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u.
Series XVI No. 6
JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY STUDIES
IN
Historical and Political Science
HERBERT B. ADAMS, Editor.
History is past Politics and Politics are present History.— />^^man.
Anti-Slavery Leaders
OF
North Carolina
BY
JOHN SPENCER BASSETT, Ph.D., J. H. U.
Professor of History in Trinify College ^ North Carolina
THE JOHNS HOPKINS PRESS, BALTIMORE
Published Monthly
JUNE, 1898.
5^
w
FINS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY STUDIES
ICAL AND POLITICAL SCIENCE.
Hekbept B. Adams, Editor.
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»
Anti-Slavery Leaders
OP
North Carolina
PREFACE.
When, about three years ago, I began to make a study
of slavery in North Carolina I found that there were some
men like Mr. Helper, Prof. Hedrick, and Mr. Goodloe,
whose participation in the anti-slavery cause demanded a
more extended notice than it was possible to give in a gen-
eral treatment of the subject. Consequently, I have pre-
pared the present sketches. I offer them to the public
because it does not seem good that the personalities of
North Carolina's contributors to the anti-slavery cause
should be forgotten.
For assistance in this work my thanks are due to Mr.
Helper, Mr. Goodloe, Mr. Charles J. Hedrick, of George-
town, D. C, and Dr. Dred Peacock, of Greensboro, N. C.
J. S. B.
April 15, 1898.
CONTENTS.
The Home of the Anti-Slavery Sentiment 7
HiNTON Rowan Helper 11
Benjamin Sherwood Hedrick 39
Daniel Reaves Goodlob 47
Eli Washington Caruthbrs 56
LuNSFORD Lane 60
Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina.
The Home of the Anti-Slavery Sentiment.
No section of the old South contained so much anti-
slavery sentiment as did the western parts of Virginia,
North Carolina and South Carolina, the northern part
of Georgia and the eastern parts of Kentucky and Ten-
nessee. This was due to causes entirely natural. The
South Atlantic coast region is divided into two distinct
kinds of country. Next to the ocean there is a strip of
land, varying from fifty to one hundred miles in width,
which is a fertile and well watered plain. West of this, and
stretching to the mountains, is a hilly region, whose clay
soil, though fertile in spots, is not naturally as productive
as that lying on the river banks to the east. The eastern
division was first settled. It fell almost from the first into
the hands of wealthy planters, and soon held many slaves.
The western portion, as well as the lands beyond the mount-
ains, was occupied by settlers during the eighteenth cen-
tur>*. These came chiefly from Pennsylvania, Maryland,
New Jersey and New England. Many of them were Scotch-
Irish, and not a few were Germans. Many were persons
who had arrived in America a few years before, and who
were still poor. Nearly all settled^n small farms, which
they expected to work with their ow hands. Being remote
from water communication, they ^^fff a long way from mar-
ket, and consequently industry progressed slowly. Th«y
raised most of the articles they consumed, and what they
bought they got by carting their wheat or driving their
stock from fifty to a hundred miles to Richmond, Va., to
Fayetteville, N. C, or to some other point at the head of
8 Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina, [268
navigation of the various rivers that traversed this section.
Under such conditions the upland counties remained frugal,
industrious, simple and democratic. Here slavery was in-
troduced very slowly. From the conditions of industry, as
well as from the habits of the people, slavery had at first
little encouragement. Had not the eastern and southern
edges of this section been opened to the cotton industry,
and had not the raising of slaves for the far South become
profitable, slavery very probably would have gained no
foothold here.
All the conditions of small farms, simple habits and dem-
ocratic ideals which have been ascribed to this general
region were emphatically attributable to that part of it which
lay in North Carolina. The western part of this State, until
the railroads were built, about the middle of this century,
was very distinct from the eastern part. A line drawn from
the Roanoke river at Halifax, through the western parts of
Edgecomb, Greene and Lenoir counties, across the center
of Duplin and the western part of Pender, thence straight
to the Cape Fear river, then continued to the neighborhood
of Fayetteville, then across the western end of Harnett, the
eastern sides of Wake and Franklin, and thence to the Roa-
noke river; such aline would enclose a territory which, save
for as much of the valleys of the Roanoke, Tar, Neuse and
Cape Fear as lay in it, was a level plain, covered with pine
forest, and which was not very attractive to immigrants.
This region was thinly settled, and until it was cleft, by the
Wilmington and Weldon Railroad it was not well developed.
It remained a "pine barren," and served to divide the east
from the west. The counties west of this, except those along
the Cape Fear and Roanoke rivers, contained few spots in
which slavery had planted itself with any considerable root-
age. In the West was, also, no great love of slavery. If a
vigorous appeal could have been made against slavery in
these counties, they could very likely, at any time
before i860, have been carried for freedom. It is notewor-
thy that all the anti-slavery leaders the State produced came
from within, or near, this region.
269] The Home of the Anti-Slavery Sentiment. 9
Besides the economic and territorial differences between
these two regions, one ought to mention a political differ-
ence. The counties of the east were small as compared
with those of the west. The State Senate was, by the Con-
stitution of 1776, composed of one Senator from each
county. The House of Commons was composed of two
Representatives from each county and one from each of
six designated towns. In 1835 there were in the west
twenty-six counties, while there were thirty that might be
classed as eastern in spirit. The eastern counties were
much smaller than those of the west. This gave the pre-
dominance of power to the smaller east. The importance
of this is seen in the fact that the selection of the Governor
and other executive officers of the State, the judges and the
officers of the militia, was left to the Assembly. The west
rebelled against this arrangement, and won its rights in the
Constitutional Convention of 1835. It was then provided
that Senators should be elected from districts formed on the
>asis of p yhlir t^yatinn^ and that the members of the Hous e
of Commons should be apportioned among the counties on
the basis of ffH^ral pnpniQfi'rkn The relief for the west is
obvious. Of the counties that now had four Representa-
tives, all were western, and of those that had three, nine
were western and three eastern; while of those that had
only one, twenty were in the east and five in the west, three
of the latter being mountain counties, which to this day are
very thinly settled. At the samexQnventign the election of
Gove rnor^ as giv en to the peop le. Still the gain of the
west was not all that it desired/It saw that representation
in the House of Commons on the t) a<^is q| fe deral p/tp^^^^^^^"
bore severely, on. it. It was with difficulty that the party
readers could keep this question out of the struggle for the
abolition of property qualification for the election of Senat-
ors, which was fought through and Y£00«-UjUlfiS7» after a con-
test of nine years. Had not the issue of the war removed this
inequality, it is safe to say that it would have become an
issue between the two sections before many years had
10 Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina, [270
passed. Indeed, if we consider the righteousness of anti-
slavery in the abstract, and the superior strength of the vig-
orous west, it cannot be doubted that, had the question
been left to be determined in a peaceful struggle, the west
would finally have removed the stain of slavery from the
State.
One other factor of the struggle in the west ought to be
mentioned. I refer to the Quakers. There were in Guil-
ford, Randolph and adjoining counties a large number of
this sect.* These were as ardent in the cause of abolition
here, in the face of slaveholders, as their brethren had been
in Pennsylvania. By the time the colonies were committed
to the cause of independence the Friends were committed to
the cause of abolition. In the face of harsh laws which
made emancipation very difficult, they worked on, liber-
ating their own slaves, and sometimes buying slaves of other
people that they might liberate them. Those that they could
induce to go they sent to the free States ; those that would
not go they transferred to the Society and held them in only
nominal bondage. Thus by the middle of the century they
had worked slavery out of their connection. They ever re-
mained a nucleus for anti-slavery sentiment. They joined
with their non-Quaker neighbors in the support of a Manu-
mission Society. They accustomed the people around them
to the ideas of anti-slavery, and that was a great advance
for that day.
Thus the economic, social and political forces of the west-
em counties made them less friendly to slavery than the
eastern counties. Of all the region of the later Confed-
eracy, that which lay in these counties was very probably
the strongest in anti-slavery sentiment. It is not strange
that out of the sturdy inhabitants of this section there should
have come leaders who went so far as to condemn certain
^ The Quakers in the Northeastern part of the State were strongly
opposed to slavery and supported emancipation; but they did not
become so notable for anti-slavery spirit as their western brethren.
This was probably because they were in a strong pro-slavery region.
( • • •
.' •• •••,•« • •
' • ? ! • • •. •
271] Hinton Rowan Helper. 11
effects of slavery, and boldly to denounce the entire system
as iniquitous and unprofitable. The most noted of these
leaders were Hinton Rowan Helper, Benjamin Sherwood
Hedrick and Daniel Reaves Goodloe. The first two lived
within this region, and the third, although he was reared
in a county which I have classed as eastern, belonged to the
same class of people of small means as made up the mass of
the people of the west. One other name ought to be added
to these, as well for its prominence in anti-slavery efforts as
because it admirably illustrates the conditions under which
the contest against slavery must be waged. This person,
Lunsford Lane, was a member of the enslaved race itself,
and perhaps did his most effective abolition preaching in
the way in which he rose above the condition of a slave, pur-
chased his own freedom and that of his family at a cost of
$3500, retaining at all times the esteem of the best people in
the community in which he lived, and receiving the explo-
sions of the wrath of the more violent element in the same
community.
Hinton Rowan Helper.
Hinton Rowan Helper was bom in Davie county. North
Carolina, December 27, 1829. His paternal grandfather
was bom near Heidelberg, Germany, and came to North
Carolina in 1752. His maternal grandfather, who was of
English descent, was Cannon Brown, of Virginia. His
father, Daniel Helper, married Sarah, the daughter of Can-
non Brown, and the pair settled down on a small farm on
Bear creek, a tributary of the South Yadkin river. Here
there were bom seven children, the last of whom is the
subject of this sketch. Daniel Helper died in the fall of
1830, and the widow and her seven children, the eldest of
whom was less than twelve, were left to support themselves
as best they could. They had four slaves, a man and his
wife and their two children, and from the labor of these the
family managed to live. The training of young Hinton
was such as many a backwoods boy gets : rough sports in
12 Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina. [272
the open air, hunting and fishing, all kinds of farm work in
season, a little schooling in the neighborhood schools, and
finally a term or two in a neighboring academy, which, in
this case, happened to be in the village of Mocksville. With
such an outfit he found himself at the threshold of manhood.
His health was not very robust, but as he grew older he
became stronger, and he is now an admirable specimen of
well-preserved manhood.
When twenty years old he moved to the city of New
York, which he made his home for some months. When
he came of age, however, he started off to California, by
way of Cape Horn, hoping to make his fortune in the gold
regions. At Valparaiso, Chile, the ship stopped for provis-
ions and masts, and this gave the young man his first direct
acquaintance with South America, a country with which his
later life has been somewhat closely associated. His stay in
the gold region was short and unprofitable. In 1854, three
years after he had set out, he returned to the farm and set-
tled down to the life in which his boyhood had been spent.
Such a life was too dull for him. His mind was active, and
he had a store of observations made during his absence.
Some minds seem to be set on ball bearings, they work so
easily. Mr. Helper seems to have such a mind. His ready
use of words and his incisive mental processes easily fitted
him for writing. In the quiet of the farm life he wrote an
account of his journey, which he called "The Land of Gold."
In 1855 the work was ready for the press. He made arrange-
ments for publication with Mr. Charles Mortimer, of Balti-
more, then the publisher of the Southern Quarterly Review,
and a strong pro-slavery Virginian. In his travels Mr.
Helper had found no slave labor. He had been struck with
the superiority of free labor. This, he concluded, was
particularly true of the cities; and he thought that slaves
should be relegated to the country. The work of printing had
progressed to some extent when the publisher discovered
these sentiments. He refused to print them. The author,
anxious for the safe delivery of his first-bom, and having
already paid $400 for work done on the book, was in despair.
278] Hinton Rowan Helper. 18
*
He hesitated as to what to do, and at length told the printer
to do as he chose with the matter. Mortimer then cut out
the objectionable passages and published the book.
The result of this course was important. The young
man, chagrined at what he deemed an outrage, determined
that he would be heard. He returned to North Carolina
and began an extensive study of the question of slavery. In
a year he had formulated his views. In June, 1856, a few
days after the nomination of Fremont for the Presidency, he
started again for the North, taking with him the manuscript
of "The Impending Crisis of the South." In Baltimore he
stopped long enough to aid in forming a Republican asso-
ciation, one of the first in the South, and destined soon to
be broken up by a pro-slavery mob. He hardly expected
to get a publisher for his work in this city ; but he, never-
theless, tried to secure one. Failing completely, he went on
to New York. Here he found more sympathy for his views,
but only a little aid in putting them before the public. The
work was offered to the Harpers, Scribner, Appleton and
all the other regular publishers, but not one would take it.
In his despair he offered the manuscript for nothing, but the
offer was not accepted. They all declined, because to pub-
lish such strong anti-slavery views, or to have them brought
out in connection with their firms, would drive away
their Southern patronage. Mr. James Harper, an Aboli-
tionist himself, and a man to whom Mr. Helper had brought
a letter of introduction, said to the young author, with great
frankness, that while he concurred with the book in its hos-
tility to slavery, and found it worth bringing out, yet, after
consulting with his business partners, it had been decided
that publishing it would cause the firm to lose at least twenty
per cent, of their annual trade. In view of such a fact, they
did not dare to undertake the work.
These were no doubt wise business methods, but they dis-
heartened the author. Between seven and eight months he
spent going from one publisher to another. How much he
suffered in the meantime will not be easily imagined. Con-
vinced that he had a great principle at stake, he was deter-
14 Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina. [274
mined to exhaust every energy to accomplish his task. This
long period of waiting was endured with steadfastness. He
was committed to the right of being heard on a question on
which his opinions had once been suppressed. He felt that
he was demanding vindication. At length, worn out with
anxiety and disgusted at what h« thought a lack of courage
on the part of the publishers, he decided to accept an
offer made by Mr. A. B. Burdick. That gentleman, who
was a book agent rather than a book publisher, agreed to
issue the book in his own name, Mr. Helper having previ-
ously secured him against loss. The venture proved a
handsome success. Mr. Burdick made a fortune from the
sales, but, unfortunately, lost it in stock speculation.
"The Impending Crisis of the South" was well calculated
to attract attention in the North. The author was a South-
erner, not of the slave-holding aristocracy, but of the class
of small farmers. He approached the question from the
economic side, while other anti-slavery writers had ap-
proached it from the side of the rights of the negro. The
literary style was clear and cutting. The aut h or wrot e^in
behalf of the^ non-slaveholding whites of_ the ^outju-for
whom he claimed an qpp9rtunity to make^a.liyjin^. There
was a grim directness in the following words, taken from
the preface to the first edition : "The genius of the North
has also most ably and eloquently discussed the subject in
the form of novels. New England wives have written the
most popular anti-slavery literature of the day. Against
this, I have nothing to say ; it is all well enough for women
to give the fictions of slavery ; men should give the facts."
In the same preface he referred to the fact that he was a
Southerner, as proud as any of his birthplace, and added :
"As the work, considered with reference to its author's
nativity, is a novelty, * * * so I indulge the hope that
its reception by my fellow-Southrons will be novel ; that is
to say, that they will receive it as it is offered, in a reasonable
and friendly spirit, and that they will read it and reflect on it
as an honest endeavor to treat a subject of vast import with-
276] Hinton Rowan Helper, 16
out rancor or prejudice, by one who naturally comes within
the pale of their own sympathies."
These were fair words ; but Mr. Helper must have known
well when he wrote them that his book would receive little
favor in the South. If he hoped otherwise, he was soon un-
deceived. The appearance of thework in the summer of 1857
was the signal for a flood of denunciation from that quarter.
It was at once declared to come within the provision of the
laws against the circulation of incendiary literature. To
own a copy was against good taste, and traitorous to the
interest of the South. In 1859 John A. Gilmer was the
Whig candidate for the governorship in North Carolina.
His opponents charged him with owning a copy of "The
Impending Crisis.' His friends replied by declaring that
John W.Ellis, the Democratic candidate, had a copy. The
Raleigh Standard, the leading Democratic paper of the State,
indignantly denied the charge against Ellis. The truth of
the matter, it said, was that in 1858, while Ellis was in New
York, Mr. Helper, who had known him in North Carolina,
called on him and later on sent a copy of the book. This
Mr. Ellis threw out of the window. Sometime later Gov-
ernor Ellis received another copy through the mails, and
that he used for lighting his pipe.* Making bonfires of the
book was a mild feature of its reception in many parts of the
South. The Northern papers reported that a number of
persons were hanged or otherwise killed for having copies
in their possession. The truth of the latter statement it
has been impossible to prove.
The enemies of Mr. Helper tried to break down his argu-
ments by blackening his character. It was charged that he
had taken fraudulently a sum of money from an employer
in Salisbury, N. C, and that when accused of the crime he
had admitted it, alleging that he was at the time only seven-
teen vears old, and that another clerk had induced him to
take the money. This charge was repeated by Senator
Biggs, of North Carolina, in a congressional debate, in
* Raleigh, N. C Standard, Aug. 10, 1859.
277] Hinian Rowan Helper. 17
dings, Dawes, Washburn and John Sherman, and by the
most prominent Abolition leaders, among whom were
Thurlow Weed, Wm. Cullen Bryant, B. S. Hedrick and
Horace Greeley. The latter gentlemen declared: "Were
every citizen in possession of the facts embodied in this
book, we feel confident that slavery jv ould so on pass away,
whik JL RegubncanlHu^^
tain/ ' It is of interest to know that of the amount collected.
North Carolinians subscribed $165. Among the subscrib-
ers were Professor Hedrick and Mr. Goodloe, whom the
Raleigh Standard described as "two other recreant sons of
this State.^
The plans thus set forth were accomplished. One hun-
dred thousand copies of the compendium were printed in
i860 and distributed throughout the doubtful States of
Penrtsylvania, New Jersey, Indiana and Illinois. In their
estimate of the book the Abolitionists were right. Its style
cut like a knife. It showed clearness, conviction, and a cer-
tain intensity which would likely make a more striking
appeal to the voters than the more restrained statements of
a more scholarly work. It was not free from the vivid rhet-
oric to be expected from a self-taught young man from the
backwoods, and yet, for the purposes in view, this was no
disadvantage.
The success of this circular was not calculated to soothe
the feelings of the Southern Democrats, whose feelings were
already at the highest pitch. Their newspapers took up the
matter, publishing extracts to show that "The Impending
Crisis" was incendiary. To the Southerners this was a de-
liberate purpose of the Republicans to arouse the entire
North against the South. Shortly after the. compendium
scheme was assured there occurred John Brown's attacks
on Harper's Ferry. The South was more convinced than
ever of the harmfulness of the book which the Abolitionists
were using to propagate their doctrines. While affairs
were in this shape Congress met. The caucus nominee of
* Raleigh Standard, Dec. 7, 1859.
18 Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina. [278
the Republicans for the Speakership was John Sherman,
who, with other Congressmen, had signed the above-men-
tioned circular. To his election the Southerners opposed
their strongest efforts. As soon as Congress met a resolution
was introduced which declared "That no person who has
endorsed and recommended [Helper's] book, or the com-
pendium from it, is fit to be Speaker of this House." One
of the fiercest debates in the history of that body now began.
Southern members used the bitterest threats. Members
on each side went armed, fearing a resort to force. The
debate on the resolution was dropped long enough to take
some ballots for Speaker, but without any election. Ig-
noring the usual holiday recess, the contestants went on
until, on January 30, i860, Sherman withdrew his name.
Three days later Pennington, of New Jersey, was elected
by the Republican and American votes.^
The attracting of public attention to "The Impending
Crisis" had a most exciting effect on its sale, which hitherto
had not been extraordinary. Tht demand for it was now
immense. Copies might be seen in stacks on every news
stand and in every book store of the North. Some pro-
slavery men tried to prevent its sale. The president of the
Norris.town Railroad Company ordered that it should not
be sold in the railroad cars, the gentlemen's waiting-rooms,
or the railway stations.* Such efforts were in vain. By
the autumn of i860, 142,000 copies, including the com-
pendium, had been sold. It is doubtful if any other Ameri-
can book not fiction, except, perhaps, Mr. Harvey's "Coin's
Financial School," has reached so great a circulation in so
short a time. Had the war not begun in 1861, which de-
stroyed the occupation of more Abolitionists than one, the
circulation would have gone much higher.
A more impartial view of the book from a scholar's stand-
point would be the book reviews it received at the time it
> See the preface of the ''Impending Crisis," {i860).
' See Garrison's Liberator, Jan. 20, i860.
279] Hinton Rowan Helper. 19
was published. The New Englander (Vol. 75, p. 635, 1857),
in calling attention to the fact that the author wrote from
the side of sociology, said : "On the subject in this depart-
ment he has made the most complete and effective presenta-
tion within our knowledge. It is thorough, reliable, demon-
strating, overwhelming. It consists of facts which cannot
be denied or gainsaid; facts derived to a large extent by
careful examination and comparison from the census, which
cannot be suspected of anti-slavery bias, since it was com-
piled under the direction of an eminent statistician who is
notorious for his pro-slavery principles and zeal." The
Westminster Review^ having less interest in the conflict, and
being more critical in point of style, said, with much just-
ness : "The style of production is peculiarly American.
Its language and ideas alike are often extravagant, and its
allusions sometimes very personal. Statistics and other
facts are well arranged and fully authenticated, but the con-
clusions of the author are not always correct, and occasion-
ally exhibit a want of practical political knowledge.^
The b ji rden of Mr. Helper's story was the benefiting p f
the non-slave holding whites of the South . These ought _to
b"e dist mguls hed from the "poor w hites? ' fPhe latter were
a class, in themselves more or less shiftless, living around
among the large plantations, without ambition and mostly r ^
in extreme poverty. They were largely wrecks, both indus- /;e<^ v-V-^-^
trial and moral, on the shores of society ; although a child (/
occasionally came out from among them whose efforts
enabled him to reach a high place in societ]^ The former
class were the small farmers who worked their lands with-
out slave labor. They were most numerous in the west,
among the Scotch-Irish and the Germans. They were
thrifty and sturdy, and when they removed to the North-
west, as many of them did to escape the effects of slavery,
they proved valuable citizens, ^ mancipation of the slavey
would have been a blessing to either of these classes. By
it o ne class would liave been TaTseg^slQwIy from degrada-
*Vol. 75i{i86i), p.8i.
^
20 Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina, [280
tion to re spectability, the^other^from respectability to wcalthj
What either of these classes suffered from the slaveholders
is seen in this extract from Helper: He says there were
several kinds of pine near his boyhood home, "by the Hght
of whose flamable knots, as radiated on the contents of some
half-dozen old books, which, by hook or crook, had found
their way into the neighborhood, we have been enabled to
turn the long winter evenings to some advantage, and have
thus partially escaped from the prison grounds of those
loathsome dungeons of illiteracy in which it has been the
const ant policy of the nligarrbyjr^Jfppp thp masses, the non-
slaveholding whites and the negroes, forever^ cpufined.!!*
To improve the condition of this class it was necessary to
abolish slavery. He started out to learn "why the North
has surpassed; the South." He boldly attacked the notion
that the South excelled the North in agriculture. From the
census of Professor De Bow himself, who was a strong
Southerner, he showed that in bushel-measure products the
North was far ahead of the South, and that the hay crop
alone of the North was worth more than all the cotton,
tobacco, rice, hay, hemp and cane-sugar raised in the South.
This comparison was also made in regard to farm animals,
total wealth, gross expenditure and various other items from
the census columns. These arguments, inasmuch as they
attempt to prove the superiority of free labor over slave
labor, were well taken. The North and the South had be-
gun the period of national existence about equal in re-
sources and opportunity. That the latter section had fallen
so far behind must be due to slavery. In summing up this
feature of the question he uttered the following character-
istic sentence : "It makes us poor; poverty make$us ignor-
ant ; ignorance makes us wretched ; wretchedness makes us
wicked, and wickedness leads us to the devil."
Sound as the argument was, there was much that was cal-
culated to make Southern blood boil. It was a time of stem
' The Impending Crisis, p. no.
* Ibid., p. 74.
281] HinUm Rowan Helper. 21
conviction. Each side had little of the spirit of toleration.
Mr. Helper ought not to be blamed, perhaps, that he did not
rise above the spirit of his surroundings. Certain it is, he
was no master of saying unpleasant truths in a palatable
way. At times he spoke bluntly, often bitterly. In one
place he exclaims: "No man of genuine decency and re-
finement would have them [the negroes] as property on any
terms."* Speaking of the increase that would be realized
in the value of lands if slavery were abolished, he said, ad-
dressing the slaveholders : "Now, sirs, this last sum is con-
siderably more than twice as great as the estimated value of
all your negroes, and those of you, if any there be, who are
yet heirs to sane minds and generous hearts, must, it seems
to us, admit that the bright prospects which freedom pre-
sents for a wonderful increase in the value of real estate,
ours as well as yours, to say nothing of the thousand other
kindred considerations, ought to be quite sufficient to in-
duce all the Southern States in their sovereign capacities to
abolish slavery at the earliest practicable period."* In the
same spirit he finds in the South "three odious classes of
mankind; the slaves themselves, who are cowards; the
slaveholders, who are tyrants; the non-slaveholding slave-
hirers, who are lickspittles.". He arraigned severely "the
illbreeding and ruffianism of the slaveholding officials" for
their conduct in Washington, where, "on frequent occa-
sions, choking with rage at seeing their wretched sophistries
scattered to the winds by the logical reasoning of the cham-
pions of freedom, they have overstepped the bounds of com-
mon decency, vacated the chair of honorable controversy,
and, in the most brutal and cowardly manner assailed their
unarmed opponents with bludgeons, bowie-knives and pis-
tols. Compared with some of their barbarisms at home,
however, their frenzied onslaughts at the National Capital
have been but the simplest breach of civil deportment, and
it is only for the purpose of avoiding personalities that we
refrain from divulging a few instances of the unparalleled
» The Impending Orisis, p. 75- ' -'Wif., p. 107. » Ibid,, p. 118.
22 Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina, [282
atrocities they have perpetrated in the legislative halls south
of the Potomac. * * * a few years of entire freedom
from the cares and perplexities of public life would, we have
no doubt, greatly improve both their manners and their
morals; and we suggest that it is a Christian duty, which
devolves on the non-slaveholders of the South, to disrobe
them of the mantles of office, which they have so worn with
disgrace to themselves, injustice to their constituents, and
ruin to their country."^
The last sentence brings up the non-slaveholders, whose
wrongs he breathed out as fire. He said to the slavehold-
ers "Do you aspire to become th€ victims of white non-slave
holding vengeance by day, and of the barbarous massacre
of the negroes by night? Would you be instrumental in
bringing upon yourselves, your wives and your children, a
fate too horrible to contemplate? Shall history cease to
cite as an instance of unexampled cruelty the massacre of
St. Bartholomew, because the world — ^the South — shall
have furnished a more direful scene of atrocity and carnage?
Sirs, we would not wantonly pluck a single hair from your
heads ; but we have endured long, we have endured much ;
slaves only of the most despicable class would endure more.
* * * Out of your effects you have long since overpaid
youselves for your negroes, and now, sirs, you must eman-
cipate them — speedily emancipate them or we will emanci-
pate them for you !'" This extract smacks of insurrection.
In another place this is found: "In reason and in con-
science, it must be admitted, the slaves might claim for them-
selves a reasonable allowance of the proceeds of their labor.
If they were to demand an equal share of all the property,
real and personal, which has been accumulated or produced
through their effort, heaven, we believe, would recognize
them as honest claimants."* These sentiments seemingly
grew out of a commendable sympathy for the slaves, and
they had a certain justification in facts, yet it is impossible
* The Impending Crisis, pp. 131-2. * Ibid,, p. 106.
^ Ibid.f p. 142.
288] Hintan Rowan Helper. 28
not to see that preaching them to the slaves would have
tended to arouse the negroes to insurrection. It is but just
to add that such extreme statements occur rarely, and char-
ity should prompt us to think that when they do occur they
are but temporary feelings which sober action would repu-
diate.
But it was the effect that the book might have on the non-
slaveholding whites, more than its effect on the negroes,
that the slave-owners feared. Well might they have feared
on this score. In i8gQ the w hit e popula tiQn_.Qf .the_slaye
States was 6, 1 84^472^ _^bp.uti^2og,oc»_ot have-
been voters. Mr. Helper calculated on the basis of De
Bow's census that no^jaortJiQ^cijoojOOO slaveholders we rq
YPtgr?.^ Accordingly, the non-slaveholding voters must
have had a vast majority of the votes. What must have
been the result if these yotes could have been united against
the slave power? H e appea led to the non-slaveholders.
He told them that they had h'ad alllhe burdens of govern-
ment and none of the benefits of legislation ; they had fur-
nished the fighting force of the armies of the South, yet
they had never received from the legislators even "the lim-
ited privileges of common schools," while the slaveholders
had gone to the North for their teachers and their skilled
mechanics, and when asked to do so had contemptuously
refused to redress the wrongs of the non-slaveholders.
Today this may suggest the demagogue, but there is a deal
of truth in it. The remedy must be political. He said:
"Give us fair play, secure to us the right of discussion, the
freedom of speech, and we will settle the difficulty at the
ballot-box." His programme embraced seven principles:
"i. Thorough organization and independent political ac-
tion on the part of the non-slaveholding whites of the
South. 2. Ineligibility of pro-slavery slaveholders; never
another vote to anyone who advocates the retention and
perpetuation of human slavery. 3. No cooperation with
pro-slavery politicians ; no fellowship with them in religion ;
* The Impending Crisis, p. 117.
24 AnH'Slavery Leaders of North Carolina. [284
no affiliation with them in society. 4. No patronage of pro-
slavery merchants, no guestship in slave-waiting hotels ; no
fees to pro-slavery lawyers ; no employment of pro-slavery
physicians; no audience to pro-slavery parsons. 5. No
hiring of slaves by non-slaveholders. 6. Abrupt discontin-
uance of subscriptions to pro-slavery newspapers. 7. The
greatest possible encouragement to free white labor.***
To put these measures into force he proposed the calling
of a convention of non-slaveholders from every State in the
Union. This should devise the means of fighting slavery,
and should publish a platform of principles and invite the
support of the non-slaveholders of the South and South-
west. The tendency o f this scheme toward Republica n
pnlitirs la eyidgnt. Of course the Democrats opposed it.
Exceptions can only be taken to the methods by which
they opposed it. It is not difficult to imagine the fate of a
half-dozen Republican speakers, who, acting on Mr. Hel-
per's suggestion, might have gone to North Carolina to or-
ganize the non-slaveholding whites. An illustration of
what would have befallen them we have in the experience of
^ev, DanifL Wgr^|]. Were it not that slavery and the for-
tunes of many good but mistaken people went down so
disastrously in the avalanche of war, words could not be
found too strong to denounce the false spirit that made it
impossible to preach in a fair manner a doctrine of simple
political principles and to appeal in a constitutional way to
the best intelligence of those who were recognized as legal
voters. More unfortunate than reprehensible was it that
the spirit of intolerance had so taken possession of some of
the leading people of the State as is shown by the incident
which will now be related.
Rev. Daniel Worth was a native of Guilford county.
North Carolina, where, in early life, he had been a justice of
the peace. Later he removed to Indiana, and at length be-
came a member of the legislature in that State. Late in
1858 he returned to the neighborhood of his birthplace as a
^ The Impending Crisis, pp. 123-4.
285] Hinton Rowan Helper. 25
preacher in the Wesleyan Methodist Church. He preached
the doctrine of his church, which was strongly anti-slavery,
not without criticism, but, on account of the good feeling for
his kinsmen, who were prominent people, without molesta-
tion. He planted a church at Sandy Ridge, near James-
town, in Guilford county, and his postoffice was New
Salem. His church had but few members. He aroused
the opposition of many Quakers, most of whom were for
non-intervention in regard to slavery. Worth thought they
should be more positive in their opposition.
In December, 1859, after the Harper's Ferry affair, Mr.
Worth was arrested on the charge of circulating Helper's
book, and of preaching in a way "to make slaves and
free negroes dissatisfied with their condition." He was
required to give bond of $5000 for his appearance at the
Superior Court the following spring, and of $5000 more to
keep the peace. The first bond he gave. The second he
thought unjust, and would not give. He was accordingly
confined in the Greensboro jail throughout the winter.
While there the sheriff of Randolph county arrested him on
the same charge, and bound him over to the spring court.
Other sheriffs waited around the place for him, fearing that
he might be released and escape. While he was in prison
five other men were arrested in Guilford and several more
in Randolph, charged with having distributed Helper's
book. One of these was Jesse Wheeler and another was
an old man named Samuel Turner. All of these seem to
have been natives who were converted by Mr. Worth's ap-
peals. The Raleigh Standard bore witness to his success.
It said that a few months before this occurrence only one
copy of the New York Tribune came to Mr. Worth's post-
office, and that came to Mr. Worth himself. Now twelve
copies were received there. To this it added : "We think
it probable that one hundred to two hundred copies of the
Tribune are circulated in this State, together with numer-
ous abolition pamphlets from Indiana and Ohio/'
Wheeler alone was said to have distributed more than fifty
26 Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina, [286
copies of "The Impending Crisis." On his trial before the
magistrate that committed him, Mr. Worth read from the
book in order to show that it was not incendiary, a proceed-
ing which the Raleigh Standard seems to have considered
especially provoking.
The arrest occasioned great excitement in the vicinity,
and for a time crowds surrounded the jail. A great crowd
was in the courtroom when the case finally came to trial.
The case was taken up and finished in one sitting. It was
midnight when it went to the jury. In his charge the judge
is reported to have said that "to sustain the allegation of
seeking to excite the slaves and free colored people to dis-
content, it was not necessary to prove that the book had
been read by or recited to a free negro or slave, or that any
such knew anything or any part of its contents.*'* The jury
returned at 4 A. M. with the verdict of "guilty." The jury,
said the Fayetteville (N. C.) Presbyterian, was composed
largely of non-slaveholders.* The legal penalty was im-
prisonment for not less than one year and the pillory or the
whipping-post, in the discretion of the judge. The court
remitted the whipping on account of the age and calling of
the prisoner, and sentenced him to one year's imprison-
ment. Many of the bystanders, said the New York Tribune,
regretted the leniency of the court, and hoped that a more
severe judge in another county might add the whipping.
From this judgment the prisoner appealed to the Supreme
Court of the State, and giving a bond of $3000, he was re-
leased. He at once repaired to New York city, where he
made anti-slavery speeches and tried to raise money enough
to repay the loss of his bondsmen. His bondsmen were
his sympathizers, and the court records show that they were
required to pay the forfeited bonds. On appeal, the judg-
ment of the lower court was confirmed. It is likely that
the authorities of Guilford were glad to be rid of him, so
much attention was his case attracting in the North. He
^ See N C, Standard , Jan. 4, i860. Dec. 14 and 21, 1859.
* Copied in The Liberator , June 15, i860.
287] Hintan Rowan Helper. 27
lived through the war that settled the question of slavery,
and died within two years after its termination.*
After the publication of "The Impending Crisis," Mr.
Helper did not feel that it would be safe for him to return to
his home. He accordingly remained in New York in busi-
ness. In 1861 President Lincoln appointed him Consul to
Buenos Ayres. He arrived at his post in the following
spring. In 1863 he married Miss Mary Louisa Rodriguez,
of Buenos Ayres. His official services at this place were
satisfactory, but uneventful. In November, 1866, he re-
signed his position and sailed for America. He made his
home in New York city, where, with some interruptions, he
has since continued to reside.
It was about the time of his return from South America
that he severed his connection with the old leaders of the
anti-slavery cause. When he took up the study of slavery^
h-e took it up merely as it affeclid^the. white3. He never
was an advocatcof the eq ual rights of t he negro. On the
contrary, he has always had too violent aversion for them.
To this day he will have nothing to do in a business way
with any hotel or other enterprise that employs negroes. He
regards the negro as an inferior race, without possibility of
satisfactory progress, and would hail with delight the day
when not one of the race should be in the country. These
views are not wanting in "The Impending Crisis ;" but in
1857 they were overshadowed, both in his own and in the
popular mind, by the question of the evil effects of slavery
on the whites. With the question of slavery gone, his mind
turned to the negro. H-e saw how much the presence of
the negro had retarded Southern progress, and he con-
ceived a positive dislike for the whole race. While in
Buenos Ayres a friend requested him to furnish American
papers of protection to a negro, but he stoutly declined, on
the ground that the "United States of America are already
burdened with four million too many" of negroes.
* Sec Helper's **Nojoquc", p. 199.
28 Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina. [288
When he returned to North America the Republicans
were coming to deal with the negro problem. Their attitude
did not meet with his approval. His pen, always facile, at
once went to work ; and by the middle of the next year he
published "No[ojjue, a Question for a Continent." Mr.
Helper's best friends must regret that he should have writ-
ten this book. It is a severe, and, at times, an unreasonably
violent, attack on the negro. It assailed, in the strongest
way, what it stigmatized as the "Black Congress," and pro-
posed an alliance between white Republicans and loyal
Democrats, which, having secured control of the govern-
ment, should offer the negroes aid to get out of the country
by a specified time. Those that did not go should be sent
away by main force or "be quickly fossilized in bulk be-
neath the subsoil of America." The plan was, in short, to
expel as many as could be persuaded to go, and to massacre
the others. As a part of the history of the time, the book
deserves no consideration. It is only in connection with its
author, who did before this a great part in a most important
work, that it need be mentioned at all. It is charitable to
say that recent events had so accustomed Mr. Helper to
death that he was inconsiderate of the value of human rights
and human life. As to his estimate of the negro, it is
enough, in view of the development of opinion on the sub-
ject both North and South, to say that he underestimated
the blacks. Two other books in the same spirit followed
closely on "Nojoque." These were "Negroes in Negro-
land," and "Noonday Exigencies."
One result of these later books was to sever completdy
his relations with the old leaders of the Abolitionists. His
failure to accept the theory of the equality of man had always
prevented them from receiving him with warmth. They
now dropped him altogether, and Henry Wilson, in 1875,
when he wrote the "History of the Rise and Fall of the Slave
Power in America," failed to give him credit for the great
influence of "The Impending Crisis." The cause seems to
have been the views of the negro problem expressed in
these post-bellum publications.
289] Benjamin Sherwood Hedrick. 29
Mr. Helper's later years have been given to the promo-
tion of the Intercontinental Railroad, a scheme by which it
is proposed to build a railway from some point in the upper
Mississippi basin, through Mexico and Central America,
across the highlands on the east of the Andes and across the
plains to Buenos Ayres. Later developments would ex-
tend this road until it should at last reach the Hudson Bay
on the north, and the Straits of Magellan on the south. He
removed to St. Louis, Mo., that he might better push this
scheme. With characteristic ardor he offered large prizes
for the five best essays on the advantage of his scheme, and
then published these essays at his own cost. In various
ways he has spent on this project $48,000 out of his own
pocket. The recent Pan-American Congress took up the
matter and secured appropriations by the various nations
for the support of an Intercontinental Railway Commission,
which has offices in Washington city. Three corps of engi-
neers have been sent to survey the routes. Their work is
accomplished, and the reports will soon be published.^ In
the meantime certain roads have been built independently
of one another, which may easily be used as sections of the
proposed larger system. The evident advantage of such a
road makes it certain that as the countries through which it
will pass become more thickly settled it will necessarily be
built. Mr. Helper's scheme, and the most commendable
persistence he has shown in his thirty years of sacrifice and
effort in its behalf, has drawn the eyes of business men
toward the opportunity, and in the day when it shall be
made a real fact the pluck of its promoter will be appreci-
ated by the public. At present Mr. Helper remains a hale
and active man of sixty-seven, kind to those who call on
him, and ever hopeful for the project which he has on his
hands.
Benjamin Sherwood Hedrick.
Benjamin Sherwood Hedrick, eldest son of John Leonard
Hedrick and Elizabeth Sherwood Hedrick, was bom in
> This fact was recorded in 1896. Later information is not at hand.
80 Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina, [290
Davidson county, near Salisbury, N. C, February 13, 1827.
The name indicates that the family was sprung from the
German stock, which had a large share in settling this part
of the State. John^Leon^;d Hedrick was a farmer on .a.
moderate, scale. He was able to give his children the ad-
vantages of the neighborhood schools, and to give them
enough property to serve for a start in life. The boy, Ben-
jamin, attended the neighborhood schools, and fitted for
college under Rev. Jesse Rankin, a Presbyterian minister of
Salisbury. There is a story, told and reiterated in the heat
of the controversy that afterwards arose, that his father
offered him the choice of a college education or property
enough to begin life on. For the boy there could be no
hesitation in a case like this. He took the opportunity to
get an education. In 1847 he entered the university of the
State at Chapel Hill, and in 185 1 he graduated with the
highest distinction. His mind was of a scientific turn, and
he made fine progress in chemistry and mathematics. At
this time Hon. W. A. Graham, Secretary of the Navy,
and a native North Carolinian, asked President Swain, of
the university, to recommend a young man to be appointed
as clerk in the office of the Nautical Almanac. President
Swain recommended Mr. Hedrick, who immediately re-
ceived the appointment. The duties of this office seem to
have been at Cambridge, Mass., and by this means the
young graduate was able to take advanced instruction in
Harvard College. While there he studied chemistry under
the great Agassiz. In 1852 he was married to Miss Mary
Ellen Thompson, daughter of William Thompson, of
Orange county. North Carolina. In 1854 he was recalled
to his Alma Mater to take the Chair of Analytical and Agri-
cultural Chemistry. This position he held until October,
1856, when he was expelled from the faculty for causes con-
nected with his views on slavery.
It is not hard to trace the development of Professor Hed-
rick's views on slavery. His birth and his early surround-
ings had put him in sympathy with that large number of
291] Benjamin Sherwood Hedrick. 81
small farmers in the western part of the State, who, as we
have already seen, were generally opposed to slavery. His
boyhood home was near Lock's Bridge, on the Yadkin
river, and on the road that led through that part of the State
from Virginia to South Carolina. He declared that he had
seen on this road as many as two thousand slaves in one day
going to the south, and most of them in the hands of specu-
lators. This seems to have made a deep impression on his
sensitive nature. In later life he became convinced that it
was a very harmful taking away of property which ought to
be left in the State to develop it. The people around him
had great cause to complain of slavery. They were mostly
workers themselves, and felt all the hardships that free labor
must suffer in competition with slave labor. Many of them,
through this very reason, had been driven from the State.
"Of my neighbors, friends and kindred," said Professor
Hedrick in his defence, "nearly one-half have left the State
since I was old enough to remember. Many is the time I
have stood by the loaded emigrant wagon and given the
parting hand to those whose faces I was never to look upon
again. They were going to seek homes in the free West,
knowing, as they did, that free and slave labor could not
both exist and prosper in the same community." This
statement he supported by showing that in 1850, according
to De Bow's census, which ought to be good Southern
authority, there were in Indiana alone 33,000 native North
Carolinians, while in all the free West there were 58,000.
This was enough to make an Abolitionist out of a less re-
sponsive nature than Professor Hedrick's. These facts had
an early influence on him. His stay in the North only con-
firmed this conclusion. It was easy enough for a young
man of the planter class, used to the luxury of his Southern
home, to spend some time in the North without becoming
convinced that in general social welfare the North was ahead
of the South. It was far easier for a young man of the
middle class, used to the hardships and limitations of the
33 Anti' Slavery Leaders of North Carolina. [392
free labor of the South, to go to the North and come to an
entirely opposite conclusion ; and it was not a very remote
mental process to conclude, further, that this difference was
due to slavery. Young Hedrick was sprung from the mid-
dle class of farmers, and his mind naturally went through
the process that has been indicated.
All accounts of Professor Hedrick agree that he was a
man of singular gentleness of character. In a private letter
to the writer, Mr. Hinton R. Helper, who knew Professor
Hedrick well, says : "With all his virtues, and he was full
of them, modesty, amounting almost to bashfulness, was
one of his peculiar characteristics." Such a man was not
likely to create strife deliberately. Honest, gentle, intelli-
gent, he was, it is but fair to think, more competent to know
the right thing to do in the position in which he was placed
than we whom a wide interval of time and interests has re-
moved from him. Let us assume in what shall follow that
he acted as properly as one might expect from a man of
such a character.
In August, 1856, there was an election of State officers in
North Carolina. Professor Hedrick went to the polls in the
village of Chapel Hill, in which the university is located,
and voted for the Democratic candidates. A bystander
asked him if he intended to vote the same ticket in the
national election in November following. It is likely that
his views on slavery were known, and that this question was
asked to make him commit himself in public. He replied
that he did not know. He was then asked if he would vote
the Whig ticket, and he answered in the negative. Finally
he was asked if he would vote for Fremont. To this he
answered very frankly that he would so vote if a Republican
electoral ticket should be formed in the State. There was
no attempt to conceal his intention, and it at once became
known among both students and villagers. Mr. Helper, in
the letter already quoted, says that time and time again Pro-
fessor Hedrick assured him that he never once sought to
293] Benjamin Sherwood Hedrick. 33
disseminate his views among the students or other persons
around the place.
This was in August. No active opposition seems to have
been made to these views by those closely associated with
him who held them. In the North Carolina Standard^ /
Raleigh, N. C, the leading Democratic newspaper of the / /
State, there appeared on September 13, 1856, a short article
under the title, "Fremont in the South," the concluding par-
agraph of which declared: "If _th ere be Frpmnnt men
among us, lej ihem^Jbe silenced or. i::fiauLre(LlQ Jesyc— XA^
expression^ gfjbl ack Republ ican opinions in our midst isincomr
Patibie withjmr honor and safety^asjk£,ejipkj^ If at all neces-
sary, we shall refer to this matter again. Let our schools
and seminaries of learning be scrutinized ; and if black Re-
publicans be found in them, let them be driven out. That
man is neither a fit nor a safe instructor of our young men
who even inclines to Fremont and black Republicanism."
The editor of the Standard, Mr. W. W. Holden, was a man
of strong editorial ability. He is said to have boasted that
in North Carolina affairs he could kill and make alive. It
seems to have been in some such spirit as this that he now
turned his guns on the Abolitionist in the university faculty.
It was undoubtedly his deliberate purpose to drive Professor
Hedrick from his position. Two weeks after the appear-
ance of the article just quoted, the Standard contained a
communication, signed "An Alumnus," which brought up
the subject in a more direct manner. The writer began by
calling attention to the danger of sending Southern youths
to Northern colleges, where they would be taught "black
Republicanism," and then shifted to the article in the issue
of September 13, just mentioned. He goes on to say: "We
have been reliably informed that a professor in our State
university is an open and avowed supporter of Fremont,
and declares his willingness, nay, his desire, to support a
black Republican ticket, and a want of a Fremont electoral
ticket in North Carolina is the only barrier to this Southern
34 Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina, [294
professor from carrying out his patriotic wishes. Is he a fU
or safe instructor fcr our young men?*' This professor, says
Alumnus, ought to be dismissed from his position, and if
the faculty and trustees have no power to dismiss him, the
legislature at its approaching session ought to take up the
matter. With feelings highly outraged, he asks: "Upon
what ground can a Southern instructor, relying for his sup-
port upon Southern money, selected to impart healthy in-
struction to the sons of Southern slave-owners, and in-
debted for his situation to a Southern State, excuse his sup-
port of Fremont with a platform which eschews the fathers
of his pupils and the State from whose university he received
his station?"
All this was plainly aimed at Professor Hedrick. He
consulted his friends as to what he should do. He was ad-
vised to say nothing, since any defence he should make
would not be believed. One of his colleagues made a visit
to Hillsborough about that time, and came back with the
information that the articles in the Standard had made a
deep impression on the inhabitants of that town. Several
of the trustees were said to be denouncing Professor Hed-
rick as an "Abolitionist," which he was, and as "a stirrer up
of the poor against the rich," which he certainly was not.
The accused remained silent no longer. He wrote a de-
fence of his position, which was published in the Standard
of October 4, 1856. Had he been playing a game with his
enemies this would have been a bad play. It gave them an
opportunity of bringing a definite charge against him. Had
he kept silent, the burden of proof would have remained on
them. Moreover, it gave them an opportunity of avoiding
the real issue, and of proceeding against him for taking part
as a professor in the university in partisan politics ; although
it must be confessed that it was in the slightest sense partisan
to express a preference for a party that was not organized
or likely to be organized in the State in which he must vote.
On the other hand, Professor Hedrick had his rights.
He was a self-directing and a self-accounting citizen, and it
295] Benjamin Sherwood Hedrick, 85
was perfectly right for him to express his opinion on a public
question about which he was being abused in the public
prints. Regardless of the question of expediency, his course
was ingenuous and manly. In the light of present knowl-
edge, the South knows that he spoke the truth, and one
ought not to criticise a man for speaking the truth, espe-
cially if he be an instructor in an institution of learning,
which ought at all times to be a leader of truth.
Professor Hedrick's statement was made in a spirit of
fairness, and with far less temper than either the editor or
"An Alumnus" had shown. Owning readily that he was the
man aimed at in the Standard, he avowed with frankness
that he preferred Fremont for President, and gave two rea-
sons — (i) because he liked the man, and (2) because Fre-
mont was on the right side of the slavery question. Dis-
cussing the latter reason, he branched out into an argument
against slavery, perhaps the only anti-slavery argument ever
admitted to the columns of the Standard, This feature
made five-sixths of his article. He cited the views of
Washington,. Jefferson, Henry, Madison and Randolph on
slavery. The works of these statesmen were much read in
the library of the university. He said that in the western
part of the State popular sentiment was against slavery, and
that a large number of people had gone from there to the
West. He made the point that the continual taking away
of slaves for the far South cut off a great deal of the labor
of the State that ought to be left to develop it. He de-
clared that he had nothing to do with the politics of the
students, adding : 'They would not have known my own
predilections in the present contest had not one of the num-
ber asked me which candidate I preferred." Of '*An Alum-
nus" he said : "I shall not attempt to abridge his liberty in
the least, but my own opinion I will have, whether he is will-
ing to grant me that right of every freeman or not. I be-
lieve I have had quite as good an opportunity as he has to
form an opinion on the question now to be settled. And
when 'Alumnus' talks of 'driving me out' for sentiments
8
S6 Anti-Slavery LecuUrs of North Carolina. [296
•
once held by [Washington and Jefferson] I cannot help
thinking that he is becoming rather fanatical." He closed
by saying: "I do not claim infallibility for my opinions.
Wiser and better men than I have been mistaken. But
holding, as I do, the doctrines once advocated by Washing-
ton and Jefferson, I think I should be met by arguments,
and not by denunciation."
Having tormented its victim until he had forced him into
a position of public condemnation, the editor of the Standard
now proceeded to destroy him in the most systematic man-
ner. In an editorial in the same issue with Professor Hed-
rick's defence it was declared that it could not be expected
of " 'An Alumnus' or any other citizen of this State to argue
with a black Republican." The editor repeated that a man
who "even inclines to Fremont and black Republicanism"
is not fit to be an instructor in the university. He added :
"This is a matter, however, for the trustees of the univer-
sity. We take it for granted that Professor Hedrick will
be promptly removed."* A week later "A Trustee of the
University" took up the matter in the same paper, saying :
"This sentiment, avowed by one of the professors, will sink
the institution, now grown to giant size and still increasing,
unless the trustees forthwith expel that traitor to all South-
em interests from the seat he now so unworthily fills. He
should be ordered away as a foul stain on the escutcheon of
the university to show to the country that the institution is
a sanctuary from such vile pollution." A correspondent
from Norfolk, Va., wrote also in the same strain.
Before these two letters were written the university fac-
ulty had considered the case. The defence had appeared
on Saturday, October 4. The paper must have reached
Chapel Hill not sooner than Saturday afternoon. At noon
on Monday following the faculty was called together by
* This editorial and Prof. Hedrick's defence were reprinted in the
New York Trihune (semi-weekly), Oct. 17, 1856, and in the New
York Herald (weekly), Oct. 18, 1856, and possibly elsewhere.
297] Benjamin Sherwood Hedrick. 87
President Swain, all the members being present. In call-
ing up the matter the president said: ''In an institution
sustained like this, by all denominations and parties, nothing
should be permitted to be done calculated to disturb the
harmonious intercourse of those who support and those
who direct and govern it. And this is well known to have
been the policy and practice during a long series of years."^^
The communication of President Swain was referred to a
committee consisting of Professors Mitchell, Phillips and
Hubbard. These reported as follows :
• * Resolved :
«'i. That the course pursued by Professor Hedrick, set
forth in his publication in the North Carolina Standard of
the 4th inst., is not warranted by our usages, and that the
political opinions expressed are not those entertained by
another member of this body.
**2. That while we feel bound to declare our sentiments
freely upon this occasion, we entertain none other than feel-
ings of personal kindness and respect for the subject of
them, and sincerely regret the indiscretion into which he
seems in this instance to have fallen."
After a brief discussion the resolutions were adopted,
Messrs. Mitchell, Phillips, Fetter, Hubbard, Wheat, Phipp,
C. Phillips, Brown, Pool, Lucas, Battle and Wetmore voting
in the affirmative. Mr. Harrisse voted in the negative,
''simply on the ground that the faculty is neither charged
with black Republicanism nor likely to be suspected of it."
He considered the whole affair as personal to Professor
Hedrick. The students of the university expressed their
sentiments by assembling on the campus as soon as the
Standard containing the defence was received, and by burn-
ing the professor in effigy to the tolling of the bell.
On October ii, the executive committee of the board of
trustees of the university met in Raleigh, Governor Bragg
presiding, the sole purpose being, apparently, to dispose of
^ North Carolina Standard, Oct. 15, 1856.
88 AtUi'Slavery Leaders of North Carolina. [298
this matter. From the minutes of the meeting I take the
following:
"The president laid before the committee a political essay
by Professor Hedrick, published in the North Carolina
Standard of the 4th inst., together with sundry letters and
papers relating thereto. Whereupon,
"Resolved, That the executive committee has seen, with
great regret, the publication of Professor Hedrick in the
Standard of the 4th inst., because it violates the established
usage of the university, which forbids any professor to be-
come an agitator in the exciting politics of the day, and is
well calculated to injure the prosperity and usefulness of the
institution.
"Resolved, That the prompt action of the faculty of the
university on the 6th inst. meets with the cordial approba-
tion of this committee.
"Resolved, That in the opinion of the committee, Mr.
Hedrick has greatly if not entirely destroyed his power to be
of further benefit to the university in the office which he now
fills."
These resolutions were passed unanimously.
While the specific words were not used, this was in reality
a dismissal. The next issue of the Standard announced,
"with much gratification," the removal of Professor Hed-
rick. Referring to his probable course in the future, the
paper further said: "If the Abolitionists should take him
up the history of his conduct will follow him, and they will
know, as he will feel, that they have received into their
bosom a dangerous but congenial and ungrateful thing."
This was a bitter thrust at a defeated antagonist. It is
worth noting, because it says not one syllable about the
offence of writing a political letter. The Standard a week
later took up the matter again, and laid down its general
doctrine as follows : "We say now, after due consideration,
but with no purpose to make any special application of the
remark, that no man who is avowedly for John C. Fremont
for President ought to be allowed to breathe the air or tread
the soil of North Carolina."
299] Benjamin Sherwood Hedrick, 39
The cause assigned for the dismissal of Professor Hed-
rick became afterwards a matter of dispute. The Wilming"
ton Commercial said at the time, in reference to the action
of the executive committee : "It was not extra-judicial, as
some persons suppose. Some years ago, on account of the
introduction of certain political influences into the univer-
sity, the trustees established a standing rule that neither pro-
fessors nor scholars should engage in political conflicts. It
was under this rule that Mr. Hedrick was dismissed, in con-
sequence of his perseverance in wrong-doing, after being
duly admonished that he was violating a law of the institu-
tion. The wisdom of this regulation will be quite apparent
to every reflecting mind."* As to when Professor Hedrick
had been "duly admonished," or in what sense he had been
guilty of "perseverance in wrong-doing," does not appear
from any evidence obtainable. On the contrary, Mr. Helper
says that Professor Hedrick said time and time again that he
never once tried to convert a student to his views. The
above utterance does not seem to have been seen by Profes-
sor Hedrick until his return to the State in the following
January. Then he sent the Wilmington Commercial a com-
plete statement, which is worthy of extensive quotation.
He said, after quoting the charge above mentioned :
"Now all this about the trustees having established any
such a rule as the one referred to above is a pure fabrica-
tion. No such rule exists, and, of course, I could not vio-
late it or be 'duly admonished' in regard to it. But you say
I persevered in wrong-doing after I was duly admonished
that I was violating a law of the institution. This is utterly
false. I was assailed in two different issues of the Standard,
I was charged with being a dangerous member of the com-
munity, and the editor called upon the mob to drive me
from the State as an outlaw. Under these circumstances, I
wrote my defence, declaring that I held no opinions inim-
ical to the peace and welfare of the State, that in oppos-
* Reprinted in the Hillsboro Recorder ^ Nov. 12, 1856.
40 AnH'Slavery Leaders of North Carolina. [300
ing the extension of slavery I was but holding the doctrines
of the best and greatest of Southern men that have lived.
The publication of this defence is the sum and substance of
my offending. The editor of the Standard said, without
waiting for the action of the committee, that he took it for
granted that I would be removed. Several of the trustees,
since reading my defence and the assaults of the Standard,
have assured me that I acted just as a high-minded and hon-
orable man should have acted under the circumstances.
"The trustees have never been able to assign any reason
for my dismissal, except that Holden and the mobocracy
required it, and Holden and the mobocracy must be obeyed
or the stars might fall, or some other equally great calamity
happen to the State.
**But some will say that I violated a usage of the faculty
in defending myself against the attack of the Standard,
That is as false as the charge of violating a law of the insti-
tution. It is true the faculty have always refrained from
taking any prominent part in the politics of the day. But
they have always expressed their party preferences as freely
as other citizens, who do not make a trade of politics, and
when necessary have resorted to the press to give publicity
to their opinions on this same vexed slavery question. The
same 'usage' exists in regard to the judges. But during the
late contest Judge Saunders, before I wrote my * defence,'
addressed a letter to his political friends in Baltimore, which
was designed to influence the election, and it was largely
circulated by the party presses in the State. No one, how-
ever, thought of dismissing Judge Saunders for his breach
of 'usage.' And as he was one of the executive committee
of the board of trustees, of course he had too much regard
for consistency to vote for dismissing me for doing no more
than he did himself.
'The following sentence from an editorial in the Standard
explains the whole matter. The editor says : 'Our object
was to rid the State and the university of an avowed Fre-
mont man, and we have succeeded.' This explains the ac-
SOI] Benjamin Sherwood Hedrick. 41
tion of the board, and there is no need to resort to 'rules'
which never existed, or to usages which have nothing to do
with the matter.
"The act establishing the university says that the board
of trustees may remove a professor for misbehavior, in-
ability or neglect of duty, and they shall have power to make
all such laws and regulations for the government of the
university and preservation of order and good morals
therein, as are usually made in such seminaries, and as to
them may appear necessary ; provided, the same are not con-
trary to the inalienable liberty of a citizen and the laws of a
State.*
"If it is a misbehavior to defend oneself against the de-
nunciations of a fanatical party paper, then the trustees
have dismissed me with a show of reason. The 'inalienable
liberty of a citizen' is little worth if it be to cost one the
labor of years to claim a voice in the election of a President,
and when accused of holding opinions dangerous to the
community, not to be permitted to say to the slanderer that
the charge is false. My defence has not been reprinted in
a single paper in the State; and yet, in order to drive me
from my home and kindred, it has everywhere been pub-
lished that I was an Abolitionist and the mob excited
against me. I have asked that my letter be published to
speak for itself and me, but in every instance the editors
have refused me even that, whilst at the same time many
have not hesitated to circulate every paragraph that could
work against me.
"The papers which have in any way given currency to
the notice that I was dismissed for violating any law of the
university or the State, will, I hope, do me the justice to
publish this note."
To this plain argument the Commercial of February 5,
1857, the same issue in which the above communication ap-
peared, replied editorially :
* See Laws of 1789, Chap. 20, section 8.
42 Anti' Slavery Lenders of North Carolina. [303
"In another column is a communication from Professor
Hedrick, containing animadversions on the course of Mr.
Holden, of the Standard, and the party to which he belongs.
In regard to the 'established rule/ we do not recollect now
who was our authority for it, but we well remember that we
considered it reliable, certainly as mtKh so as any statement
made by Mr. Hedrick can be.
"Mr. Hedrick is hardly entitled to the courtesy we show
him, for, by using the term 'Holden and Mobocracy,' he
offers an insult to the great and powerful and patriotic party
with which we have the honor to act. However, we let that
pass, for our readers will have a great opportunity of ob-
serving the great advantages of collegiate attainments and
station in the charming style in which the professor turns up
the 'pure Saxon.' Young man, too, we believe. Quite
smart for his age, certainly. Very bad, indeed, that the
youth of our university must lose the benefits of his fine
examples and specimens of Addisonian purity and style of
elegance and diction. Was he somewhat in a passion when
he wrote the words false, falsehood, etc? Well I We won-
der I His language being so strong, so argumentative, so
convincing, we dare say his gesticulations would be mag-
nificent. We trust that the faculty will permit Mr. Hedrick
to recite the communication we publish to the scholars, so
that they may lose nothing of its beauties, either as regards
its sentiments or the lessons that may be derived from ac-
tion. Action IS everything according to the notion of De-
mosthenes — 'action, action, action,' was his motto. Let
somebody see Mr. Hedrick act the thing."
Here are two articles, each of which may be left to speak
for the merits of the side it advocates. On the one side we
have a clear, strong argument, unanswerable, a sense of
outrage, a protest against passion; on the other we have
an avoidance of argument in the beginning, a ruthless
unwillingness to concede a desire for truth to the other
side, an appeal to passion, and a supercilious tone of super-
iority. It was a great misfortune for the South that the
803] Benjamin Sherwood Hedrick. 43
defence of slavery should have committed it so decidedly
to habits of denunciation and intolerance. It was the em-
bittering of tempers naturally sweet, to which only years
can bring back their gentleness.
On October 21, 1856, there was an educational conven-
tion in Salisbury, which, it will be remembered, was near
Professor Hedrick's boyhood home. Before the recent
trouble Professor Hedrick had been appointed a delegate to
this convention, and now he decided to attend. One object
in going was to learn what was the opinion of the people in
that part of the State in regard to his case. In Salisbury
he stopped at the house of Rev. Jesse Rankin, who had pre-
pared him for college, and who was then conducting a
girls' boarding school in that place. In the evening he went
to the Presbyterian Church, where the sessions of the con-
vention were held. He took a seat in the gallery, and seeing
his father in another part of the gallery, he went over and
sat beside him. This helped to attract attention to his pres-
ence. It was soon generally known that he was in the build-
ing. A crowd began to collect outside, shouting his name
and in various ways evincing an ugly disposition. Their
object, said the town paper, was to disgrace him and to force
him to leave the place. This made him the object of the
gaze of a large part of the audience. Some called him
''Fremont" in derision. The children, misunderstanding
the allusion, thought he was Fremont, and looked on with
wonder and dread. One of them remarked in his hearing
that he "was a dreadful little man to be President." Pro-
fessor Hedrick was embarrassed, and drew his cloak around
his face. When the convention adjourned he started out,
accompanied by his father and his former teacher. Directly
facing the door he saw an effigy of himself, gotten up by
some of the young men, and by the side of it a transparency,
on which were the words : "Hedrick, leave, or take tar and
feathers I" This effigy was burned in the presence of him-
self and nearly every other member of the convention. The
mob gave three groans for the object of their displeasure,
44 Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina. [304
who, for his part, accompanied by his father and Mr. Ran-
kin, retired to his lodgings. The passion of the mob was
now aroused. They could not forbear to torture as long as
their victim was within reach. Between 200 and 300
marched to the boarding school, where they serenaded the
hated Abolitionist in true ''Calathumpian style," as the
Raleigh Standard pronounced it. They shouted, hisse'd,
gave three groans and demanded that he leave town or take
an application of "the juice of the pine and the hair of the
goose." They even threatened to enter the house and do
him personal violence. In the words of the local paper,
they ''proceeded in a most riotous and reprehensive manner
to compel Hedrick to leave town." Finally the mob was
quieted by several prominent citizens, who do not seem, be-
fore this, to have exerted themselves in the matter. The
crowd went to their homes. Professor Hedrick agreeing to
leave before daylight. Commenting on this occurrence, the
Salisbury Banner said : "We regret this unfortunate occur-
rence as well as every lover of quiet, yet it was a certain
demonstration that black Republicans and their infamous
principles cannot and will not be tolerated in this goodly
land of ours. We admire the spirit, but regret the neces-
sity of the manner, in which the condemnation was made."*
Early next morning the young man, hunted from the
scenes of his boyhood like a criminal, took his way to the
house of his brother, who lived near the railroad station of
Lexington. To the latter place he at length went with his
father to take the train for his home in Chapel
Hill. Fearing trouble, the two separated. The pre-
caution was well taken. An excited crowd had
gathered, and suspecting that Professor Hedrick might
be on board, they searched the cars for him. By
> The story as given in The Salisbury Republican Banner, Oct
28, 1856, was reprinted in the Boston Traveller, Nov. 6, 1856. A
slig^htly varying: account is that of the Raleigh Standard, Nov. 6,
1856. From these two narratives as well as from facts furnished by
Prof. Hedrick's family the above has been reproduced.
S05] Benjamin Sherwood Hedrick. 45
getting on the train at the last moment he was able to
elude his pursuers, and to reach his home in safety. A few
days later he left the State for the North. It was reported
at the time that a meeting to express approval of the action
of the university authorities was planned in Hillsborough,
but that its promoters gave it up for fear that it might be
turned against them and made to express approval of Pro-
fessor Hedrick.
In January, 1857, the fugitive returned to the State. The
excitement of the campaign had subsided, and there was no
further political gain in persecuting him. He was allowed
to come and go in peace. It was at this time that he wrote
his statement for the Wilmington Commercial. It was also
at this time that the following, which I find among his
papers, was written:
University of North Carolina,
Chapel Hill, N. C, February 2, 1857.
The proceedings of the faculty in the foregoing case were
dictated by the sense of duty ; and subsequent reflection has
produced no change of opinion as to the course pursued.
We regret most sincerely that a departure from the usages
of the institution rendered [necessary] any action on our
part.
We repeat now, what w€ said then, that we entertain for
Professor Hedrick none other than feelings of kindness and
respect ; and we cheerfully add our decided testimony to his
high natural abilities and scholarly attainments. We be-
lieve that in these respects, especially as a mathematician
and analytical chemist, he has few superiors of his age.
(Signed), D. L. SWAIN, Pres.,
E. MITCHELL, Chem. Prof.,
F. M. HUBBARD, Lat. Prof.,
J. T. WHEAT, Logic and Rhet. Prof.
What could have been the occasion for this paper I am
unable to learn. It is possible that friends of Professor
46 Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina, [306
Hedrick had asked for a modification of the former action
of the faculty. It cannot have been meant for a letter of
recommendation, for five days later these same professors,
with one other, signed such a letter in regular form, in
which they spoke most flatteringly of their former colleague
as a man and as a scholar.
From North Carolina Professor Hedrick went to New
York. Here he was employed as a clerk in the Mayor's
office, at the same time lecturing and teaching in the city.
In 1861 he gave up this work to become a principal exam-
iner in the United States Patent Office in the Department
of Chemistry and Metallurgy, where he remained till his
death. From 1872 till 1876 he was also Professor of Chem-
istry and Toxicology in the University of Georgetown.
During the war he relieved many distressed fugitives and
prisoners from North Carolina. This was a work in which
his gentle nature took great delight. After the war he was
an earnest worker for the restoration of civil order in his
native State. He died at his residence in Washington, Sep-
tember 2, 1886.
Of his scientific services in the Patent Office this is not
the place to speak at length. His long period of service in-
dicates that his work was entirely satisfactory. An asso-
ciate in the Patent Office, in an article in The American
Inventor (Cincinnati, Ohio,) September, 1886, speaks of this
part of his career. From this article a few facts will be
taken. When he came to take charge of his work, Profes-
sor Hedrick saw that but few patents were issued, and the
business of the officials seems to have been thought to be to
"head off inventors and kill inventions. * * * There
was no sort of sympathy with the inventors, and but small
desire to aid them in perfecting and obtaining the patents."
This he thought wrong. He adopted a more liberal policy
in his own department. His associates were shocked. They
thought him a radical. But the commissioner, Mr. Hollo-
way, was broad-minded and fair, and Professor Hedrick's
"anti-slavery record was so pronounced that no scorn or ill-
S07] Daniel Reaves Goodloe. 47
will had any adverse influence on him." He held his posi-
tion, and in the course of time the whole office came to
espouse his policy in reference to inventions. It was due
chiefly to this movement which he set going that the Patent
Office began its great development immediately after the
war. Many of the patents that he granted were hotly con-
tested, but the courts almost always sustained his judgment.
In the course of time he was generally recognized as one of
the most efficient, if, indeed, not the most efficient, of all the
men in the office in which he served.
Daniel Reaves Goodloe.
Daniel Reaves Gkx)dIoe was bom in Louisburg, N. C,
May 28, 1814. His ancestors came from Virginia to North
Carolina. His father read medicine, but never practised it.
He was a school teacher, although, from his early leaning
toward medicine, he continued to be called "Dr. Gkx)dloe."
Not far back in the family there was a fortunate combina-
tion of English, Welsh, Danish and Huguenot blood. Mr.
Goodloe's mother was of a Welsh family named Jones. In
neither origin nor association was he connected with the
class of large slaveholders. In his youth he attended the
"old field" schools of the place, where he acquired the merest
rudiments of knowledge. Later on he entered the Louis-
burg Academy, which was supported by the prominent
families of the neighborhood, and had the reputation of be-
ing among the best schools of its kind in the State. His
progress here was not great, however. When he left the
school he could boast of no learning beyond the English
branches, except a "smattering of Latin." Later in life he
went to Tennessee, Lnd there, at Mt. Pleasant, Maury
county, studied mathematics, with good results, under a
Harvard graduate named Blake. When still a boy he went
to Oxford, N.C., and entered a printing establishment there,
his purpose being to learn the printer's trade. This period
of his life he recognizes as of great formative value in his
48 Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina, [808
mental development. Typesetting taught him, as he him-
self says, ''to analyze sentences and to discard, in my mind,
superfluous and inappropriate words. Perhaps the slow
process of putting the types together was favorable to this
result. At any rate, I have always regarded those years
thus spent as not the (east advantageous to me in the matter
of mental training."
After two years and one-half of apprenticeship, Mr.
Goodloe, then just of age, tried a newspaper venture of his
own. He began in Oxford, N. C, the publication of The
Examiner, The venture was ill-timed, and soon ended in
disaster. The editor, encumbered with debt and disgusted
with newspapers, went, after some wanderings in Tennes-
see, back to Louisburg to read law. After a year's study
he was licensed to practise in the county courts, and a year
later, in January, 1842, secured permission to practise in all
State courts. He settled in Louisburg and waited for cases.
For nearly two years he waited, but with little success. He
had no aptitude for public speaking, and did not succeed
in acquiring the facility in argument which is necessary in
the general practice of country courts. Mr. Priestly H.
Mangum, a brother of Senator Mangum, and a lawyer of
prominence, saw this deficiency in the young man, and ad*
vised him that it might be overcome by running for some
political office. The necessity of defending publicly his
position, thought Mr. Mangum, would develop fluency of
speech. Franklin county, of which Louisburg is the county
seat, was at that time overwhelmingly Whig. Mr. Goodloe
was a Whig. His most intimate friends were leading
Whigs, and they offered to put him in nomination. "But/*
says Mr. Goodloe, "I had a thorn in the flesh, which re-
strained me. I had a profound conviction of the evils of
slavery, moral and economical. The agitation had not then
reached to fever heat, but it was rising, and it began to be
seen that the interest of slavery underlay and touched every
other question. I should have been called upon to define
my views on the subject, which I could not have done with-
309] Daniel Reaves Goodloe. 49
out injury to the Whig cause, to my friends, and to myself."
The proferred nomination was accordingly declined. This
was a very characteristic action of the man. One of the
most prominent traits revealed in his career is his honesty.
After a year of idleness in Louisburg Mr. Groodloe went
to Tennessee, hoping to find fortune more favorable there.
This was not his first trip to that State. In 1836, just after
the failure of The Examiner^ he turned to the West. In
1836 he volunteered in Maury county, Tennessee, to go to
fight the Indians. The forces were intended to fight the
Creeks, in Alabama ; but before the command to which he
belonged could rendezvous at Fayetteville, Tenn., the
Creeks had surrendered. The volunteers then agreed to go
to Florida, against the Seminoles. They went, serving six
months as mounted volunteers. They had several skir-
mishes with the Indians. They were at length mustered out
of service at New Orleans. For this service Mr. Goodloe
now receives a "service pension." On his second trip to
Tennessee he found that there was as little of an opening
there for a man who was both a printer and a lawyer as he
had formerly found for a man who was only a printer. He
accordingly decided to go to Washington City. There he
arrived, with no money and few friends, January 22, 1844.
At length Senator Mangum came to his assistance and se-
cured him employment as assistant editor of a daily paper
called The Whig Standard, of which Mr. Nathan Sargeant,
a journalist of repute, was the editor-in-chief. The Stand-
ard was not a financial success, and in a few weeks Mr. Sar-
geant withdrew, leaving the entire management to his
newly-acquired assistant. During the hotly-waged cam-
paign of 1844 Mr. Goodloe had control of the paper, but he
was not able to fix it so deeply in the affections of his party
that it would supply more than a campaign want. On the
defeat of Mr. Clay it suspended. He then edited the George-
toTvn Advocate for a short while, and finally took a small
school. He at length secured employment of a more per-
manent nature when he became assistant editor of the
50 Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina, [810
National Era, a prominent anti-slavery weekly, published in
Washington, and edited by Dr. Gamaliel Bailey. This
paper had been founded in 1847 ^^ order to advocate the
principles of the Liberty Party. It had, however, says Mr.
Goodloe, always remained free from party domination. On
account of the illness and subsequent death of Dr. Bailey,
Mr. Goodloe became at length the editor-in-chief. He had
now reached a position in which he was thoroughly identi-
fied with the anti-slavery clause. It is now time that we sec
how he came to hold such views.
In August, 1 83 1, there occurred in Northampton county,
Virginia, the well-known Nat Turner Rebellion. The whole
slaveholding South was highly alarmed. In Virginia the
occurrence divided public opinion. Many people thought
it proved one of the dangers of slavery and advocated the
enactment of such laws as would look toward the gradual
extinction of slavery. This proposition was most warmly
supported in the western counties of Virginia. In January
of the succeeding winter the legislature took up the matter
and had a long debate on the question of gradual emanci-
pation. The speeches made on this occasion were both ex-
haustive and able. Slavery was handled with a great deal
more freedom than it met with again in the South until it
felt the rough force of Grant's army at Appomattox. The
ablest men in the State took part in it, and they were mostly
on the side of emancipation. Among this number was one
worthy of special mention, viz., M r. Charles J. F aulkner,
now of West Virginia. He was nTen k young man, and
spoke ably and convincingly for freedom. The two leading
newspapers of Richmond, the Enquirer and the Whig, or-
gans, respectively, of the Democratic and Whig parties,
were both for emancipation. Mr. Goodloe was then a jour-
neyman printer in Oxford, N. C. These two papers came
regularly to the office as exchanges. They were seized and
devoured by the boy. In this way the arguments of the
anti-slavery side were deeply impressed on his mind. In
fact, the statesmen of Virginia who were opposed to eman-
811] Daniel Reaves Goodloe, 51
cipation did not attempt to defend slavery. They merely
maintained that emancipation was impracticable. The
planters of the eastern part of the State, where slavery was
strongest, had a more eflfective measure than argument to
use against the proposition. They saw that the life of
slavery was threatened. They affected to believe that the
debates would stir up the slaves to further resistance. They
called indignation meetings, in which it was declared that
the legislative debates were incendiary. The clamor they
raised frightened some of the more timid members of the
legislature, with the result that further discussion of the
matter was dropped, not, however, before the friends of
freedom had in one of the ballots come within one vote of
winning the fight. "From that time," writes Mr. Goodloe,
"dates the intense hostility in all the South to the idea of
emancipation in any form, whether immediate or gradual.
From that time the legislation of the Southern States took
on a harshness never before practised. Negroes were for-
bidden to learn to read, and to teach them to read was pun-
ishable by fine and imprisonment. The statutes of every
Southern State bear evidence to this effect."
The Virginia debates were read with interest by many
North Carolinians. Some of the State newspapers took the
side of emancipation. This was notably true of the Greens-
borough Patriot, then edited by William Swaim. Here was
a man of strong talents and much ability in writing. He
wrote a pamphlet about this time, which was an attack on
slavery. Mr. Goodloe says that it would have done credit
to any writer. It was reprinted by William Goodell, of
New York, but a search in many places has failed to bring
it to light.
While at Louisburg, a lawyer without clients, Mr. Good-
loe's mind continued to dwell on the moral and economic
evils of slavery. It seemed to him an impossiblity that an
institution manifestly founded on an injustice to a whole
race could be economically wise or generally salutary. Says
he: "The objections to slavery pointed out by Northern
62 Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina, [S12
writers, that free labor was more efficient, and that a free
man would do more work than a slave, failed to satisfy me.
I was aware that nothing hindered Southern capitalists and
Southern planters from employing free labor. But they
gave the preference to slave labor as a matter of conveni-
ence and of profit. Slaves, where the institution was toler-
ated, were preferred to any other form of property. Lands
in all the South had little market value. They rarely in-
creased in value after the countrv became settled and occu-
pied. Personal property other than slaves had no salable
value, but there was always a market for slaves, either at
home in the old States, or in the Southwest." Still it was
impossible not to see that the slave States were far behind
the free States in general development. Mr. Goodloe
thought much over this disparity in the industrial, educa-
tional, literary and social progress of the two sections.
After much reflection he settled the question to his satisfac-
tion. One day in 1841, while driving from Louisburg to
the neighboring town of Franklinton, the conclusion came
to him "that capital invested in slaves is unproductive, that
it only serves to appropriate the wages of the laborer.'* This
he proceeded to illustrate as follows : Two farmers live on
opposite sides of the Ohio river, the one in Ohio, the other
in Kentucky. Each has 100 acres of equally fertile land,
and an equal capital in tools and stock. But the Ken-
tuckian must own ten slaves to work his land at an invest-
ment cost of $10,000. The two have equal amounts of
money invested in land, and they raise equal amounts of
produce. Now, when it comes to calculating the net re-
turns of the voar, tlie Kentuckian will have to make more
money clear in order to receive an income on the capital in-
vested in slaves. Hence it takes more capital to conduct
farming operations in Kentucky than in Ohio. "It is true/'
adds Mr. Goodloe, "that the Kentuckian receives a larger
proportion of the crop than the Ohio man ; but he receives
It as the wages of the ten slaves, who receive nothing. But
Kentucky, the community in which the slaveholder resides.
313] Daniel Reaves Goodloe, 63
is enriched to no greater extent than Ohio, where the farmer
must divide profits with the laborer." The same would be
true of slaves worked in a factory. "It may be said that he
may hire the slaves. No matter ; they still are slaves involv-
ing an unnecessary investment of capital. The State in which
the factory is situated is the loser of actual capital, whether
the employer of the slaves, as hired men, loses or not. The
South, when the Civil War came on, held near 4,000,000 of
slaves, which they valued at an average of nearly $750 each,
and the aggregate value was nearly $3,000,000,000. This
abstraction of so vast a sum from active use furnishes an-
other explanation of the dearth of commerce, manufactures
and all the conveniences of life from the South. The aboli-
tion of slavery destroyed no property. It only changed or
transferred titles."
In regard to individual wealth, this view was wrong. If
a slave-owner receives wages for slave labor that is a return
for slave capital, and to that extent the capital is not unpro-
ductive to him. At the same time the value of his slave has
another element of gain in the offspring of the slave. In
regard to social wealth, Mr. Goodloe's view seems mainly
correct, if it be considered from the Northern standpoint.
The North said that the slave was a person, a member of
society. Consequently his own property was decreased as
much as his master's was increased, and the wealth of the
community was not affected. The South said, however,
thaj the slave was not a person, not a member of society,
but a thing. His property was not decreased by his not
owning himself, because he was nothing. His master's
property in him was, accordingly, a loss to the property of
no member of society. On the contrary, it was a gain to
one who was certainly a member of society, and for that
reason a gain to society itself. Happily, we are all now
agreed that the slave was a person in the eyes of all humane
feelings, and that his rights were defeated by his enslave-
ment. The theory, then, that capital invested in slaves is
unproductive as social wealth is a good theory. The fur-
54 AfUi' Slavery LecLders of North Carolina* [S14
ther view that emancipation destroyed no property needs,
however, some modification. Temporarily, emancipation
did destroy property. Value depends upon usefulness.
One of the conditions of usefulness is efficiency. When one
recalls the disorganized condition of labor in the South just
after the war, he will see that although the labor forces were
outwardly undiminished, they were still not so efficient as
they had been, because they lacked sufficient direction.
This effect has been temporary. How long it has con-
tinued, or will continue, depends upon the negro's acquisi-
tion of the habit of working without compulsion, a process
in which, it ought to be said, his progress seems satisfac-
tory. An opposing force to this fall in the productiveness
of negro labor has been an increased productiveness of
white labor under conditions of freedom. What is the exact
resultant of all these forces it would be interesting to dis-
cover. On the whole, it seems in favor of the new regime.
Mr. Goodloe's views were embodied in a pamphlet, and
when he went to Washington he laid it before Mr. John
Quincy Adams at his house, nearly opposite the Ebbitt
Hotel. Mr. Adams examined it carefully and praised it
highly. He asked the author if he proposed to publish it.
The answer was that he was unable to do so. Mr. Adams
then suggested a newspaper publication, and said that there
was a young man named Greeley, who was publishing an
anti-slavery Whig newspaper in New York, but that he,
Mr. Adams, was not acquainted with him. On considera-
tion he advised that the article be sent to Mr. Charles King^,
a son of Rufus King, then publishing the New York Atner^
ican. This course was followed, and the article appeared
in the American at the end of March, 1844. Two years later
the author printed 500 copies of the article in pamphlet
form. Later in life, while reading Mill's Political Economy,
he was struck with the statement that mortgages are no
part of natural wealth. Reasoning by analogy, he thoug^ht
Mill must have his idea of slavery ; but further investigation
showed that the arguments used in reference to mortgages
S15] Daniel Reaves Goodloe. 55
had not been applied, as might have been done, in refer-
ence to slavery. Mr. Goodloe then sent his pamphlet to the
distinguished economist and received a letter in reply, in
which Mr. Mill said that Mr. Goodloe was clearly right, and
that he would embody the idea advanced in the pamphlet
in his next edition of the Political Economy, but he did not
publish another edition.
The National Era in its earliest days drew its patronage
from the whole country, wherever there was anti-slavery
sentiment. It was one of the few papers that were advo-
cating that cause. With Mr. Lincoln's election a large
number of papers appeared as supporters of anti-slavery
principles. Against these papers the Era could not com-
pete. Local Abolitionists turned to support their home en-
terprises, and the older journal, after having fought the bat-
tle through to victory, died as a result of the success of the
cause it had advocated. Left out of employment by this
collapse, Mr. Goodloe became Washington correspondent
of the New York Times, then strongly Republican. On
April 1 6, 1862, President Lincoln signed Senator Wilson's
bill to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia. A sum
of money not exceeding $1,000,000 was appropriated to pay
for the liberated slaves, and it was provided that the average
price should not be more than $300 each. To carry out
this law a committee consisting of Messrs. D. R. Goodloe,
chairman; Horatio King and J. M. Broadhead, were ap-
pointed to value the slaves and to order payment for the
same. The committee sat for nearly nine months, took evi-
dence, heard arguments, examined the slaves themselves
with the aid of Mr. B. M. Campoell, an expert slave dealer
from Baltimore, and awarded such sums under the law as
they thought just. In this way 3000 slaves were liberated,
at a cost to the government of $900,000, in round numljers.*
^ See Ingle: The Negro in the District of Columbia, Johns Hop-
kins University Studies, nth Series, pp. 105-8. Some further details
have been supplied from Mr. Goodloe*s own statement.
66 Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina. [S16
For a year or two after this Mr. Goodloe was engaged in
editorial work on the Washington Chronicle. In September,
1865, he was appointed United States Marshal in North
Carolina. This position he held until the inauguration of
President Grant, when he was removed for party reasons.
He remained in North Carolina for some years, but finally
returned to Washington city, where he occupied himself at
first with the compilation of a book, which was later pub-
lished under the title of 'The Birth of the Republic." He
afterwards wrote a history of the reconstruction period, but
being unable to print it himself, he sold the manuscript to a
prominent politician. That gentleman incorjiorated it in
a book of memoirs, which he was about to issue to cover his
experience as a politician, and he used Mr. Goodloe's work
without giving him credit. Having purchased the work,
he doubtless felt relieved from any obligation to acknowl-
edge its connection with another. Later on Mr. Goodloe
compiled a synopsis of the debates of Congress from the
earliest times to the present day, but the work has not been
published. He remained in Washington writing for the
newspapers and investigating many features of our national
history. In the winter of 1894-5 he published in the Raleigh
(N. C) News and Observer a series of articles on the recon-
struction frauds in North Carolina, which is undoubtedly
the best thing written on the subject. In the spring of
1896 he returned to Raleigh, N. C, where he still resides.'
Eli Washington Caruthers.
Few people, perhaps, who know Dr. Caruthers as an his-
torian realize that he wrote a book on slavery. He was, as
most of those who know of him will understand, pastor of
Presbyterian churches around Greensboro, N. C, for over
forty years. He was a man of conviction and was known
to be opposed to slavery; but he made no display of his
^ The facts for the above sketch are derived, unless otherwise
stated, from data furnished by Mr. Goodloe himself.
817] Eli Washington Caruthers, 67
views. Finally, one Sunday morning in July, 1861, at his
church at Alamance, he prayed that the young men of his
congregation who were in the army "might be blessed of
the Lord and returned in safety though engaged in a bad
cause." The next day the officials of the church informed
him that they needed him no longer. It was probably after
this that he wrote his work on "American Slavery and the
Immediate Duty of Slaveholders." This book was not
published, and until recently few knew of its existence. In
February, 1898, it was discovered by Dr. Dred Peacock and
placed in the Ethel Carr Peacock Library at Greensboro
Female College.
Two prefaces were written ; one when the manuscript was
prepared, and one in 1865, when the author made some
changes in it. In the second preface he says :
"The following work would have been published years
ago, but for the last fifteen years its publication or circula-
tion would not have been tolerated in any one of the South-
ern States. It was written at the request of some valued
friends who had expressed the wish to see my views in a
more permanent form than the incidental or transient utter-
ances of conversation, without any design of ever giving it
to the public in its present form."
Although slavery had then been abolished, it was decided
to publish, because the people were thought to be in a better
mood to understand and to do justice to anti-slavery argu-
ments, and because "we have the authority of the Bible for
holding up the calamitous events to the wicked actors in
them as warnings." In the first preface is this statement:
"There are some hard things in it [the book], and if there
were not it could do no good ; for an evil of such an extent,
enormity, and long standing cannot be demolished or re-
moved by a little smooth talk. The whole truth must be
told The language is not abusive, and was cer-
tainly not intended to be so ; for neither my dispositon nor
my principles allow me to employ harsh and vituperative
language."
68 Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina. [318
Dr. Caruthers was born in Rowan county, N. C, October
26, 1793. He graduated from Princeton in 1817. It was,
perhaps, while there that he shaped his views on slavery.
Here he met Mr. G. M. Stroud, author of "The Laws Relat-
ing to Slavery." From this work he took many of his facts,
and it is possible that Stroud had a certain formative influ-
ence on the views of his friend.
A text was placed at the beginning of the book: "Let
my people go that they may serve me" (Exodus, 10: 8).
The author stated that he should treat African slavery as
"viewed in connection with the covenant of redemption.**
Plainly, he contended that the negroes should be free so that
they might become Christians, and that they could not be-
come such in slavery. How he developed this thought is
gathered from the following abridgment of the Table of
Contents :
"L The Claim— Afy People,
"i. On creation and preservation. Natural differences
among men furnish no justification of slavery. The deep
and long continued degradation of the Africans in their own
land no reason why they should be enslaved. The alleged
antiquity of slavery no justification of the practice. The
orderings of Providence furnish no justification of slavery.
"2. The Lord's Claim on the Africans and all other
races and portions of mankind is founded on Redemption.
The opinions of learned and good men in favor of slavery
is no proof that it is right. Slavery originated in avarice,
falsehood, and cruelty.
"IL The Demand; * Let my people go* : The Demand
enforced by Providence ; Human beings cannot be held as
property
"HL Reason of the demand, 'That they may serve me/
Their powers can never be developed while they are in a
condition of slavery. According to the present laws and
usages of the land slaves cannot make that entire conse-
cration of themselves to the Lord which the Gospel requires
and to which the renewed nature prompts them. Under
819] Eli Washington Caruthers. 69
existing laws and in the present state of society slaves can-
not have that equality of rights and privileges which is in
the New Testament accorded to all true believers."
The purpose of the book, as he said, was "to contrast the
unjust, unchristian, inhuman laws of the South relating to
slavery with the teachings of the Bible and the original
instincts of Nature." He was impelled to write the book
because he had never seen a treatment of the slavery ques-
tion from this standpoint. Whatever other books may have
been written on slavery, it is certain that none gave a more
positive note of opposition than this. On the separation of
families he was very hard. "Many a sad tragedy of broken
hearts and ruined homes," said he, "has been the result [of
separation]. I have known some instances in which they
have been permitted to live on in great harmony and affec-
tion to an advanced age ; but such instances, so far as my
observations have gone, have been, *like angels' visits, few
and far between.' Generally, in a few years at most, they
have been separated — sold off under the hammer like other
stock and borne away to a returnless distance."
It was, however, against the law forbidding slaves to be
taught to read and write that he reserved his strongest ana-
themas. When this law was passed, he charged, the only
argument made for it was that if slaves could read they
would read the Declaration of Independence, the speeches
in Congress, and the newspapers, and so become acquainted
with their rights, discontented with slavery, and less profit-
able to their masters. "It seems strange," he continued,
"that a Protestant, a Christian people, — nominally such, at
least, — are not ashamed to use such an argument." In
another place he burst forth : "How dare you by your im-
pious enactments doom millions of your fellow-beings to
such gross and perpetual ignorance? How dare you say
that neither they nor their unborn generations shall ever be
taught to read the glorious revelation that God has given
and designed for them as much as for you?" Still later, he
returns to the subject and says : "When do you think that
60 Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina, [320
you will hav€ made so much money by their labor that you
will be willing to let them go? ... .If you believe, as
you pretend, that the Lord's design in permitting them to
be brought here was that they might be converted and pre-
pared to carry the Gospel back to Africa, repeal your laws
forbidding them to be taught ; give them the time, means,
and motives necessary to improve them and send them back
full handed and well instructed to the land of their fathers."
It is doubtful if a stronger or clearer anti-slavery argument
was ever made on this continent.
This is enough about a book that was never printed. Its
author was not, strictly speaking, an anti-slavery leader.
He did not stand out as a teacher of opposition to slavery.
He was not a leader. But he wrote one of the strongest
arraignments of slavery in the abstract that ever appeared.
His book was a sermon expanded. Along with the manu-
script I found a manuscript sermon on the same text (Exo-
dus, lo : 8), showing whence came the book. This book was
not given to remove slavery, but to cure the wound made by
forcible emancipation. When the South writhed in bitter-
ness under its hard fate, it would have been a good thing
for its peace of mind if it could have been made to see
that the extinction of slavery was for the best. Had Dr.
Caruthers lived his attempt in this direction would, no
doubt, have been delivered to the public. It would, per-
haps, have failed immediately. Ultimately, it would have
reached those for whom it was intended. Today most
people in the South acquiesce in the conclusion that slavery
was an evil. But there are few who understand why it was
an evil. No better foundation for the study of present social
conditions in the South can be had than a complete sur«
vey of the conditions of Southern slavery. For such a sur«
vey. Dr. Caruthers' work is of great value.
LuNSFORD Lane.
It is a fit thing that this series of sketches should close
with the story of the career of a member of the enslaved race
821] Luns/ord Lane. 61
itself. This story will illustrate many sides of the slavery
question in the South. Here is the blight of slavery on
white and black, the exceptionable negro, who, by admir-
able perseverance and endurance, struggles on to freedom,
the mass of thoughtless and unambitious negroes in the
background, the touch of human sympathy on the part of
the better class of whites, and the maddened roar of the
ignorant and infuriated larger class. How truly was this
a picture of slavery and its surroundings.
Lunsford Lane^ was a slave of Mr. Sherwood Haywood,
a prominent citizen of Raleigh, N. C. His master was the
owner of two plantations, one in Wake county, near the city
of Raleigh, the other in Edgecomb county. Lunsford was
bom in the early part of the century, and grew to manhood
before the beginning of the severer attitude toward the
slaves which came after the Northampton insurrection of
1 83 1. His parents, of pure African descent, had been kept
^This sketch is based on the "Memoir of Lunsford Lane/* by
Rev. Wm. G. Hawkins (Boston, 1863). The narrative is not free
from the extravagances of a zealous Abolitionist. In places conver-
sations have been reproduced with a freedom worthy of the Greek
historians, and at times the author has allowed his imagination to
portray surroundings which are characteristically Southern, but which
in this case did not exist. As for the main facts of the narrative, I
have no reason to reject them. Information about the case is hard to
obtain in Raleigh, but from an old resident I obtained a corroboration
of the account of the mobbing of Lane as herein given. Still I have
not found any mention of the occurence in the Raleigh papers of
that day. One of these papers was edited by Thomas Loring who
was the Mayor before whom Lunsford was tried, yet it is silent.
It is likely that the matter was not published for fear of the effect
it would have when copied in Northern papers.
A letter from Mr. Hawkins says that the facts were obtained from
Lunslord himself, and that on a visit to Raleigh after the war the
''material facts outlined in the story " were confirmed by a number of
colored people who had known, or were related to, Lunsford Lane.
Mr. Hawkins closes thus : " He [Lane] impressed me as being a
man of uncommon natural intelligence and truthfulness, and I have
no doubt that the account of his life which I have given is sub-
sUntially true." J. S. B.
62 Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina. [822
in the town for family service, and thus their offspring had
opportunities beyond the other negroes. Lunsford early
learned to read and write, a privilege that would not legally
have been allowed him a few years later. Many men of
political prominence visited at his master's house, and from
waiting on these he acquired much general information. He
also learned a great deal from the speeches of great poli-
ticians. He heard speeches from Calhoun, Preston^ of
South Carolina, Badger, Mangum, and many others of less
note. He waited on La Fayette when he passed through
Raleigh in 1824, and was greatly impressed by the distin-
guished Frenchman's devotion to liberty. Once he heard
Dr. McPheeters, the Presbyterian minister in Raleigh, say :
"It is impossible to enslave an intelligent people." This
made an impression which he never forgot. His desire to
gain his freedom grew daily, and all the spare money that he
received as fees from his master's guests was put away
toward that end.
In the hope of acquiring liberty there was not a little en-
couragement for him in the life of the negroes of the town.
At that time a strict surveillance had not been established
over the religious and social meetings of slaves. They ac-
cordingly often in their chance meetings discussed means
of improving their condition. The natural inclination of
the negro to speech-making helped in this process. The
following illustration of this faculty will be of value here.
The colored boys of the town had a custom of assembling
every Sunday afternoon at a • certain mineral spring in
the suburbs of the place and discussing, in imitation of the
whites, the issues of the day. Some of them, especially the
slaves of prominent men, could repeat with great exactness
speeches that they had heard during the week. The whites
were often present at these meetings, and the master of a
bright slave boy would feel a pride in the prowess of his
negro and encourage him to improve. At last, however,
they came to see that the effect of this was to turn the minds
of the slaves toward freedom, and they forbade the meetings.
In such conditions the boy Lunsford found himself placed.
S2S] Lunsford Lane. 63
His early savings for the puq^ose of buying his freedom
had reached a considerable sum by the time the boy became
a man. A part of this he lost through bad investments,
and the balance he was forced to spend on his wife. As
soon as he was grown he had married a slave of Mr. Wil-
liam Boylan, a most excellent citizen of Raleigh. Shortly
afterwards Mr. Boylan had to sell this woman, but he gave
her the privilege of selecting for her new master anyone
who would buy her. Lunsford was a Baptist and his wife
a Methodist. True to the instinct of the race, she decided
the matter according to church affiliations. His wife con-
cluded that she would be better off if she were owned by a
member of her own church, and he prevailed upon Mr. Ben-
jamin B. Smith, a wealthy Methodist, to purchase her and
her two children, the price paid being $560. Lunsford
charged that Mr. Smith neglected to feed and clothe the
woman properly, knowing that her husband, who was
known to have some money, would not let her suffer. In
this way he exhausted the balance of his early savings.
Lunsford had been taught by his father the secret of mak-
ing a superior kind of smoking tobacco, and this the father
and son now began to manufacture for the market. To
have free opportunity for this he hired his time, paying for
it from $100 to $120 a year. It was some time near this
date that his master died. Mr. Havwood had been an in-
dulgent master. He had assured Lunsford that he should
be allowed to buy himself. Lunsford now found himself
the property of his former master's widow, and he feared
that she would not be willing to fulfill the promise. He
says, however, that she valued the good opinion of her
neighbors, and that they would expect the fulfilment of Mr.
Haywood's promise. Stifling his doubts, he worked all the
harder. The demand for his tobacco was growing. He
enlarged his plant and made arrangements to sell the pro-
duct in the neighboring towns of Fayetteville, Salisbury and
Chapel Hill. At the end of about eight years he had saved
64 Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina, [324
$1000. With much anxiety he approached his mistress to
propose th€ purchase of his liberty. Of this negotiation he
says : "I casually asked her price, provided I should desire
my freedom. She said she would be satisfied with $1000. I
then very frankly told her I greatly desired my free-
dom, and asked if she was ready to execute the deed,
provided I could find some person whom I could
trust by whom the purchase in my behalf could be
made." A slave, it should be said, had no standing in law,
and could not make a contract. Lunsford, therefore, had
to get some trusted white man to buy and then emancipate
him. He decided to entrust the affair to Mr. Smith, his
wife's master. That gentleman, after making the purchase,
applied to the courts for leave to emancipate Lane. Now
by law slaves could be freed for meritorious services only.
No such services could be shown in this case, and the appli-
cation was refused. Mr. Smith, who was a merchant, then
proposed that Lane should accompany him on his next trip
to the North and have the freedom papers issued there.
This was agreed to, and a year later the emancipation papers
01 Lunsford Lane were recorded in New York city.
Lunsford was, like most negroes, religious by nature.
He savs that attendance on church services was a means of
much instruction for him. He got the written permission
of his mistress to join the Baptist Church. Every Sunday
there was one sermon for the slaves preached by a white
parson — a law of 1831 forbade any slave or free negro to
preach to slaves. These sermons, he says, were usually on
the duty of the slaves to obey their masters. The texts were
usually like these: "Servants, be obedient to them that
are your masters," and "not with eye-service, as men
pleasers." One kind-hearted preacher, whom all the
slaves liked, became very unpopular when he preached a
sermon in which he argued that God had predestined the
neofroes to be slaves. Lunsford found a friend in Dr.
Heath, a Presbyterian minister, who afterwards became a
popular temperance lecturer. He was a Virginian, and be-
825] Lunsford Lane, 65
fore coming to Raleigh had liberated a large number of
slaves, and through the Colonization Society had sent them
to Africa. His views of slavery were liberal, and he helped
Lunsford in many ways.
The business sense of Lane now began to expand his lines
of labor. Although he kept to the manufacture of tobacco,
he added the making of pipes, and began to sell almost
everything kept in an ordinary village store. He also
opened a wood yard, and bought horses and wagons for use
in connection with it. He was patronized by whites as well
as by blacks. In 1839 ^^ bought a house and lot, for which
he paid $500. It had long been his object to buy his wife
and children, the latter of whom now numbered six. Mr.
Smith offered to sell them for $3000. This was thought to
be too much, and after negotiating it was reduced to $2500,
at which sum the purchase was effected. He gave Mr.
Smith five notes for $500 each, and received in return that
gentleman's obligation that when the notes were paid he
would sign a bill of sale for the slaves. It is impossible not
to notice here the rapid appreciation in the value of slave
property. This woman and two of her children had been
bought not more than eight years earlier for $560, and were
now sold at an advance of $1940, and in the meantime the
master had had her services. It was a happy day for the
former slave when he brought his wife and children oui
from the house of bondage and gathered them around his
own fireside with good hope of seeing them soon as free as
himself. His achievement had been wonderful, and is an
indication of what a policy of gradual emancipation might
have done in developing his race, could circumstances have
been so shaped that it might have been entered upon. He
had paid $1000 for his freedom. He had paid another $1000
in yearly wages while he was hiring his time, had supported
himself and helped to support his family in the meantime,
had paid $500 for his home, and had a good business in his
own name.
66 Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina. [S>6
All this prosperity was beginning to attract the notice <rf
the whites. Several other negroes in the place were making
progress in the same way. Some of the whites thought this
was likely to have a bad effect on the slaves generally. Fear-
ing something like this, Lunsford had been careful, as he
said, not to intrude his intelligence, but to seem to know
less than he did know. He dressed as poorly and fared as
simply as if he were still a slave. He also said that he was
careful never to do anything which looked like leadership of
the other negroes, that he had done nothing disorderly, and
that he had never plotted to free the slaves. The good
opinion in which he was held by some of the best men in
the place is evidence that this is true. On the evidence of
his biographer none of these things were alleged against
him. Everything indicates that he devoted himself quietly
to the one object of purchasing his family. Certainly with
that object in view it would have been a most unwise thing
to appear to be an agitator. Throughout the administra-
tion of Governor Dudley, and through part of that of Gov-
ernor Morehead, he was janitor and messenger in the office
of the Governor's private secretary. Both the Governor
and the private secretary testified to his great efficiency and
integrity. To one class of whites, however, his presence
and his success were becoming exceedingly objectionable.
These were the younger and more adventurous members of
the community. They were in most cases the poorer
classes, although some reckless sons of the leading families
acted with them. They inherited one effect of the system
of slavery in the ignorance that all this class shared for
lack of common schools. With untaught minds their pas-
sions were often the impulse of action, and such seems to
have been the condition now. They were unable to see far
enough to understand that an industrious and progressive
negro like Lane would be an advantage to the negro race,
making them more conservative and restraining the ten-
dency to excesses. They became alarmed, and soon con-
vinced themselves that it would be a great calamity if every
327] Lunsford Lane. 67
negro could buy himself and his family at the good round
l)rices that Lane had paid. They determined to run him out
of the community. Inasmuch as he had been freed in New
York, they concluded that he came within the provision of
a statute which forbade free negroes from other States from
coming into North Carolina to live. Free negroes violating
this act and not removing out of the State within twenty
days after notice of it had been served on them were liable to
a fine of $500, in default of which they should be sold for ten
years. About the first of November, 1840, Lane received
notification from two justices of the peace as follows : "Un-
less you leave and remove out of this State within twenty
days you will be proceeded against for the penalty pre-
scribed by the said Act of Assembly, and be otherwise dealt
with as the law directs."
There seems to have been no question that under the law
Lane was indictable. He, for his part, appealed to his white
friends. He went to see Mr. C. C. Battle, private secretary
to Governor Dudley, who took up the matter with energy.
Mr. Battle wrote to the attorney on the opposite side, men-
tioning the services of Lane, especially during the session of
the Legislature, which was then about to beg^n, and asking
that the prosecution might be suspended until January i.
No objection was made to this, and the matter was dropped
for the time. The object was to stay proceedings until the
Legislature met, and then to get a private law allowing the
defendant to stay in the State until he had finished paying
for his family, he agreeing to leave when that was accom-
plished. On the day the Legislature convened he was again
summoned to appear before the same magistrates and show
cause why he should not be punished for remaining in the
city twenty days after notice had been given. He easily
gave bail to appear at court thirty days later. At the meet-
ing of the court the prosecution was not ready for trial, and
the case was postponed until the next court, three months
later. He thus gained four months. In the meantime his
petition was before the Legislature. The other free negroes
6
68 AnH-Slavery Leader^ of North Carolina. [828
in the town who were buying their families had received
notices similar to that of Lunsford, and they, too, had peti-
tioned the Legislature. The petitions were referred to a
committee, which brought in a bill favorable to the negjoes.
The fate of this bill was a matter of great concern to Luns-
ford. No negro was allowed to enter the chambers of the
two houses when the Assembly was in session. He found
out the committee to whom the matter was referred, and
then patiently traced it through its several stages until the
day on which it was set for final decision. He waited anx-
iously around the Statehouse, he interviewed the members
as he could approach them, and he awaited the result with
great concern. Finally a member came out and said:
'*Well, Lunsford, the negro bill is killed." It was a severe
blow to the poor man. To us, who view the matter after
passions have cooled and the false theories of slavery are
gone, it seems certainly to have been the doing of a great
cruelty. It is to the great credit of Lunsford Lane and the
other men who were in the same position that they bowed
quietly and without open complaint to the decision. Slavery
demanded, above all things, the certainty of its own perpetu-
ation. Before that, all else — sympathy, confidence, gener-
ous sentiments, industrial skill, and public intelligence —
must go down. It accordingly developed a hundred eyes
with which to discover, and a hundred hands with which to
stop, any movement of the slave that looked toward his
freedom.
Nothing was now left for Lunsford but to make his prepa-
rations for leaving, and for leaving without his family. He
thought of some friends he had made in the North when he
had gone there to be liberated. Thither he now turned his
steps. When he reached Washington City he called on Mr.
Joseph Gales, formerly the editor of the Raleigh Register^
but then Hying in Washington with his son, who was one of
the editors of the National Intelligencer. Mr. Gales received
him kindly, and undertook to help him on his journey. He
gave him some recommendations, and warned him that he
829] Lunsford Lane. 69
might have trouble in getting through Baltimore, since the*
railroad station in that place was being watched closely to
stop runaway slaves from the South. As it turned out he
did have some difficulty in Baltimore, though not exactly
the same kind that he had been warned against. He came
near falling victim to what seems to have been a plot to kid-
nap and sell him into the far South from whose depths, if he
ever reached there, his voice would probably never have
been able to make itself heard by his friends. Shortly after
he had reached the city he and a traveling companion were
arrested, at the instance of a negro trader named Slatter, of
rather unfavorable reputation, on the charge of being run-
away slaves from the South. The case was tried before a
magistrate named Shane, whom the negro friends of Luns-
ford considered an accomplice of Slatter. Regardless of
the fact that the two men had their freedom papers properly
signed, the justice was about to give judgment against them,
when a Mr. Walsh, a rising young lawyer of the city, who was
gaining some note as being on the side of the slaves, rose
and made so strong an argument in favor of the men that
the magistrate was constrained to release them. Lane then
proceeded to Philadelphia, where he found friends, who, in
turn, sent him on to other friends in New York. Here it
was agreed that he should be given countenance in going
through the North to make appeals for funds to liberate
his family. Returning at once to the South, he settled his
affairs preparatory to his departure. He had already paid
Mr. Smith $560 on his indebtedness, and he had received
one boy, whom he took North and left with friends. Mr.
Smith now agreed to accept the house and lot in Raleigh
for $500, provided, the balance of $1440 should be paid
in cash. It was arranged that the case then pending against
him should be dropped, he paying the cost and leaving the
State. With these things done, he left for the North just
as the court to which he was bound over was convening.
His hopes of assistance were not in vain. By lecturing in
many places, chiefly in New England, presenting the simple
70 Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina, [880
facts of his experience, he was able to collect in about one
year the amount he wanted to raise. Early in 1842 he wrote
to Mr. Smith, asking him to get the Governor to give him a
written permission to come back to Raleigh to get his
family. The Governor replied that he had no authority to
grant such a privilege, but that he thought it would be per-
fectly safe for Lane to come to Raleigh, provided he stayed
no longer than twenty days. This seems to have been good
law under the statute. On Saturday, April 23, 1842, the
ex-slave arrived in Raleigh. He remained quietly with his
family during Sunday, and Monday morning went to the
store of Mr. Smith to have a settlement, hoping to be off
as soon as possible. Before he could transact his business
he was arrested and taken before the Mayor oa the charge
of "delivering abolition lectures in the State of Massachu-
setts." When asked to plead he said he did not know
whether he was guilty or not. He recounted his early life
in Raleigh, and recalled the story of his struggles, his perse-
cution, and his expulsion. This story, he said, he had been
telling in Massachusetts. He had told it privately, in
churches, or wherever he could get a hearing. He had
asked help in rescuing his family. The people had re-
sponded to his appeals. He had never asked a contributor
whether he was an Abolitionist or not ; but it was likely that
he had received some money from that source. He closed
by reminding them that he would not come back until the
Governor had said that he thought it would not be a viola-
tion of the law. The Mayor then called for further evi-
dence. None was offered, and the case was dismissed.
This course by the Mayor was eminently proper. The ac-
tion which Lane had no doubt committed would have had
the effect of exciting the slaves if it had been committed in
the South ; but it was not in the State, and accordingly en-
tirely without the jurisdiction of North Carolina courts;
besides, the evidence against him was absolutely nothing.
Nothing but the blindest feeling could have brought such
a charge.
881] Lunsford Lane. 71
After the trial, Lunsford was about to leave the court-
room, when he was warned that he would be killed in five
minutes if he went into the crowd that was collected in front
of the door. The Mayor tried to pacify the crowd, but was
unsuccessful. He advised Lane to leave the town the next
day. Lane said he was willing to go at once, and would
trust Mr. Loring, the Mayor, to take his money, settle with
Mr. Smith and send on the liberated wife and children to
Philadelphia. This was agreed upon, and Lane succeeded
in reaching the station as the train was about to leave. The
crowd, however, followed him, surrounded the train and
declared that it should not leave with the object of their
wrath on board. The Mayor was present and appealed to
the mob, but in vain. They demanded that the negro's
trunk should be searched for abolition literature. While
they turned their attention to this task. Lane's friends were
glad to hurry him off to the safety of the jail. This moment
is described by Lunsford himself. He says: "Looking
from my prison window I could see my trunk in the hands
of officers Scott, Johnston and others, who were taking it
to the City Hall for examination. I learned afterwards that
they broke open my trunk, and as the lid flew up the mob
cried out, *a paper, a paper.* A number seized it at once,
as hungry as hounds after a passing fugitive in the Southern
swamps. They set up a yell of wild delight, and one young
man of profligate character, a son of one of the most re-
spectable families in the place, glanced upward toward my
prison window and by signs and words expressed his grati-
fication." The sheet, however, proved to be a local publi-
cation and entirely inoffensive. After the trunk was fully
examined the carpet bag was searched. In neither could
the crowd find anything that was criminating, and they were
temporarily quieted.
Lane was advised to stay in the jail until night, and then
go to the home of Mr. William Boylan, who was so highly
esteemed in the community that his house, it was thought,
would be a safe asylum. To this he assented. Between
72 Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina, [882
nine and ten o'clock at night he left the jail ; but he had gone
only a few yards when he was seized by a large number of
people and rudely drawn away to an "old pine field," where
the gallows stood, it being then a permanent institution in
Raleigh. He thought they intended to hang him. At
length they stopped. They began to question him about
his abolition lectures. Finally a bucket and a feather pil-
low were brought. "A flood of light and even joy sprang
up within me," says he. It was to be tar and feathers. A
journeyman printer put on the first daub of tar. When the
dressing had been applied in regular style, he was given his
watch and his clothes and allowed to go his way. He went
to his home. Some of his persecutors went with him.
They had given an outlet to their passions in the g^eat rough
joke they had just played, and now they were in a good
humor again. They laughingly watched him remove the
tar and feathers, and told him that so far as they were con-
cerned, he might stay in town as long as he chose.
In the meantime his friends had become alarmed, and
had appealed to the Governor for protection. A detail of
soldiers was accordingly furnished, which guarded him at
Mr. Smith's house all night. Next morning he settled his
business matters and made ready to start with his family for
Philadelphia. His old friends now showed him the greatest
kindness. One gave him food enough to last on his jour-
ney, and another sent a carriage to take him and his family
to the station. He went to say farewell to his former mis-
tress, Mrs. Haywood, who was then very old. She was
much grieved at what had happened, and ended by giving
him his aged mother to take with him. She added that he
might pay her $200 for the old woman if he ever felt him-
self able, and if not the loss should be her own. A g^eat
crowd had assembled to see the family off. Most of the
mob of the day before were there, and appeared to be hos-
tile still. Mr. Boylan had arranged with the conductor of the
train to stop on the edge of the town and take up Lane, who
was to wait there while his wife and children got on at the
• • •
", > •••••• • •
888] Lunsford Lane. 73
station. The mob, not finding the object of their hatred,
concluded that he would not leave on that day, and allowed
the train to go. When Lunsford did get on he found one of
them a passenger on the train. The rioter of the day before
was very angry at the escape of his victim, and ran out as
the train stopped at the stations, trying to excite the by-
standers to go in and drag out the escaping Abolitionist.
These attempts were unsuccessful, and in due time the fugi-
tives arrived in Philadelphia.
Of Lunsford Lane's residence in the North but little need
be said here. After a short stay in Philadelphia he went to
New York, and from there he went to the annual May meet-
ing of the Anti-Slavery Society. Later he settled in Bos-
ton. For some time he was engaged as a lecturer for the
anti-slavery cause in New England. In this work he was
said to have been very successful. On account of the severe
climate of Boston, where he had lost three of his children,
he at length removed to Oberlin, Ohio. Here another child
died, and he lost through bad investments in real estate most
of the money that he had been able to save. On the occur-
rence of the notable Oberlin Rescue Case he returned to
Boston. Early in life he had learned something of the
medicinal value of the ordinary herbs in the fields of the
South. Relying on such knowledge, he began the manu-
facture of a medicine which he called "Dr. Lane's Vegetable
Pills." In the sale of this he had some success. Later he
removed to Worcester, and there remained for some time.
He continued to be active in the anti-slavery cause until
the war. When or where he died it has been impossible
to learn.
The fact that he rose from slavery to freedom, and to some
note as a lecturer, against the most discouraging opposition,
is evidence that Lunsford Lane was a remarkable man. He
was a true son of toil. He was patient, and when he was re-
viled, reviled not again. His biographer has given too little
of a picture of his character. The annals of his native State,
even when he was thought worthy of being mobbed, have
74 Anti'Slavery Leaders of North Carolina. [884
dropped his name. The little glimpse that we have of his
real self shows what a promise of hope he was for the race
he represented. We know enough to be certain that it was
a most short-sighted policy in his State that drove him and
a number of others out of the community, and made impos-
sible the development of other negroes like unto him. Since
the war we have sadly missed such strong characters in our
negro population. Twenty-five years before the war there
were more industrious, ambitious and capable negroes in
the South than there were in 1865. Had the severe laws
against emancipation and free negroes not been passed, the
coming of freedom would have found the colored race with
a number of superior individuals who in every locality would
have been a core of conservatism for the benefit of both
races. Under such conditions Lane would have been of
great beneficent influence. This thought was impressed on
the writer in a striking way during the past autumn. He
was attending a fair of the negro race in a North Carolina
city. Going the rounds of the exhibit of live-stock his at-
tention was attracted by a placard which read: "Horses
Owned and Exhibited by Lunsford Lane." Approaching
a respectable-looking negro farmer, he said: "Who is
Lunsford Lane?" "I am, sir," was the reply. "What kin
are you to the original Lunsford Lane?" "Don't exactly
know, sir; reckon he was my uncle." "What became of
him?" said the writer, thinking to draw the colored man
out. "Think he must 'a' emigrated," came the answer.
Here was thrift enough to become the owner of a pair of
very good farm horses, but not enough of intelligence to
remember the fate of the most remarkable member of the
man's family, who was still alive thirty years ago. How
much did that family lose in the emigration of Lunsford
Lane!
Note: — On page 12 the publisher of **The Land of Gold" is
g:iven as Mr. Charles Mortimer. The authority for the statement is
Mr. Helper himself, (See Noonday Exigencies— pp. 155-163). A copy
of ** The Land of Gold," which has only come into my hands at the
latest possible moment before going to press, has this m print: "Bal-
timore : Published for the Author, by Henry Taylor, Sun Iron Build-
ing, 1855." At this late moment I am unable to reconcile these two
statements. J. S. B.
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