grant of the
tithes of the whole vill of Weston, and of two-thirds of the tithes of
his demesne of Henley, and Earl Hughes grant of two-thirds of the
tithes of his demesne of Neuton, and perhaps of Lye, will belong
to the same category.
Consistently with the above, a suit which, between 1108 and
1113, arose between William, son of Bainer de Tangelanda (Thong-
lands), and the Abbey, about the continuance of a lease of Fertecote,
will have primarily been a question as to the Abbotts rights in a
part of his Morville fief. So also the suit which, between 1113
and 1121, arose between the Abbey and Bainald, son of Turstin
Buich, as to the right of the latter to hold, in fee and inheritance,
land near Bridgnorth and the Severn, of which his father had had
a life-lease. The latter suit ended in the sickness and retractation
of Rainald, his being shorn a Monk df Salop Abbey, and dying not
long after his father.
^ The Charter here quoted stands No. 5
in the Salop Chartulary, and is printed in
the New Monasticon, voL iii, p. 520. I
haye quoted it, though believing it to be
one of the most unfortunate pieces of eyi-
dence which remains on the folios of a
most valuable record. That it Was framed
to establish an unfounded right to any one
of the various gifts which it recites is not,
I believe, the case, and so fax the term
'^ forgery,** though applicable to it on
some grounds, should be explained. There
can be little question, from other evidence,
that Earl Hugh granted or confirmed, or
sanctioned, all that the Charter conveys.
Hor is the alleged attestation of Warin
the Sheriff who was dead long before Earl
Hugh's succession, a material objection,
seeing that attestation of these early
Charters does not imply the then presence
of the witness, so much as an assertion on
the part of the writer of the Charter that
that witness had been a witness, or a party
to the transfer, all of it or part of it, at
one time or other. But the main objec-
tion to this Charter is that Earl Hugh is
made to speak in the first person through-
out, and ends by professing to seal it with
his own seal, while it is quite certam that
no such Charter was written in his day, or
sealed with his seal, while living. This
point is settled by internal evidence. The
Earl talks of his demesne of *' Astley, near
Bruge," whereas Bruge was a nameless
and barren rock in his day, and probably
involved in the very demesne of Astley,
which he is speaking of. He also grants
other tithes as of his own demesne, where
demesne he never had, though the Abbey
certainly had other title to these veiy
tithes, and Earl Hugh may have con-
firmed such title, and I believe did. The
formula too of "Hiis testibus," which
introduces the witnesses' names, is of a
later age than Earl Hugh's. The best and
the worst to be concluded of this Charter is
that it is a clumsy attempt of some Monk
to improve a title which needed no such
fortifying ; and if any seal of Earl Hugh
was ever attached to the document (which
I doubt), such afllz was only not a great
fraud because it was a greater folly.
34
MORVILLE.
At this period, or more precisely a.d. 1118, the Monks of Salop
had built a new*^ Church at Morville; and Geoflfty (de Clive), Bishop
of Hereford, attended to its consecration. We should neither
have known this fact nor its date, but for an awAil accident which
followed, and which drew the attention of contemporary Chroniclers*^
to the circumstances. The day had been unusually fine, and those
who had flocked to the ceremony of consecration were on their way
home. A tremendous thunder-storm came on. Seven of the
travellers, two of them females, were sheltering in one spot. The
women were struck by the lightning and killed ; the men had a
narrow escape with life, and five horses belonging to the party
perished.
After the rebuilding of the Church for a period of twenty years,
we can trace nothing directly of the Church of St. Gregory, its
possessions, or its interests ; indeed the whole history of the County
is involved in a similar obscurity. In the year 1121-2, or else in
1126-7, King Henry I, being then at Norton (near Cimdover),
issued a general precept ^^ to Richard (de Capella), Bishop of
Hereford, commanding him that he cause the Abbot of Salop to
enjoy all such Churches, lands, &c., in his Diocese, as the Abbot's
predecessors had enjoyed. This precept may have been connected
with the following circumstances.
It would seem that ever since the foundation of Salop Abbey,
the Norman Abbey of Seez had laid claim, if not to the house
itself as an affiliation, yet to certain of those possessions, whereto
the latter exhibited an independent title. This probably arose from
Shrewsbury Abbey, having been built and first occupied by Sagian
Monks, imported from Earl Koger^s Norman fief. The two first
Abbots of Shrewsbury came also from Seez, and no one can read Earl
Roger's foundation Charter, a document of indubitable authority,^^
without seeing that it was framed in antagonism to some such claim
^ The architectural notice of the present
Church of Morville, with which I am
favoured by the Rev. J. L. Petit, and
which is given below, renders it probable
that nothing whatever of this structure
of 1118, beyond the materials is now
existent.
1* Tide Flor. Contin. ii, 72.
16 Salop Chartulary, No. 47.
16 This Charter stands No. 2 in the
Chartulary, and is printed in the New
Monatticon, vol. iii, page 619. In the
History of Shrewsbwy, voL ii, pp. 11-15,
an opinion generally favourable as to its
genuineness is expressed, but some objec-
tions are also stated. I can only say, with
regard to the latter, that, after a careful
comparison of the document with Domes-
day ^ and other evidence in the Chartulary,
I cannot find grounds for one of them.
It will be time to answer these objections
when the specific subjects on which they
MORVILLE.
85
as that of Seez^ actual or prospective. As regards the possessions
of Morville Church a claim had thus been made on its Manor of
BiUingsley ; and successfully too, for the foreign Abbey appears to
have been seized thereof, when about a.d. 1147 the claims of both
houses were adjudicated upon by Robert de Betun, Bishop of Here-
ford. The composition ^^ which ensued left BiUingsley in possession
of the Abbey of Seez. Thus Salop Abbey will have lost a Manor
of about one and a half hides in extent, and so, nearly a fifth of the
eight hides to which it had been entitled by force of Earl Roger's
original grant of Morville Church, and its appurtenances.
The manorial possessions of the latter, or at least what remained
uncontested of them, will about this time, or rather sooner, have
become more immediately subject to Salop Abbey, in consequence
of arrangements which must now be mentioned; and we may here
dismiss any detailed account of separate Manors or townships,
leaving to such as demand it a future and distinct notice.
The more comprehensive subject which now arises is a jurisdic-
tion, rather parochial than manorial, and which Morville Church
had doubtless exercised in Saxon times, and contrived to retain or
regain after the Conquest. In all Alnodestreu Hundred, Domesday
tell us but of one Church then existent, viz. that of St. Gregory.
Whatever qualification*® we may put upon this feature of the record,
it is certain that the parish of St. Gregory extended far beyond its
manorial interests, and involved a very important spiritual jurisdic-
tion. It was about the year 1138, that Robert de Betun, the
Diocesan, sympathizing, as he said, with the necessities of Salop
Abbey, granted ^9 to that house an appropriation of its Church of
Momerfeuldy enjoining however that it should be colonized with
Monks from Shrewsbury, changeable at the Abbot's discretion.
are raised come under review. The objec-
tion which is made as regards MoryOle
is, that the Earl grants the Church of
Momerfeld, with all the land which the
Clerks held. He means by the Clerks his
own Chaplains, not the Saxon Canons, as
the historians of Shrewsbury have pre^
sumed. On this ground they attack the
Charter as contradictory to Domesdoif,
which speaks only of fiye-eighths of such
land having been granted to the Abbey.
This is however merely saying that Domes-
day is silent as to the directions of the
Earl with respect to the other three rever-
sionary eighths, to which I reply that
Domesday had nothing to do with such
matters. It treats of possessions, not
remainders.
»7 Salop Chartulary, No. 337.
" The mention of a priest at GHaaeley
and Chetton may perhaps be taken to
imply the existence of Churches, and if
there were not Churches at Tong and
Donington in 1086 (as Domesday implies),
there were within ten years of that date.
w Salop Chartulary, No. 334.
36
MORVILLE.
The object of the latter proviso was ostensibly, " a full dischai^
of the duties of hospitality there, in proportion to the local means/'
Morville thus became a Priory, and subject most directly to
Salop Abbey. Its ecclesiastical rights, with which alone the Bishop
had to do, were no longer matters of local concern or exercise.
They were transferred to the Chapter-House at Shrewsbury. The
Bishop^s Charter proceeds to specify what they were, and they must
be enumerated here.
1. A pension of Qs. Sd. from the Chapel of Billingsley, and half
the corn-tithes of the same viU. Thus, though the Manor belonged
to Seez, the parochial jurisdiction remained with Morville Church,
and was now to be transferred to Salop Abbey. In other words, a
Chapel had been some time built and endowed at Billingsley, in the
parish of St. Oregory. St. Oregory had probably given up half the
corn-tithe as an endowment, retaining however the other half, and
exacting a pension of half a merk as a token of subjection to the
Mother Church.
2. A pension of 5^. from the Chapel of Oldbury ; an acknowledg-
ment of parochial subjection quite independent of any territorial
right.
8. A pension of Gs. Sd, from Tasley Chapel, a case like the last.
The Charter then mentions certain pensions accruing to Salop
Abbey, from other sources {alias debitas), i, e., such as did notarise
from the appropriation of the rights of St. Gr^ory. But it
further confirms the tithes of Astley, both of the Abbot's own
demesne there, as well as those granted by others (seemingly an
allusion to Earl Hugh's grant), also two-thirds of the tithes of the
Lords of Henley, Neuton,^*^ and Upton,*® all which were probably
appurtenant primarily to the Church of Morville, though the Charter
does not say so.
So then, at this date (1138), in the parish of St. Gregory, three
subject Chapels had been founded since Domesday, viz, at Billings-
ley, Oldbury, and Taaley. Within a year or two Robert Fitz-Aer
founded*^ another at Aston Aer, endowing it himself with sixty
acres of land, a house, and all tithes of his demesne. Within ten
years two other such Chapels had been built, viz. at Aldenham and
* These places I take to be Neenton
and Upton-super-Edge (afterwards Upton
Cresset), but I cannot trace the original
grant of tithes in either. At Neenton
however Salop Abbey possessed a subse-
quent ecclesiastical interest of a kind
which was not unusually a result of a
primary possession of tithes.
3> Salop Cbartulory, No. 346.
MORVILLE.
37
Uhderdon, with different endowments; and the same Bishop
again confirming^* to Salop Abbey, and addressing his Dean and
Chapter of Hereford, tells them that he has consecrated so many
Chapels as a '^ protection for the poor, and having respect to the
warlike troubles of the time,^' and he enjoins that all these Chapels
" be still subject to the Mother Churcli of Morville, so that, on
great festivals, the people shall attend the latter, and the Priest of
the latter shall, if he so wills, have the bodies of the dead
carried thither for burial/' The Bishop further stipulates that the
endowments of these Chapels (the lands and tithes given to them)
shall alway be at the disposal of the Mother Church. He also
charges his own successors not to require more than he had ap-
pointed in the way of Episcopal dues, "lest,*' says he, and the
expression is significant, " what I have done in defence of the poor
prove an injury to the Monks/'
Agam, the same Bishop consecrated on October 14th^^ (the year
unmentioned), a new Chapel at Astley Abbots, for there seems to
have been one before, but probably disused ; and this Chapel was
endowed, by the Abbot of Salop himself, with half a virgate of
land (30 acres), a house and assart-land, worth 49. per annum. No
tithes were given up for this endowment.
Here then were seven Chapels in one great parish, nearly all of
them consecrated by a single Bishop, and their endowments and
relations to the Mother-Church defiinitely settled. And this was
in the stormy reign of Stephen, a time little likely, one would
imagine, to have excelled in works of peace and charity. Without
forgetting the great influence which is ever assuaging human evil
with some correlative of good, we may classify the subordinate
agents in this local change, and judge of each by his conduct. The
Bishop was the prime mover of the work, and he was one who has
been chronicled in other and independent records ^^ as a friend of
the poor and oppressed, the opponent of power whenever associated
with wrong, and a great personal sufferer for such his integrity.
Then there are the Abbot and Monks of the great Benedictine
House, at Shrewsbury, yielding a not very ready sympathy to the
movement, and carefully protecting their own interests throughout.
Lastly there are the Barons and Knights of the County, endowing
« Salop Chartulary, No. 333.
» " The day of St. Calixtus."
^ See his hfe printed in the Anglia
Sacra; also the History of Lanthony
Abbey (in the MonaHicon) and the Oesta
Begia Stephani,
38
MOBVILLE.
Chapels out of their own means^^ when the spiritual superintendence
of the district was directly acknowledged to be the charge of an
establishment already endowed.
Morville, simply as a Cell or Priory, and shorn of all its original
influence, remained subject to Shrewsbury Abbey till the Reforma-
tion. Its ancient dependencies, as the Church of St. Gregory,
rendered whatever allegiance was due, substantially and probably
immediately to the Abbot, who held his privileged Court at Astley,
without interference of the Prior of Morville, other than as a
subordinate.
The names of no Priors*^ of Morville occur, where they might be
most expected, in the Salop Chartulary. In Michaelmas Term,
1220, John Prior of Momerfeld appeared in the Courts at West-
minster as the Abbot's Attorney in a law-suit.
In 1255 the jurors, empanelled to answer certain questions as to
tenures and privileges in the Hundred of Stottesden, reported as
follows: — ^that the Abbot of Salop was Lord of part of Momerefeld;
that his share was one carrucate, which he held in demesne; that he
owed no suit for the same (to County or Hundred Court) ; that he
had thereof the King's charter, and that Y^ feoffor was Earl
Roger. ^^And,'' say the jurors, " the said vUl was never hidaged,''
by which they must have meant, never assessed according to any
separate hidage, which was likely enough, as it was subject to no
assessment of those which were chargeable on the hidage of
manors. We may however estimate the carrucate which Salop
Abbey had in Morville itself, as something like half a hide, and
this both with reference to the previous survey of Domesday and a
subsequent statement ^^ as to acreage.
» The Chapels of Bfllingsley, Oldbury,
Aston Aer, and Aldenham, were founded
or endowed by laics, and probably Taaley.
The great injustice which resulted in such
cases was that in process of time the Abbey
engrossed the greater share of these en-
dowments, leaving but a slender pittance
to the Incumbents, whereas of course a
local benefit was the primary object of
the Founders.
» May28th,1263, JohnWallensis, Prior
of Momerefeudj conniyed at the introduc-
tion into his Priory of part of a hind
which Walter Baldwin, of l^orley, and
Boger Dunfowe liad unlawfully taken. I
Before the case came before the Justices
of the Forest, yiz., Feb. 3d, 1262, this
Prior was dead. Flacita foreste a^pvd
Salop, 46 Hen. Ill, memb. 4.
John Perle occurs as Prior, June 16th,
1353 (Vide infra).
^ The carrucate itself is never once men-
tioned in the Shropshire Domesday, The
word abbreviated thus, car , car, is always
carruca, an ox-team. Elsewhere in Domes-
day (as fol. 269 b.) the word, similarly
abbreviated, stands oftenest for carrucata^
and in one entry is so written in full.
But car, as an abbreviation of carruca, is
used on the very same page. As regards
MORVILLE. 39
In 1280, the Abbot of Salop was receiving a pension jGrom the
Church of M orville, as distinct from the Priory, under the usual
system of exaction. It was two merks {£l, 6s, Sd.) per annum,
and John Archbishop of Canterbury sanctioned it, by deed^ of
August 23d in that year.
In 1291, the Church of MorviUe, with three of its Chapels, Astley,
Aston Aer, and Billingsley, was valued as realizing to the Incumbent
£17. 6s. Sd. per annum ; but how this valuation was made up, and
what were the services thus remunerated, does not appear.
The pensions deriveable, at the same date, from the Chapels of
Oldbury and Tasley, were estimated as part of the income of the
Prior.
In 1341, the parish of Morville was assessed as follows: its
taxation or ecclesiastical value, including Chapels, was 26 merks
(£17. 6s. Sd.) ; but the assessors of the ninth of wheat, wool, and
lamb, in the same parish, rendered account only of £10. 3^. 4rf. ;
" so much less than the Church valuation, because there had been a
common murrain in this year ; and because small tithes, offerings,
and other profits go to make up the higher taxation and are not
comprised in this j and because many tenants have thrown up their
holdings through poverty ; and because there are two carrucates^
and one mike of land (within the parish), which belong to the
Chapel of St. Mary Magdalene, of Brugg, and pay nothing towards
said ninth. But in the said ninth are included the temporalities
of Salop Abbey, which are taxed like other (tenures) within the
parish,^'
INCUMBENTS OF MORVILLE,
Of the early incumbents of this Church I can say but little. I
have only found two of the 13th century, and both of them have
merely the title of Chaplain. Roger, the earliest of these Chaplains,
was Father of that Richard, whom I shall mention hereafter as
Shropshire, I do not suppose that any
inyariable or ascertained ratio can be
established between ^q- "Domesday mea-
surement by the hide, and the later com-
putation by the oarrucate. The computa-
tion, giyen Sistory of Shrewahwy, vol. ii,
pp. 8-9, proceeds on the erroneous sup-
position that the carrucate occurs as a
land-measure in the Shropshire Domes-
day,
28 Salop Chartulary, No. 62,— but the
sum was probably made up by the pen-
sions from subject Chapels.
6
40
MORVILLE.
marrying Sibil, the widow of Robert de Teneray, and confirming
her grants to this Church.
Later in the centmy, Richard, Chaplain of Morville, attests a
grant by Hugh, Lord of Upton (Cresset), to Morville Church,
which I shall have occasion to notice hereafter.
The earlier Registers of Hereford exhibit no instance of a pre-
sentation to this office, neither is it mentioned in the Valor of
1535.
In 1545, as will presently appear, the officiating Minister here is
styled merely Curate, and his stipend, chargeable on the Priory,
was £5. 168. Oid. per annum.
Finally, to show the ever varying combination which, under the
monastic rule, confused both territory, tithes. Church, Chapels, and
Priory, we may add an account of the state of things, such as the
Reformation found and left them, here.
Previous to July 30th, 1529, Richard Marshall, alias Baker,
twenty-eighth Abbot of Shrewsbury (if the list ^ be correct) had
resigned, for on that day the election of his successor Thomas
Boteler, twenty-ninth and last Abbot, received the Royal
assent.
The resigning Abbot had a pension of £40 per annum assigned
him by his Convent. To make up that sum a deed^ under the
Convent seal, passed 22d October, 1529, granting to him, inter alia,
for term of life, the Cell or Grange*^ of Morfield, with all its lands,
meadows, pastures, and other hereditaments, both temporal and
spiritual. We learn from a valuation of subsequent date (June 16th,
1545), and made by Royal Commission, both the gross and net value
of the premises thus conveyed, and further, in what they consisted.
This last record or " extent " of Morville Priory must be briefly
given. It was on this wise : —
^ Sisi, Shrewshuryy ii, 130,
* Vide Collectanea Topogra/phica est
Qenealogica^ vol. ii, pp. 289-291, where
these particulars are printed from records
in the Augmentation Office.
81 Morville was still sometimes called a
Priory, and the retired Ahbot its Prior.
Leland, who travelled this way from Wen-
lock at the time, says, "I sawe a litle
Priory or Cell called Morfeilde on the
right hand as I entred this village."
{Heaa^a Itinerary, vol. ii, p. 102.) For
the title of Prior, as applied to Marshal],
and other particulars about him — (See
SUt. Shrewsbufy, voL ii, p. 134, note 3.)
HOBVIIiLE.
41
£, s. d.
Bent of the site of the Cell or Orange with all its
houses^ kitchen^ pasture^ bams^ stables^ buildings^
&c.^ in a state of utter ruin^ with one small garden^
one orchard^ four stews^ and the land and soil
within the site and precinct of said Grange, per
annum . . . . . . . .
Bent of 92| acres of arable, meadow, grass and
pasture land, in diverse fields and enclosures
B/Cnt of two tenements (in one of which Bichard
Marshall seems to have resided) ^^
Bent, or farm, of the tithes of grain and hay in^
Moreflfeld, Walton, Lye, Kyndesley, Aldenham,
Harpsford, Haughton, Croflbe, and Underdon, and
Bent of the tithe of wool and other produce of the
whole parish of Morfeld
10
7 17
13
The outgoings ^ were :
Salary of the Curate of Morefelde
Salary of the Curate of Wheaton Aston .
Bishop of Hereford's visitation fees
Sinage and proxes (synodals and procu-
rations) ......
Comissary of the Diocese
£. 8. d.
5 16 Oi
5 16 Oi
17 9t
13 4
6 8
5
4
h21
£30 9
13 9 lOi
So that the net annual value, as stated in the document
referred to, was
£16 10 lOf
On December 4th, 1545, the reversion of these premises was
granted by the Crown to John Dudley, Viscount Lisle, and Lord
Admiral of England, but such reversion would not, in the ordinary
course, have taken effect till May 1558, on the 7th day of which
month Bichard Marshall was buried at St. Leonard's, Bridgnorth.
The Lord Lisle had however sold the reversion long before, and
" Bichard Marshall howerer lived at
Bridgnorth for a time before his death,
if I rightly interpret the somewhat ambi-
guous notice of him last referred to, but
which is explained differentlj by the his-
torians of Shrewsbury.
^ Tet in a return of the income of his
Abbey, for the year ending Michaelmas
1534, the Abbot of Salop includes an
annual pension of £8 reoeived from the
Prior of Morville {Valor JSccles, iii, 190),
which, if correct, will have been a further
charge on Marshall's income. And indeed,
when Salop Abbey was surrendered (Jan.
1540), a pension of £10 was allotted to
him by the Crown, as if his pension of
£40 were not yet made up elsewhere. —
(Vide Hist. Shrewsh. ibm.)
42
MOBVILLE.
perhaps Marshall^ his life interest^ for there is an entry on the
originalia^ returns of 37 Hen. VIII (1545-6), as to ''Roger
Smyth, of Brydgnorth, doing homage for the premises/'
ARCHITECTUEAL REMAINS OF THE OLD CHIJECH.
The earliest architectural features appear to belong to the latter
part of the 12th century. The tower has very thick walls, and
the Norman flat buttress or pilaster at the angles. Its upper
part is of a much later date. The arches which separate the
nave from the aisles are semicircular : their mouldings indicate a
transitional period, when the pure Norman style was beginning
to make way for the Gk)thic which succeeded it. We have many
buildings which may be referred to this interesting epoch in
architecture; they sometimes exhibit the tendency to change in
the form of the arch, as at Build was ; and sometimes in the mould-
ings, while the arch continues to be semicircular. Sometimes it is
shown both by the arch and its mouldings, but then some mark or
other rarely fails to occur by which the date may be detected.
Here we find a convex moulding, the section of which represents
the form of a pointed arch ; this I think does not occur in earlier
work.
The piers are of a somewhat uncommon plan, namely, a square,
in the sides of which are engaged shafts, or semi-shafts whose
section is an ogee-pointed arch ; the form of the abacus is octagonal.
The Chancel-arch is semicircular; its western face exhibits a shaft
with an enriched capital, and two double rows of billets, those of the
inner row being smaller than we usually find in Norman work.
On the north side of the chancel is a door or porch, with a semi-
circular arch under a plain gabled canopy. Above the arch is a
stone, bearing the date 1683; but as there can be no doubt that the
string-courses, fi-om which the arch springs, and the sculpture in
its head, are as early as the 12th century, this date probably refers
^ Originalia, 37 Hen. VIII, rot 23,
quoted Monast. iii, 517, note {e). — The
Becord itself has since been examined. It
is On>. 37 H. VIII, p. 3, J2o<. 23. The
King, for a fine of £4. 17*., grants to John
Viscount Lisle, that he may, by fine to
be levied at Westminster, grant the pre-
mises before recited, and the reversion of
Marshall's life interest therein, to Soger
Smyth, of Bridgnorth, to hold to said
Boger and his heirs, of the King and his
heirs, by accustomed services. Given at
Westminster, 18th February, anno 37
(1546).
CHANCBI. DOI>B, SOUTH SIDB, MORVILLB.
FONT, MORVILLE.
MORVILLE. 43
to some general repair of the Church, or to the re-arrangement of
the door itself, the opening of which, beneath the old arch, is
evidently modem.
The Font, which is circxdar and without any shaft, is covered with
rude sculpture, to which I do not see any reason to assign an earlier
date than to the oldest parts of the Church, though it is just of that
character that might induce an antiquary to class it among very old
specimens, without any fear of being met by a decided proof to the
contrary. It is a curious and interesting relic, worthy of careful
preservation.
J. L. Petit.
"We have now treated of Morville as the caput of a Saxon and
Domesday Hundred, as centre of a great Manor, and Mother-
Church of a still greater Parish. "We have seen it lose all these
dignities and become ecclesiastically a very mean Priory or Cell of
Shrewsbury Abbey, manorially a small tenement of less than a
hundred acres, and as a seat of provincial government, nothing.
"We may now dismiss the subject and revert to its manorial
adjuncts, if our identification of them at the time of Domesday
may, for the present, be accepted as probable.
First on the list will stand Astley, sometimes calloi Astley Brug,
but with a better note of distinction. —
ASTLEY ABBOTS.
This township engrossed to itself at a very early period the
manorial dignity of Morville, as far as the interests of Salop Abbey
were concerned. •
When spoken of as a Manor of five hides, as in 1255, it must be
taken to involve a great proportion of the seventeen unnamed
berewicks of Domesday. Little Astley, Norley, Croft, Haughton,
Kingslow, Boad, Stanley, Dunvall, Colemore, Severn Hall, Can-
treyn, Rucroft, and Bunewall, ^ are hamlets, messuages, or tene-
ments found at diverse period as members of this Manor, and some
nine or ten of them will have been of the Domesday bereivicks. Of
them more in detail hereafter.
If Earl Hugh granted to Salop Abbey tithes of his demesne of
35 The Haye, Dcepdale, Haseldene) also occur, and others of still less note.
44
MORVILLE.
Astley^ as alledged^ that demesne will probably have lain in the
direction which was afterwards occupied by the town of Bridgnorth.
At the northern extremity of its Manor of Astley^ the Abbey seems
to have early made an acquisition of some importance in those days.
Between the years 1135 and 1141 (because subsequently to the
death of Henry I^ and previously to the Empress' comfirmation ^
thereof), Hamon Peverel granted the ''fishery and passage'' of
Sutton. This wiU have been a right of weir and ferry in the river
Severn, 'probably at the point where the Manors of Apley and
Sutton Maddock now converge on the eastern bank of that river.
About the same time ^ Robert, Bishop of Hereford, appropriating
Morville Church to Salop Abbey, includes a pension of eight
shillings arising from its subject Chapel of Estley. He also con-
firms all the tithes as well of the Abbot's demesne of Estley, as
those '' anciently given by others in the same parish."
About the year 1160,*^ Robert, Abbot of Salop, with consent of
his Chapter, granted to Philip Fitz-Stephen and his heirs, the fishery
of Sutton (piscariam de Sutuna) and the land, of which Richard
and Hugh were tenants, near the fishery. The annual rent reserved
was 1^. 4id., payable at Michaelmas. The witnesses of this feoffment^
have reference to the locality. They were Richard the Priest of
Hestlee (Astley), Hugh Piscator (Fisher) of Brugg, Alexander
the Forester, Ralph son of Ordric, Alduin de Harpesfort (Harps-
wood), and Bermer de Norlee (Nordley).
In 1180, among those amerced*^ by the Justices of the Forest,
then visiting this County, were several of the Abbot of Salop's
tenants at Astley and Norley. The subject of these amercements
was certain purprestures and tillages within the limits of the King's
forest of Shirlet. Among the names are Albinus, Robert de
Bonewell, Reginald de Halcton, •WUliam de la Rode, Andrew,
Richard the Provost, and Robert Weudac, each of whom was more
or less connected with the local history of the Manor. The Provost
named was probably the Bailiff of the Abbot of Salop.
About the year 1225 a grant ^ to Morville Church is fortified by
oath of the grantors, taken " before Brother John de Egeton, then
8* Salop Chartulary, Ko. 40. There was
at this period no bridge over the Severn
between Shrewsbury and Bridgnorth.
One at Atcham was made early in the
next century.
37 Salop Chartulary, No. 334.
^ New Mofutsticon, vol. iii, p. 522, No.
xiv.
^ PlcusUa Foresta (Chapter-House,
Westminster, No. i.)
^ Salop Chartulary, No. 104.
MORVILLE.
45
Seneschall, and Brother William de Penkridge, Monks, and before
the fiill Court of the Lord Abbot of Salop, at Astley."
In 1255 the Jurors who took inquisition *i of the tenures in
Stottesden Hundred, before the King's Commissioners, say that the
''Abbot of Salop is Lord of Astlegh by gift of Earl Eoger.
Therein are five hides of land which the said Abbot holds, nor does
he any suit ; and he has the King's warrant/' . Hugo de Kynsedd
(Kinslow), one of the Abbots feoffees, was himself of the Jury on
this occasion.
2l8t May, 1256. The Abbot had the King's charter ^ of jfree-
warren in all his demesne lands. '' Astley^' is mentioned among
them.
November 30th, 1274. Another tenant of the Abbot here, viz.
Simon de Sabrina, was of the jury*^ which attended at Salop to
make report to a Royal Commission on several matters relating to
Stottesden Hundred.
There is a record ** written apparently about the end of the
thirteenth century, and which takes note of certain villages, woods,
&c., pertaining to the custody of the King's forest (hayae), of
Schirlet, and which had been disafforested by perambulation made
thereof." Among them are Colemore, Stanleye, Rucroft, Medewe-
grene, Contreyne, the messuage of Simon de Sabrina (now Severn
Hall), Northleye, Astley Abbots, La Dunfowe (now Dunvall), La
Rode (now Road or Rhodes), Kinsedeleye (now Kingslow), Tasley,
Crofte, Haley gton (now Haughton), Momerfeld, Lee (Lye), Un-
derdone, "Walton (now Bridgewarton), and Harpesford.
About the year 1267,*^ Philip, Lord of Baggesovere (Badger), for
the sum of four merks, sold to William Abbot, and the Convent, of
Salop, all the land which he had in their Manor of Astlee, with all
his rights in rents, homages, reliefs, escheats, &;c., which land he
held (of them) at 5*. rent. The object of this sale or siurender,
though itself of some interest, is not to our present purpose.
SufSce it here to say that this Philip, Lord of Badger, was also
Forester of the fee in the King^s forest of Shirlet, and lineal de-
scendant of that Philip Fitz-Stephen, whom we have seen becoming
the Abbof s tenant here a century before. Whether the premises
*^ Hundred MolU^ vol. ii, p. 81.
^ Salop Chartulary, No. 53. This docu-
ment, which ought to appear on Mot. Car-
tarunhf 40 Hen. Ill, is thus preserved, the
Charter Bolls of that year being lost.
^ Hundred jRoUs^ vol. ii, p. 107.
^ Forest Soils, Westminster, Satop,
No. iii.
^ Salop Cliartulary, No. 146.
46
MORVILLE.
granted to Pliilip Fitz-Stephen were identical with those surrendered^
or, what is more probable, part of them, we cannot decide ; but a
glance at the Map wUl show how relevant to his official duties must
have been the ferry of Sutton to that Forester of Shirlet, whose
residence and lands were at Badger and Ackleton.
In 1284 there was an inquisition^ of the kind afterwards
classified as '^ad quod damnum/' relating to the Abbot of Salop, as
Lord of Astley juxta Brug, making assarts in Shirlet forest.
In 1291 we have a valuation of the Abbotts temporal interests
here : —
He had four carrucates of land (in demesne), £ 8. d.
estimated as annually worth (at ISs. 4ef. per
carrucate) 2 13 4
He had a parcel of meadow-land worth . , 3 4
A mill 13 4
In rents • 11 2 Of
In pleas and perquisites (of the Manor Court) 8 6
His revenue here will therefore have been . £15 61
We have other valuations of this Manor, which, though made more
than two centuries afterwards, may be given here if only for com-
parison. In the year^''^ ending Michaelmas 1535, this Manor
appears to have realized to the then Abbot a net revenue of about
£27. lis,, but 14^. of tithes are among the receipts, whilst a
chief-rent to the Crown of 2s. 4^ J., and a baihff^s salary of £1
constitute the. abatements. The profits of Court are not estimated.^
Six years later tiie Ministers^ accounts give the annual value of
this possession of the dissolved Abbey of Salop as £32. 9s, 4^., but
that sum includes both the profits of Court (£2. 10^. 4>d.) and
tithes {£2. 14*.)-
Before we leave this Manor a statement must be added which,
while it concerns a considerable tenure therein, also embodies some
** Escheats sive Inquisitiones post mor*
tern, 12 Ed. I, No. 60.
^ Valor Scclesiasticus, vol. iii, pp. 189,
190.
^ A. rental of the possessions of Salop
Abbey between the years 1487 and 1491,
is quoted Hist. ShretDshury, yol. ii, pp.
508, 509. The income deriyable from
Astley is stated at £25. 2s. Sd., " but," say
the Editors, "under tliis head are included
items quite unconnected with Astley, as
Albyns, Kakeweche, Nordley, Depedale,
Tasseley, &c." I presume that the state-
ments in the text exhibit a rery close con-
nexion between Astley and most of these
places. The same Boll estimates the tithes
of Astley at 45 shillings per annum.
MORYILLE. 47
particulars of law proceedings extracted from the very earliest of
our Judicial Records.
A person, whose name is written Robert "Wendac, has been
already mentioned as concerned here in 1180.' In June, 1194,
Cecilia and SibUla, apparently daughters and co-heirs of this
Robert, who seems also to have been son of another Robert (whose
name is written '^ Wandard^'), were sued*^ for the inheritance of
the latter by William Savage, alleging himself to be son of another
William Savage, eldest son of said Robert Wandard. The Record
is not very clear on all poiuts, but the progress of the cause was
nearly as follows : —
On June 6th, 1194, the defendants Cecily and Sibil, with their
husbands William Turald and Geoffiry de Molendino, had essoign
in the Court at Westminster till July 1st following. The ground
of essoign appears to have been the sickness of Cecily, for on the
day appointed (July Ist),^ four visws who ought to have been in
Court to testify their view of the infirmity of Cecilia de Cantinunt
(a corruption of Cantreyn or Cantem) came not. They were
summoned again for (me month of Michaelmas, and at the same
time ** GeoflEry and Sibil appointed William fitz Turald (Cecilia^s
husband) their attorney, to win or lose (ad lucrandum vel per-
dendum).
On October 27th, the cause*^ came on for hearing. The lands in
dispute were two carrucates iu Estlee, with three messuages and ten
acres iu Bruge (Bridgnorth). Each party seems to have pleaded a
right founded on the primogeniture of either of the two sons of
Robert Wandard, the defendants adding, iu confirmation, their
possession of other lands iu Bruge, similarly derived. The defen-
dants required "view" thereof, which the Court granted, and
adjourned the case till the quinzaine of St. Martin, and such view
was to be taken iu the interim. On November 24th, 1194, three
of the four knights appointed to take this view certified*^ to the
Court their discharge of such duty ; but the case did not end here.
^ Flacita wpvd Westm, Trin. Term,
6 B. I, memb. 3 recto. The date of the
Boll is assigned from its internal evidence.
It is that described in the Ahbrem<Uio
PlacUorum, pp. 96, 97, as " incerti tem-
poris Begis Bicardi." In consequence of
its date not being inscribed, this Boll has
escaped the notice of the Editor of "the
UotuU OuricB Begis^ the first volume of
which purports to be a transcript of all
existent judicial records of that reign.
See Preface, p. 5.
^ Ibidem, memb. 5 dorso.
*^ Ibidem, memb. 3 recto.
^ SotiUi CuricB Eegis^ vol. i, p. 14.
» Ibidem, p. 73.
7
48
MOBVILLE.
for on the following «♦ day William fitz Tturald again had essoig%
and the cause was adjourned till the octaves of Hilary (January
20th, 1195). The minutes of that term and many subsequent
terms are lost, and we can only conclude firom the record of a suit
many years afterwards, that the defendants did not lose all if any
of the premises.
In Michaelmas Term, 1221, ^ Geoffiry (de Molendino) and Sibil
fitz Robert (so written in this case) being dead, and Bichard de
Kinsedel (Kinslow), second husband of Sibil, surviving, William,
the son of Geofiry and Sibil, being then a minor, sued said
Richard for a mill and eighteen acres here, the right of his mother.
Richard pleaded his marriage of Sibil, and that, having had chil-
dren by her, he was entitled by custom of England to her inherit-
ance for his life. The plaintiff William rejoined with two pleas :
one that Richard's children were not by his mother Sibil, but
by a later wife; the other that Richard was a viUain.^ The truth
of one or both of these last assertions is apparent from the sequel,
for Richard, though in possession, resigned his claim for half a merk
(6«. 8rf.)
THB OHITBCH OF AfiTLBY ABBOTS.
There will have been a Church or Chapel here within half a
century after Domesday, for Robert de Betun*'^ appropriating
Morville Church to Salop Abbey about a.d. 1138, included a
pension of 8*. arising from its subject '^ Chapel of Estleya.'^
The same^ Bishop, when he consecrated a new Chapel and
Cemetery here shortly after, speaks of the previous dependence of
the Chapel on Morville Church, and directs that it continue. The
Abbot of Salop^s endowment of the new foundation has already
been stated, and it would seem that for a time such endowment will
have been unrevoked. However about 1217,*® Hugh (de Mapenore),
Bishop of Hereford, granted to Morville Priory an appropriation
hereof, saving the life interest of Gerard de Egymendune (Edg-
mond), the then Incumbent. This grant, though preserving the
name of an early Rector, probably placed again at the discretion of
the Abbot his predecessor's endowment ; and indeed there is no
" Botuli Curia Megis^ vol. i, p. 126.
w Placita apud Salopf 6 Hen. Ill,
inemb.4, dorso.
*^ One whose tenure was in villanctgey
and who, so far from being able to possess
land, was transferable himself as part and
parcel of the appurtenances.
*7 Salop Chartulary, No. 334.
M Ibidem, No. 348.
» Ibidem, No. 347.
MOBYILLE. 49
subsequent mention of this Chapel from this time till the dissolu-
tion^ except as in most dependent connection with Morville Church.
The valuation of 1535 does not even mention it.
mOUMBENTS OF ASTLBY,
After Gerard de Egymendune's Incumbency, the officiating
minister here like him at Morville seems to have been entitled
" Chaplain."
Henry Chaplain of *' Esteleg '^ was father of that Joseph who will
appear elsewhere as grantee of Henry de BunewaU and Robert de
Teneray in the Manor. About September, 1258, Richard Chaplain
of ^'Estleg'^ attests a Salop charter, relating to land in Astley.
The earliest notice on the Diocesan Register is of date June
16th, 1353, when John Perle, Prior of Morville and Proctor of
Salop Abbey, admitted before the Bishop, at his Visitation of
Morville, that the Abbot was bound to find and mabitaui a Chaplain
in the Chapel of Astley, dependent on Morville Church. The
admission argues the previous neglect of such duty, or at least an
attempt to evade it; — another hint as to the way in which the
Monastic Houses of that period attended to the spiritual interests
of their dependents.
ASTLEY PARVA,
Called also ''alia Estleia" and ''parva Estleham," was one of
those adjuncts of Morville which Earl Roger's grant, as interpreted
by the confirmation of King William, conveyed to Salop Abbej.
About A.D. 1220, the Abbot seems to have added to his demesne
by purchase from and exchange with two of his tenants here. He
paid^ Geofliy, the Irishman (le Hyreis), of Brug three and a half
merks for a culture under Little Estleham (Astley Home), and
gave ^* Henry le Map half a virgate in Nordley, and a meadow
between Henley and Kingslow-bridge, to hold for a rent of 28. Sd.
in exchange for his tenancy in Little Estleg.
NORDLEY OR NORLEY.
This vill was similarly involved in Earl Roger's grant. A family,
taking its name from the place, seems to have held the principal
«> Salop Chartulary, No. 147. « Ibidem, No. 158.
50
HOBYILLE.
tenancy here nnder Salop Abbey. Benner de Norlec has already ^
occurred about 1160, and Andrew de Norley^ or a succession® of
Andrews^ occurs from 1180 for more than seventy years.
In November, 1221,^ the Abbot of Salop was sued by William
Fitz- Walter for disseising him of his fi-ee tenement here ; but in
vain, for the cousins of William proved him to be a villain,^
By inquest ^ held at Astley, on " qtiasi modo geniti " Sunday,
1 Edw. I (April 16th, 1273), after death of Henry le Forcer, Lord of
Linley, and a tenant in capite at Brockton, it was found that he
held in socage here of Salop Abbey, paying an annual rent of Ss.,
and doing suit thrice a year at the Abbotts Court of Astley. Con-
sistently with this there are deeds ^ in the Salop Chartulary, which
evidently passed in Astley Abbots Manor-Court, and which are
attested by members of this family.
CROFT.
This place, also involved in Earl Soger's grant, gave name to
certain tenants thereof under Salop Abbey.
September 26th,68 1199, Nicholas de la Rode having impleaded
William de Crofte, the tenant, for a virgate of land here, relin-
quished his claim hj final concord at Salop Assizes, receiving lOs.
In October, 1203,^ this virgate became again a subject of litigation.
William de Crofte having enfeoflFed Richard de Crofte therein, the
latter, as tenant, was sued at Salop Assizes by writ of mort d'
ancestre for the same. The plaintiff, R^inald de Crofte, alleged
tha! his father (another Reginald) had died seized thereof, and that he
was his heir. Richard de Crofl«, the defendant, called to warrantry
William de Crofte, who duly appeared and established his title by
producing in Court the fine, or " chirograph,^' of 1199. Reginald
was then asked by the Court why, on the occasion of that fine
being levied, he did not put in his claim. His answer was, that he
was then in Cheshire; and so he was nonsuited.
•* Vide page 44.
« Forest Soil at Westminster. Salop,
No. 1. Salop Chartulary, passim^ and
Charters at Apley Park.
" Salop Assize JRoll, 6 Hen. Ill, memb.
8 recto.
^ Vide page 48, note 50.
^ InqniflitioneB post mortem, 1 Ed. I.
No. 47.
•'Salop Chartnlary, Nos. 145-151-
274 5.
^ Pedes finimn, 1 John.
^ Salop Assizes, 6 John, memb. 4
dorso.
MOBVILLE.
51
This William de Crofte appears a few years later to in attendance
on the Abbot's Court at Astley^ and one of both his names attests
a deed ^i there at the end of the century, viz. 25th May, 1298.
But about the middle of the 13th century the Abbot had a
clerical tenant here, of great wealth and still greater notoriety.
The earliest occurrence of Master Walter le Palmer, of Brug, is
his being enfeoffed 72 by Sibil de Halchtun (Haughton), widow, in
an acre of land in Haughton, which was already bounded on two
sides by lands of his tenure, and on a third by a meadow which
separated Kinslow and Croft.
In the year 1255 73 the possessions of this Master Walter le
Palmer, at Church Stretton and Bridgnorth, had been seized into
the King's hands under the following circumstances. He stood
indicted for entertaining one Roger de Kinver, an outlaw, and also
for the murders of Matilda, aunt of John de Gatacre, and of
William Kilmayn. His Father, Hamon le Palmer, seems to have
been implicated. Walter however contrived to free both himself
and his Father from all liability to the civil power, by large pecu-
niary offerings (oblata), in which the Abbot of Buildwas was his
surety. His gmlt however is more clearly proved, than by the sus-
picion which his large j/f we alone would warrant. He was put upon
his trial 7* in the Crown Court, at Salop Assizes, in January, 1256.
The Official of the Bishop of Coventry demanded that he be sur-
rendered to the spiritual power, being a Clerk. The King's Justices
acquiesced, but directed the Jury first to give their verdict, on the
Crown prosecution, " to the end,'' says the record, ''that it may be
known what kind of character is thus surrendered." The jury
pronounced him guilty of the murder of Matilda, but not guilty of
the other offences. It being also found that he had lay possessions,
all that the Justiciars could do was to order the Sheriff to seize the
same on behalf of the Crown. His fate in the Ecclesiastical Court
does not appear, but there i& a full record of his ultimate com-
position with the civil power.. What with* replevying his lands and
chattels, compounding for the non-appearance of Hamon, his Father,
at the Assizes, and* his fine for his. said Father's lands and chattels;
he appears on the Pipe Boll,^^ of Michaelmas, 1256, as having been
70 Salop Chartulary, No. 137— if I
rightly date the deed, c. 1215.
71 Ibidem, No. 274 b.
^ Charter in the possession of the Bey.
J. Brooke, of Haughton.
73 Salop Assize Boll, 40 Henry m,
(Placita Coron» Bot. 4 dorso, & 10 reoto.)
7* Salop Assize Boll, 40 Henry III,
memb. 10 recto.
7« Moff, Bot Pip. 40 Hen. Ill, Salop.
53
MOEVILLE.
amenable to the Crown in Timoiis soma, amonnting in the whole
to £51. JSs. 4d. Of this debt he had already paid £43. 6«. M.
into the Song's Treasury, £5. to Bemigius de Arundel, the Sheriff's
Clerk, and owed only £3. 6«. 8J. His payment of this balance is
the last item on the Sheriff's accounts of the year.
We have one more local reminiscence of this individual. In
November, 1260, as tenant of a messuage and one carrucate of land
in Crofte, he compounded by payment of 26 merks (£17. 6«. %d,)^
a claim which one Alan Strannelone had made on the same. This
fine 76 was levied at Westminster, and appears to be the termination
of a real suit.
HAUGHTON—
Another member of Astley, gave name to the fieunily of that
Reginald de Halctun, who has already been mentioned as subject in
1180 to the amercement of the Justices of the Forest. But the
principal tenant here, in the beginning of the next- century, was
Robert de Teneray, in right of his wife Sibil, daughter and heir of
"Floria de Halectun." This Robert de Teneray having a temporary
lease of some tenement in Kinslow, and exercising a presumed right
of pasture in that vUl, was disseized of the latter by Geoffiry de
"Kynesle," the principal owner there. His action tt of novel disseisin
against said Geoffiy was tried at Salop Assizes, in November,
1221, and failed, inasmuch as his interest in Kinslow was a terminal
one, and did not amount to dijree tenure. This Robert de Teneray
and Sibil his wife occur about the same time, as granting a life-
leasers to one Joseph fitz Henry, of a house and land in ^^Halechtone."
Sibil also, now a widow, enfeoffed ^^ the Priory of Morville in the
same and other lands here, by two separate deeds, the last of which
reserves a rent of 15 pence to herself. This reserved rent she, by a
further deed,*^ quitted to the Priory, whose obligation in lieu thereof
was to pay 2 pence annually towards lighting the Church.
Again, the same Sibil, now remarried to Richard, son of R(^er
w Pedes fimmn, 45 Hen. IH. I shaU
have again to e^eskk. of this Master Walter
le Palmer in another connexion. He was
member of a fimiily, which, at this period,
was by £Etr the wealthiest and most im-
portant within the Borough of Bridg-
north, and whose purchases and interests
are the prominent feature of a large col-
lection of documents at Aplej Park.
^ Salop Assize £oll^ 6 Hen. Ill, memb.
4 recto.
^ Salop Chartulary, No. 99, b.
'^ Ibidem, Nos. 100, 102.
» Ibidem, No. 99.
HOEVILLE.
58
formerly Chaplain of Morville, joins her said husband in confirming'*
and increasing former grants, and the Monks are to pay 2 pence
annually towards specified lights in the Church, and 2 pence more
to Richard and Sibil, or their heirs. This was the grant before
alluded to, as confirmed by oath of the grantors in the Abbot's
Court at Astley, and in presence of his Seneschal.
It is further possible, that this Sibil may be she who enfeoffed ^
Master Walter le Palmer here, as mentioned under Croft ; but, if
so, that grant will have be^i in her second widowhood.
KINGSLOW OR KINSLOW.
A family of some wealth and importance, in the 13th century,
held here under the Abbey.
Geoflfry de Kynsedel stands high in a list ^3 of the Abbot's Court
at Astley, which dates about 1215.
November, 1221. — He was gainer of the suit®* of novel disseisin,
by which Robert de Teneray (before mentioned), and Albinus de la
Rode, sought to establish a right of pasturage here.
About the same period, either singly, or with Hugh his son, he
is witness to a number of charters affecting the Manor of Astley.
About the year 1226,®^ Hugh de Kynsedeleg attests a charter to
Salop Abbey singly. In Michaelmas Term, 1230, he was under
prosecution,®^^ as a partizan of "Walter de Clifford, in an assault on
the men of the Priory of Wenlock. He is a very firequent witness
of deeds in the Salop Chartulary at this period, and one ^ of which
is dated 1252, In 1255, he was one of the jury who made inquest «•
as to the state of the Hundred of Stottesden, before the King's
Commissioners. In January, 1256, at Salop Assizes, he fined®* half
a merk for some replevin, Bertram de Burgo being his surety.
On January 20, 1257, a writ ^ of the Crown directed inquest to
» Ibidem, Nos. 102, 104. One of the
lights mentioned is the ** rota," or great
chandelier, and henoe Mr.Blakeway argues
the existence of some ecdJesiastioal splen-
dour in the Priory Church of the period.
{Parochial NoUceSy vol. ii, p. 48, in Sibl,
£odl, Oxon.)
^ Charter in the possession of the Bey.
J. Brooke, of Haughton.
^ Salop Chartulary, Vo, 187, quoted
abore, page 51, note 70.
^ Salop Assize BoU, 6 Hen. Ill, rnemb.
4 recto.
^ Salop Chartulary, No. 280.
^ Flacita apud Westm, Mich. Tenn,
14 & 15 Hen. Ill, memb. 10 recto.
87 Salop Chartidary, Noe. 141, 149, ftc
* Mot, Hund, vol. ii, p. 81.
^ Salop Jssigssy 40 Hen. Ill, .memb.
5 recto.
^ InqumHomt post mortem, 41 Hen.
in, No. 37.
54
MOaVILLE.
be made as to his property^ whether it was sufficient to oblige
him to take Eoiighthood. The Jurors reported his land as worth
100 shillings yearly, less 14«. Irf., his quit-rent to Salop Abbey,
but they understood that he had lands in Norfolk, worth £10. per
annum, but they knew not for certain.
In February, 1262, having been amerced •* by the Justices
Itinerant, for having hounds within precincts of the Royal forest
without warrant, he is pardoned.
September, 1272.* — He is reported by the Stottesden Jurors, as
not duly attending ^ the Assize-summons.
On June 6th, 1300, a second Geoffiy de Kynsedeleye occurs,^*
as a Verderer of the King's forests, and on March 29th, 1303, the
same GeoflFry attests a Charter^ of Salop Abbey, which concerned
Astley Manor.
EOAD OR RHODES—
Was another member of Astley, and gave name to a family who
held therein under Salop Abbey. Of this family, Albinus 9* and
WiUiamW occur in 1180, Nicholas^^ 1199, and again 9^ in 1202,
when he had been amerced for disseisin by Geoffiy fitz Piers,
Chief Justice of England. Albinus occurs ^ in 1221, and towards
the middle ^ of the century. He attests one ^^ deed as Dominus
Albinus, which probably shows him to have been a Knight.
Richard, William, and Simon, also attest deeds *°* relating to Astley,
or are mentioned therein. Some Albinus of this family will have
given name to the tenement called The Albynes, which in the
thirteenth century had in turn given a surname " de^ Albynes " to
a resident there,^^
^ Forest Fleas (U Salop, No. ir, xnemb.
6 recto.
^ ScUop Assizes, 56 Hen. m, memb.
49 dowo. " Non yenit primo die."
» Salop Chartulary, No. 279.
M Ibidem, No. 274.
•* Flacita ForesttB, No. i, memb. .1.
^ Final Concord, 1 John.
^ Mag, Mot. Fip. 4i John, Salop.
^ Salop Assizes, 6 Hen. Ill, memb. 4.
^ Charter in the possession of the Bev.
J. Brooke, of Haughton.
100 Salop Chartulary, No. 143.
Joi Ibidem, Nos. 140, Uld, 103, 274.—
And Charters at Apley Park.
M2 11 Apl. 1268. There was a suit of
morf cPancestre in progress between Adam
de Albyns and Walter deBruges about land
in Astley {Sot Pat, 42 H. 3. dorao). It
was to be tried by Giles de Erdinton, &c.,
specially appointed for the cause. See
also Salop Chartulary, No. 274, dated
Mch. 29, 1803, the grantor being John de
Albyns.
MOBVILLS.
55
STANLEY,—
Now Stanley Hall, was once a hamlet appurtenant to the Abbot's
Manor of Astley. The holder hereof, Stephen de Stanley, sur-
rendered *®* his tenancy to Salop Abbey in the end of 1252, he and
his wife Juliana becoming, in consideration thereof, " guests ^^* of
that house/' Stephen's surrender is in terms importing a consider-
able transfer. He conveys^ '' lands held by him at that present as
well as those which he had set to ferm to others, also his men and
rents, and his wood, in the hamlet of Stanley, within Astley
Manor." On his death some time after, his widow Juliana quitted
all claim ^^ of dower in the premises, as she was indeed bound to do
by the terms of the former covenant. Thus then Stanley will have
become demesne of the Abbey.
DUNFOWE.
This member of Astley must be treated of under its ancient
appellation, as its identity with Dunvall is not quite a matter of
certainty. A few members of a family taking name from hence
shall be mentioned in the way that they are variously written.
October 1st, 1203, the King's Justices being in Eyre^^ at Salop,
Richard Dunfow essoigned himself by Alexander Dunfow, for non-
attendance at the common summons (to serve on juries, &c.)
About 1215, Henry, son of Edric de Rewin, with his wife Sibil,
daughter of Richard le Dunfou, became Ufe-tenants of a part of
the Abbof s demesne at Astley.^^^
Simon Dunfothe attests an Astley deed,** which passed soon after;
and in September, 1231, Simon de Dunfawe had been amerced
half a merk for verL^^
^ Salop Chartulary, No. 149 6.
^*** For an explanation of thiB term I
refer to Sigt. Shrews, ii, 100, 101, 102,
where also will be found a transcript of the
deed (No. 141 a, of the Salop Ohartulary)
which fixes the terms of the Abbot's grant
for maintaiance of Stephen and Juliana,
and ayeiy sufficient commentary on the
whole transaction. Stephen's surrender
stands No. 149 b of the Chartulary, and his
widow's quit-claimj No. 141e, though I
incline to date the latter somewhat later
than the Historians of Shrewsbury, and
think that Stephen and Juliana enjoyed
the hospitality of the Abbey jointly for
near twenty years.
i« Salop Ohartulary, No. 141 c.
'** Salop AssizeSy 5 John, memb.l,dorso.
^ Salop Chartulaiy, No. 137.
»« Ibidem, No. 146.
«» Pipe Koll, 15 Hen. Ill, Salop.
Tiride or vert was any trespass on the
material of a forest, such as cutting trees,
boughs, or turf.
So venacio (venison) was a trespass on
the game.
8
56
HOBYILLE.
November 12tli^ 1240. Simon le Ihmnowe^ as tenant of a
messuage and five acres in Astley^ had been impleaded ^^o under
writ of mort d'ancestre by Milisent^ daughter of Alexander de
Dunnowe^ who now remits her claim for two merks.
May 25th, 1298. Richard de Donfowe attests a deed ^^^ at Astley
which speaks of Richard de Deonewall (Dunvall) being a tenant
there, and it is by no means impossible that the same person should
have been thus variously written in one deed. In sl final concord "^
of November, 1258, the place is written Dunfowe, and, in the
deaiForestation '^^ described under Astley, La Dunfowe is named
between Astley and Rode. If Dunvall .were a different place the
only indication thereof has been abready submitted.
There were in the thirteenth century several tenants of the Abbey at
Shrewsbury, who were of this family and whose name is written
with similar variations.
COLEMORE.
Of this adjunct of Astley Abbots, little more can be said than
that at one time it was held by a family of some importance, and
which will have to be noticed elsewhere.
About A.D. 1215,"^ Thomas de Bardeley appears as attendant on
the Abbotts Manorial Court at Astley, and some years later Thomas
de Berdelei sold "* to the Abbey for eight merks, " all the fee which
he had in the Manor of Estleg, viz. in Colemer.'^
May 25th, 1298. John, son of Simon de Colesmere, appears ^^^ as
a purchaser in Astley from Simon del Hay.
SABRINA OE SEVARNE,—
Now Severn Hall."7 The earliest tenant of this member of Astley,
who has occurred, was Stephen. — Stephen de Sabrina was in attend-
ance at the Manorial Court of the Abbot above mentioned."^ After
this the tenancy seems to have descended through three or four genera-
tions,^i9 all bearing the Christian name of Simon. At Salop Assizes,*«>
"0 Pedes finium, 25 Hen. Ill, Salop.
>" Salop Chartulajy, No. 274 i.
"2 Pedes finium, 43 Hen. Ill, Salop.
"3 Forest Bolls at Westminster, Salop,
No. 3.
»" Salop Chartulary, No. 137.
»^ Ibidem, No. 144.
»« Ibidem, No. 274.
"" Called in the Forest Perambulation
before quoted, *' the messuage of Simon de
Sabrina." Forest Bolls at Westminster^
Salop, No. 3.
"8 Salop Chartulary, No. 137.
^^ Ibidem, Nos. 153, 141 b & d, 148»
149, 138, 140, 143, 1526.
i» Salop Assize-HoU, 56 Henry III,
memb. 13 recto.
MORVILLE.
57
in September^ 1272^ tbe Abbot of Salop sued Nicholas^ son of one
of these Simons^ for a messuage and four acres of land in Astley.
The question was^ whether Simon de Seveme the father had
been enfeoffed twenty years before by Adam^ Abbot of Salop^
without consent of his Convent^ or^ as the defendant pleaded^ by
Nicholas^ son of Richard de Astley? The result, which was to
be settled by jury, does not appear. On November 29th, 1274,
Simon de Sabrina *** was one of the jurors who had to report on
the state of the Hundred of Stottesden. Among their present-
ments was one alleging the venality of William Le Enfant, the
King's bailiff of the Hundred, who had accepted from Simon him-
self i«« a bribe of 4*. Simon, it seems, had been put on the list
of those liable to serve as regardera of the King's forest, but was
released for the bribe in question.
Simon de Sabrina occurs a frequent witness in manorial deeds of
this period and that immediately following, when such documents
began to be dated. I find him thus attesting in the years ^^ 1288,
1293, 1297, 1298, and 1302.
On February 15th, 1303, he would appear ^^* to have deceased,
for on that day Symon, son of Symon de Sevame, sells to Nicholas
Bondulf of Brug, and Alice his wife, and their heirs, all his lands
and tenements of Sevame in the Manor of Astley Abbots, with
all his woods, &c., and the land which Richard de Donfowe and
Agnes, his wife (probably widow of the last Simon), hold, of the
dower of Agnes, — to have and to hold of the chief Lords of the fee
(the Abbot and Convent of Salop) to Nicholas and Alice, and the
Jtieirs of Nicholas. This deed is dated at "Sevame.'' The purchaser
was a man of some wealth and influence in the Borough of Bridg-
north. He served as bailiff of the same in the years *^* 1309,
1310, and 1311, and again in 1317 and 1322.
In October, 1305, 1 find the Vendor of the last deed repurchasing^^e
a small tenancy of an acre of land in the " fields of Sevame ;"
otherwise the interest of the family here would appear to have
vanished.
^ Hundred EoUs, vol. ii, pp. 107, 109.
^ The Jurors employed on these oc-
casions were not, as now, selected with
reference to any presumed impartiality,
but rather the contrary, llieir previous
knowledge of &cts made them the more
eligible. The Sheriff or other Officer who
had to summon them was generally ordered
to select those '* qui melius sciant rei veri-
tatem." They were in fiact Witnesses rather
than Jurors.
^ Salop Chartulary,No. 274, and Char-
ters at Apley Park.
134 Charter at Apley Park.
^ Charters, Ibidem.
J» Charter, Ibidem.
58
MOBVILLE.
CANTEEYN ob CANTEEN.
The judicial proceedings detailed under Astley Abbots probably
relate to the fiEmiily which^ as tenants of Salop Abbey^ had the
chief interest in this locality. Consistently with that account
persons bearing the name of Cantreyn^ and who are firequently
recurring in the manorial charters of Astley, appear also in contem-
porary deeds which concern property within the walls of Bridgnorth.
The name of Wendac also will have passed through some genera-
tions within the Borough. In default of evidence sufficient to
establish a connected pedigree^ a few notices of persons bearing
either name^ and doubtless deriving fix>m a common ancestor^ shall
be given.
William de Cantereya appears in the Abbot's Court ^'^ at Astley,
about A.D. 1215. William and John occur in a deed^^ a little
later; and then Richard and WiUiam, either singly or in conjunc-
tion, in a number of deeds, which appear to belong to the earlier
half of the thirteenth century. William de Cantreyn further
occurs in 1258 and 1265, as a witness in the Manor and in many
undated deeds of the Borough which belong to that period. At
Salop Assizes, 1272, he was defendant in a suit ^^ about some annual
rent, wherein the prosecutor, Henry le Carpenter, failed to appear.
November, 1274, he was a Juror on the Borough inquest, which
reported on the conduct of the local Officers of the Crown, and he,
or one of his name, occurs in deeds of the years 1288, 1293, 1302,
1305, 1311, and 1326, and which variously relate to the Manor
of Astley or the Borough of Bridgnorth. •
Again William Fitz-Geoffi7, who has alreadyj^occurred as a minor
in 1221, occurs later in the century as William Fitz-Geoflfrey de
Cantreyne, and as a different person from William de Cantreyne
who attests the same deed.*** The two I take to be the repre-
sentatives of the two co-heiresses before mentioned, daughters of
Robert Wendac. About the same time John, son of William de
^ Salop Chartulary, No. 137.
138 Ibidem, No. 99, h.
^^ Salop Assizes, 56 Hen. Ill, memb*
12, recto.
'** The deed is as follows: — Stephen,
son of Godith de Nortleg (Norlej), sells
to Rog. Fitz-Simon, of Brag, for 43«. fiye
acres in Norley Fields, bounded by lands
of the Lord Abbot of Salop, Master Walter
Palmer, Henry de Hayerbache, &c. Bent
i(2. Witnesses, Sym de Sabrina^ Wm. de
Cantrene, Hen. de Colemor, Wm. f. Ghilf
de Cantrene^ Bioh. de Nortle, Beg^. do
la Bode, &o. The seal, of green wax, re-
presents a hind. The legend gives the
name of the grantor's Father. It is " SigiU*
Stephani fil Henrid." {Charter at ApUy
Park,)
MO&VILLB.
5d
Cantreyn,"! is mentioned, and in 1273 PhiKp, son of Alexander de
Cantreyn/3« was a proprietor within the Borongh,and in 1297 Robert,
son of John de Cantreyn,!^ within the Manor.
With regard to the perpetuation of the name of Wendac, — ^WilKam,
Rc^er, and Nicholas *'* occur successively within and without the
Borough, and the last before a.d. 1251, when Reginald le Gaugy,
his fellow-witness, had been murdered ; of which more elsewhere.
Also William, son of William Wendac, occurs ^^ about the middle
of the century. These, or some of them, I suppose to have repre-
sented William Savage, the litigant of 1194.
RUCROFT.
The land called Rewin, or Runin, was the subject of a dedsion,^^
about A. D. 1215, by the oft-mentioned Abbot's Court at Astley.
The land was thereby assigned to the Abbot, as of his demesne>
whilst Henry Fitz Edric,^^ the claimant, was to enjoy it for life,
with remainder to his wife, for her life. For this he paid a fine
of 168. 4(1. for entry, and was to pay a rent of 49. 4d. during the
term of tenancy.
Whether this place were identical with that afterwards called
Rucroft, or not, little remains to be said of either. William, son of
Daniel,^^^ of Brug, was chief owner in the latter (spelt Ruiecroft),
about 1275. He grants a croft therein, but with a special warrantry,
which shows both an insecurity of title, and that he had other
land *^ within the fee of Brug^' (the Borough liberties), by which he
could amend any defect thereof. The witnesses are persons having
interest either in Astley Manor or the Borough, or both, e. g.^
William de Kantrey, Nicholas Palmer (nephew of Hamon before
mentioned), Symon de Sabrina, Nicholas del Hay, Nicholas de
Stanley, &X5.
All I can say ftirther of this tenement is, that Rucroft and Medow-
green ^^ follow Stanley, and precede Cantreyne in the enumeration
of vUls, &c., which pertained to the custody of Shirlet forest, and
which were exempted by Hhe perambulation before alluded to.
'^ Charter at Apley Park.
132 Charters at Apley Park.
^ Salop. Chartulary, No. 137.
^ In 1180, one Edric had fined with
the Justices of the forest for an imblade-
menif apparently in this district. (Forest
Bolls at Westminster. Salop, No. 1.) He
may have heen Father of this Henry.
^ Charter at Apley Park.
i>6 Forest EoUs at Westminster. Sedop,
No. 3.
60 MOETILLB.
BUNEWALL, now BINNALL.
The early history of this vill involves the quotation of a series of
charters, highly illustrative of each other^ and throwing some light
both on the conveyancing practice of the period, as well as on the
system of nomenclature which described the same person by sundiy
names in different, and even in the same, documents.
Bobert de Hastings, alias Hedding or Hedinges, was some time
Rector of Oldbury . As Robert de Halecton, Allechtone, or Aluhton
(a name probably derived from some Haughton in Shropshire, where
he may have resided), he occurs almost as frequently as under his
first designation. Like other Ecclesiastics of wealth and position,
he seems to have been involved in secular affairs, and like other
Priests, bound to celibacy, to have observed his vow at the expense
of his morality.
The first local notice which we have of him is in a deed^^
whereby John Smith (Faber) seUs to Robert de Eddinges all the
land which he held by inheritance in the Manor of Estleg, for 16
shillings. The witnesses of this deed are Hugh de Lacy, Abbot of
Salop, and Roger de Begesour (Badger), whose attestations, com-
bined with evidence now to be offered, will mark the document as
having passed probably in the last five years of the 12th century.
Becoming thus a tenant of Salop Abbey, this Robert appears
interested in the concerns of that house as follows : —
About A.D. 1197, as Robert de Hastinges, he attests a certificate^^®
of Bishop William de Yere, as to the admission of a Chaplain, at pre- ^
sentation of the same Abbot Hugh, to theChapel of Eston (AstonAer).
At the same time, or, more precisely, between the years 1193 and
1204, as Robert de Hedinges, he attests a composition ^'^ between
the same Abbot and John de Kilpec touching the Advowson of
Norbury (Staffordshire).
Again, between the years 1197 and 1213, as Robert de Heding,
he attests a grant ^^ of Robert, Bishop of Bangor, to Salop Abbey.
Further, when Thomas de Costentin confirmed, about the same
period, his ancestors^ endowments of Oldbury Chapel, he (Thomas)
adds the grant ^^^ of a croft, whereon Robert de Hedeng, Rector of
W Salop Chartulapy, No. 150 e,
^ Salop Chartulary, No. 842 ; and the
original document in the possession of
Mr. George Morris, of Shrewsbury.
J» Salop Ohartulary, No. 81.
»« Ibidem, No. 185.
"» Ibidem, No. 299 b.
HORVILLE. 61
the said Chapel^ had built a house; and the first witness of this
confirmation is the Rector himself^ under the designation of Eobert^
Clerk of Halecton (i. e. Robert de Halecton^ Clerk) .^^
But to return to his local interests in Astley Manor : Having
purchased the inheritance of John Faber therein, as above, he
enfeoffed ^^ one Hugh Knight (Miles) in the same, for an entrance-
fine of 8«.> and an annual rent of Ss. 6d. The witnesses of this
deed of "Robert de Hasting '' were GeoflBry de Kinsedeleg(Kinslow),
Nicholas de la Rode, &c.
Again, as Robert de Allechton, he is described as having con-
ferred, i** on his son Richard, land which he held in the Manor of
Estleg, of John Faber, at a penny rent > the meaning of which is
probably, that John Faber's original sale involved a covenant for
the payment of a penny rent, and also that Robert's conveyance to
his son Richard was not of the fee-simple, but of the rent and other
rights accruing from the previous grant to Hugh Knight.
Such rent and seignoral rights, the said Richard, describing him-
self as son of Robert de Allechton, sold ^^ to Salop Abbey, for 24
shillings, reserving the penny rent due to John Faber and his heirs ;
and this grant, purporting to be simply a transfer of the land,
rather than the grantor's claims thereon, was attested by Geoffiry de
Kinslow, Hugh his son, and Richard and William de Cantreyn.
And Robert de Alechtone, the Father, confirmed ^^ this sale by
Richard his son, in a further deed, tested by Geofiry de Kinslow,
Richard and William de Cantreyn, and Simon Bungi.
The sum of 24 shillings thus expended by Salop Abbey was part
# of a bequest left by Henry de Norton, a Monk, for the special
service of the Altar of St. Mary in the conventual Church of
Shrewsbury. We have seen that the annual product will have
been a rent of 3^. 6d. payable by Hugh le Knight, the tenant.
Whatever the revenue, it became, between the years 1223 and 1228,
the subject of a peculiar bargain,^*'^ the parties to which were,
ostensibly, Henry, the then Abbot of Salop, and the previously
endowed Altar : in other words, the Abbot, by formal deed, assigned
a rent of 3 shillings elsewhere, to fiimish altar-lights, and took in
exchange (and I suppose for more general purposes) " the land
purchased from Richard, son of Robert de Aluhton, parson of
I'iSFor this usiial transposition, see
p. 29, note 6.
'« Salop Chartularjr, No. 151 b,
M« Ibidem, No. 142.
i« Salop Chartnlaiy, No. 142.
i« Salop Chartulary, No. 154.
"7 Ibidem, No. 209.
62
MORYILLX.
Aldebury^ in our manor of Estleg^ with the money bequeathed by
Henry de Norton to same Altar /^
The Abbot's object in this ostensible exchange was evidently to
increase his demesne in the Manor of Astley, This appears firom
a further deed/^ whereby Hugh le Knight (the tenant) granted to
the Abbey all lusfee in Bunewell^ which he bought from Robert de
Hastings^ to hold for ever. The witnesses of this deed are as of
the last, except that Simon Bungi is exchanged for^ or called^
Simon Dunfothe.
The whole of these transactions will have passed between the
years 1195 and 1228; and we thus obtain the names of several
persons contemporarily interested in the Manor of Astley, and
further^ a well-authenticated instance of the method by which a
seignoral Lord might contrive to reassume a tenement^ though
alienated by a double subinfeudation.
But there was also a family resident here which took name from
the place. At the forest^pleas ^^ of 1180^ Robert de Bonewell was
fined 12d. for a pwrpresture ^^ in Norley. In 1209 Richard de
Bemewell is named as paying for imblademeni,^^^ within regard ^^
of Shirlet forest. Again^ early in the same century^ Henry de
Bunewell granted^** to Joseph^ son of Henry Chaplain of Astley
(already mentioned luider Haughton)^ half a vivary in said Henry
de Bunewell's garden^ and Z^d. rent receiveable from Richard de
Wichard and Andrew de Northleg. These premises the grantee trans-
ferred^** to Salop Abbey, calling the former Vendor '^ Henry Pitz-
Bichard de Bamewell;'' a transfer which was followed by a further
grant ^'^ to the game house by Henry Fitz-Richard himself, vie. of <
land on each side the said vivary, ^^ '^with the fountain which was
below his house, reserving to himself liberty to drink thereat.'*
In February, 1262, Simon de Bonewell ^*^ was convicted of
i« Salop Chartulaiy, No. 146.
*** PlacUaforestiB^ Salop, No. 1.
1*0 pitapregtwe was any encroachment
on royal demesne, whether forests, waters,
or roads. The forest purpresture occurs
most frequently.
^^ Imbladement was the sowing, with
any kind of grain, lands within bound of
a royal forest. It might be with license,
and for a stipulated rent per acre.
"* Mefford— was the view or jurisdiction
of those officers of the forest who were
called Begarders,
^ Salop Chartulary, No. 149 a.
»* Ibidem, No. 138.
^ Ibidem, No. 148.
"• ** Vivarium," — a plaoe where any
animals were kept aliye for occasional use.
Hence the word may sometimes be trans-
lated a paddock, but most frequently it
signijBes a fishpond or stew. The syno-
nyme, Serrarium (a preserve), is used in
the case before us.
w ForeH Pleas, Salop, 46 Hen. HI,
memb. 4, recto.
MORVILLE.
68
forest trespass perpetrated nearly nine years before, viz. in May,
1253.
Later in the century an exchange between William Fitz-Henry de
Bunewall and Walter Fitz-Richard de Bunewall mentions the
adjoining land of Nicholas Fitz-Bichard de Bunewall and is tested
(inter alios) by Richard de Bunewall. Also Margery of the Fount
of Bunewalle, widow, sells to the same Walter Fitz-Richard a house
and croft in the vill of Bunewall, and this deed is likewise tested by
Richard de Bunewall.
On October 25th, 1293, the above-named Nicholas Fitz-Richard
grants to Walter, his brother, two acres in the fields of Bunewall,
towards Harebache, rendering a pepper-corn to the grantor, yearly,
at Easter, and ^d, rent to Richard de BaUe de Bunewalle, whom I
take to be the person elsewhere called Richard de Bunewalle and
holding over the grantor. Attestations by the same Richard dated
May 25th, 1298, »*» and May 27th, 1302,^^^ and another grant from
Nicholas to his brother Walter, dated November 14th, 1311,^*^ are
all that I have further to mention with reference to this name and
locality.
THE HAYE.
This member of Astley gave name to a resident family, of whom
Alan de Haya occurs in 1226 ; Nicholas de la Hay frequently in
the middle of the century; Robert de la Hay, in 1297; and
Simon del Hay, in 1298. Nicholas appears to have held under the
descendants of one Gilbert Sadoc, a man largely interested in the
concerns of Salop Abbey early in the century, and of whom I shall
have to speak elsewhere. The interest of his representatives in the
Haye seems to have been bought up by the Abbey about a.d. 1270,
when Nicholas de Hay will have become the immediate tenant of
the chief Lords, the Abbot and Convent of Salop.
DEEPDALE.
A few deeds in the Salop Chartidary show the reassumption by
the Abbey of a small tenement thus named, the first tenant of which
was one Roger Dod, whose son Richard ^^ occurs as exchanging his
inheritance in Astley Manor for the inheritance of Thomas Dod.
Again Thomas Dod exchanges *^^ eighteen and a half acres in Astley
»« Salop Chartulary, No. 274 b.
^ Charters at Apley Park.
i«> Salop Chartulary, No. 160 b,
161 Ibidem, No. 152.
9
64
MORVILLE.
Manor with Salop Abbey^ receiving eighteen and a half acres in
Northley. A grant "^^ from Emma^ daughter of William Faber, to
Richard her brother, is followed by one ^^^ from the same Richard
to Richard de la Rode, son of Alan de Erdinton, wherein the
locality (viz. Deepdale) and Roger Dod, the former owner, are
mentioned. The last grantee sold^^ the premises, or rather his
interest therein, to Salop Abbey, before the year 1258.
About the same period one Nicholas de Deepdale ^^ appears
attesting manorial deeds.
There were other and probably still smaller tenements appertain-
ing to this Manor of Astley, such as Haseldene, Kakeweche,
Haverbache, alias Harebache, and Medowgrene, but of which I
have neither ascertained the locality nor know of any point of
interest connected with them.
BILLINGSLEY.
The signification of the last syllable of this name depends on
its origin, whether British or Saxon. The British lie is identical
with the French lieu and Latin locus, a place ; the Saxon ley signifies
untilled ground. The termination is found associated with words
of either language, as Ar-ley which is British, and Billings-ley which
is Saxon. The Dukes of Saxony, from the tenth to the twelfth
century, were descended from Billing, a noble of Lunenburg.
Here in 1055,*^ or at least at a place written Biligesleage, Byltges^
leage or Bylgeslege, Harold, as general of King Edward, came to
conference and peace with Griffin, Prince of Wales, and Algar, the
rebel Earl of Mercia.
The Manor has already been spoken of as a member of Morville,
and involving one and a half of the eight ecclesiastical hides
mentioned in Domesday. Its transfer to the Norman Abbey of
1® Salop Chartulary, No. 141 h.
i«8 Ibidem, No. 141 d,
iw Ibidem, No. 140.
1^ Ibidem, No. 149, and Charters at
Apley Park.
iM Yide 'Flor. Wygom, Sim Dunelm,
and the Saxon Chronicle, sub anno. The
learned editor of the latter identifies the
place withBilslcy, G^loucestershire. Harold
came to the conference from fortifymg
Hereford ; Griffin apparently from South
Wales. Earl Algar had in pay a fleet
of Irish pirates, which afW the con-
ference sailed down (devecta est) to Lege-
ceastra, which (being Chester) will make
it probable that the said fleet was in the
Dee. Billingsley in Shropshire will there-
fore have been more central with reference
to all these localities than any other place
of similar name.
MORVILLE.
65
See2, with other alleged possessions of Shrewsbury Abbey about
A.D. 1147, has also been noticed. With respect to the justice of
these claims of Seez, the Salop Chartulary of course supplies partial
information, but that they were not quite unfounded may be inferred
from the fact that Earl Hugh de Montgomery, as well as his
brothers Earls Robert and Roger, did at some time make English
grants to the Norman Abbey, and that such grants were confirmed ^^^
by Pope Innocent II, on May 3d, 1139. It is further noticeable
how the Bishop of Hereford's adjudication^^ on the subject followed
the Papal Bidl within eight or nine years.
The immediate tenants of this manor under the Norman Abbey
were a family named de Beysin or le Beysin,*^ of knightly degree,
and possessed of considerable property elsewhere in the County.
We need here therefore only mention such points as connect them
with the place.
In 1255, the jurors *7<* of Stottesden Hundred made the following
return as regarded Byllingelegh ; that Robert de Beyssin was Lord ;
that he was a minor in ward to Sir William Freville, by grant of
Sibyl GiflFard, to whom, after death of her husband, Adam, the
King had given the wardship; that the Manor contained one
and a half hides, owed suit to the Hundred Court twice in the
year, but not to the County Court, nor was it liable to stretward or
motfee. ^'And the said Robert de Beyssin holds it in capite of the
Abbot of Sesse for six merks (^4.) annually .''
This wardship had fallen to the Crown eleven years before, viz.
on the death ^71 of Adam de Beyssin, December 13th, 1243. The
right of the Crown thereto arose from a tenure in capite by the
deceased at Wrickton and Walkerslow.
10th July, 1260. Robert de Beysin had a suit of novel disseisin
w HarL MSS. No. 3764, fo. 16. Char-
tulary of Lancaster Priory.
W8 Salop Chartulary, No. 337.
i» A letter of Mr. Langley, the Anti-
quary, among the muniments at Willey,
insistB on the propriety of writing the
name **Lo Beysin," signifying "The
"Blind." Erdeswick's etymology is quoted,
and yery properly discarded in a notice by
Mr. Blakeway (Sheriffs of Shropshire,
p. 48). I have found the name written
as Mr. Langley suggests in coeval docu-
ments, — ^but only twice.
^ Hundred Soils, vol. ii, p. 82, where.
however, the printed book has the Abbot
of *' Messe" as chief lord. This arose from
the initial S and M, in use at the period,
being very similar.
171 Inquisitiones post inortem,4i&'S.enJIl,
No. 47 J and 47 Hen. Ill, No. 26. Hence
it will be seen that the printed Calendar
of Inqmsitiones post mortem is by no
means a safe guide as to the date of death.
In the present instance, it would lead to
errors of 17 and 19 J years respectively,
besides leaving it supposable that two
deaths were the subjects of inquiry.
66 MORVILLB.
against William de Ebroicis (Devereux) and Matilda his wife, con-
cerning this Manor. Egidius de Erdinton and other Justices were
deputed by letters patent, of that date, to try it.
By inquisition ordered May 4th, 1261, the jurors reported the age
of Robert de Beysin, the heir, to have been 19 years on February 2d
preceding; and a second inquisition, which sat March 3d, 1263,
reports him as of full age, gives the date of his Father's death (as
above) and the same statement as to wardship, and mentions the
tenure of BiDingsley under the Abbot of '^ Ses,'' by rent of six
merks.
In 12 Edw. I (1284), MatUda de Ebroicis i7« (Devereux) had an
assize of novel disseisin against Walter de Beysyn which concerned
a tenement here.
In 3 Edw. II (1309-10), Walter de Beysin had died i7» seized of an
interest here.
In March, 1816, the feodary ^7* of 9 Edw. II gives Alice Beisyn
as Lady of Billingsley.
THE CHUBCH
Was originally a Chapel, subject to Morville, as being, though at
least six miles distant, within the boundaries of that extenisive
parish. The lay founder of this Chapel was Herbert de Castello,
Lord of Castle Holgate, who endowed ^7* it in the beginning of
Stephen^s reign with twelve acres of land and a mansion. What
interest the Lords of Castle Holgate could have here, I cannot
determine. None descended to their successors either in this or
any adjoining Manor. Possibly Herbert might have been tenant
here under Salop Abbey before the Manor was lost by that ^house;
possibly being of the dominant political party, as there is other
reason to believe he was, he may have had a temporary jurisdiction
in a case of disputed territory.
When, about a. d. 1138, Robert, Bishop of Hereford, appro-
priated Morville Church to Salop Abbey, he mentions i^e a pension
of half a merk, and half the corn-tithe of this villj as due to the
mother-Church from this Chapel. In another deed,i77 he mentions
172 SlaJkewa^ MSS. in Bibl. Bodl.
1^ InquU. post mortem^ 3 Ed. II.
174 rjf^Q document usually called Nomina
VUlarum (vide page 7). ParliametUoTif
WrUst vol. 4, p. 398.
176 Salop Chartulary, No. 333.
17« Ibidem, No. 334.
177 Ibidem, No. 333.
MORVILLE. 67
its subjection again^ and that it was one of those Chapels which he
had consecrated to meet the existing troubles. His arbitration,'^®
which subsequently awarded the Manor to Seez, did not affect the
Church or its endowments.
But a document/79 which must date within the earlier half of the
13th century, exhibits this Church or Chapel as portionary.
Within that period, there was a dispute between Adam de Beysin
and Salop Abbey, relative to the right of presentation to this Chapel.
The result was, that Adam was to present to the portion of Robert
de Beysin whenever vacant, saving to the mother-church of Mo-
merfield half a merk annual pension, and half the tithe of wheat
and other ecclesiastical dues, and twenty pence of the pence of
St. Peter.
Pope Nicholas' Tascation,*®^ about a. d, 1291, values Morville and
its subject Chapels, in gross, at £17. 6s. 8rf. The Vicarage of
Billingsley was not assessed, as not being of £4. annual value. No
distinctive mention of the Church occurs in the taxation ^®^ of 1340,
it being probably assessed under Morville. The first admission *®*
of an Incumbent which occurs on the Hereford Eegisters, is of date
February 27th, 1322, when Bialph Sagon, Priest, had been pre-
sented by the Abbot and Convent of Salop.
COLD WESTON, alias WESTON.
This place probably derived its name as lying west of the Great
Clee Hill, as did Aston Boterell, formerly Eston, from lying to the
east thereof. The onaission ^®', or use of the first part of the name
seems to have been arbitrary. Its meaning and reference to the
locality are obvious.
The evidence regarding this Manor and Parish is so extremely
inconclusive, that I venture only to give such notices as I am con-
vinced belong to it, without distinguishing them from those which
may possibly refer to another locality. The study of a later epoch
178 Salop Chartulary, No. 337.
i7» Salop Ahh^. Leiger Book, fo. 239.
** TcuD.P.Nich. p. 166, where one entry
spells the place Bylyteleye.
^1 InquisitUmes Nonarum.
^ BlakewcM/ MSS.ijiBih\.BodlOLon.
^ So the vill deacrihed Hatton in 1211
(Teiia de NeviU, p. 56) is identical with
the vill called Ck)lde Hatton in 1255 {Sot,
Hund. ii, 55) . Also the mil usually written
Norton, in Oxfordshire, is in 1218 written
Calde Norton, and is now Cold Norton. So
too the viU now called Coalbrook dale was
Caldebrokin 1301 (Salop Chartulary, 279).
68
MORVILLB.
may resolve all doubt. At present I can only advance a series of
quotations^ leaving all inferences to those who may choose to draw
them withont such further evidence. ***
In 1086, Calvestone, a berewick im of one hide, appurtenant to
Morville, is said to be in Worcestershire. At the same time a
certain Knight held a Morville hide under the Monks of Salop,
paying them a rent of 4^.
King William^s charter i^a mentions Westona, after Tugford and
Ferteoote, as one of the possessions of Morville Church involved in
Earl Roger's grant to Salop Abbey.
There was some time a charter,*®^ by Osbert de Tugford, to Salop
Abbey, relative to five noke9 of land in Coldeweston.
January, 1256. Richard Tyrel had disseized i88 Richard de
Possethom of a water-mill in Cold-weston, but having improved the
said mill, damages are not given.
20th May, 1259. Giles de Erdinton, &c., are Justices assigned
to try a cause of movel disseisin, prosecuted by Thomas de Thong-
lands against Will le Enfant and others. A tenement in Cold-
weston was the subject of litigation.
August, 1267. Roger Tyrel had disseized ^^ William de Forde
of two merks annual rent in Coldeweston.
November 12th, 1272. A fine^so was levied between the Abbot of
Salop, plaintiff, and Roger Tyrel, of four years' arrears of one merk
annual rent, whereof was suit at law. The Abbot remits the
arrears, Roger covenanting to pay for the future.
26th October, 1291. The inquest ^9i on the death of Philip de
Bagesover (Badger) returns, inter alia, that he held half a carrucate
in Coldeweston under Laurence de Ludlow, at a penny rent, and it
was worth 10^. per annum : also that he held in the same a place
of land of the honour of Castle Holgate at a rent of 1*. 6d., which
was its full value.
»* Warm the Sheriff gare hefore 1086
tithes of the whole vill of Weston to Salop
Abbey (Salop Chartulaiy, No.B), and these
tithes are confirmed by subsequent deeds
of two Bishops of Hereford. I cannot
think that Cold Weston was the locality
of these grants, neither can I suggest an
alternative. I merely mention the fact here
lest I should lose an opportunity of stating
it at all, or appear to haye overlooked it.
>^ Dometday^ fo. 263, a 2.
^ New MonasHcon^ iii, 521, z.
^ Salop Ghartulary. Index.
^ Salop Assizes^ 40 Hen. Ill, memb.
7, reoto.
^ Flaoita coram Bege, apud Salop, 51
Hen. Ill, memb. 4, recto.
^ Pedes fininm, 57 Hen. III. Salop.
^^ Inq. poH mortem, 19 Ed. I.
MOBVILLB.
69
In 6 Bic. II (1382-3)^ among the items assigned ^99 as dower to
Joan^ widow of Sir John de Lndlow, a rent of 6s, 8d. in Cold-
weston, receiveable from Richard de " Weston/^ was included.
THE CHUECH.
There was some time a quit-claim ^^^ by Roger Tyrel to Salop
Abbey, relative to the Church of Coldewestone. In 1291, the
Church of Coldewestone,^^ in the Deanery of Ludlow, was unassessed,
as being of less than £4. aonual value ; but the Abbot of Salop
received therefrom a pension of 3^. per annum, which was decimable
(assessable to the tax).
In 1340, the Church of Coldeweston stood taxed at £4. 3^., but
the assessors of the ninth ^9* (of com, wool, and lamb) render
account of only 48.; so little in proportion to the taxation,
'^ because the said Chapel is in a waste place. There was once abun-
dance of cattle there> but they had long been decreasing by reason
of the murrain which prevailed in the district. Moreover there
are only two tenants there, living by great labour and in want, and
others have absconded to avoid the tax, as many throughout the
coimtry have done; and the said Chapel has been presented, within
this very year, to four Parsons, but none of them would stay.''
The first Incumbent mentioned in the Hereford Registers ^^ is
Walter de Ireon, Acolyte, admitted January 24th, 1310, at pre-
sentation of the Abbey and Convent of Salop*
MORVILLE {continued).
Having now completed a notice of all that was involved in those
eight hides of Morville, in which Salop Abbey is presumed to have
been interested, either in possession or remainder, at the time of
Domesday, we proceed to the two hides which are concluded to have
been, at the same period, of the Norman Earl's demesne.
These are supposed to have been involved in part of Astley, in
W8 Ibidem, 6 Bic. 11. Calendar, voL iii,
p. 49. The original is nearly illegible, but
Mr. Sharpe, who, at the time I made this
extract, was "locum tenens" of Mr. Hardy,
at the Tower, took much painB to decypher
the passage for me. The point is of
course that Cold Weston was written
occasionally, "Weston," at a compara-
tiyely late period.
^^ Salop Chartulary. Index.
i»* Pope Nic. Taxation, p. 166.
^ Jnquintiones Nonarum, p. 188.
^ Blakeway M8S. inBibl.Bodl.Oxon.
70
MORVILLB.
the site of Bridgnorth and in Underdon^ Walton, Lye, and Morville
itself; perhaps also in Harpsford, and in Aldenham.
What was thus held in Astley has been already treated of. What
was held in Morville enabled the Earl himself, when a.d. 1086 he
founded the Collegiate Church of Quatford, to grant two-thirds of
the tithes of Membrefelde to that establishment.
What remained in Lye perhaps enabled Earl Hugh to grant ^^
two-thirds of the tithes of his demesne of Lia to Salop Abbey, and
it is possible that some such grant conveyed a similar proportion of
the tithes of Underdon and Walton, perhaps also of Harpsford.
No further diminution of their demesne of Morville, than by
these grants of tithes, was made by the Norman Earls. On their
forfeiture, a.d. 1102, whatever they had held in demesne became
thenceforth demesne of the Crown.^^^ Such parts of this land as
stood in Morville, Underdon, Walton, Lye, and perhaps Harpsford,
were at some early and unrecorded period granted, by the Crown,
to the Collegiate Church of St. Mary Magdalene,^^ in the Castle of
Bridgnorth, and continued to form the three prebends of Morville,
Walton, and Underdon in that establishment. Of these we wiU now
speak, first collectively and then separately.
In 1255, the tenure^^ of these Canons of St. Mary Magdalene in
Morville Manor was estimated at 3^ virgates, and they were free
of all suits of Court.
In 1341, their tenure ^^ in Morville parish was stated as 2 cami-
cates and 1 noke^ and it was free from the tax of the ninth then to
be levied.
^^ Salop Chartukry, No. 3; bat another
locality is, with equal probability, in-
tended.
^ Sometimes called ** yetus domini com
Coronie," sometimes ** Escacta Boberti de
Belesme.*' The presumed palatine power
of the Norman Earls will probably make
the former expression most accurate as fiur
as affected the practical exercise of the
Crown's jurisdiction; nerertheless, it is
not verbally correct, for ancient demesne
of the Crown was really what in other
counties was classified as *' Terra Begis^in
Domesday, but of which there was none
in Shropshire.
^^ To which the Collegiate Church of
Quatford was transfiarred.
»> Sot Htmd. ii, 82.
*» Vide supra, p. 39.
MORVILLE.
71
PREBEND 203 OP MORVILLE.
23d January, 1204. King John, at Westminster,*^o8 informs the
Dean and Chapter of Brug, that he has conferred on his Clerk,
Master John de Leicester, that Prebend in the Church of Brug
which had belonged to the Prior of Mount- Walter in Champagne,
and they are to receive him as their fellow-Canon.
30th November, 1205. King John presents ^o* H., Archdeacon
of Stafford, to the Prebend which was Master John de Leicester's.
23d March, 1208. H., Archdeacon of Stafford, having resigned,
Walter de Castello is presented ^^ to his vacant Prebend ; and the
Dean and Chapter are to assign him a stall in the Choir, and a seat
in thp Chapter.
11th Jidy, 1233. Bernard de Grimesby is presented ^^^ to the
Prebend in the Church of Brug which Roger de Lacoc had held,
and the Constable of Brug is to induct him.
20th April, 1246. Henry de Langele is to have^oT Osbert de
Maidenestan's Prebend in the King's Chapel of Brug. The Con-
stable is to induct him.
In 1255, Henry de Langele is Prebendary ^os of Momerfeud, and
his preferment valued at £6. per annum (7^ merks) ; but another
*® Though the Prebendaries named in
this and the subsequent lists were un-
doubtedly Dignitaries of the Collegiate
Church of St. Mary Magdalene, I cannot
affirm, in each case, that they have been
rightly classed under their respective Pre-
bends. Where precise evidence was unat-
tainable I have been guided by probabiUty,
but a confusion of the Prebendaries of
MorviUe with those of Walton may very
possibly remain, as well as other errors of
this kind.
^'^ Bot, Pat, 5 John, memb. 3.
2W Sot Fat. 6 John, memb. 6. This
was Henry de London, who from his arch-
deaconry was promoted in 1213 to the
Archiepiscopal See of Dublin. He was
presented to Worfield Church by King
John on the same day as that on which he
was collated to the Prebend of Brug. He
had been earlier (13 Aug. 1203) made
Dean of St. Mary's, Salop, a dignity which
he held with his Archbishoprick till 1226,
contrary to the axiom laid down, Sist,
Skrewsb, ii, 325. (Vide Bot. CUms, ii,
161.) He occurs repeatedly as a Justiciar,
sitting in the Curia Regis, during the first
ten years of Xing John.
205 Bot. Pat. 9 John, memb. 2, and
Bot. Cart. 9 John, memb. 1. This Wal-
ter de Castello had been Clerk to Bobt. de
Vipont, Sheriff of Notts, in the previous
year. (Bot. Clous, i, 91.)
206 Bot. Fat. 17 Hen. III. Master
Boger de Lacoc was a physician, and occurs
as receiving favours &om the Crown in
1223 and 1224. (Bot, Claus. sub annis.)
207 Bot. Fat. 30 Hen. Ill, sub die. Os-
bert de M. was probably a relation of
Kalph de Maidstone, who, from being
Dean of Hereford and Archdeacon of
Chester, became Bishop of the former in
1234.
208 Bot Hund. ii, 59, 83.
10
72
MORVILLE.
valuation at the same time^ by different jurors^ rates it at 14 merks
(£9. 6*. 8d.)
22d August^ 1263. William de Fiscamp^ the King's Physician^ is
to have that Prebend of Brag which Henry de Langley^ deceased^
lately held.««
In October, 1272, "William de Feckham'* is returned «^o as
holding the Prebend of Momerfelde, in the King's free Chapel, in
the Castle of Brug. The value of the said Prebend is stated to be
ten merks (£6. 13«. ^d.)
17 Edw. I (1288-9). Nicholas Brun is presented to a Prebend
here.2"
In the valuation ^^^ of 1291 (when Nicholas Bruyn was holding
this Prebend) its income was ostensibly as follows : —
s. d.
At Momerfelde, thirty acres of land, worth
4rf. per acre per annum . . . . 10
Meadow-land, averaging in six years the annual
value of 4 5i
Bents and " operaciones " . 13 10
Total £1 8 3i
But this valuation includes only the temporalities of the Prebend.
At the Salop Assizes,*^^ Michaelmas, 1292, " Nicholas le Breyn^'
was returned again as holding this Prebend, and its value estimated
dt ten merks (£6. 13*. 4rf.)
35 Edw. I (1306-7). The Prebend of MorviUe is given to W.
Bedewine.'^*
11 Edw. II (1317-8). The Prebend of Morville was granted ^is
by the Crown to H. de Luthgarshal.
In 1535, one named Fisher was possessed of this Prebend.^^^^ Its
value in glebe-lands and other things is put at £6.
300 Eoi. Pat 47 Hen. IH, tub die.
3^ Salop Asmes, 56 Hen. Ill, memb.
49 dono.
211 Sot, Pat 17 Ed. I, memb. 11.
^ Pope Nicholas Taxation, p. 162.
SK Placita de JuroHe et Auim, 20
Ed. I, memb. 37 dono.
214 Sot Pat, 35 Ed. I, memb. 43.
»« Sot Pat. 11 B. II, pt. 1, inemb. 8.
«» Valor JEcclenattieut, Tolm,^.%10.
MORVILLE.
73
PREBEND OF
WALTON, BRIDGE-WALTON OR BRIDGE-WARTON.
The earliest notice of this Prebend occurs in a very ancient
document ^^7 preserved in the Chartulary of Salop Abbey, wherein
G. (probably G-eoflfry) Dean, and the Chapter of Hereford inform
Roger Canon of Brug, that they have received a mandate of the
Apostolick See, in form following, &c. The Papal Instrument
alluded to and quoted is probably of Pope Alexander III (1159-
1181), who has heard that the Abbot of Salop has been despoiled of
the tithes of Walton without sentence (judicio) or reasonable cause,
and that Roger Canon of Brug unjustly detains the same. The
Dean and Chapter are appointed Commissioners to investigate the
case, and they order the said Canon to appear in the Chapter-
House at Hereford, on "idus Febr, (the year unmentioned) .
About A.D. 1173, William de Petraponte ^^s (Pierrepoint) was
presented by King Henry II to one of the Prebends of the
Church of Bruges. His subsequent dispute (circa 1180) with the
Lord of Tasley as to a question of boundary, will be detailed here-
after, but must be mentioned here, merely to show that the Prebend
of William de Pierrepoint must have been either Bridge- Walton,
or Morville, as none other abutted on Tasley Manor.
In October, 1203, William de Pierrepoint still holding «i9 this
Prebend, the dispute was renewed, when amongst the defendant's
^ No. 349, which I date between 1159
and 1173. Mr. Blakeway has, however,
referred the transaction to the papacy of
Alexander IV, who sat from 21 Dec. 1254
to 25 May, 1261, during the whole of
which period Anceline, or Ansehn, was
Dean of Hereford, and Peter de Aubucun
Prebendary of Walton. (Vide Blakeway
MS8. in Bibl. Bodl.)
318 This William de Perepunt is last
witness (about 1175) to a yery curious
deed or certifidftte, in possession of Mr.
Cteorge Morris, whereby John le Strange
(the first) notifies his remembrance of
(the first) William Fitz- Alan's grant of
Wroieter Church to Haghmon Abbey, in
1155. This deed is also transcribed in
the Haghmon Chartulary, and will hare
to be noticed -hereafter, not only from its
interest in other relations, but because
the date I assign to it is very different
from that hitherto received. (Vide Hist
of Shrewsburif, i, 79.)
About 1176 the same Wm. de Petra-
ponte attests a charter of Orvj le Strange,
then Lord of Badger. This docimient, in
possession of R. H. Cheney, Esq., will
also be often alluded to hereafter. Suffice
it here to point out that these attestations
of the deeds of the Stranges probably
arose from a relationship to Simon de
Pierrepoint, who was John le Strange* s
contemporary feoffee at Glazeley. In 1180
this Wm. de Pierrepoint was amerced 10
merks by the justice of the forest. {Plae,
Forest€Bt No. 1, Salop.)
*** Salop Assizes^ 6 John,memb, 4dorsO}
but vide infra under Tasley.
74
MORVILLE.
statements is one to the effect that he was presented to his Prebend
thirty years before, by King Henry II. (Hence the date of his
induction given above.)
This cause was adjourned sifie die and we hear no more of it, but
the Prebendary in question will have survived eleven years longer,
for it was not till January 7th, 1215, that King John presented ^^
John, son of Peter Saracen, a Roman Citizen, to the vacant stall of
William de Perpunt. Letters ordering his admission were, in this
instance, addressed to the Chapter and Proctor.
On 15th August, 1238, John de St. Amand was presented ^^ by
King Henry III to the vacant Prebend ^of John Sarracen, and the
Constable of Bruges is to induct him.
In 1255, the jurors for the Manor (Liberty) of Bridgnorth, and
those for the Hundred of Stottesden, made different presentments^^
as to the value of this Prebend, the former returning it at ten
merks annual value, the latter at fourteen. The Incumbent at this
period was Peter de Albescun (though one return gives his name as
Avelun) .
Aug, 13th, 1256. Peter de Aubucun, at Mamerfeld, renounces '^
all claim to the great and small tithes of Walton, in the parish of
Mamerfeld, which were in dispute between him and Salop Abbey,
the latter claiming them in right of Morville Church.
In February, 1262, Peter de Abisun, Canon, was amerced «^
by the Justice of the Forest, then visiting the Coimty, in the sum
of 40^., for default.
At the Assizes ^^ of October, 1272, the same Peter de Abezun
^ Bot. Pat. 16 John, memb. 8. Peter
Saracen occurs in King John's pay, inl214
(Bot. Pat. 16 John, memb. 15), and on
August 17 in that year the King had
ordered Peter, Bp. of Winchester, to as-
sign to John, his son, the first vacancy of
25 merks ormual value, which should fall
to the Klng^s gift.
On the 27th July, 1215, the same John
was presented to the Church of Skenefirith,
Heref. Dioc. (Bot. Pat. 17 John, memb.
18) ; and on 16th Aug. 1216, had letters
of protection from his Boyal Patron, dated
at Brug (Ibm. memb. 5) . The Father con-
tinued in the &your and pay of Hen. Ill,
and the son become Dean of Wells, (in
1242, says Le Neve, but) before January,
1238 (Bot. Pat. 22 Hen. HI).
^ Bot. Pat. 22 Hen. Ill, wh die, John
de St. Amand was probably related to
Almaric de St. Amand, a person of some
note in this reign, and for some years Sheriff
of Herefordshire, (Dug. Bar. Tit. St.
Amand).
^ Bot. Hund. ii, 59, and 83.
3» Salop Chartulary, No. 98.
22* PlaciiaforesUB^ Salop, No. 4, memb.
Sdorso.
^^ Salop AstiaeSy 56 Henry III, memb.
49 dorso. He is reported on the same
roll as non-attendant at the Assizes.
MORVILLE.
75
is returned as holding this Prebend^ which in this instance the
jurors valued at fifteen merks per annum.
In 1284^ John de Henedon is returned on a Roll *^ of tenures
in Stottesden Hundred^ as holding Walton of the King in capite.
He was, I presume/*^ the Prebendary.
In 1291, Robert de Turbervile had*^ this preferment. The
value of its temporalities in land, meadows, rents, &c., is stated at
£1. 48. 7d.
At Salop Assizes ^^^ (Michaelmas, 1292), the same Prebendary was
returned as in office, but his Prebend valued at eighteen merks (£12.)
I Edw. n (1307-8). The Prebend of Walton is granted 230 to
the Dean of Brug.
In March, 1316, John de Ker occurs *** as Lord of Walton, in
the Hundred of Stottesden. I suppose him to have been the Pre-
bendary thereof.
II Edw. II (1317-8). This Prebend is granted ^^ to William de
Sheynton.
1st January, 40 Edw. Ill (1367). Richard de Beverle was pre-
sented ^^ by the Crown to this Prebend.
In 1535, one named Mubber *'* was holding it. Its value in
glebe-land and other things is stated at £6.
PREBEND OF UNDERDON OR UNDERTON.
About A.D. 1138, Robert, Bishop of Hereford, had consecrated a
Chapel 23* here, which one Gilbert (probably the Prebendary of the
time) had endowed with half a virgate of land and a mansion.
About the same time that Roger, Prebendary of Walton, was at
issue with Salop Abbey, as to the tithes of that vill {i.e. between
1152 and 1173), one Reginald will have held this Prebend 23« and
3S> Kirby*a Quests sub hundredo de
"Stoteresdon."
^ I now find his presentation, dated
3 Sep. 1275, as John de Hoyeden, Clerk
of the King (Edw. I), who gives him the
Prebend late Peter de Abbezoun*B. Vide
Bot. Pat. 3 £d. I, memb. 10.
^ Pope Nicholas Taxation^ p. 162.
One Robert de Turbervill was lately dead
in 9 Ed. 11 (1316-6), and the King's Es-
cheator beyond Trent ordered to seize
his lands. Tide Originalia^ sub anno.
^ Plao. apud Salop, 20 Ed. I, memb.
37 dorso.
330 Rot. Pat. 1 Ed. II, memb. 18.
351 Parliamentary Writs, rol. iv, p. 398.
2B Rot, Pat. 2 Ed. II, pt. 1, memb. 19,
3» Rot. Pat. 40 Ed. Ill, p. 2, memb. 6.
33< Valor JSoclesiagtieus, yol. iii, p. 210.
Heref. Dioo. Stottesden Deanery.
235 Salop Ohartulary, No. 333.
236 Ibidem, No. 360.
76
MORVILLE.
been involved in a similar dispute ; for Thomas^ ^ Prior of Here-
ford^ certifies that he was present in the Chapter of Hereford when
Reginald^ Canon of Brug^ acknowledged the right of the Monks of
Salop to tithes of the demesne of Hundredon^ and gave them up to
O. the Dean/^ who^ with his Chapter, acting as delegates of the
Apostolick See, invested ^^ therewith William, Prior of Salop, in
name of said Monks.
24th June, 1200. John de Gray, Archdeacon of Gloucester,
having resigned his Prebend in the Church of Brug, King John,
then at Chinon, to make up an annual rent of fifty merks, assigns'^
it for life to Master Thomas de Argentol, Clerk to the King himself,
and to "the King's most illustrious Lord, the King of Prance.^'
This Thomas was also presented, by King John, to the Church
of Salkeld (Cumberland), but probably lost both preferments on
the rupture with Philip Augustus. His successor, at Salkeld, was
Master Matthew, the King's physician, presented ^ by King John
on 6th March, 1205. The same Matthew will probably have suc-
ceeded, with a better title, to this Prebend, for on 13th February,
1209, the King presents ^^ William de Sancto Maxentio, his Clerk,
to the Prebend held by Master Matthew.
On 12th December, 1222, Henry III presents «*« Robert de
Alrecumb to the Prebend of Underdun, in the Chapel of Brug,
which Joceas, Chaplain of Banulf Earl of Chester, had held. The
Constable will induct.
27th February, 1288. The King presents «♦* William de Burgo
^ Thomas Carbonel, Prior of St. Guth-
lac'&— chosen Abbot of Gloucester, Oct.
1179.
2» Ghoflfry,DeanofHereford, I suppose.
He occurs 1173.
*» Perhaps this was during the yacancy
caused by the death of Bobert Abbot of
Salop, in 1167, at which time also the See
of Hereford was entering on a seven years*
yacancy.
^ Eot. Oartarum, 2 John, memb. 29.
John de Gray was consecrated Bishop of
Norwich in September following. He was
an eminent Justiciar, and being elected
Abp. of Canterbury in 1205, was set aside
by the Pope.
^ Eot. Pat. 6 Joh. memb. 3 & 2. The
first instrument says that the Church is
vacant, the second only bestows its reve-
nues on Master Matthew ; and long after
(viz. 12 Sep. 1214) King John restored
it to Thos. de Argentol, "whoever be in pos-
session." the King being exonerated of dl
obligation to account for the receipts ad
interim, (Vide Bot. Pat. 16 Joh. memb.
12.)
^ Bot. Pat. 10 Joh. memb. 2. Wm.
de Saint Maixent was probably a Poitevin.
He occurs in 1213 as in employ of Peter
Bishop of Winchester, Chief Justice of
England (Pat. 15 Joh. memb. 9), and fre-
quently on the Close Bolls from 1205 to
1214 (Bot. Claus. voL i, passim).
^ Bot. Pat. 7 Hen. Ill, sub die. Joceas
had probably been presented by the Earl,
during his Shrievalty, and in succession
to Wm. de St. Maizent.
"* Bot. Pat. 22 Hen. Ill, sub die.
MORVILLE.
77
to the Prebend which R. de St. Alban had had ; and the Constable
of Brag is to induct him.
In 1255, Master Guy de Palude is Prebendary 2*5 here, and its value
rated by the two juries, before mentioned, at 12 or 21 merks. Part
of the income belonging to this Prebend was tithe of a merk value,
arising from Walter de Cliflford^s demesne of Corfham, ^^ which
tithe, with 16 pence more, William de Bos, Hector of Diddlebury,
had withdrawn for 7 years past.
21st May, 1256. Beymund Massan is presented ^^^ to the Prebend
which Guy de la Palude had held.
In October, 1272, Adam de Fyleby is Prebendary**® of Underdon,
and his preferment valued at 15 merks.
In 1291, John Bruyn has this Prebend,^' and its temporalities
are valued as follows : —
£. 8. d.
15 Acres of land at Underton, value, at 6d.
per acre 7 6
Meadow-land, worth £2, in 6 years, and so
averaging, per annum . . . .068
Bents assized, and Mill .... 1 11 2
Total value £2 5 4
At Salop Assizes «^ (Michaelmas, 1292), " John le Breyn *' (the
same Prebendary) is returned as in office, but his preferment valued
at 18 merks (£12.)
In 8 Edw. II (1314-5), Theobald de Tretis, Prebendary »" of
Underdon, in the Chapel of St. Leonards, ^^^has a suit of novel dis-
seisin against Thomas Diinstan, about a tenement in Underton.
In March, 1316, William, Parson of '' Quatorp,'' aw is Lord of the
vill of Underdon, in Stottesden Hundred.
^ Bot. Hund. ii, 59, 83.
^ Earl Boger^B foundation of Quatford
Church included some tathes at Corfham
and Culmington. (TranBcript in posses-
sion of the Eev. G. L. Wasey.)
w Rot. Pat. 40 Henry III (sub die).
^^ Salop Assizes, 56 Hen. Ill, memb.
49 dors. He is also absent from the said
Assizes. He had been presented in 1257
to the Church of Chelemodeston (Norwich
Dioc.) byHen.ni (Rot. Pat. 41 Hen. III.)
«« Pope Nich. Taxation, p. 162.
^ PlacitadeJuratisetA8sisis,20Ed.I,
memb. 37 dorso.
»i Blaheway M88.in'B\\iLBodl,0:LOii,
^' Sic, — ^but read St. Mary Magdalene.
2® Farliamenta/ry Writs, vol. iv, p. 398.
The word printed " Quatorp" is probably
so written in the very inaccurate document
which is there edited. It may be doubted
whether Quat or Quatford is the place
intended. I should have said the latter,
had not Quatford Church been generally
connected with another Prebend.
78
HORVILLS.
1 Edw. Ill (1827.8). This Prebend is granted «" by the King
to Ralph Blunt.
5 Edw. Ill (1331-2).
6 Edw. Ill (1332-3).
9 Edw. Ill (1335-6).
11 Edw. Ill (1337-8).
London.
17 Edw. 111(1343-4).
23 Edw. Ill (1349-50).
It is granted *•• to Walter de London.
It is granted ^ to Nicholas de London.
It is granted ^^^ to G. Chilchehethe.
It is granted *® apparently to Walt de
It is granted ^*^' to John de London.
It is granted^*© to William Lambhethe.
In the year 1535 the name of the Prebendary here was ♦ * *
Barley. Its value is returned 2«i at £6. per annum.
THE CHAPEL.
No mention of the Chapel of Underdon, other than that above
quoted, has occurred. Its foundation on Prebendal lands, held
immediately of the Crown, will probably have been nugatory, unless
confirmed by the King. We have no evidence of such confirmation,
and even if it were obtained from King Stephen, his act, of this
kind, will hardly have bound his successors.
HARPSFORD, alias HARPSWOOD.
This vill is mentioned in King William^s charter ^^ to Salop
Abbey, as one of the adjuncts involved in Earl Roger's grant of
Morville Church to that house. The attestation of Alduin de
Harpesfort to a very early deed of Salop Abbey (c. 1160), already
quoted,^^ SQems to fevour this assumption. If thus involved, we miss
iany subsequent notice of the place, probably as being comprised in
that part of Morville itself which remained in conneidon with the
Church, and was not transferred to Astley Manor. But it must be
noticed that the situation of Harpsford associates it much more
with that district, which having been demesne of the Norman Earls
became the endowment of the Church of St. Mary Magdalene.
Its tithes appear,264 in time of Henry VIII, as belonging to Salop
Abbey, but are mentioned in such connexion as to leave it un-
certain whether they were tithes of the Abbotts own territory or not.
254 Rot.P8t. lEd. in, pt. 1, memb. 24.
»6 iiot. Pat. 5 Ed.III, pt. 2, memb. 18.
and 25.
25« Eot. Pat. 6 Ed. Ill, pt. 2, memb. 13.
287 Bot. Pat. 9 Ed. Ill, pt. 1, memb. 14.
268 Index of presentations apud Turrim
Lond. — but Quare.
259 Bot.Pat. l7Ed.III, pt. 1, memb. 30.
260 Bot.Pat.23Ed. Ill, pt.l, memb. 32.
2^ Valor JEcclesia8ticu8f vol. iii, p. 210.
Heref. Dioc. Stottesden Deanery.
2® New Monastioon, iii, 521, x.
2® Vide supra, page 44.
2M CoU.Top.andOen. voLii, 289,290.
Vide supra, page 41.
MORVILLE.
79
The tithes of the vill of Moreffeld, of Walton and Leye, of
Kyndesley, Aldenam, Harpisford, Haughton and Crofte, Underton,
and of Morfeld parish, are enumerated in the order quoted ; and
Walton, Leye, Aldenam, and Underton, were not of the Abbotts fee,
whilst Morville (part), Kinslow, Haughton, and Croft, were. No
inference can therefore be drawn from this source as to the owner-
ship of Harpsford.
LTE, alias LEYE, now LYE FARM.
Though this was doubtless of the Prebendal lands of St. Mary
Magdalene of Bridgnorth, it is not quite clear that it belonged
wholly to one particular Prebend, or, if it did, which that Prebend
was.
The vill is usually mentioned next to Walton, a circumstance
which, as well as its situation, would associate it with that Prebend.
However, in 1291, part of the-temporalities of the Prebend of Under-
don consisted of a mill ; 266 and this I think must have been Lye
Mill. AU that has further occurred relative to the place has been
mentioned above.
ALDENHAM.
As Aldenham was undoubtedly in the Domesday Parish of Mor-
ville, so also was it in aU. probability a member of the Domesday
Manor, and part of those two hides which the Norman Earl retained
in demesne. Its isolation in respect of other lands so retained is
remarkable, and may be accounted for by its proximity to Shirlot ^^
Forest, which I suppose was as great an object of interest to the
Earls in their day, as to the Kings who came after.
The family of Baskerville were, from the earliest times, the
immediate tenants of the Crown in this Manor, but as they had
other lands ^^ in Shropshire with which they were more personally
connected, we will here treat of their feoffees at Aldenham, a
266 Vide sttpra, p. 77»
2^ Neither this nor any other of the
(afterward Royal) forests of Shropshire is
mentioned in Domesday; yet I conclude
that they all existed and were of the
demesne of the Earl. Domesday was
chiefly an estimate of the productive capa-
bilities of land, its population, and the
live stock which it did or might maintain.
Therefore forests, in their very nature,
were alien to the chief objects of the Sur-
vey. Hence the omission. The woods
mentioned in the Shropshire Domesday
are appurtenances of particular Manors
with wliich they descended, and whose
value they increased.
'^''^ Vide infra under Pickthome, North-
wood, &c.
11
80 HORVILLE.
family which took its name from the locality. The older name of
the place was " Aldreham," from two Saxon words, the first of which
signifies an alder-tree, the last a home or sheltered habitation.
About A. D. 1138, Fulcoins, whom I take to have held here
under Baskerville, endowed "^ a chapel at Aldreham with sixty acres
of land and a mansion. It was in '' the parish of the Church of
Mamerfeld,^^ and was consecrated by Bishop Robert de Betun, like
other Chapels, because of the troubled state of the country.
About the same time and on occasion of a similar foundation
by Robert Fitz- Aher in the neighbouring Tillage of Aston, Fulcaius
de Aldreham appears among the witnesses of the Charter ^^ of
endowment. In 1180 amongst those in this quarter who were
fined ^^ for imbladements by the Justice of the King's Forest the
name Folqui appears.
Early in the 18th century William de Aldeham attests one of
Sibil de Teneray's Charters ^^ to Morville Priory.
September 29th, 1231. William de Aldenham had fined «72 with
the Crown in a sum of 100«. It was for purchase of five acres of
the wood of Chirlet (Shirlot) which he had assarted by license of the
Verderers of the Forest. He will also pay 5 shillings annual rent
for the same, and already renders account of two years' arrears of
such rent. This annual rent would seem to have varied, for at
Michaelmas, 1252, I find the Sheriff^* accoimting (on behalf of
William de Aldingham) 78, 6d. for rent of five acres of the " King's
demesne in, Aldingham,^' and, it is added, that the said William is
*' to be quit of waste and regard.*'
In 1255, the Jurors of Stottesden Hundred reported ^* of this
vill as follows : — ^William de Aldenham is Lord, and there is here
one virgate of land which the same William holds in chief o{ Walter
de Baskerville, rendering one merk yearly to the same Walter, who
is in custody of Sibil Giffard by grant of the King. And the said
William owes suit ^75 of Court to the Hundred twice in a year, viz.
at the toum of the Sheriff.
» Salop Chartulary, No. 333.
^^ Charteir in the possession of Mr. G.
Morris.
^ Forest Soil at Westminster, Salop,
No. 1, memb. 2.
271 Salop Chartulary, No. 103. Vide
supra, p. 62.
272 Pipe Roll, 15 Hen. Ill, Salop.
*' Waste" was the fine for deetrojing un-
derwood.
274 JZo^. ^WM^. YoL ii, p. 82. Stottesden.
27B Attendance at the Sheriff's towm
was obligatory on the freeholders of a
Hundred in general. Exemption was
matter of special grant or prescription.
The Toums were the Court-Leet of the
278 Pipe Roll, 36 Hen. Ill, Salop. I County as the County Court was the Court-
MORVILLE.
81
Further, he holds one assart under the hcpye ^^ of Schyrlet ren-
dering to the Exchequer 7 shillings yearly.
In January, 1256, William de Aldenham was one of the Jurors
of the Hundred ^^ who sat at Salop Assizes, and again in January,
1257, he was on the inquest*'^ as to the property of Hugh de Kinslow.
At the Forest-pleas of February, 1262, he appears ^^ as one of the
Begarders of the forests of Morf and Shirlet, and was, like many
others, fined half a merk by the Justices for making a bad return?^
At the same time William le Wauwar of Aldenham, who ought to
have been at the Assizes, was essoignedy because dead.^^
On March 13th, 1262, William de Aldenham sat with the Ver-
derers and Foresters of the County on an Inquisition ^^ held at
Bridgnorth, and which was to decide some forest question relating to
Middleton Priors.
At Salop Assizes, August, 1267, Adam Fitz-David, the tenant,
having been impleaded, ^®^ under writ of mort d'ancestrey for a
noke of land in Stevinton, loses the cause; but he having called
to warrantry William de Aldenham (his feoffor, I suppose), and said
William, being of full age and having come forward with such
warrantry y the Court decided that the latter was to make good the
loss of the former. This William I take ^^ to have been son of
the William before named.
Baron. The SherijOf presided, and made
drcuit or iwm through the Hundreds,
holding this Court in each. The juris-
diction of County and Hundred Courts
was the same as to causes and offences,
but different as to territory. The Sheriff
in early times might hold his Toums
when and where he chose. He was in-
terested in the amount of fines which were
levied on non-attendants. Therefore
Magna Charta Hmited the Sheriffs' Toums
to two in a year, one after Easter, the other
after Michaelmas.
^^ Hay a (hterally an inclosureor hedge)
18 the term usually applied to some smaller
forests, such as Shirlet was.
277 PlacUa CorotMBy 40 Hen. Ill, Salop,
memb. 12 recto.
*78 Inquisitions^ 41 Hen. Ill, No. 37.
Vide subpra^ page 53.
27» Placita ForesftcB, 46 Hen. Ill, Salop,
memb. 12 recto.
2* Ibidem, 5 recto. " Pro scripto suo
male fiEkcto.*' I suppose the duty of the
Eegarders was to draw up a report of
imbladements, purprestures, &c. in their
district, and present it to the Justices of the
Forest when the latter visited the County.
281 Ibidem, 1 recto. The Roll contains
a long list under the title " Essonia Mor-
tis.*' Among the names is Roger Corbet
of Hadley, and one or two others whom
we know to have died shortly before this
circuit, otherwise I should not have
guessed the nature of this peculiar list.
382 Esch. 46 Hen. Ill, No. 31.
2^ Salop Assizes^ 61 Hen. Ill, memb.
5 recto.
28^ At the same Assizes there was a trial,
whether William de Aldenham and Wil-
Ham his son had disseised Michael, son of
Henry Geune, of a messuage and 9 acres
in Aldenham. The verdict was in the
affirmative. Salop Assizes^ 51 Hen. Ill,
memb. 8 recto.
82
HOKVILLE.
At the Assizes of September, 1272, he was of the Stottesden Jury^*^
and under the name of William Fitz- William de Aldenham was
impleaded**^* by Robert Jude, William Wyehard, and Michael
Geune, for three parts of a messuage and three carrucates (save one
and a half virgates) in Aldenham. William Pitz- William failed to
appear, and so the land was to be seized into the King's hand, and
the cause adjourned till the morrow of St. Martin (November 12th).
Afterwards, however, he appeared, but not being able to excuse his
former default was adjudged to be m misericordia,^ At the same
Assizes the above-named William Wychard was sued ^^ by Richard
Wychard for a tenement in Aldenham. This prosecution was
however withdrawn.
On November 12th, 1272 (the day of adjournment of the former
case), a fine ^9 was levied at Sal(^ between Malcolumb de Harley,
complainant, and Robert Jude, William Wychard, and Michael Geune,
deforciants, by Richard de Acton (their attorney, I suppose). The
premises were those before recited in Aldenham, and the suit, thus
terminated, was one of warrantry. The deforciants acknowledged
the right of Malcolumb, as arising by their own gift, and he was to
hold the premises, to himself and heirs, rendering to Robert Jude
and his heirs one rose yearly, and one rose to William and Michael,
and doing accustomed service to the Lords of the fee. For this
fine, Malcolumb gave one sore sparrow-hawk.^
On November 27th, 1274. William de Aldenham sat as a
^ Salop Assize- BoU^ 56 Hen. Ill,
Pladta Corona, memb. 21 recto.
^ Salop AMtize-SoU, 56 Hen. Ill,
memb. 4 dorso.
^ Misericordia, amereemerUy and fine
are terms nearly allied and often con-
founded, but haying, I believe, a tech-
nical distinction. An offender was said to
be " in misericordia" (at the mercy of the
Court) when convicted of an offence, the
penalty of which was yet to be settled.
The term amercement (originating in the
same idea of merct) indicates a further
process, viz. the penalty, as assessed by the
Court or other competent authority. The
term^n^, when appHed to a pecuniary
penalty, and as distinct from amercement,
indicates a penalty, not arbitrary, but
already fixed by statute.
The " misericordia " above by no means
implies sentence in the suit, but only
a liability to penalty for non-appearance.
3» 8dU>p Assite-Moll, 56 Hen. Ill,
memb. 5 recto.
» Mnal Concorde, 56 Hen. Ill, Salop.
I imagine that the deforciants having
found it difficult to prosecute their claim
against William de Aldenham, disposed
of their interest to Malcolumb de Harley,
who, I think, was a lawyer.
^^ An acknowledgement very usual in
cases, like the above, where the fine
levied was the termination of a fictitious
suit. I suppose the payment of the hawk
was as imaginary as the suit. A eore
hawk was however one in its first plumage
(firom the French sor or san/r, English,
sorrel, i.e. reddish-brown). A stag in its
fourth year was also called sore — a similar
allusion to its colour.
MORVILLE. 83
Juror 291 on the Inquisition into the state of Stottesden Hundred,
A.D. 1278, the SheriflF of Shropshire is to seize ^92 into the King's
hand all lands whereof William de '^ Audeham^' died possessed, he
having held of the King in capite.
John de Aldenham, successor of William, occurs very soon
afterwards as attesting a Quatford Charter.^^^
About 1284, the same John is returned 2»* as holding Aldenham
under '^ Walter de Baskerville, of the fee of Pickthorn/'
At the Assizes of October, 1292, he sat as a Juror ^ for Stot-
tesden Hundred.
Aldenham was one of the vills entered 296 as disforested in
the latter part of the 13th century ; and in the great perambu-
lation ^^ of A.D. 1300, some parts of the boundaries of the King's
Haye of Shirlet, have reference to what has been said above. — ^The
forest was limited in one direction by the '' assarts which John de
Haldenham holds at a rent of the Lord the King,'' in another
by " Wichardesok," that is, Wichard's Oak.
THE CHAPEL.
I have already mentioned the only notice which we have of this
early foundation. It existed in all probability for a very short
time, even if it was completed ; nor can I make out that Shrewsbury
Abbey ever appropriated any part of the endowment of, or received
any pension from, this Chapel. The Abbey's possession, in 1529,
of the tithes of grain, hay, and other produce in Aldenham, was
probably the result of Earl Hugh's long antecedent grant of the
tithes of his demesnes. We have had former hints -^ that such
grant must not be limited by the express words of Earl Hugh's
Charter as preserved in the Monasticon.
BRIDGNORTH.
Of the two Domesday hides which constituted the demesne of the
Norman Earls in Morville Manor, it only remains to notice that
tract of land which afterwards was occupied by the Castle and
»i Rot, Hund. vol. ii, p. 107.
292 OriffinaUa, 6Edw. I, Mot. 21.
283 Charter at Dudmaston.
2M jgj/r^fs Quest, Stottesden Hun-
dred. Vide infra under Pickthom.
2*5 Placita de Jwtxtis et AssiziSf 20
Edw. I, memb. 51 recto. 1 Hugh or others.
29^ Forest Rolla at Westminster, Salop,
No. 3.
^ Salop Chartulary, No. 279.
298 Vide pp. 44, 70. The Charter was a
forgeiy, but I have said before that the
gifts it alleges were really made by Earl
84 MORYILLE.
fioroiigli of Bridgnorth^ and which indeed was all that ultimately
continued in demesne of the Crown.
As^ however^ the foundation of Bridgnorth was subsequent to
Domesday, it may be consistent to postpone this subject for the
present^ not by any means that its importance is to be underrated^
but rather because it affords matter for most diligent and exclusive
consideration.
Somethings however, may here be said as to a Saxon foundation
of the 10th century, variously described as a borough or a fortress,
and assigned by very equally divided opinions to two localities, viz.,
Bridgnorth and Quatford.
The claim of Bridgnorth has been already alluded to,^ but only
in such a way as to leave the question open. This, however, is the
proper place to give some account of the said Saxon foundation, if
Bridgnorth were indeed its site ; but I must again postpone the
subject, thinking, indeed, that Bridgnorth has a better claim than
Quatford, but convinced that a third locality, Oldbmry, was after all
the real one.
TASLEY.*»
Lost among the Domesday contingents of Morville Manor come
the two hides alleged to have been held by Richard Pincema imme-
diatdy of the Norman Earl.
A probability, that, at the time of that Survey, Rainald the
Sheriff was mesne tenant between the Earl and Richard Pincema,
has been fiilly stated before,^^ as also that the said two hides were
in Tasley and Henley.
Rainald^s presumed interest here, like all his seignemies, whether
in Shropshire, Staffordshire, or elsewhere, descended to Fitz-Alan.
In what course this happened is nowhere positively and authen-
tically stated, and any conjecture on the subject must remain till we
come to speak at large of a house whose vicissitudes are an integral
portion of the History of England, and whose power and influence in
^^ Vide suprOf page 31.
^^ The termiDation of thiB name has
alreadj been explained. The word tas
signifies a heap or bundle. It is still used
in Kent for a mow of oom. It has its
equiyalent both in Saxon and French.
Chaucer uses the word t€M8 for a heap (of
dead bodies).
Another word, tasel, 1 take to be the
original of tassel, teazley and probably
thistle. From the old way of spelling
** Tassele " I should judge this to be the
word thus compounded with le or ley.
Some plant of the teazle, or thistle tribe
will, in that case, have given name to the
locality.
^^ Vide #t^a^ page 30.
MORVILLE.
85
Shropshire have never been equalled by any other sinee the forfeiture
of its Norman Earls.
Of Richard Pincema^ assumed to have been Rainald's under-
tenant in 1086^ nothing further occurs. The next^ in his rela-
tive position^ and as tenant of Fitz-Alan here, should be one of
those who are named in the Liber Niger (1165) as holding by
service of one muntator ^^ (equal to half a Knight^s fee) of the said
barony of Pitz-Alan. Which of those, thus holding, was Lord of
Tasley, is not apparent ^*^ either from the list itself or any other
forthcoming evidence. We have it however upon record that the
tenant, thus holding Tasley, died during the minority of young
Pitz-Alan, that is, before a.d. 1175, and that the heir, Roger
Corbet, was then under age. The wardship of this heir, and custody
will be in case of many a tenure under
Fitz-Alan, the caput of whose barony was
Oswestry,
^® There are three names on the list of
Fitz- Alan's tenants, whose lands, held in
*» Vide lAber Niger, vol. i, p. 142—
where Heame has a long note, attempting
to define, but more suecessfully obscuring
the peculiar nature of this tenure under
the Barony of Fitz-Alan. His affectation
of expounding, in classical and idiomatic
Latin, a matter difficult in itself and every
way undassical in its associations, is but a
pedantic substitute for the explanation
which he was unable to supply, and, as
transcriber of a record, was not called
upon to offer. The question is of course
the etymology of the word " muntator,"
which Heame will have to be equivalent
to " mundator," and to mean primarily,
a moundnkxn, nUner, or pioneer, and he
even suggests a tenure of about 200 acres
as the muntator*B fief. He then talks
about the term as referable to naval mat-
ters, and finally proposes it as synonymous
with " vir montanus" a mountaineer, — "a
signification," says he, " most aptly squar-
ing with that part of Shropshire which is
recovered from the Welsh and abounds
in mountains." Passing the question
whether any of Fitz-Alan*s tenants in the
Welsh Marches are registered in the JAber
Niger, I shall not, at least after quoting
Heame, seem superlatively absurd if I
hazard another etymology. I suppose the
word to be equivalent to munitator and
coued from munitio — a fortress. If so, its
meaning will be — one whose service was
to do ward at his Lord's CSastle. We shall
see how apposite such an interpretation
1165 by service of 1 muntator each, I have
nothing which enables me to identify.
They are Eoger Walensis, Nicholas Mau-
covenant, and John de Hanewode. The
first of these I should conjecture to have
been Lord of Tasley, had not the Histo-
rians of Shrewsbury (vol. i, p. 80, note 3)
suggested that he (Roger Walensis) was
identical with Eoger de Fowis. The latter
was certainly never Lord of Tasley ; nor
yet can I find that he or his descendants
ever held anything imder Fitz-Alan. On
the other hypotliesis (that Boger Walen-
sis was a different person from Boger d.e
Fowis, and, if so, possible Lord of Tasley
in 1165) it will still remain unsettled
whether he were the father of Boger
Corbet and himself a Cadet of the Baronial
House of Caus, or whether, dying without
issue, his estate passed to Boger Corbet as
his nearest of kin. Certain it is that Boger
Corbet had Tasley by inheritance, but
whether through his Father or Mother
we cannot say, nor can we point out his
degree of connexion with the House of
Caus. Contemporary with him was ano-
ther Boger Corbet, I say another because
the latter was a younger brother of Bichard
Corbet (of Wattlesborough, I suppose),
and could not in the ordinary course
86
MORVILLE.
of his lands^ fell to the Crown in virtue of its temporary seizure of
Fitz-Alan's barony. King Henry II granted it to Thomas Pitz-
Odo, otherwise called Thomas de Chabbenour, and, in one'^
instance (as having this wardship), Thomas de Tasley. Of this
Thomas much more will be said elsewhere, but here only that which
he had to do with Tasley.
During his custody thereof, a suit about thirty acres of land
arose between him and one who was officiating as Rriest of the Pre-
bend, then held by William de Kerpoint in the Collegiate Church
of St. Mary Magdalene, in Bridgnorth Castle. King Henry II
issued a precept ordering perambtdation to be made between the
lands of the Prebend and the lay-fee of Tasley. Thomas Pitz-
Bemard, then Chief Justice of the King's Forests, had it in charge
to eflFect this perambulation, which, with other evidence, will decide
the date of the transaction as having been in 1180 or 1183. The
result was in favour of the Church, as might be expected, seeing
that the Crown had a permanent interest in the integrity of its own
Prebend, but only a temporary one in Roger Corbet^s Manor.
Twenty years afterwards, when Hoger Corbet, then of age,
attempted by process of law to oust the same WDliam de Pierpoint,
the latter, inter alia, alleged this earlier settlement of the question.
Corbet's rejoinder was to the effect that Thomas Pitz-Odo (called
Thomas de Tasley) had not rightly represented him (or had wronged
him) in the former cause. The case was dismissed sine die. This
trial took place at the Salop Assizes in October, 1203 ; but Corbet
had attained his majority some time previously, and had increased
his importance by marriage with an heiress, who brought the Lord-
ships of Hadley and High Hatton, in Shropshire, of King's Bromley,
in StaflFordshire, and the patronage of Wombridge Priory, to him
and his descendants.
His career was short, but it will not be inconsistent with the
importance of his successors if their descent, and a few notices ^^
both of him and them, be here inserted.
His marriage with Cecily, daughter and sole heir of Alan de
inherit such a fee as Tasley. Yet these
two brothers, Richard and Boger, may
have been sons of different mothers, and
the mother of Roger, the youngest, may
have been heiress of Tasley.
** Vide infra,
^^ Mr. Blakeway's conjectores on the
early history of this £unily {see Sheriffs^
p. 42) are put forward with confessed doubt
and under a deficiency of documents.
They are not fortunate. One page of
Shaw's Mistory of Staffordshire^ on the
same subject, contains at least nine co^ro-
yertible errors. Erdeswick says little, but
that little involves its own contradiction.
MORVILLE.
87
Hadley, was the advancement above alluded to, and will have taken
place about a.d. 1190. This Lady was as notable in her ancestry
as in her inheritance. Paternally she was descended ^ from the
Peverels, and her mother was a Pantulf.
Her husband, Roger Corbet, occurs first (and probably in his
capacity as Patron of Wombridge Priory) in a deed/o7 which must
have passed about a.d. 1194, whereby Walter de Dunstanville, Lord
of Ideshal, makes a considerable grant to that House.
Again, about a.d. 1195, Roger Corbeth attests an agreement ^*^
between the Abbot of Shrewsbury and John le Strange, and which
evidently passed in the County Court at Salop. Soon after, and in
a most prominent position, Roger Corbet attests a grant ^^ to
Wombridge by John de Cumbrey ; and another ^*® by Griffin, son
of Gervase Goch, Lord of Sutton, to the same house.
At the Salop Assizes of October, 1203, Roger Corbet sat as a
Juror '^^ with others of his rank, and on several important trials.
But his chief concern on this occasion will have been in the cause ^^^
mentioned above, and which, as far as a translation will allow, shall
be given as it is recorded : —
'^ There is venue of assize to take cognizance (assisa venit recog-
nitionis) whether thirty acres in Tasseleg, which Roger Corbet
elaimeth against William de Petraponte, be the lay fee of said
Roger, or frank almoign appertaining to the aforesaid William^s
Church of Bruges. And William appeareth and saith — that the
said land is appertaining to his Prebend which he has in the Church
of Bruges, and which he holds by gift of King Henry, Father of
the Lord the King, and has held for thirty years past ; and that,
before he was presented to said Prebend, the said Prebend was
seized of the premises, so that, in his opinion, this assize neither
can be nor ought to be taken without the Lord the King {being a
306 Placita apud Westm. Michaelmas
Term, 37 Hen. Ill, memb. 6 dorso.
*7 This deed stands No. 46, under the
title * Prior's Lee,* of the Wombridge
Chartulary. The witness's name is writ-
ten in the Chartulary, " Mohert Corbet de
Hedleia'
)?
mere scribal error, and of
a kind in which, unfortunately, the whole
of that Record abounds.
«3« Salop Chartulary, No. 16, but this
Boger Corbeth may have been the younger
brother of Richard Corbet, of Wattles-
borough.
309 Wombridge Chartulary. Tit. Lega
Prioris, No. 43. John de Cumbrey was
Lord of the neighbouring vill of Lee,
which took its distinctive name of Lee-
Cumbrey (now Lee-gomery) from his
family.
310 Wombridge Chartulary. Tit. Broc-
ton, No. 87. Sutton Haddock was so
called afterwards, &om Madoc, son of this
Griflin.
3" Placita aj^d Salop, 5 John, memb.
4 recto, &c.
'^2 Ibidem, memb. 4 dorso.
12
88 MORVILLE.
party) . Moreover, the same William saith that he has no Church
ill Bruges, but only a certain Prebend in the Church of Bruges.
Further he saith, that, by precept of the Lord King Henry, there
was sometime perambulation made, between one Thomas de Tassele
and the Priest of the said William, in presence of Thomas Fitz-
Bernard, thereunto assigned, and in presence of many others, and
that in virtue of such perambulation the aforesaid land remained
with his Prebend ; and if, after this (statement), the trial ought to
proceed, he (William) will not decline it {non refutaint earn)/' —
''And Roger (Corbet) saith nothing to contradict the statement
of said William, nor saith he anything but that the forementioned
Thomas, between whom and William the said perambulation took
place, was his wronger*^ {fuii ablator suus)"
The decision of the Court on this cause was "remanet sine die."
We hear no more of the suit, and little more of the plaintiff, who
died within a few months, leaving Cecily his widow and an infant
son, Thomas, surviving.
Before May 9th, 1204, Cecilia de Hadley had offered «*♦ to King
John sixty merks and a palfrey, by way of fine, for having seizin of
the Manor of Bramley (Bromley Regis, Staff.), whereof she had been
disseized by Geoffry Fitz-Piers, the Justiciar (Chief Justice of Eng-
land) . And she covenants to render for the same £4 per annum,
and the service of a tenth part of a Knight (as the King's Charter,
which she has, specifies ^^^) . Her fine also was, that she might marry
at her own pleasure, and ''have custody of her son and his mar-
riage, so that he be not disparaged.^'
The King's charter ^^^ alluded to bears date at Southwick (Hants)
and is as follows : — " John D. G,, &c. Know ye that we have
restored and conceded, and by this present charter confirmed to
Cecily de Hedley, the whole Manor of Bromley, with its appur-
tenances as her right and inheritance, to hold to her and her heirs,
of us and our heirs, for ever, rendering thereof, to us, four
pounds yearly and performing thereof, to us, service of the tenth
3^ It does not seem quite clear what
this expression implies — whether that
Thomas de Tasley was at the time {i,e.
circa 1180) unjustly occupying the whole
Manor to the exclusion of the heir, or
that he sacrificed the rights of his ward
in this particular matter.
3" Pipe Soil, 6 John, Salop. Inter.
Nova oblata. This fine is thus only pre-
served, for the Ohlata or Fine Balls of
the 5th year of John, in which the trans-
action took place, are lost.
'^ These words were no part of the
original fine, which, of course, preceded
the Charter, hut only a part of the sub-
sequent record of debt. Therefore they
are put in parentheses, «
3^^ Rot, Cartarum, 6 John, memb. 4.
Page 129 of the printed yolume.
MORVILLE.
89
part of one knight^s fee, for all service, custom, and demand, per-
taining to that Manor. Wherefore we will, &c. Dated 9th of May,
in the fifth year of our reign/' (May 9th, 1204.)
Within four months after the granting of this charter, a fine ^^^
appears on the Rolls whereby ^' Baldwin de Hodnet gives (to the
King) sixty merks for having to wife Cecily who had been wife of
Roger Corbet, with her land. And the Sheriff (of Staff.) has mandate
to take security from him (Baldwin) as to the payment of the said
sixty merks.^' Here the record is abruptly broken off, and there is a
mark of cancellation added, for which a reason or reasons are sub-^
joined in two contemporary notes. The first of these notes says
briefly : " Because above by the Wife herself/' the second more
fully : ^^ It is cancelled here because the same fine is elsewhere
(entered), viz., in the Roll of Fines of the fifth year.'' These fines
of the fifth year, we have already said, are lost ; nor do we in this
instance need them. The truth is, that Cecily had married to Baldwin
de Hodnet, and the latter had assumed her liabilities to the Crown.
On the 8th of September, 1204, King John granted a further
Charter ^^^ to Cecily de Hedley, owing to some misunderstanding or
informality about the first. This second Charter is dated at Oseney,
and is generally as the first, but omits all correspondent mention of
knight's service, and substitutes the following : — " And let it not
be to the injury of William Fitz-Alan, of whom said Cecily holds
a knight's fee, that we have given her to Baldwin de Hodnet, and
that our former Charter (granted to her about Bromley) hath
expressed the aforesaid service (i£4 rent) and also a service of one
tenth of a knight's fee.
On September 29th, 1204, Cecilia de Hadley is entered on the
Sheriff's account *^^ as owing £4 of the rent of the Manor of
Bromley (her first year's rent).
On September 29th, 1205, Baldwin de Hodnet is pardoned ^^o ten
merks of his wife's debt to the Crown, and she is charged £8 for two
^ Rot, Mn, 6 John,inemb. 14. Printed
Toluine, page 214.
^ Bot, CaHarwn, 6 John, memb. 11.
Page 137 of the printed Tolume. I have
done the best I can to give a translation
of this Charter, which is not grammatical
in its construction. Its meaning is more
obyious. The tennie of Bromley under
the Grown was by a fee-&rm rent, not by
knight's service, whereas Cecily's tenure
at Hadley, under Fitz-Alan, was of the
latter class. Her remarriage therefore and
the wardship of her heir belonged to Fitz-
Alan, and the acceptance of her Fine by
£ing John, as well as his consequent
Charter, was an injury to her suzerain.
Fitz-Alan' s remonstrance probably pro-
duced the second Charter, which is merely
a memorandum lest the first should con-
stitute a precedent.
819 Pipe Boll, 6 John, Salop.
«» Pipe Roll, 7 John, Salop.
90 MORVILLE.
years^ rent of Bromley ; but a memorandum is added to the latter
entry^ stating that she is answerable to the Sheriff, and that he
accounts (in his general receipts) '^ in corpore comitatiUJ*
Bromley Regis thus continued to be held of the Crown by Cecilia
and many generations of her heirs ; — but we must revert to the more
immediate history of Tasley.
At Salop Assizes, November, 1221, Margery de Chabbenour
names ^^^ an attorney in her suit about dower against Baldwin de
Hodnet and his wife. At the same time Baldwin de Hodnet
and Cecilia hia wife name^^^ their attorney against Margery de
Chabbenour. The cause between them is ako stated, as follows : ^^
Margery, widow of Thomas Fitz-Odo, sues Thomas Corbet for a
third of two parts of the Manor of Tasseleg, and sues Baldwin de
Hodnet and Cecily his wife for a third of the third part of the same
Manor. Her suit is for dower. It proves that Thomas Corbet
was of age, and had succeeded to Tasley, his paternal inheritance;
while his mother Cecily was still living and holding her dower
therein, as derived from Roger Corbet, her former husband. For a
third of their respective interests they are impleaded by Margery
de Chabbenour, and the progress of the cause will show on what
grounds. Baldwin and Cecilia, on their parts, called Thomas Corbet
to warrantry. He appeared, vouched the warrantry, and, on the part
of himself and them, further called to warrantry John Fitz-Alan
(his suzerain) . A day was given to the parties at Warwick, on the
morrow of St. Hilary (January 14th, 1222) .
On the said day, at Warwick,^^* John Fitz-Alan esaoigned himself
in the plea of dower against Margery de Chabenour, in which
Thomas Corbet called him to warrantry. The cause was adjourned
to fifteen days of Easter, then to be heard at Westminster. Some
further and unrecorded adjournments will have taken place, but we
have fortunately a record of the final hearing as it took place at
Westminster in Hilary Term, 1223. The process was as follows : *36
" A Jury comes here to say, if Thomas Fitz-Odo, formerly husband
of Margery de Chalbenour, held, on the day he espoused her, the
Manor of Taslegh in fee, so that he could dower her in one-third
thereof or not ; or if the said Thomas held it of the bailiwick of the
^^ Salop Assize- Molli 6 Hen. Ill, memb.
2 dorso. Something is added to this entry,
which, except that it contains the name
^^ Ibidem, memb. 7 recto.
^ Esson apd. Warto. in crast. Sti HiL
6 Hen. Ill, memb. 1 recto.
of Corbet, is unintelligible. 226 pi^cita apd. Westm. de t-ennino Sti
^ Ibidem, memb. 3 recto.
Hillarii, 7 Hen. Ill, memb. 12 dorso.
MORVILLE.
91
Lord King Henry, the King^s grandfather, whilst William Pitz-
Alan, father of John Pitz-Alan, was under age, and in custody of
the King, together with that land. Because both John Fitz-Alan,
against whom the aforesaid Margery claims the said third in dower,
and she herself have put themselves on this Jury/'
'^The Jurors do not understand that Thomas could dower Margery,
because he did not so hold as that he could dower her, for he had
no ingress except through the Bailiffs of King Henry when William
Pitz-Alan was under age." It was decided (by the Court) that John
be herein quiet and Margery in misericordia.
We must again revert to the Salop Assizes of November, 1221,
when Thomas Corbet was party to another suit.^^^ The Abbot of
Shrewsbury sued him for a quarter of a virgate in Kinslow and a
similar quantity of land in Midwele (Meadowley) in right of his
Church. Thomas pleaded that he ought nor to answer, because, in
Kinslow, he neither held nor claimed anything; and this the Abbot
could not deny. So Thomas was declared quit.
It is probable that very soon after this time Thomas Corbet's
mother died. Her inheritance did not, however, immediately
devolve to him, for having been also a mother by Baldwin de Hodnet,
her second husband, the latter will have held it for life.
He, however, was dead also before January 2lst, 1225.^27 At this
juncture the question naturally arose as to who was Cecilia de
Hadley's heir. The Sheriff of Staffordshire had the King's precept
to hold inquest thereon, which being done and returned to Court,
the King issued a mandate ^'^ to the same Sheriff ordering him to
give Thomas Corbet seizin of Bromley, taking security from him for
his relief, which was £4. This mandate bears date 19th February,
1225. There is abundant evidence not only of Thomas Corbet
having held Bromley,^-* but also of his succession to Hadley, High
Hatton, and the patronage of Wombridge Priory.
He stands first witness of a grant ^^ to the latter house which
bears date about 1228-9.
There are three lists of John Fitz- Alan's Barony in the Testa de
Nevilly^^^ nearly contemporary with each other and of date about
1240-1. In one of these Thomas Corbet is entered as holding Tasley
by service of half a knight; in the other two, Thomas Corbet of
^ Salop AsHzeSf 6 Hen. Ill, memb. 7
recto.
327 IU>t M». vol. i, pp. 124, 126.
3» Ibidem, p. 125.
3» Tegta de Nevill, p. 52.
330 Wombridge Chartulaiy. Tit. Upin-
ton. No. 182.
331 Testa de NevUl, pp. 44, 47, 49.
92 MORYILLB.
Tasley is returned as holding Hatton and Hadley by a whole
knight's fee.
It would seem to be he who in 1242^ having been fermor of
Hintlesham (Suffolk)^ and being put in charge at the Exchequer for
£50. on that account, gave the King 2k palfrey to have judgment
thereupon.^*
He died in 1247j holding the Manor of Bromley, in capiie of the
Crown, at a fee-farm rent of £4. The said Manor was worth £11 . 10^.
per annum. His next heir was his son Boger, then twenty-five
years of age. ^^
On the 28th of August, 1247, the King, at Windsor, received the
homage of the said heir, and it was enjoined to Henry de Wingeham
and his co-escheater in Staffordshire to give him seizin of Bromley,
taking security for a relief of ten merks (£3. 68. Sd.), to be paid at
Easter and Michaelmas, 1248.*^
Roger Corbet, immediately on his succession, seems to have been
involved in a dispute ^^ with the Prior of Wombridge as to the right
of patronage of that house. The details belong to another locality;
but it may be here stated that the right under certain limitations
was conceded to Corbet.
In 1255, the status of the Manor of " Tassele'^ is thus set forth by
the Jurors of Stottesden Hundred.*^ " Boger Corbet is Lord, and
there are here eight virgates (equal to two hides) of land. They do
no suit either to County or Hundred nor pay stretward or motfee
the Jurors know not by what warrant. And he holds in chief of
John Fitz-Alan for half a knight's fee.'^ These immunities are
paralleled in no other of Fitz- Alan's neighbouring Manors. Doubt-
less they arose from the original tenancy of Bichard Pincema
having been in the privileged demesne-lands of Morville Manor.
At the Salop Assizes of January, 1256, the Jurors for Bradford
Hundred returned Boger Corbet among those who, being of full age
and holding a whole knight's fee, were not yet knighted.'^
^^ Originaliay 26 Hen. HE, Bot, ii, tub,
tit. Salop and Stafford.
^^ Inquisitiones post mortem^ 81 Hen.
Ill, No. 31.
»* Bot, Mn. vol. ii, p. 18.
^ Pedes Jimum, 33 Henry m,
Salop.
39B Eot, Sundredf ii, 82. Stretward and
Motfee were both taxes, due to the Grown,
and assessed on the hidage of Manors.
The former was probably a rate for main-
tenance of the King's highways ; the lat-
ter a contribution to the foUe^motey or
Hundred Court. The non-liability of a
Manor, as regarded suit, or actual atten-
dance at (bounty or Hundred Court, did
not neoessaiily involye freedom from either
impost.
^ Salop Assizes, 40 Hen. m. Plaeita
CorofuSf memb. 7 dorso. His name is
omitted in the similar list given in Mr.
Dukes' Introduction, page vii; but in
MOBVILLB.
93
On the 15th of May, 1259, hewas deceased, and the inquest^^ which
sat on that day reported his tenure in capite at Bromley as well as
that his son and next heir, Thomas, would be eleren years of age on the
vigil of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross (Septemberl3), next coming.
On October 10th, 1259, the King's Mandate ^ to the Sheriff of
Salop affirms, that, because of Roger Corbet's tenure in capite and
death, first seizin of all his lands, of whomsoever held, pertains to
the Crown: and therefore the Sheriff is to seize them into the
King's hand and commit them to custody of the King's Escheator
in the said County till the King command otherwise.
At the Forest Assizes of February, 1262,^^ and therefore during
the minority of young Thomas Corbet, there was an Inquisition
by the Vederers, Regarders, and Foresters of the County, as to
*^ whether the wood of Tasley, which is called The Hoc, and is
within the bounds of the King's Forest, be within regard or not."
The decision was that it was out of regard, and always had been,
and that the Lord of Tasley sold the vesture ^^ of the said wood in
portions, whenever he willed, and that the said wood is now being
sold [modo revenit). At the same Assizes, and apparently in conse-
quence of this verdict, several persons who stood on the list of
amercements^^ for vert, instead of having the usual fine of a shilling
placed opposite their names have the words " extra regard " written
instead, signifying their acquittal. Of these are William de Fraxino,
of Tasley, Henry de Tassewood, William Granger de Tasley, Philip
de Tassewood, and three others who seem to have been their pledges.
At the same Assizes,^*^ Roger Corbet, of Hadley (having died
nearly three years before), appears on the list, entitled '^Essonia
Mortis,^' as before alluded to. Also Duce Corbet, of Hadley, and
Hugh Corbet, of Tasley, appear on the list of common essoigns.
Lastly,*** Edelina, widow of Roger Corbet, of Hadley, is put in
Shaw's List {HiM. Staff. ^ rol. i, Appendix
to Qen, Hist., page xy) he is returned as
holding £60 of lands bj Knight's service.
3^ InquisUiones post mortem, 43 Hen.
Ill, No. 17.
8» Mot. Fin. vol. ii, page 312.
8*> Phunta Forested, 46 Hen. Ill, Salop,
No. lY, memb. 6 dorso. Tasley is one of
the mils disforested in the perambulation of
this period (vide supra, p. 45), but is not
named in the greater perambulation of
1300 (Salop Chartulary, No. 279).
^^ Vestures were the proceeds of the soil
whether cuttings, crops, or fruits. The
original idea seems to have considered
woods, com, and grass as the clothing of the
earth. The secondary idea is before us.
The third coined the term investiture,
that is, endowment with profits.
**2 Placita Forest€B (ut supra), memb.
6 recto.
3^ Ibidem, 1 recto. Vide supra, page.
81, note 281.
3^ Ibidem, memb. 6 dorso.
94
MORVILLE.
charge for imbladement within regard of the Forest of Mount
Gilbert (the Wrekin).
In 52 Hen. Ill (1267-8), Thomas Corbet, of Tasley, had the
King's Charter ^^ of free-warren in the Manors of " Hatton '^ and
" Chuhinethe," Salop, if we consult the printed Calendar; but pro-
bably the original charter only specifies the single Manor of Hatton
super Hineheth (as High Hatton was sometimes called).
At the Forest Assizes ^^ of November, 1271, Thomas Corbet, of
Hadley, was conyicted of taking one stag, near Clotlegh (under the
Wrekin).
At the County Assizes '^'^ of October, 1272, Thomas Corbet, of
Tasley, acknowledges a debt of £5 as due to Adam de Chetwynd.
At the same time he is returned ^^ by the Stottesden Jurors as
one of those who, being of full age and holding a knight's fee, was
still not knighted ; and he was also a defaulter in due attendance at
the said Assizes.
About 1284, Thomas Corbet is returned**^ as holding Tasley of
Richard Fitz-Alan of the honour of White Minster (Oswestry), by
half a knight's fee, and said Richard holds of the King in capite.
Shortly afterwards, Domintis Thomas Corbet is witness to a
Wombridge Charter,**^ which prefix to his name is usually taken to
be equivalent to a title of Knighthood. At the Salop Assizes of
October, 1292, he stood as pledge ^^ for John Fitz-PhiUp, Lord of
Bobington, then imder prosecution of the Crown in a cause of Qiw
Warranto, and was himself made the subject of a presentment,
which placed him in the same predicament.**^
The Stottesden Jurors reported him as claiming to hold his free
^ Calendar Rot Chart,, page 96,
memb. 6.
^ Placita Foresta, 56 Hen. HI, Salop,
No. 5, memb. 1.
^7 Placita de JnraOs et Atsisfis^ 56
Hen. m, memb. 1 dorso.
3« Ibidem, Placita CaroniB, memb. 49
dorso.
^ Kvrhy^8 Quest, Stottesden Hundred.
350 Wombridge Chartnlary, TitBrocton,
No. 61.
^^ Placita de JuratU et AtsisiSy 20
Edw. I, memb. 37 dorso.
^* Ibidem, memb. 20 recto. Boger
Corbet's right of holding his Manorial
Court twice a year, and judging offences
within that Manor, was the correlative
of his freedom from suit of the Hundred
Court. The privilege of assizing bread
and beer (emendso' assizse panis et cer-
visis) was a right of prescribing a scale of
weights and measures to those who sold
such commodities within a Manor ; or,
perhaps, it was only a right of assessing
and appropriating the penalties of those
who transgressed the general statute of
51 Hen. Ill on the subject.
The hideous privilege, which follows in
the text, requires no explanation, but will
hardly have implied much at this period
of history.
Wayf was a Lord's right to stolen goods
abandoned, or toaved, by any felon, within
his Manor.
MORVILLE. 95
court twice a year, to have privilege of assizing bread and beer, to
keep ff allows and hsLYe way/ in his Manor of Tasley. The trial of
this right was postponed; but he had another prosecution^^' against
him, which is, perhaps, worth giving at length :—
'^ Richard de Prestone complainetb of Thomas Corbet, of Tassele,
for that on the day of the Invention of the Holy Cross, in the
eighteenth year of the King, he seized, or caused to be seized, by
Peter de Tassele his servant, in Morfeld, sixteen ewe-sheep of 32^.
value, and eleven wethers of 22s. value, and still unjustly detains
the same, whereby said Richard says that he is damaged to the
extent of 100«., and thereof he produceth witnesses (sectam), &c.
The same Richard de Prestone complaineth of William Crasset that
on Wednesday, in the feast of the Decollation of St. John Baptist,
in the King^s nineteenth year, he took two of said Richard's cows,
of 20*. value, and one heifer of half a merk value, and caused them
to be driven to the Manor of Thomas Corbet de Tasley, at Adlee
(Hadley), and there detains them; whereby he (Richard) hath
damage of 40*. ; and thereof he produceth witnesses.^^
" And Thomas Corbet and William Crasset appear, and deny the
violence and injury, &c. And Thomas Corbet saith that the sheep
belonged to Richard Fitz-Thomas, his villain ; and that he seized
them as his own proper chattels, and in his own demesne, as he was
well entitled to do. And hereof he puts himself upon the Country
(a Jury) ; and Richard de Preston likewise (puts himself) /'
'' And William Crasset saith that Richard de Preston impleaded
the aforesaid Thomas Corbet in the County (Court) for unjust seizure
of said cows and heifer, and the result was that they were adjudged
to Thomas Corbet as chattels of Richard Fitz-Thomas, his villain ;
and that under that decision he (William), as the King^s Bailifl^
and by order of the Sheriff, seized them and delivered them to
Thomas Corbet."'
(The sentence.) "Because William Crasset acknowledges the
seizure, and now shows no warrant whereby he could have any
authority to seize the said beasts or deliver them to Thomas Corbet,
it is decreed that Richard de Preston do recover the cows and heifer,
Bs against William Crasset, and his damages, which are taxed at
two merks. And let William Crasset be kept in custody."'
" And as to the sheep (the Jurors find that) they were Richard
Pitz-Thomas's, and given by him into charge of Richard de Preston,
and Thomas Corbet took them, the said Thomas not bping seized
^ Placita de Jwatis et AsHziSj 20 Edw. I, memb. 52, recto.
13
96
MORVILI.E.
of Richard Fitz-Thomas as of a villain by whom he could claim to
appropriate sheep as his own proper chattels. And because it is
found by the Jury that Thomas Corbet seized them^ &c., out of his
demesne, &c., although they were Richard Fitz-Thomas^s, of whom he
was not possessed, as of a villain — it is decreed that Richard recover
the sheep and his damages, which are taxed by the Jury at 30^.^
against said Thomas Corbet. And Thomas Corbet is in misericordia,'^
At Lichfield, on January 7th, 1293, Thomas Corbet was sum-
moned by the Crown to show by what warrant '^ he claimed to
hold pleas of the Crown, and have free-warren, wayf, &c., in his
Manor of Tasley. " And Thomas appears and says that as regarded
pleas of the Crown, he claims two free courts in the year and to
hold all pleas therein, which the Sheriff holds in his toums, and to
have wayf in the said Manor, because he says that he and his
ancestors from time immemorial have held the said two Courts, and
had the said wayf. And by that warrant he claims the said liberties.^^
And Hugh de Louther, who prosecutes for the Crown, says that
Thomas cannot claim such liberties from so long a time, because
that in time of King Richard, ancestor of the King, that is, the
men of the aforesaid Manor used to come to the toum of the Sheriff,
and there be amerced for hue and cry and for bloodshed, and used
there to present wayf and brewers in the said Manor, until Thomases
ancestors occupiei said liberties over the King^s ancestors.^'
'^ Thomas rejoins with the assertion that both he and his ancestors,
both before and ever since the time of King Richard, have had said
liberties. And he asks that this may be inquired of (by Jury) .^^
'' The Jury say upon their oath that Thomas and his ancestors
from time immemorial have enjoyed the said liberties.''
" Therefore Thomas, sine die, &c. as regards this matter, saving
the King's right, &c. And as regards free-warren Thomas claims
nothing. So let it remain to the King.''
3M Placito de Quo Warranto, p. 707.
The privileges enumerated diflTer some-
thing from those mentioned before. Free-
warren was a privilege, arising either by
prescription or royal license, and which
conveyed a right to certain animals, fercB
nal/wrePf within a specified district. It did
not extend to deer.
The amercement for "hue and cry'*
means the fine assessible on a Village or
Manor for neglecting, when summoned, to
take part in pursuit of felons. Any ma-
norial privilege connected with the sub-
ject was not the liberty of neglecting it,
but of being amerced at home for such
neglect, the Lord receiving the proceeds.
Similarly as regards bloodshedy any quarrel
or assault which ended in the drawing of
blood was punishable by a proportionate
fine, which, in this instance, the Lord of*
the Manor claimed to assess and appro-
priate.
MORVILLE.
97
A similar prosecution^^* of Thomas Corbet was gone into at
Lichfield for exercise of certain liberties in his Manor of King^s
Bromley. Here he pleaded King John^s Charter of the Manor to
Cecily de Hadley and her heirs, and that such liberties were always
annexed to the said Manor both before and since King John^s
grant. Hugh de Louther denied that such liberties could attach
to any Manor, or that any one could claim them without special
warrant from the Crown, and whereas Corbet's Charter made no
mention of such liberties, he asked judgment for the King. This
cause was adjourned, to be heard before the King himself on the
morrow of Ascension Day.
About this time Thomas Corbet had a suit ^^ against Robert de
Turbeville, Canon of St. Mary Magdalene, of Bridgnorth, about
lands in Tasley, which said Robert claimed in right of his Prebend.
In 26 Edward I, 1298, a fine ^^'^ was levied between Walter de
Langton, Bishop of Lichfield and Coventry, and Thomas Corbet,
of Tasley, defendant, of the advowson of the Church and Manor
of Tasley. The right remained to the Bishop and his heirs.
This fine implies, I presume, the sale of all Corbet's interest here,
though the distinctive name of Corbet of Tasley *^^ was retained
by his family for some time after. We will follow the last, who
properly bore that name, to the close of his career, which was near
at hand. He accounts ^^^ as Sheriff of Salop and Staffordshire for
half the fiscal year ending Michaelmas, 1298, and again, for the
fiill year ending Michaelmas, 1299 ; but dying in office, his son and
heir Sir Roger accounts for the half year ending Easter, 1300 ; the
King's precept ordering the usual inquisition ^^ on the death of a
tenant in capite, issued May 10th, 1300. Two such were held, one
at Hatton super Hyneheth, on June 13th following; the other
*»* Placita de Quo Warranto, p. 712.
^^ AfUiquiHes of Shropshire by T. F.
Dukes, Esq., page 262. Knowing that
this Robert de Turbevill had the Prebend
of Walton, and that an ancestor of Thomas
Corbet's had a suit about land in Taslej
with a former Prebendary of Bridgnorth,
it becomes probable that the same pre-
mises were in dispute in each case, and that
thePrebend concerned was in each case that
of Walton. I shall therefore have rightly
placed Wm. de Pierpoint in that dignity,
a matter which, till now, was doubtful.
Vide tupra, p. 73.
*7 Antiquities of Shropshire. Ibm.
Surely there is a mistake in the precept of
King Edward I there quoted, wheifeby in
his 29th year he respites '' the demand
made by summons of the Exchequer
on Sohert Corbet for the debts of Sir
Thos. Corbet, of Tasley, his father, the
said Robert ** (it ought to be Roger)
"having been in the King's service in
Scotland."
3^ Vide Parliamentary Writs, vol. iv,
p. 717.
359 Sheriffs of Shropshire, p. 9.
^ Inquis.post mortem, 28 Ed. I, No. 17.
98 HORVILLE.
at King's Bromley on June 9th. These inquests detail the whole
property of the deceased, whether in Shropshire or Staffordshire,
but of course Tasley is not on the list. His son and nearest heir
was Roger Corbet, aged 27, at Michaelmas preceding (1299), — ^Both
he and his descendants belong to a later epoch and another locality
than those at present under notice.
THE CHAPEL OB CHUBCH OF TASLEY.
About A.D. 1138, when Robert de Betun, Bishop of Hereford,
granted to Salop Abbey an appropriation of the Church of Mor-
ville, he included certain pensions due from the Chapels subject to
the said Church. Among the said pensions was one of half a merk
due from the '' Chapel of Tasseley." ^*
There is a certificate ^^ in the Salop Chartulary as to an agree-
ment, which must have been arrived at about a.d. 1190, and to
which Hugh Abbot of Shrewsbury and the Lord William Fitz-
Alan were chief parties. It concerned the land of Hinele (Henley)
and the right of presentation to the Chapel of Tasley. It was
agreed that William Fitz-Alan and his heirs should hold the land
of Hinele with its appurtenances, paying a rent of 2«. per annum
to the Abbot. It was also agreed that William Fitz-Alan was to
have the right of presentation to Tasley Chapel, but that the Clerk
then holding said Chapel, as well as his successors, was to pay
an annual pension of half a merk to the Abbot and Convent of
Shrewsbury, " that is to their Church of Momerfeld,'' and to do
fealty to said Abbot, as regarded said payment, before institution.
The Abbot granted to the said Parson of Tasley the tithes of
Henley, the Parson paying Is. annually for the same to the Abbot,
and undertaking for himself and successors to swear fealty (in this
matter) to the Church of Salop. The witnesses to this agreement
were W. (Wm. de Vere) d. g. Bishop of Hereford, Master Robert
of Salop (consecrated Bishop of Bangor in 1196-7), and Warin de
Castello.
In 1293, the Church of Tasseleye in Stottesden Deanery was not
of £A value to the Incumbent.^ The portion (or pension) of the
Prior of Momerfeld in the same is stated at Is, 8rf. (a remarkable
verification of the document quoted above, which reserved two sums
of 6«. 8rf. and 1^. to the Abbot) .
»> Salop Chartulary, No. 334. «■ Tax. Pap. Nich. page 166.
»» Ibidem, No. 106.
MORVILLB.
99
In 1841, the Chapel of Tasseleye ^* is taxed (valued) at 6 merks
78. Sd. {£4, 7s. Sd.) according to the old taxation (of Pope Nicholas),
" but the Assessors and Vendors render account of 20^. for the ninth
of grain, wool, and lamb in the same parish, so little in proportion
to the taxation, because the grain is destroyed by great storms and
a very bad season, and because there are no sheep (consequently),
no wool or lambs in the said parish, and because the small tithes, the
mill,^^ the offerings, the heriots, and the glebe of the said Church
and other spiritualities go to make up the great (taxation or) sum,
and which have no relation (to the present ninth) as by inquisition
(is determined)/^
INCUMBENTS OF TASLEY.
6 id. Dec. (Dec. 8) 1277. Sir Robert de Staunford, Chaplain,
was admitted, on presentation of Sir Thomas Corbet of Tasley.
2 id. Feb. (Feb. 12) 1805. Malcolm de Kynsedelegh (Kinslow),
Acolyte, was admitted, on presentation of Nicholas de Ebroicis
(Devereux).
8 id. Oct. (Oct. 18), 1810. Geoflfry de Kynsedel (Kinslow), Clerk,
was admitted, on presentation of the same Patron.^^
It is not always that the generations of a family, of mere
knightly degree, can be traced with certainty up to the begmning
of the thirteenth century.
The latter half of the twelfth century is, in similar investigations,
a limit not often surpassed with probable truth, whilst its earlier
half is only a field for the wildest conjecture.
The following genealogy of the Corbets of Tasley, not trespassing
either upon time or truth, will have the usual interest which
attaches to the latter, and an important use beside. The alternate
occurrence of two Christian names, and an unquestionable accuracy
of date, render it peculiarly available for an ulterior purpose. —
Many an undated charter, attested by some representative of this
'^ InqumUanes Nanarumy page 190.
** A mill is mentioned in Dometdoffaa
included in the tenureof Richard Pinoema.
^ BlaJeewa^ M88. in Bibl. .Bodl.
Oxon.
100
MOBTILLB.
house^ will be quoted hereafter, and its date proximately ascertained
by aid of the subjoined pedigree. —
CoBBET of Tasley, Hadley, High Hatton, and King's Bbomlet.
Soger Corbet of Tasley, and jwre =f= Cecilia»<2ar.and«.A. =7= SdhusbaadyBald^nn
uxoria of Hadley, High Hatton, and
King*B Bromley. Infr. atat. 1180.
Defs. May, 1204.
of Alan de Hadley
and Alice Pantal£
o,l
Thomas Corbet of Tasley, Hadley,
High Hatton, and King's Bromley.
Jnfr. (Btai, 1204. Flena atae, 1221.
Defs. Aug. 1247.
of Tf
Boger Corbet of Tasley, &c. Bom
circa 1222. Nondum mileSf Jan.
1256. Defs. May, 1259.
Edelina, dor. of
• • • • •
8uperHes,1262,
and 1271.
Thomas Corbet of Tasley, &c. Bom
Sept. 13, 1248. Has free-warren at
Hatton, 1268. Sheriff of Salop and
Staff. 1298, 1299, and 1300. Defs.
May, 1300.
• • •
Eoger Corbet of Hadley,High Hatton,
and King's Bromley. Bom Sept. 29,
1272. Accounts as Sheriff 1^ jpo^m
defuncH 1300. Living 1349.
• «
de Hodnet, Lord of
Hodnet, and Senes-
chal of Montgomoy.
Married to Cecily, .
circa Aug. 1204.
J>ef3. Jan. 1225.
I
Odo de Hodnet.
Inf,€etat.jBai.l22B,
oh, circa, 1284.
ARMS OF COBBET, OF TASLEY, Ac.
The Arms prominently borne by this branch of the Corbets (either
singly or as a first quarter) were charged with two bars, a canton,
and sometimes a label. These are understood to have been the
arms of Hadley, but, if so, were probably borne only by Cecily, the
MORVILLE.
101
last of that house. The two bars (the chief constituent of the shield)
were the bearing of Pantulf of Wem, of which family was Cecil/s
mother. Moreover, in Cecily de Hadley, we reach the earliest
probable period at which armorial bearings were adopted by families
of only knightly degree.
But the Corbets of Bromley bore occasionally, and as a quar-
tering, what they must have held to be their paternal coat. It
was charged with three ravens ; a circumstance which should have
its weight in any future conjecture as to their cadency from the
parent house, or their relations to any other branch thereof. ^^
HENLEY.
Of this vi//, as has before been hinted, Warin, the Sheriff, was
Lord before the time of Domesday. He gave,*^ towards the con-
struction of Shrewsbury Abbey, two-thirds of the tithes of his
demesnes of Hennele, &c. ; and this grant was recited and con-
firmed by Earl Hugh, if we may so far trust a less suspicious Charter
than that before ^ alluded to.
About 1138, Robert (de Betun), Bishop of Hereford, confirming37o
to Shrewsbury Abbey, classifies under the head of tithes, which had
been anciently given by great men in his diocese to the '^sustenta-
tion ^' of said Abbey, two parts of the tithes of the Lord ^^i (or
demesne ^^) of Heneleg.
Between a.d. 1148 and 1164, G. (Gilbert), Bishop of Hereford,
confirming ^^8 to the same Abbey " tithes granted in his diocese to
the construction of the Church by good men,*' includes tithes of the
demesne of Heneleg.
Ralph, the Dean, and the Canons of the Chapter of the Church
of Hereford, inspected, recited, and confirmed ^78 the last deed.
These tithes of Henley have already been mentioned as having
been given up to the Incumbent of Tasley about a.d. 1190. The
^ Vide Shaw*B Staffordshire^ vol. i, pp.
143, 144 ; and ParUamentcMry Writs, vol.
iv, p. 716.
3M Salop Chartulary, No. 8.
*9 Vide supra, page 38, note 12.
^ Salop Chartulary, No. 334.
871 The contracted form of the original
does not apparently malie the choice be-
tween these two readings quite clear.
^ Salop Chartulary, No. 381. The
Index of the Chartulary Assigns, this
deed to Bishop Geoffry (111&-1119), but
against strong internal eyidence. The in-
consistency seems to have been recognized
by Mr. Blakeway, — but in attributing
the deed to Bishop Giles (de Braose) he
seems to have forgotten that, in that
case, the initial letter B would have been
employed in a Latin deed, Egidius being
the Latin of Giles (Vide Hist, Shrews,
ii,92).
378 Ibidem, No. 332.
102
MOBVILLK.
Abbey was to receive in lieu thereof 1*. yearly ; — and we must not
forget that William Fitz-Alan^ the then representative of the original
grantor (Warin)^ was a party to this transaction.
There is a further document*'^* on the Salop Chartulary^ and one
which probably alludes to a renewal of the dispute^ between the
Abbey and William Fitz-Alan^ above mentioned. It is a certificate
by Egidius (Oiles de Braose)^ Bishop of Hereford^ that disputed
tithes of Weston and of the demesne of Henel belong to Salop
Abbey. It must have passed in the beginning of the 13th century^
and, as far as regards Henley, will constitute a further proof of
the reality of certain early grants, which have (unfortunately for
monastic reputation) been embodied in suspicious charters.S75
V* Ibidem* No. 852.
'^ The Chiurter (No. 3), which is here
alluded to, is in manj respects an im-
provement on No. 6, (described page 33),
but is by no means dear from suspicion.
The Earl pr9fesse8 to seal it with his seal
and speaks \n. the first person ; jet it is
attested bj Warin the Sheriff^ who was
dead at lef^st eight jears before Earl
Hugh's suooesa&on, and by Richard, Bishop
of London, who was not consecrated till
ten years after Earl Hugh's death. "Mr,
Stapleton's remarks (Boi. Norm, I, Ixxiv)
which excuse oertam inconsistencies in
the testing clauses of early charters will
iiardly extend to a case like this.
There is a third charter of Earl Hugh
(No. 4 in the Salop Chartulftry) which is
rery different from the two others in
many respects, and especially in having a
consistent testing dause. It is remarkable
that this third charter was confirmed in
its own terms, both by Henry I. and
Stephen, and was afterwards cited in the
Law-Gourts ; circumstances whichlcannot
find to have befallen the documents,
which, from their internal evidence only,
I have treated as suspicious.
103
€attitn(9:ton anti <auatforti.
The first name used generally to be written Ardinton, a word
compounded of the Saxon cun, a town or inclosure, and Harding,
its founder or early possessor.
A place in Warwickshire, which has settled into a similar modem
form, stands in Domesday , with still greater etymological correct-
ness, as Hardintone}
The period and circumstance of Harding's interest here have no
other record than is implied by his Saxon name.
In King Edward the Confessor's time this Manor belonged to
Saint Milburg, that is, to the Monastic House at Wenlock, which
was dedicated to her memory. On the forfeiture of the Earls of
Mercia in 1071, and the consequent revolution in this County, the
rights of St. Milburg at Eardington seem to have been disregarded,
and the Manor appropriated by the Norman Earl himself. In 1086,
like other Manors of the said Earl's demesne, its Hundred is not
recorded, but situation and tenure are alone sufficient to place it in
Alnodestreu,
It is noticed in Domesday thus:^ — "The Earl himself holds
Ardintone. Saint Milburg held it in time of Eng Edward. Here
are 5 hides. In demesne there is 1 ox-team ; and 4 serfs and 9
villains and 2 boors, with 3 ox-teams ; and there may yet be 8 ox-
teams (more employed). Here is a Mill worth 5*.^ (annually),
^ Do4»«tf(fay,fo.24)3,a.l. But Hardinges-
tone (Northants), bo written in Domes-
day (fo. 228, b. 1) and still so called, pre-
serres the original name completelj.
^ Domesday, fo. 254. a. 1. Ipse Comes
tenet Ardintone. Sancta Milburga tenuit
tempore Begis Edwardi. Ibi v hide.
In dominio est i carruca et iiii serri et
ix yillani et ii bordarii cum iii carrucis
et adliuo yiii carrucse possent esse. Ibi
molendinum de iii oris et nova domus et
burgum Quatford dictum nil reddens.
Tempore Begis Edwardi valebat xl solidos.
Modo XXX solidos.
3 Literally " a Mill of 3 ounces," that
is, a Mill worth 3 ounces in money per
annum. The ora, or nummulary ounce,
was the twelfth part of a pound, and so
of 20 pence value.
14
104
QUATFORD.
and a Borough called Quatford paying nothing. In time of King
Edward the (annual) value (of the Manor) was 40*., now it is SOs.'^
The Borough or Town of Quatford, and the Earl's Castle there
(which, in its early stage, might very possibly be set down as merely
a house), were therefore, in 1085, part of the Manor of Eardington,
and destined in a short period to much greater importance, ^ere
is a legendary tale about Quatford, which is so perfectly consistent
with Domesday, that, while adding to that Record an unusual
interest, itself becomes stamped with a grand mark of probability.
To arrive at this coincidence in due chronological order, we must
first speak separately of Quatford, a place whose history will, for
the present, take us back to a period much earlier than Domesday,
The name of this place is referable to the vast forest (coed)
which thirteen centuries ago covered the whole adjacent district,
and which has since been represented by the great, but never equal.
Forest of Morf.
The British Coed is remembered in the name of another village,
viz., Quat, — where, however, the uncompounded form has been
curiously reassumed.
The Saxon era had accurately distinguished these two localities
according to then existing circumstances. That part of the forest
which was occupied as a village became Cpatcun (Cwattim, i.e,
Quat-town), and Quatone was accordingly the name of Quat when
Domesday was written. Another part, not yet colonized, the Saxons
called Cpatpopb (Cwatford), in allusion to an adjacent and passable
part of the river Severn.
In the autumn of 896, King Alfred and the men of London
blocked up, or stranded, a Danish fleet which had ascended the
Thames and the Lea. The Danes, despairing of their ships, forsook
them, sought an asylum for their wives in East Anglia, and marched
overland to a place (afterwards*) called Quat-bridge, on the Severn.
* See the Saxon Chronicle, which says
(sub anno 896) that the Danes came «C
Cpatbricxe be Ssejrefin (to Cwatbricge by
Serem). See also Florence of Worcesterj
QUATFORD.
105
Here they intrenched themselves and passed the winter. In the
following summer (897) they separated; part of them returning into
East Anglia, the others going into Northumberland.
No remains of this Danish fortification at Quatford are now
traceable^ and it may be doubted whether the exact spot occupied
by their army was identical with the site of the present village.
An adjacent ford of the Severn still retains the name of Danesford^
and corroborates the story of their visit to the neighbourhood.
In the year 913, ^gelfleda. Queen of the Mercians, built a fortress
in a place which, in Florence of Worcester's time, was called Brycge.^
who says, *' locum qui Quatbrjcge dicitur
pedestres celeri fuga petunt.'*
I refer to both these authorities, be-
cause it is quite clear to me that though
Florence of Worcester derived his infor-
mation from a Saxon Chronicle^ it was
from a different MS. to any now extant ;
and, I almost dare add, a more authentic
one. I cannot subscribe to all which the
Editors of the Saxon Chronicle haye
claimed for it. If indeed it was originally
the work of successive annalists, each giv-
ing the history of his own time, such
original texts must in many instances have
been interpolated by more modem tran-
scribers. I believe we have a case before
ns. I cannot suppose for an instant that
in the year, 896 there was a bridge over
the Severn at or near Quatford, nor that,
if there were, would a contemporary Saxon
have described it as '* Owatbricge by
Severn," words which are only referable
to a period when there was both a bridge
and a village in the locality.
The word " bridge" is therefore an in-
terpolation by some one transcribing the
older document at a time when there
was a bridge at Quatford, and which was
probably not till the end of the eleventh
century.
!Florence of Worcester, on the other
hand, using the same original authority
and writing, as we know, in the very be-
ginning of the twelfth century, inter-
polates the same passage much more truly
and intelligibly. He describes the Danes
as flying to the place (not town) which is
called Quat -bridge — that is, called so at
the time when he was writing. This is
not the only instance which I have met
with, where the ipsiasimaverba of Florence
convey a truth not deduoible from any
extant copy of the Saxon Chronicle,
Again, if Quatford were only QvusAford
in 1085, and if the next ford of the Severn
still witnesses the circumstance of the
Danish visit in its name of Danes/brc^,
how is it supposable that such local ad-
vantages would have been memorialized,
even in a name, at a period when (if we
read the Saxon Chronicle literally) there
was the adjacent and greater commodity
of a bridge ?
All we can safely conclude on this sub-
ject is then, that the Danes in 896, having
lost their fleet, came and wintered in the
forest by the Severn ; and Florence of
Worcester, two centuries after, understood
the place then called Quatbridge, to have
been the site of their encampment. Their
object in coming to ** the forest by the
river " when they had lost their ships is
obvious.
^ Yide Sax. Chron. sub anno 912, and
Flor, Wigom, tub anno 913. Where
again Florence is the most accurate. In
rejecting Quatford as the Brug of Ethel-
fleda, we need not rely only upon a balance
of conflicting testimony. Probability is
also strongly in our favour ; for we have
every reason to believe that Quatford, or
rather its site, as involved in Eardington,
was part of the original endowment of St.
Milburg. If so, there is little likelihood
that a Saxon Queen should have intruded
her Castle upon the domain of a Saxon
106
QUATFORD.
This foundation has often been identified with Qaatford^ so often^
that, however erroneous the tradition be, it requires this passing
mention. The best authority places ^Sgelfleda's foundation on the
Western Bank of the Severn, and we must seek it there.
The next notice which we have of Quatford introduces the Legend
ah*eady alluded to, and which, while it professes to tell how this
spot was selected for the foundation of a great CoUegiate Church,
may inferentially be taken to account for the origin of both a Castle
and a Borough.
This story is contained in a Chronicle, either written or procured
to be written by John Bromton, Abbot of Jorval, in the reign of
King John. As the whole passage is to our purpose it shall be
given at length, and, as nearly as a translation will permit, in the
writer's words. The death of Earl Roger de Montgomery having
been described, the narrative proceeds as follows :* —
'^ This Roger in his lifetime and the said Adelissa his wife did
build a church in honour of the blessed Mary Magdalene, in Quad-
ford, in the county of Salop, one mile from Bruggenorth. Of which
building the cause, as is said, was this : — When forsooth the said
Lady Adelissa, at mandate of the said Earl her husband, was first
coming to him from beyond sea into England, and was on her voyage,
lo ! such a storm of wave and wind shook the vessel that she and
her suite, when now the mariners were in despair, looked for nothing
but shipwreck. And when a certain priest of the said Countess,
wearied by over- watching, had fallen, as God willed, into shimber,
he saw in his sleep a certain matron standing nigh to him and
speaking thus — ^ If thy lady would wish to save herself and her
attendants from the present dreadful danger of sea, let her make a
vow to God and faithfully promise to build a church in honour of the
blessed Mary Magdalene on the spot where she may first happen to
meet her husband, the Earl, in England ; and specially where there
groweth a hoDow oak and the wild swine have shelter.' ^
" And when the priest awoke he told each particular of the vision
Saint, though the forest-loving Norman
and the heathen Dane liad less or no sach
scruple.
• CJiron. Joh, Bromton inter x Scrip-
tores, page 988.
' I take a liberty in the translation of
this passage. The original is " Et prse-
cipue ubi concava quercus cum tigurio
porcorum crescit." The visionary shed
may have been an artificial one. Some
occasional receptacle will have been neces-
sary for the vast herds of swine which
were driven into the greater forests during
the season of pannage. I do not remem-
ber that Ghi/rth had such accommodation,
but the house of Cedric was near enough-
to afibrd nightly shelter to him and his
charge.
QUATFOKD. 107
to his lady. Who, when she had heard and vowed to fulfil all
things, the tempest being presently calmed, soon arrived with her
attendants at the desired shore. And she, toiling through many
days travel from the sea towards her lord, met him first at Quatford,
which was then desert, in the spot where the very oak was growing
and he hunting. And him she forthwith besought that he would
aid her to fulfil the vow which she vowed in her danger as to building
a Church in honour of the blessed Mary Magdalene. And he
acquiescing in the vows of his wife built, with her, the aforesaid
Church, which, though then he endowed it with great possessions,
yet now with all its rights and appurtenances seemeth to be subject
to the free Royal Collegiate Chapel situate in the Castle of Brug-
genorth and endowed with one Deanery and five Prebends out of the
aforesaid possessions. The which Deanery and Prebends the King
indeed conferreth of his own right and custom ; although, in nearly
all other Collegiate Chapels, the Deans, being installed by the
Sheriff at the King^s collation, and inducted into corporal possession
of the Deaneries, confer all Prebends in the same Chapels and
install, induct, and visit the Prebendaries. But, in the aforesaid
Chapel of Saint Mary Magdalene, the Dean confers no Prebend,
nor visits Prebend or Prebendary; but each, in the corps of his own
Prebend, hath and exerciseth plenary jurisdiction as well in things
spiritual as in things temporal.^'
The whole of this narrative is credible in itself and minutely
consistent with other ascertained facts ; nor need we take exception
even to the Priest^s dream, for who knows not that the feverish
sleep of over-fatigue will invest our previous hopes and anxieties
with some garb of life-like reality. Moreover this Priest lived at a
time when Priests were taught to believe in and to expect such
special revelations of the divine will.
Parts of this story, nevertheless, require explanation; and the
whole of it must be tested by other facts and dates before we admit
it to that credence which the details of a legend most seldom
deserve.
Mabil, first Countess of Earl Roger de Montgomery, was mur-
dered at Buris, a town on the river Dive in Normandy, and buried
on Dec. 5, 1082, at Troam.® The Earl's second marriage to Adelais
daughter of Ebrard de Pusey, one of the chief nobles of France,
must have fcdlowed immediately; for their only son, Ebrard de
Montgomery, was old enough to frequent the Court of William
* Ordericua Vitalis, page 678.
108 QUATFORD.
Rufus (who died in 1100) and to attest (as Ebrard Fitz Count) a
charter* of Henry I, which must have passed in June 1107. More-
over Earl Roger mentions his Countess Adelais in a charter^^ which
dates in or before 1085. The arrival of this lady in England will
therefore have been in 1083-4. At that time Quatford was desert,
and the Earl was hunting on the spot where afterwards stood the
Church. This is in every way consistent with other facts, for we
know that Quatford in after times, constituted a limit of the great
Forest of Morf. That the Earl should found a Church at solici-
tation of his second wife is only an instance of what Ordericus says
generally of this lady in contrast to the Coimtess Mabil, — " for she
excelled in understanding and in piety, and ofl persuaded her Lord
to befidend Monks and to relieve the poor/' That the Earl, having
resolved on such foundation, and in such a spot, should combine with
it other plans, is most reasonable, for an isolated place of worship
in Morf Forest would have been an idea little in keeping with a
Collegiate Church, though well suited for a Hermitage or even a
Monastery.
Hence we have the Borough and incipient Castle of 1085, re-
corded in Domesday ; hence also the bridge which, in Florence of
Worcester's time, had caused, the locality to be called Quat-bridge
rather than Quat-ford. Domesday says nothing of the Church,
but such an omission is perfectly reconcileable with the progress of
a building not yet consecrated or endowed.
We next come to the ceremony of consecration and the contem-
porary charter of foundation. The very day of the former is fixed
by an unvouched authority,^^ which is in itself of weight, and is
supported by other evidence. The day thus given is July 22, 1086,
and two independent facts corroborate it. Robert, Bishop of Chester,
who (a3 we shall see) was present, was not nominated to his See till
Dec. 25, 1085. It was also "in time of King WiUiam^' (as the
contemporary Charter declares), and this undistinctive appellation
should mean the Conqueror rather than his son Rufiis. These two
considerations would reduce the date to 1086 or 1087. Moreover,
July 22 (the day alleged) was St. Mary Magdelene's Day. When
an unvouched date will thus bear testing, it would be absurd not to
adopt it.
^ New MonaHicon, vol. vi, p. 144, II.
*o Ord, Vit, page 679.
^^ A MS. notice of Albrighton, lent to
me by tlie Rev. G. W. Woodhouse, and
understood to have been drawn up by
the late Mr. Hardwicke of Bridgnorth —
too good an antiquary to assign a date
I thus positively without sufficient grounds.
QUATFORD.
109
The foundation-charter^ which is of the recitatory kind^^ in use
at the time, must now be given as far as I can collect it from the
only copy ^^ which has reached me, and in absence of the invaluable
original.
" In time of King William, Roger the Earl and Adelaysa the
Countess, built a Church in Quatford in honour of our Lord Jesus
Christ and Saint Mary Magdalene, and all the Saints of God.
They gave Ardintone,^* except the land of Walter the smith and
that land which lies between the water and the Mount nigh to the
bridge, and except that land where the borough is built, and all its
hays ajiA proper chaces quit of all service and thing.^^
(" Be it 1^ known to all, that Roger the Earl gave Milinchope in
exchange to St. Milburg for the claim which she had in Ardinton.
There are witnesses — Godebald the priest, Richard de Belmcis,
Herbert Grammaticus, Raynald Bailial, Roger son of Corbet.")
" And further, they gave the Church of Claverley and the land
which pertains to it, with all the tithes, and the Church of
Alvethleia (Alveley), * * * Strata via, ***** Norley
(Nordley), and Bobinton, and of Laitonia the whole tithes, and
the third part of the tithes of Membrefelde (Morville), Ceatintonia
(Chetton), and Stotesden and Corfham and Culminton and
Ciratonia (Siefton) : And tithes of the toll of this viU and the
holding of market quit (of charge) : And to serve the Church they
established there six ^^ canons. And all these things did the Earl
by concession of his sons, viz. Hugh and Philip, who were there
present on the day of dedication, and on that day did give
Burechote,^^ as a foundation-gift,^® quit of everything (charge).
There are witnesses," &c. —
^ Tide tupray page 28, note 3.
'^ Lent by the Rev. Q-. L. Waeey, and
understood to have been taken from a
MS. of the late Mr. Hardwicke of Bridg-
north. I haye altered a few letters in the
Latin copy, of no importance to the
general sense, but only where the original
had been manifestly mistaken.
^^ One great fiict in fftvour of this
Charter is its extraordinary agreement
with Domesday and with probability. It
speaks of Quatford only as a part of Ear-
dington. The spot between the water
(the Severn) and the Mount, which secured
to the Castle the command of the bridge,
and is still to be identified, the site of
the borough and probably the hays and
chaces were aU on the Quatford side of
the river.
i& This is evidently parenthetical, but
yet in the nature of (k title-deed to Ear-
dington, and so very reasonably inserted.
>• This again is perfectly consistent
with Bromton*s account, which has shown
us that the Deanery (or sixth Canonry)
involved nothing more than a titular su-
periority over the others.
^7 It is Burcot in Worfield Manor, and
the latter was the only possession of Hugh
de Montgomery in Domesday. Domesd,
248, b. 1.
^ *' In doario.*' Doarium is explained
110
qUATFORD.
The list of these witnesses shall be given in full, together with
those dates and &cts which must stamp the whole account with a
final seal of unquestionable consistency and truth. They were, —
WuLSTAN, Bishop op Worcester. — The only English prelate
who, having sat before the Conquest, survived the Conqueror.
Hence his precedency on the list. He was now (1086) eighty
years of age, but lived till 1095.
Robert, Bishop of Hereford. — Consecrated Dec. 29th, 1079 ;
died June 26th, 1095. Much of the above-recited endowment lay
in his diocese.
Robert, Bishop of Chester. — Robert de Limesey, nominated to
his see on Dec. 25th, 1085 ; died Aug. 30th, 1117. Quatford was
then in his diocese.
(The above " were there present to dedicate the Church.'^)
Hamefrid, Archdeacon. — Probably Heinfirid, who occurs^* aa
Archdeacon of Hereford in 1109.
William, Archdeacon. — Probably of Salop (Hereford diocese).
Such an one was in office between 1108 and 1115."^
Herbert Grammaticus. — Archdeacon of Salop (Chester diocese).
As Herbert Archdeacon he attested a charter ^^ of Earl Roger to
Salop Abbey, which must have passed between 1083 and 1086.
He is also mentioned by Ordericus^^ as one of the wise and
moderate men, or rather as one of three learned clerks whose
society Earl Roger much affected, and by whose counsels he was
advantageously guided.
OsBERT, Archdeacon — Whose Archdeaconry I am unable to
assign, except that either he or the next witness was most probably
Archdeacon of Stafford, seeing that Quatford was in that jurisdic-
tion. No list of these dignitaries ascends early enough to solve
this conjecture.
Frederic — Evidently an Archdeacon, from his position on the
list, but I cannot assign his province.
by Du Cange, " Donatio a fundatore f&cta.
ecclesiffi recens edificatee."
w Additions to Le Neve's Fasti, by T.
Duffus Hardy, Esq.
2» £oi, Fat, 22 Ed. Ill, part3,niemb.
34. I think Le Neve has made a mistake
in putting him on the list of Archdeacons
of Hereford in A.D. 1111.
21 M(m. Ill, page 618, No. II, and
page 522, No. X, where his fellow^-wit-
. nesses are Wariir the Sheriff Godebald
the Priest, Soger Corbet, and others.
» Ord., page 522, B. Mr. Blakeway,
quoting this passage {Hist, Shrews, I, 37)
has added a note (No. 4) wherein he has
identified Herbert " the wise Clerk " with
Herbert son of Helgot, — a mistake which
it does not need the aid of the above
Charter to correct.
QUATFORD.
Ill
Elirich^ Archdeacon. — Perhaps Agelric, Archdeacon of Wor-
cester/s in office 1089 and 1092.
GoDEBALD^ Priest. — Another of the " three wise clerks/^ named
by Ordericus ^ as Earl Roger's companions and advisers. In 1085
he held LilleshuU^ Uckington, Atcham^ and Preston, of the Church
of St, AUtmond, Shrewsbmy.^^ To Preston he bequeathed its
distinctive name of Preston Gubbalds. His possessions descended
to '' de Belmeis.^'
Richard, Monk of Wenlock.— A house which Earl Roger had
refounded in 1080.
Raynold, of St. Peter's, Salop. — Originally a Monk of Seez,
but whom Ordericus ^ mentions as having been sent, in 1083, to
superintend the building of Salop Abbey.
Restold, of St. Peter's, Gloucester. — Probably a Monk of
that great Monastic House, then in Worcester Diocese.
OsBERT FiTz Richard. — Baron of Burford and Richard's Castle;
a tenant in capite in many counties, and holding, in 1085, Badger,
Ryton, and Brocton under Earl Roger.^*^
Roger de Laci — Baron of Ewyas. A tenant both in capite and
under Earl Roger in Shropshire. His nearest Manor to Quatford
held, in 1085, of the Earl, was Higford.
Roger Corbet. — Roger, son of Corbet, Baron of Cans ; a frequent
witness of Earl Roger's charters. He is mentioned by Ordericus ^^
as one of the men, faithful and very valiant, whom the Earl
employed in government of his Province.
Ursus, Sheriff — Urso d'Abitot, Sheriff of Worcester-
shire and ancestor of Beauchamp. Besides a tenure in capite
in several counties, he held Sdwarp^® in 1085 under Earl
Roger.
Helgot de Stanton. — One of the Earl Roger's Barons, and
holding Stanton, Broseley, Meadowley, and many other Manors of
the Earl in 1085. He was founder of Castle Holgate, and a great
benefactor to Shrewsbury Abbey.
Herbert his Son — who succeeded him not only in estate but in
liberal grants to Shrewsbury Abbey .^° He appears as an under-
tenant in several Domesday Manors,
23 Le Neve*8 Fasti, page
3* Ord. page 522, B.
25 Domesd, 253 a, 1.
^ 0<i. page 581.
302.
27 See Table, page 18.
28 Ord. page 522, B.
29 Domesday y 176 a, 1.
^ Salop Chartulary, Nos. 1, 35, &c.
15
112 QUATFORD.
Norman Venator. — Held^ amongst other Manors, Albrighton^^ of
the Earl. He was a benefactor to Salop Abbey.
Roger his Brother. — Called in Domesday Roger Venator. His
fief under the Earl in 1085 included Beckbury.*^
Arthur, Sheriff.
Adric db Wenlock. — Edric, son of Aluric, held Burton under
Wenlock Priory in 1085.»»
SiwARD. — Probably Siward sumamed Grossus, a great assistant
of Earl Roger in the foundation of Salop Abbey. He is mentioned
more than once in Domesday,
Aldred his Brother. — Siward had a son named Aldred,^ whose
disposition was other than friendly to religious endowments. I
mention him merely to show the name in the family, not from any
idea that Siward's son and brother have been confounded.
Augustine. — Earl Roger had a tenant in Sussex of this name.*^
Several Saxons, called Austin in Domesday, had held lands in
Shropshire before the Conquest.
Tochi. — Held, in 1085, Aston (BottereD) under Rainald the
sheriff,^^ and Woodcote under Robert Fitz Tetbald,^^ ^^q both held
under the Earl.
Coram.
Warlance Fitz Aloar.
The Charter, after invoking a blessing on all promoters of this
pious undertaking, concludes with an appalling malediction on any
who should interfere with its endowments. At that period it was
not deemed inconsistent thus to guard a foundation which had for
its object the teaching of Christianity. Neither Papal Bull nor
Norman Charter is to be accounted one whit less genuine for
embodying such a supplement.
To Earl Roger, on his death in July 1094, succeeded his second
son Hugh. The latter was slain in Anglesey in July 1098, when
Earl Robert, his elder brother, who already had the Norman pos-
sessions of their father, purchased, from William Rufiis, a succession
to those in England. He it was who selected the spot afterwards
called Bridgnorth as better fitted than Quatford for certain ulterior
designs, which, though not of an ecclesiastical character, must
have largely a£Fected his father's foundation. To Bridgnorth he
31 See Table, page 18.
38 Domesd. fo. 259 a.
« Domesd. fo. 252 b.
^ Salop Chartulofy, No. 1.
35 Domesd. fo. 25 b, 2.
» See Table, page 18.
37 Domesd. fo. 256 b, 2.
QUATPORD. 113
transferred both Castle and Borough. The richly endowed Church
naturally followed ; but whether in his time, or by subsequent
direction of King Henry I, we are not informed. It was already
at Bridgnorth on the accession of Henry II. What we have further
to say of Quatford will be chiefly as an appanage rather than the
site of this great Collegiate establishment.
In the thirteenth century we have several notices of small occu-
pations, both in Quatford and Eardington, and so on either or both
sides of the river Severn. The persons thus interested were
probably tenants of the Church. A few shall be mentioned here,
and others reserved for Eardington, to which we shall shortly recur.
At Salop Assizes, Nov. 1221, Simon de Quatford sued Andrew
de More for twenty acres here, alleging that Andrew obtained entry
through William de More his father, which William was only
tenant for a term by demise of Reginald de Quatford, Simon's
father. Andrew pleaded that he was only tenant of half the
premises, for that Alan de Pierpoint held ten acres thereof by gift
of the same Beginald. Alan, being in Court, proved the truth of
this by production of the deed of feoffment, whereupon Simon was
non-suited.^®
About the same time William Fitz Henry, of Brug (Bridgnorth),
granted to William his son twenty-four acres in Quatford. There
were witnesses to this grant, William Goldsmith (Aurifaber) and
Adam hogsan, Provosts of Brug, and Hamo le Pabner.*'
About 1260, John Fitz William Fitz Henry, of the Castle of
Brug, warranted to John de Exton, Clerk, twenty-four acres in
Quatford, which said John de Exton had purchased of William
brother of the warrantor. There were witnesses of this, William
Bonami and Bichard Ardnichun, Provosts of Brug. Walter
Palmer and William Palmer.^
About 1280.'*i John de Exton, Clerk, sumamed Citator (the
Summoner), sold to Bichard Dammas, of Brug, Chaplain, land in
the field opposite Quatford. There were witnesses of this, Symon,
then Prior of the Holy Trinity of Brug, William Bonami and Roger
Feyrchild, Provosts.
» Salop Assizes, 6 Hen. HI, memb. 4 Beginald le Gaugy who was murdered at
recto. Worfield circa 1250. I flbaU have to
» BlaJceway MS8, in Bibl. Bodl. This speak of them aU again when I come to
William Fitz Henry, otherwise called Bridgnorth.
William of the Castle, was father also of ^ Bldkewo^ M88, ibidem.
John of the Cwtle, of Alan Fitz William ** Bldkeway MS8» ibidem,
(a murderer) and of Alice, wife of that
114
QUATFORD.
Oct. 6, 1271. A fine*^ was levied at Westminster between
Richard Dammas^ of Bruges, Complainant, and Robert de Welbe
and Agnes his wife, of twenty-four acres in Bruges, whereof was a
plea of warranty. Robert and Agnes acknowledged the premises
to be Richard^s as of their own gift ; — ^to have and to hold of Robert
and Agnes and the heirs of Agnes ; rendering to them one rose
yearly, and to the chief lords of the fee accustomed services, for
Robert and Agnes. For this Richard gave ten merks.
Later in the century. Sir Richard Dammas, Chaplain, attests^ a
Bridgnorth deed with Ralph Bolding and Robert Dyer (Tinctor),
Provosts of Brug, and others.
Oct. 1292. At Salop Assizes** '^ Richard Dammas was bound
down to answer to the Lord the King, for that when Nicholas Brun
and Alice his wife, on Oct. 4, 1291, in the town of Brugges, in the
Church of St. Leonard, in presence of Master Andrew de Totten-
hale, Hugh de Wrottesley, and William Godewyn, had served the
said Richard with a writ of the King forbidding him to prosecute
further in Court Christian a suit concerning chattels and debts,
which were neither of testament nor marriage, the aforesaid Richard,
in contempt of the said precept, spat upon the writ and cast it under
him and trampled it with his feet in contempt of the Lord King, of
JIOOO, &c.
"Richard denies the whole charge, and puts himself on the coimtry,
&c. And Hugh (Hugh de Louther, the King's Attorney) does
likewise. The Jurors say npon their oath that said Richard never
spat upon the writ, nor trampled it, nor in any way treated it with
contempt.'^ So Richard was acquitted.
22 Ed. I (1293-4), Richard Dammas founded*^ a Chantry in the
King's Free Chapel of Brugge, and endowed it with two messuages :
one in the town of Bruges, the other in Netherton*® by Quatford ;
also with sixty-five acres of land and half an acre of meadow.
Towards the end of the thirteenth century,' Katherine,*'' relict of
^ Mnal Concords, Salop, 55 Hen. III.
I have quoted the fine at some length, as
it is an undoubted specimen of that kind
of fine which terminat;ed a fictitious suit,
and which was, in fact, nothing more than
a safe and legal conveyance of premises
sold. It is a common idea that all fines
were of this nature, but up to this period
it may safely be said that nine out of ten
were terminations of real suits.
^ Charter at Apley Park.
** Placita de quo warranto, page 679.
« Fai. 22 Edw. I, memb. 1.
^ Netherton Lane (now disused) was
part of the road which crossed the river
Severn at Quatford. — Sev. Q. L, Wasey.
^ Charter in possession of W. W.
Whitmore, of Budmaston, Esq. This
deed has an oval seal of green wax in good
preservation. A female figure st«nds fiill-
QUATFORD.
115
Sir Alan de Glaseley, quit-claims for herself and heirs to Guy Lord
of Glaseley and his heirs^ all right in her land at the Nethereton in
Quatford^ which Alan her husband and herself had conjointly^ by
purchase from Henry de Glaseley, brother of said Alan. There
were witnesses of this. Sir Henry de Mortimer, Sir Mph d' Arras,
Robert de Dodemaston^ Fremonde de Erditon^ John de Aldenham^
Richard de la More, Roger Bonamy of Brug, and many others.
In 30 Ed. I (1301-2), Katherine,*® widow of Alau and mother of
Guy de Glaseley, held dower in the field of Brugy opposite Qaatford,
Early, as I think, in the thirteenth century, Richard Botar of
Quatford granted^® to Maud his daughter, by Susanna his wife, two
acres in the fields towards Quatford, of the fee of Linley, which he
bought of William Pitz Tedbald. The rent was to be eightpence,
payable to the grantor for hfe, and then to the lights of the blessed
Virgin Mary of Quatford. Witness, Sir William de Chetinton,
then Chaplain of Quatford.
QIJATFOKD PABISH CHURCH AND INCUMBENTS.
Though Quatford Church ceased to be Collegiate within a few
years of its foundation, it nevertheless remained, having for its
parish a district identical with the Domesday Manor of Eardington.
The contrast which it thus presented to its former self is most
remarkable. As a Collegiate Church its foundation rests on the
clearest evidence : the earliest feature of its parochial state is two
centuries of all but oblivion.
Sir William de Chetinton, its Chaplain, just mentioned, was
probably the earliest Incumbent of whom we are likely to hear, and
his Incumbency, if such it can be called, very much like that of
the Chaplains of Morville and Astley Abbots, of whom we have
heard already.
In 1255, Quatford is said^° to be' '^ a member of the Church of
faced with a scutcheon of arms on each
side of the head. The dexter shield seems
to have been charged with a lion rampant,
the sinister with two lions passant (the
bearing of Le Strange, who was mesne
Lord of Glazeley).
« Blakeway MSS, in Bibl. Bodl.
^ Ibidem. Parochial Notices 11, 340.
The fomilj of linlej had an interest in the
Borough of Bridgnorth by special grant
of King Henry II ; and Sir William le
Forcer, a coheir of Linley, was concerned
at Dudmaston in time of Edw. II. (Char-
ter at Dudmaston). The grantor above (6r
his memorialist) has mistaken the Patron
Saint of Quatford Church, unless indeed
there were an Altar of the Virgin therein,
to which he dedicated his endowment.
w Eof, Hund, n, 59. — ^A document of
1412-3, speaks of Quatford Chapel as an-
nexed to the Deanery. (Pat, 14 Hen.
IV. memb. 29).
116
QUATFORD.
Claverley/' and the Church of Claverley was always attached to the
Deanery or chief Prebend of St. Mary Magdalene^ of Brag.
Whether this summary notice of Quatford alludes to the Churchy
or to some lands in the parish^ does not appear from the context of
the passage quoted.
In 1291^^ we just know that there was a Church here, from being
told that it was not worth £^ per annum, and so not taxable.
Possible mention of another Incumbent here, in 1316, may have
been already made.^^ If so, he was called Parson, — ^but that may
have been the result of his more valuable preferment elsewhere.
In 1341, the village of Quatford ^ is mentioned as having been
taxed to the ninths according to the value of the Parish Church, and
so excepted from the general taxation of Bridgnorth, though within
the liberties of that Borough.
This separate taxaticm of Quatford does not however occur any-
where on the Roll. It was probably never levied, as we know from
other authority ^^ that the lands of St. Mary Magdalene paid
nothing to this tax.
The ^ Valor Ecclesiasticus' of 1535 makes no mention of Quat-
ford Church in any relation whatever.
AECHITECTUBAL BEMAINS OF THE OLD CHURCH.
The outside of this Church exhibits no architectural details earliei*
than about the fourteenth century, with the exception of a smcdl
window on the north side of the Chancel. The Chancel-arch is
also of late Norman or transitional character; but there seems
reason to believe that the present Church preserves the ground-
plan of the original structure, I mean that which existed in the
twelfth century, the western tower having been added at a later
period ; for the Chancel-arch is built of a sort of tufa,^^ and the
same is found in the walls of both the Nave and Chancel, the
masonry of which, near the ground, is such as we might look for
in that period.
The tower, and some of the upper parts of the walls, including
the windows, are of sandstone.
^^ Pope Nicholas* Taxatiou, page 166.
^ Vide su^a, page 77, note 253.
^ Iitq. Nonctrum, page 191.
^ Ibidem, pp. 190 and 194, suh Mo-
merfeld and Clayerley.
^ Mr. Hartflhome sajs that this tu&
** must have been brought hither up the
Serem out of Gloucestershire, as the
nearest deposit of that formation lies at
Stroud.'* {Salopia AtUiqua, p. 232).
CHANCEL, qUATFORD.
FONT, QUATFORD.
EARDINGTON.
117
The Font is a circular basin^ on a cluster of four short massive
shafts. The ornament with which it is enriched gives so completely
the tracery and panelling of the fourteenth century^ that I cannot
refer it to any other period^ and the material is sandstone^ not the
tufa of the Chancel- arch and walls. It is, however, not impossible
that the ornament may have been sculptured upon an old and plain
basin.
Near the door are some incised and sculptured slabs of stone,
representing a sort of cross : they seem to have belonged to altar-
tombs.
J. L. Petit.
€artiittjjton.
We now recross to the western bank of the Severn, where lay the
bulk of the Domesday Manor of Eardington. This we have already
seen appropriated by the Norman Earl, and granted to his Church
of Quatford, but not without a compensation to the Saxon house
of St. Milburg, then represented by Wenlock Priory.
Eardington hereupon became divided into two portions, allotted
to two stalls of the EarFs Prebeudal Church. With one of these
was associated the Church of Alveley, — and, consequently, that
Prebend was usually called the Prebend of Alveley, while the other
was always known as the —
PKEBEND OF EAEDmGTON.
XJlger, the first whom I find with this preferment, lived in the
time of King Henry II. As early as 1169, Hulger, the Clerk, was
one of the Visors appointed ^^ by writ of Richard de Luci to super-
intend works at the Tower of Brug. Ulger, variously called Clerk
and Canon, discharged a similar trust in 1170 and four following
years, under writs ^^ both of Richard de Luci and the King.
^ Fi^ MoUf 15 Hen. II, Salop.
•7 Pipe SollSy 16 to 20 Hen. II, Salop.
Visors or viewers were appointed by the
Crown for various purposes. In the
present and similar instances their duty
was not only to see that the works were
properly performed, but to check the
Sheriff's expenditure thereon.
118 EARDINGTON.
Ulger's successor was R.^ son of Hugh Pautulf. As Hugh Pan-
tulf was not married before 1170^ the succession of his younger son
(and he had several) to a Church dignity will probably have been
at least thirty y^ars later. B. Pantulf's tenure of this Prebend
will also have been very brief; for, as we shall see presently, his
predecessor's ^ name was used to describe the Prebend when his
successor was appointed.
On Nov. 1, 1203, King John, then at Vemeuil,*'' certifies
Geofl&^y, Bishop of Coventry, that '^ we have conceded, and, so far as
the patron is concerned, given to Alexander, Chaplain of our be-
loved William de Breose, that Prebend in our Chapel of Bruges
which is vacant and is of our donation, which Ulger, and after him
R., son of Hugh Pantulf, held. So that,'' says the King, " Ralph
de Cirencester, our Clerk, may hold that Prebend, paying thereof
annually to said Alexander, as to the Parson, 100s. in name of
pension. Wherefore we command you that you admit the said
Alexander to the Parsonage, and the said R. to the perpetual
Vicarage of that Prebend, and institute them on our presentation
aforesaid.''
2 Feb. 1206, King John, at Nottingham,^^ addressing the Dean
of Brug, informs him that he has granted to Master John Wtheng
that Prebend in his (the King's) Church of Brug, which is vacant
and was Wlger the Canon's. The Dean is to admit him and do
therein whatever pertains to him to do.
6 June, 1226. Henry de Comhull, Chancellor of London, is
presented^^ to that Prebend in the King's Chapel of Brug, which had
been Master Wyteng's. The Constable of Brug is to induct him.
" Ulger, a Canon, was living in Oct.
1203, and possessed of a free tenement in
Brokton, whereof Willi2un de Brokton had
disseized him. ( Vid» Salop Assiz, 5 John,
memb. 4 recto).
*9 Hot. Fat, 5 John, memb. 6 recto.
There are two points noticeable in this
presentation : — 1st, that the Peculiar Ju-
risdiction, afterwards so jealously guarded
by the Crown, seems either forgotten or
not fully established, otherwise a Bishop
would not haye been addressed : 2dly,
that the Bishop addressed is of Coventry,
showing that the ancient diocese of Chester
crossed the Severn at tliis one point to
include Eardington, a boundary which,
though sometimes ignored, was again
recognized in the Valor of Henry Vlll.
The rights of the Peculiar Jurisdiction
will have made the question practically
unimportant; and hence perhaps the
confusion.
^ Eot. Pat. 7 Joh. memb. 3. On the
26th of May following. Master John
Witeing was appointed Justiciar to assess
an aid in Warwickshire {Eot. Pat. 8 John,
memb. 1). He was a Prebendary also of
St. Paul's.
« Eot. Pat. 10 Hen. IH. Henry de
Comhull, Chancellor of St. Paul's, held
that office from 1217 for some years. He
became Dean of that Church in 1244), and
died April 9, 1254. {Bugd. St. PauFs,
pp. 224, 232).
EARDINGTON.
119
In 1255, Peter de Darham held this Pfebetid/* which the Juroris
of Brug valued at ten merks (£6. 13^. 4rf.) and the Jurors of Stot-
tesden at seventeen merks (j611. 6*. 8rf.) per annum.
In Oct. 1272, the same Peter was in possession, and the Prebend
valued at 15 merks (£10). He is reported as a defaulter in
attendance at the Assizes.*^
In 1284, John de Lukes is returned** as holding half the vill of
Herdington of the King in capite.
In 1291, '^ the portion of the Prebend^^ of Sir John de Luk in the
parish of Quatford, the Deanery of Stottesden, and the Diocese of
Hereford, is taxed (valued) at £1/^ but another part of the same
record says that " John de Luke^s Prebendary of Bruges has at
Erdinton half a carrucate of land which, with its meadows,
pastures, mill, perquisites, and all other profits, is worth £6, 6s. Srf.
per annum.'' The former was the income of the Spiritualities, the
latter of the Temporalities of his Prebend.
In Oct. 1292, the Jurors for Brug valued^^ John de Luke's Prebend
of Erdyton at 14 merks (^£9. 6s. Sd.) .
In March, 1316, John de Luk is again retumed*^ as Lord of
Erdyngton.
In 10 Ed. Ill (1336), Nicholas de Roton was presented^^ by the
King to this Prebend, and —
In 13 Ed. Ill (1339), Philip Wascon.^^
2 Nov. 1395, Nicholas Rape having resigned, Guy More was
presented''^ by King Richard II.
In 1535, William Hoorde is returned^^ as holding the prebend of
Erdinton in the Archdeaconry of Stafford and Diocese of Coventry
« Bot Emd, II, 69 and 83. This
Peter da Durham had been in the employ
of Henry de Oomhull as early as 1225
{Mot. Clam». II, 146). In Auguat 1226,
one Peter, a Chaplain, was Chutoi of Mor-
yiUe Bridge, and had the King's precept
to the Forester of Shropshire to allow him
timber for its repair out of Shirlet Forest
(Claw, n, 135).
^ Salop AjuU. 56 Hen« III, memb. 49
dorto* He had previously, viz., at the
Forest Assizes, 1262, been amerced 20
shillingt for de&ult {Fladta Fore^ta,
Salop. 46 Hen. Ill, memb. 5 dorso).
^ KWhy't Quest, Stottesden Hund.
« Pope Nie. Tax. 166, b., and 162,
b., note Jc»
" Plac. Corona. Salop. 20 Ed. I,
memb. 87 dorso.
V Nomina ViUartm, 9 Ed. H. (ParUa-
mentary Writs, IV, 398).
^ Bot. Pat. 10 Ed. Ill, pars 2, mmb.
22.
•9 Itot. Pat. 13 Ed. in, pars 1, memb.
31.
70 JBlakewa^ MSS. in Bibl. Bodl.
71 Valor JEcclenaatietUf III, 199, where
the recognition of the original Diocese ia
to be observed.
16
120
EARDINGTON.
and Lichfield. Its value in glebe lands is stated at £6. ISs. 44., in
other tithes and oblations at £3. 6s. Sd., — giving a total of £10
per annum.
FBEBEND OF ALVELEY.
In giving a list of the early Prebendaries of this other portion of
Eardington we necessarily include some account of the Church of
Alveley, whose Incumbents held this dignity.
The first whom I find thus beneficed was William le Strange,
probably a near relation of Guy le Strange, who became Lord of
Alveley by grant^^ of Henry II in 1155.
In Oct. 1203, Christiana, widow of Richard de Constantin, had
disseized William le Strange of his free tenement in Erdinton since
Michaelmas 1199. William recovered seizin and 3 shillings
damages.*^^
In Nov. 1221, William le Strange was returned^* as holding the
Church of Alveley, having been presented thereto by King Henry II.
It was worth 30 merks (£20). He will therefore have held this
Prebend thirty-three years at least, but on Jan. 7, 1223, he had
resigned, for on that day King Henry III conferred the Church on
William de Harcourt, who will also have been related to one of the
then co-heirs of Alveley Manor. On this occasion the Bishop of
Coventry was ordered to institute.
Notwithstanding this resignation of William le Strange he was
presented 76 at Salop Assizes in Oct. 1227 as holding the Church of
Alveley. . The mistake arose probably from the identity of Christian
^ Cart. Cotton, xi. 14, in Brit. Mus.
^ Salop Assizes, 5 John, memb. 4 recto.
Christiana was probably at this period
holding dower in the adjacent Manor of
Oldbury.
^* Salop Assizes, 6 Hen. in, memb. 9
dorso. This Prebendary was probably the
same person with William le Strange, Dean
of St. Mary's, Satop (JEKst. Shr. yoL ii.
p. 325) ; but I cannot think, as there sur-
mised, that he was brother of Ghiy Hamo
and John le Strange, nor that they had
any brother William. The Charter to
which Mr. Blakeway apparently refers for
this relationship^ is an abbreviated one in
^arl. MS. 2188, fo. 123, and gives John
|e Strange and William his brother as
witnesses; but the Chartulary at Sundom,
quoting, I think, the same original deed,
has John le Strange and Wido (Guy) his
brother as witnesses. A William le
Strange is indeed a witness of two other
deeds in the Haghmon Chartulary, and
him I take to have been our Frebemdary,
and perhaps afterwards Dean of St.
Mary's ; but both these deeds passed
after the deaths of GKiy and John le
Strange the elder. I think that there is
a further mistake, in the Hist, of Shrews-
bury, in giving this William a daughter ;
and that itwas his sisterwho married Alan le
Poer. (VideHaghmon Chartidary,fo.l81).
7^ Assize Soil, incorporated in Testa
de Nevill, p. 64.
EARDINGTON.
m
name and the consanguinity of himself and his successor. More-
over these Prebendaries of Bridgnorth will not usually have been
resident^ but rather represented by their several Vicars. If so, the
Jurors, who made these presentments at County Assizes, may very
possibly have remained ignorant of the resignation of any Preben-
dary for some time after such event. We have already seen that
their knowledge of the value of each Prebend was extremely in-
accurate.
On 8 April, 1241, William de Haverhull was presented by King
Henry III to the Prebend of Alvithel. The Constable of Brug had
the King's precept to induct him. ^c
8 June, 1250. A precept issued to Bobert de Brus, empowering
him to try a cause of novel disseisin between this Prebendary and
Madoc de Sutton about a tenement in Alvithleg.'^
26 Aug. 1252. Alexander Fisicus (Physician) is presented to
William de HaverhuU's vacant Prebend in the Chapel of Bru^.
The Constable is to induct.*^®
9 Sept. 1253. Henry de Wengham was presented to the Prebend
which Alexander Fisicus had held. Precept accordingly issued to
the Constable.'^®
In the Inquisitions of 1255, there were several presentments as to
this Church and Prebend. The Alveley jurors said ^ that Henry
de Wingham held the Church by the King's gift ; that it belonged
to a Prebend of the King's free Chapel, and was worth forty merks
(£26. ISs. 4rf. per annum) . The Stottesden jurors said si the same
in substance, but separately reported Sir Herii-y de Wyngeham's
share of Erdinton as worth sixteen merks (£10. ISs. 4rf.) They
also said that "Sir Henry de Wengham and Peter de Durelm
(Durham), Canons of Magdalene, are Lords of Erdinton, of the
King's gift ; wherein are six virgates of land ; and they do no suit,
nor pay stretward nor motfe, the jurors know not by what warrant."
The jurors of Bruges said,®^ on the same occasion, that " Henry de
Wingham holds one Prebend, viz. the Church of Alvitheley, with
its member Remesleg (Romesley), and it is worth forty merks
per annum."
7« Eot Fat., 25 Hen. III.
77 Ibidem, 34 Hen. HI.
78 Ibidem, 36 Hen. III.
7» Ibidem, 37 Hen. III. Exactly ten
years before (viz. Sept. 1243), this Henry
de Wengeham was serving the Eing in
Qascony, and reoeiyed a vrritten promise,
dated at Bourdeaux, as to his future
advanoement. (Bot Fat. 27 Hen. HE).
w Bot. JHund. vol. ii. p. 73.
« Ibidem, pp. 82, 83.
83 Ibidem, p. 59.
123
KARDINGTON.
Henry de Wengliam bad silao l)een presented in tluA year to the
Charcli of Woorfidd^ and> when theae inquisitiona were taken> waa
nothing less than Lord Chancellor of England. After serving the
Crown for some years in several minor capacities^ and receiving a
correspondent share of patronage^ he waa appointed ^ to the Chan-
cellorship by patent of January 5th^ 1255. He held this office till
October 18th^ 1360^ a Custos being nominated during his occasional
absence from Court, and once during his illness. On February 15tb,
1260, he was consecrated Bishop of London, and died in October,
1262.
His successor in the Prebend of Alveley waa Hugh de la Penne,
appointed,®* by letters patent to the constable of Bmgea^ on 28th
December, 1260.
At Salop Assizes, October, 1272, Hugo de la Penne's Prebend of
Alvitheleg was returned as worth sixty merka (£40 per annum).
The Prebendary was also reported aa a defaulter in due attend-
ance 8* at the assizes. In 1284, Hugo de la Penne ia returned aa
Lord of half the vill of Erdington.s^ .
In 1291, amongst the spiritualities of the Deanery of Stottesden
and diocese of Hereford, ^' the portion of the Preboad of Hugh dQ
Penne in the Parish of Quatford'' is valued ^t at £1, and his
temporalities at Erdintone, consisting of land^ meadows, rente, with
^^ (^l^eraciombu9'' and perquiaitesj, at £1. 18^« 6 J,
At Salop Assizes, October, 1292, Hugo de la Fennels Prebend of
Alvitheleye was returned^ aa worth eighty merka (£53, 6^, 8d. per
annum) .
23d February, 1328, Thomaa Talbot, clerk, waa presented ^^ to
this Prebend, and 19th September, 1334, he was promoted to the
chief Prebend or Deanery.
In 5 Edw. Ill (1331), Richard Oweine's presentation^ to thia
Prebend seems to have been revoked.
In 11 Edw. m (1337), G. Chilchethe, previou&ly Prebendary of
Underdon, waa presented to this.^^
® Hardy^s ChancellorSj p. 9.
84 Sot. Fat, 45 Hen. III. This Hugh
de la Penne was also Bector of Worfield,
by th^ King's gilt. {Atsiat. of^ ScUop.
&6 Hen. III. memb. 2% dorso).
^ Salop Asskes, 56 Hen. Ill, memb.
49 dorso.
* Kirhy'a Qf<e«^.
^ Pope Nich. TaxaHon, 160, b. and
162, b. Operaciones were the works per-
formed by inferior tenants in lieuof remt^
® Placita CoroikSy 20 Edw. I, memb.
37 dorso.
» Sot Fat. % Ed, m, part i^ memb.
29 ; and 8 Ed. m, part ii, memb. 35.
^ Ibidem, 5 Ed. Ill, part i, memb. 83.
»i JSo#. Pat X\, Ed. IXK^ part 9, memk
38,30,
BARDINGTON. 123
In the Inquisition of the Ninths a. d. 1341 > the assessora rated ^
"the two portions of the Church which were in Erdjmton at 31
shillings for the ninth of wheats wool, and lamb in the same Parish."
This assessment is informal, as Eardington was not a parish^ neither
were the portionists or their tenants amenahle^^ to the tax. If it
means anything it relates to some tenure in Eardington Manor not
held of the Church.
In 23 Edw, III (1349), Thomas Brember was presented to this
Prebend^
28 Oct. 1361, John de Buckingham was presented.^
40 Edw. Ill (1366), it was granted^® to William of Wickham,
who, in the following year, was consecrated Bishop of Winchester,
and appointed ChanceUor of England. He survived the period of
his greatest advanoement thirty-seven years. Who would know
further of his genius, his honours, and his great munificence, may
learn much at Windsoar, Winchester, cxr Oxfinrd, more still in the
archives of a Nation, but most of all in the imperishable record of a
venerated name.
Passing &om the mention of princely sacrifice to a memorial^ of
another kind, we see (in 1535) the Ibrebend of Aheley, now ripe
for confiscation, valued for King Henry VIII as follows : —
^^ John Belletour, Prebendary of the Collegiate Church of St.
Mary Magdalene, has the Prebend of Alvdey in the County of
Sal<^^ Archdeaconry of Stafford, and Dkxxae of Coventry and
Lichfield j and it is worth annually> in the value of glebe land
thereunto pertaining, £5. Qs^ 8<f*; and in other tithes, oblations^ and
emoluments, beyond expenses, £8/' Total value, £13. 6^* 8tf«
Of tenants and their lands, in Eardington^^ held probably under
one or other of the last-named Prebends, we have a few notices*
The principal tenement eonoemed will be —
THE HAY.
Aug. 122& Alan de Haya was pledge of Henry Pit% Thomas in
a suit whidi the latter had against the Abbot of Salop, about land
in MorviHe.**
** ^. If^nar^m, page 194k
« Vide supiHK pp, 39 & 70.
»♦ Sot Pat 2& Bdw. IH, part 3,
mernb. 1.
" Blakewatf M88. in Bibl. Bodl. | memb. 4 dorso.
» J^.PM.40Edw.III,part2^m«Biik.
as. apnd Tanmei^y MHi. Monatt
V rklorJScoUncmHctu^TJIyia9^>
124
EARDINGTON.
This Alan de Haya was probably the same with Alan de Erdinton^
whose son Richard de la Rode has already^ occurred as purchasing
and selling land in Deepdale (Astley Abbots).
About the same time^^^ Thomas^ son of Alan de la Hay^ sold to
Master Fremund de Erdinton all his land of the Hay^ — the pur-
chaser to pay 10«. rent to Thomas de Chabbenour^ the Chief Lord.^^^
Witness^ Sir Thomas de Constantine.
The Stottesden Jurors of 1256^ in answer to the inquiry as to
^^ What spiritual persons (viri religiosi) or others prosecute laymen
before the Judges Delegate or the Ordinaries^^' stated as follows ;
that^ ^' Fremund de Erdinton summoned Richard de Waskebache^
and Walter^ his brother^ because Bichard^s dog barked at him^ and
that for this cause he got 48. from Richard and 2s, from Walter : ^^
also^ that the same ^' Fremund summoned Juliana de Glaseley be-
fore the Judges Delegate in a plea of Covenant which was between
them about half a merk^ and got from her a whole merk/'^^
After this some notices occur of a family taken to be collaterally
related to Fremimd de Erdinton^ if not his heirs.
In August^ 1267^ Stephen Spereman^ and Emma his wife^ had
sued out a writ of mort d'ancestre against Reginald Reed^ about a
messuage in Brug^ and had license to sue out a better writ.^^
By deed^ sans date, John del Hay demises to Fromund^ son of
Reginald de Erditon, all his land in the Hay.^^
About 1283, Thomas, son of Herbert de la Hay, grants^^*^ to
Fromund, son of Reginald Red, of Erdinton, land at the Hay, with
a capital messuage. Witnesses, Ralph de Arraz, Hugo de Dode-
moneston, Nicholas le Palmer, of Brug.
^ Yide supra, page 64, and also page
63, where, if the above be correct, I shall
haye named Alan de Haya under a wrong
locality.
^ Otley DeedSy quoted in Blakeway
M88. in Bibl. BodL
101 Q^his Thomas de Chabbenour was, I
suppose, son of that Thomas Fitz Odo
whom we haye aL*eady had as Gustos of
the neighbouring Manor of Tasley in
Henry 11*8 time (Vide supra, page 86).
His being called Chief Lord only implies
that he held oyer the Yendor,.and is quite
consistent with his being himself a tenant
of the Church.
^ Rot. EwHd, II, 88. The Judges of
Ecclesiastical Causes are here distinguish-
ed into Ordinaries and Delegates. The
former were Judges ex qffido, as a Bishop
in his diocese, or an Archdeacon in his
Archdeaconry. The latter were appointed
on special occasions. An appeal to the
See of Bome generally resulted in the ap-
pointment of Judges Delegate to deter-
mine it.
'^ PlacUa coram Bege, apud Salop,
51 Hen. IH, memb. 6 dorso.
'^ Otley Deeds, nt supra.
^^ Otl^ Deeds, ut supra.
EARDINGTON.
125
11 Edw. I (1283), Fremund de Erdinton binds himself by deed to
supply Thomas, son of Herbert, with all the necessaries of life.
About the same time Fremund de Erdinton attests an agreement ^^
between the Abbots of Dieulacres and Salop about lands in Lan-
cashire.
Oct. 18, .1288. He attests, at Brug, a deed relating to land at
Astley Abbots.i^^
17 Edw. I (1289), Richard, son of Reginald Rud, having reco-
vered in the King^s Court at Westminter, seizin of a messuage and
carrucate in the More, near Erdington, against Fromund Rud, and
the latter having, as alleged, redisseized him, mandate issues to the
Sheriff to inquire if this be so, and to arrest the oflfender.^^
Oct. 1292, Fremund de Erdinton was on the Jury for the Bo-
rough of Brug, which attended the Assizes.^^
I have been thus particular to state all I could meet with relative
to this Fremund, because he was one of the first recorded^^® Bur-
gesses who was summoned to Parliament for Bridgnorth. With
Andrew Bolding he was returned to the Parliament, which was to
meet at Westminster on 13th November, 1295, but which was pro-
rogued to November 27.
24 Edw. I (1296), Alice, daughter of Nicholas Cinevet, of Quat-
ford, grants to Fromund, son of Reginald Rud, of Erdinton, eight
ridges (seyliones) of land in the field towards the Hay, between the
land of said Fromund and the road which leads to the ford of
Severn, near the weir (gurgitem) of Quatford, and extending from
Fromund^s land to Hamstodeshal."^
Fromund is witness to a number of deeds ^^^ of this period which
relate variously to lands in Bridgnorth and Astley Abbots, and
passed at those places or at ^^Sevame.^' Those dated are of
Jan. 3, 1296; Sept. 26 and Oct. 4, 1297; Nov. 25, 1298; Dec.
24, 1302; Feb. 15, 1303; and Oct. 19, 1305.
In 28 Ed. I (1300), he was grantee ^^^ of Roger, son of Roger
Chete, senior, of Brug, a culture in -the fields of Brug, bounded
by Morf Forest and the land of the Hospital of Saint John
Baptist. This will have lain east of the Severn.
>» Salop Chartulary, No. 270.
W7 Charter at Apley Park.
i« Ori^nalia, 17 Edward I. Eot. 25.
i« PlacUa Corona, Salop, 20 Ed. I,
memb. 51 reoto.
"0 Farliamewtaiy WriU, 1,41.
"1 Otletf MSS.Mt sxi^Ttk,
113 Charters at Apley Park.
i» CWfey Jlf5'5'. ut supra.
126 THE MORE.
Sept. 19^ 1304. He was foreman of the Jtutnrs/^^ who sat at
Bridgnorth^ on an inquest of ad quod damnum, which concerned a
purchase made by the Prior of Malvern in Qnat.
In 2 Edw. II (1308), he was dead, having been seized of diverse
lands and tenements in " Brugges juxta le Hay/^ and of 20 acres of
land and 1 acre of meadow in Oldbury.^^^ A part of this, viz.,
4 acres in "Bruges juxta le Hay," was held in capite, and in
Michaelmas Term of the same year, Reginald, his son and heir,
paid 2s, relief thereof.^^*
In 1 Edw. Ill (1327), Hugh Mortimer, of Chelmarsh, granted
to Reginald de la Hay, son of Fromimd de Erdinton, all right in
158. 6d. of that rent of I6s. 6d. which was due from said Reginald
annually for land which he held of said Hugh in the Hay.^^^
In 3 Edw. Ill (1329), the same Reginald had a grant from Alan
de Olazeley of a meadow, called the Ree, in the field of Brug.^^^
CJe ^oxt.
(THE MOOR RIDDING.)
This was a small tenement, which, though now combined paro-
chially and manorially with Eardington, seems never to have passed,
under any grant, to the Canons of St. Mary Magdalene, but to have
constituted a separate tenure in capite of the Crown from the
earliest recorded period.
The King's tenant here was a layman, who held hy petit serjeantry.
Curious as some of these tenures were, the one under notice was
distinguished by that extreme eccentricity which marks the very
oldest. Its origin and meaning are alike lost in remote antiquity.
"< InqmHUotu, 32 Ed. I, No. 112. j the Hay Estate, in Mr. Dukes' AnHquities
iJ* Ibidem, 2 Ed. II, No. 32.
^^ Dukes' AntiquUies, page 61.
^^ Otley MSS, ut supra.
^^ Ibidem. I refer the reader to some
later and interesting particulars relative to
of ShropaJwrBf Appendix, page xlii. 0am-
den's identification of the estate with
" Little Brugge" (there quoted) is^ how-
erer, quite a mistake.
THE MORE. 127
The moat reasonable account of its nature seems to be this : — ^
The King's tenant at the More held his land (a virgate) by ser-
vice of appearing yearfy in the Exchequer, on the morrow of Michael-
mas Day, with a hazel rod, of a year's growth and a cubit's length,
and two knives. The Treasurer and Barons being present, the
tenant was to attempt to sever the rod with one of the knives,
which (apparently to prove the soundness of the rod) was to bend
or break. The other knife was to do the same work at one stroke,
and then be given up to the King's Chamberlain for royal use.
The only intelligible object of this service was, of course, that the
King should be annually supplied with a knife of uncommon temper.
We may conjecture endlessly and vainly as to how he came to look
to his tenant of the secluded More for such an implement. Imagi-
nation presents some incident of a Boyal Chase in the Forest of
Morf or of Shirlet — some moment of kingly peril and opportune
aid — a lost or broken couteaux de chasse replaced by the trusty
blade of some watchful and well-rewarded follower.
The earliest recorded notice^ of this tenure occurs on a Eoll of
Shropshire serjeantries, which is of date 13 John (1211). It
merely says, that —
''Kichard de (read le) Medler holds one virgate of land, and
renders for the same annually, at the feast of Saint Nicholas (read
Michael), two knives (knipulos).'^
A second contemporary EolP supplies the place of payment, viz.,
the Exchequer ; a third^ writes the name Richard le Mener.
In 1245 Nicholas de More is said^ to pay at the Exchequer two
knives (cultellos), one good, the other very bad, for certain land
which he holds of the King in capite in More.
In 1255, the Stottesden Jurors report,^ that ^' Nicholas le Medler
holds one virgate in More in capite of the Lord King, rendering at
the Exchequer two knives, one of which ouj^ht to cut a hazel rod
(et alium splicantem in caseo jBrisco^), and he does no other service
for the said land."
In Nov. 1274, Jurors of the same Hundred say''' at length, that
''Nicholas de la More holds one virgate in that vill of the Lord
^ Testa de Nevillj p. 56.
2 Ibidem, p. 417.
3 Bed Book of JExcheguer, fo. cxxxvii.
* Mich, Commun. 29 Hen. Ill, apud
Madox Excheq. 611, r. I need hardly
point out that the names le Medler and
de More describe the same persons.
« Bot. Eund. n, 108.
* Probably "plicantem'* is the proper
word, and refers to the other knife which
ought to bend. The words "in caseo
frisco,** if they mean in a new case^ must
belong to the first knife.
7 Bot. Rund, II, 108.
17
128
BOLEBEC.
King in capite by aeijeantry^ of taking two knives to the King's
Exchequer at the feast of St. Michael in each year; so that he
ought to cat a hazel rod with one knife^ as that the knife should
bend (plicare) with the stroke ; and again^ he ought to cut a rod
with the other knife."
The record of 1284 describes^ Nicholas de la More as holding
three parts of a virgate and two moors^ by serjeantry^ &c. The
Jurors of October^ 1292, say, that William de la More of Erdyn-
ton holds one virgate in the More by serjeantry of taking two
knives to the King's Exchequer on the morrow of St. Michael, and
to cut with the same knives two rods of hazel.^^
The best account of all^^ seems to be given under 3 Rich. II
(1379), when Walter de Aldenham was holding the serjeantry. It
is mainly the authority for what was stated at first about the tenure,
except that it says that both knives were to be given up to the
Chamberlain.
3BoUt)et^
'' The Earl himself holds Bolebec. Stenulf held it in time of
King Edward. Here is half a hide, geldable. There is arable land
sufficient) for 1 ox-team. It was and is waste." ^
Such is the Domesday notice of a Manor which follows Earding-
ton and precedes Ovre in that survey. Several localities have at
various times suggested themselves or been proposed as identicle
with Bolebec. These, as 1 remember, were Boscobel, Boningale,
Bold, Colebatch, and Bolas, none of which have any more apparent
the same Record of 3 Rich. II. The
latter is the year g^ven by Mr. Dukes on
page xxvi of the same Appendix, to
which I refer for a yery able and interest-
ing notice of this Serjeantry. The cus-
toms connected with it are traced down
to a very recent period. A few dates and
names, and the locality, are all that I have
added to the previous account.
* Kirhff's Quett,
^ The word is written moreU — for mo-
rcUy I presume.
^ Flaeita Corona, Salop, 20 Ed. I,
memb. 20.
" Vide Dukes' Appendix to AntiqmUes
of Shropshire, page xxiv, where, I pre-
sume, the note refening to " Mich. Com.
3 Ed. I, Rot. 1, Salop," is a mistake for
^ Ipse come stenet Bolebec. Stenulf te -
nuit tempore Regis Edwardi Ibi dimidia
hida geldabilis. Terra est 1 carrucse. Wasta
fuit et est. (Domesday, fo. 254, a^ 1.)
BOLEBEC. 129
Domesday notice. However^ the name of BoBcobel belongs^ I ima-
gine^ to a much more recent nomenclature^ and the subsequent status
of both BoBcobel^ Boningale^ Bold^ and Colebatch^ excepts each of
them from all probability of having been, like Bolebec, a demesne
Manor of Earl Roger. This is not the case with Bolasj whose
condition in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries was exactly that
which we should have expected to result from such a Domesday
stattts as that of Bolebec. But the last syllables of the two names
have no etymological affinity^ and Solas is in the area of the Ddmes^
day Hundred of Recordine, through which the survey* of Earl
Roger's demesnes had already passed before it arrived at Earding-
ton. Lastly, Bolas was a much larger Manor than would consist
with the type of Bolebec.
We have therefore to look elsewhere than to mere surmises for a
probable solution of this difficulty.
As regards position in Domesday Book, Bolebec follows Earding-
ton (a manor of Alnodestreu Hundred), and precedes Ovre (a
manor of Conedovre Hundred) ; but the mention of Ovre in this
place is both redundant and imperfect, for it is noticed more fully
elsewhere,^ and shown not to have been of the Earl's demesne. Its
insertion here is therefore a mistake, and Bolebec becomes the last
Manor of demesne ; also, Eardington (which precedes it) remains
the only guide to its proximate situation.
As reg^ds etymology,-^a Domesday manor, written Bolebec,
would ordinarily become Bolebatch, — as the Domesday Huelbec and
Polrebec have become Pulverbatch and Welbatch ; but though many
places in Shropshire have the final syllable required,^ we look in
vain for any Bol^atch.
It is now time to state that Bolebec is in every letter a purely
Norman name. The pays de Caux had a town, a river, and a family
so called. It is reasonable therefore to suppose that the name was
affixed to some Shropshire locality by the Normans, which locality
afterwards recovered its previous appellation,^
3 The Domesday demesnes of the Earl
were of two classes ; first, those which
King Edward had held, which are enu-
merated consecutively J secondly, those
which the Mercian Earls or others had
held, and which seem to be enumerated
with some reference to position : at all
events, no two consecutive Manors were
so distant from each other as Bolas and
Eardington. It is farther believed that
the silence of Domesday as to Bolas is to
be accounted for rather than questioned i
but of that hereafter.
> Domesday^ fo. 259 b.
< There was a Wallsbatch near Eard-
ington, but it never was a separate Manor;
also a Ficklebatch, similarly insignificant.
^ Though Celt, Eoman, Dane and Saxon
130
BOLEBEC.
Further, we must look for the representative of Bolebec in some
Manor afterwards retained in demesne by, or held in capite of the
Crown. Such is the analogy observable in the Norman EarVs
demesnes.
The name of the Saxon holder, Stenulf, will not give any addi-
tional clue, for it occurs nowhere else in the Shropshire Domesday.
Finally, the extent and condition of the MancH* in 1086 was—
half a hide of unvalued waste land.
Summarily, then, we must look for Bolebec in some half-hide of
waste land, not far from Eardington, not retaining the name of
Bolebec, yet not mentioned under any other name in Domesday —
and after the Norman EarFs forfeiture held by, or immediately of,
the Crown.
All these conditions, except that of extent, will be fulfilled in the
Moor, as above described.
It is however always estimated at 1 virgate (i.e. i hide), an ob-
jection certainly to its comparison with Bolebec, but one which has
a parallel in many undoubted cases of identity.
Again, the Moor was never involved in Eardington ; for, if it had
been, it would have passed under Earl Roger's grant to Quatford
Church. Not being involved, it must be presumed to have had some
distinct DoTuesday type ? If Bolebec were not that type, what was ?
Finally, when we see the waste state of the Domesday Manor
perpetuated in the very name of Moor, and when we hear that the
latest performers of that serjeantry (by which Moor was once held)
were summoned by the Exchequer Crier, as ^'Tenants of a piece of
waste ground called the Moors,'' to come forward to do their
annual service in Court ; ^ — if, after aU this, we cannot accept the
identity as proved, we need not at all events reject it till some more
probable theory be advanced.
have left reminiscenoes of themselves in
the local nomenclatiire of most districts
of England, so much can hardly be said
of the Normans. In old Shropshire they
gave a name to Montgomery before Domes-
day, and to Caus after Domesday; both
which names remain. Similarly (as I sup-
pose) they gave a name (Bolebec) to the
Moor, and a name (Dinan) to Ludlow.
One of these also was earlier, the other
later than Domesday; and both have
vanished. I do not at present remember
any other instance of a Norman name
having attached to a Shropshire locality.
Dinan, I ought to add, belongs rather to
Britanny than Normandy ; but the diffi-
culty of permanently fixing a foreign name
on an Anglo-Saxon locality is established
nevertheless.
^ See Dukes' Antiquities, Appendix, p.
xxvi. I must add an excuse for dwelling
at such length on a trivial though per-
haps curious question. Domesday is the
text-book with which I set out, and the
principles of investigation advanced under
Bolebec must often recur in the sequel.
131
^Hiijurp.
We have already ascertained that Ethelfleda^ Queen of the Mer-
cians^ built in the year 913 a fortress on the western side of the
Severn, in a place which Florence of Worcester marks as being
in his time called firycge. The passage of the Saxon Chronicle
which relates to the same event will, so far as the use of the word
Bpicje goes, have been interpolated two centuries later than ttie
event described. Its authority must therefore, as in a former
instance, give way to that of Florence, who lived when the name
of Bridge, or Brug, was first applicable to the locality of which he
spoke, lived too on the same river, and within a distance of thirty
miles from the spot.
Was then the site of Ethelfleda's fortress precisely that which
was afterwards occupied by Earl Robert de Belesme ? Florence,
whom we have thus far upheld as the best authority, says so in the
most distinct terms.^ Perhaps, however, it will be no great incon-
sistency if we venture to vary from Florence's statement to the
extent of about 200 yards in the direction of Oldbury.
It is to be observed, that the name Oldbury is nothing else than
old boroughy and that, in Ethelfleda's other foundations, a Borough
was usually associated with a castle. Such were Bramsbury,
Tamworth, Stafford, Eddesbury, Warwick, Chirbury, and Weard-
biuy, whose names alone, where their locality is doubtftd, are
sufficient to prove the theory.
The bank which fronts the Castle Hill of Bridgnorth to the south,
is in Oldbury Manor, and is distinguished by a large mound of
earth, whose regular shape proves it to be artificial. The soil in
^ Flor. Wigom, vol. ii. page 49. Areem
quam in occidentali Sabrinse fluminis
plag&, in loco qui Brycge dicitur linguA
SaxomdL, ^gelfleda Mercionun domina
construxeraty Botbertus de Beleasmo Bo-
geii Oomitis filius, contra Begem Hen-
ricum at exitus rei probayit muro lato
et alto, smnmoque restaurare coepit. See
also Simeon Dunelm, (Florence's OopylBt),
page 217.
132
OLDBURY.
several directions about this mound also bears traces of disturbance.
Tradition has ascribed the whole creation to the parliamentary
forces^ who, after burning the town in Easter week, a.d. 1646, were
occupied about another month in reducing the Castle. But the
creation and use of this earthwork are two things which, however
distinct in themselves, may easily have been confused by tradition.
The spot still retains the name of 'the Old Castle,^ and doubtless
assumed its conical form ages before cannon were invented or
Parliaments heard of.^
A deed^ dated at Brug, in the year 1299, describes an acre of
land in the fields of Oldbury, as bounded on one side by the lands
of John de Oldbury; on another by the road which leads to Oldbury
'' under the Old Castle,^' and on a third by " the King's highway,*
opposite the meadow of William Selymon, of Bnig.'^ The locality
is unmistakeable, as well as the fact, that in time of Edward 1, the
road from Bridgnorth to Oldbury went under what was then called
the Old Castle. Now Bridgnorth Castle was the existent and gar-
risoned castle of that period; therefore, ''the Old Castle'' must
have been a term describing something more aadent than Bridg-
north Castle.
Having now established in direction of Oldbury a Castle and
a Borough, each respectively older than the Castle and Borough of
Bridgnorth, we need not ask who founded them^ or discuss the
matter further.
Oldbury and its conical hill are reminiscences, verbal and ma-
terial^ of the Borough and Castle projected by Ethelfieda, Queen
of Mercia, in a.d. 913.
This foundation will, however, have proved abortive, for in time
of King Edward the Confessor (1043-1066), JBlward, a Saxon, to
whom perhaps it had been granted in the intervening century, was
seized of Oldbury, as well as of the neighbouring manors of Eudon
(now Eudon Bumell) and Glazeley.
It was probably the failure of Ethelfleda's design, rather than
^ There is little doubt tibat the Gfustle
was cannonaded, and fiom this spot, than
which none could be more eligible for such
a purpose, even if the artificial eleTation
had been absent. The great engineering
work of the Puritans, and which is re-
corded otherwise than by tradition, was
not the raising of this mound, but sapping
the Castle Hill on its northern side. The
Matter, in fact, it was which compelled the
ultimate surrender of the fortress.
3 In possession of H. C. Taylor, Esq.,
of ChicknelL
^ Not the present highway, iidiich is
quite modem, but t^e road called Oldbury
Lane.
OLDBURY.
133
a comparison with any more recent foundation, such as auatford,
which gave to this locality the distinctive name of " Old/'
The manor is noticed in Domesday as follows : — ^
The same Rainald (the Sheriff) holds (of the Earl) Aldeberie
and Badulf of him. Eluuard held it and was free. Here are 1
hide and 3 virgates, geldable. In demesne there is 1 ox-team;
and 7 serfs, 3 Frenchmen, 2 cottars, and 1 boor, with 2 ox-teams ;
and yet there may be two more such (teams). There is a mill of
28, (annual value), and a wood which will fatten 100 swine. In
time of King Edward it was worth 30*.; now it is worth 13*.
He (Eainald) found it waste.
- Of Radulf, the under-tenant, little more can be said, than that
he also held Fulwardine, in this Hundred, of the same Bainald
Vicecomes and Petton, in Baschurch Hundred, of Robert Pincema.
Finding each of these manors afterwards possessed by a family
which took its name and origin &om the Norman Cdtentin,® we
may conclude that Badulf was their ancestor. They subsequently
acquired the Manor of Eaton, in Becordine Hundred, and left with
it a memorial of their tenure, in the yet existing name of Eaton
Constantine.
Nor was the change of Badulf^s Domesday fief solely in the way
of acquisition. His successor, perhaps his son, Hugh de Constan-
tine, made a grant in Petton to Shrewsbury Abbey before 1121,
but no further trace remains of their ancient interest in that
manor. Reserving all general account of this family till we reach
Eaton Constantine, we will here notice only their connexion with
Oldbury.
In 1165, Helyas de Costetin held of Fitz Alan's Barony, by
service of one knight's fee, and two muntatores.'^ Half a fee, equal
to one muntator, will have been the contingent of Oldbury and
Fulwardine towards their service.
^ Isdem Bamaldufl tenet Aldeberie et
Badulfus de eo. Elunard tenuit et liber
fuit. Ibi i hida et- iii virgatsB geldabiles.
In dominio est unft oarraca et tu servi
et iii francigeni et ii ootarii et unus bor-
darius cum ii camicis, et aliee ii possent
esse. Ibi Molendinum de ii solidis et
Silya c porcis incrassandis. Tempore
Begis Edwardi yalebat zzx solidos. Modo
xiii solidos. Wastcun invenit. (Ihmesd.
fo. 265 a, 2.)
Domesday seems to speak of the waste
state of a Manor, with reference to three
periods ; yiz. the time of King Edward,
the time of transfer from Saxon to Nor-
man Lord, and the time when the Survey
was taken. Oldbury seems to hare been
waste (utterly valueless) at the period of
transfer; Bolebec, both then and when
the Survey was taken.
^ Yide Sist» ShrevMib.y vol. i. p. 26.
7 Liber Niger, vol. L p. 143.
184
OLDBURY.
At the Assizes of October, 1203, Christiana, widow of Richard de
Constantine (probably having dower here), had disseized William
le Strange of a tenement in Eardington. Her pledge for Ss.
damages, and an amercement of one merk was Thomas de Con-
stantine (her son probably).®
About 1240, Thomas de Costentin is returned as holding one
SLnighf s fee in Eton and Aldebur under Fitz Alan.'
In 1255, the return of the Stottesden Jurors relative to this
Manor was as follows : — " Thomas de Costentyn is Lord of Aldebyr',
and holds immediately of John Fitz Alan ; in which is one hide and
half of land, and he does suit to the Hundred Courts, and pays the
Sheriff 6rf. for stretward and 1*. for motfee^^^
At Salop Assizes, September, 1272. Thomas de Constentin was
reported by the Stottesden Jurors as making default in due attend-
ance.^^
In 1284, Adam de Montgomery (who had married the daughter
and sole heir of the last-named Thomas) is said to hold Hadebur,
under Richard Fitz Alan, of the honm of White Minster (Oswestry),
by one-third of a knight's fee.^^
The Inquisition (rf 18 Edw. I (1290), on death of Adam de
Montgomery, gives Oldebury as part of his tenure.^^
In 82 Edw. I (1304), Owen (Andoenus) de Montgomery had
the King's Charter of free- warren in Oldbury juxta Bruges.^*
In March, 1316, the Bishop of Chester is returned as Lord of
Oldbury ;^^ but of this change elsewhere.
Some notices of inferior tenancies here are as follows : —
April 15, 1263. A fine was levied at Westminster between
Johanna, widow of Hugh de Beckbury, complainant, and Master
Walter le Palmer, tenant, of IJ virgates in Oldebur, with which
Hugh, Johanna's husband, had dowered her at the Church-porch
when he espoused her, and whereof was suit-at-law between Johanna
^ SaUyp Ataizeif 6 John, 4 recto.
> Tetta de Nevill, pp.44, 48, 49.
^ Sot Bund,, vol. ii. p. 82. The change
from the JDomeaday hidage is noticeable.
The decrease of i yirgate may partly be
accounted for by the endowment of the
Church, presently to be noticed.
" Salop Assizes, 66 Hen. Ill, memb.
49 dorso.
" Kirhj/^s Quest. The service due on
Oldbury and Fulwardine, according to
this return, was more than half a Knight's
fee, ». e. -^tha of a fee. An Inquest of
21 Bich. II rates the two however at half
a fee. (Sscheats, vol. ilL p. 223.)
*3 EseheaU, vol. i. p. 101.
" Calendar Bot, Chart., p. 134.
^ Pari. Writs, vol. iv. p. 398.
OLDBURY. 135
and Walter. Johanna remits her right to Walter and his heirs for
8 merks.^*
June 23, 1297. John de Aldebur attests a deed at Holycote,^^
and is the person already mentioned as holding land here in 1299.
The deed^® thus quoted should be given more at length, especially
as the descendants of this John de Oldbury came afterwards to
hold the Manor immediately imder Fitz Alan. '^ Know all men, &c.,
that I, Alan de Eudone, have granted to Richard de StaflFord and
Milisand my daughter, and their heirs, one acre of the lower part
of a certain culture in the fields of Oldebur, between the land of John
de Oldebur, on one side, and the road leading under the Old Castle,
towards Oldebur, on the other. And it extends itself from certain
parcels, which lie between it and my land, to the King's highway,
opposite the meadow of William Selymon of Brug; — To hold of
the Chief Lord of that fee, rendering to the said Chief Lord lOrf.
at Michaelmas and St. Mary in March, for all services, suits of
Court, &c. — Witnesses : William de Mora, John Glydde, William
Hobaud (of Harpesford), John de Oldebur, Richard Petyfit. Giv^n
at Brug, on Sunday, in the close of Easter, in the year of King
Edward the twenty-seventh.^'
The tenure of Fromund de Erdinton here has already been
noticed.^^
THE CHURCH.
Oldbury was originally in the Parish of the Church of Morville,
and will have continued without any separate place of worship till,
in the beginning of Stephen's reign (c. 1138), Helyas de Con-
stantine founded a Chapel, with a Cemetery, here/endowing it with
half a virgate (about 30 acres) of land and a mansion.^ This
Chapel seems to have been consecrated by Bishop Robert de Betun
with reference to the troubled state of the country. A pension, in
token of subjection to the Mother Church, was secured by a further
deed^^ of that Prelate, and remained for at least two centuries a
receipt of Shrewsbury Abbey. Its amount was 5*. annually.
About A. D. 1200-1210, Thomas de Costentin grants to God and
to St. Nicholas, and to the Chapel of Aldebury, half a virgate in
^8 Pedes finitmy 47 Hen. Ill, Salop.
This fine I take to be the end of a
fictitious suit. The. purchaser has oc-
curred before. (Vide supra, page 51.)
^7 Charter at Apley Park.
M Charter at Chicknell.
»
*• Vide supra, page 126.
» Salop Chartulary, No. 333.
21 Ibidem, No. 334.
18
136 OLDBURY.
the same vill, which his father and his ancestors had given. He
also concedes the croft on which Robert de Heding, Rector of the
said Chapel, had built a house. — Witnesses: Robert, Clerk of
Halecton (the Rector himself under another name) ; Master Y, Dean
of Stottesden; Walter, Chaplain of Eton (probably Eaton Con-
stantine) ; Ansketill, Clerk of Brug (who will occur again) ^ and
others.^^
In 1291, the Church of Holdebury, in the Deanery of Stottesden^
is valued at £4. ISs. 4d., and the portion of the Prior of Momerfeld
therein at 5^.^^
In 1341,2* the Church of Oldebur is taxed (valued) at 7 merks
and 5*. (exactly the previous valuation of £4. ISs. 4rf.). —
But those who assessed and sold the ninth of wheat, wool, and
lamb, in Oldbury Parish, rendered account only of £l, 5*. ; and the
difference between the presumed tenth (or Church taxation) and
the then assessable ninth arose in this way : — The estate (fundus) of
the said Church, with the rents and lands annexed, was worth 40«. ;
the hay-tithe was worth 148. 4^^. ; the small tithes and offerings were
worth, with all other profits, 14s.^^
In 1534,2^ William Brody, alias Weston, was Rector of this
Church. Its value in glebe and all kinds of tithe is put at £5,
from which no deduction, except 6rf. for Archdeacon^s Synodals, is
claimed. The pension of 5s. appears no longer among the assets of
Shrewsbury Abbey.
INCTJMBENTS.
Robert de Hastings, alias Haughton, seems to have been Rector
here in the end of the twdfth and beginning of the thirteenth
centuries. All that is known of him has been already mentioned.^^
In 1277, John, Rector of Oldbury, occurs.^®
June 4, 1300. Master Luke de St. Leonard, Clerk, was ordained,
and instituted to this Rectory, on presentation of the Abbot and
Convent of Shrewsbury .^^
22 Ibidem, No. 299 b.
23 Pope Nick. Tax., page 166.
** Inquit^ Nonarum, page 190.
2^ The sum of these three items is
£3. Ss. 4d.f which, being deducted £rom
the gross valuation, leaves a balance of
£1. 10s. whereof 5*. was payable to the
Mother Church. The ultimate balance of
the value of the great tithes in Pope
Nicholas* Taxation; and of the ninth of
wheat, wool, and lamb, in the present.
26 Valor. Uccles.y vol. iii. p. 210.
27 Vide supra, pp. 60, 61..
2^ Blakeway MSS., but with a doubt
expressed whether Onibury be not the
Church intended.
£1. 5*. was therefore taken to represent | 29 Blakeway MS 8.
137
jfultDartJine^
Fulwardine, otherwise Fouswardine, is thus noticed in Domesday}
" The same Rainald (Vicecomes) holds (of the Earl) Fuloordie, and
Badulf of him. Edmund held it and was a free-man. Here is
half a hide geldable. In demesne is 1 ox-team; and 4 serfs^ 1
villain^ and 1 boor, with 1 ox-team ; and there might be 1 ox-team
more here. In time of King Edward it was worth 16*., and
afterwards 6*.; now (it is worth) 10*.^^
We are told to accept the Saxon peoji^i, a field or farm, as the
constituent of all such names as are compounded of werth, worth,
worthy, worthing, or wardine? What the prefix pulle may mean,
in connexion with a field or a homestead, is matter for any latitude
of conjecture. If taken to indicate size or importance, these are
attributes which no memory or record^ can connect with Ful-
wardine. The Saxon pul (i. e. foul) is, however, a term which may
have been applied to any locality where the soil was of a tenacious
quality, and is probably the other constituent of this name.
Edmund, the Saxon Lord of Fulwardine, also held Ulton (now
Upton Cressett) in this Hundred. In 1086, Fulwardine was, like
Oldbury, held by Radulf, under Rainald the sherifi*; and, like
Oldbury, it descended as a tenure of de Constantino, under Fitz
Alan.
In 1165, it will have combined with Oldbury, to constitute half
a fee of the service due from Helyas de Constantine to the latter
barony.
1 DometdiOnfy fo. 255 a, 2.
2 peop^i is also translated " home-
stead,'* "village;" and, by one authority,
it means "a village at the head of a
stream.*' No such peculiarity is observ-
able in places the names of which are
thus compounded. The sea-coast town
of Worthing is perhaps the best instance
of the contrary.
3 Fulwardine, or, as the inhabitants
call it, Fowswardine, is now a small tene-
ment, indistinguishably involved, both
parochially and manorially, in Sidbury.
The land attached to " Fowswardine form"
is about 80 acres; but the Bev. B. P.
Thursfield, who favours me with this in-
formation, thinks that more land was
formerly attached to the farm, and that
he can trace in the farm-house remains
which indicate the sometime existence of
a mansion here.
138
UPTON CRE8SETT.
In 1255^ a Cadet of the Constantines appears to have been
enfeoffed here; for the Jurors of Stottesden Hundred returned
" Roger de Costentin as Lord of Fulesworth, in the which is half
a hide of land^ which the said Roger holds of Thomas de Costentin;
and he does suit twice a year at the iourn of the Sheriff^ and not to
other Hundred Courts, nor to the County Court, the jurors know
not by what warrant: and he pays towards atretward 2d. and
towards motfe 4rf/'*
In 1284, '^ Ralph de Araz and Matilda de Pulesworedin hold
this manor of Adam de Mongomery, of the fee of Holdebur', by
one-fourth of a knight^s fee, and said Adam holds it of Richard
Fitz Alan, and he of the King/^^
Ralph de Arraz, thus mentioned, was contemporary Lord of
Sidbury, and the latter manor is not mentioned on this record.
Its tenure was also now, and long afterwards, quite distinct from
Fulwardine. The Record quoted has therefore confused* the two
manors, and it is probable that Fulwardine was held by Matilda de
Fulwardine alone, under Adam de Montgomery, and by less than
one-fourth of a knight^s fee. It is, however, singular that a mere
error should in some sort anticipate the modem combination.
^tott €xt%%ttx.
ULTONE, UPTON WARIN. UPTON SUPER EDGE.
The identity of Upton Cressett with the Domesday Ultone is
not so obvious as to be assumed without explanation. The first
question is, whether the printed Domesday is, in every letter,
a faithful copy of the original ? This being answered afltanatively.
^ Bot, Bund,, vol. ii. p. 82. This Roger
de Gonstantine was reported as a de&ulter
at the Assizes of January, 1256. (Salop
Asfize BoUy FlacUa CorofkB, memb. 2
dorso.)
« Kirby*s Quest. Stottesden Hundred.
« In the time of Richard II (1397),
Oldbury and Fulwardyn remained one
tenure. John de Oldbury held both by
half a fee, under the Earl of Arundel.
{CaUnd, Mchet,, vol. iii, p. 223.)
UPTON CRESSETT.
139
the next question is, whether Upton be a corruption of the original
name Ultone, or whether the Domesday scribe mistook the ortho-
graphy in the first instance, and wrote Ultone when- Uptone
was pronounced ? The first of these is most probable, if it be quite
clear that the situation of Upton Cressett, when compared with
other Uptons and with the surrounding district, is not sufficiently-
elevated to account for the name.^
In Domesday, Ultone is put down as containing 3 hides ; but in
1255 Upton is rated at 3^ hides. Now this variation is in general
an argument against any assumed identity; but, in the present in-
stance, it will rather tell the other way; for most of the neigh-
bouring manors changed their Domesday hidage {e. g. Meadowley,
Chetton, Faintree, Glazeley, Oldbury, and Eudon Bumell), and
Criddon (the next manor to Upton) had no Domesday type at all.
Nor can we altogether balance these discrepancies, by supposing
that what was lost to one manor was gained by another, for the
figures will bear out no such assumption. It is clear then that the
boimdaries and contents of the manors in this quarter were not
finally established at Domesday ; or, if they were, that the Jurors
or the Commissioners made or recorded statements with the same
inaccuracy as that which has been noticed under Morville.
As regards the identity of Ultone and Upton, the negative proof
must, therefore, suffice after all. If Rainald^s Domesday Manor of
Ultone, in Alnodestreu Hundred, does not correspond with Fitz
Alan's Manor of Upton, in Stottesden Hundred, what nearer coun-
terpart can be foimd for either?
In 1086, the status of the Manor is thus describeS.^ ^^ The same
Rainald (the Sheriff) holds Ultone. Edmund held it, and was
a free-man. Here are 3 hides geldable. In demesne are 2 ox-
teams ; and (there are) 3 serfs, 1 tree neat-herd, 6 villains, 4 boors,
and 1 radman, with 4 ox-teams, and yet there might be 4 other
(such teams) .
Here is a wood which will fatten 30 swine.
In time of King Edward it was worth 40*., and afterwards worth
10s. Now it is worth 26s/'
Bishop Robert de Betun, amongst tithes in his diocese which
had been granted to Salop Abbey (apparently before 1138), con-
^ I have no recollection of Mr. Blake-
way's notice of Upton (Cressett) as re-
gards its Domesdaif state; but he cer-
tainly remarks on the incongruity between
the name and situation.
3 Bomesdayy fo. 256 a. 2.
140
UPTON CRE8SETT.
firms two-thirds of the tithes of the Lord (or Lordship) of Upton.^
I know of no other Upton in Hereford Diocese in which such
a grant can have been made^ neither can I trace any subsequent
evidence of it here.
Yet Alan de Opton^ the contemporary Lord of this place^ appears
to have been interested in religious grants which concerned Salop
Abbey^ and he attests Robert Fitz Aer's endowment of the Chapel
of Aston Aer at this very period.*
In 1165^ the same or another Alan de Upton is recorded as
holding under the Barony of Fitz Alan^ by service of one muntator}
Undoubtedly the tenure was here.
In 1180, William Groiun (whom I take to be a succeeding Lord
of Upton, called by his family name) was fined 3 merks by the
Justices of the Forest for waste in Upeton;* and the same William
Groon stands second witness to a very ancient and nearly coeval
charter which relates to land in Corve (near Monk Hopton), and
of which Robert Fitz Aer is first witness.^
His successor seems to have been that Hugh de Hupton who
first appears in November, 1194, as Recognizor in an assize which
concerned land in this quarter.^
At Salop Assizes, October 1203, he sat as a Juror in several
causes, and was himself subject to an amercement of half a merk.^
10th May, 1220, he is named visor of timber, to be taken from
the King^s forests, for repairs of Bridgnorth Castle.^^
In 1226, he occurs as having been Affistator of the King's
forests.^^ In August, 1226, he sat on a great Inquest about
Stiperstones Forest ;^^ ^^in^ ii^ 1229, he appears as Agistator of
the Royal Forests,^^ and in October, ,1237, as a Juror in a great
trial about Shawbury, taken before the King at Worcester.^*
In or about 1240, he is returned as holding half a fee in Opton,
or Hupton, of Fitz Alan's Barony .^^
8 Salop Chartulary, No. 334.
^ Ibidem, No. 346. Tbe original deed
in poBseseion of Mr. George Morris.
* Lib. Niff. vol. i, p. 144.
* Flac. Foresta^ No. I, Salop.
7 Charter in possession of Mr. Cf«orge
Morris.
8 Bot Owria Regis, vol. i, p. 123.
' Salop Assizes, 5 John, memb. 4 recto,
and 6 dorso.
1® Claus, vol. i, p. 418.
" Mot Pip, 9 Hen. Ill, Salop.
IS
Mege, 10 Hen. HI,
Flac. coram
memb. 4 dorso.
13 Mot Fip, 13 Hen. Ill, Salop.
** Flac, coram Uege, 21 Hen. HI,
memb. 1 dorso.
^ Testa de NevilL pp. 44, 49. A third
and nearly contemporary Ust (p. 48) gives
William de Upton as holding this half fee.
This is a mere mistake ; for in the same
third list, Hugh de Upton is properly
entered as Lord of Meadowley.
UPTON CRESSETT.
141
The next whom I find in this succession was Thomas de Upton>
who, on 2d January, 1246, was a Juror in a great Inquest as to
the Forest-rights of Thomas Corbet, of Cans.^^
In 1255, the Stottesden Jurors returned Thomas de Upton (who
was himself one of them) as Lord of Upton, in which were 3i hides
of land, which said Thomas held in cqpite of John Fitz Alan, for
half a knight^s fee ; and he did suit to the Hundred Courts, and
paid the Sheriff 14fl?. for stretward, and 2Sd, for motfeej but he did
no suit to County Court.^'' And shortly after this he will have
died, not only as being on the list of February 3, 1262 (wherein
persons then dead are entered on an essoign-roll, before described^®),
but because, in July, 1256, Hugh de Upton, and William de Upton,
successor of Thomas, appear as concerned in an assize of novel
disseisin in Upton.^® This WiUiam de Upton was a Verderer of
the Royal Forests. He occurs in that office 22 October, 1259,^^
and March, 1262,^^ and as a Juror in several^^ Inquisitions of
January, 1259; September, 1263; and February 1, 1283; -soon
after which he must have died. This William, Lord of Upton,
granted to Robert Niger, of Criddon, half a virgate in Stepleye.
— Witnesses, Geoffry de Criddon, Hugh de Holicote (his son), Alan
le Harpur.^^ His successor was John de Upton, who is returned
about 1284 as holding Hopton of Richard Fitz Alan, by service of
half a knight's fee.^^
In Oct. 1292, this John served as a Stottesden Juror, and also
on the Jury which tried pk(zs of warranty at Salop.^^ At the
Assizes he was reported as of full age, and not yet knighted.^^ He
occurs twice as a Coroner in 1297.^^ He was a Juror on the great
Forest perambulation of June, 1300,^® and in the following year
was deceased (as will appear under Meadowley), leaving John, his
son and heir, under age ; but who had livery of Meadowley, Oct. 3>
1306.29
In March, 1316, this John is duly returned as Lord of Upton,
1* Inquisitions, 30 Hen. Ill, No. 24.
17 Sot. Sund, vol. ii, p. 82.
18 Yide supra, p. 81, note 281.
19 Sot. Fat, 40 Hen. Ill, dorso.
20 Usch. 43 Hen. Ill, No. 43.
21 I>lac, Forestce, 46 Hen. III.
22 Fscheats, passim.
23 Cressett Evidences, quoted in Blake-
way MS8,
24 Kirly's Quest.
28 Flac. de quo warr, page 674.
28 Flacita CoroncB, memb. 20 recto, 51
recto.
27 Bldkeway MS8.^ as above, and Char-
ter at Apley Park.
28 Salop CJhartulary, No. 279.
29 Sot. Forinsec, penes Rememera-
torem Beginae.
142 UPTON CRESSETT.
in Stottesden Hundred.^^ He was living in 1244^ and had by
Jane^ his wife^ three sons^ John^ Ouy, and Nicholas^ and a danghter,
Constance^ who^ marrying Thomas Cressett^ left descendants ; which
descendants, after failure of the male line of '^ Upton/^ succeeded
to this inheritance, and conferred on the Manor that distinctive
name by which it is still known. The evidence regarding this
family is sufficiently clear to warrant the insertion of a genealogical
table of their descent ; but previous to doing so it may be proper
to give abstracts of certain charters quoted from the Cressett evi-
dences, by Mr. Blakeway, in his MSS. in the Bodleian Library,
Oxford.8i
A deed of John, Lord of Upton (1283-1300), mentions Isabella,
his wife, and John, his son, and is attested by Ralph de Arraz,
Walter de Beysin, Richard Rector of Nenton, and Wydo de
Glasele.
A deed, dated 18 Edw. Ill (1344-5), shows John, Lord of Upton,
enfeoffing Guy, his son, and Margaret, wife of Guy, in lands lately
held by John, son of the grantor.
In 36 Edw. Ill (1362-3), Guy, Lord of Upton and Stapeley,
grants to Nicholas, his brother, Stapeley ; which he, Guy, had by
gift of John, their father.
In 40 Edw. Ill (1366-7), the same Guy grants to Sir John,
Rector of Upton (in trust, I presume), the Manor and Advowson
of Upton, and lands which Johanna, his mother, and Nicholas, his
brother, held for their lives in Upton and Stapeleye.
In 46 Edw. Ill (1372-3), John atte Broke, Parson of Upton,
releases the same to Hugh de Upton.
In 6 Ric. II (1382-3) Hugh de Upton enfeoffed^^ John de
Westwode, Chaplain, in Upton, Stapley, Medeuleye, Lye, Criddon,
and the Advowson of Upton. This was in trust ; for the same year
the said Feoffee granted the premises to Hugh de Upton, and
Margaret, his wife, for their lives, with remainders over, viz. 1st,
to Peter de Salford ; 2dly, to Thomas Cresset, of Garmeston, and
the heirs of his body; with remainder to Hugh de Dudmaston,
» Parh Writs, voL iv, p. 398.
** FarocMal Sigtoiy, vol. iii, " TJpton
Cresset."
^ This feoffment of 6 Bich. II was,
in the following jear (7 Bich. II), secured
by fine between John de Westwode, Chap-
lain, and Hugh de Upton and Margaret
his wife, defendants, of the Manor of
TJpton juxta la Clee, to the use of Hugh
and Margaret for lives, with remainder to
Thomas Crescet, of Garmeston, and his
heirs. (Vide Dukes* Antiquities^ p. 259.)
I should add, that Margaret was surviving
in 21 Bich, II (1397-8), and holding
TJpton of Fitz Alan, by hidf a knight's fee.
{Cat. Esch. vol. ui, p. 223.)
UPTON CRESSETT. 143
junior, and John de Sydenhale, and the heirs of Hugh ; with re-
mainder to the heirs of John de Sydenhale. The last remainder
was to the right heirs of Hugh de Upton.
Another series of extracts^^ from Cressett evidences commences
rather earlier, and is as follows : —
William Cytharista (Harper), of Upton, with consent of Matilda
his wife, and Alan his son, grants to Ralph Pistor (Baker), of Upton,
1 virgate in Upton, which Alhrea, his (the grantor^s) grandmother,
held. — Witnesses : William Fitz Aer, Anketill Clerk of Bruge.
Richard and Hugh, sons of Alan de Stapeleye, grant to John,
Lord of Upton, a tenement, in Criddon, by concession of Henry
the Chaplain, their uncle, to hold to John, and Joanna his wife, and
Guy their son, rendering two pounds of wax yearly to the lighting
of the Chapel of the Holy Virgin at Chetton. — ^Witnesses : Gwydo
de Glaseley, Robert de Roshale, and John de Ludlow. This deed
was probably of date between 1300 and 1310.
In 5 Edw. II (1311-12), Adam, son of William, Lord of Upton,
grants to John, Lord of Upton, his nephew, a tenement in Criddon,
which he (Adam) bought of Richard, son of Reginald Elyes, of
Criddon. The grant is for the lives of Johanna the wife, and Guy
the son, of the grantee.
The following genealogy of the first Lords of Upton, till the
extinction of their male line, is inserted not with any idea of its
completeness, but as containing only such particulars as have been
collected from first-rate authorities. The Pedigrees given in He-
ralds^ Visitations are usually much more diflFuse. My object, in
these cases, is to supply a statement independent of the Visitations,
and in agreement with them or not, as the case may be. If found
at variance with them, I leave such points to antiquaries who make
genealogy a more exclusive study than would suit either the limits
or the nature of a work like the present.
I must further confess that, supposing our subject were exclu-
sively genealogical, few of the Heraldic Pedigrees, which refer to
this early period, could be cited even as respectable traditions.
® Blaketoay MSS., Parochial NoUees^ vol. i, p. 146.
19
144
UPTON CRE8SETT.
Adam de Upton
Occurs 1311-2.
iNicnolas
de Upton
Occurs
1362.
Befs.
1367.
Alan de Opton
Occors c. 1138.
Liying 1166.
Ghouu
William Uomn, or
Ghxm, of Upton
Occurs 1180.
de Mupton n=
Hugo de Hupton
Occurs Not. 1194.
LiTingl240.
ThcMBas de Upt<m
Occurs Jan. 1246.
Liying, 1255.
Befa. July, 1256.
I
William de Upton =j=
Occurs July, 1256.
Occurs Feb. 1283.
John de Upton
Occurs c. 1284.
Befs. 1301.
^ Isabel, dor, of • • •
deUi
John de Upton
Iftf, atat. Sep. 1305.
Livery Oct. 3, 1306.
Married before 1310.
Occurs 1344.
Befs, 1362.
sss Johanna ditr. of ** * *
~^ —
John de
Upton
I
1
1344.
s,p,&v.j>.
Guy Lord of Upton ^ Margaret, dor. of * * * Constance =F Thomas
Haius ante 1312. Occurs 1344. de Upton Cressett.
Occurs 1344.
Oh, ciw. 1366-7.
Hugh de Upton
Of full age, 1372-3.
Entails his estates,
circ. 1383.
Ob» 8, p. 8.
— = Margaret dttr, of * * * *
A
UPTON CRESSETT.
145
The notices of minor tenancies in tliis Manor relate principally to
one family, holding apparently under the Lords of Upton, but itself
of some consideration.
In November, 1221, Edith, widow of Herbert Kstor, sued
William le Harpur (her step-son) for one-third of a hide in Upton,
as her dower. William proved that Herbert, his father, obtained the
land with a former wife, Dionisia, William^s mother, so that a
second wife could have no claim of dower therein."
At the same time, Adam le*Breton had a suit against William le
Harpur, which he failed to prosecute. So he and his pledges
(Hugh de Upton and Robert de Faintre) were amerced.^^
The deed by which William Citharista {i.e. le Harper) enfeoffed
Ralph Kstor here has been already set forth.^* It must have
passed about this time, for William Fitz Aer, the first witness-, suc-
ceeded after 1221, and AnketiU, Clerk of Brug, the second witness,
has been already mentioned as attesting earlier in the century .^^
Moreover, in August, 1226, William le Harpur was found to
have disseized Ralph Pistor of 1^ acres in Upton (doubtless part of
his previous grant), and had to pay 2$. damages.^^
In December, 1250, Herbert Fitz Robert (le Bretun) had sued
Alan le Harpur for novel disseisin in Upton,^^ and the cause being
decided, a new writ was granted in 1252, whereby 24 knights
were to retry it,^ and convict the former Jurors (if their verdict
proved false). Master Simon de Wanton was Justiciar in each
case.
At Salop Assizes, January, 1256, it was decided, that Alan le
Harpur had not disseized said Herbert of half a virgate in Upton,
for that Herbert was a villain, as had previously been proved
before Master Simon de Wanton. Alan was quit, and Herbert not
amerced because of poverty.*^
8 Nov. 1356, Giles de Erdinton was ordered to try this cause, —
but the order i^ cancelled on the Roll,*^ obviously because the
officials in London had entered it without adverting to its previous
settlement in the coimtry.
May, 1269, Alan le Harpur had a suit against WiUiam de Hupton
^ Salop Aatizes, 6 Hen. Ill, memb. 4>
recto.
^ Ibidem, memb. 7 recto.
* Vide supra, page 143.
^ Vide supra, page 136.
^ Ahhrevuttio PUtcitarum, p. 104.
» Sot JPca. 34 Hen. HI.
« Ibidem, 36 Hen. HI.
*^ Salop Assizes, 40 "Eea.!!!, memh,
recto.
^ Mot. Fat. 41 Hen. Ill, dorso.
146
UPTON CBESSETT.
(his Lord) for recovery of some right which he had been used to
have in William's woods.*^
In October, 1272, this Alan was one of the Jurors for Stottesden
Hundred who served at Salop Assizes.** His attestation of a deed
of William, Lord of Upton, about this time has already been
noticed.*^
THE CHUEOH OF UPTON GBBSSETT.
It is most probable that Upton was part of the great Saxon Parish
of Morville. No Church was built here at Domesday, and the founder
of one at any subsequent period must have entered into some com-
position with Shrewsbury Abbey on the subject.
We have pointed out*** a right of tithes, in some Upton, of
Hereford Diocese, as belonging to Salop Abbey early in Stephen's
reign; and, though the right does not subsequently appear, nothing
is more possible than that it was in this Upton, and that it was
surrendered on the foundation of the Parish Church, of coiurse for
some ample consideration.
Passing the period when we have analogy only for a guide, we
know that in January, 1259, an Assize of darrein presentment to
Upton Church had then to be tried between William de Upton
(then Lord of this Upton) and Richard Foliot,*^ whom I identify
with a contemporary Rector of Chetton.
In 1291, the Church of Upton, in the Deanery of Stottesden,
was taxed (valued) at £3. 6«. Sd, It was in the first instance
assessed to the tenth (6*. 8rf.), though under £4. annual value.*^
A note however states, that it was not elsewhere endowed, and in
the end it appears to have been exempted.**
In 1341, the Church of Upton-super-Egge (Edge), in Stottesden
Deanery, is entered as one whose taxation was 5 merks (£3. 6«. 8rf.) .
The assessors of the ninth of wheat, wool, and lamb, in the Parish,
accounted only for 17*. The diflference arose because there were
only two fleeces of wool in the Parish, and no lambs ; and " be-
cause the vill of Meduleye used to be taxed with Upton, and is
^ Flac. apud Gloucest, 53 Hen. Ill,
mexnb. 12 dorso.
** Salop Assizes^ 56 Hen. Ill, memb.
21 recto.
*» Vide supra, p. 141.
^ Vide supra, page 86, Note 20.
*7 Sot. Fat. 43 Henry III.
« Fope Nich. Tax.^ p. 166.
^ Ibidem, p. 176, where two Churches,
collectively assessed at £6. 13«., are excused
in addition to the ten Churches previously
excused. The two were Burwarton and
Upton.
I
UPTON CBESSETT.
147
now taxed with the Church of Morville; and because 4 yirgates lie
untilled^ and the tenants of the same have withdrawn, by reason of
penury. Ako the glebe, oflferings, and other small tithes, go to
make up the great sum (£3. 6s. 8rf.), and are not calculated in the
said ninth/' '^
In 1534, John ap Howel being Rector of Hopton Cressett, his
preferment was valued, in glebe, com, and other tithes and offerings,
at £4i. 158, Sd. ; which sum was liable to a charge of 6d, for Arch-
deacon's annual synodals.^^
BABLY INOTTMBENTS.
Eichard Nowe occurs as Parson of Upton Waryn in 28 Edw. Ill
(1854-5) .53
John, Eector of Upton, occurs in 29 Edw. Ill, and may have
been the same as —
John atte Broke, the Hector of 46 Edw. Ill (1872-8) .
ABCHITECTUBiX REMAINS OF THE OBiaiNAL CHX7BCH.
The Church of Upton Cressett, as originally built, might belong
to any part of the twelfth century. It consists of a nave and
chancel, separated by a rich round-headed arch of four orders,
ornamented on the western face, principaUy with the Chevron.
The font is shaped like a jar, and ornamented with round-
headed arches.
The east-windo^vr of the chancel is pointed. If this was its
original shape, the date of the building will be thrown into a late
part of the twelfth century.
The side-windows are round-headed.
A south aisle, of a late period, has been attached to the chancel.
J. L. Petit.
■<^ Inqwis, Nonarum, 191. Thougli the
tithes of Meadowley belonged in 1291 to
Upton Churcli, and so contributed to its
taxation or yalue, Meadowlej itself was
not detached from the Parish of Morville.
So I interpret this passage. There must
have been more than one transaction be-
tween the lay Lord of Upton and Mea-
dowley and Salop Abbey, but I have met
with no record of any, except one which
will be giyen under Meadowley, and which
is not pertinent to the present question.
n Valor. JSccles,, in, 211.
^ Slakewasf ]l£S8.,mBihl.BodL This
is the only instance in which the place
has occurred to me as Upton Warin. If
Mr. Blakeway be right in assigning the
first entry above to this Upton, it can
only have acquired the name of Warin
from Warin the Sheriff,its possessor before
Domesday^ or else from some feoffee,
probably as early as Heniy the First's
time.
148
JHeaUoblep*
D^gdale's and the usual dictum, as to the termination ley, viz.
that it must either be referred to the British lie {loctis, a place) ^ or
to the Saxon ley (untilled ground)^ has been already recognised in
two instances.^ This theory is however found to be much too
indefinite to remain content with.
The prevalence of the termination^ its greater frequency in East
Shropshire than in the West of the County, or even in Wales and
Cornwall, and its being oftener associated with Saxon than British
words, are reasons which make the Saxon termination most pro-
bable in cases which will at present occur to us. The only exception
must be where the syllable is combined with another word obviously
British.
But there is a great doubt whether the Saxon compound itsdf be
always one and the same. If ley means '' untilled ground/^ its aitry
into such names as Meadowley, Comley, Oatley, Cloverley, and
Ploughley, involves a simple contradiction. If it means '' a plain/'
we yet find it in various names where it is anything bat apposite.
The truth seems to be, that there are two Saxofi words which both
enter into composition, and, being derived from a common root,
have been confused.
The first, lea;, is far the most conmion. It is Latinized lega,
enters into Leighton, and is the termination of a host of names
which our ancestors wrote with the final leff, rather than ley,
Meadowley being one of the number. It is a doubt whether this
Saxon word involved any idea as to tillage, or the nature of the
surface in localities to which it attached. The word in its primary
sense signified law, its secondary meaning was a district marked
out by law or custom. Thus in Saxon usage it was nearly equiva-
lent to our word " Manor/'
Another Saxon word laej'e, hefU or Isefpe (a pasture or common),
originated such a local name as Layston, in contrast to Leighton,
and probably had the same root as our terms lea, ley, leys, and
* Vide supra, under Billinggley and Tasley.
MBADOWLET.
149
leazow; and this root (the germ both of lea;^ law^ and Isej^e^ pasture)
conveyed a common idea (viz. something fixed or laid down) to
each derivative.
The meaning then of Msebepe-leaj is '^ the district of meadows/^
a much more intelligible idea than that of ^^untiUed meadow
ground/' with which the old rules of investigation would have sup-
plied us.
In Domesday the plape is thus noticed.^ —
Helgot holds (of Earl Roger) Madolea. Austin held it. Here
is half a hide geldable. He (Austin) was a free man. Richard
holds it of Helgot. There is (arable) land (enough) for vi ox-teams.
In demesne is i team^ and (there are) iii serfs and i radman^ with
half a team^ and (there are) ii boors. In time of King Edward it
was worth 80*. Now it is worth 11*. When (Helgot) received it
it was worth 2*.
The name of Augustine or Austin naturally became common
among the Christianized Anglo-Saxons. It was borne by more
than one Shropshire landowner in the Confessor's time.
Of Helgot^ the Norman Lord of Meadowley as of other Manors^
we shall have often to speak. He was one of Earl Roger's Barons^
and founder of the Castle which still bears his name.
Of Richard^ his Domesday tenant at Meadowley^ nothing positive
can be stated^ but there are circumstances in the subsequent his-
tory of the place which make it not improbable that he was no
other than Richard de Belmeis. This person was certainly in
Shropshire about the time of Domesday y and attested the Earl
Roger's charter to Shrewsbury Abbey, which must have followed
that Record very shortly, and which bespeaks some importance of
position for each witness.^
He afterwards became Viceroy of the Coun^, and Bishop of
London. His temporal and ecclesiastical possessions in Shropshire
were at his death considerable.
Meadowley may have been the germ of the former, and it cer-
tainly went in a succession analogous to the lay fiefs of Richard de
Selmeis. Of him and his representatives we shall have much to
say elsewhere.
The next notice after Domesday which we can associate with
Meadowley belongs to the year 1165, when Ranulf de Belmeis
^ Domesdayy fo. 268, b, 1.
3 He also attests a deed of the EarPs
already recited (Vide supra, p. Ill) and
proved to haye passed in or about 1086.
150
MEADOWLET.
appears as holdiiig one fee of old feoffment under Herbert de
Castello.* These two we know to have been the then repre-
sentatives of Richard de Behneis and Helgot^ before mentioned.
In 1180, among fines imposed, by Justices of the Forest, on resi-
dents in this neighbourhood, Richard de Beaumes, a cadet of the
family, and probably interested in Meadowley, was amerced %», for
waste!^
But a subinfeudation of this Manor must have taken place at an
early period, whereby the Lords of the neighbouring Upton will
have acquired the substantive interest here. The mesne tenure of
de Belmeis consequently receives little notice.
Hence we find that Hugh, Lord of Upton, early in the thirteenth
century, granted to Morville Church a parcel of land in his vill of
Medeweleg, to hold for ever, at a rent of 12rf. — ^Witnesses : Hugh
de Kinsedeleg, Richard then Chaplain of Mamerfeld, Andrew de
Northleg.*
Hence also, in 1240, when Thomas Manduit held the Barony of
Castle Holgate, Hugh de Opton or Upton is said to hold one fee
thereof in ^^Medewelee or Medeweleg,^ the mesne tenure of Belmeis
• being ignored.
In 1255, however, Thomas de Upton is returned, by the Stottesden
jurors, as holding vi. virgates of land under Roger de Beumes in
Medwele. '^ And he did suit twice a year to the Court of William
Manduit, at the Castle of Holegod, and he owed ward at that Castle
in time of war for forty days, for the fee of one knight.''^
In 1284, when the Barony of Castle Holgate was in the family
of Bumel, John de Hopton («. e. Upton) is entered as holding
Medeueleye of Robert Bumel by one knight^s fee.' Philip Bumel
died in 1294, and amongst his Lordships which then passed to the
Crown, during a minority of the heir, was Medewelley .^^ By reason
of this temporary seizin of the Crown, and the corresponding death
of the sub-tenant in 1801, the Escheator was ordered to take into
* lAb. Nig. i, 147.
* P^.JFbftf*/., Chapter House, Westm.
Ko. 1, Salop, memb. 2. The places, if
I rightly assign them to their owners,
follow in this order : — ^Upton (Cressett),
Abdon (Priors), Ditton, Wheathill, Mea-
dowley, Barrow, Willey, &c.
* Salop Chartulary, No. 105.
7 Tetia de NevUl, pp. 46, 48, 50.
* Boi. Sund.^ ii, 82. Soon after this
period, the suit of Medueleg and Leye
(Lye) was withdrawn from the Hundred
of Stottesden. The King of Almain and
the Templars who sucoessiyely held the
Barony of Castle Holgate thus interfered
with the rights of the Crown {Mot. BJtmd.
ii. 108. Vide infra, p. 157, under Bold).
10 Calend. Inqms.y vol. i, 120.
CHARLCOTT AND BOLD.
151
the Kiag's hand all the lands of which " John de Upton, who held
of the heir of Philip Bnmel/' died seized." In 30 Edw. I
(1801-2) an Inquest was held as to the tenures of the late John de
Upton. Meduleye and Upton are the two Manors enumerated ;
and mention is also made of the suit of Court which the deceased
had owed to Castle Holgate.^^
This John de Upton (as has been stated under Upton Cressett)
also, left a son under age, so that the Manor of Meadowley was in
the King's hands for several years, except a third thereof, which
the widow of the deceased Tenant had in dower. An escbeator's
account, which has occurred in a fragmentary BoU in custody of
the Queen's Remembrancer, acknowledges 208. to have been re-
ceived ''from two parts of the land which was John de Upton/s in
Maddeleye, and which was in manu Regis by reason of the minority
of John, son and heir of John, who holds of the heir of Philip
Bumel,'' &c. The receipt is for the period commencing Michaelmas,
1305, and ending October 3, 1306, when the heir had livery.^^
CJarltott antr asoiu*
Ceopl and coc, two Saxon words signifying an husbandman and
his abode, constitute one of these names. The other, more simple
still, is the Saxon Bolb, a house or haU.
The two places formed one Domesday Manor, represented under
Cerlecote, which, however, the Record would appear to classify in
another Hundred than Alnodestreu.^
This must be explained.— The Domesday notice of Meadowley
occupies four lines of the MS. Opposite the third of these lines is
the marginal aflBx, " In Recordin Hund.'' (clearly out of place, and
to be removed to a lower position.) By assigning it to the second
11 OriginaUa, 29 Edw. I, Mot, 10.
^ Calend, Inquis,, toI. i, 173. Where
Meduleye has been printed Seduleye, ac-
cording to a common mistake before
noticed (supra, p. 65, note 170).
^ Rot Forinsec, penes Bemem. Beg.
1 Vide supra, page 24.
20
152
CHARLCOTT AfJD BOLD.
line below that against which it stands, we have it opposite Cerlecote.
It must, however, be still out of place, for no vill corresponding to
Cerlecote can be traced in the area of the old Hundred of Recordin.
By removing the affix two lines lower still, we have it in con-
nexion with the Manor of Ofitone (Uffington), where its applica-
bility can admit of no doubt.
After thus restoring an erroneous affix to its proper place in the
margin, the Domesday notice of Cerlecote, as following Meadowley,
will remain under Alnodestreu Hundred, Th^e we find a place
too (Charlcott) exactly reflecting the older name.
Bold is not mentioned singly in Domesday. It was in fiwjt in-
volved in Cerlecote ; but, at a later period. Bold became the ccqmt
of the combined Manor, and Charlcott the member.
Domesday notices the whole thus : — ^
The same Helgot holds Cerlecote (of the Earl), Elsi held it (in
time of King Edward) and was free. Here is half a hide, geldable.
There is (arable) land (sufficient) for 2 ox-teams. It is and was
waste. It used to be worth 10*. (in time of King Edward.)
A Saxon Alsi (with the name written Elsi or Mlai) was Lord of
Corfton and Middlehope, in the adjoining Domesday Hundred of
Culvestan j and whereas no such name appears in the Hundred of
Recordin, we have herein a circumstance which increases the pro-
bability of our having rightly placed Cerlecote in Alnodestreu Hun-
dred.
We will not yet speak of Helgot or his descendants otherwise
than when they may occur as the seignoral Lords of Bold and
Charlcott.
They seem to have granted a feoffinent of this Manor at least as
early as the time of Henry I, and their tenants thenceforth to have
taken the local name.
The earliest tenant occurring in this position was probably that
Odo de la Boude who stands the third of four witnesses to the deed
whereby Herebert, son of Holegod, Lord of the Castle, enfeoflTed
Herlewyn de Butailles in Dudmaston and Posthome.^
3 Ihmesday, fo. 258, b. 1. The three
periods of JDomesday yaluation are yery
observable in this entry, the time when
the Manor w<m waste, being that at which
it came to Helgot's hands.
3 This charter is in possession of W.
W. Whitmore, Esq., of Dudmaston.
There are many reasons for assigning it to
a date anterior to the death of Henry I
(1135). There are also objections to so
early a date. Both shall be stated and
the charter given in its proper place.
It certainly passed in the twelfth cen-
tury.
CHARLCOTT AND BOLD.
153
The feodary of 1165 gives R. de Holda as holding, by service of
one knight, under Herebert de Castello. This fee was of old feoff-
ment, and the name of the feoffee should be written R. de Bolda.*
About the year 1190 died one Robert de Girrhos, a person appa-
rently of much consideration in Shropshire during the reigns of
Stephen and Henry II. He was not only a tenant in capite of the
Crown, but held under the two Baronies of Clun and Castle Holgate.
His successor, another Robert de Girrhos, had not livery till some
years after his death. In the interval the King^s Escheator, or the
Sheriff, accounts to the Exchequer for the profits of his lands.
Most of them were held under Castle Holgate, which also was at
the time in the King^s hand. An Escheator's roll for the year
1195 is preserved, and contains that officer's receipt {inter alia) of
8*. of the ferm of Cherlecote, which was Robert de Girros', for a
whole year, viz., from March 1194 to March 1195.^
In the octaves of St. Michael, 1200, in the King's Court at
Westminster, a suit, wherein Herbert de la Bude was plaintiff
against Alan de Mars^ his brother, and Robert de Giros, was post-
poned till the octaves of St. Martin (Nov. 18), by writ of Geoffry
Pitz-Piers* (then Chief Justice of England).
On the day of adjournment (Nov. 18), the Justices of the King^s
Bench have the King's mandate to adjourn the hearing of this
cause, which concerned four carrucates of land in Boude, till the
octaves of St. Andrew (Dec. 7) ; then to come before the King
himself ^erever he may be in England. And the Justices are to
send this writ and the former writ (that of Greoflfry Pitz-Piers) and
a record of the plea.*^ On the day given (Dec. 7, 1200) King John
was at Clarendon. Then and there, or shortly after, and elsewhere,
he doubtless heard the pleadings which follow. ^'Herbert de
Bouda sues for three hides in Bouda against Robert de Girros and
Alan de Mara as his seizin and inheritance, which he (Herbert)
entrusted to the custody of Alan ; and the said Alan, for the sake
of staving off and taking away the right of Herbert, committed
theiA to Robert de Girros ; and that such is the case, and that he
(Herbert) was seized thereof as of fee, by taking esplees thereof, &c.,
he offers to prove by Adam de Kerleton, or by Henry de Witeleg.
And Alan comes into Court and defends his right, and says that he
^ lAh. Nig. i, 147. apud Heame. The
error is not one of the Editor. It is in
the original also.
^ JRot Escaetartfmy inter Rot. Pip. 7 B. I.
^ Plac. apud Westm, Mich. Term,
2 John (Office No. 13).
7 Ibidem (Office No. 14).
154
CHAELCOTT AND BOLD.
has * ^ ^ ^ ^^^ and he calls them to warranty. And afterwards
he said that he had a warrantor^ but he named no one. And
Herbert petitions that it may be reckoned in his favour how the
other had entered upon his reply without those charters (cartillis) .
And Robert de Girros was present and contradicted Herbert in no
particular. A day was given to the parties in the octaves of Hilary
(Jan. 20, 1201) to hear sentence before the Lord King, wherever he
may be in England.'' •
On Jan. 20, 1201, the King was at Louth (Lincolnshire), and it
was probably about that time that '^ Herbert de Bouda offered
himself on the fourth day (after the day given) against Alan de la
Mara and Robert de Giros, in a plea about three hides in Bouda.^®
The defendants came not nor essoigned themselves, and yet the day
was given them in banco. The sentence was, that the land (in
dispute) be taken into the King's hand, and the parties summoned
to hear judgment at Midlent ; and Herbert names as his attorney
Henry de Witeleg."
At the time appointed (probably Midlent or March 4, 1201, when
the King was at Brotherton, Yorkshire, or soon after), Herbert de
Boud again appeared by his attorney coram Rege, The preli-
minaries were rehearsed, and the defendants not appearing it was
ordered by the Court that Herbert should have seizin of the land
for default of the defendants.^^
At Shrewsbury Assizes, Oct. 1203, Herbert le Boude presented
himself in due course against Richard Bretone in a suit concerning
one virgate in la Boude. The defendant not appearing, the land
was seized into the King's hand, and he (the defendant) summoned
to appear at Worcester before the same Justices on a future day.^^
Early apparently in the thirteenth century Robert de Bolda gave
and confirmed to Alan de la Mare his father's brother (patruo sm)
for his homage and service and for 6rf. rent, one virgate in Bold,
half of which was held by Haer and half by Geoflfry Ribel, with a
messuage, croft, &c. — ^Witnesses : Thomas Mauduit (then Lord of
Castle Helgot) and Robert his brother.^^
8 A word \a defaced here, probably
equiyalent to " cartillas " below.
* Placita coram Se^e (Office No. 49),
memb. 6 dorso. This Boll is falsely dated
of the 10th and 11th years of John. The
int-emal evidence proves the date assigned
above, but the Boll also contains Pleas
lieard by the King in Hilary and
Easter Terms 1201, and at various
places.
^^ Ibidem, memb. 8 recto.
1^ Ibidem, memb. 10 dorso.
^ Salop Assizes i 5 John, memb. 5 dorso.
^ Sa/nghmond Chartulary, fo. 87. TU,
Bolda^ which is also the authority for the
five following deeds.
CHARLCOTT AND BOLD.
165
Thomas Mauduit confirmed to Alan de la Mare the grant of
Robert de Bolda his kinsman {cognati sui), — ^Witnesses: Bobert
Mauduit^ Bobert Gyros.
Alan de la Mare gave^ to the sustenance of the sick brethren in
the Infirmary of Haghmon Abbey, one virgate of land in Bolda
which Haer and Geoflfrey Bibel held, together with a messuage and
croft which Edric held, a rent of 6rf. at Michaelmas being reserved
to the Lord of the said vill. — Witnesses : Thomas Mauduit, Bobert
his brother.
Adam, Lord of Bold, confirms the grant of Alan de la Mare to
Haghmon Abbey, of a virgate in support of the Infirmary, and
releases and quit-claims to the Abbey a rent of Qd. payable to the
Lord of the vilL He also confirms the half virgate which William
the miller held, and also four acres. — Witnesses : Sir Thomas de
Costentin, John Fitz-Heri.
Bobert de Bold releases the said four acres and all his claim in
the said vill to Haghmon Abbey whereof there had been pleas before
Thomas de Muleton, Maurice de Gant, &c.. Justices Itinerant at
Salop, in the eleventii year of King Henry son of King John.^*
— Witnesses : Boger the Dean, Hugh the Parson, Pain Carbonel.
The Abbot of Haghmon leases to William, son of Bobert the
miller of Bold, half a virgate and four acres, which his father Bobert
held of the Abbey. The lease is for life, at a rent of 8«. 6rf.
— Witnesses : Thomas Botterell, &c.
In 1240, Bobert de la Beude, Boinde, or Baude, is represented as
holding one fee of Thomas Mauduit's Barony in this locality.^^
In 1255, the Stottesden Jurors returned as follows —
Bobert de Bolde is Lord of Bolde, and holds in capite of William
Mauduyt for one knight's fee : wherein is half a hide of land, and
he does suit to the Hundred Courts, and pays the Sheriff 2rf. stret-
wardy and for motfe 4d}^
Bobert de Bolde was himself of the Jury on this occasion. In
the following year he was reported as one of those who, holding
£15. of lands, was not knighted.^^
Feb. 1262. This Bobert having been a Regarder of the Forests
of Morf and Shirlet, was fined for making a bad return.^®
His successor seems to have been Adam de la Bold, who, on
^^ These justioes were m eyre at Salop,
in Oct. 1227 {JE^m Rolls), The Assize
Boll is lost.
1* Testa de NeviU. 46, 48.
" Rot. Sund, ii, 82, 81.
^7 Bukes' Antiq.y Intr., p. vii.
^ Flao, Forestry 46 Henry III, memb. 6.
166
CHARLCOTT AND BOLD.
Jan. 26j 1270^ sat as a Juror on the Inquest after the death of
Robert Corbett of Chetton.^*
Hugh Mortimer^ of Chebnarsh, was sheriff of Shropshire from
March^ 1271, to January^ 1273. His Under-Sheriff seems to have
been John Baril^ amongst whose extortions it is related that he
took from Adam de Bold 20s., because Adam refused to present
him to the Church of Bold.20
At the Assizes of Oct. 1272, this Adam was a defaulter in proper
attendance. He was also reported as of full age, the holder of
a knight^s fee, and yet not a knight.21
Nov. 27, 1274, he sat as a Juror on the Inquest for Stottesden
Himdred, and made complaint of the conduct of the Constable of
Corfham, who took 10s. from him for postponement of a suit which
he had against him about the enclosing of a wood, which Adam's
ancestors had held enclosed just as it was now. The same Constable
had also fined the vill of Bold 40s. because it disregarded a sum-
mons of his, which by right and custom it was not bound to
regard.^^
In 1284^ Adam de Bolda is returned as holding Bold, by one
knight's fee, of Robert Bumell, of the fee of Castle Holegod.^*
At the Assizes of Sept. 1292, Adam de Bolde is returned as
holding a knight's fee, being of age, and yet not a knight.^^ He
occurs as a Juror 15 March, 1301 ;^^ and in 1306 Adam del Bolde
was Manucaptor for Richard de Harley, Knight of the Shire ;^^ and
in March, 1316, Malcolumb, son of the said Richard, is returned
as Lord of Bolde.^*^
Some Airther notices of events and persons connected with this
Manor shall be given in order of time. — ^About 1210, a Charter of
Thomas Mauduit to Salop Abbey is attested by Robert Mauduit,
Robert de Girros, and Walter de Mara.^®
In August, 1226, a trial came before the King at Salop, as to
whether Warin junior (juvenis) de la Bolde had disseized Eva,
widow of Richard de Den, of her free tenement in Den. Warin
appears, and Eva then acknowledged that her husband, whilst
» JEscheats, 64 Hen. lU, No. 53.
^ Rot. Htmd. ii, 109. Mr. Blakeway's
list of Sheriff at this period is both in-
complete and inaccurate.
^ Assize £oU, 66 Hen. Ill, memb. 49
dorso.
22 Sot. Hund. ii, 107, 109.
« Kirby's Quest.
^ Assizes, 20 Edw. I, Flac. Coron.,
memb. 20 recto.
25 JSsch. 29 Ed. I, No. 7.
» FarL Writs, i, 480.
27 Ibidem, vol. iv, 398.
28 Salop Chart., No. 13, also No. 295.
CHABXCOTT AND BOLD.
157
livings had delivered the tenement to Warin^ adding that it was her
marriage portion. She is judged to be in misericordia for false
claun.^^
At Salop Assizes^ January^ 1256^ Katherine^ widow of Roger de
Cherlescote, sued William de Cherlescote and several others for
thirds of small tenements in Cherlescote and Bolde.*^ They how-
ever accorded their differences; and a fine passed Feb. 3^ 1256^
whereby William de Cherlcote, Roger de la Bolde^ Henry de
Sutbury (Sidbury), William le Chapelayn, John le Petit, Hugh de
Hereford, Brice de Cleybury, and John de Dreyton, tenants, con-
ceded thirds to said Katherine, in divers small parcels in Bold and
Cherlecote for life.^^
At the same Assizes, Roger, son of Roger de Weston, appeared
against Roger le Mouner, of Clebyri, in a suit to oblige him to
keep to his agreement about a moiety of Cherlecot Mill. The
defendant appeared not, and having made previous defaults, the
Sheriff was ordered to distrain, &c. till he appear .^^
It appears that the King of Almain, during his seizin of the
Barony of Castle Holgate, withdrew from the Hundred of Stot-
tesden the suit of the vill of Bolde, and the suit of William Fitz
Alan de Cherlecote, and of his under-tenants in Cherlecote, and
appropriated the said suits to his own liberty of Castle Helgot.^
The said King of Almain demised, about a,d. 1263, his interest in
this Barony to the Templars, who, in November 1274, stiU with-
held the same suits from Stottesden Hundred.
It also appears that Roger de Mortimer, of Wigmore, after the
siege of Kenilworth (1266), amongst other encroachments on the
rights of the Crown, withdrew from Stottesden Hundred the suit
of William de Pilardinton and his under-tenants iu the vill of
Cherlecote.
William de Cherlecote occurs as a Juror, 2 Dec. 1259,^ as
Regarder of the King^s Forests, Feb. 1262,^^ and as Juror^* on
a Forest Inquest, March 13, 1262.
About this time one Henry de Bolda occurs as witness to a Mid-
dleton-Priors deed.*^
29 PlacUa coram Mege^ 10 Hen. Ill,
memb. 4 dorso.
30 Jjmze MoU, 40 Hen. m, memb. 9
dorso. This Katherine de Cherlecote
seems also to haye had an interest in
Alyeiej (Bot. Fat. 41 Hen. Ill, dorso).
31 Pedes finium, 40 Hen. Ill, Salop.
^ Assizesy 40 Hen. Ill, m. 16 dorso.
33 sot^ j«^. ii^ 108.
34 Inq., 43 Hen. Ill, No. 32.
3» Plac. ForesttB, 46 Hen. III.
36 Inq,, 46 Hen. HI, No. 31.
37 Charter in possession of Robert
Gardner, Esq., of Leighton.
158
CHARLCOTT AND BOLD.
On July 15, 1269, a fine was levied, at Northampton, "between
Philip Fitz-WiUiam de Cherlecote, plaintiff, and William Fitz-Alan
de Cherlecote, deforciant, of 1 messuage, i a carrucate, and 12d.
rent, in Cherlecote and La Neuton (Newton, near Bold), whereof
was a plea of covenant. William acknowledged the right of Philip,
who granted a life-lease thereof to William, reserving an annual
rent of 6rf. and the services due to the Lord of the Fee. Afirer death
of WiUiam the premises shall revert to Philip and his heirs.^^*®
At Salop Assizes, Oct. 1292, Philip de Cherlecote served on the
Stottesden Jury, which reported William de Pylardinton and others
as defaulters in due attendance.^*
On 15 March, 1301, the Inquest on the death of Roger de
Bagesore reported, that he had held {inter alia) half a virgate of
John de Drayton, at Cherlecote, by service of 3*. O^rf. per
annum.
40
THE CHUECH OF BOLD.
The earliest notice of a Church or Chapel here belongs to the
year 1271-72, when Adam de la Bold refused to present an extor-
tionate Under-Sheriff, John Baril, to the same.*^
Li 1291 the Church of Bolde, in Stottesden Deanery, was valued
at £4. 6^. Sd, The Co-rectors of Castle Holgate^seem also to have
had three portions or pensions in this Church. The names of the
then Portionists were Richard de Eyton, Matthew, and Robert, and
their pensions, 3*. 6rf., Ss. Sd,^ and 3«. 3rf., respectively.*^
The total valuation, thus made up, is repeated in the Inquisitions
of 1341, where the taxation of Bolde Chapel is put at i64. Ids. Sd.
But the assessors and vendors of the ninth of wheat, wool, and lamb,
in the Parish, valued such produce only at £2. 6s. Sd. ; so much less
than the taxation, because 2 virgates lie untilled in the parish, and
the tenants have quitted through poverty; and because there are no
sheep there ; and because the small tithes, offerings, and glebe, and
other profits of the Church, go to make up the taxation ^ (and are
not to be reckoned in the ninth).
■^ Fede^Jinium^ 53 Hen. HI, Salop.
» Asnze BoU, 20 Ed. I, Plac. Ooron.
xnemb. 51 recto.
*> JEscheais, 29 Ed. I, No. 7.
** Vide Bupra, p. 156.
^ Fope Mch. Tax., p. 166. See also
tbe Taxaeion,o{ihe Church of Castle Hol-
gate, in Wenlock Deanery (page 167 of
the same Beoord).
^ Inguis. Nonarwn p. 190.
FAINTREE. 159
The Valor of 1534 mentions neither Church nor Chapel here ; but
among the Spiritualities of the White Nuns of Brewood was a
pension of 6*. Sd. arising from Bolld " juxta Bottrell Aston/'** Both
Bould and Charlcott are now in the Parish of Aston Bottrell.
Parts of the north, south, and west walls of the Chapel remain and
are used as a wain-house.*^
ifatnttee*
The name of this place will entitle it to a British origin. The
last syllable, tre, so common in Wales and Cornwall, signifies a
village or hamlet. As to Fain, Faven, or Favon, I suppose it to be
the British Ffa'en (a bean), or Ffaon (beans).
The etymological association between this place and Daventrey
(Northants) is observable. The Daventrei and Faventrei of Domes-
day have become respectively Daintree and Paintree; the former
being, however, only changed in pronunciation, while the latter is
also written in the contracted form.
With regard to the Domesday state of Paintree, it is not easily
deducible from the printed edition of that Record, inasmuch as
notices of two other Manors are mixed up with this, and thus the
whole passage is left unintelligible. A glance at the original shows,
however, that a later scribe, using dififerent ink, has added a sup-
plement to the previous matter, and carelessly inserted the said
supplement between two members of the same sentence. Thus,
what is only marked as parenthetical in the original, by being
written in a dififerent hand, loses all distinctiveness whatever when
printed in an uniform type and without annotation.
Reuniting the clauses which treat of Paintree in Domesday we
learn as follows ; —
The same^ Walcheline holds Paventrei (of the Earl) . Ulchetel,
Archetel, Uluiet, iElwi, Ordwi, and Ordric, held it, and those
^ Valor JEccles.y iii, 194. ^ Dukes' Anfiq. Shropshire, Appendix, page xi.
* This Walcheline also held Grinshill under the Earl (Domesd. fo. 257, h. 1).
21
160
FAINTBEE.
Thanes were free. Here are two hides^ geldable. The (arable)
land is sufficient for five ox-teams. In demesne there is one ox-team
and a half; and (there are) one serf, two villains, and five boors,
with two ox-teams. In time of King Edward it was worth 27*.,
now (it is worth) 20«. He (Walcheline) found it waste.^
Walcheline's tenure here was either by seijeantry (a matter
which Domesday omits), or became so in the time of Henry I, when
tenants of the Earl became tenants in capite.
At all events, a Stottesden Jury,^ two centuries after Domesday y
calling a former, and probably this, tenant, ^^ Walcheline de Fayn-
tre,^^ recorded his tenure to have been by the seijeantry which will
presently be described.
The successor of Walcheline, one century after Domesday, was
Robert de Fayntre, who occurs in November, 1194, as recognizor ^
in a trial which concerned land at Holicott, or in the neighbour-
hood.*
When, at Michaelmas, 1203, the Sheriflf accounted for the fourth
scutage of King John^s reign, Robert de Fentre paid half a merk for
his serjeantry, the said scutage being assessed at 2 merks on each
knight^s fee.^
At Michaelmas, 1204, and for King John's fifth scutage (which
was 2i merks on each knight's fee) Robert de Fenitree had paid 20*.^
In 1211, the serjeantry of Robert de Fayent' is returned as con-
sisting in the service of one foot-soldier, with a bow and arrows, in
the King's army in Wales.'^
In November, 1221, Robert de Faintre was pledge of Adam le
Breton, in a suit against William le Harper.® The latter was of
Upton, in this neighbourhood.
In 1255, the tenure of this Manor was returned by the Stottes-
den Jurors as follows : — " Adam de Faintre is Lord of Faintre, and
holds in capite of the Lord the King, for service of one Serjeant ^
with bow and arrows, when the King shall be in North Wales.
Wherein is one hide and a half of land : and he (Adam) does suit
to the Hundred (of Stottesden), and pays to the Sheriff, for stret-
ward, 6d,y and for motfee, 12rf." ^
The diminution of half a hide from the Domesday measurement
* Domesday^ fo. 257, b. 1.
3 iPlacita CoroncB, 20 Ed. I, Salop,
emmb. 20 recto.
* Sot CuricB IteffiSy vol. 1, p. 123.
* Sot, IHp. 5 John, Salop.
^ Boi. Pip. 6 John, Salop.
7 Testa de Nevill, p. 55.
" Salop Assizes, 6 Hen. Ill, memb. 7
recto.
» Rot, Eund. ii, 82.
FAINTREE. 161
is noticeable^ but may perhaps be accounted for by a corres-
pondent increase in the hidage of the neighbouring Manor of
Chetton.
At the Assizes of January, 1256, Adam de Feyntre sat as a
Juror for the Hundred of Stottesden.^®
In February, 1262, he appears as one of the Regarders of the
King's forest in Shropshire.^i
About 1267 he attests a grant of the Advowson of Chetton, to be
hereafter noticed.^^
On January 26, 1270, he sat as a Juror in the Inquisition as to
the estate of Robert Corbet, of Chetton, then deceased.^*
In 2 Edw. I (1274), Adam de Fayntre was himself dead, having
been seized of this Manor.^^ His estate became divided amongst his
five daughters and coheirs.
On November 27, 1274, in answer to a question as to the class of
persons whose lands had been seized by the Officers of the Crown
into the living's hands, the Stottesden Jurors stated, that the lands
of Adam de Faintre, when he died, were so seized by Sir John de
Erkalewe, then Escheator,^^ and who was still in office. But the
Jurors did not know for certain how long the said Escheator held
them in the King's hand, but they thought for six weeks.
The same jurors, in reply to a question as to the King's fees and
tenants in this Hundred, answered that Richard de Holicote, Hugh
le Massun, Peter Chaniberlain (Camerarius), Henry le Taylur, and
Margery, daughter of Adam de Faintru, hold the Manor of Fain-
tru, of the Lord King in capite by seijeantry of finding one foot-
man, with a bow and arrows, to go with the Lord King into Wales
when he will levy war, and to stay there till he (the footman) hath
shot away his arrows.
A further account of this Manor must involve some notice of
each of the five coheiresses among whom it was divided on the
death of their father, Adam de Faintru.
1. The eldest of these, Clemence, had married Richard de Holi-
cote, and he, in 1274, had fined for relief of his share. Of this fine
he rendered account in 1275 .^*
April 2, 1278. Richard de Holicote sat as a Juror at Brug in an
^ Salop Assizes, 40 Hen. III.
^^ Placita Forestry 46 Hen. Ill, Salop.
^ Vide infra, under Chetton.
^ Inqms, 64 Hen. Ill, No. 53.
^^ Calendar ofBscheats, i, 51.
1* Mot, HtMd, ii, 110.
^* Eot Pvp, 3 Ed. I, Salop, quoting
ma, Orig, 2 Ed. I.
162
FAINTREB.
inquest as to the wastes committed in the Forests of young Richard
Fitz Alan.i7
About 1284 Richard de Holicote is returned as a coparcner in
Faintre, but the equipment of the soldier^ who was to attend the
King in his Welsh wars^ is stated to be a bow^ three arrows^ and a
galtrap (terpolus) .^®
At the Assizes of October^ 1292^ the Stottesden Jiu*ors gave a
confused and inaccurate account of the serjeantries in their Hun-
dred. The seijeantry at Faintre is however valued at 1 10*., and
Richard de Holicote and Clemence his wife still retain their share,
though there was some informality, which caused their land to be
seized into the King's hand, and them to replevy it, by payment of
a merk, till the next Parliament.^*
In 25 Edw. I (1297), the Originalia Rolls contain a precept to the
Escheator to seize into the King's hand the lands and tenements
which were Clemence's, late the wife of Richard de Holicote.^ In
that year too there was an Inquest as to the same Clemence and
her license to alienate one messuage and half a carrucate of land
in Faintre.2i
In March, 1316, John de Knokyn is returned as sole Lord of
Faintre,22 and an Inquest on his death in 14 Edw. II (1320-1)
would seem to imply his possession of most of the Manor ; ^ but
these particulars belong to a later era.
2. Henry le Taylor (alias Cissor) who married Alice, the second
daughter and coheir of Adam de Faintre, fined for his relief in 1274,
and appears like Richard de Holicote on the Pipe Roll of 1275.
He was living in October, 1292, and holding his share of Faintre,
*7 Inquintiotw, 6 Ed. I, No. 90.
^ Kirhifs Quest. The word ierpohu
OP tribulvs, which I translate galtrap, or
caltrap, seems to hare had more than one
meaning. Its primary form was probably
the Greek rpi/3oXoc, an aquatic plant,
which produced a prickly nut of a tri-
angular shape. In its secondary sense it
was the name of an implement, used in
war, to impede the moyements of cayalry,
and which consisted of four iron spikes,
so attached to a centre as that, any three
resting on the ground, the fourth pointed
upwards. A missile, of the same shape
and name, seems also to hare been used
in sieges, and was impelled by a machine
called trihuchulus. I also think that the
ferpohu abore was a missile, but not of
so large a kind.
19 FlcuAta CorontB, 20 Ed. I, Salop,
memb. 20 recto. Bichard de Holicote
was himself on the jury which made these
presentments (Ibm. memb. 51 recto).
» Originalia, 25 Ed. I.
31 InquisiHons, 25 Ed. I, No. 85.
^ Nomina TiUarum.
23 InquinHont, 14 Ed. II, No. 31
(Calendar).
FAINTREE. 163
but his wife was dead. He too, on this occasion, had to pay a fine
till some question as to his tenure was settled by Parliament.^
3. Peter le Chamberlain, who had married Isabel, the third
daughter and coheir, appears in 1274 and 1275 as oflfering and
paying a fine for his relief. However, the Records of Trinity Term,
16 Edw. I (1287), are quoted, as showing this same Peter then
coming to the Exchequer, and fining half a merk for relief of his
share of Faintre, which he holds by serjeantry of Ushery (hostiarise)
to the King in his army.26
In 1292, Peter le Chamberlyn was dead, but Isabella his wife
held 1 carrucate (except i a virgate and 3 acres), and the tenure
was worth 46*. per annum. She was obliged to join in a fine to
prevent the seizure thereof into the King's hand.^^
4. Margery, the fourth daughter of Adam de Faintre, has been
already mentioned, as if immarried, in November, 1274. In 1275,
however, her husband, Henry de la Porte, accounted for her relief.
On March 22, 1278, William de Stapele having represented to the
King, that, when he had purchased half a virgate in Fayntre of
Margery, fifth daughter of Adam de Feyntre, the Sheriff of Salop
(being also Escheator of the County) had ejected him, the King
desires a Jury to be summoned to report the particulars. The said
Jury sat on April 29th following, and returned the service due on the
said land as one-fifth of a soldier in Wales, stated its annual value
to be 9*. 9rf., and that Margery had enfeoffed said William therein;
uor did the Jurors think the said land to be an escheat of the
King's, nor that his allowance of said sale would be to the King's
injury.^'^
In 1292 two tenures are recorded in Fayntre, but it is doubtfiil
which of them represents the share under notice. Warin de Mid-
dleton holds half a virgate of the annual value of 5*.': William de
Wrocwardyn and Emma his wife, hold half a virgate and 3 acres,
of 6s. annual value. Both tenures had something informal in them,
probably as involving a transfer unsanctioned by the Crown. Their
temporary seizure was the consequence.^®
5. The fifth (or fourth) daughter of Adam de Faintre was wife of
Hugh de Massun (or le Mazun) in November, 1274.
2* Placita Corona, 20 Ed, I, ut supra.
25 Madox Exchequer, 220, q., quoting
Tnn, Comm.y 15 Ed. I.
^ Placita CoroiuB^ 20 Ed. I, ut supra.
37 Inquisitions, 6 Ed. I., No. 75.
^ Placita Corona, 20 Ed. I, ut supra.
164
CHETTON.
In 1284^ Hugh le Maznn's coparcnery in the serjeantiy is rettimed^
though three of the five shares are not set forth.^^
In October^ 1292^ Hugo le Mason and Mabil his wife held 1
carrucate (less i virgate). It was worth 50*. per annum. They
also joined in a fine to escape temporary disseisin.^^
Of under-tenancies here, one or two notices occur. —
At Salop Assizes, August, 1226, Philip, son and heir of Philip,
recovered against Sibil de Broc (the tenant) 1^ virgates, 6 acres,
and a messuage here.*^
In October, 1272, William Fitz John de Fentre being dead, his
daughter and next heir, Petronilla, recovers one-third of a mes-
suage and a quarter virgate in Westwal, against the tenants
(Richard, son of John le Smyht and Jane his wife), of which
William, her father, died seized.*^
Cfiettom
Cete, a hut (plural Ceten) and tun, an enclosure, are the two
Saxon words presumed to have contributed to the name variously
written Ceatinton, Catinton, or Chetton.i An enclosure of huts
probably furnishes a very accurate idea of a Saxon village; but
Chetton, before the Conquest, had acquired a comparative dignity
which its earliest name by no means implies. The Domesday
account is as follows : — ^
^^ The Earl himself holds Catinton. Godeva, the Countess, held
it in time of King Edward.
Here is 1 hide geldable. In demesne are 3 ox-teams; and 6
serfs, 2 female serfs,^ 4 villains, and 1 boor, with a Priest and
M Kirhy^s Quest,
»> Flacita Corona^ 20 Ed. I, ut supra.
^ The letters Gh are found frequently
substituted for the Saxon G, — e, g. Gild
(child); Geopl (churl) ; Gef (chaff.)
* Domesdcti/f fo. 254, a. 1.
^ Ahbrev. Plac. p. 103.
^ Salop AstizeSj 56 Hen. Ill, 9 dorso.
^ For the oncUkB of Dofnesdcufy see
Introduction to printed Dometday^ rol.
ii, p. xxviii.
CHETTON.
165
a Provost, have 3 ox-teams ; and yet there is room for 2 ox-teams.
Here is a new mill and 1 league* of wood. In time of King Edward,
the Manor was worth 100*.; now it is worth 45*."
The Priest, mentioned in the Domesday Survey of Chetton, im-
plies the pre-existence of a Church. The latter too is a most pro-
bable consequence of the sometime seigneury of the Countess
Godiva. Chetton must have been part of her dower, and it was
not the only Shropshire Manor where she had a similar interest.
She was the widow of Leofric, Earl of Mercia, who died August 81,
1057, and the mother of Earl Algar, who died in 1059. How long
she survived her husband, and whether she survived her son we are
not informed.^
Gratitude for some fiscal benefit has, after the manner of Anglo-
Saxon idolatry, preserved the memory of this lady ia a civic puppet-
show, the particulars of which, not altogether decent, may be sought
elsewhere. Her personal beauty is also remembered; but her noble
lineage is buried in antiquity and doubt,^ whilst her intercessory
cares in the] cause of religion are wholly forgotten. All praise be
theirs who, living in a barbarous age, have left a name which com-
mands respect, even when associated with a vulgar and tasteless
tradition 1 Tenfold honour be to one who, thus distinguished, was
only a woman I
The Domesday Hundred of Catinton is not given, but the order
^ The Annotators giro no other expla-
nation of the lewua or leuga of Domesday^
except that which implies a measure of
length. It is obvious that, in such
passages as the above, an areal measure is
intended by the word which, in default of
any EngUsh equivalent, I have translated
league. As the question is one which can
only be solved by the contextual circum-
stances under which the word appears in
Domesdagy I may, for the present, post-
pone it.
^ A Godeva is mentioned as holding
Madeley, in Staffordahire, after the Con-
quest {Domesday y fo. 249, a. 2), but her
identity with the Countess seems too
much to assume at once.
' The Countess G-odeva is said to have
been sister of Thorold, Saxon Sheriff of
Linoolnshire. This statement is rather
corroborated than contradicted by one or
two hints of Dotnesdagy and it is clear
that some such consanguinity conveyed
to her reputed descendants, the Earls of
Chester and Lincoln, a considerable inte-
rest in the latter country. A recent
publication (The Topogn^her and Gene-
alogist) commenced with a most able
article on the old Earldom of Lincoln.
The writer mentions the Countess Gt)deva
without directly questioning the tradi-
tions regarding her ; but, according to
him, any statement derived from Ingulphus
and the Croyland Charters, is to be re-
ceived with suspicion ; moreover, he evi-
dently intends to exclude Gt>deva from
the Ancestry of the forementioned Earls.
For the particulars which Dugdaleadopted
concerning her, I must refer to his
Baronage (Vol. i, pp. 9, 10) and History
of Warwickshire (Vol. i, p. 135 in Thomas*
Edition).
166
CHETTON.
of its mention^ the circumstances of its tenure, and its geographical
position, all combine to fix it in Alnodestreu.
The Earl holding it in demesne, in 1085, was, as we have seen,
enabled to grant, about 1086, a third of the tithes of Ceatinton to
his Collegiate Church of Quatford.^ No subsequent mention has,
however, occurred of tithe possessed here by the Canons of Bridg-
north; and, this usual correspondence wanted, we majr be mistaken
as to the locality of the EarPs grant.
It was probably after the forfeiture of the Norman Earls, and by
King Henry I, that Chetton was granted to a subject.
Who was the original Feoffee we know not, but it was one who
also had a grant of Great Berwick (near Shrewsbury), from the
Crown, and of Eudon (afterwards Eudon Bumell), from the ante-
cessors of Fitz Alan. It is likely that the three grants .were nearly
contemporary, and it is certain that before King Henry II had
reigned twelve years the whole^ fief had lapsed to a sole heiress,
whose Christian name was Damietta. She was ere that time (1166)
married to Banulf de Broc, a Royal favourite, whose notoriety,
though great, is little associated with Shropshire. His interest in
three several Manors demands, however, that some particulars of
him should be here given.
He first occurs in Hampshire, where, in the fiscal year, ending
Michaelmas, 1156, he had been excused 8^. Sd., his qiwta of the
Danegeld assessable on that County, and also 20s. of the scutage
levied on the Knights of the confiscated See of Winchester.® In
each case this acquittance was directed by writ of the King, as also
was 2s. 9d., his share of a donum contributed by the said County, in
1158. In the latter year he accoxmts to the Crown 20^. for cen-
sorship of the B/Oyal Forest of WUingelega, Hampshire.
It was about this time that Henry II, calling this Ranulf de
Broc, his Usher and Mareschall (Hostiarium et Marescallum suum)
and son of Oyn Porcell, granted him a charter^^ which indicates
7 The probability arises thus : — ^If the
Norman Earls had granted the Manor, it
would hardly hare been called ancient
demesne of the Crown as it afterwards
was. Stephen's grants of Grown demesne
were cancelled by Henry II. If the latter
had first granted the manor, it would
have stood on the annual accounts of the
Sheriff, under the title, In terris datia,
8 JPipe Roll, 2 Hen. II, Hants.
9 Ibidem, 4. Hen. H.
^ Hot, Cart. 7 John, memb. 6 recto.
It is a singular coincidence that Henry II,
evidently on his succession, expedited a
Charter to one Badulf FurceU, his Usher,
of the ministry and land of Bobert
Bumell, his uncle (avunculi) in England
and Normandy, of whomsoever held, as
the said Bobert Bumell enjoyed the same
in time of King Henry I. (Bymer's
CHETTON.
167
botli wealth and Royal favour. It confirms to him ^'the whole
land and office of his father, of whomsoever held, all the land of
Guldeford which was Reginald de Resting^s, his kinsman, and all
the land which was Robert Testard's; — also the Magisterial and
capital Marshalship of the King^s House and Court; — and the
whole land of Angemar, as Wido his uncle (avunculus) gave and
conceded it to him, by concession of Nigel de Broc^^ and his
brethren ; and the land of Piperhergh, as he bought it from Osbert
de Piperhegh and his heirs, as the Charter of William de Windle-
sores testifies ; and his land of Tomcumb, as William and Roger
de Pacey rendered it to him, and as the Charter of Ralph de Faye
testifies for him; and all other his lands and tenures, be they of
what fee soever, which he has reasonably purchased.^^
The Feodary of 1165 exhibits Ranuff de Broc as holding 1 fee
at Piperherge under William de Windsor,^* i a fee of the Earl of
Arundel,^^ and 1 muntator of the Barony of Fitz Alan.^* His
tenure in capite at Chetton and Berwick is not entered, and a
Knight's fee held under the Bishop of Winchester, which in time
of King Henry I. had been William PevereFs, was then said to be
held by Roland del Broc.^^
But Ranulf de Broc acquired his greatest notoriety by the part
which he took in his Master's contest with Archbishop Thomas
k Becket. When, about January, 1165, King Henry II had con-
fiscated the See of Canterbury, and pronounced sentence of banish-
ment on the Archbishop's ^ndred,-^* he committed the execution
of his orders to this Ranulf de Broc, who having a previous and
personal grudge against Becket, took care to discharge the trust
with every circumstance of cruelty. Nor did his share in the
FcBdera, toI. i, p. 42). I should have
concluded Banulf de Broc, son of Oyn
Porcell, to have been the same with
Badulf Purcell, but that each is stated to
have inherited his Court appointment
from a different source. But the question,
however interesting, does not appear to
belong to Shropshire.
" This Nigel de Broc occurs under
circumstances of royal favoiur similar to
Banulf s. In 1158 he was assessed and
pardoned five shillings, his quota of the
donum of Salop (Pipe Soil, 4 Hen. II) ;
but I have no other notice of his interest
in the County, nor can I surmise where
it lay.
w Liber Niger, i, 193, Bucks.
M Ibidem, p. 65, Sussex.
" Ibidem, p. 143, Salop.
" Ibidem, p. 71, Hants.
" CfMTon, Oervas. p. 1398. Imag,
Qero. 1314. This expulsion of Becket' s
kindred was not decided upon from any
suspicion of their being in correspondence
with him. The object was to crowd his
retreat at Pontigny with the woes of
four hundred exiles. For its success, see
Lingard's Hist, of Engl., vol. ii, p. 229.
22
168
CHETTON.
great contest between Priest and Despot end here. In June^ 1166^
when Becket, from the pulpit of Vezelay, launched the thunders of
the Church against some of Henry's chief ministers^ Ranulf de
Broc was not forgotten.^^ In a subsequent letter to his Suffiragans^
the Archbishop gives the reasons for each sentence of excom-*
mupication individually.^^ ^'Banulf de Broc had seized and de-
tained endowments of the Church of Canterbury, which were of
right the provision of the poor; he had arrested, and was still
keeping imprisoned, like laymen, the Archbishop's dependants.''
The struggle, which lasted for more than four years longer, is
a subject of too great interest to be epitomized here. — Ranulf de
Broc still farmed the vacant See of Canterbury, and Becket re«
mained in exile.^'
In November 1170 the Atchbishop having been apparently recon-
ciled to his Sovereign at Amboise, his return to England was accom-
panied by a significant hint of Henry's insincerity if not of his own
impending fate. He found the shore at Sandwich occupied by the
Sheriffs of Kent and Ranulf de Broc, with armed attendants.^^
Whatever their designs, a special conference with John of Oxford,
who escorted Becket on the King's behalf, seemed to change or to
postpone them. Becket landed on Dec. 1, 1170, without farther
interruption. Among other things, he brought with him a letter
of the King to Prince Henry, ordering the adjustment of his claims
on the hon&ur of Saltwood. Saltwood Castle was then in custody
of Ranulf de Broc, and remained so for a month longer at least.
On Dec. 25 (Christmas Day) Becket again excommunicated Ranulf
de Broc from the pulpit of Canterbury. On the night of December
the 28th, Saltwood Castle sheltered within its walls four men of
dark design, who had arrived in haste — from beyond sea — ^from the
Court of Henry .21 On the morrow these men did a deed before the
chapel of St. Benedict, in the Cathedral Church of Canterbury,
whi'ch astonished all Christendom, which annihilated the peace,
palsied the energies and shook the throne of him for whom it was
undertaken ; which divested his name of each early and romantic
association, and left his character for magnanimity a monument of
the meanest treachery or the weakest passion.
^This deed, which affected the relations of Church and State in
17 Biceto, 541. Chron, Oerv. 1402.
IS Eoveden, 286, a.
*^ In the fiscal year ending Mich. 1168,
Eanulf de Broc accounted to the Exche-
quer for the revenues of the two previous
years (Madox Exchequer^ 406, q.)
» Biceto^ 654. Chron, Gerv. 1413.
21 Gerv, 1414.
CHETTON.
169
this country^ for centariesj has been called by various names^ and
among others '^ The Martyrdom of Saint Thomas '' — words which
imply something of truth and more of opinion. By it were esta-
blished those principles to which eight years of the victim's life had
been vainly devoted. Becket murdered was to the Church and
Priesthood a bulwark of strength, in comparison of which the lordly
presence, the blameless reputation, the lofty courage, the austere
devotion, the fiery zeal, the aspiring genius of Becket yet alive, had
been all as nothing.
But the greatness of the subject must no longer lead us away
from our concern with the subordinate actors. Of one of the four
faithful servants of King Henry we shall have to speak again, and
in connexion with our local history. We shall show specifically
in his case that extinction of a line which has been alleged in regard
both of him and his companions, and which tradition or opinion
usually inserts among the consequences of foul and murderous
deeds.^^
Banulf de Broc, whatever may have been his complicity in the
murder of Becket, was not one of the prominent actors. Henry
could therefore retain him in a position to which the more open
executors of the royal will are said never to have been recalled.
At Michaelmas 1171 he had formed under the crown the escheated
honour of Henry de Essex, some time Constable of England. His
account of this trust was not, as usual, rendered in detail at the
Exchequer, but his veredictum thereon was accepted.^
In October^ 1173, when the rebel Earl of Leicester landed at
Walton, in SuflFolk, he first laid siege to Hagenet Castle, which
Rantdf de Broc then held for the King. The Castellan^s success in
this service was not so unequivocal as on former occasions. The
preliminaries, which we may presume to have been settled in mid-
night council at Saltwood, were probably better suited to his capa-
^ This passage has not been sent' to the
press without reperusal. An article
appeared in the Q^art€rli/ Medew of
September, 1853, oh the ".Murder of
Thomas k Becket,'* which has, I beliere,
attracted, and, I am sure, deserves much
attention. The main subject will never
be more fiurlj or ably treated. The
writer however, probably from want of
interest in the details of the matter, has
accepted some second-rate authorities as
to the subsequent history of Becket's four
murderers. His notice of William de
Tracy applies, I believe, to two individuals
of the same name. The posterity of
Reginald Fitz Urse continued in England,
and became demonstrably and utterly ex-
tinct. His relations with Shropshire and
Montgomeryshire will bring him appro-
priately under notice hereafter.
28 Rot Pip. 17 Hen. II.
170
CHETTON.
city than matters of open warfare. The Castle of Hagenet was
taken^ — after however a si^e of four days.^ This mischance does
not seem to have compromised him with the King; for^ about three
years later^ when Henry^ then at Bridgnorth^ expedited a Royal
Charter to Wenlock Priory, Randal Broc was, with other courtiers,
a witness/*** The time of his death is uncertain, — ^but we have an
approximate statement on the subject. It has been seen above,
that in 1165 he held half a knight's fee under the Earl of Arundel.
This tenure appears as one of sixty solidatea of land in subse-
quent accounts, rendered whilst the honour of Arundel was in the
King's hands. Walter, Archbishop of Rouen, who farmed the same
from September 1180 to Easter 1187, left his account charged
with 6i years' rent (viz. £J9. \0s.) due to the Crown, and which
had accrued on the tenement of '* Ranulf de Broc." ^ William
Rufus accounting, September 1188, for the same /erm, chaises
\\ year's rent (£4. 10«.) onthelandof JSrumfe^a, against ''Stephen
de Tumham."^ The latter will presently appear in the succession
of Ranulf de Broc, — and we may infer that the lapse was coincident
with the change of fermors of the honour of Arundel,- in other
words, that Ranulf de Broc died about 1187.
His issue was five daughters and coheirs; but, as his wife Damietta
survived him, her inheritance in Shropshire will have suffered no
partition till her own death in 1204. On August 8 of that year,
Stephen de Tumham, who had married Edeline, the eldest daughter
and coheir,, obtained King John's writ to the Sheriff of Southants,
ordering the said Sheriff to give seizin to '' our faithful Stephen de
Thornham and Odeline his wife, of the Manor of Prellebi, which
was Dametta's (mother of the said Odeline), who is dead, whose
heir she (Odeline) is." A similar precept to the Sheriff t>f Salop
orders seizin to be given to the same Stephen and Edelina, of the
Manors of Chedinton, Euden, and Berewic.^®
The sole heirship of Edelina implied by these writs of King John
was a fiction, as we shall presently see ; but the work of appropri-
3* Bromton, 1089.
^ Moncuticon^ yol. y, p. 73, No 3.
» Rot Pip, 33 Hen. II.
27 Mot, Pvp, 34 Hen. II.
^ Claus. 6 John, 19 recto. The Manor
of Frelleberi had not however been
■trictlj Dametta's. It must have been
her dower out of the lands of Banulf de
Broc. Its tenure was attached to the
serjeantry of bemg Usher to the King.
This service is entered several times in
the Testa de Nevill, in connexion with
Frelleberi. In one instance, Stephen de
Tumham holds the Manor, in another his
widow, under the name of Edelina de
Froleberi (Testa de Nevill, 235, 236).
CHETTON.
171
ation by Stephen de Tumliam was not yet complete. About Dec.
1205, he offered^^ to King John three palfreys to have the royal
confirmation of 15 librates of land in Ertendim (Surrey), with the
Hundred, &c., which he had and held by gift of King Henry II,
at a fee-farm rent of £15, and by gift of King Richard, at half a
knight's fee : also, to have the King's confirmation, to him and to
Edeline his wife, daughter of Ranulf de Broc, of the reasonable
concession and confirmation which King Henry II made to the
same Ranulf de Broc, his Usher and Marshall, of all the land and
ministry of his father, &c. (reciting Henry IPs charter above
quoted).
This fine of Stephen de Tumham secured King John's two
charters dated at Dorchester, Dec. 18, 1205; the first of which
confirms Ertendun to Stephen de Turnham, the King's Marshall,
and his heirs, while the second recites Henry II's charter to Ranulf
de Broc, and confirms it to Stephen de Tumham and Edeline his
wife, daughter of said Ranulf, and their heirs.
King John moreover takes into his hand, custody, and protection,
both the grantees, their lands, tenures, and effects.^^
It will be observed that the last charter does not call Edelina the
heir of Ranulf de Broc, though it substantially ignores the claims
of any coheirs.
At this period then (Dec. 1205) Stephen de Tumham, of whom
singly I must speak elsewhere, had engrossed in right of his wife,
the whole inheritance both of her father and mother.
.This appropriation did not remain long unquestioned, for, within
two years, Sibil de Broc was a suitor against Stephen de Tumham
and Edeline his wiTe (Sibil's sister) for her share of the inheritances
of Ranulf de Broc and of Dametta, father and mother of Sibil and
Edeline. The parties came to a final concord in the King's Court
at Winchester, in the ninth year of John (1207-8), and thereby
Stephen and Edeline conceded to Sibil the Manor of Chedinton,
of the inheritance of Dametta.*^ It must here be stated that no
® Rot. Fin. 7 John, memb. 7 recto.
* Rot Cart. 7 John, memb. 6 recto.
^ See these proceedings recited in the
Plea Rolls of Mich. Term, 3 Hen. Ill,
(memb. 14 dorso) and Hilary Term,
7 Hen. Ill (memb. 12 dorso). The
error of calling Banulf de Broc's wife (in
one instance) Dametta de Tumham is too
obvious to be inserted iu the text. I may
further state that in arranging these
records so as to furnish an intelligible
narrative, many such errors have been
corrected. The intricacy of the cases,
and the number of names involyed,
naturally perplexed the Clerk who took
the minutes of each trial during its pro-
gress. (See Sir F. Falgrave's Introduction
to the " Cturia Regis " Rolls^ page v.)
172 CHETTON.
chirograph of this fine is preserved^ and that Sibil de Broc aftet'^
wards denied it. Such denial^ however^ I think^ was rather in the
way of exception taken to its details than an absolute ayermentthat
no fine whatever had been levied. At aU events Sibil de Broc
became about this time seized of Chetton^ unless indeed a circum^
stance which I have now to notice arose from some continued liti-
gation and uncertainty. The Testa de Nevill and the Red Book of
ihe Exchequer supply us with several documents purporting to
contain full particulars of every tenancy in capite in this County.
These Bolls vary little firom each other^ are nearly cotemporary^ and
may collectively be dated of the year 1211. Not one of them
contains any entry which I can associate with Chetton^ except that
Stephen de Tumham is said to hold lands of 100^. annual value by
unknown service.^^ This may or may not have included Chettouy
but I incline to refer it to Berwick only^ which he held at the timo
and transmitted to his posterity.
Before March^ 1214^ Stephen de Tumham was dead^^ leaving
his widow Edeline surviving^ and five daughters and co-heirs.
Edelina^ after her husband^s deaths appears still in litigation with
her sister Sibil^ as also in the exercise of a power which she could
only claim in virtue of some asserted interest at Chetton.
The Advowson of Chetton she included in her grant** to Lille-
shuU Abbey^ and though the act was nugatory^ it well illustrates the
hints we have of protracted litigation between the sisters.
In Michaelmas Term, 1219, Edelina de Broc (thus called by her
maiden name in her widowhood) sued Sibil de Broc for not keeping
the fine above alluded to as having been made in King John's
reign. Sibil did not appear, and she, with her sureties (viz., Andrew
de Mora and William de Criddon), were summoned for the quinzaine
of St. Hilary, 1220.»6
In that term, the hearing was adjourned to three weeks of
Easter,** of which term we have no record.
In Trinity Term, however, the cause was still unheard, and owing
to Sibil's non-appearance, she and her first sureties were declared
in misericordia ; and she was attached by better sureties, viz.,
Thomas de Chetinton and Hugh de Hollicot.*^
^ Testa de Nemll^ p. 55.
w Clam, i, 141.
s* EcmtL MS8. 2060— corrected by
Dodsworth, vol. 110.
» JPlacita a^ Westm, 3 Hen. Ill,
\4t dorso.
* Fladta apud Westm, HilL Term,
4 Hen. Ill, memb. 5 dorso.
^ I*lacita apud Westm, Trin. Term,
4 Hen. Ill, memb. 15 dorso.
CHETTON.
173
We hear no more of this suit, and it was in all probability put an
end to by the death of Edelina, the Plaintiff, which must have takw
place about this period. Of the five daughters and heirs of herself
and Stephen de Tumham, the one most necessary to be mentioned
here is Eleanor, who, having been wife of Roger de Leyboum, was
also dead befi)re November, 1221, leaving the said Roger generally
interested in her share of her father and mother's inheritance, and
specially in the Manor of Berwick. Now again we shall hear of
continued litigation, and of other daughters and co-heirs of BanuLf
de Broc, besides Sibil and Edeline. —
At Salop Assizes, Nov. 1221/^ William de Tatelinton and Clemence
his wife, with Sibil (de Broc) Clemence's sister, sued Roger de
Leybum for the Manor of Berewic " as their right and inheritance,
whereof Damota their mother was seized, as of fee and right, in
demesne, in time of King Richard ^' (1189-1199).
Roger de Leybum appeared and pleaded that they (Clemence and
Sibil) " had another sister Lucy, of whom was no mention made in
their writ, and therefore he was not wiUing to answer them unless
the Court decided that he should/' The plaintiffs hereupon ac-
knowledged that they had a third sister Lucy, but pleaded that she
had no concern in the present matter inasmuch as a final concord
had been made in the King's Court between themselves and her.
Upon this the defendant pleaded that they had yet another sister
Felicia who was wife of Michael de Wancy,^^ which Felicia had had
two daughters, nieces of Clemence and Sibil, and that these
two daughters had just as much right in the premises as their
aunts, and that, they not being mentioned in the writ, he
declines answering except under direction of the Court* Here
again the plaintiffs acknowledged that they had had ^ sister
Felicia, and she had had daughters, but stated that she (Felicia)
had received her share, and that her daughters considered them-
selves paid their portion of their mother's inheritance, to wit, of
the land which was given in marriage with Felicia; and further
they said that this Manor (Berwick) was assigned to themselves
(Clemence and Sibil) towards, their portion. The Court reserved
^ Salop AssizeSy 6 H^. Ill, memb. 1
cLorso. At these same Assizes the Stottes*
den Jurors returned Sibil del Broc as
being in the King's gift and her land in
that Hundred worth 12 shillings per
annum (memb. 9 recto).
® This plea of Boger de Ley bum's was
incorrect in certain particulars, which did
not however affect its spirit. Felicia had
not been wife of Michael de Wancy, but
of William Hareng. One of her daughters
it was who married Nicholas (not Michael)
de Wancy.
174
CHETTON.
its judgment till the octaves of Hilary (Jan. 20) at Westminster,
when and where were to be in attendance Nicholas de Wauncy
and Felicia his wife, the niece of the plalntifis, also William
M aubanc and Lucy his wife, sister of the plaintiffs, to show any
claim which they might have in the premises sought by the
plaintiffs. And William Maubanc and Lucy were to be summoned
in the County of Surrey, the others in Sussex. The reason why
Emma, Felicia^s sister (the other niece) was not summoned appears
in a notice stating that she was dead.
The whole concludes with a nomination of their attorneys by the
two plaintifib. Sibil named Gervase de Wauton, Clemence named
her husband, WiQiam de Tatlington.
The records of Hilary Term 1222 are lost, but the cause was not
then settled. In February 1223 it had another hearing, or rather
was tried at Westminster with additional plaintiffs.*®
In this case William de Themton (Tatlington) and Elena
(Clemencia) his wife, Sibilla del Hoc (Broc) Peter de Hatot
(Hotoft) and Felicia Harang (thus called by her maiden name)
seek against Roger de Lebum the Manor of Berwic as the right
of Elena (Clemencia) Sibil, Peter and Felicia, whereof Damietta,
mother of SibU and Felicia (Clemencia), and grandmother*^ of
Elena (Felicia) and Peter, was seized in demesne, &c.
Eoger de Leybum now appeared and pleaded the fine of the 9th
of John as a settlement of the question, so far as Sibil de Broc was
concerned, she having by that fine obtained the Manor of Chedinton
as her share of Dametta^s inheritance. Against the others he said
that the heirs of Stephen de Tumham ought to be his warranty
and to warranty he called them, viz. Thomas de Bavelingham and
Matilda his wife, Adam de Bending and Alice his wife
de Faye and Katherine (Beatrice) his wife, Ralph Fitz Bernard and
Eleanor his wife. The trial was adjourned to the (^uinzaine of
Michaelmas and " Sibil de Broc renounces (dedicit) lAie^cyrog^raph "
(the fine of 9 John) .
In some Michaelmas Term subsequent to this, but probably that
of 1223, an essoign-roU gives Felicia Harang essoigning herself
versus Roger de Leybum, in a plea of land, by WiUiam Hareng.
The cause was adjourned to the morrow of the Purification (pro-
bably Feb. 3, 1224). The same day was given to Clemence ^and
*> Plae. apud Weatm, Hil. Term, 7
Hen. III.
^ Damietta was great grandmother of
Peter.
CHETTON.
175
William * * * *^ and to Thomas de Buckingham (Bavelingham)
and Mabil (Matilda) his wife, and to Beatrice de Say (Fay) ; to
Adam de Bending and Alice his wife, and to Richard Fitz B "**" * *
(Ralph Fitz Bernard) as custos of his daughter; and lastly to
Peter de Hotot (Hotoft) .*»
In Hilary Term, 1225, Beatrice de Fay occurs as naming an
attorney in her suit against Roger de Leybum about a plea of
warranty.*^ This would make it appear that the parties called to
warranty by Roger de Leyburn were not all ready to vouch such
warranty; but the cross suits between the heirs of Broc and the
heirs of Tumham, and between the latter, as among themselves,
become so indistinguishable at this period, and the records so
broken and imperfect, that I must needs continue the subject
with much uncertainty.
In Trinity Term, 1233, Roger de Lebum essoigns himself v^r^t^^
Hugh de HoviU, and Beatrice his wife (heretofore Beatrice de Faye)
and versus John, son of Ralph Fitz Bernard, and others, in 2iplea
of land. The adjournment is to the morrow of St. Martin (Nov. 12,
1233).**
But previous to the latter day, viz., on the guinzmne of St. Michael
(Oct. 13), 1233, a farther day was given to Hugh de Neovill and
Beatrice his wife, to William Branche and Johanna his wife, plain-
tiffs, and to Roger de Lebum in a plea of land. The day given
was in one month of Hilary (1234) ,^
On Feb. 3, 1237, the attorney of Sibil de Brok versus Roger de
Lebum has essoign till the quinzaine of the Holy Trinity.*^ Here
Sibil was probably defendant.
Most of this, though it has to do with the Lady of Chetton,
relates to her interests elsewhere. We will now revert to our more
immediate subject.
^ The Boll from which I quote is dated
of Trinity Term 5 John, and the first
membranes may belong to that term. The
abore, which is on the dorse of the six-
teenth membrane, as well as some other
portions of the Eoll, haye been attached
to it without any care or reason. They
belong to other Bolls and terms, and
must, now that they are misplaced, be
dated by their internal eyidence.
« Plac, apud JFest,, HiL Term, 9 Hen.
ni, memb. 6 recto.
^ This Boll is dated as of the seven-
teenth year of John. It is fragmentary,
but the earlier membranes belong appa-
rently to the serenteenth of Hen. in,
and the later ones to the eighteenth of
Henry III* The aboye is on membrane
1 recto.
^ Floe, ttpvd WeHm., Mich. Term,
17 and 18 Hen. m, memb. 12 dorso.
^ Eaaon, apud Westm,y Hil. Term,
21 Hen. Ill, memb. 8 dorso
23
176
CHBTTON.
On Nov. 8^ 1224^ a fine was levied at Westminster between
Sibil de Broc^ complainant (petentem)^ and Alan^ Abbot of Lilles-
huU^ deforciant^ of the advowson of Chetton^ whereof was assize of
darrein presentment. The Abbot acknowledged the right of Sibil,
and quit-claimed for ever to her and her heirs.*^ The Abbotts
claim of course arose from the grant of Edelina de Tumham,
Sibil's sister^ which has been mentioned above^ and was apparently
quite beyond the grantor's powers.
About 1225, Sibil de Broc granted Chetton Mill, worth two
merks yearly, to the Nuns of Brewood.*®
She must have lived to a great age, her father and mother
having been married previous to 1166,^' the former also dying
about 1187, and yet Sibil surviving in 1253. She (Sibil), was some
time married, viz., to William de Arundel ; but she left no issue,
neither does her name occur during the period of her coverture.
She seems to have died about Nov. 10, 1253, having in that year
made certain grants to the Church of Chetton, which shall be
noticed presently. On her death the same confusion arose as to her
succession as had encuml)ered her heritage whilst living.
On July 7, 1254, a Jury, empanelled to give account of her
possessions and heirs, reported, that she had two sisters older than
herself, Edelina the eldest and Clemence the youngest, — that Ede-
lina had three daughters, married in Sussex, — that John de Wauncye
was kin to one of these daughters, John de Bending to another,
and Peter de Hautot to the third (where the confusion between the
issue of one of Edelina's sisters and her daughters is obvious). Of
Clemence, they said, that "she had four sons, viz. Auger, of whom she
was pregnant when William de Maleseveres, formerly her husband,
espoused her, and three others begotten in lawful wedlock, viz.
Hamon the eldest, who, before his decease, begat William, Simon,
and Alexander.'^ ^^
In 1255, the Stottesden Jurors said of Chetyton that it was in
the King's hands, Stephen de Buterleg holding it in the King's
name till it be determined who was next heir; and he (Stephen)
answered at the Exchequer for the income, viz. £12. 2^. 6d. per
*7 Pedes flnmm, 9 Hen. Ill, Salop.
« £ot. Sund, ii, 83. The Taxation of
1291, shows that this grant was to the
Black Nuns of Brewood, and gires its
Talue as 16«. per annum {Nio, Tax, page
162).
^ It is probable that this marriage
took place during the extreme youth of
the mother, a usual circumstance in the
case of an heiress.
^ InquuUions, 38 Hen. Ill, No. 45.
CHETTON.
177
annum ; and it fell into the Song's hand in the feast of St. Martin^
in his thirty-eighth year. It contained a hide and half, and should
be held of the King in capite. It owed suit to the Sheriflf 's toum
twice a year^ but did no suit to the lesser Hundred or County
Courts, nor gave stretward, nor motfee, the Jurors knew not by
what warrant. The san^e Jurors reported the various elemosynary
grants which Sibil de Broc had made out of this Manor, and the
loss which resulted to the Crown in consequence.^^
The report of this Jury is an appropriate comment on the inaccu-
racies of the post mortem inquisition above quoted. Apother such
Inquisition was ordered by the Crown, and made its report on
7 Feb. 1256. Calling the deceased " Isabella'' de Broc, the
Jurors said that "the service due to the Crown from Chetton was
that of one man in North Wales, — ^that Sibilla left no heir, but
three sisters. Of these the Jury knew not whether Odelina had any
heir; Alicia had two daughters, Emma and Felicia; Emma had
one son, Peter de Hamtoft; Felicia had one son, Nicholas de
Wancy. Clemence (the third sister of Sibil) had one son, viz.
Auger de Tatlinton. These three (viz. Peter de Hamtoft, Nicholas
de Wancy, and Auger de Tatlinton) were heirs of Sibil, and were
of full age.'' 52
Neither does this return seem to have been satisfactory,— for, on
16 June following, a third Jury made its report, viz., that Sibil's
three sisters were Edelina, formerly wife of Stephen de Tumham ;
Alice, of WiUiam Harang ; Clemence, of William Malesoveres.
Alice had two daughters : Emmia, the eldest, of whom was bom
Peter de Hotoft; Felicia, the youngest, who was mother of Nicholas
de Wancy. Clemence's first-bom son was Auger de Tatlinton.
The said Peter, Nicholas, and Auger were of full age. Of the age
of Edelina the Jurors knew nothing;^ nor indeed were they
likely, seeing that she had been dead thirty years. Except that the
name of Sibil's sister Felicia is written Alicia in these returns, I
see no reason to question their correctness. Lucy, Sibil's fourth
sister, once wife of William de Maubanc is not mentioned, probably
as having deceased without issue.
It appears that the doubts about the heirship of Sibil de Broc
were settled very shortly after this. The King allowed livery of
" Sat. Smd, ii, 82, 83.
'3 Ing[iU9, pott mortemy 40 Hen. Ill,
No. 40.
^ Inquis, post mortem^ 40 Hen. Ill,
No. 40 (memb. 2.)
178
CHETTON.
one-third of Chetton to Auger de Tatlinton, as son and' heir of
Clemence de Broc: another third went between Nicholas de
Wancy and Robert de Hotoft^ as heirs of Alice (alias Felicia) de
Broc. The heirs of Edelina de Broc not coming forward to claim
the other third the King retained it himself^ and with it the capital'
messuage and advowson of the Church.^ .
On the death of the then Incumbent^ the King proposing to
nominate his successor, was resisted by Auger de Tatlinton. Upon
this the latter was sued by the Crown, in a ^'plea that he should
allow the King to present/' The cause was heard at Westmin-
ster in Easter Term, 1260, and ended in Auger conceding, as
far as he was concerned, the right to the King, bu tonly hdc vice.
The King had thereupon a writ of the Justices to the Bishop of
Hereford.^*^
Following the history of the third of Chetton thus retained by
the King, we find it six yearsafterwardsgrantedtoBobert Corbet, of*
Chaddesley, in fee, with a third only of the Advowson. The King's
charter is dated at Kemlworth, on 25 August, 1266, and is exprei»ed
to be in reward of faithful services.^ The time and place make the
nature of these services sufficiently obvious.
Within four years of this time Bobert Corbet was dead, having
however obtained possession (according to one account) of the other
two-thirds of Chetton, and certainly having disposed of all interest
derived under the Kii^g's grant in muW folbwing :-Ab Bobert
Corbet, Lord of Chetynton, he grants to Sir Bobert Bumel 1 acre
in his demesne in Chetynton, and the advowson of the Church, as
far as it belonged to him, and the homage of Hugh de Holycote.
For this Bobert Bumel was to pay 1^. yearly in the Church of
Chetynton. — The witnesses were : Sirs Hugh de Mortim^, Balph
de Arraz, Thomas Boterel, and Adam de Montgomery, Knights ;
also Adam de St. George, Alan de Glazeley, Hugh de Chinezeleye
(Kinslow), Adam de Fayntre, and Balph Sprenchose.^^
^ Plac. apud Wegtm.^ Easter Tenn, 44
Hen. m, memb. 19 recto. This record
is again full of scribal errors, such as call-
ing Chetton ** Tatlington/' Clementia
** Juliana,*' both which errors it corrects
for itself. Whether Alice de Broc and
Bobert de Hotoft be rightly named is a
question.
" Ibidem.
«« Eot. Pai, 60 Hen. Ill, sub die. Bjit
Bobert Corbet had had a prerious interest
here, probably by purchase from one of
the other tenants. In Febmary, 1262, he
fined 8«. with the Justices of the Forest
for one and a half acres taken into the
the King's hand, which he had recently
assarted in Chetinton without warrant.
{Plac, Forest. 46 Hen. m, memb. 6
recto.)
^7 Bat. CaH,^ 54 Hen. Ill, memb. 6.
CHETTON. 179
As Robert Corbet of Cbeddesle, he farther granted to William^
son of William Corbet^ his nephew, his land with the capital mes-
suage in Chetynton (except half an acre and one-third the Advowson
of the Church which he had granted to Sir Robert Bumel), to wit,
one-third the said Manor which King Henry, son of John, had given
him. To have and to hold of the King, &c, — ^The witnesses were :
Sirs Henry and Hugh de Mortimer, Ralph de Arraz, Adam de
Elmbrugg, Knights ; also Alan de Olazeley, William de Herwinton,
and Richard de Muntvyron.^®
On the death of this Robert Corbet previous to Jan. 7, 1270,
William, his said nephew, represented to the King that, whereas his
uncle had enfeoffed him, one month before his decease, not only in
the third which he had from the King, but also in the other two-
thirds, which said Robert possessed, and all which William and his
heirs were to hold of the King in capite, and had held for a month
before Robert Corbet's death, now the King's sub-escheator for
Salop had ejected said William and still retained the premises.^^
Hereupon the King's writ, of the last date, issued to the escheator
dtra Trent to inquire the particulars by Jury, and further whether
Robert Corbet were illegitimate and died without heir, and whether
the Advowson belonged to the King.
The Jury met at Chetton on 26th January next and reported that
Robert Corbet enfeoffed his nephew in one- third of the Manor, and
did not die seized thereof, that he (Robert) was illegitimate, died
without heir, and could well give feoffinent ; that the Advowson was
Robert Bumell's, to whom Robert Corbet had sold it.
Again on the 22d of February 1270, the King's certificate issued .
to the escheator, to say that, in consequence of this inquest, he had
taken the homage of William Corbet for one-third of Chetton,
saving the right of any claimant (which indeed was a reservation
in the original grant to Robert Corbet), and saving the service due
to the Crown. The escheator is to take security for the said" service
and for his relief if any be due, and then give hiTn seizin of the
said third.^
On the 12th of May and 28th of June following, the King
inspected and confirmed by Royal Charter the two grants which
Robert Corbet had made to William Corbet and to Robert Bumel
respectively.^^
68
Sot, Cart,^ 64i Hen. Ill, memb. 9.
^ Inq. post mortem, 54 Hen. Ill,
No. 53.
^ FimSf 64 Hen. Ill, memb. 14.
61 Mot, Core., 54 Hen. Ill, meaph, 9
and 6.
180 OHBTTON.
At Salop Ajssizes, September^ 1272^ the Stottesden Jurors reported
that one-third of Chetiton had been on escheat of the King, that
the King gave it to Robert Corbet and he to William Corbet.**
On Nov. 27, 1274, a similar jnry said that William Corbet held
the Manor of Chetiton of the King in capUe, by service of finding
one footman with a bow and arrows to go with the King, whenever
he shall decree to make war, into Wales, and to stay there till he
has shot away his arrows.*'
Preparatory to the muster at Worcester, against Lewelin, 6 July,
1277^ William Corbet acknowledged his service due, viz., to find one
man who was to take with him a gammon of bacon and to stay (in
Wales) till he had eaten it up. John de Hull was to perform the
service.**
In 1283, the King's escheator citra Trent is ordered to seize into
the King's hand &c., the lands &c., of which William Corbet had
died seized.**^
Aug. 22, 1283, an inquest held at Chettington on the death of
William Corbet, reported that ^^he held in capUe of the King a
messuage, garden, &;c. in Chetington ; and also two-thirds of two
carrucates of land in demesne ; that Sir Soger Corbet was his next
heir and of fuU age: also that the said tenure was by seijeantry of
"doing service of^one footmau in the King's amy, wS itlall
have happened that there be war between the King and the
Prince of Wales, at the cost of the said William, till the same
footman shall have consumed half a swine (baconem) in the same
expedition.'' **
In 1284, Roger Corbet holding the Manor in capite, the outfit of
his deputy is more fiilly described.*^ —
The man was to take 1 bow, 3 arrows, and a caltrop,^ and also
a cured hog, and, when he reached the Kong's army, he was to deliver
to the King's Marshal half thereof and the Marshal was to give
him daily of the said half bacon for his dinner, as long as he staid
in the army, and he was to stay with the army as long as the hog
lasted.
In 1829 or 1290 the escheator is ordered to seize the lands of
^ Assize Roily 66 Hen. Ill, memb. 49
reoto.
« Eot mmd., ii, 108.
•* ParUamentaiy WriU, vol. i> p. 208.
« Ori^finalia, 11 Edw, I, Sot, IB.
^ Inq.post mortem^ 11 Edw. I, No. 103.
^ Kvrh^s Quest,
^ The word here used is terpolua; bui
tribuUu again under the entry of 1292.
The mode in which a competent service
was exacted from the King's tenant at
Chetton, however extraordinary, becomes
intelligible by this entry.
CHETTON.
181
Robert Corbet deceased ;^^ and in 1290 the inquest on his death
reported his interest in Chetidone J^ He left a son, William, who,
in October 1292, was still a minor and in ward to Fulco de Lucy.
The service due on Chetton is described nearly as before J^ At the
same time Nesta Lady of Chetton (Roger Corbet^s widow) held
land there to the value of 48*. lOrf., of the inheritance of William
Corbet, and she was in the King^s gift, but married to Thomas de
Roshal, the jury knew not by what warrant. The Sherifif being
ordered to summon the said Thomas and Nesta, the former appears
and (apparently) states that the King at request of Robert de Val
had allowed Nesta (her right of remarriage, I presume) P
In March 1316, the said William Corbet appears as Lord of
Chetton.73
HOLLICOTT. '
A tenure here, probably under the Lords of Chetton, occurs from
an early period.
In November 1194 an assize of mort d^ancestre stood for hearing
in the Courts at Westminster, wherein Hugh de Holocote was
plaintiff against Adam de Hereford. The latter, being beyond sea,
in Ireland, had essoign by Yvo Walensis. The Recognizers of this
Assize, who also essoigned themselves, and their Essoigners were as
follows : —
Stephen de Middelton by Adam de Middleton.
Warin de Middelton by Roger Fitz Edwin.
Hugo de Hupton by Richard Fitz Rc^er.
Robert de Fagnotre by William Fitz Richard.
Robert Walensis by Walter Chordiwan.
Philip de Pharlawe (Farlow) by Rog. Fitz Siward, and —
Walter Hachet (of WheathiU) V Richard de Gorewelle.^*
In 1220, we have already had Hugh de Hollicot as a surety of
Sibil de Broc, Lady of Chetton.75
In 1255,7« and again in January 1256, Hugh de Holocote sat as
a juror of the Hundred of Stottesden.77
^ Oriffinalia, vol. i, p. 64.
7^ Calendar JSschaetarum, i, 101.
71 Placita CorofUBy Salop, 20 Edw. I,
memb. 20 recto.
^ The record is torn and defeced.
73 Pwrl. Writs, iv, 398.
74 Sot CuruB Segis, i, 123.
75 Vide supra, page 172.
76 Uot mmd, ii, 81.
77 Salop AmzeSy 40 Hen. III.
182
CHETTON.
About 1268, Robert Corbet's grant in Chetton to Robert Bumell
included tbe homage of Hugb de Holyeote.
Jan. 26, 1270, Hugh de Holicottwas a Juror in the inquest as to
the estate of Robert Corbet of ChettonJ®
In Sept. 1272, he was reported as making default in due
attendance at Salop Assizes.^^
An extract from a deed of about this period gives as witnesses
GteoflBry de Criddon and Hugh de Holicote his son. If this be
correct, Hugh de Holicote must have been husband of Sibil,
daughter and sole heir of OteoSry de Criddon ; and further he will
have been dead in 1274 when the said Sibil had remarried.^
June 23, 1297, William Hobald, of the Mill, grants to William
his son and Mabil his (son's) wife, and heirs of their bodies, all the
land of Alan at Holyeote, with a messuage in the same, of which
Sir Roger de Holyeote had eitfeoffedthe grantor. To hold of Hugh
de Holyeote the chief Lord of the fee. In default of such heirs the
premises are to revert to the grantor. — ^Witnesses : John Lord of
Upton, Coroner, Wydo de Glaseleg, William de Mora, William son
of Hawys de Westode (Westwood), John de Aldebur (Oldbury).
Dated at Holyeote on Sunday in the Vigil of St. John the Baptist,
25 of King Edward.^^ An extract from a deed similarly dated and
attested and by the same grantor, gives Matilda as the name of the
son's wife, and conveys a mill and messuage in Holyeote to be held
of Boger Lord of Holyeote.®^
On the whole I conclude that Hugh, Lord of HoUicott in 1270,
was succeeded by Roger, and he by another Hugh previous to
1297.
In the same interval one Richard de Holyeote appears as husband
of Clemence, daughter and coheiress of Adam de Faintree.^
The family of Hubold or Hobald had more than one branch and
interest in this neighbourhood. The adjunct ^^de Molendino^'
used by the above grantor was to distinguish himself from a con-
temporary William Hobaud, of Harpesford (Harpswood) .
7B InquisUumSy 54 Henry m. No. 53.
^ Assizes, 56 Hen. Ill, Stottesden
Hund.
» BlakewayMSS.
31 Charter at Aplej Park. WiUiam
Hubaud de Holyno had served on the
Stotteeden Jury at Salop A^Bizes, October
1292 (FUc, Corona, memb. 51 recto).
« Blakeway M88, in BlbL BodL Pa-
rochial Hist. vol. L Tit. Eudon Bumell.
The manifest inaccuracy of this extract
may be an excuse for the diffidence with
which I haye aboye quoted a similarly
authorized deed.
» Vide supra, p. 162.
CHETTON. 188
CHETTON CHUKCH.
The existeuce of a Church here in 1086 and some early notices of
the Advowson thereof, have already been set forth. About 1253,
Sibil de Broc gave a virgate of land, worth 16«. per annum, to the
Parson of the Church of Chetyton in pure and perpetual alms, to
find a Chaplain to sing the mass of Saint Mary.®* She also gave
about the same time to the same Church an acre of land and a fish-
pond (servarium), which were of 6 pence annual value.
In 1291, the Church of Chetynton with the Chapel of Lustone
(Loughton) is returned as annuaUy worth £16. The Rector of
Conede (Cound) had a portion therein worth 4*. per annum. The
Abbot of Wigmore is also said to have had a portion of 10s. therein.®^
However, in 1341, the taxation of the Church is stated at £16. 4^.,
the Abbot of Wigmore's portion being excluded.
At this time the Assessors rendered account of £7. 4^. 4^. as the
value of the ninth of wheat, wool, and lamb in the parish. The
difference between this sum and the Church taxation arose thus : —
Three carrucates and three virgates of land lay untilled from the
poverty of the tenants : the estate (fundus) of the Church with its
rents and lands annexed were worth 29«. ; the tithe of hay was
13*. 4rf. ; the small tithes, offerings, and other profits were worth
13*. 4rf., afi by inquisition had been determined &c.8«
In 1534, the Rectory of Chetton, then held by Humphrey Bumell,
was worth, in glebe and great and small tithes, £13. in gross. The
charges on this sum were Procurations 7*, Sd, ; Bishop's triennial
visitation 17s. 9d.; the Abbot of Wigmcwe's pension 10*. ; and the
Rector of Counde's pension (here stated at) 5*. So that the net
value was £10. 19*. 7d.^
The Rector of Cound had also pensions in the Churches of
Easthope and Acton-Round. I can only account for this in one
way, viz. that when the Church of Cound was founded, the founder
(probably a Fitz Alan or some predecessor of that house) endowed
it with tithes in several quarters, viz. in Easthope, Acton Round,
Eudon (Bumell), and perhaps Criddon. The tithes of the last two
may afterwards have been made over to the Rector of Chetton in
^ Sot Smd. ii, 88.
» Pope Nich. Tax, p. 166, (Deanery of
Stottesden). The Chapelry of Loughton
is still subject to Chetton Church.
* Inq. Nonarum, p. 190.
87 Fafor. JSfccfo». iii, 211.
24
184 CHETTON.
lieu of an annual pension payable by him to the Rector of Cound.
Similarly the Abbot of Wigmore's pension may have been a com-
position in lieu of tithes ; those of Eudon George perhaps. The
early subjection of Loughton Chapelry to Chetton is a matter on
which I will not attempt a conjecture.
INCUMBENTS OF CHETTON.
The first Rector of Chetton, of whom we have record, was that
Richard Folyott, who, having been presented by Sibil de Broc before
1255, was dead in 1260, when the King, after a law-suit with Auger
de Tatlinton, had the next presentation.®®
A vacancy again occurred in the year 1278, previous to which, as
we have already seen, Robert Bumell had become the Patron.®®
His career is well known, and that he became Bishop of Bath and
Wells in 1274.
On occasion of the vacancy of this Church in 1278,^ Master
Ralph de Witham, Archdeacon of Bath, writes to the Bishop of
Hereford (Thomas de Cantilupe) in behalf of Philip Bumell. The
Bishop suspends the matter, on account of the absence of the
presentee, and grants that no time shall run against him, if only the
Church be properly served. On July 22, 1278, the same Bishop
commits custody of the Church to Sir Richard, Parish Priest of
Chetton, till the feast of AU Saints (Nov. 1), in the name of Philip
Bumell, Clerk.
On October 29, 1278, the same Bishop grants letters dimissory,
pro hac vice only, to the Bishop of Bath and WeUs, to take order
about Philip BumelVs admission to this Rectory. The Patron
named is Sir Hugh Bumell.
May 27, 1279, Sir Malcolm, Canon of Wells, is instituted, on
presentation of Sir Hugh Bm*nell.
Aug. 19, 1284, Sir Nicholas de Hereford, Canon of Hereford, is
instituted, on the same presentation.
Dec. 21, 1285, Roger de Lectone is instituted, on the same
presentation.
30 Ed. I (1301-2), Maurice de Pissatowas presented by the Crown,
in right of the guardianship of Philip Bumel.*^
» Supra, p. 178.
» Supra, p. 179.
^ Hereford RegitUr (Blakeway MSS.
in BibL BodL).
» Rot Pat, 30 Bdw. I, memb. 27.
185
€utrom
ELDONE, EUDON MALESOURES, or EUDON BURNELL.
The Saxon bun (a hill or down) is undoubtedly the last syllable
of Eudon. Looking consequently for a Saxon original of the first
syllable we hesitate according ta the different ways in which the
word has been spelt. If the Domesday orthography (Eldone) were
the most authentic^ we should at once adopt the Saxon M\b or Ealb
(old, ancient) as the said first syllable. But the Domesday form is
a solecism, and uniform custom, as well as local pronunciation, point
out Eudon as the truer name. If so its more probable component
will have been the Saxon word 6opu (genitive, 6ope an ewe), or else
Gop (the wild ash).
Domesday''p.o^CG& the Manor thus :^ —
The same Rainald (Vicecomes) holds (of the Earl) Eldone.
udBluuard held it and was a &ee man. Here are ii hides geldable.
In demesne are iii ox-teams ; and there are vi serfs, i villain, v boors,
and I Frenchman,rwith ii ox-teams: There is wood for (fattening)
LX swine. It was worth xxx shillings. Now it is worth xl shillings.
uiElward the Saxon Lord of Oldbuiry and Glazeley in this Hundred
has occurred before.
Under Chetton we have surmised the early feoffinent, by Rainald
or his successors, of that feudatory whose eventual representative
was Damietta, wife of Ranulf de Broc.
Accordingly in 1165, Ranulf de Broc appears as holding under
Pitz Alan, by service of 1 muntator, of old feoflinent, which shows
that the grant to his wife's ancestors was previous to the death of
Henry I.^
We have recounted the deaths of Ranulf de Broc about 1187, and
of Damietta, his widow, about 1204. On August 8 of the latter
year, we have seen King John ordering the Sheriff of Shropshire to
give seizin of Euden to Edelina, wife of Stephen de Tumham, as if
daughter and sole heir of the said Damietta. We have fiirther
' Domesday^ fo. 255 a. 2. ^ Liber Niger, i, 148.
186 EUDON BURNELL.
detailed the perennial litigation which followed this unjust distri-
bution of an estate to which there were five co-heiresses.
How or when Clemenoe^ one of the said coheirs^ recovered Eudon
as her share^ and conveyed it to her husband William de Malesoures^
we are not informed.
At Salop Assizes^ November^ 1221^ William Malesoures appears
as a juror on a Great Assize,^ a circumstance which indicates such
position in the County as can alone be ascribed to his previous seizin
of his wife's inheritance. Also at the same Assizes/ though under
his other name (William de Tatelinton)^ he appears with Clemence
his wife^ and Sibil her sister^ in a suit against their nephew, Roger
de Leybum, wherein Berwick was claimed by the plaintiffs. William
de Tatlinton appears again in this suit in February, 1228, and
perhaps in Michaelmas Term following.^
And further of him I can say nothing, except that he left by Ids
wife Clemence four sons, viz. Auger, of whom Clemence was preg-
nant at her marriage; Hamon; and twQ others, unnamed. Hamon
was again father, before 1254, of William, Simon, and Alexander.^
But following a more regular order of events, we find, from the
collective evidence of three Bolls of Fitz- Alan's Barony, that about
the year 1240 Simon de Frankleg was holding half a fee in Eudon
Maleseverez.*^ This I can reconcile with nothing but a conjecture
that the said Simon was seconid husband of Clemence de Broc, and
that he thus became possessed of Eudon for her or his life, as the
case may have been, but probably for hers only.
I find nothing of the issue of Clemence till the year 1250, when
Auger de Tatlinton (her eldest son) had fined 5 merks with the
Crown for some writ,^ the subject of which may have been con-
nected with the following suit.
In Michaelmas Term, 1253, it appeared, before the Queen and
Council at Westminster, that William de Tatlynton, who was
essoigned in a plea of land against Auger de Tatlynton, had not yet
been viewed. " And Master Symon de Wanton (a Justiciar) comes
on his behalf and says, that he is well of the infirmity for which he
> AMize RoUy 6 Hen. Ill, memb. 2
recto.
^ Ibidem, memb. 1 dono.
* Vide supra, p. 174.
• Supra, p. 176.
7 Testa de NevUl, pages 44, 48, 49.
It will be seen in the subjoined pedigree
how Auger de Tatlinton, son and heir of
Clemence, mamed the gnad-danghter
and eventual heir of Simon de Frankley.
Nash {Hist, Worces., i, 458) is respon-
sible for this statement, but how it is
connected with Simon de Frankley's
tenure of Eudon circa 1240, I cannot
pretend to say.
» Sot Pip, 34 Hen. lU, Salop.
EUDON BURNELL.
187
had essoign^ and that he asks leave to rise because his adversary
maliciously keeps him in bed and ivill not cause him to be viewed^
though license had been given him thereof/' *
The Court decides that he may rise and come without delay.
Afterwards he comes^ and has a day given him. This suit con-
cerned land in Worcestershire.
In 1255^ a Stottesden Jury, of which Auger de Eudon was one,
returned him as Lord of Eudon Maleseveres. It contained half a
hide, and was held of John Fitz- Alan by service of one Montar, for
half a knight's fee. He owed suit to the Sheriff's tourn twice a
year, but not to County or lesser Hundred Courts, because hisi
ancestors rendered no such suit, nor did he pay stretward, nor
moifee}^
In January, 1256, William, son of Thomas de Tatlinton, was
suitor against Auger Fitz-Clemence, for two carrucates in Eudon,
by writ of entry. William appeared in due course, but Auger came
not. The premises were seized into the King's hand, and the parties
summoned for Saturday after the octaves of the Purification, ». e.
Saturday, Feb. 12th.ii
In September, 1257, William de Tatlinton had an cLssize of novel
disseizin against Adam de Faintre and his wife.^^
In 1259, William de Tatlinton accounts half a merk for having
an assize^^ (probably the same matter).
At the same time Auger de Tatlinton accounts two merits for
license to accord}^
In 1260, Auger de Tatlinton accounts half a merk for a writ of
appone}^ This was perhaps in connexion with his suit against the
Crown as to Chetton Advowson.
On April 23, 1262, a fine was levied at Westminster between
Aunger de Tallington, plaintiff, and Richard de Eslewode, deforciant,,
as to the customs and services which Auger required from the free
tenement which Richard held of him (Auger) in Eudon, viz., one
virgate of land, &c., whereof Auger required that Richard should
pay 7«. annually, and do suit every three weeks at Auger's Court at
Eudon ; and that Richard and his heirs should render homages and
relie& to Auger and his heirs. AU these services Richard had
9 Plac, apud Westm.^ 37 Hen. in,
menib. 11 dorso.
«> Eot, Sund,, ii, p. 81.
11 Salop AssizeSf 40 Hen. III.
w Eot, Fat., 41 Hen. IH.
^ Sot Pip,y 43 Hen. IH. Salop.
** Ibidem.
^ Rot, Pip., 4A Hen. IH, Salop, vide
supra^ Pi I78i
188
BUDON fiURNELL.
heretofore denied ; but now^ after a law-suit^ acknowledged. iF'or
this acknowledgment Auger undertook to warrant the premises to
Richard and his heirs.^^
But the litigations of Auger de Tatlinton were endless. —
In Trinity Term, 1263, he appeared in a suit against John Fitz-
Alan, his Suzerain.^^ "Whereas the King had caused it to be
enacted, that no one, by reason of his tenement, should be distrained
to do suit to the Court of his Lord, except he was bound to do
such suit by the terms of his feoffment, or he and his ancestors
had done such suit prior to the King's first trans&etation (1230),
Auger now sued John Fitz-Alan in a cause as to why the said
Jolm distrained him (Auger) to do suit to John's Court at Acton "
(Acton Hound).
John Fitz-Alan appeared not. The Sheriff had not summoned
him, but sends word into Court that the said John had the King's
letters of protection as long as there was war in Wales. The Sheriff
was declared in misericordia, and the cause adjourned to Michael-
mas Term. We, however, hear no more of this case, probably
owing to the troubled state of the kingdom.
On the Pipe Roll of 51 Hen. Ill (1267), Auger de Tatlingeton
appears as having been amerced 40«. for non-prosecution of some
suit; but a note is added to the entry, to the effect that he had
accounted for such fine in the Roll of last year, under Worcester-
shire.^^
And further of him in connexion with Eudon I can say nothing.
His interest here was very likely sold much about the time when he
seems to have conveyed his share of Chetton to Robert Corbet, and
the next whom I find possessed of Eudon was Hugh Bumell, who
had a charter of free- warren here in 9 Edw. I (1281),^* and whose
tenure hereof under Fitz-Alan remained to his descendants, and is
still memorialized in the name of the place.
In 1284, Hugh Bumell holds Eudon of Richard Fitz-Alan, of
the Tumour of White Minster, by half a knight's fee.^^ The account
of him and his successors is postponed to a future occasion. We
may quote, however, from the Pleas of the Crown of October, 1292,
the record of an affray which happened here some years previously.
i< Fede9 flniumy 46 Hen. III. Esel-
wode is the same name as Hazelwood.
17 Plae. tvpud Westm., Trin. Term, 47
Hen. m, memb. 17 dorso.
w Sot. Fip,y 51 Hen. lU, Salop.
» Calend, Sot. Chart., p. 111.
» Kirhi/'s Quegt.
EUDON BURNELL. 189
and lYhich shows how soon the place took name from its new
possessors: —
'^ William de Bedleswrthin (Belswardine) and Thomas de Ken-
leye were together in the kitchen of Hugh Bumell in the village of
Endon Bumell, and a quarrel arising between them, William struck
Thomas on the head with a sword, whereof, on the fourth day
after, Thomas died. William is* a fugitive, and is suspected. He
has been sunmioned (at five County Courts by the Sheriff — the
usual process), and is outlawed. He had no chattels. The vills of
Eudon Bumell and Chetynton did not make pursuit (of the fugi-
tive) so they are in misericordid. Afterwards it was proved that
said William had chattels, viz. (of value), 4*. 6rf., for which the
Sheriff is answerable.^'^^
Eudon Bumell was at this time the dower of Sibil Bumell, who
was reported at the same Assizes as a defaulter in due attendance,
and as claiming free warren here.
The subjoined scheme of the descent of Ranulf de Broc, some
time Lord of Chetton and Eudon, is intended to illustrate the
otherwise complex narrative which is now concluded. Its accuracy
in each particular is not maintained. It is only a selection of pro-
babilities from a mass of contradictory evidence. If compared with
the foregoing narrative, it will, however, serve one purpose better
than a more lengthened commentary, — the purpose, namely, of ex-
hibiting those inconsistencies which sometimes occur in the minutes
of the Law Courts, as well as in the returns of local juries. —
It will be seen how the' want of previous acquaintance or fa-
miliarity with the places and persons concerned, affected the verbal
accuracy of the Law Scribes, both of those who worked in the cen-
tral Courts of Westminster, and those who went with tlie Justices
on their various circuits ; and yet how these functionaries seldom
failed to catch the spirit of a plea or to record it intelligibly. —
It will also be seen how Country Juries, with greater accuracy
as to names, local and personal, were often mistaken as to the facts
of a remote time or place, and were still more ignorant as to the
legal bearings and importance of such facts.
» Plac, Coron.y Salop, 20 Edw. I, | » Ibidem,
memb. 20 recto. I
-MatilcU aliai ICabilia, mar'. Ist, Bad de
Qatto]i,2dlY, Thomas de Bayelmgham.
-Alke^ maH. Adam de Bending.
-Alienore, mar**. Balph Fitz Bernard.
Beatrix eUioi Katenna, nun'. Ist, Bad de
Fa7«2dty»Hii^ do HoiiU (or KeoriU) .
ih
■I
191
Crititiom
Hebe^ as in Eudon^ we have the undoubted Saxon termination bun
(a hill or down)^ and only a question as to the first syllable. Crida
(Cjuba) was the founder of the Saxon Kingdom of Mercia, about
A,D. 586. Though we need not presume him to have had to do with
this humble locality^ it is very possible that^ after his era^ his name
became common in Mercia^ and that one so called was some time
possessor of the place.
It is not mentioned in Domesday, but at all subsequent periods it
appears as a sole Manor held under Fitz Alan, Like Eudon^ it was
and is in the parish of Chetton.
The falling off from the Domesday Hidage, of Eudon and Glazeley
(both Fitz Alan's Manors) is observable. It may be accounted for
by some early dismemberment of each^ and the same cause may
have led to the establishment of a third and independent Manor,
like Criddon ; but, as I have said more than once, the general
accuracy of the Domesday survey, as regards this quarter, is sus-
pected. An attempt, therefore, so to combine several consequents
as to tally with a doubtful antecedent, need not be ventured.
In 1165, Eobert de Critendon is registered as holding, by service
of 1 muntatoTj of Fitz Alan's Barony.^
Oct. 1219, WiUiam de Criddon was a surety for Sibil de Broc.^
Among pleas at Salop in August, 1226, was an assize of novel
disseizin as to whether Adam de Dodinton, Alexander de Cans,
Alan de Thedestiel and Alan his son, had disseized William de
Crigdon and Bicholda, his wife, of a free tenement in Thedistiel
(Tedstill) . — ^Verdict for the defendants.*
In 1240, William de Cradelton, Gridelton or Cridelton, is variously
entered as holding, by service of half a knight's fee, in the place
from which he is named, and under John Fitz Alan.*
On November 12, 1240, we have a fine^ which shows clearly what
* Liber Niger, i, 144.
' Supra, p. 172.
' FUui, coram Mege^ 10 Hen. III.
* TeHa de NeviU, pp. 44, 48, 49.
' Pedes Jinium, ofud Salop, 25
Hen. III.
25
192
CRIDDON.
this tcnant^s name really was^ also that his tenure was in Criddon^
and that the confusion arose from a similarity between his name
and the place of his tenure. The said fine was between Geoffry de
Griddon^ plaintiff^ and William de Middelton^ tenant^ of half a
knight's fee and 1 vii^ate of land in Griddon (Criddon) and Godestil
(Tedstill)^ whereof was an assize of mort d'ancestre. The former
tenant (William de Middleton) renounced his right on receipt of
five merks.
The Inquest of 1255 (as printed) again exhibits this place and its
owner in a false orthography. " Greoffrey de Breddon is Lord of
Breddon^ and holds in capite of John Fitz Alan. Therein is one-
fourth of a hide (the virgate of the fine). He does suit to the
Hundred Courts ; pays stretward 1 penny^ and motfee 2 pence. He
does no suit to the County Court.'' •
The same Geoffrey (again written '' de Breddon'^) also held half
Middelton under Fitz Aer, and Fitz Acr under Fitz Alan.^ Perhaps
William de Middelton had been his predecessor in each Manor.
In Feb. 1262^ Geoffiy de Cridon, as a Begarder of the Forests^
was amerced.® In March^ 1262^ and Sept. 1263, he appears on
Juries ? again on Jan. 26, 1270, and with Hugh de Holicote ; and
on two Juries in April^ 1278, which are the latest notices I have seen
of him.
. Sibil, his daughter and sole heir, succeeded him. This lady was,
if I am not mistaken, the wife of four successive husbands ; the first
of whom, Hugh de Crediton, was dead before January, 1256, when
Sibil, his widow, sued William Okeman and Sibil, his wife, for a
messuage in Crediton, as her dower, and recovered the same.^^
At the same Assizes this Sibil (called daughter of Geoffrey de
Criddon) was sued under writ of mort d'ancesire for a virgate in
Deuxhill. The plaintiff in this case was non-suited, Sibil proving
that she was not tenant of the premises.^^ As her father was living
it is probable that her interest in Deuxhill, whatever it was, accrued
with her first husband, and that he adopted the name of Criddon
firom his residence here.
Her second husband, Hugh de Holicote, has already been noticed
in 1268, 1270, and 1272,^^ Also the deed attested by Geoffrey
^ Mot. SfMd. ii, 82.
7 Ibidem, p. 81 { vide infra, p. 196.
" Flac, Foreit, Salop,
> In^UUious, 46 Hen. m, No. 31,
and 47 Hen. Ill, No. 26.
*^ Salop Mnzeif 40 Hen. Ill, memb.
14 recto.
11 Ibidem, memb. 2 dorso.
» Supra, p. 182.
CRIDDON. 193
de Criddon and Hugh de Holioote^ his $(m^ has been set forth.^'
He appears to have died between 1272 and 1274, for in the latter
year —
Balph^ son of Balph Fayn, of Salop, grants all he had in. Criddon
to Thomas de Marham, mentioning Sibil, daughter of GeofiPrey de
Criddon, his wife.^*
In 1284, Sibil appears with her fourth husband and her inheritance,
for " John de Volascote (WoUascott) who married Sibil, daughter
and heir of Geoffrey de Cridon, holds a Manor, in Stottesden Hun-
dred, of Kichard Fitz Alan, of the honour of Oswestry, by service
of half a knight^s fee, and he is to do guard at the Castle of White
Minster."i«
In 1293, a fine was levied between John de Wolascote with Sibil
his wife, and Edmund de Mortimer, defendant, of a rent of 20
quarters of com in Deuxhill. The right was the defendant's.^*
This calls to mind SibiFs interest in Deuxhill in 1256.
How Henry le Waleys, the next whom I find possessed of Criddon,
succeeded thereto I cannot say. He, however, entailed the estate
on Fitz Aer, by fine levied in 1306, and which purports to be between
Hugh le Fitz Aer, plaintiff, and Henry le Waleys, defendant, of
1 messuage, 1 carrucate of land, and 100 shillings rent, in Criddon
(Salop) , and of £10 rent, in Franbarew (Warwickshire) . The right is
acknowledged to be Henry's, who concedes all the premises to Hugh
for life, with remainder to William, son of said Hugh Fitz Aer,
and Christiana, daughter of John de Bedmarleye (wife of William
I suppose) }'^
In March, 1316, Alina Fitz Aer is returned as Lady of Criddon ;^®
and, in 1397-8, Criddon was held by Margaret Criddon by half a
knight's fee, under Fitz Alan.^*
A few inferior tenancies must have notice : —
In January, 1256, Agnes de TedstiU accused Thomas and Philip
Horde and Ealph de Buton, for breaking open her house at night.
They prove that the thmg was done not feloniously, but to make
a certain seizure ^^ (probably as public officers) .
^ Vide supra, p. 141.
" JBlakeway M8S.
^ Kirbj/'s QueH. Here then is one
proof of the association between the
seryice of Castle-guard and the fee of the
Muntf^tor or Muntor (vide supra, p. 86).
" JDukes* Antiquities, p. ,255.
17 Mnes diversorum Comitat, 34 Ed. I,
(Salop and Warw). Henry le Waleys may
have been only a feoffee in trust.
^ Fori. Writs, vol. iv, 898.
19 Esch. Calend, iii, 228.
» Placita Corona 40 Hen* III,
memb. 1.
194
MIDDLETON 8CBIVEN.
In Feb. 1263^ Robert^ sonof Elias de Criditon^ was amerced half
a merk for imbladement, within the jurisdiction of Shirlet Forest.^^
In Jvlj, 1272, Ralphs son of Robert the Carpenter^ of Kriddon^
fined ^alf a meri^ to have an assize.^
In September^ 1272^ there was a suit of mort d^ancestre, as to
whether Elyas^ father of William de Criddedon^ had died seized of
half a virgate here^ and if so^ whether said William was his heir.
William de Morehall^ who was sued as tenant, would not answer
without Sibil, his wife.^
Richard, son of Reginald Elyes, of Criddon (of the same family
as the last plaintifi^, I suppose), is mentioned in a deed of 1311-2 as
having sold a tenement in Criddon to Adam, son of William Lord
of Upton, which said Adam then grants to John Lord of Upton,
his nephew, &c>
NOW MIDDLETON SCRIVEN.
This Saxon town (tun), like all other Middletons, will have
originally been so called with reference to certain other localities
between which it stood.
But it is vain to conjecture such relations, seeing that 450 years
may have elapsed between the time when a Mercian town received
its Saxon name, and the time when such name first became matter
of written record. In other words, we d<9 not know, within 450
years, when any ordinary village of Mercia was established, and
still less do we know what at the time of such establishment were
the adjacent villages, or what two of them were of sufficient
importance to suggest the denomination of a third. The neigh-
bourhood of some great perennial objects, such as mountains or
» Flac, Foresta, 46 Hen. IH.
« JK ii, 672.
^ Salop AtHzes, 56 Hen. HI, memb.
5 dorso.
'* Vide Bupra, p. 143.
MIDDLETON SCRIVEK. 195
rivers^ will^ it is true^ often account for allusive names, but in the
case before us, these circumstances are wanting.
In 1085, Rainald (the Sheriff) held Middeltone (of the Earl), and
Alcher and Albert (held it) of him. Edric a free man held it (in
time of King Edward) for two Manors. Here are ii hides geldable.
In demesne are ii ox -teams ; and (there are) v serfs, vi villains, and
V boors, with iii ox-teams ; and there might be iii other (ox-teams)
more. In time of King Edward (the Manors) were worth 13*.
(per annum) . Now (they are worth) 28«. They were waste (that
is, worth nothing when they came to the present holders).^
The two Manors held here by Alcher and Albert, at Domesday ^
under the Sheriff Bainald, remained two Manors held by the
descendants of Alcher and Albert under Fitz Alan.
Thus Middleton wiU have contributed its share to the service of
1 knight and 1^ muntators due, in 1165, by Robert Fitz Aer to
Fitz Alan^s Barony ; and also to the service of 1 knight and 3^
muntators due, at the same period, by Hugh Fitz Albert, to the same
seigneury.^
Also in 1240, when William Fitz Aer is said to hold 1 fee, and
Thomas de Boshale 1^ fees of the Barony of Fitz- Alan,' the fief of
each must be taken to have involved whatever service was due from
his share of Middleton.
But of Fitz Aer and Fitz- Albert we shall hear more elsewhere.
Here we will only mention the undertenants of each at Middleton,
distinguishing them or not as best we can.
FITZ AEB'S MANOIL
Warin de Middelton, who> in November, 1194, was a recognizor
in the assize mentioned under HoUicott, was, I suppose, Fitz Aer's
tenant here. In the cause in question it is observable that his
essoigner was Roger Fitz Edwin.*
On Sept. 26, 1199, »fine was levied at Salop between Warin de
Middelton, plaintiff, and Richard de Overton, tenant, of one virgate
in Overton (an adjoining Manor) whereof had been a trial of mort
ffancestre. Warin made over his claim to Richard and his heirs,
receiving 15^.^
At Salop Assizes (October 1203), the Stottesden Jurors reported
1
Domesday, fo. 255 a. 2.
3 lAber NigeTy. i, 143.
TeHa de NevUl, pp. 4A^ 47, 48, 49.
< Supra, p. 181.
^ Pedes finmnn^ 1 John, Salop.
196
MIDDLSTON 8CRIVIN.
that ^' Roger Fitz Edwin^ who was with Waiin de Middelton^ who
died iu a fit of intoxication^ was a fugitive, but that he was not
suspected as r^arded the death of said Warin/^ *
It is possible that William de Middleton, who has before occurred
as conceding his interest in Criddon to Greoffry de Criddon^ in 1240^
took his name from this Manor, and had an interest here.
Be that as it may, in 1255, the same Greoffrey de Criddon (written
" Breddon^^) was Lord of a part of Middelton, viz. 1 hide, which
he held in capite of John Fitz Aeri (written " Cleri ") . He did suit
to County and Hundred Courts. The whole Manor paid stretward
— 8 pence, and motfe — 16 pence^ (the sums proportionable to
2 hides).
How or when Geoffirey de Criddon or his daughter alienated this
tenancy I cannot say. She was still living in 1284, and at a subse-
quent period has been noticed in a transfer of rents at Deuxhill to
Edmund de Mortimer. This may be taken in conjunction with the
fact that, in 1284, Thomas de la Hide held half the viU of Middleton
of Edmund de Mortimer, Edmund of John Fitz Aer, John of Richard
Fitz Alan, by service of one-fourth part of a knight's fee, and of the
honor of White-Minster.®
In March, 1316, Thomas de la Hyde was returned * as one of the
Lords of Middleton in Stottesden Hundred.
FITZ ALBEETS OB ROSSALL MANOR.
About 1170-80, Stephen de Midelton is a witness to a charter of
Osbem Fitz Hugh, Lord of Bichard^s Castle which related to
Badger.^o
In Nov. 1194, Stephen de Middelton was a Recognizor in the
assize mentioned under Hollicott. His essoigner was Adam de
Middleton.ii
At Salop Assizes, Oct. 1203, Stephen, nephew of one Robert,
sued Vivian de Roshall, under writ of mort cPancestre, for a bovate in
Middleton, which he claimed as Robert's heir. Vivian appeared
and said that he claimed nothing in the premises except as guardian
of a certain infant whom he brought into Court. Stephen would
* Salop AiHxe$, 5 John, menib* 2
dorso.
7 JU)t. Hwnd, ii, 81.
8 Kirby'9 Qmm^. In 1292, Warin de
Middleton, whom I take to be of this
place, has been mentioned already aa
having an interest in Faintree.
» Pari. WrUtt vol. ir, p. 398.
10 Charter at Badger.
" Supra, p. 181.
MIDDIiETON SCRIVEN.
197
not allow t^remanet on this ground^ because the father of the said
infant had never been seized of the land^ but held it of his (Ste-
phen's) service (I suppose in villenage). Vivian acknowledges
' thus far^ but says that^ in fact^ Robert^ son of the daughter of the
first-named Robert^ after the death of said first-named Robert^ was
seized of said land^ and is yet living ; and whereas he is living and
not in Court, Vivian avers that there should be no assize. Stephen
rejoins without contradicting Robert's seizin, but believes him to be
dead. However, as Stephen produces no witnesses (sectam) of such
death he takes nothing, and the Assize remains sine dieP
In 1255, Hamo de Middelton was returned as joint Lord of
Middelton, holding i hide there of Thomas de Rossale, and doing
suit to the Hundred Courts.^^
From 1259 to 1262, he was one of the Agistators of several Royal
Forests, and rendered account of his receipts in 1267.^*
In Sept. 1263, Hamo de Middleton and Richard Clericus de
Middleton sat as Jurors on an Inquest concerning the age of Robert
de Beyssin (of Wrichton &c.) .^^
In Sept. 1272, Hamo was one of the Jurors who sat for Stottes*
den Hundred at the Assizes.^*
In 1284, the daughters and heirs of Richard de Middleton appa-
rently hold half the Manor of Thomas de Roshall, and Thomas of
Richard Fitz-Alan &c.i7
At the Assizes of Oct. 1292, Alan, son of Hamon de Middleton,
and William Snell, of Middleton, are reported, as making default
of attendance, by the Stottesden Jury.^®
In March, 1316, John de Roshale is returned as one of the
Lords of Middleton, the former sub-tenancy having apparently
expired.^^ At this period Thomas de Roshale was head of his
house, and presun^ to have been seigneur over John.
THE CHtTEOH OF MIDDLETON.
The first notice of a Church here is in 1291, when the same is
returned as not being of £4 annual value, and so not taxable.^^
" Salop Atsizey 5 John, memb. 6 recto.
13 Mot, Bund, ii, 81.
1^ PlacUaforestcB, 46 Hen. Ill, memb.
6 recto. Pipe EoU, 61 Hen. III.
^ JE8ch. 4!J Hen. HE, No. 26.
^ Sdhp JLuizes^ 56 Hen. m.
^ Kirhy'B QuesL
^ Placita CoroncBy 20 Edw. I, memb,
20 recto.
» Pari, Writs, iv, 398.
» Pope Nick. Tax^ p. 166. The printed
t«xt gives "Chidleton*' as the name of
198
MIDDLBTON SCRIVEN.
In 1341^ the taxation (valuation) of the Church of Midilton iis
put at 6 merks (iE4.) The Assessors and Vendors of the ninth of
wheat, wool, and lamb in the Parish, rendered account only of
£1. 3«. 4rf. ; so much less than the taxation of the Church, because
the wheat had been destroyed by storms, and there had been a
common murrain among the sheep in the present year, and because
the small tithes, offerings, glebe, and other profits of the same
Church, go to make up the higher taxation, and have nothing to do
with the ninth ; and because 3 carrucates of land in the same
Parish lie untilled by reason of the poverty of the tenants, as by
Inquisition has been ascertained.^^
In 1534, Christopher Shorde being Rector of Mydulton, in
Stottesden Deanery, the Church is valued (in glebe, com, and
other tithes and offerings) at £4. The only charge was 6d. per
annum, for Archdeacon's Synodals.'^
INCUMBENTS OF MIDDLETON.«
On May 1, 1303, the Church is committed to Sir William de la
Lowe, Priest, saving the right of Walter de Mortimer, the previous
Presentee.
On March 21, 1340-1, John Martin was instituted on presenta-
tion of the Crown. The Bishop's precept thereon is addressed to
the Dean of Stottesden.^
On May 16, 1354, Sir Nicholas de Brentemersch, Chaplain, is in-
stituted to this Church on presentation of Sir Roger de Mortimer,
Lord of Wigmore.
On June 15, 1363, William Squier, Priest, is instituted.
this place, which the note explains as
** Gheillers." This is a double confusion,
viz, with Chetton and Ghelmarsh, both in
the same Deanery of Stottesden, and
valued distinctly on the same page of the
record. Perhaps, however, the name
of Middleton became Chidleton in this
instance by confusion with Criddon. We
have before had the same concision
resulting in such compounds as Cradelton,
Gridelton, and Cridelton. (Tide supra,
p. 191.)
3^ Iftquis, ilToffarum, 190.
^ Valor JEcclesicuticw, voL iii, p. 211.
^ Blakeway*s Extracts from Sereford
Seffisters, in Bibl. Bodl.
'^ Mr. Blakeway seems to have con*
sidered that a precept to the Dean of
Stottesden was conclusive evidence that
this Middleton was the one intended.
But there was a contemporary Chapel at
Middleton Priors, also in Stottesden
Deanery, and to which, at this period, the
Grown will have had the right of pre-
sentation. However, the latter chapelry
was usually associated with Deuxhill, and
that distinction between the two Mid-
dletons may have guided Mr. Blakeway.
In 1340-1 the minority of Boger de Mor-
timer, of Wigmore, will have entitled the
Crown to present to any vacant Church of
hu patronage.
199
a«ton €pre.
ASTON EYRES, ASTON AER, or WHEATEN ASTON.
Aston or Eston, wherever it occurs, implies a town situated to
the East of something else.
If this Aston and the hamlet of Weston, about four miles distant,
were each so called with reference to some common centre, we can
fix such centre nowhere but at Monk Hopton. Howbeit no early
mention of the latter will warrant a presumption of such by-gone
importance as might have reflected a name on its neighbouring
localities.
We infer from Domesday how Aston acquired its distinctive
addition of Eyre. Aer and Eyre are softened or corrupted forms
of Alcher,^ whose name appears thus in that Survey —
''The same Raiiiald (Viceoomes) holds (under the Earl) Estone,
and Alcher (holds it) of him. Sessi held it in time of King
Edward and was a free man. Here are ii hides geldable. In
demesne are three ox-teams ; and six serfs^ one villain, five boors
and one Frenchman with two ox-teams. There is wood for 60
swine. Its former value was SOs., its present is 40*.'^ ^
Alcher either before or in 1086 had an interest in several other
Manors, viz., Albrighton (near Shrewsbury), Middleton (now
Middleton Scriven), Withiford, and Harcott. In the first three he
held, as at Aston, of the fief of the Sheriff; in Harcott his tenure
was immediately of the Earl. Thus it was that his descendants
became tenants in capite of the Crown, a circumstance which
affords many helps in clearing up their succession and history. But
the name of Fitz Aer is also associated with those records of faith
and devotion, which, while they facilitate all genealogical inquiries,
invest them with their chief interest and perhaps their only use.
Before Domesday was written, and while Warin the first Sheriff of
* JUist. Shrewshwy, vol. ii, p. 14. ' Domesday, fo. 265 a. 2.
26
200
ASTON ETRE.
Shropshire was yet alive, it is probable * that Alcher had formed the
design of conferring his lordship of Albrighton on the then founded
Abbey of Shrewsbury. Certain it is that the grant was completed
before the death of Earl Roger.
His descendant, very possibly his son, was that Robert Fitz Aer,
whom we have already mentioned and must presently recur to, as
founder of the Church of Aston, about a.d. 1138. *
In 1165, the whole tenure of Robert Fitz Aer under the Barony
of Fitz Alan involves the full service of 1 knight and 1 muntator,
and half the latter service in addition.^ The Knight^s service was
that which was due on Aston,
Within ten years of this period, Robert Fitz Aer will have died,
leaving a son and heir of the same name.
The first notice of the latter is in a deed of the Salop Chartulary,
which mentions him under the name of Robert Fitz Robert, as
having been at issue with that Abbey about the burial of his men of
Eston. This dispute took place whilst Adam was Abbot of Salop,
that is, between the years of 1167 and 1175, and was settled by
Roger, Bishop of Worcester. This Prelate probably officiated in
consequence of a concurrent vacancy of the See of Hereford. He
decided ia favour of the Abbey, his assessors being apparently
Ralph, Prior of Worcester, and Humbald, Prior of Wenlock.*
Between January and September, 1176, when the Justices ap-
pointed under the famous statutes of Northampton first visited
Shropshire, they amerced this Robert Fitz Aer in a sum of 4 merks
for some default."^ Half of this fine was then paid, and the re-
mainder subsequently. In the fiscal year ending Michaelmas 1180,
Shropshire had been taken in the circuit of the great Justiciar,
Ranulph de Glanvill. A still heavier fine had on this occasion been
inflicted on Robert Fitz Aer. He had been convicted of b. false
presentment, had neglected to do homage (as a tenant in capite), and
owed his relief for a certain Seqeantry (Harcott of course). His
total liabilities amounted to £5, of which he paid 50*. in 1180,
16*. in 1181, and the balance in 1182.®
' Domesday^ 255 b. Where the notice
of Alcher*8 Manor of Etbritone in
Bascherche Hundred is sufficient to
indicate the lapse of his interest therein,
though the Reversioner is not named.
* Supra, p. 140.
* Liher Niger^ i, 143. This Bobert may
have been son of the last. His being
called Bobert Fitz Aer rather than Bobert
Fitz Bobert Fitz Aer is no proof of the
contrary.
6 Salop Chartulary, No. 343.
7 Pipe Roll, 22 Hen. II. Salop.
8 Rot. Fip. 26, 27, 28 Hen. II. Salop.
ASTON EYRE.
201
Having come into possession of his estates about the same time
as his Suzerain (the second William Pitz Alan), this Robert Fitz
Aer appears as a prominent witness in certain charters of that
Baron. He attests the two deeds which secured to the Canons of
Haughmond the site of their house and the endowments of their
founder.^ He also stands first witness to a charter whereby Wm.
Fitz Alan recognizes the right of Shrewsbury Abbey to some land
in Oswestry ,^^ The year 1190 maybe assigned as the proximate
date of all these deeds, and also of a further dispute which the same
Robert Fitz Aer had with Shrewsbury Abbey as to the right of
Advowson of the Chapel of Estun.^^ We have now to speak of him
in another relation. —
About the year 1191, as far as we can judge from subsequent
records,^^ this Robert Fitz Aer, with several others, was challenged
(appellatus) in the Courts at Westminster for the murder of Richard
de Brigida^ a dependant of Matthew de Gamages of Stottesden.
The appellant was Adam de Brigida, brother of the murdered man.
The challenge was ultimately withdrawn against all parties, but not
till Robert Fitz Aer had suffered a voluntary imprisonment of some
duration, and his whole estate been seized into the hands of the
King. It was either just before or during this temporary forfeiture
that John le Strange obtained possession of Withyford, by writ of
the Chancellor (Longchamp, Bishop of Ely), directed to the
Sheriff of Shropshire. As another locality was principally con-
cerned in this matter, we shall here give only such particulars as
are necessary to a chronological account of the family under notice.
Longchamp^s writ to the Sheriff was an act of Sovereignty, and
must have issued while he was Viceroy of King Richard, that is,
between June, 1190, and October, 1191 ; limits which must also be
assigned to his judicial visit to Hereford, at which, as John le
Strange afterwards alleged, the Chancellor and his fellow-Justices
awarded Withyford to the said John as his right, and not merely for
custody. After Longchamp^s expulsion, the Viceregal Office was
discharged by Walter, Archbishop of Rouen, and his assessors. To
them, before Michaelmas 1193, Robert Fitz Aer offered a fine of ten
' One of these deeds is printed {Mon.
vi, 108, ii), where this witness's name is
given as Robert Fitz Saber. In the
other deed {Sari. MSS., 446, quire xii,
fo. 4) the name is given correctly. The
two charters are contemporary and
attested by the same witnesses.
10 Salop Chartulary, 302 b.
" Ibidem, 340, 841.
12 Salop Assizes^h John,memb.2 dorso.
202
ASTON BTBE.
merks -" to have such seizin of his lands as he had when he was put
into the King's Gaol/'^^ No instalment of this fine was ever paid^
probably because he who offered it never obtained the seizin for
which he fined. It remamed an entry on the Rolls of four following
years^ and on being renewed in the seventh year (a. d. 1200)^ the
Barons of the Exchequer cancelled it as having been comprehended
in a more recent fine/^ presently to be mentioned. Meanwhile
(that is^ in the years 1194 and 1195)^ a suit had been progressing in
the Law-Courts between Bobert Fitz Aer and John le Strange,
about Withyford. The latest mention of Fitz Aer the Plaintiff, is
probably of date May 12, 1195, when John le Strange essoigned
himself as being in the King's service in Wales.^^ A day of ad-
journment (probably July 1, 1195) was given, but the records of
that and many subsequent terms are lost. However, we know
that Bobert Fitz Aer lived neither to conclude his suit nor liquidate
his fine. During the fiscal year, which ended Michaelmas 1198,
the widow of Bobert Fitz Aer, viz. Emma de Say, accounted 20
merks into the Treasury, being her fine for having custody of the
land and heir of said Bobert, '* which land he (Bobert) held in
capite of the King, viz. nine librates of land, and for having marriage
of the heir and of herself.'^^*
The heir in question was another Bobert ; but before we enter on
his history, we should mention, that his father having an interest
in Newton (near Ellesmere), had granted the whole thereof to the
Canons of Haughmond, and concurred with Emma, his wife, in
bestowal of their bodies, when dead, to receive rites of sepulture in
that Abbey. To this deed were witnesses : William Fitz Alan, Alan
de Hadley, Beginald de Hesding, and Henry Mauveysin,^"^ — a com-
bination which suggests a date at least five years previous to the
death of the Grantor.
This is hardly the place to follow the suit about Withyford, which
Emma de Say still prosecuted against John le Strange. Sufiice it to
mention its settlement by final concord at Salop, on Sept. 25, 1199,
and that it was agreed that Bobert, the infant son of Emma,
^ Mag. Bot Pip., 6 E, I. Salop, Nova
Oblafa,
" Sot. IHp.^ 2 John. Salop.
^* "Placita ineerti temporis Megis.
Joharmis^"* (No. 60) ; but, as I believe, of
Easter Term, 6 Eic. I (1195).
I* JLot. Pip,, 9 Eic. I. Salop,
'7 Haughmond CharttUary, fo. 152. It
is worth noticing that this Eobert Fitz
Aer and his Suzerain Fitz Alan were both
involved in disputes with Salop Abbey;
were both benefactors of Haughmond,
and were both buried there.
ASTON EYEE.
203
should hold it in future^ under John le Strange and his heirs^ by
service of half a Knight's fee.^®
In October^ 1203^ Emma and her son Robert^ stiQ under age^
appear again in the Law-Courts^ as Defendants in a suit about land
in Harcott.^^ —
The infant alleged his nonage. The decision was " Habeat etatem
suam ','^ equivalent^ I presume, to an adjournment. Soon after this
Robert Fitz Aer iii, will have been of full age, for his consent is
certified to a grant which Lewellyn Prince of Wales, then Lord
of Ellesmere, made to Haughmond Abbey .^
He ftirther attests as Robert, son of Robert Fitz Aer, a deed of
Ranulf de Rodinton, which must have passed before 1211 ;^^ and in
the latter year is similarly designated, as holding his serjeantry (of
Harcott) in capite of the Crown.^^
On July 3, 1221, King Henry III, being then at Bridgnorth,
issued his precept^^ to the chief Forester of Salop, commanding him
** to permit Robert Fitz Alier (Aher) to assart and cultivate his
riffiet pertaining to his wood of Estun, where the road goes down
towards Salop, between the brook and the boundary (horam) of
the aforesaid wood of Estun.^' The object of this permission was,
that ^^ the said road might be safe and secure for passengers in those
parts, and that they should neither meet with harm to their goods
nor persons, from the malefactors of that neighbourhood^ by reason
of the said rifflets.'' ^
At Salop Assizes (Nov. 1221), Robert Fitz Aer was of the Jury
which had to try " a great Assize.'^ ^^
The next who occurs in this succession was William Fitz Aer,
who before Michaelmas, 1231, stood pledge for Walter de
^ Pedes finium, 1 John. Salop. This
settlement with John le Strange was only
final as regarded him. Another suit
remained, wherein the tenants of a part
of Withyford were Defendants, but the
details must be reserved for their proper
place.
^^ , Salop Assizes, 5 John, memb. 5
recto.
* Haughmond Chartulaty apud Sun-
doruy fo. 152.
^^ Charter in possession of Mr. George
Morris.
« Testa de Nevill, p. 55.
28 Sot. Clous,, 6 Hen. Ill, memb. 6.
None of the Lexicographers explain the
word r^ffletum. It is used conjunctively
with boscus (a wood) and with messuagium
(a messuage). The context of the above
perhaps throws as much light on the
word as any attempt to explain it.
^ Two " rifflets" had been named in the
deed, but the second was in Shirlet Forest,
and BO is not particularized above.
2» Salop Assizes, 6 Hen. Ill, memb. 1.
Of the trial " by grand Assize," see
Lingard, Hist. England vol. ii, p. 293.
204
ASTON EIRE.
Upton^ as to an amercement of the latter by the Justices of the
Forest.2«
In 1235^ he was one of four Knights who visited all the King's
forests in Shropshire, and made return as to their condition, in
obedience to a Boyal Writ, dated Oct. 19, of that year.*''
In October, 12.37, he is the seccmd Juror named of those who
met the King at Worcester, to try a great and protracted suit be-
tween Giles de Erdinton and Henry de Audley.^®
In or about 1240, his tenure of 1 Knight's fee in Eston, is
entered on the list of Pitz Alan's Barony.^®
He resigned all right of patronage in the Chapel of Eston, by
formal deed, to Salop Abbey ; and this, his act, was certiiGied by H.
Bishop of Hereford, calling him " The Knight William Fitz Aer,
Lord of Eston/^ This transaction will have been previous to
1234.30
On Aug. 18, 1245, this William Fitz Aer was dead ; for then
did " Philip le Bret give 20 merks to the King to have custody of
two parts of his land in Eston and Hauerkecot (Harcott), till the
lawful age of said William's heir. And he (Philip) was to pay
yearly for the said two parts, that which they were valued at, viz.
£10. 9*. S\d., whereof £1. was to be paid to the Abbey of Haghe-
man, as the said William annually paid it in his time, and the
balance to the King's Exchequer."^^ This fine for two-thirds of
William Fitz Aer's estate, indicates the survivorship of his widow,
and her continued tenure of the remaining third in dower.
» Bot. Pip. 15 Henry III, Salop. A
William Fitz Aer had occurred in the very
beginning of the century, and 'vt'hile Bobert
Fitz Aer was under age, unless I mistake
the date of the deed to which I refer, and
in which the said William is a prominent
witness. (It is a Charter quoted in the
Kewport Evidences in the Bodleian Li-
brary.) I cfuiKot suppose him to have
been the same Wm. Fitz Aer noticed
above, but still the doubt which remains
about the matter induces me to defer a
tabular pedigree of this fanuly to a future
occasion, when I hope to give it with little
hesitation as to its correctness.
27 Charters entitled " de forestis audi'
quis" at the Tower. No. 13.
^ Placifa coram Eege ctpud Wygom^
21 Hen. Ill, memb. 1 dorso.
» Testa de Nevill, page 49.
» Salop Chartulary, 344, 345. The
certificate quoted appears under the name
of Menty Bishop of Hereford. As no
such prelate sat before the eighteenth
century, it is evident that the Chartulary
involves an error. A number of cases
have occurred to me where a similar inco-
herence has arisen from some transcriber
having taken upon himself to determine a
Christian name, which was represented in
the original only by an initial letter.
Presuming this to have been the case
here, we must refer the certificate qdoted
to Hugh Foliot, Bishop of Hereford,
elected in 1219, and who died 26 July
1234.
31 Mot Fin. i, 4Ail.
ASTON ETBE.
205
In 1256^ though John Fitz Aer^ the next in succession^ was still
in minority, his tenure of this manor is stated without reference to
that fact.^^ The Stottesden Jury said, as regarded Whetene Aston,
that John Pitz Aer was Lord, and held immediately of John Fitz
Alan by one Knight's fee, and that there were therein two hides of
land (the Domesday hidage), and that he did suit to the Hundred
Court by Richard Mukel (his Attorney to do suit to the lesser
Hundred Courts for the said vill), and that he paid the Sheriff
8 pence for stretward, and 16 pence for motfee.
In 1256, John Fitz Aery was returned amongst those who hold-
ing fifteen librates of land were not yet knighted.*^
In 1271, he was both a Knight and Sub-escheator of the King
in this County. His conduct in the latter office was variously re-
ported of three years afterwards. The Jurors of the Manor of Ford
complained of some extortion of his, after the death of James de
Audley,^ while the Jurors of Wenlock said that " after the death
of Prior Aymo, he entered the Priory, and there discharged his
duties well and faithftdly,''^^ an almost singular exception to the
statements which were given as to the conduct of the fiscal officers
of the Crown at that period.
At the Shrewsbury Assizes, of October, 1272, he appears both as
a Knight and Juror of the ^' King's Grand Assize.'' ^^
He was also unsuccessful in a suit against a tenant who pleaded
that his tenure was not under the said John, but under Margery,
John's mother, and so evaded the main question.^^ This Margery
will therefore have been the widow of William Fitz Aer, above
alluded to, and identical with that Margery de Harcott who, at these
same Assizes, was returned as failing in due attendance.
In 2 Edw. I (1273-4), this Sir John Fitz Aer was associated with
Sir Ralph d'Arraz, as Justice for delivery of Shrewsbury Gaol.^®
On Jan. 28, 1281, he was one of four Knights who were ap-
pointed, under precept of the Crown, to make report as to the state
of Bridgnorth Castle.^* His attestation of deeds at this period is
very frequent.
^ Sot, Smd, 11, 82, where the printed
edition has converted John Fitz Aeri into
" Johannes Alius Cleri.'*
33 Dukes* AwHquUies, Introduction,
page vii.
^ Rot Emd. 11, p. 88.
» Ibidem, p. 112.
^ Salop Atiizes^ 56 Hen. m, memb. 1
recto.
^ Salop Assizes, 56 Hen. Ill, memb.
12 recto. The premises in litigation are
described as situated in Schyre.
® Hot, Fat.y sub anno.
» Inquisition, 9 Edw. I, No. 81. This
206
ASTON XTKK.
In 1284^ his tenure of Aston by 1 Knighf s fee of the honour of
White^Mimter, is again recorded.^ His death in 21 Edw I (1222-8),
is first marked by the usual writ to the Escheator, to seize his lands,
and then by the Inquest which makes mention of his Manor of
Aston Eyres.*^
To him succeeded Hugh his son and heir, who, on Feb. 25, 1294,
quits all claim in a messuage in High Street, Bridgnorth, to William
Ktz Robert de Petra, senior.*^
This Hugh sat as a juror on the Great Forest Perambulation of
1800,« and died in 7 Edw. II (1318-4).** In 1816, Hugh, son
of Hugh, is returned as Lord of Aston Aer,*^ and with him we
may, for the present, dismiss the subject, especially as the further
history of the family is rather connected with other localities than
Aston Aer.
Of under tenants in this Manor, Richard Mukley has occurred
above, in 1255. In Feb. 1262, the same Richard appeared before
the Justices of the Forest as essoigrwr of Simon Carbonel of
Wetenaston, who was dead.**
THE CHURCH OR CHAPEL OF ASTON EYRE.
Stephen^s seizure of the Crown of England was so ably planned
and so daringly executed, that nearly two years elapsed before men's
minds were awakened to a sense of its iniquity.
Shropshire, ever foremost in a cause of faith and legitimacy, was
stirred in the spring of 1138, by two young Barons, who, owing
their position to the favour of King Henry I, were bound to the
cause of his daughter by gratitude no less than fealty. The greater
of these was William Fitz Alan. He sacrificed everything in the
ensuing struggle — ^his honours, his offices, his estates, fifteen of the
best years of his life, all but a name for matchless truth and
constancy.
We may suppose his conduct to have been generally followed by
his feudatory tenants ; and one of them was Fitz Aer. But about
Inquisition is a document of the greatest
interest, and will be given at length here-
after. Its description in the printed
Calendar (volume i, page 73), must
be the result of a mere guess at
its nature, and, of course, is very erro-
neous.
« Kirhy's QueH.
41 IngmiiHons, (Calendar, i, 114). The
particulars will be given elsewhere.
*2 Charter at Apley Park.
« Salop ChartuLiry, No. 279.
** Inquisitions (Calendar, vol. i, p. 265).
« Pari Writs, voL iv, p. 398.
^ Placita Foresta, 46 Hen. IH, Salop,
memb. 1 recto.
ASTON EYRE. 207
that time when the Chief was vainly fortifying Shrewsbury against
Stephen, the vassal was winning for himself a humbler but not less
lasting remembrance in this secluded Manor of Aston. So intense
and so complicated became the great national struggle that we
know little, save of its beginning and its end, and that not from any
one contemporary chronicle. But a rudely sculptured stone and a
scroll of parchment still exist, ample records of an act of private
benevolence and devotion in that age of hatred and ungodliness.
A Church was built, endowed and consecrated at Aston Aer,'and
we may learn both the time, the agents, and the objects of its
foundation.
" Know all men,^' says the record, " both now and hereafter, that
on the day of the dedication of the cemetery *7 of Eston, I, Robert,
son of Aher, gave to God and to the Chapel of the same vill of
Eston one virgate of land containing sixty acres, and all tithe of my
demesne of the same vill, and one mansion, for the health of my
soul, and of all my predecessors, and successors. And that my gift
may be free and quit of all reclaim by me or by my heirs, and may
ever remain firm and stable, I have fortified it with this present
writing and with the impression of my seal. — These being witnesses :
Robert, by divine grace. Bishop of Hereford, Reinald, Prior of
Wenlock ; Peter, the Archdeacon ; Richard and Eluric, Deans ; Alan
de Opton ; Fulcaius de Aldreham, and many others.^^ *®
At a period very shortly subsequent to this consecration, Robert
de Betun, Bishop of Hereford, addressing Ralph the Dean and the
whole Convent (Chapter) of the Diocesan Church, deems it neces-
sary, for the security of the Monks of Shrewsbury, to specify the
Chapels or Cemeteries which the warlike troubles of the time had
induced him to consecrate. In the Parish of the Church of Morville
were several, and among them " one at Eston, to which Robert
Fitz Aher gave sixty acres, and all tithe of his demesne, and one
mansion.^^ This deed also mentions " the defence of the poor ''
as one of the objects which the Bishop had had in view. It also
contains several regulations as to the subjection of these Chapels to
their Mother Church, and so to Shrewsbury Abbey.*'
*7 The meaning of the word Cemetery places, a Cemetery became only another
must not be restricted by modem ideas,
but will rather be obtained from the
earliest ages of Christianity, when the
members of a persecuted faith being
driven to worship in vaults and burial-
name for a Church. (See Bingham's
Ant^piiHeSf ii, 351, and vii, 362.)
^ The original deed in possession of
Mr. George Morris of Shrewsbury.
49 Salop Chartulary, No. 333.
27
208
ASTON ETRE.
There can be little doubt as to these deeds being nearly contem-
porary, and that they passed about 1138-9.
With that date for the foundation of the Church some archi-
tectural remains of the original structure are in exact accordance.
The door-way and tympanum, of which a drawing is herewith
given, I understand to be the chief features illustratiye of the
question of date.
The dispute between Salop Abbey and Robert Fitz Aer, as to the
burial of his tenants at Aston has been already noticed.^^ Its settle-
ment by Roger, Bishop of Worcester, about a.d. 1170, seems to
have been in accordance with the rules laid down by Robert,
Bishop of Hereford, at the time of consecrating the Church.
About 1190,^^ William Chaplain, of Aston, having resigned his
Chapel into the hands of William (de Vere), Bishop of Hereford,
that Prelate committed cure and custody thereof to Peter Chaplain,
of Hopton. At the same time he writes to the Abbot of Shrews-
bury, acknowledging the Advowson to belong to that house, and
stating that he had granted such custody of his own authority, and
not on presentation of Robert Fitz Aer, or any one else, but with
fiill observance of the Abbot's right. His reason for writing, he
says, is that no act of his may be construed by the said Robert into
an acknowledgment of his (Robert's) claims on the Advowson. He
concludes with exhorting the Abbot to listen to his (the Bishop's)
request in behalf of the fore-mentioned Peter, whom he entitles a
*' discreet person."
The nature of this request will appear forthwith. The same
William *' by divine grace, the humble servant of the Church of
Hereford," addresses " all sons of Holy Mother Church to whom
these present letters shall come." He signifies to them all, that
" Robert Fitz Aer in his presence, and when many both of the
Clergy and Laity were present, orally and voluntarily confessed
that he had no right of presenting any one to the Chapel of Estuin,
but that the Advowson thereof did belong, and still belonged to the
Abbot and Convent of Salop." And that no doubt should arise
about this matter in future, the said Bishop put to the said letters
the testimony of his seal.^^
As a sequel to this very intelligible piece of diplomacy, the same
^ Vide supra, p. 87.
" Salop GhaitiiLurj, No. 340.
*' The original deed in poasesaion of
Mr. Ckorge Morris. — A transcript oon<
tributed by him to the Collectanea Topo-
graphica et Oenealoffiea, yol. y, p. 177.
ASTON ETRE. 209
Bishop issued another letter ^^ to the sons of Holy Mother Church,
informing them, that, at the presentation of his most beloved
brother H. by divine gracp, Abbot of Salop, and of the Convent of
the same, he has admitted Peter Chaplain of Hoptun, to the said
Abbot and Convent's Chapel of Eston, and has canonically
instituted him perpetual Vicar in the same Chapel — in such sort
however, as that the same Peter shall hold the said Chapel with its
appurtenances as his ancestors (predecessors) held it, to wit, with
one virgate of land in the vill of Eston, and a third of the custom-
ary corn-tithe of the whole arable land. But the tithes of the whole
demesne which belong to the parish Church (Morville), and the
bodies of the dead (their fdnerals), with the principal bequests
(legatis), shall remain to the Mother Church, viz. of Mamerfeld,
to which the aforesaid Chapel belongs. The said Peter shall also
each year pay at Michaelmas 8^., as an annual pension to the
Mother Church of Mamerfeld, and shall, be answerable to the
Bishop and his officials for all customary payments, which belong to
that Chapel. And that this Charter may be undisturbed, the Bishop
confirms it with his seal. — The witnesses were : Master Robert Folet
(Foliot), William Chaplain, Reginald Foliot, Martin de Castello,
Robert de Hastinges.
I have been particular to give at some length the contents of
these successive charters, lest the injustice which they imply should
escape identification.^^ —
A benevolent Layman founds and endows a Church ; a pious
Bishop consecrates it. It happens to be in a district where a great
Abbey claims a prescriptive parochial jurisdiction, but by no means
taxes itself with such a cure of souls as would necessitate the found-
ation of more Churches. In process of time, the said Abbey not
only appropriates part of the endowment of the district Church, but
claims a right of presentment to the residue. The founder^s heir
remonstrates or contests the matter. The Diocesan Bishop is the
Judge. He awards the right of Advowson to the Abbey, his ex-
pectation being that he himself shall nominate to the existing
vacancy*
Wicked as was the fiscal element of Henry the Eighth's Reform-
ation, truly it was, in its very wickedness, but a measure of retri-
bution ! The Church which had robbed and cheated was in turn
plundered.
^ The original in Mr. George Morris's 1 " Vide supra, p. 38, note 25.
possession, and a transcript ibidem. I
210 OLAZELEY.
Between the years 1222 and 1234^ William Fitz Aer^ then Lord
of Aston^ quitted all claim in the Chapel thereof to Salop Abbey. —
The witnesses to this deed were : William Fitz Osbert, and William,
Brother of Reginald de Tugford, Chaplains.**^
And this renunciation is certified by a contemporary deed of
Henry/' Bishop of Hereford, who calls the person renouncing,
The Knight William Fitz Aer, Lord of Eston.""
In 1291,^^ the Chapel of Astone Aer is first mentioned as an ad-
junct of the Church of Morville, and no separate valuation is given,
but the Vicarage thereof is also stated to be under £4. annual
value.
In 1341, the Parochial value of Aston Aer must be similarly
gathered from the general statement as to Morville and its Chapels,
which has already been given.^®
In the valuation of 1535, the Chapelry is not mentioned ; but in
1545 we have seen that the Curate of Wheaton Aston had a salary
of £5. 16*. 0\d., chargeable on the Cell or Grange of Morville.^*
Of the early incumbents of Aston Aer, I can say no more than
has been implied above. The first Hereford Registers appear to
take no notice of such a Chapelry.
4Ha^eUp*
Glas-lle in British, signifies " green place,*' an etymology which
we can hardly hesitate to accept for Glazeley. If this be right, it is
ftirther observable how Anglo-Saxon usage changed the British
term lie (a place), into its own term leaj (a district); for after
Domesday we generally find this vill written Glas-fe^, or in some
form associated with the Saxon rather than the British termination.
Such change was natural between words so nearly allied in sound
and sense, but we need not reject an obvious British etymology
because it became adapted to a prevalent Saxon usage.
« Salop Chartulary, No. 845.
** Salop ChartulMy, No. 844, vide
supra, p. 204, note 30.
«7 Pope Nich, Tax. 166, 176.
" Vide Bupra, p. 39.
•• Vide supra, p. 41.
<JLAZELEY.
211
Domesday speaks of this place as follows — ^
The same Rainald (the SheriflF), holds Gleslei (of the Earl) and
Azo of him. Elunard held it (in King Edward's time), and was
free with his land. Here are ii hides geldable. In demesne is i ox-
team ; and (there are) vii serfs, iiii villains, v boors, one radman,
and a Priest with iii ox-teams, and yet there might be ii ox-teams
more. Here is a mill of 5*. (annual value) . It (the Manor) was worth
(in King Edward's time) 25*. (annually). Now (it is worth) 20*.
Of ^Iward the Saxon, we merely observe that his three Alno-
destreu Manors, Oldbury, Eudon, and Glazeley, all devolved to the
fief of the Norman Sheriff.
Of Glazeley, it 'further appears, that, like other Manors held by
Azo under Bainald at Domesday, Azo's interest came to be repre-
sented by the elder house of Le Strange, under Fitz Alan. The
Manors to which this remark applies are Glazeley, Abdon, Berring-
ton and Lega (now Longnor); but Streford is perhaps an exception.
We know not when Azo's representatives became extinct, or gave
way to Le Strange; but there is every probability that Azo's
Domesday fief helped to constitute those 2 fees of new feoffment
which in 1165 were held by John le Strange, of the Barony of Fitz
Alan. Glazeley, undoubtedly, was thus circumstanced.
I shall have that to offer under Abdon and Longnor, which will
be much more pertinent to the question of Azo^s succession than
anything which I have found in connexion with Glazeley. Here
we had better speak of those whom I take to have held Glazeley
under John le Strange, from the first period of his own feofiinent
by Fitz Alan. These were a family of Norman extraction, whose
original name was Kerre-point (de Petri-ponte);^ but whose mem-
bers, seated here, came to be called " de Glazeley,^' at first, inci-
dentally, but afterwards uniformly.
About 1175, Simon de Perepunt and William de Perepunt, stand
sixth and tenth witnesses to the certificate of John le Strange
which I have already mentioned in connexion with one of these
witnesses.^
^ Domesdatfy fo. 255 a, 2.
2 Pont St. Pierre is a vill in the diocese
of Bouen, situate at the confluence of the
Bivers Andelle and Seine. Bobert and
Godfrey de Pierpont were among the
Suffolk tenants of WilHam de Warren
at Domesdaify (fo. 399, 399 b), and the
descendant of one of them in time of
Henry III was a Simon de Pierpoint.
The name (spelt Perepoxmd) was on the
Boll of Battle Abbey. Its later ennoble-
ment is well known.
' Vide supra, p. 73, note 218, — but the
deed is not in Mr. (3, Morris* possession,
as there stated.
212
OLAZELET.
A grant by Guy le Strange (brother of John)^ to Hangbmond
Abbey^ and which probably passed in 11 79, and shortly before the
grantor's death, is attested in the third and fourth places by Simon
de Petri-ponte and William Clericus, whom I take to be the same
two witnesses.^
In November, 1194, Simon de Perepont was one of the Visors in
a law-suit already mentioned under Astley Abbots. His Essoigner
was '* Alan de Gleseleia/' *
In Easter Term, 1200, he, Simon, was one of four knights who
were to choose a jury to try an assize about land in Northleg
(Norley Regis) .•
At Salop Assizes, 1203, Simon de Pierrepoint appears in rarious
relations: 1st, as a Knight and Juror of great Assize; 2dly, as
amerced for some transgression ; and 3dly, as defendant in a suit,
wherein Roger de Wadeleg accused him of disseizing him (Roger)
of a tenement in Wadeleg J In this suit, Simon was succes^ul,
and retained the premises.
At the same Assizes,^ the Stottesden Jurors presented that
Matthew de Gamages (Lord of Stottesden) had challenged Richard
le Veil, and Alan de Petraponte, and others, for the murder of his
man. The County Court however testified that the said Matthew
appeared some time in said Court, and complained of the murder of
Richard, his man, and that some of MattheVs servants also
appeared and challenged said Richard le Veil and Alan de Petra-
ponte, and others ; but that Matthew did not make the challenge, but
attorned Philip his Seneschal to prosecute the matter with the other
challengers (appellantibus). The Jurors of Stottesden were here«
upon declared to be m muericordid for a false presentment (pro
fiE&so dicto) .
This murder had been committed ten years before, at least. It
was the same, of which Robert Fitz Aer being suspected, had
suffered imprisonment. He had been acquitted, and was now dead ;
but at these Assizes, the charge was renewed against several persons,
and failed in each case, on the ground of previous acquittal. Thus
Geoffry Dilum challenged Alan de Petraponte for the aforesaid
murder. Alan is absent, and the Jury (of Stottesden) being asked
^ Haughmond Chart., fo. 145.
• Vide supra, p. 47.
• Bot Our, Regis., ii, 169.
7 Ajmze Boll, 5 John. Salop. Memb. 4
recto, 6 dorso, 4 recto. Wadley was near
01azelej and a member of the Manor.
^ Ibidem, memb. 2 dorso.
GLAZKLET. 213
to whom the said Alan went, or by whom he had been entertained
(reeeptatus), since such challenge was first made, said, that he had
been entertained by William de Petra-ponte his Brother, who
acknowledges the fact. Although Alan was declared innocent, and
had leave from the Court to return home, and although the chal-
lenge was declared null, and the appellant fined Jialf a merk for its
falsity, it appears that the reception of Alan, while under challenge,
was a misdemeanour on the part of his Brother William. The
latter had anticipated the consequences by fining half a merk with
Geofirey Fitz Hers (Chief Justice), in composition of his fault.
John le Strange was his Surety for this fine, which however appears
to have been increased to 10*. by the Justices in Eyre, for which
also John le Strange was pledge.
I cannot help thinking that Alan and William de Pierrepoint
were sons of Simon, and that the former succeeded to Glazeley.
In 1214, Alan de Petriponte had been amerced,^ apparently by
Peter, Bishop of Winchester, for some disseizin. He had paid the
fine in two instalments.
The same Alan has already appeared under Quatford, in Novem-
ber, 1221.i<>
The next who occurs in this succession was Guy de Pierrepoint,
otherwise called Guy de Glazeley. Him I take to have been son
of Alan, and father of a second Alan, his heir.
Sir John le Strange and Wido de Gleseg, are witnesses of Peter
de Eyton's charter to Salop Abbey, and which must have passed
between 1224 and 1227.1^
Also, Wydo de Gleseleg is witness of a grant in Walkerslow to
the same house, by Adam de Beyssin, and which passed within ten
years of the same period.^^
In September, 1235, the scutage of John le Strange had been
paid by hand of Guy de Gleseleg.^^
Wydo de Perpund is a witness to a feofiinent of John le Strange,^^
(probably the third of his name), and which must have passed about
1238, if the grantor be rightly identified.
This Guy had three sons, Alan, Henry, and. William, by his wife
Juliana, who survived him.
In Michaelmas term 1251, Ralph de Arraz and Jane his wife, sued
9 P*pe Moll, 16 John, Salop.
10 Vide supra, p. 113.
" Salop Chartiilary, No. 280.
»2 Ibidem, No. 10.
^ Testa de Nevill, p. 61.
" Wombridge ChaHula/nfy Tit, Lopin<
ton, No. ix.
214
OLAZBLEY.
Alan^ son of Wydo, for 6 virgates of land in Wadeleg, and Juliana^
mother of said Alan^ for 2 virgates there^ as the right of Jane. —
Alan and Jnliana ask for view thereof, which the Court grants,
and adjourns the case to the quinzaine of Hilary (Jan. 27, 1252) .
Juliana names Adam de Perepunt her Attorney .^^ The Rolls of
that term are lost, hut we shall hear presently the result of this
suit.
In 1255, the Stottesden Jurors reported Alan de Perepunt as
Lord of Glasele. Therein was i hide of land which the said Alan
held of John le Strange for half a Knight^s fee. But he did no
suit, except twice a year at the SherifiPs tourn, nor did he pay sti'et-
ward nor motfee : the Jury knew not the ground of either ex-
emption.^*
At the Salop Assizes, of January, 1256, Ralph de Arraz and
Alan Fitz Wydo, are each found offering a merk for license to accord
their suit. They have such license and a cyrography^
Accordingly a fine remains on the Rolls to this effect.^® —
" This is the final concord between Ralph de Arraz and Jane his
wife. Plaintiffs ; and John le Straunge, whom Alan Fitz Wydo calls
to warranty, and who comes forward with such warranty, &c., con-
cerning 8 virgates in Waddeg (except 6*. rent), whereof was suit
at law. Ralph and Jane acknowledged the right of the others, quit
as regarded themselves and their heirs. For this John le Strange
gave the plaintiffs 40 merks.^'
In Feb, 1262, Alan de Glasleye appears as one of the regarders
of the Forests of Morf and Shirlet.^*
Between the years 1266 and 1269, this Alan de Glaseleye attests
both the charters which Robert Corbet of Chetton granted in re-
lation to that manor .2^
At Salop Assizes, October 1272, John de Glaseleye and Alan de
Glasleg were Jurors for Stottesden Hundred.^^
Nov. 30, 1274, John de Gleseleg was one of the. Jurors who re-
ported on the misconduct of public officers &c. in the Hundred of
Stottesden. Among their presentments was one that Hugh Donvil
" Plac, apud Westm., 35 Hen. Ill,
memb. 3 recto. Juliana de Glazeley has
occurred above in 1255 (vide page 124).
** JRot, Hund. ii, 81. The mesne tenure
of John le Strange under Fitz Alan, is
-not recognised.
^^ Assize Moll, 40 Hen. Ill, memb. 6
dorso.
" Fines at Salop, 40 Hen. HI.
w Plac. ForestcB, 4/6 Hen. Ill, memb.
6 recj-o.
20 Vide supra, pp. 178, 179.
2^ S<ilop Assizes, 56 Hen. Ill, memb.
21 rectd.
GLAZELEY.
215
{fermor of Stottesden Hundred^ under the Sheriff) had taken a
bribe of Is. from John de Gleseleg. for removing him (John) from
some Assize ^^ (excusing his service on a Jury).
January 28, 1281, Sir Alan de Glaseleg was one of the four
Knights commissioned to make view and report of the state of the
King's Castle of Brug.«3
In 1284, Alan de Glasseleye is registered as holding Glasseleye
of John le Strange for half a Knight's fee ; and said John held it
of Richard Pitz Alan, of the honour of White-Minster, and
Richard of the King in capite.^
Next to this, in point of time, is perhaps the deed already quoted,
whereby Katherine, relict of Sir Alan de Glaseleye, concedes to
Guy, Lord of Glaseleye, land in Quatford, which she and her husband
had purchased from Hen^y, her said husband's brother .^^
At Salop Assizes, October, 1292, John de Glaseleye and Wytho
de Glaseleye were both Jurors of Stottesden Hundred.^
June 23, 1297, Wydo de Glaseleg attests a Holycott deed already
cited f^ and in June, 1300, he was one of the Jurors on the great
Forest Perambulation of the County.^
15 March, 1301, John de Glaseley satin an Inquest held at Cleo-
bury North.^
In 5 Edw. II (1311-12), Wydo, Lord of Glaseley, attests a
deed at the Woodhouse near Stottesden, hereafter to be cited, but
he is not placed among the witnesses who were Knights.^^
In March, 1316, he is returned as Lord of Glasseley,*^ and in
10 Edw. II (1316-7) ; granted land in Bruges to Catherine his
daughter.^^ He must have died soon after. The Escheat Rolls of
11 Edw. II (1317-8),^ seem to have reported him Lord of the
Manors of Glaseleye and Ruyton6, of which hereafter.
Sept. 29, 1324, John de Glaseleye is found attesting a deed at
Bridgnorth.^
In 3 Edw. Ill, 1329* Alan de Glazeley (son and heir of Guy)
22 Sot Sund. ii, 107, 109, where in
the first instanoe the name is printed
Eleseleg.
23 Inquis. 9 Edw. I, No. 81.
2* Kirby'3 Quest.
2» Vide supra, p. 114, under Quatford.
The seal of the deed is to be especially
noticed.
^ Placita CorotUB, 20 Edw. I, memb.
51. recto
27 Vide supra, p. 182.
28 Salop Chartulary, No. 279.
29 Inquis, 29 Edw. I, No. 7.
* Slakew€M/*s. M88.f citing an Ottley
Deed. Vide in&a, under Aston Botterell,
as to its date.
31 Parliament€My WritSy It, 398.
32 Blakeway MS8.
33 Calend. Each., vol. i, p. 288.
3* Charter at Apley Park.
28
216
GLAZELEY.
granted to Reginald^ son of Fremund de Eardinton^ a meadow in
the field of Brug^ called the Bee.
This Alan^ and William his son, occur in a deed of 27 Edw. Ill
(1353-4) .»5
With them we will dose this portion of onr subject.
One or two documents, however, remain, which may be added as
an Appendix to this account of Glazeley. —
At the Assizes of 1272/ Laurence de Glaseleye and Agnes his
wife, sued Philip de Heselwode for one-third of a virgate in HeseU
wode, and sued John, son of Richard de Holicote, for three acres in
the same, as the right of Agnes.^ (The record is here broken off
with the words '^ Jurata patrise,'' intended to begin another sentence) .
Another entry on the same Roll is as follows : —
Philip de Haselwod sues Laurence de Glaseleye and Agnes,
daughter of Walter de Haselwod, for two-thirds of a messuage and
virgate in Haselwod, in which the defendants had no entry, save
by Richard de Haselwod, Philip's brother, who demised the pre-
mises to them for a term of 16 years, now expired. Laurence and
Agnes plead that Richard enfeoffed them, and they produce his
charter thereof. Philip is declared in misericordid?'^
By deed sans date, but probably of the year 1273, William, son
of Wydo de Glaseleye, grants to Cristiana, daughter of William
Dagenel, for her service, five seylions in the fee of Tasseley, be-
tween the lands of the Lady of Tasseley, of Richard de Petra, &c.
To hold to her for life, and to Agnes her daughter and the heirs of
said Agnes' body, for Id. payable at Michaelmas, as long as they
shall both live. — Witnesses : William Bolding, Roger de la More
junior, Provosts of Brug &c.®®
Also Christiana, daughter of William Dagonel, of Bruges, delivers
to William, called Godwyn, Clerk of Brug, for a sum of money, the
same 5 seylions, which William de Glaseley gave her.— To hold
for a term of five years, commencing Michaelmas 1273, so that he
may have, according to the custom of the country, five crops together
with the charter, and its effect (virtute) and feoffment, which said
William de Glaseley made and gave of that land to the said
Christiana. — Witnesses: the same Provosts and others (six in
number), dated a.d. 1273, and 1 Edw. I.^^
^ Blakeway M88,
^ Salop Assizes, 66 Hen. Ill, memb.
12 dorso.
^ Ibidem, memb. 14 recto.
88 Charter at Apley Park.
^ Charter ibidem. These two deeda
are not given thus at length for their local
interest or importance, but because of
GLAZELET.
217
GLAZBLEY OHUBOH.
I have before said that mention of a Priest in connexion with
any Domesday Manor perhaps indicates the coexistence of a
Church.^ We have, in case of Glazeley, a confirmation of that
surmise^ more apposite than could ordinarily have been expected.
We learn in fact, that about thirty years affcer Domesday, the
Church of Glazeley was of such standing, as that Ingelbert, the
Priest thereof, claimed in an Archidiaconal Chapter, then held at
Castle Holgate, a parochial jurisdiction over the neighbouring
Manor of Deuxhill.*^ The latter belonged to Wenlock Priory, and
the dispute very probably arose in consequence of the Monks
having founded a Chapel there. All that need be said of this
matter here is, that Richard, Bishop of London, then Viceroy of
Shropshire, and presiding judicially in the said Chapter, rejected
the claim of the Rector of Glazeley^ on the ground that all St.
MiU)urg*s lands constituted but one Parish.
In 1291> the Church of Glasleye was valued at £4; but the
Priory of Wenlock had a portion of 6*. 8rf. therein, which belonged
to the pittance of the Monks.^
In 1341, the Church of Glaseley, in Stottesden Deanery, is
entered as valued at ^4. 6«. 8d. But the Assessors and Vendors
of the ninth of wheat, wool, and lamb in the Parish, render account
only of 19*. —
The reasons of the difierence were, a want of sheep and lambs,
the non-cultivation of 1 virgate of land through poverty of its
tenants, and because the glebe, hay-tithe, offerings, and other small
tithes went to make up the greater sum (the-taxation), and were
not included in the ninth.*^
In 1535, Deuxhill and Glazeley were united Parishes. Peter
Griffith was Rector. Their collective value in glebe and great and
small tithes was £4. 13*. 4£?. ; but a pension of 8*. payable to
Wenlock Priory was chargeable on that value.** The Prior of Wen-
lock^s return gives this pension as receivable £rom the Rector of
Deuxhill.*^
their peculiar instructivenesB as to points
of conveyancing at that early period, when
we seldom meet with a dated charter.
^ Vide supra, p. 35, note 18.
41 Eot. Pat. 22 Edw. Ill, p. 3, memb.
34. Inspeximus.
^ Pope Nic. Tax. 166. For an expla-
nation of the Monastic pittance and
an instance of endowment, specially de-
voted thereto, see Hist, Skrewsbwyy ii, 97.
In 1391, 1 find this pension or portion
taxed at its twentieth by the Crown, viz.
at 4d. {Register at WUley, fo. 36, b.)
^ Inqwis. Nonarum^ p. 190,
** Valor JEccles. iii, 210.
** Ibidem, p. 216.
•218
OLAZELEY.
Of the Early Incumbents of Olazeley I can say notliing more
specific than that which is implied above^ viz., that there was an
Incumbent of Glazeley, independent of Wenlock Priory, or of any
other Church, early in the twelfth century. The first Hereford
Registers (according to Mr. Blakeway's transcripts in the Bodleian
Library) appear to take no notice of a distinct Incumbency h^e.
How or when the combination with Deuxhill, which existed in
1534, first commenced is a question, — possibly to be solved by
some retrospective document of a later period than that of which
we treat, perhaps by some yet undiscovered Chartulary of Wenlock
Priory.
PEDIOEEE OF PDSEPOINT OP OLAZELEY.
Simon de Pierpoint ^
Occurs circ. 1175. .
MiUfs 1200.
Occurs 1203.
I
Alan de Pierpoint '
Occurs circ. 1193.
An Essoigner 1194.
Occurs N</t. 1221.
William de Pierpoint.
Appointed Prebendary
of Brug c. 1173.
Occurs c. 1175.
Vefs. Jan. 7, 1215.
Guy de Glazeley
Occurs c. 1224-7.
Also e. 1238.
= Juliana, dar. of
• • • •
SupertUs 1255.
Henrr de Glazeley. Alan de Glazeley
Sold land in Quatford Occurs 1251.
to Alan, his brother, Miles Jan. 1281.
and Katherine, Alan's wife. Occurs 1284.
•Katherine dar. of William Fitz Wydonis.
• • • • Grants in Tasley, c. 1273.
Swperstes \Wi\-2.
Wydo de Glazeley
Occurs Oct. 1292.
Nondum miles
1311.
Occurs 1316.
Befs. 1317-8.
Alan de Glazeley
Occurs 1329.
Also 1353-4.
I.
Catherine
Grantee of her &ther
1316-7.
William do Glazeley
Occurs 1353-4.
219
Beu^tn*
*
It is often doubtful whether places with this termination owe it
to the Saxon heall (a hall), or hul (a hill). The Domesday ortho-
graphy (Dehocsele) would favour the former derivation, while the
situation of the place would correspond well with the latter.
As regards the first syllable or syllables, involved in the letters
Dehocs or Deuks, I can ofier little even in the way of conjecture.
The word is perhaps the possessive case of some personal noun,
disguised by change, or wholly obsolete. The nearest Saxon
name which I have met with is Dudoc or Duduc,
Domesday notices the Manor thus^ —
The salme Church (St. Milburg) held (in time of King Edward)
and still holds Dehocsele. Here is half a hide geldable. In
demesne is i ox-team : and (there are) ii boors and i cottar with
I ox-team ; and i serf is here. It (the Manor) was worth 10*. (in
time of King Edward). Now it is worth 20*.
Wenlock, a Monastery which, of all in Shropshire, boasted the
most exclusive privileges, both spiritual and temporal, retained this
Manor from the Conquest to the Reformation. The Chartularies of
Wenlock being either hidden, scattered, or destroyed, we can know
but little of its dependencies.
On the change of the Hundredal divisions of Shropshire, supposed
to have taken place in the time of Henry I, Deuxhill was probably
attached to Stottesden Hundred. But when, in time of Richard I,
a new Liberty or Hundred was assigned to Wenlock Priory, its
distant and isolated Manor of Deuxhill was undoubtedly included.
Therefore, from the Inquisition as to the " Liberty of Wanlok,^' made
in 1255, we learn that the Prior of Wenlock is Lord of Dewkeshul,
and that it contains half a hide.^
An extent of the possessions of Wenlock Priory, taken Sept.
1379, gives the rents of the free tenants in the hamlet of Deukeshull,
as 20*. per annum, payable at Lady Day and Michaelmas.^
* Domesdayy 252, b. 2.
2 Sot, Sund. ii, 85.
3 New Monasticon, vol. v, page 77,
No. yiii.
220
DBUXHILL.
In 1585^ their rents^ lands, and tenements in Deoxhnll were
returned by the Priory as realizing JE2. 12s» 44. per annum >
The Minister's Accounts of 1541-2 value the rents of free-
tenants at £1, 3s. 4d.; of tenants-ai-will, at £4. ISs. 44.; of
Copyhold tenants, at £2. 99. Od.; and the ferm of the tithes at
£1. 28. Sd. ; making a total of £9. Ss. 4d.^
Of the Prior's tenants here hardly a notice occurs. —
In January, 1256, there was an assize of mart d'ancestre, whether
Robert de Teukeshull, uncle (avunculus) of Juliana Fitz Warin,
had died seized of 1 virgate here, which Sibil, daughter of Geoffry
de Creddon, held &c. Sibil's defence was, that William de Deukes-
hull and Margery his wife held the land, and so said the Jury.
Therefore, Juliana was non-suited.^
But she renewed her suit against the real tenants, and at the
same Assizes. The question now was, whether Robert Fitz Owen
(Audoeny), her uncle, died seized of a messuage and virgate in
Deukeshul, which William Fitz PrStre (le fiz le Prestre) and
Margery his wife held. These tenants proved Juliana not to be heir
of Robert, because she was bom before her mother was married.
So she was again non-suited.*^
The fine of 1293 which entitled Edmund de Mortimer to a rent
of 20 quarters of com in Deuxlull, has already been given under
Criddon.®
THE CHUBCH OF DEUXHILL.
The foundation of a Church or Chapel here by Wenlock Priory,
possibly as early as a.d. 1115, has been noticed under Glazeley.
At the Assizes of October, 1203, Robert Chaplain of DeukeshuU,
occurs as surety for another Chaplain, Adam de Hereford, who had
died.*
In 1291, the Church of DeukeshuU with the Chapel of Mitletone
(Miccletone or Suttleton) is entered as not of £4. annual value.^^
The Inquisition of 1341, which enumerates the parishes of
^ Vahr ScclesiatUcuSy iii, 215.
* Moiicuticony vol. v, p. 81, No. xii.
• Salop Assizes^ 40 Hen. Ill, memb. 2
dorso.
7 Ibidem, memb. 14 recto. The descrip-
tion of the same persons mider different
names, is very clear and instructive.
' Vide supra, p. 193,
* Assizes^ 5 John, memb. 1 recto. It
must be remembered, however, that the
individual mentioned may only have been
a Chaplain whose name was Bobert de
BenxhilL
10 Nic, Tax, 166, 175. Stottesden
Deanery.
BEUXHILL
-T"
221
Stottesden Deanery very nearly in the order of Pope Nicholas^
Taxation^ contains no correspondent entry to the last^ and indeed
omits all notice whatever of DeuxhilL^^
That which relates to Deuxhill Church in the Valor of 1535 has
been given under'Glazeley with which it was then combined.^^
EAELY INCUMBENTS M
In 1277, the Bishop of Hereford commands the Dean of
Stottesden to cite the Rector of the Churches of Myttelton
(Priors) and Deuxhill, and the Chaplain of the same, because they
do not cause the same to be served as they ought,
Oct. 10, 1278, Sir Robert de Mudle, Chaplain, presented by the
Prior and Convent of Wenlock, to the Chapels of Middleton Priors
and DeukeshuU.
March 24 (1289-90), Sir Gilbert de Reygat instituted on the
same presentation.
July 22, 1304, John de la Felde, Acolite, instituted on the same
presentation.
Nov. 30, 1316, Adam de Wilyneten, Priest, instituted on the
same presentation.
Feb. 18, 1341, Sir Richard dela More, instituted on presentation
of the King, exercising this right, " because Wenlock Priory is in
his hands by reason of the war^' (with France) .
June 1, 1344, William de Lodelowe presented by the Crown in
the same right,^* but his institution does not appear on the Diocesan
Registers.
Sept. 3, 1349, William de Burstalle, Priest, presented by the
Crown in the same right. He resigned in 1858, when, —
On Aug. 11, Alexander de Chelleseye, Clerk, was instituted, the
Crown still presenting. He resigned in 1388.^^
** The other omissions (only two) of
the Inquisition of 1341 are suppUed in a
supplementary form. It also gives a
Parish of Sheryn, as in Stottesden Dea-
nery (p. 194, in a supplement). Of this
parish^ the ninth is valued at ISs. 4d.f a
sum very prohahly corresponding to a
taxation of less than £4. But I neither
know what place is meant by Shevyn, nor
dare I suggest Deuxhill. All I can say
is, that an identification of the two places
would bring the two Eecords into oorre-
jspondenoe.
12 Supra, p. 217.
^ FromBlakeway's transcripts of Sere-
ford Megisters^ in Bibl. Bodl.
14 Eot. Pat, 18 Edw. m, part i, memb.
26, and part ii, memb. 38. The presenta-
tion is to the two Chapels of Middelton
and DeukeshuU.
'* On Chelleseye's resignation (1388),
he is called Custos of these Chapels.
222
ASTON BOTTERELL.
Jan. 19, 1373, Sir Henry Warde, Chaplain, institnted to thd
Chapel of Mittelton, on the same presentation. Deuxhill is not
n^entioned.^^
July 19, 1888, Sir John Bedewynde, Chaplain, instituted to the
Chapels of Middleton and Deuxhill^ on the resignation of Alexander
de Chellesley, and on presentation of the Crown. He resigned in
1389, when,—
On Feb. 15, John Godewyn (or Godene), late Vicar of Aston
Biehant in Dioc. Line, (which he resigned for these), is in-
stituted.
May 22, 1399, Sir Richard Arderu instituted on presentation of
the Prior and Convent of Wenlock.^^
astott BottirelL
Aston, anciently Eston, took its name probably from lying
to the East of the Great Clee Hill.^ It is noticed in Domesday
thus :^ —
The same Bainald (the SheriflF) holds Estone (under the Earl),
and Tochil under him. Elric held it (in time of King Edward),
and was free together with this land. Here is i hide geldable. In
demesne is i ox-team ; and (there are) 6 serfs, 2 villains, 3 boors,
and 3 radmans^ with two ox-teams amongst them all; and yet
there might*be a third ox-team here. The Manor used to be worth
14^., now it is worth 16«.
IS This presentation seems inconsistent
with the terms of the next.
17 Wenlock Priory had been declared
denizen in 18 Bic. II (1395). This serer-
ance of its foreign relations involved the
reooyery of its escheated Churoh-patron-
age in England.-
^ Vide supra, pp. 67, 194.
^ DomesdcM/, fo. 255, a. 2.
^ The Eadmans and Kachenistres of
Domesday seem to have been identical.
They were of a higher grade than serfs,
villains, or boors, but their degree of
freedom was not the same in every case.
The tenure of some obliged them to pay
a rent in the shape of agricultural labour
to their Lords. Others are mentioned as
inseparable from the land. Others again
are expressly stated to have been free.
(See more in Introduction to Domesday^
vol. ii, pp. xxii, xxiii.)
ASTON BOTTERELL. 223
The name Elric, otherwise Alrie, jSllric, or Aluric, appears in
nearly every Hundred of Shropshire in the time of the Confessor,
and Edric, son of a Saxon Aluric, retained Burton (near Much
Wenloek) after the Conquest. Though more than one person must
be represented by the name, it seems likely that the Elric, who
held Estone in King Edward^s time and Aluric, who, at the same
period, held Udecote (Woodcote) in Beeordin Himdred, were iden-
tical. The successor to each Manor, in 1085, was one, whose name
Tochi, or, as above, Tochil, was surely Saxon ; nor is there any ex-
travagance in the conjecture that this Tochil was one of a favoured
few, and was permitted to hold, under Norman Lords, two distant
Manors which were his by descent. This early association between
Aston and Woodcote becomes still more striking when we find a
record of law proceedings, wherein the Lord of Woodcote was,
after lapse of more than a century, suing the Lord of Aston for the
latter Manor.
Of Tochil, the Domesday owner of Aston, we know nothing fiirther
than that early in the twelfth century he granted to Shrewsbury
Abbey a hide of land in the viU which was called Cota ; and it is
observable, how, in the two confirmations of Henry I and Stephen,
which record this gift, the donor^s name is spelt with exactly the
same variety as in Domesday,'^
The next date at which we may expect to find a successor to any
Domesday tenant of Kainald is the year 1165 and amongst, the
tenants of Fitz Alan. Of these there is one whose fief I cannot
assign elsewhere, whose tenure was one Knight^s fee, such as after-
wards was Aston Botterell, and whose origin was, if I rightly judge
by his name, Saxon. This was Robert, son of Luun, to whose
ancestry, whether he were Lord of Aston or not, we may now revert,
for at least two generations.
About the year 1115, there was a great Chapter held at Castle
Holgate, by William, Archdeacon of Hereford. Richard, Bishop of
London, then Viceroy of the County, and other great persons, both
Clerks and Laymen> were in attendance. —
Lunun is named amongst those who are most associated with
this neighbourhood.^
To him succeeded Robert -Fitz Luun, who being dead before
* Salop Chartulary, No. 35, and Monas-
ticon, iii, 517, ii.
« Patent 22 Edw. Ill, p. 3, memb 34,
an inyaluablfi record, and one which must
be given at length hereafter. The subject
which engaged the Chapter's attention
was the parochial jurisdiction of St. Mil-
burg.
29
224
ASTON BOTTERELL.
Michaelmas^ 1160, Robert, son of Robert Fitz Luun, is then entered
on the Sheriflf^s account, as owing £20. for fine of his land.^ This
I suppose to have been a fine on succession, and to have been pay-
able to the Crown, by reason of Fitz Alan's Barony having, half a
year before, come into the King's hand.
In September, 1161, Robert Fitz Louun renders account of his
fine of £20. It had gone to pay for works at the Castle of Blanc-
muster (Oswestry, then in the King's hand as caput of Fitz Alan's
Barony), and he was quit J
In 1165, Robert Fitz Luun is registered as holding i Knighfs
fee of Fitz Alan's Barony.*
When this family became extinct in the male Hne, or how the
family of BottereU succeeded to Aston, I cannot say. An interval
of forty-five years elapsed between the latest notice of Fitz Luun,
and the earliest of Botterell.
In Easter Term, 1200, William Boterell appears as the third of
four Knights who were to choose a Jury of the King's Great Assize.'
The cause concerned lands in Norley Regis, and the other three
Knights were of Stottesden Hundred. Hugh de Sidbury precedes
William Boterell, otherwise we might have hesitated as to whether
the latter was of Aston, or whether the contemporary coheir of
Robert Corbet's Barony, whose position in Shropshire was very high,
had officiated on this occasion. Whether, or how nearly, they were
related is still a question.
Among the fines which had been recently offered to the Crown at
Michaelmas, 1202, was one by Robert de Wudecot of 10 merks,
that he might have trial (pro habendo recto), concerning one
Knight's fee in Eston, against William Botterell.^^
A similar entry prior to Michaelmas, 1203, gives the same
Robert, as fining and paying 20^., that the suit which was in the
County Court between him and William Boterell, concerning one
Knight's fee in Eston, be transferred to the Courts at Westminster.^^
In Easter Term, 1203, at Westminster, a day was given to
Robert de Wodecot, plaintiff, and William Boterell, in a suit about
one Knight's fee, viz. in 3 weeks of Easter,^^ {i, e. April 27) ; but I
find no further mention of the suit.
« Moff, Sot. Pip. 6 Hen. II., Salop ;
which abo contains the Sheriff's account
of half a year's /<5rw of the lands of Wil-
liam Fitz Alan.
7 Maff, Sot. Ftp. 7 Hen. II.
8 Heame*8 Liher Niger^ i, 143.
• ' Plcui, apud Wettm, Easter Term,
1 John, memb. 3 recto.
^0 Pipe Moll, 4 John. Nova oblata.
^^ Pipe Roll, 6 John. Noya oblata.
^ PlacUa de eodem termino, memb. 11
recto.
ASTON BOTTERELL.
225
At Salop Assizes, October, 1203, William Botterell was amerced
half a merk, for some transgression.^^
At Salop Assize^, November, 1221, William Boterell was a
Juror in a cause of " Great Assize/^ ^*
He had also a suit against Thomas de Baskervill for disseizing
him of his tenement in Norwinde (Northwood), which he failed to
prosecute, and so he and his sureties were amerced.^^
About 1240, Philip Boterel is returned as holding 1 fee in Aston,
of the Barony of John Pitz Alan.^*
The same Philip also attests a Pickthorne deed which must have
passed in that or the following year.^*^
In Michaelmas Term, 1242, the Essoigners of Robert Wygod and
Adam de Dodington, presented themselves in due course against
Avelina, widow of Philip Boterel, who had a suit of dower against
them. She appeared not, and was in misericordid}^
The successor of Philip was probably Thomas, who sat as a Juror
in the Stottesden Inquisition of 1255, and was himself returned as
Lord of Astone Boterell, which he held in capite of John Fitz Alan,
for 1 Knight^s fee. Therein were 3 hides of land, in half a virgate
whereof Henry de Eston was enfeoffed in consideration of his doing
suit to the lesser Hundred-Courts, and to the County-Court, for the
vill of Aston. The Manor paid to the Sheriff 12 pence for 8tret*
ward, and 2s, for motfee.^^
At the Assizes of January, 1256, Thomas Boterel again sat as a
Juror for this Hundred.^^ It was about this time that Hugh de
Acour, the Sheriff, accepted 10 merks jfrom him to the end that he
might have respite of Knighthood ;^^ and in this year he was
returned as one of those who held £16. of lands, and yet was not a
Knight.22
In 1258, he fined again with the Crown for respite of Knight-
hood.^
In 1262, he withdrew the suit of Aston from Stottesden Hun-
^ Salop Assizes J 5 John,meinb. 6 dorso.
" ScUop Assizes, 6 Hen. IIT, memb. 1
recto.
** Ibidem, memb. 2 recto.
16 I'estadeNevilly^.U.
17 BlaJceway M8S,
18 Plac. apud Westm. 26 Hen. Ill,
memb. 32 dorso.
»» Rot, Sv/nd, ii, 81, 82. The great
increase on the Domesday hidage will
again come under notice.
» Ajssize Boll, 40 Hen. III.
21 Rot. Hund, ii, 109.
22 Dukes' Introduction, p. vii.
23 Rot. Pip. 43 Hen. Ill, quoting
OriginaUa of 42 Hen. III.
226 ASTON BOTTE&ELL.
dred.^ He was also a Regarder of Morf and Shirlet Forests in
this year.*^
In 48 Hen. Ill (1263-4), he had the King's Charter to have a
Market and Fair at Estone Boterell.^
In August, 1267, the King presiding in his Court at Salop, this
Thomas appeared in a suit of novel disseisin against Matilda de
Longespee and others, who had deprived him of common pas-
turage in Cleyes, pertaining to his free tenement in Aston BotereU.
Matilda pleaded that she had only resisted the right during hay-
harvest (tempore fenacionis), and she had the same liberty at that
season as the King had in his Forests, because that Forest (the Clee)
was once Royal. Thomas rejoined that his ancestors had purchased
from the ancestors of Matilda a right of pasturage throughout the
year, for 2s. and 12 hens (rent, I presume). Presently Thomas
declines to prosecute. His consequent amercement was excused at
instance of Sir R. de Clifford.^
As a supplement to this concord with Maud de Longespee (the
heiress of the Cliffords and Lady of Corfham), we may instance
Thomas Boterel's attestation of her Charter to Shrewsbury Abbey,
which must have passed within a year or two of the last date.^^
Also about this time Thomas Botterel, Knight, stands third
witness of Robert Corbett's grant in Chetton.^* ' ,
At the County Assizes, October, 1272, Thomas Botterel appears
both as a Knight and Juror.^
It would appear that he was sometime Constable of his Suzerain's
Castle of Clun, and that for some alleged excess in that office,
Geoflfrey le Venour, Seneschall of Sir Roger de Mortimer, about
October, 1273, maliciously caused the cattle of the said Thomas to
be seized on his own land of Eston Boterel, and to be driven to
Cleybury, and there detained till said Thomas had paid ISs,^^
On Nov. 27, 1274, Sir Thomas Boterel sat as foreman of the
Jury which then made report as to oppressions and excesses by the
King's Officers and others in Stottesden Hundred.*^ To their
retiun we owe the above particulars as to Thomas' own withdrawal
of the suit of his Manor of Aston ; also as to his transaction with
^ Sot. Hund. u, 108.
^ :Plae. ForeHcB, 46 Hen. Ill, memb.
6 recto.
^ Calend. Rot. Cart. p. 92.
^ Placita coram Rege, 51 Hen. Ill,
memb. 3 dorso. |
* Salop Ghartulary, No. 6.
» Vide supra, p. 178.
» Ajstize Eolly 66 Hen. HE.
" Mot. Hund. u,im,
« Ibidem, p. 107.
ASTON BOTTERELL. 227
Hugh de Acour and his persecution by the Seneschal of Cleobury
Mortimer.
About this time/^ or at least between the years 1271 and 1278,
Sir Thomas Boterel had a feoffment from Luke Abbot of Shrews-
bury, of a messuage iu the vill of Lucton (Loughton), and of 9
acres lying in the fields, in Wetemore, between Burwarton and
Loughton, to hold for ever at a rent of 3^. 4d, — ^Witnesses : Sir
Ralph de Arras, Sir John de la Lee, Sir John Fitz Aer, and others.
Jan. 28, 1281, Sir Thomas Boterel occurs as one of the four
Knights then commissioned to make view and report of the state
of Bridgnorth Castle.^*
About 1284, the Feodary gives Thomas de Boterbel as holding
Haston, of Richard Fitz Alan, of the honour of White-Minster, with
its members, viz. Necton (Norton), Forde, Heywode (Haywood),
and Toteneye, by performing the service of 1 Knighfs fee, and
doing ward at White- Minster Castle in time of war.^^
He will have survived this date but for a short time. He seems
to have married Petronilla, widow of Wido de Hadnall, and after
he became a Knight to have had, with her, a grant of lands in "
Hadnall, from Sir Thomas de le Lee,^* which grant was afterwards
(1296-7) confirmed by John de le Lee, son of Sir Thomas, to
Richard, son of Thomas Boterell. •
This Richard had succeeded his father at Aston Botterell before
Octobdf, 1292, when he was summoned to answer at Salop as to his
warrant for claiming a right of fair, market, and free-warren, and
the privilege of assizing bread and beer in his Manor of Eston
Boterel. In reply was produced the Charter of King Henry III,
granting to Thomas Boterel, ancestor of said Richard, and whose
heir Richard was, that said Thomas and his heirs should have for
ever a weekly market on Tuesdays, in his Manor of Eston, and an
annual fair of three days, viz. the vigil, the day, and the morrow of
St. Michael. And Richard said that he claimed such market and
fair by the aforesaid charter, and the privilege of assizing bread and
beer, as appurtenant to the said fair and market. So he was, on
this count, dismissed sine die ; and as to free warren he does not
appear to have claimed any.^7
33 Salop Chartulary, No. 407.
^ Inquisitions, 9 Edw. I, No. 81.
3' Kirhy's Quest.
3« Sheriffs of ShropsUre, p. 204. It
would also seem from the Haghmon Char-
ttdary (fo. 69), that John, Lord of the
Lee, made a grant, independently of his
father's, to Sir Thos. Boterell, Knight, and
Petronilla his wife, in Hadnall.
37 Placita de quo WarrantOf p. 676,
228
ASTON BOTTBRELL.
In 5 Edw. II (1311-2), I find him attesting as Richard Lord of
Aston Botterel, but not as a Knight, a charter which concerned
lands at Northwood, and which passed at The Woodhonse, near
Stottesden.^®
In March, 1316, Richard Boterel is returned as Lord of Asseton
Boterel.3»
But in 10 Edw. II (1316-7), John Botterel, Lord of Aston
Botterel, grants to Richard, his father, the tenement held by
William Idel.'"^
At Diddlebury on the feast of St. Ethelbert, 11 Edw. II (May 20,
1318), Richard Botterel granted to Hugh, son of Roger de Cheyney,
for a sum of money a tenement, &c. in Hadnall, near Astley.^^
By letters patent tested at Westminster, 24 Sept. 1321, John
Boterel and other Shropshire names, appear among the followers of
Roger Mortimer of Wigmore, who were included in a general
pardon for all offences committed in pursuit of the Despensers.^
" I have met with very few notices of minor tenancies in this
Manor, and I greatly doubt whether its members in the 13th
century were belonging to it at Domesday. A future occasion will
suffice for what remains to be said on the subject.
THE OHXTROH OF ASTON BOTTERELL.
The first mention of a Church here which has occurred is in the
Taxation of 1291, when the Church of Asheaton BoteV in the
Deanery of Stottesden, is expressed to be of £10. annual value.*^
In 1341 the taxation of Astonbotrel Church being quoted at £10,
the ninth of wheat, wool, and lamb, in the Parish, is only rated at
^ Blakeway MS8, quoting Oitifiy
Deeds. This deed seems to be dated " in
the fifth year of King Sdward" a form
not unusual in deeds of the first years of
Edward II's reign, when as yet his dis-
tinctive title of Edward, son of King
JEdward, was not established in the pro-
vinces. The circumstance seems to liave
escaped Mr. Blakeway, whose remarks
(p. 204 of the Sherifis) seem to have been
infiuenced by this charter. I can recon-
cile them at least with nothing which has
occurred to me, and this uncertainty
induces me to postpone for the present,
any attempt to set forth a genealogy of
the Boterells.
^ ParliametUarff Writs, iv, 398.
^ BlakevDatf M8S, quoting Lacon
Evidences. Hr. Blakeway remarks that
the seal of this deed is (barged with a
swan, while a lion rampant was the usual
bearing of the family.
^ Haughmond Chartularif, fo. 70*
*^ Parliamentarg Writs, iv, 573.
« Fope Nic. Tax. p. 166.
ASTON BOTTERBLL.
229
£2. 5s, The difference arose from the usual causes : there were no
sheep or lambs in the Parish, 2 virgates were untiUed ; certain poor
tenants had withdrawn; the small tithes, oflFerings, and glebe, con-
tributed to the taxation, but had nothing to do with the ninth.^
In 1534, Walter Myllinchop being Rector of Aston Botrell, his
preferment, in glebe and great and small tithes, is valued at £7. Is. Id.
This income was charged with 7s. 8rf. for procurations and synodals,
with a pension of 6*. Sd. payable to the Lady of Brewood, and a
portion of 4«. payable to the Rector of Castle Holgate.*^ The net
value was therefore £6. 2*. 9d.
EARLY INCUMBENTS.^
Sept. 27, 1278, Thomas Boterel has the Episcopal license to
study for a year.
5 June, 1284, Thomas Boterel, Priest, instituted on presentation
of Sir Thomas Boterel, Knight.
Oct. 18, 1288, the Bishop commends Philip Clerk, to Master
John de Cherleton, Priest, " according to the Council of Lyons,"
and before Philip^s institution. Philip is ordained Acolyte at the
same time.
July 16, 1313, Roger, son of Sir Roger de Baskervyl, Knight,
presented by Richard Boterel.
Sept. 19, 1314, the Bishop, understanding from credible persons
that this presentee has a lawful impediment not to take orders
within a year from the time when the Regimen was committed to
him, Ucenses him to study for seven years.
1321, Richard de Forde, Subdeacon, then instituted, has dis-
pensation to study for a year. The same dispensation is renewed in
1322.
Master Richard de Aston Boterel occurs as Rector in 1354.
Dec. 1, 1393, Sir Richard Dobyn, Chaplain, is instituted, on pre-
sentation of John Botrell, Lord of Aston Botrell.
** Nonarum Inquisitiones, p. 190.
« Valor JSccles. iii, 211. The « Lady
of Brewood " was Margaret, Frioress of
the White Nuns, there domiciled. Her
own return (p. 194 of the volume) gives
this pension as accruing from Bolld, near
Botrell Aston. The Chapel of Bold
being suppressed, or merged in Aston
Bottrell Church, before the Beformation,
the Nuns* pension once chargeable on the
former, became a charge on the latter.
The same account may be given of the
Kector of Holgate's portion ; but having
been 10«. when charged on Bold Chapel,
it was now only As.
^ BlaJceway M8S. in Bibl. Bodl.
230
^ufttj^Dtn.
\
The Mosaic account of the fall of man has informed ns of the
origin of noxious weeds, and it would seem that the etymological
traditions of various nations have associated these products of the
earth with the influence of evil spirits.
The shrub ononis, which we call rest-harrow firom its arresting
the use of that implement, is by the Swedes called Puktome, t. e.
Devil's-thom. So the pyrakantha is called by the Crimean Tartars
Shaitan-teken, words which have precisely the same meaning.^ The
rhamnus cathartictis, a plant similarly obstructive to agriculture is
well known among ourselves as Buck-thorn,^ a name which involves
the same ideas ; for bug (Brit, bwg) is literally a fiend, and Puck,
whom we pleasantly remember as the servant of King Oberon, was
in his primitive capacity, nothing more or better. Another pro-
vincial name of a weed occurs which associates the same ideas still
more emphatically, though less presentably. Enough has been said
to back a conjecture that the prevalence of some such plant gave
name to the locality before us.
Domesday mentions the Manor thus : — *
The same Church (St. Milburg) held and still holds Pichetome.
Here is half a hide geldable. In demesne is i ox-team, and (there
are) i villain, and ii boors, with ii ox-teams, and (there are) ii ser6.
Its former and present value is vii shillings.
At what subsequent period the Norman family which possessed
this Manor, became enfeofied therein by Wenlock Priory, I cannot
undertake to say. BaskervAle stands on the Roll of Battle
Abbey, a circumstance which merely implies that the fabricators of
that Register, judged the name to be of Norman origin, and suffi-
ciently important for insertion. Nor were they mistaken in one
respect. —
^ BldkewcMf M88, quoting Pallas*
TraveUf ii, 145.
^ Buckthorn is said by Withering to be
common in Shropshire (Plymley's SArop-
shirey p. 191).
5 Domesdat/, fo. 252, b. 2.
PICKTHORN. 231
The Continuator of William de Jumieges/ enumerating the
nieces of Gunnora, Countess of Richard I, of Normandy, mentions
one who married Nicholas deBascherityilla {vulgo Bacqueville), and
was mother of William Martel and Walter de St. Martin.
The locality whence this Nicholas had name is situate in the Pays
de Caux, and is often written Bascevilla and Basqueville, forms more
nearly corresponding to the English surname. This place continued
as the fief of Martel for at least two centuries.
Also, south-west of B/Ouen, and in the Forest of Boumare, was a
place variously written Balkierville or Boscherville, and which gave
name to the great Abbey of St. George there founded.
From one or each of these places there came to England a family
whose branches were sdready in several Counties at the period when
we first have' authentic record of such matters. At the beginning
of the thirteenth century there were Baskervilles in Herefordshire,
Northamptonshire, and Shropshire, in Warwickshire, Norfolk,
Buckinghamshire, Wiltshire, and 'possibly in other Counties. No
reasonable ground has yet occurred to my notice for further asso-
ciating any two of these branches, except that the Shropshire and
Northamptonshire branch was identical, and also had lands in
Herefordshire. Yet these are not to be confounded with the Bas-
kervilles of Eardisley in Herefordshire, however diflScult it may be
always to preserve the distinction. I have indeed a printed pedigree
before me which professes to derive these houses from a common
origin ; but the details on each side are so purely imaginative that
I cannot regard the result as a truth, at least not on this evidence.
Their respective tenures in Herefordshire were at Bradwardine
and Eardisley, places not four miles asunder : not only was their
surname identical, but the Christian nstmes adopted by either house
were generally similar : perhaps also each of them held^ somewhere
and at some time, under the same feudal superior. Lacy of Ewyas.
Their consanguinity is therefore most probable, but any attempt to
exhibit such genealogical relation circumstantially, as it must arise in
fiction so must it end in incredulity. The two families were in fact
distinct, from the earliest period at which we find records bearing on
such matters.
In 1165, when Robert de Baskevill (whom I take to have been
of Erdisley), was holding 5 Knights^ fees of Hugh de Lacy, in
Herefordshire ^^ Radulf de Baskerevill is entered as holding 1 fee /
* Norm. ScriptoreSy-p. 313. * Liher Niger ^ i,,153.
30
232 PICKTHORN.
under Adam de Port in the same County.* Each tenure was of old
feoffinent^ that is^ each of the parties had held or inherited his
lands from a period antecedent to the death of Henry I (1135).
Ralph wa^, I believe, progenitor of the Shropshire family, and to
him and his succession I must here confine myself. His tenure
under De Port in Herefordshire was probably at Bradwardine, and
was represented by a tenure of his descendants under Braose (who
subsequently enjoyed De Port^s Barony).
I will first notice Balph^s occurrence in Shropshire, without his
Christian name. The Pipe Roll for the year ending Michaelmas,
1177, records that Roger Fitz Henry and Baschervill, had fined
with the Crown for according a duel.^ Their fine was 408. and a
dapple horse. The money had been then paid, but the horse re-
mained a debt tiU the year 1182, when Ralph de Baskerville appears
on the Pipe Roll for Herefordshire, as still owing the said horse^
and a further and recent amercement for trespass in the King's
Forests.^ The money was again paid, but the horse remained a
charge against his name in 1183.*
In explanation of the quarrel between Ralph de Baskerville and
Roger Fitz Henry, I can only suggest that they were neighbours
in so far as that the former had an interest at Pickthom and
Aldenham, and the latter at Cleobury North, though the greater
possessions of each lay elsewhere.
There is a deed in the Chartulary of Shrewsbury Abbey ^® to the
following effect : Ralph de Baskervill grants to the said Abbey the
Church of Northburia (Norbury, Staffordshire), at request of his
mother Juliana. — ^Witnesses : Roger de Ewias, Eitropius, Herbert
and Robert de Hereford, Roger de Baskervill and Ralph his brother,
Robert Christian, Henry de Girois, Adam de Baskervill, Richard
Sadoch, 8cc. —
All I can venture to state about this deed is an opinion that it
passed between the years 1165 and 1190, and that the grantor was
Ralph Baskervill of Pickthom. If so, the said Ralph will have be^n
also a tenant of Lacy, in whose fief Norbury was contained. The
point chiefly to be noticed in this deed is, however, that it combines
places or names connected with the three Counties of Salop, Staf-
fordshire, and Herefordshire.
We must now revert to the year 1167, and state that about that
• Ibidem, p. 151.
7 Sot IHp, 23 Hen. II, Salop.
8 Mot. Pip, 28 Hen. II, Hereford.
» Ibidem, 29 Hen. II.
w No. 299, a.
PICKTHORN.
233
period^ Ralph de Baskerville^ Lord of Pickthom^ haying made some
encroachment on the King^s demesne (probably of Stottesden)^ ap-
pears to have compounded for the same by covenanting payment of
an annual rent of I6d.^^ This rent remained an item of the Sheriff's
receipts^ and the land for which it was paid being a tenure in capite
of the Crown^ we hear much more of the family of Baskerville as
connected with these few acres than as tenants of Wenlock Priory.
The entry on the Pipe Roll of 1167 is as follows : ^^The same
Sheriff (Geoffrey de Vere) renders account of 16rf, of the land
which Ralph de Bascervill held in the same viU (Stottesden). It is
paid."
The next year 1168, under the title of Proprestures, the Sheriff
accounts for 16 denariates of land which Ralph de Bascheryill held
(tenuit) in Stottesden, and he is quitP
Similarly under the title ^' of Proprestures and Escheats/' this
rent of \^d, (being obviously for a Propresture), is substantively
entered on every Roll/^ till that of the year 1190 (2 Rich. I), when
this and some similar rents being collected by an Escheator rather
than the Sheriff, the former renders account of \&d. of the land of
Ralph de BascherviU, and is quit}^
In 1191, 1192, and 1193, and for half the year 1194, the Sheriff
answers summarily for the ^^ Escheats of Shropshire '^ in each year,
but the total in each case must have involved the rent of Basker-
viUe's purpresture.^^ In this interval, viz. between September, 1190,
and March, 1194, Ralph Baskervill was murdered in Northampton-
shire, as will presently appear.
For the half-year ending Michaelmas, 1194, an Escheator, and
not the Sheriff, collected the rents of escheats and purprestures.
Among his receipts was 8rf. for the firm of " Piketom Tomae,"^^ i. e.
Thomas de Baskervill's land of Pickthom ; and the name of Ralph's
son and heir was, as we shall see, Thomas.
^ Bot Pip. 13 Hen. 11. Idem Yioe-
oomes r. c. de terra quam Bad. de Bas-
oenrill tenuit in e&dem yiM, &c. The use
of the preterite tense '* tenuit " did not,
I think, imply the death of any Balph de
Baskervill. If it did, another Balph con-
tinued in possession, but in several sub-
sequent instances, the form "tenuit" is
repeated. This use of the same word
and tense, in deeds, is similarly equivocal,
and implies only that so and so was tenant
of certain land lately, not that his tenancy
had ceased. The imperfect tense would
in these cases have been the proper one.
The words "terra qu» fuit Badulphi'*
is technically a different expression, and
would imply, I think, a previous termina-
tion of tenancy, by death, forfeiture, or
other cause.
13 13 14 u j^f^ pip^ de eisdem annis,
Salop.
i« not. Pip, 6 Bic. I, Salop.
234
PICKTHORK.
No material alteration of tliis annual entry occurred during
Thomas de Baskerville's life.
Presuming that Ralph de Baflkerville^ of Hckthom^ died (as above)
between 1190 and 1194^ it is difScult to say whether the following
refers to him or to a Contemporary of the same name. On the
Staffordshire Pipe-BoU for the year ending Michaelmas, 1192,^^
one Ralph de BaskerviU is entered as owing half a merk for not
producing one for whom he was pledge, but, it is added, that he had
summons in Shropshire (sed summonitus est in Salopescr.). We
should expect a correspondent entry on the Pipe-Roll for Shrop-
shire, but none such occurs.
The following year, however, among the fines inflicted at a recent
assize in Shropshire, Ralph de BaskerviU appears as amerced half
a merk far false clamour, which he still owed.^®
Nov. 3, 1194, Thomas de BaskerviU (son and heir of Ralph
Baskervill, of Pickthom) appears to be of age, which, be it observed,
he was not at his father's death. .
At that date (1194), he had impleaded Ralph de Baskervill in a
suit about land, but Ralph essoigned himself, his essoigner beii^
Ralph de Breworthin (Bradwardine) . The case was left to be con-
tinued in eyre}*
Dec. 5, 1 194, Thomas again appeared at Westminster against
Ralph, who neither appeared nor essoigned himself. —
A day was given by the Court, viz. Jan. 20, at Westminster.
'^ And another day was given to Ralph in banco, viz. at Hereford,
before the Justices.''^ (The latter clause I understand to be the
excuse for Ralph^s non-appearance).
No Rolls remain to throw farther light on this case, which. I pre-
sume, referred to some mortgage which Ralph de Baskervill had on
lands of Thomas, in Herefordshire — probably on Bradwardine.
In the year ending Michaelmas, 1196, Thomas de Baschervill had
proffered a fine of 1 merk, " to have recognition about a Knight's fee
against Miles Pichard.'' He had then paid half a merk ; and he dis-
V Sot Pip. 4 Eic. I, Staff. Shortly
before this period there were at least three
contemporary Balph de Baskerville's, viz.
the two in the text, and Balph BaskerriUe
of Erdisley and Cmnb. The latter, how-
ever, died about June 1186, (Mot Pip. 34
Hen. II, Heref,), There was also a Ralph
de BaskerviUe holding of the Earl Ferrers,
in Warwickshire, in 1166, and a Ralph de
Baskerville, whose daughter and sole
heir, Agnes, was, in 1202-3, wife of Hugh
de Fichford, of Shropshire. The last
Ralph may not improbably be the
second Ralph mentioned in the text.
w Rot, Ftp, 5 Bie. I, Salop.
» Rot Cur, MegU, i, 110.
» Mot Cur, Regis, i, 86.
PICKTHORN. 235
charged the balance in the following year.^^ Herefordshire is men-
tioned in connexion with this suit, but with what meaning I cannot say.
Taking events as nearly in the order of time as the various sub-
jects will allow, I find, under date of July 8, 1199, the following
memorandum entered on a Roll of the King's Court at West-
minster:^^ —
'' Hereford. Imparlance (is) to be had (Loquendum) about Nesta
de Baskervill, who brings suit for the Castle of Bredewrthin (Brad-
wardine), and its appurtenances, which Robert de Wastre detains
from her, and which the same Nesta avers to be her right and in-
heritance. And the King had ordered the Sheriff to seize the said
Castle into the King's hand. And the Sheriff reports that said
Castle is beyond his bailiwick, and that he dared not to set his hand
upon that Castle, not being in hi^ jurisdiction. And William de
Braose says, that neither King, nor Justiciar, nor Sheriff ought to
set to his hand in his (William^s) liberty.^' —
The imparlance remains sine die, till the King's pleasure thereon
be ascertained.
All I need say of this Nesta here, is, that she was daughter of
Ralph Baskervill of Pickthom, and that her father, before his
death, enfeoffed her in Lawton (Salop) ; but the nature of her
claim on Bradwardine, or how any other than Thomas de Baskervill
occupied that fee in 1199, 1 cannot say.
I now return to this Thomas, and a cause which he had in the
King's Courts at Westminster, in Easter Terip, 1200.^* I give the
Record as it stands under title of Northamptonshire.
'^ Thomas de Baskervill challenges (appellat) Roger Fitz William,
for that, wickedly, and in the King's peace, and in felony, ^and in
murder, he slew Ralph de Baskervill, his (Thomas') father, who was
Lord over said Roger, in his house ; and this the said Thomas saw,
as he says, being a boy under age; and this he offers to prove
against Roger by his body. Roger appears, and will defend himself
against the charge of felony and murder, as the Court may decide ;
as, however, against his Lord whose liegeman he is.'^
Thomas hereupon denies that " he ever received Roger's homage.
» Bot IHp. 8 and 9 Bio. I, Salop.
Tomas de Baschyill r. c. de 1 marc, pro
habenda recognicione de feodo 1 mil.
versus Milonem Fichard qui ly (requiri-
tur) in Hereford.
^ Bot. Our. Meffis, i, 426. This is an
early and autlientic instance of the Pala-
tine powers, claimed by the Lords
Marchers in their districts. We shall
have similar cases in.Shropshire.
» Bot. Cur, Bes/is, ii, 257.
236
PICKTHORN.
but he well acknowledges him to have been the (liege) man of his
father^ whom he wickedly murdered/' —
Further, Roger says that " it is well enough known where he lay
the night of the murder, and that he was not in that vill, and there-
upon he puts himself on a Jury of the country, saving, however, his
own defence (his right of defending himself by duel if the Jury gave
verdict against him). He also b^ that this may be reckoned in
his favour^ viz. that the deed purported to have been done nearly
ten years back,^ that Justices Itinerant had since been in eyre (in
Northants) and that before them he (the appellant) had made no
mention thereof." —
And the Appellant also desires that this may be reckoned in his
favour, viz. that '' after the death of his father^ the said Roger
married his father's widow."
A day was given to both parties to hear sentence, viz. the
Octaves of St. John (July 1, 1200). Meanwhile Roger was to be
kept in prison.
The matter did not end, however, on the day appointed; for
sometime, apparently in March, 1201,^ '' a day was given to Thomas
de Baskerville (Appellant) and Roger Fitz William for their plea of
challenge, viz. that they should be at Westminster on the Quin-
zaine of Easter " (April 8, 1201) . The adjournment seems to have
been at the King's direction, and Geoflfry Mtz Kers (then Chief
Justice) undertook to acquaint Thomas with the arrangement.
Presumptively on the day appointed, and before the King, the
pleadings were rehearsed, generally as above, but with some addi-
tions;^ e.g. —
The Appellant states that the murder was at night, that he (the
Appellant) commenced his appeals against Roger as soon as he was
of age.— Roger again mei^tions his having done homage to the
Appellant,^ who denies having received any such homage since he
came of age, but says that, whilst under age, he was in custody of
his mother, and he knows not what she may have obliged him to
do. To this Roger answers nothing. — The Court decided that the
3* It was now the 7th of May, 1200.
From this and other records, I infer the
murder to have been committed on May
26th, 1190 or 1191.
^ Placita coram H^ge, No. 49, memb.
11 dorso. This is the Boll mentioned
above, as falsely indorsed of the 11th of
John. (Vide supra, under Charlcott and
Bold, p. 154, note 9).
^ Ibidem, memb. 15 recto. On April
8, 1201, yJTig John was at Marlborough.
V A vassal's oath of fealty specially
bound him to shield his Lord from per-
sonal injury.
PICKTHORN.
237
parties should fight a duel. They give pledges thereof^ Boger de
Mortimer being the pledge of Boger Fitz William. The day of
combat was to be the morrow of the Octaves of the Holy Trinity
{i.e. May 29/ 1201), and then they were to come armed.
On that day the King was at Portsmouth, No record remains
of the duel. The Appellant, however, survived it.
In 1211, Thomas de Baskerville is returned as holding half a
virgate of land in capite, by payment of 16tf. annually, through
the Sheriff, in equal half-yearly payments.^® At the same time,
Nesta de Baskervill (his sister) held Lawton by seijeantry, and
in capUeP
The brother and sister had afterwards some litigation about
Lawton, which will be detailed when we come to that place. It is
sufficient here to say that that serjeantry reverted to Thomas or his
heirs.
21 Dec. 1214. The King being at Hereford mentions Thomas
de Baskervill as one of the sureties of Bobert Weldebof, then to be
liberated firom imprisonment at Gloucester.^^ This Thomas also
appears as witness of two grants by Walter de Clifford to Salop
Abbey.^^
And, before Aug. 10, 1241, he was dead, leaving Boger his son
and heir, whose homage the King received on that day, and issued
precept to the Sheriff of Salop to take security for 40*., the relief of
said Boger, and then to give him seizin of all lands of which his
father had died possessed.^^ This was at Shrewsbury, where the
King then was.
But Boger's enjoyment of his estates continued not long. On
the 13th of July, 1244, the King issued letters patent to the
Sheriffs of Salop and Herefordshire, informing them that he had
granted to Hugh Gifford custody of the land and heirs of Boger
de Baskervill.^
And this heir, Walter, had a long minority. Several notices of
2S Testa de NevUly p. 56. Lib. Bub.
Scaccarii, fo. cxxxvii.
^ Ibidem, p. 66, and Lib. Bub. ibm.
» Mot. Pat. 16 John, memb. 9. The
priBoner was one of those whom King
John had taken in 1210, at the siege of
Carrickfergus.
31 Salop Chartulaiy, Nos. 6 and 8.
28 Bot. Mn. i, 350.
» Bot. Pat. 28 Hen. Ill, sub die. Of
this Boger de Baskervill, we also find
mention which shows the continued con-
nexion of his family with Northamp-
tonshire. A Boll preserved in the Testa
de NeviU, and of date c. 1242, gives Boger
de Baskerevil as holding half a knight's
fee in Helidon (Northants), of the honour
of Clare then in the King's hand.
{Testa de NeviU, p. 24. Vide Baker's
Nbrthamptonekire, p. 396).
1
238
PICKTHOBN.
his nonage occur in the Inquisitions of 1255^ and must be both
cited and explained.
The Jurors of Stottesden say nothing about the ri//of Pickthom,
which was in fact not in their Hundred^ but in the Liberty of
Wenlock j but under the heading '^ De valettis et puellis " {i,e. of
male and female wards), they say^ that '' Walter de BaskerviUe is
in custody of Sibil Giffard (widow of Hugh, before-named) by
gift of the King^ and that he holds 8 acres in Fykethom of the
King, rendering yearly 16 pence at the Exchequer^ and that he
holds no (nuUam) land of the King in this Hundred/^ For the
word '' nullam/^ it is obvious that " aliam " (other land) should be
written in this passage, for this Walter held Aldenham, Northwood,
and Newton, — all of the King, and all in Stottesden Hundred.
The contemporary Jurors for Wenlock Liberty said of Pyke-
thom,*^ that " Eoger de BaskerviUe (formerly) held certain land
therein of the Prior of Wenlock. He rendered to the Prior 2
merks yearly, and used to do suit to the Court of the Prior by
afforciament. And his ancestors used to do suit to the Hundred
of WybtWty till the period aforesaid (the reign of Richard I) : and
Walter his son is in custody of Sibil Giffard, and it (the Manor)
is half a hide^' (the Domesday hidage).
As to the Hundred of WybtWt here mentioned^ I can associate
the name with nothing in Shropshire. I believe the original
statement of the Jurors to have been erroneous, and I can only
venture a guess at what they meant. They supposed that Pick-
thorn had some time been attached to the Hundred of Welbetre
(now Webtree) in Herefordshire, in which Hundred was Bradwar-
dine, a fee in which these Baskervilles had an interest as tenants
of de Braose, and afterwards of de Bohun.
And soon after this date (1255)^ Walter will have attained his
fuU age, for his son and heir, Roger, was bom Aug. 1, 1261.
Nov. 27, 1274. The Stottesden Jurors returned Walter de
BaskerviUe as holding 1 messuage, 10 acres of arable land^ and
10 acres of wood in Pikethom, of the King in capite, by payment
of 16 pence per annum for the same.^
M Mot. Bund, ii, 88.
^ Eot. Hund. ii, 86. "Affordaxnentum"
is the word usually employed to denote
that augmentation of Wenlock Liberty,
which took place in the reign of Bichard I.
It means literally " the act of increasing
or rendering stronger," and the addition
of several Manors to a Hundred of course
increased its importance. A discordant
jury was similarly said to be affordated
when other jurors were added.
» Bot Hund. ii, 108.
PI€KTHORN. .239
* .
In 1284, a similar return was made, viz. that Walter de Bas-
kerviU holds his hall (aulam), croft, and wood at Pikethome, of the
King in capite, at the said rent.^^
On Feb. 21, 1286, the King^s writ of diem clausit ewtremum, on
the death of Walter de BaskerviU, issued to the Escheator citra
Trent.
On March 1, 1286, a Jury sat at Pykethom, and reported him
to have held a messuage and 2 acres of wood at Tikethom, by
service of 16 pence to be paid to the King through the Sheriff
of Salop. Its annual value was only 2«. 6d., and he held nothing
else m capite. Roger de Baskerville was his son and next heir,
and was twenty-four years of age at the Gules of August, in the
King's thirteenth year {«. e. Aug. 1, 1285).
A Jury which met at Bradewardin (Herefordshire), on March 3
following, gave the same account of his heir, as to name and age.
The deceased, they said, had held uilder Roger de Radenore at
West Bradwardin. His tenure was a messuage, 143 acres of
arable land in demesne, 3 acres of meadow, and £1, 14«. Sd, rents.
The total value was £4. 10«. 4rf.88
The returns of March, 1316, give Roger de Baskervill as Lord
of Pikethom in Shropshire,^^ and Roger de Baskervill and John
Giflfard as joint Lords of HeUidon (Northants).*^
In 5 Edw. Ill (1331). Roger de Baskervill had the King's
Charter of free- warren in Lauton and Pikethom.*^
The Escheat on his death is of the thirteenth year of Edward III
(1339),^ when he must have been seventy-eight years of age; but
I will postpone much that I have further to say, both of him and
his descendants, till I come to Lawton, where I also propose to set
forth their genealogy, till their male line became extinct.
I would here, however, observe that in 1380, John de Basker-
ville, a descendant of this Roger, being dead, he is stated to have
held Pykthom of the Prior of Wenlock at a rent of £1. 6s. Sd.^
t. e. exactly the two merks mentioned in 1255.
37 Ktrhy's Quest.
38 JEscheata, 14 Edw. I, No. 2.
39 Parliamewta/ry Writs^ iv, 398.
^ Ibidem, p. 892, and Baker's North-
amptonshire^ p. 396.
*i Ccdend, Rot. Cart. p. 165.
^ Calend. Escheats, vol. ii, p. 89. I
have not examined the original of that
and some subsequent Inquisitions which
relate to the family. This is my reason for
thus breaking off the subject.
^ Moncuticon, v, p. 78, No. niii.
31
240
PICKTHORN.
Some nnder-tenancies in Pikethom must receive a passing
notice^ especially such as relate to Cadets of the family of Ba»-
kervill.
We have already seen Richard Sadoch attesting an early grant
to Salop Abbey^ which is presumed to have been made by a Bas-
kervill of Pickthom.
About the year 1240, Gilbert Saddoc sold to Salop Abbey, for
40 pence, all the right which he had in 8 acres in Picketom,
between the land of Aveline Fitz Hubert &)c. — Witnesses : Nicholas,
then Provost of the Poryate, Hugh, his brother &c,**
In 26 Hen. Ill (1241-2), Evarard de Picathprn resigns 3
acres to the Lord of Bascarvile, which he held of Ralph Bossard
for a term of seventeen years. — ^Witnesses : Sir Adam de Beissin,
Sir (Jeoflfrey de Huvaratun (Overton) .**
About the same time, but in a deed aam date, Ralph Bolland
(probably Bossard) grants to Roger de Bascrevill all the land he
had in Pikethom and 98. rent in Newton, for a rent of a pair of
gloves, or of 1 penny (in lieu thereof). — ^Witnesses: Sir * * le
Strange, Sir Aldulf de Bracy, Geoffrey de Overton, Hugh de Bas-
kervill, Henry de Stottesden, Ralph de la Lowe, Philip Boterel,
Guido de Pemlawe (Parlow), and others.**
In 37 Hen. Ill, (1853), Hugh de BaskerviUe had a suit against
Ralph de Arraz about a stank which Ralph had made- in Subbiri
(Sidbury).47
Hugh de Baskervill sat as a Juror for Stottesden Hundred at
the Assizes of January, 1256;^ also as a Juror in January, 1257,
as to the property of Hugh de Kinslow.*®
In February, 1259, he was one of several who were sued for a
trespass in Broseley and Willey,^^ hereafter to be particularized.
At the Forest Assizes, February, 1262, John de Bascherevil
was amerced for vert.^^
In Easter Term, 1271, John de Baskervile was under prosecu-
tion of Lucy, widow of Ralph de Gravenhunger, for a trespass, and
the suit was still unsettled in January, 1272.^^
*< Salop Chartulary, No. 256.
« BlaJceway M88.
^ Ibidem.
*7 Mot. Pat, 37 Hen. HI.
« Assizes, 40 Hen. III.
^ Vide supra, pp. 63, 54.
^ Plac, apud Westm, Hilary Term, 43
Hen. m, memb. 26 recto.
** P/a0.Jbre^.46H.III,memb.3recto.
^ Plac. apud Westm. Easter Term, 55
Hen. Ill, memb. 41 dorso, and Hilary
Term 56 Hen. Ill, memb. 36 recto*
BRIDGNORTH.
241
< In July^ 1272, Thomas de Bafikerville had a suit against Roger
Fitz Thomas of Northwood, John, his brother, and Nicholas de
Mydelton, for insulting and wounding him in Pickthome. — ^Ad-
journed to Nov. 3.^^
Nov. 27, 1274, Hugh de Baskerville complains before the Stot-
tesden Jurors, that John de la Fenne, some*time Seneschal of
Roger de Mortimer, had arrested him unjustly at Cleobury Mor-
timer, till he paid 40s. for his liberty."
In October, 1292, Hugh de BaskerviUe had not given due attend-
ance at the Assizes; and Richard le Bret of Pikethorn, similarly
reported as in default, is said to have no free tenement in the
County.^
Several similar entries occur which may refer to tenants at
Pickthom, but just as probably to tenancies under BaskervUle
elsewhere. The various interests of the family in Aldenham,
Lawton, Newton, Northwood, and Little Sutton, are not always
distinguishable. Of Aldenham we have spoken already, and under
the other places named, we shall have future opportunities of
lesuming the subject.
Brttrjjrwittl).
The career of Robert de Belesme, third and last Norman Earl of
Shrewsbury, was, in that capacity, most transient. His idea of
Bridgnorth as a great military position, and his mode of working
out that idea, are the chief and almost the sole features of his
temporary ascendancy in Shropshire.
This subject has been so ably and amply discussed by others,^
^ JPlao, apud Westm, Tim Term, 56
Hen. m, memb. 13 recto.
" Mot. Rimd. ii, 110.
«* Assizes, 20 Edw. I, memb. 20 recto.
* I refer to the Bltiory of Shrevoshury,
vol. V PP- 58-57, and to the Sutoty of
Ludlow, by Thomas Wright, Esq., pp.
40, 43, as to the best accounts of this
period of Coimty History. Mr. Wright
supplies a correction to Mr. Blakeway's
note about "Tickhill and Bly the Castles,"
which was not unneeded. At page 73
242
BRIDGNORTH.
that^ after alluding to well-known &cts, I shall venture merely to
add one or two circumstances not Iiitherto noticed.
On the death of Hugh de Montgomery^ E&rl of Shrewsbury^ in
July, 1098, his elder brother, Robert de Belesme, obtained that
Earldom from William Bufiis. This honour he retained till the
summer of 1102, building in the interval the two Castles of Bridg-
north and Carrechova.
Bridgnorth was in every irespect a mere transfer of his father's
foundations at Quatford. The Castle, the Borough, the CoUegiate
Church, even the Bridge, followed one another from Quatford to
the site selected by the ambitious and restless Norman.
The skill and rapidity of Robert de Belesme's proceedings have
already been sketched in these pages, and probably rated below
their just estimate. At his outlawry, in the summer of 1102, his
Castle of Brug stood a royal siege of three weeks duration, and was
at last surrendered, rather than taken by storm.
Something however yet remains to be said as to the period of
his power in Shropshire, and his exercise thereof, — something
which has hitherto been misrepresented, or not represented at all.
The expression of Ordericus is, that '' he held the Earldom for
four years, and exercised the greatest cruelties upon the Welsh.''
of the SRttory of Shrewsbury ^r^'Bh^O'
way gives a passage of Ordericus relative
to the confiscations which ensued on
the banishment of Earl Robert. His
theory, founded on this passage, was that
great Shropshire Estates then changed
hands, and this theory is more than once
advanced in his writings. I never could
understand what Mr. Blakeway thus
alluded to. Of course Belesme*s Earldom
escheated to the Crown ; but there is no
'ptoofoi any other forfeiture whatever, as
taking place in Shropshire at the period
(1102). We may suspect indeed from
Ordericus' words, and we know from other
evidence, that one, two, or perhaps three
Shropshire fiefs changed hands at, or about,
this time; but they were Seigneuries only
that were thus affected, and so, merely a
correspondent nimiber of greater tenants.
As to the revolution extending to knightly
classes, I never saw a word of evidence in
favour of such a conclusion, nor do I adopt
it. In &ct all we know of the matter
leads to an opposite concUision, viz. that
the main supporters of the Crown against
the Earl were the Knights of the County.
Again, permanent disinheritance at this
period of history was most seldom re-
sorted to. It was most impolitic in all
instances, except those where the antago-
nistic power was (as in the case of Earl
Robert) almost on a par with Boyalty.
Ordericus indeed says, that *' the King
took possession of the whole honour of
Bobert (de Belesme), and of his vassals
(hominum ejus), who had persisted with
him in rebellion ;" but Ordericus does not
say whether these vassals were those of
Sussex, Yorkshire, Nottinghamshire, or
Shropshire ; nay, the only two Shropshire
Chiefs who arequoted as having adhered to
the Earl to the last,were Boger Eitz Corbet
and TJlger Venator, and th^ happen
to be two whom we shall see transmitting
Shropshire Estates to their posterity.
BEIB6N0ETH. 243
One wotdd imagine that he was resident in his Shropshire Earldom
for the whole period, and that this period was employed in con^
tinuous warfarrou Ms Cambrian ne^Ws. Indeed, the words
of Ordericus have been thus interpreted ; but with how little truth
remains to be shown.
In July, 1098, when Earl Hugh was slain in Anglesea, Robert
de Belesme was besieged in the Castle of Balaon by Fulk, Earl of
Anjou, and was relieved by King William Rufiis in the third week
of the same month.^
There is nothing to show the precise period when Belesme ob-
tained the said King's grant of the Earldom of Shrewsbury. Per-
haps it was immediately after Earl Hugh's death, but it does not
follow that he came over immediately from Normandy to take
possession.
It is uncertain whether King William himself returned to Eng-
land in the autumn of 1098, or at Easter 1099. Whichever the date
of his return, it is not probable that Belesme came with him, — or,
coming, remained here: for in June, 1099, the messenger who
reported to Rufiis, when hunting in the New Forest, that an attack
had been made upon Maine, was sent from over sea, by Robert de
Belesme.^
The dashing energy which the King exhibited on that occasion
was perhaps the greatest feature of his life and character, but it
must not detain us now any frirther than to say, that his instant
visit to Normandy kept him there till September.
As yet, therefore, there is little evidence of Belesme's presence
in England or Wales during the first year of his supposed Earldom.
It is well known how, within another year, his friend and patron,
the KiQg, was again hunting in the New Forest, and there received
that second and sudden message which summoned him to a journey
more distant than the former and final.
The succession of King Henry I, though it was displeasing to, was
not, that we know of, openly opposed by Earl Robert. Consequently,
we are ignorant how it affected the English tenure of the latter.
However, about August 1, 1101, Robert Duke of Normandy landed
at Portsmouth, reckoning on the support, amongst others, of Be-
lesme and his two brothers, Roger and Amulph.* The agreement
between the King and Duke which resulted is well known, and how
the latter left England about September 29, 1201.
2 Ordericw, p. 772. ^ ibidem, p. 774. * Ordericus, p. 785.
244 BKIDONOBTH«
But now for a drcuiostance which took place in the interval^ and
which has not hitherto been made matter of history. —
On Sept. 3, 1101, King Henry I was holding his great Court at
Windsor. The Duke, his brother, was there, and others professedly
or suspectedly of the Duke^s party. What diplomatic matters
engaged the great assembly we are not likely to learn, but in the
ordinary routine of Court business three notable Charters were
expedited, one to the Bishop of Bath, the other two to the Bishop
of Norwich.^ It is one of the latter which deserves the special
attention of the Shropshire Antiquary. The witnesses attested^
each of them making the sign of the cross with his own hand.
Among them were Queen Matilda, Robert Duke of Normandy,
Robert Bishop of Chester, Robert Earl of Ponthieu (Comes de
Pontivio), Roger Earl of Poitou (Comes Pictavensis), Alan Fitz
Harald (so written for Fitz Flaald), Everard the Chaplain, Herbert
the King's Chamberlain, &c.
Here then were two, if not three, of the sons of Earl Roger de
Montgomery, — for Everard the Chaplain was most probably his
youngest son, before noticed, and who became Bishop of Norwich
in 1121.
The point, however, here to be observed, is the attestation of
Robert de Belesme as Earl of Ponthieu, a foreign title, and which
he acquired in right of his wife. His partizanship with Duke
Robert, or his non-recognition by Henry I, must, I think, have
had something to do with the suppression of his English titles of
Arundel and Shrewsbury, on the above occasion. ^
The Duke returned to Normandy at Michaelmas, taking his
most strenuous supporter, the Earl Warren, with him. And here it
becomes for the first time clear that Belesme remained in England,
nay, further, that he remained for the express purpose of fostering
the Duke's interests and opposing the King's. Indeed, also, the
account of Florence of Worcester would induce a belief that it was
now that Bridgnorth was first selected by Belesme as the site best
suited for future operations.^ If so the labour of workmen by day
and by night, which Florence speaks of, will actually have com-
pleted the work in less than a year.
^ New Jfona«^i0(m,Tol.ii,p.267, No. xi, domina quondam conBtmxerat, £ratre sac
and vol. iy, pp. 15, 16, Nos. iii, and v. Eadwardo Seniore regnante, Scrobbes-
^ Flor, Wigom^ sub anno 1101. byriensis Comes Eotbertus de Beleasmo,
''Arcem quam in occidentali Sabrinse BogeriComitisfiliuSjContra Begem Heinri-
fluminis plagd^ in loco qui Brycge dicitur ciun, ut exitus rei probavit, muro lato et
lingu& Saxonicft, iElgelfleda Merciorum alto, summoque restaurare coepit."
BRIDGNORTH. 245
We have seenKing Henry the centre of a divided Court at Windsor,
on September 3, 1102. On September 29, 1102, he presided over
an assemblage at Westminster,^ equal in point of numbers and
undivided in allegiance. Robert de Belesme had fallen in the
interval, and was now an exile.
The Palatine Earldom of Shropshire thus became an Escheat of
the Crown. It is well known that kingly power, as exercised over a
Palatine Earl, was essentially different from kingly power in ordi-
nary. Henry I now combined in his own person both the Palatine
and Bofyal dignities ; and Shropshire might, if he had so willed,
have been annexed to the ordinary and general government of the
kingdom. Such a fusion however was not effected in his reign, and
his policy was clearly to keep the two distinct. He governed the
Province by means of a Viceroy (called Dapifer, Seneschall, and
sometimes Sheriff), an office which posterity has, not without some
ground, assimilated to, or identified with, the Wardenry of the
Western Marches.
A dispute about names is superfluous where the nature of the
office is well understood ; and there can be little mistake about the
functions of Richard de Belmeis, first Viceroy of Shropshire under
Henry I. When called Sheriff or Vicecomes, he is so called cor-
rectly, because he stood in loco Comitis ; but it must be remembered
that the ordinary Sheriff or Sheriffs of his Province stiU remained.
When called Viceroy, the expression is warranted, both by the nature
of his power and by the fact that his representation of the Earl was
incidentally a representation of the King.
His jurisdiction was not confined to Shropshire, or even to the
Marches of Wales. It extended at least into Staffordshire, and
possibly into Herefordshire. He presided over all causes ecclesias-
tical and temporal, and his decisions were afterwards recognized by
the Crown as quasi-royal and irreversible. He was, in short, to
Shropshire what, in the absence of the Sovereign, the Justiciar or
Chief Justice of a later period was to England.
As to Bridgnorth during the reign of Henry I, little more is
known of it than that it was occasionally visited by the King, that
it was a seat of provincial government, and that Belesme^s fortress
was maintained as a Royal Castle.
King Henry I visited Shropshire between March, 1121, and
June, 1123, probably about the time of the Welsh expedition in the
7 Saxon Chromcle, sub anno, — Sim, Dunelm, — ^and Hadmer,
246
BRIDGNORTH.
former year. A Charter of his to Salop Abbey^ which passed^ at
that period^ is dated at Brug. It is addressed to Robert^ Bishop of
Coventry^ and Richard^ Bishop of London. — ^The vdtnesses were :
Bernard^ Bishop of St. David's^ Gnmbald the Physician^ and
Hamo Peverel.®
Another Charter of Henry I^ and which must have passed about
the same time^ is dated ^' apud Brugias.^^ It is a confirmation of a
previous grant of lands in Huntingdonshire^ by William Peverel of
Dover^ brother of Hamon above-mentioned^ and who had a large
interest in Shropshire.* —
The King's Charter is addressed to Robert^ Bishop of Lincoln
(who died Jan. 1123)^ Robert^ Bishop of Coventry (consecrated
13 March^ 1121)^.and Richard, Bishop of London. It is attested
by William Pitz Odo, and Geofl&y Fitz Pagan, witnesses whose
names preclude all idea of an earlier date than that suggested
above.
The later years of Richard de Belmeis' life were troubled with a
paralytic affection, which at times incapacitated him for public
business. There is, however, evidence of his having been, by dis-
position, tenacious of office and power ;^^ and we have independent
hints that he retained his jurisdiction in Shropshire till nearly the
last. He at length retired to the Priory of St. Osyth in Essex (a
house of his own foundation), and died there on Jan. 16, 1127.
On resigning his provincial power to Pagan Fitz John, he
attended at Bridgnorth the first Court held by his Successor, and
there gave evidence as to the liability of Shrewsbury Abbey to
contribute to the military aids assessable on the County .^^ Walter
Constable of Gloucester, was also present, and appears to have been
officially interested in the question. The Bishop reiterated his tes-
timony, and the particulars of what passed on this occasion, in a
letter, written subsequently, and addressed to all the Baronb of
Shropshire.
In September, 1126, Bridgijxorth became the temporary prison
of Walleran,* Earl of MeUent, whom the King had brought over
from Normandy .^^
8 Salop Chartulary, No. 42.
•- Plac, apud Westm, Mich. Tenn, 9
Hen. m, memb. 12 recto, where the
Charter is recited with reference to some
suit at law.
w Will. Mabnsb. 184, b.
" Salop Chartulary, No. 363.
^ Saxon Chronicle, Bubaimoll2S, Sim,
Dunelm, sub anno 1127. Ann, Waverl,
p. 149. The chronology of Henry Ts
reign becomes yery confused at this period.
I have adhered to those statements, which^
BRIDGNORTH.
247
After Christmas following, the King, in fliU Court at London,
gave the County of Salop to his Queen Adeliza.^^ This gift rests
on good authirity in the first instance, but I have never met with
anything in illustration of it. The County of Sussex became the
dower or indeed the fief of Queen Adeliza, and she conveyed it
to her second husband, William de Albini, and to her heirs by him.
No such result followed her alleged interest in Shropshire.
In 1128, Bridgnorth Castle being in keeping of the new Viceroy,
Pain Fitz John, it became the prison of Meredyth ap Lhywarch,
who had been given up by Lhewelyn ap Owen.^*
In the Pipe Roll for the fiscal year ending Sept. 29, 1130, we
have one notice of Bridgnorth. Miio de Gloucester (son of Walter,
the Constable above mentioned), being then SherifiF of that County,
had sent a quantity of wine, by the King's order, to Worcester and
to Brug,^^ This sending of wine was a usual item of SherifiFs^
accounts. The wine was for royal use, and anticipatory of a royal
visit. In exact accordance with such hints of the King having
been in Shropshire about this time are the facts of his having kept
Christmas, 1129, at Worcester,^® and of his having issued a precept
jfrom Cundover, which must date within a few months of the same
feast.^7
The reign of Stephen, generally barren of proviivcial records,
does not, I believe, supply a single fact in immediate relation to
Bridgnorth. In remote connexion with the subject, we must
mention the name of Hugh de Mortimer, of Wigmore, whose
power in Herefordshire and the Marches seems to have been un-
after much research, have seemed most
consistent ; but this is not the place for
any general argument on the subject.
^ William of Mahnsbuty, p. 99. Mr.
Blakeway, quoting this passage (Hist,
Skrewshurt/f i, 77), says farther, that the
Queen on receiving the County appointed
William Fitz Alan as her Sheriff. Malms-
bury mentions no such appointment, nor
can I find it in any other Chronicler. I
question it on other grounds than can be
stated here, but of course Mr. Blakeway
had some authority for his opinion.
What follows above will at least prove
that if William Fitz Alan became Sheriff
in January, 1127, he held that office in
subjection to Fain Fitz John, rather than
to the Queen.
" Powell, 137.
« Sot. Pip. 31 Hen. I, p. 77.
*® Henry Huntingdon, 220.
17 Salop Chartulary, No. 47, b. Th«
principal witness is Milo de Gloucester,
after whose first appearance at Court,
the K ing was in England only for three
periods, viz. from Sept. 1126 to Aug.
1127, from July, 1129, to August, 1130,
and from August, 1131, to August, 1133.
In Sept. 1130, the Fermor of Boseham
(Sussex), had sent 476 siccas (a kind of
small fish) for the King's use to Cundover
and Woodstock. The King was at Wood-
stock in March, 1130, and at Worcester
in Dec. 1129. The precept quoted is also
addressed to the Bishop of Chester, Pain
Fitz John, and the Sheriff of Salop.
32
248
BRIDGNORTH.
affected by the great struggles of the time. In one instance* we
find Stephen expressly stipulating for the independence of Mor-
timer's fief.^® He was in all probability of the Usurper's party, and
the close of Stephen's reign found him not only undisturbed in his
proper possessions, but seized of the Castle of Bridgnorth.
The accession of Duke Henry further found him caballing against
the new monarch, refusing to do him homage, and fortifying his
Castles for resistance. His opposition might have been formidable
had the Earl of Hereford, his confederate^ remained so. The
latter was detached from Mortimer by the persuasions of Gilbert
Foliot, his relation, and then Bishop of Hereford. Mortimer's
obstinacy resulted in a second siege of Bridgnorth Castle, con-
ducted, as before, by tl^e King in person.
King Henry II's campaign against Mortimer is not very fully
detailed by the Chroniclers,^^ but their accounts are amplified and
illustrated by much that may be gathered from contemporary Charters
and by something which remains of the lost Pipe BoU of 1155
(1 Hen. II).
Of the Chroniclers, by far the most accurate as to date and
circumstance is the Norman writer edited by Duchesne.^^ He
informs us that on Sunday after the Octaves of Easter {viz. Sunday,
April 10th, 1155,) the King, at Wallingfbrd, caused the English
nobles to swear fealty to William, his eldest son, and, in case of the
early death of that Prince, to Henry, his second sou, then two
months old. He then amicably settled some differences with
Roger, Earl of Hereford, who was in occupation of the " Tower of
Gloucester." Forthwith he laid siege to the three Castles of the
arrogant and self-confident Hugh de Mortimer, who resisted his
supremacy. These Castles were Brug (printed Burgam), Wigemore,
and Cleobury (printed Deobens). The last, after some little time,
the King took, and destroyed. On the nones of July (July 7), 1155,
Hugh de Mortimer made peace with the King, surrendering the
two Castles of Brug and Wigmore.
^ Viz. when he granted the Earldom
of Hereford to the Earl of Leicester
(Duncumb's Hierefordshirey vol. i, p. 232).
*^ The most interesting fact noticed in
connexion with the siege of Bridgnorth
is the devotion of Hugh (or Hubert) de
St. Clair, Constable of Colchester, who,
observing an arrow directed against the
King by one of the garrison, saved the
Monarch's life by the sacrifice of his own.
(Grose's Antiquities vol. v, p. 3). This
story rests on insufficient authority, and,
like many other legends, must be wr6ngly
localized and dated. If Hugh de St. Clair
were the hero's name and he ever behaved
in the way recounted, it must have been
after the siege of Bridgnorth, which he
survived at least a year.
* Normannorvm Sorvptores^ p. 991.
BRIDGNORTH.
249
The account of Gervase of Dovef ®^ differs somewhat from this.
He describes the King as taking all the three Castles above named,
and he dates the whole affair as preceding the " Council of Walling-
ford ^* (a manifest error) ; but he supplies us with the names of
Cleoberi and Bruges, intelligibly spelt.
Ralph de Diceto, a not to be despised authority, who became
Dean of St. Paulas twenty-six years after the event he is describing,
seems to intimate that Mortimer fortified Bridgnorth, Wigmore,
and Gloucester against King Henry.^^
This latter statement is, however, hardly worth reciting, except
to show bow half a century is sufficient to establish a tradition and
misrepresent a fact.
Such altogether is the evidence of those Chroniclers, who are
most to be relied upon with regard to this period of English
History. —
The Norman writer is in short the best authoritv of the three,
and will so appear if we make reference to other documents. —
There are no means of ascertaining the immediate movements
of King Henry after the Council of Wallingford (April 10, 1155).
It was however, to all appearance, during his subsequent march
against Mortimer that he halted at Alrewas in Staffordshire, and
there granted to the Shropshire Abbey of Lilleshall, IJwo distinct
Charters.^ Each of them is dated ." apud Alrewas in exercitu,^' aud
one of them is attested by persons of whom we shall hear presently
during the siege of Bridgnorth, viz* by Thomas, the Chancellor
(Thomas k Becket) ; Manasser Biset, Sewer (dapifero) ; Warin Ktz
Gerold, Chamberlain \ Bobert de DunstanviUe ; and Joceline de
Baliol.
A grant to Stoneley Abbey (Warwickshire) by King Henry II,
is dated more* significantly " apud Brugiam in obsidione/^ ^ It is
attested by Theobald, Archbishop of Canterbury; Roger, Arch-
bishop of York ; John, Bishop of Worcester j Walter, Bishop of
21 Chron, Gervas, p. 1378.
22 Diceto. Ymag. BM. p. 531.
23 Lilleshall Chartula/ry quoted Hwrl.
MSS. 3868 and 2060, and Dodsworth,
vol. 110, fo. 43, b. If King Henry
marched directly from Wallingford to
South Shropshire, Alrewas would haTe
been considerably out of his line. His
halt at the latter place, whenever it occur-
red, must have been while traversing the
old Boman Eoad (Ikenild Street),between
Burton and Lichfield. His expedition,
earlier in the year 1155, which took him
into Yorkshire and Nottinghamshire, td
deal with the Earl of Albemarle and
William Peverel, may possibly have
occasioned his presence at Alrewas ; but
I find no account of military preparation
for that journey, such as to tally with the
ominous " in exercitu " of the Lillesihall
Charters.
2* MoiMi8ticon, vol. v, p. 447, No. vii.
250 BRIDGNORTH. .
Chester j Thomas^ the Chancellor; Reginald, Earl of Cornwall;
Bobert, Earl of Leicester; Richard de Humez (Constable of Nor-
mandy) ; Warin Fitz Gerold ; William de Beauchamp (Sheriff of
Worcestershire) ; and Maurice de Ambreslega (Ombersley, Wor-
cester).
This Charter was said by the Monks of Stoneley to hare been
granted by the King at solicitation of his mother, the Empress.^^
If so she also will have been at the siege of Bridgnorth, The
removal which the Charter enabled those Monks to make from
Radmore to Stoneley was effected on June 19th, which furnishes us
with a still more accurate estimate as to the date of the siege.
Another Charter of Henry II, which passed at the same time is
dated simply '' apud Brugiam.^* It was to Mereval Abbey (War-
wickshire) . It was tested by the first, fourth,fifth, and sixth witnesses
of the last ; also by Roger, Earl of Hereford (thus proving the
accuracy of the Norman Chronicle, which dates his adhesion to the
King before the siege of Bridgnorth); Josceline de BaiUol; and
Manasser Biset.
On the same occasion, and with a similar date, at Brug, the King
expedited a great Charter of confirmation to Shrewsbury Abbey .^
Its witnesses were the Archbishop of Canterbury; Gilbert, Bishop
of Hereford (who had effected the adhesion of Earl Roger) ; Walter,
Bishop of Chester; John, Bishop of Worcester; Thomas, the
Chancellor ; Reinald, Earl of Cornwall (the King's uncle) ; William,
Earl of Bristol (e. e. Gloucester the King's cousin, son of Robert
the Consul) ; Roger, Earl of Hereford; Hugh, Earl of Chester;
William Fitz Alan; Robert de Dunstanvill; Walcheline Maminoht
(all three staunch supporters of the Empress against Stephen) ; and
Roger Corbet,
Other and less important Charters to Shrewsbury Abbey passed
contemporaneously. One, wherein William Fitz Alan is addressed,
and Thomas the Chancellor, the witness, is so far worth mention.^^
Still better worth notice is the King's Charter to Robert Pinzun, of
variety of theory and caprice. In the
same documents we often find a regnal,
papal, and dominical year given, which
are mutually inconsistent. In such cases
the dominical year is, as far as I can learn
the least to he trusted.
^ Moncisticon, v, 483, ii.
^ Ibidem. No. vL The year given in this
document is 1154 ; of course by mistake,
— as on June 19, 1154, Henry II had not
succeeded. The day and month of dates
thus stated is always more probably
accurate than the year, and for one simple
reason. — The system of peeping anniver-
saries was uniformly recognized and ob-
served in a Monastery, but the estimate
of years and epochs was matter for every I
27 Salop Chartulary, No. 36.
M Ibidem, No. 45.
BRIDGNORTH
251
land in Eston (Aston near Newport), which is dated at Brag, ad-
dressed to William Fitz Alan, and attested by the Earl of Cornwall,
Richard de Humez, and the now subdued rebel, Hugh de
Mortimer.^®
And these addresses to William Fitz Alan, then restored to his
lands and honours, will cause a further citation of Monastic
Charters illustrative of the era. His grant to his own foundation
of Haghmon, on the very day of his restoration, is not only a
chapter of history but a memorandum of loyal faith and pious
gratitude.^
^^ Know all men present and fixture, that I, William, son of Alan,
on the day of St. James the Apostle, at Bruge, for the health of my
soul and of (the souls of) all my ancestors and heirs, have given and
conceded, and by this, my present Charter, have confirmed to God
and to the Church of St. John the Apostle and Evangelist of
Haghmon, and to the Canons, who are there serving God, the right
of patronage of the Church of Wroxcestre in Salopescire, with aU
its endowment and with all its appurtenances and liberties, in fi^e,
pure, and perpetual almoigne &c. — These being witnesses : Roger
de Powys, John le Strange, Hugh de Lacy of Colemere.'^
And this grant thus made at Bridgnorth, on July 25, 1155, was
afterwards remembered and certified, with additional circumstances
of interest, by the first two witnesses. —
Roger Powys, about twenty years later than the grant, and about
fifteen years after the death of the grantor, certified " all sons of the
Church of that which he had seen and heard, viz. that William Fitz
Alan, after he had received his lands fi'om the King, and on the day
on which he took the homage of his vassals (hominum) at Brige, in
presence of an assembled multitude of Barons and Knights, for the
health of the Lord King and of his own soul,^^ gave the said
Church to Haghmon Abbey, &c.^^
And John le Strangers contemporary certificate was mainly to the
same effect, except that he uses the important word "restored^'
(reddiderat) as describing the King^s investiture of the exiled Sheriff
of Shropshire.^^
» Salop Chartulary, No. 162.
30 Sari, MSS, 446, fo. ix, compared
with the Chartulary at Sundom, fo. 236.
31 Charter in possession of Mr. George
Morris.
32 Mitt. SkretDsbury fi^ldtnoie d, I have
iQadyertently stated this Certificate to he
in possession of Mr. G^eorge Morris (supra^
p. 73, note 218). The ITcmffhmond
Chartulary at Sundom, is the sole autho-
rity for it. The Sarleian MS, 446, has
the first lines only.
252
BRIDGNORTH.
For the sake of a more general illustration of our subject^ we
will now recur to the beginning of this month of July^ 1155^ and to
the case of another Monastic House, whose Abbot sought the King
at Bridgnorth on the subject of a Charter. This was Walter de
Lucy, Abbot of Battle, in Sussex. His attendance at Court was
nearly coincident with a great Council, which, after Mortimer's sur-
render, was summoned to Bridgnorth. Thither on July 7, came
Archbishops, Bishops, many Abbots, Earls, and Barons, to settle
the terms of the King's peace with his rebellious vassal.^ The
Abbot of Battle reached the Court on the 10th, and on the follow-
ing day had audience of the King on his own affairs. Reginald,
Earl of Cornwall, Richard de Humez, and Richard de Lucy (the
great Justiciar, and who was in fact the Abbot's brother), are men-
tioned as having been present. What transpired is foreign to our local
subject, which may well conclude with the fragments of the lost
Roll of 1155, so far as they allude to Shropshire.^
" William Fitz Alan, the Sheriff, renders account of the ferm of
Salopesire for a fourth part of the year, t. e, from Midsummer to
Michaelmas, 1155. He had paid i£61. into the Treasury; his ex-
penses had been £W. 13*. 4rf. The King's Manors had been wasted,
and a charge of £3. 5*. 5(f. had arisen on that account during the
quarter."
At the same fiscal period (Michaelmas, 1155), Robert de Stafford,
Sheriff of Staffordshire, charges his account with one merk (13*. 4^.)
which in obedience to a writ of the King had been spent on the
'' works of the Castle of Bruges."
From this year till the end of the period of which we profess to
give account, the history of Bridgnorth involves such a variety of
details that we can no longer deal with the subject as a whole, but
must bestow a distinct notice on each of its parts. We must give
® Falgraye'B SrUish Commonwealth^
Appendix, p. zzxy. The document there
printed is a muniment of Battle Abbey.
Nothing, howeyer, could be better selected
for the guidance of those, who, seeking for
hints of EngUsh History at a period when
Chronicles were scanty, do not despise
such hints though found amongst Monastic
Charters. The reader may there learn
how tfiese Charters were sought and
obtained from the Crown ; what were the
conditions and forms of procedure ; wliat,
in short, the Court of Chancery really
was when Henry Fitz Empress first
reigned and Becket first held the seals.
Most of the information which I hare
endeavoured to supply in a previous note
on the same subject (supra, p. 27, note 3),
was derived from this admirable Appendix.
M Med Booh of the Exchequer^ fo. 185.
BRIDGNORTH.
26S
Bome account of the Castle ; the Borough aad its Liberties, the Col-
legiate Church within the Castle ; the Church of St. Leonard's, and
other religious or eleemosynary foundations. — Also of such tenures,
within the Town or Liberties, as will not recur to our notice else-
where — and lastly of the principal men and families, whose names
are associated with the early Borough.
THE CASTLE—
Served both as a fortress, a prison, and a royal residence. Of its
extent at this early period we have no direct evidence or description.
The remaining ruin, part of the older structure, is a fragment, mas-
sive indeed, and suggestive of a grand contemporary whole, but still
a fragment only. Perhaps the constant outlay of the Crown in
repairs and additions is the best illustration which can be offered as
to the extent of the fortress in the time of Henry II and his three
successors. If we take into consideration the different values of
money at that time and the present, we may estimate what Bridge
north Castle was, by that which it cost. The outlay on repairs and
additions during the reign of Henry II was as follows : —
At Michaelmas, 1166, the Sheriff's annual account contains a
charge of 6s. Sd. for repair of the "well of Brug," and 11*. 7d. for
one stack of timber (pro uno rogo) at Brug.^^
At Michaelmas, 1167, the Sheriff had expended, in obedience to
the King's writ, various sums, amounting in all to £30. 13*. 4rf. on
the works of this Castle. Of this sum he had received £20. 13*. 4rf.
from amercements inflicted by Alan de Nevill (Justice of the Forest),
and £10. from other amercements.
In 1168, the Sheriff had expended £14. 5*. 6rf. on the same
works. The fands thus employed arose from amercements, from
rents of purprestures payable to the Crown, and from that part of
the aid for marriage of the King's daughter which had been
assessed on the escheated fief of Grerard de Tornai.
In 1169, the Sheriff, accounting for an arrear of £26. 6*. 4rf. due
for the ferm of the previous year, alleges the whole to have been
expended on the works of the tower of Brug, in obedience to writ
of Richard de Luci (the Justiciar), and under view of Philip Fitz
Stephen, Richard Ireis, and Hulger the Clerk. He had also spent
» JRot Pip. 12 Hen. II, Salop. The
Pipe Kolls of the reepectiye years men-
tioned are also the authority for the other
items of expenditure, whioh follow in the
text, except where reference is made to a
different Record.
254 BRIDGNORTH.
jK15. 8*. 6rf. of the new/erm of the County on the same object, and
under similar direction and view.
At Michaeknas, 1170, William the Clerk accounting on behalf of
Qeoflfrey de Vere, the then deceased SheriflF of Shropshire, charges
£2, 6s. 9d, as having been expended on the same Tower, under
royal warrant, and by m^u;of the same Philip Fitz Stephen, Richard
the Irishman (Ybemici), and Ulger the Canon. Out of the reve-
nues arising from the Honour of the Constable which had also been
farmed by Geoffrey de Yere, 18;?. had been similarly appropriated,
and is charged in another account of the said William Clericus.
At Michaelmas, 1171, William Clericus, rendering account of
arrears from the former year, charges £5. Is, 7d. as having been
expended on the Tower of Brug, under the same view, and by royal
warrant: and Guy le Strange, the Sheriff of the current year
charges yet £15. 14«. 9^. more.
In 1172, Guy le Strange charges £25. 2s. 2d. for the same pur-
pose, and £26. in 1173, — Richard de Luci again authorizing the
outlay, and the same Visors inspecting it.
In 1174, Guy le Strange charges <£18. 5*. Sd. as expended by
royal warrant on the Castle of Brug, Richard the Irishman, and
Ulger the Clerk being still Visors.
At Michaelmas, 1182, Hugh Pantulf, then Sheriff, had spent
£3. 6s. Sd. in repair of the Tower of Brug, by royal warrant, and
under view of William Fitz Simeon, Walter Palmer, and Richard
de Porta. He had further spent £3. 12s. in repair of the King's
House at Brug.
In 1183, the same Sheriff had expended £10. 7s, 8d. in repairs
of the Castle, under view of Robert Bacun and William de Fabrica.
In 1184, he had similarly expended £7. Is. 2d. under view of
Osbert the Tanner (Pelliparii) . In 1185, £3. Us. llrf. was bcr
stowed on the same work, under view of Ralph Fitz Lambert and
Osbert Fredesent.
In 1186, £3. Is. was spent on the Castle and the King^s House,
under view of Simon Ordrich and Stephen de Ypra. In 1187,
£1. 12s. Sd, on the House alone, under view of Vivian Fitz WiUiam
and Abraham Fitz Redwi.
In 1188, the repair of the King's houses at Salop and Brug had
cost collectively 11*. 4rf., and at Michaelmas, 1189, the Sheriff had
spent 5*. 3d. on the House at Brug, under view of Nicholas the
Irishman.
The reign of Henry II was nearly thirty-five years in length, and
.B£IDGNOBTH. 255
I
for thirty-four years thereof the King was in seizin of Bridgnorth
Castle. The expenditure in repairs and additions, recorded for that
period, and above detailed, will be found to amount to ^213, a sum
equal to about <£lO,5tX). of modem currency.
At Michaelmas, 1191, the Castles of Bruges and Salop had been
repaired at a cost of £12. 9s. lid., by warrants of the King (now
gone on the Crusade) and the Chancellor (Longchamp). The
< Visors for Bruges had been Robert Bacon, and Andrew, son of the
Priest.
At Michaelmas, 1193, the Sheriff charges £32. Ss. 5d. in repairs
of the Tower of JBrug by writ of the King (now in captivity), and
under view of Richard de Overton, Henry Dyer (Tinctoris), and
Henry Fitz Turold.
In 1195, £5. is charged for repairs of the well and the King^s
house, under warrant of the Archbishop (Hubert of Canterbury)..
In 1196, £S. 6s. is charged for repair of the basement (pedis) of
the Castle, by royal warrant, and under view of Hugh de Norton
and Walter Meverel.
In 1197, 7s. are charged for repairs of the house and Castle.
In' 1198, a charge of 75*. includes some outlay at Salop.
In 1199, ISs. 6d. had been spent on this Castle alone.
On the whole, the average expenditure on this account during the
ten years of Richard's reign was nearly in proportion to that which
occurred in the time of his Father.
Repairs or additions to the Castle, or the King's house therein,
are charged, in the Sheriff's accounts, for the following years, viz.
1200, 1201, 1202, 1203 (when Geoffiy Fitz Kers ordered the outlay,
he being both Chief Justice and Sheriff), 1204 (when the Castle
well was repaired), 1205 (when Nicholas the Irishman and William
Fitz William were Vis(yrs)y 1206, 1207 (when the Tower of Brug,
and four County gaols were repaired), 1209 (when four royal Castles
were repaired), 1212 (when the work is specified to have been at
"the Barbican and drawbridge ^'),^^ and 1214 (when the charge is
for the two preceding years) .
Similar charges also occur on the Pipe Rolls of the years 1218,
1219, 1220 (in each of which the outlay is stated at £6. as if by
special arrangement), and 1221.
On July 4 of the latter year, the King's Precept issued to the Earl
of Chester (then Sheriff), ordering him to let Alan Fitz Robert have
^ In operatione Barbekan© et pontis tornalis in Castro de Brug.
33
256
B&IDGNORTH.
an equivalent in the King's demesne for the land which said Alan
had lost by reason of the construction of a Barbican before the gate
of the Castle of Brug.^'^
26 Jan. 1223^ Brian de Lisle has a royal order to let Henry de
Audley have^ out of the wind-falls in Kinver Forest, timber suffi-
cient to repair the King's house in Brug Castle^ and to cause taUy
to be made of the same.^^
At Michaelmas, 1223, the Earl of Chester had expended in two
years, £20. in repairs of the Castles of Salop and Brug ; and in 1224
he charges £10. more on the same account. This expenditure will
hare been previous to Dec. 80, 1228, when the EarFs custody of the
said Castles ceased. Another Becord informs us that during his
Shrievalty great waste was made in that part of Morf Forest
called ''the wood of Worefidd,'' one item whereof was the timber
taken to Brug Castle.'^
At Michaelmas, 1225, John Bonet (then Custoe of the County)
had paid £14. 6s. Sd. in the work of the Tower of Brug. It had
been roofed with lead &c., under view of Hamo Palmer and William
Lorimer.*^
March 21, 1226, the following writ issued to the Sheriff. '' The
King to the Sheriff of Salop, greeting. We enjoin you that
you cause to be repaired that turret of the outer wall of our
Castle of Bruges which lately fell, and likewise the old chimney
of our great chamber in the same Castle, which is much damaged.
And the cost thereof, under view of kgal men, shall be reckoned
to your credit &c. — ^At Westminster.'^*^
Sept. 29, 1226, John Bonet, then Custos, charges on his annual
account £13. 6^. 9d, for repau: of the said Tower, and outer wall
(muri forinseci), and old chimney, ^^by writ of the King, and
under view of Henry (Hamo probably) Palmer and Bichard
A**uard. He farther chaises £10. for unspecified repairs at
the Castles of Bruges and Salop.
Aug. 9, 1227, John Fitz Philip (of Bolbington) is to allow
37 Sot. Clau8. i, p. 464.
» Ibidem, p. 530.
^ De Foredia AwtiqmSy No. 13 (apud
Turrim, London).
*^ " In operatione turns de Brug ges-
tatffi et plmnbo ooopertffi*' {Mot. Pip,
9 Hen. Ill), where thd meaning of the
word '* gestatsB," escapes me. The King's
precept to the Barons of the Exchequer,
authorizing the credit thus taken by the
Custos, is of date May 9, 1225. It speaks
of the Sheriff's outlay " in turri de Brug
gestand^ et plumbo cooperiendd per pre-
ceptum nostrum." {Clous, ii, 37.)
^1 Ckms, 10 Hen. Ill, memb. 21.
BEIDGNOBTH. 257
Henry de Audley 60 oak-trees out of Chacepel Haye for repair
of the King^s house at Brug.^
For the years ending Miehaehnas, 1228, 1229, 1230, and 1231,
a regular charge of £10. per annum is made by the Sheriff for
repairs of the King^s houses in the Castles of Brug and Salop.
At Michaelmas, 1232, a similar charge occurs; and in 1233,
the Visors of some repairs at Brug had be^i Hamo le Palmer and
Richard Pitz William,
Michaelmas, 1240, the King's houses in Salop and Brug Castles
had been repaired at a cost of 55^.
In 1242, there is a charge for repairing the Castle walls ; another
for the Castles of Brug and Salop in 1246; and in 1250 the
Visors of repairs at the former were John de Castro and Nicholas
Janitor.
At Michaelmas, 1252, the large sum of £100. had been spent
by the Sheriff, Robert de Grendon, in repairing the King's houses
in the Castles of Salop and Brug, and in the erection of a new
turret in the latter, under view and testimony of Nicholas Fitz
Walter, William Bolding, and Richard Bocghan.
At Michaelmas, 1254, Robert de Grendon's account states an
outlay of £22. 10*. as having been incurred since March, 1250, in
repairs of the King's house in Brug Castle.
In 1257, Hugo de Acour, Sheriff, charges £116. 9s. 4irf. for
repairs of the three Castles of Salop, Brug, and Ellesmere. The
Visors for the first two were John de Castello and Robert Cemen-
tarius.
In 1260, £5. is charged for repairs of the King's house in this
Castle during the previous year (ending Michaelmas, 1259), and
£30. 7s. during the quarter (ending Christmas, 1259). The Visors
in the latter case had been Almaiic de Brug and William Bonami.
For the three quarters following, William Caverswell, Sheriff,
charges £6. 15*. 4rf, for works in the Castle, begun by William
Bagod (the former accountant) ; and the Visors of this completion
were William and Hamo le Palmer.
In 1261, the Sheriff is commanded to have the houses in the
Castle roofed and repaired where needful, and again to expend 20
merks on this Castle and that of Salop.^
^ Clous, 11 Hen. Ill, memb*5: I ^ Sot Liberat. 45 Hen. Ill, memb.
I 11 and 4.
258 BRIDGNORTH.
In 1266^ the Sheriff is ordered to cause defects in the same two
Castles and in the houses within them to be repaired.'^
In 1267^ the Sheriff is to cause all houses of the King and Queen
in the Castle and town of Brug to be repaired^ as they are coming
to stay there.*^
In the same year^ more specific orders were directed to the
Sheriff^^ viz. that he cause two new glass windows to be made in the
north part of the Castle Hall, and also a pantry and butlery of
stone, and an oriel at the door of the dueen's chamber. Further,
that necessary repairs should be done to the windows of the Chapel
in the Castle. These repairs wa*e completed at a cost of £4s. 18«.
under view of Hamo le Palmer and Koger Dyer (le Teynturer)y^and
during the Shrievalty of Walter de Hopton {i.e. between Michaelmas,
1267, 1268). He charges for them specifically in the Pipe Boll of
Michaelmas, !^269, which contains the accounts of two preceding
years.
Nov. 29, 1274. The Jurors who at this time made report to
the King's Commissioners as to yarious matters relating to the
" Liberty of Brug," stated, inter alia, that there had been " certain
works of the King within the Castle, and certain Visors appointed
over the same, by the King, in the time of Sir Walter de Opton's
Shrievalty ; that under view of said Visors, a certain outlay had
been made on the said works, but that Eobert de Trillek (a suc-
ceeding Under-Sheriff) had removed those Visors, and caused the
works to be done without Visors all his time."*^
On January 28, 1281, the Castle of Brug was viewed and its
condition reported by four Knights appointed to this duty, viz.
Sir Alan de Glazdey, Sir John de Pichford, Sir Thomas Boterel,
and Sir John Fitz Aer. The dilapidations were as follows : — " In
the great Tower all the thick timber is rotted by the rain, which
has long time fallen upon it, through defect of the leaden roofing,
which has been carried away ; so that without great vigilance it
will not be possible to keep prisoners in safe custody. The hall
and chamber, with the King's kitchen and the Queen's chamber,
want roofing and other repairs. The house where the Constable
used tp live, in the Barbican, below the Castle, and all the
chambers in the Barbican, threaten to fall down for want of
repair ; no one may safely reside in them. The King's stable and
** Sot. Idherat^O'Sen. Ill, memb. XI. | ** Ibidem, memb. 4.
« Ibidem, 51 Hen. Ill, memb.4, | *" Sot Emd. ii, 89.
BTllDGNORTH;
259
A'e other stables are thrown down^ and the timber pillaged, so that
the present Sheriff found nothing thereof. In the bridge and in
the portals there are maiiy deficiencies : the bridge is broken; a
person can scarce pass over it on foot,— on horseback not at all.
The chamber beneath the Barbican, which used to be 2l free prisony
between the great Tower and the chamber of the Constable, is com-
pletely down, and the timber thereof pillaged and carried off." Of
the general repairs, the aforesaid Knights declare that ^^ very
many are necessary in the said Castle.'^*® .
This state of dilapidation had probably existed for many years
previous to the Inquest of 1281. Its causes wiQ better appear
under another section of the History of Bridgnorth Castle.
More than 250 years after the last-mentioned date, Bridgnorth
was visited by John Leland, the Antiquary. Though not in chro-
nological sequence, his account*® of the Castle should be given
here, as containing proximate hints as to the original site, dispo-
, sition, and extent of this famous fortress. " The Castle," he says,
^' standeth on the south part of the towne, and is fortified by east
with the profound Valley (of the Severn) instead of a ditch. The
walles of it be of a great height. There were 2 or 3 stronge
wardes in the Castle, that nowe goe totally to mine. I count the
Castle to be more in compasse then the third part of the towne "
(which he had before estimated as "sciant a mile in compasse").
"There is one mighty gate^^ by north in it (the Castle), now
stopped up, and. a litle posteme madie of force thereby through the
wall to enter into the Castle. The Castle ground, and especially
the base court, hath now many dwellinge houses of tymbre in it
newly erected."
« J»g'«m<MWw,9Edw.I,No. 81. This
Inquisition has been before alluded tp
(p. 205, note 39). It is described in the
printed Calendar as " concerning suits of
Court to Brugg Castle ! " In Mr. Dukes'
Antiquities, 81 Commissioners are stated
to have been employed on this occasion,
by an error of punctuation, which con-
verts the office number of the Inquisition,
into the number of Inquisitors.
^ Leland's Itinerary^ vol. iv, part, ii,
fo. 182, a.
w The « Mighty North Gate " of Bridg-
north Castle, alluded to by Leland, was,
I imagine, the same, which having been
previously buried in other buildings was
again exposed to view, during some street
alterations in 1821. The fine Norman
Arch and its unnecessary destruction are
memorialized by the Historians of Shretos'
Jmry (vol. i, p. 54, note 3), in terms which
both justify a reference to their note and
plead against the future perpetration of
such improvements, there or elsewhere.
260 BRIDGNORTH:
Having now given whatever evidence offered itself aa to the
fabric and extent of thia Gaatlef^ during' the early period of its ex--
iBtence^ something remains to be said of its uses and occiqpancy as
a Garrison, a Prison^ and a Kotal Residence.
The Sheriff of the County was usually an ex-officio keeper of
the two Castles of Bridgnorth and Shrewsbury. The Constable, or
chief resident officer in each, will ordinarily have been a deputy of
the Sheriff. But we shall hear occasionally of the custody of the
Castles and the County being intrusted to persons independent of
eiach other; iR which case the Constable of Bridgnorth was of
(Course the immediate nominee of the CrowUr
The only other permanent officer who is mentioned was the
Porter. Tbe castellans, or regular garrison, in time of peace, were
probably not more than five or six in number; but in time of
War, service of Castte-guard was due from some neighbouring
tenants of the Crown.
The earliest notice of the King's garrison here relates to the
Porter.^ In and for the fiscal year ending Michaelmas, 1156,^^ an
annual charge arose upon the Crown revenue in Shropshire of
80*. 5rf. (or 1 penny per day) for Livery of the Porter of Brug*
The Sheriff, William Fitz-Alan, charged it that year as a set-off
io the ferm of the County, and the charge was continued by him
and his successors in office, till the fourth year of King John (1202).
In the sequel of John^s reign this item of the Sheriffs' expenditure
is less regularly entered. The Porter and Warder (vigil) of Shrews-
bury Castle each received a similar salary from the Crown, and
through the Sheriff. In the fifth year of John (1203), only half
of these appointed liveries seems to have been paid, and the pay-
ment to the Porter and Warder of Shrewsbury is apparently con-
frised with the payment to the Porter of Brug. From this period
till Michaelmas, 1224 (8 Hen. Ill) inclusive, the latter salary (of
SOs. 6d.) whenever charged by the Sheriff, is entered as having
been paid to the Porter and Warder of Brug ; but I attribute this
to a perpetuation of the error observable in the account of 1203,
and do not suppose that two officers were employed at Bridgnorth,
but only at Salop. If, however, a Porter and Warder were employed
at each Castle, the salary of the two at Bridgnorth was only
half the salary of the two at Shrewsbury, which was uniformly
£3. Os. lOrf,
^> Eoe. Pip. 2 Hen. II, Salop.
SBlDGNORTOa.
261
' In the year ending Michaelnuis^ 1225^ the Sheriff ( John Bonet)
again charged 305. 5d. for "livery of the Porter and Warder of the
Castle of Brug/^ but this item of charge was virtually cancelled,
because the then Constable of Bridgnorth was independent of the
Sheriff and held his office at a fixed salary, out of which he was
bound to pay his subalterns. The way in which this cancellation
was effected is curious. The improper item is not underlined, as
was usual in such cases,,but the sum. (30^. 5d.) is charged back upon
the Sheriff in the sequel of the account, in these terms. — " The
same Sheriff owes 80«. 6d. for livery of the Porter and Warder of
Bruges Castle, which he has taken credit for above, in the Corpus
Comitatus,^^ which credit ought not to have been taken, because the
Constable has a fixed stipend.^^ In the following year the same
Sheriff again charged 30^. 6d, on this item, in that part of his
account technically called the Corpus ComitatHs; but in this
instance the entry is cancelled at once (i. e, underlined) and a note
added to this effect : — " It i& cancelled before the Barons (of Ex-
chequer) because the Constables of the Castles have fixed stipends
for custody of said Castles,^'
This chLge for the livery of the Porter wa« never again i^newed
on the annual Rolls, not even when custody of the Castle was held
by the contemporary Sheriff.
A matter of Exchequer routine has led us to digress from our
proposed chronological account of Brug Castle. —
We return to the year ending Michaelmas, 1163, when four hos-
tages had been maintained at Brug, and three at Salop. The
Sheriff charges the Crown 61«. for the two items jointly.
^ That part of the Sheriff's annual
account which went by this name may be
described as follows. He first debits
himself with the " Firma Comitates," op
that revenue which he was presumed to
receive as Fermor of the King's demesne,
or other rights within the County. This
revenue, in Shropshire, was £266. 16^.
per annum.
The Sheriff then charges against this,
his debt, whatever items of such/erm the
King had bestowed elsewhere, as well as
all such occasional outlay as he himself
had had warrant to make in the ^King's
service.
The balance, one way or other, is stated
at the foot of this section of account. If
the Sheriff's receipts had been exceeded
by his authorized outlay, he credits him-
self with what he terms his "surplus,"
and for which he is subsequently reim-
bursed. If, on the contrary, his receipts
have exceeded his outlay and his payments
into the Exchequer combined, he acknow-
ledges himself indebted pro tatdo, and
accounts for such debt, either in another
section of the same year's Pipe EoU, or
ebe at the head of the Boll of the year
following, and under the title of " the
old ferm " of the County for which he is
Sheriff.
262
BRIDONORTff.
These hostages cannot but be associated with the events of the
summer of 1163. In June^ King Henry invaded South Wales, and
having ravaged Caermarthenshire, Rees, Prince of South Wales,
came to him at ^^ Pencadayr beside Brecknock, and did him homage
and gave him pledges/' Also on July 1, at Woodstock, the same
Rees, with Owen Prince of North Wales, and Malcolm King of
Scotland, did homage to the King and his son Henry.^*
At Michaelmas, 1165, Guy le Strange, accounting, as Sheriff, for
the quarter ending Christmas, 1164, charges £4. Is, 3rf. for main-
tenance of twenty.five hostages at Brug :^* and Geoffrey de Vere,
his successor in office, charges £4. 12^. for maintenance of the same
number. These charges were clearly for one set of hostages, but
at different periods. Taking the sums charged as our only means
of calculation, it would appear that Geoffry de Vere's trust lasted
rather more than a quarter of a year, i,e, tiU about April, 1165.
In 1164, the Princes of Wales had forsaken their fealty to King
Henry, and in the summer of 1165, the King was again provoked
to invade North Wales. A first expedition brought him to Ruth-
Ian; a second, in greater force, to the Berwyn. In both he seems
to have been unsuccessful.
The cruel and violent temper of Henry II, his various contempo-
rary mortifications, and certain historical parallels may lead us to
attribute the disappearance of these hostages from the Sheriff^s
accounts to other causes than restoration to their country, a favour
which indeed was at this very juncture most improbable. King
John^s cruelty to Welsh hostages is well and circumstantially
established.^^ No less established is my conviction that King John's
cruelty and meanness were part of his paternal inheritance.
The years 1173-4 are well known as thos& of Prince Henry's
rebellion against his Father. The Earls of Ferrers and Leicester
taking an active part against the King, the Midland Counties may
be presumed to have been much disturbed. Under these circum-
stances, Guy le Strange, then Sheriff of Shropshire, and Fermor of
^ Powell, p. 161 5 Oirald IHn. ii, x ;
Die, 635. What the Welsh Chronicler
may mean by saying that, after the inter-
view with ^se at Pencadayr, the King
went ^ againe to Ireland," I cannot guess.
Henry II was never more than once in
Ireland, viz. from Oct. 1171, till April,
1172.
" Guy le Strange's previous account
(for the year ending Michaelmas, 1164),
charges, in gross, a large sum (£90. 9«. lOd,)
for '* works and services of the £ing in
Salopscr', and livery of serving-men."
An item for the continuous maintenance
of hostages is thus not improbably in*
volved.
« Infra, p. 271.
BRIDGNORTH.
268
Fitz Alan's Barony, had to vicjtual the Castle of Brug. He charges
on this account, at Michaeknas, 1174, for 92 horse-loads of com,
^69. 08. 6d. ; for 120 hogs, £10. 4s. ; for 120 cheeses, £2. 6s. Sd. ;
and for 20 horse-loads of salt lOs.^^ The total outlay (£22. 5*. 2d.)
the Sheriff charges on an arrear which he had in hand of the pre-
vious year's receipts from Fitz Alan's Barony.^^
The same Sheriff had likewise the King's warrant to the extent
of £42. for livery of 10 Knights, who were to be with him in the
Castles of Salop and Brugis. At Michaelmas, 1175, he charges
£1S. Qs. Id. of this on an arrear due from the previous jeeLi'sferm
of the County: the balance of £28. I3s. lid. he charges on his
receipts ssfeiinor of the honor of William Fitz Alan- for the year
ending Sept. 1174.
His account of Michaelmas, 1175, in the latter capacity left him
still owing a sum of £26. ISs. 4d. to the Crown. This also he had
had the King's warrant for applying to the maintenance of the same
10 Knights, but his acquittance from the debt is not recorded till
Michaelmas, 1176.
In one of these years 1175-6, Bridgnorth will have been person-
ally visited by King Henry II. It was at the time when he made
a progress throughout the kingdom, the ostensible object of which
was the punishment of all those who, during the late troubles, had
trespassed on the Royal Forests. Vast sums of money flowed into
the Royal Treasury from the amercements which were thus imposed.
Henry has been much blamed for this exercise of his restored
power, but it should be remembered that in punishing trespassers
of the Forest, he probably punished individuals whose general spirit
of disloyalty had manifested itself in thus taking advantage of the
disorganization of the period.
His visit to Bridgnorth, at the time supposed, is proved by a
Charter which was dated there, and by which the Priory of Wenlock
came into possession of the Manor of Ditton. This Charter need
" A charge of 49. " pro ii manumolis *'
seems also to belong to this list of stores.
Manumola is interpreted by cirotheca (a
glove) in the glossaries. A charge ''pro
II mangonellis" (catapults) would hare
been more intelligible.
^7 Guy le Strange had in 1178 raised
on behalf of the Crown a considerable
contingent for what he describes, on his ac-
count of that year, as the "army of
Leioestjsr." Leicester, the stronghold of
its rebellious but then absent Earl, was
invested by Beginald Earl of Cornwall
and Bichard de Luci, in the summer of
1173. It fell before the besiegers on July
22, and the Sheriff of Shropshire served
in person on that occasion. He charges
for liveries of serving-men throughout
the County of Salopscr*, while he himself
" was in the army of Leicester."
34
264 BRIDGNORTH.
not be here set forth, farther than to say that it took effect firotd
and after Christmas, 1175.^ It was attested by Richard dc Lud,
William Ktz Adeline (the Sewer), Reginald de Conrtenay, William
de Lanval, Robert Marmion, Saher de Quinci, Thomas Basset, Ghiy
le Strange, William Fitz Ralph, and Randal Broc,^' who all may be
presumed to have been of the Royal retinue " at Bruges '' on this
occasion.
These witnesses^ names afford ample corroboration of the date
which the Exchequer accounts alone would fix for the grant, e.g.
Richard de Luci (the great Justiciar) retired from court early in
1179. In 1176, William Fitz Adeline went as Viceroy to Ireland.
William de Lanvall and Thomas Basset were associated Justidara,
who, in 1175, visited Worcestershire, Staffordshire, and Shropshire.
Further, on July 1, 1175, King Henry was at Woodstock; on
August 1 at Nottingham. In the interval he had visited Lichfield,
perhaps Bridgnorth also.
In the months of December, 1197, and January, 1198, Hubert,
Archbishop of Canterbury, Primate of all England, Legate of the
Apostolick See, and Chief Justice of the iCealm, visited the Western
Counties.^ His presence at Shrewsbury in January will be matter
of future mention. It was on Christmas Day, 1197, that beiag at
Hereford, he ^^ took in hand the Castle thereof, as well as the Castles
of Briges and Ludelaw, and expelling thence the Constables (Cus-
todes), who had long had custody of them, he delivered them to
other Constables, to keep for the advantage of (or in behalf of) the
King." «^
William Fitz Alan was at this time Sheriff of Shropshire. His
account for the year ending Michaelmas, 1198, does not exhibit the
slightest evidence of this interference of the Viceroy at Bridgnorth.
He had obeyed writs of the Archbishop as well as of the King. He
had repaired the Castle of Brug under the latter authority. He had
paid the Porter of Brug his accustomed salary. Moreover he had
paid '^ 6«. 8d. in hire of the barge which carried the wife of Griffin,
son of Rese (who was hostage for her husband), from Bruges to
Gloucester.''*^
SB Boi. iVp. 22 Hen. 11, Salop. Tbis I » MbntuHoot^ r, p. 73, notes Ko. 8.
flccount, made up at Micbaelmas, 1176, ^ Hoyeden, 440, b.
awards, under Boyal Warrant, to Wen- *^ " Outodiewda ad opu8 JB«yit."
look Friory, such revenue of the Manor ® This entry on the Sheriff *s accounts
of Ditton, as represented a tenure thereof requires some illustcation. In the sum-
during the prenous three quarters. mer of 1198, Gwenwynwyn^ Frinoe of
BBIDONOBTH. 265
' In NoTembeor, 1200^ Bridgnorth was visited by King John. He
was at Feckenham (Worcestershire) on the 9th ; at Brag on the 1 1th
and 13th; and at Haywood (Staffordshire) on the 15th. With him
were the Bishops of Coventry and Bangor^ Geofiry Fitz Kers (Chief
Justice of all England)^ and Simon Archdeacon of WeUs (then one
of the joint Keepers of the Great Seal) .^
In March^ 1204> Eong John was again at Bridgnorth. Having
been at Lichfield on the llth^ he was here on the ISth^ 14th^ and
15th, and ai Worcester on the 16th. With him was a noble retinue^
such as none but a great fortress could have sufficed to accommo-
date. These were the Bishops of Lincoln and Hereford^ the Earis
of Essex (Geoffrey Fitz Hers^ then Sheriff of the County)^ of Pem-
broke, Chester, Salisbury, Warren, Leicester, Warwick, and Here-
ford ; also William de Braose, the Provost of Beverley, Hugh de
Nevill, and William Briwere.^
On this occasion G«offi*ey Fitz Piers '^ had paid £40. to John de
Torrue, the King's Clerk, who was to discharge therewith the King's
expenses at Bruges.'^ This item stands on Fitz Piers' Shropshire
account, at the following Michaelmas, as a set-off against what was
due from him on the ferm of the County.^ However the King's
writ is extant, dated at Winchester, 7 May, 1204, whereby he orders
his ^^ Treasurer and Chamberlains to deliver (liberate) to Geoffi'ey
Fitz Piers £40. which said Geoffi*ey had paid in the King's
chamber, to discharge the Sling's expenses at Brug.'^'^ We must
presume that, instead of receiving the money ordered by the latter
writ, Fitz Piers took a correspondent credit at the Exchequer,
otherwise the Lord Chief Justice wiQ have been repaid for his
advance twice over.
22d March, 1205. King John's precept issues to the Sheriff of
Staflforddiire (which with Shropshire was then in the joint custody
Powis, invested Castle Pain in Elvel, in-
tending,in caseof suocesstocarryhis opera-
tions to the Severn. In July or August,
Gwenwynwyn was engaged and defeated
with great loss by G«ofirey Pitz Piers, who
had succeeded Hubert as Chief Justioe
of England, in the former month. In
aid of the new Viceroy on this occasion,
stood Ghriffith ap Bees, Prince of South
Wales, who had, in 1197, been deposed
and imprisoned by his brother Maelgon,
in concert with Gwenwynwyn. The latter
had delivered Griffith to the English
during a temporary pacification; but
when Ghwenwynwyn again troubled the
Border, theEnglish enlarged their prisoner
and were aided by him as above stated.
Griffith's wife was probably surrendered
as a pledge of his fidelity, when he himself
was released.
® Mot, CciHarwn, p. 80.
«* Sot Fat. p. 39. Sot Cart, p. 122.
Idberat, p. 83.
« Sot, Pip. 6 John, Salop.
^ Rot, Claus, 6 John, memb. 21.
266
bbidonoeth;
of Thomas de Erdinton and William de Hauteriye)^ coimnandiiig
him that he lodge Bernard de Urri^ the King's Balister, whom the
King sends^ with the nine other Battsters who are at Brag ; and
the Sheriff is to give said Bernard his Hvery from the 22d of
March^ as long as he remains at Brug in the King's service and by
the King's order ; and the amount shall be placed to the Sheriff's
credit at the Exchequer. The said Urery is to be that which other
two-horse Balisters have.*^^
On May 11, 1205, the Sheriff of Salop is ordered by the King
to send without delay to Northampton all the King's Balisters who
are at Salop and Brug. They are to be at Northampton on Sunday
before Pentecost, '^ with their horses and accoutrements."^ This
order was probably in anticipation of John's then contemplated
expedition into Poitou, which, however, was afterwards (June 13)
abandoned, though an embarkation at Portsmouth actually took
place.
On Aug. 5, 1205, the King, being at Lambeth, sends to the
Sheriff of Salop, Peter, a three-horse Balister y and nine two-horse
BalisterSy who are to receive 10«. 4rf. per day (less than 14rf. each).
They are to stay at Brug with their accoutrements till the .King
give further orders. Their prescribed pay is to conmience on the
11th of August. «»
6 Aug. 1205. King John, being at Havering (Essex) orders the
Keepers of his wines at Bristol to send 6 tuns of wine, by water,
to Brug. Three are for the King's use, and three for distribution
(to his household). The wine is to travel night and day.^^ This
writ has a mark of cancellation affixed, and—
On 20 Aug. following, the King gives an order to the same
officers to send wine to Feckenham, Kinver, Worcester, and Brag,
there to wait the King's convenience.^
At Michaelmas, 1206, the Sheriff had sent wine of the King's
from Brug to Nottingham.^^
^ Clous. 6 John, memb. 66. "Et
facias ei habere liberaciones suae sicut aliis
qui sunt ad duos equos." The Balistarii
who were in King John's pay, were
chiefly of three classes, those who used
two horses, those who used one horse, and
those who are called foot'halisters. Their
usual pay was respectively 156?., 7i<?., and
8fi. per day. Their employment was the
management of different kinds of engines
for propelling missiles, from the bulky
machine which battered a fortress with
huge stones, down to the cross-bow, which
carried bolts or quarrels. Their names
indicate many of them to have been
foreigners.
^ Mot. Clam, 6 John, memb. 1.
* Clau9^ 7 John, memb. 18.
70 Ibidem, memb. 15.
^ Ibidem, memb. 17.
5^ MoUPvp, 8 John, Salop.
Bl.n)ONOETH.
267
' At Michaelmas^ 1207, the Sheriff, Thomas de Erdinton, chaises
the Crown £4. for '^ repair of four gaols in several places, together
with the free prisons/' ^^ One of the four places will have been
Bridgnorth Castle.
At the Forest Assizes, held at Salop, on Saturday after Mid-Lent,
in the 10th year of King John (Sat. Mch. 14, 1209), the following
carious case came before H. de Nevill and Peter de Leonibus, the
presiding Justices.^*
" A certain stag entered into the baUey'^^ of the Castle of Bruges,
through a postern, and the Castellans captured him and carried him
to the Castle. And (the King's) Verderers, hearing thereof, came
thither, and questioned Thomas de Erdinton, the then Sheriff^ as
to what he had done with the said stag : and he acknowledged that
the matter was as alleged, and became bound that his men should
appear before the Justices.^^ He did not, however, keep his word,
and some unexplained adjournment was the consequence. These
Castellans are enumerated. They were " Matthew the Constable,
Roger de Fougeres, Richard de Bromwic, Robert the Porter, and
Walleran, brother of Matthew.^'
We thus learn the official connexion of the Sheriff with this
Castle, his employment of a Deputy called Constable, and the
insignificant force of the permanent garrison. We also may esti-
mate the stringency of those Forest Laws, whose inferior ministers
could thus interrogate the Sheriff of two Counties, and a Royal
favourite, about a stray stag.^^
King John's third visit to Bridgnorth was in August, 1212. It
was an eventful period of his reign, and one which has hitherto
escaped any accurate historical notice. The rapidity of the King's
movements would indeed be almost incredible were not the circum-
stances, which are now to be detailed, supported by the most unques-
tionable testimony.
Earlier in the year Lewellyn had succeeded in reconciling that
73 Ibidem, 9 John.
7* Flacita Foresta^ Salop, No. 2,
memb. 1.
7^ The haUiva or haUium of a Castle,
was primarily the whole area over which
the Constable had jurisdiction. The word
was secondarily used to describe parti-
cular spaces, as the " inner*' and " outer
bailey." The Seneschal of Montgomery
was to have a dwelling-house within the
halUwn of the Castle. (Hist, of Shrewi*
hury^ i, 41, note 2.)
7<^ Erdinton was Sheriff of Shropshire
and Staffordshire both in 1209, and lor
the greater part of King John's reign.
For Ins actiye services and the confidence
which the King reposed in him, it will, at
present, be sufficient to refer to Dugdale's
Baronage (toI. ii, p. Ill), and Blak»-
way's Sheriffs (p. 35).
268
BBIBOKORTH.
disnnioiL (tf the Welah frinces which placed their co mitry ao nmdbt
under the inflnenoe of the English King. The Spring saw Lewellyn
asBoeiated with Qwenwynwyn Prince of Powis^ Maelgon ap Bees of
South Wales^ and Meredith ap Robert of CjdeweaJ' The Castka
built or garrifloned by the EngHah fell one by one before their arma.
The first notice which ELing John seems to have taken of this
alliance, bears date. May 26th, at Wolmere (Hants), when he
issued letters patent, confiscating all the lands of Mealgon ap Bese
in the honor of Cardigan, and conferring them, with all sendees of
the tenants, on Bese ap Oriffin.^^
Two months later, viz. on July 26th, the King was at BristoL
The only Castles of North Wales which now remained in his power
were Buthlan, Dyganwy, and Mathraval. The latter had been
built by Bobert de Vipont, one of John^s most active Lieutenants^
on the banks of the Yymwy, about two miles above Meifod, and
probably on the site of an older but long-forsaken Castle of the
Princes of Powys. De Yipont was now besieged in this Castle by
the Welsh confederates.
Notwithstanding the digression, we will watch the daily move-
ments of King John at this crisis of his career. We shall observe
him in his household, note him at the council-board, trace him
through the toilsome march of the summer day, admire his
momentary energy though contrasted with irresolution and fear,
wonder at the weak superstition which alternated with the most
revolting crime.
On Thursday, July 26th, the King passed firom Bristol to Mel-
kesham (Wilts), and sent thence £300. to the Sheriff of Hereford-
shire, wherewith '^ to succour Bobert de Yipont who was besieged
in Wales.'' ^ On Friday, July 27th, he was at Devizes and Lud-
garshall (both in Wiltshire), and on the 29th at Winchester. That
day (it was Sunday) he passed back to Marlborough (Wilts); reached
Tewkesbury on the 30th and was at Worcester on the 31st. Hence
he despatched a messenger with money to pay the mercenaries who
were serving in South Wales under the notorious Pulk de Breant.^
He occurs, as still at Worcester on the 1st of August, but must
have travelled to Bridgnorth the same day. On this journey the
77 To these Br. Powell (p. 192) adds
Madoc ap Ghru%th Haylor, Lord of
Bromfield, who, if he erer joined the
alUanoe, did not adhere to it.
^ Mot, Pest, 14 John, memb. 5.
^ MUcB MoUs^ 14 John, memb. 2.
^ Cla/us. 14 John, memb. 6. Br.
Powell's account would imply that Folk
de Bresnt, quitted his lieutenancy in
South Wales the year before.
BBIDGKORTH,
269
iumpter*horto^ nduch carried tlie King's bed^ failed and -was left at
Bridgnortli. Also two of the King's vakts with their horses and
attendants^ the King's Falconer^ with his Hawks^ the two Carters
and four Sumpterers who carried the King's wardrobe^ with their
nine h<»rses^ accompanied the King's march no further. At Bridg-
north also remained certain coffers^ which contained relics^ and
which seem to have travelled with the Court on all ordinary jour-
neys. Over these during the ^' three nights which they remained
at Brug" were burnt wax candles at die King's expense.^
On the morning of Thursday^ the 2d of August^ the King ordered
6Q9. to be given to Buchard de Gratelon^ a Knight^ whose horse
was in pawn at Brug and was thuB redeemed.
XJrg^it was the need of both horse and I^night^ for on diat same
day King John ndsed the siege of Mathraral, in the heart of Powis-
land^ and levdU.ed its Castle with the ground.
If we estimate this exploit according toihe distaaice of the jour-
ney, the nature of the road, the season of the year, and the hazard
of the work (for it is certain that the expedition was but slenderly
attended),^ we shaU recognise, even in King John, some of those
capabilities which marked the Hantagenet, and which in him were
kept in abeyance, probably by an almost unceasing consciousness of
crime.
The next day the King returned to Bridgnorth, transacting some
matters of business as he passed through Shrewsbury, and, inter alia,
writing to the Earl of Chester to support and protect Madoc ap
GrifBn and his men, to whom the King, now tiiat Lewellyn had
seceded from him, wished '* to recur as to his own son." ^
On reaching Bridgnorth the King ate twice, though it was Fri-
day, an offence which he atoned fi»* the following day, by feeding
a hundred paupers with bread, fish, and beer.^
He proceeded (on the 4th) to Boissock (Worcestershire) . He
was at Woolward in the same County on the 5tii, and reached
» Mot MUcBy 14 John, memb. 2. For
an aooount of the office of a King's
VaUit^ see EUt Skrmnlwry i, 266.
s The distance from Bridgnorth to
Kathraval cannot be much less than fifty
miles by the nearest modem road. Pr.
Powell's expression that the King " levied
an army" iax this exploit, is simply an
exaggeration. The Bolls exhibit no
symptom of such preparation, and the
King, a week before, had evidently no in-
tention of rendering personal aid to his
lientenant. Moreover the*' King's Army"
was at Hiis moment under smmnons to
Chester.
» i2o^. J\i& and Sot. OmuB,
^ Mot, Muoy ut Mipra.
270 BRIBONOETH.
Woodstock the same day.^ There he rested till the 9thj whesoL
he proceeded to Silrerstone (Northants).
Here he wrote to his late rescued officer, De Vipont, apparently
as having custody of Oswestry Castle.^
On the 10th he passed through Northampton to Lamport, and
from the latter place, on t^e 11th, issued letters patent of safe
conduct, for LeweUyn, and all his abettors and kindred, to meet,
him at Chester on the Sunday after the Assumption of St. Mary
(Sunday the 19th), and give full security for thier future fealty. He
also wrote to certain Lords and Knights of Flanders and Hainault,
who had come to England at his mandate, beseeching them in the
most affectionate terms to follow him, '^for that he could not come
back to them, by reason of his army, which he had caused to be
summoned.'^ ^
This summons had been issued firom Woodstock on the 20th and
21st of July. It was to various English Barons and Sheriffs, to
meet him at Chester, coinddently with the time appointed to
Lewellyn.
At Salvata on the 12th, and Gunthorpe (Notts) on the 13th, the
King reached Nottingham on the 14th, and remained there till the
22nd. Here a sudden change took place in his plans. On the
16th, he writes to all Sheriffs who had obeyed his summons to
Chester, commanding them to return to their provinces, and
''attend to their (provincial) business, for that at present he cannot
come to Chester as he had proposed.'' —
To his Earls and Barons there assembled he returns thanks for
their attendance in such strength, and similarly dismisses them
with their knights and retainers. Other matters, he says, have
called him elsewhere.®® Certain mUitary stores, heretofore ordered
to Chester, are also countermanded to Nottingham or to Bristol.®^
Nothing occurs on the EoUs to explain this abandonment of the*
King's intended invasion of Wales (for such evidently was the
object of the muster at Chester) ; but the Chroniclers partly clear
up the mystery.*^ At Nottingham, the King received two letters.
* " Itinerary of King John," embodied
by T. DuffuB Hardy, Esq., in his Pre&oe
to the Patent Bolls of that King's reign.
This invaluable digest is my chief autho-
rity for the moyementff of the King,
as stated in the above narratiye.
^ Claui, 14 John, memb. .6. The
document with some others is dated on
the 6th of August, but the Misa 2oll
already quoted proyes the inaccuracy of
such date.
^ Sot. Fat, 14 John, memb. 5.
® Ibidem.
^ Clous. 14 John, memb. 6.
^ M. Paris, pp. 231, 282, whose state-
ment, however, is fax from accurate in its
BRIDGNORTH. 271
one from the King of Scots^ the other from his own natural daughter^
the wife of Lewellyn. Each conveyed the same nnconcerted intelli-
gence^ viz.^ that the King was threatened by the treason of his own
nobles in the approaching expedition. About the same time^ and to
confirm John's wakeful suspicions^ three Barons fled the kingdom.
Disappointed in all plans of summary vengeance on his son-in-
law^ the King resorted to such petty retribution as remained within
his reach. On the 17th^ he commissions certain galleys to infest
the Welsh coasts^ and do '^ all possible injury '^ to Ins enemies. He
also orders Fulk de Breant to destroy the Abbey of Stratfleur (which
had been reported as maintaining the King's opponents)^ and all the
weaker Castles within his Bgiliwick.^^ Now^ too^ the King enacted
that merciless tragedy^ which has been before alluded to^ — ^the mur-
der of all the Welsh hostages (about thirty) who were in his power^
as well as of Bees'^ap Maelgwn^ the young Prince of South Wales.
But the length to which this digression has already extended
obliges me to refer elsewhere for the particulars of this transaction.'^
We return to Bridgnorth Castle^ wherein on 15 May, 1215, the
Sheriff of Salop is ordered to receive the King's '^faithful and
beloved" Engeram de Freux and the suit he may bring with him, they
having the King's orders to remain there.'*
At this period Thomas de Erdinton, Sheriff of Shropshire, was
probably in King John's service elsewhere. The person addressed
in the above writ as Sheriff, must be taken therefore to have been
his deputy. Furthermore Henry de Erdinton, a Clerk, and son of
the Sheriff, being in the employment and patronage of the King,
had written to request his Boyal Master to send one of his Mag^
nates to take custody of the Castle of Bruges. On the same 15th
of May, the King writes to Henry de Erdinton, informing him that
he has sent Philip de Albini, who will give his orders to Henry as
(p. 193) says that he hung Bees ap
Maelgwn there. After the relief of
Mathrayal, De Yiponfc undertook custody
of the four Castles of Oswestry, Chirk,
Carrechova, and Eggelawe {Claus, 14
John, memb. 6 dorso), and we haye
already seen him employed at the first.
John de Yipont, mentioned by the Histo-
rians of Shrewsbury (page 91, note 4),
is introduced into these transactions alto-
gether by mistake.
® Mot. Clam, i, 116, 200.
details e.g., he represents the £ing as
going to Chester, dismissing his army in
person,and then going to liondon, whereas,
on leaving Nottingham, he went north-
wards to York and Durham.
^^ JEtot, Clous, sub die.
^ Sist, ShretDshwy, i, 91, where, how-
ever, one or two trifling inaccuracies may
be noticed, e,£f. — the summons of the
King's army was not to Nottingham,
where he w:as, but to Chester, whither he
was going ; Robert de Yipont, was not
CasteUan of Salop, though Dr. Powell
35
272
BRIDGNORTH.
to wliat is to be done about that Cilstle. A similar letter from the
King to the Constable of Bruges^ enjoins his obedience to the
orders of the same Philip.**
On the next day^ the 16th, this plan was changed. The King
addressing the Sheriff of Salop informs him that he sends into
those quarters his faithful and beloved Bobert de Courtenay and
Walter de Yerdun for the security and defence of those parts, and
to take custody of Bruges Castle. The Sheriff (i . e. the deputy) is
without delay to cause the said Castle with all its victuals and stores
to be delivered to the same Bobert and Walter, and he is to wait
upon and aid their counsels, for the King^s advantage and honoyr.^^
A similar precept to the good men of Shrewsbury informs them of
the new commission, and commands them so to join the Commis-
sioners in manM defence of their town and neighbourhood, as that
the King may thank them. The same appointment is^farther certi-
fied to all Knights and free tenants in ^e Counties of Salop and
Stafford.*^
On the 23d of May, King John, addressing the Constable of
Bruges, names Bobert de Curtenay only, as his appointed Custos of
the Castle, and orders delivery thereof to the said Bobert ; ^ but on
July 5th following, Bobert de Curtenay and Walter de Verdun are
enjoined to give up to the King^s ^^ faithful and beloved '' Thomas de
Erdinton the Castle of Bruges with its appurtenances and victuals,
which they had received from the men of the said Thomas.^
On July 23, 1215, three hundred pounds of wax were to be sent
from Northampton to '' Bruges in Wales," for the King's use.»8
At the close of this month. King John made his fourth visit to
** Jtot. Pat 16 John, memb. 2. These
documents haye senred to place Philip de
Albini on all lists of the Constables of
Bridgnorth Castle, which I have met
with ; and quite unwarrantably. Philip
was actiyely employed elsewhere at the
time, and his commission to Bridgnorth
yirtually cancelled the next day. Eyen
had he discharged it, it was by no means
equiyaleiiit to an appointment as Con-
stable.
^ Sot Pat, ibidem. These Patents
haye also been construed into an appoint-
ment of Bobert de Courtenay, as Con-
stable of Bridgnorth Castle. They rather
were tantamount to placing the Shrieyalty
of the two Counties in Commission, during
Eardinton's absence, and at a critical
period. It was, in fact, in this yery year,
and while King John had his hands full
elsewhere, that Lewellyn marched upon
Shrewsbury and actually took the town.
This circumstance, carefully concealed by
the English Chroniclers, is giyen by Dr.
Powell, and accepted by Mr. Blakeway
{Hist Shrewsbury, i, 92). The King's
unusual address to '*the good men of
Shrewsbury,'* aboye quoted, acquires some
significance when placed by the side of the
historical fiict.
^ Bot Pat 16 John, memb. 1.
^ Sot Pat. 17 John, memb. 20.
» aaw. i, 222.
BRIDGNOBTH.
273
Bridgnorth. Having gone from Feckenham to Stonrton on the
28th^ he was here on the 30th and 31st^ and also on the 1st of
August. On the 2d he had passed to Worcester. With the King
on this occasion were the Archbishop of Dublin, the Bishop of
Coventry, the Earl Ferrars, Gilbert Fitz Reinfrid, William de
Cantilupe, Brian de L'Isle, Hugh de Bemevall, and Bicliard de
Mariscis, the Chancellor.
An order about transfer of a- Welsh hostage, and Charters to the
Earl of Chester and the Borot^h of Droitwich, passed during the
King^s stay at Bridgnorth.^^
On Nov. 21, 1215. The Sheriff (Thomas de Erdinton) is ordered
to pay their liveries to the King^s servants at Brug, and the King will
cause the Sheriff to be reimbursed according to view of the same
servants.^^ —
King John was at this time besieging Rochester, which was held
by William IVAlbini on the part of the Barons ; the whole king-
dom was in a ferment, and the business of the Exchequer totally
suspended. — Hence this irregular order on the Sheriff of Shrop-
shire, and the absence of the usual form for entitling him to reim-
bursement.^^^
On the 2d of December, 1215, the King, still before Rochester,
orders Thomas de Erdinton to give possession of certain lands (late
held by Wrenie (Wrenoc) Wallensis, and seized into the King^s
hands), to " Robert Teneray, our Constable of Bruges,^^ to be held
by him during pleasure.^^^ We have heard of Robert de Teneray
before.^^ We now see who he was, and that his office was distinct
from that of the Sheriff, though perhaps subjective to it. Erdinton
still had custody in chief, both of the Counties of Salop and Staf-
ford and of the Castle of Brug.
On April 13^ 1216, he is ordered to give up the two Counties and
this Castle to the Earl of Chester, who is to be obeyed in the said
Counties '^ as an Earl, as a Sheriff, and as the Kjing^s Bailiff.^^ ^^
» Mot Pat and £ot Cart.
^^ Clous, 15 John, memb. 16.
^®i The usual form, when the King thus
drew on his revenue, was a promise of
repayment at the Exchequer, addressed
to the officer who was commissioned to
make the outlay. The officer kept the
King's writ till the period of his account,
when it operated at the Treasury just as
a cheque. The words used in the King's
writ were generally "Et oomputabitur
tibi ad Scaccariimi." The suspension of
the business of the Exchequer for two
and a half years at this period has already
been alluded to (supra, p. 2, note 4).
^^ Clems, 17 John, memb. 15.
i« Supra, p. 52.
10* Pat 17 John, memb. 4.
274 BBIDGNOETH,
In Augast^ 1216, King John made his fifth and final visit to
Bridgnorth. Leaving Shrewsbury on the 14th, he occurs here the
same day and the next. On the 16th he proceeded to Worcester,
where he renewed his commission to the Earl of Chester, promising
however to release the Earl, on the 8th of September following,
firom his shrievalty and its ac^uncts.^^ The writs, both Close and
Patent, which issued during this visit to Bridgnorth, were numerouB,
but none of them were of immediate local interest, except his letters
of protection to John, son of Peter Sarracen, whom we have men-
tioned before as then holding the Prebend of Walton, in the
Collegiate Church of St. Mary Magdalene.^^
John was at this moment hardly to be called King of England.
London and the South-Eastem Counties had declared Prince Louis
to be King. So had Yorkshire and Lincohishire. The King of
Scots, John^s vassal, had a week before marched through the
kingdom of his Suzerain, done homage to Louis' in London, and
returned northwards without molestation.^^ The Barons, includ-
ing the Earl of Salisbury, John^s half-brother, were with the French
Prince, who, in a contemporary document, sets forth his title to the
Crown of England, which he claims to be his, both by inheritance
and election.^^
The sequel of John's career is weU known. — He survived his last
visit to Shropshire little more than two months, when, exhausted
by fatigue and anxiety, perhaps poisoned, he died at Newark.
' Those ties of loyalty which bound the Western Counties even to
such a King as John Plantagenet were remembered by him to the
last. By his own -desire his remains were carried to Worcester,
which he had quitted but two months before. There they still
lie buried, and there the moralist may contrast the cold repose of a
marble effigy with aU other memories of him, whose life, whether
from circumstance or disposition, was one continuous state of fever
and unrest.
In the fifth year of his reign, viz. in July, 1221, Bridgnorth was
visited by young King Henry. On the 2d he passed hither firom
Shrewsbury, and on the 4th had proceeded to Kidderminster.^^
Several writs of local interest issued during this visit, but which
will be more properly cited elsewhere.
^ Fat. 18 John, memb. 4.
i«» Supra, p. 74.
i«7 Lingard, iii, 68.
M8 Bymer^s Foedera, i, 140.
i« Fot. Fat. 6 Hen. Ill, sub die.
Clans, i, 468.
BBIDOMOBTH.
275
On July 15, 1228, Ranidf, Earl of Chester (still Sheriff), is
ordered to see that the Constable of Brug do send the sons of
Gwenwynwyn to Gloucester. On the 19th, the King being at
Gloucester, certifies their arrival.^^®
In the same year, in October, the King was at Shrewsbury on
the 12th, at Bridgnorth on the 13th, and at Kidderminster on
the 14th.
Dec. 80, 1228, the Earl of Chester is commanded to deliver the
Castles of Salop and Bruges to Hugh Despencer,^^^ who apparently
was appointed Sheriff of the Counties of Salop and Stafford at the
same time.^^* His tenure of either trust was very brief; for —
On Feb. 2, 1224, he is ordered to deliver custody of the Castles
to the Bishop of Worcester ; and the Earl of Salisbury accounted as
Sheriff, for the nine months ending Michaelmas, 1224.^^^ When
the Bishop of Worcester resigned the CasUes to the Earl does not
appear; but on Nov. 8, 1224, the King issues an order on the
Treasury to pay the latter iE106. 13s. 4id. in part of the annual
salary of £200. which the King had assigned him for custody of
the said Castles.^^^ The Earl, therefore, wiQ have then held them at
least half a year.
About Mid-Lent (March 9), 1226, Thomas Mauduit was
appointed Constable of Bridgnorth Castle. He held this office as
nominee of the Crown, independently of the Sheriff, and at a fixed
anntial salary of 40 merks (£26. 18^. M,), payable half-yearly,
by Boyal order on the Sheriff, or on the Exchequer.^^^ The usual
allowance by the Crown of Id, per day to the Porter of Brug was
now discontinued, as being part of the Constable's liabilities.
In 1225, the tax of " the fifteenth " then levied was dispatched by
^^ Bot. JPat, and Clau9, sub diebns.
"1 Bot Fat. 8 Hen. Ill, sub die,
^^ Pugdale's Baronage^ i, 389.
iM Bot, Pip. 8 Hen. III. Mr. Blake-
way {Sheriff's, page 5) has rejected the
Earl of Salisbury from the list of Sheriflfs
of Shropshire, against the authority of
Mr. Wm. Mytton, who had endently^con-
sulted the Pipe Boll on the point.
Though Hugh le Pespenoer was Sheriff
for a month, it is not correct to put hirn
down for three-fourths of the year, or to
exclude the Earl of Salisbury. Bespencer
rendered no aooount w^erer at the
Exchequer.
^^^ CZ(Mcir. 9 Hen. Ill, memb. 19.
^^ Thomas Mauduit receiyed half a
year's salary (£18. 6^. Sd.) in advance, on
entering office. On Jan. 21, 1226, Wor^
field mill (of 8 merks annual yalue),
haying been awarded to him in part of his
salary, the Sheriff is ordered to pay him
so much of the previous salaiy of 40
merks, as remained due on Jan. 18, 1226
(CZattf. ii, 94). Hereupon the Sheriff seems
to have paid him £11. 4«. 8<f. {Bot, JPip,
10 Hen. Ill), which was rather more
than five months' salary, and apparently in
excess of the Boyal warrant. The pay*
ment was however allowed.
276
BBIDGNORTH.
John Bonet^ the Sheriff^ from Brag to Winchester; The Barons of
Exchequer are ordered on Dec. 12 to allow £St. 80. %d. in his
account^ for the ^' sacks and barrels^' which he had provided on the
occasion^^^^ and he accordingly takes credit for that snm in his next
annnal account.^^^
Dec. 30^ 1225^ the Sheriff is ordered to have the King^s mills of
Brug yalued^ and to deliver them^ so valued^ to Thomas Mauduit^
Constable of Bruges^ in part payment of his annual salary of 40
merks for custody of Bridgnorth Castle.^^®
Jan. 13^ 1226^ Seizin of the said Mills is ordered for Thomas
Mauduit.^^'
May 12^ 1226, The Treasurer of the Exchequer is ordered to pay
Thomas Mauduit 16 merks, his half-year's salary for Easter Term,
1226 ; but a counter-writ, dated the same day, orders the Sheriff to
pay the same.^^
July 30, 1226, Exemption from all suits in the County of Wilt-
shire is granted to Thomas. Mauduit and Robert his brother,
because they are in the King's service in the Castle of Brug.^^^
On August 29, 1226, King Henry was at Shrewsbury, on the
30th and 31st at Bridgnorth, and on Sept. 2 at Worcester.^^^
Sept. 3, 1226, the Sheriff is ordered to pay Thomas Mauduit his
half-yearly salary for the (second) half of the King's 10th year^
viz. 16 merks ;^^ and at Michaelmas, the said Sheriff chaises
£33. Ws. 4rf. as having been paid by him, under three several writs
of the King, to the same Thomas. Also Thomas Mauduit had
received 8 merks from the Mill of Wereffeld in part payment of his
annual salary of 4S) merks, and this 8 merks the Sheriff iakes
credit for, it having heretofore been a part of his own receipts in the
ferm of the County, which was pro tanto diminished.^^
Dec. 6, 1226, The Sheriff is ordered to pay Thomas Mauduit 10
merks, his quarter's salary from Michaelmas to Christmas, 1226.^^^
Thomas Mauduit continued in this office six months longer.
"• Clous, ii, 89. *
117 Bot Pip, 10 Hen. HI, Salop.
iM Clatu. ii, 91.
M» Ibidem, 94.
» Ibidem, 110.
m Ibidem, 181. Walter Fitz Bernard
is similarly exempted.
>» Bot, Pat, 10 Hen. III.
133 (72aiM. ii, 186.
13* Sot Pip. 10 Hen. Ill, Salop. Wor-
field Mill, alluded to here and above, was
in reality Pendeston Mill, which we shall
soon see disposed of in another way.
^ C^iw.ii, 160, but the order is there
cancelled, not as haying been revoked but
as properly belonging to the Liberate Bolls,
which had now been resumed (yide 8upr%
pre&oe, page 8).
BRIPGNORTH.
277
receiving a full year's value of Worfield Mill, besides the last men-
tioned instalment of his salary .^^^
On 8 Jnne, 1227, Henry de Andley was appdinted Sheriff of
Salop and Staffordshire. John Bonet (the previous Sheriff) and
Thomas Mauduit are respectively enjoined to deliver up to him the
Castles of Salop and Brug.^^^
1 Aug. 1227, Henry Pitz Aucher, in charge of the King's balista,
is ordered to give up six wooden balistm to Henry de Audley, to be
placed in the Castles of Bruges and Salop.^^
On Aug. 15, the Sheriff of Herefordshire is ordered to deliver to
the same, 1000 quarrels for war-stores of the said Castles.^^®
On Aug. 28, 1228, the King was at Bridgnorth, and went on to
Shrewsbury and into Wales.^^^
Sept. 29, 1228. The Sheriff charges 55 shillings for carriage of
wine which had gone from Bruges to Montgomery .^^^
At Michaelmas, 1229, it appears that the King had granted the
profits of the two Counties, for the year then ending, to the Sheriff,
in remuneration of his custody of the said Counties, and of the
Castles of Salop and Bruges.^^^
Nov. 7, 1229. Custody of the Counties and Castles is renewed
by letters patent to Henry de Audley .^^*
Michaelmas, 1231. Twenty-eight casks of the King^s wine had
been sent ifrom Brug to Castle Matilda (in Elvein), for carriage of
which.the Sheriff had paid £6}^
Henry de Audley accounted as Sheriff till June, 1282,^^^ Who
succeeded him in custody of Bridgnorth Castle, does not appear;
but the precept (dated March 4, 1283) which gives the said custody
to Peter de Rivallis (then Sheriff) is addressed to Joan, widow of
William Briwere.^^^
128 not. Pip. 11 Hen. Ill, where also
the 10 merkB paid him in December, are
charged by the Sheriff. Hence it would
appear that he received only 18 merks for
eight months' service, an irregularity
which might have been intended to
balance the over payment which we
noticed on his entering office.
»27 Bot. Pat, 11 Hen. III.
"8 CUu8. ii, 195.
129 Ibidem, 197.
^ Mot. Tat. 12 Hen. IH.
131 J2o*. Vi'p. 12 Hen. Ill, Salop.
132 ^t. Pip. 13 Hen. HI, Salop.
13 Mot. Pat. 14 Hen. III. On the
4th of October previous, custody of the
two Counties had been granted to John
de Munemue {Mot, Pat. Hen. Ill), but
D'Audley accounted continuously at the
Exchequer, and the Sheriff of a month
aj^iears nowhere on the Pipe Rolls.
134 Mot Pip. 15 Hen. Ill, Salop.
135 Mot Pip. 16 Hen. HI, Salop.
136 Pat. 17 Hen. III. WiUiam Briwere
died in Feb. 1233, on the 22d of which
month custody of his lands in Notts, was
ordered to be given to the same Peter de
Bivallis, who seems to have succeeded
him as Gustos of Brug Castle.
278
BRIDONOETH.
80 May^ 1284. Custody of tlie Counties having on the 15th
instant been committed to Robert de Haya^^^^ the Manor of Brug^
with the Castle^ is now independently entrusted to Bichard de
Wrotham, and " the men of the Town of Brug ^* are certified
thereof by letters patent.^^
10 July^ 1235. An order issued to the Sheriff^ that the Justices
for gaol delivery should meet at Brug as soon as the King^s Justices
Itinerant had left Worcester. The former are named ; they were
William de Plsle^ Robert de Stepleton, Richard de Middlehope,
and Roger Sprengehose.^^*
Michaelmas^ 1236. The Sheriff had sent wine of the King's
from Brug, to Salop and to Wenlock.^^
14 Nov. 1236. Robert de la Haye is ordered to give custody of
the Castles of Salop and Bruges to John le Strange. This was a
transfer from a retiring to a succeeding Sheriff.^^
Michaelmas, 1237. John le Strange had dispatched wine of the
King's from Brug* to Salop and Wenlock.^**
18 Oct. 1237. Hugh Fitz*Robert and others are appointed to
deliver the gaols of Salop and Brug.^**
Michaelmas, 1240. Some wine of the Eing's had been delivered
to the Bailiffs of the town for sale.^**
Feb. 12, 1241. John le Strange undertook that, if the King
should die [while said John was in possession of the Castles of
Brug, Salop, and Montgomery, and of the County of Chester,
then he would surrender them to the Queen, for behoof of Prince
Edward.^*«
27 Jan. 1242. Gaol delivery, by Robert de Wodeton &c.
appointed at Bn^ and Salop.^^
24 June, 1243. The same, by Ralph Basset of Drayton &c.^*^
22 June, 1248, Thomas Corbet is to receive custody of the Castles
of Salop, Bruges, and Ellesmere, from John le Strange.^*®
In 1249, the gaol of Brug ordered to be delivered, by Ralph de
Covene &c.i*»
In 1250, Robert de Grendon was appointed Sheriff of the
"7 Mot. Pat, 18 Hen. IIL
^ Ibidem.
M9 Ibidem, 19 Hen. m, dowo.
i*> Uot, Pip, 20 Hen. Ill, Salop.
i« Pat. 21 Hen. HI.
i« Mot, Pip. 21 Hen. m, Salop.
^« Pat. 21 Hen. HI, dorso.
1^ Mot, Pip, 24 Hen. m, dowo.
'« Pat, 25 Hen. m, sub die.
i« Pat. 26 Hen. HI, dorso.
w Ibidem, 27 Hen. Ill, dorso.
i« Ibidem, 32 Hen. III.
i« Ibidem, 33 Hen. HI, dorso.
BRIDGNORTH.
279
Counties^ and to have castody of the Castles of Salop^ Brages^ and
EUesmere.^^ He accounts firom and after Easter^ 1250^ for these
trusts."!
In 1251^ Thomas de Boshal and others are appointed to deliver
the gaols of Salop and Brug.^^^
In 1252^ Hamo le Palmer and his fellow-bailiffs of Brug had
purchased wine of the King's to the value of £13. ISs, 4id., which
the SheriflF accounts for.^^*
In 1254^ William Trussel and others are appointed Justices to
deliver the gaol of Brug.^^
The inquiries of the King's Commissioners, in autumn, 1255,
led to several statements relating to the Castle of Bridgnorth.^^^
The Borough Jury reported — ^That, when the King was at Brug, the
Lord of Albrighton (then John de Pychford, a minor) was bound
to find fuel (carbcoies) for the Castle, that being the service due on
his fee of Little Brug.
That John Fitz Philip (Lord of Bobbington and Quat) owed wardl
to the Castle in time of war, but to what extent the Jurors knew
not.
That, as long as the King had held in hand the Manor of
Worfield, the produce of hay, and of the mills there, used to come
to the Castle^ — also that the tenants of that Manor used to do
Hirson in time of war, and take up their quarters in the Castle,
for ward thereof, if it were necessary. " Now," say the Jurors,
'^ Henry de Hastings holds that Manor, and the King gave it to
him in exchange of his lands in Cheshire, whereby the King hath
now no service from that Manor to the said Castle.''
In answer to a question as to the cost of keeping the Castle, as
well in time of peace as in time of war, these Jurors replied that
they had had no means of judging since the period when Thomas
Mauduit kept it for 40 merks per annum, in time of peace. Since
then the Sheriff, they said, had always had custody thereof, together
with the County. In time of peace they thought the Castle might
be kept at a cost of 30 merks per annum. As to the proper cost,
in time of war, they could form no estimate.
80 October, 1255. Robert de Grendon is ordered to give up
custody of the Counties and Castles to Hugh de Acour. The latter
»» Pat. a4 Hen. HI, memb. 11.
1" Eot Pip. 84 Hen. Ill, Salop.
"3 Pat, 36 Hen. ni, dorso.,
iH Mot, Pip, 36 Hen. Ill, Salop.
^ Pat. 38 Hen. m, dorse.
«» :Rot. ffund. ii, 59.
36
280
BEIBGVORTH.
is to pay £126. ISs. 4id. per aamtun for the prcfiis of the Cotmties^
and to keep the Castles at his own chaiges.^^'
On 32 Sept. 125 7^ the King was at Bmg, and on the 261ih^ being
then at Worcester, he issued letters patent to Hugh de Aconr^
appointing Peter de Montfort to the custody of the Marches towards
Montgomery, and for the better performance of that service giving
him, at instance of Prince Edward, custody of the Counties of Salop
and Stafford, as also of the Castles of Salop and Bruges, to dispose
of the profits therein arising as he should think best, during the
continuance of the wars with Wales; so that, for the first year of
his holding the said Counties, he should not answer at the Exche-
quer, but in the King's Wardrobe.^'*^
12 June, 1258. Hugh de Weston &c. appointed Justices to deUver
the gaol of Brug.^^^
28 June, 1258. The King, at Oxford, granted custody of the
Castle of Brug to Peter de Montfort, ''by council of the Mag-
nates.''"*
On Sept. 16 and 17, 1258, the King was at Brug.
28 Dec. 1258. Bobert de Grendon is appointed to deliver the gaol
of Brug.^^ On Feb. 14, 1259, Odo de Hodnet and others have a
like commission, but extending also to the *gaol of Salop ;^^ and,
about a month later, a third commission, naming both gaols, is
addressed to the Sheriff of - Salop and Ccmstable of Brug, and
appoints Simon de Bibefbrd Justiciar for the same purpose.^^
On May 18, 1260, Peter de Montfort is ordered to give custody
of the Castles of Brug and Salop to James de Audley, whom the
tenants of the Crown are enjoined to aid ''in resisting rebels and
disturbers of the peace in those parts." ^^^
9 July, 1261, the same James is appointed Sheriff of the Coun-
«• Pat 40 Hen. IIL
W Ibidem, 41 Hen. in.
^ Ibidem, 42 Hen. HE, dorso.
^ Ibidem, memb. 6. The Gounoil
of « Magnates " was the Committee of
Beform appointed by the **'mad Parlia-
ment,'* whioh assembled at Oxford in
this yerj month. Peter de Montfort was
on this Committee himself and one of its
fiye most zealous members. One of their
first acts was to change the keepers of the
Bojal Castles, bnt Montfort*s previous
occupancy of Bridgnorth wa» of course
undisturbed, though a new patent thereof
became neoessaiy. In the list of new
Castellans given in the Annals of Burton
(page 416), Brugewalter (Bridgwater) is
assigned to Montfort, by mistake for
Bruge.
>" Fai. 48 Hen. HI, dorso.
i« Ibidem,44Hen.ni,memb.lO. There
is no appearance of James de Audley
being also Sheriff at this time. He was
brother>in-Iaw to Peter de Montfort, but a
staunch Boyalist.
BBIBatfOBfTH.
281
ties^ as well as Costoa of the Castles^ in a Patent addsessed to
William de Caverswell^^^ (late Sheriff)^ who continued to act as his
deputy .^^ D'Audley forthwith laid out 100 merks in com, where-
with he victualled the Castle of Brug, and the cost was repaid him
in the year following.^^
20 Oct. 1261. Custody of the Castles of Salop and Brug is
renewed by Patent to James de Audley/^ and, —
On Feb. 5, 1262, a Pateirt for custody, both of the Castles and
the Counties, is again made out to the same Sheriff.^^
28 Oct. 1262. Sobert de Lacy and others are appointed Justices
for delivery of the gaol of Brug.^*^
It is very doubtful, who at this moment had custody cf Bridg-
north Castle, or indeed of the Counties of Salop and Stafford.
No Sheriff had accounted at Michaehnas, nor do the series of
Shropshire Pipe Bolls recommence till the year 1267.
D^Audley's reappointment of Feb. 5, 1262, though it named both
Couuties and Castles, was operative only in part or but for a short
time. On May 6, 1262, Balph Basset was Constable of Shrewsbury
Castle, and a writ issued £rom Gloucester, purporting to be '^ in
behalf of the King,'' and ordering him to put it in a state of
defence, and to use all diligence in re-establishing harmony in that
district.^^ Basset was a known Anti-Boyalist, and, whereas the
King was not at Gloucester when this writ issued, we may presume
the source from which it came and the authority by which Basset
held Salop Castle.
»« Pai. 46 Hen. UL
Mot, Pi^, 45 Hen. Ill, Salop. This
appointment of d*Audley was one of the
King's first acts on resuming the royal
authority, of which he had now been de-
prived three years. The writ is dated at
the Towpr.
i«* i2o^.2^era^, 46 Hen. III,memb.6.
«» Rot. Pat, 46 Hot. HI.
i» Pa^. 46Hen. ni,memb. 16. These
repeated appointments seem to be little
more than so many re-assertions of the
Kingly prerogative, every exercise of
which was contested by the £ictioiis
Barons. The subject of the nomination
of Sheriff, in certain Counties, from and
after Michaelmas, 1261, had been referred
by the King and the Barons to six Com-
missioners, of whom each party chose
three. In case of the non-agreement of
these Commissioners, the King of the
Bomans was to arbitrate. It was not till
January 29, 1262, that the six, finding it
impossible to decide on a proper prin-
dple of appointment, made refiarenoe to
the said arbitrator. He gave his award
in fetvour of the Crown, and that the
King's prerogative of appointing Sheriffs
should remain intact; but Michaehnas,
1262, was the period fixed by him for
this award to take effect. (Bymer's
IMera, i, 415.) We have, however,
seen that the King instantly (Feb. 6)
re-appointed d'Audley for Shropshire
and Staffordshire.
w Pai, 46 Hen. Ill, dorso ( « Justio.
de anno 47V').
^^ Ibidem, 46 Hen. m, dorso.
282
BRIDGNORTH.
On July 14^ 1262^ Eisg Henry went to France^ and did not'
retnm till Dec. 20. The Earl of Leicester had^ on the other hand,
quitted France and was again busy in reoiganiziug the Barons' party
in England.
On April 15^ 1263, Prince Edward was at Shrewsbury for the
purpose of repelling the aggrestions of the Welsh and, restorbig
order in the Marches. Rewrites thence to his Father. I cannot
suppose that Shrewsbury Castle was at this time in the hands of
any but a bond fide nominee of the Crown.^^
On June 16, 1263, the King being then in London, undertakes
to repay James d'Audley his outlay for Tictualling the Castles of
Salop and Brug,^^^ from which it would appear that that Baron had
sometime recovered the former from Ralph Basset.
Immediately after this, the King was again obliged to submit to
the Barons. A Patent dated at Westminster, 10 August, 1263,
enjoins Boger de Somery to give up the custody of the Counties
of Salop and Stafford to Hamo le Strange.^^ It is probable that
this appointment was in the nature of a compromise. De Somery
was father-in-law of Ralph Basset, and though he and Hamo le
Strange subsequently adhered to the Crown, they may both, at this
period, be reckoned as favouring the Barons' party.
A contemporary Chronicler dates Hamo le Strangers desertion of
the Barons in 1263, and attributes it to corrupt motives.^^^ His
adhesion to Prince Edward, in which he was joined by Ralph
Basset and other Barons, was reduced to writing and confirmed by
oath of the Declarants. The document bears date at Lambeth,
August 18, 1263, and implies no corrupt sacrifice of principle
whatever.^7*
On Oct. 8, 1263, the King, then at Dover, grants to Hamo le
Strange and others pardon for all transgressions which they had
committed in relation to the " statutes of Oxford" ^^* (the enact-
ments of 1258), and —
On Nov. 22, 1263, the King, at Windsor, appoints the same
Hamo to the custody of the Castles of Salop, Brug, and Mont-
gomery.^76
In December, 1263, reference of the disputes which had so long
, ^ Bymer's JEMera^ i, 425.
170 Pat, 47 Hen. HI, sub die.
^ Ibidem, memb. 6. This Ib the only
notice which has occurred to me of De
Somerf haying been SherifiT.
^ Cowtin. M. Paris, sub anno.
173 Bjmer's Faedera, i, 430. See also
Matthew of Wettmvngtery fo. 153.
17* Pat, 47 Hen. HI.
i7« Ibidem, 48 Hen. Ill, memb. 20*
BRIDGNORTH.
283
disturbed tlie realm was agreed^ by both King and Barons^ to be
made to the arbitration of King Louis of France. Among the
friends of Henry^ and who undertook that he should abide by
Louis^ decision^ were John Fitz-Alan, Roger de Mortimer^ James
d^Audley, Alan la Zuche^ Roger de ClifPord^ Hamo le Strange^
Roger de Somery^ and Roger de Leybume.
Peter de Montfort's name appears among those who similarly
obliged themselves on the part of the Barons. Louis^ awards
wholly in favour of King Hehry, bears date January 23, 1264.^7*
On hearing this intelligence, Simon de Montfort, Earl of Leicester,
and his party, flew into open rebellion. Two of the Chroniclers give
us a somewhat inconsistent account of their proceedings. —
One of these (probably a Monk of Worcester) records, under the
year 1263, that several Barons, among whom were Peter de
Montfort (our former Sheriff) and Robert de Montfort, son of Earl
Simon, attacked and stormed Worcester.^77 Tj^g ^^y given for this
capture of the '^ Loyal City ^^ is the 2nd of the kalends of March,
which (after lookiog to the context of the passage quoted^, and the
writer's mode of dating) will be equivalent to Feb. 29, 1264.
The Continuator of Matthew Paris states, under the year 1264J
that Earl Simon himself and the army of the Barons, after taking
Gloucester Castle, marched to Worcester, Brug (Burgiam), or else
Salop (sive Salopiam), and, easily taking and occupying them all,
went southwards and subdued the Isle of Ely.^^a
The result of the battle of Lewes (May 14, 1264) is well known,
and how the King became Montfort's prisoner for more than a year,
and yet the ostensible authority for all the Usurper's acts of govern-
ment. The trickery of issuing writs and patents in the King's
name was too apparent to impose upon any genuine royalist, and
»7» Bymer's Fcedera, i, 484. The
written date of Louis* award is 1263, but
this merely arises from the Dominical year
being computed to end at Lady Day,
instoid of Christmas or on Dec. 31.
^ AwnaU of Worcester (Anglia Sacra,
i, 495).
V9 Co«^. Jf. Pom (ed. Watts, i, 992).
The Historians of Shreioahury (yoL i,
'p. 126, note 1) suppose it. probable that
Montfort made himself master both of
Shrewsbury and Bridgnorth on this
occasion. They refer only to the words
of the Continuator of M. Paris, riz.
''Deinde processit exercitus ad Wigomiam
et Burgiam sive Salopiam, et eas leri
negotio redditas intrayerunt." Looking
to subsequent evidence of a better kind
than that of this non-positiye Chronicler,
I venture to question whether Montfort
obtained possession of the Castles either
of Brug or Shrewsbury, and, if of one of
the Boroughs, that one was not Bridg*
north. Dr. Lingard (vol. iii, p. 131)
has dated the affair in April, 1263.
284
BKID6NOETH.
our subject will give us some, opportunity of observing how sucH
documents were regarded in Shropshire.
First comes a Patent bearing date June 4^ 1264^ which appoints^
in 29 Counties, certain officers entitled " Keepers of the Peace/' *^*
The one appointed for Salop and Stafford was Ralph Basset of
Drayton. In no case is the Sheriff of the County addressed as to
any of these appointments, but the Nominee himself, who was
probably expected to supply the place and usurp the functions of
the lawful Sheriff. The Custos of each County was to return four
Members (knights) to the Parliament which was to meet at London
(m June 22 following. These Knights were to be elected '^by
assent of each County .'' Shropshire made known its sentiments
on this occasion by returning four members, who were pronounced
'' to be unfit, by Peter de Montfort.*' The Parliament, in feet,
never met, probably because a majority of its members were simi-
larly disqualified.
A Patent dated at Canterbury, 24 August, enjoins Hamo le
Strange to give up the Castles of Salop and Bruges, and the town
of Bruges, to whomsoever the King shall appoint by his Letters
Patent. The same Hamo, with James de Audley, Roger de Mor-
timer, Roger de Clifford, and Roger de Leybume, are also required
to deliver up their prisoners, taken at Northampton (those rebels
whom the King before his captivity had surprised in Northampton
Castle) .180
On Dec. 20, Hamo le Strange is again required to give custody
of the Castles of Salop and Bruges to Ralph Basset of Drayton.^^
On Jan. 2, 1265, Hamo le Strange and his fellow royalists are
invited to retire to L*eland, and stay there for a season. Safe con-
duct for themselves and families is graciously vouchsafed, as also
protection for their lands, men, and goods.^®^ — ^Whether any of them
actually went, is a question. Roger de Mortimer^s term for setting
out was extended by Patents dated February 5, March 2, and
April 8, foUowing.^®^
Meanwhile, on February 3, custody of the Counties of Salop
and Stafford had been committed to Robert de Grendon, who on
^ Bot Pea. 48 Hen. Ill, memb. 12
dorso.
i» jpat 48 Hen. Ill, dorso.
itt Fat, 49 Hen. III. The King was
at Worcester, where certain measures were
decided upon by Montfort for securing
his own powerand the continued subjection
of the King. These measures were pa-
raded in the King's name and called ** The
Provisions of Worcester."
*® Pat, de eodem anno.
^^ Pat, de eodem anno.
BRIDGNORTH.
285
March 7 is ordered to deliver that trust to Ralph Basset of
Drayton.^®*
On March 17^ Hamo le Strange and other Barons are again
assured of safe conduct to Ireland^ '^ though they did not cross the
seas at the time before fixed/* ^^^
On the 20th of May^ a Patent is addressed from Hereford to
Balph Basset^ Keeper of the Peace^ and to the Sheriffs of Salop and
Stafford. They are to publish the accord which had been concluded
between the Earls of Leicester and Gloucester; ''and whereas
Boger de Clifford^ Roger de Leybum, Hamo le Strange^ and others^
their feUow marchers, who ought, according to the Provisions of
Worcester, to have left the kingdom, have delayed to do so, in con-
tempt of the King, it is ordered that the said Gustos and Sheriffs do
arrest them and their abettors, if they busy themselves in averting
the minds of faithful subjects from the King, so as to disturb the
peace.'* Letters on the same matters were directed to the Bailiffs
and to the " good men ** of the King, and to the community, both of
Shrewsbury and Brug.^®^
I have not the least doubt that Hamo le Strange had kept posses*
sion of Bridgnorth Gastle through the whole period, — ^from his^first
appointment to that custody in November, 1263, until now ; and
this Patent is not the only evidence that the men of the Borough
shared in the same saga;cious loyalty.
The Bm^esses of Shrewsbury too were hearty Royalists, and
early assumed the offensive against Montfort's nominee. A
Patent dated at Monmouth, June 25, 1265, commands the Abbot
of Shrewsbury to enjoin the Bailiffs of that town, on the King's
behalf, that they give up to Ralph Basset, '^ Keeper of the Peace,
certain men of the said Ralph's, whom the said Bailiffs detain.^^^
9f
^ Po/. ibidem. Grendon*8 adherence to
the BaroiiB was of very ahort duration
(Vide Dugd, Warw. tit. Gfrendon). His
tenure of office was probably coincident
with his disaffection to the Crown. In
the Sheriff's accounts of 1267, his shrie-
yalty seems to haye been recognized as
legal, — a result rather of his subsequent
conduct than of his original appointment.
M6 Pat. 49 Hen. HI.
^ Fat, 49 Hen. HI. memb. 15.
The whole document is printed in the
Foddera (vol. i, 455). It alludes to the
recent landing of the Earls of Warren and
Pembroke, in Wales. Montfort's fears
and the hopes of the Bojalists were both
excited. The former had patched up a
reconciliation with the powerful Earl of
Gloucester, which he hastened to publish.
It was pretended on both sides. Glouces-
ter was at this moment arranging the
escape of Prince Edward, and it was
accomplished on Thursday the 28th of
this same month.
187 Pat ibidem.
286
BKIDGNORTH.
Montfort's position was now getting critical. Afnrtlier Patent^
dated at Monmouth^ three days later^ distinguishing Prince
Edward^ the Earl of 'Gloucester^ John de Warren^ William de
Valence^ Boger de Mortimer^ and James d^Audley^ as rebels^
says^ that they are making hostile occupation of Castles and Towns
throughout the kingdom^ and desires Simon de Montfort^ junior^
and other Keepers of the Peace to oppose and injure them in every
possible way.^®®
The prospects and position of these '' rebels " continued never-
theless to improve during the whole succeeding month of Jnly. On
the 1st of August, young Simon de Montfort suffered a surprise
and some loss at their hands, and remained shut up in his Father's
Castle of Kenilworth. The sequel'of the 4th is well known ; how
the morning twilight greeted the waiting crest of Prince Edward on
the upland field of Evesham, whilst the adjacent roads were occu-
pied by the contingents of Mortimer and De Clare; how the
evening of that day saw the corpse of Montfort slain and dis-
honoured. — A life of consummate selfishness and hypocrisy was
not to be atoned for, even by the noble heroism displayed at its
close.^®*
On the restoration, and till Michaelmas, 1267> when the Pipe
Bolls recommence, Hamo le Strange appears to have been the recog-
nized Sheriff of the Counties and Keeper of the Castles. He also
received other and more substantial marks of Boyal favour.^^^
In September, 1267^ the County was favoured by a Boyal visit.
The preparations at Bridgnorth Castle for the reception of both
King and Queen have already been noticed. About this time also
Walter de Hopton succeeded to the shrievalty, and was allowed in
the following year (53 Hen. Ill) a sum of i^O. Ss. 44., which he
had paid for com, oats, oxen, and sheep, supplied on the occasion
of the King's late visit.^®^ His custody of the Castile of Brug at the
same time has already bedn shown. The office of Keeper of this
» Sot. Pat. 49 Hen. HE, memb. 45.
^ It is well to state that the Annalists
of the period are yerj equally diyided in
their estimates of Montfort. On the one
hand, he appears as a traitor and insatiably
greedy; on the other, as a saint and
martyr. The more authentic national
records, from which I have quoted, con-
firm the former theory, but of course
leaye the latter untouched. Montfort's
greatest panegyrist among the Chroniclers
is the Monk of Melrose, who proves his
sanctity by several parallels between Simon
the Earl and Simon Peter the "Apostle,
and by a number of miracles which re-
sulted upon the death of the former.
(See Lingard, vol. iii, pp. 144, 149.)
»« Bot Pip. 51 Hen. Ill, and Bot. Fat.
sub annis 50 et 51.
>«i Liberat. 53 Hen. Ill, memb. 8.
BRIDGNORTH.
287
Castle seems indeed to have been involved in the Shrievalty for the
rest of the period which concerns us. On the death of Hugh de
Mortimer, in January, 1273, his successor, Ralph de Mortimer, was
appointed to his offices, both as Constable and SheriflF.^*^
We may conclude this account of Bridgnorth Castle with a few
statements, which were made on Nov. 29, 1274, before the King's
Commission of inquiry and by the Jurors of the Borough .^^^
In answer to a question, as to '^ how many and what demesne
Manors the King held in hand,'* they said that he so held, in hand,
and in demesne, the Castle of Brug. —
In reply to an inquiry as to the excesses of public Officers,
they stated that " Robert Trillec,^^ Receiver (for the Sheriff) caused
the Burgesses and Bailiffs of Brug to come before him in the
Castle ; the Bailiffs he detained, and, without the King's mandate,
imprisoned (against justice and the King's peace, and the liberties
of Brug), till a certain woman who was then confined in the gaol of
the Borough Liberty was transferred to his custody in the gaol of
the Castle, — and all this against the franchise granted to the said
town by Kings of England."
They also stated, that " the same Robert had maintained and was
still maintaining certain guards (Satellites), who wrongfully extorted
money from messengers and other travellers on the King's highway:
but the amount of their demands the Jurors knew not." ^' The
same Robert had caused these guards to seize Richard de Dode-
monston at midnight, and carry him about from one wDod to
another, threateniifg his life; which Richard offered a fine of
3 merks payable to Trillec, if he might be taken to the Castle-Prison
of Brug with his head on his shoulders (sine decolacone,^*^ i. e.
decollatione), which fine he also paid."
>" Blakeway M88, in Bibl. Bodl., ap-
parently quoting a Patent. The succes-
sion of the Sheriff themselyes at this
period is rery uncertain. As the matter
receives no light in connexion with Bridg-
north Castle, I willingly postpone its con-
sideration. I may, howeyer, state that
all existing lists of our Sheriffs in the
' thirteenth century are so inaccurate, that
the subject must necessarily recur to our
notice.
»« Rot Sund, ii, 88.
'** There is complex confusion about
this Robert Trillec and his Office. In this
passage he is printed as "Eobertus
Trillec, deceptor,'* instead of " Beceptor "
(Eeceiverof the County), and Mr. Blake-
way makes him Sheriif ^ in the latter end
of Henry III or beginning of Edward I"
(Sheriffs^ p. 7). His office is, however,
very ascertainable, and its period. He was
Under-Sheriff to. Clerk or Attorney of, or
Receiver for, Ralph de Mortimer, who
entered upon office as Sheriff Jan. 23,
1273. In that capacity Trillec will have
had authority over the Constables and
Castles of Salop and Bridgnorth.
195 This word is read " desolatione "
(Sheriffs, p. 8, note 1), and of course un-
translated.
37
288
BRIDGNORTH.
" The same Robert Trillec, Under-Sheriflf of Salop, concealed the
felony of Robert Coly (or Soly), a felon^ attached for theft, and
imprisoned in the Castle gaol, and released him without the King's
mandate and without trial, and has him yet with him/'
*^ Also, when said Trillec caused Richard de ]>odemonston and
Philip his brother to be arrested and imprisoned in Brug Castle,
their friends obtained a mandate of the King for delivery of the
gaol of Brug,^^ which mandate Trillec would not obey, till the
prisoners made fine of 20 merks, receivable by him, for enlarging
them under bail/'
Also the Jurors said that ^' when Reginald de CnoUe had arrested
a woman for theft, and taken her to be imprisoned in the Castle,
and presented her to Hugh de Donvile, the Constable, for that
purpose, the said Hugh would not receive her for imprisonment, till
Reginald had fined 2 merks, receivable by Hugh, and which he paid
him/'
The last extract gives us the name of a Constable of Brug^ distinct
from any SheriflFor Under-Sheriflf of the County, though probably
subject to both. A few other such Constables have occurred above,
such as Matthew in 1209, and Robert de Teneray in 1215. Before
we dismiss the subject we will refer back a little for the names of
one or two more such OflBcers, mention of whom in chronological
sequence would have interrupted the connexion of more important
matters.
In 1259 and 1262, Walter de Winterton was Constable of
Brug. On Nov. 29, 1259, he joined with others in taking one
of the King's deer. Not appearing to answer for this oflfence
at the Forest Assizes of February, 1262, the SheriflT had orders
accordingly.^®^
The next Constable who occurs was William de Wystaneston, who
joined William le Enfant, then BailiflF of Stottesden Hundred, in
imprisoning and extorting money from William de Hempton.^^®
William le Enfant himself, having been Bailiflf both of the Hun-
dreds of Munslow and Stottesden, was also sometime Constable of
Brug. He held the latter oflBce during the shrievalty of Walter de
Hopton (1267-8). His injurious and extortionate conduct was
reported, six years afterwards, both by the Jurors of Norley Regis
and Stottesden.^^ The latter also accused him of keeping a certain
^ Not for the " release of the prison-
ers" (as Sheriffs, p. 8).
*^ Plac. Forest, Salop, No. iy, memb. 5.
iw Rot, Hund. ii, 109, a,
iw Ibidem, 102, b, and 109, b.
BRIDGNORTH.
289
Approver^^ in the prison of Brug, who challenged Roger de Erdiwik,
an honest and innocent man. This was at instigation of John de
Bersempton, then Bailiff of Stottesden, who coveted some land of
Roger's, which the latter was thus forced to sell.
The succeeding Constable, Hugh de Donvile, was also Bailiff of
Stottesden. He held one or both offices in 1272 and 1273, and
the two in conjunction in 1274*. The power which he thus obtained
made him the subject of numerous complaints at the Inquests of
November, 1274. His excesses were not only reported by the
Jurors of Bridgnorth, as before particularized, but by those of
Ludlow, Munslow, Nordley Regis, Overs, and Stottesden.^^ His
assistants or servants are also named, viz. Hugh Bron, Thos. de
Midlehope, and GeoflBrey his brother. Donvile also kept an Approver
in the Castle Prison, '^ who impeached many faithful subjects and
harmless men for the sake of lucre.'* Nor did he only oppress the
innocent; for he allowed the guilty to escape. By his connivance
an outlaw named Henry le Pleidour, whom Donvile had arrested in
Shropshire, got off by giving a false name when arraigned before
the Justices for delivery of the gaol of Brug. Calling himself
John de Womburne, the criminal appealed to a Staffordshire Jury,
which, knowing nothing of him, acquitted him. The Stottesden
Jurors, who reported this, could not say what money Donvile got for
his connivance in the jqb.
About the year 1280, Hugh de Dodemonston was Constable of
Bridgnorth, Roger Sprenghose being also Sheriff of the County,
Thomas de Marham, Bailiff of Stottesden Hundred, and Nicholas
le Porter, Gatekeeper of the Castle.^^ —
At the Assizes of 1292, it appeared that the three subordinates,
viz. the Constable, the Bailiff, and the Porter, had been suspected
of letting a prisoner escape from the Castle. The j&rst (Hugh de
Dudmaston) was now tried and acquitted ; Thomas de Marham, of
whom we have heard before,^^^ had died in prison; the Porter,
Nicholas, had absconded (non est inventus) .
^^ The Approver (or Probator) was a
most formidable instrument of feudal
oppression. He was a self-confessed
felon, an informer, and a bravo. The
Jurists tell us that a person accused by
an Approver might, if he chose, be tried
by Jury; but the practical alternative
seems to have been that the defendant
had either to fight a duel with his accuser
or else bribe the said accuser's employers.
»i Ibidem, 99, b ; 101, b j 102, b ;
103, b ; and 109, b.
»2 Placita CorofUB, 20 Ed. I, memb. 18.
*» Supra, p. 193.
290
BRIDGNORTH.
THE BOROUGH.
The Borough of Bridgnorth is presumed to have been a founda-
tion immediately consequent on the transfer of the Castle from
Quatford, in 1101. Ordericus indeed, describing Earl Robertas
proceedings, says expressly that he transferred the Town.*®* We
shall presently see that King Henry I recognized the new Borough,
and allowed it certain priyileges; but whether these were defined
by Charter or left to be established by prescription, we have no
means of judging.*^
The confirmation of these privileges by King Henry II is extant,
and, as being the earliest written Charter implying Royal recognition
of any Shropshire Borough, deserves special attention.*^ Its pur-
port is as follows : —
'^ Henry, King of England, and Duke of Normandy and Aqui-
taine and Earl of Anjou, to his Justiciars and Sherifis and Barons
and Ministers and all his faithful of England, greeting. Know ye
that I have conceded to my Burgesses of Brugia all their franchises
and customs and rights, which they or their ancestors had in the
time of King Henry my grandfather. Wherefore I will and
strictly command that they have them, well, and in peace, and
honourably, and fully; within the Borough and without; in wood
and in field, in meadows and pastures and in all things, with such
comparative fulness and honour as they held them in time of King
Henry my grandfather. And I forbid any one to do them injury
or insult, in regard to their tenements. — ^Witnesses : T. Chancellor
and Henry de Essex, Constable, and William Fitz Alan : at Radde-
more.^' 207
»* Or<fcri«»,Ub.x,p.768. "Oppidum
Quatford transtulit."
^^ Mr. Hallam thinks that there are no
examples of ciyil incorporations in Eng-
land (except London), till the reign of
Heniy II (Middle Aget, i, 211), and this
say the historians of Shrewsbury is per*
haps correct. (Sittaiy of Shrewahwry,
i, 76, note 1).
** Shrewsbury was a much older
Borough than Bridgnorth, bat it has
no Charter earlier than that of
Bichard I.
^ This document is unquestionably
genuine. The original is not known to
exist, but its substance is embodied in an
ample Inspeximus of Bridgnorth Charters
by James I. A duly vouched copy of this
In^eximus is among the Muniments of
the Corporation, and is my authority for
all the Charters I shall quote, except that
of King John.
I
J
. BBIDGNOATH. 291
King Henry II did not date his Charterd^ but the period of his
reign^ if not the very year (1157) in which this one passed^ can be
ascertained by a redundancy of evidence.
E, G. No deed of Henry II, passing in England, can have been
attested by " T. Cane" (Thomas the Chancellor) except in the year
1155, or else between April, 1157, and August, 1158. —
Precisely the same limits may be assigned to aU English deeds
attested for Henry II by the two other witnesses ; for the King
was absent from England during all other periods at which Henry
de Essex was in favour or William Eitz Alan alive. The King, in
fact, was in Normandy from Christmas, 1155, till April, 1157, and
again firom August, 1158, till December, 1162. At the latter
period, and on Henry^s return to England, Becket was no longer
Chancellor, Fitz Alan was dead, and the disgrace of Henry de
Essex inmiinent. —
Of the three years (1155, 1157, and 1158) which remain at our
choice, the second (1157) is the most probable for the date of this
Charter. The unsettled state of Bridgnorth during, and consequent
upon, Mortimer's rebellion, puts the early part of the year 1155
out of question, and renders the latter part in^)robable. —
It was in autumn of 1157 that Henry de Essex is said to have
disgraced his office of Constable at Counsylth. His actual forfeiture
did not take place for several years, but his immediate loss of Court
favour is evident from the Pipe Rolls. When we add to these con-
siderations the fact that the SheriflF of Staflfordshire charges, in 1158,
for fencing the King's house and garden at Radmore,^^ and when
we find another Charter of Henry II expedited there, and which, on
independent grounds, we should date in 1 157-8,^^ enough will have
been said to warrant the conclusion that his Confirmation to the
Borough of Brug passed about 1157.
When, in the fiscal year ending Michaelmas, 1159, the Barons,
Knights, Abbots, and Burgesses of the kingdom had contributed a
royal aid in form of a donum, the only Boroughs' in Shropshire
2M Sot. Fip, 4, Hen. Ill, Staffordsliire. »» Monatticon, iv, 111, iii.
292
BBIDGNORTH.
which were assessed are found to be Shrewsbury and Brug. They
had respectively raised the sums of 60 and 10 meiks, and paid the
same, through the Sheriflf, at the Exchequer.^^
Again^ at Michaeknas^ 1160, the Boroughs of Shrewsbury,
Brug, and Newport had been assessed to a dbntfui, in sums of
40 12, and, 1^ merks respectively. Each had then paid half its
quotd, and the balances were discharged by each in the year
following.*^^
At this period, the /erm of the County, for which the Sheriflf waa
annually responsible at the Exchequer, stood at £265. 15s. Of this
sum, the said Sheriff was accounted to receive £20. from the Borough
of Shrewsbury, and £5. from the Borough of Bridgnorth. These
amounts he paid over to the Crown, and whatever he could get
more on each item was his own.
^^ The yearly Ferme of towns,'' says Madox,^* " arose out of
certain locata or demised things that yielded issues or profit.
Insomuch that when a town was committed to a Sherif, Fermer,
or Ciistos, such Fermer or Gustos well knew how to raise ihe ferme
out of the ordinary issues of the town, with an overplus of profit to
himself
(A source of yearly revenue which, in the year 1167, arose to
the Crown out of the Borough of Brug, independently of the
annual ferm, will be noticed hereafter. At present, we pursue
the history of that revenue which is technically called the *' firma
Burgi.'')
We have arrived nearly at the period when this town obtained
the great end and aim of all municipal bodies, the privilege of
paying its own ferm or chief-rent to the Crown, and so escaping
the arbitrary extortions of any Sheriff or other intermediate
officer.
At Michaelmas, 1170, the Burgesses of Brug and of Salop had
fined with the Crown in sums of 20 and 18 merks respectively,
'^ for having the ferms of their vills. Each had paid the said fine,
and was quit. The terms on which the Burgesses of Brug obtained
this privilege were, that they should pay 2\ merks per annum, in
»» Eot. JPip, 5 Hen. 11, Salop.
»i Ibidem, 6 and 7 Hen. II.
2H Mrma Bursfi,^, 261. Under "tJie
issue of Towns/' he mentions '* Assised
Bents, Pleas, Perquisites, Custome of
goods, Fairs, Markets, Stallage, Alder-
manries, Tolls, Whar£fige," &c. The rea-
der will judge which of these pro-
bably contributed to the **ferm of £5.
per annum," chargeable on the King's
Borough of Brug.
BRIDGNORTH.
293
addition to sucli ferm of their Town (viz. £5.) as was preyiously its
qnota in the general ferm of the County .^^*
The increment of 2^ merks^ due Michaelmas^ 1170^ is entered on
the Pipe RoU of that^year as being owed " through Hugh de Beau-
champ 'y^ and as no other notice of its liquidation occurs^ we may
presume that it was paid through that officer/^^ rather than through
the Sheriff of the County,
At Michaelmas^ 1171, however, the Burgesses of Brug account
themselves for £1. 13*. 4rf., the ^^ increment of their riZZ/' They
had paid it into the treasury, and were quit?^^
At the same time it is quite clear that the Sheriff continued to
receive the old/erw» of £5. per annum, and perhaps no more. — ^At
all events he accounted so much to the Exchequer in his general
ferm of the County.
This complex mode of accounting for the/cn» of the Borough
continued for four years longer, viz. 1172, 1173, 1174, and 1175;
the Burgesses paying their annual increment, and that part of
the Sheriff's account, which was termed the Corpus ComitatHs^
exhibiting no reference to the new arrangement.^^* But during
the last of these fiscal years, the Burgesses had again fined in
a sum of 30 merks and two coursers ''to have their town at
ferm.^^ —
And the full effect of this second fine becomes both apparent and
intelligible on the Pipe Roll of the following year (ending Michael-
mas, 1176) .2^7
Then, the Sheriff, being no longer in receipt of *£&. per annum
(the quota of this Borough towards the ferm of the County),
discharges himself of the responsibility, taking credit for the
said £5. (which ceased to pass through his hands) in form fol-
lowing : —
" And in the mil of Brug 100«. whereof account should be ren-
dered separately."
He was, in short, now responsible for £265. 15«. per annum, less
such sums as he was no longer authorized to receive, and among
those sums was the £5. in question.
Now too, and on the same Roll, the Burgesses render their first
annual account of the full ferm of their vUL It was 10 merks.
M' Mot, Pip, 16 Hen. 11, Salop.
^* For Hugh de Beauchamp's appazent
oonnexion with Exchequer, see Madox's
Statory of the Exchequer^ 145, note a.
^ Sot, IHp, 17 Hen. H.
^^^ Sotf Pip, de eisdem annls.
M7 Sot, Pip, 22 Hen. II, Salop.
204
BRIDGNORTH.
i.e. 7i merks (£5.) which they used to pay through the Sheriff^
and 2| merks which they had already paid for .five years them-
selves.
The King also begins^ at this juncture^ to issue writs to
the Burgesses^ which are in the nature of drafts on their annual
debt.
In this very year he directed them to make a payment ''in
corrody of his sister^ the wife of David ap Owen.''*^® And this
draft the Burgesses duly respected : they made the said paymient^
and took credit, to the value, in their own account with the Ex-
chequer.
Another and permanent payment which the King ordered
them to make was lOs. per annum, the tithe due from the Crown,
to the Canons of St. Mary Magdalene. This, hitherto an
item in the Sheriff's disbursements, was henceforth settled by the
Burgesses.
At Michaelmas, 1177, the Sheriff again acquits himself of all
concern in the £6. above mentioned,^^* and this exemption is either
directly entered or substantively reckoned in every Sheriff's account
for the next century .^^^
With regard to the '' fine of 30 merks and 2 coursers,*' by which
the Burgesses obtained their fiill privilege, they discharged it as
follows : — Before Michaelmas, 1176, they had paid £3, ISs. Ad. in
forther " corrody of the King's, sister:" before Michaelmas, 1177,
they had accoimted £16. 1«. 8rf. into the Treasury; and within
another year they had delivered two Coursers to the King himself,
and wer^ quit.^^^
Their annual /erm of 10 merks {£6. ISs. 4id.), less 10s, paid to the
Canons, continues on the Pipe-Bolls of the next century, and with
no variation, except when the King or Chief Justice gave a casual
order or cheque on this revenue, — of which more in its proper
place.
»8 DaTid ap Owen, Prince of North
Wales, had married Enuna, sister of
Zing Henry H, in 1174. {Diceto, 586.)
The Sheriffs of London charge in that
year £28. 17«. for her apparel and outfit,
as directed by the King. (JBof. Pip,
20 Hen. II, London and Middlesex). She
was a natural daughter of Geoffrey Planta-
genet. Iif this year (1176) the Burgesses
of Shrewsbury charge the Crown with a
Corrody (Entertainment) for the King's
sister, and in 1177, Henry gave Ellesmere
to his brother-in-law (^oo0c{9», p. 323, b).
»» Rot Fip, 23 Hen. IL
*" i2o^. Ptp. passim.
'^ Roi, Pip. de eisdem annis, Salop.
BRIDGNORTH. 296
TALLAGES.
Besides this annual contribution to the royal revenue, the Borough
of Bridgnorth, like all other demesnes ^^^ of the Crown, was assessed
to occasional contributions of a different kind. We have already
seen such impost levied under the name of a donum. At Michael-
mas, 1174, it is entered as an " Assize made throughout the King^s
demesnes in Salopescire by the Sheriff, under writ of Richard de
Luci/^ On this occasion Shrewsbury was assessed at j640, Brug
at £10, and Newport, Worfield, Claverley, Ford &c. in less sums.^^^
At Michaelmas, 1177, the tax goes under the name of ^^the aid
(auxilium) of the Boroughs and Vills of Salopescr* (assessed) by
Ralph Fitz Stephen" and other justiciars. To this Shrewsbury
and Brug contributed 20 merks each.^^*
At Michaelmas, 1187, the impost recurs under the title of ^^ A
Tallage of the King's demesnes and of lands which were then in his
hand;" but each item is said to be " de dono.'^^^^ Thus the Bur-
gesses of Salop render account of £43. 13^. 4rf. *^de dono'^ on this
occasion; those of Brug are assessed at 15 merks, the men of
Ludlow at 20 merks. Half of their quota had been paid by the
Burgesses of Brugj the other half, for some cause or other, remained
a debt tiU the year 1190-1, when it appears that the King (Richard I)
had excused it.
In 6 Rich. I (1194-5), the Tallage of Salop was £26. 13*. M., of
Brug J5.226
In 1199, two Tallages are entered as due. The first is expressed
to be for ^^ maintenance of 500 serving men.^' To it Shrewsbury
contributed SO^merks, and Brug 10 merks. The second, assessed
^^ The King had, strictly Bpeaking, no
demesne in Shropshire. Those Manors
and Boroughs which were called " ancient
demesne of the Crown" were really " an-
cient escheat." The distinction is fully
set forth hy Madox {Firma Burgi, p. 6),
but it was of no importance in cases like
the above.
2» Rot JPip. 20 Hen. II, Salop.
22* Ibidem, 23 Hen. II.
225 Ibidem, 83 Hen. II. Tallage was
that contribution or donum to the King's
revenue which was assessed upon his
demesnes or escheats ; the aid of those
who held lands by miUtary tenure was
called " Scutage j '* that of those who
held lands by other tenure was known as
" Hidage " (Madox's Uxchequer, p. 480).
The word " Tallage," is simply equivalent
to " Taxation," but it seems to have been
set or assessed on Boroughs and Manors
by Justiciars, who were to form their own
estimate as to the capabiHty of each con-
tributing body, whilst, in the case of
Scutage, one rule obtained throughout the
Kingdom.
226 Eot Ftp. 8 Bic. I, Salop.
38
296
BRIDGNORTH.
by H. Archdeacon of Stafford, rated the same Boroughs at £40, and
10 merks respectively .^^^
In 1203, Brugis assessed to a Tallage, at 10 merks.^^s
It is again assessed to this tax in 7 John (1205), and to two
further and distinct Tallages in the following year.^^^
In (16 John) 1214, Shrewsbury was assessed to a Tallage at 200
merks, Brug at 50 merks, and other demesnes at the same high
rate.230
We hear of no further Tallage till 7 Hen. Ill (1223), when
Shrewsbury had been ^assessed a^t 100 merks, Brug only at 10
merks.^^^
In 1227, the King^s demesnes in Shropshire were again assessed
to a Tallage, in what sums we know not ; but on April 5th, the
King^s writ issued to Henry de Audley and John Bonet, informing
them that he had excused the assessment made on the town of
Brug, except 50 merks.^^ Accordingly a memorandum to that
effect is entered on the Originalia Rolls of that year,^^ and the She-
riff, John Bonet, accounting for Henry de Audley at Michaelmas
following, enters 50 merks as the Tallage of Brug.^^
Thirty merks of this debt was unpaid in 1229; and in 1230, the
Town of Brug was again assessed, by Henry de Audley and William
Basset, to a new Tallage of 25 merks, Shrewsbury being rated at 70
merks.^5
The Tallage of 1235 exhibits Shrewsbury assessed at 100 merks,
Brug at 25 : that of 1242 shows the same Boroughs paying 40 and
20 merks respectively. Again, in 1246, they pay 60 and 50 merks
to a Tallage.
In 1249, they were again talliated; and in 1252 Shrewsbury paid
120 merks to a Tallage assessed by William de AxmoUth, while
Brug was only rated at 50.
In 1255, these Boroughs were assessed by Gilbert de Preston and
Robert de Grendon, in the proportion of 160 merks to 68.
In 1261, a Tallage, assessed by Ralph leBotiller and Robert de
Meisy, left Shrewsbury owing £\\7, 3«, 7rf., and Brug £51. 15«. 8rf.,
but these do not appear to be the amounts of the original assess-
ment.
In 1269, a Tallage, which had been assessed by the King's
827 228 229 Eot. Pip. de eisdem aniUB.
230 EoL Pip. 16 John, Salop.
231 Sot Pip. 7 Hen. Ill, Salop.
232 Clans, vol. ii, p. 180.
233 OHffinalia, 11 Hen. III.
234 Rot Pip. 11 Hen. Ill, Salop.
23* Mot. Pip. de eisdem annis«
BRIDGNORTH. 297
Escheator (the Prior of Wymundham), left Shrewsbury owing
£120, and Brug £4D.^^
Having now followed this subject of Tallages through a whole
century, in order that it might be presented to the Reader under a
distinct head, we revert to other matters aflfecting the interests or
indicating the social progress of the Borough during the same period.
At Michaelmas, 1180, the great Justiciar, Banulf de Glanvill,
having visited this County, left the Burgesses of Brug subject to the
heavy amercement of 20 merks. Their oflFence was " quia quandam
loquelam dixerint concordatam quae non erat^^ (because they had
reported a suit as compounded which was not compounded) .^^^ Of
this fine they had already paid half, and they discharged the balance
in 1181 and 1182, when the debt is entered on the Pipe Rolls as
being " pro falso dicto'^ (for a false averment) P'^
These particulars, apparently insignificant in themselves, have
yet their further meaning. — The Burgesses are amerced corporately ;
their Town was therefore already corporate. — They were amerced for
a dictum or return which could only have been made in their
Borough Court : they therefore had such a Court. — And this Coiirt
took primary cognizance of certain legal matters which were above
and beyond the usual routine of self-government : they therefore
had special privileges.
At Michaelmas, 1183, the Sheriff accounts 5 merks which the
Burgesses had fined with the Justices recently in eyre, in exchange,
or recompence, of certain assarts of the said Burgesses^ making.^^®
They had, in fact, put into cultivation, or use, some waste land^
which was so far deemed to be of the King^s demesne as that it
could not be occupied without license.
At Michaelmas, 1190, the Borough account of its ferm is cre-
dited with 2 merks. They had paid so much " under order of the
Chancellor (Longchanap) to Osbert Luvell, the Huntsman, to buy
him a horse.^'^^^
The earliest County Assizes of which we have detailed record were
those of October, 1203. On these occasions every Himdred or
Borough having an exclusive jurisdiction was summoned to send its
Jury. In this instance the Borough of Brug was so represented.
It is entered on the Assize Roll as the Hundred of Brug, which merely
implies that, at the time, it was independent of any other Hundred,
236 Ibidem.
237 Sot. Ftp. 26 Hen. II, Salop.
233 Ibidem, sub annis.
239 Sot Fip. 2 Ric. I, Salop.
298 BRIDGNORTH.
and was practically a Hundred in itself. The only matter of local
concern, which the Jury of 1203 reported, was that the "Assize
of Cloth was not held in the Borough/'^ The Assize of Cloth was
an ancient statute regulating the measure and price of such manu-
factures. Its non-observance in any Borough subjected the com-
munity to a fine; and 4 merks were exacted in this instance. From
the number of Towns both in Shropshire and Staffordshire which
were fined for the same offence on this circuit, we may conclude
that the matter was made one of general inquiry by the Justiciars,
not that the Juries volunteered these statements to the discredit of
their own communities.
The Stottesden Jury at these same Assizes reported that John
the Vintner of Brug had sold wine " against the Assize.^' His
offence and that of Roger Rotarius, another vintner of Brug,
resulted in fines of 6^. Sd, charged on each individual, not on the
community.^*^
15 June, 1212. The Prqvosts and men of Brug are ordered to
provide 10 of their fittest citizex^s with horses and arms, to be ready
to accompany the King in his transfretation on receipt of further
orders.^*^ These orders never came, for the King gave up his
foreign expedition.
In this reign a second Royal Charter was obtained for the
Borough.2^ It bears date at the New Temple, London, January
10, 1215, and is as follows: "John by the Grace of God, &c.
Know ye that we have conceded and by this our Charter confirmed
to our Burgesses of Bruges, in Salopesire, that they may go and
come through our whole land of England and transact all manner
of merchandise ; buying and selling and negotiating; freely, qnietly,
well, and in peace ; in fairs and markets, in Cities and Boroughs
and all places ; and that they be free and quit of toll and passage,
for all their merchandise, wherever they may pass throughout our
land of England, saving to our City of London its franchises.
Wherefore we will and strictly enjoin that the said Burgesses and
their heirs may have and hold of us and our heirs all the said
liberties and free customs, &c. And we forbid any one under pain
of our penalties to hinder, or attempt to hinder, the same our
Burgesses in the premises. — ^Witnesses : P. Bishop of Wiachester,
R. Earl of Chester, W. Earl Warren, W. Earl of Arundel, William
90
2^ Salop Assizes, 6 John, memb. 3
recto, and 6 dorso. ,
^^ Ibidem, memb. 2 dorso, and 6 dorso.
2*8 a<ms. i, p. 130
2« Eot Cart. 16 John, memb. 3.
BEIDGNOETH.
299
Briwere, William de Cantilupe, Thomas de Erdinton (then SheriflF),
and John Mareschall. — Given by hand of Master Bichard de
Mariscis, our Chancellor, at the New Temple, London, on the 10th
day of January in the 16th year of our reign."
It appears that the Burgesses of Shrewsbury contested the
benefits which this Charter was intended ta confer on the sister
community. They were forthwith sued by the latter, and an order^
of King John dated 26 April, 1215, appoints the men of Salop "to
appear before the King in one month of the close of Easter to
answer the Burgesses of Bruges " as to the hindrances which had
been offered to the latter in opposition of their chartered franchises.
On the day appointed (May 24) King John was at Beading, but
I can trace nothing of the issue of the suit on this occasion. About
the same time the Burgesses of Brug began to fortify their town
with a wooden rampart, a precaution doubtless suggested by the
troubles of the period. A report on the state of the Boyal Forests
drawn up in the year 1235 records that while Banulf Earl of
Chester was Sheriff (that is between the years 12J6 and 1223), and
before the town was encompassed with a waU, large allowances of
timber were made out of Morf Forest towards its enclosur^.^^
Among some old debts due to the Crown, and entered on the
Pipe-Boll of the second year of Henry III, one of 30 merks is
charged on the men of Brug "for having the King's Charter about
their franchises.^'^^ The Charter alluded to was clearly that of
King John above recited, and the debt was now discharged by instal-
ments. At Michaelmas, 1220, one-half, viz. £10, was still due.^*^
On May 10, 1220, King Henry III, being at Worcester, orders
the Sheriff of Salop to aid the Burgesses of Bruges in the enclo-
sure of their town, allowing them out of the 'Boyal Forest near
Bruges as much of old stumps and dead timber as would suffice to
make two stacks (rogos) . This was to be done with as little injury
as possible to the Forest, and Hugh de Upton and Boger de Bechesor
(Badger) were to be Visors on the occasion.^^
The King at the same time granted a frirther license to enable
the Burgesses to complete their defences. From June 24, 1220, to
3« Clous, i, p. 203.
2** De forestis awtiqvis. No. 13(-4p«<i
Turrimy Lond.)
^ BoU Pip, 2 Hen. Ill, Salop. Here
is another proof of what I hare before as-
serted, yiz. that the Exchequer business
from March, 1216, until September, 1217,
was wholly suspended (Vide supra, p. 2,
note 4).
2*7 Ibidem, 4 Hen. III.
a« Sot. Clcma. i, p. 418.
300 BRIDGNORTH.
the end of fotu? years following^ they were empowered to charge {d
on every cart bringing things into the Town for sale^ and^ if such
cart came from another County, Id, Other tolls were also specified,
on pack-horses, cattle, and barges ; and the whole license may be
taken as an early instance of those Royal Grants to take " customs'^
or '^ murage ^^ which we shall notice more summarily in the
sequel.^®
On June 26, 1220, the King made another grant of timber to the
Borough. The quantity allowed was to be the same as before, but
old oaks are substituted for dead wood. It was to be taken from
Morf Forest and under view of the King's " faithful" Hugh de
Bcckbury and Richard de Ruton (Ry ton) whom he had commanded^
by letters, to attend to the matter. They were to make taUy of the
number of oaks so taken.^^^
At the Shrewsbury Assizes, November, 1221, a Jury attended to
represent '^ the ViUate of Bruges together with the Hundred," by
which is simply meant the Borough and its Liberties. Among
" Pleas of the Crown " with which they had concern, they reported
one, wherein Andrew Fitz William, having challenged William de
Ingwardine for robbery, was dead. The Jurors moreover said, that
by judgment of the County Court, the parties had been bound over
to fight a duel in the case. The Justices hereupon caused reference
to be made to the County Court, which recorded that such a chal-
lenge had been made as the Jurors alleged, and that, whereas the
challenge involved mention of the King's Peace, they (the County
Court) had attached the parties to come before the Justices in eyre,
but that they had bound them over to no wager of battle. On
receiving this memorial the Justices found the Brug Jurors to be
in misericordid?^^ '
The above extract shows the inferiority of the Hundredal or
Borough Jurisdictions to that of the Great Court of the County and
the reference which each was obliged to make, in certain cases, to
the King's Justices.
At these same Assizes, the Jurors of Brug reported a murder in
their district, and a case of accidental drowning ; also that Henry
Bacun and John the Vintner had ^^ sold wine against the Assize.''^
^ The Borough of Shrewebuiy had a
contemporary and similar grant. The
particulars are giyen. Mistory of Shrews-
bury, vol. i, p. 96, note 1.
«> Clous, i, 421, 422.
^^ Salop Assizes, 6 Hen. Ill, memb. 9
dorso.
26* I have not been able to discover
what was the '* Assize of Wine" (the
price at which it might be sold) in 1221
BRIDGNORTH.
301
They further gave information of two cases of purpresture on the
King^s demense in Brug, for which fines were inflicted. One of
these, by Henry Dod, was the erection of a lodge close to the Castle
Gate. This, though punishable as ^. purpresture, the Jury did not
consider injurious; nay, they recommended that the lodge be
allowed to stand as a defence of the Castle Gate, — ^which the Court
sanctioned. But a fence which Geoflrey Aunketill had made was
both punishable by fine and, being injurious to the viW, was ordered
to be taken down. The Sheriff had instructions accordingly. Both
the fines were excused on account of the poverty of the parties,
.Under the head of " New Customs^' the Jurors reported that the
SheriflF^s Bailiffs called upon the Burgesses to make trace (pursuit,
hue and cry) through their town, and that this they could not do,
and that Robert de Shineford had lately fined them 40 shillings for
an omission of this kind. On this matter the Court reserved its
judgment.
The Jurors lastly made complaint, on behalf of their Burgesses,
against those of Shrewsbury, who would not allow them to purchase
raw hides or undressed cloth in the latter town, as they had been
used to do.^^^
ft
In November, 1222, the Borough of Brug was among those
whose Bailiffs were addressed qn the subject of the aid granted, by'
the King in Council, for the King of Jerusalem.^^* The clause of
the enactment which affected Cities and Boroughs was that every
person possessed of chattels to the value of half a merk should con-
tribute 1 penny.
This is the first positive recognition which has occurred of the
Bailiffs, or Provosts, of the Town; and we learn hence that its
or earlier. A year later (Feb. 1223) it
was generally limited by the King in
Coundl to sixpence the Sexta/ry (or
Quart), but this rule was relaxed for many
towns, and a price of 8(2. or XOd. allowed.
{CloMS. i, 568.)
M3 This matter ended in a law-suit be-
tween the Boroughs, if indeed such a suit
had not been commenced already and in
the previous reign. Pn the Quinzame of
St. Martin (Nov. 25), 1223, at Westmin-
ster, a Jury having been empanelled to try
" whether the Burgesses of Brug, from
the 9th year of King John to the 5th of
Henry,had enjoyed a liberty of purchasing
untanned hides &c. in the town of Salop,"
found that the said Burgesses had never
enjoyed such Hberty without paying toll.
So the said Burgesses took nothing (Flac,
apd, Westm. Mich, Tm, 7 and 8 Hen. Ill,
memb. 24 recto). The local importance
of this branch of trade is ftirther shown
by the Salopisuas having a few years later
(March, 1227), procured a Royal Charter
which empowered them to refuse traffic in
these commodities, to any who were not
in lott and scott at Shrewsbury (Historif
of Shrewsbury, vol. i, p. 102).
25* aaus. i, 668.
302
BRIDGNORTH.
municipal constitution was fixed at an earlier period than that at
which existent Charters would per se give us information as to the
personnel of the governing body.
On March 26, 1223, the King's writ to the Bailiffs of Bristol
informs them, that he learns from his Father's Charter the immnnity
from all toll and custom pertaining to the Crown, which the Bur-
gesses of Bruges ought to enjoy, throughout all the land and at the
sea-ports. The Bailiffs of Bristol are accordingly to allow this
immimity and not again offer the said Burgesses hindrance or annoy-
ance in the premises.^^^
Oct, 13, 1223, the King, being here, grants the Burgesses license
to take *^ customs" for three years for the purpose of walling their
town. This license will have commenced on the expiration of the
former one, t. e. on June 24, 1224.^^^
On Sept. 1, 1226, the King having just left Bridgnorth, and being
at Kidderminster, grants, that, till he come of age, the men of
Bruges may have an annual fair, to last for three days, viz., the
vigil, the day and the morrow of St. Luke the Evangelist, unless
some neighbouring fair be thus interfered with.^^^
On the 5th of April, 1227, the King renewed to the Burgesses
his Father's Charter, exempting them in precisely the same terms
from all toll throughout the kingdom, and alluding to the document
already in their possession.^^®
The following^ day he granted them power to take customs for
two years more, in aid of walling their town.^^®
• On June 20, 1227, another and totally new Charter passed the
great seal, which, as recognizing or conferring many privileges, wijl
require lengthened recital.^^^ It is as follows : —
Henry by the Grace of God, King of England, Lord of Ireland,
*» C7aiw.i,538.
356 Pat, 7 Hen. HI.
257 Clous, ii, 135.
*58 Certified Copy of James I*s intpexi'
mus of Bridgnorth Charters, in possession
of the Mayor and Corporation.
King Henry III declaredhimself of age
at the Council of Oxford (February, 1227) ,
and then announced to all priyiliged
bodies the necessity of having their
Charters renewed. A sum of not less
than £100,000 thus accrued to the Trea-
sury, and Mr. Hardy {Preface to Rot,
Cart, p. vi) considers this the occasion on
which the Charters, called technically
" Inspeximus Charters," may be properly
said to have originated. The document
under notice is however not strictly in
the form of an Inspeximus though sub-
stantively it is nothing else.
259 Fai. 11 Hen. III.
280 "Inspeximus" of Charters by James
I (ut supra). A Charter granted to
Shrewsbury, on the 20t.h of March pre-
vious, conveyed nearly the same privileges.
Many notes and explanations, applicable
to both, may be seen History of Shrews-
bury, vol. i, pp. 100-102.
BRIDGNORTH. 303
&c. to the Archbishops^ Bishops^ Abbots, Priors, Earls, Barons,
Foresters, Sheriflfs, Provosts, Officers, and all his Bailiffs and faithful
subjects, greeting ; Know ye that we have granted, and by this our
Charter confirmed, to our Burgesses of Bruges in Salopesyr, that
none of our Sheriffs shall in any manner intermeddle with them,
neither concerning any plea, or plaint, or prosecution, or any other
, thing to the said Borough pertaining, saving to us and to our heirs
for ever the Pleas of our Crown, which ought to be attached, by our
Coroners and by our Provosts of the same Borough, until the arrival
of our Justices.
We have granted also to the same our Burgesses and their heirs,
that they may have a mercantile Gild, with a Hanse, and otlier
customs and liberties to such Gild belonging, so that no person, who
is not of that Gild, shall transact any merchandise in the said
Borough, within or without the walls, unless by consent of the
Burgesses.
We have granted also to them and their heirs that if any one,
bom the Villain of another, shaU remain in the aforesaid Borough,
and hold land therein, and be of the aforesaid Gild and Hanse, and
lott and scott with the same our Burgesses a year and a day, with-
out being claimed, he shall not afterwards be recovered by his Lord,
but in the same Borough shall remain free.
Moreover Ve grant to our aforesaid Burgesses of Bruges that they
shall have Soc and Sac, Toll, and Team, and Infangthef, and that
they shall be quit, through our whole land, of Toll, Ls^tage, Passage,
Pontage, and Stallage, and ofLeve (Levy) and Danegeld and Gowyt
and all other customs and exactions throughout our whole land and
dominion, as weU in England as in all other our territories.
Moreover we have granted to our aforesaid Burgesses that they
and their heirs may hold in fee-farm for ever our Mill of Pendaston
without the town of Bruges upon the River Wurgh, with suit of the
town of Bruges and all other its appurtenances, rendering therefore
to us and our heirs yearly, by their own hand, at our Exchequer
£10. viz. at the feast of St. Michael 100 shillings, and at Easter
100 shillings.
Wherefore we will and strictly command that our aforesaid
Burgesses of Bruges and their heirs shall have the aforesaid Fran-
chises (which are rehearsed in part) and Quietances, for ever, well
and in peace, freely and quietly, honourably, fully, and entirely as
aforesaid, saving the Liberty of our City of London, and that they
may have and hold in fee-farm for ever our aforesaid Mills, &c. —
39
304 BRIDGNORTH.
These being Witnesses : E. London, P. Winton, J. Bathon, R.
Sarum, Bishops; H. de Burg, Earl of Kent, our Justiciary ; Hugh
Despenser, John Fitz Philip &c. — Given by hand of the Venerable
Father, Ralph, Bishop of Chichester, our Chancellor, at Westminster,
the twentieth day of June in the eleventh year of our reign/'
The principal feature in this Charter is the fee-farm grant of
Pendeston Mill. Many of the other privileges, even if now chartered
for the first time, for the benefit of the Royal Exchequer, must have
long existed, by prescription, in the Borough. Some of them too
were so antiquated then, that it may be doubted if the Burgesses
knew what was thus conveyed to them, and one of them {gowyt or
gayvnte) has not, as yet, found any plausible interpretation.
Denegeld too was a tax never levied at all after the reign of
Henry II, and of which there had been no general assessment for
70 years next preceding the date of this Charter. In short Madox's
observation on Danegeld and Geld involves the best comment on
several other expressions similarly introduced in these documents.
" These words '^ he suggests " were inserted pro formay amongst
several other words referring to Anglo-Saxon Customs which were
gone or going into disuse.^'^*
On June 28, 1227, the King's Precept issued to the Sheriff of
Salop, informing him of the liberties and quietancies which he had
granted to the Burgesses of Brug, and commanding him to have
the said Charter read in full County Court and to allow the Bur-
gesses to use their said liberties, and further to give them fuU seizin
of the Mill of Pendestan.2«2
Our former account of the Constables of Bridgnorth Castle has
shown how in the beginning of this very month of June, 1227,
Pendestan Mill, having constituted part of the salary of Thomas
Manduit, reverted to the Crown on the expiration of that Officer's
trust.263
At Michaelmas, 1227, the Borough begins to be chargeable with
a fee-farm rent of £10. per annum for this Mill, whilst, at the same
time, the Sherifi^, having no receipts from the said Mill, continues,
as when Thomas Manduit received the profits thereof, to take credit
for 8 merks (its reputed fiscal value) in his annual accounts.
At Michaelmas, 1229, the Sheriff so acquits himself of 16merks, and
the Burgesses, in addition to the ferm of their town {10 merks per
annum), render account of £20. or two years ferm of their Mill.^^
261 Exchequer, p. 479.
26J aaus. ii, 190.
2® Supra, p. 277.
26* Sot Pip. 13 Hen. Ill, Salop.
BRIDGNORTH.
305
«^--
And this rule obtained thraughout the reign of Henry III. But to
return — Stephen de Segrave and his fellow Justices sitting at Glou-
cester early in 1227 amerced the vill of Brag in 1 merk "for the
flight of Osbert le Puleter*'^^^ (a felon probably, whose escape they
had not prevented). This debt was still unpaid in 1231/^^ nor do
I find notice of its subsequent liqiiidation. A non-liability, to join
in pursuit (of felons) through the town, has already been mentioned
as claimed by the Borough. Perhaps the amercement now demurred
to, was a similar encroachment on their liberties.
, At Michaelmas, 1228, the Borough account is charged with an
accidental item, viz. £3, Is, Sd. which the Burgesses had paid into
the King's Wardrobe at Keri.^^^
In 1229 the Borough obtained a further grant of " murage.'^^^®
At Michaelmas, 1231, the m,en of Brug, in rendering accoimt of
the ferm of their town and mill, charge for carriage of 40 casks of
wine from hence to Castle Matilda and to Elvein, and for unloading
the rest of the King's wine and storing it at ^rug.^^*
June 15, 1233. — The Burgesses have license to take "Customs"
(towards walling their town) for three years.^^^
At Michaelmas, 1240, the Bailiffs of Brug render account of the
proceeds of certain wines of the King which the Sheriff had delivered
to them for purpose of sale, under a Boyal Order of the King's 19th
year (1234-5) .^Ti
Aug. 8, 1241. — ^The King, being at Salop, grants this Borough
license to take " Customs '^ or murage for 2 years.^'^^
In Jan. 1252. — A similar Patent occurs extending to 8 years.^^*
At Michaelmas, 1253, the Borough appears as owing 20 merks of
the Auxilium which had been levied " against the King's transfre-
tation into Gascony.'^^*^* This tax does not appear to have been in
the nature of a Tallage. It was assessed on Religious as well as
Municipal Communities, and also on individual Tenants in capite.
* »3 £ot Pip. 11 Hen. IH, Salop.
26« £ot Pip, 15 Hen. in, Salop,
287 Mot Pip. 12 Hen. IH, Salop.
-After raising the siege of Montgomery in
September, 1228, the King of England
encamped at Kerry, proposing further
vengeance on the Welsh. The scutage
levied for this expedition was called the
" scutage of Keri."
«» Rot Pat. 13 Hen. III.
^ Rot Pip. 15 Hen. Ill, Salop. King
Henry was at Elvein Aug. 2, and at
Castle Matilda (which he then rebuilt)
on Aug. 3 and till Sept. 11, 1231 (Com-
pare Sistory of Shrewsbuty, vol. i, p. 108).
«7o Sot Pat 17 Hen. III.
VI Mot Pip. 24 Hen. Ill, Salop.
272 J>at 25 Hen. III.
273 Pat. 36 Hen. III.
274 Mot Pip. 37 Hen- III. Salop. The
King embarked from Portsmouth Aug. ^
1253 (M. Paris).
306 BRIDGNORTH.
In Autumn^ 1255^ the twelve Jurors who had to make inquest of
several matters which affected this Manor^ Borough^ Liberty^ or
Hundred (for each of these terms is used to describe the Franchise)
were these^ viz. William Bonamy^ Philip de Petra, Henry Coynterel,
John de Castro^ Henry Ktz Robert^ Nicholas the Porter, William
le Palmer, Robert Dyer (Tinctor), Robert le Venour, Nicholas de
Sallowe, William Bolding and Hamo le Palmer .^^
Amongst their presentments were several which require mention
here: —
1 . ^'The vills of Quat,Mose, and Romesley were within the Liberty,
or did suit to the Hundred, of Brug.
2. The Mill of Pendestan once pertained to the Castle of Brag,
but the Burgesges now held it at fee-farm of the King, by Charter,
and at an annual rent of 15 merks (£10) .
3. The following Religious Houses had interests within the
Borough : — ^The Abbeys of Buildwas, Lilleshall, Haghmon, Wig-
more, and Crokesden, and the Priory of Wenlock, but the King
suffered thereby no loss either in wardships, reliefs, or tallages.
4. The respective tenures of the Knights Hospitallars, Knights
Templars and the Nuns of Brewood, within the Borough, were
exempt from tallage to the King.
5. The Tenants of the Hospitallers and Templars (three in num-
ber) were tenants for life. They did not allow themselves to be
tallagedy nor would they scott with the men of Brug for the trade
which they exercised in the houses thus held. Their exemption was
groimded on their vassalage to those privileged orders.
6. The Bailiffs of Brug having apparently distrained, for a debt
due to the Crown, in Mose, Ralph de Mose and John his son had
rescued the distress.^'
At the same time the Jurors for Stottesden Hundred reported
that there was no Royal Demesne in their district but Bruges, that
that town did not " answer with them " nor was the Castle thereof
reputed to be in their Hundred. ^^
At the Assizes of January, 1256, the Borough of Bruges attended
by its xii Jurors. The list, however, only enumerates eleven. They
were Philip de Petra and Almaric le Teynturer (then Bailiffs),
Walter le Palmer, Henry le Cointerel, William le Palmer, William
Bolding, Henry Fitz Avice, William Bonami, Robert Dyer, Robert
le Venur, and Robert Smith (Faber).*^?
27» Eot, Hund. ii, 59, 60.
376 Ibidem, pp. 82, 83.
^ Salop Assizes, 40 Hen. Ill, Placiia
CorotKB, m. 12 dorso.
BRIDGNORTH.
307
It is singular that four of these Jurors had been pledges for the
appearance/ before the Justices, of Alan Fitz William, a man who
having been accused of robbery and murder had absconded and died
in Ireland. They now however concurred in finding him to have
been guilty of the murder, they themselves being declared in miseri*
cordid for his non-appearance.
Further, two of the number actually stood indicted for being
accessory to the said robbery and for receiving the robbers. A
Jury of the Country, however, pronounced them '^ not guilty .^^^^s
At liiese same Assizes a cause was heard wherein the Plaintiff
sued for a messuage in Bruges under a writ which was in substance,
though not in form, a writ of " mort d'ancestre.'^ The Defendant,
taking no notice of the non-identity of form, pleaded at once that
the writ of '^ mort de ancestre " was not current in Bruges^ and this
plea was allowed, for the Plaintiff " toot nothing.'^^79
In August, 1256, the Burgesses obtained a license to take
'* Customs ^^ for 5 years towards walling their town; and in
September, 1257, this license was renewed for 3 years after expir-
ation of the five already granted.
But on August 16, 1256, the Borough, obtained its fourth and
fifth Charters from the Crown, and their contents must be fiilly
8tated.28o
The first^^ grants to the Burgesses and their heirs this Franchise,
viz. that neither they nor their goods, in any place of the King^s
dominion, shall be arrested for any debt, for which the parties (thus
threatened with arrest) are not bondsmen or principal debtors.
This, however, was not to operate in cases where, the actual debtors
^ Ibidem, memb. 10 recto {PlacUa
Coronai).
^ Ibidem, memb. 10 recto (Placita de
Jurat, et Assms), The Burgesses of
Shrewsbury were exempted by a special
clause in one of their Charters (Stst,
Shrewsbury, i, 86) from pleftding to a writ
of *'mort d'ancestre" concerning any
tenement within their franchise. The
Bridgnorth Charters, hitherto rehearsed,
oontain no such exemption for that Bo-
rough; but I belieye it was a privilege
which attached to all Manors or Boroughs
of " ancient demesne." The altematlTe
seems to have been the '* brere dausum
de recto," by which I understand a writ
addressed to the Bailiffs of the town en-
joining them to try any cause, according
to simple right and their own customs.
^^ Inspexvnms of Charters by James I
(ut supra).
^^ For an explanation of this Charter
reference is made to Lord Coke. 2d Inst,
p. 204. (Notes on Bridgnorth Charters,
by Thomas Mytton, Esq. Dated Shipton,
14 March, 1782).
SimUar Charters granted to Shrewsbury
on August 10, 1256, are commented upon
Sistory qfSArewshwy, yol. i, pp. 120-122,
and the various terms employed therein
are explained.
808 BRIDGNORTH.
being of the oommimity (of Brug) and hftving wherewitlial to satisfy
their debts^ in whole or in part^ the said Burgesses should refuse
justice to the creditors, and reasonable proof of such refusal could
be given. The Charter imposes a penalty of £10. on all who should
interfere with its provisions. It is dated at Woodstock and tested
inter alios, by Thomas Corbet.
The other Charter, similarly dated and attested, provides that the
Burgesses and their heirs for ever shall have return of all the King's
writs touching the town of Bruges and the liberties thereof; that
the Bailiffs of the said town may answer by their own hands at the
Exchequer concerning all their debts and summonses of the said
Exchequer, respecting the aforesaid town of Bruges; so that no
Sheriff or other, the King's Bailiff or officer, shall in Aiture enter
the said town, either to summon, or to distrain, or to do any other
things, unless by default of the Burgesses themselves ; and that no
Sheriff, Constable, Castellan, or other officer shall take any Prises
within the Borough-Liberties, besides those due and hitherto accus-
tomed, unless by consent of the owners thereof. It further grants,
that the Burgesses shall not be convicted by any strangers (forinse-
cos) concerning any rights, injuries, trespasses, crimes, claims or
demands upon them imposed, but only by their fellow-Burgesses,
unless in any matter affecting the (whole) community, and then in
that case they were to be sued in conformity with their approved
and accustomed liberties.
It also allows that the Burgesses may profit themselves of the
land and water within their liberties, without hindrance or claim of
the Crown or its Bailiffs, saving the purprestures, if any ought of
right to belong to the Crown; also that the Burgesses shall not be
distrained to buy the King's wines unless by their own will and con-
sent, provided however that while the King's wines are selling there,
all other sales of wine shall entirely cease within the Borough,
Lastly, it provides, that throughout the King's dominions the
Burgesses may hold all their liberties and free customs hitherto
used and approved, as they used them in the time of the King's
predecessors and himself. A forfeiture of £10. is imposed on any
infraction of the above privileges.
We have already^^^ had several hints of the loyal conduct of the
two great Boroughs of Shropshire while the King was at issue with
his Barons or in subjection to De Montfort. The interests of
^ Supra, p. 285.
BRIDGNORTH. 809
Bridgnorth snJBTered considerably, but its adherence to the cause of
monarchy remained unshaken. The particular conduct of the Bur-
gesses is unrecorded, so too is the precise extent of their losses, but
each received a genuine and comprehensive acknowledgment which
implies the broad fact of loyal devotion as surely as the minutest
details could do. In the close of the year 1265, their long expired
license to take customs or murage was renewed.^^ Now too the
King excused them four years^ ferm of their vill towards " the
repairs thereof, and in recompense of their losses.^^^^ This acquit-
tance was further increased when, in September, 1267, the King
was at Salop : but the extent of the royal gratitude will appear best
&om the Pipe Bolls. I have already aUuded to the fact, that after
Michaelmas, 1261, the SherifGs' accounts for Shropshire came to be
suspended for five years. An account was made in 1267, but omitted
again in 1268, and, as regards the Borough of Brug, no general
balance was struck till Michaelmas, 1269. At that time the Burgesses
accounted substantively for 80 merks, being eight years' arrears
ot the ferm of their vilL Out of this sum (viz. £63. 6s, 8rf.) they'
had paid 80^., or 8 years^ tithes, to the Canons of Bruges. Therefore
£4i9. 6s, 8d. remained to be accoimted for. They alleged royal
acquittances to. a greater amount, viz. £10. as excused by the King's
vnrit, for the losses which they had sustained in the time when the
kingdom was disturbed, and because they faithfully adhered to the
King J and to Edward his son, in the time aforesaid; also £64. of
the annual ferm of their town and mill, as excused by a similar
writ.
Therefore, under this item of account, the King appeared indebted
to the Borough in a sum of £24. 13^. 4id,; but the debt was
balanced in a subsequent section as to the eight jedo^^ferm of Pen-
deston Mill, which had similarly accrued against the Borough.^®^
At the County Assizes of September, 1272, the town appeared by
one of its Bailiffs, William Bolding, and by xii Jurors.^®^ The
names of the latter were, William Palmer, Roger de Mora, Hamo
Palmer, Henry de Arley, William Lambert, Roger Dyer, Roger
Chete, John Baker (Pystor), William Lantrey, William Bonamy,
Richard de Petra, and Henry de Porta.
Among their presentments were two cases of murder, one of
justifiable homicide, and some other matters, which will be detailed
« Bot Pat. 50, Hen. HI. 286 piadta Coroner, 56 Hen. Ill, memb.
2^ Blakeway MSS. 21 recto. The name written ** Lantrey"
2^ Eot, Pip, 58 Hen. Ill, Salop. is probably Cantreyn.
310
BRIDGNORTH.
elsewhere. They reported Walter le Palmer, Henry Cointerel, John
de Castro, and Nicholas le Palmer, for '^ having sold wine agauist
the A8siae/'287
At Michaelmas, 1273 (1 Edward 1), the Burgesses accounted for
four years ferm both of their town and null, viz., £66. 13*. 4rf. — ^They
had paid the Canons of Brug 4 years tithe, viz., £2. They had paid
for a cask of wine for Hugh de Beaumes, valet of the late King;
5 merks (£3. 6«. 8c/.) Also, they had paid to Nicholas de Denton^
Hermit of Mount Gilbert (The Wrekin), 13*. 4rf. for his support,
by order of the late King. They had paid into the Treasury and
Wardrobe at different times sums of £25. £16. and £19. 10*.
And they still owed 8*. 4rf.*^
Nov. 29, 1274, the Jurors of the Liberty, who made inquest
before the King^s Commissioners, were William de Cantreyn,
William le Palmer, William Bonamy, Henry de Amley, Emeric
(Almaric) Dyer, Nicholas le Palmer, John Geffrey, Thomas Tailor
(Cissor), Roger Chete, Robert de Bromleye, John Baker (Pistor),
and William Madoc.^® —
They returned their fee-farm rents of both town and miU as
stated above. —
They laid daim to suit of court fix>m the mil of Dodemonston as
belonging to their ri//, as well as all penalties, for blood-shedy or
under the Assize of Beer, incurred in that township ; but they said
that " Richard King of Almain withdrew said i^uit &c. £rom the
King, and from their Liberty, and that the Templars still withhold
them and appropriate them to Castle Holegod.^^ —
Also, Sir Roger de Mortimer, and his Seneschals had, ever since
the battle of Evesham (1265), withheld tdll (thounet^) of his men,
from the King, in the to?ni of Brug. — The Jurors knew not by what
warrant. —
They said that the vill of Brug, according to franchise, granted
to it by Kings of England, had return and ewtracts of turitSy and
other liberties, to wit, ff allows, and assize of bread and beer. —
^ Ibidem, memb. 50 dorso.
» Bot. Pip, 1 Edw, I, Salop.
2» Mot, Hund, ii, 88, where howcTer
the annual payment to the Canons is
printed as ZOs instead of 10«.
The privilege of having retwm and ex-
tracts of the King's writs prevented the
interference of the Sheriff in the concerns
of the Borough. Thus, if a writ directed
to the Sheriff affected the Borough only,
it must be handed over to the Borough
authorities to execute, and to make retwm
thereto. If it were a writ of more general
character, then the Borough was entitled
to an extract of so much as concerned
itself, and to which it would similarly
respond.
BKIDGNORTH. 311
They reported that Robert de Trillec (TJnder-SheriflF) had hindered
execution of a King^s mandate directed to him in behalf of a certain
woman, concerning a writ of dower, and had scorned to perform said
mandate, by which contempt the woman lost her costs and trouble. —
That John Baril, late Under- SheriflF, in virtue of his office,
unjustly distrained the men of Brug by their working cattle, for a
certain debt to the Crown, which the King's Bailiffs had previously
paid into the Exchequer and had had credit for ; and before he would
give up the cattle he levied 2d. a head on them. —
That the same John also upheld Ake and Myler, Jews of Brug,
in their false exactions against Henry Budde and Henry, Clerk of
Astley, and distrained the two latter, without precept of the King,
day by day, till he extorted from them £9 ; whereof said John had
£7. and the Jews £2.—
That the same John wrongfully sued Bichard Hendemon of
Brug, and distrained him till he got 4 merks from him ; as alsoibd
he get by false prosecution 80s. from Thomas Cysinham (Isenham).
That Robert Trillec in distraining for some levy^^ (in a case where
by the Borough Liberties, the Bailiffs of the town ought to have
extracts, and to pay and account for the levy at the Exchequer)
wrongfully took in distress the working cattle of the townsmen,
extorting 2d, a head before he would give them up. —
That Robert Trillec'^ Beadles for Stottesden Hundred extort
money from the merchants of Brug in the middle of the King's
highway, and detain them from proceeding freely on their road till
such money be given ; but how much had thus been given, the
Jurors knew not.
We will close this account of the Borough of Bridgnorth with a
few extracts from the Assize Roll of October 1292, when the Bur-
gesses were represented by their Bailiffs, Andrew Bolding and
Robert le Teynturer, and by xii Jurors, whose names were — Nicholas
Rondulf, William de Cantreyn, Walter Bolding, John de Kenefare,
Reginald de Leye, John son of Thomas the Tailor, Roger de Mora,
Simon Dod, Stephen le Tomour, John Crouk, Fremund de
Erdrnton, and Robert Crouk.^^^
They reported certain purprestures, viz., — That Nicholas Pule
had appropriated a part of the King^s highway, measuring 40 feet
in length and 1 foot in breadth.^^^ —
*o "In districtione Tiridis cer»" — a
matter of which I cannot find any ex-
planation.
»' PUtcUa CoroncB^ 20 Bdw. I, memb.
51 recto.
^ Ibidem, memb. 37 dorso.
40
312
BRIDGNORTH.
That Nicholas Brun had made purpresture on the King^s high-
way in the Castl^^ to the extent of 20 feet by 4 feet.
WilKam Pykemalot, Heniy Fitz Philip, William Fitz Alice, and
John Brun were reported as having sold cloth contrary to the
Assize.
So also " Nicolas Rondulf (a Juror) had sold 2 casks and Andrew
Bolding (a Bailiff) 6 casks of wine, contrary to the Assize/^
The Jurors also presented that Nicholas Brun, Goldsmith of
Brug, " bought old money for new," and likewise was a common
entertainer of robbers, who broke open Churches and stole the
vessels (calices) . " Nicholas had also stolen a sheep from Roger
Chete." To all this Nicholas replied, that he was a Clerk ; and
the Dean of Salop, as representing the Bishop, came into Court
and demanded him as such. Before he was surrendered to the
spiritual power, the Court, as usual, directed that a jury should
give verdict on 'the matters alleged against him. The jurors for
Stottesden officiated, and found him '^ not guilty^' on each charge.
" So he was given up to the Bishop " as acquitted by the temporal
Court.2»3
The Borough Jurors further presented that Nicholas Brun ^^ and
John de Cantreyn would not allow the King^s Bailiffs to make
distraint for a debt of the King or of any one else. Nicholas was
found guilty and ordered to prison, but afterwards compounded the
offence by fine of half a merk, Fremund de Erdinton and Roger
de la More (both Jurors) being his Sureties.
A statement of their fee-farm tenure by Charters of Henry III,
and a complaint as to Philip de Leinthale, Bailiff of Edmund de
Mortimer, having attached certain traders of their town, are the
only further presentments of the Borough Jurors which need be here
alluded to.
*" Though NicholasBrun would appear
to have been innocent of the principal
charges against him, his occupations seem
to have been anything but clerical. Yet
this man was the contemporary Incum-
bent of the Prebend of Morville, in the
King's OoU^iate Church of St. Maiy
Magdalene {supra p. 72).
^ This Nicholas Brun was undoubtedly
a different perlon from the Clerk above
mentioned, and a layman. He has abeady
occurred (supra, p. 114) with Alice his
wife in October, 1291. The said wife
surviving him (but called Avice) granted
to Edmund son of Nicholas Pahner cer-
tain rights in the High Street of Brug in
the years 1296 and 1297, (Charters at
Apley Park).
BRIDGNORTH.
313
The early history of the Boroiigh of Bridgnorth would be unne-
cessarily incomplete without some attempt to rescue the names of
its chief Corporate Officers from those documents which, in the
absence of all contemporary Municipal B^cords, alone remain for
our guidance.
In arranging the succession of these ephemeral Magistrates
according to such documents (chiefly undated), we must variously
depend upon proof, probability, and conjecture ; nor will our limits
allow us to particularize the reasons of those presumptive dates
which in some cases we shall have to oflfer. The list thus proposed,
whether complete or incomplete, must necessarily indicate the
chief contemporary families of the Borough.
Not having met with any Bridgnorth Charters of the twelfth
Century, when, as at Shrewsbury, the principal Municipal Office is
presumed to have been filled by an individual, nominated by the
Crown, and called Provost (prepositus) or Reeve, we descend to the
time (certainly not earlier than the reign of John 1199-1216)
when the Borough elected its own Provosts or chief Magistrates.
Their number at all such recorded periods seems to have been
uniformly two.
These Officers are in the first instance styled Praetors; — then
Praetors or Provpsts, indiflferently ; — thirdly, Provosts; — ^fourthly.
Provosts or Bailiflfs, indiflferently ; — and lastly, Bailiflfs only.^^^
Richard Fitz Stephen and William Fitz Godewin, Piletors.
These Officers attest a very early deed of the thirteenth century ^^^ which will
be more particularly alluded to when we come to speak of the Leper House
of St. James.
Alan Fitz Robert and Walter Fitz Robert, Praetors.
The first of these persons has already occurred, under date of July 1, 1221,
as being remunerated by the Crown for some injury done to his land near the
^^ In arranging a List of these Officers
X haTe generally followed the order sug-
gested by their gradual change of title.
It is, ^owever, quite certain that a result^
uniformly correct, has not thus been pro-
duced, e, g.f some of those who are simply
called Provosts, held office earlier than
some others who are simply called Praetors.
2^ Charter in possession of T. C. Whit-
more, Esq., of Apley. — In the subjoined
list, by far the greater number of names
are supphed from the Muniments at Apley.
I need therefore only to give other refer-
ences where a diiSbrent authority has been
available.
314 BRIDGNORTH.
Oaaile.*'^ Some fiuther aooount has yet to be giren of his famOj md their
tenure in capite arising out of the said compensation.
The second-named PreBtor will presently occur under his professional name
of Awrifaher (Gk)ldsmith).
Hamo le Palmer and Roger Fitz William^ Frjbtors.
The family of Palmer was at this period by far the wealthiest in the Borough.
A further and fuller aocoimt of them must be given elsewhere. The first
notice of Hamon le Palmer is his attestation of the early deed above men-
tioned, in which he is described as Hamund Fitz Walter.
Hugo de Eudon and Simon de Abbatia^^^ FiLfiTORS.
Eltas Fitz William and William Aurifaber, Pr^tors.
It is nearly certain that these were in office after Philip Fitz Robert and
Terricus Fitz Reginald, mentioned below, but who are in on^ instance styled
FroYOsts.
Walter Aurivaber and Adam Logain^ Prjbtors or Provosts.
Philip Fitz Robert and Terricus Fitz Reginald^ Prjetors or
Provosts.
As these were probably in office before two who hare been mentioned aboye,
so they were certainly later than two who will occur below, viz. Walter le
Palmer and Wm. le Bemer, who, however, are only called Provosts.
Hamo le Palmer and Reginald le Gaugt^ Prators or
Provosts.
The second was murdered in 1260 or 1261. His femily and connexions, with
the proceedings consequent on his death, will form the subject of a detailed
statement hereafter. The dates obtained therewith are a most useful guide
for distinguishing Borough Deeds of the first half of the century firom those
of the last.
Henry Coynterbl and Robert Tinctor, Piletors or Provosts.
These were in office after 1261, and so, later than many who are only called
Provosts.
Walter le Palmer and William lb Berner^ Provosts.
Walter le Palmer was Brother of Hamon, above mentioned, and founder of a
distinct family.
Henry Bacun and Roger Fitz William, Provosts.
WilliamFitz Stephen Ordrich and Robert Tinctor, Provosts.
The names of these two Magistrates occur as first witnesses of a deed (in
Mr. Blakeway's MSS.) wherein the former sells for 12#., and the latter
purchases firom his Colleague, a rent of ITd. issuing out of a messuage in
Hungary Street.
William Aurifaber and Adam Looain, Provosts.
»7 Supra, pp. 256, 256. 298 Elsewhere called « Simon de Ceno-
bio"(infiTSp. 367).
BRIDGNORTH. 316
William Fitz Hamon (le Palmer) and Nicholas de Petra,
Provosts. i
Hamo le Palmer was living at the time when the deed attested by these
FroTOsts passed ; ia fact he and his brother Walter are the third and fourth
witnesses, and Begmald le Gbugy the fifth.
Philip de Petra and John Fitz Robert^ Provosts.
The deed {tttested by these Officers is clearly of date 1250 or 1251. It
grants, to Walter le Palmer, a 10 years' lease commencing Dec. 25, 1250, and
confirms a 12 years' lease which had taken date from Michaelmas 1250, and
one of the parties to which was dead. It also mentions lands of Alice de
Ghiugy ; and she was the widow of Reginald above mentioned.
Hamo le Palmer and * * ^ Provosts.
The presumption that Hamo le Palmer was again in office ia 1251 or 1252
arises thus. — He accounts at Michaelmas of the latter year, at the head of
the community, for the proceeds of the sale of the Sing's wines.'^ The
contemporary accountants for similar sales at Shrewsbury are known to have
been Fellow-Provosts of that town. I have not, however, seen any deed,
attested by Hamo le Palmer as Provost, which I can associate with this
precise date.
William Bonamy and John Tinctor, Provosts.
These must have been in office between 1251 and 1256. At the Assizes of
January 1256, John Tinctor was certified to be so infirm as not even to be
carried.
Philip de Petra and Almaric le Teynturer, Bailiffs.
These are expressly mentioned as in office at the Assizes of January, 1256.
I have not found them attesting any deed, but if they so occur it will pro-
bably be under the designation of Provosts.
Philip de Petra and William Bolding^ Junior, Provosts.
These occur in one deed as Philip super Petram and William Holding. The
latter will be another instance of a son's holding office in the lifetime of his
father. PhiUp de Petra (so often Provost) occurs under various designations
besides those just mentioned, viz. Philip Fitz Kobert, Philip de la Pere
(Pierre), and Philip de Stone.
William Bonamy and Richard Fitz Eve, Provosts, —
are probably identical with —
William Bonamy and Richard Arnichun, Provosts.
William Palmer and William Lambert, Provosts.
The former is called in some deeds WiUiam Fitz Hamon. His fi&ther,
Hamon, seems to have been stHl living at this second period of the son's
office, which probably is of date 1259. A dee^^ attested by these Provosts
covenants payment of a sum of money on Sept. 8, 43 Hen. Ill, and Nov. 1
following, ia even portions, t. e, on Sept. 8 and Nov. 1, 1259. At that period
Henry III was entering his 54ith year of age, and it is presumed that his
regnal years cannot have formed the basis of any very long anticipatory
date.
2W :Boi, Pvp, 36 Hen. Ill, Salop. »» Vide infra, p. 357.
816
BRIDGNORTH.
Philip de Petra and Robert Tinctor^ Provosts.
Henry Coynterel and Walter le Palmer;
My only authority for mserting them as Provosts at this period is, that in
1261, they appear on the Pipe Boll as accounting with the rest of their com-
munity (cum cteteris hurgensibus) for sale of the King's wines at Brug.
Almaric Tinctor and Richard Hendemon^ Provosts.
William Palmer and Henry db Arleg^ Provosts.
They were in office March, 1265, and so wiU have been at the head of their
community at the time when it earned the acknowledgments of the Crown for
its steady loyalty.
Roger de Mora and Henry de Arley^ Provosts.
Richard de la Pere and Almaric le Teynturer.
Whom I presume to have been fellow-Provosts at a time previous to August,
1267, when they were fined for some common offence.^^
Roger de Mora and Richard Hendemon^ Provosts.
They attest a seven years* lease, commencing Feb. 2, 1270,'''^ at which time
I presume them to have been in office.
William Bonamy and Henry de Arley^ Provosts.
William Bolding and * * * Bailipfs.
Williain Bolding is mentioned as Chief Bailiff (Oapitalis Ballima) at the
Salop Assizes of October, 1272. His Colleague is not named on that occasion.
It was probably Roger de la More, Junior, and I take them both to have
lately entered upon office j for —
William Bolding and Roger de la More^ Junior, Provosts, —
attest a deed, already set forth, which must have passed in September, 1273.^
Roger de Mora, Junior, and Wm. Bolding, Provosts, or Roger Fitz Roger
de More and Wm, Bolding, further attest a number of deeds to which I
assign the same date.
In November 1274, Roger Juvenis de la More was the subject of a
complaint by theNordley Jurors, alleging his undue exercise of authority as
Bailiff of Brug.3M
It is observable that neither he nor V^iUiam Bolding officiated at the
contemporary Borough Inquest as Jurors. Some of the matters of enquiiy
proposed on the occasion, touched the conduct of all such Magistrates, and
coidd not have been answered by themselves vrith propriety.
John Geffrey and Henry de Arley^ Provosts.
Apparently these were in office in 1276.
»i FlacUa, 51 Hen. Ill, Salop (Bot
^. 53Hen. lU).
*8. Blakeway MSS. The deed is illus-
trativeof local peculiarities still observable.
— Richard son of William de Pencris
conveys to William Orped, the Fisher-
man, for 4f ., his subterranecM house, under
the mount, towards Severn ; to hold from
the Purification of the Virgin 54 Hen. HI
for seven years; rendering 12d. for the
first three years, the rest of the rent being
already received {i,e, the four shillings first
named).
«» Supra, p. 216.
»* Bot Svnd. ii, 103.
BRIDGNORTH.
317
Roger de More and William Boldino^ Provosts or Bailiffs.
These were probably the same persons who had been together in office before,
but one of them seems to have changed his designation, most Ukely by the
intervening death of his father. Their present period of office may be dated
by their attestation of a deed which ihust have passed in November 1277.
William Bonami and Roger Feyrchild, Provosts.
Their period of office has been already surmised as about 1280, and the
authority given for placing them on the list.**
Roger de la More and John Pistor^ Bailiffs.
John Geffrey and Robert lb Knit, Provosts.
Richard de Petra and John Geffrey, Provosts.
Richard de Petra and John Geffrey, Provosts.
Ralph Bolding and Robert Tinctor, Provosts.
The deed which mentions them has been cited.*'®
Andrew Bolding and Robert le Teynturer, Chief Bailiffs,
were in office under that title October 6, 1292, when they served at Salop
Assizes, with twelve Jurors of their Borough.^
They also attest, as Provosts, several deeds bearing dates of Jan. 19, 1293 ;
Feb. 17, 1293; Feb. 25, 1294 ; and June 3, 1294. They will, therefore, have
held joint office for at least two years, and, as I presume, from Michaelmas
1292 to Michaelmas 1294.
In the following year Andrew Bolding represented his Borough in another
way, viz. as one of its first recorded members of Parliament. This Parlia-
ment was summoned to meet in November 1295. The Manucaptors of
Andrew Bolding and Fremund de Erdinton (the Members) were Robert
Tinctor, Robert Crowk, John Glydde, and Roger Bonamy.
Roger de Mo|la. and John Glidde, Provosts, or Bailiffs.
They occur, as in office, August 15, 1295, and January 3, 1296 ; and were so
probably for two years, viz. from Michaelmas 1294 to Michaelmas 1296.
In the first instance they are styled Bailiffs, and in the last Provosts. *
William Selymon, alias Tinctor, and Richard Robert/^
Provosts, —
held office, I think, for at least three years, viz. from Michaelmas 1297 to
Michaelmas 1300. They are principal witnesses of a deed dated October 4,
1297, but are not styled Provosts therein. They attest, as Provosts, a deed
of Not. 25, 1298, and another which, being dated in 28 Ed. I, must have
passed subsequently to Not. 20, 1299.*''
805 Supra, p. 113.
** Supra, p. 114.
W Placita CoroncB, 20 Ed. I, Salop.
** During tlinBprepositure the Borough
returned Roger Bonamy and Thomas de
Isenham as Burgesses of the Parliament
which was summoned, for May 25, 1298,
to York. Their Manucaptors were John
G-lydde, Simon Dod, Roger de la More,
and Andrew Bolding. (Parliamentary
Writs, voL i, p. 74»)
»» Blakeway MSS.
318
BRIDGNORTH.
Roger Bonamt and John Broun^ Provosts^ —
held office for two yean, and oocnr in deeds of Sept. 80, 1300. March 4 and
April 16, 1302. Roger Bonamj was with Richard Robert, returned as
Burgess for the Parliament which was summoned to meet at Lincoln on
Jan. 20, 1301.*^^ Probably they had been originally returned to the Parlia*
ment which had summons to London for March 5, 1300. In either case we
have a Burgess of Parliament identical with an acting ProYOst of the Borough.
For the Parliament which was summoned to London, for Sept. 29, 1303,
and adjourned to October 14, these Provosts were both retumed,^^' but at
the same time seem to haye quitted their municipal office for —
BooER, D£ LA MoRE and William de la Hull^ Provosts^ —
occur in deeds of August 10 and October 2, 1303, and Aug. 10, 1304.
Their term of office will therefore have been from Michaelmas 1302 to
Michaelmas 1304.
BooER DE LA MoRE and Nicholas Bandulv^ — •
occur as principal witnesses of a Borough Deed which passed July 2, 1305 ;
and —
Nicholas de Ftchford and Beoinald de Leye^ Provosts^ —
attest deeds of Oct. 8, 1306, and Aug. 28, 1307.
PROVOSTS IN TIME OF EDWARD H.
Nicholas Bondulf and William de la Hullb^ —
occur Deo. 20, 1308, March 15, 1309, Sept. 1, 1310.
BoGER DE Mora and Nicholas Bondulf^-
occur Sept. 29, 1311.
Edmund le Palmer and Bichard Bobert^ —
occurFeb. 26, 1312.
BoBERT LE Palmer and William Selymon^ —
occur June 18, 1313.
BooER DE Mora and Bichard Bobert^ —
occur July 7, 1314.
William de Asheborne and Bobert le Palmer^ —
occur Oct. 18, 1314, and May 21, 1315.
Bobert le Palmer and John Fitz William Goldsmith (Auri-
fabri), —
occur Not. 9, Dec. 23, 1315, and Jan. 26, April 3, June 6, and Sept. 29, 1316.
Nicholas Bondulf and Bobert le Palmer^ —
occur Oct. 8, Not. 28, 1316, and April 24, May 2, 1317.
8W Parliamentary Write I, 98. Their
Manucaptors were Alan Wade, of Brug,
Robert de Swancote, John Glydde and
Robert le Deystere.
»" lbidem,p. 126. Their Manucaptors
were Nicholas leRede, Nicholas Selymon,
Stephen Pennynge and William Keukyn.
BRIDGNORTH. 319
John Glydde and John Crouke, —
occur Feb. 10, July 11, 1318, and May 27, 1319.
Nicholas Rondulf and Reginald de la Legh^ —
occur July 19 and Aug, 2, 1321.
Nicholas Rondulf and Edmund le Palmer^ —
occur Oct. 16, 1321, and March 31, 1322.
Edmund le Palmer^ and John Rondulf, —
occur April 23 and July 2^ 1323.
John Crouke and John Glydde, —
occur April 14 and Sept. 29, 1324.
Henry Canne and Simon Dod, —
occur Not. 30, 1324, and Jan. 7, May 4, 1325.
Robert de Sergham and Simon Aurifaber, —
seem to have been in office on the accession of Edward m, Jan. 25, 1327.
I will continue a list of these Magistrates for those few years of
Edward III^s reign, during which they continued to be called
Provosts : —
Robert de Bergham and Simon Aurifaber, —
occur March 29, May 9, and June 30, 1327.
Robert le Palmer and William de Bergham^ —
occur May 19, Sept. 11, 1328, and July 1, 1329.
John Rondulf and Robert le Palmer, —
occur Sept. 3, 1330.
Robert le Palmer and Simon le Gk)LDSMYTH, —
occur March 26, July 3, and Sept. 22, 1331.
John Gltddb and John Rondulf, —
occur Not. 3, Dec. 4, 1331, April 19, 1332, Oct, 30, 1333, and July 31,
Sept. 15, 1334.
William Selymon and John de la Leghe^ Bailiffs, —
were in office Sept. 30, 1334.
These Officers thus begin to be called Bailiffs in private deeds
of the 8th year of Edwaird III (1334), but their old style of
" Provosts " is occasionally recurred to in subsequent years, viz. in
1339, 1340, and even in 1360.
The following list of Burgesses op Parliament returned by
this Borough, during the reign of Edward II, should perhaps
accompany, that of the Provosts. It is merely an abstract of a
list already printed.^^^
'^ ParliAmentary Writs, vol. ii, Division I, p. clxvi, and Division II p<usim.
41
BRIDGNORTH.
HP-Mp-fiCiSCIMJHPtMWP CIS IS
II 1 1 1 1 f I i 1 1 1 II a I
BRIBGNORTH.
321
THE CHURCH OF ST. MARY MAGDALENE.
Earl Robert's removal of the Borough and Castle of Quatford to
Bridgnorth naturally led to the further transfer of the Collegiate
Church, so richly endowed by his Father. The Parish Church of
Quatford indeed remained ; nor does the new Collegiate establish-
ment appear to have originally combined any parochial cure : in
fact it was built within the precincts of the Castle, a situation little
consonant with any such responsibility .^^^
Not a vestige of the history of this Church, or Chapel, remains
for the first half century after its removal from Quatford, nor can
we expect any further discoveries as regards that period.
We have already seen that Earl Roger, endowing his Church of
Quatford, granted to it, inter alia, a third of the tithes of Morville.
It is also clear that the site of Bridgnorth must have been in the
Domesday Parish of Morville, and so possibly this, the EarFs
original grant of tithes, may have been apportioned on the sub-
sequent Borough. Either in that way, or by some further grant of
King Henry I, certain it is that, on the accession of Jlenry II, the
Canons of Brug were entitled to a recognized composition or annual
payment in lieu of the tithes of the King's demesne, which the
Borough then was.
This sum, 10s. per annum, was paid to the Canons by the
SheriflF, and, in turn, charged by him on the Crown in his ac-
count for the year ending Michaelmas, 1156.^^* It so continued
to be paid and charged in each annual account of the Sheriff till
the year 1176, when, in consequence of an arrangement before
jarticularized,^^^ the Burgesses were authorized to pay it, and to
«3 The Chapel of St. Michael, in
Shrewsbury Castle, was in some respects
a similar, though less richly endowed
foundation than that of St. Mary Magda-
lene. The Historians of Shrewshwry
(vol. ii, pp. 303, 417) seem to have held
that a Parish was attached to the former
from the earliest period. Gl^e eridence
given hardly confirms such a yiew. I am
however quite ignorant of the period when
a district, with cure of souls, was first
assigned to either Chapel. Certainly a
petition of the Burgesses of Brug was pre-
sented to the Parliament of Winchester
in' 4 Ed. Ill (1330) praying that they
might hare the use of the King's Chapel
as a Parish Church. This is a proof that
no such use had been previously made of
the Chapel, nor do I think that the petition
had any effect even then.
3M Eat. Pip. 2 Hen. II, Salop.
815 Supra, p. 294. It should be observed
that as long as the Sheriff paid this
annuity he entered it under the title of
"appointed ahns," not " tithes."— -" Et
in elcmosynis iconstitutis — Canonicia de
Brug, X.S."
This was rather with a view to con-
322
BRIDGNORTH.
enter it as a set-off in their own current accounts with the
Exchequer.
No further change in this respect was made during the period of
our present inquiry.
The Church, thus recognised by Henry II, fifty years after its
foundation, continued to enjoy all those privileges and immunities
which attached to Royal Free Chapels. Some of these privileges
have already been noticed under the respective lists of Prebendaries;
others will now have to be detailed. The general constitution of
the Church, with that one peculiarity which distinguished it from
all other Royal Chapels, have been set forth in the words of John
Bromton,^^^ whose account needs neither addition nor correction
on this head.
His statement as to the independent relations which existed
between the Dean and Prebendaries is, however, confirmed by a
verbal coincidence, too curious to be passed by ; viz. that the Col-
legiate body is frequently described as consisting of six Pre-
bendaries, i. e. The superiority of the Dean, a nominal one only, is
as often forgotten as remembered.
About the year 1196 this Church, or rather, its Dean, Simon, was
involved in a contest with Wenlock Priorv, as to the Advowson of
Dudinton (Priors Ditton). This Advowson was no part of Eari
Roger^s original endowment of St. Mary Magdalene, and the
grounds of the Dean's claim, which seems to have been the weaker
of the two, are not stated. The composition which ensued left
Ditton Church with the Priory, but the Dean and his successors
were to receive an annual acknowledgment of two pieces of gold, at
Michaelmas, from the Priory.^^^ This indefinite sum does not
enable us to conjecture the strength of the claim which it repre-
sented.
At the Salop Assizes, Nov. 1221, the Jurors of the Borough and
Hundred of Bruges returned the Church of Saint Mary of Brug
yenient classification (the Sheriff being
charged with payment of other BoyaJ
Alms) than to correctness. When the
Burgesses begun to pay the annuity, in
1176, they always entered it under the
title of " appointed tithes." " In decimis
constitutis."
316 Supra, p. 107.
817 MofUMticon, vol. v, p. 74. Note 7.
The deed of composition is translated, but
not accurately. The Pope who appointed
the Arbitrators was Celestine III (elect<ed
March 29, 1191, died Jan. 8, 1198). This,
with other limits, impUed by the names
of the Arbitrators and Witnesses, gives
within a year the date laid down in the
text. If the two pieces of gold were two
merks of gold, then the composition for
tlie Dean's claim was considerable, viz.
£13. 6*. Sd.
BRIDGNORTH.
323
as of the King's gift, and that there were six Prebends therein,
which six Clerks held, by gift of the King and his ancestors.^^^
A similar presentment at the Assizes of October, 1227, calls the
Church, more correctly, that of St. Mary Magdalene of Bruges,
and mentions six Prebends.^^®
17 Feb. 1228. 'The King's precept issued to the SheriflF of
Salop commanding him to allow to this Chapel all tithes of the
King's demesnes of Brug, in Fairs and MiUs,^^®
13 Nov. 1234. The King, by Charter dated at Westminster,
grants to his Canoi^ of Brug, that they and their successors and
their men, holding under them in their Prebends, shall be* quit of
all suits to the Courts of either County or Hundred.^^^
The general non-residence of the Prebendaries of Brug has been
already presumed. It has also been suggested that no parochial
jurisdiction ^^^ attached to the Collegiate Church. It may even be
doubted whether Divine Service was regularly performed in the
Chapel of the Castle, either by the Principals in turn, or by their
deputies.
This will be inferred from the fact, that, in the fiscal year ending
Michaelmas, 1239, King Henry III founded a New Chapel in his
Castle of Bruges, appointing thereto a Chaplain who was to perform
divine services and receive a salary of 50*. per annum for his main-
tenance.^2^ Tj^jg salary was paid by the Sheiiff for the year then
ending, aijd, substantively, remained a charge on the annual
accounts throughout the reign of Henry III.
The immunities claimed by the Church of St. Mary Magdalene
extended to all the Churches and Chapels which belonged to its
Prebendaries. Nay, these Churches were themselves called Free
318 Assize Boll, 6 Hen. Ill, memb. 9
dorso.
'** Testa de Nevill,j^. 54, being excerpted
from an Assize MoU,
320 Bodsworfch, vol. 103. The tithe of
fairs at this period will rather have been
a tax on the Borough Bevenues than on
the King's Exchequer. The same may be
said of the tithes of Fendeston Mill, which,
a few months earlier, had been set to ferm
to the Burgesses (supra, p. 303).
321 Rot, Cart, 19 Hen. Ill, memb. 19.
322 That is not in the Borough. Such
of the Prebends as had Churches for their
endowment had of course spiritual cures
in the Parishes, of those Churches.
323 Rot, Pip, 23 Hen. Ill, Salop.
This stipend though it appears as regu-
larly paid upon the Pipe Bolls does not
seem to have been of that permanent
character wliich we should term an endow-
ment, nor, as in the case of " constituted
alms or tithes,' 'was the Sheriff empowered
to dbcharge it without special warrant,
e.£f. there is an order on the Liberate BoU
of55Hen.III (memb. 2), to the Sheriff to
pay *' Nicholas, the Chaplain, ministering
in the Chapel of the Castle his stipend of
50«. per annum."
324
BRIDGNORTH.
Chapels of the King when their privileges were in question. This
observation is grounded on the following documents^ which^ though
they relate specially to the Church of Claverley, which was part of
the endowment of the Deanery of Brug^ touched matters which
concerned the whole Collegiate body.
In Easter Term, 1241, in the Courts at Westminster,*^ Master
Peter de Radenor, Official of the Bishop of Coventry and Lich-
field and Bx>bert Chaplain of Pattingham were under summons to
appear (on April 28th) and show, " wherefore, against prohibition of
the Lord the King they had suspended the Church of Claverley,
which is a Free Chapel of the Lord King, and had sequestrated the
goods of the same Church, and had caused to be threshed the corn
of Peter de Rivallis, Rector of the said Church (he was Dean of
St. Mary Magdalene) for the purpose of levying a contribution for
the Lord the Pope, to the grave prejudice of the Crown and dignity
of the Lord the King.^'
The Defendants appeared not, and the Sheriff sent word that they
had no lay fee by which they might be distrained to appear. So
mandate issued to the Bishop, that he should have the parties at
Westminster in one month of St. John Baptist &c.
Accordingly, on the day appointed (July 22), and in continuance
of this cause, William de Norbury, Official of the Archdeacon of
Stafford, and Elyas Dean of Brug, are stated to have appeared in
Court,'^* to show wherefore they had suspended the Church of
Claverley against the King^s prohibition &c. William and Elyas
made answer that they never had received the said prohibition.
They were bound over to take their trial by Jury, Giles de Erdinton
and William Wymer being their Sureties.
I cannot learn the issue of this prosecution, but it is quite
evident that the King was at length roused by this, and perhaps
some similar interferences with the rights of his Free Chapels, and
petitioned the Pope (Innocent IV) on the subject.
The Pontiff was not inattentive to the remonstrances of *'his
beloved and devout Son.^' A Bull exists, dated at Lyons on
July 21, 1245, wherein any " Ordinary, Delegate or Subdelegate is
®* Flaoita apud Westm, Easter Term,
25 Hen. Ill, m. 28 dorso. This entry is
printed in the Abbreviatio Flacitorum,
(p. 113), but under a wrong date.
^ Ibidem, memb. 32 recto. The De-
fendant who is called Dean of Brug in
this case must not be confused with the
contemporary Dean of St. Mary Magda-
lene, whose name was Peter, and who was,
if a party to the cause. Plaintiff. I take
Elyas to haTC been that Bural Dean (pro-
bably of Trysul) within whose district
Claverley had been assumed to lie.
BRIDGNORTH. * 325
prohibited from venturing to pronounce sentence of excommunica-
tion or interdict against the Royal Chapels, or the Oratories thereof
(being in immediate subjection to the Roman Church) , or the
Canons, or their Servants, contrary to the tenor of privileges and
indulgences of the Apostolick See ; or to lay any burden on them,
which has not usually been laid upon other exempt Churches, with-
out such special mandate of the Apostolick See as shall make express
mention of the measure to be taken.^^^
Another Bull, dated at Lyons, on July 27, following, is addressed
to the Chancellor of Oxford, whom the Pontiff informs of a com-
plaint which he had received from King Henry, viz. that ^'the
Archdeacon of Stafford, although he has no jurisdiction, ordinary
or delegated, over the Chapel of Bruges (which is the King's pecu-
liar), yet attempts to extort Procurations therefrom, and to interdict
it, and to suspend and excommunicate its Chaplains, to the
prejudice and injury of the . said King,'^ who thereupon had
'^ appealed to the hearing of the Pope/^ The Chancellor is to
summon the parties, hear the cause, and decide it canonically and
finally, enforcing his decree by ecclesiastical censure.^^'^
The neglect which the Collegiate Church suffered at the hands of
its Dignitaries, and that independance of their Dean and of each
other, which probably was the chief cause of such neglect, are well
illustrated by a Patent of &6 December, 1246. — King Henry,
addressing the Canons of Bruges, orders them to render obedience
to Peter de Rivallis (he was Dean) in the matter of remedying
deficiencies in the decorations of their Chapel.^^^ ,
In March, 1254, the Deans of the King^s Chapels of Brug and
Salop (St. Mary's) were commissioned by Letters Patent to assist
Berard de Nimpha to collect certain monies, from those who had
vowed the Crusade, for the use of the Earl of Comwall.^^*
At the Inquisitions of 1255 the Borough Jurors made a detailed
statement as to the value and incumbency of the " six Prebends of
the King's Free Chapel of St. Mary Magdalene of Brug."^®
At the Assizes of October, 1272, the Jurors made a statement as
3» Eymer's Foedera, i, 261.
327 Ibidem.
3« Bot Pat. 31 Hen. 3.
829 Rot. Pat. 38 Hen. III. The Cruce
si^nati, or those who had yowed the Cru-
sade, were permitted to compound the
obligation by money payments, which
were collected under Papal authority and
allotted to those who proposed to fulfil
their vdws personally.
^^ Sot. Sund., ii, 59. I have classified
the particulars under the accounts of the
several Prebends, as also what was stated
by the Stottesden Jurors on the same
occasion.
326
BRJDONORTU.
to the King's Free Chapel in the Castle of Bmg. The number of
Prebends belonging thereto they said was five^ but they went on to
enumerate six, the first being ^^ the Prebend of Claverley/^ which
was in fact the Dean's Prebend.^^
In 1281, the Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield (Roger de Molend)
having apparently asserted a right of jurisdiction over the Collegiate
Churches of Staflford, Wolverhampton, St. Mary's Salop, and
TetenhaU, was obliged to relinquish such claim in the case of
St. Mary's.
The particulars of the treaty between the Bishop and that Col-
legiate Church may be seen elsewhere.^^ The independence of the
Church was fully recognized, but the Bishop was, if he pleased, to
hold ordinations therein. A similar or even more independent
position was doubtless secured to the Church of St, Mary Magda-
lene, for I do not find that the Bishops of Lichfield ever held
ordinations there.
The taxation of 1291 values the Spiritualities of the Church of
Bruges, and its members, at £54. 13^. 4bd. This is given under the
Deanery of Lappeley and Tresel in Coventry Diocese.^^ It pro-
bably contemplated the emoluments of the Dean chiefly.
At the Assizes of 1292, the Prebends were duly returned, as
six in number, that of the Dean being called the Prebend of Lud-
deston.^^
At the same Assizes the Dean and Chapter stood summoned, to
show by what warrant they claimed a right of holding pleas of the
Prown, and having way fin the Manor of Bruges. Not appearing,
the Sheriff had orders to distrain them through all their lands &c.,
and to have their persons before the Justiciars who were to be i»
eyre at Lichfield in the Octaves of Hillaiy (Jan. 20, 1293).8S6
The Record preserves the results of many causes similarly
adjourned to Lichfield, but the Crown prosecution of its own Free
Chapel seems to have been abandoned. No notice of further pro-
ceedings appear on the RoU.
331 Salop Assizes^ 56 Hen. Ill, memb.
49 dorso.
333 History of 8hrew8}mry,Yo\ VL^^.^Xyj ,
833 Pope Nic. TaxaUony 243. Under the
head of Temporalities in the Archdeaconry
of Stafford, this E.eeord gives also the Manor
of Poshale, of £20. annual value, as appro-
priated to the Fortioners of Bruges. A
subsequent note of cancellation affects^ the
importance of this entry which is to me
wholly unintelligible (Taxation^ p. 253).
Tanner quotes " The College " revenue
as 82 merks, equal to £54. 13«. 4(f., as in
the text. (Notit, Monastica.)
»* Placita CorontB, 20 Ed. I, memb.
37 dorso,
33S Placita de uo Warranto, pp. 686,
678.
BRIDGNORTH.
327
r
The visit of Master Rigaud de Asserio to England, in 1817,
aflfeeted the rights of several Royal Free Chapels, viz. St. Martinis
le Grand (London), St. Peter's (Wolverhampton), and the Chapels
of Stafford, Bruges, and St. Mary^s (Salop) .
Being Canon of Orleans, Auditor of the Palace, and Clerk of the
Papal Chamber, he was deputed by Pope John XXII to enforce the
neglected collection of the Peter Pence in England.^^^ In so doing,
he was to ignore all customs, privileges, and indnlgencies whatever,
the Pope decreeing the same to be of nb avail.
The King (Edward II) interfered in defence of his Free Chapels
above mentioned, and by Writ Close addressed to the Nuncio him-
self, and dated at Shene, 17 Feb. 1318, forbade him to enforce his
exactions against those establishments .^^^
The ^^ Inquisitions of the Ninths,^^ taken in 1341, and with which
we will conclude this subject, give incidentally one or two hints as
to the ecclesiastical divisions which then existed within the Peculiar
of Bridgnorth.
The Dean and Canons are specially stated to be exempt from the
tax then assessed ; and this exemption so far diminished the rate-
able value of each Parish or District wherein the Chapter had lands.
The effect of this immunity on the assessments of Morville,
Quatford, and Eardington, has been already shown or presumed.^^
Towns, instead of being rated to the value of the ninth of wheat,
wool, and lamb, were more appropriately taxed at the ninth of the
goods of their Burgesses. Thus while Shrewsbury was assessed at
£56, 2s. lOrf., the town of Brugge stood at £16. 10«. Id,, a special
valuation pro re nata, and not based on the inapplicable taxation of
Pope Nicholas. The reasons why it was not rated higher were, —
^^ because the townships of Romsley, Quat, Dudmaston, and Quat-
ford, stood taxed under other valuation " (viz. that of the Parish
Churches where they were), — ^^ and because the King had taken out
in wool, both in England and abroad, the contributions of several*
Burgesses.'^^®
The King^s demesne Manor of Claverley was also taxed on this
^* He eventually came to be Bishop of
Winchester (Consecrated 16 Nov. 1320.
Died 12th AprU, 1323).
337 Hist. SArewshwy,Yo\. ii, p. 309, where
the King's writ is also given more at length.
A Close Writ of 2 Ed. Ill (1328), is
quoted by Tanner as to the exemption of
this Chapel "from jurisdiction of the
Ordinary," besides many documents of
later date. (Vide Notitia Monastica,
Shropshire.)
338 Supra, pp. 39, 116, 193.
339 Inquis, Nonarum, p. 191.
42
328
BRIDGNORTH.
occasion^ and to the ninth of wheat, wool, and lamb, being an
agricultural district.^^
Its Church had not been separately valued to Pope Nicholas'
Taxation, but some other previous estimate seems to have been
used as a guide by the Commissioners. They assessed it at £12.,
and gave reasons why they had rated it so low. They said that " a
sixth part of the Borough of Bruggenorth belonged by ancient
extent to the Church of Claverley.^' (By this they must have
meatit some income which the Dean derived from Quatford, or other
property within the Borough Liberties, and which, though it in-
creased the value of the said Dean's Church of Claverley, could not
be taken to represent any means of the now taxed Parishioners.)
They also said, that ^^the greater" (but unmentioned) "Church
Taxation included items which had nothing to do with the ninth
now levied, viz. Jurisdiction" (the Peculiar jurisdiction of the Dean
I suppose), "glebe-land, oflferings, tithe of hay, and other small
tithes." They also said, that " a third of the present assessment,
viz. 6 merks (£4.) lay on a part of the parish which was in the
County of StaflPbrd." This, if I understand the clause rightly,
alluded partly to Bobbington, but surely included lands which must
since have been annexed to Shropshire.^*^ The circumstance seems to
have been of no import as regarded the tax, but the Commissioners,
being appointed to the County of Salop only, probably thought it
proper to particularize any deviation from the letter of their in-
structions.
DEANS OF SAINT MARY MAGDALENE.
A list of these Dignitaries will necessarily involve the succession
of the B/Cctors of Claverley, which Church was a constant and pro-
minent feature among the various endowments of the Deanery of
Bridgnorth.
Alexander, Dean of Brug, attests a Charter of Richard (Peche)
Bishop of Coventry to Trentham Priory, which must have passed
between 1161 and 1171.^^ He is probably the same with "Alex-
ander de Bridgnorth," mentioned under date of 1182.^^
8^ Inqms, Nonarum^ p. 194.
'** A part of Bobbington still remains
in Staffordshire, but fSeur less than any
presumable third of the Parishes of Clay-
erley and Bobbington united.
^ Harl. MS8. 3868, fo. 35.
5** Moncuticon, Tiii, 1463, quoting
Hutton's and Willis* Lists. Of conrse
the name "Bridgnorth" is an anticipa-
tory translation of Brug. It can hare
stood on no original document.
BRIDGNORTH.
329
Simon, Dean op Brug, circa 1196, and his composition with
Wenlock Priory about the Advowson of Ditton Priors, have already
been mentioned.^^
Hugo de Tannac, or Tauney, a Poitevin, was appointed to this
Deanery 13 April, 1214.^^^ King John, being then at La Beole
(in Gascony), writes to the Bishop of Winchester, his Chief Justice
and Viceroy,, to say that he has granted 100 merks, in Church
Revenues, to his beloved Clerk Hugh de Tannac, brother of his
faithful and beloved Geoffrey de Tannac. The Deanery of Brug is
to be part of the grant, and the balance is to be made up, out of
rents heretofore enjoyed by the Dean of York and Archdeacon of
Winchester. The King avows his object in this grant. It is that
the friends of the Presentee, "who are very necessary to the King in
the parts of Poitou may be placed under obligation.^' A more formal
presentation to the Deanery, dated at Partenay (in Poitou) on May
28 following, is addressed to the Viceroy, and callls the new Dean
Hugh de Taunay.**^
At the Salop Assizes, November, 1221, the Jurors of Claverley
are represented by the minute-clerk as returning Hugh de '^ Pettem^'
for the Incumbent of Claverley Church, It was worth 30 merks
per annum, and the said Hugh held it, they said, by gift of King
John.^^ The Incumbent in question was doubtless the Dean pre-
sented by that monarch as abote stated, but the Jurors describing
him by his country, either mutilated the proper words, or were mis-
understood by their Registrar. " Hugh le Peitevin^^ was the name
theiy intended to return.
Peter de Bivallis was appointed to the Deanery of the Chapel
of Brug, by Letters Patent of Henry III, dated at Westminster,
8 May, 1223. The Chapter is addressed as to the presentation, and
the Constable of Brug as to giving possession.^^
On 18 August, 1223, the King's Letters Close direct Brian de
Lisle to allow Peter de Eivallis 18 beams (fusta) out of Kinver
Forest, which the King has given him to repair his house at
Claverley.^*
These two entries identify the Rectors of Claverley with the
Deans of Brug most satisfactorily. The then holder of this joint
preferment came to enjoy an uncommon degree of Court favour.
34* Supra, p. 322.
3« Sot. Fat, 15 John, memb. 2.
345 Ibidem, 16 John, memb. 17.
3*7 Salop Assizes, 6 Hen. Ill, memb. 9
dorso.
3« Rot. Fat. 7 Hen. III.
3« Claus. i, 661.
330 BRIDGNORTH.
On July 11, 1282, he had a grant of the custody (Shrievalty) of
the Counties of Salop and Stafford for life, and also of the Counties
of York, Berks. Gloces. Somerset, Dorset, Devon, Lancaster,
Northumb. Essex, Herts. Lincoln, Norf. Suff. and Kent.*^^ This
extraordinary Patent did not operate for two years, even as
regarded the two Counties granted for life, for on May 15, 1234,
Robert de Haia, hitherto the Deputy of Peter de Bivallis, was
appointed Sheriff absolute.^^^ This will he explained by what
Matthew Paris tells us of this favourite of the Crown, and his
fortunes.^^^ And here I must not hesitate to give some lengthy
extracts fron^ that Chronicler. The career of this Dean of St.
Mary Magdalene, is connected with great events and interests.
His name is the chiei^ feature of our list, and, not having 'held any
other distinguished Chiu*ch Preferment, it is not probable that his
biography has been attempted elsewhere. —
Peter de Rivallis (or Orivallis) was a Poitevin by descent, osten-
sibly the Nephew, perhaps really the Son, of Peter de Rupibus,
Bishop of Winchester, the all-powerful Minister, first of King
John, and afterwards of Henry III. It was in 1282 that the
Bishop^s influence (growing greater by the fall of Hubert de Burgh)
secured for his relative the appointment of '^Treasurer of the
Chamber'^ in the Kiog's household. This office gave him the
custody of all the Crown Escheats and Wardships,^^* and his
success in replenishing the Royal Coffers was most unequivocal.
In the year 1233 Matthew Paris relates that the Bishop and
Peter de Rivallis, with their Deputies (Stephen de Segrave and
Robert Passelewe) possessed the sole confidence of the King, and
whilst the Bishop disposed all the affairs of the kingdom to his own
liking, the custody of the Royal Castles was bestcwed on Peter de
Rivallis. — This must be an allusion to the various Shrievalties which
had been conferred on him in the previous year.
It was probably the ascendancy of Peter de Rivallis in Shrop-
shire, which, in January, 1234, drew upon that County the animosity
of Richard Marshall, Earl of Pembroke. That nobleman, disgusted
with the favour shown by Henry to "the Poitovins," as his
Ministers were called, and by the treatment which he himself had
experienced from the King, was then in open rebellion. Leaguing
with Llewelin he laid waste the County to the very gates of Shrews-
3W Fat. 1(5 Hen. III.
»i Pat. 18 Hen. III.
^- Matth. PariSf passim, sub anuis.
3^ Vide Sot. Fin. passim, sub annis
1232, 1233.
BRIDGNORTH.
331
bury, and, if we may credit Matthew Paris, burnt part of the town
itself.364
The same Chronicler tells us of a forged letter, by which the
Bishop of Winchester and " his son, or relation, Peter de Bivallis,^'
soon afterwards contrived to revenge themselves on the Earl Mar-
shall. This letter, addressed to the Magnates of Ireland, and
purporting to be sanctioned by the King, announced the forfeiture
and proscription of the Earl in England, ordered his instant arrest,
if he appeared in Ireland, and promised partition of his estates
there, to those who would assist in his capture. Eleven members of
the Poitovin government constituted themselves sureties for the
King^s fulfilment of this promise.
The Magnates of Ireland, not satisfied with the form of these
instructions, sent messengers requiring the King's sealed-Charter
on the subject. To meet their demands the Poitovins are actually
said to have forged the required document, and to have affixed the
the Great Seal without knowledge or consent of the King or his
Chancellor, The plot succeeded. The Earl, hearing of the con-
sequent invasion of his Irish possessions, crossed the Channel in
February, 1234. Entrapped into a skirmish on the 1st of April,
he maintained against fearful odds the dignity of his name and
office, but fell, dangerously wounded, into the hands of his enemies.
His captivity and sufferings, when at length his recovery seemed
possible, were aggravated by every species of malice. —
The forged Charter, ordering his seizure and forfeiture, was
paraded before his eyes. — His lands and Castles were peremptorily
required of him. — He was threatened with lawful execution as a
rebel taken in battle. — A surgical operation, used indeed at the
period, but barbarous beyond expression, was applied to his wound
without ostensible necessity. The Chirurgeon employed, wantonly
and wilfully, increased its severity. The Earl was attacked with
acute fever and died on the 16th day of his captivity
(April 16, 1234). Thus, by the machination of the Poitovins, feU
one who was reputed to be the ^' Flower of Chivalry in his day."^^^
Meanwhile, that is on Feb. 2, King Henry, in a conference at
Westminster, had heard the grave remonstrances of his Bishops.
His animosity against the Earl Marshal, the favour shown to
^^ Vide History of Shrewsbuiyy vol. i, p.
Ill, where it is probably enough suggested
that only part of the suburbs, yiz. Frank-
well, was thus devastated.
355 "MilitiflB flos temporum mddem-
orum." M. Paris.
382
BRIDGNORTH.
foreigners, and the increasing powers accorded to Peter de Bivallis
("whose seal was as necessary as that of the King, when any
weighty bosiness was in hand^^) were the chief matters of com-
plaint.
A second conference, on April 9th, again confronted the King
and his Prelates. The latter, now headed by Edmimd, their
recently consecrated Metropolitan, recapitulated the grievances
which afflicted the whole kingdom : they even threatened the King
with excommunication. In a few days the Bishop of Winchester
had orders to quit the Court, and Peter de Rivallis to give up his
Castles. The latter was also required to render account of all his
treasury business, the King swearing (as the exulting Chronicler
tells us), that, had it not been for his clerical office, he would have
ordered his eyes to be put out.^^^
When Easter (April 28) was past, the King journeyed towards
Gloucester. Resting a night at Woodstock,^^^ news reached him
of the death of the Earl Marshal in Ireland. The King's grief,
genuine or not, was unbounded in expression. At Gloucester he
became reconciled with Hubert de Bui^h and others, who had pre-
viously deserved or provoked the Royal displeasure. There, too,
his anger against the Poitovins reached its height, on discovery of
the forgery and fraud which had ended in the death of the Earl
Marshal.^^® The Poitovins and their accomplices were MurdererSy
and were immediately served with summonses to appear before the
King on June 24 following, and then give accoimt both of their
management of the Royal Treasure and their misuse of the Royal
Seal. The Bishop and Peter de Rivallis at once took asylum in
Winchester Cathedral, Stephen de Seagrave and Robert Passelewe
elsewhere.
An adjourned day was appointed for their trial, viz. July 14, at
Westminster. Then and there they appeared, their safe conduct
*^ M. FariSy sub anno. It is evident
that the political feeling of this Chronicler
seriously compromises his accuracy. After
this Council (of April 9th) he tells us that
the King despatched the Ardibishop and
several Suffragans into Wales to treat
with Lewellyii and the Earl Marshall ;
while he elsewhere shows us that the Earl
had left Wales two months earlier, and
was now dying in Ireland. The known
date also (May 15) when Peter de Biyallis
was deprived of the Shrievalty of Shrop-
shire hardly tallies with such an explosion
of Koyal anger so long before as April 9th.
*7 The King was at Woodstock on May
9th {Rot Pat.).
*^ This appears to have been on May
29, when also, at G-louoester, the Patent
appointing Bobert de Haya, Sheriff of
Shropshire, was repeated. The first Pa-
tent (that of the 15th) bore date at
Winchcumbe.
—
BRIDGNORTH. 333
having meanwhile been guaranteed by the Archbishop and his
Suffragans.
Peter de Rivallis was first put upon his defence. " He appeared
before the King in a Clerical garb with the tonsure and broad
crown, but with an anelace ^^^ hanging from his belt. He reverently
saluted the King, who was sitting on the Bench with his Justiciars.
The King, regarding him with a fierce glance, exclaimed, ^ O Traitor,
by thy iniquitous device I unwittingly affixed my seal to letters
which betrayed the Earl Marshal ; also by thy base counsel did I
banish him and other bom Englishmen {homines naturales) firom
the kingdom, and alienated their hearts and affections firom my
person. It was the false prompting of thee and thy accomplices
which induced me to levy war upon those men, to my own irre-
parable loss and the disgrace of the kingdom j by which war I
grievously threw away my own treasure and honour, and the lives
of illustrious subjects.^ The King, moreover, required firom him
account of his treasure and the custodies of noble wards and
escheats, with many other sources of revenue which belonged to the
Crown."
"The accused denied none of the charges which were made
against him, but falling on the earth before the King implored
mercy in these words : ' My Lord King,^ said he, ' I have been
nurtured by you and made rich in temporal goods : ruin not the
man of thy own creating; but at least grant me time to deliberate,
so that I may render due account as to the things which you
demand.* The King decided that the required deliberation should
take place in the Tower. Peter remonstrated, saying that he was a
Clerk and might not be imprisoned or given into custody of laymen.
The King answered that the accused had ever demeaned himself as
a layman, and as a layman he was now required to give account of
his ^^Stewardship;** he should, however, be given into custody of
the Archbishop if the latter would be responsible for the alleged
exactions of the Minister. The Archbishop kept silence ; so Peter
was committed to the Tower, the King confiscating all his lay
possessions, ' because, tmder his clerical habit he wore a breast-
plate and carried an anelace at his girdle, as became not a Clerk.* **
Peter remained two days in the Tower, and was then restored by
the Archbishop to his asylum in Winchester Cathedral.
The trial of Stephen de Segrave resulted in his release, his main
•*' A large knife used indifferently at table, or as a dagger.
334 BRIDGNORTH.
defence being the Inculpation of Peter de Bivallis^ as ids Principal.
The disgrace of neither lasted for more than two years, and their
fall restoration to Royal favour in June, 1236, makes the insincerity
of Henry's conduct, at the time of their trial, only too apparent.
The King had most probably acted a concerted part to free himself
from the stigma of the Earl Marshall's death. The descendant of
him, who, having instigated the murder of Becket, affected to abhor
the deed, but only for a time repudiated its perpetrators,-^the
Grandson of Henry II seems to have inherited both the malice
and the craft of his ancestor.
In 1249 Peter de Rivallis appears as joint Gustos of the Great
Seal dining the temporary absence of the Chancellor from Court.^^
At the Inquisition of 1255, the Jurors for the Borough of Brug
returned his Prebend as involving the Church of Claverley, with its
members of Bobiton, Burchton, and Quatford, and being of the
annual value of 40 merks.*^^ The more detailed presentments of
the Jurors of Claverley, on the same subject, shall be given when
we come to that Mailor.
From November, 1256, to April, 1258, Peter de Rivallis appears
in his old office of Treasurer of the King's Wardrobe ; and the last
which I have to say of him is in a Charter dated May 20, 1258,
whereby the King grants him a piece of land in Winchester at a
fee-farm rent of 2d. per annum.^^
The time of his death I cannot determine, but on 18 Feb. 1265,
a Patent is on the RoUs, whereby —
Stephen de London was presented to the Deanery of Brug. A
second Patent, dated March 2, 1265, and addressed to the Constable,
appoints — *
William de Montport to the same preferment.'^* The latter had
already (by grant of Feb. 7) a Prebend in the Church. His name,
and the period of these grants, sufficiently point out his connexion
with Simon de Montfort, the then disposer of the Royal patronage
and Keeper of the Royal person. The advantages which accrued to
the relatives of that ardent patriot will not have been permanent.
I cannot suppose that William de Montfort held the Deanery, thus
conferred, after the event of August 4, 1256 ; but I find not the
appointment of his Successor, who was Dean in September, 1266.
This was —
Michael de Fynes. On the 20th of January, 1267, Laurence
w> Sot Pat, SZ^&D. III.
»i Bot. Hund. ii, 59.
*» BoL Mn. 42 Hen. Ill, memb. 6.
a» Eot. Fat 49 Hen. III.
BRIDGNORTH.
335
de Brok, as Attorney for the Crown, and Michael de Fynes, Dean
of the Free Chapel of Bnig, were Plaintiffs against Walter de
Coggesheye, Philip de Mutton, and Thomas de Lutteleg^ whom
they accused of coming to Michael's house at Bobinton and seizing
com of lOOs. value, which they found at Burton, and which was
his property &c. The Defendants appeared not, and had made
previous dejfaults. Walter being a Clerk, the Bishop of Chester
was enjoined to cause his appearance on the quinzaine of Easter.
The other Defendants had lands in Mutton and Lutley, whereby
the Sheriff was to distrain them to appear at the same term.^^
This cause was associated with another which was in progress
at the time, some details of which shall be given here, though
they might more properly appear under Bobington. It would
seem that Walter de Cokesaye, the above Defendant, having been,
presented to Bobington Church by John Fitz PhiHp, was ejected by
Michael de Fynes, who claimed the Advowson as a member of his
Deanery. The com, said to have been carried off, was probably the
property of the rightful Incumbent, whoever that might be. Thus,
while the Dean prosecuted Walter for trespass, Walter sued the
Dean for ejectment. The latter suit came before the King himself
at Shrewsbury, in August or September, 1267, and was adjourned
for further hearing to Saturday, September lOth.^®^
On that day Walter did not appear, and was pronounced to be in
contempt?^ He was further summoned to appear before the King
at Westminster on October 13th, to answer for the said contempt,
and to hear sentence in the suit. Still he came not, so his
manucaptors, Hugh de Bolinghale, William leEyr, Robert de Mere,
William Provost of Bobington, and Henry de Prestwood, were •
declared to be in misericordid, and the Sheriff was ordered to have
their bodies in Court on February 3, 1268.^^^
Ob the same 13th of October, William de Gundeville, as Attorney
for the King, and Michael de Fines, by his Attomey, appeared
against Philip de Mutton, Walter de Cokesaye &c., in the plea of
** Phicita coram Hege. Westm. Hilary
Term, 51 Hen. m, memb. 5^ recto.
*^ JPlacita coram Mege, Salop 51 Hen.
Ill, memb. 4 reoto.
*• Though Walter made no appearance
on the 10th of Sept. it would seem that
John Fitz Phihp, son of that John Fitz
Philip who had presented him to Bobing-
ton, did. Thus arose a third suit between
the Crown and the Lord of Bobington, the
whole pleadings in which shall be given
under Bobington.
^ Plaeita apud Wesim, Michaelmas
Term, 51 Hen. Ill, memb. 6 recto. A
summary is given in the Abbreviatio
Placitorum, p. 161, but not such as to dis-
tinguish the suoccssiye moves in the suit.
43
336
BRIDGNORTH.
trespass^^ which thus appears to have been farther adjourned from
Easter Term previous. It would now seem that the non-appearance
of Walter was attributable to the Bishop, whom thereupon the
Sheriff was ordered to attach personally and have in Court on
Feb. 8, 1268.
On February 3, however, Walter himself appeared in Court. The
trespass with which he was charged was stated to have been com-
mitted on Friday, Sept. 3, 1266. He now denies the violence and
injury &c. (in the usual form), and appeals to a Jury of the
Country. The Sheriff is accordingly instructed to summon such
Jury to appear before the King, in five weeks of Easter
(circaMay 13, 1268).««»
The same day was given to William de Gundeville (the King's
Attorney) and John Fitz Philip, in their cross-suit.*^®
On that day (May 13) a further adjournment took place, viz. to
the quinzaine of the Holy Trinity, L e. June 17, 1268.*^
I find no record of what took place then ; but a memorandum or
Postscript added to the Boll of Michaelmas Term, 1 267 (above cited)
states what I take to have been the ultimate result of both suits.
On July 1, 1268, Michael de Fynes (as Prosecutor for the Crown)
and John Fitz Philip came into Court, and John, by license of the
said Court, rendered up seizin of the Advowson of Bobington,
saving to himself his right, whenever he should figain choose to stir
in the cause. The Sheriff was hereupon ordered to give the King
full seizin of the aforesaid Advowson.
At the Salop Assizes, October 1272, a new Dean of Brug had
been appointed and was then in possession.—
• Master Bonetas de Saint Quintin was returned by the Jurors
of the Borough as holding the Prebend of Claverley, which was of
60 merks annual value.^^s p^p^ Nicholas Taxation (1291) does not
give the name of the then Dean of Brug, nor does it mention
specifically his Church of Claverley or its value, but, under the'
Deanery of Lapley and Tresel, it values the Spiritualities of the
Church of Brug at £54. 13*. 4rf.873 This, as I have before said,
probably referred to the endowment of the chief Prebend or
^^ Ibidem, memb. 8 dorso. The Bolls
of Easter Term 1267, which should con-
tain the intermediate step in this caus^, are
lost.
^^ PlacUa coram Mege. Hilary Term,
52 Hen. Ill, memb. 13 recto.
^® Ibidem, memb. 12 dorso.
^ PUunia coram Mege. Easter Term,
52 Hen. Ill, memb. 17.
^ Salop Amzesy 56 Hen. Ill, memb.
49 dorso.
373 Fop, Nic, Tax. p. 243.
BRIDGNORTH. 337
Deanery. The same Taxation records a portion in the Church of
Stottesden which belonged to the Dean of Brug, and was of 6s. Sd.
annual valne.^* This reminds us of that third of the tithes of
Stottesden which were granted to the Collegiate Church of Quatford
in Earl Roger's foundation-charter.^^^
The non-mention of the Dean's name in Pope Nicholas' Taxa-
tion was probably owing to the death of Bonetas de Saint Quintin^
at the period of that valuation.^^fi Certainly his successor, —
Walter de Langton had been presented early in 1291, if not in
December 1290.»77
At the Salop Assizes of October, 1292, the Jurors of Brug pre-
sented Walter de Langton as holding one of the six Prebends of
St. Mary Magdalene, viz. " that called Luddesdon." This was the
Deanery, Luddesdon, a member of Claverley, being part of the
endowment thereof. These Jurors valued the Prebend at 100
merks (.£66. 13*. 4rf.) per annum ,*7^
Walter de Langton being a Canon of Lichfield, was elected
Bishop of that See 20 Feb. 1296, and consecrated 22 Dec. in the
same year. He obtained a license to hold his Deanery in com-
mendam, provided he could get a five years' dispensation from the
Pope.^^^ The latter seems to have been denied him, for on 8 April,
26 Edw. I (1298), the Sheriff of Shropshire had the King's man-
date to induct —
Amand de Sabaudia (Savoy) to this Deanery.
William de Sabaudia was appointed 20 June, 1300 (28 Edw. I),
and on his resignation,—
Peter de Sabaudia had the appointment, dated 2& May, 1301
(29 Edw. I).
In I'Edw.II (1307-8), the Prebend of Walton was granted to
the then Dean, and in 2 Edw. II (1308-9),380_
Engelard de Worle was appointed to the Deanery.
37* Ibidem, p. 166.
375 Supra, p. 109.
375 He is the first Dean of Brug men-
tioned on Willis' List, (Mitred Abbies, vol.
ii, p. 190), and is said moreover to have
died *^ about 1293 $" but that date is not
early enough.
377 Sot Fat 19 Ed. I, memb. 25. Willis
dates his presentation 20 Dec. 1293, where
probably the erro|^ hafl arisen from a false
calculation between the dominical and
regnal years of the period.
373 Placita Corona 20 Edw. I, memb.
37 dorso.
379 Willis, ut eupra. His list is also my
authority for the following appointments,
except that the dominical year assigned by
Willis is inconsistent in each case with
the regnal year, which latter X presume
him to quote correctly from the BoUs.
3» Fat 2 Ed. II, p. i, m. 20.
338
BRIDGNORTH.
Thomas dis Ettok seems to ha^e been presented to this Deaneiy
19 Feb., 11 Ed. II (1318) .s»i It was upon his presumed death in
1327, and the consequent presentation of —
Henby de Uablet in the same year, that a contest arose about
this preferment.*®^ The result was the revocation of Harley's ap-
pointment and the reinstatement of —
Thomas be Etton. On Sept. 19, 1334 {8 Ed. Ill)—
Thomas Talbot, Clerk, was presented to the Deauery.^^
The remaining Deans, whose names I take from a oollaticm of
second authorities,*®* were, —
Thobcas Ketnes, 1353.
William db Wenlok, 35 Ed. Ill (1361-2).
Thomas de Branttnoham, 12 July, 43 Ed. Ill (1369).
Henrt de Wakevield, 25 April, 44 Ed. Ill (1370) : but lus
appointment was revoked, and —
Roger de Oppley ^^ appointed, 30 May, 1370.
Thomas Spare:pord,.15 S^t. 16 Bic. II (1392).
John Door occurs 10 Sept. 1395.
Nicholas Slake, 6 Aug. 2 Hen. IV (1401).
CoLUMBiNUs, SON OP George de Dunbar, Earl OP Mabcb,
26 Feb. 4 Hen. IV (1403).
John Marshall, 9 May, 11 Hen. IV (1410).
Henry Lever,8«« 1 Edw. IV (1461-2).
Richard Martin, 16 Oct. 16 Edw. IV (1476).
In 1535, under the Diocese of Coventry and Lichfield, and the
Archdeaconry of Stafford, the following return appears.^^-^
Thomas Magnus, Dean of the Collegiate Church of St. Mary
Magdalene, holds the Prebend of Ludston, which is worth in glebe
land, clear of deductions, £4. per annum. He also holds the Hectoiy
of Claverley, which is worth in tithes, offerings &c. j636. per annum.
His Deanery was therefore valued at £40. per annum.
*^ MonatHcon, vol. Txii, p. 1463, quoting
Dr. Hutton's CoUections in Bibl. Harl.
** The particulars are given by Mr.
Dukes* (AnUquitieSj page 49). In several
lists Thomas deEyton iswritten as Thomas
ELUokyn, by mistake of some transcriber.
»3 Pae. 8 Edw. ni, p. 2, m. 25. He
had formerly held the Prebend of Alveley
(vide supra, p. 122). A previous Patent
(7 Ed. ni, p. 2, m. 14) relates to Talbot's
appointment to the Deanery, if an '' Index
of Presentations," at the Tower, be correct.
^ Monasticon, vol viii, p. 1463. Dukes'
Appendix, p. xxxvi ; Willis (ut supra) ;
Tanner's Notitia (Introduction, xlv) ; and
Blakeway's MSS.
» Written "Otery." {Mcmast,)
» " Henry Sever, 1460," (Tanner).
^ Valor JEccUsioiHeug, voL iii, p. 199.
BRIDGNORTH.
339
I have already noticed a Chantry founded in the Church of Saint
Mary Magdalene in time of King Edward I.'^^
I must refer elsewhere for particulars of the Re^^p^'ps of this
once great Collegiate establishment^ after its dissolutiv. ^ YI
(1547) :^^ so also for a statement as to some life^peub^v « stiU
payable, to certain survivors of the Chapter, in 1558.^^
More consistently with the scop^ of the present work, I subjoin
the names of one or two Prebendaries, whose stalls I have been
unable to identify with any show of probability. They were, —
John Mansel, who, at his death in 1264, was seized of a Pre-
bend here (perhaps MoryUle and Underdon) . It is fitting to say
who he was. Through a period of twenty-five years he was employed
in various offices of honour and trust by King Henry III. He was
his Envoy to the Emperor of Germany in 1238 : in 1242, he
accompanied the King abroad, and was made prisoner by the French
at the battle of Xantoigne : he was Chancellor of England from
Nov. 1246 to Oct. 1249 : and Ambassador to the King of Castile in
1254. In July, 1262, he accompanied the King abroad, as Keeper
of the Great Seal, and returned with him to England in December
following. When, in 1263, the Queen left England, John Mansel,
fearing the animosity and increasing power of the Barons^ party,
"^ Supra, p. 114.
^^ "DvkeB^AniiquiHes (ut supra), where
the receipts of the whole Collegiate esta-
bhfihment are stated at £131. 19«. 3^d.
A MS. in my possession (professing to
be an extract from papers of the ''Bever^nd
Mr. Bichard Gomes, Minister of the
parish of St. Mary Magdalene, Bridg-
north ") gives a certificate of 20th Nov.
(2 Edw. VI) 1548, relative to the value
of this Church. The original, which seems
to have been in the Court of Augmenta-
tions and is possibly still preserved, is
not rendered in any coherent or intelli-
gible way. It may, however, suffice for
the following facts : —
The gross annual value of the
Church was . . £131 6 2i
Thomas Magnus, Dean, had
other preferment, and here . 51 18 2
John Synger, Prebendary, had
other preferment, and here . 6 8 4
John Fisher, Prebendary, had
other preferment, and here . 6
John Leveson, Prebendary, had
other preferment, and here . £10
Hugh Coroner, Prebendary, had
other preferment, and here . 20
Hamelet King, Prebendary, had
other preferment, and here . 6 6
Stipends paid to diverse Curates 22
John Preen, Stipendiary . 4 10 1
£127 .2.7.
We have thus a probable statement as
to the latest Incumbents of the Deanery
and five Prebends of St. Mary Magdalene.
This document (the result of at least
a second transcription) is so manifestly
incorrect that I will not quote it further.
®o Willis (ut 8u^ra)i where " a pension
of £10. is stated to be still payable to Hugh
Curren, or Curwen, Prebendary ; another
of £6. 13«. id. to John JLeason, Incum-
bent, and another of £4. 10«. to John
Penne, Incumbent."
Each of these names is traceable in Mr.
Comes' List of 1548.
340
BEIBONORTH.
followed her^ and shared her foreign exertions in behalf of the Boyal
interests^ till his own death in 1264. His chief ecdesiastical pre-
ferments were the Chancellorship of St. PauFs^ to which he was
appointed in 1243^ the Deanery of Wimboom (a Boyal CoUegiate
Church in Dorsetshire)^ the Prepositure of Beverley (Yorkshire),
and the Treasurership of York. He was reputed to be the '' richest
Clerk in the world.'' He founded the two Priories of Bilsington
and Bumney^ in Kent. His death happening during the King^s
captivity^ the Earl of Leicester presented Almaric de Montfort to
the Treasurership of York,^^^ A similar use of the Great Seal on
7 Feb. 1265, appointed —
William de Montfobt to the Prebend which John Mansel had
held in the Church of Brug.**^ We have already shown the
Deanery to have been conferred on this new Prebendary on the
2d of March following, and that his tenure of either will, under
the circumstances of the appointments, have expired in a few
months.3»3 In 1295,—
William, son of William de Bkuoes, was presented to a Pre-
bend in this Church ; *^ and in 1334 —
BoBEBT DE Tanton had a similar appointment.^^^ «
CHANTEY OF ST. MABY MAGDAIiENE.
The Chantry founded in this Church by Bichard Dammas, about
1294, has twice been spoken of.*** It remained till the Dissolu-
tion, and in 1553, John Sanger, late the Incumbent thereof, was
receiving a pension of £6, from the Crown.^^
CHUBOH OF ST. LEONABD.»»
As late as the time of Henry VIII, when John Leland visited
Bridgnorth, St. Leonardos remained the only Parish Church in the
^1 This appointment was expressly re-
voked by the King three days after the
battle of Eyesham, as one which he had
made (among many) under coercion of
his gaolers (Eot Fat 4Q Hen. Ill, dated
7 Aug.)
a» Bot. Pat 49 Hen. HI.
»3 Supra, p. 334.
3W Fai. 23 Edw. I, memb. 15.
*» Fai, 8 Edw. Ill, p. 2, memb. 25.
^ Supra, pp. 114, 339.
W Willis' Abides, vol. ii, p. 193.
3^ There may be a doubt as to the
Patron Saint of this Church. St. Leonard,
Abbot of Noblac, whose anniversary was
Nov. 6, is usually understood to be the
Patron Saint of English . Churches thus
named. But a tair of four days, the first
of which was to be "the feast of the
Translation of St. Leonard," was granted
to this town by Edward III, and seems
to be but a slight alteration from the &ir
BEIDGNORTH.
341
Town.^^^ It is hardly supposable that the Borough, even in its
infancy, was without^ such an establishment. Though the site of
Brug was comprehended in the great Saxon Parish of Morville,
and though the Mother Church of Morville was, in the days of
King Henry I, no mean structure, its proximity can hardly have
been sufficient for the spiritual wants of a rising Borough. It is,
moreover, probable in one case, and certain in the other, that
Tasley and Oldbury, subject Chapels of Morville, and nearer to
Brug than the Mother Church, were yet unfounded in the begin-
ning of the reign of Henry I.
To that early period, as coeval with' the foundation of the Borough,
we may therefore reasonably assign the foundation of St. Leonardos;
but, as yet, no architectural or documentary evidence occurs to
strengthen this assumption.
The earliest written notice to which I can refer on this subject,
is an undated deed, which, though it implies the pre-existence of
the Church of St. Leonardos, cannot itself be positively ascribed
to an older period than the middle of the thirteenth century. —
^^Roger, Sonof Eichard Irish (Hybemensis) sells to Walter Palmer,
for 6*., a rent of 6rf., issuing from certain field-land without the
Cemetery of St. Leonard, which land William Sholton held of the
Vendor at said rent. — Witnesses : Elias Fitz William and William
Aurifaber, Praetors of Brug, Hamo Palmer, Walter Aurifaber, John,
Son of William de Cantreyn, Hugh de Eudon, John his Brother,
and many others.''*^
At the Inquisitions of 1255, the Borough Jurors returned the
Church of St. Leonard as being in the King^s gift.^^
The Taxation of 1291 does not mention this Church. An inci-
dental notice of the year 1292 has already occurred.^^ This
granted by Henry IIT, on the vigil,* the
day, and the morrow of St. Luke.
This fair, or its modem counterpart, is
now held on Oct. 29th, but still called
"Luke's fair," though St. Luke's day is
on Oct. 18th. Now St. Luke's day
brings us much nearer to Oct. 15th, the
day of St. Leonard of Vandoeuvre, with
whom also, alone of the two Saints in
question, has any legend of the translation
of relics been connected. I hardly need say
that the Patron Saint of a Parish Church
is often identical with the Saint on whose
anniversary the principal fair of the said
Parish is, or was, held. .
*9 "There is but one Paroch Church in
the Towne, a very fayre one and dedicated
to St. Leonard." (/i^ineror^, vol, iv,
part ii, fo. 182 a.) -
** Charter at Apley. Another deed
attested by these Prsetors is also witnessed
by Reginald le Gl-augy, who was murdered
in 1250-1. We thus obtain the limit, as
to date, assigned above.
«i Eot. Hund, ii, 59.
*^ Supra, pa^e 114.
842
BRIDGNORTH.
obscnrity of a large ParishfChurch, during two hundred years, may
probably be attributed to the poverty of its endowment, a defect
which was remedied in the fourteenth century, by the foundation of
one or more Chantries here. The Pounders of these Chantries were
Burgesses of the Town, and the Revenues granted for their support
were derived from Borough property.
I must be contented to give references, in a note,^^ to the prin-
cipal documents which aifected these foundations. It will be
sufficient to state here, that, in 1535, the general Valuation of Eccle-
siastical Property recognised only two Chantries in St. Leonardos
Church, and took no notice whatever of any endowment as attach-
ing to the Church itself. —
These Chantries are described as those of '^ St. Thomas and of
St. Mary the Virgin.*' —
'^ William Swanwyke, Chaplain of the former, had lands and tene-
ments granted in mortmain to his Chantry, Ijdng within the Town
of Bridgnorth and its Liberties (in the Archdeaconry of Stafford,
and the Diocese of Coventry and Lichfield), of the annual value
of £3. 68. Sd.''
" Aichard Preste, Chaplain of the Chantry of St. Mary the Virgin,
^ Inqtiis, ad quod i><»fiff«m»18Bdw.II,
No. 131. — TV^nald dela Legh, — ^hifl pro-
posed Chantry.
PatAS Edw. n, p. 2, memb. 14.— Li-
cense to Beginald de la Legh to found a
Chantry in St. Leonard's Church and en-
dow it with 1 messuage, 4t acres of land,
and 50«. rent in Bruges.
Fat. 5 Edw. HI, p. 3, memb. 8.— For
the Chantry of St. Leonard of Bridg-
north.
Pat. 11 Edw. III. p. 2. memb. 4.—
License to William de la Hulle, confirm-
ing a previous license for endowment of
three Chaplains here. (The particulars
are more fully giyen in Mr. Dukes' Ap-
pendix, p. xxxvii.)
Pat. 24 Edw. Ill, p. 2, memb. 22.—
For a Chantry here.
Pae. 26 Edw. HI, p. 2. memb. 19.—
License to Peter de Bruges to grant lands
of 40s. annual value to a Chaplain, to pray
for his soul in the Chapel of St. Leonard
and the Hospital of St. James in Bruges.
(See Pukes* Appendix, p. xl.)
iii^if . ad quod jDamnum, 43 Edw. m,
No. 27. — Jurors say that "in diminution
of divine worship two parochial Chaplains
are withdrawn, viz. one in the Chapel of
St. Mary Magdalene and another in the
Church of St. Leonard."
Inquis. ad quod Damnum, 44 Edw. IH,
No. 23. — William Selmon and others gave
to three Chaplains 6 messuages and 18
acres of land in Bruggenorth to oelebnto
divine service daily in the Church of
St. Leonard, for the souls of the Burgesses
of tHe said Town &c.
Pat. 45 Edw. HI. Becites the last
and previous grants (Dukes' Appendix,
p. xxxvii).
Pat. 12 Ric. n, p. 1, memb. 16.—
Grant of 16 messuages, 6 acres of land,
and 40«. rent to a Chantry in St. Leo-
nard's.
Mr. Dukes, in his AnHquiHeg (page 50)
and Appendix (pp. xxxvii and xxxviii),
quotes other and later documents aSxIt-
ing these Chantries.
BRIDGNORTH.
343
had lands and tenements similarly described^ and of the annual
value of £2, \4^J^
These Chantries were subsequently dissolved^ and in 1553,
William Swanewiek, and Richard Knolles, Incumbents of a Chan-
try, or Chantries, in St. Leonard's, were in receipt of pensions of
£5. each.406
HOSPITAL OF THE HOLY TRINITY.
This House, dedicated also to the Virgin Mary and St. John the
Baptist, is reputed, on good evidence, to have been founded by
Ralph le Strange, Lord of Alveley, in the time of Richard I.
Records, unconnected with this foundation, and which will be
cited elsewhere, inform us of the illness and early death of Ralph le
Strange, in 1195, while actively engaged in the King's service in
Wales. Such circumstances, and the period at which they occurred
(soon after the Crusade of Richard I), fitly associate themselves
with the origin of this establishment, as declared by tradition.
Referring to other authorities for the constitution and objects of
these houses in general,^® and for many particulars of this, I will
merely state those circumstances which further illustrate its history,
and have not hitherto been brought together. '
The Hospital, usually called St. John^s, stood in the Low Town of
Bridgnorth, within the angle formed by Mill Street and St. John's
Street, east of the former and north of the latter, to which it, of
course, communicated its name.
Thus placed, the house commanded every highway by which
travellers could approach the Town from places lying Eastward of
the Severn. In other words, the various roads, which, traversing
or skirting the great Forest of Morf, from Pendleston Mill, from
*^ Valor JSoolesiastumSy iii, 199.
«6 WiUis' AhUes, ii, 193.
** Tanner describes these Hospitab as
"houses for the relief' of poor and im-
potent people, incorporated by Royal
Patents, and made capable of gifts and
grants in succession.'*
** Besides the poor and impotent," says
he, "there generally were in these Hos-
pitals two or three Religious : one to be
Master or Prior, and one or two to be
Chaplains and Confessors ; and these ob-
served the rule of St. Austin, and probably
subjected the poor and impotent to some
rehgious restraints, as well as to the local
statutes. Hospitals were originally de-
signed for relief and entertainment of
travellers upon the road and particularly
of pilgrims, and thel*efore were generally
built upon the road's side ; but of later
years they have always been founded for
fixed inhabitants." (Preface to Notii.
Monastica^ p. xviii, Nasmith's edition.)
44
344 BRIDGNORTH.
«
Worfield, from Claverley, or from Quatford^ convei^ed towards the
Eastern end of the Bridge^ will have first passed within sight of
St. John's. This situation was doubtless relevant to the primary
object of such a foundation^ viz. the relief of travellers.
The road by which St. John^s was approached from Quatford^ on
the South, was further called Spital («. e. Hospital) Street ; hut it
seems doubtful whether that name was derived from the Hospital
under notice, or the Hospital of St. James, presently to be men-
tioned.
The earliest Royal recognition of the former bears date at Salop^
9 March, 1223, — when Henry 111 grants to the Brethren of the
Hospital of St. John, of Brug, twelve cart loads of dry wood in
Morf Forest. This precept is addressed to Hugh Fitz Robert
(Forester of Shropshire) and tested by Hubert de Burgh.^^
On Aug. 30, 1226, King Henry III, then at Bruges, commands
the same Hugh Fitz Robert to allow the Master and Brethren of the
Hospital of the Holy Trinity of Bruges to have three oak trees in
Morf Forest for their fire, of the King^s gift.^^
At the Inquisition of 1255^ in answer to a question as to the
alienation of Seijeantries, or of any part thereof, the Jurors of
Bruges said, that the Prior of the Hospital of Brug held half a
virgate of Ralph de Eudinas (Ewdness), whose tenure was by Ser-
jeantry.^^
The Jurors of Nordley Regis and Alveley, on the same occasion,
and in answer to an inquiry as to tenants of lands within those
demesne Manors, said that the Hospital of the Holy Trinity of
Brug held therein three and a half virgates of land, by Testament of
Ralph le Strange. The Jurors knew not by what service the Hos-
pital held this land, but they stated that the Priors had withdraw
all suit, from the local Manor-Court, to Brug.*^^
In 1274, the Jurors of the same two Manors reported, the ancient
alienation of 3^ virgates in Alveley, by '^ Ralph, son of Guy le
Strange, who granted the said land in free and perpetual almoign^
to the Hospital of St, John, of Brug.^' *^^
In Oct. 1292, the Master of the Hospital of St. John was sued
under tmt of rights by the Crown, for this land, described as
^ Glaus, 7 Hen. Ill, memb. 16.
*« Claut. 10 Hen. Ill, memb. 6.
^ Rot, Hund. ii, 59. The Serjeantry
and service of Balph de Ewdness will
belong more properly to the futiure ac-
count of that township, which was not in
tlie Borough Liberties.
«o Ibidem, p. 73.
«» Ibidem, p. 102.
U
BRIDGNORTH.
345
" 3 virgates in Alvitheleye." ^^^ The King's Attorney set forth the
Royal Title, as by descent from Henry II. The Master appeared
in defence of his right " and in place of the King^s Great Assize,
put himself on a Jury of the Country, which should make recogni-
tion as to who had the better claim to the premises, he or the King."
The Jurors found upon their oath, that " the Master had greater
right to hold the land as he held it than the King to have it as he
claimed it." Therefore the Court gave sentence for the Master,
" saving to the King his right" &c.
It is thus observable that, during the first century after its founda-
tion, this House was variously described as the Hospital of the Holy
Trinity, or of St. John, and its chief oflBcer indiflPerently called Master
or Prior, facts which will correct several misstatements om the subject.
I must refer to a note for further and fuller accounts of this
establishment, or rather for such parts of other accounts as are free
from error .*^^
*^^ Placita de Quo Warrxinto^ p. 674.
*^ See Dukes* Antiquities of Shropahirey
pp. 50, 51, where a Seal of one of the
Masters of this Hospital is engraved, and
some, not irreleyant, documents quoted;
but a second Seal and two of the docu^
ments, there given, have nothing to do
with this house, but relate to the Society
of Friars Minors, presently to be noticed,
and whose house stood West of the
Severn.
See also the Appendix to the same
work (p. zzxviii) for many extracts re-
lating to this Hospital as well as a list of
its Masters. To the latter I can only add
the name of one Prior of the thirteenth
Century, viz. Symon, who has abeady
(p. 113) occurred, as witness to a deed,
about 1280.
See also New Monasticon^ voL vii, pp.
663, 664, where however the document
(Num. ii) refers to the Hospital of St.
James, and where all the documents
quoted from Tanner (in note q) as con-
cerning St. John's Hospital, belong to the
Collegiate Church of Saint Mary Magda-
lene. It is further noticeable that the
document. Num. i (wherein a Jury of
Edward lY's time found John Talbot the
then deceased Earl of Shrewsbury to have
been lineal descendant and h^ir of Ralph
le Strange, the Founder of this Hospital)
however genuine itself, involves a gross
error, and that the Pedigree by which
those Jurors supported their finding was
a false one.
A list of Becords which are really given
by Tanner, and by other authorities, in
reference to this house may be useful.
They are —
Inquia. ad quod Damnum^ 10 Edw. II,
No. 157. "Henr. Can pro Priore de
Brugge." "Brugge. De terns et tene-
mentis ibidem." (Calendar, page 253.)
Fat. 10 Edw. II, p. 2, m. 16. Pro
terris in Quatford et Worfield. (Tanner).
Inquis. ad quod Damnum^ 17 Edw. II,
No. 91. " Joh. Hubaud pro Hosp. Sanctao
Trinitatis. Brugges et More. Messuag.
et terrse." (Calendar, p. 273.)
Fat. 17 Edw. II, p. 2, m. 24. (Dukes'
Awtiquitiea, p. 50.)
Fat. 3 Edw. Ill, p. 2, m. 11. (Tanner.)
Inquis. ad quod JOammtm, 8 Edw. Ill,
(Dukes' Appendix, p. xxxviii.)
Fat 9 Edw. Ill, p. 1, m. 26. (Tanner.)
Fat. 18 Edw. Ill, p. 2, m. 32. (Dukes'
Appendix, ibidem.)
Fat. 19 Edw. Ill, p. 1, m. 19. (Dukes'
Antiquities^ p. 50.) [^Inquis.
346
BRIDGNORTH.
The Great Valuation of 1535 mentions this House in no other
connexion than as a dependency of the Abbey of Lylleshall^ which
had long before obtained custody hereof.*^*
That Abbey therefore enumerates amongst it^ temporal possessions
an annual income of £23. arising in Brigenorthe and Alveley. This
large item probably included other revenue than that which had
accrued with this Hospital/^^ for the Abbey had a distinct property
in Bridgnorth^ hereafter to be noticed^ and appears to have held
several leases of lands at Bridgnorth and Alveley under the Monks
of Shrewsbury, the Nuns of Brewood, the Chantry of St. Thomas
(in St. Leonardos Church), the Lords of Oldbury and of Netherton
(near Quatford), and under several Burgesses of Bridgnorth. Some
of these leases held, or rather quit-rents payable, by the Abbey of
LiUeshall, in 1535, may however have been originally concerns of
the Hospital. It is impossible, in short, to distinguish in thild
Valuation what lands the Abbey held as its own, what it acquired
with the Hospital, or what, after it obtained the Hospital, it may
have purchased or leased, in addition.
Besides these quit-rents, the property of LiUeshall Abbey in this
quarter was chargeable in other ways, —
An annual fee of 8«. Sd, was due for regard to the King's
Forester of Morf : — Richard Horde, Seneschall of Bridgnorth and
Alveley, had a salary of £l, per annum. — The Chaplain of the
Chantry of Jesus, in Lichfield Cathedral, was in receipt of an
annual pension of £6. ISs. 4rf. which had originally been payable
by the Hospital. — ^A similar pension the Abbey also paid to the
Chaplain, who still performed divine service in the Hospital
Church. —
Inquis, ad quod Damnum, 19 Edw. Ill,
No. 11. {Calendar, p. 315.)
Pat. 24 Edw. Ill, p. 2,m.22. (Dukes'
Antiquities, p. 50.)
Pat, 43 Edw. Ill, p. 2, in. 9. (Dukes*
.Appendix, p. xxxviii.)
Pat, 45 Edw. Ill, p. 1, m. 9 vel 15.
{Calendar, and Tanner.)
Pat. 6 Bic. n, p. 2, m. 31. "Pro
mortuo bosco, prout in Carta 16 Hen. III."
{Calendar, p. 206.)
Pat. 11 Edw. IV, p. 2, m. 16. " Cus-
todia concessa Abbatiee de Lilleshull."
(Tanner).
*^* Valor Ecchnaisticus, iii, 197.
<J* The only notice by which I can
identify tlie locality of any original pro-
perty of the Hospital, within the Town, is
a deed whereby "Christiana and Isabella,
daughters of William le Keu, seU to
Walter Palmer, Burgees of Brug, their
house in £ougate, saving a rent, of Qd.
per Snnum, payable to the Hospital of the
Holy Trinity. — Witnesses : William Pal-
mer, William Lambert, Provosts, Hamo
Palmer, Henry Coyntrel, William Wondac,
Philip de Petra, Bobert Tinctor, Bichard
Clerk." (Charter at Apley.)
" Cowgate " was the upper part of the
present " Cart- way."
J
BRIDGNORTH.
347
Lastly, on the anniversary of Ralph le Strange, as Founder of this
Hospital, the Abbot distributed a sum of 168. Sd. to the poor.
The Grantee of this House, on the dissolution (in 30 Henry VIII),
was Rowland Edwards, who had it with other possessions of Lilies-
hall Abbey.
HOSPITAL, OR LEPER HOUSE, OF ST. JAM;ES.
This Establishment belonged to a class essentially distinct from
that of the Hospital of St. John above noticed, or of Hospitals in
general.
The word Hospitaly in its commonest modem acceptation, and the
Latin word Hospitium convey a contrast of idea very similar. —
Sickness or disease are the prevailing notions involved in the
former word, hospitality or shelter in the latter. So it was with
these neighbouring and almost adjoining houses at Bridgnorth.
While such societies as St. John^s contemplated the relief of
travellers, pilgrims, the poor, the aged, and the infirm in general,
St. James's Leper House was intended only as a refuge for persons
afflicted with formidable and perhaps contagious disease. In written
documents, it is usually described as the Domus Leprosorum Sancti
Jacobi, or as Maladria Sancti Jacobi, the latter term being the
Latinized form for the French Maladrarie^^^ It stood East of the
road which led from St. John's Hospital towards Quatford, and on
the outside of the Town, a situation corresponding aptly with its
design. Its Founders were probably the Community of the
Borough of Brug, and such an establishment may well have been a
part of the internal economy of the Town.
The origin or multiplication of these Lazarettos may perhaps be
connected with a decree of the Eleventh General Council, which
assembled in the Church of St. John Lateran, in March, 1179,
under the auspices of Pope Alexander III.
The eleventh Canon, there promulgated, was entitled '^De
Leprosis,'' and ran as foUows : *^7 —
<i« Th«re seems to have, been a Mala-
drerie near Bridgnorth of older date than
that of St. James, being described in deeds
as " Vetus Maladria." It lay on the Old-
bury side of the Town, and abutted on
two ditches or water-courses called "Rey-
mund's ditch," and the "ditch towards
Aldebur" (sichetum Eeymundi et siohe-
tum versus Aldebur). (Charter at Apley
Pa/rk.)
417 Chron. Gervas. Inter Decern Scrip-
tores, p. 1450. The terms of this Canon
and the language used in certain early
Charters of these Leper-Houses would
348
BRIDGNORTH.
" Whilst the Apostle enjoins that ' more abundant honour be
rendered to the weaker members/ yet some men, on the contrary,
seeking their own rather than Christ's, allow not Lepers (who
cannot dwell with the healthy, nor attend Churches with other
men) to possess Churches or Cemeteries, or to be holpen by
ministry of their own Priest. Which thing being evidently quite
opposed to Christian piety, we, in Apostolick kindness, ordain that,
wherever so many be congregated under a common mode of life as
may suffice to build themselves a Church or Cemetery, and enjoy
. the ministry of their own Priest, they shall be permitted to have
such advantages without contradiction. Let them, however, take
heed that- they injure not the parochial rights of older Churches;
for that which is granted to them for piety's sake, we will not to
redound to the harm of another. And we further ordain that they
be not compelled to give tithes of their gardens, or of the forage
of their live-stock.''
Many of the large Towns of England had establishments, thus
indicated and encouraged, in the thirteenth century. The Leper
House of St. James was certainly founded previously to 1224; for
on 22 September, in that year. King Henry III, being then at
Bruges, issued the following Certificate to Hugh Fitz Robert,
Forester of Shropshire : — " Know, that for the reverence of God,
and for the health of our soul, and the soul of the Lord Eing
John, our Father, we have granted to the Leprous Brethren of the '
Hospital of St. James at Bruges, that they may have one horse,
daily plying in our Forest of Morf, to collect dry stumps and dead
wood for their fire, until we come of age." A similar Certificate
was addressed to Hugh de NeviU, Justice of the Forest.*^®
seem to indicate that the term "Leprosy"
was applicable only to contagious disease
or what was believed to be so. On the
other hand it is well koown that paralytic
affections were classified under the same
term " Leprosy" in the middle ages ; and
(whereas Paralysis can scarcely have been
accounted infectious even then) it would
appear that the term was used to denote
severe disease in a much more general
sense than modem notions can at once
apprehend.
It is not improbable, I think, that, in a
Monastic age, any chronic or incapacitating
disorder may have been taken to suggest
the necessity or propriety of the sufferer's
abstinence from, social intercourse; that
those who, under compulsion, or volun-
tarily, adopted this theozy, formed societiiBS
of themselves, and that they came to be
called Lepers, because their separate mode
of life associated their condition with that
of those, whom the well-known Scriptural
plague of Leprosy banished from society
and united to one another.
«8 Clous. 8 Hen. Ill, memb. 4. This
Charter was apparently renewed after the
King was of age, viz. in 1232 (Calend.
Rot. Cart. p. 49). At all events it was in
force in Nov. 1271, when, at the Forest
BRIDGNORTH.
349
On 30 Aug. 1226, the Lepers of St. James obtained an order
from King Henry HI, for three oak-trees out of Morf Forest. ' The
order is in similar terms with that granted on the same day to the
Hospital of the Holy Trinity, as quoted above.*^®
The next document, which I shall quote in connexion with this
House, is a very early Charter of the thirteenth Century, whereby
this Society demises a ctffrtilage of their land at an annual rent
of 20^.^^ The chief points noticeable in this Charter are, that
the Society is constituted without any apparent Superior of its own
body, that it acts under the guidance and with consent of the
" good men of the Town,^' that its members are of both sexes, and
that the entrance-fine paid by the Lessee is unusually small in
comparison with the reserved rent, — showing that the object in view
Assizes held at Salop, it is entered on the
Boll, with similar Charters to other indi-
viduals or Communities. (Forest Rolls,
Salop, No. vi, memh. 1.)
*^ Clems, ii, p. 135, where the Grantees
are printed as " Leprosi Sancti Johwnms
de Bruges." This is a mere mistake, and
probably of the original rather than of
Mr. Hardy's transcript. There was no
such body at Bridgnorth as the Lepers of
St. John, and the error possibly arose
from the contemporary grant to the Hos-
pital of the Holy Trinity, which was also
a Hospital of St. John. It is curious,
however, that an authoritative document
should embody a confusion often made
elsewhere.
<» In possession of T. 0. Whitmore,
Esq., of Apley. As the earliest Charter
which has occurred to me relating to pro-
perty within the Borough, and as having
a curious Seal of the House attached, I
will transcribe it entire : —
"Universis Christi fideUbus ad quos
presens Carta pervenerit,Fratres et Sorores
Domiis Dei et Beati Apostoli Jacobi et
Leprosorum deBruges, salutem in Domino.
Noverit XJniversitas vestra nos cum con-
silio et assensu proborum hominum de
Bruges dedisse et concessisse et hd,o pre-
senti cart& nostra confii*masse Eoberto le
Woler* quoddam curtilagium in e&dem
vill&, illud videlicet quod jaoet inter terram
Fhilippi filii Bicardi et terram Bicardi de
Porta. Tenendum de Deo et beato Jacobo
et Fratribus et Sororibus in domo nostrd
commanentibus et succedentibus predicto
Boberto et heredibus suis, in feudo et
hereditate, Ubere et quiete, bene et in pace
et honorifice, pro sex denariis quos dedit
nobis de introitu. Beddendo inde an-
nuatim nobis et successoribus nostris
viginti denarios, medietatem ad festum
beatse Man^B in Martio et medietatem ad
festum Sanoti Michaelis, pro omni servitio
et exactione. Concessimus siquidem pre-
dicto Boberto et heredibus suis dare vel
vendere et omne velle suimi de predicto
curtilagio facere, salvo predicto redditu
Deo et beato Jacobo et fratribus et soro-
ribus in domo nostra succedentibus et
ibidem Deo servientibus. Nos etiam et
successores nostri predicto Boberto et
heredibus suis predictum curtilagium pro
predicto servitio warantizabimus. Hiis
testibus.Bicardo filio Stephani etWillielmo
fiho Godewini tunc Pretoribus, WiUielmo
Tinctore, Waltero Hybemensi, Bogero
Wendac, Galfrido filio Stephani, Anketillo
Clerico, Andrea fratre suo, Hamundo
filio Walteri, WiUiehno filio Thonue, et
multis aliis."
The Deed is beautifully written. The
Seal of green wax, fastened to the deed by
a cord of red and white hemp curiously
interwoven, shall be given in an Illustra-
tion. The Legend (in full) is " Sigillum
Leprosorum Sancti Jacobi de Brugia."
350
BRIDGNORTH.
was a continuous annual income^ rather than a present advantage.
On Oct. 14, 1259, King Henry III granted letters patent of pro-
tection for the Lepers of St. James of Bruges, for five years.*^^
The endowment of a Chaplain in 26 Edw. Ill (1352-3), whose
duties were partly connected with the Church of this Hospital^ has
been already noticed.*^^
In 1535, this Hospital is valued as annually in receipt of £4*. net
income. It was, however, then governed by a Superior, who- is
called Prior. His name was William Beyste.*^
I refer elsewhere for further particulars.*^
FRANCISCAN OB GREY FRIARS.
This Order, called also the Order of Friars Minors, was intro-
duced into England early in the thirteenth Century. Its members
established themselves in many of our principal towns during the
reign of Henry III. The English Province of the Order came to
be divided into seven districts, called "Custodies,^' because a
Custos or Keeper presided over all Convents within each such
district.
The House at Bridgnorth, founded in the time of Henry III,
and dedicated to Saint Francis, was one of the nine Monasteries
which were subject to the Custody or Wardenship of Worcester.^*
It lay to the West of the Severn, under the Church of St. Leo-
nard's. Some adjoining vaults are still known as the ''Friars'
«a Fat, 43 Hen. in.
<o Supra, p. 342, note 403.
^® Valor JEeclenasticus, vol. iii, p. 199.
^^ Dukes' AntiquitieSj Appendix, p. xl,
where some traditionary matter is given
which relates to this foundation, as also
some documents quoted, which show the
fi^te of its possessions after the Dissolu-
tion. No reference is given to the autho-
rities for the former, which seems to be
curious. I would, however, point out the
discrepancy which in the first instance
attributes the foundation to King Henry I,
then to William de Kenegate and others,
and thirdly to Justice Freere and Henry
Bourchier (second Earl of Essex of his
name), who lived in the reigns of Henry
Vn and Henry Vlll.
I am favoured by Hubert Smith, Esq.,
with an extract of a deed whereby, in
June, 16 Edw. H (1323) William,
Qxiardian of the House of Lepers of
St. James of Brugge, grants a Tenement
in Spittle Street, bounded on one side by
the tenement of Alice and Helen, daugh-
ters of Bichard de Boughton, some time
Forester of Morfe. The Feoffee is to pay
12d. rent.
** New Monasticon, vol. viii, p. 1503
(quoting Stevens). The same authority
states John, Earl of Shropshire (Shrews-
bury) kinsman and heir of Balph le
Strange, the first Founder, to have been
the reputed Founder (Patron, I suppose)
of this House. Speed also (as quoted
Monasticon^ vol. viii, p. 1531), attributed
BRIDGNORTH.
351
Caves/^ and their Great Hall or Refectory is^ or was lately^ in
tolerable condition.*^^
We have few accounts^ and those both erroneous and contra-
dictory^ as to the origin of this House. If we attempt to associate
such establishments with the names of specific Founders^ we shall
usually be in error. The sycophancy or ignorance of a later
period has invented or believed the falsest tales about the origin of
the various English Houses of Friars. The probability is, that the
first members of these fraternities located themselves in our large
Towns, under no specific or marked patronage, and worked their
way onwards as best they could. In process of time, the name
of some influential Founder, or Patron, was seen to be a kind of
protection, and so adopted by each Society for itself.
Not knowing their Founders, the Franciscans extemporized them ;
and their new Patrons, the descendants of such alleged Founders,
were perhaps not studious to expose the complimentary fraud. In
the case of this House at Bridgnorth, which claimed John Earl of
Shrewsbilry for its Patron, as the descendant of Ralph de Strange,
its alleged Founder, the idea was doubtless borrowed from a similar
claim of the Brethren of St. John's Hospital, in the Low Town.
Such pretence of the Franciscans, though it involved a double
falsehood, conveyed also a double compliment to their adopted
Patron ; for not only did it flatter John Talbot with a fictitious
ancestry, but gave to such imtrue Ancestor the merit of a founda-
tion with which neither he nor his Descendants, real or imaginary,
had anything to do.
Passing a statement which I cannot substantiate,^^^ and which
this House of Ghrey Friars to John Earl
' of Shrewsbury, m time of Henry VI.
Balph le Strange however was, as I have
already said, no ancestor of John Earl of
Shrewsbury. He, Ralph, died when St.
Franfcis (the Founder of this £ule) was
not yet fourteen years of age, also fourteen
years before St. Francis originated the
Order, and twenty-four years before it
was introduced into England. Ealph le
Strange, therefore, was not the founder ;
and neither was John Earl of Shrewsbury,
who flourished in the reign of Henry VI,
or a century and a half after the time when
I sliall show this House to have been in
existence. Similarly false allegations as
to their foundership by the Dominican,
Austin, and Franciscan Friars of Shrews-
bury, are alluded to or exposed by the
Historians of that town. (Vol. ii, pp.
445, 452, 460.)
^ Dukes' AnHquUieSf Appendix, p. xU,
where also some further documents con-
nected with this House, and of dates 1833
and 1337, are given. The Seal of one of
these is also engraved on page 50 of Mr.
Dukes' book, whereby I perceive that
these Franciscans called themselves occa-
sionally Preachers (Predicatores). That
title, however, has usually been assigned
distinctively to the Dominican or Black
Friars.
*V Dukes' Antiquities, p. 51, quoting
the Assize Boll of 40 Hen. Ill ; but I
45
352
BRIDGNORTH.
alludes to the Friars Mihors^ as established in Bridgnorth earlier
than 40 Henry III (1256), we find them here nngnestionably within
a year of that date.
At the Assizes of October, 1272, the Jurors of the Borough
made the following presentment as to a purpresture on the King's
demesne,*^® yiz., that the Friars Minors (Fratres Minores) had, eight
years back, enclosed the King's highway on the bank of the Severn;
whereby the King was damaged yearly to the extent of half a merL
" They also take," said the Jurors, " stones and rubbish from the
bank of the Severn, and throw them into the River, whereby they
have realized to themselves a piece of ground, 150 feet long and 50
feet wide, and this they have enclosed. By which process the
(artificial) bank causes the water to pound upon (inundare) the
King's mills, the damage whereunto is five merks per annum, and
this was done 16 years back/'
At this time, too (1272), the Friars had built their Church, for
the same Jurors reported that a Prisoner, who had been imprisoned
by Hugh de Acovere, the Sheriff (1255-6), '^escaped to the Church
of the Friars Minors, and abjured the realm/'
There is no account of the Revenues of this House in the Vakr
of 1535 ; but it came into lay hands at the dissolution. I refer
elsewhere for a statement as to its subsequent disposal in the reign
of James I.*^
THE HERMITAGE.
Another, and still more humble. Establishment is associated with
the religious history of this Town and its suburbs. The road which
led hence towards Worfield, through Morf Forest, before it attains
the summit of the hill which faces Bridgnorth on the East, passes
under a cave, hewn out of the red sandstone rock of the district.
Here, if names and legends are to have due authority, — " Here
sat solitary sanctity,'^ for the spot is still called " The Hermitage;"
and tradition says that a Brother of King Athelstan ended his days
here in retirement from the world.*^^
cannot find the entry on the Koll itself.
This and another document quoted by
Mr. Dukes, under the Hospital of the Holy
Trinity, belong, wherever derived &om, to
the House of Ghrey Friars.
*^ Placita Corona^ 56 Hen. Ill, memb.
49 dorso. Similar devices, for increasing
their territory, by the Dominican Friars
at Shrewsbury, are related (Ststory of
Shrewshuri/, vol. ii, p. 446).
^ It was granted to John Beaumont
in 36 Henry VIII (1544). (Dukes' Ap-
pendix, p. xli). See also Dukes' J^'
quitieSf p. 51.
^^ This tradition has some sembisnoe
of probability. King Edward the Elder
BRIDGNORTH.
353
Be that as it may, we have it upon better evidence than tradition,
that at a subsequent period an Eremitical ceU existed in this place,
that it was under the declared patronage of the Crown (probably as
being situate in Morf Forest), and that the name by which it was
known at this later period affords some corroboration to the story
of its origin.
In the reign of Edward III, several successive Hermits. occur on
the Bolls, for they were ushered to their CeU with the same forma*
lities, of Boyal Seal and Patent, as introduced a Dean or Pre-
bendary of St. Mary Magdalene to the Constable of Bridgnorth or
to the Sheriff of the County.
On 2 Feb. 2 Edw. Ill (1328), John Oxindon was presented by
the King to the '^ Hermitage of Athewildston, near Bridgnorth.^^ *^^
In 7 Edw. Ill (1333), Andrew Corbrigg was similarly presented
to the ^^ Hermitage of Adlaston, near Bridgnorth.^' ^^
In 9 Edw. Ill (1335), Edmund de la Mare was presented to the
Hermitage of Athelardeston.'^ ^^
In 20 Edw, III (1346), Roger Burghton was presented to the
Hermitage above the high road, near Brugenorth.^' ^*
I havp made no fiirther extracts in continuation of this list, nor
is it important to do so. 'Hie Reader must judge whether the
Legend above cited, when coupled with these traces of the name
Athelward, or Ethelward,^^ are sufficient grounds for identifying
the first Hermit with that literate Brother of King Athelstan, who
tc
t(
had, by his three Wiyes, a numerous
femily. Mahnsbury (Be Gestis Beffwn^
vol. ii, p. 25. b) has been particular to
record the names and destinies of fourteen
children, of whom jfive were Sons ; but of
these fiye neither appears under circum-
stances which can identify him with our
Hermit. Athelstan, the eldest, succeeded
to Edward's throne ; Ethelward, the
second, known only for his love of Hte-
rature, died soon after his Father, and was
buried at Winchester. Edwin, the third,
was banished the realm and drowned at
sea under circumstances which affected
the reputation of Athelstan, whose interest
in getting rid of him was associated with
a question as to his own legitimacy.
Edmund and Edred, the fourth and fifth
Sons of King Edward, successively came
to the throne after the death of Athelstan.
Fear of a fette like Edwin's may possibly
have influenced some sixth and unnamed
Brother of Athelstan to embrace an
eremitical life, or possibly his second
Brother, Ethelward, may have been an
Anchorite. Three of his Sisters were
N'uns.
^ Pat, 2 Edw. m, p. 1, m. 33.
^ Pat. 7 Edw. in, p. 2, m. 27.
*s» Pat. 9;Edw. in, p. 1, m. 26.
«* Pat. 20 Edw. Ill, p. 1, m. 2.
**^ The etymology I presume to be
Ajjelajibef-fran (the stone or rock of
Athelard or Ethelward) rather than
Ajjelajiber-cun (the dwelling or enclosure
of the same). In either case we have a
caution as to accepting the modem ter-
mination ton, as always significant of a
town.
854
BRIDGNORTH.
has been mentioned in the note. We may at least conclude that
the Hermitage was of Saxon origin.
We have now to speak of some of the principal early tenures
which existed within the Borough. We will commence with that
which is usually called '' the Fee of Little Brug/' and was held of
the Crown hj petit serfeantry.
LITTLE BRUG.
This suburb^ sometimes also called Southbridge^ consisted of two
short streets^ tontinuations of Hungary or St. Mary's Street^ and
of Whitburn or Raven Street.
These small streets^ which lay outside St. Mary's and Whitburn
gates^ unite in a road^ which^ passing first to the North-west after-
wards branches off towards Shrewsbury and Ludlow. Thus the
angle formed by these streets (one of which is still called Little
Bridge Street) and subtended by the town wall^ will have been
nearly identical with the " fee of Little Brug.'' ***
In the early history of this suburb we have again to deal with a
Legend^ and one which at first seems beyond the reach of any
secondary test or investigation.
The story is, that during the siege of Brug (by Henry I, in 1102)
" Sir Ralph de Pitchford, one of the King's commanders, behaved
himself so gallantly, that Henry granted him an estate in the neigh-
bourhood, called the Little Brugge, to hold by the service of finding
dry wood for the King's great chamber in the Castle as often as he
should come there."
Of all the subjects with which an Antiquary can have to deal,
that of ignoring a Legend is the most thankless and distasteful. At
the same time we scarcely ever meet with one which can be accepted
as true in all its particulars, and it is no unpleasant task, instead of
rejecting the whole, to extract from these shadowy hints of the past
that element of reality which must have been the foundation of
**• I give the Legend in the words of
Grose {AnHguUies of England and Wales,
vol. V, p. 3), which are nearly those of
Camden (Rough's Edition, voL ii, p.
396*). The points which require further
corrohoration are that the first Grantee
was Ralph de Pichford, and that he ob-
tained it in the way stated.
BRIDGNORTH. 355
every bona fide tradition. Equally gratifying is it to find some ex-
ternal illustration, which, however inadequate to prove the truth of a
given Legend, may yet invest it with something of greater credibility
than the unwritten memorial could independently command.
Thus it is with the Legend before us.^Ordericus ^'^ has related,
that the three persons entrusted by Earl Robert de Belesme with
the defence of Brug Castle were Soger son of Corbet, Robert de
Novavilla, and Ulger the Hunter; that William Pantulf, who
negotiated with them as to the surrender of the fortress waa their
kinsman, and that he promised them 100 librates of land, on behalf
of the King, as a reward for such surrender.
Now, another, and totally distinct, transaction, of the next Cen-
tury, shows a probability that there was a relationship between the
family of Pichford and the descendants of Ulger the Hunter.^^®
Is it not then possible that the service rendered by Ralph de
Pichford at this siege may have been of the same kind as Pantulf s,
the exertion of some influence, with his presumed kinsman within
the Castle, to procure its surrender?
Reserving a detailed account of the family of Pichford to a
future occasion, I will here offer such extracts only as relate to its
tenure of Little Brug.
A fragmentary Roll, in the Testa de Nevillj Which appears to
have been drawn up about 1212, and when Hugh de Pichford had
lately been succeeded by a Son Ralph, tells us that the latter then
held, in the Hundred of Brug, Little Brug with its appurtenances,
by gift of King Henry, grandfather (avi) of King John, by ser-
vice of finding dry wood, for the Chamber in the Castle of Brug,
at the King's coming there.^® The annual value of the tenure is
stated at 39^.
At the Inquest on the death of Ralph de Pichford, held
April 20, 1253, his tenure in capite here, by service of finding fuel
(carbones), is said to involve a receipt of 33«. 2d, rent.^^
^ Idher. xi, p. 107.
^ The representatives of eacli contested
certain property in Lee Brockhirst under
writ of " mort d' ancestre.*' Moreover it
is nearly certain that this same family of
Pichford was descended from a great
Shropshire Eeodary called in Domesday
"Norman Venator," who also had a Bro-
ther "Roger Venator;" and if Ulger
Venator were akin to these ^Brothers, as
his name would suggest, his relationship
to Pichford becomes still more probable.
*^ Testa de NeoUl^ p. 56. It must be
observed that this record does not rightly
compute the relationship which King John
bore to Heniy I, who was his great-grand-
father (proavus). The statement as to ser-
vice is repeated in a contemporary Boll in the
Bed Book of the Exchequer (fo. cxxiii).
*« Escheat, 37 Hen. Ill, No. 56.
356
BRIDGNORTH.
At the Inquisition of 1255^ the Jnrors of the Borough, in answer
to a question as to the varioos services due to the Castle, stated
that '' the Lord of Albrighton had to find fuel for the Castle in
respect of his fee of Little Brug."**^ The then Lord of Albrighton
was John de Pichford, Son of the last Ralph, and in minority.
In November 1274, the Jurors oi the Liberty reported John de
Hchford as holding a certain fee in capite within the said Liberty
of Brug, but they knew not in what way, or by what warrant, or
from what time he so held it.^
In the Inquisitions on the death of John de Pychford, held at
Pychford and Albrighton, on April 13, and May 6, 1285, his tenure
in capite at Albrighton is mentioned,^^ but that of Little Brug is
either omitted, or another Inquisition, relating thereto, is lost.
At the Salop Assizes, October 1292, the Jurors of Brug exposed
themselves to a penalty for not making a due report as to this
Serjeantry.*** It however appeared that '^ Ralph de Kchford had
certain tenants in the viU of Bruges, of whom he received 80«. per
annum, rendering one cart-load of fiiel (carbonum) for the fire of the
Castle, and one cart-load of hay for the wardrobe, as often as the King
should happen to come to the Castle/' The warranty of this tenure
being non-apparent, the Sheriff was ordered to summon the Tenant:
and '^ Ralph de Pichford came, and well acknowledged the aforesaid
service, but said that the King had never passed through the parts
of Brugge since the said tenements came into his (Ralph's) hands/'
The Jurors confirmed the statement.***^
A few Deeds and other Documents relating to some under tenan-
cies in this fee, should be quoted. By deed, sans date, but which
passed before 1252 : —
1. Henry, son of Adam Doresc, of Little Brug, grants to Agnes,
Daughter of Walter le Palmer, 18 acres in Little Brug, in the
fields of Brug, paying for hinn to Sir Ralph de Pichford a chief-
rent of 1^. 6rf., and to him a pair of gloves of \d. value, annually.—
^ Mot. Bund, vol. ii, p. 59.
**2 Ibidem, vol. ii, p. 88.
*« Eschsat, 13 Edw. I, No. 14.
*** FlacUa CoroM, 20 Edw. I, memb.
37 dorso.
*" A statement given by Mr. Dukes
(AntiquUieSy p. 51), oonfiues the pecolitf
service due on Little Brug with other
service in Wales. The latter I presume
to have been due from the same family of
Piohford in virtue of their tenure in eapiie
at Albrighton.
BRIDGNORTH.
357
Witnesses : Walter Aurifaber and Adam Lngain^ then Provosts
of Brug &c.*^
, 2. Robert le Cuppare grants to Eobert Tinctor, of Bnig, for four
merks^ the lands in Little Brugia, where the Grange of the pur-
chaser is erected, and lying between lands which the same purchaser
bought from Roger de Cenobio (elsewhere called "De Abbacia"),
and land which was Symon de Cenobio^s. Rent to be 2d, — Wit-
nesses: William Bonamy, John Tinctor (Provosts), Hamo Palmer,
Walter Palmer, John de Castello, Henry Coyntrel, Philip de Petra,
William Fitz Hamon (Palmer), Roger de la More &c.**7
3. Walter Carpenter grants to Lecya, relict of Alan de Berham,
for 20^., a messuage in Little Brug, which he bought from William
Bonamy, bounded by land which Robert le Coliare held of Hamo
Palmer, and by the King's Street &c. — Witnesses : Philip de Petra,
William Bolding (Provosts), Robert le Cuppare, William le Becare,
Robert Faber, Geoflfrey Faber &c.**8
4. Robert Fitz William Fitz Adam delivers to Walter Palmer, by
way of pledge for 5 merks (less 8rf.) which he owed him, a
messuage in Whyteboume, lying between land of Henry Fitz
Robert and land which Henry Textor held, and extending from the
King^s highway to the wall of the town. He also delivers the land
in Little Brug which he had from John, his Brother, and which lay
between his own (Robertas) land and the land of Robert le Coppare.
And if he shall not have paid half his debt at the Feast of the
Nativity of the Virgin, in the 43d year of Henry III (Sept. 8, 1259),
and the other half at the Feast of All Saints (Nov. 1) next following,
the said Walter shall have the lands in inheritance for ever, ren-
dering to Roger Fitz Elote 12rf. annually. And the Mortgagor
will, in that case, warrant the premises as if sold for the aforesaid
sum. — Witnesses : William Palmer and William Lambert, then
Provosts, Hamo Palmer, Philip de Petra, William Bonamy, Hugh
de Eudon, Roger de la More &c.***
5. Robert, son of Geoflfrey Faber, of Little Brug, grants to Roger,
*•« Blakeway MSS. (apparently from
Otley Charters).
**^ Charters at Apley Park.
*« Ibidem.
**• Charter at Apley Park. By a pre-
yiouB deed in the same collection John
Fitz-William Fitz-Adam sells for 20f.
(an.d resenring a rent of If.) to Walter
Palmer, that moiety, which was coming
to him by partition, of a house in the street
called Wyteboume (described as to boun-
dary like the aboye messuage^ except that
Henry Fitz-Bobert is in this deed called
Henry Fitz-Ayioe). — ^Witnesses : William
Bonamy and Bichard Fitz-Eye, Froyosts,
Hamund Palmer, William Palmer, Philip
de Petra, Hugh de Eudon, Henry Fitz-
Ayice.
358
BRIDGNORTH.
son of Roger de More, of Brag, for 20#., an acre in the fields of
Brug, bounded by the Vendor's Cnrtilage in Little Brug &c.
Bent id. — ^Witnesses: William de Kantreyn, John de Castello,
Boger Hamiind, Boger Bonamy, Richard de Petra, Andrew
Bolding &c.^
A' trial of "Mort d'ancestre^' was to come before the T^ing at
Salop in August 1267. Richard Fitz Bobert Fitz Philip sued Sibil,
Isabel, Margery, and Alice, daughters of Bobert de la Pere (Petra),
for some small parcels of land in Little Brug. The Plaintiff with-
drew the suit, but a subsequent composition of the matter ended in
his remitting all claim.*"
Between the withdrawal of the suit of '^mort d'ancestre" and
this final composition, another suit would seem to have been insti-
tuted under a writ of " novel disseizin.^' This came on at the same
Assizes. The question was whether Sibil de la Stone (de la Fere),
Philip and William, her Sons, William de Huggel and John de
Aldebur (Husbands probably of two of Sibil's Sisters), had disseized
Bichard Fitz Robert of his tenement in Little Brug. The Defendants
proved that Philip de la Stone bequeathed the premises to Emma
his wife, for her life, with remainder to Isabel, Alice, Margery, and
Sibil, his heirs. The Plaintiff was non-suited.*^^
TEKURE OF HAUGHMOND ABBEY.
This was also in Little Brug, but to introduce it circumstantially
I must first notice a very ancient Deed, whereby Bichard de Piche-
forte (who was deceased in 1176) gave, before the year 11 72, to
Haghmon Abbey, for the health of his soul and with consent of
Hugh his heir, the MiQ of Pichefort, and half a virgate of land
there. — ^Witnesses : Gilbert, Prior of Buildwas ; Adam, a Monk,
Brother of the Abbot; Nicholas Brother of the Grantor; Engelaid;
Andrew Priest of Biriton; Bichard Chaplain of Salopesburi; Richard
Fitz Odo de Ruttune.*^^
*«> Charter at Apley Park,
*^i Placita coram JRe^fe, memb. 4 recto.
*^2 Ibidem, memb. 7 dorso. This change
ia the plaintiff's mode of procedure, though
not explained by anything on the face of
the record, is illustratiye of one of the
special priyileges claimed for the Borough
of Brug, and before alluded to. The writ
of " mort d' ancestre " was not current in
Brug, and the plaintifTs original proceed-
ing under such writ would haye failed on
that ground. He, therefore, chose the
altematiye — a writ of " novel disseizin.'
*^ Haghmon Ghartularj at Sundom
(fo. 164) compared with Pope Alexander
m's confirmation to £taghmon, dated
May 14, 1172, and preserved in HarL
MSS. 3868, fo. 11.
BRIDGNORTH. 359
Hugh de Pichford, Son and heir of Richard, and who, having had
livery in 1176, died about 1211 or 1212, wishing I suppose to
recover Pichford Mill, came to an agreement about the same with
Richard, Abbot of Haghmon, whose term of office commenced
after 1172, and ended before 1205. By this agreement Hugh gave
to the Abbey, in exchange for Pichford Mill, certain lands at Little
Brugia, held by Robert Palmer, William Fitz Oseline, Gilbert and
Gerard, shoemakers, and Robert Pumerius. — ^Witnesses : Henry
Malveisin, William Fitz Simon, Manculin, Gerin Bumel, Alan de
Buldewas, Uger de Eton, Oliver his Brother, Geoffirey de la Beche,
XJnfrey de Bois, Nicholas Barbe.^^*
I presume that it was to this tenure in Little Brug that the
Jurors of 1255 referred, when 4;hey stated the Abbey of Haghmon
to he in receipt of 40 pence annual rent within the Borough.*^^
Later, as I think, in the century, the Abbey acquired a rent of
2 shillings in the Low Town, under the will of Roger Fitz Osbert,
of Ludlow. The Testator held altogether, property yielding 4s. 2d,
annually, and John, son of William de Castello, was his tenant of
the whole.*^^
TENURE OF LILLESHALL ABBEY.
I have already alluded to a source of annual revenue which, in
the year 1167, arose to the Crown out of the Borough of Brug, and
independently of the annual ferm^^'^ It was probably from some
purpresture, or occupation of a part of the Royal demesne, which
had not been taken into account when the ferm of the Borough, or
rent payable by the Sheriflf, was settled. At Michaelmas, 1167, the
SheriflF accounted 23*. 6rf. as ^^ the issues of the land of the Bur-
gage of Brug.^^*^^ In the next year the receipt is similarly described,
but it was 26*. 6rf., and is entered under the head of Purprestures.^^^
In 1169, 24i8, 7d. was thus received, and 26*. Sd. in 1170, and the
same sum in every successive year till 1176 inclusive.*^^
At Michaelmas, 1177, the Sheriff accounted, under the head of
purprestures and escheats, for " 20s. issues of land of the Borough
of Brug, before the King gave it to Walter de Linley.^^*^^ After
^^ Haghmon Ghartulary at Sundom,
fo. 41, and Blakewaj MSS.
*" Rot. Sund. vol. ii, p. 69.
^^ Haghmon Chariulary (ut supra).
«7 Supra, p. 292.
*» Mot. Pvp. 13 Hen. H, Salop.
469 460 461 jg^^. p^-p, ^6 cisdem annis.
46
360
BRIDGNORTH,
this the Sheriff ceases to account for any such item of Revenue. We
infer that about July 1, 1177, King Henry II granted to Walter de
Linley certain Crown-lands in the Borough of Brug which had
previously yielded an annual revenue of 2 merks.
Before the end of the century, the whole or a great part*^* of this
land had passed to a female, variously described as Sibil de Linley and
Sibil de Brocton. What may have been her relationship to Walter
de Linley I will not here conjecture, but her interest in Brocton
arose under feoffment of Richard de Linley, who therefore may have
succeeded Walter in this land at Brug, and transmitted the same to
Sibil. She, in whatever way of succession, became doubly a tenant
in capite of the Crown, and, as such, her marriage was in the
King's gift.
Before Michaelmas, 1190, she fined with the King in a sum of
3 merks, "for license of marrjring herself.**^ Thia license of course
involved the privilege of remaining single, and such I imagine to haye
been Sibil^s application thereof, for within nine years following she
granted the whole of her lands in Brocton and in Brug to Lilleshall
Abbey. She further bestowed her body for burial in that house.
This grant was included in King John^s general confirmation to
Lilleshall, dated 31 Aug. 1199.*** It is also mentioned in the con-
firmation of Pope Honorius III (1216-1227), to that Abbey.^^
Such were the circumstances under which the Canons of Lilles-
hall obtained their first interest within the Borough of Brug, an
iuterest which in 1255 was represented by the receipt of 30 shillings
annual rent.*^
Their possessions here were greatly increased by their acquisition
of the Hospital of St. John in the reign of Edward IV; ^7 but the
^ I use thb qualification with refer-
enoe to a previous statement (p. 115,
note 49), from which it would appear
that the Linley interests in or near Bridg-
north did not all centre in Sihil or deyolye
to Lilleshall.
^ S.ot. Pip, 2 Bio. I, Salop, where she
is called Sihil de Brocton.
^^ It is singular that the Charter of
31 Aug. 1199, as entered on the Bolls of
King John's reign (Rot, Cart. p. 17), does
not contain this item. But there must
have been two Charters of the same date,
one rather fuller than the other. The
fonner is rehearsed and confirmed in an
inspeximus of Bichard 11 (Sot. Pat. 18
Bio. II, p. 1, memb. 7), and containB
Sibil de Linley's grant. King John's
second Charter to Lilleshall, dated May
31, 1213, mentions the grant, but this is
not the Charter inspected by Bichard II
(Rot, Cart, B. Johannis, p. 192.)
^ Harl. MSS. 3868, fo. 24. TheBuU
of Pope Honorius also confirms ** a fisheiy
which the Canons had in the Biyer of the
Town of Brug called Severn," but tlw
Chrantor of this is not mentioned.
** Bot. Mund. voL ii, p. 59.
^ Supraj p. 346.
BRIDGNORTH.
361
Valor of 1535, before quoted with reference to the subject, leaves
the two properties Tmdistinguished.4«8 A quit-rent however of
13*. 4rf. then .payable by the Abbey to the Lord of Netherton
(Quatford) seems to have been in probable connexion with their
Linley tenure.
TENURE OF THE WHITE NUNS OF BREWOOD.
This House was favoured with the patronage, and perhaps occa-
sionally with the presence of King John.**** Among other things
he granted to the Nuns a weir, called " Withlakeswere,'' in the
River Severn, near to Brug.
About the year 1225, Alditha, Prioress of Brewode, and her
Convent enfeofiFed Henry Pitz Robert of Brug in one half of* this
weir, reserving an annual rent of 6s,^^ Cecilia, another Prioress,
granted the other moiety to the same Feoffee, and at a similar
rent.^70
That the grants were nearly contemporary appears from the same
witnesses having attested each, viz. Sir Henry d'Aldithley, William
Pantulf, and Walter de Hugford.
It .would appear that the Abbey of Shrewsbury later in the 13th
century acquired some tenant right in this Weir, for two deeds
remain on the Chartulary, by one of which William de Brug, son of
Richard the Fisherman, quit-claims to thie Abbey, all right in the
fishery called Withlakeswere. — Witnesses : Sir Albinus de la Rode,
Andrew de Northley, Symon de Sabrina.*'^
The other deed is a grant to the same Abbey of all his right in
the said Weir by John, Son of John Fisherman, of Brug. — ^Wit-
nesses: William de Cantrey, Henry de Amleg, William Bolding.^^a
The Inquisition of 1255 registers the Nuns^ of Brewood as in
receipt of 6s, Sd. rent within this Borough, and their income ap-
pears like that of the Knights Templars and Hospitallers to have
been unassessable to the King^s TaUages.*'^^ Probably, also, it was
^® VcUor ScelenctgHouti toL iii, p. 197.
^^ King John was at Brewood in April,
1200, Januaiy, 1206, and AugoBt, 1207.
A Charter of his to the White Nuns of
St. Leonard, ^ted Sept. 1, 1212, is extant
(Sot, Cart, p. 187), but oonoems other
localities. The specific grant, quoted
aboTe, is not preserved on the Bolls.
^ Salop Chartulary, No. 876.
^ Ibidem, No. 143. William, Son of
Bichard le Fescur of Brug, oocurt in
1256.
^7^ Ibidem, No. 139. A deed at Aplej
dated 1265, is attested by the same three
witnesses.
^ Sot. Swnd, Tol. ii, p. 50.
362
BRIDGNORTH.
in this instance understated, for a few years later in the Centorj
the Nuns appear in receipt of other income in the Borough quite
unconnected with the Weir above-mentioned.
'^ Cecilia, formerly Daughter of Henry Fesun, in her maidenhood,
grants to Nicolas, son of Walter Palmer, for 20*., a plot of land
at the Standelf,*^* which she held of the Nuns of Brewode, of the
tenement of Solton.^^s — j^ jg bounded by the lands which Henry
de Castro holds of the Lords of Glazeley, and lands of Boger Fitz
Henry, — She grants it, together with the Grange, and with 2*. 6d.
annual rent which the Purchaser is to receive from Curtilages of the
same tenement, and pay over to the Nuns. — To hold of the said
Cecilia from the Feast of St. Andrew, 6 Edward (Nov, 30, 1277),
for 20 years, at a rent of 6d. If, at the end of that term, the pur-
chase-money {20s,) be not repaid, the Mortgagee shall continue
to hold the premises at the aforesaid rent, till it is so repaid.—
Witnesses: B/Oger de Mora, William Bolding (Provosts), William
de Cantreyn William Palmer, Boger Fitz Henry, Stephen Bolding,
Henry de Castro, William Bonamy, Richard de Petra.^^ *76
The Valor of 1535, gives a rent of only 5 shillings as receivable
by the Nuns of Brewood from lands in '' Brigenorthe ;" ^'^ but the
Minister's Accounts at the Dissolution tell a different tale. They
enumerate the following receipts in " Brignorth :" — Free Bents 3*.,
Bent of a Croft &c. Zs., Ferm of one tenement 6*.,*'^® making a total
of 11 shillings.
TENURE OF THE KNIGHTS TEMPLARS.
An authentic and very curious account of the Templar's posses-
sions throughout England, drawn up as early as the year 1185,
*^* A Stcmdelf IB a BtQne-quarry,aplaoe
in which to delve for sioTie {History of
Shrewsbury, vol. ii, p. 462) ; where how-
ever the writers are mistaken as to the
probability of the word having been
peculiar to Shrewsbury.
*'* A family named Sholton, or Scel-
tone, occurs in other deeds as holding
land near St. Leonard's Church-yard
(supra, p. 341) and in Astley Abbots.
*76 Charter at Apley Park. The situa-
tion of this land may be gathered from
another deed in the same collection,
whereby Jane, daughter of Walter Bussel,
grants to John Pemel, Chaplain, a ciff-
tilage outside the Postern gate, near the
Cemetery of St. Leonard, lying between
lands of Thomas Hichemon and the way
towards Cantereyn and extending from
the ditch under the town wall to the land
of the White Nuns of Brewode. Eendering
12rf. to the heirs of Henry Fesun and a
Rose to the Grantor. — Witnesses : John
Geffrey and Bobert le Knyt Provosts,
Stephen Bolding, &c.
^ Valor Ecclesiasticus, voL iii, p. 198.
*^ New MonasHcony vol. v, p. 731.
BEIDGNORTH.
363
contains^ under the Bailiwick of Warwick (which included Shrop-
shire) the following entry : — " At Brugia half a certain mansion
came to the hands of the brethren, which used to render annu-
aQy 2s/' ^79
In 1255 the Templars possessed two houses here, of 5 shillings
annual value, and they were not subject to the King's Tallagea. Their
Tenants were life-tenants, and would not scott with the Burgesses
for the trade carried ,on in the said houses.*®^ This, and, it may be
added, the former immunity arose from the chartered privileges of
this once powerful Order.
TENURE, OF BUILD WAS ABBEY.
The existent Charters of this House do not, that I can find, give
any information as to the way in which it acquired property in
Brug.
In 1255, however, the Abbot is returned as receiving 12«. annual
rent here.^^ This rent is in 1291 stated at 165.^^
About 1296, " Brother William, Abbot of Buldewas, as Executor
of the will of Master Alan le Palmer of Brug, sells for 6 merks
to William Selimon, son of Robert Tinctor, a house in High Street,
which the deceased had left to the Abbot's disposal, to sell it, and
employ the money in pious uses for the soul of the Testator. — ^To
hold of the Lord of the fee at \d. rent, — ^Witnesses : Roger de la
More, John Glidde (Provosts) of Brug, William de Kantreyn,
Nicholas Rondolf, Fremund de Erdrnton, Robert Crouke, and
others.^^ "^
The Conventual Seal remains attached to this deed.
In 1535 the rents receivable by the Abbot of Buildwas, in Ruley
and Brigenorth, are returned at 13^. 6rf.j^®* and the Minister's
Accounts of the following year estimate the rents in Rowley at 8*.,
and in Brygenorthe at 5«. 6rf.^^
479 HSS. Vol. formerly in custody of
the Queen's Bemembrancer, now at
Carlton Bide. Extracts are given, New
MonasUcon, vol. vii, p. 821, numb.
ixiv.
^ Sot Smd. Yol. ii, pp. 59, 60.
^ JRot Swnd, vol. ii, p. 59.
^ Pope Nich. Taxation, p. 260.
«3 Charter at Apley Park.
^ Valor JEcclesiasticuSy vol. iii, p. 191.
■*" Monastioony vol. v, p. 361.
864 BRIDGNORTH.
Other BeligioaB Communities had property within the Borough
in 1255, viz., the Priory of Wenlock, the Abbeys of "Wigmore and
Crokesden, and the Knights Hospitallers, their respective annnal
receipts on the same being 10^., 20*., 10*. and Ss.^^ I can give no
farther particulars of any of these possessions, except that the Abbot
of Wigmore's fee (which might have been acquired during the
ascendancy of the Mortimers in the Borough) is described as
'^ terra CampeU; " that it lay apparently in the direction of Old-
bury, and that in the middle of the thirteenth century Walter
Aurifaber was a tenant therein.
We will conclude our accoimt of Bridgnorth with notices of one
or two families distinguished in the history of the early Borough,
and whose names occur under such circumstances as will best illus-
trate the state of manners and society at the period.
PALMER OF BRUa.
The &mily of greatest wealth and importance was undoubtedly
that of Le Palmer, whose genealogy and branches I give chiefly on
the authority of a number of deeds which relate to their interests
in and about the Town.
One of the earliest members of this house seems to have been —
(a) Robert le Palmer. T have no other notice of him than
that which has been mentioned above,^ where his tenancy in Little
Brug was transferred by Hugh de Kchford to Haghmon Abbey.
I cannot say that he was brother of Walter.
{b) Amilia, his Widow, was a tenant in the High Street^
when —
(c) Amilia, their Daughter, granted to John Vintner, a native
of Warwick, her share of inheritance in the same street, for an
entrance-fee of 2 merks and a rent of 3*. — ^Witnesses: William Hod
and Geoffrey, Chaplains ; Henry Bacon and Roger Pitz William,
Provosts; Alan Fitz Robert, Hamo Palmer, Roger Wondac, Philip
«• Mot Sund, vol. ii, 69. ^ Supra, p. 369.
BRIDGNORTH.
365
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BRIDGNORTH.
Fitz Richard, William Tinctor, William Fitz Godewin, Hugh
Bacim,*^
(d) Walter le Palmer, the undoubted Founder of two great
families in the Borough, has occurred only in the year 1182, as
before mentioned.*®^
(e) Hamo le Palmer, alias Hamo Fitz Walter. Has already
occurred under the various dates of 1225, 1233, 1252, and 1256.^
On July 8, 1230, he was called upon to warrant half a mes-
suage in Brug to Roger Chete, whom Alice, widow of Roger de
Stircheleg, sued for the same as her dower.*®^
His alleged complicity in the crime of his Soi;i Walter, and his
non-appearance to answer the charge at the Salop Assizes of
January, 1256, were subjects of two distinct fines. In the first
instance, he had put in bail for his appearance, Philip de Petra
being his surety in the sum of 20^. When however he did not
appear, Walter, his Son, compounded the matter, by fine of 15
merks, which covered the bail, and released Hamo from aU obliga^
tion to appear. The Abbot of Buildwas was surety for the latter
fine. It was at the same time stated, tha;fc Hamo, who must have
now been an old man, had fallen from his horse, and that it was not
possible to carry him to the Assizes.^^
How long he survived these events is a question, but it seems to
be he, rather than his son Hamo, who attests a deed already quoted,
and which must have passed in or shortly before 1259.^^
He has already appeared as having served, at least thrice, as Pro-
vost of the Borough.
His house, in the High Street, was separated from that of his
brother Walter, by an intervening messuage, which was sold by
•Robert Fitz Walter Frut to Bobert Tinctor for 14 merks, a good
sum at the time of the transaction, which must have been between
the years 1251 and 1256. This deed, which is primarily attested
^* Charten at Apley Park, which are
alBo my Touchers for all deeds of the
Borough, and statements groimded on
such deeds, unless a distinct reference be
giyen.
*» Supra> p. 254.
«o Supra, pp. 51, 256, 267, and 279.
^ :PlacUa apud WestnUtuter, Trinity
Term, 14 Hen. m, m. 14 dorso.
^ Salop AuUea^ 40 Hen. Ill, m. 10
recto. The Pipe BoU of 40 Hen. m
confuses these fines with others which
were on Master Walter le Pahner's pri-
Tate account; e.ff.,he is said tohaTCowed
15 merks for his own transgression, and
40 merks for replcTjing his Father^s
lands, which was the couTerse of the true
account.
*• Supra, p. 816.
I
BRIDGNOETH. 367
by the Purchaser and Henry Coyntrel (as Provosts), has also for
witnesses Hamo Palmer, Walter, brother of the said Hamo, Walter
Aurifaber, John de Castello, William Bonami, William Bolding^
and John Tinetor.
Prom this, as well as from his earlier appearance in life and qarlier
death, we presume Hamo de Palmer to have been the older of the
two brothers.
He is a constant attendant in the Borough Court, and his attesta-
tions of deeds are numberless. Besides his property in High Street,
his interests in Little Brug, and in the '^ fields towards Cantreyn,^
are incidentally mentioned.
€<
(/) Walter le Palmer, brother of Hamo, is occasionally called
Walter Palmer, Burgess of Brug,'' and "Walter Fitz Walter;"
each name, I presume, distinguishing him from his Nephew, the
Clerk.
Of his innumerable attestations of Borough Deeds, and more
personal transactions, I find none which I can suppose to be of
earlier date than about 1235.
In Michaelmas Term, 1249, he is sued as tenant of a MiU at
Dudmaston, by Sibil, widow of Peter de Dudemanston, who claimed
a third of this and several other tenements as her dower ^*^*
One of his leasehold transactions dates about 1250, and has
been already referred to.*^^
At Michaelmas, 1254, he is charged on the BoUs as Walter le
Palmer de Bruges, with an amercement of 20 merks, which had
been inflicted by Justices of the Forest lately in eyre. It was for
trespass with his hounds, an^ his Nephew, Master Walter le Palmer,
was amerced in double the sum for a like oflfence.*^
At the County Assizes,' January, 1256, he stands first of the
Borough Jurors, and seems to have been unimplicated in the dis-
graceful affairs which affected so many chief persons of the Town,
and, amongst others, his own relations.
He occurs again as a Mortgagee, in or shortly before 1259, in a^
deed already cited.*^ He has also been above noticed under the
year 1261.^
About March, 1265, he occurs as a Lessee of lands in Astley
^ PlaeUa apud Wieatm. 33 and 34
Hen. m, memb. 16 recto.
«* Supra, p. 315.
«• Sot. Pip, 38 Hen. HI, Salop.
^ Supra, p. 315.
*» Supra, 316.
47
368
BRIDGNORTH.
Abbots. The deed (an Indenture of two parts) is curious, — "I,
Walter, son of Walter Gilbert, have made over (tradidi) to
Walter Palmer of Brug 5 acres in the manor of Estley which
Walter my Father acquired in frank marriage with Emma, my
Mother ; — for one Cloak of coarse cloth (pro uno pallio de Burello)
which he gave on entry. — ^To hold from the feast of the Annuncia-
tion 49 Hen. Ill for 16 years. — Rendering annually 20d. at Brug."
A clause of re-entry, in case of non-payment of the rent, is followed
by clauses as to warranty and alternate sealing. — ^Witnesses: William
Palmer, Henry de Amleg, Provosts of Brug, William de Cantreyn,
William Bonami, William Bolding, Roger Fitz Henry, Stephen
Bolding.*»»
The Assize Roll of Sept. 1267, shows Walter, son of Walter le
Palmer impleaded by Nicholas Fitz Richard Brun for disseizing him
of two shops in Brug. The action failed.^*'
At the Assizes of October, 1272, both Walter le Palmer and
Nicholas le Palmer, whom I suppose his son, were reported by the
Borough Jurors as having sold wine " against the Assize.^^^^
And this is the latest notice I find of him in any dated documents.
As Purchaser, Lessee, or Mortgagee, of tenements in, or near, the
Borough^ he occurs in no fewer than 33 separate deeds. His
property or interests lay in the fields of Brug generally, in the fields
near St. Leonard's, the fields towards the " Old Maladrerie'' and
towards Oldbury and " Cantreyn ;" in High Street, *' Witebume"
Street, " Hungrey^' Street, and " Cougate^' Street, in the ground
between the Castle and the River, in Little Brug, and in Astley
Abbots.502
{g) Nicholas le Palmer, apparently son and heir of Walter
lafit mentioned, has already occurred, as Nicholas Fitz Walter,
in the year 1252, and therefore long before his Father's death.^
He occurs also, both as a purchaser of land and a witness, in
deeds, which, if I mistake not, past during his Father's lifetime.
*99 rphis deed is indorsed coeyally,
" Scriptum.Walteri de Stocton."
*^ Flaoita coram Bege, 51 Hen. Ill,
memb. 6 recto. I presume Walter, son of
Walter le Palmer, to be so called to dis-
tinguish him from his iN^ephew, and not
that the Defendant in this suit was a
younger son of the subject of this notice.
That class of names which maj be called
"Patronymics" were especially used in
the law courts.
»» Placita Coroms, 66 Hen. Ill, memb.
50 dorso.
^ A former account (pp. 314, 316)
shows him twice in office as Provost.
«B Supns p. 257.
BRIDGNORTH.
369
He has just been mentioned in conjunction with his Father in
October, 1272.
In the Inquisitions of November, 1274, he stands sixth on the
Borough Jury.^^* He is a frequent witness in 1277, and from
thence till about 1283. In August, 1288, he was deceased, and his
Son Edmund in possession of his estate.
He added considerably to his inheritance. He occurs as Pur-
chaser or Mortgagee in 21 separate deeds, as Vendor, only in one.
His interests are mentioned in various localities, besides those
wherein his Father had been concerned, viz. in the fields towards
Tasley, the fields towards the Hok,^^ and the fields on Severn-bank ;
in premises on the Castle Hill, and in others adjacent to the North-
gate; in the Sfandelf (near St. Leonardos), and in Leceline (now
Listley) Street.
{h) Of Agnes, daughter of Walter le Palmer, and presumed to
have been Sister of Nicholas, I have only the notice already quoted,
where she became a grantee in Little Brug^^ somewhat earlier than
the time (1252) when Nicholas (her Brother) first appears.
We now pass to the five sons of Hamo le Palmer, first cousins of
Nicholas and Agnes. Of these —
(i) William le Palmer, often called William Fitz Hamon and
WiUiam Hamund, was the eldest. He has Already been mentioned
as holding the office of Provost during his Father^s lifetime, and
indeed prior to the year 1251.^^ In a charter of 1250 or 1251
(also before alluded to) William Fitz Hamund appears as a land-
holder in the fields of Brug.^^ He has occurred already as 7th
Juror on the Borough Inquest of 1255, as 5th Juror at the Assizes
*>* Mot, Sund. vol. ii, p. 88.
'^ This and some other localities, men-
tioned in ancient deeds, may he curiously
identified hy an old Map of the Borough,
a copy of which is in possession of Sidney
Steadman Smith, Esq., of Bridgnorth, and
has heen my chief topographical guide
while engaged with that neighbourhood.
This Map (which appears to hare been
planned soon after the dissolution of
Beligious Houses) distinguishes a large
tract of ground lying to the north of the
road, which led from Whytbume-gate to
Tasley, as the « Hooke Feilde." A tree
standing in the centre of the said field is
also indicated by the Map. This tree
(probably an oak, and a well-known land-
mark) gaye name, I presome, to the field ;
for Ak^ Ake^ Ock, and Hoc^ are all old
forms of the word now spelt oak.
^ Supra, p. 356.
w Supra, p. 316.
*** Ibidem.
370
BRIDGNORTH.
of 1256, as ProTost in 1269, as Visor of Tepairs to the King's
house in 1260 ;^^ and all or most of these were in his Father's life-
time. He was again Provost in 1265, Ist Juror for the Borough at
the Assizes of 1272, 2d Juror on the Inquest of 1274,"<^ and a
frequent witness of Borough deeds in 1277. In or about the last-
named year he grants to William Lambert a tenement in Mill-
Street (in vico versus molendinum) bounded by lands of the Grantee
and of William de Baggesovere, and extending from the King's
Highway to the Severn. — Witnesses : Roger de la More and William
Bolding, Provosts, William de Cantreyne, Emeric Tinctor, Henry
de Arnleg, Bobert le Knyght, William Kanne,*^^^ Roger Chete,
Stephen Chete.
No certain mention of him has occurred as living at any subse-
quent date ; but Alice, his widow, consents to a grant by William
their son, about six years later, and which will be presently
noticed.
The property of William Palmer, in and about Bridgnorth, seems
to have lain in High Street and Mill Street, in the fields towaids
the ''Old Maladrerie,'' in the neighbourhood of the Hospitals of
St. John and St. James, and in Astley Abbots.
{k) Hamo, another son of Hamo lb Palmer, also occurs during
his Father's lifetime. He is mentioned as Hamo, son of Hamo
de Brug, as negotiating some fine in 1251.^^^ It must be
he, rather than his Father, who officiated as 12th Juror at the
Borough Inquest of 1255,^^^ also certainly he, whom Roger, son of
William le Bemer, impleaded for disseizing the latter of a tenement
in Brug, at the Assizes of January, 1256.^^^ Hamo came into Coort
to answer the charge, but was non-suited. This Hamo has already
occurred under dates of 1260, 1267-8, and 1272, when he was
third of the Borough Jurors.*^^ He also occurs, and generally as
«» Supra^ pp. 306 (hit), 315, and 257.
«o Supra, pp. 816, 309, and 310.
'^* The first member, who has occurred
to me, of a family afterwards well known
in the Borough, and from which Cann-
Hall in the Low Town deriyed its name.
An oval seal, attached to this deed,
bears the deyice of a " grey-hound.**
"2 Sot Pip, 35 Hen. HI, Salop, Nova
Oblata.
*" Supra, p. 306.
«" Salop Astizes, 40 Hen, HI, memb. 2
recto. I mention the Defendant*s attend*
ance in Court, as it happens to distiiigiu^
him accurately from Hamo, senior, whose
appearance, in any cause at the same
Assizes, would have been inconsistent if
not impossible.
*^ Supra, pp. 257, 268.
BEIDGNOBTH.
371
following William^ his Brother^ in deeds of 1276-1277| and as late
as about 1283.
I find him possessed of lands in the^fields of Brug^ and a tene«
ment under the Castle.
His Son^ simply called Boger Fitz Hamon^ or Roger Hamund^
occurs in seyeral deeds later in the Century^ and in one^ dated
Feb. 25, 1294.
(Q Master Walter le Palmer, Clerk, was another son of
Hamo le Palmer, Senior. He, too, appears in life, some time before
his Father's decease. On April 30, 1250, a King's writ enjoins
the Sheriff of Salop to recover and produce certain chattels of one
Bobert de Baudak. who had, " for larceny, abjured the realm.'' A
silver drinking-cup, of 12 shillings value, is specified as in posses-
sion of Master Walter, Son of Hamo de Brug.^^*
In 1254 he had been amerced 40 merks by Justices of the Forest
for trespass of his hounds.^^^ In January, 1256, he appears, as
before related, guilty of murder.^^® At the same time he was
acquitted of disseizing Isabella le Caugi (Oaugi), Jafie, Julia, and
Florence, her Sisters, of a tenement in Brug, and the latter pro-
nounced in misericordid ; but they were pardoned any amercement
as being under age.^^^ Under the Manor of Church Stretton, at
the same Assizes, Master Walter de Bruges is returned as offering
100*. fine, to be under plevin, his surety being the Abbot of
Buildwas.^^ This was probably in connexion with his first-named
offence. Again, at these Assizes, Edith, widow of William Turner,
impleaded Master Walter de Briges, for a third part, of 30 acres,
in Diddlebury, as her dower. Walter called Hugh de Beckbury
to warranty. The latter came forward with such warranty, and
proved that the Plaintiff's husband had been hung for felony at
Coventry. This was fetal to her daim.^^^
On the whole, at Michaelmas, 1256,*^^ Walter le Palmer is entered
on the Pipe Boll as having owed £5. for his fine for plevin, 30 merks
(balance of his amercement for trespass with hounds), 15 merks
''for his fine for transgression" (really for compounding as to the
"• Fines, yol. ii, p. 76.
"7 Sot Fip. 88 Hen. III.
•" Supra^ page 51,.
*i9 Salop Assizes^ 40 Hen. Ill, memb.
1 dorso.
*^ Ibidem, ^lacita CoroncB^ memb. 4
dorso.
^ Ibidem, memb. 8 dorso.
8« JEU>t lip. 40 Hen. HI, Salop.
372
BRIDGNORTH.
non-appearance of his Father Hamo at the Assizes)^ and 40 merks
"for haying the lands and chattels of his Father" (really, for
recovery of his own lands and chattels). The whole of these debts
were paid, before the Sheriff closed the year's account at the
Exchequer, the Abbots of Buildwas and Shrewsbury having been
the Debtor's Sureties. His occurrence in 1260 has been already
noticed.®^
In Easter Term, 1263, he acknowledges, in the law-courts at
Westminster, a debt of 8 merks, as due from him to Jane, widow
of Hugh de Beckbury.^^ The fine, levied on the same day, between
the parties shows the said debt to have been for some land in Old-
bury. It has already been set forth.^^^
Later in the century he occurs as purchasing various parcels of
land in the Manor of Astley Abbots, from Adam, son of Matilda
EngHsh ( Anglicae) .
In the troubled times of which we are speaking (1264-5), Master
Walter le Palmer's political sympathies were not those of his family
or native town. His previous antagonism with the law was of a
kind which is found not unfrequently to generate sentiments of
disloyalty. —
In the year 1266 or 1267, and before the famous ^'dictum de
Kenilworth" was issued, Roger de Somery and Walter de St. Omer
were commissioned,' as Justiciars in the County of Salop, to settle
amercements and fines on those whose lands had been granted
away, or seized, by the Crown, because of the late disturbances.
The business of these Justiciars in Shropshire was very trifling;
indeed, the total disloyalty of the County may be measured by an
arrear of amercements (viz. ^17. 3*. 4d.) which the Sheriff collected,
and accounted for at the Exchequer, after the said Justiciars left
the district.
Master ^' Walter le Paumer'^ forestalled some prospective -and
undefined liabilities, in regard to his late conduct, by negotiating a
composition with these Justiciars. He proffered a fine of 40*. ^' to
have the good- will of the King/'^*^ and it was a prudent measure. —
The ^^ dictum de KenUworth," which proposed to classify and
punish all the late treasonable practices, according to a fixed ratio,
was meanwhile put into operation. Under its provisions, Nicholas
«« Supra, p. 52.
*** Placita apud Wesfm. 47 Hen. Ill,
5 recto.
*=» Supra, p. 134.
^ Mot Pip. 63 Hen. Ill, Salop (con-
taining an account for two previous
years).
BRIDGNORTH. 878
de St. Martin^ another Justiciar employed for the purpose^ assessed
Master Walter le Panmer of Bruges to a fine of 100.*., being
" a redemption of five years/' for a messuage and half virgate in
Oldbury, and for other small parcels of land. This amercement
identifies Master Walter le Palmer as a rebel of the second class/^
that is, as one who had taken open part with the late Earl of
Leicester, at some time or other, though he had not, like one or
two greater men, persisted in insolent defiance of the King after
the battle of Evesham.
But the wily Clerk evaded the operation of the " dictum de Eenil-
worth^^ altogether. He pleaded his previous fine of 40*. as settling
aU his misdemeanours in question, and paid it. This plea was
allowed too at the Exchequer, after reference to the '^Roll of
Amercements before William de St. Omer/^^^
Among Pleas summoned before the King, at Salop, in August,
1267, it appeared that the Prioress of the White Nuns of Brewood
did not prosecute a suit of novel disseizin, which she had instituted
against Master Walter le Paumer, of Brug. The Defendant had
acknowledged that 18 pence annual rent was due from him to the
said Prioress, which, I presume, involved the question at issue.®^*
On June 3, 1272, a fine was levied at Warwick, '' between Master
Walter de Brigge complainant (querentem), and Hugh de Eudon
and Alice his wife, defendants (impedientes), of 5 acres in Brigge,
whereof was j^fea of warranty. The Defendants acknowledged the
right of the Complainant as of their own gift. To hold &c. at a
rent of 2d. payable to themselves, and rendering services due to
the Lord of the fee. For this Walter gave 8 merks.^^®
The lands of Master Walter le Palmer, in different localities in
Brug, are mentioned in two deeds of the year 1277 ; and a third
deed, which speaks of him as if deceased, will have passed within
fifteen years of that date.
His possessions are mentioned as lying in the fields of Brug
generally, in the fields towards Taswood and towards the Hok, in
Diddlebury, Oldbury, and Astley Abbots.
(m) His Brother, Master Ajjln le Palmer, has only occurred in
^^ Rebels of this class were amerced in i ^ Pedes Mnium, 56 Hen. Ill, Salop,
a sum equal to a presumed five years' The fine is of course a composition of a
income of their land. fictitious suit, in fact nothing more than
638 j^f^ pip^ ibidem. a legal conveyance of the premises.
«» Placita coram Be£fe, 51 Hen. Ill,
memb. 5 dorso.
374 BRIDOnORTH.
two deeds^ already alluded to or quoted.^ In the first (of date aboat
1283) his Nephewi William^ Son of William le Palmer^ grants him
for his love and service^ and with consent of Alice^ William^s
Mother, a messuage in High Street, at a id, rent. The second
deed (of date about 1296) shows the Abbot of Buildwas, as Master
Alan's Executor, selling the same messuage, as before stated.
(») BiCHABD, the last of the five sons of Hamo le Palmer, occurs
only in the year 1256, and under circumstances which will appear
in oar account of another family of the Borough.
(o) Of Edmund le Palmer, Son and Heir of Nicholas, I have little
more to say than is involved in the pedigree already given, and in
the respective lists of Provosts and Burgesses of Parliament, who
officiated for the Borough. His properly seems to have been in the
same localities as that of his Father and Orand&ther. I find him
as a purchaser in eight different deeds, as exchanging in one, and
as a Grantor in two. His house in the High Street is dignified by
the name of ^^a Hall^^ (Aula Edmundi le Palmer).
I will not further transgress my general limits as to date, in rela-
tion to this family. A few particulars of other members thereof
have already been given in the Pedigree and lasts just referred
to.
I proceed to speak of another family with which some matters
of local interest were connected, — ^viz. that of —
DE CASTSLLO, ob DU CASTBO ;—
which undoubtedly took name from its residence in, or near to,
the Castle.
I have cited under Quatford the two deeds which establish the
greater part of the annexed pedigree.^*
(a) Of William de Castello, I can only say further, that under
the name of William Fitz Henry, he attests several deeds which
passed in the Borough Court, and, as I think, during the second
quarter of the 13th Century.
»» Supni, pp. 370, 363. » Supra, p. 113, notes 39, 40.
BRIDGNORTH.
375
Sir
3"
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8 53 ^
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• ft 5
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48
376
BRIDGNORTH.
{b) John de Castello^ his eldest Son and Heir^ was a person
much more prominently concerned in local affairs. His earliest
occurrence is perhaps his attestation^ as John Fitz William, of a
Borough deed, which passed during the Prepositure of Hugh de
Eudon and Simon de Abbatia (called Praetors).^
He has already occurred as Visor of works in the Castle under
the years 1250 and 1257 ;^^ he also sat as 4th Juror on the Borough
Inquest of 1255.53^
His appearance at the Assizes of January, 1256, will presently be
particularized. His tenure in the Low Town, by transfer of the
seigneury of which he became a tenant of Haughmond Abbey, has
already been mentioned.^**
On 6 March, 1258, Giles de Erdington is deputed to try a suit
of novel disseizen, which Philip de Eoulle and his wife had against
John del Chastdl, about a tenement in Bruges.^^^
This suit seems to have led to a final Concord, at Westminster,
whereby, on July 8, 1259,* "Philip de Roweley and Isabella, his
wife, conceded, as of their own gift, to John de Chastel de Brugg
and Alice, his wife, 19 acres in Nortleg (Nordley), Dunfowe, Brugg,
and Aldebyre (Oldbury), whereof had been a plea of warranty, —
To hold to John and Alice and their heirs, of Philip and Isabella
and the heirs of Isabella, at id. rent, and services due to the chief
lords. John gave for this a sore sparrow-hawk.^^^^®
At the Forest Assizes of February, 1262, John de Castello de
Brug was pardoned an amercement which was chargeable on him
for being with greyhounds, in the King's Forest, without war-
rant.5»»
At the Assizes of October, 1272, the Borough Jurors returned
him as a seller of wine '^ against the Assize."^^
He attests Borough deeds in 1273, and apparently in seyerai
subsequent years, but he was dead in 1294 ; for, by deed dated
3 June in that year, a reserved rent, chargeable on land in the
'^ fields of Brug,^' is so reserved to tlie ^^ heirs of John de Castro.''
^ He also, as John de Castello, attests
a deed which conveyed land within the
baOiwick of the Castle, and while Hamo
le Palmer and Beginald le Qaugy were
Provosts.
»* Supra, p. 257.
*» Supra, p. 306.
^ Supra, p. 369.
W Pat. 42 Hen. HI.
«» Pedes fimum, 43 Hen. HI, Salop.
«» PlaoitaforestcB^ 46 Hen. IH, memb.
6 recto.
*^ PlacUa CoroikB, memb. 50 dorso.
BRIDGNORTH.
377
(c) Of William, Brother of John de Castello, something has
been already stated.^^ As Brother of Alice le Gaugy, he will,
however, occur presently under date of 1256.
(d) Henry de Castro, another Brother, attests, as such, with John
de Castello a deed which passed before 1273.^*2 He also attests
deeds of 1277.
i^-f-ff-) That which I have to say of a fourth Brother, Alan de
Castello, and of their Sister Alice, first the wife, and then the
widow, of Reginald lb Gaugy, shall, as aflPording the chief points
of rcLterest in the story of this family, be told under one head.
Reginald le Gaugy, who had married Alice, sister of John de
Castello, was a person of some property in the Borough. He had
a house in the High Street, lands in the fields towards Oldbury and
Tasley, and in the fields of Brug generally. Having served the
office of Provost with Hamo le Palmer, he was murdered at Worfield,
in the year 1250 or 1251, leaving a widow, a son, apparently of
full age, and four daughters under age.
"^ Supra, p. 113, where the deed sup-
posed to he "ahout 1221*' should perhaps
he put later.
"* This deed is the first of three conse-
cutive charters which ftivolve some points
of interest connected with former suhjects.
I therefore give extracts of the three. —
1. Bohert Tedhald grants to Henry, Son
of Wydo de Qlaseley, for 10 merks pur-
chase-money (in gersummam) all the land,
tenement, and huilding in the vill of
Brug, which lay hetween the land of Elyas
le Hunte and the land which was Bichard
Togesel's, and which extended from the
£ing's Street to the land which said
Bichard Togesel held of the Brethren of
the Lepers of St, James. — Bent Id. —
Witnesses : William Bonamy, Henry de
Amleg, Provosts ; John de Castello,
Henry his Brother, Emeric Tinctor, Wil-
liam Madok, Bohert le Ejiyht, William
Canne, &c.
2. Avelina widow of Bohert Fitz
Tedhald, for two merks, quits to the same
Henry de GHaseley all right in the same
premises, " which were given to her at the
door of the Church of Tetenhale in frank
marriage when she was espoused to said
Bohert."— Witnesses : Boger Fitz Boger
de More and William Bolding, Provosts
(which proves the date as about 1273),
Emeric Tinctor, Henry de Amle^, Wil-
liam Madok, Boger Chete, Elyas le Hunte.
A subsequent deed by Henry de Glazeley
will have transferred his interests to
Nicholas Palmer, for, by indenture—
3. Nicholas Palmer leases (tradidi) to
Bichard, Son of Nicholas de Mose, his
tenement between the house of Elyas le
Hunte, and of Bichard, Son of Bichard
Togesel, and extending from the King's
Street to the land of said Bichard Togesel.
Bent 6*.; with a covenant as to waste and
arrears of rent. — ^Witnesses : John Gbflfrey,
Bohert le Knit, Provosts; William de
Kantreyn, John de Castello, William
Bonamy, William Madok, Nicholas le
Bus, &c.
378
BRIDGNORTH.
In the coarse of the year 1251^ Robert^ son of the deceased,
challenged (appellavit) Giles de Norfolk^ a Clerk^ and others with
this murder. A precept issued from the courts at Westminster, on
Nov. 2, 1251^ ordering the Sheriff of the County to send this appeal
before the King's Council, for further hearing.^
It would appear that this removal was at the instance of Alice le
Graugy, widow of the deceased, whom hid Son Robert had induded
in his challenge as an accessory. From statements made by AUoe
to the Council, the challenge was declared null, and Bobertl pro-
nounced in misericordid.^^ His amercement (half a merk) for a
^^ false challenge^' appears tharged against him on the Pipe Boll of
1254.w«
But this apparent disposal of the whole question seems to hAve
been by no means finid.
On November 2, 1262, " Alice who was wife of Reginald de Gaogi
gave the King 1 merk of gold (equal to £6. Vds. Ad. of the then
currency) for having pardon as to the death of her husband, of
which she was appealed. '^ She had paid the fine to Peter de
Chaceporc and was quit.'*^**
, This fine elicited the following Royal Patent, dated at Sandeford,
7 November, 1252. —
^' Henry d : g : Sec. We have pardoned Alice, who was wife of
Reginald le Gaugy, the suit of our peace, which pertaineth to us, for
the death of the said Reginald, her husband, whereof she was under
challenge. — So, however, as that she shall make peace with lis
friends (cum parentibus) and shall take her trial if any one shall
choose to sue her.^'
When the Justices in Eyre visited Shrewsbury, in January, 1256,
Alice le Gaugy was accordingly put again upon her trial, but she
produced the King's Charter and was apparently acquitted of this
charge, though (as we shall presently see) she was implicated in
another. At the same Assizes (1256) the mil of Worfield was
amerced 1 1 shillings for " not making pursuit,^' after the murder of
Reginald le Gaugy. Also—
"» Plaeita cupud Westm., 36 Hen. Ill,
memb. 82.
^^ Salop Assizes^ 40 Hen. Ill, memb.
12 dorso, where the whole of the proceed-
ings in this case are detailed. I, there-
fore, give fiirther references only where
another document confirms or illustrateB
that recital.
^ Sot. Pip. 38 Hen. HI, Salop.
*« Mot Fin. 37 Hen. IH, memb. 24.
J
BRIDGNORTH. 379
Alicia de Amelicot^ accused as accessory to the same murder^
was declared '^ not guilty/'
Also — ^Egidius (Giles) de Norfolk, parson of Burford, William de
Bruges and John de Castello, were put upon their trial for the same
crime. The two former, being Clerks, pleaded their privilege as
such, and were delivered over to the Spiritual Power; the Jury
having first pronounced them to have been Accessories (conflenti-
entes morti). John de Castello (Alice le Gaug/s Brother) came
and took his trial, and was found " not guilty .''
Furthermore, the Jurors of Brug recorded at these Assizes, that
Alan Fitz William (another of the Brothers of Alice le Gaugy),
having for some second offence been arrested and imprisoned in the
Castle of Brug, had obtained a King's writ, whereby he was given
in charge to twelve Sureties, who were bound to produce him before
the King's Justices, when in eyre. Now (January, 1256) they
- produced him not. And so those Sureties (viz. Walter Aurifaber,
William Bonami, Boger Lamberd, Bx)bert Faber, Robert Tinctor,
Nicholas le Porter, Nicholas le Sallowe, Almaric Tinctor, Stephen
Knotte, William Fitz Richard le Pescur, Roger Feyrchild, and
Richard Bacun) were pronounced in misericordid. Trial was,
however, held on the absent Defendant. He (Alan Fitz William)
was found to have been guilty of Reginald le Gaugy's murder, but
it was also given in evidence that he had crossed the sea to Ireland,
and was there dead, according to report.
The second offence for which Alan Fitz William should have
taken his trial at these Assizes must now be detailed.
' His Sister Alice le Gaugy, being herein also accused as an accom-
plice, her trial will better give the facts than any statement as to her
absent or deceased Brother.
She was charged with having entertained (pro receptacione) Alan
de Castello, her Brother, who was a Robber. ^^ Alan," it was said,
" left her house with the intention of committing the robbery in
question. He murdered the Lady of Shustock (Warwicksh.) and
then returned to the house of his Sister ; so she was suspected of
taking part."^^?
^^ Alice being hereupon asked in what way she chose to acquit
herself of this charge, said that she dared not, and would not, put
herself upon any Inquisition or Jury." —
So the Court ordered her back to prison. —
"7 Assizes at Salop, 40 Hen. Ill, memb. 10 recto.
380
BRIDGNORTH.
However^ while the Justices were apparently still at Shrewsbnry,
Alice came forward and ofifered a fine of 10 merks to haye "a
good Inquisition whether she were guilty of the entertainment
of Alan her Brother, who had been attached for robbery at
Schuttestok/'"«
'^ And 12 Jurors of the Hundred of Munslow with 12 of the
Hundred of Overes, said that Alice was ' not guilty/ but that this
charge was made against her by instigation (per abbettum) of
Richard, Son of Hamo Palmer, of Bruges, and his friends, by reason
of certain strifes which had been between said Richard and William
the Brother of Alice/'
Further, at the same Assizes, " Roger Fitz Henry, of Brag,
William de Ghurdino, Amaric Tinctor, and Henry Fitz Amice,
accused of robbery and the entertainment of robbers, appeared to
defend thismselves and put themselves upon a Jury of the country,
which pronounced them ' not guilty/ "
Also John le Teinturer fined 40«. " to be under plevin, because
he was infirm and might not be carried/'
These statements, together with those which have previously been
made as to the family of Palmer, will show that at these Assizes
(of January, 1256) every principal name in the Borough of Brug,
was implicated in, or suspected of, some enormous crime. It is
singular that Almaric le Teynturer (as Bailiff), William le Palmer,
Henry Fitz Avice, and William Bonamy (as Jurors) served on the
same occasion."®
The disorganization produced in a small town by such a general
complicity in real or suspected guilt, and by such adversity of
interests and natural affinities, cannot well be over-imagined.
But, to return to our immediate subject : — I suppose that at this
period Robert, Son of Reginald le Gaugy, the accuser of his
Mother (or Step Mother) Alice, was deceased, leaving Alice and
her four daughters (now under age) the sole representatives of the
family of Reginald.
We have already seen the same four daughters vainly impleading
Master Walter le Palmer for " disseizing them of a tenement in
Brug,^^ and this at these very Assizes of January, 1256.^^
*^ This jQne is entered on the Sheriffs'
Boll for the two years ending Michaehnas,
1259, as one of 10 merks, due, fix)m Alice
widow of Reginald le Ghiugy, for " haying
an Inquisition under pledge of William
Bonamy and John de Castro." {Bot Pip'
43 Hen. IH.)
«^ Supra, p. 306.
"0 Supra, p. 871.
BRIDGNORTH.
381
All that I shall fiirther say on the subject is^ that 5 separate
Charters still exist, whereby, at or about this period, Isabel, Jane,
and Floria (Florence), three of the said daughters, sell several parcels
of their lands to Walter Palmer, Burgess, of Brug ; that Jane, in a
sixth charter, sells a parcel of laud to Roger Tinctor ; and th9,t
Alice, their Mother, in four other charters, releases her claim of
dower in the premises conveyed by her daughters^ deeds, or else
sells independently and on her own account. In one of the latter
cases, and in the event of her non-ability to warrtot a certain piece
of land in the ^^ fields of Brug^' she vouches as a contingent security
" the house which she had in High Street between the house of
Hamo Palmer and Bichard Bacun.^^
Her seal attached to one of these deeds proves her pedigree.
The Legend is " S'Alisie fil WilU fil Henrici.^^^^
FITZ ROBERT of BRUG.
Robert de Brag. =p Avice.
Alan Fitz Robert,
alias
Alan Fitz Avice.
Occurs 1221.
Liying 1236.
Befs, 1240.
I
Robert Fitz Avice,
Dqfunctus 1251.
Henry Fitz Robert, "
alias
Henry Fitz Avice.
Occurs 1240.
I "
Roger Fitz Henry.
Occurs 1240.
Living 1277.
The above genealogy, and a few facts connected with the same,
seem to be worth insertion. —
"^ In the year .ending Miohaehnas,
1256, Alice de Gkugi had fined 40ff. for
some writ {Mot. JPvp, 40 Hen. in, Salop) ;
but it does not appear on what spedfic
account.
One Alice de Ghiugi, and Walter her
Son, occur in Staffordshire, in April, 1269
(Finei^ vol. ii, p. 486). If she be the
same person as has been mentioned in the
text, her Son Walter will probably have
been by a second husband. The retention
of the name of her first husband by his
widow, after her second marriage, was no
singularity, though not quite so compion
as that of her maiden name by a wife.
S82
BRIDGNORTH.
The Barbican which in the close of King John's reign was added
to Bridgnorth Castle, interfered with the private rights of Alan
Fitz Robert.
I have already quoted King Henry IIFs order for compensation
of the said Alan, which issued, on July 4, 1221, to the Sheriff of
the County."^
It would seem that the King's order was not at once attaided
to ; for when, in November of the same year, the Justices in eyre
came to Shrewsbury, they issued a second precept, in similar termsj
to the same Sheriff (the Earl of Chester) .^^
These same Ajssizes also interested Alan Fitz Bobert in another
way. Henry Harshonail sued him for a messuage in Brag. The
Defendant requiring view threof, the cause was adjourned to the
morrow of St. Hilary (Jan. 14, 1222), when the same Ju^tiees
proposed to be at Warwick. On the said day, at Warwick, Alan
Fitz Bobert essoigned himself; and a further day was given; viz.
the quinzaine of Easter, to both parties.®" However, they seem to
have settled the matter sooner; for by fine, at Warwick, dated the
same day (Jan. 14) Ralph Horsnad, Plaintiff, remits his claim on a
messuage in Bruges whereof was suit-at-law, to Alan Fitz Bobert^
tenant thereof, the latter paj^g 2 merks.^®^
This will show Alan Fitz Bobert to have been possessed of other
property within the Borough, besides that for which he was entitled
to compensation. He was, in fact, largely concerned in the affairs
of the Town, often in attendance at the Borough Court, and once
he occurs in the oflBce of Prator, as before stated,^^®
In 1231, Alan Fitz Avice de Brug appears as Surety for the fine
of William de Aldenham already noticed.^^^ jj^ ^g^ fjr^Q game
person with Alan Fitz Bobert.
It does not appear when Alan obtained his promised compensation;
but, at Michaelmas, 1232, the land which had been ^' Alan Fitz
Avice^s," before the Castle Gate, had been leased by the Crown to
another for three years past.^^® Alan^s equivalent was given him
«' Supra, p. 255.
^" Salop Assizes^ 6 Bien. Hi, memb.
7 recto.
^ JFartpiek Msizes^ 6 HJen. HI, memb.
1 recto.
«« Pedes finium, 6 Hen. HI, Salop.
«« Supra, p. 313.
^ Supra, p. 80.
^ Hot Pip, 16 Hen. III. The Crown
Lessee of this land was Boger Fitz Bobert
of Hjnestodc, and his annual rrait waS) m
1232,1 shilling. This Lessee was aaoestoro^
another Borough feunilj, that of Fairchild
(ufluallj written Yeirchilde). Henoe the
Inquisition of November, 1274, states that
Boger Yeirehild held a certain messuage
in Brug, in fee, of the Lord Kingf»c«tpt^
rendering 12 pence annually at the Sxcbe*
BRIDGNORTH. 383
in Morf Forest; but in this same year (1232) he obtained a
Royal Charter, which subjected his new acquisition to an annual
rent of 1 shilling. Henry IIPs Charter is as follows : — '^ Henry,
d, ff, &c. Know ye that we have granted to Alan Pitz Robert, of
Brug, and his heirs, that those eight acres, which we caused to be
assigned to him in Warlagh-hay, in our Forest of Morf, in exchange ,
of his houses and land, which he lost by reason of the barbican of
our Castle of Brug, be for ever quit of regard, waste, and view of
Foresters, Verderers, and of all our Servants. Rendering therefore
per annum 12rf. at our Exchequer, by hands of our BailiflFs of Brug,
for all service &c. Given at Worcester, 5 June, in the 16th year of
our reign.'^^^'
And this rent appears on the Pipe-Roll of Michaelmas, 1233, for
the first time, as paid into the Exchequer.^^ So again in 1234 and
1235 ;^^ but the entry is then discontinued.
Alan Fitz Robert was succeeded by his Brother Jlenry, — called
Fitz Robert or Fitz Avice indifferently.
On Nov. 12, 1240, a fine was levied at Salop^^^ between Robert,
Clerk, Plaintiff, and Henry Fitz Robert, tenant, of 4 acres of land
and 8 acres of wood in Bruges and Wurdefeud (Worfield) whereof
was an assize of " mort d'ancestre." Henry acknowledged the right
of Robert, whereon Robert, at request of Henry, conceded the
premises to Roger, Son of Henry, who was to pay an annuity of
1 merk to Robert for life, and then to hold the same, in fee and
inheritance, ^^ of the chief Lords."
•
In 1249, Henry Fitz Robert is entered on the Pipe Roll as
having paid the annual/erm of 12rf. on 8 acres of land.^^^ Again, in
1251, he discharges the same for the preceding and the current
year, and continues the payment annually till the year 1255 inclu-
sive, when the entry again ceases. ^^"^
As Henry Fitz Robert he appears fifth Juror on the Inquest of
1255,^^® and as Henry Fitz Avice sat as seventh Juror of the Borough
This Robert, Clerk, may possibly be the
same with Eobert Fitz Avice of the
pedigree, and so Brother of Henry Fitz
Bobert. If so, he was dead in 1251,
haying been possessed of some ground in
High Street, of which, in 1273, Henry
Fitz Soger was the owner.
®® Sot. Pip. de eisdem annis, Salop.
^ Ibidem.
^'^ Sot. ffund. vol. ii, p. 59.
quer but the jurors knew not the time
when the tenure originated. (Sot. Hund.
vol! ii, p. 88.) The tenure was curious,
the only one in the Borough whereupon a
money-rent, payable by an individual, had
been reserved by the Crown.
^^ CaHcB AntiqtuB apud Ikirrim Land.
PP. 29, and Calend.Sot. Cartarum, p. 49.
«» Sot. Pip, 17 Hen. Ill, Salop.
*«» Ibidem, 18, 19 Hen. III.
«2 Pedes finium, 25 Hen. Ill, Salop.
49
3S4
BRIDGNORTH.
at the Assizes of 1256^^ when also both he and his Son^ Roger Fitz
Henry^ were acquitted of the charges of robbery^ and entertainment
of robbers, before recited.«»7
In 1259, Henry Fitz Robert is mentioned as a Tenant in Wyte-
bome Street, and this is the latest notice I have of him while living;
for though the Pipe Roll of 1267 charges 12 years arrears of I2d.
annual rent against the name of Henry Fitz Robert/^ and the Roll
of 1273 charges 18 years to the same person,^^ it is clear that lie
was dead, being spoken of, as " sometime tenant,'' in deeds of the
period. The succession of his Son (in the absence of any payment
on account of this annual ferm) was not recognised on the Fipe-
Rolls.670
The latter, Roger Fitz Henry, occurs as a witness of Borough-
deeds in 1265, 1273, and 1277, in which last year he waa a holder
of land near the Standelf, as appears by a deed abready recited.^^
With him we dismiss the subject.
••• Supn, p. 306.
■'^ Supra, p. 880. — where he is written
Henry Fits Amioe.
«■ Mot, Pip. 61 Hen. HI, Salop.
•• Mot. Fip. 1 Edw. I, Salop.
^ Even where a recurrent debt, due to
the Crown, was regularly paid, the later
Pipe Bolls of Henry nTs tima are not
always eridenoe that the person entered
as paying such debt was aliye. Many in-
stances of the contrary occur. The only
solution of this inoonsisteney seems to be.
that the Clerk of the Pipe being nudnlj
attentive to matters of revenue, and there-
fore looking chiefly to the due entry of
each proper item, in some form or othff,
was contented to copy from former Bolli
the names of several Accountants. This
was particularly the case with Scatages,
many of which are entered as having been
paid by specific persons, years after thdr
decease.
•^ Supra, p. 862.
385
INDEX OF PLACES.
%• Thfl name of each Place, which has formed the subject of a distinct notice,
is printed in Capital Letters.
Beference to the page^ or pages, of such distinct notice is made by the larger
figures.
The abbreviation v. stands for " vide," n. for " note."
Abdon, 150 n, 210.
Acldeton, 4B,
Acton Bound, 188.
— — Church, 183.
Albrighton, 19, 112, 279, 366.
(juxta Salop), 199, 200.
Albynes, The, 46 », 54.
Aldebyr, v. Oldbury.
Aldbnham, 31, 36, 41, 70, 79-88, 232,
238.
, Chiapbl o^ 38 », 83.
AlITODSSTBETT HtTKDBED, 17, 20-24,
35, 103, 151, 152.
Ah'ewas (Staff.), 249.
Alveley, 157 », 344, 345, 346.
Chtjech, 109, 120-123.
Pebbbio), 117, 120-128,338 ».
Amboise, 168.
Angemar, 167.
Anglesey, 112, 243.
Apley, 44.
Anmdel (Sussex), 170.
Abtlbt (Abbots), 28, 30, 81,^, 36,37,
88, 39, 43-49, 50, 51, 53, 54, 55, 56,
57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 70, 78, 125,
212, 362 », 367, 368, 370, 372, 373.
Chttbch, 48-49, 115.
ASTLBY Pabya, 28, 30, 43, 49.
Aston (juxta Newport), 251.
AsTOir (Bottbebl), 19, 67, 112, 215,
222-229.
^ Chueoh, 228-229.
Aston (Eybb), 19, 36, 39, 41, 60, 199-
210.
Chapbi., 38 », 140, 200,
206-210.
Aston Bichant (Line. Dioc), 222.
Atcham, 111.
Bridge, 44 «.
Badger, 19, 24, 45, 46, 111.
Balaon (Prance), 243.
Barrow, 150 ».
Bascherch Hundred, 17, 23.
Basqueville (Normandy), 231.
Battle Abbey (Sussex), 252.
Beckbury, 112.
Berrington, 211.
Berwick (Great), 166, 167, 170, 172,178,
174, 186, 190.
Berwyn, The (North Wales), 262.
Beverley Minster (Yorksh.), 340.
BiiLiNGHSLET, 28, 30, 35,36,39, 64-67,
Chtjboh, 38 n, 66-67.
Bilsington Priory (Kent), 340.
BUsley (Glouoest.), 64 ».
Binnall v. Bunewall.
Bishton, 19.
Blythe Castle (Notts.), 241.
Bobbington, 109, 279, 328, 334, 335, 336.
Church, 335, 336.
Bolas, 128,129.
Bold, 128, 129, 150 », 161-169.
Chapbl, 168-159, 229 ».
BoLEBBC, 18, 24,128-180, 133 n,
Boningale, 128, 129.
Boscherville (Normandy), 231.
BoBcobel, 128, 129.
Boseham (Sussex),. 247 n.
Bourdeaux, 121 n.
Bradford Hundred, 7 n.
Bradwardine (Heref.), 231, 234, 236, 288^
239.
Bramsbury, 131.
Brewood, Blaek Nunnery of, 176.
, White Nunnery of; 229, 806,
346, 361, 362.
Bridge- Walton, 29, 81, 41, 45, 70, 79.
, Peebbhd of, 71», 73-75,
97 », 274, 337.
386
INDEX OF PLACES.
Bbibonobth, ^1, 33, 41 », 47, 58, 59, 70,
83-84^ 112, 113, 114, 115 », 116, 124,
125, 215, 241-384.
, BoBouGH of, 280-320.
-, Bbewood Tenttbe in.
361>362.
363.
-, Bridge of, 844.
-, BUILDWAB TXKUBE in.
, Cann Hall, 370 «.
Cabtle, 131, 132, 140,
205, 215, 227, 24^252, 263-289,
301, 304, 312, 355, 356, 368, 371, 374,
376, 379, 382, 383.
Castle, Church in the, v.
Saint Mary Magdalene.
Hill, 369.
, New Chapel in
the, 323.
, Cowgate, 346 », 368.
, Fbancibcan Fbiaby of,
345 n, 850-352.
, Friars* Cares, 350, 351.
-, HAUGHKoin) Tenttbe in,
858-359.
-, Hebmitage, 352-354.
, High Street of; 206, 363,
364, 366, 367, 368, 370, 374, 377, 381,
383 1».
-, Hoc- or Hook-field, near.
369, 373.
-, Hungary, or Saint Mary's,
Street, 314, 368.
-, Leoeline, or Listley, Street,
369-361.
369.
-, LiLLESHALL' TeNUBE in,
, Little Bridge Street, 854.
, Little Bbug, near, v.
Bbug Pabva.
-, Low Town of, 343, 351,
359, 370, 376.
, Maladrerie (The Old)
there, 347 n, 368, 370 ».
, MiU Street, 343, 370.
, North-gate of, 369.
— , Reymund*B Ditch near,
347 ».
, Saint James's Hospital,
342 », 344, 346 n, 354, 847-350, 370.
-, Saint John's Hospital,
125, 343-347, 349, 351, 360, 370.
■ , Saint John's Street, 343.
Bbi]>gnobth, St. Lbonabb's Chttbce,
114, 253, 340-343, 362 », 868.
, Saint Mabt Magda-
lene's Chttbch, 39, 70, 71-78, 86,87,
88, 97, 107, 114, 11^ 117-126, 253,
294, 321-340,34211, 845 n.
-, Sevem-Bank there, 33,
352, 869.
, Bi^er there, 360,
861, 368, 370.
-, South - bridge, o. Bvua
Pabta.
384.
362-363.
-, Spital Street, 344, 350 ft.
-, Standelf, The, 862, 369,
-, Templabs' Tbnttee id,
-, Town Walls of, 299, 302,
854, 857, 862 n.
-, Whitburn, or EaTen,
Street, 354, 857, 368, 369 «, 884.
, Withlakesweir, near, 361,
862.
Brimstree Hundred, 19, 24.
Bristol, 266, 268, 270, 802.
Brockton, 19, 50, 111, 360.
Brokton, 118 n.
Bromley Regis (Staff.), 86, 88, 89, 91,93,
98, 98.
Broseley, 19, 111, 240.
Brotherton (Yorkshbe), 164.
Brug, Brugia, or Bruges, v. Bridgnorth.
Bbuq Pabta, 126 », 279, 364-358,
859, 364, 368, 869.
Brumlega (Sussex), 170.
Bryege, 105, 131.
Buildwas Abbey, 42, 306, 363.
BuNEWAiL, 43, 60-63.
Burcot, 109.
Burchton (near Claverley), 334, 335.
Buris (France), 107.
Burton (Claverley), ©. Burchton.
Burton (near Wenlock), 112, 223.
Burton (Staff.), 249 ».
Burwarton Church, 146 n.
C.
Calveston 27, 68 ; v. Cold Weston.
Canterbury Cathedral, 168.
Cantebn or Cantbetn, 29, 43, 46, 47,
58-69, 362 », 367, 368.
Carrechoya Castle, 242, 271 a.
Caus Castle, 130 ».
INDEX OF PLACES.
387
Caui, Pays de (Normandy), 129, 231.
Cerlecote, v. Gharloott.
Chacepel Haye, 257.
Ohabloott, 19, 24, 151-159.
Ohelemodeston (Norwich Dioc), 77 n.
Chdmarsh, 198 ».
Chester, 64, 269 », 270, 271 «.
, Diocese of, 118, 338, 342.
CHETTOif, 19, 35 », 109, 139, 161, 164-
184, 188, 191, 198 », 214, 226.
Chubch, 143, 161, 172, 178,
183-184, 187.
Chinon (Touraine), 76.
Ohirbury, 131.
Chirk, 271 ».
Church Stretton, 51, 371.
Ciratonia, v. Sieffcon.
Clarendon (Wilts), 153.
Claverley, 295, 327, 344.
Church, 109, 116, 324, 328,
329-338.
-, Peebend or Dbanbby of, 326,
327, 828-338, 340.
aee Hill, 17, 67, 222, 226.
Cleobury (Mortimer), 241, 248, 249.
Cleobury (North), 215, 232.
Clotlegh, 94.
Clun, Barony of, 153.
. Castle, 226.
Coalbrookdale, 67 n.
Cold Norton (Oxfordshire), 67 «.
Cold Weston, 27, 28, 30, 67-69.
Chtjbch, 69.
Colebatch, 128, 129.
CoLEMOBE, 29, 30, 43, 45, 56.
Conedovre Hundred, 129.
Corfham, 77, 109.
Corfton, 152.
Corve, 140.
Cota, 223.
Cdtentin, The (Normandy), 133.
Counsylth (N. Wales), 291.
Coventry, 371.
Cbiddon, 139, 142, 143, 183, 191-194,
196, 198 n.
Cboptb, 28, 30, 41, 43, 45, 50-52, 53,
79.
Crokesden Abbey, 306, 364.
Culmington, 77 », 109.
Culvestan Hundred, 152.
Cumb (Herefordshire), 234.
Cundover, 247.
D.
Danesford, 105.
Daventrey (Northants), 159.
Dee, River, 64 ».
Deepdale, 43 », 46 », 63-64, 124.
Den, 156.
Deuxhill, 19, 192, 193, 196, 217, 219-
222.
Chtjboh, 198 », 217, 218,
220-222.
Devizes (Wilts), 268.
Diddlebury, 77, 228, 371, 373.
Dinan (Britanny),^ 130.
Ditton (Priors), 150 «, 263, 264 », 322.
Dive, River (Prance), 107.
Donington, 19, 35 ».
Dover, 282.
Droitwich, 273.
Dudmaston, 152, 310, 327, 367.
Dunfowe, v. Dunvall.
Dthtvall, 29, 30, 43, 45, 55-56, 376.
Durham, 271 n,
Dyganwy, (N. Wales), 268.
E.
Eaedington, 19, 103-104, 109, 113,
115, 128, 129, 130, 134, 327.
, Peebend of, 117-120.
(Warwickshire), 103.
Eardisley (Heref.), 231.
Easthope Church, 183.
Eaton (Constantine), 133, 136.
Eddisbury, 131.
Eggelawe Castle, 271 n.
Ellesmere, 203, 257, 278, 279, 294 «.
Elnoestrul Hundred, v. Alnodestrui.
Elvein, or Elvel (N. Wales), 265 », 306.
Ely, Isle of, 283.
Ertendun (Surrey), 171.
Eston, V. Aston.
EuDON (Bubneiil), 19, 132, 139, 166,
170, 183, 185-189.
Eudon (George), 184.
Evesham, 286, 310, 340, 373.
Ewdness, 344.
F.
Fainteeb, 19, 139, 159-164, 196 n.
Feckenham (Worces.), 265, 266, 273.
Fertecote, 28, 33, 68.
Ford (near Aston Botterel), 227.
Ford (near Shrewsbury), 205, 295.
388
INDEX OF PLAGES.
Fouswardine, «. Fulwardine.
Franbarew (Warw.) 193.
Frankley (Woroes.), 190.
Fnmkwell (Shrewebury), 331 «i.
FreUeberi (Hants), 170.
FuLWABDiNX, 19, 133, 134 «i, 137-188.
G.
^Ghifloonj, 305.
Gilbert, Mount, 17, 94, 310.
Glazeley, 19, 35fs 73 fi, 132, 139, 185, .
191, 210-218.
Chiteoh, 217-218, 220,221.
Glouoester, 28 ft, 248, 249, 264, 275, 281,
283, 305, 332.
Grin8hm,159».
Guldeford, 167.
Gunthorp (Notts), 270.
H.
Hadley, 86, 91, 92, 95.
Hadnall, 227, 228.
Hagenet Castle, 169.
Haghmon Abbey, 155, 201, 202, 203,
212, 251, 306, 358-359, 364, 376.
Hamestodesbal, 125.
Harcott, 199, 200, 203, 204.
Harebache, 62, 64.
Habpbtosd (or Habpswood), 28, 30, 41,
45, 70, 78-79, 182.
Haseldene, 43 1», 64.
Hatton(Cold), 67».
Hatton (near Shiffiial), 19 &m.
Hatton Hine-heath, o. High Hatton.
HAvaHTON (near Morville), 28, 30, 41,
43, 45, 51, 62-68, 62, 79.
Hayering (Essex), 266.
Hayb, La (AstiLey Abbots), 43 ft, 63.
Hayb, La, (Eardington), 128-126.
Haywood (Aston Botterel), 227.
Haywood (Staff.), 265.
Hazlewood, 216.
Helidon (Northants), 237, 239.
HuTLET, 29, 30, 33, 36, 49, 84, 98,
101-102.
Hereford, 64 «, 201, 264, 285.
Higford, 111.
High Hatton, 86, 91, 92, 94, 97.
Hintlesham (Suffolk), 92.
Hoc, The (Tasky), 93.
Holgate, Castle and Barony of, 66, 68,
111, 149, 160, 151, 153, 156, 157, 217,
223, 310.
Holgate Church, 158, 229.
HouooTT, 135, 160, 181-182, 195, 196,
215.
Hapten or Hopton, v. Uptok (CsiSBin).
L
Ikenild Street, 249 ft.
Ireland, 379.
Eakewiche,46ft,64.
Eantreyn, «. CAKmor.
Kenilworth, 157, 178, 286.
Keri (N. Wales), 305.
Kidderminster, 274, 275, 302.
KnrSLOW, 28, 30, 41, 43, 45, 49, 6l» 52,
63-54, 79, 91.
Kinyer Forest, 256, 329.
Manor, 266.
L.
Laitonia, 109.
Lambeth, 266, 282.
Lappeley andTrysul, Deanery o( 326, 336.
Lawton, 235, 237, 239, 241.
Lea, Eiyer (Middlesex), 104.
Lee Brockhirst, 355, ft.
Lee-Combrey, 87 ft.
Legeoeastra, v. Chester.
Leicester, 263 ft.
Lewes, 283.
lachfield, 96, 97, 249 », 264, 265, 326.
Cathedral, 346.
LiUeehall, 111.
Abbey, 172, 306, 346, 347,
359-361.
Lincoln, 318.
Linley, 50, 115.
London, pastim,
y Tower of, 333.
Longnor, 211.
Loughton, 227.
Chapel, 183, 184.
LoTith (Line), 154.
Luddeston, 326, 337, 338, v. Clayerley
Prebend.
Ludgarshall (WHtshire), 268.
Ludlow, 130 ft, 264, 289, 295, 354.
, Deanery of^ 69, et patsim,
Lutley (Staff.), 335.
Lye, 29, 31, 41, 45, 70, 79, 142, 150 ».
Lyons (France), 324, 325.
INDB^X OF PLACES.
389
M.
Madeley (Staff.)* 165 ».
Maine (France), 243.
Marches of Wales, The, 85 », 235 », 245,
247, 280, 282.
Marlborough (Wilts), 236 », 268.
Mathrayal Castle, 268, 269, 271 ».
Matilda, Castle (in Elvein), 277, 305.
Meadowlby, 19, 91, 111, 189, 141, 146,
147 », 148-161.
Medewegrene, 45, 59, 64.
Meifod (N. Wales), 268.
Melkesham (Wilts), 26&
Mercia, 194.
Mereval Abbey (Warw.), 250.
Mesnil Hermer (Normandy), 32.
Middlehope, 152.
Middleton Priors, 81, 157.
Chapel, 198», 220, 221,
222.
MlDDLBTX>N (SCBITBir), 19, 192, 194-
188, 199.
Milinchope, 109.
Montgomery, 180 «, 267 «, 277, 278, 282,
805 o.
, County of, 169.
Monk Hopton, 140, 199.
Monmouth, 285.
MOBB, The, 125, 126-128, 130, 845 ».
Morf Forest, 81, 104, 125, 127, 214, 226,
256, 299, 300^ 843, 844, 346, 348, 349,
352, 353, 383.
MoBViLLB, 19, 22, 26-102, 109, 123,
827.
Bridge, 119 fi.
CmmoH, 82-48, 147, 150,
209, 210.
Parish, 136, 146, 209, 210,
321, 841.
MOBYILLE PSBBBND, 70, 71-72, 812 fl,
839.
Priory, 36, 38, 89, 40, 41, 42,
48.
Mose,806.
Munslow Hundred, 24, 289, 880.
Mutton (Staff.), 885.
N.
Neenton, 86 ».
Netherton, 114, 115, 346, 861.
Newark (Notts.) 274.
New Forest (Hants), 243.
Newport, 292, 295.
Newton (near EUesmere), 202.
(near Stottesden), 28, 36, 158,
238, 240, 241.
Norbury (Staff.), 60, 232.
NordleyBegis,109, 212, 224,289,316,344.
Norfolk, 54.
NoBLBT (Astley Abbots), 28, 30, 43, 44,
45, 46 9», 49-60, 58 », 62, 64, 376.
Northampton, 267.
Northwood, 225, 228, 238, 241.
Norton (near Aston Botterel), 227.
(near Cundoyer), 34.
Nottingham, 264, 266, 270, 271 ».
O.
Oldbxtby, 19, 36, 39, 60, 84, 120 », 126,
131-136, 137. 138, 139, 185, 211;
346, 347 n, 364, 368, 372, 373 376, 377.
Chuboh, 38 », 134 », 136-
136, 341.
Old Castle, The (Oldbury), 132.
Ombersley (Worces.) 250*
Onibury Church, 1364.
Opton, V, Upton.
Oseney (Oxf.), 89.
Oswestry, 85 », 134, 201, 224, 270, 271 n,
Oyers Hundred, 289, 380.
Oyerton, 195.
Oyre, 128, 129.
Oxford, 123, 280, 302 ft.
P.
Pain Castle (in Elyein), 265 1».
Partenay (Poitou), 329.
Patinton Hundred, 17, 23.
Pencadayr (near Brecknock), 262.
Pendeston Mill, 275», 276, 277, 303, 304,
306, 309, 310, 323 », 343.
Petton, 133.
Pichford, 356.
Mill, 358> 359.
Picklebatch,129«i.
PiCETHOBNE, 19, 83, 225, 230-241.
Pimhill Hundred, 7 1».
Piperherge, 167.
Poitou, 329.
Pontigny (France), 167 ».
Pont Saint-Pierre (Normandy), 211 n,
Portsmouth, 243, 266, 305 «i.
Poshale (Staff.), 326 ».
Posthome, 152.
Preston Ghibbalds, 111.
Pulyerbatch, 129.
390
INDEX OF PLACES.
Q.
Quftt, 77 », 104, 126, 279, 306, 327.
QUATPOBD, 19, 77 », 84, 104-117, 133,
213, 215, 242, 290, 321, 327, 328, 344,
345 n, 374.
Chubch, 70n, 106, 115-117,
130, 166, 334, 337.
QuAtorp, 77.
B.
Badmore (Staff.), 250, 290, 291.
Beading (Berks), 299.
Becordine Hundred, 129, 151, 152.
Bee, Meadow (Bridgnorth), 126, 216.
B^le, La (Gktsoony), 329.
Bewin, o. Bucroft.
Bocheeter, 273.
BoDB (or Bhodeb), 29, 30, 43, 45, 54,
66.
Boumare, Forest of (Normandy), 231.
Bomesley, 306, 327.
BuoaoFT, 29, 30, 43, 45, 59.
Buley or Bowley, 363.
Bumney Priory (Kent), 340.
BusBOck (Woroes.) 269.
Buthlan (N.Wales), 262, 268.
Buyton, 215.
Byton, 19, 111.
S.
Sabrina, 29, v. Severn (Hall).
Saint Ghregory of Morrille, c. Morville.
John of Lateran, Church o^ 347.
Martin's le Grand (London), 327.
Mary's (Shrewsbury), 325, 326, 327.
Michael's (Shrewsbury), 321 «.
Milburg, 18, c. Wenlock Priory.
Osyth's Priory (Essex), 246.
Paul's (London), 340.
Peter's (Wolverhampton), 326, 327.
Saisdone Hundred (Staff.), 17.
Salkeld (Cumberland), 76.
Saltwood Castle, 168, 169.
Salvata, 270.
Sal warp (Worces.), 111.
Sandeford, 378.
Sandwich (Kent), 168.
Schyre, 205 ft.
Seez Abbey, 34, 35, 36, 65, 66, 67.
Sevebk (HaU), 29, 30, 43, 45, 56-67,
Shawb^ry, 140.
Shelve, 7 n,
Shevyn, 221 1».
Shirlot Forest, 44, 45, 46, 59, 62, 79, 80,
81, 83, H9»,J27, 194, 203», 214, 226.
Sidbury, 138, 240.
Siefton, 109.
Shrewsbury Abbey, 18, «. MorwiUe passim;
201, 202 », 207, 210, 213, 226, 232,
240, 250, 346, 361.
Borough, 44j», 290-3O2 {pas-
sim), 307 », 308, 313, 315, 327, 330, 331.
Castle, 206, 254-286 (pas-
125.
Biver, 33, 360 ».
nffi), 335.
, Friariea at (Austin, Fnmcis-
can, and Dominican), 351 n, 352 n.
Shropshire, 2, 241, 242, 244, 24.5, 247,
252, 284,et|)a«nfli.
Shustock (Warw.), 379, 380.
Silverston (Northants), 270.
Skenefrith (Hereford Dioc.), 74 n.
Southwick (Hants), 88.
Stafford, 131.
, Archdeaconry of, 338, 342.
, Boyal free Chapel of, 326, 327.
Stanlei Hundred (Warw.), 17.
Stanley, 29, 30, 43, 45, 56, 69.
Stanton (Long), 111.
Stepeley, 141, 142.
Stevinton, 81.
Stiperstones Forest, 140.
Stockton, 19.
Stoneley Abbey (Warw.), 249, 250.
Stottesden, 109, 233.
Church, 337.
Hundred, 18, 24, 38, et passim.
Stourton, 273.
Strata Yia, 109.
Stratfleur Abbey, 271.
Streford, 211.
Stroud (Glouc), 3J.6».
Sutton, Little, 241.
(Maddock), 19, 44, 87 n.
T.
Tamworth, 131.
TASLEYi 29, 30, 36, 39, 45, 46», 84-101,
124, 216, 218, 369, 370.
Chapel, 38 », 97, 98 - 99,
341.
Taswood, 373.
Tedstill, 192.
INDEX OF PLACES.
391
Tetenhall Church, 326, 377 «.
Tewkesbury, 268.
Thames, River, 104.
Thonglands^dS.
TickhiU Castle, 241.
Tong, 19, 35«. ,
Tomcumb, 167.
Toteneye (Aston Boterell), 227.
Trentham Priory, 328.
Troam (France), 107.
Trysul, Deanery of, 324 «i, 326.
Ti^oid, 28, 33, 68.
U.
Uckington, 111.
Uffington, 152.
ULTOifE, V. Upton (Cbessbtt).
Underdon, 29, 31, 36, 41, 45, 70, 79.
, PsEBEio) of, 76-78, 122,
339.
Upton, 36.
Upton (Cressett), 19, 36 », 137, 138-
147, 150, 151, 160.
Chttech, 146-147.
Upton supeji Edge, or Upton Wabin,
V, Upton (Cbbssett).
V.
Yemeuil (Normandy), 118.
Vezelay (France), 168.
Vymwy, Elver, 268.
Wadley, 212, 214.
Walkerslow, 65, 213.
Wallingford, 248, 249.
Wallfibatch, 129 n.
Walton, v. BBisaB Walton.
Walton (Suffolk), 169.
Warlagh-hay, 383.
Warwick, 90, 131, 364, 873, 382.
Weardsbury, 131.
Welbatoh, 129.
Welbetre Hundred (Herefordshire), 238.
Wenlock, Deanery of, 158.
, Liberty or Hundred of, 19,
219, 238.
Wenlock Priory, 18, 53, 103, 105 », 117,
170, 205, 217, 218, 219, 220, 221, 222,
223 », 230, 233, 263, 264 », 278, 306,
322, 329, 363.
Weston, 28, 33, 68 », 102, v. Cold Weston.
Weston (near Monk Hopton), 199.
Westminster, patsim.^
Westwal, 164.
Wetemore (near Burwarton), 227.
Wheathm, 150 ».
Wheaton Aston, o. Aston Eyre.
Wich, 19.
Wichardesok, 83.
Wigmore Castle (Herefordshire), 248, 249.
Abbey, 306, 363, 864.
WlUey, 19, 150 », 240.
^Yhichcumbe, 322 n.
Winchester, 123, 268, 276, 334.
Cathedral, 332, 333.
Withyford (Magna), 199, 201, 202.
Wimboum Church (Dorsetshire), 342.
Windsor, 123, 244, 245, 282.
Witingelega Forest (Hants), 166.
Wolmere (Hants), 268.
Wombridge Priory, 86, 87, 91, 92.
Woodcote, 112, 223.
Woodhouse (near Stottesden), 215, 228.
Woodstock, 262, 264, 270, 308, 332.
Woolward (Worcestershire), 269.
Worcester, 140, 154, 180, 204, 247, 265,
266, 268, 273,274,278, 280, 283, 284 »,
299, 350, 383.
Worf, River, 303.
Worfield, 279, 295, 344, 345 n, 352, 377,
378, 383.
Church, 71 », 122, 122 «.
MUl, V, Pendeston Mill.
Worthing (Sussex), 137 n,
Wrekin, The, 17, v. Mount Gilbert.
Wrickton, 65, 197.
Wroxeter Church, 73 ».
Wurgh, River, «. Worf.
Xantoigne (Saintonge, France), 339.
Y.
York, 271 », 317 ».
Cathedral, 340.
50
89*2
INDEX OF PERSONS.
*«* In the following Index, NameB which belong to Official Lists are daadiied
in order of succession, not alphabetically.
Where such Lists hare been already gi^en, in the body of the work, the Index
makes general reference thereto, but does not repeat the indiyidual Names, unless thej
haye occurred in some other connexion.
A.
Abbatia, Simon de, 314, 876, v. de Ge-
nobio.
Abesun, v. Aubucun.
Abezun, v. Aubucun.
Abitot, Frso d*. Sheriff of Worcester-
shire, 111.
Acton, Bichard de, 82.
Adam, Brother of Eudo Dapifer, 22 ».
, a Monk, Brother of the Abbot (of
Buildwas), 358.
^gelfleda. Queen of Mereia, 105, 106,
131,132,244 ft.
-ailnoth, 22.
.^Iric, Alric, or Aluric, v, Elric.
^Isi, 152, o. Elsi.
iElward, 18 ter, 132, 133, 185, 211.
^Iwi, 18, 159.
Agelric, Archdeacon of Worcester, 111.
Ake, Jew of Brug, 311.
Albemarle, Eai4 o^ 249 «.
Albert, 18, 195.
Albescun, o. Aubucun.
Albini, PhiUp de, 271j
y William de (I), Earl of Arundel
and Sussex, 247.
-, William de (III), 273, 298.
Albinus, 44, v. Bode.
Albyns, Adam de, 54 n.
, John de, 54 ».
Alcher, 18 (bis), 195, 199, 200.
y Descendants of, v, Fitz Aer,
Aldenham, Folqui (de), 80.
, Fulcaius de, 80, 207.
, John de, 83, 115. .
, Walter de, 128, 320.
, William de, 80, 81, 382.
, William Fitz William de, 81 «,
82,83.
Aldred, Brother of Siward, 112.
, son of Siward, 112.
Aldreham, v, Aldenham.
Alexander, Prebendary, Chaplain of Wm.
de Braose, 118.
, Prebendary and Physician, 121.
Aleyn, Bichard, 320.
Algar, 18.
Earl of Mercia, 64, 165.
Allechtone, o. Haughton.
AlmaiTi, Bichard King of, 150 n, 157,
281 », 310.
Alrecumb, Bobert de, Prebendaiy, 76.
Alsi, 152, V. Elsi.
Aluhton, V. Haughton.
Aluric, 223, y. Ehric.
Alyeley, Prebendaries of, 120-123.
Ambreslega (Ombersley), Maurice de, 250.
Amelioot, Alice de, 379.
Andrew (Astley Abbots), 44, v, Norie^.
Anjou, Fulk, Earl of; 243.
, Qeofflpey Plantagenet, Earl o^
294 «i.
Anketill, OeofSeey, 301.
AnsketiU, Clerk of Brug, 136, 143,145,
349 «i.
, Andrew, brother o^ 349 «•
Arehetel, 18, 159.
Ardem, Sir Bichard, (Oerk), 222.
Ardnichun, Bichard, 113, 315, c. Fitz Eve.
Argentol, Master l^omas de, Clerk and
Prebendary, 76.
Arley, Henry de, 309, 310, 316 gwrfw".
361, 368, 370, 377 ».
Arras, Jane, Wife of Balph de, 213, 214
, Balph de, 124, 138, 142, 213,214,
240.
-, Sir Balph d', 115, 178^ 179, 205,
227.
INDEX OF PERSONS.
393
Arthur, Sheriff of* * 112.
Arundel, Earl of, 167, 170, v. d'Albini.
, Remigius de, Sheriff's Clerk, 52.
, WilUam de, 176, 190. .
Ashebome, William de, 318.
Asserio, Bigaud de, 327, v. Winchester,
Bishops of.
Astley (Abbots), Chaplains of, 49, 62, 115,
, , Henry, Chaplain of, 49,
52, 62.
-, Clerk of, 311.
: , Joseph Fitz Henry,
Chaplain o^ 49, 52, 62.
, Eichard de, 57.
, Nicholas Fitz Richard
de, 57.
-^ Richard, Priest of, 44.
*, Richard, Proyost there,
4A,
JS Xm
Aston (Botterell), Henry de, 225.
, Incumbents of, 229.
^ Lord of, 223.
Clerk, 229.
-, Master Richard de.
210.
of, 208, 209.
-, Incumbents of, 60,208,
-, Peter deHoptun, Vicar
-, William, Chaplain of,
208.
Atte Yate, Henry, 320.
A**uard, Richard, 256.
Audley, Henry d', 204, 266, 257, 361,
o. Sheriffs.
, James d', 205.
Aubucun, Peter de. Prebendary, 73 », 74,
75 ».
Augustine, 112, v. Austin*
Aurifaber, John, son of William, 318.
, Simon, 319 ter,
, Walter, son of Robert, 313, 314,
341, 357, 364, 367, 379*
, William, 113, 314 6w, 341.
Austin, 18, 112, 149.
Avelun, v. Aubucun.
Axmouth, WiUiam de, 296.
Azo, 18, 211.
B.
Bacun, Henry, 300, 314, 364.
, Hugh, 366.
, Richard, 379.
, Robert, 254, 255.
Badger, Philip Fitz Stephen de, 44, 45, 46.
, PhiUp d^ (1291), 68.
, Roger de, 60, 299.
, Roger de (1301), 158.
, William de, 370.
Bagot, Walter, 320.
Bailial,,Raynald,109.
Baldwin, Walter (of Norley), 38 n.
Baliol, Joceline de, 249, 250.
Balistarii, 266.
Bangor, Robert Bishop o^ 60, 98, 265.
Barbe, Nicholas, 369.
Bardeley, Thomas de, 56.
Baret, Walter de, 320.
Baril, John, Under Sheriff, 156, 158.
Barley, * *, Prebendary, 78.
Baskerville (FomUies of), 79, 80, 230, 231,
238, 240, 241.
, Adam de, 232.
, Agnes, daughter of Ralph de,
wife of Hugh de Pichford, 234 ».
: , Hugh de (1242-1259), 240.
, Hugh de (1274-1292), 241.
,Johnde (1262-1271), 240.
, John de (Lord of Pickthom),
239.
, JuHana, mother of Ralph de
(of Pickthom), 232.
-, Nesta de, daughter of Ralph
de (of Pickthom), 235, 237.
, Nicholas de (a Norman),
231.
, * * wife of Nicholas de, and
niece of Gunnora Countess of Nor-
mandy, 231. .
-, Ralph de (of Pickthom),
231-235.
, • * * widow of Ralph de,
wife of Roger Fitz William, 236.
, Ralph de (of Eardisley),
234 ».
232.
-, Ralph, brother of Roger de,
— , Ralph de (Staff, and Heref.,
1192-3), 234.
, Ralph de (Warw., 1165),
234 ».
, Ralph de, &ther of Agnes de
Pichford, 234 ».
, Robert de (of Erdisley), 231.
, Roger de, brother of Ralph,
232.
394
INDEX OF PEBSONS.
Baskerrille, Boger (I) de, Lord of Pick-
thorn, 237, 240.
.Roger (11) de, Lord of Pick-
thorn, 229, 238, 239.
-, Boger, son of Boger (II) de.
Clerk, 229.
-, Thomas de, Loid of Pick-
thorn, 225, 233-237.
,,Thonias de (1272), 241.
-, Walter de. Lord of Pick-
thorn, 80, 83, 237-239.
Basset, Balph (of Drajton), «. Sheriffs.
, Thomas, 264.
, William, 296.
Bath, Arohdeaoon of. Master Balph de
Witham, 184.
, Bishop of, 244.
, Bishop of, Josoeline, 804.
and Wells, Bishop of (Bobert Bur-
neU), 184, v. Bumell.
Baudak, Bobert de, 371.
Bavelingham, Matilda, wife of Thomas de^
174, V. Tumham.
, Thomas de, 174, 176,
190.
Baxtere, Walter le, 320.
Beauchamp, Hugo de, 293.
, WilUam de, 3 «, 260.
Beaumes, Hugh de, 310.
Becare, William le, 857.
Beche, Geoffi-ey de h^ 359.
Beckbury, Hugh de, 300.
, Hugh de, 134, 371, 372.
, Johanna, wife of Hugh de, 134,
135, 372.
Becket, Thomas ^ v. England, Chancel-
lors of.
Bedewine, W., Prebendary, 72.
Bedewynde, Sir John, Chaplain, 222.
Belesme, Bobert de, v. Shrewsbury, Earls
of.
Belmeis, Family of. 111, 149.
, Hugh de, V. Beaumes.
, Banulf de, 149.
, Eichard de, 109, 149, 150, v.
Sheriffs.
-, Boger de, 150.
Bplswardine, William de, 189.
Bending, Adam de, 174, 175, 190.
■ — •, Alice, wife of Adam de, v. Tum-
Bergham, Bobert de, 819 hit.
— : , William de^ 319.
Barham, Alan de, and Iiecya his wife,
857.
Bernard) Thomas Eitz, 7n, 86, 88, v.£^tz
Bernard.
Bemer, Boger, son of William le, 370.
, William le, 314. 370.
Bemerall, Hugh de, 273.
Bemewell, v, Bunewall.
Bersempton, John de, 289.
BeTerle, Bichard de, Prebtodary, 75.
Bererley, ProTOst o^ 266.
Beysin, Adam de, 65, 67, 213.
, Adam (Jl) de, 240.
^ Alice de, 66.
, Bobert de, 65, 66, 197.
, Bobert de, Cierty 67.
— : , Walter de, 66, 142.
BilliQg,64.
Biriton, Andrew, Priest of, 358.
Biset, Manasser, Sewer, 249, 250.
Blunt, Qeofirey le, 320, Mt,
, Balph, 78.
Bobington, John ^itz PhiHp de (I), 256,
304, 335.
, John Yitz PhiKp de (II), 94,
279, 335, 336.
-, Philip de, 266^ &c.
, William, Provost of; 335.
Bocghan, Bichard, 257.
Bohun, De, 238.
Bois, Unfrey de, 369.
Bold, Adam de, 155.
, Adam (II) de, 155, 156> 158.
, Alan (de Mara),, brother of Herbeii
de hi, 153, 154, 155.
, Henry de, 157.
, Herbert de la, 153, 154.
, Hugh, Parson there, 165.
, Odo de la, 152.
, B. de, 153.
, Bobert de, 154, 155 bis.
, Boger de la, 157. -
Warin, junior de la, 156, 157.
ham.
-, John de, 176.
Bolde (of Brug), Adam, 320.
, Bichard, 320.
Bolding, Andrew, 125, 311, 312, 317 <«r,
317», 35&
, Balph, Provost of Brug, H^
317.
-, Stephen, 362, 368.
INDEX OY PERSONS.
396
Bolding, Waher, 311.
, William, 216, 257, 306 his, 309,
357, 361, 362, 367, 368, 370, 877 ».
-, William (Junior), 315, 316 Us,
317.
BoUnghale, Hugh de, 335.
BoUand, Balph, 240, v. Bcwsard.
Bonami, Boger, 115, 317, 317 », 318 Us,
320, 358.
, William, 113 Us, 267, 306, 309,
310, 315 ter^ 317, 357 quater, 862, 367,
368, 877 n, 379, 380.
Bonewell, v. BuBevrall.
BoBsard, Bialph, 240.
Botar, Bichard, of Quatford, 115.
J J Maud, daughter of, 116.
, , Susanna, irife of, 115.
Boterell (of Aston), Avelina, wife of Philip,
225.
, John (Lord of Aston 1316), 228.
, John (Lord of Aston 1393), 229.
, Petronilla, wife of Thomas, 227,
V. HadnalL
, PhiHp (Lord of Aston), 225, 240.
> Richard (Lord of Aston), 227-
229.
, Thomas (Lord of Aston), 155,
178, 225-227, 229, 258.
, Thomas, Priest, 229.
, William (Lord of Aston), 224,
225.
» William (Lord of Aloester, &c.),
224.
Botiller, Bal^h le, 296.
Boude, V, Bold.
Bracy, Aldulf de, Knight, 240.
Bradwardine, Balph de, 234.
Branche, Johanna^ wife of William, 175.
, William, 17S^
Brantyngham, Thomas de, 338.
Braose, Family of; 232, 238.
, William de, 118, 235.
, William de (II), 265.
Breant, Fulk de, 268, 271.
Brember, Thomas, Prebendary, 123.
Brentemersch, Nicholas de, Chaplain,
198.
Breos, v. Braose.
Bret, PhiUp le, 204.
, Richard Is (Pickthom), 241.
Breton (of Upton Oessett), Adam le, 145,
160.
Breton (of Upton Oessett), Herbert fits
Robert le, 146.
^,Robert le,145.
(of Bold), Richard, 154.
Brewood, Black Nuns of, 176.
, White Nuns o^ 229, 306» 346,
361, 362.
oress of the, 361.
oress of the, 361.
-, AldHha, Pri-
-, Cecitia, Pn-
areas of the, 229 ».
-, Margaret, Pri-
-, Prioress of the.
373.
Breyn, Le, v, Brun & Bruyn.
Bricstual, 1^
Bridge-Walton, Prebendaries o^«. Walton.
Bridgnorth, Bailifb, or Provosts o^ 278,
. 279, 287, 298, 301, 306,306, 308^ 313-
319.
, Burgesses of, 290-812,. 321,
327, 346, 350.
.^ J of Parhament for,
126, 317, 317 11,319-320.
-, Canons of, 70, 71-79, 117-
123, 126, 166, 294, 309, 310, 321-^40.
-^ Chapter, or Colle^, of, 345 n,
353, V, Canons of.
, Constable o^ 71-77, 118,
121, 122, 259-261, 264, 272, 273, 275-
278, 280, 288, 289, 304, 334, 363.
-, Beans of, 76, 118^ 322, 325,
826, 327, 328-33a
, Dean of, Symon, 322.
-, Franciscan Fiiars o^ 350-
362, 345 n, 360-352.
-, Hospitallers of the Holy Tri-
nity of, 343-347, 361.
^ Chaplainof the,846.
Prior of the, 344-
345, 345 ».
113, 345 ».
344,345.
-, Symon,
-, Master of the.
-, Lepers of Saint James o^
313, 345 n, 347-350, 377 «.
— , Guardian of the,
William, 360 «.
liam Beyste, 350.
-, Prior of the, Wil-
396
INDBX OF PERSONS.
Brigida^ AdAm dei 201.
, Richard de, brother of Adam,
201, 212.
Brbtol, Bailiffs of, 302.
Briweie, Joan, widow of William, 277.
, William, 266, 277, 299.
Broc, Alice, daughter of Banmlph de, wife
of William Hareng, 173, 177, 178 n,
190.
— ^, demence, daoghter of Banulph de^
wife of William de MaleaonreB, 173-
178. 186. 190.
, Damietta, wife of Banulf de^ 166,
170-174, 176, 186, 190.
, Edelina, daughter of Banulf de, wife
of Stephen de Tumham, 170-178, 186.
1 Felicia, daughter of' Banulf de, «.
Alice tu^a,
, Lucy, daughter of Banulf de, wife
of Wm. Maubanc, 173, 174, 177, 190.
, Nigel de, 167.
, Banulf de, Bon of Oyn Poroell, 166-
171, 173, 176, 186, 189, 190, 264.
, Boland de, 167.
, Sibil, daughter of Banulf de, wife of
Wm. de Arundel, 164-177, 181, 183,
184. 186. 191.
, Wido, Uncle of Banulf de, 167.
Brocton, Sibil de, 360, v. linley.
Brody, aHat Weaton, William, Bector of
Oldbury, 136.
Brok, Laurence de, 336.
Brokton, William de, 118 ».
Bromfield, Madoo ap Ghruf^ Maylor
of, 268 91, 269.
Bromleye, Bobert de, 310.
Bromton, John, Abbot of Jorval, 106,
109 «, 322 and Addenda.
Bromwic, Biohard de, 267.
Bron, or Broun, v. Bran.
Brooke, John, atte, Bector of Upton (Orea-
8ett),'l42, 147.
Brug & Bruges, v, Bridgnorth.
Brug, Alan, son of Bobert de, 266, 266,
313, 364, 381, 382, 383.
, Avice, wife of Bobert de, 381.
, Henry, son of Bobert de, 306 lis,
367, 361, 380, 881, 383-384.
— — , Bobert de, 381.
-; — , Bobert, son of Bobert de, 381, 383 «i.
-, Boger, son of Henry de, 362, 368,
Brugge, Elyaa, Dean o^ 324.
f John de, 320.
380, 381, 383-384.
, Peter de, 342 «.
, Boger de, 320.
, William, son of William de, Pre-
bendary, 340.
Bran, Alice, or Ayiee, wife of Nicholas le,
114,31211.
y Hugh, 289.
, John, 312, 318.
, Nicholas le, 114, 312.
, Nicholas le. Prebendary, 72, 312.
, Nicholas, son of Richard, 36a
, Bichard, 368.
Bruniht, 18.
Bras, Bobert de, Ptobendary, 121
Brayn, v. Bran.
f John, Prebendaiy, 77.
Buckingham, John de. Prebendary, 123.
Budde, Henry, 311.
Buich, Bainald Eitz Turstin, 33.
, Turstin, 33.
Buildwas, Abbot o^ 61, 363, 366, 871,
372.
, , William, 363.
-, Alan de, 369.
-, Prior o^ Gilbert, 368.
Bunewall, Henry Fitz Bichard de,49,62.
, Margery de Fonte de, 63.
, Nicholas Fitz Bichard de, 63.
, Bichard de, 62, 63.
, Bichard de Balle de, 63.
, Bobert de, 44, 62.
, Simon de, 62.
, Walter Fita Bichard de, 63.
, William Fitz Henry de, 63.
Bungi, Simon, 61, 62.
Burford, Barons of. 111.
Burgeys, John, 320.
Burghton, Boger, Hermit, 363.
Buigo, Bertram de, 63.
, Hubert de, 304, 330, 332, 344.
, William de, Prebendary, 76.
Bumell, Family o^ 160.
f Gerin, 369.
— , Hugh, 184, 188> 189.
, Humphrey, Clerk, 183.
, Philip (I), 160.
, PhiUp (II), 150, 161, 184.
, Philip, Caerk, 184.
, Bobert, 160, 166, 178, l79j 182,
184, V. Bath and Wells.
\
INDEX OF PERSONS.
397
Bomell, Bobert, unole of Ralph Puroell,
166 ».
, Sibil, 189.
BurstaU, William de, Priest, 221.
Butailles, Herlewyn de, 152.
Buterley, Stephen de, 176.
C.
Canne, Henry, 319, 345 «i.
— , William, 370, 377 ».
Canterbury, Archbishop of, Theobald,
249, 250.
^ ^, Thomas JkBecket,
167-169.
265 «i.
(elect), 76 ».
333.
-, Hubert, 255,264,
-, John de Gray
-, Edmund, 332;
-, John (Feckham),
39.
Cantem, v. Cantreyn.
Cantilupe, William de, 273.
Gantinunt, Cecilia de, 47, v, Cantreyn*
Cantreyn, Alexander de, 59.
, Cecilia de, 47.
, Geffrey de, 47, 48, 58, 58».,
V, De Molendino.
, John de, 58, 59, 312.
, John Fitz WilUam de, 58, 341.
, Philip Fitz Alexander de, 59.
, Richard de, 58, 61.
: — , Robert Fitz John de, 59.
-, Sibil, wife of Gbffi?ey de, 47, 48,
V, Fitz Robert.
-, William de, 58, 58 », 59, 61,
309, 310, 311, 358, 361, 362, 363, 368,
370, 377 ».
-, William Fitz Geffrey de, 48,
58, 58 ».
Carbonel, Pain, 155.
— , Simon (of Wetenaston), 206.
Carpenter, Henry le, 58.
i Ralph, son of Robert le (of
Criddon), 194.
, Robert le, of Criddon, 194.
-, Walter (of Brug), 357.
Castello, De (of Brug), 374-381.
Castello (of Brug), Alan Fitz William de,
113 », 307, 375, 377-380.
Castello (of Brug), Alice Fitz WUliAm de,
113», 375, 377-^81.
' — , Alice, wife of John de,
375, 376.
362, 375, 377.
-, Henry de, 113, 375.
-, Henry Fitz William de,
-, John de, alicu John
Fitz William de, 113, 257, 306, 310,
357, 358, 359, 367, 875, 376-377, 379,
380 ».
•, William de, alicta Wil-
liam Fitz Henry de, 113, 374, 375.
-, WiUiam Fitz William
de, alicM William de Bruges, 113, 375,
377, 379, 380.
Castello (of Holgate), Helgot de, 18 ter,
111, 149, 150.
, Herbert Fitz Hel-
got de. 111, 152.
66.
-, Hearbert de (1137),
-, Herbert de (1166),
150, 153.
, Martin de, 209.
, Walter de, Prebendary, 71.
-, Warin de, 98.
Castile, King o^ 339.
Caus, Alexander de, 191.
Cans, Lords of, f. Corbet.
Cementarius, Robert, 257.
Cenobio, Roger de, 357, v, de Abbatia.
, Simon de, 314 », 357.
Chabbenour, Margery, wife of Thomas de,
90,91.
y Thomas de, 86, 87, 90, v.
Thomas deTasley and Thomas FitzOdo.
-, Thomas (II) de, 124.
Chaceporc, Peter de, 378.
ChamberlaiD, Isabella, wife of Peter le,
163, o. Faintree.
, Peter le, 161, 163.
Chancellors of England, v. England.
Chaplains of Earl Roger, 26, 27, 29, 32,
35 «.
Charlcott, Alan de, 157, 158.
, Katherine, wife of Roger de, 157.
, PhiUp Fitz William de, 158.
, Roger de, 157.
, William de, 157 bis, 158.
, WiUiam Fitz Alan de, 157, 158.
Chelleseye, Alexander de, Clerk, 221, 222.
898
INDEX OF P£B80NS.
Oheney, Hugh, son of Roger de, 228.
Cherleton, Master John de, Friest, 228.
Chester, Archdeacon of^ Balph de Maid-
stone, 71 n.
^ Bishop of; Robert, 108, v, lich-
fiekU
^ Barls of; 22 », 165 «.
, Earl of, Hugh (Oyvelioc), 250.
, ,Ranulf (Blundevil),76ii,
265, V, Sheriffs.
Ghete (of Brag), Roger (1230), 366.
, Roger, 125, 309, 310,
370, 377*.
(1300), 125.
-, Roger, son of Roger
-, Stephen, 870.
Chetinton, Thomas de, 172.
, Sir William de, Chaplain of
Quatford, 115.
Chetton, Rectors of, 146^ 183, 184.
Chetwynd, Adam de, 94.
Chilchehethe, a., Prebendary, 78, 122.
Chordewain, Walter, 181.
Christian, Robert, 232.
Cineret (of Quatford), Alice Fitz Nicho-
las, 125.
, Nicholas, 125.
Cirencester, Ralph de, Clerk, 118.
Cissor, V. Taylor.
Citator, John de Rxton, v. Exton.
Claverley, Rectors of; 328-^338.
Cleoburj (Mortimer), Seneschal of, 310.
, , John
de la Fenne, 241.
-, Geoff-
rey le Yenour, 226.
Cleobuiy (North), Brioe de, 157.
Clerk, Richard, 346 n,
Clifford, Matilda de, 226.
, R- de, Knight, 226.
, Roger de, 283, 284, 285.
, Walter de (II), 237.
J , Walter de (III), 53, 77. "
Clun, Constable of, 226.
Cnolle, Reginald de, 288.
Coggesheye, Walter de, 335, 336.
Cold Weston, Incumbents of; 69.
Colemere, Henry de, 58 n.
, John de, 56.
, Simon Fitz John de, 66.
Coliare, Robert le, 357.
Coly, or Soly, Robert, 288.
Constantiine, Christiaiia, wife of Sicfaard
de, 120, 134.
^ Hdyas de, 133, 136, 137.
, Hugh de, 133.
, Richard de, 120, 134.
1 Roger de, 138.
, Thomas de, 60, 134,135, 13a
, Thomas de, Knight, 124i, 155.
, * * daughter of Thomas de,
wife of Adam de Montgomery, 134.
Coram, 112.
Corbet (of Cans), Roger, 109, 110 «, 111,
24211,355.
' ' , ■ , Robert, brother
0^224.
-, Roger (1155), 250.
-, Thomas, 141.
Corbet (of Chetton andChadde8]ey),Ne8ta,
wife of Roger, 181.
, Robert, 156, 161, 178-180, 182,
188, 214, 226.
, Roger, Knight, 180, 181.
, William, brother of Robert, 179.
, William, son of Roger, 181.
, William,8on of William, 179, 180.
Corbet (of Tasley, Hadley, Ac.), Cecilia,
wife of Roger I, 86, 88-91, 100, 101.
, Duce, 93.
, Edelina, wife of Roger U, 93, 100.
, Hugh, 93.
, Roger I, 85-88, 100.
, Roger n, 81 n, 92-93, 97, 100.
, Roger ni, 97-98, 100.
, Thomas I, 88, 90-92, 100.
, Thomas U, 93-97, 99, 100.
Corbet (of Wattlesborough), Richard,
85», 86, 87«i.
, , Roger,
brother of Richard, 85 «, 86, 87 n.
Corbrigg, Andrew, Hermit, 353.
Corfham, Constable of, 156.
Comhull, Henry de, Chancellor of Saint
Paul's and Prebendary, 118, 119 ».
Cornwall, Earl of, Reginald, 250, 251,
252, 263 n.
, (Richard), 325, v.
Almain.
Coroner (Curren, or Curwen), Hugh, Pre-
bendary, 339 n.
Cound, Rectors of, 183, 184.
Courtenay, Reginald de, 264.
, Robert de, 272.
INDEX OF PERSONS.
399
Corene^ Balph de, 278.
Coyentry, Bishops of, v, Lichfield.
Coynterel, Henry, 306 ftw, 310, 314, 316,
846n, 357, 367.
Crasset, William, 95.
Gressett, Thomas, 142 bis^ 144.
Crida, 191.
Griddon, Elias de, 194 bis,
, OeofSeej de, 141, 182, 192, 193,
196, 220.
-, Hugh de, husband of Sibil Fitz
OeSbey de, 192.
•, Hugh de Holicote, 2nd husband
of Sibil de (called son of Ckofirey de),
182, 192, 193.
^ Margaret de, 193,
, Reginald Elyes de, 143, 194.
-, Biohard, son of Reginald Elyes
de, 143, 194.
^ Bicholda^wife of William de,19l.
y Bobert de, 191.
f Bobert Niger de, 141.
, Bobert, son of Elias de, 194.
-, Sibil, daughter of G-eofi&ey de,
wife of Hugh de Griddon, Hugh de
Holicote, Balph Fayn, and John de
WoUascott, 182, 192, 193, 196, 220.
, WiUiam de, 172, 191.
-, William, son of Elias de, 194.
Crofte, Beginald de, 50.
^ Beginald Fitz Beginald de, 50.
, Biohard de, 50.
, William de, 50, 51.
Crouk, John, 311, 319 bis,
, Bobert, 311, 317, 363.
Cumbray, John de, 87.
Cuppare, Bobert le, 357 ter.
Cydewen, Meredyth ap Bobert of, 268.
Cytharista, v. Harper.
D.
Dagonel, William, 216.
J ^ Christiana,daughter of,
216.
^ ^ ^ Agnes daugh-
ter of; 216.
Damietta (Heiress of Chetton), 166, 170,
171, 173, 174, 190, V. Broc.
Bammas, Bichard, Chaplain, 113, 114, 340.
Banes, The, 104, 105.
Beepdale, Nicholas de, 64.
Den, Era, wife of Bichard de, 156.
, Biohard de, 156.
Denton, Nicholas de, Hermit, 310.
Despensers, The, 228.
Devereux, Matilda, wife of William, 66.
, Nicholas, 99.
, William, 66.
Devon, William de, 320.
DeuxhDl, Juliana Fitz Warin, niece of
Bobert de, 220.
, Margery, wife of William de,
220.
, Bectors of, 217, 218, 220-221,
222.
, Bobert Fitz Owen de, 220.
, Bobert, CJhaplain of, 220.
, William Fitz Pr6tre de, 220.
Deyere, William le, 320.
Deystere, Bobert le, 318 ».
Diddlebury, William de Bos, Bector of, 77.
Dieulacres, Abbot of, 125.
Dilum, Geoffi^y, 212.
Dobyn, Sir Bichard, Chaplain, 229.
Dod, Henry, 301.
, Bichard, son of Boger, 63.
, Boger (1322), 320.
i Boger, 63, 64.
, Sunon, 311, 317 «, 319.
, Thomas, 63.
Dodinton, Adam de, 191, 225.
Don, William, 320.
Donyil, Hugh de, 214, 288, 289.
Door, John, Dean of Brug, 338.
Doresc, Henry, son of Adam, 356.
Dreyton, John de (of Bold), 157, 158.
Dublin, Archbishop of, Henry de London,
71 «, 273.
Dudley, John, Viscount LislS, 41, 42 n.
Dudmaston, Hugh de, 124, 289.
, Hugh de. Junior, 142.
, Peter de, 367.
, Philip, brother of Bichard
de, 288.
, Bichard de, 287, 288.
— , Bobert de, 115.
, SibO, wife of Peter de, 367.
Dun, Boger, 320.
Dunbar, G^rge de. Earl of March, 338.
^ , Columbinus, son of,
338.
Dunfowe, Agnes wife of Bichard (II) de,
57.
51
400
INDEX OF PERSONS.
Danfowe, Alexander de, 65, 66.
, Hilisant, daughter of Alexander
de, 66.
66.
-, Richard (I), 65, 66.
-,Richard(II), 67.
-, Roger, 88 »•
-, Sibil, daughter of Richard (I),
-, Simon, 66, 66, 62.
-, William de (1319), 820.
Dunstan, Thomas, 77.
Dunstanyille, Robert de, 249, 2^.
, Walter de, 87.
DunraU, v. Dunfowe.
Durham, Peter de, Prebendary, 119, 121.
Durvaall, Robert, 820.
£.
Eardmgton, Alan de, 64, 124.
, Fremund, de, Cleric, 124^.
, Fremund Fitz Reginald de,
116, 124, 126, 126, 136, 811, 312, 317,
863.
, Giles de. Justiciar, 64fi^ 66,
68, 146, 204, 324, 376.
, Prebendaries of^ 117-119.
, Reginald Rede de, 124.
f Reginald Fitz Fremund dp,
126, 216.
— , Richard Fitz Alan de, 64,
124, V. Rode.
, Richard Fitz Reginald Rud
de, 126.
Eaton (Constantine), Walter, Chaplain
of, 136.
Edric (Middleton), 18, 196.
(Astley Abbots), 69.
(Bold), 166.
Edwin (Stockton), 18.
Edwin, Earl, 18.
Edwards, Rowland, 347.
Egeton, Brother John de, Seneschal, 44.
Egymendune, Gerard de, 48.
Eitropius, 232.
Elirich, Archdeacon, 111.
Elmbrugg, Adam de. Knight, 179.
Elmund (Fulwardine and Upton), 18 bis,
137, 139.
Ehic (Aston), 18, 222, 223.
Elsi (Charlcott), 18, 162.
Eluric, Dean, 207.
Elyea (of Criddon), Reginald, 143^ 194.
-, Richard, son of Segi*
nald, 148, 194.
-, Robert, 194.
Elward, v. JSlward.
EnfiEmt, Willitm le, 67, 68, 288.
Engelard, 368.
England, Chancellors of, 28 n^ 834.
-, Chancellor of^ Thomas 4!Bedcel,
249,.260, 262 », 290, 291, 384.
-g WHliain de liong-
ohamp (Bishop of Ely), 201, 265, 297.
-, Hubert Walter, «.
Canterbury, Archbishops of.
-, Simon, An^deaoon
of Wells (Keeper of the Seal), 265.
-^, Richaid de lia-
risds, 278, 299.
^ ^ John ICanBel, 389.
ham, 122.
-, Henry de "Wing-
7n,
", John de Kirkby,
-, William of Wick-
ham, 123.
England, Kings, Queens, and Princes o^—
K. Alfred, 104.
i MgMddAf daughter o^ v,
^gdfleda.
K. Edward the Elder, 244 », 853 n.
— ' , wires and children of, 363 ft.
-, Edwin, son of, 353 ».
-, Ethelward, son o^ 353 *.
K. Athelstan, 862, 853, 353 ».
K. Edmund, 863 n.
K.Edred, 86811.
K. Edward the Confessor, 18, 20, 22,
24 », 26, 32, 64, 103, 104, 128,
129 f»,132,188, 137, 149, 152, 160,
164, 166, 196, 199, 211, 219, 222,
223.
K. Harold, 64.
K. WilHam I, 23, 27, 28 », 49, 68, 78,
108, 109, 110.
, Robert, sou o^ v, ITor-
mandy, Dukes of.
K. William H, 23, 28 », 73, 107, 108,
112, 242, 243.
K. Heniy 1, 23, 31, 32,34, 44,102«, 108,
113, 166, 167, 206, 219, 243-247,
290, 321, 341, 350 n, 354, 355.
, Matilda, wife of, 244.
IMDBX OF PERSONS.
401
England, Kings, Queens, and PrinoeB of, —
(cowHnued.)
. K. Henry I, Adeliza, wife of^ 247.
^, Matilda, daughter of, 4A^
206, 260.
K. Stephen, 23, 87, 66, 78, 102 «, 136,
166 fi, 206, 207, 247, 248, 260.
K. Henry H, 23, 74, 86, 87, 91, 113,
116 », 117, 120, 166, 167-170,
171, 248-266, 262-264, 290-296,
321, 322, 334, 369, 360, 361.
, Emma, sister oi, 294.
"— , William, son of, 248.
-, Henry, Bon 0^168, 248,262.
K Bichard I, 24, 96, 171, 219, 266,
264,290f»,296,343.
K. John, 71, 74, 76, 88, 89, 97. 118,
163, 164, 171, 186, 236, 237, 266,
260, 262, 266-274, 296, 298, 299,
829,36641,360.
K Henry III, 9, 76, 120, 121, 178, 203,
227, 237, 266-268, 260, 274-286,
299-309, 312, 323, 324, 326, 329-
336, 339, 340, 344, 348, 349, 360,
378, 382, 383.
, Eleanor, wife of, 278, 286,
339.
, Edward, son of, 278, 280,
282^ 286, 286, 309, v. Edward I.
', Biohard, brother of (King
of the Bomans), 160% 167, 281 ji,
310, V. Atmoin. .
E. Edward!, 9, 228, 268, 339.
E. Edward II, 228, 319, 327.
K Edward m, 9, 27, 28 », 363.
E. Bichard H, 119, et aUhi.
K. Henry VHI, 9, 123, 209, 340, et
paarim*
English, Adam, son of Matilda, 372.
Erdewik, Boger de, 289.
Erdinton, Thomas de, v, Sheriffis.
, — , Henry, son o^ Clerk,
271.
Erkalewe, John de, Ejiight, Esoheator,
161.
Eslewode, v. Hazlewode.
Essex, Earl of, v. Fitz Piers.
f , Henry Boorchier, 360 n.
Essex, Henry de. Constable of England,
169, 290, 291.
Eston V. Aston.
Eton (Mascott), Uger de, 369.
Eton (Mascott), Oliver, brother of Uger
de,369.
Ethelfleda, v. ^gelfleda.
Eudinas, Balph de, 844.
EudoDapifer, 22fi.
— , Adam, brother o^ 22 ».
Eudon, Alan de, 186.
, Alice, wife of Hugh de, 373.
— -, Auger de^ 187, v, Tatlinton.
', Hugh de, 814, 841, 867 bii, 373,
•, John, brother of Hugh de, 341.
-, Milisand, daughter of Alan de.
376.
136.
, William de, 320.
Eyerard, Chaplain, 244.
Ewyas, Barons of, v. Laoy.
^, Boger d', 232.
Ezton, John de. Clerk, called Citator,
113.
Extraneus, o. Strange.
Eyr, WiUiam le, 336.
Eyton, Peter de, 213.
, Bichard de, Portioner of Holgate
Church, 16a
-, Thomas de. Dean of Bridgnorth,
338 5t9.
Eyyon, Bichard, 320.
P.
Paber, Emma, daughter of William, 64.
, Geofflrey, 367.
-, John, 60, 61.
— , Bichard, son of William, 64.
-, Bobert, 806, 357, 379.
— , Bobert, son of Geoffirey, 867.
-, Walter, 109.
Pabrica, William de, 254.
Painttee, Adam de, 160-163, 178, 187.
f Alice, daughter of Adam de, wife
of Henry le Taylor, 162.
-, Clemenoe, daughter of Adam de.
wife of Bichard de Holicote, 161, 162.
-, Isabel, daughter of Adam de,wi£9
of Peter le Chamberlain, 163.
, John de, 164.
^ John de Enokyn, Lord of, 162.
, Mabel, daughter of Adam de,
wife of Hugh le Mazun, 163, 164.
-, Margery, daughter oiAdam de,
wife of Henry de^ la Porte, 161.
402
INDEX OV PERSONS.
Faintroe, Petronillft, daughter of WiUiam
Fitz John de, 164.
^ Philip Fite PhiUp (de), 164
, Bohert de, 146, 160, 181.
, Walcheline de, 18, 169, 160.
, William FHz John de, 164.
Farlow, Guy de, 240.
, PhiHp de, 181.
Faje, Beatrix, alias Katherine, wife of
Balph de^ v. Tumham.
, Balph de, 167, 174, 190.
Feokham, William de, 72.
Felde, John de la, Aoolite, 221.
Ferrers, Earl, 234, 262, 278.
^ Henry de, 22 ••.
Fesun, Gedlia, daughter of Heniy, 862.
Feyrchild, Boger, 118, 317, 879.
, Boger, Bonof Bobert (of Hyne*
stock), 382 ».
Fiscamp, William de, 72.
Fisher, John, Prebendary, 72, 839 n.
Fits Adam, William, 367.
, ■-, John, son o^ 867 ».
■■ , , Bobert, son of, 367.
Fitz- Adeline, William (Sewer to Hen. II),
264.
Fitz-ASr, (Mtw, Fitz Alcher), 192,196,199.
^ Alina, 193.
-, Christiana, wife of WiUiam son
of Hugh (I), 198, V, Bedmarleye.
-, Emma de Say, wife of Bobert
(II), 202, 208.
, Hugh le (I), 193, 206.
268.
-, Hugh (II),sonof Hugh(I),206.
-, John, 166, 196, 206, 206, 227,
-, Margery, wife of William, 206.
-, Bobert (I), 36, 80, 140, 196,
206,207.
-, Bobert (II), son of Bobert (I),
200, 201, 202, 208, 212.
, Bobert (III), 202, 203.
-, William, 143, 146,196, 203,204,
210.
-, William (circ, 1200), 204 ».
-, William, sod of Hugh (I), 193.
Fitz-Alan, 30, 84, 86, 92, 133, 134, 136,
137, 139, 140, 142 «, 166, 167, 183, 186,
186, 191, 192, 195, 204, 211, 214 »,
223, 224, 263.
, William (I), 73», 206, 247 «,
250-262, 260, 263, 290, 291.
FitzAlan, Wilham (11), 85, 89, 91, 98,
102,264.
, John (II), 184, 141, 187, 188,
191, 192, 206, 226 bis, 283.
., Biohard, 94, 134, 138, 141, 162,
188, 193, 196, 197, 216.
Fitz- Albert, 196,196.
, Hugh, 195.
Fitz Algar, Warlance, 112.
AJioe, William, 312.
Alurie, Edric, 112, 223.
Auoher, Henry, 277.
Avioe, Henry, 306, 867 «* v. Kte
Bobert.
Bernard, Balph, 174, 190.
^ ^ Eleanor, wife ot, c.
Tumham.
-, John, son o( 176.
-,•••, dar. o^ 175.
-, Thomas, 711,86,88.
-, Walter, 276 «.
— Count, Ebrard, 108, o. Earls of
Shrewsbury.
— Daniel (of Bmg), William, 69.
— Dayid, Adam, 81.
— Edwin, Boger, 181, 196, 196.
— Eye, Bichard, 816, 367 ».
— Flaald, Alan, 244.
— Oerold, Warin, 249, 260.
Godewin, William, 813, 349is 806.
Henzy, Boger, 232.
, Boger (of Brag), f>. Brag.
Heri, v. Fitz-A6ri
Hubert, Aveline, 240.
Hugh, Osbem, 8«, 196.
John, Pagan, v. Sheriib.
Lambert, Balph, 264.
Luun, Bobert, 223.
^ Bobert (II), 224.
Oilo, Thomas, 86, 90, 124 n^ o. Ghab-
benour.
, WilMtai, 246.
Ordric, Balph, 44.
Osbert, Boger (of Ludlow), 359.
, William, Chaplain, 210.
Oseline, William, 369.
Pagan, Oeof&ey, 246.
Peter, v. Fitz Piers.
PhiHp, Henry, 312.
, Philip, 164.
— Piers, Geoffirey, 88, 153, 218, 286^
256, 266.
INDBX OP PERSONS.
>08
"Fitz Prdtre, Andrew, 255.
, William, 220, v. DeuihiU.
Ralph, William, 264.
Redwi, Abraham, 254.
-*— Reginald, Terricus, 314.
Rdnfrid, Gilbert, 278.
Richard, Osbert (of Burford), 111.
-, PhiHp (of Brag), 349 »,
364, 365.
-, William, 181.
— Robert, Alan, v. Brag.
y Hugh, 278, 344, 348.
, John, 315.
, Phihp, 314.
, Roger, 382 », v. Feyrchild.
^ Sibil, 48, V, Gantreyn.
1 Walter, 313, 314, v, Anii-
faber.
— Roger, Richard, 181.
— Simeon, William, 254.
— Simon, Roger, 58 ».
, William, 369.
— Siward, Roger, 181.
— Stephen, QeoSrey, 849 ».
1 Philip (of Badger), 44, 45,
46, 253, 254.
9 Ralph, Justiciar, 295.
1 Richard, 313, 349 ».
— Tedbald, William, 115.
— Tetbald, Robert, 112, 377 ».
i 9 Avelina, wife o^
377 ».
— Thomas, Henry, 123.
, Richard, 95.
, William, 349«.
— Turold, Henry, 255.
, Willim, 4n, 48.
— ITrse, Reginald, 169 ».
— William, Alan, 307, v. de Caetello.
9 Andrew, 300.
, Elya«, 314, 341.
9 Richard, 257.
— 9 Roger (Northants), 285-
237.
364.
-, Roger (of Brag), 314 Us,
-, Vivian, 254.
-, William, 255.
Florence of Worcester, 105, 108, 131, 244.
Poliot, Reginald, 209.
, Richard, Rector of C^ietton, 146,
184.
Foliot, Robert (Master), 209.
Folqui (Aldenham), 80.
Forcer, Henry le, 50.
, William le, 11511.
Forde, Richard de, Subdeaoon, 229.
f William de, 68.
Forester, Alexander the, 44.
Foresters of Shropshire, 203.
Fougeres, Roger de, 267.
France, Kings o^ 23 », 76.
, Zing of, Philip (II) Augustus, 76.
— , i Louis, son o^
274.
-, Saint Louis DC, 283.
Frankley, Emma, daughter of Simon de,
V, Luttleton.
, Simon de, 186, 190.
Fraxino, William de, 98.
Frederic, Archdeacon, 110.
Fredesent, Osbert, 254.
Freere, Justice, 350 ».
Freville, William, Knight, 65.
Frat, Robert, son of Walter, 366.
Fulcoius (Aldenham), 80.
Fulwardine, Matilda de, 138.
Fumerius, Robert, 369.
Fyleby, Adam de. Prebendary, 77.
¥jne3, Michael de, 334, 336.
a.
Gamages, Matthew de (Stottesden), 200,
212.
Ghmt, Maurice de, Justiciar, 155.
Gardino, William de, 380.
Ckitacre, John de, 51.
f Matilda, aunt of John de, 61.
Gaugy, Alice, wife of Reginald 1^ 113 »,
375, V. de Gastello.
-, Alice le, and Walter, her sdn, 381».
, Reginald le, 59, 113 », 314, 341 «,
375, 376 f», 377-380.
-, Florence, Isabel, Jane,
and Julia, daughters o^ 371, 375, 381.
, Robert, son of, 376,
377, 378, 380.
Geoffi^, Chaplain, 364.
Geoffirey, Henry, 320 quater,
-, John, 310, 316, 317 ter,, 362,
377 ».
-, Richard, 320.
-, William, 320.
404
INDSX OF PEB80NB.
Genid Sotor, 869.
Gerardos (deToroai), 16»
Gennanj, Emperor ot, 888.
OerraM of Boyer, 240«
Qerw9/ie Qoeh, 87.
^, OriiBii, fon o( 87.
> ^ ^|Ktdoo^0onol^87fl,
«. Sutton.
Gethne, 18.
Geune, Henry, 81 «.
-* ^ Michael, Bon of Heniy, 81 % 82.
Giifiurd, Acbun, hiuband of Sibil, 65.
'• , Earl Walter, 22 «.
-, Hugh, 237.
-, John, 289.
-, Sibil, 65, 80.
-, Sibils wife of Hugh, 288.
Glaxeley, WQliAin, won of Aloa (HI) de^
216^ 218.
Gloucester, Abbot o^ Thomas Cmrbont^
76«.
GloTioester, Arohdn. ot, John de Otbj, 76.
^,Barlo^Bobert thaConsii], 250.
^, ^ William, 260.
^ -*—-, (GiIbertdeGlai«),886,
Gilbert, Emma, wife of Walter, 868.
f Prebendary, 75.
Sutor, 869,
^ , Walter, d6&
, Walter, son of Walter, 868.
Girrhos, Henry de, 232.
, Robert de <I), 168.
, Bobert de (U), 168, 154^ 165,
156.
Glanyill, Banulf de, Justiciar, 200, 297.
Glazeley, Agnes, wife of Laurence de^
daughter of Walter de Haselwod, 216.
, Alan (I) de, 212, 213, 218» «.
Pierrepoint.
-, Alan (II) de, 115, 178» 179, 218,
214, 215, 218, 258.
, Alan (m) de, 126, 216, 216, 218.
, Guy (I) de, 213, 218.
-, Guy (n) de (Wydo), 116, 142,
143, 182, 215 quater, 218.
-, Henry, son of Guy (I) de^ 115,
213,215,218,87711.
.— — f Ingelbert, Priest o^ 217.
-, John de, 214, 215 guater.
-, Juliana, wife of Guy (I) de, 124^
213, 214, 218.
-, Katherine, daughter of Guy (Q)
de, 216, 218.
-, Kathenne, wife of Alan (II) de,
114, 116, 215, 218.
, Laurence de, 216.
^ Lords of, 362.
, Rectors of, 217, 218.
-, William, son of Guy (I) de, 213,
216, 218.
286.
o^ 111.
-, MOo de^ 847.
-, Bestold, Monk of St. Fetec^s
-, Walter, CooBtabie o^ 246.
Glydde, John, 186, 317 Nt, 817 m, 318 «»
819 ier^ 363.
Godebald, Priest, 100, 110 «, 111.
Godeva, The Countess, 18, 164, 165.
Godewyn, William, Clerk, 114, 2ia
— — {aUoM Godens), John, Vicar of
Aston Bichant (Lino. Dioo.) 822.
Godhit,18.
Goldsmith, e. Axuifitber.
GoreweUe, Bichard de^ 181.
Granger, William (of Tasley), 93.
Gratebu, Buehard de^ 269.
Grayenhunger, Balph de, and Lcmsj, his
wife, 240.
Ghray, John de^ Prebendary, 76.
Grendon, Bobert de, 280, v, Shonjflb.
Griffith, Peier, Bector of Glazeley, 217.
Grimbald, Physician, 246.
Ghrimesby, Bernard de, PMbendaxy, 71.
Grossus, Aldred, brother of Siward, 112.
—^ ^ Siward, 112.
Gondeville, WOliam de, 336, 336.
Gwenwynwyn, 264 «, 268, 276.
^ Sons o^ 276.
H.
Hacket, Walter, 181.
Haer (Bold), 164, 155.
Hadley, Alan de, 86, 100, 202.
f Cecilia, daughter of Alan de^ wi&
of Boger Corbet and of Baldwin de
Hodnet, 86, 88-90, 97, 100, 101«
Haduall, Petronil, widow of Wido de,
227, «. BotereU.
, Wido de, 227,
Halcton, e. Haughton.
Hamefdd, Archdeacon, 110. v» Hereford,
Archdeacons <^
iNDBx ov Twaaovs.
405
Hanewt>de, John do, 85 ».
Harcourt, William de, Prebendary, 120.
Harding, 103.
Haresg, Alice alias Felicia, wife of Wil-
liam, 1^. Broo.
, Emma, daughter of William, wife
of • * de Hotoft, 173, 174, 190.
', FeUda, daughter of William,
wife of Nicholas de Wanoy, 173 «, 174,
190.
-, William, 173 n, 177, 190.
Harley, Henry de, 838.
— — , Malcolumb de^ 82.
^ Fite Biohard de, 166.
-, Bichard de, 166.
Harper (of Upton Cressett), Alan le^ 14l,
148, 145 ier., 146.
, Albrea, grand-
mother of William le, 143.
-, Dionisia, mo-
ther of Williai9 le, 145.
-, Edith, step*
mother of William le, 145.
-, Herbert Pis-
tor, father of William le, 146.
— , Matilda^ wife
of William le, 143.
-, William le.
143, 145 ter,, 160.
Harpesfort, Alduin de, 44, 78.
Hanhonail, Henry, 382.
Hastings, Henry de, 279.
^ Bobert de^ Beotor of Oldbury,
60, 61, 62, 136, 209, v. Haughton.
Haughmond, Abbot of^ 155.
^j ^ Bichard, 369.
^-, Canons of, 202, 204, 261.
'Haughton, Beginald de, 44, 62.
^ Bichard, son of Bobert de, 6l.
^ Bobert de, Bector of Oldbury,
V, Hastings.
>, Sibil de, 61, 68.
Hayerbache, Alan de, 63.
, Henry de, 58 n.
Hayerhull, William de, Prebendaiy, 121.
Hay, Alan de la, 123, 124.
1 Herbert de la, 124.
f John del, 124.
, Nicholas del, 69, 63.
^ Beginald de la, son of Fromund de
Erdinton, 126.
1 Bobert de la, 63.
Hay, Simon del, 66, 68.
, Thomas, son of Alan de la, 124.
, Thomas, son of Herbert de la, 124,
126.
Hazlewode, Agnes, daughter of Walter de,
wife of Laurence de Glazeley, 216 ter,
, PhiUp de, 216.
, Bichard de, Brother of Phi-
Up, 187, 188, 216.
-, Walter de, 216.
Hedinges (or Hedding), v» Hastings.
Helgot, 18 ter.^ Ill, 149, 152, v. De Gas-
tello.
, Herbert, son of, 110 «i, 111, 162.
Hempton, William de, 288.
Hendemon, John, 820 ter,
^ Bichard, 811, 816.
Henedon, John de^ Prebendary, 75, «.
Hoyeden.
Herbert (Chamberlain of K. Henry I.),
244.
Grammaticus, 109» 110.
Hereford, Archdeacon o^ HeinMd, 110.
, Archdeacon of (Salop Arch-
deaconry), William, 110, 223.
, , Peter, 207.
, Bishop o4'68», 178.
f " ■ , Bobert Losing, 110.
, , GeofiBrey de Glive,
34,10111.
34.
— '■ — , Bichard de Capella,
, , Bobert de Betun,
36, 37, 44, 48, 66, 76, 80, 98, 186, 139,
207,208.
, Gilbert FoUot, 101,.
248,250.
J ^ William de Ver©>
60, 98, 208.
, — , Giles de Braose,
101 », 102, 266.
48.
-, Hugh de Mapenore,
, ^ Hugh Foliot, 204 n.
J J Balph de Maid-
stone, 71 fi.
^ ^ Thomas de Canti-
lupe, 10, 184.
, Chapter o^ 87, 73, 76.
, Dean of, Balph I, 207.
, , Balph 11, 101.
, ^ Geoflfrey II, 73, 76.
406
INDEX OF PERSONS.
Heraibrd, Dean o( Balph de Maicbn-
estaiifTl*.
^1 ■ - , Anfwlm, 78 ».
, Earl of, Roger, 248, 260.
J (Henry de Bohnn),
266.
-, Prior of, ThomM Carbonel, 76.
-, Adam de, 181.
-, Adam de, Ghaplam, 220.
-, Hetbert de, 232.
-, Hugh de (Bold), 167.
-, Sir Nicholas de, Canon of
Hereford, 184.
— , Robert de, 282.
Herefordshire, Sheriff o^ 277.
Herwinton, William de, 179.
Heeding, Reginald de, 202.
Hibemensis, QeoSteyy 4Q.
, Nicholas, 264, 266.
, Richard, 253, 264
^ ^ Roger, son o^ 841.
, Walter, 349 «.
Hiohemon, Thomas, 862 ».
Hide, Thomas de la, 196.
Hobaad (of Harpeeford), William, 186,
182.
(of the Mill), Mabil, wife of
William Fits William, 182.
— , William, 182.
^ William, son of
William, 182.
Hobor, William de, 320.
Hodnet, Baldwin de, 89-91, 100.
, Cecilia, wife of Baldwin de, 89-
91, 100, V, Hadley.
, Odo de, son of Baldwin, 100, 280.
Hoel, William, Chaplain, 364.
Hokumbe, William de, 320.
Holgate Castle, Lords o^ v. de Castello,-
Helgot,- Mauduit,- Almain,- Knights
Templar8,-Bumel.
Church, Matthew, Rector of, 168.
, Rector of, 229.
, Richard de Byton, Rec-
tor o^ 168.
-, Robert, Rector of, 168.
Holicote, Alan de, 182.
1 Clemence, wife of Richard de,
161, 162, 182, V. Faintree.
^ Hugh de, son of Gwffrey de
Criddon, 141, 182.
HoUoote,Hugh de (1194, 1220), 172, 181
Mff.
, Hugh de (1266, 1272), 178,181,
182 ter., 192, 193.
, Hugh de (1297), 182.
f John, son of Richard de, 216.
y Richard de {ante 1272), 216.
, Richard de, 161, 162^ 182.
, Roger de. Knight, 182.
-, Sibil, wife of Hugh de, 182, v.
Criddon.
Hondes, William, 820.
Hoorde, Philip, 198.
f Thomas, 193.
, William, Prebendary, 119.
Horde, Richard, Seneschall, 346.
Horsnad, Ralph, 382.
Hospitallers, Knights, 361, 364.
Hotoft, • • de, 190.
f Emma, wife of • * de Hotoft, «.
Hareng.
-, Peter de, 174, 176, 176, 177,
190.
, Robert de, 178.
Hoyeden, John de. Prebendary, 76 «. .
HoTiU, Hugh de^ 176, 190, v. NeovilL
Howel, John ap, 147.
Hubaud, John, 346 ».
Hugford, Walter de, 361.
S^g^ William de, 368.
Hugh (Stockton), 18.
(Sutton), 44.
Hulger, Clerk, v, Ulger.
Hull, John de (Chetton), 180.
, William de la, 318 his, 320 hit,
342 M.
Humez, Richard ^de. Constable of Ko^
mandy, 260, 261, 262.
Hunnit, 18 ter.
Hunte,Eliasle, 377ii.
Huyaratun, Geoffirey de, 240, v, OyertoQ'
I.
Idel, William, 228.
Ingulphus, 16691.
Ingwardine, William de, 300.
Ireon, Walter de. Acolyte, 69.
Isenham, John de, 320 bis, .
— ' , Thomas de, 311, 317 ».
INDEX OY PERSONS.
407
J.
Janitor, Nicholas, 257, «. de Porta.
Jerusalem, King of (1222), 301.
Joceas, Chaplain of Banulf Earl of
Chester, and Prebendary, 76.
Jorval, Abbot of, v, John Bromton.
Jude, Robert, 82.
Jumieges, William de, 231.
— : , ,Continiiatorof,231.
K.
£anne, v, Canne.
£enefare, John de, 811.
Kenegate, William, 350 ».
Kenleye, Thomas de, 189.
Kent, Earl of, v. Hubert de Burgo.
Ker, John de. Prebendary, 75.
Kerleton, Adam de, 153.
Keu, William le, 346.
J ^ Christiana and Isabel,
daughters of, 346 n.
Keukyn, William, 318 ».
Keynes, Thomas, 338.
KUmayn, William, 51.
Kilpec, John de, 60.
King, Hamlet, Prebendary, 339.
Kinslow, Geffrey de (I), 52, 53, 54, 61.
, Geffrey de (II), 54.
i Geffrey de, Clerk, 99.
, Hugh de, son of Geffi^ey (I), 45,
63, 61, 81, 150, 178, 240.
f Malcolm de. Acolyte, 99.
-, Richard de, 48.
'Kinyer, Roger de, 51.
Kirkby, John de, 7 n.
Knight, Hugh le, 61, 62.
, Robert le, 317, 362», 370, 377«.
Knokyn, John de, 162.-
KnoUes, Richard, Prebendary, 343.
Knotte, Stephen, 379.
Kyngtone, John de, 320 bis,
L.
Lacoc, Roger de, Prebendary, 71.
Lacy, Hugh de, v, Shrewsbury, Abbots of.
Lacy, Robert de, 281.
Lacy (of Colemere), Hugh de, 251.
Lacy (of Ewyae), 231.
, Hugh de, 231.
, Roger de. 111.
Lambert, Roger, 879.
, WiUiam, 309, 315, 346 n, 357,
370.
Lambhethe, William, Prebendary, 78.
Langley, Henry de. Prebendary, 71, 72.
Langton, Walt,er de, 337, v. Bishops of
Lichfield.
Lantrey, William, 309, v, Cantreyn.
Lanval, William de, 264.
Lectone, Roger de. Clerk, 184.
Lee, John de la^ Knight, 227.
, Thomas de la. Knight, 229.
Leghe, John de la, 319.
Leicester, Earl of, Robert (II), 248, 250,
251, 252. »
— , , Robert (III), 169, 262,
263 ».
-, (Robert IV), 265.
-, Simon de Montfort,
282, 283, 284», 285, 286, 308, 334, 340,
373.
, , , Robert, son of.
283.
-, Simon, son of,
286.
, Master John de, Clerk, 71.
Leiuthale, PhiHp de, 312.
Leland, John, 259, 340.
Lever (or Sever), Henry, 338.
lieveson (or Leason), John, Prebendary,
BZ9n.
Leofric, Earl of Mercia, 165.
Leonibus, Peter de, 267.
Lewellyn ap Owen, 247.
Lewellyn, Prince of North Wales, 180,
203, 330, 332 n.
Ley bourn, Eleanor, wife of Roger de, 173,
190, V. Tumham.
, Roger de, 173-175, 186, 190,
283-285.
Leye, Reginald de, 311, 318, 319, 320 hia,
342 9t.
Lichfield, Bishop of, 51, 120, 247 «, 312,
324, 335, 336.
, , Robert (deLimesey),
108, 110, 244.
bis.
249, 250.
-, Robert (Peche), 246
-, Walter (Durdent),
champ), 118, 265.
-, Geoflfrey (de Mus-
52
408
INDEX OF PEESONS.
Lichfield, Bishop of, (William de Gom-
hull), 273.
, , Boger (de Molend,
or de Longespee), 326.
-, Walter de Langton,
10, 97, 134, 337.
Cathedral, Chaplain 'of the
Chantry of Jesus in, 346.
Lilleshall, Abhot of, Alan, 176.
, Canons of, 360.
Lincoln, Bishop of, Bemigius, 22 «.
^ , Robert, 246.
, (William de Blois),
265.
y Earls oi^ v, Chester.
Linlej, Lords of, 50, 115 n,
, Bichard de, 360.
, Sibil de, 360.
-'— , Walter de, 359, 360.
Lisle, Brian de, 256, 273, 329.
, Viscount, John Dudley, 41, 42 n.
, WiUiam de, 278.
Logain, Adam, 112, 314^, 357.
London, Bishop of, Bichard, v. Belmeis.
, , Henry de Wingeham,
122.
, Henry de, 71 n.
, John de, Prebendary, 78.
, Nicholas de, Prebendary, 78.
, Stephen de, Dean, 334.
, Walter de. Prebendary, 78.
Longespee, Matilda de, 226. ^
Lorimer, William, 256.
Louther, Hugh de, 96, 97, 114.
Lowe, Balph de la, 240.
, WiUiam de k. Priest, 198.
Luci, Fuloo de, 181.
, Bichard de, 117, 252, 253, 254,
2639>, 264, 295.
, Walter de, Abbot of Battle, 252.
Ludlow, Joan, wife of Sir John de, 69.
, John de, 143.
, John de. Knight, 69.
, Laurence, de, 68.
, William de, Qerk, 221.
Lukes, Sir John de, Prebendai^^, 119.
Lunun, 223.
, Bobert, son of, v. Fitz Luun.
Luthgarshal, H** de, Prebendary, 72.
Lutley, Thomas de, 335.
Luttleton, Emma, daughter of Thomas de,
wife of Auger de Tatlinton, 186 «, 190.
Luttleton, Emma, wife of Thomas de,
daughter of Simon de Frankley, 186 n,
190.
, Thomas de, 190.
LuTell, Osbert, Huntsman, 297.
M.
Madoc, William, 310, 377 n.
Magnus, Thomas, 338, 339 ».
Maidenestan, Osbert de. Prebendary, 71.
, Balph de, 71 «.
Malesoures, William de, v, Tatlinton.
Malmsbury, William of, 247 n,
Malyem, Prior of, 126.
Maminoht, Walcheline, 250.
Mansel, John, 839.
Map, Henry le, 49.
Mara, Alan de la, 153-155, v. Bolde.
, Walter de, 156.
Marchers, Lords, 235 n.
Mare, Edmund de la, Hermit, 353.
Mareschall, John (1212), 299.
Marham, Thomas de, 193, 289.
Marmion, Bobert, 264.
Marshall, John, 338.
Martel, William, 231.
Martin, John, Clerk, 198.
, Bichard, 838.
Massan, Beymund, 77.
Massun (or Mazun), Hugh le, 161, 163,
164.
, MabU, wife of Hugh le, daughter
of Adam de Faintree, 163, 164.
Matilda, the Empress, v, England, Kings
&c. of.
Matthew, Constable of Brug, 267, 288.
, Walleran, brother of, 267.
, Master, Physician Boyal and
Prebendary, 76.
-, Portioner of Holgate Church,
158.
Maubanc, Lucy, wife of William, v. Broc.
, William, 174, 177.
Maucovenant, Nicholas, 85 »«
Mauculin, 359.
Mauduit, Bobert, brother of Thomas, 154^
155, 156, 276.
, Thomas, 150, 154, 155, 156,
275-277, 279, 304.
-, William, 150, 155.
MauTeysin, Henry, 202, 359.
INDEX OF PERSONS.
409
Medler, Nicholas le, 127, 12S,
, Richard le, 127.
Meihiil Hermer, Hubert Fitz Richard de,
32.
Meihiil Hermer, Richard de, 29 n, 32.
Meisy, Robert de, 296.
Melleiit,,Walleraii, Earl of, 246.
Mebrose, Monk of, Chronicler, 286 ».
Mercia, Earls of, 22, 64, 108, 129 », 165.
, Queen of, v, ^gelfleda.
Mere, Robert de, 335.
Meredyth ap Lhywarch, 247.
Meverel, Walter, 255.
Middlehope, Richard de, 278.
, Thomas de, 289.
, , GeoflErey, brother of,
289.
Middleton (Priors), Incumbents of, 221,
222.
Middleton (Scriven), Adam de, 181, 196.
, Alan, son of Hamo de, 197.
, Hamo dcj 197.
, Incumbents of, 198.
, Richard de, 197.
, Richard, Clerk of, 197.
, Robert (de), 196, 197.
-, Robert, grandson of Robert
(de), 197.
, Stephen de, 181, 196.
-, Stephen, nephew of Robert
(de), 196, 197.
, Warinde (1194),181, 195,196.
, Warin de (1292), 163, 196 ».
-, William de, 192, 196.
Milburg, Saint, ©. Wenlock, Prior and
Convent of.
Miller, Robert the, (Bold), 155. .
, , William, son of, 155.
Mol, Roger, 320.
Molendino Geoffrey de,47,48, ©.Cantreyn.
Montfort, De, v. Leicester, Earls of. •
J Almaric de, 340.
, Robert de, v. Sheriffs.
' , WiUiam de, 334, 340.
Montgomery De, v, Shrewsbury, Earls of.
, Adam de, 134, 138, 178.
J Owen de, 134.
, Seneschal of, 267 n,
Morcar, Earl, 18 bis.
Mora, (or More), Andrew, son of WiUiam
de, 113, 172.
, Guy, Prebendary, 119.
Mora, Nicholas de la, 127, 128, v. Medler.
, Richard de la. Clerk, 221.
, Richard de la (c. 1290), 115.
, Richard de la (Erdinton), 127,
V, Medler.
-, Roger de la, 309, 311, 312, 316,
357 his, 362, 370.
-, Roger, son of, 216, 316,
317 ter, 317 », 318 quater, 320, 358,
363, 377 ».
— , William de la (Erdinton), 128.
— , William, father of Andrew de.
113.
-, WiHiam de (1297), 135, 182.
Morf, Forester of, 346, 350 ».
Mortimer, Henry de. Knight, 115, 179.
-f Hugh de (of Chelmarsh), 126,
156.
-, Hugh de. Knight, 178, 179.
-, Walter de, Clerk, 198.
Mortimer (of Wigmore), 3, 364.
, Edmund de, 193, 196,220, 312.
, Hugh de, 247-252, 291.
, Roger (I) de, 237.
, Roger (II) de, 157, 226, 241,
283, 284, 286, 310.
-, Roger (III) de, 198, 228.
Morville, Canons of, 25 », 26, 32, 35 ».
, Chaplains, or Incumbents, of,
39-40, 52, 115.
: , Prebendaries of, 71-72.
, Prior of, John, 38.
, , John Wallensis, 38 n.
, , John Perle, 38 », 49.
— , Richard Marshall, 40»,
41, 42 n.
, Richard, Chaplain of, 150.
-, Richard, son of Roger, Chaplain
of, 39, 40, 52, 53.
, Roger, Chaplain of, 39, 40, 52,
53.
Mose, Nicholas de, and Richard, his son,
377 ».
, Ralph de, and John, his son, 306.
Moste, Robert de, 320.
Mouner, Roger le (Cleobury), 157.
Mount-Walter, in Champagne, Prior of,
71.
Mubber, * *, Prebendary, 75.
Mudle, Sir Robert de, Cliaplain, 221.
Mukley, Richard de, 205, 206.
Muleton, Thomas de, Justiciar, 155.
410
IND£X OF PERSONS.
MuntryroD, Bichard de, 179.
Mutton, PhiUp de, 335.
Mydelton, Nicholas de, 241.
Mylep, Jew, 311.
Myllinchop, Walter, Clerk, 229.
N.
Neenton, Bichard, Eector o^ 142.
NeoviU, Hugh de, 175, v. Hovill.
Netherton, Lords of, 346.
Nevill, Alan de. Justice of the Forest,
253.
, Hugh de, 265, 267, 348.
Nicholas, Chaplain of the New Chapel in
Brug Castle, 323 n.
Nimpha, Berard de, 326.
Norbury, William de. Official, 824.
Norfolk, GUes de, Clerk, 378, 379.
Norley, Andrew de,'50, 62, 160, 361.
, Bermer de, 44.
f Godith, wife of Henry de, 68 ».
, Henry de, 58 n,
, Bichard de, 58 n.
, Stephen, son of Henry de, 58 ».
Norman Venator, 112.
, Boger, brother of, 112.
Normannorum Scriptor, 248, 249.
Normandy, Duke of, 23 n.
, , Bichard I, 231.
, Duchess of, Gunnora, 231.
. * • •
niece of, wife of Nicholas de Basker-
viUe, 231.
-, Duke of, Bobert., 243, 244.
Northwood, John, son of Thomas de, 241.
y Boger, son of Thomas de,241.
, Thomas de, 241.
Norton, Henry de. Monk of Salop, 61.
, Hugh de (Brug), 255*.
Norwich, Bishop of (Herbert), 244.
, , Eyerard, 244.
, , John de Gray, 76 n.
NoTayilla, Bobert de, 355.
Nowe, Bichard, 147.
O.
Offley (or Otery), Boger de, 338.
Okeman, Sibil, wife of William, 192.
, WiUiam, 192.
Oldbnry, John de, 132, 135, 138 n, 182,
35a
, John, Bector of, 136.
y Lords o£, 346.
, Beotors of, 60, 136.
Ordericus (Vitalis), 2, 108, 110, 111, 242,
243, 290, 355.
Ordrio, 18, 159.
, Simon, 254.
, Stephen, 314.
, , William, son of, 314.
Ordui, 18W», 169.
Orped, William, 316 n.
Osbem, IS ter,
Osbert, Archdeacon, 110.
Orerton, Geoffrey de, Knight, 240.
, Bichard de, 195.
, Bichard de (of Brug), 255.
Oweine, Bichard, Prebendary, 122.
Oxindon, John, Hermit, 353.
Oxford, Chancellor of (1245), 325.
, John of (Dean of Salisbury), 168.
P.
Paoey, Boger de, 167.
, William de,. 167.
Pahner (of Brug), 364-374.
, (Master) Alan le, 363, 366, 373-
374.
, Agnes, daughter of Walter le,
356, 365, 369.
, Alice, dar. of Bobert le, 365.
-, wife of William le, 365,
370, 374.
, Amice, wife of Edmund le, 365.
, Amilia,wifeofBobertle, 364,365.
i , dar. of Bobert le, 364,365.
-, Edmund le, 312 n, 318, 319 Wt,
320 5m, 365, 369, 374.
-, Hamo, son of Hamo le, 257, 258,
306, 309, 365, 370, 371.
-, Hamo, son of Walter le, 51, 59,
113, 256, 257, 279, 314, 315, 341, 346 «,
357 2«a<er, 364, 365, 366-367, 369,
370 », 371, 372, 376 », 377, 379.
, Henry le, 256.
, John le, 365.
, Juliana le, 365.
-, Nicholas le, 59, 124, 257, 310,
312 », 362, 365, 368-369, 374, 377 1».
, Bichard le, 320, 365, 374, 380.
INDEX OY PERSONS.
411
Palmer, Eobert le, 859, 364, 365.
, Bobert (son of Roger) le, 318
quateTf 819 ter, 320 quaterf 365.
-, Roger, son of Hamo le, 858, 365,
371.
, — , son of William le, 365.
, Walter (I) le, 254, 364, 365, 366.
y Walter (II) le, son of Walter (I),
54 », 113, 306, 310, 314, 815, 316, 341,
346 », 357 ter, 365, 366, 367-868, 381.
-, (Master) Walter le, 51, 52, 53,
58 », 134, 135, 365, 366, 367, 371-373,
380.
, William, son of Edmund le, 365.
-, William, son of Hamo le, 113,
257, 306 Us, 309, 810, 315 Us, 316,
346 f>, 357 fer, 362, 365, 368, 369-370,
380.
-, William, son of Roger le, 320 Us,
365.
, William, son of William le, 366,
870, 374.
Palude, Master Guy de. Prebendary, 77.
!Pannyng, Richard, Walter, and William,
320.
, Stephen, 318 ».
Pantulf, ofWem, 101.
, AUoe, mother of Cecilia de Had-
ley, 87, 100.
, Hugh, 7 », 118, V, Sheriffs.
, R***, son of Hugh, Prebendary,
118.
-, William (c. 1102), 356.
-, William (c. 1225), 361.
Paris, Matthew, 330-332.
, , Oontinuator of, 283.
Parliament, Burgesses of, for Bridgnorth,
«. Bridgnorth.
Passelewe, Robert, 330, 332.
Pattingham, Robert, Chaplain of, 324.
Payn, Ralph (of Salop), 193.
, Ralph, son of Ralph, 193.
, Sibil, wife of Ralph, son of Ralph,
193, V, Criddon.
Pelliparius, Osbert, 264.
Pembroke, Earl of (WilliamMarshall), 266.
, , RichardMarshall, 330-
334.
, , WilHam de Valence,
286^,286.
Pencris, Richard, son of William de, 316ii.
Penloridge, William de. Monk, 45.
Penne, Hugh de la, Prebendary, 122.
, John de la. Seneschal, 241.
Pennjmge, Stephen, v, Pannyng.
Pemel, John, Chaplain, 362 ».
Peter, Archdeacon of Salop, (Heref.Dioc.),
207.
, Balistarius, 266.
, Chaplain, Custos of MoryilleBridge,
119 ».
Petit, John le (Bold), 157.
Petra, Robert, son of Philip de, 358.
, , Philip (son of), 306, 816
ter, 316, 346 », S67qiKUer, 368, 366.
■ " , , , Emma,
wife of, 358.
— , , Richard (son of), 216, 309,
317 Us, 358 ter, 862.
— ^ ^ Nicholas (son of), 315.
— , , AUoe, Isabel, and Margery
(daughters of), 358.
-, Sibil, daughter of, wife of
Robert Tinctor (oZmw Robert de Petra),
358.
— , f , Philip, son of, 858.
— , , , William, son o^ 206,
358, V, Selymon and Tinctor. *
-, Robert de (alias Tinctor), 857, v.
Tinctor.
Petraponte, De, v. Pierrepoint.
Pettem, Hugh de, v. Taunay.
Petyfit, Richard, 136.
Peverel, Hamo, 44, 246.
, William (of Dover), 246.
, William (of Nottingham), 249 ».
, William, 167.
PhiUp, aerk, 229.
, Seneschal'of Stottesden, 212.
Pichford, Engelard (de), 358.
, Hugh de, 355, 858, 869, 364.
— , John de, 258, 279, 356.
, Nicholas, brother of iUidiard
de, 358.
356.
-, Nicholas de (of Brug), 318.
-, Ralph de (1102), 354, 855.
-, Ralph, son of Hugh de, 866,
-, Ralph de (1292), 866.
-, Richard de, 358, 859.
Pickthom, Evarard de, 240.
Pichard, Miles, 234, 235 ».
Pierrepoint, (Family of), 211.
, Adam de, 214.
412
INDEX OF PERSONS.
Fienepoint, Akn de, 113, v. Glazeley.
J Oodhey de, 211 ».
-, Robert de, 211 ».
-, Simon de, 73 »^ 211, 212,
213.
, William de, Prebendary, 73,
74, 86-88, 97 », 211-213.
Pilardinton, William de, 167, 158.
Pincema, Richard, 18, 26, 27, 30, 84, 85,
92, 99f».
, Robert, 133.
Pinzun, Robert, 250.
Piperherge,. Osbert de, 167.
Pisoator, (or le Pescur), Hugh, of Brug,
; , John, Bon of John, 361.
' , William, son of Richard, 361,
361 », 379.
PiBsato, Maurice de, Clerk, 184.
Pistor, Hugh, 320.
, John, 809, 310, 817.
-, Ralph (of Upton), 143, 146, v.
Harper.
Pteidour, Hemy le, 289.
Poer, Alan le, 120 M.
Poitoi^ Earl oi, 244, o. Shrewsbury, Earls
of.
Ponthieu, Earl o^ 244, v. Robert, Earl of
Shrewsbury.
Pope Innocent II, 65.
Alexander III, 73, 347, 358 ».
Celestine III, 322 ».
Honorius III, 860.
Innocent IV, 324, 326.
Alexander IV, 73 ».
Nicholas IV, 8, et ptusim sub anno
1291.
John XXII (1317), 327.
Pprcell, Oyn, 166, 167, 190.
Port, Adam de, 232.
Port, De la (alias Le Porter, aZta« Janitor).
, Henry, 163, 809.
, f Margeiy, wife of, 163,
V, Faintree.
-, Nicholas, 257, 289, 306, 379,
o. Janitor.
--, Richard, 254, 349 «.
-, Robert, 267.
Possethom, Richard de, 68.
Powis, Princes of, 268.
Powis, Roger de, 85 », 251.
Praunce (or Paunce), Richard, 320.
Praunoe (or Paonoe), William, 320.
Preen (or Penne), John, Prebendary,
339 «.
Preste, Richard, 342.
Preston, Gilbert de. Justiciar, 296.
Prestone, Richard de, 95.
Prestwood, Henry de, 335.
Preux, Engeram de, 271.
Pull, Nicholas, 311.
Puleter, Osbert le, 305.
Purcell, Radulf, 166 », 167 «.
Pusey, Ebrard de, 113.
Pykemalot, WiUiam, 312.
Q.
Quatford, Chaplains of; 115, 116.
, Reginald de, 113.
1 Simon, son of Reginald de,
113.
Quatorp, William, Parson of, Prebendary,
77.
Quinci, Saher de, 264.
R.
Radenor, Master Peter de, 324.
Radenore, Roger de, 239.
Radulf (Oldbury and Fulwardine), 18 Uf,
133, 137.
Rape, Jf ioholas. Prebendary, 119.
Redmarleye, Christiana, daughter of John
de, 193, «. Fitz Aer.
, John de, 193.
Reed (Red or Rud, de Erdinton), Fro-
mund, son of Reginald, 124, 125.
, Regmald, 124.
, Richard, son of Reginald, 125.
(of Brug), Nicholas le, 318 ».
Reginald, Prebendary, 75, 76.
Reod, Richard, 320.
Resting, Reginald de, 167.
Rewin, Edric de, 55.
, Henry, son of Edric de, 66, 69.
, Sibil, wife of Henry de, 55.
Reygat, Sir Gilbert de, Clerk, 221.
Ribeford, Simon de. Justiciar, 280.
Ribel, Geoffrey, 154, 155.
Richard (Meadowley), 18, 149.
, Chaplain of Salopesburi, 358.
, Dean, 207.
, Monk of Wenlock, 111.
(Sutton Maddock), 44.
INDEX OF PERSONS.
413
BivalliB, Peter de, 324-325, 329-334, v.
Sheriffs.
Bobert (Badger), 18.
, Portioner of Holgate, 158.
, Richard, 317, 318 ^cr, 320 bis.
, Clerk, 383, v. Brug, Robert, son
of Robert de.
Rode, AlbinuS de la, 53, 54, 361.
, Nicholas de la, 50, 54, 61.
, Reginald de la, 58 n.
, Richard de la, 64.
, Richard de la, son of Alan de
Erdinton, 64.
, Simon de la, 54.
-, William de la, 44, 54.
Rodinton, Ranulf de, 203.
Roger, the Dean, 155.
, Prebendary of Walton, ^73, ^75.
Venator, 112.
Romans, King of the, v. Richard, King of
Almain.
Rondulf, Alice, wife of Nicholas, 57.
, John, 319 ter.
, Nicholas, 57, 311, 312, 318 qua-
#er, 319Jw, 363.
Ros, William de, Rector of Diddlebnry,
77.
Roshale, John de (1316), 197.
, Nesta, wife of Thomas (II) de,
widow of Roger Corbet, 181.
f Robert de, 143.
, Thomas (I) de, 195, 197,279.
, Thomas (Dl) de, 181, 197.
-, Vivian de, 196, 197.
Rotarius, Roger (of Brug), 298.
Roton, Nicholas de. Prebendary, 119.
Rouen, Walter, Archbishop of, 170, 200,
201.
Roughton, Richard de. Forester of Morf,
350 ».
^ ; , Alice and Helen,
daughters o^ 350 ».
Roulle (or Roweley), Philip de, and Isabel,
his wife, 376.
Rud, V. Reed.
Rufus, William (Fermor of Arundel),l70.
Rus, Nicholas le, 377 n,
Russel, Walter, and Jane his daughter,
362 f».
Ruttune, o. Ryton.
Ryton, Richard de, 300.
, Richard Fitz Odo de, 368.
S.
Sabrina, Nicholas, son of Simon de, 57.
, Sunon de, 45, 66, 57, 58, 59, 361.
, Simon, son of Simon de, 57.
, Stephen de, 56.
Sadoc, Gilbert, 63, 240.
, Richard, 232, 240.
Sagon, Ralph, Priest, 67.
Saint Alban, R * * de. Prebendary, 77.
Amand, Almaric de, 74 ».
, John de, Prebendary, 74.
Augustine, 343 ».
Clair, Hubert, alias Hugo, de, 248 n.
Davids, Bernard, Bishop of, 246.
Francis, 350, 351 ».
G-eorge, Adam de, 178.
John of Jerusalem, Knights of, 306,
361, 364.
Leonard, Abbot of Noblac, 340 ».
— , AbbotofVandoeuvre, 341 ».
Leonard, Master Luke de, 136.
-, Martin, Nichohis de, 372, 873.
Martin, Walter de, 231.
Mary's Salop, Dean of, Henry de
London, 71 n,
Maxent, William de. Prebendary,
76 f>.
— Milburg, V, Wenlock.
— Omer, Walter de, 372, 373.
Paul's (London), Chancellor of.
Henry de Oomhull, 118.
— , Dean o^ Ralph
de Diceto, 249.
-, Henry
de Comhull, 118 n.
, Prebendary of.
Master John Wyteng, 118 «.
— Quintin, Master Bonetas de, 336,
337.
Trinity (of Brug), Symon, Prior of.
113.
Salford, Peter de, 142. *
Salisbury, Bishop of (Richard Poore),804.
, Earl of, William de Longespee,
265, 274.
Sallowe, Nicholas de, 306, 379.
Salop, Master Robert de, 98.
Sanger, John, 340.
Sarracen, John, son of Peter, 74, 274.
, Peter, 74, 274.
Savage, William (I), 47.
, William (II), 47, 59.
tM^rJ <• — -.Hdi^>
414
INDEX OF PERSONS.
SaToj, Amand de, 837.
, Peter de, 837.
, WiUiam de, 337.
Say, Emma de, v. Fitz Aer.
Soot, Geoffi«y, 320.
Sootlaad, King of; Malcolm (lY), 262.
, , (Alexander II), 271,
274.
Sees, Abbot of, 66, 66.
,Beynald, Monk of. 111.
Segrare, Stephen de, 305, 380, 882, 838.
Sely, Nicholas, 820. '
Selymon, Nicholas, 818 ».
, William, 132, 185, ©. Tinctor.
Serjant, Adam le, 820.
Sessi, 18, 199.
Sheriff of Shropshire, 245, 247 », 260, et
pcusim,
^ Warin, 30, 33, 68 n, 101, 102 n,
110 », 147 f», 199.
-, Bainald, 18, 30, 33, 84, 85, 112^
133, 137, 139, 185, 195, 199, 211, 222,
223.
-, Bichard de Belmeis, 32, 102 »,
109, 149, 217, 228, 245, 246.
, Pagan Fitz John, 246, 247.
-, William Fitz Alan (Q, v. Fits-
Alan.
-, Guj le Strange, «. Strange.
-, Geoffiey de Yere, 233, 254, 262.
-, Hugh Pantulf, 7», 118, 254.
-, William Fitz Alan (I]Q, o. Fitz
Alan.
266.
', GteoSeey Fitz Piers, o. Fitz Piers.
-, William de Hauteriye (Custos),
, Thomas de Erdinton, 266, 267,
271, 272, 273, 299.
', Eanulf, Earl of Chester, 76 », 256,
273, 274, 275, 298, 299, 382.
y Hugh Despencer, 276; 304.
y William, Earl of Salisbury, 275.
-, John Bonet, 256, 261, 276, 277,
296.
-, Henry de Audley, 257, 277, 296.
-, John de Munemue, 277 n.
-, Peter de Riyallis, 277, 330, 332 »,
V. Biyallis.
, Robert de Haya, 278, 330, 332 ».
f John le Strange, 278, v. Strange.
, Thomas Corbet, 278, 308.
Sheriff of Shropshire, Robert de Gr^don,
257, 278, 279, 280, 296.
, Hugh de Aoour, 225, 226, 257,
279, 280, 362.
, Peter de Montfort, 280, 283, 281
, WiUiam Bagod, 267.
, WiUiam CayersweU, 257, 281.
-, James d' Audley, 280, 281, 282,
283, 284, 286.
y Roger de Somery, 282, 283, 372.
, Hamo le Strange, 282-286.
-, Ralph Basset of Drayton, 278,
281, 282, 284, 285.
, Robert de Grendon, 284.
, Walter de Hopton, 268, 286, 288.
-, Hugh Mortimer of Chehnanh,
156, 287.
, John Baril (Under-Sheriff), 311.
, Ralph de Mortimer, 287.
-, Robert deTriUek (Under-Sheriff),
258, 287, 288, 311.
, Roger Sprenghose, 289.
Sheynton, William de. Prebendary, 75.
Shineford, Robert de, 301.
Sholton, WiUiam, 341.
Shorde, Christo|>her, Clerk, 198.
Shrewsbury, Abbot and Convent of, 26,
91, et passim under Morville, 123, 125,
136, 207-210, 232, 240, 346, 361, 372.
, Abbot of, Fulchered, 28 »,
34.
60, 98, 209.
ali€u Baker, 40.
-, (Godefred), 34
-, Robert, 44, 76 ».
-, Adam, 200.
-, Hugh de Ii«7,
-, HenF^, 61.
-, Adam (II), 57.
., WiUiam, 45.
-, Luke, 227.
-, XtichardMarsbill,
-, Thomas Boteler,
40.
, Abbey Foregate, Nicholas,
ProTOst of, and Hugh, his brother, 240.
-, Archdeacon of (Chester Dio-
cese), Herbert, 110.
, Austin Friars of, 362 ».
-, Burgesses of, 285, 292-296,
299, 301, 307 », 327.
^, Dean of, 312. '
INDEX OF FEKSONS.
415
Shrewsbury, Dominican Friars of, 351 n,
352 «.
, Barls of, 23 », 24, 79.
J Earl of, Eoger de Montgo-
merj, 18, 20, 239», 24i», 26, 29, 30, 31,
32, 34, 36, 38, 46, 49, 60, 68, 69, 70, 77»,
84, 103, 104, 106, 107, 108-112, 117,
128-130, 149, 152, 159, 164, 166, 199,
211, 222, 242, 244, 321, 322, 337.
-, Earl of, Boger de Montgo-
mery, Mabil, wife o^ 107, 108.
, Adelissa,
> 9
wife o^ 106, 107, 108, 109.
■ , , , Kobert,
son of, V, Bobert de Belesme, Earl of
Shrewsbury.
-, Hugh,
son of, 109, V, Hugh, Earl of Shrews-
bury.
-, Eoger,
son of (Earl of Foitou), 65, 243, 244.
— , , Amul^
son o( 243.
son of, 109.
-, PhiUp,
, , , Ebrard,
son o^ 107, 108, 244.
-, Earl of, Hugh de Montgomery,
31, 33, 36, 43, 65, 70, 83, 101, 102 »,
109, 112, 242, 243.
-, Bobert de Belesme,
31, 65, 70 », 112, 131, 241-245, 290,
321,-355.
-, Earl of, John Talbot, 345 »,
350)1,351.
J Franciscan Friars of, 352 n.
[ , Monk o^ Eaynold, 111.
, Porter and Warder of, 260.
, Prior of, William, 76.
, Provosts of, 313.
, Saint Mary's, Dean of, 325.
, , Wil-
liam le Strange, 120 «.
Shropshire, Foresters o^ 119 n.
Shustock (Warw.), Lady o^ 379.
Sidbury, Henry de, 157.
, Hugh de. Knight, 224.
Simon, Dean of Brug, 829.
Siward Grossus, 112.
, Aldred, brother of, 112.
, Aldred, son of, 112.
Slake, Nicholas, 338.
Smyht) Jane, wife of lUohard le, 164.
, John le (of Westwal), 164.
, Eichard, son of John le, 164.
Smyth, Boger, of Bridgnorth, 42, v. Faber.
Sndl, William (Middleton), 197.
Sparkford, Thomas, 338.
Spereman, Stephen, and Emma his wife,
124.
Sprenchose, Balph, 178.
Squier, William, Priest, 198.
Stafford, Archdeacon of, 110, 324, 325.
— ; , , Henry, 71, 296.
Stafford, Bichard de (of Bridgnorth), and
Milisand his wife, 135, v. Eudon.
, Bobert de. Sheriff of Stafford-
shire, 252, 291.
Stanford, Bichard de. Clerk, 7 n,
, Sir Bobert de, Clerk, 99.
Stanley, JuUana^ wife of Stephen de, 55.
, Nicholas de, 59.
, Stephen de, 55,
Stanton, Helgot de, v. Helgot.
Stapeleye, Alan de, 148.
, Hugh, son of Alan de, 143.
• , Bichard, son of Alan de, 143.
, William de, 163.
Stel, Bichard, 320.
Stenulf, 18, 128, 130.
Stepleton, Bobert de, 278.
Stircheley, Boger de, and Alice his wife,
366.
Stocton, Walter de, 868 ».
Stoneley (Warwickshire), Monks of, 250.
Stottesden, Bailiffs of, 288, 289.
Stottesden, Dean of, 198, 207, 221.
^ ^ Master Y— , 136.
-, Boger, 155.
i Henry de, 240.
9 Jurors of the Hundred o^ 38,
ef passim,
, Seneschal o^ Philip, 212.
Strange, 115 », 211.
, Guy le, 73 «, 120, 120 », 212, 254,
262-264, 344.
-, Hamo le (brother of John 1),
120 ».
, Hamo le (brother of John III),
V. Sheriffs.
- — , John le (I), 73 », 120 », 2115m,
212, 251.
53
416
INDEX OP PERSONS.
Strange, John le (II), 87, 201, 203, 213.
■ y John le (UI), 213, 214, 240, v.
Sherifb.
, John le (V), 216.
-, Balphle, 348, 344, 346ii, 847,
360 », 361.
, William le, Clerk, 120, 134.
-, * *, sister of William le, wife of
Alan lePoer, 120 ».
Strannelone, Alan, 62.
Suel, Adam, 320.
Sutton, Geryaae Goeh de, 87.
, Griffin, son of Gerraee de, 87.
, Madoo, son of Qriffin de, 87 »,
121.
Swanoote, Robert de, 818 ii.
Swanwyke, William, Priest, 342, 343.
Swereford, Alexander de, 2 ».
Sydenhale, John de, 143.
Synger, John, Prebendary, 339 ».
T.
Tailor, Thomas, 310, v, Taylor.
i , John, son of^ 311.
Talbot, John, Earl of Shrewsbury, v.
Shrewsbury.
— — — , Thomas, Prebendary and Dean
of Bridgnorth, 122, 338.
Tanton, Bobert de, Prebendary, 340.
Tasley, Incumbents of, d9, 101.
1 Peter de, 96.
, Thomas de, 86, 88, ». Chabbe-
nour.
Tassewood, Henry de, 93.
, Philip de, 93.
Tatlington (aZiof Malesoures), Alexander,
son of Hamo de, 176, 186, 190.
, Auger (I) de, 190.
, Auger (n) Fitz William de,
176, 177, 178, 184, 186, 187, 188, 190.
, Olemence, wife of William de,
V, Broc.
, Emma, wife of Auger (II), ^e,
V. Luttleton.
-, Hamo Fitz William de, 176,
186, 190.
, Nicholas de Frankley, son of
Auger (II) de, 190.
, Nicholas de (II), son of Nicho-
las, 190.
Tatlington (olidw Maleeoures), Simon, son
of Hamo de, 176, 186, 190.
, William Fit* Auger de, 174,
176, 177, 186, 190.
-, William, son of Hamo de, 176,
186, 190.
, William de (1258), 186, 187.
-, William Fitz Thomas de, 187.
Taunay (or Tannac), Geoffi^y de, 329.
, Hugh de, 329.
Taylor, AUoe^ wife of Henry le, 162, v.
Faintree.
, Henry le, 161, 162.
Tedstill, AgniBs de, 193.
, Alan de, 191.
, Alan, son of Alan de, 191.
Temple, Knights of the, 306, 361, 362,
368.
J . ^ Lords of Castle
Holg^te,160«, 157, 310.
Teneray, Bobert de, 40, 49, 62, 63, 273,
288.
, Sibil, wife of Bobert de, 40, 80.
Testard, Bobert, 167.
Textor, Henry, 367.
Thonglands, Bainer de, 33.
1 Thomas de, 68.
, William, son of Bainer de,
33.
Thorold, Sheriff of Lincolnshire, 165*.
Tinctor (of Brug), Ahnaric, 257, 306, 310,
315, 316,.370, 377 «, 379, 380 W*.
, Henry, 255.
, John, 315, 357, 367, 380.
, Bobert {alicu de Petra), 306 Wr,
314^, 816, 346 fi, 357, 363, 366, 37«.
, Sibil, wife o^ 358» ».
Petra.
9 '
, William Selymon, son
of, 132, 136, 206, 317, 318, 319, 342 »,
358, 363.
-, Bobert (c. 1290), 114, 311, 317
ter.
-, Boger, 258, 309, 381.
-, William, 349 n, 866.
Tochi, 18, 112.
Tochil, 222, 223.
Togesel, Bichard, and Bichard, his son,
377 ».
Tomai, Gerard de, 253, v. Gerardus.
Tomour, Stephen le, 311.
Torrue, John de, Clerk, 265.
INDEX OF PERSONS.
417
Tottonhale, Master Andrew de, 114.
Tracy, William de, 169 n.
Ti^etis, Theobald de, Prebendary, 77.
TrusBel, William, 279.
Trysul, Elyas, Dean of, 324 ».
Tu^ Richard, 320.
Tu^ord, Osbert de, 68.
, Eeginald de, 210.
-, Bejner de, 33.
-, William, son of Beyner de, 88.
-, William, brother of Reginald de,
Chaplain, 210.
Tnrberyill, Robert de, Prebendary, 75, 97.
Turgod, IS ter.
Turner, William, and Edith his wife>
371.
Tomham, Alice, daughter of Stephen de,
wife of Adam de Bending, 174, 175.
, Alianoje, daughter of Stephen
de, wife of Roger de Leyboum, 173.
•7-, AUanore, daughter of Stephen
de, wife of Ralph Fitz Bernard, 174,
175.
*, Beatrix, aZ. Slatherine, daughter
o]f Stephen de, wife of Ralph de Fay,
174, 175.
-, Beatrix, aL Katherine, daughter
of Stephen de, wife of Hugh de HoviU,
alicts NeoyiU, 175.
-, Edeline, wife of Stephen de.
170-178, 190, V, Broo.
-, Katherine, daughter of Stephen
de, V. Beatrix (ntpra).
-, Mabil, alias Matilda, daughter
of Stephen de, wife of Thomas de Bave-
lingham, 174, 175.
-^, Stephen de, 170-177, 185, 190.
Turold, 18.
, WiUiam, 47, 48.
Tyrel, Richard, 68.
, Roger, 68i 69.
U.
Ulchetel, 18, 159.
TJlger, Canon (or Prebendary), 117, 118,
253, 254.
Ulger Venator, 242 », 355.
Uluiet, 18, 159.
Underdon, Prebendaries of, 75-78.
Urri, Bernard de, Balister, 266.
Upton (Cressett), Adam Eitz William de,
143, 144, 194.
, Alan de, 140, 144, 207.
, Constance de, wife of Thomas
Cressett, 142, 144.
, Guy de, 142 sexies, 143 6w, 144.
-, Hugh de, 40, 140, 144, 145, 160,
181, 299.
, Hugh de (anno 1256), 141.
^ Hugh de, son of Guy, 142, 143,
144.
, Isabel, wife of John de, 142, 144.
, Johanna, wife of John de (II), 142,
143^,144.
, John de, 141, 142, 144, 160, 151,
182.
, John (II), son of John de, 141,
142, 143, 144, 151, 194.
, John, son of John (II) de, 142 bit.
144.
-, John, Rector of, 142, 147.
-, Margaret, wife of Guy de, 142, 144.
-, Margaret, wife of Hugh, son of
Guy de, 142, 144.
, Nicholas, son of John (11) de, 142,
144.
-, Rectors o^ 142, 147.
-, Thomas de, 141, 144, 150.
-, William de, 140 », 141, 144, 145,
146ftM»194.
, William Gbiun (alias Goon) de.
140, 144.
Upton (Waters) Walter de, 203, 204.
Ursus Vicecomes, v. Abitot.
V.
Yal, Robert de, 181.
Veil, Richard le, 212.
Venator, Norman, 112, 355 n.
, Roger, 112, 355 n.
, Ulger, 355.
Venour, G^e^ffi^y le. Seneschal of Cleo-
bury Mortimer, 226, 227.
, Robert le, 306 bis.
Verdun, Walter de, 272.
Vinitor (of Brug), John, 298, 300, 364.
Vipont, John de, 271 11.
, Robert de, 71 », 268-271.
Vitalis, V. Ordericus.
Vithelcr, Robert le, 320.
418
INDEX OF PBB80N8.
W.
Wade, Alan, of Brag, 818 n.
Wadeley, Boger de, 212.
Wakefield, Heniy de, 338.
Walchelinus, 18, 169, 160, v. Famtroe.
Walensifl, Bobert, 181.
" [ — , Boger, 85 n,
' ■ 1 Wrenoe, 278.
• , Yto, 181.
Walee (North), Prince o^ Owen, 262.
1 Prince o^ David ap Owen, 294.
-, Emma, wife o(
294.
272 «.
-, LeweUyn, 267-271,
' 9 " ) Joan wife o^
daughter of K. John, 271.
Wales (South), Prince of, GrifBn, 64.
, Prince of, Bees, 262.
* 1 Griffin ap Beee, 264,
266 «.
»
0^264, 265 ».
, • • • • wife
' "» """ ~"» — ^,Mae]gon, bro-
ther 0^26511, 268.
"» > Beee ap Maelgon, 271.
f • 9 Bees ap (Jrlffin, 268.
Waleys, Henry le, 193.
Wallenm, brother of Matthew Constable
ofBrug,267.
W«aton, Prebendaries o^ 71 », 73-76,
Wancy, FeUda, wife of Nicholas de, v.
Hareng.
9 John de, 176.
i Michael de, 173.
, Nicholas de, 173 «, 174, 190.
, Nicholas (II) de, 177, 178, 190.
Wanton, Master Simon de. Justiciar, 145,
186.
Warde, Sir Henry, Chaplain, 222.
Warren, Earl (1101), 244.
-, Earl (William Plantagenet), 265,
298.
286.
(John Plantagenet), 285 n,
f William de, 211.
Warwick, Earl of (1204), 265.
Wascon, PhiUp, Prebendary, 119.
Waskebache, Bichard de, and Walter, his
brother, 124.
Wanton, Qamae de, 174.
Wauwar, William le, of Aldenham, 81.
Welbe, Bobert de, and Agnes, hia wi&^
114.
Weldebo^ Bobert, 237.
Wells, Canon o^ Malcohn, 184.
f Dean of, John Sarraoen, 74 •-
Wendao (Fsmily of), 58, 69.
9 Cecilia, daughter of Bobert (II)
47, 58, V, Cantreyn.
^— ' — , Nicholas, 69.
, Bobert (I), 47.
, Bobert (d), 44, 47.
, Boger, 69, 849ji, 864.
, Sibil, daughter of Bobert (II), 47,
58, f>, Cantreyn.
-, William, 59, 346 ».
, William, son of William, 69.
Wengham, v. Wingeham.
Wenlock, Adric de, 112.
, Prior and Convent o^ 217,
219, 220-222, 280, 233, 238, 239, 322,
329.
1 Prior o^ Beinald, 207.
-, Humbald, 200.
-, Aymo, 205.
-, John Baylis, 12 ii.
9 Bichard, Monk o^ 111.
, William de (Desn of Brag),
338.
Weston, Hugh de, 280.
Weston, Bichard de, 69.
9 Boger, son of Boger de (Bold),
157.
, {aUag Brody), William, Bector
ofOldbury, 136.
Westwode, Hawise de, 182.
, John de. Chaplain, 142.
, William, son of Hawise de,
182.
Wic|;iard, Bichard de, 62.
Wickham, William of, 123.
Wido, unde of Banulf de Broc, 167.
Wigmore, Abbot of, 183, 184, 364.
William, Archdeacon, 110.
William (Tenant o£ JSton, 1086), 18.
y Chaplain, 209.
, Chaplain (Bold), 157.
, Clerk of Gteottrey de Ver, 254.
Wilyneten, Adam de, Priest, 221.
Winchester, Bishop of, (Henry de Blois),
167.
INDEX OF PERSONS.
419
Winchester, Bishop of, Peter de Bupibns;
74 «s 769S 213, 298, 804, 830-832.
^ ^ Bigaud de Asse-
rio, 327 ».
-.William of Wick-
ham, 123.
Windsor, William de, 167 his.
Winterton, Walter de, Constable of Brag,
288.
Wingeham, Henry de, 92, 121, 122.
Witeleg, Henry de, 163.
Wiuar, 18.
Woderove, Hugh, 320.
Wodeton, Bobert de, 278.
Woler', Bobert le, 349 ».
Wolloscott, John de, 193.
i Sibil, wife of John de, v, Crid-
don.
Womboume, John de, 289.
Wombridge, Prior o^ 92.
Woodoote, Lord o^ 228.
, Bobert de, 224.
Worcester, Archdeacons o^ 111.
, Bishop of, Wulstan, 110.
, , John, 249, 250.
, ^ Boger, 200, 208.
, i (William de Blois,
1224), 275.
Worcester, Monk of (Ohronider), 288.
, Prior of, Ealph, 200.
i Warden of the JPnuunscan
Friaries in the district of, 850.
Worfield, Bectors o^ 71 n,
i Bector of, Hugh de la Penne, 1 22.
Worle, Sngelard de, 337.
Wrocwardine^ Emma^ wife of William de,
168.
, William de, 168.
Wrotham, Bichard de, 278.
Wrottesley, Hugh de, 114.
Wychard, Bichard, 82.
, Waiiam, 82.
Wygod, Bobert, 225.
Wymer, William, 324.
Wymundham, Prior o^ 297.
Wystaneston, William de, 288.
Wyteng, Master John, Prebendary, 118.
Y.
York, Archbishop of, Boger, 249.
Ypra^ Stephen de, 254.
Z.
Zuche, Alan la, 288.
ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS FOR VOL, L
Page 16
— 19,
— 26
— 35
— 45
— 52
— 69
— 70
— 73
— 80,
— "81
— 92
— 93
— 101
— 106
111,
125,
130,
137,
139,
141,
142,
144,
150,
158,
178,
180,
181,
197,
206,
211,
256,
282,
334,
(The Map), for Brown Glee Hill, read Brown Qee Hill.
col, 4, Z. 9. . for Brimstree (as the Modem Hundred of Deuxhill), read
Stottesden.
i. 32 for £3. 17*., read £3. 7*.
n 18, 1, 3 . for Churches, read a Church in each place.
Z. 22 for Contreyne, read Cantreyne.
» 79 for Nob. 100, 102, read Nos. 100, 103.
l,l\, . , . for 1340, read 1341.
n 198, 1. 1 . for vetus domini cum, read yetus dominioum.
»218, Z/.3,4, dele in possession of Mr. Gboige Morris.
— I, 8, dele also.
Z. 4 for Fulcoins, read Fulcoius.
II, 18, 20 . . for warrantry, read warranty.
Z. 13 for co-escheater, read co-escheator.
Z. 14 for £3. Qs, 8<i., read £6. 13*. 4d,
Z. 13 for Vederers, read Verderers. '
n 372, 1, 2 . for Assigns, read assigns.
Z. 10 .... for either written, read once said to be either written.
» 6, Z. 1 . . for CAron, Joh, Bromton, read Chron, Joh, Bromton.
— Z. 2 . . add Two Abbots of this name are inserted in the lists of Abbots
of Jorva], under the dates 1193 and 1436. It is quite clear
that if the original Chronicle were written in the reign of John,
the printed one was the work of a Transcriber, who inter-
polated many passages, and must hare lived after the accession
of Edward HI (1327). The use of the name «* Bruggenorth '*
(as in the text), is apropos to the question of this writer's
eera. That place was never so written in John's reign, nor
indeed till the next century.
Z. 22 . . . . for Baron of Caus, read Ancestor of the Barons of Caus.
Z. 33 . . . . for Chete, senior, of Brug, a culture, read Chete senior of
Brug, of a culture.
Z. 18 . . . . for mamyy read many.
II, 4, 18 . . for Edmund, read Elmund.
Z. 28 . . . . for Edmund, read Elmund.
Z. 3 for Cans, read Caus.
Z. 1 for 1244, read 1344.
Z. 4 for Gouin, read Gl-oiun.
» 5, Z. 5 . for Abdon (Priors), Ditton, read Abdon, Ditton (Priors).
Z. 7 f<yr Afrer, read After.
Z. 12 . . . . for bu tonly, read but only.
Z- 35 for 1829, read 1289.
Z. 1 for Kobert Corbet, read Boger Corbet.
Z. 18 . . . . for Wrichton, read Wrickton.
Z. 2 for (1222-3), read (1292-3).
Z. 3 for Elunard, read Eluuard.
Z. 33 . . . . for Bolbington, read Bobbington.
n 171, Z. 2, for notice, read original evidence.
Z. 8 for only for a time, read never honestly.
'I
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