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2 Cob. xin. 8. 



Copyright, 1880, 


The apocryphal books of the Old Testament have been greatly neglected by English 
divines. No critical commentary in the English language has appeared since that of Richard 
Arnald (died 1756), first published in London 1744. and for the fourth time (with correc- 
tions by Pitman), in 1822, and embodied in the Critical Commentary of Patrick, Lowth, 
Arnald, Whitby, and Lowman. Since the British and Foreign, and the American Bible 
Societies have ceased to circulate them, it is even difficult for the ordinary reader to obtain 

They are, it is true, not equal in authority to the canonical books: they did not belong 
to the Hebrew canon ; they were written after the extinction of prophecy ; they are not 
quoted in the New Testament (the Book of Enoch referred to by Jude is not among the 
Apocrypha); the most learned among the Christian fathers, Origen, Eusebius, and Jerome, 
excluded them from the canon in its strict sense, althoush they made frequent use of them; 
they contain some Jewish superstitions, and furnish the Roman Catholics proof-texts for their 
doctrines of purgatory, prayers for the dead, and the meritoriousness of good works. 

Nevertheless they have very great historical importance : they fill the gap between the 
Old and New Testaments; they explain the rise of that condition of the Jewish people, their 
society and religion, in which we find it at the time of Christ and the Apostles; they contain 
much valuable and useful information. The books of the Maccabees make us acquainted 
with the heroic period of Jewish history; Ecclesiasticus is almost equal to the Proverbs for its 
treasures of practical wisdom ; Tobit and Judith are among the earliest and most interesting 
specimens of religious fiction. The Apocrypha are first found in the Greek Version of the 
Old Testament (the Septuagint), from this they piissed into the Latin Vulgate, and from 
this into all the older Protestant versions and editions, though sometimes in smaller type, or 
with the heading that, while they are useful and edifying reading, they must not be put on 
a par with the inspired books of the Bible. 

It has been deemed timely to issue, as a supplementary volume to Lange's Bible-work 
(which is confined to the canonical books), a revised version of the Apocrypha, with critical 
and historical introductions and explanations. Homiletical hints would, of course, be super- 
fluous for Protestant ministers and students. 

This work has been intrusted to the Rev. Dr. Edwin Cone Bissell, who is well known 
as the author of a work on " The Historic Origin of the Bible " (New York, 1873), and who 
has for several years devoted special attention to the Apocrypha, in Germany and in this 
country. Eritzsche's Greek text (Libri Apocryphi Veteris Testamenti, Lipsiae, 1871) has been 
used as the basis, and carefully collated with the Vatican Codex (II.) in the new edition of 
Cozza, as well as witli other important publications. 

The author desires to express his very deep sense of obligation to Dr. Eberhard Nestle, of 
the University of Tiibingen, and to Dr. Ezra Abbot, of Cambridge, Mass., for invaluable sug- 
gestions and corrections as the work was passing through the press. 

Biblical students will welcome this book as an important contribution to exegetical litera- 

It is not without profound gratitude to God, and to the many friends and patrons, thaV 
now, after sixteen years of editorial labor, 1 take leave of this voluminous Commentarv, the 
Buccess of which in America and England has surpassed my most sanguine expectations. 


New Yokk, June 14, 1880. 



1. The Jews under Petsiati Rule. 

From the time of Cyrus and the reestablishment of the Jews in Palestine to Alexander 
lies a period of two hundred years. Eventful years in Israelitish history they can 
scarcely be called when considered apart from the notable event that preceded jurrey 
and shaped them. But in all that relates to the inner development of Judaism 
there is no period of greater importance. Up to this time the Jews had been simply a peo- 
ple existing under the shadow of other and more powerful peoples on their borders. They 
came back from the exile in Babylon to develop, and, as it were, become a religious system, 
a system so original, so universal and indestructible in its nature, that political revolutions and 
dynastic changes could have but little effect upon it. Political freedom had disappeared; but 
so, too, had idolatry and the traditional love for it. Tribal relations had fallen into confusion, 
but the controlling idea that underlay all Israelitisli institutions was still safe. It was felt that 
Judaism was more than Judah, and the commonwealth than the nation. The conception of a 
world religion gradually took possession of the mind, and proselytisin came to be included 
within the circle of the higher duties. Prophecy ceased; prayer, however, public and private, 
assumed on every hand a new importance. Beside the formal ceremonies of the temple sprang 
up the simpler and more spiritual worship of the synagogues. Inward conflicts, moreover, 
and outward oppression did for the Israel of this period what it did for the Israel of a later 
day, — fixed needed attention on the written " oracles of God." A new office arose, unknown 
before the captivity, and the scribe became the equal of the priest. Above all, repeated dis- 
appointments in outward material things on which the heart had too exclusively fastened re- 
vealed a deeper need, awakened a spiritual apprehension such as no prophet's appeal had 
been able to do. Faith was recognized as something more than bare belief. The veil was 
drawn from the unseen world, and Jacob's vision became a reality in the experiences of men. 
But tlie false and the exaggerated were not always distinguished from the true. The wisest 
and best in Israel did not always avoid dangerous and wicked extremes. From this very 
period fanaticism has some of its worst e.xamples, and the noble word " hierarcliy " is stamped 
with its evil other sense. Still all had an evident purpose. Parallel instances are not want- 
ing in history where something simply strong has seemed to be the almost sole resultant of 
the mightiest moral forces, but it has later proved to be the welcome strength of the iron 
casket that carries a precious jewel safely within it. 

It is no longer in dispute that the Cyrus of profane history and of the Old Testament are 

identical.^ That Greek historians did not know of the intimacy of the relations „ , . 

1-1 1 1 T 1 T 1- • 1 , 1 Relation of 

which sprang up between the great conqueror and the Israelitish peo])le, or, know- the Jews to 

ing it, that they did not appreciate its real character, should not surprise us. And, '^y"'- 
on the otiier hand, admitting tlie reality of these relations, and estimating them at their full 
worth, it ought not to prevent us from acknowledging that Cyrus may also have liad weighty 
political reasons for what he ditl. When, after the capture of Sardis, the Greek cities of 
Asia Minor unitedly made to him offers of allegiance, he refused the tender with one excep- 
tion. The submission of Miletus, the strongest an<l most influential of these cities, he ac- 
cepted; that of the others he preferred to enforce by the might and terror of his arms. The 

1 See SlutlUn u. Krit., 1853. pp. 624-700. 


policy clearly was to "divide and conquer."' And it may also be safely assumed that 
political motives were not wanting in his peculiarly friendly treatment of the Jews. We 
know that, for many years, the conquest of Egypt had formed a part of his gigantic plans.' 
Could he have acted more wisely than in binding to himself and his throne, through generous 
treatment, the land that lay between it and his own dominions ? Others choose to sav that, 
in this act of apparent clemency, Cyrus was simply true to himself, since it was a principle 
with him not to carry the subjection of conquered provinces to the point of extinguishing 
their nationality. Hence, regarding the wholesale deportation of the Jews from Palestine 
by Nebuchadnezzar as a political mistake, he did his best to repair the injury: removed at 
once this foreign element from Babylon, and won '.hereby the lasting gratitude of thn libe>-- 
ated people.' 

Be this as it may, it is clear that the simple tact of a generous deliverance and restoration 
to their homes was by no means the only event that served to awaken the thankfulness of the 
Jews, and nourish in them a warm attachment toward the Persian king. The same providen- 
tial blow that struck off their fetters had also given a fatal wound to that vast system of 
idolatry which, for two thousand years, had been incorporated with the highest forms of 
Semitic civilization, and been the mightiest antagonistic and corrupting influence of the world 
to prevent the spread of a pure religion. From Baal to Ormuzd was a real step in advance, 
and Cyrus was its immediate promoter. If he had no special sympathy with the details of 
the Jewish faith, still he was the champion and foremost representative of the great mono- 
theistic idea underlying and governing it. One has but to examine the picture that is given 
of him in Isaiah and Daniel to learn how fully this championship was realized, and how ten- 
derly it was cherished by his Jewish wards.^ 

In his personal character, moreover, Cyrus was not without noble qualities. His immense 
His Der- power he generally wielded with discretion. He was not upset by the suddenness 

Eonalchai- of his elevation. Surrounded with all the splendors of an oriental court, he pre- 
sei"ved, to a good extent, his previous simplicity of mind and manners.^ He was 
mild and generous in his treatment of the conquered. His personal ambition never led him 
to forget or ignore the interests of Ids people, or the religion of his fathers. He enjoyed 
more than the admiration of his subjects, — their affection. It is a fact full of suggestion 
that they were wont to make his countenance the very type of perfect physical beauty.^ In 
his domestic relations he was a model of abstemiousness in a corrupt age. Along with ex- 
hausting military duties and a restless spirit of conquest, he knew how to value and encour- 
age the amenities of art. But suddenly, in the midst of vast, unexecuted plans which 
embraced a world-wide empii-e, he was wounded in battle, and died soon after, in the twenty 
ninth year of his reign (b. c. 529). 

The elder of his two sons, Cambyses, succeeded him. Cyrus had also made arrange- 
ments in his will that the younger son, Smerdis, should have a subordinate share 
in the government. The good intention, however, was defeated through the jeal- 
ousy of Cambyses, who had the latter privately put to death. In fact, the deed was of so 
private a nature that it naturally furnished occasion, not long after, for the rise of a pseudo- 
Smerdis, who impersonated the murdered brother, and introduced serious complications into 
the affairs of the empire. In the mean time, Cambyses determined on carrying out the un- 
completed military conquests of his father. Four years were spent in maturing his plans 
and collecting the necessary forces for a descent upon Egypt. During this period self-inter- 
est, if there had been no other motive, would have led him to cherish the friendship of the 
late captive Israelites. 

The long-planned expedition, as far as simple subjugation was meditated, was in the end 
,,jg ^■. successful. But embittered by unlooked-for resistance and revolt which had 
tioQ against sprung up during his temporary absence, Cambyses laid aside his -arlier concilia- 
'^^^^^' tory policy, and enforced submission by the harshest measures. Inasmuch as the 

priests had been the chief promoters of the new rebellion, he expended upon them and the 
national religion the utmost violence of his fury and contempt. Their god Apis he ruth- 
lessly stabbed, and publicly scourged its honored priests; forced his way into places held 
f acred, opened the receptacles of the dead, and gave to the fianies the most revered and in- 

1 HawUnson, Ancient Man., iii. 378. 2 Hernd-, i. 153. 

8 Fritisclie in Schenkel's Bib. Lex.. Art. " Cjrus ■' 4 Is. xliv. 28 ; xlv. 13 ; xlri. 1 ; xlviii. 14 ; Dan. v. 28, 30 ; vi. 

6 See, for instance, his alleged conversation witil Croesns, Herod.., i. 87-1*0. 

6 Rawlinson, Ancient Man., iii. 3St). 


violable treasures. It is not strange that Herodotus shoulil see in such conduct the vagaries 
of an uneasy conscience developing into the frenzy of a madman. "So it seems certain to 
me," he says, "by a great variety of proof, that Canibyses was stark mad; otherwise, he 
would not have gone about to pour contempt on holy rites and time-honored customs." ' 
Whatever may have been the real ground of his action, it liad, for the time being, the desired 
effect, namely, thoroughly to cow the Egyptian people, and leave to the conqueror the way 
open to return to his capital. A great surprise, however, was in store for him. Having 
already led his army a part of the distance homeward, being in Syria, a herald suddenly en- 
tered his camp, one day, unannounced, and proclaimed before the astonished soldiers and 
their leader that Cambyses was no longer king, Smerdis, his brother, having ascended the 
throne of Cyrus. Amazed, confused, and half in doubt, as it would seem, whether his agents 
had really done the horrid work intrusted to them, the king utterly lost courage, and, although 
at the head of a victorious army, and as the elder son of his renowned father able, no doubt, 
to count on the support of the masses of the Persian people, he took refuge in cowardly 
suicide (b. c. 522). The details of his death as given by Herodotus, who regarded it as a 
judgment upon him for his crimes in Egypt, are more than suspicious, and have little historic 
worth as compared with the record of the great Behistun inscription, which distinctly states 
that Cambyses killed himself because of the insurrection.^ 

The conspirators at the capital must have looked upon the king's death as an astounding 
omen of final success. Still, caution was needful. A thousand things must be 
thought of in order to prevent the suspicion from getting abroad that the Magus, gmerdis. 
Gomates, who impersonated him, was not actually the son of Cyrus. The greatest 
danger lay in the fact that the change of administration meditated involved a change in the 
national religion. The destruction of Zoroastrian temples, the general substitution of Magians 
in the place of the usual priest-caste, and other similar movements could not but attract at- 
tention, and might awaken a too powerful opposition if entered upon before the new king 
was fairly seated on his throne. Undue haste and bigotry seem, in fact, to have got the bet- 
ter of discretion. Whispered rumors of the great fraud that had been committed began to 
circulate among the Persian noblemen. The first uneasiness, which the pretender tried in 
vain to repress, grew, at last, to a counter conspiracy. A company of leading Persians, with 
Darius, the son of Hystaspes, at their head, forced their way into the presence of the false 
Smerdis, and put him to death, along with a number of his retainers, after a reign of only 
seven montlis. And now, religious fanaticism, combined with national pride, led the fully 
aroused Persians to take bloody vengeance on the Magian priests and their adherents who 
had betrayed them. 

One event that happened in a distant province serves to clothe this short reign of the pseudo- 
Smerdis with a peculiar interest. The reaction in religion at Susa and Ecbatana was felt no 
less seriously at Jerusalem. The work on the temple, begun under Cyrus, had not been inter- 
rupted by Cambyses, notwitlistanding the embittered efforts of the Samaritans in that direc- 
tion. With the idol-loving Magian, however, the enemies of the Jews were immediately suc- 
cessful. The holy work ceased by his order, not again to be resumed till news had been 
received of the accession of Darius.^ A clearer proof could scarcely be asked that the friend- 
liness of the Persian kings for the Israelitish people was prompted, at least in some degree, 
by a deeper and nobler n,otive than that of simple policy. 

Darius Hystaspis was one of Persia's greatest rulers, second only to Cyrus, and even his 
superior as an organizer and administrator. His reign e.Ktended over a period of 
thirty-six years, and is marked by events that, without tlie coloring of a partial his- Hystimpis. 
torian, are full of interest even when read amidst the absorbing concerns of the 
present day. The revolts that early broke out in various parts of liis dominions he suppressed 
with a hand at once so firm and wise that it left him, later, the needed repose for his wide- 
reaching plans of administration. To him is due the honor of being the first to introduce a 
really stable form of government among the heterogeneous elements of power and weakness 
that had hitherto ruled in the empires of the East. He greatly improved the prevailing mili- 
tary system, and took wise precautions that the immense resources of his kingdom should not 
be needlessly wasted. If he did not originate and introduce among the Persians a metallic 
currency, its more general use certainly dates from him; and his gold and silver darics carried 

1 iii. 38. 2 See Bawlinson's Herod., U. 691 S. 

3 ''(. Ez V 2 ; Uaa i 1 1. 


the name of Darius far beyond the bounds of his age and empire He was l)efore the Romans 
in appreciating the importance of safe and easy communication from place to place.^ His 
couriers found the streams already bridged for them and sped from station to station, like 
birds in their flight. "Nothing mortal," says Herodotus, "travels so fast as these Persian 
messengers. . . . The first rider delivers his despatch to the second, and the second passes 
it to the third ; and so it is borne from hand to hand along the whole line, like tlie light in 
the torch race, which the Greeks celebrate to Vulcan." "^ Indeed, Darius Hystaspis was so 
great and wise a ruler, as the times then were, that it has served to obscure the genius which 
lie also i)0ssessed as a military leader. He had not finished his preparations for suppressing 
a fresh revolt that had broken out in Egypt, where the wild severity of Cambyses still ranklea, 
when death overlook him, in the si.\ty-third year of bis age (b. c. 486). 

The kingdom descended, by his own appointment, to Xer.\es, the eldest of his sons. It 

would be interesting to dwell upon the latter's history, embracing as it does some 

of the most magnificent, if mistaken and unsuccessful, enterprises which the world 
has ever known, and which have made the names of Thermopylie, Salamis, and Platsa cele- 
brated for more tlian twenty subsequent centuries. Especially would it be interesting be- 
cause of his connection witli the fascinating story of Queen Esther, the palace at " Shushan," 
and the averted destruction of the Jewish people. But for the purposes of the present work it 
would be an unjustifiable diversion. Notwithstanding all his magnificence, Xerxes ranked, 
both in character and achievements, far below his predecessor, with him beginning, indeed, 
the fatal deterioration and decline that made the Persian kingdom, less than a century and 
a half later, a comparatively easy conquest for the disciplined troops of Alexander. 

Xerxes was succeeded by Artaxerxes, with the surname Longimanus (b. c. 465), and tlie 

latter by Xerxes II. (b. c.425), who reigned but five and forty days, when he was 
and his sue- put to death by his half-brother, Sogdianus. Sogdianus himself, also, in less than 
cessors. seven months afterwards, lost his life at the hands of a brother, who followed him 

on the Persian throne und'.ir the title of Darius Nothus (b. c. 424). His sovereignty con- 
tinued for nineteen years, but was little else than one uninterrupted scene of debauchery and 
crime at court, and of revolt and bloody strife in the provinces. Arsaces, a son, under the 
name of Artaxerxes II. (Mnemon), was the next in succession. But the ceremonies of his cor- 
onation were not yet over when he was called to confront a danger of a serious character at 
the hands of his brother, generally known as the younger Cyrus. Instigated by bis mother, 
the latter sought to win the crown for himself by the murder of Artaxerxes. Foiled, for the 
time being, in his wicked purpose, it was none the less secretly cherished, and bis subsequent 
rebellion while satrap in Asia Minor was made memorable by the famous battle of Cunaxa, in 
which he lost his life, and the still more famous victory and heroic retreat of the ten thousand 
Greek soldiers who bad been his auxiliaries. The success of this retreat was no doubt largely 
line to the superior bravery and discipline of the Greeks. But it was also due to the inher- 
:nt weakness and advanced decay of the Persian empire. It already tottered to its fall. 
Under this reign and that of the following king, Artaxerxes III. (Ochus, b. c. 359), the re 

ligious apostasy and deterioration of the Persians, which had already long since 
A^axentes begun, made the most rapid progress. A vicious eclecticism that saw no dangei 

in mingling Magian rites with the relatively pure tenets of Zoroaster ended bj 
accepting Venus as a national deity, and lascivious orgies in place of the exercises of religion 
As might have been expected, the Persians were not the only sufferers by the change. Tht 
bond of sympathy that liad united to tbeni in all their varying fortunes, until now, as obedi- 
ent and faithful allies, the nation of the Jews, was violently rent asunder. By the tolerant 
Cyrus or Darius, not much difference could be observed between Jehovah and Ormuzd. Bui 
with a Mnemon or Ochus on the throne, and images of Anaitis by royal authority set up fo) 
worship at Susa and Persepolis, at Babylon and Damascus, and, as we may well suppose, at 
Jerusalem also, the circumstances were chani;ed indeed. Sympathy and protection gave 
place to repugnance and persecution. If we may accept the account of Josepbus, who quotes 
Hecateus,^ this mucb-oppre>sed [icople were obliged at the present time to suffer anothei 
cruel deportation. Moreover, a creature of Artaxerxes III., one Bagoas (Bagoses), who after- 
wards poisoned his master, taking the rejection of a certain candidate for the high priest's 

1 See Xen., Cijrop., viii. 7. 18 ; and Dunclter, iv. 637. - Rawlinson's Herod., iv. 335. 

3 Cimlm Apion, i, 22 ; of. Qnietz, Geschidite, ii. (2) 209, note. The same fact is also mentioned by other ancient writ 
srs See Hitzijr, (jiSfkidUr i. 307. 


office, whose election he had favored, as a personal affront, laid the most oppressive burdens 
on the temple service, and even forced his way into the Holy of Holies, as if, thereby, to give 
a greater emphasis to his contempt. Sad omens those for a future that had in store a Hel- 
iodorus and an Antiochus Epipnanes ! 

Arses, the last Persian king but one, was a son of Bagoas, and ascended the throne B. c. 
338. Refusing to be the tool of his father, the latter, who had hitherto hesitated Arses and 
at no crime lying in the path of his ambition, ruthlessly murdered him, together J?''°^%"th 
with his infant children. His successor was Codoniannus, or Darius HI. (b. c. Persian 
336), the beginoiug of whose reign nearly synchronizes with that of Alexander mpire. 
of Macedon. And now followed, within the space of three short years, the bold invasion 
of Asia Minor by the Macedonian, and, in quick succession, the renowned and decisive 
battles of the Granicus, of Issus, and of Arbela, where the fate of the great Persian mon- 
archy was effectually sealed. It had fully accomplished its purpose in the providence of 
God. Its yoke had indeed been heavy on the necks of many peoples. But it had also served 
some of the nobler ends of civilization and human progress; and, in the case of Israel, had 
helped to tide it over certain dangerous reefs and shallows in its progress towards the devel- 
opment of a world religion. Such development, though slow, could not wholly cease, or be 
long checked. Hence the new factors that at this point enter into human history, and 
especially into the history of the covenant people. What had called for a Cyrus two hun- 
dred years before now called no less loudly for an Alexander. .ludaism hud ha<l its period 
of incubation; what it now needed was wings and liberty. Parseeism had been helpful as a 
protector, and to some degree, also, as it would seem, in the way of moral stimulus and sug- 
gestion. The Greek language and philosojihy were to prove a still greater resource and aux- 
iliary, and, though in ways they would never have chosen, and through the most painful as 
well as humiliatinn- experiences in political and social life, the consecrated nation advanced 
towards its providential goal. 

It remains to us, in the present section, to treat more in detail what has been already given 
above in outline, — the internal history of Judaism ; to show what it gained during 
the present period, and how far it felt the influunce, and subsequently carried the origin of' 
impression, of the religious ideas of its Persian rulers. Naturally, the first thing Samaritan- 
that by its prominence and its bearings on the future suggests itself is the schism 
of the Samaritans, if so it may he called. It is a disputed point to what extent the kingdom 
of Israel, whose capital was Sauiaria, had been depopulated of its inhabitants in consequence 
of the great Assyrian invasions (2 Kings xvii. 6; xviii. 11). The later criticism, however, 
supported by the inscriptions of the monuments, assumes a far less thorough <leporlation of 
Israelites than has generally been supposed.' From the testimony of the monuments, more- 
over, it is clear that the number and variety of foreign colonists that .at this perioil were 
introduced into Palestine has been generally under-estimated.^ Certain it is that among 
these colonists, who naturally brought with them the sensuous idol-worship of their own 
lands, the worship of Jehovah was also adopted, and the rights and privileges appertaining 
to it boldly claimed. The repugnance which the native Jews, particularly in Juda-a, could 
not but feel towards this mongrel religion, seems, previous to the Exile, to have come to no 
violent outbreaks. It may have been looked upon as simply a widening of the political 
breach that had long existed between Judah and Ephraim. There were also evident pru- 
dential reasons why at least the externals of peace should be maintained with the distaste- 
ful neighbors. After the return from the captivity, however, where new lessons concerning 
the sin and folly of serving idols had been learned, especially after the .accession of the mono- 
theistic Cyrus and his immediate successors to power, and the sweeping reforms inaugurated 
by Ezra and Nehemiah, it was not to be expected that the deep-seated aver^ion would fail 
to give itself emphatic expression. The occasion was the request of the Samaritans to be 
permitted to participate in the rebuilding of the walls and temple of Jerusalem. .Sanbidlat, 
their " Horonite " leader, had made an alliance by marriage with the high priest's family, 
and it seems to have been expected on their part that now, by mutual participation in the 
sacred work of restoring the walls of Zion, the reconciliation would be complete. So much 
the greater, therefore, was their disappointment, and the more intense their hatred, when 
every offer of aid was, with ill-concealed disgust, rejected, and, in addition, the apostate son- 
in-law of Sanballat was banished from Judsa. 

I See Scbrader in Schenkel's Bih. Ler., under " Samarien." 2 Scllrader, idem, and Die KeitinschTiften, p. 162. 


The separation was final and decisive. Nothing; remained for the Samaritans but to make 
the best of their defeat. They also had descendants of the priestly Aaronic 
■tanTemp'e. family amonor them. That the same had been driven from their homes on ac- 
count of wicked practices was in their eyes no discredit. They too had some 
claim to the name of Israelites, and where it failed were at no loss to supply its place with 
the most baseless and egregious assumptions. Why should they not, then, have a temple 
and service of their own, and win, as far as possible, the repute of being the only true 
successors of Abraham? The central and fertile Mount Gerizim, where under Joshua the 
blessings had been spoken, might at least hope to rival and share, if not eclipse, the glories 
of Mount Moriah and of Jerusalem. And thus the bold undertaking, in itself proof that along 
with Assyrian cunning and duplicity there was associated also not a little Israelitish persist- 
ence, was entered upon. The temple was built on Gerizim. The Pentateuch wijs forced to 
give its sui)port to the new Zion. And to this day " the foolish people that dwell in Sichem " 
as the Son of Sirach (1. 26) calls them, though insignificant in numbers, have continued to 
maintain a separate existence. In all these centuries, moreover, they have lost none of their 
capacity for groundless assertions, or their superstitious reverence for Gerizim. Heaven, as 
they claim, lies directly over or near this spot. Here Adam biult his first altar, and was him- 
self made from its sacred earth. Here the ark rested after the flood, for it is the real Ararat 
of the Bible, and the exact place is shown where Noah disembarked and offered thankful 
sacrifices. Here, too, Abraham brought his son Isaac as a burnt-offering to the Lord, and here 
as well, strange to say, the patriarch Jacob on his way to Padan-Aram found his Bethel and 
dreamed sweet dreams of heaven.' 

It was that the whole movement would react powerfully upon the little Jewish 
community, and, as might have been expected in the end, with good results. 
the'diyiBion. '^^^ temple on Gerizim and its spurious service was, in the first place, a perpetual 
menace. The Samaritans, moreover, lost no occasion, fitting or unfitting, for show- 
ing their hostility. By means of flaming torches, for instance, simultaneously waved from 
mountain-top to mountain-top, the Israelites had been wont, since the Exile, to announce 
to their brethren still in Assyria the exact time for holding the sacred yearly festivals. The 
adherents of Sanballat and the banished Manasseh set a similar line of beacons blazing, but 
at the wrong time, in order to confuse and mislead. In one way and another, to escape 
punishment or with hope of reward, not a few native Jews from Judsea cast in their lot with 
them. The Persian officials were probably indifferent, if not acquiescent. Insolence and as- 
sumption grew with apparent success. All reserve was finally laid aside. The covenant peo- 
ple were fairly challenged to show what right they had to exist, and to bear the revered, his- 
toric name. Not only as over against heathenism, therefore, but especially in sharp distinc- 
tion from those who falsel)- professed to worship the same God and to be governed by the 
same Mosaic institutions, they were called upon to determine and declare what it was that 
really chariicterized them as a people. From this point, as we have alrea<ly intimated, al- 
though the name itself does not appear until a later period,- properly <iates tlm oriiiin of 
Judaism. In its struggles with what was false and baneful it came to the first real knowl 
3dge of itself. 

The Law, for instance, had been caricatured and perverted. What, then, was the Law, 
and what were its demands ? Were there not other sacred books in addition to 
Mires "'^ those given to Moses which were entitled to holy regard? It had been denied 
by them of Gerizim, and hence from such a quarter that the denial itself was al- 
most equal to a proof of the fact. And so investigation arose. The Scriptures were studied 
as they had never been before. The different parts were classified as Law, Prophets, and 
Hagiographa.5 New copies were assiduously made. The goodly custom of public readings, 
introduced by Ezra, was perpetuated. The Sabbaths and festivals were given a new sacred- 
ness and even market days were ennobled by reverent communion with Moses and the proph- 
ets. The Torah was divided into sections so that in the public readings the whole of it could 
he gone over either in a single year or in three years, as tlie case might be. The old Hebrew 
character, which had become antiquated and was understood only by a few, was exchanged 

1 See Peterm.inii in Herzng's RraZ-Ennji:. ,xi\i 376, and, in general, concerning the history and literature of the Sa 
maritans, Tolp. ix. and xiii. of Richhoru's Ai/^. B'b. d bib. LitUTatur ; De Sacy, vol. xii. of Notices it Extraits dfs Mam* 
frits ; .Juynbnil, " Conini<^nt de Versione Arabico-Saniaritana,"' in vol. ii. of the Oritntatia. edited by Ju.vnboU, Roorda 
Knd Weijers ; and flcJcniiis. Df Pftitnletic/ii Satnnritnni origine, iniloU et aiictoritatf. 

2 See 2 Mace. ii. 21 : viii. 1. 8 See Ecclus., Prol. 


for an alph;ibet with which the Israelites had become familiar during their sojourn on the 
banks of the Tigris and Euphrates. For convenience in reading, also, vowel points were intro- 
duced. In short, for the people of Israel, the seals were taken from the holy books. Not sa 
with the Samaritans. They were governed by another principle. They chose to retain their 
Bible, that is, the Pentateuch, in its ancient form. They left it with all its seals upon it, 
where to this day they still rem.ain. They may be regarded indeed, as the first champions of 
the doftrine, not yet extinct, that the Bible was not intended for general circulation. 

Another great and far-reaching change of this period was the introduction of synagogues. 
To the idea of worshiping elsewhere than in the temple the people had become 
somewhat accustomed during the exile. And when, after their return, Ezra set gog^ue^"* 
the example of a similar service under the very shadow of the temple, it was 
ily taken up and carried, little by little, into every part of the land. There were, however, 
other reasons which contributed to this result. The second temple was itself a disappoint- 
ment. It could never quite take the jilace, in the affections of the people, of that which had 
been destroyed. It was destitute of .some of its chief attractions. This made it easier to be 
reconciled to the simple forms of the synagogue, and to grasp, in some measure, the sublime 
thought, which for its full development, however, required other centuries of bitter experience, 
that God is a spirit and that they who worship Him should worship Him in spirit and in truth. 
We cannot help feeling, moreover, that the existence of the temple on Gerizim also had some- 
thing to do with the popularity of synagogues. To Sanballat and his coadjutors the temple 
was the principal thing in Judaism. To build its counterpart, therefore, or its superior at 
another point; to introduce into it a more imposing liturgy; to claim for it, C(iuidly with any 
other, the sanctions of the ancient legislation; and to hallow it with the uieniories and tradi- 
tions of Israel which were also theirs, — this, they thought, would be a fatal blow at the 
heart of Jewish exclusiveness. And a noble answer it was which was returned to them: 
God is greater than the temple. To understand the Law and to do it — for this was really 
the teaching of the new system — is more than all burnt offering. Obedience is better than 
sacrifice, the offering up of the heart to God than a multitude of costly gifts in his house. 

The temple was not ignored. Synagogues, in their outward form, were constructed with 
due reference to it. Their simple services were made, as far as possible, a re- 
flex of its revered ritual. But the false notion that worship was a matter of 
priestly functions and of brilliant shrines was greatly weakened. A new system was intro- 
duced more in harmony with the real, inner nature of Judaism, and one which afterwards, 
Christianity, represented by Christ and his Apostles, found not to be ill adapted to serve as 
one of the most powerful means for its propagation. From the New Testament, in fact, we 
may easily learn almost the entire order of proceeding in the worship of the synagogues. The 
service began with prayer, which, inileed, like the sacrifices in the temple, formed its prin- 
cipal feature. The leader was not a priest, but one of the elders of the little communion. 
The language used was that of tlie people. Following the prayers, which differed in num- 
ber and length according to the occasion, came invariably the reading of a portion from the 
Pentateuch in the original, and generally, also, from the Prophets. The reader was selected 
by the person officiating from among those present. A translator stood by his side and ren- 
dered the sacred oracles, verse by verse, into the vernacular. Explanatory remarks and ex- 
hortations, moreover, were not excluded.^ The blessing of the minister and the loud respon- 
sive amen of the assembled worshipers marked the close of the impressive service.'^ What 
could have been better calculated to give to the masses of the Jewish people a knowledge of 
the Scriptures, or unite them in reverence and love for their religion? " Our houses of 
prayer in the various cities," s.ays Philo, " are nothing else than schools of prudence, cour- 
age, temperance, and righteousness, in short, of every virtue which is reco^xnized or enjoined 
by God or man."^ It was through the synagogues, also, that the poor of the community were 
relieved and other friendly services rendered, a special office being instituted for the purjio^e. 
Here, too, the minor differences and offenses of the people were considered and adjudicated. 
The synagogue represents, in fact, politically the democratic side of Judaism. On one side, 
it was a pronounced hierarchy. Here, on the contrary, all interests and classes were repre- 
sented and could make their influence felt. And if, through its more hearty, spiritual wor- 
ship it served as a healthful check on the formalizing influences of the temple, the synagogue 

1 Cf. Luke iv 16-20 

5 See Zaaz, Die Ritus des synat^ogalen GotlfS'/ifnxtes. passim. 3 De Vita Musis, ii. 168. 


wa? also, perhaps, and in a no less degree, a providential restraint as over against an ever 
powerful drift towards centralisation, aiistoc-ratic assumption, ami partisanship. How much 
such a restraint was needeil will soon appear. 

Anions the other agencies at work to mold the Jewish life and institutions of this period 
the so-called Great Synagogue cannot be overlooked. Its origin, the date of its 
Ijnagog^e '"'-'^ ^"'^ "^ '"'^ cessation of its activities, what and how many members composed 
it, or what special ends it served, cannot be ascertained with any degree of cer- 
tainty. ^ It is clear, however, that such a body of men existed, and that if it does not date 
from the period of Ezra it must have occupied itself in general with the work begun by him. 
It is not to be confounded with the Sanhedrin, which originated in the following period and 
had to a considerable extent other aims.- It is further, not to be identified simply with the 
synao-Qo-ue at Jerusalem, although the latter may have furnished many of its members and 
have exercised a controlling influence over it.' It is not credible, moreover, that its activity 
extended merely over a period of half a dozen years, and that its object was simply to admin- 
ister public affairs during an interim, while the high priest's office was without an incumbent 
(b. c. 348-342).* This could never account for the form or the strength of the tradition 
that relates to it, much less for the actual impression which it has left upon the institutions of 
the present period. The oldest and most trustworthy notice of the Great Assembly which 
has been found occurs in a fragment of the Mishna. It is as follows: " Moses received the 
Law from Sinai; he transmitted it to Joshua, Joshua to the elders, the elders to the prophets; 
the pro])hets to the men of the Great Assembly, who uttered three words [laid down three 
iules]: ' Be circumspect in judging, make many disciples, make a hedge about the law.' " 
It t^oes on to say : " Simon the Just was one of the survivors of the Great Assembly." ° The 
oldest extant fragments of the Mishna, of which the above forms a part, cannot have origi- 
nated earlier than in the first century before Christ, though naturally, like the extant manu- 
scripts of the New Testament, they may be accepted as a witness for a much earlier period. 

That now something historical and actual really lies at the basis of this tradition there is 

,. . no lust reason for doubtino- and it is, indeed, not improbable that the eiffhtv-five 

] ts cnmposi- J o . . . 

lion and du- priests, who, according to the book of Neheiniah (xi. £E.), as representatives of the 

people, bound themselves by oath to the observance of the law, may have been 
the first members of the Great Assembly.' On the other hand, the three precepts which are 
ascribed to it cannot have originated with Ezra or his contemporaries. They bear the stamp 
of a later day. They indicate a state of things which might well have followed a century 
after the Samaritan schism, seem indeed, to speak out of the hard experiences of the later 
Persian period. Simon the Just (('. e. , as we hold, Simon I., B. c. 310-291), who is said to 
have been one of the latest survivors of this body, expressed himself in quite a similar way. 
" The world," he said, " rests upon three things : on the law, on worship, and on the re- 
ward of benevolent deeds." ' Hence, it is likely that what began as a simple company vol- 
untarily pledging themselves to keep the law, became, under the stress of circumstances, a 
well-defined and powerful organization whose sphere of duties varied with the demand made 
upon it. The products of its activity, in general, have been already noticed. They were 
such as the gathering and sifting of the sacred books, so far as they had been rescued from 
the great catastrophe of the Exile; their threefold division ; the introduction of a new alpha- 
bet, as well as of vowel signs and accents; the separation of the Pentateuch into sections; the 
establishment of an order of worship for the synagogues; the adoption of various liturgical 
forms, particularly the eighteen so-called benedictions; ' and altogether an effort, not always 
]iut forth with the highest wisdom or with freedom from exaggeration and prejudice, to carry 
out the injunction of their great legislator : " Ye shall not add unto the word which I com 
mand you, neither shall ye diminish aught from it." ' What came, in fact, to be undcr- 
>tood by " a hedge about the law " may be still seen in the lumbered pages of the Mishna 
and Gemara. A so-called oral law, for which the claim was made that it was handed down 

1 Cf , for example, UeUenheim's uDSUccessful attempt to construct an acceptable theory of the subject in Stud, m 
Kril., 1863, p. 93, ff.. and Bertheau, Dit But/itr Etra, AV/i., etc., p. 101. 

2 Contra, Graetz, ii. (2). 178. and others. 

S Contra, Holtziuann, Dit Apok. BUcher, Einleit.^ p. 4. 

4 Contra. Ilitzij?, Ofxr/iiehU, 315, ff-, and Kneucker in Schenkel's Eib. Ler., ad voc, 

5 Piike Ah/ith, i. 1. 2. 

6 So .tout, Grxr/iieftlf, i. 42. " Of. Hartmann, p. 129. 
8 See Slanlej . iii. 1,51. 9 Deut. iv. 2. 


from Moses Limself, assumed an ever increasing, and in tlie eml, fatal importance. And 

even modern Judaism is far euougli from divesting itself of the spirit that was rebuked in the 

words of the Master: ■' For laving aside the commandments of God ya hold the tradition of 

men." ^ 

The second precept of the Great Assembly, moreover, was practically attended to. Schools 

for the study of the sacred books were established. The teachers went under the „,,. . . 

.» [■ -,, i~.i- Other insti- 

high-sounding title of " the wise or the bopherim; their pupils were known as tutions of 

" the disciples of the wise." ' In subsequent times, so e.xtraordiuary became their ''"^ P"""!- 
authority that it was held for even a greater crime to dispute the word of the scribes than 
to call in question the Torah itself.' Stricter rules for the observance of the Sabbath and 
other festival days were also introduced at this period; the year, wliich hitherto had beij-un 
with Nisau, was made to begin with Tisri ; the institution of slavery for native born Israel- 
ites was abolished; the provisions for the observance of the Sabbatic year rigorously carried 
out ; regulations relating to things clean and unclean greatly e.xtended ; alms-givinor rose to 
the dignity of a system, and the virtue that " sheweth mercy and lendeth" became the lead- 
ing idea of righteousness. 

It is a question of no small importance how far the institutions of the Israelitish people 
during this formative period were modiBed by contact with the religious ideas and 
practices of their Persian rulers. To us now, the matter is one of special interest the Peisiau 
siuiply in so far as it relates to the Old Testament apocryphal writings. Thev "'I'S'o™ 
clearly contain new developments of doctrine that are of the utmost consequence, 
and which cannot be accounted for, solely, on the theory that they have their root in the 
teachings of the older canoidcal Scriptures. And that the development of pure Judaism it- 
self, by a kind of forcing process, should have been quickened, and to some e.xtent modified 
in consequence of its intimate relations with Parseeism, seems to us in no way inconsistent 
with any right view of Jewish history, or of the divine plan of salvation. The book of 
Esther, in fact, and the feast of Purim, which has been aptly called the " Passover of the 
Dispersion," are themselves a standing protest against the assumption of many critics that 
such an influence could not have been felt. There remained in Persia, after the E.\ile, no 
small number of Jewish colonists who were agents, as well as recipients in the history of this 
period. The relation of the Jews to at least one of the Persian governors were of the most 
friendly and intimate character.* The decrees and letters of the Persian kings found a place 
on the pages of the Bible, and it is not strange that he whose spirit the Lord " stirred up " ' • 
should become himself in turn the means of setting in operation moral forces which were 
still active and powerful, after the kingdom which he had founded had long since passed 

The comparative elevation and purity of the original religious belief of the Persians is well 
known. Its creed was simple and highly spiritual. If its monotheism was spcond 
to that of the Jews, as we must admit, still it was only second, and approximated the Persiar 
it in many respects. Its hatred of idol-worship was most pronounced. And *>""'•'' 
among no other people of antiquity was such an antithesis recognized, imperfect though it 
still was, between the evil and the good. It was no longer a crude and sensuous idola- 
try with which the Israelites had to do. The old Persian spirit that lived again in the re- 
vered Cyrus and his immediate successors was almost fiercely iconoclastic' The Persian 
worship, in its prayers and thanksgivings to Ormuzd, the recitation of hymns and the offering 
of sacrifices, had nothing that could specially produce aversion in the Israelitish mind. They 
greeted the break of day with adoration, prayed over their food, at the lighting of the lamps, 
on mountain tops, at the sight of water, or of any extraonlinary appearance. Was it a mere 
coincidence that such customs were introduced, also, among the Jews of later times? The 
priesthood and temple had with them, in general, a far less important role than in other 
religions. Ha<l this fact nothing to do with the surprising ease with which the Israelites 

1 Mark Tii. 8 ; cf. Geiger, Judaism ami its Hist., 1. 134 f. 2 Graetz, il. (2), 182. 

8 Uartmann, p. 144. 

4 Cf. Neh. xiii. 4-9; Jos., Avlig., xi. 7; and Kuenen, iii. 32, 33. 

6 2 Chron. xxxTi. 22, 23. 

6 Cf. OD the general subject : lUwUnson, Attcient Man., ii. and iii., ad loc. ; the same author's Herod., i. Essay V. ; 
ilaug's Essays, etc. ;, i. 26-34 ; Oraeti, ii. (2), note 14 ; Spiegel's At^rsla, and Elfiniscke Allerlhumslcundr, ad toe. ; 
Duncker, iy. 37-180 i Ddllinger, /i/<;fiil/»(m und Hti</fnMam, pp. 351-390 ; Nicolas, pp. 61-69; Westergaard, Ze»rfiiuj««; 
Tiele, De God.^dienst van Zar'tthriistra ; Spies.s, 260-272. 

^ Cf. Herod, i. 131, and Rawlinson, Ancttnl Man., iii. 356. 


after the Captivity adapted themselves to the simple ceremonies of the village syna^or'ueV ' 
The Persians, influenced by thi'ir dualistic creed, were most rigorous in making distinctionf 
between things clean and unclean. So were the Jews, although for a different reason. But 
it is worthy of notice that the latter, during the present period, adopted a strictness and par- 
ticularity in this respect that were a gross exaggeration of the Levitical precepts. It is a 
wholly new interpretation of the Mosaic law concerning ceremonial [>uritv and iiiipuritv that 
we meet with in the books of Tobit, Judith, and the Maccabees, and especially in the Phari- 
saism of the New Testament. We can have no doubt that while influenced by the political 
history of the period, more especially by the sufferings experienced at the hands of foreign 
powers in their efforts to force a false relision upon them, the Jewish nation was also not a 
little affected by the doctrines of Parseeisni. According to its creed the fearful influence of 
Ahrinian was everywhere in operation, and the life of man became a continual struggle by 
means of the most burdensome outward purifications to rid himself of bis fatal defilements. 
Even the hair and nails of the human body were regarded as unclean and spiritually polluting. 
'• What," asked Zoroaster of Ormuzd, "is the greatest of mortal sins?" " When they who 
are endowed with bodies " was the answer, " cut their hair and pare their nails, there assem- 
ble on the contaminated spot the devils (devas) together." ^ 

The angclology and demonology of the apocryphal books, as is shown in connection with 
the Commentary below, is most strikingly and demonstratively Persian in its 
thrPersiau stamp : so the evil Asmodteus of the Book of Tobit with his home in the desert 
faith (con- wastes of Egypt, and, no less, the good Raphael and his five associates. An old 
Jewish tradition declares: " The names of the angels emigrated with the Jews 
into their mother country." ' Prayers to the spirits of supposed saints were allowed by the 
Persian religion. One such petition began as follows: " I call to thee, I praise the mighty 
souls (fervers) of holy men, the souls of the men of the old statutes, the souls of the new 
men, my relatives, my own guardian spirit." ■• So, too, prayers were offered for the dead, by 
which means, it was thought, they were greatly aided in their difficult passage to everlasting 
blessedness. Ddllinger,^ referring to the Vendidad (.\ii. 9 ff., Spiegel, p. 183), says : " Eor 
departed relatives continual prayers were offered up and for sinners twice as many as for 
the pure. These prayers won for the soul — as was supposed — the protection of the heav- 
enly spirits, particularly of Serosh against Ahriman." On certain days of the year the 
souls of the dead were thought to revisit the earth, and at such times two forms of petition 
Vere repeated for them and by each person twelve hundred times. Especially at these periods 
was the hope strong of being able through prayers and good deeds to release them from the 
retributive pains of the lower world. With this fact in view, we are the less surprised at 
the appearance of the same strange and unbiblical custom in the apocryphal books. ^ The 
belief in a future judgment was also one of the tenets of Zoroastrianism. Three days after 
death, it was held, all human souls, both those of the good and of the evil, went their ap- 
pointed way to the so-called "bridge of the gatherers." It was a narrow path that con- 
ducted to the regions of light. An abyss of darkness yawned beneath it. Here their exam- 
ination by Ormuzd took place and their destiny was decided. 

The Zend reli'.:ion was far removed from encouraging asceticism. It was more a religion of 

^„ , ■. action than of reflection. It impelled its followers to a continual strusgle with the 
utiier traits * c » • ■ , t_ 

of the Zend powers of deatli and decay. The first commandment of the .\ vesta enjoined that 
religion. ^j^^ i\e\ds should be cultivated, trees planted, and fooil provided for human wants. 

" With the fruits of the field grows the rule of Ormuzd, iind with them it spreads itself 
bv thousands and other thousands abroad. The earth is happy when a man builds his house 
upon it, when his herds increase, when surrounded by wife and children he lets the grass, 
the corn, ami fruit trees in abundance spring up about him." ' There is something noble and 
inspiring in such a spirit. We may well recognize its influence in the mighty enterprises of a 
Cyrus and a Darius, and see how it was possible for the Persian empire with so apparently 
feeble a basis, to maintain its existence for two hundred years. On the Jews, with whom alsc 
the interests of agriculture were so closely connected with those of government and rehgiou 
such an example must have acted with powerful effect. But it is not by any means to be in- 
ferred from what has gone before, that they discovered only what was inviting, or even worthy 
of respect, in the customs and habits of their Persian neighbors. Parseeism had also its repug- 

: Vr Gracte, p. 419. and Kuenen. iii. 35. 2 Vrndvlart cited by Gnieti, p. 198. 

a Qpiger, LerhiT's. i. 12H. * Tlie Ya^na, cited by Pre»sens«, p. 30. 

6 Jiiilenthum, etc.. p. 374. « See2 M:;cc. xii. 43^5. ' Vendidatl, iii. 1, 20, 86, 86. 


nant side. Its fundamental principle of dualism indeed, could find no place in a system where 
Jehovah was God.' As compared with the licentious rites of the Phoenicians, the sensuous 
worship of the Babylonians, or even the more ideal and spiritual cultus of the Egyptians, 
there had been real progress. But here, still, there was no sufficient distiuction between the 
material and the moral. And especially in tlie later deterioration of the Persian faith under 
an Artaxerxes Mnemon and an Ochus, all bonds of religious sympathy and affinity must have 
been wholly rent asunder. In short, Parseeism acted upon essential Judaism, in the main, only 
in the way of suggestion and stimulus. The great basal truths that characterize the latter 
are its own independent possession, and indigenous to it. It is principally in the by-ways of 
Jewish thought and national life that we are able to trace most clearly the impression of 
other and alien systems of belief. 

And now another and still more important stage in the life of the covenant jieople is to pass 
under review. Up to this time, they had had to do only with the races and lands 
of the East. Religious differences, diverse national traditions and aims, and the ing'p^riod'." 
steep passes of Lebanon had not so far secluded them that they had not been 
called upon to bear their fearful part in the tragic history that had unrolled itself along the 
banks of the Tigris and Euphrates. Tlie waters of the Mediterranean would avail just as 
little now to shut them out from the still mightier and more penetrating iufluences of the 
advancing West. The victories of Alexander were in fact victories of the Occident over 
the Orient, of Europe over Asia. Whatever of truth may be contained in the narrative of 
the solemn meeting between the Jewish high-priest, arrayed in his sacred vestments, and the 
Macedonian conqueror, it may at least be taken as strikingly typical of a wholly new order of 
events. Henceforth, Judaism faced in another direction, confronted a civilization whose 
power it would feel to its very centre. It had unlearned among its Assyrian neighbors only 
the outward form of its mother tongue. But the new forces that now begin to operate are 
at once so winning and so intense, that it soon forgets the very mother tongue itself, and 
institutions and customs that had been gaining strength through two centuries of comparative 
rest, are tested by conflicts such as hitherto the world had never known. 

2. The Grecian Period. 
Judaism had now had sufficient time, since the Exile, to collect itself and gather strength 
to meet the whirlwind of political change that was again approaching. Still ^^^ ^^^ 
more, it had brought to a certain degree of ripeness those deep-lying ethical prin- factors in 
ciples which were to become the germs of a universal religion. But if there is ' ^' 
any lesson that human history teaches more than another, it is that development, social and 
moral as well as physical, is never in straight lines. It is the result of forces that to a 
greater or less degree are antagonistic. Hence the spiral is its aptest representative. The 
political necessity that brought the Indo-Geruianic races into living contact with the Semitic 
was but the sign of a higher moral nectssity. What represented widely different tendencies, 
what had been wrought out in widely different spheres, was now to meet, to interpenetrate, 
and by a subtile interaction produce results that neither in itself would have been capable of 
achieving. Where, indeed, could have been found a greater contrast than between the ordi- 
nary currents of thought, the social plane, the manner of life, of the Hebrew and the Greek? 
What could have been more unlike the deep religious spirit of the one than the pervasive 
worldly spirit of the other? So, too, the Semitic mind was serious, slow to act, eminently 
conservative; held tenaciously to the past; was deeply reverent, almost fatalistic, indeed, in 
its regard for that which was. The Greek, on tlie other hand, was proverbially quick in 
thought and movement, sprightly, idealistic, admitting perfection in nothing, striving always 
for the new, bold even to recklessness, and ready to confront, sword in hand, the gods them- 
selves in defense of an ideal right. Especially was the radical dissimilarity of the two peo- 
ples stamped on the languages they used. The one was simple and picturesque ; the other, 
cultivated and refined to the higliest degree of art. " The Semitic tongue was the symbol, 
the Greek the vesture, of the spirit." ^ Now, from the conjunction of two such gigantic 
moral forces great results, under the present circumstances, were justly to be expected, par- 
ticularly in the direction of developing a religion for man which, like man himself, must be 
cosmopolitan, above the question of climates, able to adapt itself to the popular life every- 
where, and show its harmony with all the higher and purer forms of human culture. 

1 CI. Is. XlT. 1, 7. 

a HoltzmaDO, Die Apolc. Biicfier Einleit., p. 6 (found also iu liuusen's Bibeitoeriit. 


The way had been prepared for the entrance of Greek civilization into A«ia by the great 
Persian expeditions of the previous century. But with the triumph of the arms 
of Alexander, who extended his empire from the Adriatic to the sources of the 
Ganges, and from the Danube to the cataracts of the Nile, the entire Orient was thrown 
open to the philosophy, art, language, and social usages of this classic land, and they swept 
over it like a flood. If these peoples, for the most part, especially those living east of the 
Euphrates, showed in their subsequept history but faint traces of any such refining influ- 
ence, retained to the last their Asiatic and barbaric character, it but serves to enhance, by 
contrast, the remarkable changes that were elsewhere produced, especially in the valleys of 
the Orontes and the Jordan, and along the banks of the Nile. How much of truth is mixed 
with the fabulous and legendary in the accounts of Josephus and the Talmud ' concerning 
the visit of Alexander to Jerusalem, it is impossible to say. But there can be no reasonable 
doubt that either during or subsequent to the siege of Tyre and Gaza (b. c. 332) he re- 
ceived a delegation from Jerusalem, who tendered him the unconditional homage of the Jew- 
ish people. It is also clear that, for some reason, never perhaps to be wholly explained, the 
youthful conqueror treated them with a magnanimity and friendliness that they had not 
before experienced since the days of Cyrus. This conciliatory spirit had its natural effect. 
Alexander took his place henceforth, in the sacred list of heroic worthies who were honored 
by the Jewish nation. His name was coupled with that of Solomon, and became its synonym 
in the later history. And when his victorious army began its march southward for the con- 
quest of Egypt, not a few Jews voluntarily entered its ranks. The founding of the city that 
still bears his name, one of the most brilliant capitals of antiquity, the commercial, moral, and 
social metropolis of both the Occident and Orient, for centuries the highest representative 
and nurse of civilization and learning, and especially the arena where Grecian philosophy 
and the Hebrew religion were at once to meet ami discover what common grounds of interest 
might justify their going henceforth hand in hand, — this was the most memorable result of 
Alexander's expedition to the land of the Pharaohs. Not many years after (b. c. 323), in 
the midst of vast unexecuted military plans, his voracious appetite for conquest still unsated, 
he died at the age of thirty-two years and eight months. 

The last words of Alexander on being asked to whom he bequeathed his kingdom are said 
to have been; " To the strongest." ' AVhen one considers the training to which 
iuccessore. t's generals had been subject, and the spirit that had ever ruled in the breast of 
rhe Dia- their leader, the consequences of such a legacy, conveyed in such a form, were 
easy to predict. In fact, the body of their chief was not yet buried before the 
struggle for supremacy began among his generals. Perdikkas, however, whom Alexander 
had distinguished by leaving him his signet ring, was, by way of compromise and until the 
expected birth of an heir to Alexander, made administrator of the realm. The armistice 
really proved to be of short duration. Less than two years after the death of Alexander, in 
a battle with Ptolemy, whom he had made satrap of Egypt, Perdikkas lost his life. And 
this was but the first act in a bloody tragedy, lasting more than a score of years, in which 
the family of Alexander disappeared, bis generals slew one another and thousands upon 
thousands of their subjects, and the great empire, so lately acquired, destitute of any sub- 
stantial bonds of union, went hopelessly in pieces. " The living political question at the time 
of the Diadochi, namely, whether and how the empire of Alexander could be maintained in 
itB unity, after every possible solution of it, every possible form, every substitute had been 
tried in vain, finally disappeared. The impossibility had been demonstrated, politically 
speaking, of uniting in one kingdom, one universal monarchy, the people of the East and the 
West; irrevocable judgment pronounced on what Alexander had desired and sought to 
achieve. That alone which he, daring and doing with reckless idealism, had meant should 
serve as the means and support of his work still remained, ceaselessly propagated itself in 
ever increasing waves of influence, — the introduction of Greek life among the Asiatic peo- 
ples, the production of a new civilization made up of that of the Orient and the Occident, 
the unity of the historic world in Hellenistic culture." ■* 

: Cf. on the general subject : Droysen, i -iil. ; Flathe, ii ; Stark, pp. 355-423 ; Ewald, OtsMchtc, iv. 274-286 j and foj 
briefer Rominariea the historiea of Oraetc, Hitzig, llenfeld, and Uoltzmaim, idem. 

2 Stanley, iii. 237-249; Jos., Anlii/., xi. 8; Spiegel, Dte Aitiandtrsngr, etc.; and HcnnrichBen, Stud . «. JMl 

3 See Grnte. xii 254, « -1 Drojsen, U. (2), 358. 


Notwithstanding his obscure origiu Ptolemy I. Soter, known also as the sou of Lagus, is 
one of the most conspicuous figui'es of the period next succeeding Alexander. 
It was a sagacious choice that secured to him, as one of the latter's most success- mies.i 
ful officers, the satrapy of Egj'pt, where, in a measure apart from the quarrels of 
his fellow generals, he might lay the foundations of the empire which he projected. While 
skillfully avoiding conflict, as far as possible, he knew how to defend himself when attacked, 
as against Perdikkas in B. c. 321, and more than once against Antigonus, until the decisive 
battle of Ipsus, B. C. 301. He assumed the title of king in B. c. 305. The bounds of his 
empire he extended by uniting to it Cyrene on the East, and, after B. c. 301, Palestine and 
Coelc-Syria on the West. The island of Cyprus, too, came at this time into the permanent 
possession of Egypt. The native Egyptians he left in the undisturbed enjoyment of their 
social and religious customs, but admitted none of them to the ruling class, which was distinc- 
tively Macedonian. His relation to the Jews, and the influence of Greek civilization under 
him and his successors, will be later considered. Apparently in order to guard against any 
possible dispute over the succession, Ptolemy I. Soter, two years before liis death (b. c. 284), 
abdicated in favor of his youngest son, Ptolemy H. Philadelphus. 

The second Ptolemy was perhaps the most distinguished of the name. Less hindered than 
his father had been by the necessity of defending the empire against the ambi- pjoiemv II 
tious designs of the Syrian rulers, he was able to devote himself with all the im- Phlladel- 
mense resources at his command to the object of making liis capital the brilliant, ^ "*' 
undisputed centre of literature and of commerce for the entire civilized world. Alexandria 
became at this time, in fact, intellectually and commercially what Rome became two centu- 
ries later politically, — the world's metropolis. Its magnificent lighthouse, which gave its 
name to all subsequent structures of the kind ; its world-renowned museum and library, the 
depository even during the present reign, it is said, of 700,000 papyrus rolls; the home of 
artists and scholars from every land, among whom history mentions a Stilpo of Megara, 
Strato the Peripatetic, Theodore, Euclid, Diodorus, Theophrastus, and Menander; the 
breadth of its culture, which found room for every kind of human learning and furnished us 
the first translation of the Hebrew Scriptures, — tliis was the most fitting tribute which the 
successors of Alexander could have paid to his grand tlesigns, the most splendid monument 
they could have reared to bis memory. 

Ptolemy III. Euergetes, as eldest son, succeeded his father on the throne of Egypt (b. c. 
246-221). Under him the empire reached the hishest pitch of its prosperity. 
During a brilliant campaign against Antiochus II. of Syria he pushed his way as Eu°r^tM 
far as Antioch and Babylon, securing in the latter place some of the trophies ^n* •!'» 
which Cambyses had carried away from Egypt three hundred years before, and 
received, in consequence, from his grateful subjects the surname of ■' Benefactor," which he 
ever afterwards bore. Under Ptolemy IV. Philopator, the next monarch (b. c. 221-204), 
the period of degeneration set in. He preserved, indecil, the integrity of the empire, signally 
defeating in the noted battle of Raphia (b. c. 217) the skillful and enersretic Antiochus HI. 
the (ireat, but in his private life was effeminate and sensual in tJie extreme, and by oppres- 
sive measures provoked among his Egyptian subjects the first rebellion that had broken 
lut since the Greeks had begun to rule. His only son, Ptolemy V. Epiphanes, a child of five 
years, succeeded him. Antiochus III. the Great now found the opportunity for which be 
had been waiting, to retrieve the disaster of Ra])hia. Joining his forces with those of Phili|> 
in. of Macedon he attacked those of Egypt under Skopas in the Valley of the Jordan near 
Paneas (b. c. 199), and won a victory by which Phoenicia and Coele-Syria, with Judaea, 
passed out of the hands of the Ptolemies into those of the Seleucidae. 

"In this world's debate," as Stanley ^ calls the series of couHicts between the kings of 
Syria and Egypt, " Palestine was the principal sta'.'c across which ' the kings of Affairs in 
the South,' the Alexandrian Ptolemies, and 'the kings of the North,' the Seleu- Palestine. 

1 Cf. Letronne, Reckerckes pour servir d VHistoire -if VEsypJf, etc. ; Lepetus, Kcinigsbnefi drr nlten JE^ypttr ; Geier, Dt 
Ptolemai La^idtE Vita ; Champollion-Figeac, Annai^s lies lyv^idts, and review of the same by St. Martin ; Nouveltes Re- 
cherches sur i'Epoque de la Mort d' Alrxantire el sue la ^hrimnlogie dei Ptolcvlees ; Parthey, Das Alej^andrinische Museum, 
also, Ptoleindus Lagi^ der Gtunder der 32sten asyptiscken Difnastie ; Hitachi, Die Ale^andiinisekeii Bibliothtken; Sharpe, 
Hittory of Esypl from the Earliest Times ; Bernhardy. Grimdriss der Griechischen Litteratur. So too the various 
clasaeal writers of the period, and the exceedingly interesting records of the monuments. English translations of the 
Ajsyrian and Egyptian monuments have been published by Bagster and Sons, under the title Records of the Past, ot 
which eleven vols, have already appeared. See, especially, vol. viii., pp. 81-90. 

■i iii 24.3. 


cidsB from Antioch, passed to and fro with their court intrigues and their incessant armies, 
their Indian elephants, their Grecian cavalry, their Oriental pomp." Coele-Syria, including 
Judaea, on the partition of Alexander's empire, had been assigned to Laomedon. It was 
taken from him by Ptolemy I. Soter, in the year following his victorious campaign against 
Perdikkas (b. c. 320), and the walls of Jerusalem, which he entered on the Sabbath, were 
razed to the ground. At the same time, if the historians of the period are to be trusted, as 
many as a hundred thousand Jews were carried off to Egypt,* becoming permanetit settlers 
there, a part in Alexandria, and others in Cyrene, Libya, and even more distant districts of 
Africa. But the wooded heights of Lebanon and the sea-coasts of Phoenicia were a prize too 
much coveted to be left uncontested in the hands of Ptolemy. They were wrested from him 
by Antigonus in the year B. c. 314, to be won back in the great battle of Gaza, two years 
later, which period (b. c. 312), moreover, was rendered still more memorable as the begin- 
ning of the Seleuciau era. Singularly enough, Seleucus himself was at this time a fugitive in 
the camp of Ptolemy, where he served as one of the royal guards. The latter's triumph, in 
turn, was of short duration. Demetrius, who had been defeated at Gaza, having united his 
forces with those of his father, succeeded in driving the Egyptians once more from the de- 
batable provinces, and retained possession of them until the eventful battle of Ipsus (b. c. 301), 
from which time, for the next hundred years, dates the permanent rule of the Ptolemies in 
Palestine. It was a fearful scourge to which this little land had been exposed during the 
twenty-two years of almost incessant war between the forces of Syria and Egypt. It does 
not surprise us to learn that in addition to those who were forcibly removed, great numbers 
of Jews voluntarily exiled themselves from their native land. Ptolemy II. Philadelphus 
manumitted 130,000 who, as the result of the wars under the previous reign, had been 
brought as slaves into his empire. It was no less an act of political sagacity than of human- 
ity. As loyal and useful subjects of Persia and of Alexander the Jews had proved their 
worth as a support to the throne. Alexander himself had accorded them equal rights with 
the Macedonians as citizens of Alexandria.'' They were known as a people that could safely 
be trusted. They had the fear of God before them, and their moral purity and steadfastness 
were something that, as elements of political strength, even an Oriental monarch knew how 
to appreciate. In Palestine during the entire reign of the Ptolemies the people were left, for 
the most part, in the uninterrupted enjoyment of civil and religious freedom. Their pecul- 
iarities of belief and social usages seem to have been carefully respected. The high priest 
remained undisturbed in his more than royal prerogatives. If the twenty Syrian talents of 
silver appointed as yearly tribute were regularly paid, the rest was a matter of comparative 

The following is a list of those who held the high priest's office in the period extending 
from the death of Alexander to the reign of Antiochus IV. Epiphanes: Onias I. 
T'!e^^'gl> (b. c. 331-299); Simon J. the Just (b. c. 299-287); Eleazer (B.C. 287-266); 
""'^ ■ Manasse (b. c. 266-240); Onias II. (b. c. 240-227); Simon IL (e. c. 226-198); 

Onias HI. (b. c. 198-175); Jason. Under Onias I., was made the treaty of the Jews with 
the Lacedemonians, an account of which, in an embellished form, is given in 1 Mace. (xii. 20- 
23). During the term of ofBce of the next high priest, Simon I., nothing of note occurred. 
It was under Eleazer that the translation of the Septuagint was undertaken in Alexandria. 
Onias II., who seemed, at least in his later years, to have represented the Syrian as over 
against the Egyptian party in Palestine, came near having serious difficulty with the latter 
country. For once, the usual tribute was refused. The energetic measures of his ambitious 
nephew Joseph, who himself coUecteil the money and carried it to the Egyptian court, 
alone averted the catastrophe. After the battle of Raphia, Ptolemy IV. Philopator, elated 
by his victory, entered the temple at Jerusalem, and not only offered sacri6ces there, but 
in spite of the remonstrances of the priests, and the consternation and tears of the entire peo- 
ple, forced his way into the Holy of Holies. What actually took place there in consequence 
it is not possible to learn, the account in 3 Maccabees (i. 9, ii. 24) being wholly legendary. 
But it is certain that he left Jerusalem, inllamed with the deepest hatred towards the Jewish 
people, and proceeded to vent the same on their innocent brethren in Egypt. A similar case 
occurred under Onias HI. Palestine being at that time alrendy joined to Syria, Heliodorus, 
the treasurer of Seleucus IV. Philopator. inspired by the hope of booty, also made an at- 
tempt to force his way into the Holy of Holies, but, as we are informed, was miraculousl* 

1 Jo«., Antiq., lil. 1, } 1. - J"-, Contra Ap . ii 6. 


struck down on the threshold as Ptolemy had been, and at last owed life Itself to the friendly 
intercession of the high priest on his behalf.' 

Grecian colonization had been one of the controlling ideas of Alexander. Aristotle wrote 
a book concerning him which he entitled, " Alexander, or about Colonies." ^ And 
a marked peculiarity of Alexander's colonies, as of Greek Ufe in general, as it de- Greek cul- 
veloped itself in foreign lands, was the city. In this it particularly distinguished f"™ '? 
itself from that of the Asiatics. The one was distinctively ethnic (efcos), the other 
polite (Wais, »oAi't7)s), to use the word in its etymological sense. An old Ephesian inscrip- 
tion of the Roman period reads : 'E(tiicrlwi' q $ov\ii koI 6 5fj/jos xa! twv SaXojv 'EA.Ai)>'»i' oi eV rp 
Atria KayoiKomai w6\eit Koi ri e8«). It was in this way also, that the Greek civilization extended 
itself in Palestine. Perdikkas, who wore the signet ring of Alexander, showed his loyalty 
to the memory of his chief by engaging at once in the rebuilding and Grecizing of Samaria. 
Dan, to the extreme north, received the name of Paneas in honor of the god Pan, to 
whom also a temple was built on the neighboring slopes of Hermon. Bethshean, west of 
Jordan, became Scythopolis, under which name it is known in the second book of Maccabees 
(xii. 29). On the other side of the river sprang up new cities, with such names as Hippos, 
Gadara; and further to the soulh, Pella and Dion; forming with some others, the Decapolis 
of Josephus and the New Testament, and all being, as is evident from their names, of Macedo- 
nian or Greek origin. In honor of the second of the Ptolemies, the place known as Rabbath 
Amnion was changed to Philadelphia, and the ancient capital of the Aloabites, Ar-Moab, 
received at about the same time the more euphonious title of Areopolis. Along the Phoeni- 
cian coast, the evidences of Greek life were still more marked. Old cities were rebuilt and 
repeopled, and new cities founded with a zeal and rapidity unknown before in the Orient. 
Straton's Tower, — afterwards known as Caesarca on the sea, — Gaza, Dora, ApoUonia, An- 
thedon, were some of the many seaports which sprang up during these eventful years, and 
drew to them aci'oss the blue Mediterranean, a swarming, adventurous population fi'om the 
fatherland. In all these places Greek life dominated, the Greek language was spoken, the 
morals and the immorality of Hellas practiced with but little change. Of the whole of Pales- 
tine, Judaea alone remained, as yet, comparatively free from the transforming influence of 
Greek ideas. There was but little in its thin soil to tempt cupidity, and its people were not of 
the sort to take kindly to an influx of strangers. Still it was completely girdled with the 
new civilization. It could not shut wholly out, if it would, the silvery tones of the Greek 
tongue; it could not remain insensible to the charms of Greek art ; it might even have its 
weak side for the feasts, games, and holiday extravagances of its neighbors from the West. 
It was, at least, a question whose answer could not long be delayed. 

It is, however, by no means to be supposed that Judaism was confined to Judaea. We have 
already seen that as a result of the fearful devastations to which Palestine was 
continually subject under the successors of Alexander, large numbers of Jews Ife^xfudril" 
were forced to seek an asylum in other lands. Of all the peoples of the Orient '^'"1 "l^e- 
naturally the most seclusive and exclusive, they came, at last, by the mere force 
of circumstances, that is, the force of divine Providence, to rival the Greeks themselves in 
their capacity for diflFusion and their cosmopolitan character. If we had reason to wonder 
that 60 many of them, two centuries before, firmly declined to return from their banishment 
in Persia and Babylon, much more is it now an occasion of surprise that they voluntarily 
leave their homes — it is true that emigration was also sometimes compulsory — to go forth 
as merchants, bankers, artisans, but always as Jews, into every part of the inhabited globe, 
and that in all the great cities of Syria, Asia Minor, Greece, and Italy, they make their 
homes side by side with the teeming colonists of Hellas and Macedon. The higher explana- 
tion is found in the fact that Judaism had something to give as well as to receive. We are 
*<)0 likely to forget, in contemplating the magnificent service which the Grecian language and 
philosophy did for the Jewish faith and people, the still more magnificent and beneficent ser- 
vice that a developed and transformed Jewish faith did for Greece and for all mankind. 
Especially in Alexandria did the Jewish influence make itself felt. The first colonists had 
been particularly favored with the friendship and patronage of Alexander and the early 
Ptolemies. If many went, at first, unwillingly into the land of their former bondage, a larger 
number soon followed them of their own choice. All departments of industry were open to 
Ihem. While devoting themselves principally to trade, some also rose to eminence as soldiers, 

1 Bee 2 Mace. iii. 4-40 2 Cf. 8a»ke, p. 449, and Droyseu, iii. (1), 32. 



(tatesmen, and men of learning. In tlie practice of their religion and the observance of their 
national customs they were, for a Ions; time, unmolested. To such an extent did they thrive 
and increase that at the time of Philo they numbered a million souls, and two of the five 
wards of Alexandria were exclusively occupied by them. Not only were the Alexandrian 
Jews the most numerous of the Dispersion, they were also the most influential. Of this en- 
tire class, indeed, wherever they might be. Alexandria was the intellectual and spiritual 
centre, as was Jerusalem for the Jews of Palestine. 

It is a significant fact, on whatever ground it may rest, and looked at either from an Egyp- 
tian or Palestinian point of view, that in the ancient, sacred city of Heliopolis 
itHfliopo- a rival temple could be erected (b. c. 160?), and that henceforth, until the time 
of Vespasian, it should continue to uiainlain its service and have its own priests, 
Levites, and landed property. No better evidence of the relaxing influence of Greek civiliza- 
tion could be desired than this willingness to accept a dilapidated shrine of heathenism aa 
the basis of a temple to Jehovah, or of the growth of a now method of Scripture interpreta- 
tion such as afterwards culminated in the writings of Philo, than the ability to twist the 
poetic language of Isaiah so that it should be made to contain a direct approval of this more 
than doubtful undertaking.' It was regarded with distrust in Palestine, and although having 
no very deep or permanent influence in Egypt was still a marked symptom of the divisive 
spirit that charncterized the later Judaism. Already under Ptolemy W. Philopator. the 
Jews ill Egypt, for reasons not difficult to conceive, had begun to lose favor alike with prince 
and people. Some envied them their prosperity. More hated them on account of their ex- 
clusiveness, their extravagant assumptions as an elect people, and especially, their ill-con- 
cealed disgust ;it the ignorant idolatry that prevailed about them. Hence, the favor of the 
court lieing withdrawn, the proverbial lawlessness of the Egyptians broke forth into open and 
hitter persecutions, some faint reflection of which has been preserved in the fabulous stories 
of the Third Book of Maccabees. 

We have already alluded to the brilliant constellation of learned men, who, from the times 
of the Ptolemies, for hundreds of years made Alexandria the acknowledged literary 
TheSeptua- metropolis of the entire world. Until the second century after Christ the most 
renowned physicians, philosophers, astronomers, philologists, and even theolo- 
gians, received here their training. The first five librarians, Zenodotus, Callimachus, Eras- 
tosthene.s, Apollonius, and Aristophanes the Byzantine, were as distinguished for their culture 
as for the high position which they occupied. Two of the Ptolemies themselves did not think 
it beneath them to be reckoned with Manetho as writers of history. Among the poets may be 
mentioned Aratus, Nicander, and Theocritus. The astronomers of Alexandria were the first 
to reduce the science to a system, introduced the improved calendar at the time of Julius Ce- 
sar, and gave the names and divisions to tlie fixed stars, which they still bear. Naturally, 
all this literary activitj' could not but make a deep impression on the hundreds of thousands of 
Israelites who had their home in the Egyyitian capital. And among them too, at this period, 
sprang up a literature of no inconsiderable proportions, fragments of which still remain. 
They had their own historians : Demetrius. Eupolemus, Cleodemus, and Jason of Cyrene; and 
their own poets: the dramatist Ezekiel, Philo the elder, and Theodotus. Aristobulus, at the 
same time a Jewish priest and a disciple of Aristotle, as also a teacher or counselor to the 
king, even made the attempt to Hebraize the entire literature of Greece, inaugurating a 
movement whose best known representative before the Christian era was the younger Philo 
and whose culmination was in the Neo-Platonie ]ihllosophy of Ammonius Saccas in the third 
century after Christ. In the midst of this intellectual ferment it is scarcely needful to say 
hat the Hebrew Scriptures, outside as well as inside the circle of those who invested them 
with a sacred character, attracted to themselves serious attention. That a demand arose for 
their complete translation into Greek, the language here universally spoken, was a necessity 
of the case. And the demand was not confined to Egypt. Greek colonization, in whose 
quick steps a Jewish colonization almost as extensive had followed, had gone into all lands to 
mark the favored spots for new life and prepare the way for it. Commerce with its thou 
sands of wliite-winged messengers awaited its orders under the friendly shadow of the Alex- 
andrian Pharos. The time was, evidently, already ripe for the first beginnings of the move- 

1 Cf. Stanley, iii. 251-254 

■i Cf. Bohl ; Frankel's Voniudien : Frilische in Heraog's Real-Evri/k.^aai in Schenkel's Bib. Lex., ad voc. ; and SmilW 
Bib. Diet., Art. " Septuagint.'' 


ment in whose ciowuing issue an apostle Paul afterwards found the goal and glory of his 
earthly life. 

Thei'e are stories enough concerning the origin of the LXX., but their utter untrustworthi- 
ness, in many respects, can easily be proved. They sprang from a natural desire 
to give to the translation the character of an authoritative, inspired work. It is, P"'^^ji 
perhaps, the wisest course to reject them all, in their details, and to fall back on 
the simple necessity that ruled the hour. The work was doubtless begun as early as under 
Ptolemy II. Philadelphus, and was essentially complete when the son of Sirach came to Egypt 
in the reign of Ptolemy VII. Physcon.' That the translators were exclusively learned men, 
invited from Palestine to Egypt for this purpose, is incredible, almost as much so as that each 
one of the Seventy, witliout collusion with the others, made precisely the same version. The 
feeling in Palestine concerning it is better represented by the words used to signalize the day 
when it was first introduced into the synagogues of Alexandria and Egypt: " The Law is 
Greek! Darkness! Let there be a three days' fast!" Among the Jews of the world- 
capital, on the other hand, the event was greeted with every expression of joy. Unlike 
their brethren of Palestine, they looked forward rather than backward and ex[)ected only 
the best results from a closer comparison of Moses with Pythagoras and Plato. Of the criti- 
cal value of the version of the LXX. this is not the place to speak. ^ And we reserve also, 
until a later period, a description of the various woi'ks of a mixed Jewish and Greek char- 
acter, which followed close upon it and of which it was the more or less direct occasion. 

It is now time to return to the political history of the Jews of Palestine, which we left at 
the point where, subsequent to the battle of Paneas (b. c. 19'J)i '' W "''^1' Phoe- jij^ s^ieuci- 
nieia and the whole of Coele-Syria into the hands of Antiochus III. the Great. '^- Antio- 
This change of rulers well accorded with the wishes of the masses of the people, and Seicu- 
especially after the lirst mild treatnunl of the Syrian king led them to contrast ''"^I^- 
it favorably with that to which they had more recently been subjected. But the satisfaction 
experienced was of short duration. Under Egyptian rule Palestine and especially Juda;a, as 
we have seen, had been left, for the most part, to itself, except when the exigencies of the 
unceasing conflict with Syria called timiporarily into it the armies of its rulers. So it could 
not remain under the Seleucidae. Greek infiiience had already become too deeply rooted on 
every side. The social and commercial as well as geographical connections with Antioch 
and Damascus were other than those with Alexandria had been. From the first transfer- 
rence, therefore, of political allegiance from the kingdom of the South to that of the North, a 
strong Syrian party showed itself at Jerusalem. A Syrian party, it may be called, for that 
was the special direction which it took, although it aimed at nothing less than a radical mod- 
ification, if not the total abolishment of that which had hitherto separated the Jews from their 
heathen neighbors, in short, a thorough Ilellenizing of Judaism in its stronghold.' What 
the immediate results would have been, if the sagacious Antiochus III. had been free to 
foster in the beginning this movement having its origin in a deteriorated popular taste, it is 
impossible to say. But his attention and entire resources were soon absorbed in the great 
campaign against the Romans under the two Scipios, which ended so disastrously for him at 
Magnesia (b. c. 190). And being now compelled to purchase a peace at the most extrava- 
gant pecuniary cost, he did not hesitate to lay his hands on the needed treasures wherever in 
his kingdom he could find them. He lost his life, in fact, whUe engao-ed in pillan'intr a tern- 
pie (b. c. 187). The policy of his son, Seleucus IV. Philopator, significantly called in the 
book of Daniel (xi. 20) a " raiser of taxes," was not, on the whole, of such a nature in its 
relation to the Jews as to strengthen the hands of a Syrian party in Palestine, but quite the 
contrary. It was his treasurer, Heliodorus, of whom we have before spoken as having made 
an unsuccessful and humiliating attempt to secure for his master the supposed untold sums 
that were concealed in the temple on Mount Moriah. A short time subsequently (b. c. 1 76) 
the king perished at the hands of this same Heliodorus, after an unimportant reign of eleven 

It was during the sovereignty of his successor and brother, the unscrupulous Antiochus IV. 
Epiphanes, that affairs in Judaea reached the fearful crisis towards which they had long beeu 
tending. The importance of this reign in its bearings on the whole subsequent history of Ju- 

1 Cf. remarks in Intrnd. to Enclesiaaticus, under Date. 

t Cf. Euenen, iii 214-216 ; tlie works of Fraiikol cited in tlie Tndei of AaChori'jes, and Thierscli, Di Ftntalciuki, ata. 

» Bee 1 Mace, i, 11, B. 


daism wiO justify our dwelling more at length upon it. Such a character as that of Antiochus 
tntiochus Epiphanes it is difficult to comprehend, much less to describe. It is marked by the 
IV. Epiph- most startling contrasts, well illustrated in the double name the people gave him: 
Epiphanes, the illustrious, and Epimanes, the madman. Personally brave, gener- 
ous, at times, even to prodigality, a lover of art, spending immense sums on the erection of 
magnificent buildings, he was, at the same time, possessed of an ineffable self-esteem, a self- 
esteem which did not keep him from the most abominable vices, and never rose to the dio'- 
nity of true self-respect. While treating the noblemen about him with the utmost haughti- 
ness, arrogating to himself both the title and the prerogatives of deity, he was, at the same 
time, on familiar terms with the lowest of the people; offered himself as a candidate for petty 
offices; went tooting about the streets in the character of a strolling musician, and shared with 
the actors at the theatres in their lewdest scenes. The historian Polybius (xxvi. 10) deemed 
some of his eccentricities worthy of record. He says of him: "Just as though, at times, 
he had slipped away from the servants of the palace, he made his appearance, here and there, 
in the city, sauntering about in the company of one or two persons. Quite often he might 
be found in the workshops of the gold and silver smiths where he chatted with the molders 
and other workmen, and gave them to understand that he was a lover of art. Then again, 
he gave himself up to confidential intercourse with the next best fellows among the people 
and chaffered with strangers of the common sort who happened to be present. When, how- 
ever, he learned that young people, somewhere or other, were having a carousal, without 
waiting to be announced, he came marching up with horn and bagpipe in revelling style so 

that the majority of the guests, horrified at the strange spectacle, took themselves off 

Intelligent people, therefore, did not know what to make of him. Some thought he was a 

simple, unaffected man; others, that he had lost his wits In the sacrifices which he 

caused to be offered up in the cities, and in the honors which he paid to the gods, he was sur- 
passed by no other king. Of this the temple of Jupiter at Athens and the statues about the 
altar at Delos are proof. He used, also, to frequent the public baths when they were quite 
full of common people, at which times, moreover, lie had brought to him vessels of the most 
costly ointment. A person once said to him: ' How happy are you kings that you can have 
such ointment, and exhale such delightful odors V ' Thereupon, on the following day, with- 
out having said anything to the man, he went to the place wliere he bathed and had a huge 
vessel of the most precious ointment, the so-called atacte, jioured over his head. Upon this all 
got up and plunged in, in order to bathe themselves with the ointment. But on account of 
the slipperiness of the floor they fell down and excited laughter. The king himself, also, 
was one of them." Such was the kind of man that the people of Judaea now had over them. 
The throne he had got by treachery, and began his reign by a war against Egypt in defense 
of an injustice. In the first campaign he was successful, and in the beginning 

IV. Epipha- °f '^s second also, but being finally compelled to retreat, he vented his discomfi- 
■""' ture on the temple at Jerusalem. Four times in as many successive years (b. c. 

171-168), his armies marched the now familiar road to the land of the pyramids. 
The last time it was the Roman legate, Popilius Lasnas, whom he was obliged to face, and 
who drawing a circle around him in the sand, bade him decide before he crossed it, for peace 
or war with the great empire of the West. With gnashing of teeth Antiochus betook him- 
self homeward, letting out the full flood of his ungovernable passions, as once before, on the 
people of Judsea and Jerusalem. It was his conduct at this time, that was the direct occasion 
of the so-called revolt of the Maccabees. Immediately on his accession, had begun at Jerusa- 
lem the struggle between the sympathizers with Greek customs, and their determined oppo- 
uents. For one hundred and fifty years, Greek civilization had been developing itself on 
every side. It had made startling progress in the very centre of the Israelitish religion. The 
moral nerve was beginning also here to lose its tensity. It was a sad omen for the future, 
that about this time, under one pretense or another, an embassy could be sent from Jerusa- 
lem to witness the heathenish games in honor of Hercules at Tyre.' 

Onias HI. was now high priest, and a firm and courageous representative of the ancestral 

faith. An own brother, Jason, who had become Hellenized, as it will be seen, 
of'the'high even to his name, stood at the head of the opposing party, and persuaded the 
priMt'i of- Iting to transfer by force, to him, the sacred office held by Onfas. Once in powef 

he used all the influence at his command to induce a wide-spread apostasy among 

1 Cf 2 Mace. iT. 9-20. 


the people. Among other devices he caused to be erected close beside the temple-mountain, 
a, irymnasium, after the Greek style, and invited to its frivolous sports, not only the youth of 
Jerusalem, but found means also, to seduce even the priests from their duties at the altar, that 
they might be present at its thronged entertainments. But as Jason had unjustly possessed 
himself of the high priesthood, so he lost it through injustice. Menelaus, another devotee of 
the new ideas, simply offered Antiochus a higher tribute than Jason was jiaying, and got the 
office. The latter, however, did not leave him long in peace. AVhile the king was absent 
on his second expedition against Egypt, he took possession of Jerusalem for a time with his 
retainers, and compelled his rival to flee to the citadel. Antiochus professing to look upon 
this act of Jason as a rebellion on thi! part of his Jewish subjects, on his return took fearful 
vengeance on temple and people. But their cup was not yet full. Two years later, as we 
have said, after his humiliating rencontre with the legate of Rome, he came back to give full 
proof of the intensity and demoniacal depths of his passionate nature. The Jews seem to 
have "iven him no new occasion for fresh complaints. 

But it was quite unnecessary. He was in one of his hellish moods. Before the eVraCfla 
0ou\fiou of the Roman power he had been compelled to give way. Here, at least, „ Abomina- 
were those who were weaker than he ; they should feel the weight of his iron hand, tion of deso- 
Besides, Judaism had never had the opportunity of showing to him, as to Cyrus 
and Alexander, its better side. Perhaps he would have been incapable of appreciating it, if 
he had seen it. If unusual moral stamina, and a rare industry and prosperity were developed 
within it, the one might have served simply to challenge his hostility, and the other have 
been a temptation to his cupidity and chronic impecuniosity. AVhat he had seen most of, 
the ambition of a Jason, and the meanness of a Menelaus, were certainly not of a nature to en- 
courage him to prosecute his inquiries. Enough tliat be who began by despising Judaism, 
had now come bitterly to hate it, an<l lesolveil to sweep it at a stroke from the face of the 
earth. At a review of troops in the environs of Jerusalem, on the Sabbath, Apollonins, his 
general, began an indiscriminate massacre of the spectators, and followed it U]) with the 
plundering of the defenseless city. Antiochus had given orders further, that on pain of 
death, all sacrifices and services peculiar to the temple should cease, the Sabbath be no more 
observed, circumcision nowhere ])rai'ticed, the sacred books be destroyed, and that idol wor- 
ship should be universally introduced. The altar of the temple on Mount Moriah was spe- 
cially named as a place to be thus desecrated. With terrific thoroughness did the unfeeling 
soldiery enter upon the execution of these orders of the king. And as it was not simply a 
place, but a people and a system, which had been devoted to overthrow, so it mattered not 
where in the Syrian empire a Jew might be found, he was exposed to the same frenzied as- 
saults. To have in one's possession a copy of the law, to refuse, on being commanded, to eat 
swine's flesh, sacrifice to an idol, or to participate in Bacchanalian processions crowned with 
garlands of ivy in honor of Dionysos, was a sufficient pretext for the most unheard-of cruel- 
ties. On the 16th of Chisleu — ihe date could never be forgotten — Mount Moriah itself was 
dedicated to Jupiter, and a heathen shrine placed over the sacred altar. Ten days later a 
her<l of swine" were driven into the temple precincts, and their subsecjuent sacrifice com- 
pleted the desecration. This was the " abomination of desolation " (ffSeKvy/io. iprnxtiireas, 1 Mace, 
i. 54), the synonym, in all later Jewish history, of infamous wickedness and of humiliation 
to the uttermost. With not a few these efforts to enforce submission succeeded. They were 
those who had been the first to run to the gymnastic performances which Jason and Mene- 
laus maintained at the expense of the temple. But there were many otht^rs who still pre- 
ferred death to paganism, and Antiochus, to his astonishment, soon discovered that an army 
of twenty-two thousand men was quite too small for the object he had in view. At first, re- 
sistance was passive, but none the less heroic and inspiring. A few such examples as that 
of the gray-haired Eleazer, who manfully confronted his tormentors with the words: " I will 
show myself such an one as my age requii-es, and leave a notable example to those who are 
young, to die willingly and courageously for our honored and holy laws," could not long re- 
main without effect. 

The immediate occasion of the armed revolt was as follows: Emissaries of the king had 
erected a heathen altar at the little village of Modein, a few miles out from Jerusa- 
lem. It was the home of an aged priest Ma'tathias, with the family name Asmo- 
nsus, the father of five stalwart sons, and a man widely known and respected. He, among 
3thers, was summoned to offrr iilolntroiis sacrifices on this altar. He publicly and boldly re- 


fused, and seeing a man who was a Jew upon the point of doing it, he rushed upon him and 
slew him. Whereupon the Syrian officers also were put to death, and the altar they had 
erected destroyed with the cry : " Whosoever is zealous for the law and maintaineth the 
covenant let him follow me." Mattathias with his two sons, and a few others, now plunged 
into the neighboring wilderness where forces might be safely collected, and time gained for 
reflection over the course to be pursued. This was tlie small beginning of that great politico- 
religious movement, by means of which the Jewish people, after more than four hundrcii 
years of foreign domination, gained again their independence. It is a thrilling story, which 
will never lose its charm as long as men love freedom, admire unselfish heroism, and hate 
oppression. It is only possible for us heri' to touch upon the more salieut points of the history, 
and it is also unnecessary, since it is to be found in full in the books of the Maccabees that 
follow. Mattathias himself continued but for a little while at the head of the patriotic band 
which flocked to his standard, but in dying, recommended Judas, his son, as leader, with the 
words : " But as for Judas Maccabieus, he has been mighty and strong, even from his youth 
up; let him be your captain, and fight the battles of the people." * The sequel proved that 
the choice had been well made. 
Judas Maccabaeus was really the hero of the whole conflict, and properly gave his name to 

the party and movement of which he was the soul. A childlike piety, a womanly 
eab»ns. "" tenderness towards the weak, good common sense that could see at once the point 

at issue, were united in his nature with a courage that flinched at no hardship and 
was appalled at no danger. The army that followed him, if so it might be called, was 
always scanty enough, but like Gideon lie did not hesitate, at times, to reduce its numbers 
still more by sifting out the timid and the unresolved. The blast of his trumpet, as his ene- 
mies soon discovered, meant nothing less than doing and daring to the utmost limit of human 
strength. He first defeated Apollonius, entering upon the engagement with the battle en.- : 
"Eleazer, the help of God ; " then Seron; and again, an immense army under Nicanor and 
Gorgias ; and finally, Lysias himself, and opened thereby for his troops once more the way 
to Jerusalem and the temple. On the 25th of Chisleu, exactly three years from the date of 
its desecration, the purified altar was again dedicated to Jehovah and sacrifices offered 
amidst universal rejoicings. Since this time the Jews have ever continued to observe the 
recurrence of the day as the " Feast of Dedication," and no festival awakens among them 
more grateful memories. Soon after occurred in the far East the death of Antiochus Epipha- 
nes (b. c. 164) under circumstances that could not but encourage the persecuted people still 
more to hope for the final success of their cause. Judas Maccabseus, in the mean time, set 
forward his well-begun work. At first, he engaged in a successful expedition against the 
Edomites to the south, then met, for the second time, Lysias at Bethsur, where, for once, his 
little band were forced to retire before the overwhelming odds that were brought against 
them, and a beloved brother, the brave Eleazer, lost his life. Then followed the brief truce 
and apparently friendly intercourse with Nicanor, broken off by his treachery, and the battle 
of Caphar Salama, in which this Syrian general was among the slain. It was at this time 
that Judas, recognizing the importance of securing auxiliaries, against the advice of some of 
his adherents sent a delegation to Rome to ask for an alliance.^ He did it the more willingly 
because he had learned that " none of them wore a crown, or was clothed in purjile, to be 
exalted above his fellow citizens." A treaty was made, but, as it would seem, before its con- 
ditions could well have been known, Judas was called upon to meet once more, and for the 
last time, the hosts of the Syrians under Bacchides. The disparity between his forces an 1 
those of his antagonist would have driven any other than the lion-hearted Maccabee to de- 
spair. His officers sought to dissuade him from the conflict with the promise to take it up 
afterwards when circumstances were more favorable. But his memorable answer was : " God 
forbid that I should do this thing and flee away from them. If our time be come let us die 
manfully for our brethren and leave behind no stain upon our honor! " These are the last 
recorded words of the heroic soldier. The battle was accepted. Judas personally fought 
with his usual intrepidity and success. But his followers being overpowered, he was set 
upon from behind and lost his life (b. c. 160). His two brothers, however, Jonathan and 
Simon, thoughtless of danger to themselves, rescued his body from the thronging, exultant 
foe, and it was buried in the family tomb at Modein. Great was the lamentation which went 
np for him throughout Judaea, and its burden was like that which had been heard for Sau. 
1 1 Maoe. U. 66. 3 Cf. 1 Mace. TiiL 


and for Jonathan: " How is the valiant fallen that delivered Israel ! '' We are not surprised 
that in the olden time fancy loved to dwell upon this inspiring name, or that so many friendly 
pens were ready to depict with heightened coloring the struggle in which so noble a life was 

It was a serious task which Jonathan, the youngest son of Mattathias, who had been elected 
to fill the place of Judas, had now before him. Without the prestige of Judas 
MaccabEBus, called upon with a dispirited handful of troops to confront the victo- "b.o. 160-143. 
rious army of Bacchides, it is doubtful how the conflict would have terminated if a 
diversion in his favor had not occurred in the political affairs of Sjria. One Alexander 
Balas, who <;ave himself out for a sou of Antiochus Epiphanes, laid claim to the throne which 
Demetrius I. Soter (b. c. 162-150), had already, for ten years, had in possession. Botli 
parties naturallv souglit an alliance with the Asmoiiaean chief and strove to outdo each other 
in the magnificence of their offers for his support. From Alexander Jonathan received in 
addition to all the rest, a jmrple mantle, a golden crown, and the promise of the high priest's 
office, which, since the death of the infamous Alcimus (b. c. 159), had remained vacant. 
As the p.-irty which Alexander represented was supported by nearly all the kings of the 
neio^hborini' land.- and had, by far, the best promise of success, Jonathan did not long hesi- 
tate to give it his own influence. At the same time, also, he accepted the generous terms 
offered, and put on tlie ])ontificaI robes at the Feast of Taliernacles in the year B. c. 152. 
From this time the Asmonaean family ruled in Judsea. The dependence on Syria, however, 
still continued, and the land for a considerable period was more or less involved in the strug- 
gles among rival claimants for the crown. One of these, named Tryphon, having by artifice 
got Jonathan into his power, treacherously put him to death in the year B. c. 143. 

But one son of Mattathias, Simon, already an old man, now remained. He had been the 
trusted counselor of the family from the first. He was still vigorous in mind and 
body. In a speech that he made at this time for the encouragement of the people, ,. <,. 1^136 
he said: "You yourselves know what great things I and my brothers and my 
father's house have done for the laws and the sanctuary, the battles also, and troubles we 
have seen by reason whereof all my brethren are slain for Israel's sake, and I am left alone. 
Now, therefore, be it far from me that I should spare my own life in any time of trouble, for 
I am no better than my brethren." Under the influence of these touching words the people 
were roused to the highest pitch of enthusiasm, and cried out, with a loud voice: "Thou 
shalt be our leader instead of Judas and Jonathan thy brother." ^ There was no one better 
fitted than he to execute the sacred trust which by natural right, as well as the vote of the 
people, had been thus committed to him. What Judas by hard blows had won, what Jona- 
than by a sagacious policy had preserved and increased, that was now to be carried on to its 
natural conclusion, namely, complete freedom from a foreign joke and the reestablishment of 
the Jewish commonwealth unimpaired. In accomplishing this object. Simon was greatly 
aided, as Jonathan had been, by the internal divisions of the Syrian empire. Tryphon, who 
in the murder of the child Antiochus VI., whose interests he had professed to represent, had 
thrown off the mask he had hitherto worn, was contesting by force of arms the throne with 
Demetrius II. The latter, in order to win for himself their support, at the request of Simon, 
not only remitted to the Jews all past and future dues for ta.xes, but confirmed them in the 
possession of certain fortresses which for prudential reasons they had occupied and provis- 
ioned against any political emergency that might arise, and expressed his willingness, for the 
future, to receive Jewish officers into his army and at his court. It was a high day for Israel 
when this news was proclaimed, and from this year (b. c. 143), they were accustomed, as well 
on coins as on public and private contracts, to date their national independence. Beautiful 
is the picture which the historian gives of the latter part of the reign of Simon, especially 
when contrasted with the stormy, troublous times of Judas and of Jonathan. He "made 
peace in the land; and Israel rejoiced with great joy ; for every man sat under his fig-tree 
and there was none to terrify him, nor was any left in the land to fight against them." " In 
the midst of great public rejoicings Simon drove out the remnants of the Syrian party which 
for forty years had held possession of the citadel in Jerusalem. He enlarged the boundaries 
of the country, encouraged the peaceful pursuits of agriculture, had an excellent harbor con- 
structed at Joppa, cleared the land of idolaters, enriched and beautified the temple, renewed 
under the most friendly auspices former treatii-s with the Lacedsemonians and liomans; and by 
1 1 Msec xiii. 3-8. 2 See 1 Mace. xir. 11, 12. 


a course at once firm and conciliatory held in check that factious and partisan spirit which 
was already beginning to manifest itself with ominous power among the people. So great was 
the gratitude and admiration that were felt for Simon that a brazen tablet inscribed with his 
deeds and those of his family was set up to his honor in the temple, and the office of prince 
and high priest (jiyoiiifvos ko! opx'^Cf "s) was made hereditary in his house ' ' until there should 
arise a faithful prophet." ' But like every other member of his family he, too, was destined 
to meet a violent death. Through the treachery of an ambitious son-in-law, Ptolemy, whom 
he had made governor of the district of Jericho, he together with his two sons, Mattathias 
and Judas, was assassinated in a most dastardly manner after a reign of eight years (b. c. 

Simon was succeeded in both the offices which he had clothed with so much honor by his 
J . _ son, John Hyrcanus. The first part of his reign was marked by ill success. Hin- 

nns. dered, through fear of evil consequences to his mother, whom Ptolemy had in his 

1.0. 35-105. pQ^gj.^ from avenging the murder of Simon, he was at the same time compelled 
to make a humiliating treaty with Antiochus VII. Sidetes, who had invaded Palestine and 
shut Hyrcanus up in Jerusalem. Subsequently, thanks anew to the contentions of rival fac- 
tions in Syria, and the friendship of the Romans, he gradually threw off again the foreign 
yoke, conquered, and thoroughly wasted Samaria to the north, and on the south compelled 
the Edomites to adopt the Jewish faith, including the rite of circumcision. This is one of the 
most memorable examples in Israelitish history of an attempt to enforce conversion, and is 
especially noticeable as having brought with it its own swift retribution. To these same cir- 
cumcised Edomites belonged the family of that Herod who afterwards became the "evil 
genius of the Asmonseans." ^ We reserve until later an account of the violent party spirit, 
especially between the Pharisees and Sadducees, which now began to rage. Hyrcanus had 
the sagacity to adopt, in general, a wise middle course, although driven, as it would seem, 
late in life to take sides positively with the Sadducees. The extant coins of this reign are 
interesting as showing that the people still retained their political rights unimpaired. They 
bear the inscription : " John the high priest and the Commonwealth of the Jews; " or " John, 
the high priest. Head of the Jewish Commonwealth." The assembly (yfpovala), afterwards 
developins into the Sanhedrin, was able to make its voice heard in all matters affecting the 
public weal. On the whole, the long reign of Hyrcanus may be characterized as brilliantly 
successful. Josephus,' whUe giving him the title of prince and high priest, also ascribes to 
him the gift of prophecy. Under him the Jewish people reached a degree of prosperity 
which had been unknown before, since the days of Solomon and David. But with him, too, 
that prosperity reached its culmination. The history that follows is little else than a sad 
record of domestic feuds and the intrigues of rival parties, until, after a little more than a 
single generation, the Roman power, at first invited in to arbitrate, stayed to dictate and to 

Aristobulus I., the eldest of the sons of HjTcanus, was designated by the latter for the 

. . , high priesthood, while the political sovereignty was left to his widow. Such a 
I. B. c. 105- change in the traditional order of government did not at all suit the ambitious 
^'^' Aristobulus, and he soon found means to remove his mother from the throne and 

cast her, together with his brothers, into prison. One brother alone, Antigonus, he per- 
mitted to share the government with him. Aristobulus was the first of the Asmonaean family 
who claimed for himself the title of king, and of all that had hitherto ruled he was the least 
worthy of it. His real name was Judas, and one might suppose that he would have borne it 
with pride in honor of the heroic Maccabaeus, but his devotion to Greek ideas was predomi- 
nant. He was even known among his subjects under the contemptuous nickname of Phil- 
hellen (*iK4\\vv), lover of the Greeks. He caused a Greek title to be inscribed on the 
national coins along with various emblems, which, in the eyes of a real Pharisee of the time, 
must have made contact with them seem almost like a transgression of the ceremonial law.* 
In the mean time, the leaven of dissension continued ominously to do its work. Antigonus, 
the best loved brother, fell a victim to the intrigues of the court and the suspicions of the 
ling, whose own painful death followed soon after. 

It was one of the hitherto imprisoned Ijrothors of Aristobulus I., Alexander Jannaeus, who 
succeeded him, making Alexandra (Heb., Salome), the former's widow, who had released him 

1 See 1 Mace. xiT, 41. 2 cf. Holtzmann, ulm, p. 26. 

8 Anliq., xiii. 10, §§ 6, 7. ■• f"f. Oraetz. iii. 103, and Schiirer, p 118. 


from prison, his wife. His long reign was one continued series of conflicts with foreign and 
domestic foes. He had inherited the warlike spirit and taste of his ancestors, but ^e^anjer 

without their sagacity or self control. At one time his whole kingdom was at the Janu«us. 

. .BO 104-78. 

mercy of Ptolemy of Cyprus, and was saved to him only by the friendly inter- 
vention of the latter' 3 mother and bitter opponent, Cleopatra of Egypt. At a later period 
his arms were more successful, and he made important conquests on the western coasts. But 
in its fearfully disastrous effects on the land of Judsa these troubles from without were 
greatly overshadowed by those from within. Partisan spirit had made gigantic strides 
among the people since the death of Simon. The going over of the court, at the time of 
Hyrcanus, to the side of the Sadducees, had not been the moans of weakening the opposing, 
popular party, but qiute the contrary. During his campaign against fondgn eniMnie.i Alexan- 
der had been able to keep tolerably clear of strife at home. But it was rather due, on both 
sides, to lack of occasion than of will. The high priest and king seems, indeed, to have been 
thoroughly despised and hated by the majority of his subjects. That there were sufficient 
grounds for it other than the mere spirit of party is evident. His ideas of ruling as well as 
his vices, were but little removed from those of a Belsbazzar or an Ahasuerus. Daily, 
at his repasts, he flouted the self-respect of his subjects by intercourse with courtesans and 
the wildest sensual excesses. How could it be overlooked by those in whom the memory of 
the simplicity and self-renunciation of the Maccabaean period was still green ? The first overt 
acts of rebellion took place at the Feast of Tabernacles. It was customary for the high priest 
on this occasion to make a libation of water from a silver basin upon the altar. But the 
practice was of Pharisaic origin, and, therefore, with the intention of casting contempt upoD 
it, the king, in this case, instead of pouring the water upon the altar simply poured it upon 
the ground. A fearful popular tumult was the result, and those who were present in the 
temple, excited almost to frenzy, ventured even to pelt the king and high priest while en- 
gaged in his official duties with the citrons and other soft fruits with which, at such times, 
they were abundantly provided. The irascible Alexander was not the person to submit 
tamely to such an insult. He called up at once his foreign mercenaries, and six thousand 
persons were mercilessly cut down within the precincts of the temple. The hatred of the 
Pharisaic party was now inflamed to the last degree and the land became divided, as it were, 
into two great hostile camps, such as had existed in the evil times of the feuds between Judah 
and Israel. Shortly afterwards, Alexander, in a conflict with an Arab prince, fell into an 
ambuscade, lost his entire army, and escaped himself to Jerusalem only with his life. This 
was the opportunity for which his enemies had waited. A rebellion broke out that lasted sLc 
years, and was suppressed only with the aid of foreign troops, and at the cost of fifty thou- 
sand lives of Jewish subjects. In one stage of it the king was desirous of peace. He in- 
quired of the Pharisees with what terms they would be satisfied. Their reply well illustrates 
the utter impassableness of the gulf that divided the conflicting parties : " The first condition 
to a permanent peace," was the defiant answer, " is thy death." Success subsequently 
crowning the arms of the king he had eight hundred of the leading rebels crucified iu his 
presence, and while they were still alive their wives and children slaughtered before their 
eyes. Eight thousand others sought an asylum in foreign lands, a part in Syria and the rest 
in Egypt. The last days of Ale.xander, if we may trust the account of Josephus, were 
clouded with misgivings, and he bitterly regretted the unwise course he had taken with his 
opponents. According to another authority, however, he cherished his old feelings to the 
end, and strove to dispel the anxious forebodings of the queen with the words : " Fear not 
the Pharisees, and fear not those who are not Pharisees. But fear the hypocrites — the 
tarnished Pharisees — whose acts are the acts of Zimri, and who claim the reward of Phine- 
nas." Be this as it may, the Pharisees did not change in their feelings toward the king, but, 
with a rare display of intolerance and narrow-mindedness, long celebrated the anniversary 
of his death as a festival. 

Alexandra, who now became regent, appointed her eldest son, Hyrcanus H., a facile young 
man without strength of character, as high priest. Whatever may have been the 
advice given her by the late king, she acted, at least, on the principle that his pol- b.o'!^69. 
icy toward the Pharisees had been radically wrong. Her own was just the op- 
posite of it. They were among her chief counselors. Josephus says of her: " She ruled 
over others while she herself was ruled by the Pharisees." ' She restored again to their full 

I Aaliq-, xiii. 1'), § 2. 


force the various statutes which they had introduced and which, since the time of John Hyr- 
canus, had to a greater or less extent been disregarded. Thousands of prominent citizens, 
who, during the previous reign, had fled the country, were invited to return. The Sanhe- 
drin, under the direction of the queen's supposed Ijrother, Simon ben Shetah, and that of 
Judah ben Tabbai, took on a wholly different character. Important alterations were made 
in the services of the temple; new festivals were appointed, and the code relating to pnnish- 
ments not a little changed. In short, a general naition took place, and, like all reactions of 
this character, especially when occurring under the influence of partisan zeal, it went too far. 
The Sadducees, in turn, became the persecuted party, and, among others, one of their most 
noted leaders, Diogenes, a favorite counselor of Alexander Jannteus, fell a victim to the 
bloody excesses of their opponents. A spirit of retaliation ruled the houi-. At last, the 
queen's own son, Aristobulus II., headed a deleg.ition , which petitioned the crown for a ces- 
sation of these unjustly discriminating, partisan measures. Still later, the same son revolted 
against the government, and had already got some of the most important fortresses of the 
land into his possession, when the queen died. 

And now began, between the two brothers Aristobulus and Hyrcanus, with their adherents, 
AriBtobulns ^^^ eventful struggle for supremacy which ended with the haughty interference of 
«,?' * cf th^*" *^® Roman power and the irremediable loss of national independence. Unable to 
Roman arbi- withstand the superior force which .Vi-istobulus brought against him, Hyrcanus 

'"'°' capitulated after a short resistance, and agreed to renounce his claim both to the 

office of high priest and to the crown. Subsequently, however, supported by the Idumsean 
Antipater and the Arabian prince, Aretas. he again took up the contest and defeated his 
brother in a battle that soon followed. Forsaken by most of his army, .\ristobulus now took 
refuge on the temple-mountain and was there besieged. It was at this time that the interest- 
ing episode related by Josephus took place, in which a certain Onias, distinguished for the 
supposed efficacy of his prayers, had the leading part. He was, one day, brought by the 
partisans of Hyrcanus, who represented the Pharisees, to pray for the success of their efforts 
in subduing the party of Aristobulus. And this is said to have been his noble, courageous 
prayer: " O God, the king of the whole world, since those that stand with me are thy peo- 
ple, and those that are besieged are thy priests [/. e. the party of the Sadducees], 1 beseech 
thee that thou wilt neither hearken to the prayers of those against these nor of these against 
those." ^ Without capacity to compi-ehend the grandeur of such a spiiit the fanatical crowd, 
it is said, stoned the heroic old man till he died. Before this wretched, internecine conflict 
was finally decided, a messenger arrived from the victorious Pompey, already advancing 
through Asia Minor, who for the time being gave his influence in favor of the younger brother. 
Later, however, Pompey himself espoused the cause of Hyrcanus, and after a siege of three 
months took possession of the temple-mountain, where the party of Aristobulus were strongly 
'ntrenched. A fearful massacre of twelve thousand Jews, inclusive of many priests who 
eU ministering at the altar, signalized the \ietory of the Roman arms. It was in the fall of 
the year b. c. 63, and during the consulate of Marcus Tullius Cicero, that the Roman eagles 
waved, for the first time, over the holy city. A sad chanje, indeed, it seems, when one re- 
flects simply on the loss of the national freedom which had been bought at so dear a price 
and enjoyed for a period of scarcely eighty years. But a change, on the other hand, not 
wholly unwelcome, when one thinks of the high priesthood in the hands of an Alexander 
Jannseus and the fratricidal sword in those of an Aristobulus II. In the mean time the Ro- 
man mihtary power itself, as much as the Greek language and Greek philosophy, had its 
providential mission. And this mission was beautifully foreshadowed in the fact that the 
very captives whom Pompey dragged to Rome, to grace his triumphal entry, became, on 
the bank of the far-off Tiber, the nucleus and germ of a Christian church and an important 
centre of early Christian Ufe. 

From one point of view, the Maccabaean struggle, looked upon as a whole, has almost the 
'coneof the ^Ppearance of triviality. Such questions as those of Sabbath observance, the rite 
Maccabaean of circumcision, distinction in food as clean or unclean, or even the freedom of 
• ^K*- temple worship, might not be supposed to be of suflieient importance to lead an 
entire people to stake its existence upon them. It is certainly not such questions that shape 
the poUtics and control the movements of armies at the present day. But it is to be remem- 
bered that under the theocratic government of the Jews, every matter of religion, however 

' ] Aiti'i/.. xiv. 2. § 1. 


trifling it might seem in itself, was also a matter of political and social economy. Moreover, 
it is clear from other and various considerations, that it was not simply zeal for ceremonial 
observances, that inspired the hearts of the AlaccabfBan htroes, important as these wrre felt 
to be by every right-thinking Israelite. It was a noble patriotism; it was a determination to 
defend at any cost, the right; it was an unselfish devotion to principles of righteousness and 
honor, such as found utterance from time to time, in the speeches of the great Asinonaean 
chief and his successors: " We fight for our lives and our laws." '• The jeopardizing of a 
gallant soldier is to the end that he may deliver his pi^ople and win for himself a perpetual 
name." And those last memorable words of Jndas: " If our time be come, let us die man- 
fully for our brethren, and leave behind no stain upon our honor." More than once these 
men showed that a broader spirit than that which developed itself in the later partis.nn con- 
flicts, characterized and inspired them. They did not hesitate, when circumstances required 
it, boldly to cut the web of irritating formalities with whiih they were invested. When, fir 
instance, their enemies so far pi-esumed upon their reverence for the Sabbath, as always to 
attack them on that day, they were not long in discovering a principle that lay deeper: that 
the Sabbath was made for man, and not man for the Sabbath. They knew how to comfort 
themselves when deprived of the services of the temple, with the thought, not unworthy of 
the Epistle to the Hebrews, that " God did not choose the people for the place's sake, but 
the place for the people's sake." ^ They thought it no crime to seek to strengthen themselves 
politically by means of alUances with foreign powers. Here and there, in short, there is 
pleasant evidence that these Maccabaean heroes fought for ideas as well as institutions, that, 
indeed, they were inspired by unutterable hopes of a better time to come. At the coronation 
of Simon as high priest and prince, we meet with an intimation whose mystery is solved only 
in the predictions of Isaiah and Malachi. These offices, it was said, were to remain heredi- 
tary in his family until there should "arise a faithful prophet." For him, then, in some 
sense, they still waited, and this expectation it was, so far as it had force, that gave to the 
whole contest with the Syrian oppressors an elevation of purpose, that of itself sufficed to 
redeem it from the charge of narrowness or triviality. The eye was sometimes, at least, 
turned toward the future. And especially after the struggle had ceased to be one almost of 
despair, and had become a victory, a real success, and the newly consecrated temple on 
Mount Moriah could be looked upon in friendly prophetic vision, as likely after all to become 
the gathering point of myriads from East and West, North and South, the stream of sacred 
exultant song began to flow again, and the mind to dwell with quickened courage and confi- 
dence on the glories of that kingdom, whose bounds were to reach from the rising of the 
sun to the going down of the same. 

But they were " not all Israel that were of Israel." There were those who disputed, at 
times, the authority of the Maccabaean leaders; disliked their breadth of spirit; 
preferred defeat to defending themselves on the seventh day; slavish submission ties. The 
rather than an alliance with heathen states; and, in fact, carried their conserva- '■''»™°«"- 
tism. not infrequently, to the verge of treason. Once, for example, a number of Scribes went 
over to the side of Bacchides and the infamous Alcimus. And the " Assidaeans were the 
first among the children of Israel that sought peace of them." ^ The secret was, that Alci- 
mus, ungodly wretch though he was known to be, happened to be in the regular Aaronic suc- 
cession I That was enough to draw these short-sighted Scribes away from the patriotic party 
at a most critical period of its history. So It came to pass that the brave little company that 
rallied around the banner of Judas and of Jonathan had to contend with dlvi'^ions in Its own 
ranks. There were Israelitlsh brethren who were ready to lend them their Influence only so 
far as the contest was carried on in the interests of their own theological views. And hence, 
It happened, that one marked result of the struggle itself was the strengthening of such 
views, the tenfold bracing and hardening of the peculiar opinions respecting what it wa* that 
constituted Judaism and its mission. These opinions and prepossessions were sanctified, so 
to speak, by the sufferings that had been endured, and the blood that had been shed on their 
supposed behalf, so that they were lifted into ever greater prominence, became the shibboleth 
of parties and the matter of overshadowing importance in all subsequent history. We have 
spoken of the Assidaeans, or Chasldim of the time of Judas Maccabaus. There Is little doubt 
that the principles which they advocated became afterwards the prevailing ones in Israel, 
were developed into those of the Pharisees, who early represented the party of the overwhelm- 

1 3 tSMt». T. 19. 2 1 Mace. Tii. 12, 13. 


ing majority of the Jewish people. They were those who would have found fault with Judas 
for carrying in his battles the sword which he had won from the Syrian general, ApoUonius, 
although there might have been adduced for it the excellent Scriptural example of David, 
who had wielded with such success the weapon of the uncLrcumcised Goliath. But they had 
another Scripture, a companion volume to Moses and the Prophets, whose leading principle 
was ceremonial purity. Since the days of Ezra it had been one of the absorbing tasks of the 
Scribes to bring this new Bible to perfection. And if, at the time of the Asmonseans, it was 
still incomplete, its essential requirements at least were well understood and were already in 
process of being carried out in the most painfully scrupulous observances. It was, in a word, 
a system of special, infinitesimal prohibitions and commands which was meant to reach, what 
the more ancient legislation, as it was supposed, did not, every separate detail of the dailv 
life. As a matter of fact, however, it served to weaken at its centre the very principle of 
obedience. It laid the emphasis on the letter more than on the spirit, and the commandment 
of God was made of no effect by the tradition.' The Pharisees, indeed, did not hesitate 
while the Scriptures and tradition thus existed, and were used side by side, to give the de- 
cided preference to the latter." A certain rabbi. Eleazer from Modein, once said: "Who- 
ever interprets the Scriptures in opposition to tradition has no part in the future world." • 
We get from the books of the New Testament not a few graphic hints of what the system 
essentially and practically was. It required the making " clean the outside of the cup and 
platter;" had extended the rule of tithes to include " mint, anise, and cummin," while 
neglecting the " weightier matters of the law, judgment, mercy, and truth;" had greatly 
multiplied the number of fasts and encouraged the unseemly custom of prayers at the street 
corners " to be seen of men." A painful minuteness and strictness attached particularly to 
the observance of the Sabbath. No one, for example, on that day was permitted to go more 
than a thousand steps from his dwelling. Even the rubbing out of kernels of wheat, or the 
healing of the sick, was looked upon as a transgression of the later code. The Mishna enu- 
merates thirty-nine different kinds of activity that were positively forbidden on the Sabbath. 
The day itself was lengthened and made to begin before the setting of Friday's sun in har- 
mony with the exaggerated character of the whole system. And such, in general, was the 
burdensome nature of its myriad precepts, effectually crushing out not only all spontaneity of 
soul but all sensitiveness of conscience and making the spiritual life solely a matter of ma- 
chine-like routine and dreary outward observances. 

To say, now, that Phariseeism was the immediate result of the Maccabsean contest would be 
to take no account of forces that began to work before it sprang up and which, as we have 
seen, continued to work to its close. But this contest, from its very nature, served greatly 
to strengthen that which formed the nerve and sinew of Phariseeism, that which is clearly 
represented in the name Pharisee (E'^^E)- that is, national and moral separatism. Still it 
ought to have been known that all efforts at mere outward uniformity, resting on no deep 
moral and universally acknowledged principles, however violent and long continued they 
might be, could never produce a real unity. How often since and at what fearful costs has 
the experiment been made, to end as that of the Pharisees ended, and sometimes with even 
more fatal results ! 

Sadduceeism was a natural reaction from the teachings of the Chasidim and their succes- 
sors and became its theological, political, and social counterpoise. What strength 
Juc^!*' 'l''^ Pharisaic party had already gained at the time of John Hyrcanus, appears 
from the circumstance that certain of its leaders on one occasion dared to insult 
and brave the king himself when surrounded by his courtiers, in his own palace. On the 
ground of an old scandal, that his mother had not always been true to her marriage vows, 
they openly called in question his right to the position he occupied. Up to this period, as it 
would seem, the Maccabaean family had been identified, to a greater or less degree, with the 
Pharisaic party. But this public insult they made the occasion for demonstratively break- 
ing with it and going over to the side of its opponents, and Sadduceeism comes, for the first 
time, into special prominence. The origin of the name Sadducee is in dispute, but most 
likely it is derived from Zadok, who was high priest at the time of David.* They were de- 
scendants or adherents of this family just as the Herodians mentioned in the New Testa- 
Bent* were adherents and partisans of the family of Herod. All that we know of their 

1 3f. Mark Tli. 13. 2 Cf. Jos., Aniiq., xviii. 1, § 3 S Abolli ili. 11, cited by Schiirer, p. igi. 

4 Cf. SchUrer, p. 427. 5 Miitt. xxii, 16. 


history serves to confirm this view of their origin. As over against the Pharisees, who were 
the party of the people, they were the gentry, the aristocracy, nobility of the land. The 
priests, generally, though not universally, were Sadducees. So it continued to be in the 
time of the Apostles, as we read in the Acts (v. 17) : " Then the high priest rose up, and 
all that were with him — which is the sect of the Sadducees — and were filled with indigna- 
tion." They were those who insisted on the preeminence of the temple and its services, as 
opposed to the growing influence of the synagogues, where Pharisaism had its stronghold. 
The Pharisees, on the other hand, relatively depreciated the temple, and as the Saviour him- 
self showed, often foolishly and inconsistently, holding, for example, the gold of the temple, 
;'. e., its golden vessels and ornamentation, as of greater sacredness than the building.^ 
While accepting the Scriptures as their rule of faith and practice, — although without dis- 
playing any great devotion to them, — the Sadducees did not accept anything else as on an 
equality with them, rejecting with ridicule and contempt the oral law held in such high es- 
teem by their opponents. "See," they were accustomed to say, "these Pharisees will 
purify in the end the sun itself." ^ So, too, the hair-splitting of the latter with respect to 
moral precepts and rules was utterly distasteful to them. It was held by the Pharisees, for 
example, that the Scriptures must be copied on parchment made from the skins of animals 
ceremonially clean, since, otherwise, these holy books themselves could not be safely 
handled. To which the Sadducees ironically replied : " We complain of you, Pharisees, who 
affirm that the Scriptures will pollute the hands while the writings of Homer do not." ' 
With respect to dogmas; the rule of Providence; the destiny of the soul; the e.xistence of 
angels and the like, their attitude, in general, was not one of special partisanship but rather 
of indifference. Still they not only would not go beyond what the Scriptures taught on these 
subjects, but from a natural spirit of opposition to Pharisaism did not allow to them their 
full force.^ The priestly aristocracy, moreover, could not but have been more influenced than 
others by foreign life and ideas as coming into closer contact with them. Hence, too, it 
would be a matter of personal interest with them to reject the popular notion of national 
isolation, and, with their wealth and love of ease, it was not strange that they had no taste 
for the subtile refinements and burdensome precepts inculcated by their opponents. But 
their own hereditary rights they were ever ready to defend against encroachments. Fearful, 
indeed, was the struggle that went on during the last century before Christ, one example of 
which we have already noticed in connection with the reign of Alexander Jannaeus. Yet, 
it was not doubtful how such a conflict would finally end : the people against the aristocracy, 
the synagogues against the temple. In the very next reign, after Alexander Jannseus had 
striven with all his niight to crush them out, the Pharisees come again into power and wield 
an influence that is wider than ever. The circle of the one was ever increasing, that of the 
other continually diminishing. The Pharisee compassed sea and land to make one proselyte. 
He artfully insinuated himself into the good-will of the masses. " Do not separate thyself 
from the congregation," was one of his maxims. And it is mentioned as a marked excellence 
of a certain predecessor of Hillel, — and an excellence it was if prompted by a real humanity, 
— that his house opened toward the street, and that the poor found with him the welcome of 
children.' Thus, one point after another was slowly won : the management of the temple 
services ; the regulation of the festivals ; the mitigation of the severities of the penal code as 
in the interests of the people; the control of the Sanhedrin ; and the final grapple was just at 
hand when both parties went down together in the common ruin. 

It will not be out of place to speak here, also, of the sect of the Essenes, since their origin 
may, apparently, be traced to the same general causes which produced the two 
great national parties just described. They first make their appearance in the '■'''« Essenes 
time of the Asmonaean Jonathan, and Josephus relates that one of their prophets predicted 
the murder of Antigonus by his royal brother. They never gained, however, a very exten- 
sive following, their numbers in Palestine at the beginning of the Christian era being reck- 
Dned at only four thousand. They were ascetics, and their asceticism, if we may trust Jose 
phus,« was rather Pythagorean than Jewish. Excluded from the temple on account of thi 'i 
rejection of sacrifices, they formed a class by themselves. A prolonged and severe probation 
was necessary in order to gain admission to it. An axe and an apron were given to candi- 
dates during the first year's novitiate, the first as a symbol of labor, the second, of purifica- 

1 Matt, xxiil. 17. 2 Qraetz iii. 461. 3 Qractz, idem. 

* Cf. Mark xii. 26. 5 Si-e ttiusrath, ZeilsesMclile, i. 130. 6 Cf. Kuenen, iii. 127. 


tion. They abstained from the eating of meat, and as a rule, from marriage. Their meals 
they regarded as a sort of religious exercise. To the Sabbath they at'corded an even stricter 
observance than the Pharisees, their rules not allowing that so much as a call of nature be 
attended to on that day. The practice of ceremonial purification, also, was carried to a pain- 
ful extreme. No food could be eaten that was not prepared by a member of the order. They 
showed a special reverence for the sun, which amounted, in fact, to little less than idolatry. 
Their pursuits were peaceful, and they opposed alike war and slavery. Their few wants were 
supplied from a common treasury and all lu.xury and pleasure were carefully eschewed. In 
short, this body represents within itself a strange mixture of exaggerated Pharisaic tradi- 
tions, combined with some unmistakable elements of pure heathenism. Its origin must be 
sought in the extraordinary associations and influences to which the Jewish people were at 
this time exposed. The Therapeutfe have been regarded by some as simply a branch of the 
Essenes, whose principles led them to the adoption of a contemplative rather than an active 
life. But there seems to be, at present, a growing conviction that the work attributed to 
Philo, in which this sect is described, is a forgery, and that the sect itself had an existence 
only in the brain of some person who meant to give a picture of ideal asceticism.^ 

Naturally, the government of the purely Greek cities of Palestine, as of the neighboring 
Political countries of which we have spoken, was modeled after that to which the inhabi- 
constitution. tants had been accustomed in their native land. It consisted of a council, ofteo 
governing made up of several hundred persons, to which all matters of public interest were, 
bociie.«.2 ^y general consent, referred. In the distinctively Jewish regions of Palestine, on 

the other liand, that is to say, in Judaea and in parts of Galilee, regulations derived from the 
Mosaic code remained, to a considerable extent, in force down to the late New Testament 
times. As far as these had been dependent on the constitution and relations of the various 
tribes and families they ceased, as a matter of course, to be in operation as soon as the tribal 
relations and genealogies of families fell into confusion. Every place of any considerable 
size was provided with a local court, consisting of not less than seven persons, who took cogni- 
zance of all civil and ecclesiastical questions requiring judicial decision.' At first, these local 
courts were composed exclusively of Levites; later, however, they were made up of a class of 
Scribes, who might be specially fitted by knowledge and experience for the responsible post. 
Trials and hearings took place in the synagogue, and were held ordinarily on market days, 
in order the better to accommodate those living at a distance. Punishment, also, on convic- 
tion, was not infrequently administered on the spot. " Beware of men," said our Saviour to 
the twelve. " for they will deliver you up to the councils, and they will scourge you in their 
synagogues." * The Mosaic law permitted, in no case of chastisement, more than forty blows 
to be given. And the rabbis, in order to be on the safe side, had them limited to thirty-nine. 
Paul, it will be remembered, relates that five times he had received, of the Jews, forty stripes 
save one.^ Such cases alone as involved points about which the judges of the local courts 
were not clear what decision ought to be given, were referred to Jerusalem. In the larger 
places the number of judges seems to have been greater, the Mishna stating that a city which 
had at least one hundred and twenty men, was entitled to a Sanhedrim of twenty-three per- 
sons.' In Jerusalem, in fact, there were several such smaller courts, which, however, were 
naturally limited and overshadowed in their activity by the so-called Great Sanhedrim. 

The origin of the Great Sanhedrin of seventy-one members in Jerusalem is uncertain. 

Among the later suppositions is that of Kuenen, encouraged by Schiirer,' that it 
Sanhed^. fi""*' arose in the time of the earlier Ptolemies, who sought in this way to win for 

themselves the support of the Jewish nobility; and that of Keim,' that it dates 
from about the year B. c. 107, when Pbilhellenism began, in a noticeable manner, to force its 
way into Judtea. The name is of Greek derivation, and its first appearance as the title of a 
Jewish court is after the beginning of the Roman dominibn.^ There is little doubt, however, 
that this is but another designation for the Senate (yepova-ia) , of which we read occasionally 
in the works that sprang up during the Maccabsan period, or shortly subsequent to it.'" Ic 
the New Testament this body is often mentioned, and it continued to exist until the destruc- 

1 So Graetz, iii. 463-66 ; Jost, i. 214, n. 2 ; Kuenen, iii. 218 ; Nicolas, Revue rie T/ieoL. Sieme Bine. vi. 25-42. 

2 Of. Hartmaiin, pp. 166-225; Schiirer, pp. 395-123; Kcil, Arch/eoL, pp 685-743 ; Schcnkel's Bib Lex., ad voc. 
8 Cf. Jos., Aniiq., iy. 8, § 14. 

4 Matt. X, 17. 6 2 Cor. xi. 24 ; cf. Ex. xw. 3. 6 See Leyrer in Heraog'8 / ml-Encyk., XT. 847, 1 

7 Page 408. 8 iii. 347. 5 See Psalter of Sol., iv. 1 

10 Sac 1 Mace. xii. 6 ; Judith iv. 8, el pawim ,■ cf. Graetz. iii. 88. ff. 


tion of Jerusalem, A. D. 70. It was composed, as we have said, of seventy-one members, of 
whom one third formed a quorum sufficient for the transaction of business. An interesting 
feature of the assemblies was the regular attendance as listeners of a considerable number of 
young men, Jewish students, who thus familiarized themselves with the details of its rules 
and methods. Its meetings, unlike those of the smaller bodies of which we have just spoken, 
were, or might be held daily, with the exception of the Sabbath and usual holidays. It was 
made up of priests, elders, and scribes, and the high priest presided at the sittings. Among 
the priests were included any who had served as high priest, as well as, in general, members of 
such leading families as had furnished the incumbents of this office. The elders were gener- 
ally distinguished laymen, but might, also, include priests. The scribes were depended on 
for the interpretation of all abstruse points of law. Both Pharisees and Sadducees had seats 
in the body, although, in the later times, the former seem to have been in the majority or, at 
least, to have wielded the greater influence. Before the Gi-eat Sanhedrin were brought such 
questions for decision as the settlement of disputed te.xts of Scripture, the appointment of the 
time for the various festivals, all weightier points relating to marriage and inheritance, the 
proper theocratic form of contracts, and the like. As distinguished from the lower courts it 
was the administrative and judicial body for all matters that were distinctively theological, 
although, as the Jewish Commonwealth was constituted, the distinction between civil and 
theological questions was not very marked. Our Lord was cited before the Sanhedrin for 
assuming to be the ^lessiah; Peter and John, on the ground of teaching false doctrine; 
Stephen, for blasphemy ; and Paul, for transgressing the rules of the temple. And, as we 
notice in the earlier history of Paul, the decisions of the Sanhedrin, at Jerusalem, were bind- 
ing on the Jews outside of Palestine.^ The ordinary place of meeting was in one of the 
buildings connected with the temple. It has been generally supposed that a change to 
another locality was made a short time before the beginning of the Christian era; but Schiirer ' 
has shown that this was not the case. Irregular, and especially night sessions, at which time 
the gate of the temple-mountain was closed and under watch, might have been held elsewhere, 
as in the case of our Saviour's trial, which was held in the palace of the high priest.^ It has, 
indeed, been denied by recent writers (Jost, Graetz, Hilgenfeld, Leyrer), that a regularly 
organized Sanhedrim e,\isted at the time of our Lord's trial, but the affirmative has been 
successfully defended, among others by such scholars as Schenkel,* Wieseler,' Keim,^ Ilaus- 
rath,' and Schiirer.' 

It has been already indicated, in general, in speaking of the functions of the Great Assem- 
bly, what the duties of the scribe, in the original conception of the office, were. 
But with the growth of the so-called oral law, and of the Pharisaic principle that ""sm. 

the entire life of the individual Jew in its smallest particular must be included within an un- 
broken network of precepts and prohibitions, the jirofession of scribe took on quite another 
character. From being a simple copyist of the original Scriptures, as the title scribe would 
naturally suggest, he rose to the dignity of teacher, law-giver, and judge, and, with the ex- 
ception of the high priest, no one enjoyed a greater influence among the people. The orig- 
inal aim of the Pharisees, to bring every individual Jew under the rule of the Mosaic institu- 
tions, was obviously a good one. The means, however, which they adopted to brinf it about 
cannot but be regarded as childishly inadequate and unwise. Cognizance was taken of every 
act, even to the brushing of the teeth and the washing of the hands; every act was looked 
upon as lawful or unlawful, as a merit or as a sin. The fourth commandment, for instance, 
as we have already said, was enlarged in the schools of the rabbis to embrace thirty-nine 
different prohibitions. But this was not all. Each one of these separate prohibitions was 
itself subdivided, and defined, and atomized to an extent that is almost incredible. The 
thirty-second one, for example, was directed against writing. It was further defined as fol- 
lows: " He who writes two letters [of the alphabet] whether they are of one kind or of dif- 
ferent kinds, with the same, or with different sorts of ink, in one language, or in different 
languages, is guilty. He who forgets himself and writes two letters is guilty, whether he 
write with ink or with coloring matter, with red chalk, with gum, with vitriol, or with what- 
soever makes a mark that remains, Eurther, he who writes on two walls which run together, 
or on two pages of an account-booc so that one can read it continuously, is guilty. He i» 

1 Acta ix. 2. 2 See Uliid. u. Krit., 1878, iy. 608, ft. 

8 Matt xxvi. 3, 57. 4 Dax ChnractirbiUl Jesu, p. 807. 

6 Btitra^t zar richtigcn WiirdiguTig da EvangelitH, f. 216. 6 i. ISi, 201 ; iii 326, f 

7 ZtitgtsMcktt, i. 69 f. 8 P«ge 408. 


guilty who writes on his body. If one write in a dark fluid, in the juice of fruit, in the dust 
of the road, in scattered sand; or, in general, in anything where the writing does not remain, 
he is not guilty. If one write with the hand turned about, with the foot, with the mouth, 
with the elbow ; if further, one adds a letter to what is already written, or draw a line over 
such writing; if one intending to make a H makes simply two ^' ; or when one writes one 
letter on tlie earth and another on the walls of the house, or on the leaves of a book, so that 
they cannot be read together, he is not guilty. When he twice forgets and writes two letters, 
one in the morning and the other in the evening, according to rabbi Gamaliel, he is guilty ; 
the learned [however] declare him not guilty." ' 

This is no exaggerated specimen, but one of thousands, of what it was that occupied the 

thoughts and absorbed the activities of the scribes of the later times. It suffices 
Kabbinism (g show the spirit that animated them, and so, too, the great ruling party of the 

Pharisees. Indeed, it was the Pharisees who were the originators and directors 
of the movement, and the scribes, while forming a distinct profession, a learned body by 
themselves and not belonging exclusively to the party of the Pharisees, were yet their willing 
agents. It is a significant circumstance that in the New Testament times the relations of the 
two had become so intimate that their names are sometimes used interchangeably.^ AVhat 
the natural results of such a state of things would be it is easy to conceive. First, upon the 
scribes themselves. In the schools they were the originators and teachers of this vast, com- 
plex, painfully, and at the same time, ludicrously minute system of external rules and checks, 
by means of which it was expected that the Jews would attain their destiny as the chosen 
people of God. In the synagogues they were the acknowledged expounders of the same, and 
at every opportunity, by admonition and appeal, brought it home to the hearts and con- 
sciences of their fellow Israelites. And finally, in the courts, they were virtually the judges 
to decide upon all cases of transgression, and to determine the character and extent of the 
punishment to be inflicted on the offender. The scribe, in short, had made himself indispen- 
sable at every point and turn of life. It would not be surprising, if with some exceptions, 
such a commanding influence should work with most damaging effect upon him. And we 
find this to be the case. Though nominally giving their services and supporting themselves 
by other means, it could be said of them, in their greed of gain and hypocrisy, as a class, that 
they devoured widows' houses and for a pretense made long prayers. They arrogated to 
themselves the most honorary titles ; demanded from their pupils a submission and reverence 
greater than that which was accorded to parents; loved to be saluted in public places; dressed 
in a most ostentatious manner ; demanded for themselves the first places in the synagogues 
and at private feasts, and thereby, in all, brought down upon themselves the greater condem- 
nation.' And the effect upon the people was no less disastrous. The whole matter of religion 
became simply a matter of externalities. The really fundamental and important precepts of 
the Mosaic law were almost hopelessly covered up and lost sight of under this enormous mass 
of mere rabbinical rubbish. The worthless and absurd chiefly occupied the attention. Twelve 
tracts of the Mishna treat solely of the subject of what things are to be regarded as clean and 
what unclean, and in what the process of purification consists. The sole question, in the end, 
came to be, not what is right, but what is forbidden. Moral freedom and spontaneity gave 
place to a weary, mechanical following of a prescribed course. For the really earnest soul 
life could not have been otherwise than a pitiable round of uninteresting and burdensome 
duties; for the rest — a keen effort by hook or by crook to evade the same.* And we see 
how well deserved were the denunciations, which One, to whom, also, the name of rabbi was 
given, but who taught not as the scribes, so often uttered against this terrible perversion of 
the teachings of Moses and the prophets. 

It is well known that for more than a century before the Christian era the Hebrew had 

, ceased to be a living language. The changes which took place in it after the 

Language o o o = . i , 

used in Pal- Exile were, however, very gradual. The prophets who wrote at its close, show 
estlne. .^ their works no special traces of an Aramaic influence. The old theory that 

the Israelites forgot their mother tongue in Babylon is now generally abandoned. The 
tources from which it was most affected were rather the lands that bordered on Palestine, 
with which its people had continual intercourse. The Aramaic became the language of com- 

1 See the Tract of the Mishna on the Sabbath, cited by Schvirer, p. 484. 2 Matt. lii. 12 j Mark ili. 6. 

I Matt, xxiii. 6, 7 ; Mark xii. 20, 38, 39 ; Luke xi. 43 ; xx. 47. 

* See, for some ludicrous examples of the latter sort, Schurer, p. 507. 


mon life for a considerable period before it was used in writing. The books of Eeclesiasticus, 
Judith, and 1 Maccabees were undoubtedly composed in Hebrew. Especially, at the time of 
the Seleucidae, when the Jews were brought under the rule of a people speaking Aramaic, this 
language must have made the greatest progress in Palestine toward becoming the vernacular. 
It is matter of doubt how far, in connection with the Syro-Chaldaic or Aramaic, the Greek 
tongue became a medium of communication among the people generally. ^ There were, cer- 
tainly, many influences at work during the last two centuries before Christ to effect for it an 
entrance into Palestine. It was the court language of the Ptolemies and the Seleucidse. As 
we have already seen, Judaea was fairly surrounded with enterprising Greek cities. The 
Greek and not Latin must have been employed by the Jews in their intercourse with their 
Roman conquerors. According to the Talmud there were four hundred and eighty syna- 
gogues in Jerusalem alone, where Jews from abroad assembled at the great feasts to the 
number of hundreds of thousands for worship, and where, naturally, the Greek tongue was 
used.'^ It is said of Paul, on one occasion, that he received permission to speak to the people 
in Jerusalem, and when they perceived that he would address them in Aramaic they gave 
the more marked attention.' From which it may be inferred that they had expected he 
would speak to them in Greek, and further, that they would have understood the same. It 
has been suggested, moreover, that the LXX. must have found some readers in Palestine 
outside of the Hellenistic synagogues or the circle of the learned scribes. The translation of 
the Scriptures into Aramaic — the Targuras — did not aj)pear until after the beginning of 
our era. And it may be supposed that not a few even of tliose who did not belong strictly 
to the learned classes would desire to possess the Bible in Greek, which, to say the least, 
they could understand far better than the original Hebrew. It is also a weighty fact that 
the writers of the New Testament employ the LXX. as though it were their own, and as 
though it were in common use in Palestine. 

Since in Part II. of this Introduction the subject of the literature of this period, including 
the question of the Palestinian and Alexandrian canons, is to be fully treated, it ^j^^ i^^^ ^^ 
may be now omitted. But the objects of the present review would seem to de- the Disper- 
mand, at this point, some further notice of the Jews of the Dispersion, especially 
of the spiritual atmosphere that was breathed by those of Alexandria and the philosophy of 
religion, which, accordingly, was there developed. By far the larger part of the Jewish 
people were at this time outside of Palestine. It is well known that but comparatively few of 
those who, at different periods since the ninth century before Christ, and especially at the 
time of the Babylonian captivity, were removed from the country, ever returned again. Ten 
of the original twelve tribes became, as such, wholly lost to view. Under the reign of the 
Ptolemies and the Seleucidffi, as before noticed, the work of depopulation went on. Antio- 
chus HI. introduced into Asia Minor at one time, under favorable conditions, no less than ten 
thousand Jewish families, — they were taken, however, in this case from the regions of Mes- 
opotamia and Babylon, — that they might serve as a support for his throne. In a letter of 
Agrippa to Caligula, preserved by Philo, the following graphic description of Judaism out- 
side of Palestine is given: " Jerusalem is the capital not alone of Judaea, but, by means of 
colonies, of most other lands also. These colonies have been sent out, at fitting opportuni- 
ties, into the neighboring countries of Egypt, Phoenicia, Syria, Ccele-Syria, and the further 
removed Pamphylia, Cilicia, the greater part of Asia as far as Bithynia and the most remote 
corners of Pontus. In the same manner, also, into Europe: Thessaly, Boeotia, Macedon, 
.ZEtolia, Attica, Argos, Corinth, and the most and the finest parts of the Peloponnesus. And 
not only is the mainland full of Israelitish communities, but also the most important islands: 
Euboea, Cyprus, Crete. And I say nothing of the countries beyond the Euphrates, for all 
of them, with unimportant exceptions, Babylon and the satrapies that include the fertile dis- 
tricts lying around it, have Jewish inhabitants." ^ From other sources we know that this 
statement of Agrippa is not exaggerated. So numerous were the Jews in the East that they 
were able, at the beginning of our era, to found at Nahardea an independent kiniidom, which 
though afterwards subdued by the Babylonians, continued to be occupied chiefly by them. 

1 See Koberts, Discussions on the Gospels, and on the general subject of this section : the Introda. of Bleek and Kell , 
Noldeke in Schenkel's Bib. Lex., art. "Hebraische Sprache ; ■' Bohl, pp. 71-110; and Holtzmann, idem, pp. 63, 54. 

3 Uf. Acts Ti. 9. 8 Act.i xxii. 2. 

4 See, in addition to the Histories of Qra*t!!, Herzfeld, and Jost. Scblirer. pp. 619-647 ; Holtznunn, idem, pp. 82-91, and 
Frankel, Monal.'scliri/t . 1853, Hefte 11 and 12, and 1854, pp. 40H13, 439 460. 

6 Cr Schiirev, p. 620. 



Even the Romans in the year b. c. 40, represented by the legate P. Petronius, regarded it as 
a dangerous experiment to excite the hostility of tliis powerful people settled along the banks 
of the Euphrates.' At Adiabene, the present Kurdistan, they enjoyed so great influence 
that the royal family itself adopted the Jewish religion. At Antiocli they formed a respecta- 
ble portion of the population, and had, as at Alexandria, their own ethnarch or alabarch. 
According to Josephus there were, on a single occasion, during the wars with the Romans, 
ten thousand Jews put to death at Damascus; and the same writer affirms that eight thousand 
of this nation, living in Rome, gave their support to a deputation which had been sent to 
Augustus by their brethren of Palestine.^ We have already seen how early the Jewish 
emigration to Egypt began, and what immense proportions it afterwards assumed. Their 
council of seventy elders enjoyed an influence only second to that of the Sanhedrim at Jeru- 
salem. Their magnificent synagogue was the resort of such multitudes that no single voice 
could reach them, and a flag was therefore used to give the appropriate signal when, after a 
prayer or benediction, the responsive " Amen " was expected from the people. 

The Jews of the Dispersion, wherever they mvuht be found, and under whatever unfavor- 
able circumstance, with but rare individual exceptions, remained true to their 
thTofsper"* national faith and customs. Other nationalities, and many of them, were simply 
Bion (contin- swallowed up in the great Grecian and Roman empires, leaving scarcely a trace 
behind. The Jews, on the other hand, in whatever lands, east or west, north or 
south, they had colonized, remained as distinct in their peculiarities, offered as bold a con- 
trast in social usages and religious belief, with their neighbors around them, as did the peo- 
ple of Judsa with those of Egypt and of Babylon. With their monotheistic creed, supported 
by an unconquerable national pride, a past signalized by glorious, divine interpositions, and a 
future full of the brightest promise, it is not so much a matter of wonder. Moreover, the 
Mosaic law, which they carried with them in written form into the uttermost parts of the 
earth, under the manipulations of ii;e wilv scribes, had already become a hedge so impenetra- 
ble that no deviation from it, short of absolute apostasy, was easily possible. So, too, in- 
numerable synagogues and proseuchse, which sprang up according to need on every hand, 
being as well attractive centres of social and religious life as civil courts where Israelitish 
justice was dispensed, were no less a potent means to unite in indissoluble bonds the scattered 
people to one another, to their traditional usages and their native land. At the same time, 
the oreat central attraction, the beloved temple at Jerusalem, was not for a moment forgotten. 
The regularly recurring national festivals were always heralded with astronomical exactness 
from this point. Hundreds of thousands, from every part of the world, made each year their 
pilgrimage to its sacred precincts. The high priest at Jerusalem still remained, for all, the 
sovereio-n representative of Jewish national dignity and religion. The Sanhedrin there was 
the last court of appeal from supposed unjust decisions in the synagogues whether on the 
Nile, the Euphrates, or the Tiber. Contributions of fabulous sums flowed in one continuous 
stream from the faithful children of the covenant into the temple treasury. Regular places 
of collection, as at Nisibis, Nahardea, for vast regions of country were appointed, and at cer- 
tain fixed seasons delegations, often consisting, for safety's sake, of thousands of persons, and 
headed by members of the noblest families, conveyed these free-will offerings to the sacred 
city. And so Jerusalem was, in fact, as Agvippa had declared, the capital of a mighty com- 
monwealth whose bounds were more extensive than those of the realm of Alexander. And 
amidst crumbling empires, then and now, this people furnishes a most instructive example of 
the importance of recognizing moral, as well as political and social forces in the life of states. 
We have shown that the Jews were but comparatively little affected in their dispersion by 
the heathen life with which they were surrounded. Heathenism, however, felt 
Proselytes.s j^ ^^^ slight degree the influence of Judaism. The term proselyte (irpocrijAuTO!) 
was applied to such strangers as embraced the Jewish faith. At and before the beginning of 
the Christian era they might have been reckoned by hundreds of thousands, if not millions. 
The frequent allusions to them by classical writers of the period is a significant fact, even 
though such allusions generally take the form of ridicule or contempt.* At Rome, an im- 
perial concubine was numbered among them, and, at Damascus, nearly all the better class of 

1 Cf Schiirer, 621. 2 Wars of the Jews, ii. 20, § 2,iind 6, § 1 ; cf. Xn(i«.,XTU. 11, § 1. 

a See arts, by Leyrer in Herzog's Real-Encyk.; Stelner in Schenkel'B Bih. Lex.; Plumptro in Smith's Bib. Diet., 
Winer, B'ti. R^atw'irterburh, ad voe ; and Hausrath, Zeilgesrhiclite., ii. 101-126. 

4 Cf. Horace, Sal., i. 4. 142, 143 ; Juvenal, Sat., vi. 543-547 ; Tacitus, Hist., v. 9 ; Seneca cited by Augustine, De Oiin. 
tau Dei, vi. 11 ; Dio Cassius, xxxvii. 17. 


women. The New Testament, it will be remembered, gives us an account of a Roman cen- 
turion at Capernaum who loved the Jewisli nation and had built a synagogue;' and of 
another who imitated the subject people in fasting, prayer, and the giving of alms.''^ Previous 
to the Exile, proselytism had been mostly a matter of forcing the Jewish religion upon subju- 
gated peoples or individual slaves. Even under the Asmonaan dynasty such examples of en- 
forced conversion, as in the case of the Idumaeans and Iturteans, were not unknowu.' But, 
as a rule, in the later times, and as a matter of course after the Jews had lost their political 
power, the step was voluntarily taken. There were abundant grounds for it. The Jews en- 
joyed a freedom from military service and other civil privileges that were not granted to 
others.* Their successful industry and commercial, prosperity were proverbial and must have 
made a profound impression on their heathen neighbors. Sometimes, too, there may have 
been social reasons, as particularly the desire for intermarriage, that prompted to the step. 
But most of all the positive religious faith of the Jewish people having its basis in a written 
canon as over against a prevailing skepticism, or the empty forms of a materialistic worship, 
found a natural response in the deeper longings of many a human soul. That such a case as 
that of Cornelius of " the Italian band " was not a solitary one is evident. 

There were two classes of proselytes: the so-called proselytes of the gate, whose name 
seems to have been derived from the frequent formula of Scripture, " the stranger that is with- 
in thy gates," and the proselytes of righteousness. It was only the latter, who havinn- been 
baptized and, if men, circumcised, and having brought an appointed offering, were admitted 
to the full rights of the theocracy. Their number, as compared with the former class, was 
small. Proselytes of the gate, on the other hand, bound themselves to avoid the following 
things: blasphemy, idolatry, murder, uncleanness, theft, disobedience towards the authori- 
ties, and the eating of flesh with its blood. The social position of proselytes, especially in 
the later times, was a peculiarly hard one. Despised and hated by their own people, tiiey 
were distrusted also by the Jews, and conditions of the most stringent character came to be 
enacted for the purpose of excluding supposed unworthy candidates. 

The Jews oiP the Dispersion may properly be divided into two great classes : those that 
made use of the Greek language and the Septuagint version of the Bible, and 
those who spoke Aramaic. Of the former, next to Jerusalem, and in some re- jrian^ihUM- 
spects above Jerusalem, Alexandria in Egypt was the great spiritual, as well as ophy of 
commercial centre. Of the peculiar religious philosophy which during the last "* '^'™' 
two centuries before Christ there developed itself, and left so deep an impression on the re- 
ligious thought of many succeeding centuries, we will now, in closing the present section, 
briefly speak. A philosophy of religion among the Jews appears, at first thought, an un- 
warranted expression. How could they who, on the intellectual and religious side, secluded 
themselves so sedulously from all intercourse with neighboring peoples and were fully deter- 
mined to give no admission to their sacrilegious notions concerning God and religious matters, 
come to feel any need of a religious philosophy, or to have any inclination for it. The reason 
was that the attempted seclusion, especially in Alexandria, was far from complete, the spir- 
itual blockade inadequate to accomplish its purpose. It was inevitable that Greek ideas 
would follow the Greek language, and as soon as the doors were opened widely enough to 
admit the Septuagint version, some other means of defense than simple attempts to exclude 
and ignore the supposed hostile force were imperative. Hence began the period of com- 
promise. Hellenism and the Hellenistic philosophy were an effort to harmonize the revela- 
tion of the Old Testament with the current and dominant teachings of Plato, Aristotle, and 
Pythagoras. Jewish scholars, like the author of the Book of Wisdom, like Aristobulus and 
Philo, did not intend by any means to surrender anything essential to their faith, but, on the, 
contrary, to win for their own prophets and wise men, even among the Greeks, a position 
higher than that held by their most admired philosophers. They hoped to beat the enemy 
on his own ground. Philo, in one place, even bravely expresses the thought that the Scrip- 
tures which in the original tongue had be«n accessible to so few comparatively might now, 
that they were translated into Greek, become the means of salvation to the greater part, if 
not indeed, the whole of mankind. ^ We may, therefore, admire and commend, in general, 
the apparent aim of these philosophic defenders of the Jewish faith without at all approving 

1 Luke Tii. 6. 2 Acta x. 2, 30. 8 Joa., Antiq., xiii. 9, § 1. 4 Jos., Antiq., liv. 10, § 3. 

6 See Lipsius io Schenkel'8 Bih. Ux.. art. " Alex. Philosophie ; " Miiller in Herzog's FUal-Encylc., art. '' Philo ; " Diiline ; 
Sfrorer ; Kuenen, iii. 168-206 ; Freudenthal, HtUenistisclte Siudien : and other authorities given in Schiirer, p. 648. 

• Dt Vita Mosis. ii. 140. 


tlie means that they adopted. That would be impossible. They acted indeed, as though 
they were ashamed to have the Scriptures, in the simple and natural form of their teachings, 
brought into comparison with the refined subtilties of the Greek philosophers. Someihin" 
corresponding to these subtilties, something spun out of their own brains, must therefore be 
first introduced into the sacred national literature to render it fit to be put in circulation 
among intelligent Greeks. From our point of view, however, the impression is irresistible 
that such a state of things implies, on the part of these Jewish thinkers themselves, a kind of 
intellectual and spiritual apostasy. It would seem that in their own judgment the Scriptures 
were not on a level with the philosophical and religious development of the age in which 
they lived, and needed no little tinkering in order to bring them to the required standard. 
Or, on the other hand, if we suppose, as perhaps we ought, that Pliilo and others were really 
sincere in thinking that what they deduce from the Scriptures was actually contained in 
them, tlien we can give them credit for but a small amount of common sense and an e.xcerd- 
ingly low estimate of what is required by any reasonable theory of Biblical inspiration and 

The first evidences of a philosophizing spirit on the part of the Jews of Ale,\andria ap- 
Rise of the peared at a comparatively early period. We have already alluded to a certain 
allegorical Ezekiel who dramatized in Greek the history of the departure of the Israelites 
interpreta- from Eg)pt, an elder Philo, who wrote an epic poem on Jerusalem, and a Theodo- 
''™- tus, who, likewise, in the form of Epic verse described the history of ancient 

Sychem. At about the same time, contemporaneously perhaps, with the origin of the LXX., 
we meet with efforts to introduce Biblical ideas into Greek works. The text of Homer, for 
instance, in the Odyssey (v. 26-.'), was changed so as to convey the meaning that God fin- 
ished the work of creation in seven days. The LXX. itself, moreover, is not without clear 
traces of a like tendency to curry favor with the popular, philosophical conceptions of the 
time. Especially is there a perceptible effort to soften down as much as possible the anthro- 
pomorphic representations of the being and activity of God, and the idea that he comes per- 
sonally in contact with the visible creation.' So the name Jehovah (Jabveb) instead of be- 
ing transferred bodily into the Greek, like any other proper name, and written with Greek 
letters, is translated by the expression, the Lord. It is true that Alexandrian Judaism does 
not, in this respect, go much beyond the ideas and usages that prevailed also in Palestine at 
the same time. Still, these examples show a spirit already ripe whose fullest development 
was the religio-pbilosophical system of an Aristobulus and a Philo. The definite and unmis- 
takable form which it takes in certain of the Old Testament Apocrypha we have elsewhere 
sufliciently illustrated. It appears, also, in various pseudepigraphal works of the period, 
particularly in the so-called Epistle of Aristeas '^ and in the Jewish Sibyls.' But the spirit 
and method of the entire school, if so it may be called, is best studied in its chief repre- 

Aristobulus, if we may trust the accounts which we have of him and a later writer did not 
assume the name of an earlier, lived at Alexandria in the time of Ptolemy Philo- 
meter (cir. B. c. 160), and was the first among the Jews who devoted himself espe- 
cially, to the study of philosophy. He wrote a commentary on the Pentateuch, fragments of 
which have been preserved by Eusebius of Caesarea (" Prseparatio Evangelica," vii. 14; viii. 10; 
xiii. 12), and Clement of Alexandria (Strom., i. 15, 22; v. 14; vi. 13). His philosophical 
tendency may be learned from the fact that he was known as a Peripatetic. The special 
object of his commentary was to prove that the true source of wisdom was the Old Testa- 
ment, and that whatever was true and beautiful not only in the writings of the Greek phi- 
losophers like Plato and Pythagoras, but also in the poets like Orpheus, Hesiod, and Homer, 
was derived from it. He says, for example, that "Plato has imitated our legislation and 
made himself thoroughly acquainted with all it contains. Before the conquests of Alexander 
and the Persians, parts of the law had already been translated, so that it is obvious that the 
said philosopher borrowed a great deal from it." ^ Somewhat further on he makes the same 
assertion with respect to Pythagoras and Socrates. The following is a specimen of his alle- 
gorical interpretation of the Scriptures in a passage where he is trying to show what is meant 
when they speak of the feet of God and of his standing : " The organization of the worW 

. Cf. Oen. vi. 6, 7 ; xv. 3 ; xix. 3 ; Ex. ixiv. 9-11 ; Numb. xii. 8. 2 Sec Merx, Arc/lli; i 240-312. 

« Schinvr, pp. 513-520; Lficke, pp. 66J9 ; Reuss in Herzogs Rral-Eacyk., xiT. 315-329. 

t Ofrorer, ii. 71-121 ; Diihne, ii. 73-112. 6 Euseb., Praip. Et:, xiii. 12. cited bv Rueneii. iii. 192. 


may, in accordance with its greatness, be fitly called God's standing. For God is over all, 
and all is subject to him, and has received from him its stability, so that man can discover 
that it is immovable. I mean this, that the sky has never been earth, nor the earth sky, the 
sun has never been the bright moon, nor conversely the moon the sun, the rivers never seas, 

nor the seas rivers It is all unchangeable, and alternates and passes awav always in 

the same manner. With tliis in view we can speak of God's standing, for all is subject to 
him." 1 

But Aristobulus was not content with such weak, and therefore, comparatively harmless 
philosophizing. He, or somebody in his name, deliberately falsified his authorities in order 
to bring them into harmony with what he tliought ought to lie true, thus illustrating in him- 
self the fearfully demoralizing etfects of the false methods he had adopted. He alleged, for 
instance, that Orpheus had once met Moses — in Greek Musseus — in Egypt, and on that 
basis went on to interpolate facts from the Mosaic cosmogony into the Orphic poems 
(I'epis Aiiyos). Inasmuch as the poems in their original form are still extant'' it is easy to de- 
tect the changes which Aristobulus dishonestly introduced into them. A recent writer has 
remarked : " Aristobulus was the spiritual ancestor of Philo, and Philo was the immediate 
parent of that fantastic theology which to most of the fathers and the schoolmen took the 
place of the reasonable and critical interpretation of all the Scriptures of the Old Testament 
and of much of the New." * 

Little is known of the personal history of the renowned Jewish allegorist Philo. The date 
of his birth is generally given at cir. B. c. 20. He was a person of great influence 
among his countrymen in Alexandria, brother of the alabarch,^ and was himself ' "' 
sent at the head of a delegation to the emperor Caligula on the occasion of the outbreak of 
persecution against the Jews, A. D. 37-41. His works consist of a series of essays or treatises 
on various topics suggested by the Old Testament writings, particularly the Pentateuch. One 
series has such subjects as the Creation, the Cherubim, the Sacrifices of Cain and Abel, 
the Snares laid for the Good by the Wicked, the Descendants of Cain, etc., etc., which follow, 
as it will be seen, the chronological order of the sacred history. Another series was on the 
life of Moses in three books, to which was appended essays on Circumcision, the Decalogue, 
Sacrifices, etc. He also, wrote an account of the embassy to Kome and a work against 
Flaccus, who was governor of Egypt at that time. With respect to the Scriptures, Philo's 
attitude was much the same as that of Aristobulus. He held that they were divinely in- 
spired and significant to the last word. In them, moreover, he found, simply because he was 
determined to, all that he considered good in the Greek philosophy. His .system represents 
a singular admixture of Biblical elements with the speculations of Plato and Aristotle, of 
Stoics and Pythagoreans, and the obvious want of agreement in its several parts seems not 
to have disturbed his equanimity or detracted from the zeal and learning which he devoted 
to its support. In one place, for instance, he defines God as pure being without attributes, 
and later, proceeds to ascribe to him the various attributes of a supposed perfect beinc. In- 
asmuch as in his conception of God, He could not without contamination come into immedi- 
ate contact with anything outside of himself, for the construction of the world and its gov- 
ernment it was necessary to suppose a vast and complicated system of mediation. And this 
mediatory system of Philo is one of the most striking features of his philosophy. In it he 
has combined Plato's doctrine of ideas, that concerning operative forces, or causes, as held 
by the Stoics, that of angels as taught in the Bible, and of demons as found in the Greek 
philosophy. At one time he represents these mediating forces as somethino- immanent in 
God, at another time as quite independent of him, without pausing to reconcile the incon- 
sistency or even seeming to be aware that such inconsistency exists. In the word Locos 
(^\6yos) es])ecially, Philo found something eminently suited to his purpose. This he repre- 
sented as the chief of, and as including within itself all those forces which are at once imma- 
nent in Gud and yet are self-existent entities. The double meaning of the word, as referring 
both to that which is spoken and also to the thought of which the word is the outward ex- 
pression, ada[)ted it particularly to his use.' 

1 Eoseb., Prap. Ei'., viii. 10. 

2 Pseudo-Justin, De Monarch.^ cap. ii. ; Cohortat. ad Oen.^ cap. ST., cit«d by Lipsius, 1. c, p. 89. 

3 Stanley, Hi. 281. 

4 In adJition to the works referred to under Aristobulus, cf. Stahl, " Versucli eines systematischen Entwurfs def 
Lehrbegrifff* Philo's Ton Alex.,'' in Eichhorn's AU^emtine Bib. d. Bih. Lil., iv. 770-890 ; Miiller, Phito^s Buck von drr 
Wrltsrhiipliim : .irticles by Creuzcr ,ind D,ihne respectively, in Sliul. u. Kril.. 1832, 3-43 ; 1833, 984-1040 ; Heinze. Dii 
Ltkre ftim Lit::"^, etc. The best edition of Philo's works is still that by Mangey, Lund., 1702. 

S.lo^ , AitiKi , xviii. 8, I 1. 8 See Slud. ii. Krit., 1868, pp. 300-314 ; 1871, pp. 503-509. 


Willi respect to the material -n-orld he teaches that as matter it has an independent exis 
tence. The universe was not created but formed through the Logos and othei 
Knuedl^™" mediating forces. Matter is in itself corrupt and corrupting, and from the begin- 
ning on DO person can be free from sin while connected with a material body. 
The highest goal of man therefore is, as spirit derived from God, through the aid of the 
Logos to tread tlie material and sensual under foot and rise above it. When this is accom- 
plished or to the degree that it is accomplished, one has his reward in a nearness to God and 
in a beatific vision of his person and glory. There is no denying that with much that is 
purely speculative and without basis in reason or revelation there are also, here and there, 
thoughts uttered that are both reasonable and practicable. The ini[)ortance that he ascribes 
to faith and love as ethical principles, the fact that he insists on the pursuit of virtue for its 
own sake, cannot be overlooked. ^ At tlie same time, regarded as a means for reconcilinc the 
Old Testament with the Greek philosophy, Philo's system must be regarded as a signal failure. 
Its methods, like those of Aristobulus, are dishonest and false. Its conclusions are often based 
on premises that have no existence save in the imagination. And wliile its influence on re- 
tlecting minds among the Greeks was inconsiderable, on the thinking Jew it could scarcely 
have been otherwise than evil. If one might interpret the Mosaic law thus allegorically, why 
could he not also keep it allegorically ? What further need for the burdensome system of 
praying, fasting, almsgiving, and ceremonial purifications? Philo himself, indeed, seems to 
have remained to a good degree loyal to the Jewish faith. But it is a fact not without its 
significance that a nephew of his who became governor of Judaea A. D. 46-48 abandoned it. 
Tlie principal value of Philo's labors, as of those of his predecessors, consists in the material 
which was thereby furnished for the use of Christian writers and thinkers of the following 
centuries. As well single words as formulas of speech, unknown to the world before, were 
made ready for the new thought and new life that were about to dawn upon it. From a 
providential point of view this seems to have been the mission of the religious philosophy of 

It is no reflection on the originality or sublimity of the opening chapter of the fourth Gos- 
pel to say that the fitting language in wliich its profound and glorious thoughts are clothed 
was forged in the workshop of the Alexandrian Philo. But the legacy of this thinker was 
far enough from being an unmixed good to his successors. As its effects upon Judaism 
could not have been otherwise than weakening, so, as a system of philosophy it hurt more 
than it helped Christianity. The deluge of dogmas which, humanly speaking, came so near 
overwhelming and destroying the church of the first Christian centuries and from whose dam- 
aging effects it has not even yet recovered, has a direct connection with the speculations of 
Philo and his school. And still, it is not to be denied that a noble idea underlay his striving, 
however little he himself may have been consciously controlled by it. Tlie Bible does con- 
tain moral and spiritual elements which may, and often must be, separated from the outward 
form in which they have come down to us. Its truths are universal in their scope, and har- 
II onize with what is true always and everywhere. And there is a philosophy of religion rec- 
: ncilable with the Scriptures and largely dependent on them for its fundamental principles, 
nlthough it may still await one greater than a Philo or an Origen to give it adequate and 
nracticable form. 

1 Cf. EaeDen, Ul. 190, 




1. Origin of the Old Testament Apocrypha. 

The books in the English Bible included in the so-called Apocrypha are as follows: 1 and 

2 Esdras, Tobit, Judith, Additions to Esther, Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Baruch ,„ .. , 

~, 1 o r ci *• hat boots 

with the Epistle of Jeremiah, the Song of the Three Children, the Story of Su- are here in- 

sanna, the Idol Bel and the Dragon, the Prayer of Manasses, and 1 and 2 Mac- '^'"<'«<*- 
cabees. These books were inti'oduced into the English version by Miles Coverdale in his 
translation made in the year 1535. Succeeding versions, also, as Matthews, the Great Bible, 
Crumwell's, and those that followed published them, and hence they found their way, though 
not without opposition, into the '-authorized" translation of 1611.^ This accounts, moreover, 
for the fact that the list of books in the English Bible does not agree, in all respects, with 
that of the LXX. The number of books is the same, but instead of 3 Maccabees we have 
2 Esdras. The latter work does not exist in any Greek version, but was admitted into the 
Vulgate from a Latin translation and from thence into the Swiss-German Bible (1524-29, 
1539), on which Coverdale's was based. The omission of 3 Maccabees in the English ver- 
sion though it was contained in the earlier editions of the German Bible, is due to the fact 
that it was not to be found in the Vulgate — having first been translated into Latin in the 
sixteenth century — nor in the complete edition of the German Bible, edited by Luther him- 
self (1534). 2 

In the present work 2 Esdras has been omitted and 3 Maccabees introduced, not only as 
being in harmony with the LXX., but with the fitness of things, the latter book being histori- 
cally connected with the two others of the same name, while the former in its language, age, 
and general characteristics is to be reckoned with such works as the Book of Enoch, the Sib- 
ylline Oracles, and like represenlatives of the Jewish Apocalyptic literature. The position 
which, in the Greek Bible, has been given to the apocryphal additions, is as follows: 1 Esdras 
is found before the canonical books of Ezra and Nehemiah ; Tobit and Judith immediately 
after the latter; the additions to Esther in connection with that book; the Prayer of Man- 
asses immediately after the Psalms; the Wisdom of Solomon and Ecclesiasticus follow the 
Song of Solomon ; Baruch and the Epistle of Jeremiah have a place after the prophecy of 
Jeremiah but before Lamentations ; the additions to Daniel are naturally found in connection 
■with that book, while the three books of Maccabees follow it, at the end of the Greek Bible. 
A fourth book of Maccabees, falsely ascribed to Josephus, is contained in the Sinaitic and 
.\lexandrine manuscripts and in some editions of the LXX., but excepting its name it has 
nothing ill common with the other three. 

The word apocrypha (onrciKpu^a) first came into use among early ecclesiastical writers in the 
sense of matters secret or mysterious. It was so used particularly by the Gnostics 
as referring to certain books possessed by them, which either themselves were not title'."" 
to be made public, or contained doctrines that were to be concealed from the un- 
initiated. These books bore the names of sacred personages belonging either to the old or 
new covenant and, as it was asserted, had been obtained by means of a secret tradition. 
They were so numerous and so often quoted that it came to be understood among Christians 
that when apocryphal books were spoken of, these private, heretical writings of the Gnostics 
were meant. They were also, on the part of their defenders, accorded the dignity of canon- 
ization as over against the canonical books of the Bible. And this fact served still further 
to modify tJie meaning of the word, so that in addition to the idea of being something hereti- 
oal it also came to be applied to a work which made improper claim to acceptance among 
canonical books. Up to this time, however, the term had not been used to designate any of 

1 See Anderson, p. 470 ; Westcotfs Bib. in Church, p. 286, f. 

2 Cf. Herzog'8 Real-Encyk.. vii. 266, and Schenkel's Bib. Lex., iv. 98 

8 See Oieseler in Stud. u. Krit., 1829, pp. 141-146 ; Bleek, in the same. 1853, p. 267, also, the lattot's Itttrod. to Old 
Test., u. 302, 304. 


the now so-called apocryphal books, but only such as are known among us as pseudepigraph' 
al works like the Ascension of Moses, Janines and Jambres, and the Book of Enoch. Our 
apocryphal books, on the other hand, were generally known under the title St&\ta amyiyo)- 
<TK6ij.eya, i. e., ecclesiastical books, inasmuch as they were read in the churches and recom- 
mended for study to the catechumens. But as they had been joined to the Greek version of 
the Old Testament and hence seemed, like the books of the Gnostic canon, to make unde- 
served claim to canonical rank, the same term, apocrypha, was finally, also applied to them. 
And Jerome seems to have been among the first to introiluce the change. In his preface to the 
Book of Kings, after enumerating the works of the Hebrew canon, he adds: Quidquid extra 
hos est, inter apocrypha esfe ponendum. At the same time, however, — as must not be over- 
looked, — the meaning of the word apocrypha underwent still further change, being used no 
longer to indicate what was heretical, or spurious, but what had no sufficient claim to be ad- 
mitted into the Biblical canon. Still later, the word passed through yet another phase, and 
was made to refer to such works as were not ecclesiastically received, could not be used as 
sources of proof in religious discussions, and was understood to include not only the books 
now known as apocryphal, but also the writings of some of the Fathers, as those of Tertullian, 
Clement of Alexandria, and the church history of Eusebius. 

The literature which sprang up among the Jews of Palestine and Egypt in connection with 

the Old Testament, during the last two or three centuries of Israclitish history, is 

stances un- remarkable both in its character and in its extent. It was not the result, to any 

der which considerable decree, of partisan rivalry or the strife of sects. It can still less be 

the apocrv- ., , , .p.-.i iiei* p 

phai boolis ascribed to any supposed passion for imitating the secret books or the priests of 
originated.' heathen temples. It was rather the spontaneous growth of Jewish institutions 
themselves. It was, indeed, the direct result of the extraordinary attention that, in the 
nature of the case, after the cessation of prophecy, was directed to the study of the Scrip- 
tures. The entire national life, as well political and social as religious, centered in them. 
Such attention, moreover, was not a little enhanced by the efforts of the wise to fix upon a 
canon of the sacred books and the subsequent baptism with martyr bloo<l which, during the 
persecutions of Antiochus Epiphanes, these treasured rolls received. But aside from other 
and more general influences, the two great causes that contributed most toward the produc- 
tion of the Old Testament Apocrypha and similar works were the translation in Egypt of the 
Scriptures into Greek and the almost unlimited development in Palestine of the so-called 
Haggadah. We have already remarked upon the literary activity which, under the Ptole- 
mies and their successors, displayed itself in the brilliant Egyptian capital, and have seen that 
the Jews, who formed so large and influential a part of the population, were not without dis- 
tinguished representatives in it. And we have seen, too, that this singular people, wherever 
hey went and in whatever occupation they engaged, remained Jews, retained to the last 
heir national peculiarities, their devotion to law and temple, tradition and usage. Whether 
they wrote historv, as Eupolemus and Demetrius, or poetry like Theodofus, or philosophy as 
Aristobuhis and Philo, its groundwork, its inspiration, and its goal were in the Hebrew Scrip- 
tures and the Hebrew people. Hence, it is no surprise to find among the luxuriant literary 
growths of Alexandrian Judaism such works as the Book of Wisdom, 3 Maccabees, the 
Story of Susanna, and of Bel and the Dragon, or that they attach themselves externally as 
closely to the sacred histories as though they were their natural outgrowth. And if, at first, 
in the case of some of them, their false titles and claims, their spiritual shallowness, their 
literary weaknesses and extravagances, tend to repel and disgust, a more careful examination 
will serve to convince an impartial stmlent that they are a legitimate, and by no means unim- 
portant product of their time, illustrating and characterizing its spirit and aims, supplying 
missing links in its fragmentary records, and that their loss would have been for the Chris- 
tian philosophy and history of subsequent periods a real calamity. 

But all these works, not excluding in a certain sense the Septuagint itself as a simple ver- 
sion, may be said to have had their ultimate origin in that great national institu- 
The llagga- jio,, of dig later Judaism, the so called Haggadah. It is a term that cannot be 
defined, it must be described. It is derived from a Hebrew word (rTia^n), which 
means " what is spoken," and is used in distinction from Ilal.achah (n^^H), " what is gi\en 

1 See Zunz, Vartrdge. pp. 36-118 i Frankel, Vorsludien, pp. 38-61 ; Deutsch In Smith's Bib. Dirt., art. " Ancient Ver 
lion«," under " Tarium ; " DUlmann in Herzog"« Real-Encylc., xil. 300-303 j Schiirer, pp. 36 f., 446 f. 


as a rnle," the authoritative law by wliieh the conduct was to be regulated. And this dis- 
tinction is a great deal more radical and important than would appear from the etymology of 
the words. It is, in fact, as radical and decisive as that between an inspired prophecy and 
an acknowledged work of the imagination, between the Mosaic law and an invented story or 
legend. The Halachah was the sum of those oral, traditional precepts which, in the course 
of time, had gathered about tlie written law and under the manipulations and authority of 
Scribe and Pharisee had come to take at least an equal rank with it. The Haggadah, on 
the otlier hand, was not law or precept at all but simply independent and relatively irre- 
sponsible illustration and interpretation of the Scriptures in whatever regular or irregular 
form it might choose to take. The elaboration and fixing of the Halachah was the sacred 
and closely guarded duty of a particular class in Israel, whose life was devoted solely to it 
and who rose in connection with it, as we have already seen, to a position of the most com- 
manding influence. The Haggadah might be cultivated by any Israelite, whatever his pro- 
fession or rank ; be pursued as a business, or used to while away a leisure moment ; be de- 
veloped into volumes or confined to simple sagas, tales, and parables. The Halachah and 
Haggadah together formed the principal part of what was known as the Midrash or Com- 
mentary. They had their origin in the same period, grew up side by side, employed them- 
selves with the same historic and prophetic themes in the Scriptures, passed down from gen- 
eration to generation through the same avenue of tradition, and, while totally distinct in 
underlying idea, in method, and in authority, were yet mutually complementary and ser- 
viceable, and unitedly give its peculiar stamp to the Judaism of the later times. 

" To the Haggadah belonged everything that could not be incluiied under the examina- 
tion of the written, or the accommodation of the traditional law. It was the product of in- 
dividual investigation as over against the strict authority of the spiritual rulers, the schools, 
and the synagogues. AVhat the Halachah developed was something permanent, making 
itself felt in the practical life of the Jews, while the Haggadah sought rather to recognize 
some passing thought, not overlooking the form in which it was clothed, and had often for 
its object simply the momentary effect. The Halachah went forth from the highest tri- 
bunal, clothed with the highest sanctions, was something that must be obeyed as well by the 
ruler as private citizen ; for the Haggadah it sufficed, in order to be acknowledged Haggadah, 
simply to be spoken." " It is not meant by this that it made no difference what kind of 
notions respecting the contents and meaning of the Scriptures were uttered by a Jew, that 
they were forthwith reckoned to the Haggadah. On the contrary, while the Halachah was 
the law itself, the Haggadah was something that must be regulated by the law, must not go 
beyond certain well-defined limits of reason and morality. In the one case, it was the code 
and the dictum of the hierarchy that were the regulative norm ; in the other, it was public 
opinion, piety, love of country, and the like which served to restrain, and guide, and prune, 
so that the Haggadah in its moral and spiritual aspects is also not without significance, has 
indeed, a real, historical value." ' 

The beginning of the Haggadah has been referred to the custom instituted or reinstituted 
by Ezra after the Exile, in which, in connection with the reading of the law, a jiie nagKa- 
needed translation and interpretation were added: " So they read in the book of dahtcon- 
the law distinctly and gave the sense and expounded as they read." ' The grad- 
ual decay of the Hebrew as vernacular made such translations and expositions in the Aramaic 
that took its place, a necessity. They received the name targums, i. e,, interpretations. At 
the same time there sprang up an order of persons called interpreters who performed this 
service, and who are not to be confounded with the Scribes. They held, both politically and 
socially, quite a different position, and absurdly minute and arbitrary rules were supposed to 
be needful to confine their explanations within prescribed limits.' In process of time and 
under different circumstances, these oral versions and explanations of tlie Scriptures, like 
the so-called oral law, having become a too he.avy, and as was thought, too precious load to 
be carried simply in the memory, were committee' to writing. These targums then, or para- 
phrases of Scripture, form no unimportant, although the least embellished portion of the 
extant Jewish Haggadah, other elements of it being found in the younger parts of the Mid- 
rash, in various places in both the Jerusalem and Babylonian Talmud, and in a striking and 
characteristic form in the apocryphiil books of the Old Testament. The latter combine in 

1 Zqdz, VortrO^e, for substaoce, pp. 57, 58. a Neh. viil. 8. 

8 See Deutfich in Smith's Bib. Diet., 1. c, and Schiirer, pp. 448, 449. 


themselves, in fact, the three principal developments of the Hajrgadah : the historical, the 
ethical, and what may be called the exegetical. Of the fir?t, the books of the Maccabees, 1 
Esdras, Judith, Tobit, and the additions to Esther and Daniel, are conspicuous examples ; of 
the second. Ecclesiasticus and Wisdom ; while nearly all the books offer numerous instances 
of the third, if but individual and sporadic. These works belon'i; in general, moreover, to class of Haggadistic literature in which an independent form is assumed. There is 
something more than a simple effort to explain and ;ipply the sacred text. There is the same 
reverent attitude towards the Scriptures, but mere exposition and a minute dependence 
have given place to what is general and universally acknowledged, the letter to the spirit. 
The political and moral currents of the time show themselves, but, in a still more marked 
degree, the pure Jewish instinct, loyalty to the national idea. There was occasion enough 
for such a literature, and one cannot be surprised at its extent as shown in extant fragments. 
In 2 Esdras (xiv. 46), no less than seventy apocryphal works are distinguished from the 
twenty-four canonical of the Hebrew Scriptures. 

It was a natural reaction from the preciseness and littleness of the rabbinic traditions, the 
spirit of play reasserting itself as over against the dominant spirit of work and worry. In 
this field the heart and intellect were no longer cramped ; there was room and liberty. In 
the narrow ways of the Halachah no opportunity offered for talent, fancy, or flowers of 
rhetoric, to display themselves, there was no space even for unimpeded movement but 
onlv for dreary plodding, wearying trials of memory and fine drawn casuistry. We can 
easily conceive how noble spirits would chafe in such trammels, especially when oppression 
and injustice exercised by foreign powers excited to the utmost pitch of endurance the sup- 
pressed emotions, and what relief they would find in writing or perusing such works as the 
story of the heroic Judith, the struggle of the Maccabees, or the Song of the Three Children. 
At such times only deep coloring could satisfy. The plain fact, the simple homely truth 
were insufficient to still the inward craving. And if the exaggeration we meet with in these 
writings is almost grotesque in its proportions, it is to be remembered that it results from cir- 
cumstances that are extraordinary; that, in fact, it is the natural, if inexcusable rebound 
from a literalness that was infinitesimal, and a prosiness that was no longer to be endured. 
We do not wonder at the fact that the Haggadah represented the popular side of the Mid- 
rash, or that it gained continually on its competitor, in the estimation of the common people. 
The later targums became ever less and less translations and more sermons and appeals. 
The following incident will illustrate the tendency : Two rabbis, the one a Halachist, the 
other a Haggadist, " once came together into a city and preached. The people flocked to the 
latter while the former's discourses remained without a hearer. Thereupon the Haggadist 
comforted the Halachist with a parable. ' Two merchants came into a city and spread their 
wares, — the one rare pearls and precious stones; the other a ribbon, a ring, glittering trin- 
kets; around whom will the multitude throng? .... Formerly, when life was not yet 
bitter labor, the people had leisure for the deep word of the law ; now it stands in need of 
comfortings and blessings.' " * 

2. Character and Scope of the Apocrypha. 

In the special introductions to the several books we have spoken of their contents as it re- 
spects composition, date, literary worth, theological bearings, etc., and it remains 
Pt*"'' . for us here simply to characterize them as a whole with particular reference to 
Apocrypha the canonical works with which they are connected. The apocryphal books of 
witHhosr* the Old Testament have doubtless suffered not a little from being associated by 
of the New name with those of the New Testament. It is not necessary to say that they are 
of a wholly different character. The Apocrypha of the New Testament have 
never, by any branch of the Christian Church, been regarded as a constituent part of the 
Bible and circulated with it ; have never been thought worthy of a translation into the ver- 
nacular tongues, or even of much critical investigation by scholars; and their very titles \ia.\t 
remained almost unknown to the majority of theological students. They even rank, with re- 
spect to literary, historical, and <iogmatic interest, considerably below many a so-called 
pseudepigraphal work of the Old Testament, as, for instance, the book of Enoch, the Ascen- 
(ion of Isaiah, or the second book of Esdras. The history of the Old Testament Apocrypha. 

1 Deutsch in Smlth'a Bib. Diet., 1. e. 


on the other hand, from their origin to the present day, runs parallel with that of the Bible 
itself. In a large part of the Christian Church they have always been accorded a respect 
scarcely inferior to that paid to the acknowledged Scriptures ; have been bound up and cir- 
culated with them ; have become incorporated by citation, reference, or general coloring with 
treasured liturgical forms and the entire body of religious literature. It is not an uncommon 
thing in Europe even at the present day, and in Protestant churches, to hear sermons 
preached from texts taken from these books, particularly from Wisdom and Ecclesiasticus. 
One of the most familiar hymns in the German Church is founded on Ecclus. 1. 23 (" Nun 
danket alle Gott"), and the words of pseudo-Solomon, "The souls of the righteous are in 
the hand of God," etc. (Wisd iii. 1), furnish a favorite theme for funeral orations over the 
graves of the departed.^ On the authority of Ebrard, who wrote in 1851, the use of the 
Bible without the Apocrypha in the Protestant schools of Bavaria, was forbidden by the ec- 
clesiastical authority.'' In England and America, however, the OM Testament Apocrypha 
have been strangely neglected. But it is to be expected that the great attention devoted to 
them in Germany, especially since the beginning of the present century, will also ultimately 
bear fruit among us. 

With respect to outward form the Old Testament Apocrypha may be divided into his- 
torical works, as the books of the Maccabees and the larger portion of 1 Esdras; 
moral fictions, as Tobit, Judith, the Additions to Esther and Daniel ; poetic and „(,jj f^^^ 
quasi-prophetic works, as Baruch, the Epistle of Jeremiah, and the Prayer of 
Manasses ; and finally, philosophical and didactic compositions, as Ecclesiasticus and Wis- 
dom. Of these a part were doubtless written in the Hebrew language, although the originals 
have long since perished, and the proofs of such origin are necessarily circumstantial. These 
are Ecclesiasticus, 1 Maccabees, Judith, and a part of Baruch (i.-iii. 8). The remaining 
works, with the possible exception of Tobit, were composed in Greek. Only one of them, 
Ecclesiasticus, has furnished us with the name of its actual author, the most of the others 
having adopted pseudonyms, for the evident purpose of gaining thereby the greater currency 
and repute. They differ greatly from one another in literary and moral worth, a part of them, 
in the estimation of some modern critics, taking rank with the best specimens of Hebrew liter- 
ature, while others merit attention only on account of their age and their association with 
the Bible. 

The question of the canonicity of the Old Testament Apocryphal books may indeed be 
readily settled. But as ancient literary productions, originating with one of the . . 
most remarkable peoples of antiquity, although in many respects, no doubt, fall- specta vaiua- 
ing below similar works of the Greeks and Romans which are so sedulously studied "' 
in our schools, they still deserve particular interest and examination. As histories they sup- 
ply important links in the scanty annals of a most interesting period. So, too, from a philo- 
sophical point of view they can, by no means, be set aside as worthless. Some of them 
witness in a marked degree to the influence of the leaders of the Greek philosophy in the 
countries where they were written, and exhibit the peculiar product resulting from the con- 
tact of such philosophy with the sacred learning of the Jews. But their chief value is un- 
questionably theological. They show how the Old Testament was interpreted and applied 
by the Jews themselves during the period stretching nearly from the close of the canon to 
the coming of Christ ; what progress was made in the apprehension and development of im- 
portant truths, especially those relating to the unseen world and the future state, and serve 
as well by their exaggerations and mistakes as by their statement, or reflection of facts, to 
prepare the way for Him who spoke with authority and not as the scribes. Hence, it will 
not be out of place to give, at this point, a brief review of the theological and moral teaching 
of the Old Testament Apocrypha in its relation both to the canonical books that preceded 
and those that followed them.' 

As the oldest extant remains of the extensive Hebrew literature that sprang up subsequent 
to the close of the canon, the apocryphal books are of no little importance as wit- 
nesses for it and as showing the estimation in which the Holy Scriptures were ^jt], aspect 
held at that period. In the prologue to Ecclesiasticus, for example, we find the totheSorip. 
first allusion to the canonical Scriptures as a whole, under the general title, " the 
law, the prophets, and the other books." This general designation, in one form or another, 

1 Cf. NitMoh in tho Deutsche Zeilsdirift , 1850, No. 47, p. 369. 2 ZetignisK gegen die Apok., p. 20. 

* Cf. BretjictlDeider, Systemat. DarsttU. ; and Cramer, Die Moral der Apokryp/ten. 


the translator applies to the canonical books several times, showing that it was in common 
use as such at that period. There is in the passage, moreover, every evidence that the Son 
of Sirach did not regard his own work as on a level with those which are thus alluded to, but 
rather the contrary. The same author, also, in another place (xlix. 10), after mentioning 
Jeremiah and Ezekiel, speaks of the twelve minor prophets, concerning whom he expresses the 
wish that their " bones may revive again from the grave." In the First Book of Maccabees, 
too. there is clear testimony to the high estimation in which the Scriptures were held. As a 
sort of apology to the Lacedaemonians for seeking an alliance with them, as though their own 
sources of strength had become exhausted, the remark is made, " albeit, we need none of 
these things, seeing that we have the holy books in onr hands to comfort us." Again in 2 
Maccabees (ii. 13), it is said of Nehemiah, on the authority of some unknown, extra-canon- 
ical work, that he made a collection of books, "the histories of the kings and the propliets, 
and of David, and the Epistles of the kings," i. e. the proclamations of the Persian kings, as 
found in the books of Nehemiah and Ezra. Tliis passage, notwithstanding the obscurity 
that rests upon the sources from which the information given is said to be derived, and the 
generally untrustworthy character of the book in which it is found, is not without considera- 
ble value as a witness to the canon and its origin. What is really due to Ezra and others, 
includiucr Nehemiah, is, indeed, by the author, ascribed exclusively to the latter, but it is not 
the only instance in his work where important names are thus exchanged (cf. i. 18). The 
different parts of the canon are clearly distinguished, the Pentateuch being omitted, simply 
because there was no occasion for mentioning it in this place. The writer refers only to such 
works as, in addition to the law which had been previously cared for (ver. 2), were in danger 
of being lost, and must therefore be collected together. The word eirKrwriyayf (ver. 13), in- 
deed, would seem to indicate that the works gathered were to be added to a collection already 
bei'un. Besides these general allusions, there are, also, in the Apocrypha a great number of 
more or less direct citations from the canonical Scriptures, in which the three divisions of the 
canon are plainly, if not equally recognized, and an acquaintance with most of the books of 
Vfhich they are composed made evident. 

A peculiar authority, moreover, is imputed in the Apocrypha to the canonical writings. 
They are held to be distinct from all other books, and given of God for human 
orth™sSip- guidance, through prophets inspired for the purpose. They are called " holy 
tures. books " (1 Mace. xii. 9), and their writers are represented to have been under the 

influence of the Holy Spirit (1 Esd. i. 28; vi. 1; Ecclus. xlviii. 24). It is distinctly said of 
Jeremiah in one place (Ecclus. xHx. 7), that he was a prophet " sanctiBed from the mother's 
womb." So in Baruch (ii. 21) a passage is cited from this prophet with the formula : "Thus 
saith the Lord." The common division of the Scriptures into law and prophets, too, shows 
that the authors of the several canonical books were looked upon as prophets, that is, as in- 
spired men.i And what was true of the canonical hooks, in general, had special force as 
applied to the five books of Moses. No epithets were thought extravagant, no praise too 
high to be bestowed on him, the greatest of the prophets, and his divinely prompted, divinely 
acknowledged work. He was like the glorious angels and beloved of God and men (Ecclus. 
xlix. 2). The Mosaic Code was the law of the Highest (Ecclus. xlix. 4), holy, and God- 
given (2 Mace. vi. 23). It was the sum total of all wisdom. " All these things," said the 
son of Sirach, " are [true of] the book of the covenant of the most high God, the law which 
Moses commanded for an heritage to the congregations of Jacob. It gives fullness of wisdom 
as Pison, and as Tigris in the time of the new fruits. It maketh the understanding to abound 
like Euphrates, and as Jordan in the time of harvest. It maketh the doctrine of knowledge 
appear as the light and as Gihon [i. e. the Nile] in the time of vintage " (Ecclus. xxiv. 23- 

The fundamental idea of the divine Being, which we find in the canonical books of the Old 
Testament, that he is the one self-existing Creator and Preserver of all things, the 
HoSrcOT-'*^ omnipotent Ruler, to whom all creatures and all events are completely subject, is 
cemingQod. jj|gp retained in the Apocrypha, while, at the same time, this idea is philosophi- 
cally not a little developed in certain directions in some of these writings, and a particular 
emphasis laid on attributes which in the canonical books are less strongly marked. Nature 
itself proves the existence of God (Ecclus. xliii. 2; cf. xlii. 15), and they are fools who can- 
not out of the " good things that are seen know him that is," and " who while considering the 

1 Cf. Job., Conira Ap., i. 7. 


work do not recognize the Master" (Wisd. xiii. 1; cf. Song of Three Child., ver. 39, ff.). 
There is only one God (Ecclus. xxxiii. 5; Bar. iii. 35; Wisd. xii. 13; Song of Three Child., 
ver. 23), and his power over his creatures is unlimited (Jud. xvi. 13, 14; 2 Mace. viii. 18; xvi. 
35; Prayer of Man., ver. 3-5). He is all-wise (Ecclus. xxiii. 19, 20; Jud. ix. 5, 6), holy, 
hating and punishing sin (Ecclus. xii. 6; Wisd. xiv. 9), righteous (Tob. iii. 2; Ecclus. xvi. 
12-14 ; 3 Mace. ii. 3), kind and pitiful (2 Mace. i. 24 ; Song of Three Child., ver. G6; Wisd. 
XV. 1; Jud. ix. 11), and ready to forgive (Ecclus. ii. 11 ; v. 4-8; Tob. xiii. 6). Anthropo- 
pathic and anthropomorphic representations, especially the latter, as might have been ex- 
pected, arc less frequent in the Apocrypha than in the older books, and in some of them, as 
for instance in Ecclesiasticus and Wisdom, the idea of the divine Being as pure spirit, is at 
least approached. The Son of Sirach declares that no man has seen God (xliii. 31), and 
pseudo-Solomon speaks of his holy spirit (ri 07101/ aou -irtevfia, ix. 17); and elsewhere says that 
his incorruptible spirit is in all things and " filleth the world" (i. 7; xiii. 1). On the other 
hand, in some of the apocryphal books the notion of God is exceedingly limited, and He is set 
forth as scarcely more than a national deity as over against the idols of the heathen. This 
is especially true of the books of Judith and Baruch (Jud. viii. 18-20; xiii. 4, 5, 7; Bar. 
iii. 1 ff. ; iv. 6); while in Tobit the propitiation of Him through prayers and almsgiving takes, 
as in idolatrous sacrifices, the form of an opus operalum (cf. .xii. 8-13). 

The teaching of the Old Testament, for the most part, respecting creation as the work of 
God, remains unchanged in the Apocrypha, but pseudo-Solomon (xi. 17; cf. 2 
Mace. vii. 28), in harmony with the philosophy of his time, seems to have held ^yid'en?"'' 
that it was on the basis of an original formless material (^{ afiip(pov Satis), and not, 
as is represented in Genesis, a creation from nothing. The same Being who made, also up- 
holds and governs (Wisd. vi. 9; viii. 1; xi. 25; Ecclus. i. 2; xiii. 23; Bar. iii. 32). His 
government, moreover, is a providence (irpSmta; Wisd. xiv. 3), itself being guided by wisdom 
and love (Wisd. xvi. 13; Tob. iv. 19; Jud. viii. 14; Ecclus. x. 4); the evils with which tlie 
world is afflicted, war, famine, pestilence, according to the books of Ecclesiasticus and Wis- 
dom, are for the punishment of human wickedness, while serving, in the case of the godly, as 
means of discipline and spiritual culture (Ecclus. xl. 9, 10; Wisd. vi. 8). Death entered 
the world through the envy of the devil. God created man for immortality (Wisd. ii. 24). 
In both of the latter compositions, also, the wisdom ((TO(pia) of God personified is represented 
as having the principal part in the works of creation and providence; and in that of pseudo- 
Solomon the representation is carried so far as to leave the impression on some minds that 
he actually hypostasized it and recognized a second divine Person under that name (vii. 22, 
et pas:<im). This seems, however, to be due to the natural tendency to exaggeration which 
we find in all these works, there being no particular in which they are more clearly distin- 
guished from the canonical books than in their want of simplicity and accuracy, the rhetori- 
cal figures, moreover, forming one of the best illustrations of this defect.' 

The existence of both good and evil angels is recognized in the apocryphal books. They 
are spiritual beings and capable of assuming human forms. The good angels 
surround the throne of God in heaven, and serve not only as his messengers in 
general, but as mediators in the providential government of the world. Satan (Sti$o\os), as 
the first great deceiver, is alluded to in the Book of Wisdom (ii. 24), and also, as it would 
seem, in Ecclesiasticus (xxi. 27). In the books of the Maccabees (2 Mace. iii. 26; x. 29; 
3 Mace. vi. 18), angels are represented as appearing for the defense of the harassed Jews 
and the punishment of their oppressors. In Tobit, as we show in the introduction to that 
book, the matter of angelic interposition in human affairs is given abnormal prominence, in 
fact, assumes a form that is both incredible and absurd. It is represented, for instance, that 
among the good angels there are seven presence-angels who present the prayers of the saints 
before God. One of them, Raphael, serves as guide to Tobias on a long journey, and pre- 
scribes, like a (ihysician, for physical ailments. Among the evil angels, a certain Asmodajus 
acts an extraordinary part : has power to take human life, is also capable of sexual lust, but 
may be exorcised by means of certain medicaments which, being burned, make a stench that 
to him is unendurable (iii. 17; vi. 7, 16). It is not necessary to say that such views could 
not have been derived from any legitimate interpretation of the teachings of the canonical 
books of the Old Testament on this subject. 

1 Cf. Bruch, Wnsheitslehre der Hebrder ; Oehler, Grundzii^e der A. T. Weisheil ,- Langen. Jiidenlhum, etc., p. 25 ff. ; 
Herzog's Rcal-Encyk. and Schenkel's Bib. Ltx., art. • Weisheit ; " also, Dillmaan, Dai Bum HrrW'h, Einleit., x. ff., n 
162, f. 


With respect to man the representations of the Apocrypha deserve particular attention a» 
Anthro- illustrating the influence of the then philosophy in the development of doctrines 
pology. concerning human nature and destiny. Man was created by God and is com- 

ma endmS posed of body and soul, the latter being sometimes designated by ir^eCua and some- 
mentsand times by ifux^, the distinction between them being nowhere closely marked (cf. 
Wisd. ix. 15). He was made in the image of his Creator, endowed with reason, 
the power of distinguishing between right and wrong, and a frei; will, and was placed on 
earth to be its ruler (Ecclus. xv. 14 £f., xvii. 1-8 ; Wisd. ix. 2, 3). The image of God in 
which man was created consists, according to the Son of Sirach, in the superiority, in gen- 
eral, in which he stands with respect to the creation (xvii. 3), according to pseudo-Solomon 
(ii. 23) in his immortality. The latter work, moreover, clearly teaches the preexistence of 
the soul, and more than intimates that it was its connection with a body which was the occa- 
sion of its fall and is the ground of its continued sunken moral condition (viii. 19, 20; ix. 
15). That the author is in this respect inconsistent, inasmuch as elsewhere (ii. 23, 24), he 
represents the fall as having been brought about through the envy of the devil, and so recog- 
nizes the historical validity of the account in Genesis (iii. 1-6), may be ascribed to his un- 
successful efforts to mediate between the current philosophical axioms and the Scriptures. 

The principle by which one, according to the Apocrypha, was to be governed in the mat- 
ter of moral obligations and duties, was that he, in all that he did, should have 
J'™^ reference to the will of his Maker as expressed in the Mosaic law, and, at the 

same time, to his own happiness. The will of God as set forth in the various 
precepts of the Mosaic code was, properly, to be the goal of his striving, while the motive to 
the same was the personal advantages to be derived from such a course. It would not seem 
that the apocryphal books place the chief end of man in the love and service of God, in 
themselves considered, but regard these simply as a means by which the highest good, indi- 
vidual happiness, was to be attained. In the most of these books such a reward of right 
doing was set forth as attainable in this world; in some of them, as to be expected only in 
the life to come, or at least, in connection with the future Messianic kingdom (Tob. xiii. 14 ; 
Wisd. i. 16; iii. 1; vi. 18; Ecclus. iii. 18; Bar. v. 2 ff.). The apocryphal writers, moreover, 
conceived of sin, so far as they considere<l the matter at all, as something appertaining to 
the outw.ard conduct, a transgression of the acknowledged standards, and seem rarely, if ever, 
to have reached the more radical conception of it as being a want of inward conformity to 
the divine will. The underlying motive, the governing purpose of the heart, being, for the 
most part, left out of account, and the consequences of one's conduct being thought of sim- 
ply in their relation to individual happiness, it was possible for such philosophers as the Son 
of Sirach and pseudo-Solomon to set forth a gradation in virtue and vice, and to speak of 
cardinal virtues, as self-control, temperance, prudence, righteousness, fortitude, and cardinal 
sins like idolatry, etc. (Ecclus. xviii. 30 ff. ; Wisd. viii. 7), than which nothing could be 
regarded as more injurious than the one, and nothing as more profitable to men in life (S>» 
XPVti^^'iTepo:' oiiSfu itrriv iv &i<f avBptiiron) than the other. At the same time, too, as might 
have been expected on the basis of this low moral plane, while the mint, anise, and cummin 
•were carefully tithed, the weightier matters of the law were depreciated or ignored. A Razis 
was justified in committing suicide if, persecuted for righteousness' sake, he were in danger of 
falling into the hands of his enemies; and a Judith might invoke the blessing of God on her 
Receptions and prostitute her person for the weal of her fatherland. Minute directions are 
g'ven how one is to behave in society, how to eat to excess without evil consequences (Ecclus. 
xxxi. 21), and to preserve the health through the avoidance of melancholy (xxxviii. 18); but 
love to God in any other than veneration or reverence (Ecclus. vii. 30) seems scarcely 
to have been thought of. He was the happy man who lived to see the death of his enemies, 
(Ecclus. x.xv. 7), and by his cood deeds, especially the giving of alms, had purchased from 
heaven the forgiveness of his .sins and won a permanent place in the memories of men (Ecclus. 
iii. 30; xxix. 12; Tob. iv. 10; xii. 9; xiv. 11). 

In only two of the apocry])hal books, 2 Maccabees and Wisdom, is to be found anything 

worthy of special attention on the subject of eschatology. In the rest, the point 

EBchatology." ^j ^j^^ j^ much the same as that in the Olil Testament Scriptures generally, with 

the exception of Ecclesiasticus, where a less advanced position is taken than in some of the 

1 «iee my article In the Bibliothtca Sacra for April, 1879, on the " Eschatology of the 0. T. Apocrypha," and the au 
thonties there cited. 


canonical books, and 1 Maccabees, where an apparently intentional omission of all allusion to 
the future state seems to betray a Sadducsean origin. In 2 Maccabees, on the other hand, 
the belief in a bodily resurrection is set forth with a fullness, clearness, and emphasis, that are 
almost startling, leading to the inference, that, as over against its earlier and historically more 
trustworthy namesake, it was written with a partisan purpose and under direct Pharisaic in- 
fluence (cf. vii. passim, and xiv. 46, ff.). This conclusion is confirmed, moreover, by what is 
said by the author of Judas Maccabaeus' praying for the dead, " in that he was mindful of the 
resurrection " (xii. 43-45). The Book of AVisdom, on the other hand, while led by its phi- 
losophy to reject the opinion that the body would rise again from the dead (i. 13; ii. 23; viii. 
20; ix. 15), clearly teaches the conscious, personal, unending existence of the soul after death 
both of the good and of the evil (iii. 1-4; iv. 8-10; v. 15; vi. 19), the former in happiness 
with God (vi. 20), the latter in misery (i. 12, 16, et passim). Pseudo-Solomon seems, also, to 
have held to a judgment-day following the present state of probation, at which time the 
wicked, both living and dead, would be judged and cast into hell (i. 9; iii. 7, 13, 18 ; iv. 18- 
20), while the righteous would descend to reign in the everlasting kingdom which God would 
set up. It is not to be denied, however, that on this point — whether the judgment was re- 
garded as taking place during life and at death or after death — there is a want of clearness 
in his representations. Still, there might be a reason for this, not simply in the writer's own 
mind, but also in the nature of the subject itself. In an important sense, to the incorrigible, 
every act of God with respect to them might be considered an act of judgment, without how- 
ever excluding, but rather requiring a final summing up at the Last Day. 

It is a significant fact, in view of the claim that is made in some quarters for the books 
before us, that the traces of the Messianic hope which they contain are only of the 
faintest character. This hope, moreover, seems in no case to have centered anic hope.i 
clearly in the coming of a personal Messiah, but to have developed itself rather in 
longings for, and descriptions of a certain future kingdom, such as had been the subject of the 
later prophecies. In addition to the expectation of the return of the dispersed Israelites and 
the reawakening of the spirit of prophecy which we find in Barucb and 2 Maccabees (Bar. 
iv. 36, 37; v. 5-9; 2 Mace. ii. 18), the conversion of the heathen is predicted in Tobit (.xiii. 
11-18; xiv. 6, 7), the eternal existence of the Jewish people as such in Ecclesiasticus (xxxvii. 
25; xliv. 18), and elsewhere, the fact that this continued existence is somehow to be con- 
nected with the family of David (Ecclus. xlvii. 11; 1 Mace. ii. 57). The Son of Sirach also 
speaks in one place (xlviii. 10, 11) of the return of Elijah in the form foretold by JNIalachi, 
and adds: " we, also, shall surely live," i. e., at his coming we shall be alive. And in the Book 
of Wisdom (iii. 7; v. 1 ff.), as we have said, a day of final judgment seems to be taught, fol- 
lowing which an eternal kingdom of the saints will be set up in which the Lord will be their 

Various efforts have been made to explain this remarkable absence of allusion to the Mes- 
siah in the apocryphal books. Schiirer, for instance, ascribes it to the fact that 
their contents are, for the most part, historical or didactic and not prophetic, the disap- 

But this did not prevent references from hein^ made to the expected universal P«>rance of 
I ^ ' . such hope. 

and eternal kingdom of Israel. Why should it shut out the idea of the Messiah if 

it was still entertained? Hengstenberg ^ held that it was due to a fear, on the part of the 
apocryphal writers, of giving offense to the heathen among whom they dwelt. Tliis view, 
however, is wholly inconsistent with the attitude which some of these books assume as over 
against the oppression and idolatry of the heathen. It is more reasonable to suppose with 
Grimm, Oehler, and others that the Jews, at the time when the present books were written, ceased to feel the need of the coming of a personal Messiah. The Messianic hope in the 
Old Testament is always united with that of deliverance. As deliverance in a political sense 
this would not have been desired for a long time subsequent to the Maccabaean struggle. And 
as far as it referred to a deliverance from sin the later Jews seem to have lost all conscious- 
ness of the want of it. The law in its two parts, as written and oral, was looked upon as suffi- 
cient for all needs, the complete revelation of God not only for the Jews but for the whole 
world. With the Captivity the worship o/ idols was given up in order to make an idol of 
their own institutions, particularly of the Mosaic Code. This is especially seen to be the case 

1 Cf. particnlarly. Oehler, in Heraog^s Reai-Encyk., art. " Messias ; " Langen, Das Judenthum, etc., pp. 891-461 J 
Bchenkel, Bib. Lex., art. " Mesaias ; '' Schiirer. pp. 663-599; and Drammond, Tlie Jewish Messiah, 
% Ev. Kirchen-Zritung, 1863, p. 567. 


In the Book of Wisdom, where the conception of wisdom is carried to such a point of deTel- 
opment that there is absolutely no room left for any adequate idea of a Messiah alongside of 
it. If it does not include it, — which cannot be supposed, — it excludes it of necessity. We, 
therefore, agree in the main with Drummond, who says: " An argument from silence is al- 
ways more or less doubtful; but we can hardly help inferring, from their total silence on the 
subject, that the authors of these works had no belief in the coming of a Messiah. It cannot 
be said that their subjects did not lead them to speak of this belief; for the above references 
show how fully they shared the prophetic aspirations after the future glory of their race; and 
when they describe the magnificence of the Jerusalem that is to be, or dwell upon the cove- 
nant made with David, or picture all nations turning from their idolatry to the fear of God, 
it is inconceivable that they should omit the central figure through whose agency every bless- 
ing was to come, if such a personality really entered into their belief. We cannot of course 
conclude that the belief had entirely died out of the hearts of the Jewish people ; for as we 
observed in the writings of the prophets that the person of the Messiali advances and recedes, 
as we turn from one to another, so a difference of opinion may have prevailed in the later 
time of which we are treating. But from the little, and in part doubtful evidence that re- 
mains to us, it would seem that in the period between the Captivity and the rise of the Mac- 
cabees the Messianic hope resolved itself into vague anticipations of a glorious and happy 
future, in which the presence of God would be more manifest, but of which a Messiah would 
form no essential feature.' 

In addition to what has just been said respecting the almost total ignoring in the apocry- 
phal books of that which forms the central figure of the later canonical Scriptures, 
^u°fonB.™°' attention should perhaps be called, in our estimate of the relative value of the 
former, to other points of dissimilarity. In very many respects, in fact, these books, 
so far from representing the continuity of the divine revelation and of the kingdom of God as 
set forth in the Old Testament, misinterpret and interrupt it. There is found in them, in- 
deed, a further development of Old Testament ideas, but, at the same time, such lines of de- 
velopment are rather interesting than valuable. Tliey are mostly abnormal, and hence, un- 
healthy growths. They connect themselves with the superficial, variegated life of the peo- 
ple rather than with the deeper currents of religious thought that show themselves in the 
Scriptures.' A direct line from Malachi to John the Baptist is not taken, but, on the con- 
trary, a path which, if pursued, would lead away from the manger of Bethlehem. Hence 
there seems to be no justification for the theory of Bleek (1. c. p. 317), which recognizes in 
these works only a somewhat lower grade of the same kind of divine revelation and inspira- 
tion that are found in the canonical Scriptures. On the contrary, false beacon lights are 
kindled by them such as those by wliich the Samaritans sought to confuse and mislead the 
Jewish colonists in Assyria. Judith glories in an act which was bewailed and denounced by 
a patriarch (ix. 2; cf. Gen. xlix. 5). In Tobit and Ecclesiasticus the idea of righteousness 
degenerates into simple mercifulness, and that mercifulness is mainly manifested in almsgiving. 
In the Maccabees, in addition to the disappearance of the accuracy and simplicity to be ex- 
pected in works of this character, we find a naive parade of legends, the most obvious anach- 
ronisms, the angelology of the Old Testament travestied and new doctrines taught which are 
utterly without Scriptural support.* 

The Israelitish history, in fact, is everywhere depicted on its worldly side, and the great 
moral goal of the same obviously lost sight of is, indeed, replaced by something else. There 
were, as we know, some, when Christ came, who were waiting for the " consolation of Is- 
rael " (Luke ii. 25), but they were, evidently, those whose thoughts had been busy with what 
Moses and the Prophets had written and not the admirers of the pliilosoi)hy of Pseudo-Solo- 
mon, or such as had sought to mould their lives or stimulate their hopes by the precepts of the 
Son of Sirach. Here and there are to be found, it is true, feeble imitations of prophecy, but 
it was a true instinct that led Luther to say of the best specimens of it: " It is not credible 

1 ITw Jewish Messiah, pp. 198, 199. 

2 See works of Keerl, Stier, KUige, Ebrard, Scheele. and others, as given in tlie Index of Autliorities and articles by 
Hengetenberg in the Evangel. Kirchin-Z-Mimg, 1833, 1854 ; Bleek in Slud. u. Krit., 1853, pp. 267-364 ; NitZBch in the 
Deutsche Zeilsehri/l, 1850, Nos. 47-49 ; the introduction to Echhorn's Einleil. in die Apok. Schriften ; and Llgen, Die 
Gescliichle TtihVs, Vorretie, iii.-xxiii. 

8 So NitZHch, ulern, p. 375 : " Djis.s sie aber, und die vorzUglichst^n am entschiedenfiten, die iilteete Erscheinung de» 
•chul- und pektenni;i.''sit;en und von d:ilier wieder dem A'olksleben Bich mehr Oder minder beimisclienden Judenthum 
bergaben, kann niclit bezweifclt werden." 

4 See, for example of the latter, 2 Mace. xii. 39^6 ; and the remark applies especially to 2 and 3 Mace. 


that the servant of Jeremiah should not have had a higher and richer spirit than this Ba- 
ruch." ' We look in vain, moreover, for any traces of the sublimity and power that dis- 
play themselves in the poetry of Job and of the Psalms, and especially for that fineness of 
conception, modesty of coloring, and general excellence of literary taste that always charac- 
terize the rhetorical figures of the Old Testament.- And, finally, there is an extraordinary 
narrowness of spirit, as well as the process of its growtli from stage to stage, exhibited in the 
apocryphal books with respect to the Jewish people, their place in history, their relations to 
Jehovah, and their future destiny, that, in no sense, fairly represents the teachings of the Old 
Testament, but is rather a caricature of them, and that serves not a little to prepare the way 
for the Pharisaic bitterness which afterwards uttered itself against the One true Interpreter 
of the ancient faith and Founder of the universal religion in the contemptuous words, " Away 
with him! Crucify him! " 

Still, one should not be blinded by any of these reasons to the fact that the Old Testament 
Apocrypha have a value, as we have before shown, quite independent of any questions of 
canonicity. They are witnesses that cannot be overlooked, if not in all respects such as we 
might desire. They have a value as witnesses, moreover, in what they fail to say as well as 
in. that which, with no little confusion and contradiction, they do say. At least, as a foil 
they serve to set off in a clearer light the unrivaled dignity and worth of the writings with 
which they are associated. And as reflecting, too, in all its various phases the popular life 
of the Jewish people in the period when they appeared, they can never be otherwise than im- 
portant. It was one of the most eventful of epochs in the history of Israel. During it they 
came in more or less direct contact with every civilized people of the earth; achieved, in the 
most heroic of struggles, and lost again their national independence; determined the canon 
of the Sacred Books; evolved the order of the Scribes and the worship of the synagogues; 
began the so-called hedge around the law which still exists in Mishna and Gemara; devel- 
oped in bitter strife over points of interpretation and precedent the later parties with their 
sharp antagonisms — and the present books are a kind of cross-section of the period by means 
of which, in the way of example, all this political and moral activity is reproduced before us. 
Besides they are the repository of not a few philological and grammatical treasures, furnish 
many a terra and form employed by Christ and his Apostles as the vehicle of the grandest 
revelations, so that no thorough student of the New Testament can afford to overlook or de- 
spise them. And there is good in them too, of another sort. No one can help being at- 
tracted and charmed by the picture of wisdom drawn for us by the Alexandrian Solomon; 
and there are succinct, well-worded proverbs to be found here and there in the Son of Sirach 
that shine with the beauty and speak with the power of the deepest moral truth. It is re- 
lated of John Bunyan,8 that being greatly comforted by a certain passage which occurred to 
him, he was nevertheless perplexed that he could not find it within the four comers of the 
Bible. It was this: " Look at the generations of old and see; did ever any trust in the Lord 
and was confounded? " He says in regard to it: " Then I continued above a year and could 
not find the place ; but, at last, casting my eyes upon the Apocrypha books I found it in the 
tenth verse of the second chapter of Ecclesiasticus. This at the first did somewhat daunt 
me; because it was not in those texts that we call holy or canonical. Yet as this sentence 
was the sum and substance of many of the promises, it was my duty to take the comfort of 
it, and I bless God for that word, for it was good to me. That word doth still oft-times shine 
before my face." 

3. History of the Old Testament Apocrypha. 

The Apocryphal books of the Old Testament, either as a whole or in part, were never 
admitted by the Jews into connection with what is known as the Hebrew canon, ji^st ^^^. 
They became associated with the Scriptures, at first, solely through the Septua- nectionof 
gint version. The Jews speaking Greek who made use of that translation, hav- pha with the 
ing laxer views than their brethren of Palestine concerning inspiration and canon- ScnpturBS. 
icity, and, at the same time, regarding it simply as a version of the Scriptures, did not hesi- 
tate to connect with it, for ecclesiastical use, such other moral works of Jewish authors as 
from time to time appeared, with but little discrimination as to their real merits. Josephus 
gives the number of books of the actual canon in his day as twenty-two (c. Ap. i. 8), and, 

1 Cited by Keerl, Das Wort Sofffs und die Apok., 1853, p. 10. 

2 Of. my art. in Coii^e^ationai Review for January, 1870, " The Rhetorical Figures of the Old Testament " 
8 See Stanley, iii. 265. 



as the Jews in the time of Origen (Euseb., Ec. Hist., vi. 25) and Jerome (Prol. lo Bookn 
of Sam.) were accustomed to reckon the books of our present canon at that number, it is 
douhtless true that Josephus included in his Ust simply and solely the books of our present 
canon. 1 This testimony of Josephus is the more important because, as we know from hia 
writings, he was well acquainted with several of the apocryphal books and used them freely. 
Further, it seems clear that the Jews nei;er had any other canon of the Scriptures than that 
which is known as the Hebrew, and which, according to Josephus and other witnesses, was 
composed of the books that make up our present Old Testament Scriptures. It has been 
sufficiently proved by Oehler 2 and Frankel « that the Jews, even at Alexandria, did not at- 
tach the idea of canonical authority to the Septuagint, much less to the additions that were 
made to it, and that the notion of a separate Alexandrian canon of the Scriptures, as distin- 
guished from a Hebrew canon, never prevailed among them. 

It may also be true that the Alexandrian Jews did not hold to the idea of a canon, in its 
Properly Strict Sense, at all, but adopted principles rather that were antagonistic to it. 

speaking Still, SO far as they held to the notion of a canon, it was not to a canon of their 

there was no . *^ 

Alexaniirian Own as over agamst that of their Palestinian brethren, but one that was repre- 

canon. sented in the original Hebrew Scriptures as current in their native land. As 

their Egyptian temple at Leontopolis never rose to the first place in their esteem, as they re- 
ceived all higher judicial decisions and their most authoritative teachers from Palestine,* so it 
is clear that their Greek version of the Scriptures could not have been regarded by them, at 
least at first, as holding any other than a subordinate place, as anything more, in fact, than 
a temporary expedient for supplying themselves, as far as possible, with the sacred literature 
of their people. And the fact that they permitted other works like Judith, Tobit, and the 
Story of Susanna to be associated with this version points to such a conclusion even more 
directly than to the one that their notion of the canon altogether was a very loose one. The 
legends that were invented and the various efforts that were subsequently made to give the 
version currency and authority were the natural consequence of the spirit of distrust and jeal- 
ousy that existed between the Jews of Egypt and those of Palestine, a spirit whose bitterness 
shows itself in the well-known utterances of the Palestinian party: " He who studies the un- 
canonical books will have no portion in the world to come." " He who introduces into his 
house more than the twenty-four (i. e., our twenty-two) introduces confusion."' Kuenen, 
also, has recognized the fact, that the Septuagint version, in itself, had in no sense for the 
Jews of Ale.xandria and the Dispersion the force of an authoritative standard. Speaking of 
the criticisms of the same by the grandson of Jesus ben Sirach, he adds: " Thus, either the 
whole of the Old Testament which we now possess, or, at any rate, by far the greater part of 
it, was then translated, but — as it also follows from the words just quoted — as yet had no 
manner of authority, and was tested by the original by any one who had the power and the 
inclination to do so." * 

It is not to be disputed, however, that the Jews of Alexandria and of the Dispersion gen- 
erally, on the orrounds above given, received to their collection of the sacred 

Tc6 AdociT" o ' 

phaandthe books as contained in the LXX., those also which we now designate as the Old 
New Testa- Testament Apocrypha. But it is a most interesting fact, that notwithstanding 
that the New Testament writers in citing the Old Testament make use of this 
Greek translation, they do not, in a single well-accredited instance, quote any of the apocry- 
phal works that were connected with it.' And even certain supposed reminiscences and 
latent references to them which have been noticed by scholars are of an uncertain character, 
and may better be referred to a general traditional source of historical material from which 
these writers in common with others drew.* This remarkable circumstance can scarcely be 
explained, with Schiirer, considering the extent and miscellaneous character of the Apocry- 

1 Cf. Schurer in Herzog's RecU-Eruyk. (2to Aufl.), art. " Apokryphen des A. T." 

■i Heraog B Rtal-Enryk., art. " Kanon.'' 8 Vorstuditn, pp. 56-61. * Piirst, Dtr Kan des A. T., p. 142. 

6 Cf. Faret, idem, pp. 140-150. « iii. 1'3. 1"4. 

7 See, on the general subject, Kuinoel, Ob^ervaiiones, etc. ; Bleek in Stu/t. u. Krit., 1853. p. 325, ff. ; Stier, Keerl, and 
Nitzsch. 1. c. ; Fritzsche in Schenkel's Bii. Lex., art. "Apok. des A. T. ;" and Schurer in Herzog'a Real-Encyk. (2t« 
iufl.), idem. 

8 So Nitzsch, 1. c. : ('DemuDgeacht«t bleibt ee vollkommen denkbar, dass Christuji und die Apostein als Zeugen der 
Offenbarung, zwar unabliissig beschiiftigt mit (iesetz, Propheten und Psalnien, sogar von den wichligeren Apokr> phen 
keine Kenntni.-w nahmeu, datw sie durch keine Rede Oder schriftliche Aeusserung eine Hinwei.*ung auf djeselben beabsici> 
tigten, und allenthalbeD. wo ein so nahes Zusammentreffen beider Seiten in Worten und Gedanken stattfindet, bci'le von 
tinandtr unab/tiin^ aus den gemeinsamen Vorstellungskreiseo testamentischer Religion schopfen." 


pba and the number of times the Old Testament is cited in the New, on the ground that the 
Apocrypha belong to that special category of Old Testament writings which are seldom, or 
not at all quoted, but must be considered as, to some extent, the natural — not to say super- 
natural — result of the well-known relation in which these books stood to the canon, and also 
of the fact, noticed under the previous head, that they lay outside the direct line of the divine 
revelation of redemption in Jesus Christ. 

Hence, the assertion of some Roman Catholic theologians is false, that the Apostles gave a 
Bible containing the .\poc-rvpha to the churches established by them. On the 
contrary, the most thit can be said is that the Apostles used a version of the Old phaan'd^he" 
Testament which contained the Apocrypha, but with so careful an avoidance of Christian 
the latter that it cannot with certainty be affirmed that in all their writings they 
make a single direct allusion to them. It was otherwise, however, with their successors. The 
so-called Apostolic Fathers, without making any positive citations from these works, undoubt- 
edly show acquaintance with them. Clement of Rome, for instance (c. Iv.), alludes to Judith 
as an example of heroism on the part of a woman. In the Epistle of Barnabas (c. xix.), there 
seems to be a reference to Ecclesiasticus (iv. 31); at least, the two passages have a certain 
similarity of thought. In a fragment of the Second Epistle of Clement (xvi. 4), which ap- 
pears in the edition of the Apostolic Fathers by Gebhardt and Harnack (Lips., 1875), is a 
possible reminiscence of a passage in Tobit (xii. 8, 9), although the resemblance is only in 
general coloring. And Justin Martyr (ApoL, i. 46), evidently made use of the Additions to 
Daniel, hut not in such a way that it can properly be inferred that he regarded the book as a 
legitimate part of the Scriptures. The first actual citation of the Apocrypha among Chris- 
tian writers occurs in Irenseus, who quotes from Baruch as from a composition of Jerendah 
{Adv. Hcer., v. 35; of. iv. 20). Clement of Alexandria, too, cites Baruch as ri fle/o ypaipi] {Peed., 
ii. 3; cf. Strom., iv. 16.) Tertullian, also, refers to Ecclesiasticus with the usual formula of 
citation from Scripture, sicut scriptum est {Ex. Cast., c. ii. ; cf. Adv. Valent., c. ii., and De Cullu 
Fern., i. 3). And Cyprian makes use of a number of the apocryphal books, introducing cita- 
tions with the words: sicut scriptum est and scriptura divina dicit. 

It would not, however, be putting the matter in just the proper light to say, with some, 
that Christian writers of the first centuries made no essential distinction between 
the hooks of the Hebrew canon and those of the Apocrypha. They found in their cited care- 
Greek Bibles the Apocrypha connected with the books of the Hebrew canon, and, ''""'y- 
as it would seem, solely through ignorance or inadvertence, at least with no intention of liv- 
ing them a theological significance and indorsement which should be valid for subsequent 
times, made use of them, although far less proportionably, than of the canonical Scriptures. 
It does not seem, moreover, quite fair to say, that, in the early church, cases of dissent from 
the validity of the apocryphal writings were simply sporadic and the result of learned inves- 
tigation, wiihout representing any general view. For, apart from these incidental efforts at 
actual e.xamination, there was nothing that could be characterized as intelligent opinion on 
the subject. It was simply drifting. The mere fact that these works were found in the Bible 
n common use, was enough, in itself, as we know from similar results still, in places where 
:he Apocrypha are circulated in connection with the canonical Scriptures, to account fully 
for the esteem in which they seem to have been held. And it is as remarkable as significant a 
fact, that in instances where special investigations with reference to the matter were made, 
as in the case of Melito of Sardis (Euseb., H. E., iv. 33), and Origen {idem, vi. 25) the line 
was unhesitatingly drawn which excluded all this later Jewish Uterature from the canon of 
Scripture. That Origen was so inconsistent as to cite the Apocrypha as Scripture, notwith- 
standing his deliberate judgment respecting their relative value, and even to defend them as 
such, in the heat of discussion {Epiit. ad African., c. xiii.), shows simply the power of fixed 
habit. In his commentary on Matthew he candidly remarks: '• It is the part of a great man 
to hear and fulfill that which is said, ' Prove all things; hold fast that which is good.' Still, 
for the sake of those who cannot, like ' money-changers,' distinguish whether words are to be 
held as true or false, and cannot guard themselves carefully, so as to hold that which is true 
and yet abstain from all evil appearance, no one ought to use for the confirmation of doctrines 
any books which are not received in the canonized Scriptures." ' 

There can be no doubt, further, that, as a result of investigation on the part of men of 
learning, a gradual change was introduced in Christian public sentiment, so that, while the 

I See Wastcott, Bib. in Churck, p. 137. 


practice of different writers was various, the theory that came to prevail among the principai 

leaders of thought demanded that a decided difference should be made between the 
tion'pro^' books of the Hebrew canon and the subsequent additions. By Athanasius, foi 
dnced a. instance, the apocryphal works were assigned a separate place under the title ot 

"ecclesiastical books" (Epist. Fest., 39). On the other hand, Cyril of Jerusalem, 
Gregory of Nazianzus, and Amphilochius, give lists of the Old Testament Scriptures, in which 
the Apocrypha do not at all occur. These books, in fact, as a whole, were never adopted 
into any catalogue of the Scriptures recognized by an early general council. It has been 
affirmed that three synods — all African and under the dominating influence of Augustine — 
formally sanctioned the Apocrypha along with the canonical books, putting all in the same 
rank.i But this is saying quite too much, such recognition referring to ecclesiastical use only. 
Moreover, Augustine himself repeatedly makes a distinction between the Hebrew canon and 
tlie Apocrypha, admitting that the latter are not of unquestionable authority. Against the 
Donatists, who cited a passage found in 2 Maccabees (xiv. 37), he denied the soundness of 
the argument, on the ground that the book was not admitted into the Hebrew canon, to which 
Christ bore witness, although " it had been received by the church not unprofitably, if it 
were heard or read judiciously." ^ 

Of the Greek church generally it may be said, that as early as the fourth century, under 

Origen's influence, the Hebrew canon was accepted as properly fixing the limits of 
«nd S?* tbe Old Testament Scriptures, even the reading of the Apocrypha being in some 
Western cases forbidden. And this position the Greek church — the same is also true of 

the older Syrian church — has maintained, with but a slight wavering of individ- 
ual fathers, to the present day. At the Reformation this church, in harmony with the en- 
tire body of Protestants, reaflirmed its decision that the books of the Hebrew canon, alone, 
are to be held as authoritative, although more recently, through the probable influence of the 
Romish church and in opposition to Protestants, there has been an apparent weakening in 
this respect.* In the Latin, or Western church, also, such fathers as Jerome, Hilary, and 
Rufinus, took a position of greater or less opposition to the Apocrypha. The latter declared 
(^Expos. in Si/mb. Apost., c. 26) of the books of the Hebrew canon that they were the "in- 
spired Scriptures," " Ex qiiibusjidei nostrce assertiones constare sotuerunt." Besides these there 
were others that were " ?ion canonica sed ecdesiastica a majoribus appellati sunt." The pro- 
nounced attitude of Jerome, also, is well known. After enumerating {Prol. Galeaius to the 
books of Samuel), the works of the Hebrew canon, he says: " Quidquid extra hos est, inter 
Apocrypha esse ponendum." And in another place (Ep. ad Lwtam), he speaks very dispar- 
agingly of the Apocrypha, saying that there was much evil mixed up with them and that it 
required great skill to seek out the gold in the mud: " multaque his admixta viliosa, et grandia 
esse prudenticB aurum in luto qucerere." Still, it is to be admitted, that Augustine's uncertain 
position (cf. De Doctr. Christ., ii. 81), together with the thorough hold of the popular miud 
which the Apocrypha had gained by theu- early use in the Old Latin versions, and the incon- 
sistent practice of nearly all those Fathers who theoretically condemned such indiscriminate 
use, prevented, notwithstanding the weighty opposition mentioned, a full and just settlement 
of the matter. And it remained an unsettled question down to the time of the Reformation, 
a goodly list of Christian scholars refusing to be bound by the opinion of Augustine as over 
against that of the more learned and accurate Jerome, although the former had the sanction 
of the Roman bishop. Gregory the Great (a. d. 590-604*), for example, apologizes for ad- 
ducing a proof text from 1 Maccabees, since it was not a canonical book {Moral, in Job, xix 
17). So Anastasius Sinaita (fA. D. 599), Venerable Bede (cir. A. D. 672-735), Notker, Abbot 
of St. Gall (a. d. 830-912), Hugo of St. Victor (a. d. 1140), Hugo Carensis in the thirteenth 
century, Antonius, Archbishop of Florence in the fifteenth, and the Cardinals Ximenes and 
Caietan in the sixteenth century, among many others,* adopted, for substance, the opinion of 
Jerome, which excluded our apocryphal books from the list of canonical Scriptures. 

Until that of Trent (a. d. 1545-1563), no general council of the church, either in the first 
The Council Centuries or in the Middle Ages, had ever given any decision on the question of 
of Trent.' the limits of the canon or the contents of the Holy Scriptures. It was the criti- 

1 Daviiison'fl Introil. to O. T., iii. 348. 2 Cf. Westcott, idem, pp. 186, 189. 

8 See Bleek's Innod. to O. T., ii. 336. 

4 See a full list of such scholars in Keerl (ed. of 1852), pp. 140-144 ; and cf De Wette, p. 64 ; Reuss, GesMcJite de. 
/v. r., ii. 54 IT. ; and Westcott, Eib. in Church, chap. is. 

6 Cf Delitzsch, Lehrsyslem der Romischrn Kirchi, pp. 385^13; Credner, Geschirhle der N. T. Kan., p, 332 £f. ; Buck 
tey, Hill. !•/ C. of Trim, paasim ; and Hase, Oturch History, p. 454, with authorities there cited. 


cisms of Protestants, particularly of Erasmus and Luther, on the loose practice of Roman- 
ists respecting the Bible, that led to a consideration of the subject at this time. From the 
writings of the latter reformer which had been spread before the council were selected cer- 
tain expressions, in which he had declared his approval of the books of the Hebrew canon 
alone, exclusive of the Apocrypha, and his rejection of the so-called antilegomena of the 
New Testament. In the discussion that took place over them the same difference of opinion 
showed itself among the assembled ecclesiastics that had always ruled in the church, since 
the times of Jerome and Augustine. Some advised that the course of Gregory the Great and 
Caietan be pursued, and that two distinct classes of books in the Scriptures be recognized, 
arguing that Augustine, also, had really been of this opinion. Others held that there were 
rather three classes of writings embraced in the Bible: the acknowledged, the disputed, and 
the apocryphal, and that whatever decision was made one should take account of this fact. 
Still others considered it unwise to attempt any decision of the perplexing problem, and pro- 
posed that the council should content itself with giving a bare list of the books of Scripture 
and leave the question of their relative worth open. But against these several views a fourth 
party, which contended for the position that all the books usually included in the Scriptures 
should be pronounced of equal canonicity and authority, finally prevailed. Although this fact 
is denied by some Romanist theologians, the form of the decree itself places the matter be- 
yond a doubt. It is as follows: "The holy, oecumenical and general council of Trent .... 
following the example of the orthodox fathers, receives and venerates all the books of the Old 
and New Testaments .... and also traditions pertaining to faith and conduct .... with 
an equal feeling of devotion and reverence." The list of the books then follows, including the 
Old Testament Apocrypha, in the following order: " Esdrae primus et secundus, qui dicitur 
Nehemias, Tobias, Judith, Esther, Job, Psalterium Davidicum centum quinquaginta psal- 
morum. Parabolic, Ecclesiastes, Canticum Canticorum, Sapientia, Ecclesiasticus, Isaias, Jere- 
mias cum Baruch. The two books of Maccabees (duo Macbabaeorum, primus et secundus) 
were placed at the end of the Old Testament after the Minor Prophets. This order is wor- 
thy of special attention, since, contrary to an earlier resolution of the body which had deter- 
mined on the arrangement found in the Augustinian canon, where all the apocryphal books 
are placed at the end of the Old Testament, and so in a comparatively subordinate position, 
they are here mixed up with the rest in the same manner as in the Greek Biblc.i Following 
the list of the books of the Old and New Testaments the decree goes on to say : " If, how- 
ever, any one does not receive the entire books with all their parts, as they are accustomed to 
be read in the Catholic church and in the Old Latin Vulgate edition, as sacred and canonical, 
let him be anathema." 

The concluding sentence of the decree, moreover, serves to show in what sense the Triden- 
tine ecclesiastics meant the words " with an equal feeling of devotion and rever- 
ence," as applied to the books of Scripture, should be taken: "Let everyone liow to be 
therefore know what principle the synod in the establishment of the creed and '"'«'■?■■«'«''• 
the restoration of the usages of the church makes use of." That is to say: all these books, 
in like manner, and in an equal degree, are to be regarded as sources of Christian doctrine and 
practice. In fact, no consistent Romish theologian has the right, in view of the decisions of 
this council, to allow that there is any essential difference of authority among the books thus 
pronounced " sacred and canonical." It is true that some of them still continue to speak of 
works " canonical " and '• deutero-canonical," meaning by the latter the Apocrypha. Bellar- 
min even distinguishes three classes of Scriptural writings, reckoning the Apocrypha among 
those whose authority, notwithstanding their prophetic and apostolic origin, has not always 
been undisputed. But no theologian of this church, at the risk of being charged with heresy, 
is permitted to doubt that all of these works are to be esteemed as a part of the inspired 
Word of God, and that they are legitimate sources from which Christian dogmas may be de- 
rived. The declaration that the text of these books as found in the Vulgate is the alone 
authentic and authoritative, the same having been hastily and most imperfectly prepared by 
Jerome, a notorious opponent of the Apocrypha, and the attempt to support their action in 
general respecting the books of Scripture on the basis of previous conciliar decisions, as those 
of Laodicea, of Carthage, and of Florence, show in what a fatal network of contradictions 
the Roman Catholic divines at Trent involved themselves. The decision of the first council 
was of a directly contrary nature, wliile those of the other two, if indeed that of Florence 
i-especting the Scriptures can be considered genuine, had an entirely different scope. 
1 See EauleD, GesMchle drr Vulgala, p. 389, cited by DeliUsch, iJem, p. 392. 


And it is obvious that this important step was taken by the Council of Trent for other than 
simple historical reasons. Without doubt one of these was to emphasize, as much 

Reasons for 

as possible, the differences existing between themselves and the Protestants as 
represented by their two trreat leaders, Erasmus and Luther. In fact, this pur- 
pose was openly announced by Cardinal Polus.^ Another reason is to be found in the weighty 
circumstance that the apocryphal books might be found very useful, if not, indeed, absolutely 
essential in defending certain peculiar dogmas of the Romish church, as, for instance, that of 
the intercession of angels (Tob. xii. 12) and of departed saints (2 Mace. xv. 14; of. Bar. iii. 
4), of tlie merit of good works (Tob. iv. 7 ; Ecclus. iii. 30), its teaching concerning purgatory 
and the desirability that the living pray for the dead (2 Mace. xii. 42 ff.). Tanner ^ candidly 
acknowli'dges, indeed, that the Apocrypha were pronounced canonical because the "church 
found its own spirit in these books." Still fiu-ther, it was a matter of no little interest to 
maintain at all hazards the dignity of the Vulgate, and this would have been greatly imper- 
iled if, on the authority of a general council, so large a part of it as was contained in the 
Old Testament Apocrypha was declared to be of interior value. But if none of these rea- 
sons considered separately, or when taken togetlier, could be regarded as sufficient to deter- 
mine the action of the council with reference to the Scriptures, there is anotlier whose wei^lit 
cannot be disputed. It is the principle that then dominated and must ever dominate in such 
a system as the Romisli church represents, namely, that there are no distinct periods of di- 
vine revelation, but that it is an uninterrupted process going forward in and through the 
church. " When therefore the Catholic church insists with special emphasis on the full and 
equal canonicity of the Apocrypha, its interest in them, before all, declares itself for the 
reason that by their means the gaps in the inspired literature are filled up and that continu- 
ity [" solid .aritiit "] of canonical development restored, which, in turn, forms the innermost 
idea of the dogma of tradition." ' 

Karlstadt, one of the early friends of Luther, was the first in the Protestant church to give 
Writer.^ on particular attention to the subject of the Canon.* While placing all the so called 
the Protes- Apocrypha outside the same, he made tlie distinction among them of apucryphi la- 
wn affiograpJn et plane apocryphi virgis censoriis. To the first class belonged 
Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Judith, Tobit, and the two books of the Maccabees. In the first 
complete original edition of Luther's version of the Bible, the Apocrypha were placed at the 
end of the Old Testament as an appendix, with the title, " Apocrypha — that is, books that 
are not held as equal to the Holy Scriptures and yet are good and useful to read." It may 
be said, in general, that the opinion of Luther on this subject became the prevailing one in 
the church which he represented. But such a statement should not be made without limita- 
tions. Luther's view was a too subjective one to be made the platform of an important 
branch of the Christian church. Personal feeling more than historical evidence, or gram- 
matical criticism, he made the test of canonicity. He did not liesitate to admit that the 
Scriptures contained many imperfections and logical errors. He sometimes took the liberty 
of explaining passages from the Old Testament in a way different from that in which they are 
explained in tlie New Testament. Of Paul's symbolical interpretation of the history of Ha- 
gar and Sarah, for instance, he declared that it was " too weak to hold." ^ Hence, it does not 
surprise us that besides excluding the Apocrypha of the Old Testament from the Bible he 
distinguished in the New Testament the antilegomena from the other books by assigning tliem 
to a subordinate position. The leader's influence was so far felt in the Lutheran church that 
the matter of the canon was left in its standards, for the most part, an open question. Like 
the doctrine of inspiration, the fact of the existence of a canon of Scripture was rather some- 
thing that was assumed than made a distinct dogma. Still, in the so-called Form of Concord 
which, on the 25th of June, 1580, the fiftieth anniversary of the publication of the Augsburg 
Confession, was solemnly promulgated by the Elector of Saxony, and for a large part of the 
Lutheran churcli had the force of a creed, it was declared that the Prophetical and Apostoli- 
cnl Scriptures of the Old and New Testaments constitute the oidy rule of faith, and that no 
oher writings have equal authority.^ Moreover, the position and title which had been given 
:o the Apocrypha in the German Bible, in that of Ziirich and Strassburg of 1529, as well as 

1 Delitzsch, i'lrm, p. 395. 

2 Ueb'r dii kalkotische Traditions und das Protestantische Sc/iri/iprincip, p. 127. 
8 iloltzmann, Kaiuin und Tradit.. p, 431 f. 

4 De Cannniris Scriplvris Libelliis. 5 See Herzog's Rfot-Encyk., yi. 64*6. 

6 See \rt. " Concordien-Fonnel ■' in Herzog's Real-Encyk.^ iii. 87 ff. 


Luther's of 1534, in the absence of a distinct article in the Confession respecting them, 
served as a guide in the formation of opinions. And subsequently, a number of distinguished 
Lutheran theologians, as Chemnitz, Hollaz, and Gerhard, drew a sharp line of distinction in 
their writings between the books qui in codice quidem sed non in canone biblico exstant, and 
those which immediato Dei afflatu scripti sunt. 

Yet, not only in theory but also in practice, the Reformed church took a more pronounced 
position with respect to these works than the Lutheran. The Helvetic Confession 
declares unequivocally : " Credimus Scripturas canonicas sive prophetarum et Apos- ^ church™' 
lolorum utriusque Testamenli ipsum esse verbum Dei." As Westcott has said: 
" The Lutherans, or more strictly Luther, judged the Written Word by the Gospel contained 
in it, now in fuller now in scantier measure, to which the Word in man bore witness : the 
Calvinists, accepting without hesifcxtion the Old Testament from the Jewish Church and 
the New Testament from the Christian Church, set up the two records as the outward test and 
spring of all truth, absolutely complete in itself and isolated from all history." i The French 
Bible of 1535 says of the Old Testament in the title to the same, that it is made up of the 
books translated from the Hebrew, and gives the Apocrypha in the form of an appendix with 
the heading: " The volume of the Apocryphal Books contained in the Vulgate translation 
which we have not found in the Hebrew or Chaldee." This may be taken as expressing the 
deliberate judgment of Calvin, who was the responsible editor of the work. In the Confession 
of Faith made at Basle (1534) and in the two Helvetic Confessions (1536, 1566), as well as in 
the Genevan Catechism (1545), the references to the Scriptures are all of a positive character, 
but no express list of the canonical books is given, the same being generally understood to be 
conterminous in the Old Testament with the Hebrew canon. The Belgian Confession (1561- 
1563) mentions the books by name, both those of the Old and of the New Testament, and 
adds : " These books alone we receive as sacred and canonical non tarn, quod ecclesia eos pro 
hujusmodi reci/jial et ap/irobet, quam imprimis quod spiritus sanctus cordihus nostris lestatur a dec 
profi'ctos esse compriibationemque in se ipsis liabeant." In the Confession of the French Re- 
formed church (1561), art. 4, the Apocrypha are apparently comprehended under the title : 
" Alii libri ecdesiastici, qui ut sint utiles, non sunt tamen ejusmodi, ut ex iisconstitui possit aliquis 
Jidei miiculus.'^ ^ 

The discussions that were held on the subject of the canon at the synod of Dort are of 
much interest, and seem worthy of a more extended notice.' According to the 
olHcial records published at Leyden in 1620 (Acta Synodi Dordrechtanae), in the ^^ ° 
ninth sitting (1618-1619), the following result was reached: " Since it is clear 
that the apocryphal books are mere human writings, some of them spurious and disfigured by 
Jewish legends and inventions, as, for instance, the books of Judith, Susanna, Tobit, Bel and 
the Dragon, and particularly the third and fourth book of Ezra; since some of them, also, in 
doctrinal and historical points contain contradictions to the canonical books; and since they 
neither in the Jewish or early Christian church were added to the codex of the Old Testa- 
ment : it was consequently discussed whether these books were even worthy of a special 
translation, and further, whether it were best that they should be bound up in the same vol- 
ume with the sacred codex, inasmuch as such a connection in the course of time might, as 
in the papal church, expose to the danger that mere human productions would finally come 
to be esteemed by the ignorant as canonical and divine. The matter having been considered 
for a long time, and the most diverse and weighty grounds adduced on both sides, further time 
was desired in order to give said grounds riper deliberation." " In the tenth sitting, 
Gomarus and Diodati (of Geneva), together with other pastors, presented their views in 
written form, and the opinion of those from Tubingen having also been heard, the majority 
voted : ' The Apocrypha should be translated into Dutch, but it did not seem necessary to 
bestow the same careful attention upon them as is demanded in the translation of the canon- 
ical books.' " It was further resolved to continue to permit the Apocrypha to be bound up 
with the other books, but only on the condition that they be separated from them by a suit- 
able space, and be marked by a special title in which it should be emphasized that they were 
purely human, — in fact, apocryphal books. They were to be printed in smaller type, differ- 
ently paged, and the places where they differed from the canonical books indicated on the 
margin, particularly the passages cited by the Papists in support of their peculiar dogmas. 

1 J3i'6. in Church, p. 248. 2 See Herzog's Real-Encyk. vii. 266. 

« See Zeilschrift/Ur hisloriscke Theologie, 1854, pp. 645-648. 


And finally, they were assigned a place, not as usual, between the Old and New Testaments, 
but at the end of the whole Bible. 

In the sixth of the Latin Articles of 1562 of the Anglican church, translated into English 
the following year, the Old Testament Apocrypha are enumerated, with the ex- 
England, ception of Baruch, which, however, was doubtless meant to be included in Jere- 
miah, under the title of " other books," that were to be read for " example of life 
and instruction of manners," but were not to be used for the support of doctrines (ad exein- 
pla vita el fonnandns snores, illos tamen ad dogmata confinnanda non adhibel). lu the Articles of 
1571, ratified by Parliament in their English form, the Book of Baruch is mentioned by name 
as well as all the rest usually found in the list. In practice, however, the Anglican forms an 
exception in some respects to the otherwise universal rule of all branches of the Reformed 
church. Passages from Tobit and Wisdom are quoted in the Homilies as Scripture; Baruch 
is called a prophet; and quotations from the Book of Tobit are also still retained in the Com- 
munion Service (Tob. iv. 8, P). A proposition in Convocation to substitute for these refer- 
ences others taken from the canonical Scriptures was made in 1689, but was voted down by 
a majority of the members.' The same general position as that taken in the English Articles 
with respect to the Apocrypha was also adopted in the Irish Articles of 1615. They declare 
that the books commonly called Apocrypha are not inspired, " and therefore are not of suffi- 
cient authority to establish any point of doctrine ; but the Church doth read them as containing 
many worthy things for example of life and instruction of manners." In the various trans- 
lations of the Bible that were made for use in England, from that of Coverdale in 1535 to the 
Authorized Version of 1611, the Apocrypha were invariably found, but in a subordinate po- 
sition, and usually prefaced by a note characterizing them as " Apocrypha," or more fully, 
as writings without dogmatic authority. Coverdale, in his first edition, put Baruch among 
the canonical books, but in the second (1550), among the apocryphal. In Cranmer's Bible 
of 1540 the term Hagiographa is strangely employed instead of Apocrypha as a title, and in 
later editions even this is omitted. The Westminster Confession (1643) treats of the Scrip- 
tures in its first five articles. The third is as follows: " The books commonly called Apocry- 
pha, not being of divine inspiration, are no part of the canon of Scripture ; and therefore are 
of no authority in the Church of God, or to be any otherwise approved or made use of than 
other human writings." 

Although under cover of a supposed hereditary right the Apocrypha had found a place, if 

_ . .an inferior one, in the English Bible, it was destined soon to lose the same. As 

Subsequent j n i 

history of early as in the edition of 1629 (" Imprinted at London by Bonham Norton and 
phlfnth?" Joh° B'll- Printers to the King's Most Excellent Majestie "), the apocryphal 
English books began to be omitted. In 1643, Dr. Lightfoot, in a sermon from Luke i. 17, 

delivered before the House of Commons, denounced them as the " wretched 
Apocrypha," a " patchery of human invention," by which the end of the Law was divorced 
from the beginning of the Gospel. Again in 1645, in the same place, he pleaded for " a 
review and survey of the translation of the Bible," and that Parliament as a body would 
"look into the oracle, if there be anything amiss there and remove it." Providentially, 
it was not left to the government of England to interfere in the matter, but without any 
special official act these books came, as by common consent, to be omitted from new editions 
of the Authorized Version. 

During the present century two important conflicts have sprung up over the Apocrypha, 
both occasioned by the demand of Protestant Christians on the continent ol 
flfc'tT "° Europe that these books be bound up and circulated with the canonical Scrip- 
tures. From its first organization in 1804, the British and Foreign Bible Society 
had been accustomed to give aid to similar societies on the continent, the so-called Cansteiii 
Bibles containing the Apocrypha being made use of for circulation there. After a few years 
considerable opposition to the measure began to manifest itself among some of the auxiliary 
societies, particularly in Scotland. As early as 1811, consequently, a request was made ot 
the European beneficiaries by the parent society, that they leave out the Apocrypha from 
the Bibles whose circulation was promoted by the same. So much feeling, however, was 
awakened by it, and the fact became so obvious that there was no probability of its being 
tomplied with on the continent, that, after two years, it was withdrawn. From this tims 

1 Cf. Macaulay, Hiil. of En?., lil. 387, 388. New York, 1850. 

3 Cf. An. Reports of Brit, and Foreign Bib. Soc, and Histories of that Society by Owen and Brown respecUrely. 


until the year 1819 there was a continual discussion of the subject in the pulpit and press of 
Great Britain, all parties, on the Protestant side, admitting that the Apocrypha were un- 
inspired writings, but without being able to agree on the point of their relative worth and 
the propriety of circulating them with funds contributed to a Bible Society. Assistance given 
in the year 1819 toward publishing a Roman Catholic version in Italian, Spanish, and Por- 
tuguese, brought matters to a crisis, the Edinburgh branch characterizing the action as a 
breach of previous contracts. The parent society, after long deliberation, resolved (1822) to 
retrace its course, deciding that henceforth its funds should be used only for the distribution 
of the canonical Scriptures, and that whatever was done by auxiliaries toward printing ■■wd 
publishing the Apocrypha should be done at their own expense. Such a middle course, how- 
ever, served rather to enhance than diminish the difficulties of the situation. An appropri? 
tion of five hundred pounds made, under these conditions, to Leander Van Ess to aid him i« 
the public.ition of his Bible, he agreeing to provide independently the necessary means for in- 
cluding the Apocrypha with the same, called forth the most vigorous protests. It was asserted 
that the society would thereby be condoning a serious fault, and, in effect, lending its influ- 
ence to give the color of inspiration to books that were full of errors, even below the level of 
many human writings, and that contained not a few actual contradictions of the canonical 

The consequence was that in December, 1824, the directors of the society voted to rescind 
the action taken about three months before, and now declared that they would aid in the 
publication of Bibles containing the Apocrypha only in case the same were printed as an 
appendix to the canonical books and not distributed among them. The excitement, however, 
already ran too high to be allayed by such a measure. It was argued that it was the duty of 
the society not only not to give the least encouragement to the circulation of the Apocrypha, 
but to discourage it and bear witness at every opportunity to the true limits of the Biblical 
canon. Under the powerful leadership of the Edinburgh branch, the opposition made itself 
felt to such an extent that, in the following year, all action taken with reference to the 
Apocry]>ha since 1811 was stricken from the records of the parent society, and in 1827 the 
following positive ground assumed, which, as far as Great Britain was concerned, put an end 
to the controversy : The principles of the society excluded the circulation of the Apocrypha. 
Persons and associations, therefore, receiving aid from it must bind themselves not to circu- 
late them. Further, bound Bibles alone should be put into the hands of auxiliaries, and that 
only to the extent that pledges were given to circulate the same unchanged. And finally, 
auxiliaries circulating the Apocrypha must place a sum corresponding to the value of the 
Bibles granted them to the credit of the London society. 

In the mean time, the commotion excited in Great Britain by these discussions had awak- 
ened a corresponding one on the continent of Europe. Nitzsch writes, with 

, , • , n- , r T^ 1 1 , , ■ . ,. The conflict 

some humor,' concerning the ettorts made irom England to learn the opinions of on the con- 
various scholars at the continental universities on this subject. As long as the '""'°'- 
London society, however, on which all the continental societies were more or less dependent, 
permitted the publication, with funds furnished by it, of the Apocrypha in any form, the dis- 
cussions going on in Great Britain awakened but little interest in the rest of Europe. But 
when by the resolutions of 1826 and 1827 all further cooperation on this basis was rendered 
impossible and, in addition, the brethren of the continental churches were advised to make 
a bonfire of the troublesome books,- the storm that sprang up was unprecedented. The Bible 
Society of Basle, in a communication addressed to that of London (May, 1826), endeavored 
to dissuade it from the measure resolved upon, and on receiving an unfavorable response, sought 
to unite all the auxiliaries of the continent, more than fifty in number, in an effort in the 
same direction, and in ease of its failure to induce them to form a union for carrjang on the 
work as hitherto.^ The connection between the London society and its continental auxil- 

1 Deutsche Zeitschri/l, No. 47, p. 370 ; " Dies geschah in den zwanzigen Jahren unsers Jahrhunderts. Ich erinnere 
micb, das der Beauflragte schon in Basel, Tubingen, Heidelberg, auch in Frankfurt a. M. angefragt hatte, als er mir in 
Bonn dieses Zutrauen erwies. AUe batten begreiflicher Weise fiir die Mitverbreitung der Apokrypben und gegen die 
schottiscben Antrage gestimmt. Was mau ihm von Graden der Inspiration gesagt hatte, schieu ibu am meisten zu iuterefi- 
eiren, aber wenig zu erbauen." 

2 See Metzger, Gescftirhte der deutschen Bibel-Uebersetzung, p. 326. 

8 One of the resolutions of the paper thus communicated is worthy of special notice. It reads : '' In Erwiigung. das3 
das Merkmal christlicher Universalitat den Grundcharacter einer Mnttergesellschaft bildet, und in der gerechten Besorg- 
niss, dass die Bibelgesellschaft in London dtirck Missverstdndniss zii. ihrer Verfiigung wider iliren Willen g^niilhi^t irorden 
ist, erklaren wir hiermit, dass wir ibr mit unausldslichor Dankbarkeit zugethan bleiben und uns alsbald bereitwiUig aD 
flie, als die Muttergesellschaft, anschliessen, wenn sie dem Character der Universalitat fortdauernd huldigen wird." 

58 THE APOCRii'iiA. 

iaries was finally broken off October 27, 1827. The discussions called forth in Enropeac 
circles by these events were, for the most part, of a superficial character, with the exception 
of certain works by Reus;, Moulinie, and Stier,' which helped prepare the way for the more 
radical and decisive conflict that took place twenty years later. 

The renewal of the strife in Germany in 1850 was no insignificant symptom. " Ortho- 
doxy," as Fritzscbe somewhat sarcastically remarks, " had powerfully gained in 
velopmenr Strength, and now began to show its horns."* As a matter of fact, the question 
could not rest where it had been left in the previous discussions, especially as 
over against the now pronounced position of the British and Foreign Bible Society, and a 
more thorough treatment of it soon became an absolute necessity. The immediate occasion 
of the opening of the controversy was the offering, by a society in Carlsruhe, 1851,^ of a 
prize for the best work on the character and worth of the Apocrypha. The first prize was 
won byKeerl in a treatise entitled: " Die Apokryphen des Alten Testaments" (Leipz., 1852); 
and the second, by Kluge: " Die Stellung und Bedeutung der Apokryphen " (Frankfurt a. 
M., 1852), the latter being in the form of a dialogue and of an eminently popular cast. Keerl 
followed up his first work by three others (1853, 1856), in which he defended it against at- 
tacks, especially those of Stier and Hengstenberg, and showed more fully the errors and con- 
tradictions of the Apocrypha in their relation to the Scriptures. Other more fugitive com- 
positions on the same side, that is, against the Apocrypha, by Wild, Schiller, Schroder, 
Sutter, Ebrard, Kraussold, whose full titles we give elsewhere, appeared at about the same 
time, and the contest was now fairly entered upon. As champions, on various grounds, for 
the retention of the Apocrypha in published editions of the Bible, appeared persons of no 
less distinction and weight than Rudolph Stier,* Hengstenberg, ^ and Bleek.^ The discussion 
was conducted with great warmth on both sides, Stier particularly placing himself through 
an often misdirected zeal in weak and dangerous positions. And even Hengstenberg was be- 
trayed into intimating that the opponents of the Apocrypha were too much influenced in their 
efforts by the wish to share the pecuniary resources of English Christians, and that it might 
be better to give up the circulation of the Bible altogether, than to submit to the latter's nar- 
rowness.' The views of Bleek were undoubtedly most free from bias, but being, at the same 
time, based on a theorv of inspiration which destroys the essential distinction between works 
canonical and apocryphal, they did not have the influence which, in other respects, they de- 
served. One practical result of the discussion was that the so-called Bergische Bibelgesell- 
schaft passed a resolution to the effect that no more Bil)les containing the Apocrypha would 
be circulated by them gratis, or at a reduced rate, but that (" auf ausdriickliches Verlangen," 
'•on sjiecial request ") such Bibles would be issued, at the full cost price, to those wi^hinj 
them on those terms.* And a still more important result was, that the attention of leading 
scholars on the continent was now directed to the matter of subjecting these works to a crit- 
ical and exhaustive study, the fruits of which have greatly enriched the theological literature 
of the last quarter of a century and contributed not a little towards harmonizing the opinions 
of all Protestants on this hnportant question. It may serve as a sign of the change that is 
taking place in Christian public sentiment that scholars appointed in Switzerland (1857-58) 
for the revision of the German Bible, in a report subsequently made,^ expressed their regret 
that it had not been permitted them to leave out certain of the Apocryphal books not found 
.n the Lutheran translation, namely, 1 and 2 Esdras and 3 Maccabees, and declared that, al- 
totrether. thev had found their labor on these writings dreary and unsatisfying. They gave 
the Apocrypha, moreover, a new and separate paging as better corresponding to their 
acknowledged position relative to the canonical Scriptures. 

As we speak circumstantially of the Greek text and the old translations in connection with 

the several separate introductions, it remains for us here simply to characteriz*- 

The Greek (his text in seneral in its published form, and describe the various manuscripts 

that are supposed to be represented in the respective books. All other editions of 

the Septuagint, including the Apocrypha, are based on four principal ones, namely: the Com- 

1 See Index of Authorities below. 2 Schenkel's Bib. La., art. "Apok. des A. T." 

8 " Verein (Ur iDnere Mission Angsb. Bekenntnisses, im Grosshereogthum Baden." 

4 Dif Apok. (1853). 6 Er. Kirchenzeitiing, 1353. 1864. 

Sliul. u. Krit., 1853. ' See Keerl (ed- of 1853), pp. 45, 46. 

8 Ev. Knrhnztiluns. 1854, p. 680 9 Metzger, p. 379. 

10 Cf Smith's Bib Did.. Att. "Septuagint;" Rosenmiiller, HandiiKA, ii. 262-3M; Frankel, roMdidien, pp. 242-25* 
Bchiirer, in Heraog's Rial-Encyk. (2l« AuB ), 1. 494 f 


phitensian Polyglot (•' in Comphitensi universitate," 1514-151 7); the Aldine (" SaciEe Sorip- 
tur£e Veteris Novteque omnia," 1518); the Roman (" Vetus Testamentum juxta Septuaginta 
ex auctoritate Sixti V. Pont. Max. etiitum," Romse, 1587); and Haher's facsimile ,o^ the 
Codex Alexandrinus (1816-28). An edition of the latter was also published by Grabe (1707- 
1720), but its critical value is far below that of Baber's. The text of the Roman edition, be- 
ing mainly that of the Vatican MS. (1209.), is much superior to the others, and as most of the 
later editions of the LXX. are founded upon it, the ordinary printed text is an unusually good 
one. The entire Greek Apocrypha (('. e., 1 Esdras, Tobit, Judith, Additions to Esther, Wis- 
dom, Ecclesiasticus, Baruch, Epistle of Jeremiah, Additions to Daniel, and 1, 2, and 3 Mac- 
cabees), are found in all these editions, except that 1 Esdras is wanting in the Complutensi:i:i 
Polyglot, while Codex Alexandrinus contains in addition 4 Maccabees and the Prayer of .Man- 

The most important subsequent edition of the Greek Bible in the order of time was that of 
Holmes and Parsons (5 vols. 1798-1827, Apocrypha in vol. v.), which is accompanied by a 
great number of valuable readings of MSS. and previous editions. The Vatican MS. (1209. 
named here II.) was collated for only a part of the Apocrypha (1 Esd., Additions to Esth., 
Jud., and Tob.), it having been, during the progress of the work, put out of the reach of the 
editors. In the year 1850 appeared the first edition of Tischendorf's " Vetus Testamentum 
Greece juxta LXX. interpretes " (Lips., 5th ed. 1875). He gave the readings of the Codex 
Alexandrinus and, so far as known at the time of publication, those of the Sinaitic MS. 
(Friderico-Augustanus) and of the palimpsest of Ephraim the SjTian. Further, in 1869, was 
published, by Mr. Field at Oxford, an edition of the LXX. (" Vetus Testamentum Grasce 
juxta LXX. interpretes, recensionem Grabianam denuo recognovit "), on the basis of the 
Codex Alexandrinus, manifest errors of transcription being corrected by the aid of other 
MSS. The apocryphal books are separated from the canonical, and the order of the latter 
is that of the Hebrew Bible. Other minor editions are those of Bos (Franeq., 1709), 
Breitinger (4 vols., Turici, 1730-32), and several by Bagster. The last has also published 
a separate edition of the Apocrypha in Greek (text of the Roman edition), with the English in 
parallel columns (Lond., 1871). The Apocrypha in Greek, moreover, have been published 
in a separate form by Fabricius (1691, 1694), Augusti (1804), Apel (1837), and Fritzsche 
(1871). The last work, with its rich and well-arranged critical apparatus, is far superior to 
any that has preceded it, but is itself so far imperfect that, for some of the books (Ecclus., 
Bar., Ep. of Jer., and Additions to Dan.), no collation of the Vatican MS. (II.) was made, 
while for the remaining, the collation of Holmes and Parsons was followed, except in the Book 
of Wisdom, for which Fritzsche made use of the faulty transcript of the MS. by Cardinal Mai 
(Romje, 1857). In view of the recent appearance of this famous Codex in a far more cor- 
rect form in the edition of Vercellone and Cozza (Romse, 1868-1875, vols, i.-v; vol. vi., 
jontaining the critical apparatus, was promised for the year 1878), and the new photo-litho- 
graphic edition of the Syriac Hexapla by Ceriani (Mediol., 1874), a new edition of 
Fritzsche's otherwise most excellent and satisfactory work would seem to be called for. 
Editions of single books of the Apocrypha have appeared at diflferent times, as follows: by 
Linde, Ecclesiasticus (1795); the same by Bretschneider (1806); of Esther, by Fritzsche 
(1848); Wisdom (1858) and Tobit (1870), by Reusch. 

The uncial MSS. containing a greater or less portion of the Apocrypha are comparatively 
numerous. (1) The most important and valuable of these is Vaticanus 1209. 
by Holmes and Parsons, whose nomenclature Fritzsche follows, called No. II. It 2"""^ '"*''• 


originated, as is supposed, in the fourth century, and contains the following Apoc- 
ryphal books: 1 Esd., Wisd., Ecclus., Additions to Esth., Jud., Tob., Bar., Ep. of Jer., and 
Additions to Daniel. (2) Codex Sinaiticus, likewise of the fourth century, is the next uncial 
in age and rank. It is kept at St. Petersburg. The name given it by Fritzsche, as including 
the MS. Friderico-Augustanus, an earlier discovered fragment of the same preserved at 
Leipsic, is X. It contains the Additions to Esther, Tobit (i.-ii. 2 in Frid.- August.), Jud., 1 
and 4 Mace, Wisd. , and Ecclesiasticus. (3) Codex Alexandrinus (III.) is of the fifth century, 
ind now to be found in the British Museum. The Apocrypha have in it the following order: 
Bar., Ep. of Jer., Additions to Dan., Additions to Esth., Tob., Jud., 1 Esd., 1, 2, 3, 4 
Mace, Prayer of Man., Wisd., Ecclus. (4) Codex Ephraemi rescriptus (C.) is preserved at 
Paris, and is thought to have originated in the fifth century. It has considerable fragments of 
Ecclus. (cf. Tischendorf's ed. of LXX., Prolegom., p. Ixxxiii.) and Wisdom (viii. 5-xii. 10; xiv. 


19-xvii. 18; xviii. 24-xix. 22). (5) Codex Venetus is found at the library of St. Mark's, 
Venice. It was falsely numbered as a cursive MS. (23.) by Holmes and Parsons. It ap- 
parently originated in the eighth or ninth century, and contains all the Apocrypha here 
treated except 1 Esd., Additions to Esth., and the Prayer of Manasses. (6) Codex Basili- 
ano-Vaticanus 2106. (XL) is from the ninth century, and contains of our books : 1 Esd. (ex- 
cept viii. 1-6; ix. 2-55), and the Additions to Esther. (7) Codex Marchalianus, or Vati- 
canus 2125. (XII.), is from the sixth or seventh century, and contains of the Apocrypha: 
Bar., Ep. of Jer., and the Additions to Daniel. (8) Codex Cryptoferratensis, of the seventh 
century, was published by Cozza, at Rome, in 1867 (2 vols., vol. iii. 1877), and has frag- 
ments of Baruch. of the Ep. of Jer., and the Additions to Daniel. It seems not to have 
been collated hy Fritzsche. (9) There remain, moreover, yet to be collated two palimpsests 
of Ecdus. and ^\'isd., discovered by Tischendorf and now preserved at St. Petersburg. 
'J'liis scholar had reserved them for volume viii. of the Monumenta sacra inedita, which did 
not appear. 

The following cursive MSS. also, the most of them first collated for the edition of the LXX. 
by Holmes and Parsons, are noticed in the critical apparatus of Fritzsche's " Libri 
Apocryphi V. T. Graece," and for convenience may be here more particularly 
described : For 1 Esdras were used 44. (Cod. Zittaviensis, e codd. biblioth. senatus Zittavis 
ascribed to the 15th cent.); 52. (Cod. Liguriensis, Florence, parchment, of the 10th cent.), 
55. (Cod. Vat. n. 1, parchment, some say from the 10th, others from the 12th cent.); 58. 
(Cod. Vat. n. 10, parchment, c. 13th cent.) ; 64. (Cod. Parisiensis n. 2, parchment, c. 11th 
•cent.); 68. (library of St. Mark's, Venice, n. 5, parchment); 71. (Cod. Par. n. 1, paper, i.e. 
fharta bombycina, c. 13th cent., carelessly transcribed); 74. (Cod. Marcianus, at Cloister of 
St. Mark near Florence, c. 12th cent., lacks vi. 4-30, written by different hands); 106. (Cod. 
Ferrariensis, paper, c. 14th cent., found at library Garmelitarum Calceatorum ad div. Paulum, 
Ferrarae) ; 107. (Cod. Ferrariensis, paper, had same copyist as 106., dated 1334); 119. (Cod. 
Par. n. 6, parchment, 13th cent.); 120. (Cod. Venetus n. 4, parchment, 11th or 12th cent.); 
121. (Cod. Venetus n. 3, parchment, probably of the 11th cent.); 134. (Cod. Mediceus, e 
codd. biblioth. Mediceo-laurentianas, Florence, parchment, 10th cent.); 236. (Cod. Vat. n. 
331, parchment, 10th cent.); 243. (Cod. Coislinianus n. 8, 10th cent., especially rich in read- 
ings from Aquila, Symmaehus, and Theodotion); 245. (Cod. Vat. n. 334, parchment, date 
before 10th cent.); 248. (Cod. Vat. n. 346, paper, c. 14th cent.). Additions to Esther: 
55.93 b. (see 93. below) 108a. (see 108. below); 249. (Cod. Vat., parchment); 52.64. 243. 248. 
44. 68. 71. 74. 76. (Cod. Par. n. 4, parchment, apparently of 12th cent.); 106. 107. 120. 236. 
Additions to Daniel. 26. (Cod. Vat. n. 556, parchment, c. 13th cent.), 33. (Cod. Vat. 1154, 
parchment, 10th cent., is mutilated at the beginning and has only five verses of Bel and 
Dragon) ; 34. (Cod. Vat. n. 303, parchment, c. 12th cent.) ; 35. (Cod. Vat. n. 866, c. 12th 
cent.); 49. (Medicean Lib., 11th cent.); 87. (Cod. Chisianus, 9th cent.); 88. (Cod. Chis., 
has both texts) ; 89. (11th cent.); 91. (Cod. Vat. n. 452, parchment, 11th cent.); 130. (Cod. 
Cajsareus, Vienna, parchment, 10th or 12th cent.); 148. (Cod. Vat. n. 2025, parchment, c. 
12th cent.); 149. (at Vienna, parchment, c. 13th cent., contains of additions only Bel and 
Dragon); 228. (Cod. Vat. n. 1764, parchment, c. 13th cent.); 229. (Cod. Vat. n. 675, 14th 
cent., closes with ver. 2 of Bel and Dragon) ; 230. (Cod. Vat. n. 1641, parchment, c. 12th cent.) ; 
231. (Cod. Vat. n. 1670, parchment, 11th cent.); 232. (Cod. Vat. n. 2000, parchment, 
c. 12th cent.) ; 234. (Cod. Mosquensis); 235. (Cod. Vat. n. 2048). Prayer of Mananses : 
T. (Cod. Turicensis, a MS. of the Psalms at Zurich). Baruch: 231. 96. (Cod. of the Hexa- 
pla in the collection of Moldenhauer, at Copenhagen); 49. 26. 198. (Nat. Lib. at Paris — 
formerly Colbert, n. 14. parchment, apparently of 11th cent., contains i. 1-ii. 19); 229. 33. 
70. (belongs to lib. of Church of St. Agnes, Augsburg, parchment, lOth or 11th cent.) ; 86. 
(lib. of Card. Barberini, Rome, very old but corrected from Hexapla) ; 87. 88. 91. 228. 239. 
(Cod. of lib. S. Salvatoris, Bologna, n. 641, parchment, dated 1046). The Epixtle of Jeremiah 
is found in the same MSS., in general, as Baruch. In 231. verses 54 to the end are wanting, 
and the MSS. 70. 96. 229. do not contain the Epistle. Tobil : 44. 52. (from iii. 16 on, 
wanting), 55. 58. (lacks xiii. 7-14), 64. 71. 74. 76. 106. 107. 236. 243. 248. 249. Judith : 52. 
55. 64. 243. 248. 249. 44. 71. 74. 76. 106. 107. 236. 1 Maccabees: 44. 52. 55. 56. (from x. 16 
on, wanting), 62. 64. 71. 74. 106. 107. 134. (begins with xi. 33), 243. (lacks xi. 63-xv. 4). 
S Maccabees: Is found in the same MSS. generally as the first book, except that it fails in 
134. ; 66. (begins with v. 11, and ends vi. 7); 64. (lacks x. 13 to end of chapter); 243. (ends 


with xiv. 23). S Maccabees : 55. 74. 44. (lacks ii. 5-8, 13-15), 71. (is fragmentary, wanting 
ii. 3-19; iii. 28, 30 ; v. 11-13 ; vi. 4-15, 25, 26, 34-36, 38-40; vii. 2), 19. 62. 64. (ends with 
vi. 13), 93. Ecdesiasticiw: : 55. 68. 70. 106. 155. 157. (ends with Ii. 21), 248. 253. 254. 296. 
(wants xviii. 18-xix. 3; xxiii. 3-16; xlviii. 12-xlix. 15, and chap. Ii), 307. (Cod. Monacensis 
n. 129, paper, 14th cent., lacks xxi. 3-xxvi. 20, and all after xlii. 33). Wisdom: 55. 68. 106. 
(lacks xi.x. 18, to the end); 155. (Cod. Meermaiii, end of 12th cent., vi. 23-xv. 19 is wanting); 
157. (Basil. B. vi. 23); 248. 253. (Cod. Vat. n. 336, parchment, 14th cent.) ; 254. (Cod. Vat. 
n. 337, parchment, apparently 13tli cent.); 261. (Medicean Library n. 30., 14tli cent., end 
fails as in 106., and in other respects like: "oninino genielli sunt," Fritzsche) ; 296. (Cod. 
Vaticano-palatino-heidelberg. n. 337, parchment, 13tli cent.). Fritzsche also gives for this 
book the readings of several Paris MSS. collated by Thilo, designated respectively by the 
letters A. Aa. (fragment i.-iv. 7, connected with A.), B. C. D. E. F. G. H. I. 

The following codices belong, according to a recent discovery of Paul de Lagarde ' and 
Mr. Field, 2 to the recension of the martyr Lucian, made in the third century: 19. (Cod. Bibl. 
Chigianae, Rome, 10th cent., containing 1 Esd. ii. 16-ix. 36, and .\dd. to Esth., Judith. 1, 2, 
and 3 Maccabees) ; 93. (Cod. Arundelianus, British Museum, contains 1 Esd., Add. to Esth., 
1, 2, 3 Maccabees); 108. (Cod. Vat. n. 330, paper, 14th cent., contains 1 Esd., Add. to 
Esth., Tobit, except x. 8 ff.); 36. (Cod. Vat. n. 303, parchment, c. 13th cent., contains 
Baruch, Ep. of Jer., and Add. to Dan.); 48. (Cod. Vat. n. 1794, parchment, 11th cent., con- 
tains same books) ; 51. (Cod. of Medicean Lib., parchment, 11th cent., same books); 62. (at 
Oxford, 13th cent., same books and in addition 1, 2, 3 Maccabees) ; 90. (Cod. Bibl. Lau- 
rentianae, parchment, c. 11th cent., has Add. to Dan., Bar., and Ep. of Jer.) ; 147. (Bodleian 
Lib., 13th cent., same books); 233. (Cod. Vat. n. 2067, 12th cent., same books); 22. (Brit. 
Mus., 11th or r2th cent., has Baruch) ; 308. (Vienna, contains the same parts of Ecclus. as 
296., and lacks in addition xlv. 15-xlvi. 12). 

Other characters used by Fritzsche in his critical apparatus and adopted in the present vol- 
ume, are as follows: Co., Complutensian Polyglot; Aid., the Aldine edition of the LXX. ; H., 
Hoeschel's Codex Augustanus; HF., the edition of Tobit in Hebrew by Fagius; HM., the 
edition of Tobit in Hebrew by MUnster; Syr. P., the Peshito Version; Syr. Ph., the Philoxen- 
ian version; Ar., Arabic ; Vet. Lat., Old Latin; Vulg., Vulgate, and to be distinguished from 
vulg., by which the texlus receplus is sometimes designated. 

The translators of the English version of the Apocrypha, incorporated with the Bible of 
1611, have not left us wholly in doubt respecting the authorities made use of by 
them. By means of the marginal notes and references, as well as by comparing ^"^fu"*-',. 
the readings adopted with the critical works known to have been in their hands, used in the 
a tolerably correct judgment of their method of procedure may be obtained, len'.s"" 
Next to the Latin translation of the Apocrypha, by Junius, they depended mainly 
on the Complutensian Polyglot (1517), and the Aldine edition of the LXX. (1518). For 1 
Esdras, the last was their principal authority (cf. ii. 12), as that book did not find its way 
into the work of Cardinal Ximenes. And for the Prayer of Manasses there seem to have 
been no Greek authorities at hand, the same not appearing in the Polyglot of Walton till 1657, 
and the Alexandrine Codex first reached England in the year 1628. But the Roman edi- 
tion of tlie LXX. (1587) was also in their hands, as is evident from direct references to it 
(cf. margin at 1 Esd. v. 25; viii. 2; Tob. xiv. 5; 1 Mace. ix. 9), although it seems to have ex- 
erted no preponderating influence. Sometimes the Aldine copy was followed in preference 
to the united testimony of the Roman edition and the Complutensian Polyglot (cf. Jud. iii. 
9; viii. 1; Ecclus. xvii. 31; xxxi. 2; xxxvi. 15; xxxix.l7; xlii.l3; xliii.26; .xlvii.l; Bel and 
Drag., ver. 38; 2 Mace. i. 31 ; viii. 23; xii. 36; xiv. 36). And again the Roman edition was fol- 
lowed as against the other two (cf. 1 Mace. iii. 14, 15, 18, 28; iv. 24; v. 23, 48; vi. 24, 43, 
57; vii. 31, 37, 41, 45; viii. 10; ix. 9; x. 41, 42, 78; xi. 3, 15, 22, 34, 35; xii. 43; xiii. 22, 
25; xiv. 4, 16, 23, 46; xv. 30; xvi. 8; 2 Mace. viii. 30; xv. 22).* It looks somewhat suspi- 
cious, however, that so many of the latter passages are to be found in one book of the Apoc- 
rypha, and it makes the impression, by itself, that simple convenience may have been too 
much consulted in the matter. 

1 Sm Theotog. Literaturztitung, 1878, col. 605. 2 Idem, col. 179- 

i Cf. SoriveQex, Tfu Cambridgt Farasraph BibUy Introd., pp. zxrii., xxviii. 4 ScriTener, idem, p. xxvii., DOte 4. 



The title which this book bears in the English Bible was first given to it in 1560, by the 

translators of the so-called GeneTan Tersion. The church of England, however, in its 
article of religion relating to the Scriptures, promulgated two years later, and again in 1571, 
following the usage of the Vulgate, calls it the " Third Book of Esdras " ; our present 
canonical Books of Ezra and Nehemiah being known, respectively, as "First" and 
" Second Esdras." ^ 

In the Old Latin, Syriac, and Septuagint versions, on the other hand, it was designated 
as the '-First Book of Ezra," and held a corresponding position in the order of books. 
This was doubtless due to the nature of its contents, which include a somewhat earlier period 
of history than the books with which it is associated, and not, as Movers ' and Pohlmann * 
strangely conjecture, on account of its superior age. The Codex Alexandrinus and some 
MSS. of the LXX. name the work i Upeis, — Ezra being regarded as a priest ^aj- excellence ; 
while Jerome, in his Prologus Galeatus, reckons the work among the "apocryphal" books 
of the Old Testament, under the name of " Pastor," and is followed, in this respect, by 
some writers at a later period (Petrus Comestor, cir. a. d. 1170). On the basis of this fact 
it has been asserted, even by so sagacious a critic as Credner, that Jerome classed the well- 
kuown Paxtor Hermes with the Old Testament Apocrypha.^ 

By Isidore of Seville {Origq., vi. 2) the book is entitled the " Second Book of Ezra" ; 
Nehemiah and the canonical Ezra being regarded as the First Book. In times still more 
modern, writers have inaccurately applied to it such titles as the " Pseudo-Ezra," and the 
" Apocryphal Ezra," which might easily lead to confounding the work with what is known 
in the English Bible as " Second Esdras." A fit title, both as it respects convenience and 
definiteness, would be the "Greek Ezra"; this distinguishes the book alike from the 
canonical Ezra with its Hebrew original, and from the "Apocalypse of Ezra," which is 
extant in a Latin text only. 

I. Contents and Scope. 

The contents of the book are as follows: Chap. i. agrees in general with 2 Chron. xxxv., 
xxxvi. ; ii. 1-15 agrees in general with Ez. i. ; ii. 16-30 agrees in general with Ez. iv. 7-24; 
iii.-v. 6 is of unknown origin; v. 7-73 agrees in general with Ez. ii.-iv. 6; vi.-ix. 36 
aorees in general with Ez. v.-x. 44; ix. 37-55 agrees in general with Neb. vii. 73-viii. l.S. 

Different opinions prevail respecting the aim of the work. DeWette ^ says, that no object 
of the "characterless compilation" is discoverable. Ewald, Fritzsche, Keil, and others, 
however, agree that the object aimed at seems to have been to give a history of the restora- 
tion of the temple. The Old Latin version, indeed, led the way in this opinion, having 
given as the subject, De reslitutione templi. In the language of Bertholdt (Einleit. in d. All. 
Test., p. 1011), " He [the compiler] would bring together from old works a history of the 
temple from the last period of the legal cultus to the time of the rebuilding of the same and 

1 This iQtroduction, excepting a few changes and additions, appeared as an article in tlie BStiiotheca Sacra for April, 

••i Of. Cosin, Scholast. Hist, of Can., p. sx, and Woetcott, BibU in Church, pp. 281 ff. 

8 Kirchfn-Lfxicon, art. " Apok. Lit.,"' and Loci quitlam HistorifE Can. Vet. Test., p. 30. 

4 Tui. Theolog. Quarlalschri/I, 1859, p. 257 ff. 

6 G'trhichte d. N. T. Kan., pp. 273, 312, 313. Cf. Bertholdt, Einleil., p. 1006, and Diestel, OoMehte d. Htm IkM. 
HI d. Christ Kirchf, p. 182. 

• Eitiltit in d. AU. Test., p. 665. 


the restoration of the appointed service therein." To this it should, perhaps, be added, that 
special and undue emphasis is put upon the generosity of Cyrus and Darius in their relations 
to the rebuilding of the temple, apparently as furnishing a fit example for other heathen 
rulers. 1 

II. Arrangement of Materials. 

With this supposed aim of the book the arrangement of its matter, so far as it can be said 
to have any arrangement, appears to agree. In the first chapter, the author places the 
account of the celebration of the Passover under Josiah, and carries the history forward to a 
period just previous to the Babylonian Captivity. He then passes over in the second 
chapter to the reign of Cyrus, giving an account of the return of the Jews under the leader- 
ship of Sanabassar [Zerubbabel], the attempt at rebuilding the temple, and the prohibition 
of the work by Artaxerxes. In chaps, iii.-v. 6 comes the only independent portion of the 
work, in which it is narrated that, after a great feast given by Darius, three young men, 
who formed his body-guard, held a discussion in his presence on the question, " What is 
mightiest?" Zerubbabel is represented as one of these three young men (?), and secures 
the victory in the contest. He is able, consequently, to obtain the king's consent to the 
return of the Jews. Then follows, ch. v. 7-73, a list of the families that returned (in the 
time of Cyrus!), an account of the resumption of work on the temple, the opposition encoun- 
tered, and an interruption for two years (!) until the time of Darius (!). Chaps, vi.-vii. 
continue the history to the completion of the temple and the restoration of its service, which 
took place under the direction of Zerubbabel, and during the reign of Darius. Then follows, 
viii.-ix. 36, a narrative of the return of Ezra at the head of a colony, the history of his 
dealings with those who had married foreign wives; and, at the close, ix. 37-5.^, the public 
reading of the law. 

By placing the order of the history in the related parts as found in the canonical books 
side by side with that adopted by our author, the evident confusion of the latter will be still 
more apparent. 

Order of Canonical Books. ■ 

1. Return under Zerubbabel. 

2. List of those returning. 

3. Efforts to rebuild the temple, and opposition of the 


4. Cassation of work by order of Artaxerxes. 

5. Resumption and completion of the work by Zerub- 

babel in the reign of Darius. 

6. Return of Ezra with a caravan. 

1 Esdras. 

1. Return under Sanabassar [Zerubbabel]. 

2. Attempt to rebuild the temple, and opposition of the 

3. Cessation of work by order of Artaxerxes. 

4. Resumption of work by permission of Darius. 

5. A list of persons who returned with Zerubbabel [in 
the time of Cyrus !] 

6. Resumption of work on the temple, which the Samar- 
itans cause to cease. 

7. Completion of temple by Zerubbabel during the 
reign of Darius, who uses against the opposing 
Samaritans a decree of Cyrus. 

8. Retiu-n of Ezra with a caravan. 

Naturally, the difficulties presented to the critic by this arrangement have been among the 
most perplexing of the book. Indeed, the palpable contradiction and absurdity of repre- 
senting, among other things of a similar character, that the Samaritans effectually opposed 
the rebuilding of the temple under Zerubbabel after his return from Darius with plenipoten- 
tiary powers, and that such opposition continued until the time of Daritis, when it was 
overcome by appealing to a decree of Cyrus, are so gross that most writers make no attempt 
at explanation. De Wette (Einleit., p. 566) characterizes this arrangement as false and 
nonsensical. And Hervey, in Smith's Bible Dictionary (art. "1 Esdras"), holds that 
efforts " to reconcile the different portions of the book with each other and with Scripture 
are lost labor." 

Josephus, who made considerable use of the book, sought in vain to bring its several parts 
into chronological order. He made a series of suppositions to which, although they are evi- 
dently suppositions only, he did not scruple to give the form and force of historical statements. 
He represented, for instance, (1) that Zerubbabel returned to Babylon from Jerusalem; and, 
as a matter of personal friendship, was made one of his body-guard by Darius; (2) that the 
Samaritans were refused permission by the Jews to participate with them in the rebuilding of 

1 Cf. Ewald, Oese/tichte^ iv 164; Keil, Einleit.^ p. 708, and Zotenberg's tianstatiCQ from the Peman of the History 
)/ Daniel in Mcrx's ArcMv, 1869, pp. 397-399. 


the temple, on the ground that the latter had received their permission from Cyrus and from 
Darius; and (3) that the disappointed Samaritans then complained to Darius, not that the 
Jews had aijain begun to rebuild, but that the looi'k was proceeding too fast (^Antiq. of the 
Jews, xi. 3, 4). Josephus did not seem to consider that the age of Zerulibabel must have dis- 
qualified him from being one of the " young men " (vtavlnKot) mentioned (iii. 4; cf. v. 5), or 
that his other explanatory statements fall far short of covering the ground of our author's 
difficulties. For a notice of additional misplacements of the facts of this history by Jose- 
phus, see Ewald (Geschichte, iv. 167). 

There can be little doubt that the immediate occasion for the series of contradictions in 
which our author involves himself, is to be sought in the narrative of the debate before Da- 
rius. This seems to have been with him a principal point of attraction, and its false glitter 
blinded him to the deficiencies of his work in other partiS. Fritzsche supposes that the orig- 
inal hero of this part was not Zerubbabel, but his son Joakira (cf. v. 5), and that the former 
name, as the more illustrious, had been substituted (iv. 13) previous to the compilation of our 
present book. But, ingenious as this suggestion is, it seems to us less probable than that the 
name of Zerubbabel was originally introduced into the legend under the mistaken impression 
that the Sanabassar, elsewhere spoken of as conducting the first company of captives from 
Babylon, was some other person than Zerubbabel. This critic's theory for explaining the 
confused arrangement is as follows : After the author had given an account of the return in 
the time of Cyrus, he passes at once, in order to come without delay to the history of affairs 
under Darius, to the prohibition to build by Artaxerxes. Then, since according to 
his text in the original fragment, the historical position of Zerubbabel had been changed, in 
that he was understood to have conducted a subsequent caravan to Jerusalem during the 
reign of Darius, he first relates this fact, and then, without being conscious of the anachro- 
nism, takes up the list of those returning in the time of Cyrus (cf. Einleit., p. 6 f.). 

But it may well be questioned whether any supposed haste of the compiler to get forward 
in his narrative to the time of Darius could have been the occasion for his omitting, in its 
proper place, so conspicuous and closely-connected a part of the history as a long list of 
names which lie deems of importance enough to justify its subsequent introduction. Herz- 
feld's effort to support the forced supposition of Josephus, that Zerubbabel went a second 
time to Babylon, by appealing to Zech. i. 7; iii. 8, 9 ; vi. 13, cannot be regarded as success- 

3. Author, Time, and Place nf Compilation. 

As helping to a decision of the question, who the compiler of our book was, and when and 
where his work was done, the original portion, chap. iii. -v. 6, appears to be of special im- 
portance, both on account of its own peculiar character and the interest with which, as we 
have seen, be himself regarded it. That the writer of this portion of the book did not live 
in the time of the Persian kings, seems evident from the fact, that he uses the phrase, " Medes 
and Persians," and " Persians and Medes," interchangeably;^ that he lived in Egypt ap- 
pears probable from his allusion (iv. 23) to " sailing upon the sea and upon the rivers " for 
the purpose of " robbing and stealing; " ^ that he wrote after the period of the reception of 
Esther and Daniel into the canon, is indicated by the language chap. i. 1, 2 ff.; cf. also, iii. 
9, with Dan. vi. 3. But was the compiler of the book himself the author of this independent 
portion? It is scarcely to be supposed ; and the idea is entertained by no considerable num- 
ber of critics. Still, the fact that he came into possession of it at all, and used it with so 
much esteem, while it bears in contents and form so evidently the stamp of the Alexandrian 
school, cannot be without its weight. 

The evidence to be gained from other parts of the work on the points before us is less de- 
cisive. Fritzsche's opinion that the author was a Hellenist living in Palestine, which he 
supports only by a single doubtful reference to the book itself (v. 47), can hardly pass for a 
probable conjecture. On the other hand, Dahne's argument,^ which Langen ^ ably supports, 
10 prove an Egyptian origin for the entire work from certain marked peculiarities of its lan- 
guage, seems to be entitled to more weight than Fritzsche (See Nachlrage in his Com.) is 
willing to allow it. It might also be added, that while no lack of interest in the contents of 
such a book could be predicated of the Jews of the Dispersion, there would be far 
more need felt for a Greek translation of this kind in Egypt than in Palestine. 

1 Gesdiichtc, i, 321-823 ; cf. Keil, Einlfit., p. 706, and Fritzsche, Einleit., p. 7. 2 Uitzig, Geschichte, p. 277. 

> Cf. Oraete, iii. p. 39 f., and Qutmann, EittUil., p. 214. * ii. 116 ff. 6 Das Jiidrntkum, etc., p. 176 t 


After what has been already said, it will be evident that the date of the compilation can- 
not be fixed with any degree of definiteness. The acknowledged use of the book by Josephus 
furnishes a limit in one direction. Most critics, iu fact, agree in assigning it to the first or 
second century before Christ ; Fritzsche deciding for the former period as the more probable. 
Grimm finds in its language evidence of a late origin. Cf. Com. on 1 Mace. i. 43; ii. 18; iii. 
46 ; X. 18, el passim; also, my notes at iii. 14 ; vi. 7. 

4. Sources of the Work and Character of the Text. 

Even a cursory comparison of the text of our book with that of the canonical writers in 
parallel passages, will at once disclose the fact that, while there is a general agreement, there 
are, on the other hand, in detail, not a few cases of variation and disagreement, for some of 
which it is difficult, with our present information, satisfactorily to account. These devia- 
tions, which formerly led Biblical students to the too hasty conclusion that the book was quite 
valueless, have, in later times, by a natural but e.xtreme reaction, been regarded by some as 
evidence that the author used another recension of the Hebrew text, and one, in more or 
fewer instances, superior to the Masoretic. An overwhelming majority of the diverse read- 
ings of our book, however, may undoubtedly be referred to the acknowledged fact, that its 
author sought, as a matter of primary importance, to make his work smooth in language and 
clear in thought; and that to attain this object he did not hesitate to use whatever text he 
may have had before him with the utmost freedom. And since this is admitted to be the 
fact, it would appear to be a more reasonable course to seek an explanation for the really 
very few instances where a supposed belter reading is followed in the general spirit and drift 
of the work, than in the bold theory of another recension of the original text. 

Ninety-nine one hundredths of all the passages which disagree with the extant Hebrew 
original may probably be classed under the following heads: ' (1) Passages in which the author 
seeks to avoid hard Hebraistic expressions, viii. 6, cf. Ez. vii. 9 ; (2) where he shortens, for the 
take of smoothness, to avoid repetition, or for other reasons, i. 10, cf. 2 Chron. xxxv. 10-12; 
ii. 16, cf. Ez. iv. 7-11; vi. 3, 4, cf. Ez. v. 3, 4; (3) jnakes changes or omissions in superscrip- 
tions to letters, ii. 15, 16, cf. Ez. iv. 7-11 ; v. 7, cf. Ez. ii. 1 ; (4) gives different lists of articles, 
viii. 14, cf. Ez. vii. 17 ; viii. 20, cf. Ez. vii. 22; (5) omits names from lists, v. 5 ff., cf. Ez. 
viii. 1 ff. ; (6) makes additions for the sake of clearness or completeness, i. 56, cf. 2 Chron. 
xxxvi. 20; ii. 5, cf. Ez. i. 3; ii. 9, cf. Ez. i. 4; ii. 16, cf. Ez. iv. 7, 8; ii. 18, of. Ez. iv. 12; 
V. 46, cf. Ez. ii. 70; v. 47, cf. Ez. iii. 1; v. 52, cf. Ez. iii. 5; v. 66, cf. Ez. iv. 1; vi. 18, cf. 
Ez. V. 14 ; vii. 9, cf. Ez. vi. 18; vi. 9, cf. Ez. v. 8; v. 41, cf. Ez. ii. 64 ; (7) makes an ex- 
planation, ii. 17, 24, 25; vi. 3, 7, cf. Ez. iv. 8, 13, 17 ; ii. 19, cf. Ez. iv. 13 ; ii. 20, 26. cf. Ez. 
iv. 14, 19; ix. 38, cf. Neh. viii. 1 ; (8) changes on doctrinal grounds, i. 15, cf. 2 Chron. xxxv. 
15; i. 28, cf. 2 Chron. xxxv. 22; (9) would honor the temple, i. 5, cf. 2 Chron. xxxv. 4 ; ii. 
18, cf. Ez. iv. 12; ii. 20, cf. Ez. iv. 14; (10) makes a mistake, ix. 49, cf. Neh. viii. 9; (11) 
substitutes an equivalent, v. 36, 37, cf. Ez. ii. 59 ; (12) changes the form of proper 7wmes, v. 69, 
cf. Ez. iv. 2; vi. 3, cf. Ez. v. 3; viii. 41, 61, cf. Ez. viii. 15, 31; v. 8 ff., viii. 26 ff., cf. Ez. 
ii. 2 ff., viii. 2 ff.; (13) introduces changes for no reason now apparent, but not of such a char- 
acter that they can be accepted in preference to the Hebrew, i. 34, cf. 2 Chron. xxxvi. 1 ; viii. 
24, cf. Ez. vii. 26; viii. 69, cf. Ez. ix. 1. 

With respect now to the question of the immediate sources of the book, the opinions of 
critics may be divided into two general classes : those who hold that it is a direct translation 
from the Hebrew, and from a te.xt in some instances superior to that which has come down 
to us; and those who hold that, with the exception of the independent portion, iii.-v. 6, it 
is simply a free, and somewhat altered, working over of a former Greek translation of the 
canonical books, either the LXX., as Keil maintains, or a different one, as maintained by 
Ewald, Diihne, Langen, and others. Ewald formerly advocated the first theory, but in the 
latest edition of his history fully abandons it.^ It still has the support of such critics as 
Michaelis, Trendelenburg (and Eichhorn), Bcrtholdt, Herzfeld, De Wette, and Fritzsche. It 
is to be said, however, that some of the last-named scholars content themselves with justify- 
ing this view either by a single citation or two fi'om the work itself, or, as is quite common, 
refer to the results of Trendelenburg's critical study of the same (/. c. pp. 178-232).' 

1 Cf. KeU, Einleil., ad loc, and Trcndeleuburg, Eiclihorn's A'l^. Bihliolh'lc da Bib. Lit., i. 177 f. 

2 Geschicltle, iv. Ifi6. 

8 Eichhorn adopt.s without chsinge this work of TruinJeleiiburg's in hi.s Eiiil. in d. Apolcr., pp. 835-377. 


Miehaelis makes the sweeping declaration, that the readings of the Greek Ezra not seldom 
appear to him to be preferable to those of the canonical books, and that now one, and now 
the other is to be followed. ' But in the course of a somewhat thorough study of the entire 
book before us, in which we have taken continual counsel of Miehaelis' able and useful work, 
we do not find that his assertion is by any means borne out by his own use of the apocryphal 
author. Bertholdt adduces a single passage. Herzfeld makes no citations where he treats 
of this point, but promises to note passages which are pertinent as they shall incidentally 
occur in the course of his history. De Wette, who is content to hold the theory of a differ- 
ent recension of the Hebrew text without maintaining that it is a superior one, directs at- 
tention to the investigations of Trendelenburg. Finally, in the nearly seventy pages of 
Fritzsehe's work, including Introduction and Commentary to our book, we cannot discover 
on actual examination that he is ready to maintain in more than about a dozen instances that 
it has readings superior to the traditional text, and these include the entire numlier of pas- 
sages cited by Trendelenburg, and adopted by Eichhorn, as supportiu'^ the same theory, 
with the exception of two of minor importance. 

We may, therefore, conclude that if there is any real ground for this opinion, whose bear- 
ings are so important, it will be found in these passages. But, at the outset, we make the 
discovery that in some of them our author, in departing from the current Hebrew text, es- 
sentially follows the LXX. version of the same passages in the canonical books. Hence, in 
the face of an alternative theory that the book itself is a compilation from the LXX. version, 
they cannot fairly be used as evidence to support the theory of a Hebrew original, and much 
less of one with a text superior to the Masoretic. These passages are as follows : (1) i. 43; 
cf. 2 Chron. xxxvi. 9. In the Hebrew it is said that Jchoiachin was eight years old when he 
bean to reign. But it is obviously an orthographical mistake, since in 2 Kings xxiv. 8, his 
age is given as eighteen at this time. Cf. also Ezek. xix. 5-9, where the same fact is pre- 
supposed. Hence we are not surprised that the best authenticated te.xt of ihe apocryphal 
book has the reading SiKooKTii. (2) v. 69 ; cf. Ez. iv. 2. The question here is between the 
reading sb and lb in the Hebrew. If there is really any difference of meaning in them as 
here used, and the former is not simply a less common form of writing the latter, then our 
books agree with the LXX. in giving the preference to the latter. (3) viii. 32; cf. Ez. 
viii. 5. In the Hebrew a name has probably fallen out. The LXX. agrees with the Greek 
Ezra in supplying it with Zae6vs. (4) viii. 36; cf. Ez. viii. 10. Here the same fact occurs. 
The two latter authorities supply a name that is wanting and are essentially agreed in its 
form, BaWas (LXX., Baavi). 

(1.) Of the remaining passages the first is i. 27 (cf. 2 Chron. xxxv. 21). Our author translates 
as follows: ^irl yip rov Ev<j>pdTov i Tr6\eti6s fioi eVri, " for my war is upon the Euphrates." The 
Hebrew, at this place, literally translated is: " but against the house of my war; " i. e. " the 
family with which I wage war," " my hereditary enemy " [" have I come out this day"]. 
It ie maintained that the author of the Greek work before us must have found in his Hebrew 
text, and read, n~lS, instead of ri'S of the present text; and that it is a better reading. 
The Hebrew, as it stands, is pronounced " hard and unnatural "; while 2 Kings xxiii. 29 is 
cited as a parallel passage, where it is declared that the war mentioned was actually on the 
Euphrates. But to this it may be replied first, that the LXX. does not translate this passage 
in 2 Chron. at all ; thus leaving our author, on the supposition that he might otherwise have 
been influenced by its rendering, to his own devices. And secondly, the passage as it is 
found in the Greek Ezra has every appearance of being a paraphrase, and the supposition 
that it is such would be in entire harmony with the usual course of this book in instances of 
" hard and unnatural " Hebraisuis. Moreover, the passage cited from 2 Kings would seem 
to favor the theory of a paraphrase by our author, quite as much as any other. Again, if the 
Hebrew be here " hard and unnatural," light is shed upon it from other parts of Scripture 
where a similar Hebrew expression is found: cf. 1 Chron. xviii. 10; 2 Sam. viii. 10, where 
tniin of Ihe wars of Tou, means the man who wagt'S war witli Tou. And finally, the text as it 
stands is .■•ufriciently clear; while, historically, it is far more significant than that which it is 
proposed to substitute for it. The latter point is well illustrated by Miehaelis.^ 

(2.) The second instance is i. 3.'i (cf. 2 Chron. xxxvi. 3), nal tmeaT-naiv aSnhv 0ainKevs Aiyiiir- 
Tov rov fiii 0airt\fvfii' iv 'IfpouaaK-fi/j.. The translation of the Hebrew here is as follows: "and 
the king of Egypt put him down [removed him] at Jerus.alem." It is supposed that the 

1 Anmerk. zum Ez., p. 40. 2 VA Anmerk. zu?n 2len Buck d. Oironik, p. 296. 


word ?[bSiJw has fallen out from the present text, but was to be found in that used by our 
author. It might be granted that the passage would read more smoothly if this word were 
to be admitted; and also, as is maintained, that it is ordinarily found in connection with 
similar expressions in the Scriptures. But, on the other hand, these two reasons would, 
nndoubtedly, have had great weight with the author of our book to lead him to introduce the 
word into the text if he did not find it there, while the exceedingly faulty rendering of the 
immediate context shows that he did not scruple to make any changes which seemed best to 
him. Still more to the point is it, however, that the LXX. has interpolated in the preceding 
verse in 2 Chron. a passage from 2 Kings xxiii. 33, which ends with the very expression be- 
fore us, namely, tou /*)) $a<n\eMiv atirhi/ iv 'UpovaaX-hiJi. And it is a far more likely conjecture, 
that he adopted the suggestion thus brought to his hand by the LXX. than that he had a dif- 
ferent reading of the original text before him. 

(3.) The next passage is i. 46 (cf. 2 Chron. xxxvi. 10). The Hebrew as it stands is trans- 
lated: " and made Zedekiah, his brother, king over Judah and Jerusalem." Now we learn 
from parallel passages in the canonical books themselves — 2 Kings xxiv. 17, 18; 1 Chron. 
iii. 15 — that Zedekiah was not really a brother, but an uncle of the preceding king. And 
the LXX. likewise has koL e^SatrUeufre XeScKiat^ aSi\(p})v rov -naTphs auTov ^iri ^lovZav KoX 'lepouffoA^/A. 
But it can scarcely be said that the Greek Ezra has a better reading here, for it does not 
translate the word in question at all ; illustrating once more in this case a marked habit of 
the book, namely, to avoid supposed ditHculties when possible. Hence, the commendations 
bestowed on our author by Fritzsche,' Bertheau,' and Graf^ at this point, seem hardly to be 
deserved, especially if we consider that the Hebrew as it stands may not be even in error. 
Calling a nephew a brother is, indeed, just what is done in the case of Abraham and Lot, 
and is a usage not strange to the Old Testament. 

(4.) Again, we are referred to the discrepancy in the number of vessels which it is said Cy- 
rus delivered to Sheshbazzar to be carried to Jerusalem, ii. 13 (cf. Ez. i. 9-11). According 
to the canonical book the entire number is represented as being five thousand four hundred. 
But we find, on adding the number of separate articles as there given together, that the sum 
is only two thousand four hundred and nineti-nine. In the Greek Ezra, on the other hand, 
the sum of the separate articles exactly corresponds to the whole amount as there stated. 
Hence, it is proposed to emend the former account by the latter. But a glance should sat- 
isfy any one that there is no reasonable proportion in the number of vessels among themselves 
as given in the apocryphal work. There are said to be, for instance, just as many gold as 
silver chargers; but the number of silver basins is given as two thousand four hundred and 
ten, while the gold basins number but thirty. Moreover, Fritzsche agrees with Trendelen- 
burg that a mistake is made in the Greek Ezra in interchanging a Hebrew word which means 
of the second quality, CDC"^, for iZ^SC'; and hence the whole number has been made too 
great by two thousand. The most that can be said, therefore, is that the Hebrew text here 
has suffered corruption, and that neither account can be regarded as strictly accurate. 

(5.) The next case, v. 9 (cf. £z. ii. 2), is simply a matter that relates to the proper divid- 
ing of a verse. The phrase which Trendelenburg thinks should be placed as in the apocryphal, 
rather than as in the canonical work, is simply the superscription to a following list : 'A/ji9^ir 
ruv airh tov iBvovs KoX ol Trpo-qyovfievoi airruv. And if the division of verses were at all a matter 
with which we have any concern in this connection, we still cannot understand by what rule 
it is judged that the phrase in question has a more correct position at the beginning of one 
verse than at the end of the previous one. 

(6.) Again, in ix. 2 (cf. Ez. x. 6), Fritzsche, Bertheau, and others think that the Greek 
Ezra shows that the reading ~t" ^^•'>] was before it, rather than that of the extant text Tf^"! 

DtT- Its translation is koI avKiaSth ejcei, "and remained [lodged] there." It must be ad- 
mitted that the two Hebrew words have a very close resemblance, and might easily be mistaken 
for one another; also that by substituting the former for the latter, a smoother sentence 
would be secured. On the other hand, the current text of the LXX., which translates tlio 
Hebrew by (tal iiroiifiBi) tKil, might easily have suggested to our author the iilea, especially as 
the very same wonl, i-aopeie-ri, occurs in the preceding line. At least the immediate repetition 
of the same thought in the Hebrew, supposing its present form to be genuine, would furnish 

I Com. ad toe. 2 Cam. zum 2len Biuti <1. Clironitc, ad lot. 

8 flic GcKhicM. Buchtr d. Ail. Tesl., p. 183. 


an occasion not likely to be left unimproved by our author for exercising his talent for con- 
traction, or making a paraphrase, and the context might easily suggest to him the form 
which he has adopted. Still, the repetition of a thought in this manner would be no sufficient 
reason for distrusting the genuineness of the passage (cf. vers. 5, G, and 1 Sam. ii. 14). De 
Wctte's rule for determining the true reading where the MSS. of the New Testament dififer, 
is certainly quite as applicable in many of the cases of variation found in the present book. 
He says, " That reading to which the origin of the others may be traced, is the original. The 
more obscure and difficult reading is to be preferred to the clearer and easier; the harder, 

elliptical, Hebraizing, and ungrammatical, to the more pleasing and grammatical 

the sliorter, to the more explanatory and wordy.' 

(7.) The next passage cited is ix. 16 (cf. Ez. x. 16). It is held that our author read 
ib bi:;-"!, koI fTrtAe'loTo eaur^, instead of !lb"T3*1. Undoubtedly the extant Hebrew is corrupt. 
But only the copula 1 is wanting before the word CK'^S to restore what seems to be tlie 
correct reading ; and since all the old versions, with the exception of the Syriac, supply this 
copula in rendering the passage, it is quite unnecessary to resort to the theory proposed. 

(8.) Once more, it is said by Fritzsche, in his Introduction to this book (p. 7), that the 
readinn- in Neh. viii. 9, where Ezra and Nehemiah are represented as prosecuting a common 
work in Jerusalem at the same time, is historically improbable; and he would, therefore, 
adopt the reading found in 1 Esd. ix. 49 as the correct one. But, in the first place, the read- 
ino' of our book is not such that the statement made in the book of Nehemiah is denied; nor 
is another statement made which is irreconcilable with it. In the Greek Ezra the whole pas- 
sage is not given. The title of the satrap of Syria is given, but not, as in the canonical book, 
the name of the person who held the office. From this silence of our author it would seem to 
be too weighty an inference which Fritzsche would draw. And secondly, to characterize as 
historically improbable the opinion that the work of Ezra and Nehemiah in Jerusalem was for 
a certain period of their lives contemporaneous is allowing too little weight to a theory which, 
according to Nagelsbach (Herzog's Real-Encyk., iv. 173), is held by a majority of Biblical 

We adil a few more examples of a supposed superior text in 1 Esdras, which liave been 
noted by Bertheau. At Ez. viii. 3, this critic would punctuate as at 1 Esd. viii. 29, by which 
the phrase ''of the sons of Shechaniah " is connected with Hattush, and forms the conclusion 
of ihe second verse. This is also the view of the Speaker^s Com., it being based on 1 Chron. 
iii. 22, where a Hattush is mentioned, who is the grandson of Shechaniah. But in order to 
make the latter passage of value for this place, it should state that Shechaniah was "of the 
sons of Hattush," which it does not do. He is said to be " of the sons of Shemaiah." See 
on the contrary, the other cases in verse second. It is more probable, as Fritzsche and 
others suppose, that a word has fallen out of the Hebrew text, and the arrangement in 1 Es- 
dras is simply an effort to smooth over the difficulty. At Ez. iii. 3, again, Bertheau would 
alter the Hebrew to conform with the text of the apocryphal work (v. 48 f.), which represents 
that enemies came upon Israel while they were erecting an altar, but that the latter were able 
to carry out their intention because a fear of the Lord fell upon the heathen. In the Hebrew 
it is represented that the fear was on the part of the Israelites, a fear of the heathen round 
•ibout them, this causing them to hasten their work. But it is plain, as Fritzsche, Keil, and 
others have shown, that it was simply a failure to understand the Hebrew that led our com- 
piler to make this change.^ 

Still further, at Ez. vi. 15 we read according to the Hebrew text, " And this house was 
finished on the third day of the month Adar." With this the LXX. agrees. Our book on 
the other hand (vii. .5), has " on the twenlij-third day of the month Adar." The latter, as 
Bertheau maintains, is the original reading. His reasons are that it is not likely that the 
compiler of this book would change the number 3 to 23, because it might seem to him better to 
suppose the feast of dedication lasted eight days (cf. 1 Kings viii. 60; 2 Chron. xix. 18), 
and he would thereby just fill out the last eight days of the Jewish year. Bat just that is 
most likely. It accords perfectly well, in character, with other changes that are made by the 
sompder in different parts of the work and with the spirit of the whole. 

1 Inlroit. to New Test. fFrothingham'fl trans.), pp 80, 81. 

2 Cf. on the subjwt, Winer's Renlwurtert. art. " Neh." ; Hiirernick, Einleit., ad loc. ; Henfeld, ii. S5 ; Vaihiogei 
Slud. !/. Kril. 186J, p. 122 S ; Ebrard, Ulud. u. Kril. 1847, p. 679 f. ; Bwald, GesMc/it- it. 188-213. 

8 Cf Kos<!n/,»eig, p 41. 


With respect, now, to the question of a direct Hebrew original for our book, which, of 
course, is to be distinguished from the more important point just considered, a few additional 
passages have been cited in support of such a view, on the ground that the)' agree better with 
the Hebrew than with any extant Greek translation. None of them agree literallv with the 
Hi^brew, however, while all such variations from the LXX. may be accounted for on the quite 
credilile supposition (see below) that for the book before us a text of this version was used 
differing in many points from the one that has come down to us.' On the other hand, there 
are positive reasons of no little weight, which bear in the contrary direction. They are such 
as these: the frequent literal agreement of our work with the LXX. in the character of the 
(jreek used, even where the words are unfamiliar and rare, viii. 86 (cf. PjZ. ix. 13); ix. 51 (cf. 
Neh. viii. 10); the fact that the LXX. is so often followed with more or less fidelity, in its 
deviations from the Hebrew text, i. 3 (cf . 2 Chron. xxxv. 3) ; i. 9 (cf. 2 Chron. xxxv. 9) ; i. 
12 (cf. 2 Chron. xxxv. 13); i. 23 f. (cf. 2 Chron. xxxv. 19, 20) ; i. 33 (cf. 2 Chron. xxxv. 
26); i. 38 (cf. 2 Chron. xxxvi. 6); ii. 30 (cf. Ez. iv. 23); that in the case of deviations from 
both the Hebrew and the LXX. the readings of our book are more easily referred to the lat- 
ter than the former, viii. 92 (cf. Ez. x. 2). 

To these examples cited from Keil, we would add the following also derived from chapter i. of 
1 Esdras. At i. 5 we read: " according to the magnificence (icaTcl tV (U€7oAeiiJT7)Ta) of Solomon." 
The Hebrew has: " According to the writing (i. e., written regulation) of Solomon." The 
LXX. reads. 5io x*'P^s 2., which seems to have suggested the idea of Solomon's crreatness and 
power to our compiler. The LXX. and 1 Esdras, moreover, both translate as though the par- 
ticle 3 rather than 3 stood in the original. The Hebrew of 2 Chron. xxxv. 10, 11, 12, our 
book'(i. 10, 11) has strangely metamorphosed, partly, as it would seem, from not understand- 
ing the meaning of the Hebrew and partly from reading it falsely. But the close of verse 1 1 
he gives like the LXX. : "and thus in the morning," (o8t»s t6 TrpoiiVov; LXX.: oih-a! fh rb 
wpwQwhere the Hebrew is : " and so they did with the oxen." A most remarkable coincidence, 
which could scarcely be explained, except on the theory of the dependence of the one work 
on the other. At 2 Chi-on. xxxv. 22, the Hebrew reads: " but disguised himself." The verb 
is tt'Bnrin, the Hithpacl of tPOn. Cf. 1 Samuel xxviii. 8, and 1 Rings xx. 38, where it is used 
in the same sense as here. Our book translates the passage, however, as though the verb 
were "Tn and agrees with the LXX. in doing so, the one employing the verb iKparaide-n 
(LXX.), the other ^Trcx^'pf? to translate it. Again, at 2 Chron. xxxvi. 6, " and bound him 
in fetters to carry him to Babylon." In the Greek Ezra, on the other hand, we read : "And 
bound him with a chain of brass and carried him to Babylon." That is, in the one case it is 
translated as though the preposition 7 with the infinitive stood in the original ; in the other, 
as though it were the copula 1. And our book agrees with the LXX. in this particular. 
That the difference, moreover, small as it seems, is not unimportant, may be seen by the 
weighty conclusions which some critics base upon it. Cf. Bertheau, idem, ad loc. 

It would seem, then, that if anything were still wanting to confirm the theory of a Greek 
original for our book, which, if not exclusively was largely used as authority by the compiler 
of our work, it might be found in the fact of the extraordinary variations in the text of the 
different MSS. of the LXX. According to Jerome (^Ep. ad Suniam et Fetelam, also Prcef. 
in Para/ip.), there were two copies of this work, the older one being much the less faithful to 
he Hebrew. And an examination of extant MSS. furnishes abundant reason for crediting 
his statement. Taking, for instance, the Roman edition of the LXX. (1587) as a standard, 
ind comparing with it other MSS., we shall find eighty places where some of them disagree 
with it while agreeing with the Hebrew, and only twenty-si.x places where they at the same 
time disagree with it and with the Hebrew. Moreover, when there is variation from the 
Hebrew, it is chiefly shown in the addition or omission of words and clauses.^ 

V. History of the Book. 

Josephus is the first writer who shows any acquaintance with the Greek Ezra. In his 
work on the Antiquities of the Jews, it seems to have been his favorite book of reference for 
that part of the history which it includes. It was most probably the smooth and graceful 

1 See Keil, Einleit., p. 705. 

2 Cf. Selwyn. art. " Septuagint " in Smitll^s Bib. Diet. ; Fritzsclie ip Qerzog's Renl-Encyk. and Schenkel's Bib. Lez. 
ri^chenilnrf, Xttits TestnmenlumGrace, " Prolegom." | Frankel, Vorstudien ; also, Gfrbrer, Dahne, and Buhl. 


style of the author, which, as has been already shown, was one of his most marked charac- 
teristics, that specially attracted this Jewish historian. That he would not liave been 
hindered from using the work on account of its apparent discrepancies when compared with 
the holy books of his nation, is evident from the manner in wliich, as we have shown above, 
he attempts to pass off liis own suppositious as history. That be was not insensible to it? 
want of accuracy appears from his efforts at correction. The statement of Movers,^ made 
also by Pohlmann,^ that Josephus in no case leaves the Greek Ezra to follow the canonical 
books, is not justified by the facts. At i. 9 he has /tS^xovs fTTTaKoiriovs, Josephus, ^oDs 7r€;'To- 
<co<rlous, in agreement with 2 Chron. xxxv. 9. At i. 38 he has icol eSrjaev 'luaKi/j. tovs ^Leyta-ravas, 
whereas Josephus agrees with the account as given in 2 Chron. xxxvi. 4. Cf. Antifj., x. 5, 
§ 2. See also ii. 16 in the commentary below, and the accompanying remarks. 

By Christian writers during the first five centuries after Christ, the book is frequently 
alluded to; but it is impossible to say, in all cases, in just what estimate it was held, or, 
indeed, whether it or the canonical Ezra was meant. Diestel, referring to the article of 
Pohlmann just cited, says, that most of the church Fathers, excepting Jerome, held the work 
for canonical.' But, if this be true, it is not shown by the citations of Pohlmann. Of the 
score of church Falliers, Greek and Latin, whom he adduces, the great majority give no 
certain evidence in the citations made from their works that they valued tlie work before us 
as " Holy Scripture." Cyprian and Origen do, indeed, introduce it under the well-known 
formula, ut scriptum est. Augustine speaks of the picture of Truth given in iv. 38-40, as a 
possible prediction of Christ ; but Jerome, whom Pohlmann well styles " der griindlichste 
Kenner der alttestamentlichen Literatur," denounced the work as " apocryphal," and pre- 
pared tlie way for its rejection by the entire Western church. His language is, " Nee quem- 
quam moveat, quod unus a nobis editus liber est nee apocryphorum tertii el quarti libri somniis 
deleetemur, quia et apud Hebroeos Esdrm Nehemiceque serinones in unum volumen coaretantur " 
etc.* Moreover, we find on examination that three-fourths of all the citations from the 
Fathers made by Pohlmann refer to the one circumstance of the literary contest before 
Darius, and most of them to the striking expression which it contains respecting the power 
of the truth. This attractive story, taken in connection with a loose way of making 
quotations at this time, naturally became a kind of stock reference in the early church, and, 
once started, readily passed from hand to hand with little or no thought of its origin. The 
most that can be said, therefore, is that the book was used with respect by a number of the 
Greek and Latin Fathers. 

But the probable reason why it was not accepted as canonical by the Tridentine council 
in 1546, which elevated to this rank other works having apparently less claim, was, that in 
addition to the pronounced opposition of Jerome, it was not then known to exist in Greek. 
Luther, speaking of First and Second Esdras, says: " These books we would not translate, 
because they have nothing in them which you might not lietter find in JSsop." CEco- 
lampadius and Calvin express themselves with more care, but refuse the book a place in the 
canon. The same is true of the English church from its earliest history, as is shown in its 
various translations of the Bible. ^ The more recent criticism, as we have said, is charac- 
terized by a too extreme reaction in favor of the historical and critical worth of tlie book. 
Its value is chicfiy lexical. The translation, which Trendelenburg compares for smoothness 
and elegance with that of Symmachus, can, no doubt, be made useful in the study of the 
remaining apocryphal t)Ooks of the Old Testament as well as of the New Testament Greek. 
And there are, undoubtedly, a few instances where its aid may properly be invoked in the 
interpretation of those parts of the canonical books which it includes. 

VL Is it a Fragment f 
Opinions on the question whether the book in its present form i? complete in itself will 
naturally be much modified by the view that is adopted respecting its aim. Tliose who 
hold that the compiler meant to arrange his material simply with reference to a history of 
the restoration of the temple, find the work, as it is, pretty nearly complete. But it undoubt- 
edly breaks off in the midst of a sentence, and one cannot say with certainty whether the 
last part has been lost, or that the aullior failed to carry out his original design. At least, 
:,here would be nothing against the current opinion of the purpose of the author — and i~ 

1 Kirehtn-Lexikon, i. 335. 2 Theol. Quartalschri/i, 1859, p. 259. 8 Oeschichle, p. 182. 

4 Praef. in Libr. Esdr., 0pp., t. U., col. 1472 (ed. Migne). 6 Westcott, Tke Bible in the Church, p. 281 S. 


seems to be required by the abrupt conclusion — to suppose that Neh. viii. 13-18 originally 
formed a part of the work. The theory of Trendelenburg that the first part of the book is 
also wanting, which he bases on the fact that the history begins with the eighteenth instead 
of the first year of Josiah's reign, harmonizes with no tenable theory of its object. 

VII. Manuscripts and Versions. 

The critical edition of the LXX. by Holmes and Parsons, in which the readings of 
twenty-four different MSS. of our book are given, still furnishes scholars, as already 
observed, with their principal resource for the criticism of its text. According to Fritzsche, 
these twenty-four MSS. may be divided with respect to worth into four classes, the best text 
being found in II. 52. and 65. This text, however, is not free from mistakes of copyists in 
addition to arbitrary attempts at improvement. It is especially to be suspected, Fritzsche 
thinks, when agreeing with 19. and 108. The latter MSS. represent in general the text of 
the Complutensian Polyglot. The remaining codices are (1) III. XI. 58. 64. 119. 243. 245. 
248. and the Aldine edition of the LXX.; (2) 44. 71. 74. 106. 107. 120. 121. 134. 236. 
These last two recensions, as they are named, present a text more or less emended — 
the former Alexandrine — and, at the same time, do not always retain their distinctive 
features, being more or less influenced by each other. 


Chapter I. 

1 And Josias held the feast of the passover ^ in Jerusalem unto his Lord, and 

2 offered ^ the passover the fourteenth day of the first month, having set the priests 
according to their daily courses, being officially arrayed,^ in the temple of the Lord. 

3 And he commanded ^ the Levites, ministers of the temple for Israel, to ^ hallow 
themselves unto the Lord, with reference to placing ^ the holy ark of the Lord in 

4 the house that king Solomon the son of David had built, and said^ Ye shall no 
more bear it ' upon yonv shoulders ; and now ^ serve the Lord your God, and min- 
ister unto his people Israel, and make it ready ^ after your famQies and tribes,^* 

5 according to the written regulation of David king of Israel,^ and according to the 
magnificence of Solomon his son. And standing in the temple according to the 
order of fathers' families of you -^^ the Levites, who have been accustomed to miu' 

6 ister in succession ^^ in the presence of your brethren the children of Israel, offer 
the passover and make ready the sacrifices for your brethren, and keep the pass- 
over according to the commandment of the Lord which was given unto Moses. 

7 And unto the people that were present ^^ Josias gave thirty thousand lambs and 
kids, aitd three thousand calves ; these things were given from the royal treas- 

8 ury/^ according to promise, to the people, and to the priests and Levites.''^ And 
Chelcias,^" and Zacharias, and Syelus,-^^ the governors of the temple, gave to the 
priests for the passover two thousand and sis hundred sheep, and three hundred 

9 calves. And Jechonias, and Sama^as,^® and Natlianael his brother, and Asabias,^ 
and Ochiel, and Joram, chiliarchs,"^ gave to the Levites for the passover five thou- 

1 sand sheep, and seven hundred calves. And this is what took place : " the priests 

11 and Levites, havmg the unleavened bread, stood fittingly attired^ according to the 

A few words respecting the principles followed in my revision of the A. V. generally may not be here out of place. 
In harmony with the practice adopted in other volumes of this series of commentaries, I have only made changes when 
it seemed clearly needful to a correct uDderstandiog of the original. Very many words and expressions, consequently, 
have been left as found — as, for instance, in the present chapter, " their daily courses" (ver. 2), and " the porters 
were at every gate "' (ver. 16j, where the italics are evidently superfluous — which, in a new translation or a more thor- 
ough revision, would be unhesitatingly corrected or eliminated The English text which has been made the basis of 
revision is that of the " Cambridge Paragraph Bible " edited by Rev. F. H. Scrivener (1873). The Greek text made a 
standard — all essential deviations from which I have aimed to indicate — is that of Fritzsche (Libn Apocrt/phi Veteris 
Testamenti, hips., IS'l). I have not hesitated, when deemed necessary, to introduce changes in the punctuation of 
Scrivener's text without calling special attention to them in the notes. 

Ver. 1. — 1 A. V. : the /east of the passover. But to Traa^a has also this meaning as well as simply " the passover'' or 
'* the paschal lamb." ^ Cod. II. (as also 55. 58.) has IBvaav by the first hand ; III., the same, and adds, oi viol "Itr. 

Ver, 2. — 3 X. V. : arrayed in long garments (Gr., €('i'ous). The context supplies the idea that it was their 
offlcial costume. 

Ver. 3. — ■> A. V. : spake unto (see Com. in loc.]. 6 the holy ministers (Old Lat. — MS. Colbert. — sacrLi serins) of 
Israel, that (A^y should. ^ to set (see Cotii.). 

Ver. 4. — ^A. V : the ark (Old Lat. — Cod. Colbert.^ Ec dixit : Non portabitis arcam in humeris). « now there- 
fore (Gr., icai vvv, but yvv ovv, 108.). ^ prepare you (Gr. erot/ido-aTe). *" kindreds (Gr., to? ifruAas). 

Ver. 5. — " A. V. : as David the king of Israel prescribed (Gr., Kara ttjv ypa'f>^t', etc.). ^ several dignity of the fam- 
ilies of you (see Com.}. ^ who minister — offer the passover in order. The words ev rdfei should be joined to what 
precedes and not to Bvaare. 

Ver. 7. — "A. V. : was found there (see Com). ^^ of the king's allowance {see Com.). ^o as he promised (Gr. 
Kar' iwayytKiav), to the people, to the priests and to the Levites (44. 74. al. Aid. read rots AevtVais). 

Ver. 8. — " A, V. : Uelkias. ^8 For Su^Ao?, XI. 65. have HtnnjA ; II. III., Hot^jjAos- 

Ver. 9. — " A. V : Jeconiaa and Samaias. ^ Assahias. 21 captains over thousands. 

Ver. 10. —22 A. V. : when these things were done. The Codd. III. XI. 62. and many others, with Co. and AM , hav« 
fovTiAiv yfvofi.9tm¥ for TavTa To. ■y«fd^te»'a. See Com. ^ A. V. : in very comely order (Gr., cvirpen-i? ; 64., evrpen-wt) 


tribes,^ and according to the order of fathers' families,^ before the people, to offer 
to the Lord, as it is written in the book of Moses ; and thus did they in the morn- 

12 iug.' And they roasted the passover with fire, as is fitting;^ and the sacrifices 

13 they boiled^ in brass pots and pans with pleasant odor,^ and carried out to' all 
the people. And afterwards they prepared for themselves, and for the priests their 

14 brethren, the sons of Aaron. For the priests offered the fat pieces ^ until night ; 
and the Levites prepared for themselves, and the priests their brethren, the sons of 

15 Aaron. The holy singers also, the sons of Asaph, were in their allotted place,^ 
according to the appointment of David, and ^^ Asaph, Zacharias, and Eddinus," who 

16 were appointed masters of song by the king.'- And '^ the porters xvere at every gate ; 
it was not necessary " for any to turn aside from his daily service," for their breth- 

17 ren the Levites prepared for them. And the service of sacrificing to the Lord 

18 was brought to a conclusion on " that day, that they might hold the passover, and 
offer sacrifices upon the altar of the Lord, according to the commandment of king 

19 Josias. And " the children of Israel who '* were present held the passover at this " 

20 time, and the feast of unleavened* bread seven days. And such a passover had not 

21 been ^' kept in Israel since the time of the prophet Samuel. And no king of Israel 
had held"- such a passover as Josias, and the priests, and the Levites, and the Jews, 

22 held with all Israel that were found dwelling at Jerusalem. In the eighteenth 

23 year of the reign of Josias was this passover kept. And the works of Josias were 

24 iijiright before his Lord with a heart full of godliness. And also what relates to 
him was ^^ written in former times, concerning those that had sinned,^ and been 
ungodly towards -^ the Lord above every other '■"' nation and kingdom,'^ and grieved 
him exceedingly ; and "'' the words of the Lord were fulfilled upon ^ Israel. 

25 And ^° after all these acts of Josias it came to pass, that Pharaoh the king of 
Egypt came to make "' war at Charcamys on the ^- Euphrates ; and Josias went 

26 out against him. And ^ the king of Egypt sent to him, saying. What have I to 

27 do with thee, O king of Juda;a ? I am not sent out from the Lord God agamst 
thee, for my war is upon the'''' Euphrates; and now the Lord is with me, and^^ the 
Lord who is with me is a hastening Lord. Stand aside «« and be not against the 

28 Lord. And ^^ Josias did not turn himself on his chariot,''* but undertook to fight with 
him, not regarding the words of the prophet Jeremias from ^ the mouth of the 

29 Lord, but joined battle with him in the plain of Mageddo ; ^ and the princes came 

30 down to ■•' king Josias. And the king said *- unto his servants. Carry me away out 
of the battle, for I am very weak. And immediately his servants removed hhn 

31 from the line of battle." And he mounted " his second chariot, and being brought 

32 back to Jerusalem died, and was buried in his fathers' sepulchre. And throughout 

Ter. 11.— lA.V. : kindreds (cf. Ter. 4). ^ seTeral dignities of the fathers. » The Tersion of 1611 has in the 
margin, as an altematiTe translation, instead of " and thus in the morning," " and so cf the bullocks," -|,"53 being 
read for ~)pil. Cf. the Heb. at 2 Chron. xxxt. 12, and the Com. below, in loc. 

Ver. 12.-«A.V.: appertaineth (Gr. «afl^«€0. " M for the sacrifices, they sod them. • with a good savour 
Imarg., with good speed, or witlingltj; Old Lat., cum benevokntia). 

Ver. 13. — 7 A. V. : set them before (Gr., airtiveyKav). 

Ver. U. — »A. V. : fat(Gr.,Ti<rrcoiTa). ,,,_,... , ^ . 

Ver. 16. — » A. V. : order. i» to wit (<aO- " Jedothun (see Com.). " was of the king's retmue (see Com ) 
The plural oi wapa instead of 6 ir., is supported by II. 44. 65. and other codd. 

Ver. 16. — » A. V. ; Moreover. " lawful. •' go from his ordinary service (Gr., ei^i)(»»pia>', etc-). 

Ver! 17. — w A. V. : Thus were the things that belonged to the sacrifices of the Lord accomplished in 

Ver. 19. — " A. V. : So. "which. '« that (Gr., tovtu). m sweet. 

Ver. 20. — ^' A. V. : was not (see Com.). 

Ver. 21. — " Tea, all the kings of Israel held not. Literal, excepting " Yea," but stiff. 

Ver 24 — »A V. : As for the lAin«-s that came to pass in his time, they were. M thai sinned (see Cbm.) "did 
wickedly against (see Com.). =« all. >' people and kingdoms. "■' and how they grieved him exceedingly, so that 
[see Com.). 2e rose up against (see Com.). „,.,„, .n ... j >u — 

Ver. 25.— »A. V.: Now. 3i raise. '« Carchamis upon E. Kapxaiivt, XI. 44. 64. 71. |4. and others. 

Ver. 26.— ss A. v.: But. ^ ^ ^^ , r^ s 

Ver. 27. —^ A. V. : omits the. "■ yea. »« the Lord is with me hasting me forward : depart from me (see com.). 

Ver! 28! —s' a! V. ; Howbeit. '« back his chariot from him (see Com.). se jeremie spoken by. 

Ver. 29. — « A. V. : Magiddo (see Com.). *' came against (see Com.). 

Ver. 30. — « A. V. : Then said the king. " took him away out of the battle (Gr., iirb Ttfi irapnTafeiut). 

Ver 81 — « A V. : Then g»t he up upon. That II. also, as Fritzsche's apparatus (following Holmes and Parsons! 
Slates! with XI. (by a second hand) 44. 58. and others, supports the reading {eiirtpo^ instead of Sevrsoio^ is not shown 
by the/ae-aif/ii/e edition of this MS. by Vercellone and Cozza. 


Judaea ' they mourned for Josias ; and Jeremias ^ the prophet lamented for Josias, 
and the chief ryien with the women made lamentation for him unto this day ; and 
it was ordered that this should become a perpetual observance for all the race ' 

33 of Israel. But these things* are written in the book of the histories^ of the 
kings of Judah. and every one of the acts that Josias did, and his glory, and 
his understanding in the law of the Lord, and the things that he had done before, 
and the things now recited, are reported in the book of the kings of Israel and 

84 And they of the nation ' took Jechonias * the son of Josias and declared ' him 

35 king instead of Josias his father, when he was twenty and three years old. And he 
reigned in Israel ^^ and in Jerusalem three months. And then the king of Egypt 

36 deposed him from reigning in Jerusalem. And he set a tax upon the nation " of an 

37 hundred talents of silver and one talent of gold. The king of Egypt also declared *^ 

38 king Joacim his brother king of Judsea and Jerusalem. And Joacim bound the 

39 nobles and seized Zaraces his brother, '' and brought him out of Egypt. Five and 
twenty years old was Joacim when he was made king of Judsa and Jerusalem ; " 

40 and he did evil before the Lord. But '^ against him Nabuchodonosor the king of 
Babylon came up, and bound him with a chain of brass, and carried him unto Baby- 

41 Ion. Nabuchodonosor also took some of '" the holy vessels of the Lord, and carried 

42 them away, and deposited them '" in his temple ^' at Babylon. But those things that 
are related of him, as well of liis vmcleanness as his impiety,'' are written in the 
chronicles of the kings. 

43 And Joacim his son reigned in his stead ; indeed, when he was appointed he 

44 was ■^ eighteen years old. And he reigned ^' three months and ten days in Jerusa- 

45 lem, and did evil before the Lord. And ^'-^ after a year Nabuchodonosor sent and 
brought him unto ^° Babylon with the holy vessels of the Lord, and declared Sede- 

46 cias ''* king of Judaea and Jerusalem, when he was one and twenty years old. And 

47 he reigned eleven years ; and he did evil also in the sight of the Lord, and cared 
not for the words that were spoken tmto him by the prophet Jeremias ■^ from the 

48 mouth of the Lord. And notwithstanding that -^ king Nabuchodonosor had made 
him swear by the name of the Lord, he forswore liimself, and rebelled ; and harden- 

49 ing his neck, and his heart, he transgressed the laws of the Lord God of Israel. 
And the leaders -'' also of the people and of the priests did many ungodly deeds, 
even beyond all the pollutions of all the heathen, and defiled the holy temple of the 

50 Lord, in -* Jerusalem. And '■^ the God of their fathers sent by his messenger to 

51 call them back, because he showed indulgence to them and his tabernacle.^" But 
they had his messengers in derision ; and in the day that the Lord spake,^' they 

52 made a sport of his prophets, so far forth, that he was wroth with his people on 
account of their ungodliness, and determined to bring the kings of the Chaldees ^* 

Ver, 32. ^' A. v. : in aU Jewry. - yea, Jeremie. ^ this was given out far an ordinance to be done continuaUy in 
all the nation of. 

Ver 3.3. — ^ A. V : these things. ^ stories. 8 Judea. 

Ver 34. — ' A. V. ; And the people (Gr., ol e/c tov, etc.) « Joachaz (so 44. 52. and others, with Aid. ; m., Io<x«? 

XI. 64. al.,'Iu>axas}. ^ made (Or., ai/tSei^ai'). 

Ver. 35. — ■" A. V. : Judea. Uod. III. with some others, has loiiSa tor I<rpa^\ (see Com.). Cod. 11. ha« the reading 
oireifaTe'ffTTio-ev for ajrecmjtret' of the text. Tee., and ^acriAeus has the article in the same. 

Ver. 36. — " A. V. : land (Gr., to lOfof). Ver. 37. — '- A. V. : made (see Ter. 34). 

Ver. 35. — *3 A. V. ; And he bound Joacim and the nobles : but Zaraces his brother he apprehended (cf. Com.). 

Ver. 39. — " A. V. : king in the land of Judea (lOS., ec T7J 'lovSaiij ; Junius, in terra Jehudo'). 

Ter. 40. — ^^ A. V. : AVherefore. The reading ejr* for ^er" at the beginning is supported by III. XI. 58. etc. (see Com.). 

Ver. 41. — "* A. V. : took of. *' set them. ^8 his own temple (t^aul eavrov, 108.). 

Ver. 42. — " A. V. ■ recorded (Gr., lcrTopri9ima) of him and o/his uncleanness and impiety. 

Ver.43 — ="A. V.: he was made Arinj being (108., ore Ji for ore yap). For 6e«aoiCT(i are the MSS. III. XI. 44. 52. and 
others, with 248. Aid. ; II. has oktw (see Com.}. 

Ver. 44. — => A. v.: and reigned 6u(, etc Ver. 45. — "A. V. : So. a caused him to be bronglit into. 

Ver. 46. — 24 ^^_ v. : made Zedechias. Ver. 47. — ^5 x. v.: Jeremie. 

Ver. 48. —2» A. V. ; after that (see Com.). 

Ver. 49. — 27 \_ y . I'he governors. ^ passed all the pollutions of all nations, and defiled the temple of the Lord 
which was sanctified in, etc. The support of II. also may be cited for the addition of ifvonTjirav after ^a•e'^t)o■al' icai 
besides 55. and 44. given by Fritzsohe ; III. XI. 52. have Tjvofiijtrai' xa't irapefiritrav. 

Ver. 50. — 2® A. V. : Nevertheless. *" because he spared them (Gr., e<|)ei6eT0, etc.) and his tabernacle also. 

Ver. 51. — ■■" A V. : and look, when the Lord spake unto them. 

Ver 52 — 83 X v.: being wroth . . . lor c^t'r great ungodliness commanded the kings .... to come. 



53 up against them. They slew their young men with the sword, round about ' their 
holy temple, and spared neither young man nor maid, old man nor child, but he ^ 

54 delivered all into their hands. And they took all the holy vessels of the Lord, both 
great and small, and the treasure chests of the Lord,^ and the king's treasures, and 

55 carried them away into Babylon. And they burned the house of the Lord, and de- 

56 molished the walls of Jerusalem, and set fire to * her towers. And they utterly 
destroyed all her glory ; and the remnant of people he led sword in hand ^ unto 

57 Babylon. And they were ^ servants to him and his children, till the Persians 

58 reigned, to fulfill the word of the Lord spoken by the mouth of Jeremias : ' Until 
the land shall have * enjoyed her sabbaths, the whole time of her desolation shall 
she rest, until the completion ' of seventy years. 

, . yea, even within the compass of (Gr., ireptKuxAbj). 2 amonv 
III. XI. 248. Aid. are the principal authorities for irape'fiuicci'. 

Ver. 53. — i A. V. : who Blew their young men, . . 
them (ovTii-, XI. 44. 58. 64. 248. Aid.), for he, etc. 
The context seems to require it. 

Ver. 54. — ' A. v. : with the Teesels of the ark of Ood (see Com.). Codd. 62. 64. 243. 248. Aid. read BcoS for mplmi here 

Ver. 55. — * A. V. : As for the house of the Lord they burnt it, brake down (see Com.) the walls of Jerusalem, set fir© 
upon, etc. 

Ver. 56. — ^ A. V. : and as for her glorious things, they ncTer ceased till they had consumed and brought them all to 
nought : and the people that were not slain with the sword he carried unto Babylon. 

Ver. 57. — ^ A. V. : who became servants (Gr.. koX ^trav TratSes). ' Jeremie. 

Ver. 58. —9 A. V. : had. » full term (see Com.). 

Chapter I. (Cf'. 2 Chron. xxxv., xxxvi.) 

Ver. 1. 'A^eii/, to hold, to celebrate. It comes 
into use in this sense only in the later times, but 
is frequently so employed in the Apocrypha ; 
although not found in connection with ri irao-xa. 
except in this pas.^age. See ver. 6, below. — The 
fourteenth day of the first month. This was 
the montli Nisnu, answerini; to our March, but at 
the time of Josiah coinciding more nearly witli 
April. The first mouth of the civil year was 
Ethanim, or Tisri, our October. See art. " Mo- 
u:ite " in Herzog's Real-Encyk., and " Kalender " 
in Schenkel's 6/6. Lex. 

Ver. 2. To their daily courses. Cf. with the 
Greek Luke i. 5, 8; 4v t;} ra^ei t^s itpTjfi^pias ahrov. 

Ver. 3. E/TTf. Spake, in the sense of com- 
manded. Cf. Matt. viii. 8 ; Mark v. 43, x. 49 ; 
and many other passages. — Ministers of the 
temple for Israel. The compiler does not prob- 
ably mean to indicate by this term (lepifSouAos) 
the special class ordinarily designated temple- 
servants (Nethinim), but uses the expression in 
a general sense. The LXX. in the corresponding 
passage in 2 Chron. has tois Swotois. At v. 29, 
35 ; viii. 5, 22,49, however, the word is used in its 
restricted sense. — 'With reference to (the mat- 
ter of) placing, ii/ rfj $e(ret. On this use of eV with 
the dative, see Hobinson's Lex., p. 248, and Winer, 
p. 387. 

Ver. 4. Ye shall no more bear it upon your 
shoulders. Lit. : /( shall not be to ijou to bear it 
upon ttte shoulders. This passage, inclusive of 
ver. 3, has given no little difficulty to critics. 
How is it that the ark of the covenant is no 
longer in the temple ? Have we elsewhere any 
intimation that since the time of Solomon it had 
been removed ? Fritzsche thinks that there is an 
anachronism in the history, words being put iuto 
the mouth of .Josiah which would be appropriate 
only for David (see 1 Chron. xxiii. 26). He in- 
fers from .Jer. iii. 16 (cf. Hitzig's Com., ad he), 
that the ark had already been wanting for some 
years, and, if it had now come to light, mure would 
have been made of so significant a fact. It is not 
necessary, hewever, to resort to so violeut a theory. 
Michaelis, Movers, Vaihinger (in Herzog's Real- 
Eticyk., ii. 4.55), and many others, are of tne 

opinion that, during the idolatrous reigns of Man- 
asseh and Amon, the ark had been temporarily 
removed in order to secure its safety. Keil, on 
the other hand, maintains that the command to 
set it in the temjile is not to be taken in a mate- 
rial, but in a spiritual, sense : " Overlook, leave 
the ark in the temple ; you have no longer, since 
Solomon built a place for it, to bear it on the 
shoulders." The ark of the covenant was prob- 
ably burned, along with the temple itself, when 
the city was taken by Nebuchaduezzur. Little 
confidence can be placed in the later traditions 
concerning it (2 Mncc. ii. 4 ff.). Josephus {Bel. 
Jiid., V. 5, § 5), at least, testifies directly that the 
second temple was without it; and Tacitus {Hist., 
V. 9) says of this temple: "Nulla intus deflm 
effigie vacuam sedem et inania arcana." — Aarpevai. 
For interesting remarks on the use of this word 
in the Scriptures generally, including the Apoc- 
rypha, see Crcmer's Lejr., p. 397, and Girdle- 
stone, 0. T. Syn., p. 391. Cf. also Judith iii. 9 ; 
3 Mace. vi. 6. 

Ver. 5. According to the written regulation 
of David. See 1 Chron. xxiii. — Magnificence 
of Solomon. This phrase is not found in the 
Hebrew (2 Chron. xxxv. 4), and was doubtless 
introduced by the compiler with tlie view of 
glorifying the temple. — Order of fathers' fami- 
hes. The word /xepiSoipxris was originally applied 
to the governor of a province (1 Mace. x. 65), 
fiepi^apxict being the office itself. It seems here 
to mean the divisions of the families, with special 
reference to the heads of such divisions. 

Ver. 7. Were present, tcJ evpeBeun. See 
ver. 18, where the A. V. so renders. Respecting 
such a use of this word, and how it is distinguished 
from flpai, see Winer, p. 616. — The king's allow- 
ance (A. v.), Tct 0aai\tKd. Hather, the royal treas- 
ury. See viii. 18 ; 1 Mace. iii. 28. 

Ver. 8. XeA/cias, Cheloias (2 Chron., Hilkiah). 
According to tradition he was the brother of 
.Jeremiah, and identical with the priest who found 
the copy of the law as recorded in 2 Kings xxii. 
8. See Smith's Bib. Diet., art. " Chelcias." — 
— Syelus (bsTT' in 2 Chron.). Chelc-'aa waa 



high priest ; Zacharia^, prefect, an office next in 
rank ; and Jehiel was either assistant of the lat- 
ter, — as the office required but one person, — or 
had succeeded to the office during the life-time 
of Zacharias, or he is mentioned because he was 
chief of the Levites. See the foUowitig verse. 

Ver. 9. Jeohonias (2 Chron., Conaniah). — 
Sameeas (2 Chron., Shemaiah). — Asabias (2 
Chron, Hashabiah). — Ochiel (2 Chron., Jeiel). 
— Joram (2 Chron., Jozabad). Our efforts will 
be directed, in revi>ing the spelling of proper 
names, simply to give them a form in English 
correspondinL^ as closely as possible to that wliich 
they have in the Greek text which we follow. 
( )n"the general subject of the proper names of the 
English version, "ee interesting remarks by Light- 
foot, A Fresh Revis., etc., p. 146. — Chiliarohs. 
The word x'^'ocx"' i* probably to be understood 
here in the general sense of leaders, chiefs. 

Ver. 10. A. V. : 'When these things were 
done, TaCro ra y(ii6iuva. Nominative absolute 
(si'e Winer, pp. 181, 574), and to be construed 
with what precedes; or better, taking account of 
the article, with what follows : and this is what 
took place. — Kal olJtojs rh irpoi'iv6v, and thus in the 
morning, that is, thus they offered sacrifice in 
the morning; or iAonauTtuyna is to be supplied after 
TTpwiv6y, and thus [th^^ij offered) the inorninej sacri- 
jice. Gaab would translate, and so — that is, 
after these arrangements — appeared the morning ; 
meaning the morning of the day on which the 
paschal lamb was to be eaten. 

Ver. 12. In brass pots. More likely copper 
or bronze (xa^K^y KiKpap.4vos) , a compound of 
copper and tin. See art. " Metalle " in Schenkel, 
Btb. Lex. — Mer' (ua>S(a!, with pleasant odor. 
Trendelenberg (Eichhorn, Einleit. in d. Apok., 
p. 364) and others think the translator mistook 
the Hebrew word, and that the proper rendering 
would have been, with joy. Fritzsche dissents. 
Cf. Text. Notes, Eph. v. 3. 

Ver. 15. Sons of Asaph; i.e., sons with ref- 
erence to employment. — Eddinus. In the A. V. 
this word is improperly rendered by the corre- 
sponding one at 2 Chron. Doubtless the same 
person is meant. He was master of song in 
the tabernacle, along with Asaph and Hemau, at 
the time of David. See 1 Chron. xxvi. 1 ; 2 
Chron. v. 12. Our text, moreover, has Zacharias 
where we should have expected Neman. Gaab 
(Com., ad loc.) suggests the ]iossibility that one 
and the same person had both names. It is quite 
as likely to have been a c;ise of careless writing, 
Zacharias having been suggested by I Chnui. xv. 
20. But cf. 1 Chron. xv. 19. — AVho were 
(appointed masters of song) by the king. See, 
for a similar construction of the (ireek ol wapa 
rtiv &ain\fu>s, 1 M;tcc. xv. 15; xvi. 16; and cf. 
Winer, p. .365. .See also 2 Chron. xxxv. 15. 

Ver. 17. 'Axfl'i'"'!, that they might hold. — 
The infinitive can be used as geuitive, both with 
and without the article. See Winer, p. 326 ; and 
cf. Buttmann. pp. 261-266. 

Ver. 19. Cf. Luke xxii. 1 : ri (oprri tuv a^vfiav. 

Ver. 20. See Winer's remark on the use of 
the aorist for the pluperfect, p. 275 ; Buttmann, 
p. 199 f. Cf. Luke vii. 1 ; .John xi. 30. 

Ver. 21. 'El' rp KaroiKriiret. The phrase is to 
be construed as in apposition with iu 'Ifpoua-aX'fiii. 
The political distinction, moreover, indicated by 
01 'lovSaiot as over iigainst ttos 'l(rpo^)\ is not to 
be overlo<3ked, the latter meaning the remnant of 
the ten tribes. 

Ver. 23. 'Ey Kupil^ irX'qpei, with a heart full ; 

i.e , his heart being full, or, in that his heart was 

Ver. 24. Been ungodly towards. See ver. 
49. With the Greek cf. 2 Pet. ii. 6 ; Jude, ver 
15. — Xlapa TrSi' eSi'os, above every other nation. 
Cf. Luke xiii. 2, ami Winer, p. 404. — The com- 
mon text has Kal & (Kmr\(Tav, and concerning the 
things which grieved. With Fritzsche, however, 
following IL and 44. we have omitted the relative. 
— 'Avfo-TTicai', rose up against ; i. e., were fulfilled 
upon. See 1 Kings xiii. 2 ; 2 Kings xxiii. 16. So 
the LXX. at Gen. iv. 8 renders bs raJ7. Cf. Mark 
iii. 26. Wahl (Clams, ad voc.) comments: " De 
minis divinis quce, dum rates fiunt, surgere dicuntur 
enl 'l(Tparj\." 

Ver. 25. iiapadc. This is a Coptic word, and 
signifies king, and was the usual title for the 
rulers of Egypt. The Hebrew at this point has 
properly left out the word, giving only Necho 
(■133). Manetho calls him Nechao ; Herodotus, 
Neco : and the monuments, Neku. See Rawlin- 
son, Histor. Ev., p. 125. — Charcamys. This 
seems not to be the Cercusiura of the Greeks, as 
most authorities bold, but a place situated higher 
up on the Euphrates, and occupying the site of 
the later Hierapolis. Its importance was due to 
the fact that it commanded the passage of the 
river at this point. The name signifies " the Fort 
of Chemosh," Chemosh being the well-known 
deity of the Moabites. See Rawlinson, Ancient 
Hon., ii. 475 ; and Schrader, Keitinschriften, p. 250. 

Ver. 26. 'What have I to do with thee ? 
Lit., What is to me and to thee? Cf. 2 Sam. xvi. 
10; Matt. viii. 29. 

Ver. 27. Sent out from the Lord God. It is 
not likely, as Keil supposes, that he means Je- 
hov.ah, unless he spoke from the point of view of 
Josiah. The Egyptians also, to a certain degree, 
acknowledged a single supreme being who in- 
spired their actions. An inscription, supposed to 
have been made b. c. 750, ascribes the following 
language to Piankhi, one of the Egyptian kings : 
" Didst thou not know that the Divine shade was 
over me 1 I have not acted without his knowl- 
edge. He commanded my acts." See Bib. Com. 
at 2 Chron. xxxv. 21 ; Rawlinson, Histor. Ev., 
p. 147 f. ; and Hitzig, Geschichte,-p. 268. — 'Eirl ylip 
Tov Ev(l>paTou, upon the Euphrates ; i. e., against 
the Babylonian forces on the Euphrates. For 
further explanation, see our Introd. to this book, 
under "Sources of the work," etc. — Is hasten- 
ing ; or, is a hastening Lord. The Greek is : Kal 
Kvpios fji^r' 4fj.oii eTrt<rn€vSajv iarlv. Cf. Esth. vi. 14; 
Wahl's Clavis; and Schleusner's Lex., ad voc. 

Ver. 28. And Josias did not ttirn himself on 
his chariot, ('. e., he did not abandon his design. 
The Vulgate has : " Et non est reversns .Tosias super 
currum," he did not return to the chariot in which 
he came, but mounted a war chariot. Cod. 108. 
has the reading which is followed in the A. V., 
as also the edition of the Greek Bible published 
at Basle in 1545 and that published in Frankfort, 
1 596 : Kal ouk airttTTpei^ec air' ouToG 'I. rh Sip^a 
iauToii. Cod. 108. has auroC at the end and in 
it also the verb is ixtcrTpetl/ey. Junius renders- 
" Non est antetn aversus Joschija cum copiis." In 
the corresponding passage in 2 Chron. xxxv. 22, 
there follow the difficult words: "but disguised 
himself" which our translator (prudently?) omits. 

Ver. 29. Mageddo. The modern El-Lejjun, 
on the route of caraviins from Egypt to Damas- 
cus. See /i('/i. Cow. at 2 Kings xxiii. 30. Herodotus 
is supposed to have made mention of this battle 



(ii. 159). He makes M.igdolum (Misdol), how- 
ever, situated on the shores of Lake Tiberias, the 
scene of it. These two names were frequently 
confounded. lint Ewald [Uist. of Is., iv. 242, 
note) takes a different view. He thinks the form 
Mapdol in Hevodntns arose from the spelliu^r 
Magedou for Mej^iddo ; the letters n and /, at the 
«nd of a proper name, beinj; otleu interciian^ed. 
Cf. Rawlinson, Herod., ad loc. Code.x II. has the 
singular readiiij; MeraSSous for VlaytBid. — And 
the princes came dowrn to Josias. In 2 Clirou. 
XXXV. 23, the Hebrew is correctly rendered : 
" And the archers shot at King Josiah." The 
Greek trnnslator has evidently gone astray, and 
probably in consequence of not understanding the 
text. The word Kara&aivm was used for descend- 
ing into the arena to fight, like the Latiu in certa- 
men descendere. See Herod., v. 22. 

Ver. 30. Servants, iraTSts. The people of his 
court are meant. See 1 Mace. i. fi, 8 ; Matt. xiv. 2. 

Ver. 31. Second chariot. It was a chariot 
more suitable for making a journey. There is an 
apparent disagreement between tliis passage and 
2 Kings xxiii. 29. In the latter, however, it is 
proliably meant simjily that Josiah received his 
death wound at Megiddo. Cf. also 2 Kings xxii. 
20 ; and Ewald, Hist, of Is., iv., p. 242, note. 

Ver. 32. Jeremias, the prophet. The pres- 
ent canonical Book of Lamentations is not meant. 
See Jer. xxii. 10, 18 ; Zech. xii. 11. — 'Keptifovcay, 
made lamentation. For the ending -oa^av in the 
third person plural of the imperfect and second 
aorist indicative active, see Winer, p. 77 ; B., p. 43 ; 
Sophocles, Greek Lex. of the Roman and Byzantine 
Periods, p. 39. Codd."lII. 5.5. 119. have kpiivouv. 

Ver. 33. Histories of the kings of Judah. 
Our Book of Chronicles is meant. Junius has 
here Jehudce, and in ver. 32 .Jehudtca. See Tert. 
Notes. — Book of the kings of Israel and Judah, 
i.e., our books of Kings. See Smith's Bilile Diet., 
ii. 30, 31. Fritz.«che, however, thinks ditfercntlv. 

Ver. 34. Declared, ii-jSei^ai/. Cf. ver. 37, 
and 2 Mace. ix. 23. The compiler of our apoc- 
ryphal book has doubtless made a mistake in the 
name of this king, Jechonias. Such a person 
was indeed once king, but wns a son of the suc- 
cessor of the present king. See 1 Chron. iii. 16. 
The person who was raised to the throne at this 
time was a younger son of Josiah, and was orig- 
inally called Shallum, and probably took the 
name Joachaz ("the Lord possesses") on his be- 
coming kiug. The A. V., in writing " Joachaz," 
seems to have desired to emend the text with 
reference to 2 Chron. xxxvi. 1. Cf. also 2 Kings 
xxiii. 30. 

Ver. 35. In Israel. The received text, with 
II., has eV 'l<rpari\, which is retained by Fritzsche, 
notwithstanding that most of the ' MSS. are 
against it. He holds that the phrase is not used 
in a geographical sense (as was probably sup- 
posed by those making the correction), but refers 
to the nation as a whole. See Judith iv. 1 ; Matt, 
viii. 10. — Deposed him from reigning in Jeru- 
salem. The Hebrew has simply : remoeed him. 
Cf., further, remarks in Introd. to the present 
book, under " Sources of the Work," etc. 

Ver. 36. An hundred talents of sUver and 
one talent of gold. The disproportion between 
the weight of the silver and the gold has attracted 
attention. Ewald, however, accepts the state- 
ment as here found, with the remark tliat it was 
money enough when taken in connection with the 
loss of adjacent territory. See Hist, of Is., iv. 
252, note. 

Vers. 37, 38. No dependence can be placed on 
the text of our book at this point. Intentionally 
or otherwise, it is very much falsified. See par- 
allel passages in 2 Chron., 2 Kings, and in Daniel. 
— Joaolm. For Joiakim, i. e., .lehoiakim. — 
Zaraces. An obvious corruption, and, as Fritzsche 
supposes, for Jehoahaz. We have endeavored to 
diniini>h the difficulties of the passage, to some 
extent, by the translation given above. To make 
it, however, at once iutelligible and historically 
credible seems, under present circumstances, a 
hopeless task. See Josephus (Antiq., x. 5, § 2), 
who says that Jehoahaz died in Egypt ; also, 
Ewald, Hist, of Is., iv. 251 ; 2 Kingsxxiii. 34; 
Jer. xxii. 10-12; Ezek. xix. 4. It h/is been sug- 
gested that tIij' a.Sf\(p6i' is repeated through mis- 
take from the preceding line, and that Ziiraces is 
a corruption for Urias, the well-known prophet of 
this period, whom Jehoiachini did bring back 
from Egypt and put to death in Jerusalem. See 
Smith's Bib. Diet., i. 945; cf. Jer. xxvi. 20-23. 

Ver. 40. Against him, fifr clutSv. This is an 
unusual meaning for/iera in prose. Cf., however, 
Horn., //., V. 152; xvii. 460. Other MSS., it will 
be observed, have e'lr/, which corresponds with 
the LXX. at 2 Chron. xxxvi. 6. — Nabuohodono- 
sor. This spelling better represents tlie oriiriual 
Hebrew than the common one The correct 
form, however, according to Ewald, is N'abuehod- 
rozzor. Hist, of Is., iv. 256, note. — With a 
chain of brass. See ver. 12, above. For a simi- 
lar of the preposition iv, see LXX. at Jer. Hi. 
11, and Ecclus. x.xviii. 19. Respecting the state- 
ment made, cf. 2 Kings xxiv. 6; Jer. xxii. 19, 
xxxvi. 30; Ezek. xix. 8,9. The most probable 
supposition is that Nebuchadnezzar did not fulfill 
his intention of carrying the captive king to Baby- 
lon, or, if he did so, afterwards restored him to 
Jerusalem ; where, on account of a subsequent 
rebellion, he was put to death, and his remains 
ignoniiniously treated by the Babylonians, though 
afterwards interred in the burying-place of Ma- 
nasseh. But see Ewald, Hist, of Is., iv. 262. 

Ver. 41. In his temple at Babylon. See 
Dan. i. 2. Probably the magnificent temple of 
Bel us, whose ruins still remain, is meant. 

Ver. 48. Joacim, i.e., Jehoiachin. — Eighteen 
years old. The text, rec, with II., has okt<<1. In 2 
Chron. xxxvi 8, it is also said thiit Jehoiachin was 
eight years old at this time. But it is plainly an or- 
thographical error. The age is given as eighteen 
at 2 Kings xxiv. 8 ; and his character as described 
at Ezek. .xix. 5-9 clearly shows that he was some- 
thing more than a mere boy. 

Ver. 44. Three months and ten days. It 
will be noticed that our book follows the more 
definite account of 2 Chron. xxxvi. 9, instead of 
that in 2 Kings xxiv. 8, which gives the round 
number as three months. 

Ver. 45. After a year. The Hebrew is : 
at the return (or turn) of the year ; i. e., in the 
spring, when military campaigns were usually en- 
tered upon. Michaelis translates : at the end of 
the year, but says that he does not see clearly 
what is meant. He thinks, however, it means, 
after the summer heats were over. 

Ver. 46. Sedecias (Zedekiah). In the pas- 
sflge in 2 Chron. xxxvi. II we read: Zedekiah, 
his brother; i.e., brother of Jehoiachin. He was 
really his uncle. Michaelis thinks a word is 
missing from the Hebrew, and that the passage 
originally reai father's brother. But such a man- 
ner of speaking is not strange to the Bible. See 
Gen. xiv. 14. Indeed, the word "brother" is 



applied to any kinsman, — even to a husband, to 
one of tlie same tribe, to an ally, and to a fellow- 
roan. The occasion for the title here may have 
been that he wita of the same age as Jehoiacliin. 

Ver. 47. By the prophet Jeremias. See 
Jer. i. 8. 

Ver. 48. On the interch.tnffe of !nr6 and aW, 
see Winer, p. 370, note; Buttmann, p. 325. On 
the rebellion of Zedekiah, cf. Kwald, Hist, of Is.. 
iv. 264 ff. — Our translator renders by rif 6v6pMTi 
Kvpiov, in,stead of with the LXX. at 2 Cliron. xxxvi. 
13, kutA toS Beov. Cf. Ezek. xvii. 12, 13, 18-20; 
xxi. if>. 

Ver. 49. UoWa rfo-f'^Tjo-av. Cf. ver. 24 : 7)cre- 
^Tj/fdro)!/ els. 

Ver. 50. His messenger. Perhaps carelessly 
nsed for the plural, since the prophets are doubt- 
less intended ; or, the singular is to be understood 
collectively. Pellican thinks Jeremiah is espe- 
cially meant. Cf. Dahne, ii. 122, who is of the 
ojdnion that the text is corrupt. 

Ver. 51. 'EKTToi^oi/Tey toi/s irpoip-^ras. This 
verb usually governs the dative, which probably 
accounts for the reading tois irpo(f>i\rais found in 
some MSS. Cf. Gal. vi. 7. 

Ver. 53. 'Ei' (iof.i.(paia, with the sword. This 
preposition is often used in the LXX. and New 
Testament with the dative as denotinf; instru- 
ment or means, wliere in ordinary Greek writers 
the dative alone would be employed, through the 
influence of the Hebrew 3. See Winer, p. 388 ; 
Buttmann, p. 181. The reading TrapfSoiKai', which 
we find in our text, notwithstanding Fritz.sche's 
defense of it, there seems sufficient reason for 
changing. See ver. 56. 

Ver. 54. Tas ki^wtovs, the treasure chests, 
and hence, inferentially, the treasures. The 

Syriac and Old Latin (followed by the A. V.) 
versions understood the word to mean " ark of the 
covenant;" while the MSS. III. XI. 52. 58.64. 
and otliers, with Aid., have changed the text itself 
to harmonize with this erroneous view. 

Ver. 55. Kal iKvaav to tc^xt?, and demolished 
the walls. For this force of the verb, sec Horn., 
//., ii. 118; John ii. 19; Eph. ii. 14; and cf. 
Lange's Com., on Matt., ]). 110 ; Rev., p. 92. 

Vers. 57, 58. By the mouth of Jeremias. 
This prophet predicted seventy years of desola- 
tion.; xxix. 10. According to 
the usual reckoning they were sixty-eight ; which 
is sufficiently exact, if we regard seventy its a 
round number. The idea which is here incorpo- 
rated with the prophecy — an indirect and distant, 
with a definite and near, prediction — comes 
from Lev. xxvi. 34. The meaning is that, inas- 
tnuch as the Hebrews, through the non-observance 
of the Sabbaths and sabbatic years, hiid deiirived 
the land of the rest intended for it by its Creator, 
this should now, by the banishment of its people, 
be .secured to it. We are not to demand (with 
Bertheau, Michaelis, and others) an exact chrono- 
logical coincidence. See Keil's Com. at 2 Chron. 
xxxvi. 21. It is the theological, not the chrono- 
logical, idea that predominates. That, however, 
the law of the sabbatical year had been violated, 
since the days of Moses, not far from seventy 
times, is quite likely. The edition of 1611 has in 
the margin : " or, h-ep snhhath." It is with refer- 
ence to the Hebrew and Greek at 2 Chron. xxxvi. 
21, the latter being: r^v yriv ra cajS^ara oijttjs 
(ra/3/3aTiVai. The Old Lat. (by MS. Colbert.) has: 
*' dntipc separaret bene terra in sabbatis suis, omni 
tempore desolationis suae quo sabbatizavit, ad im- 
plelionem Ixx. annorum." 

Chapter II. 

1 In the first year of Cyrus king of the Persians, that the word of the Lord might 

2 be accomplished, that he had promised by the mouth of Jeremias,' the Lord awak- 
ened '^ the spirit of Cyrus the king of the Persians, and he made proclamation in 

3 all his kingdom, and at the same time * by writing, saying, Thus saith Cyrus king 
of the Persians, The Lord of Israel, the most high Lord, hath declared ^ me king 

4 of the whole world, and commanded me to build him a house at Jerusalem in 

5 Judfea.^ If therefore there be any of you that are of his people, let his Lord ' be 
with him, and let him go up to Jerusalem that is in Juda2a, and build the house 

6 of the Lord of Israel, for he is the Lord that dwelleth in Jerusalem. As many 
now, as dwell scattered in single places, each one of these let the people of his place 

7 help ' with gold and with silver, with gifts, with horses, and with cattle, together 
with the rest of the things ^ which have been set forth by vow, for the temple of 
the Lord at Jerusalem. 

8 And the chief of the respective families of the tribe of Judah and of Benjanain 

Ver. 1. — * A. V. : Jeremie. 

Ver. 2. — *A.V,: raised up. s through (Cod. II. omits ei/ before oAji ttJ j5.). * also (Gr., a/ia). 

Ver. 3. — » A. V. : made (Or., aviiei^e). 

Ver. 4. — " A. V. : Jewry. 

Ver.6. — ' A. V. : the Lord, efen his L. (a second itupiot is added by III. XI. 62. 248. Aid. and the Greelt Bibles of 1541 
(Basle) and 1597 (Franllfort)). 

Ver. 6. — 8 A. V. : AVhoHoever then dwell in the places about, let them help him (those, I my, that are hi^ neighbors) 
Eee Cam. Codd. III. XI. 44. 248. and others, with Aid., omit the article before ron-ou?. 

Ver. 7. — "A. V. : and other t/iin^s (Or., oiiv roU oAAois toU, etc.). 

1 ESDRAS. 79 

resolved * — the priests also, and the Levites, and all they whose mind the Lord 

9 had awakened,- to go up, and to build a house for the Lord at Jerusalem ; and 

they that dwelt round about them, helped with^ all things, with silver and gold, 

with horses and cattle, and with very many consecrated gifts * of a great number 

10 whose minds were awakened.^ King Cyrus also brought forth the holy vessels of the 
Lord, which ^ Nabuchodonosor had carried away from Jerusalem, and had deposited 

11 in the temple of his idol.' Now when Cyrus king of the Persians had brought 

12 forth these things,* he delivered them to Mithridates his treasurer; and by him 

13 they were delivered to Sanabassar the governor of Judasa. And this was the num- 
ber of them : A thousand golden cups, and a thousand of silver, censers of silver 
twenty nine, vials of gold tliirty, and of silver two thousand four hundred and ten, 

14 and a thousand other vessels. And all ° the vessels of gold and of silver, which 

15 were carried away, were five thousand four hundred threescore and nine. And 
they ^^ were brought back by Sanabassar, together with them of the captivity, from 
Babylon to Jerusalem. 

16 But in the time of Artaxerxes king of the Persians, Bel emus, and Mithridates, 
and Tabellius, and Rathumus, and Beeltethmus, and Semellius the secretary, with 
the rest who were associated " with them, dwelling in Samaria and the other ^'^ 
places, wrote unto him against them that dwelt in Judaea ^' and Jerusalem the fol- 

17 lowing letters :'^ To king Artaxerxes oj^r lord. Thy servants, Eathumus the chroni- 
cler,'' and Semellius the scribe, and the rest of their council, and the judges '^ 

18 that are in Coelesyria and Phoenice." Be it now known to the lord the king, that 
the Jews that came up from you to us, have come to Jerusalem and build the re- 
bellious and wicked city, repair the marketplaces, and ^' the walls of it, and lay '* 

19 the foundation of the temple. Now if this city be built and the walls completed'^ 

20 they will not only refuse to give tribute, but also rebel against kings. And since 
the building of the temple is now going on,-' we think it meet not to neglect such 

21 a matter, but to speak unto our lord the king, to the intent that, if it be thy pleas- 

22 ure, it may be sought out in the books of thy fathers. And thou wilt ■'- find in the 
chi'onicles what is written concerning these things, and wilt -^ understand that that 

23 city was rebellious, troubling both kings and cities ; and that the Jews were rebel- 
lious, and caused always sieges therein, for which very cause -■* this city was made 

24 desolate. Wherefore now we do declare unto thee, O lord the king, that if this 
city be built again, and the walls thereof set up anew, thou wilt'^° from henceforth 
have no passage into Ccelesyria and Pho-nice. 

25 Then the king wrote back to -" Rathumus the chronicler,^ to Beeltethmus. to 
Semellius the scribe, and to the rest that were associated, and dwelt "^ in Samaria 

26 and Syria and Phcenice, after this manner : I have read the epistle which ye have 

Ver. 8. — lA. v. : Then the chief of the families of Judea and of the tribe of Benjamin stood up (see Com.) 
* moved (i)y«ip*, as at ver. 2). 

Ver. 9. — 3 A. V. : and helped tkem in. * free gifts (Gr., euxais). ^ were stirred up thereto. Fritzsche has inserted 
cai before KTr/veat, with III. XI. 58. and others. 

Ver. 10. — ^ A . V. : vessels, which. ' set up in his temple of idols (MS. Colbert., in templo idolorum). 

Ver. 11. — 8 A_ Y^ ; them forth. The support of II., cited by Fritzsche for Mi0pi6oT7), is con-ect as far as the spelling 
Mi9pt5. but a rko has been inserted, doubtless by mistake, thus : MtflpiipaTTj. At ver. 16, however, there was first 
written MtSpa5aTT)!, and as a correction some one has written an iota over the alpha, 

Ver. 14. — A. V. : So aU. w Ver. 16. — • A. V. : These (8< overlooked). 

Ver. 16. — "A. v.: others that were in commission (Gr., ot AoijtoI oi — (rui/Tao-trojuiei'oi). ^ and other. ^3 Judea. 
" these letters following. For the common reading [naTiypa^av) II. III. 44. 55. have the singular, which Fritzsche alsc 

Ver 17. — "■ A. V. : story-UT/ier. lo See Com. The words Ka\ Kpirai are not omitted in II., as stated in Fritzsche's 
•pparatus (following Holmes and Parsons), but only the (cat ; as also in 19. and the Old Lat. " Coelosyria and Fhe- 
nice. I shall hereafter change the spelling, as above, without further remark. 

Ver. 18. — 18 A. V. : are come — being come into J (that rebellious and wicked city ) do build the marketplaces, and 
repair. '» do lay. 

Ver. 19. — 20 A. V. : Now if tiiis city and the walls thereo/he made up again (Gr., ovvreXeirB^). 

Ver. 20. — 21 A. V. : forasmuch as the things pertaining to the temple are now in hand. It is literal, but not cleaj. 

Ver. 22. — =2 A. V. : Shalt. » ghalt. 

Ver. 23. — '^ A. V. : and raised always wars (Gr. woAtopifias avvLtrrafievoi. etc. ; see Com.) therein ; for the which cause 

Ver. 24. — ^ A..\.: up anew thou shalt. 

Ver. 25. — 2» A. V. : back again to. " storywriter. The Greek here is somewhat different from that at ver. 16, but 
the meaning is the same : "P. r^ -ypai^oiTi ra TTpoa-irtVTo».Ta (ver. 10 ; o Ta irpoffTriVTorTa). ^ A. \.: that were in 
■ommission, and dwellers. 



sent unto me. Therefore I commanded to make diligent search, and it hath 
been found that that city was from ancient times acting in opposition to ^ kings ; 

27 and that ^ the men therein were given to rebellion and war ; and that mighty kings 
and fierce were in Jerusalem, who reigned and exacted tributes in Coelesyria and 

28 Phoenice. Now therefore I have commanded to hinder those men from building 
the city, and that care be taken that nothing take place contrary to this cominand,^ 

29, 30 and that the evU * proceed no further to the annoyance of kings. Then Rathu- 
mns and Semellius the scribe, and those who were associated with them having 
read the letters of Artaxerxes,^ removing in haste towards Jerusalem with a troop 
of horse and foot ^ in battle array, began to hinder the builders ; and the building 
of the temple in Jerusalem ceased untU the second year of the reign of Darius 
king of the Persians. 

Ver. 26. — i A. V. : from the beginning practicing against {see Com.), 

Ver. 27. — ^ ^ y „mits that. 

Ver. 28. — * A. V.; heed be taken that there be no mor« done in it {Gr., KiLt, wpofojj^x'ai ona^ iir^hev Trapa TaCra 
yejTp-ai). Ver. 29. — * A. V. : that those wicked workers. 

Ver. 30. — ^ \. V. ; Then king A., his letters being read, Rathumus, and Semellius the scribe, and the rest that were in 
commission with them. * horsemen and a multitude of people (marg. : a great number of soldiers). The Greek if 
oxAov, and as joined with iTTTrou there can be no doubt of its meaning. Cf. Xen., Cyrop.^ v. 5. 4. 

Chaptek n. (Cf. Ez. i. 1-15; iv. 7-24.) 

Ver. 1. First year of Cyrus. His first year at 
Babylon is meant. — By the mouth of Jeremias. 
Cf. .ler. xxT. 11, 12 ; xxix. 10. It will be noticed 
that this verse and the two ne.xt following are to 
be found both at the end of 2 Chron. and at the 
beginning of Ezra, a fact which favors the theory 
that the two books were originally united in one. 

Ver. 3. The IJord of Israel, the most high 
liord. It is possible that in the Hebrew transcript 
of the Persian original of this document (Ez. i. 2), 
the name of Jehovah was substituted for that of 
Orm-izd. See Rawlinson, Ancient Man., iii. 348, 
where the language of this passage is compared 
with the oft-recurring formula of the Persian in- 
scriptions. Our translator, however, follows nei- 
ther the LXX. nor the Hebrew, at this point. Cf., 
also, vi. 31 ; viii. 19, 21, where he introduces the 
game change in the divine name. Dahne finds in 
this fact evidence that he was influenced by the 
Alexandrian philosophy. " Sehr angemessen be- 
dient sich unser Verfasser dieses Ansdrucks, ihn 
vorziiglich hervorhebeud, nur dann, wenn Aus- 
lander von dem Gotte der Israelitcri mit Verehrung 
redend eingefiihrt werden." ii. p. 121. Cf., how- 
ever, Fritzsche, Com., " Nachtrage." 

Ver. 6. Each one of these, let the people of 
his place. The Hebrews are particularly meant, 
but possibly also, others, since they miglit be ex- 
pected to sympathize, to some degree, in this noble 
enterprise of Cvrus. See Ewald, Geschichte d. 
Volk. Is., iv. 103. 

Ver. 7. Set forth by vow. This transhition 
seems intended to be explanatory. The original 
has only, with free-will offerinqs. The perfect par- 
ticiple is used to show that these things had been 
previously devoted to such a purpose. 

Ver. 8. KaTa<7TT]fTavT€s (III. XI. 64. : Karaardv- 
Tcs). Fritzsche would give to the word the sense 
of (hrldf'd, determined on. Only a part of the 
Jewish people embraced tlie opportunity offered 
by Cyrus. Josejihus {Antii/., xi. 1) says it was be- 
cause they were unwilling to relinquish the prop- 
erty which they had acquired in their banish- 
ment. Most of those who returned belonged to 
the tribes of Judali and Benjamin. See 1 Chron. 
ix. 3. 

Ver. 9. 'fls irXflffTait. On the force of is with 
the superlative, see Crosby's Greek Gram., p. 339, 

and Kriiger, xlix. 10. — cvxah, rendered free gifts 
in the A. V. ; better, consecrated gifts, offerings. 
See Horn., Od., x. 526; Acts xviii. 18; and cf. 
Trench, N. T. Sgn., Pt. 2, p. 1. _ 

Ver. 10. 'Ev ti} elSaXfltf auToZ. See 1 Mace. i. 
47 {elSa\(7a, rendered in the A. V. "chapels of 
idols"), and 1 Cor. viii. 10, where we have in 
€iSw\eitfj KaraKfifievoy, '* sit at meat in the idol's 

Ver. 11. Mithridates, i. e., given by Mithra. 
The Speaker's Com. (Ez. i. 8), finds in this name 
an indication that the worship of the sun by the 
Persians dates back at least to the time of Cyrus. 
Cf. also Gesenius, Heb. Lex., ad mc 

Ver. 12. Sanabassar. Doubtless this is a cor- 
rupted form of the Persian name of Zerubbabel. 
See Ez. i. 8; v. 16; Zech. iv. 9. Such a change 
of names was common, as is seen in the case of 
Daniel and his companions. The MSS. give dif- 
ferent forms of the word, an interchange of letters 
being a common fault of transcribers. See Frau- 
kel, Vorstud., p. 97. 

Ver. 13. A thousand golden cups. The word 
used to translate the Hebrew for cu])s is trirofSera, 
i. e., cups for drink offerings. The LXX. has 
tfnjKTTipei, " wine coolers." In Kz. i. 9 the trans- 
lation is " chargers." The Hebrew word occurs 
nowhere else. Ewald ( Geschichte d. Volk. Is., iv. 
102) would render it by xipTaWos. This was a 
kind of basket, pointed at the bottom, and covered 
with network to let the smoke through. — Cen- 
sers, duiiTKat. At Ezra i. 9, the same Hebrew 
worcl is translated in the A. V., " knives." Ac- 
cording to Gesenius, it means a slaughter knife, 
.and was used for killing victims for sacrifice. The 
idea of gliding, passing through like a knife, char- 
acterizes the root. — Vials. At Ez. i. 10, the ren- 
dering is " basins." Cf. 1 Chron. xxviii. 17. 
Probably a larger kind of cup or bowl is in- 

Ver. 14. On the discrepancy between the num- 
ber as here given and that given in the canonical 
Ezra, see remarks in our Introduction to the pres- 
ent book. 

Ver. 16. 'Ev Se tois ^irl 'Apra^fp^au. On the 
force of i-irl, in sucli a con.structiou, see Winer, p 
392. — Fritzsche, with others, refeiring lo Jo- 
sephus {.\nliq., xi. 2. § 1 ), supposes that Cambyse» 



must be indicated under this title, although ordi- 
narily pseudo-Smerdis is so called in the Book of 
Ezra. We must think, however, that Josephus is 
mistaken. In the preceding verse in Ezra (iv. 6), 
Ahasuerus, who is doubtless Cambyses, is men- 
tioned, while the second kinir named after him 
(iv. 2+) is Darius Hystaspis. Hence, the interven- 
ing one of the present verse, with a different title, 
should be, properly, pseuiio-Smerclis. The Per- 
sian kings often had several names. It is a strong 
incident:il support of this view that this pseudo- 
Smerdis, alone of the kings here concerned, was 
au opponent of the pure Persian religion, and it 
would not therefore be strange to find him ready 
te put a stop to a work of this kind at Jerusalem. 
— Belemus (Ez. iv. 7, Bishlam). In the LXX. 
Arabic and Syriac versions this was not regarded 
as a proper name, but translated in pt^ace. Rath- 
umus, the Rchuin of the Hebrew. — Beeltethmus. 
This word was misunderstood by the translator, 
and is rightly given at Ez. iv. 9, as the title of 
Kehum. This fact is noticed in the margin of 
the version of 1611. It means, literally, "lord of 
judgment," or " chancellor." The LXX. version 
makes the same blunder. Cf., also, vers. 17, 25 
of this chapter, where our au t bor, curiously enough, 
escapes from his difficulty only to fall into it again. 
Josephus [Antig., x. 2), who generally follows the 
a[iocrvphal book, does not do so in this case. — 
SemeUius (Shimshai, Ez. iv. 8). He was the sec- 
retary of Rehum, the governor. By comparing 
our book at this point with the parallel account in 
Ezra, one of its most marked characteristics will 
be plainly observed, namely, its avoidance of cir- 
cumlocutions and difficult combinations for the 
sake of greater simplicity and clearness. This 
might certainly be regarded as a good trait in an 
author, yet scarcely to be commended in a trans- 
lator. But, obviously, the making of a transla- 
tion, good or bad, waa not the principal thing 
aimed at in our book. 
Ver. 17. The translation "judges" is falsely 

given here to a Heorew word which means Dina- 
ites. They were colonists from Dayan, a country 
on the borders of Cilicia and Cappadocia, often 
mentioned in the Assyrian inscriptions. See Ez. 
iv. 9. 

Ver. 18. From you to us. To be taken in a 
geographical sense. A proper pointing of the 
Greek requires that the words, that rebellions ana 
wicked city, should be made the object of oIko- 
5o/ioii(ri. — Marketplaces. These were public 
places where things were exposed for sale, corre- 
sponding to the modern bazaar. See Winer, Real- 
wiirterb., under " Stadte." 

Ver. 20. Misled by a Chaldaic word, which 
might mean either palace or temple, the translator 
at this point has wandered far from his text, in 
order to make his version consistent with itself. 

Ver. 2 1 . Books of thy fathers. The Persians 
were accustomed to keep such records. See 
Diod. Sic, ii. 32 ; and Rawlinson, Ancient Mon., ii. 
264 f. The word " fathers " must be used in a 
figurative sense, meaning " predecessors," espe 
cially if addressed to pseudo-Smerdis. 

Ver. 2.3. Caused always sieges {■7ro\iopittas). 
Their conduct, they would say, had been such 
that sieges from foreign powers had been contin- 
ually necessary. See ver. 27, and cf. 2 Kings 
xxiv. 1. 

Ver. 26. Acting in opposition to. This verb 
— ai/TiirapaTatrcrw — means to put one's self in a 
hostile attitude. It is meant that they had acted 
in a hostile spirit against kings. See 2 Mace. xiv. 

Ver. 30. Removing, ava^fi^afTes, i. e., having 
yoked up again. The word is often used of armies. 
Herod., ix. 41, 58. Cf. viii. 61 of the present 
book, and 1 Mace. xi. 22. — Xlapara^is means some- 
times the line of battle, and sometimes is used in 
the more general sense of battle. The latter 
meaning seems preferable here. Cf. i. 30 ; Judith 
V. 23; vii. 11 ; Thucyd., v. 11. 

Chapter in. 

1 And king Darius ' made a great feast unto all his subjects, even ^ unto all his 

2 household, and unto all the princes of Media and Persia, and to all the governors 
and generals ' and toparchs * that were under him, from India unto Ethiopia, in the * 

3 hundred twenty and seven provinces. And they ate, and drank, and being satisfied, 
went home. But * Darius the king went into his bedchamber, and slept, and awoke.' 

4 Then the three * young men that were the king's body guard ^ spake one to an- 

5 other, Let each one of us mention one thing that is mightiest and unto hitn whose 
sentiment^" shall seem wiser than the others, imto him shall the king Darius give 

6 great gifts, and great tokens '' of victory : as, to be clothed in purple, and '- to drink 
in gold, and to sleep upon gold, and a chariot with gold-studded bridles,^^ and a 

7 tiara of byssus," and a chain about his neck ; and he shall sit next to Darius because 

Ver 1. — >A.V.: Now when Darius reigned, he («a'i Poo-i'Aeviro! A., 64. 243. 24S. Aid.). > and («ai epexeget.). 

Ver. 2. — 8A, V. : captains. ^ lieutenants. ^ of an (Qr., ei* toIs). 

Ver. 3, — 8 A. V. : And when they had eaten (ical ore ttttayov, XI. 62. 58. with others, and Aid.) and drunken, and 
being satisfied were gone home, then (t6t€, XI. 52. 58. 248. Aid.). ' soon after awaked. The text. rec. has tauToO 
ifter KOiTuiya, but it has not the support of II. III. 44. 58. 

Ver. 4. — 8 A. V. : Then three. ^ of the guard that kept the king's body. 

Ver. 5. — *" A. V. : every one of U8 speak a sentence (Gr., Koyov, but here used ir.jefiuitely) : he that shall overcome, 
and whose sentence. n things in token. 

Ver. 6. — ^ A. \. omits and. '^ bridles of gold. " headtire of fine linen (Ql , pvcrcrtViji'). I thought it better to 

tansfer the word, as it refers to a certain kind of linen 


8 of his wisdom, and shall be called Darius's kiustnan.' And then each one wrot« 

9 his sentiment,- sealed it, and laid it under king Darius's' pilloiv : and said,^ 
A^ hen the king is risen, one shall ^ give him what is written ; ° and of whom ' 
the king and the three princes of Persia shall judge that his sentiment ' is the 

10 wisest, to him shall the victory be given, as agreed.^ The first wrote. Wine is 

11 the strongest. The second wrote. The king is strongest. The third wrote, 

12 Women are strongest; but above all ihivgs truth beareth away the victory. 

13 And '° when the king was risen up, they took what was written,^' and delivered 

14 it unto him, and he read it.'- And sending forth he called all the princes of Persia 
and Media, and the governors, and the generals,'^ and the toparchs,'* and the 

15 chief officers, and seated himself in the council chamber ; and what was written 

1 6 was '° read before them. And he said, Call the young men, and they themselves 

17 shall make known their sentiments. And '^ they were called, and came in. And 
they " said unto them. Tell us concerning what is written. And the first began,'* 

18 who hail spoken of the strength of wine ; and he spoke '^ thus : O ye men, how ex- 

19 ceeding strong is wine ! It causeth all men to err that have drunk -° it. It maketh 
the mind of the king and of the fatherless child one mind ; -' both that of the bond- 

20 man and of the freeman, of the poor '^' and of the rich. It turneth also every mind 

21 towards ^ jollity and mirth, and one -* remembereth neither sorrow nor debt. And 
it maketh every heart rich, and one ^ remembereth neither king nor governor ; and 

22 it maketh a man speak all things by talents. And when they are in their cups, 

23 they forget to be friendly to friends ^° and brethren, and a little after draw their 

24 swords. And when they have ^ risen from the wine, they remember not what they 
have done. O ye men, is not wine the strongest, seeing that it ^ enforceth to do 
thus ? And when he had so spoken, he held his peace. 

Ver. 7. — 1 A. V. : Darius his cousin. See Com, 

Ver. 8. — 2 A. V. ; every one wrote his sentence. ^ narius his. * said thai. 

Ver. 9. — ^ A. V.: is risen, some will. 6 the writings. 'whose side. 8 sentence. ^ was appointed- The 
•£ before 6 Aoyos is omitted by the Codd. XI. 44. and many others, with Aid. For cckos XI. 58. 64. 248. Aid. have 
vLktiilil. Cf. ver. 6, kiriviKiO.. 

Ver. 13. — '"A. V. : Now. u their writings. ^ the77i unto him, and so he read them. 

Ver. 14. — "A. V. : captains. i* lieutenants. The article of the text. ree. before o-arpairas is omitted in 11. III. 
XI. 65. The two following words, Kal uTpaniyovi;, are not found in 11. 

Ver. 15. — ^'•A. v.: sat him down in the royal seat of judgment (marg. : council); and the writings (ra ypaft^ara, 
108.) were. 

Ver. 16. — " A. V. . they shall declare their own sentences. So. Cod. HI. and some others have tavrSiv for avruv after 

Ver. 17. — 1' A. V. : he (so 119. 243. 245. 248. Aid.). ^8 Declare unto us your mind concerning the writings. Then 
began the first. w said. 

Ver. 18. — =0 A. V. : drink [nCvovra^, instead of iriovra^, is supported by III. XI. 64. 24S. and others, with Aid.). 

Ver. 19. — =* A. V. ; to be all one (Gr., -n^v Sdvoiav fj.Cav]. 22 poor man. 

Ver. 20. — ^ A. V. : thought into. -■* so that a 7nan. 

Ver. 21. — -' A. V. : so that a man. Here and in the foUowing verse we find in n. for fiefivi]vTai the singular of th« 

Ver. 22. — -^ A. V. : their love both to friends. 

Ver. 23. — -" A. V. : but when they are. The reading yelTjeitnl' was adopted, but cannot be admitted, although sup- 
ported by some good authorities : III. XI. 44. 64. 71. 24S. and others, with Aid. 

Ver. 24. — M A. V. : that (Or., ori). 

Chapter III. (Cf. Josephus, Antiq., xi. 3 ff.) 

Ver. 1. And he made a great feast. We [ " But, after that he [Darius] had rested a little 
have the Greek e.N:ictly re)irofiuced in Luke v. 29 : ' part of the night, he awoke, and, not being able 
^iro/Tjffe Soxhy fiiydXtjv. — Tuts o'lKoyfvfatv, house to tleep any more, he h'W into conversation with 

servants. Lit., those horn in the iiousf. Th' 
second Ka/ should lie taken epcxcgetically ; and in- 
deed, namely f even, 

Ver. 2. From India unto Ethiopia. Cf. 
Esth. 1. 1 ; viii. 9 ; Dan. vi. 1. 

Ver. 3. And awoke. Schlensner {Lex., ad 
voc.) and r-onic (jtliers wouM translate the words 
Ka\ e^vTTVos tyiveTo, and slept pTofoundly {in pio- 
fnndinn somnmn incidit). But, while this meaning 
might suit the context, it is not the natural and 
usuai meaning <jf the words. Josephus gives to 
the narrative quite a different coloring. lie says : 

the three guards i)f his body, and promised that 
to him who should make an or.ation concerning 
points that he [the king] would inquire about, 
such as .should be most agreeable to truth and the 
dictates of \vi,sdoin. he would allow hiin as a re- 
ward of liis victory to put on a ]uir|ile garment," 
etc. Josopluis, moreover, gives the following 
reason for the king's subsequent conduct, that, 
while he yet a subject, he ni:idc a vow that i.' 
he came to the tlirone be would send all the ves- 
sels of Liod that were in ISabyhm back to Jeri» 
salem. It is related of I'tolemv III. Euergetes 



of Kgypt that he instituted such contests as the 
one here described, among the writers of his day. 
See Bold, ]>. 32. 

Vcr. 5. 2o(pu>T€pov Tov erepou. Lit., wiser than 
'.he other. The comparative is used for the super- 
lative. See Winer, p. 240; Buttmann, p. 8.3. 

Ver. 7. Darius'a kinsman. It is simjd)- au 
honorary title. See 1 Mace. x. 89; xi. 31; 2 Mace. 
xi. 1, 35; 3 JIaec. v. 39. 

Ver. 9. Three princes of Persia. Sec E^th. 
i. 14 in the Septuagiut virsiou ; also, viii. 11, he- 
low. There were seven leading princely families 
in Persia; tlie heads of which, a.s it is supi'O-ed, 
formed the council of the king. See Kawlinson, 
Ancient Hon., iii. 223. Either our tran.^l:uor knew 
of onlv three such princes, or this numlier m:iy 
have been selected in the present case with refer- 
ence to the number of contestants. 

Ver. 10. 'O els. Lit., the one. See, on this 
construction, Winer, p. 116; Buttnianu, pp. 30, 
102 ; and cf. Matt. vi. 24 ; xxiv. 40 f. 

Ver. 14. Chief officers, viraTous. The terra 
was used by Latin writers (Polyb.) to designate 
consuls and prefects. Graetz (iii. p. 445, note) 

thinks that it furnishes a key to the time of the 
composition of the book. 

Vei'. 17. The reading is (tvay, the plural, and 
not the singular as rendered iu the A. V-, the 
spectators being meant. See ^nles. 

Ver. 18. Tiif Sidmav. We connect with what 
precedes, agreeable to the jjointing of Fritzsche's 
text: // seduces {deceives) the mind o J' every man 
icho drtnks it. 

Ver. 19, Fatherless child. Lit., orphan. It 
is used figuratively for what is weak, in contra- 
distinction to the king. 

Ver. 20. Cf., on the sentiment of the verse, 
Ps. civ. 15; Eccles. X. 19; Wisd. ii. 9; Ecclus. 
xiii. 8. 

Ver. 21. And it maketh a man speak all 
things by talents, Kai irdpTa Sia. Ta\di/Twv Trott; 
\a\e7v, i.e., causes that a person speak ;is though 
he had to do only with talents. Wahl remarks; 
" Efficit vinum, ut cujuscun(|ue condltionis homo 
loquatur pertalenta ; i. e., talentorum possessorem 
sese jactans = wie ein Miilionar." (C'lavis, p. 116.) 

Ver. 23. Bisen from the [sleep produced by] 
wine. See Text. Notes. 

Chapter IV. 

1 And ^ the second, that had spoken of the strength of the king, began to speak.^ 

2 O ye men, do not men excel in strength, that bear rule over sea and land, and all 

3 things in tliem ? But ^ the king is more mighty, and is their lord,* and hath domin- 

4 ion over them ; and whatsoever he commandeth them they obey.* If he bid them 
make war the one against the other, they do it ; and " if he send them out against 

5 the enemies, they go, and demolish ' moimtains, and * walls, and towers. They 
slay and are slain, and transgress not the king's commandment ; if moreover, they 
get the victory they bring all to the king ; and if they plunder also, all the rest.' 

6 And as many as are not soldiers,'" and have not to do with wars, but practice '^ hus- 
bandry, when they have reaped again that which they had sown, they bring it to 

7 the king, and compel one another to pay tribute unto the king. And ^- he is only 

8 one '* ; if he command to kill, they kill ; if he command to spare, they spare ; if he 
command to smite, they smite ; if he command to make desolate, they make deso- 

9 late ; if he command to build, they build ; if he command to cut down, they cut 

1 down ; if he command to plant, they plant. And the whole of his people '■* and his 

11 armies obey him. Furthermore he reclineth,'" he eateth and drinketh, and taketh 
his rest, and these keep watch round about him, neither may any one depart, and 

12 do his own business, neither disobey they him.'*' ye men, how should not the 
king be mightiest, seeing that he is so ^'' obeyed ? And he was silent.'* 

1 3 And '^ the third, who had spoken of women and the truth (that is Zoroba- 

14 bel*) began to speak. O ye men, Is not the king great, and men many, and 
wine mighty ? -' Who is it, then, that ruleth them, or hath the lordship over 

Ver. 1.— ' A. v.: Then. ^ say. 

Ver 3. — 3 A. V ; But yet. * for he is lord of all these things (II. XI. 62. 64. and others, with Aid., read navjutv 
for attriv). " do (see Com.). 

Ver. 4. — " A. V. omits and (60- * break down (see Com.). 8 omits and. 

Ver. 5. — ^ A. V. : if they get the victory they bring all to the king, as well the spoils as all things else. The last 
tlause (Kai Ta oAAa jraira) might be rendered ; " and with respect to the rest they bring all." For Kai eav in the last 
clause but one, III. XI. 52. 61. and others, with Aid., offer Kac oo-a edv. 

Ver. 6. — ^^ A. V. ; Likewise for those that are no soldiers («ai oo-oi oy orpaTevovTat). " use. 

Ver. 7. — ^ A. V. : And yet. ^^ but one 7nan. The Greek is, Kai avrb? cU ^ofos iarCv. 

Ver. 10. — " A. V. : So all his people (Gr., Kai n-ds 6 Aaos aicov). ^ lieth down. Reclining at table is clearly meant 
'avoKeiTatj. Ver. 11. "^ A. V. adds in any thing. 

Ver. 12. — •" A. V. : when (Gr., Srt) in such sort he is. la held his tongue (Or., eViyijcrev). 

Ver. 13. —"A V.:Then. ™ women and o/ the truth (this was Z.). 

Ver. 14. — 21 A_ V. : it is not the great king, nor the multitude of men, neither is it wine that excelleth. The Greek 
iS, ay&pei (III. 64- 248. Aid. prefix Si], ov /xeyos o ^acriAtvs, etc., with an interrogation at the end of the list. Junius haa 
" viri, non Rex maximus, noo hominum multitudu, noii viuum est fortiesimum." 


15 them? Is it not' women? Women gave birth to'' the king and all the people 

16 that bear rule by sea and land. Even of them were they born;^ and they 
brought up the very planters of * the vineyards, from whence the wine cometh 

17 These also make the garments of the ^ men; and these bring glory unto the 

18 men ; ^ and without women men cannot exist.' If moreover, they ' have gathered 
together gold and silver, and any ' goodly thing, and they see one woman comely 

19 in form and featm-e,'° letting all those things go, they have a great desire for 
her, and with open mouth they gaze at her ; and all 7nen prefer her rather than 

20 silver or gold, or any goodly thing.'' A man leaveth his own father that brought 

21 liim up, and his own country, and cleaveth unto his wife. And he remains by his 

22 wife until death,'- and remembereth neither father, nor mother, nor country. By 
this also you should '^ know that women have dominion over you : do ye not labor 

23 and toil, and give and bring all to women ? '* And '^ a man taketh his sword, 

24 and goeth forth on a raid,'^ to rob and to steal, to sail upon the sea and upon 
rivers ; and looketh upon the " lion, and goeth in the darkness ; and when he hath 

25 stolen, and spoiled, and robbed, he bringeth it to his love. And '* a man loveth 

26 his wife better than father or mother. And '^ many there be that have lost^ 

27 their wits for women, and become servants for their sakes. Many also have per- 

28 ished, and -' have erred, and sinned, for women. And now do ye not believe me ? 

29 is not the king great in his power ? Do not all lands "^ fear to touch him ? I 
saw him '^ and Apame, the king's concubine, the daughter of the admirable Bar- 

30 tacus, sitting at the right hand of the king, and taking the crown from the king's 

31 head, and setting it upon her own head ; she also struck -* the king with Iter left 
hand. And furthermore,^ the king gazed -^ upon her with open mouth ; if she 
smQed upon him, he laughed; and if she took any displeasure at him, he flat- 

32 tered her, that she might -' be reconciled to him again. ye men, how can it be 
but that women are '•'* strong, seeing they do thus ? 

33 And then -^ the king and the princes looked one upon another ; and ^° he began 

34 to s]3eak of the truth. O ye men, are not women strong ? Great is the earth, 
and '*' high is the heaven, and '■ swift is the sun in his com-se, for he turneth in the 

35 circle of the heaven and returneth '^ again to his own place in one day. Is he not 
great that doeth '^^ these things? And '^ great is the truth, and stronger than all 

36 things. All the earth calleth the '" truth, and the heaven blesseth it ; and '' all 

37 works shake and tremble at it,^" and with it is no unrighteous thing. Wine is un- 
righteous, the king is unrighteous, women are unrighteous, all the children of men 

Ver. 14. 1 are they not. Ver. 15. — • A..V,: have borne {Bee Com.). 

Ver. 16. — 3 A. V. : came they. * nourished them that planted. The context requires the idea of *' to bring up from 
a child," and it is found in the Terb i^iSpe^av. 

Ver. 17. — £• A. V. : garments for. « these bring (so Junius) .... unto men. ' be. 

Ver. 18. — 8 A. V. : Yea, and if men. ^ or any other. i" do they not love a woman which is comely in favor and 
beauty ? (III. 68. 64. 119. 243. 248. Aid. read oix' ayairiirii' for jtul ISuo-i). 

Ver. 19. — " A. V. : And letting all those lliings go, do they not gape and even with open mouth fii their eyes fast 
upon her; and have not all 7nen more desire unto her Ctl.ytvavTJj) than unto silver or gold, or any goodly thing what- 
Boever. The reading Kai at the beginning of the verse is found in II. XI. 243. 245. Aid., but not in the text. r«., and li 
obviously out of place. 

Ver. 21. — '- A. V.: He sticks not to spend his life with his wife (see Com.). 

Ver. 22. — '3 A. V. : must. " the woman. 

Ver. 23. — ^^ A. V. : Yea. w and goeth his way. Cod. II. also, as well as the authorities cited by Fritzsche (III 
44. 64. 74. 106. 108. and others), omits the article before avdfmitoi. For €ioS€ve^v kcu III. XI. 68. Aid. have «U cfofit'ov 
old Lat. (MS. Colbert.), obsidere in viam. 

Ver. 24. '^ A. V. : a. Ver. 25. — '^ A. V. : Wherefore. 

Ver. 26. — '^ A. V. : Yea. 2o run out of (marg. : grown desperate). The Greek is, a.iT€vQi\&r\iTav Toi« i5toK fitoroiais. 

Ver. 27. — " A. V. omits and. Ver. 28. — « A. V. : regions (Gr., xip^O- 

Ver. 29. —^ A. V. : Yet did I see. For ^opraKov, Josephus (Anliq., xi. 3, § 6) has "PoPefcucov, and the Syriac 'ApraKou 
'p^"1t.^) suggesting ArtachaeuB, a general of Xerxes. 

Ver. 30. — " A. V. : Strooke. 

Ver. 31. — 2« A. V. : yet for all this (marg. : hereat). The Greek is jrpb? tovtois, as at ver. 10. 20 a. V. • gaped and 
lazed. " if Bhe laughed upon him, he laughed aUo ; but if she took any displeasure at him, the king was fain to flatter 
■hat she might be, etc. For n-pofryeXaaT], II. 66. have the less appropriate yeAacrjj. 

Ver. 32. — ^ A. V. : but women should be. 

Ver.33. — 2S A. V. : Then (71. omits «ai). ™ 80. 

Ver. 34. — " A. V. omils and. " omits and. >' for he compasseth the heavens round about, and fetcheth bk 
Ver. 35. ^^ A. V. ; niaketh (see Com.]. ^c therefore. 

Ver. 36. "■ .^ V. : upon (marg. : praiseth, Bee Com.) the. " omits and. " at it. 

1 ESDUAS. 85 

are unrighteous, and all their works are unrighteous,' — yea, all things that are such, 

38 and truth is not in them ; and through their unrighteousness they perish.^ Yet tha 

39 truth abideth, and is for ever strong ; and it livetb and ruleth ^ for evermore. And * 
with her there is no accepting of persons and no making of distinctions ; ^ but she 
doeth the things that are just, arid refraineth from all unjust and wicked things ; 

40 and all men take pleasure in ' her works, and there is nothing unrighteous in her 
judgment.' And she is the strength, and the * kingdom, and the ' power, and 
the " majesty, of all ages. Blessed he the God of the " truth. 

41 And he ceased speaking.'" And thereupon all the people shouted, and then said,'' 

42 Great is the " truth, and mighty above all things. Then said the king unto him, 
Ask what thou wilt above what is in the writings,'^ and we will give it thee, accord- 
ing as '^ thou art found wisest ; and thou shalt sit next me, and shalt be called 

43 my kinsman." Then said he unto the king. Remember thy vow, to build Jerusa- 

44 lem which thou didst vow on '^ the day when thou earnest to thy kingdom, and to 
send away all the vessels that were taken away out of Jerusalem, which Cyrus re- 
moved,'^ when he vowed to destroy Babylon, and vowed ■'" to send them away ^' 

45 thither. Thou also hast vowed to build up the temple, which the Edomites -^ burnt 

46 when Judsea was made desolate by the Chaldees. And now, O lord the king, this is 
what I desire of thee and what I request of thee, and this is the great honor from 
thee : I pray, now, that thoii make good the vow, which with thy mouth thou hast 

47 vowed to the King of heaven to perform.^ Then Darius the king stood up, and 
kissed him, and wrote letters for him unto all the treasurers and toparchs "■* and gen- 
erals '^ and governors, that they should give escort to ^^ him, and all those that went -' 

48 up with him to build Jerusalem. He wrote letters also unto the toparchs "* tliat were 
in Ccelesyria and Phoenice, and unto them in Libanus, that theif should bring cedar 
wood from Libanus unto Jerusalem, and that they should build the city witli him. 

49 Moreover he wrote for all the Jews that went out of his realm up into Juda;a,-'' con- 
cerning their freedom, that no officer, no governor, no toparch, nor treasurer, should 

50 hostilely approach ^ their doors ; and that all the country which they came into pos- 
session of '' should be to them ^'^ without tribute ; and that the Edomites should give 

51 over the villages of the Jews which '^ they held; and'* that there should be yearly 

52 given twenty talents toward '^ the building of the temple, until finished ; "" and other 
ten talents yearly, to maintain the burnt offerings upon the altar every day (as they 

53 had a commandment to otfer seventeen) ; and that aU they that went up '' from Baby- 
lon to build the city should have liberty,'* as well they as their posterity, and all the 

54 priests that went up.*^ And he wrote also concerning the expenses,*" and the priests' 

Ver. 37. — ^ A. V. has " wicked ■' for " unrighteous " in all four instances (see Com.). 

Ver. 37. — "^ k. V.: and such art all their wicked works; and there is no truth in them; in their unrigbteousneBS 
also they shall perish. Fritzsche receives woKra after aiiTui' from II. III. 55. Sjr. 

Ver. 38. — ^ a.. V. : As for the truth, it endureth, and is alwa.vs strong ; it liveth and conquereth, etc. The Codd. m. 
44. 71. 74. 106. 119. 120. 121. 134. 243. 245. withAld., have r, Seat the heginning for «ai ij, but it is probably a correction. 

Ver. 39. — * A. V. otnils And. c or rewards (see Com.). « do well like of. 

Ver. 40. — 'A. v.: Neither in her judgment is any unrighteousness. ^ omits and the. » omics and the 

10 omits the. ii omits the. 

Ver. 41. — '^ A. V. : And with that he held his peace. is And all ... . then shouted and said. i* omits the. 

Ver. 42. — i^ A. V. : more than is appointed (Gr., n-Aeiu Twy yeypantiivuv). ii because (Gr., hv rpiinov ; see Com.). 
" cousin. 

Ver. 43. — i^ A. V. : which thou hast vowed to build J., in. 

Ver. 44. — ^ A. V. : set apart (Gr., efex'^P^'^^ i s^e Com.). 20 omits vowed. 21 again. Fritzsche omits itat before 
eicn-efii/fai , with III. XI. 44. Aid. We have retained it with the other authorities. 

Ver. 45. — 22 xhe singular reading "louSaLot for '\Zovtt.o.loi is found in II. Cf . Judith i. 12, where the same word.-< are 
exchanged in this MS. 

Ver. 46. — 23 a. V. : is that which I require, and which I desire of thee, and this is the princely liberality proceeding 
from thyself : I desire therefore that thou make good the vow, the performance whereof with thine own mouth thou 
hast vowed to the King of heaven. For o o-e i^iu, at the beginning, II. has o(Ta a^tu, but it is corrected to correspond 
with the text. rec. 

Ver. 47. — 2* A. V. : lieutenants. 26 captains. 26 gafely convey on their vfay both {Gr., irpoir€fi4iuttriv , etc.). 

" go. Ver. 48. — 28 A. V. : lieutenants. 

Ver. 49. — 29 a. V. : Judea. so no ru*;r, no lieutenant .... should forcibly enter into, etc. The Greek is, iii} 
intktvv€{r€aL iiri, etc. Lit., go against ; cf . I Mace. viii. 4, in the Greek. 

Ver. 50. — si a. V. : hold (Gr., Kparovcrtv). S2 should be free, etc. (Gr., oif»opoAoY^TO»' avTots uTrap^et;'). For icpaTot)(r-', 
[I. has KpaHiiTovatv, and 'I6ou/iatoi for XoASatot. S3 aV : which then. 

Ver. Bl. — s* A. V. : yea. »« to (Gr., eJs). s» the time that it were built. 

Ver. 63. — S7 a. V. omits up (Gr., npo<rPtuvov<nv) 

Ver. 63. — ss free liberty. sb went away. Ver. 64. — " a. V : He wrote .... charges. 



55 vestments wherein they minister. And he wrote on behalf of the Levites that 
their maintenance ' be given them until the day that the house were finished, and 

56 Jerusalem built.''' And he commanded to give to all that kept the city, dwellings ' 

57 and wages. He sent away also all the vessels that Cyrus had removed from Baby- 
lon ; and all things whatever Cyrus had said should be done,'' the same charged he 
also to be done, and sent unto Jerusalem. 

58 And ^ when the ^ young man had ' gone forth, he lifted up Iris face to heaven 
towards Jerusalem, and praised the King of heaven, and said, From thee cometh 

59 victory, from thee cometh wisdom, and thine is the glory, and I am thy servant. 
GO Blessed art thou, who hast given me wisdom ; and * to thee I give thanks, O Lord 

61 of onr fathers. And' he took the letters, and departed,'" and came unto Babylon, 

62 and made report to " all his brethren. And they praised the God of their fathers, 

63 because he had given them freedom and liberty to go up, and to build Jerusalem, 
and the temple which is called by his name ; and they kept a feast with music ''- and 
gladness seven days. 

Ver. 55. — 1 A. V. : and likewise for tlie charges of the Levites to. 2 builded tip. 
Ver. 66. — ^A. V. : pensions (eee Com.). 

Ver. 57. — « A. V. : from B., that Cyrus had set apart (III. XI. 44., efcxiipitrt as at rer. 44 ; the other authorities 
tXt^pto-E) : and all that Cyrus had given in commandment. 
Ver. 68. — ^ a. V. : Now, « tttis. ' was (aorist, but with the force of .the pluperfect). 

Ver. 60. — » A. V. : for. Ver. 61. — » A. V. : And so. " went out. " told »«. 

Ver. 62. — ^ A. V. : feasted with instruments o/musick. 

Chapter IV. (Of. Josephus, Antiq., xi. 3 S.) 

Yev. 3 'T-vaKoiiovaiv, they obey. This is a 
rare wc^rd, and iikmiis to hear to obey. It is found 
elsewhere in the LXX. at Nah. i. 12 ; ^ aKoi] <rov 
ovK iyaKouadriffeTai. 

Ver. 4. KaTfpyd(otiTat, demolish, break down, 
make an end of'. It is a secondary meaning of the 
word. Cf. Eph. vi. 13 ; Jos., Antiq., ii. 4, § 2 ; 
and Xen., Ci/r., iv. 6, 4. 

Ver. 9. To cut down. See Deut. xx. 19 : 
" 'When thou shalt besiege a city a long time in 
making war against it to take it, thou shalt not 
destroy the trees thereof by forcing an axe against 
them ; for thou m.ayest eat of them : aud thou 
shalt not cut them down (for the tree of tlie field 
I's man's life) to employ them in the siege." 

Ver. 13. That is, Zorobabel. Cf. Ez. iii. 2 
in the margin of the version of 1611, and our 
remarks in the Introduction to the present book, 
under " Arrangement of Materials." 

Ver. 15. Have borne, iyivvncrai'. This verb 
is so used also at Is. xlvi. 3 ; 4 Mace. x. 2 ; Luke i. 
57 ; John xvi. 21. 

Ver. 17. Make the garments of. Cf. Prov. 
xxxi. 13, 19 — Bring glory. The word S6^ai' 
Beenis here to be used rather in the sense of orna- 
mentation. Cf. what precedes, and Add. to Esth. 
iv. 2 ; 1 Mace. xiv. 9 ; Matt. vi. 29. 

Ver. 21. Mera ti]S yui/atKhs afplriot tV '^fX^*', 
he dies by (ninr) his wife. The last three Greek 
words are usfd in the same sense, also at Gen. 
XXXV 18; Herucl., iv. 90; Thnc\d., ii. 49. The 
meaning is : lie remains bi/ his wife till death. 

Ver. 23. Ei, t-^v daKairfjav wXiiv. This is a 
peculiar expression, and found only here. 

Ver. 2.5. TlKeiov .... fxuWov According to 
Fritz.schc lliere i> here an inaccurate repetition of 
the comparative, the translator having forgotten 
the former wlien he wrote the latter. If the latter 
word, howe\er, had not been .so far removed from 
the former, there would piohably have been no 
qucslion rc.sjacting its force. See Winer, p. 240; 
ant! iifjKin.'inn, Lex., imder fj.uK\ov. Wahl's Claris 
remarksiin this passage, nniler/unAAo:/ : " Additnm 
tomparativo alius adjcctivi augeudi vim habet." 

Cf. 4 Mace. xv. 4 ; Xen., Cyr., ii. 2, 12 ; Herod., 
i. 31. 

Ver, 26. Become servants. The case ol 
Jacob, who served for Kachel, was probably in 
mind. See Gen, xxix. 20. 

Ver. 29. At the right hand. See I's. xlv. 9 : 
"Upon thy right hand did stand the queen in 
gold of Ophir." 

Ver. 32. Be reconciled to him. The margin 
of the A, V, has ; or, be friends with hijn. Tlie 
Greek word is the same one as that employed at 
Matt. V. 24 : Trpihrov SiaW(iyT}6t t&j aSeAcJ)^ trou. 

Ver. 33. Princes, ij.eyiaTaves. t'f. A. V. at 
Rev. vi, 15, where this word is rendered "great 
men." — Looked one upon another, t^Kf-nov efs 
Thf 'irepov. The peculiarity of this construction 
has caused some variation in the MSS. 

Ver. 35. Is he not great that doeth these 
things? i.e., the sun. The idea that (iod, the 
Creator, is intended, seems excluded by tlie use of 
the present tense. See, however, Dahne, ii. 122 ff 
— Stronger than all things, luxfl"" ipa itafu 
TrafTCL. Prepositions are thus used after the com- 
parative, to give it additional force. .See Winer, 
p. 240; Buttmann. p. 339. But Fritzsche would 
allow to the jireposition in such cases only the 
force of ^, or of the genitive in the .same ]iosition. 

Ver. 36. CaUeth {ita\e7) the truth. The 
margin of the A. V. has : " or, praiseth the truth. 
Athanasius." Bnt it means rather " calleth " in 
the sense of " inviteth." 

Ver. 37. Wine is unrighteous (itSiKos). The 
Last word is u.sed in contradistinction to i,\Ti64s 
Cf. V. 40; Hcb. vi. 10. 

Ver. 39. Ataipopd, making of distinctions ; 
lit., distinetion, dijfirence (III. XI lOS. al. read 
Siaipdapa, " corruption") The eonunon texts ac- 
cent Sidtpapa, neut. pi. Fritsche and Wahl make it 
singular. — Ta SiKaia Troiet anh irdvTwv riiiv aSiKtiit 
Kai TrofT^paif. The sense is not clear. Schlensiiet 
and Giuib agree, in the main, with our A. V. But 
Friizsche is inclined to think that some Hebrew 
formula was floating before the translauir's mind, 
and that he would say : she jiractices riijhl {requiring 


it] from all tfie umighteoiis and wicked, Bunseirs 
Bibehcerk translates : but dfials righteously with all 
the unrighteous and evil. So also Bretschneider, 
Systemat. DarstelL, p. 199. 

Ver. 40. And she is the strength and the 
kingdom. See 1 Chron. xxix. 11 : 'Thine, O 
Lord, is the j^reatuess, and the power, aiid tile 
glory, and the victory, anil the majesty, " etc. — 
Blessed be the God of truth. Cf. Ueut. xxxii. 4. 
Fritzsche thinks that it i.'f clear from this doxology 
that the author is not seeking to identify the truth 
with God, as some suppose. " The author took 
in this just the standpoint of his time. To the 
learned, for example, the idea of God had become 
so spiritualized, and removed out of the ordinary 
range of thought, that they sought hy separating 
it into its individual characteristics, and by a wider 
development of the same, to render it more objec- 
tive. Thereby such characteristics appeared to 
thera not as dead abstractions, hut through theii' 
fiery phantasy they came forth as the most living 
realities. Thus, for instance, the <rotpia wa-; hypos- 
tasized as well as the \6yos and the Trvevfxa rov 6tov. 
Quite after this manner appears here the aXriSfia, 
and it is matter for wonder that it appears only 
here since the matter itself was so very near at 
hand." See Fritzsche'a Com., ad loc. Cf. also, 
Dahne, ii. pp. 122-124; Bretschneider, Si/stemat. 
Darstell., p. 199 ff. ; Ewald, GesMchte d. l^olh. Is., 
iv. 164, and Cremer, Lex., p. 60 f. Ewald thinks 
that it was the truth which was of special force in 
Israel, i. e., divine truth, that is meant. 

Ver. 41. Elwov. For other examples of our 
author's vacillating between a verb in the singu- 
lar and one in the plural for a collective noun, 
see viii. 92; ix. 10. Cf. Winer, p. 174. Codd. 
III. XI. 44. give the verb in the singular. 

Ver. 42. According as, t>v TpSwov. The accu- 
sative is used adverbially. Cf. Matt, xxiii. 37 ; 
Luke xiii. 34; Acts i. 11; see Winer, p. 463 ff. ; 
Buttmann, p. l.'iS. 

Ver. 44. Which Cyrus removed. Cf. i. 41 ; 
ii. 10 ; vi. 18, 19, and verse 57. 

Ver. 45. Edomites, )'. e., Idumaeans ['iSovfiaioi), 
the descendants of Esau. Asa reward for tlieir ser- 
vice at the time of Nebuchadnezzar's siege of Jeru- 
salem (Ps. cx.xxvii.) they were allowed to occupy 
a part of the depopulated country, which, for the 
most part, they retained for several hundred years, 

or till the time of the JIaccabees. That the Idu- 
maeans themselves actually burnt the temple is no- 
where else stated {cf. Ezek. xxxvi. 5 ; Obad. vers. 
10, 11 ), and no more may here be meant than that 
thev participated with others in this act. Cf. ver. 

Ver. 46. King of Heaven. See ver. 58, and 
cf. Dan. iv. 37 ; Tub. xiii. 7, U. 

Ver. 47. All the treasurers. See ver. 49. and 
cf. Rom. xvi. 23 : ''EpaffTos u qIkoi'S^os t^s Tr(i\€ws. 

Ver, 48. Kal Httws otKoSofj.-^iTw(Ti, and that they 
shovild build. The construction is changed from 
a verb in the infinitive which precedes. See Wi- 
ner, p. 567 tf. 

Ver. 50. What is said of the Idumteaus only 
took place to a limited extent. 

Ver. 52. To maintain the burnt offerings. 
The translation would run more literally thus: 
That upon the altar burnt offerings, presented as 
fruits, might be daily sacrificed — as theij had com- 
mandment to offer seventeen — should other talents, 
ten yearly, he given. It is not clear where our com- 
piler gets his information that every day seventeen 
burnt offerings were to be sacriticed. See Ex. 
xxix. 38 ; Numb, xxviii. 3 ff. 

Ver. 54. Wherein they minister, Iv rivt \a- 
rpevovatv 4v avTjj. This is a marked Hebraism. 
Cf. the LXX. at' Ex. xii. 30. 

Ver. 56. Dwellings, KK-npovs. The A. V. has 
in the margin : Or portitnis of land. Cf. the LXX. 
at Dent x. 9 : oiiK iffri rois Aevirais /x€pls Kal K\ripoi 
iv Tois h.'&iK<pots auTwv. The Syr. and Vwlg. ren- 
der by sortes ; the Old Lat. by possession^s. As 
joined with oipwvta, it would seem to mean " dwell- 
ings," as iucluding, perh:ips, the laud appertain- 
ing to them. 

Ver. 62. Freedom and liberty, &vfinv Kal &<pe- 
(Tiv. A good example of ])aronomasia. Germ., 
Nachlass und Ablass. See Winer, p. 636. For 
the theological use of the word itp^ais, see Cre- 
raer's Le.T., p. 284. It is employed in the LXX. 
mostly in connection with the year of Jubilee. 
See Sophocles' Lex., ad voc. 

Ver. 63. Vlera /iouo-iKoJi', With music. Possi- 
blv musical instruments are meant, as the A. V. 
seems to have supposed. Cf. v. 59 ; Dan. iii. 5 ; 
1 Mace. ix. 39, 41. The Old Lat. (Cod. Colbert.) 
has, et cgmhatis percutiebant cum musicis in gaudio 
magna diebus septem. 

Chapter V. 

After this were the principal men of the families chosen according to their tribes, 
to go up with their wives and sons and daughters, with their men-servants and maid- 
servants, and their cattle. And Darius sent with them a thousand horsemen, till 
they had brought them back to Jerusalem in peace. ^ And all their brethren also 
made merry with music, with tabrets and flutes,'- and he made them go up together 
with them. And these are the names of the men who ^ went up, according to their 
families unto their tribal possessions,'' after their divisions.^ The priests, sons '' of 
Phinees, sons ' of Aaron : Jesus the son of Josedec, the son of Saraeas,* and Joacim 
the son of Zorobabel, the son of Salathiel of the house of David, out of the lineage' 
6 of Phares and of ^ the tribe of Judah, who spake wise words ^^ before Darius the 

Ver. 2. — 1 A. V. ; safely, and with musical instruinentit, tabrets and flutes. ^ And all their brethren played. I have 
imply reconstructed the sentence after Fritzsche's text. 

Ver. 3. — 3 A. V. : which. * amongst their tribes i<i}vkri is to be taken in a local sense). '' several heads (Or. 
iiepi£ap;^iaf ; see CfJWi. at i. 5). 

Ver. 5. — » A. V. : the sons (so III. XI. 64. 106. MS. Aid. . ' the son (vioC, 64. 71. 108. 248. Aid.). ' Sal-aiaj 

limdred(Qr.,7Ei'eos). . P. of. Ver. 6. —'" A. V. : sentences. 


king of Persia in the second year of his reign, in the month Nisan, which is the 
first month. 

7 And these are they of Judaea ^ that came up from the captivity, where they dwelt 
as strangers, whom Nabuchodonosor the king of Babylon had carried away unto 

8 Babylon. And they returned unto .Jerusalem, and to the rest ^ of .Tudrea,* every 
man to his own city, who came with Zorobabel. and * Jesus, Neemias,^ Zaroeas, and 
ResiEas,^ Euenius, Mardochasus,' Beelsarus, Aspliarasus, Reelius, Roimus, and Ba- 

9 ana, their leaders.' The number of them of the nation, and their leaders,* sons 
of Phoros, two thousand an hundred seventy and two ; the sons of Saphat, four 

10 hundred seventy and two ; the sons of Ares, seven hundred fifty and six ; the sons 

11 of Phaath Moab, to be reckoned among the sons of Jesus and Joab,'° two thousand 

12 eight hundred and twelve; the sons of Elam, a thousand two hundred fifty and four; 
the sons of Zathui, nine hundred forty and five ; the sons of Chorbe,^^ seven hun- 

13 dred and five ; the sons of Bani, six hundi-ed forty and eight; the sons of Bebai, 
six hundred twenty and three ; the sons of Astad, three thousand three hundred 

14 twenty and two; the sons of Adonicam, six hundred sixtj' and seven ; the sons of 
Bagoi, two thousand sixty and six ; the sons of Adinu, four hundred fifty and four ; 

15 the sons of Ater son of Ezecias, ninety and two ; the sons of Cilan and Azenan, 

16 threescore and seven ; the sons of Azaru, four hundred thirty and two ; the sons 
of Annis, an hundred and one ; the sons of Arom, thirty two ; and the sons of Bas- 
sai, three hundred twenty and three ; the sons of Arsiphurith, an himdred and 

17 two ; the sons of Baiterus, three thousand and five ; the sons of Bjethloma?, an 

18 hundred twenty and thi-ee. They of Netophas, fifty and five ; they of Anathoth, an 

19 hundred fifty and eight; they of Basthasmoth, forty and two; they of Kariathiri, 
twenty and five ; they of Caphira and Beroth, seven hundred forty and three ; the 

20 Chadiasas and Ammidii, four hundred twenty and two ; they of Cirama and 

21 Gabbe, six hundred twenty and one ; they of Macalon, an hundred twenty and 
two ; they of Betolio, fifty and two ; the sons of Niphis, an hundred fifty and six ; 

22 the sons of Calamolalus and Onus, seven hundred twenty and five ; the sons of 

23 Jerechu, three hundred forty and five ; the sons of Sanaas, thi-ee thousand three 
luuulred and thirty. 

24 The priests : the sons of Jeddu, the son of Jesus, among the sons of Sanasib, nine 

25 hundred seventy and two ; the sons of Emmeruth, a thousand fifty and two ; the 
sons of Phassurus, twelve hundred forty and seven; the sons of Charmi, a thou- 
sand and seventeen. 

26 The Levites: the sons of Jesus, and Cadoelus, and Bannas, and Sudias, seventy and 

27 four. The holy singers : the sons of Asaph, an hundred forty and eight. The 

28 porters : the sons of Salum, the sons of Atar, the sons of Tolman, the sons of Dacub, 
the sons of Ateta, the sons of Tobis, in all an hundred thirty and nine. 

29 The servants of the temple : the sons of Esau, the sons of Asipha, the sons of 
Tabaoth, the sons of Ceras, the sons of Sua, the sons of Phalseus, the sons of La- 

30 bana, the sons of Aggaba, the sons of Acud, the sons of Uta, the sons of Cetab, 
the sons of Accaba, the sons of Sybai, the sons of Anan, the sons of Cathua, the 

31 sons of Geddur, the sons of Jairus, the sons of Daisan, the sons of Noeba, the sons 
of Chaseba, the sons of Cazera, the sons of Ozias, the sons of Phinoe, the sons of 
Asara, the sons of Basthai, the sons of Asana, the sons of Mani, the sons of Naph- 
isi, the sons of Acuph, the sons of Achiba, the sons of Asur, the sons of Pharacim, 

32 the sons of Basaloth, the sons of Meedda, the sons of Cutha, the sons of Charea, 

Ver. 7. — 1 A. V. : Jewry. 

Ver. 8.-2 A. v.: other parts (Or., t^^ Aoiiriji- 'I.). ' Jewry. « with. ' Nehemias. = and Zacharias (so 
248. 248. Aid.) and RpBaias. ' Mardocheus. "guides Ver. 9. —» A. V. : governors. 

Ver. 11. — '" A. V. : omits all after Phaath M. We follow Fritzsche's text, and it seems to be supported b.v nearly all 
the authorities excepi 62. 64. 114. 243. Aid. The Greek Bibles of 1B46 (Basle) and 1597 (Frankfort) omit the words, but 
the latter gives them in a note below (oi. addunt). 

Ver. 12. —" For convenience we give at this point the form of the proper names of the present chapter and the 
numbers as found in the A. V., as far as they differ from the Greek of Fritzsche's text: Corbe ; (ver. 13) Sadas 
(three thousand two, etc.); (ver. 14) Adonican i (ver. 15) Aterezias, Ceilan, Azeta.s, Azuran ; (ver. 16) Ananias, Bassa, 
Axephurith ; (ver. 17) Moterus, Bethlomon ; (ver. 18) Netophah, Bethsamos ; (ver 19) Kiriathiavius ; (ver. 20) they of 
Chadiaa and Ammidioi ; Gabdes ; (ver. 21) Nephis ; (ver. 22)Jerechus two hunJred, etc.; (ver. 23) Auna.i.i ; (ver. 24, 
Meruth; (ver. 25) Phassaron (a thousand, etc.), Carme; (ver. 26) Jessue, Cadmiel ; (ver. 27) Asaph (twenty onJ 
^ht) ; (ver. 26i Jatal, Talmon, Dacobi, Teta, Sami ; (ver. 29) Sud, Phaleas, Oraba ; (ver 30) Acua, .\g.iba ; (ver. 31 

1 ESURAS. 89 

the sons of Barchue, the sons of Serar, the sons of Thomoi, the sons of Nasi, the 
sons of Atipha. 

33 The sons of the servants of Solomon : the sons of Assapphioth, the sons of 
Pharira, the sons of Jeieli, the sons of Lozon, the sons of Isdael, the sons of Saphyi, 

34 the sons of Hagia, the sons of Phachareth, the sons of Sabie, the sons of Sarothi, 
the sons of Misoeas, the sons of Gas, the sons of Addus, the sons of Suba, the sons 

35 of Apherra, the sons of Barodis, the sons of Saphag, the sons of Allom. All the 
ministers of the temple, and the sons of the servants of Solomon, were three hun- 
dred seventy and two. 

36 These came up from Thermeleth and Thelersas, Charaathalan and Aalar * 

37 leading them. And they could not- shew their families and descent, that^ they 
were of Israel : the sons of Dalan,'' the son of Baenan,^ the sons of Necodan, six 

38 hundred fifty and two. And of the priests that usurped the office of the priesthood, 
and were not found : the sons of Obdia, the sons of Accos,^ the sons of Jaddu,' who 
married Augia one of the daughters of Berzelteus,* and was named after his name. 

39 And when the account of the lineage of these men had been sought in the register 
and^ not found, they were removed from executing the office of the priesthood. 

40 And Neemias and Attharias said to them that they should not be sharers in the 
offerings '" till there arose up a high priest clothed with light " and truth. 

41 So of Israel, from them of twelve years old, there were forty two thousand three 

42 hundred and sixty, besides men servants and women servants.'" Their men servants 
and handmaids were seven thousand three hundred thirty '' and seven ; the sing- 

43 ing men and singing women, two hundred forty and five ; four hundred thirty and 
five camels, and seven hundred " thirty and six horses, two hundred forty and 
five mules, five thousand five hundred twenty and five asses. '^ 

44 And certain of the chief of the respective families,"" when they came to the tem- 
ple of God that is in Jerusalem, vowed to restore " the house again on its place " 

45 according to their ability, and contribute to the sacred fund for the works '^ a thou- 
sand pounds of gold, and -'" five thousand of silver, and an hundred priestly vest- 

46 ments. And there'' dwelt the priests and the Levites and some of" the people 
themselves '■^ in Jerusalem, and the neighborhood,-'' the singers also as well as ^ the 
porters ; and all Israel in their respective -" villages. 

47 But when the seventh month was at hand, and when the children of Israel were 
every man in his own place, they came all together with one consent into the open 

48 place of the first gate which is towards the east. And Jesus arose " the son of Jo- 
sedec, and his brethren the priests, and Zorobabel the son of Salathiel, and his 

49 brethren, and made ready the altar of the God of Israel, to offer burnt sacrifices 
upon it, according as it is expressly commanded in the book of Moses the man of 

60 God. And there were gathered unto them out of the other nations of the land, 
and they erected the altar upon their -* place, because they were at enmity with 
them ; and all the nations of the land ^ oppressed them ; and they offered sacrifices 
according to the time, and burnt offerings to the Lord both morning and evening. 

51 Also they held the feast of tabernacles, as it is commanded in the law, and offered 

52 sacrifices daily, as was meet ; and after that, the continual oblations, and the sacri- 

53 fice of the sabbaths, and of the new moons, and of all holy feasts. And all they 

AiniB, Qazera, Am, Phinees, Azara, Baatai, Meani, Acub, Acipha, Assur; (ver. 32) Meeda, Coutha, Charcus, A^erer, 
Nasith ; (ver. 33) Azaphion, Jeeli, Sapbeth ; (ver. 34) Phacareth, Sarothie, Masias, Gap, Sabat. 

Ver. 36. — ^ A. V. : Charaatbalar leading them, and Aalar. 

Ver. 37. — - neither could they. 3 nor their stock, how (Gr., yefe^s, cI*?). * Ladan. ^ Ban. 

Ver. 38. — " A. V. : Accoz. 'Addus. « Berzelus. 

Ver. 39. — "* A. V. ; when the description of the kindred of these men was sought in the register, and was. 

Ver. 40. — "> A. V. : for unto them said Nehemias and Atharias that they should not be partakers of the holy Ikingt 
(Gr., Tttiv aviuif, but the rendering i.': not clear). " doctrine (see Com.). 

Ver. 41. — « A. v.: and upward (wanting in II. III. XI. 55. 53. 64. 119. 243. 245. 248. Aid., Old Lat. Syr.), they 
were all in number forty thousand, besides men servants and women servants two thousand three hundred and sixty. 

Ver. 42. —" A. V. : forty (so Aid. ; see Com.). 

Ver. 43. —" A. V. : seven thousand (see Com.). ■» beasts used to the yoke (marg., asses). 

Ver. 44. — '« A. V. : their families. " to set up (Gr., iyelftiu ,. i» in Ms own place (eVl toC rdirou avrou). 

Ver. 45. — IS .4. v.: to give into the holy treasury of the works. '» o;niM and (so 71.). 

Ver. 46. — " A. T. : so. = omits some of (ot e« toO, etc.). » omits themselves (as III. XI. 44. 68. 64. 71. 248- 
Aid.) » in the country (see Com.). » and. ^ omilsTesprctive. Ver. 48. — " A. V. : Then stood up ,T. 

Ver. 50. — 2« A. V. : his own. Instead of avTuv after tottou, III. XI. 44., and otherc with Aid. Syr. have avTov. 
* because all the nations of the land were at enmity with them, and. 


that had made aiiy vow to God began to offer sacrifices to God from the first day 

54 of the seventh month, and ' the temple of the Lord was not yet built. And they 

55 gave unto the masons and carpenters money, meat, and drink.'^ Unto them of 
Sidon also and Tyre they gave cars,^ that they should bring cedar trees from 
Libanus. which should be brought by floats * to the haven of Joppe, according as 
it was commanded them by Cjtus king of the Persians. 

56 And in the second year mid second month after his coming to the temple of God 
at Jerusalem began Zorobabel the son of Salathiel, and Jesus the son of Josedec, 
and their brethren, and the priests, the Levites,^ and all they that had * come unto 

57 Jerusalem out of the captivity ; and they laid the foundation of the house of God 
in the first day of the second month, in the second year after they were come to Ju- 

58 da?a ' and Jerusalem. And they appointed the Levites from twenty years old over 
the works of the Lord. And Jesus arose,' and his sons and brethren, and Cadmiel 
h!s brother, and the sons of Emadabun,' with the sons of Joda the son of Elia- 
dud.^" with their sons and brethren, all Levites, to encourage the work and aid in 
the building of the house of the Lord ; and ^' the workmen built the temple of the 

59 Lord. And the priests stood arrayed in their vestments with music -"^ and trumpets ; 
and the Levites sons of Asaph having cymbals sang^' songs of thanksgiving 

60 and praised " the Lord, after the manner of ^* David the king of Israel.'^ And they 

61 praised the Lord with psalms," because his mercy and glory is for ever in all Israel. 

62 And all the people sounded trumpets, and shouted with a loud voice, singing songs 

63 of thanksgiving unto the Lord for the rearing up of the house of the Lord. Also 
the elders from the priests, Levites and the chief of their respective families,'* who 
had seen the former house came to the building of this with weeping and great cry- 

64 mg. And many made themselres heard with trumpets and great shouts of joy, 

65 as the people did not discern the trumpets '^ for the weeping of the people ; for ^^ 
the multitude sounded marvellously, so that it was heard afar off. 

66 And '" when the enemies of the tribe of Judah and Benjamin heard it, they 

67 came to know what that noise of trumpets should mean. And they perceived that 
they that were of the captivity did build the temple unto the Lord God of Israel. 

68 And they came up to '^'^ Zorobabel and Jesus, and to the chief of the respective ^ 

69 families, and said unto them, We would -'' build together with you. For we like- 
wise, as you, do obey your Lord, and do sacrifice unto him from the days of As- 

70 bacaphas -^ king of the Assyrians, who brought us hither. And -^ Zorobabel and 
Jesus and the chief of the respective '^ families of Israel said unto them. It is not for 

71 us and you to build together a house unto the Lord our God ; for we -* ourselves 
alone would '-'' build unto the Lord of Israel, according as Cyrus the king of the 

72 Persians hath commanded us. But the heathen of the land lying heavy upon the 

73 inhabitants of Judaja,"" and beleaguering them,^' hindered their building ; and by mis- 

Ver. 53. —1 A. V. : although. 

Ver. 54. — 2 A. V. adds with cheerfulness (Junius, cum oleo ; the Basle Greek Bible of 1545, and that of Frankfort, 
1597, ^era x<ipas). 

Ver. 55. — ^ A. V. : carrs. For xappa, III. 44. have Kappa ; II., \ Fritzsche conjectures that it should be fj.vpa. 
The Hebrew in the corresponding passage is TT^tJ/. * A. V. : Hotes. 

Ver. 56. — » A. V. : and (the Lerites), with 44. 71. 106. 108. 120. 134. 248. « were. Ver. 57. — ' A. V. : Jen-ry. 

Ver. 58. —e A. v.: Then stood wp J. « Madiabun. w Eliadun (as III.58. 64. 243. 248. Aid.). " with one accord 
setters forward of the business, laboring to advance the works in the house of God. So. Codd. 44. 58. 64. 248. al. Aid. 
read ©eoy. 

Ver. 59. — "A. v.: in their vestments with musical inatrument^ (see i. 2, and loc). 13 the sons .... had 
cymbals singing. 

Ver. 60. — i*A. V. ; praising. ^^ according as (marg., after the manner of D. king of Israel). ^^ addx had or 
dained. Ver. 61. — "A. V. : sung with loud voices songs to the praise of the Lord. 

Ver. 63. — 1" A. V. : Also of the priests and Levites, and of the chief of their families, the ancients. 

Ver. 64. — "* A. V. : But many with trumpets and joy shouted with loud voice, insomuch that the trumpets might 
not be heard (see Com.). 20 yet. Ver. 66. ^ 21 _4. V. ; Wherefore. 

Ver. 68. — '2 a V. : So they went to (Gt., Kai TTpoveXeovre^), 23 omits re^pertive. =* will. 

Ver. 69. — » A. V. : Azbazareth the ('Ao-/3a<Tapf9, 64. 74. 119. 121. 134. 236. 243. 246. Aid.). 

Ver. 70. — ^ A. "V. : Then. 27 omits respective. I have inserted respective in such cases for the sake of clearness 
otherwise one might think the families were meant. 

Ver. 71. — =» A. v.: We (Gr., jjntis yop). -■' will. 

Ver. 72. — so a. V. ; Judea. ^i holding them strait. Fritzsche would emend €n-t(coi^(ij(iei'a(eiriicoifiaonoi, to fall asleep 
over) by eTriirciVtva. The former word, however, might mean much the same as the latter. To sleep on one's arms 1. 
onderstood to mean to be ever on the alert. The Vulg. has incumbere. 



leading the people through plots and the stirring up of insurrection,' they hin- 
dered the finishing of the building all the time that king Cyrus lived. And - they 
were hindered from building for the space of two years, until the reign of Darius. 

Ver. 73. — ' A. V. : by their secret plots, «nd popular persuasions and commotions. Codd. m. XI. 5S. 64. 119. 248. 
%l. Aid. read <iriJ3ovAa9 Kal irfiiayitiyiai Kal emcrvirraa'ctc. ^ 50. 

Chapter V. (Cf. Ez. ii.-iv. 6; Xeh. vii. 6-69.) 

Ver. I. The first six verses of this chapter aru 
peculiar in that wliile they relate what is not to lie 
found in any canonical book, the}' seem also not to 
belont; to the Greek fragment which immediately 
precedes. In the opinion of Ewald and Bertlieau 
they originally followed Ez. i. But it is a mere 
conjecture. The account in Ez. i. i;ecms to be 
quite complete in itself. It is more likely that our 
translator composed them for the puj'pose of mak- 
ing a suitable transition from the Greek fragment 
to the present chapter. 

Ver. 2. With music, with tabrets, etc. See 
remarks at iv. 63. At Gen. xxxi. 27 we have 
nearly the same Greek, which is of some impor- 
tance in considering the mystery which overhangs 
the fragment. Cf. 1 Sam. xviii. 6, and the Greek 
at Is. V. 12. 

Ver. 3. The " brethren " referred to are those 
who were left behind. 

Ver. 5. Sons. Used in the sense of successors. 
— Sareeas (Scraiah). The high priest. — Joacim 
the son of Z. This seems to be a mistake. Cf. 1 
Chrou. iii. 19; Neh. xii. 10, 26 ; and Judith iv. 6. 
Some would omit the words 'laiaKl/j. u tov as an 
interpolation, butwithout sufficient MS. authority. 
Hcrzfi-ld ( Geschic/ife, i. p. 322) would emend by 
ToO 'IwaKlu Kal Z.opo$a$f\. So, too, the A. V. in 
the margin. While Fritzsche, who makes this 
Joiakim, rather than Zerubbabel, the special hero 
of the above discussion before the Persian kin<;, 
thinks the passage is right as it stands. " To be 
sui'e." he says, "among the children of Zerubba- 
bel enumerated in 1 Chron. iii. 19, there is no 
Joiakim. But was there therefore none 1 " t)n 
the difficulties of the genealogy, see Smith's Bib. 
Dirt, under " Salathiel " and " Zerubbabel," re- 
spectively ; Herzfeld, Geschichte, Excursus viii. 2 ; 
Ewald, Geschichte d. Vol/c. Is., iv. 109. 

Ver. 6. Before Darius, ^!rl Aapeiou. For such 
a use of this preposition, cf. Winer, p. 37.t. Butt- 
mann (p. 336) says: "The signification in jires- 
ence of, coram, springs from the original notion of 
approximation, of being in immediate proximity 
{on. upon, near by)." Cf. Matt, xxviii. 14; Acts 
xxiii. 30; I Cor. vi. 1, 6; 1 Tim. v. 19; vi. 13; 
2 Cor. vii. 14. 

Ver. 8. Every man to his own city, i. e., to 
the city where he or bis family had dwelt before the 
exile. — ^ Jesus (Joshua). The first high priest of 
the restored nation. Of the ten — according to 
Ezra, nine — others designated as leaders with 
Jo.^hua and Zerubbabel nothing further is known. 
The Neemias here mentioned is, of course, to be 
distinguished from the well-known personage of 
Neh. i. 1. — Their leaders. They were probably 
heads of families and were intended to represent 
the twelve tribes. 

Ver. 9. And their leaders. This is an un- 
warranted addition by the translator. The lead- 
ers are not mentioned in what follows. Cf. viii. 
28. As we shall later give a comparative table of 
the differences in names and numbers fouud in 
the three lists of Ezra, Nebemiah, and 1 Esdras, 
respectively, they will be now, for the most part, 
left unnoticed except in the textual notes. — Sons 

of Phoros. By " sons " here and in the follow- 
ing verses children, descendants, are obviou.oly 

Ver. 11. Among the sons, i. e., of the family of. 

Ver. 12. The m.ajority of MSS. give 945 (.as 
A. V.) for 97.T of the text, rec, as the number of 
the sons of Zathui. 

Ver. 13. Instead of 633 of the text. rec. the 
best reading (as A. V.) gives 623. For " Argai " 
(A. V. Sadas), we read "Astad," and 3322 for 
3332, with most authorities. 

Ver. 14. For " Adonican " should be read 
".\donicam " (cf. viii. 39), andfor 637, 667. The 
children of Bagoi numbered according to the best 
reading (as A. V.) 2066 instead of 2606 of the 
text. rec. This name is jSa-yoJ at viii. 40. 

Vers, l.i, 16. The text of the Greek Ezra dif- 
fers essentially from that of Ezra and Nehemiah 
in these verses. 

Ver. 18. Fritzsche adopts the reading Baidaa- 
/iiiB for BaiSaa-fiiiy of the text. rec. 

Ver. 19. Kariathiri, ;'. e., Kirjath-jearira. For 
BvP'^y of the text, rec, we adopt Sripdd (as A. V.) 
with the majority of authorities. 

Ver. 20. Chadiasae and Ammidii. These 
names are wanting in the other two lists. By the 
first, the people of Kadesh — Josh. xv. 23 — seein 
to be me.ant; by " the Ammidii," the people of 
Humtah, id., xv. 54. 

Ver. 22. The best MSS. give the number of 
the children of Jerechu as 345, instead of 245 of 
the text. rec. .aud A. V. 

Ver. 23. We read, with Fritzsche, 3330, instead 
of 3.301 of the text. rec. 

Vers. 24, 25. We have changed 872 to 972 (as 
A. V.) with III. and most other MSS. — Of Em- 
meruth. There should be read 1052 in.stead of 
252. on the same grounds. — Of Phassurus. We 
adopt 1247 for 1047 (.as A. V.). — Of Charmi. 
The best .authorities give (as A. V.) 1017 for 217. 

Ver. 26. The Greek word xaSoriXov, which is 
falsely irausl.ated Cadmiel in the A. V., — III. 
only, of the best authorities, has KaSfii-rjKov — is 
found in ihe latter form at ver. 58. 

Ver. 27. With mauy MSS. we have changed, 
with Fritzsche, 128 (.as A. V.) to 148. 

Ver. 29. For 2ou5a (Sud), Fritzsche, with II. 
XI. and other MSS. reads Sovd, and for 'Avpa/Sa 
(A. V. Grabol 'AyyafSd. 

Ver. 33. 'A(rr7oir<f)n69. The word is a probable 
corruption for 5o/</iereM. Cf. Neh. vii. 57 ; Ez. ii. 

Ver. 34. For 'A\Aw^, Fritzsche suggests &\\oiir 
as the true reading. It is supported by several 
MSS. (44. 55. 74. 106. 119. 120. 121. 134.) 

Ver 36. The translator at this point, as not 
infrequently elsewhere, omits parts of the text, 
and makes changCN in it for no assignable reason. 
— Thermeleth, Thelersas. eic, were probably cities 
of Babylon where these Jews had been settled. 

Ver. 38. The priests referred to are those men- 
tioned in the previous vei'se, who could not fi.x 
their genealosy. That they " usurped." tlie office 
of the priesthood seems to have no other anthoritv 
thau the assertion of the translator. 



Ver. 40. Tfeemias and Attharias. The last 
word seems evidently to have been regarded as a 
proper name. It is the same as Tlrshatha of Ez 
li. 63, and means " governor." The governor at 
this lime, however, was not Nehcmiah, but Zcrub- 
baliel. Ct. Ez. v. 14 ; Hag. i. 1, 14 ; ii. 2. It is 
possible that the passage, Neh. viii. 9, was float- 
ing before the compiler's mind, or xai may have 
crept into the text in the form of a gloss. The 
Syriac version leaves out Ka\ 'AtB. and Cod. 121. 
has Nee^uias & Ka\ 'A. In chap. vi. 18. our book 
has a similar error, where we find Zopo$i$e\ koI 
2a$avaa(Tap(f>. — Clothed vrith light and truth, 
tV STiAaiffiJ' Kal tV aATiSiiav. The Urim and 
Thummim are meant. In the LXX. the latter 
is represented by i.Ki)Beia three times, and once 
by Tf\fiw{Tis. According to Hody, the former 
rendering is a proof of the Alexandrian col- 
oring of the early part of the LXX. It is said 
that Egyptian magistrates wore a carved sap|ihire 
stone about their necks which was called a\-n6fia. 
It seems to have been supposed that the Urim 
and Thummim would be restored. See Wahl's 
C/avis, under 'AXiiSeio ; Thiersch, De Pentiiteiichi, 
«tc., p. 37 ; Winer, Realuorterb., ad i-oc. We learn 
from ver. 41, that the sum of these numbers 
should be 42,360. The three accounts, to our 
agreeable surprise, all alike state this. But since 
the sum of the numbers in no one of the lists 
amounts to so much, by far, we must, while in- 
ferring a common original for the three lists, also, 
conclude that the documents from which they 
were severally made as now found, were corrupt. 
It is to be remembered, too, that mistakes of copy- 
ists in such long lists of names and numbers were 
almost inevitable. But there remains still the in- 
teresting and not unimportant inquiry why our 
translator in certain places gives names which are 
not found in either of the other two lists and vice 
versa. Does not, in fact, the peculiarity of the 
variations in these lists furnish valuable hints for 
the explanation of other differences of the apocry- 
phal book from the canonical ? It is, at least, 
not to be denied that in the catalogue before us 
where the same number is recorded, the apocry- 
phal book agrees with one or the other of the 
canonical books against the remaining one oftener 
than they agree together against it. Moreover, 
it will be seen th<at while the apocryphal book 
gives some names not to be found in the other 
two, they, on the other hand, give about the same 
number not to be found in it. But in this particu- 
lar the apocryphal book, in every instance but 
one (No. 35 of the following table), stands alone, 
while Nehemiah and Ezra, in every instance but 
one, agree together. 

Ver. 41. From them of twelve years. Mi- 
chaelis (Anmfrl-. zinn E:., ii. 64) suggests that our 
apocryphal work may pos.sihly furnish in this 
statement a solution of the dithculty contained in 
the difference between the whole number as given 
in thi.'j verse and the actual sum obtained from 
adding tt»gether the several numbers as stated in 
the respective lists. He thinks that it may be 
meant that the larger sum wcjuld he obtained by 
adding to the smaller the sum of all persuns be- 
tween the ages of twelve and twenty years. Un- 
doubtedly there might have been a sufficient 
number of such persons to make the entire sum 
42,360. But it is most likely, as this critic himself 
admits, that the words were added simply in the 
way of supposition or explanation, without any 
adequate ground. 

ver. 42. The number of singing men and 

women, as given by our book, agrees with the 
account in Nehemiah ; but Ezra has two hundred. 
On account of the unsuitableness of enumerating 
these persons among the servants and beasts of 
burden, some critics (Michaelis, ibid.) suppose 
that a mistranslation was made, and that cows 
and oxen were really meant, the Hebrew words 
being quite similar. But Keil {Com., at Ez. ii. 
66) contests the position. 

Ver. 43. We have adopted with Fritzsche, 
from XI. and other.^, the reading that brings our 
account into harmony with the other two. namely, 
€WTaK6a-toi, instead of k-rrTaKi<rx't^tot. — 'Tn-o^iVyiof, 
an animal bearing the yoke. The Hebrew word 
means, specifically, " an ass ; " and the Greek 
term used here to translate it had also, in com- 
mon usage, that meaning. The whole number of 
the animals, according to Ezra and Nehemiah, was 

Ver. 45. Pounds, /ivas. The weight of this 
piece was about fifteen and a half ounces. 

Ver. 46. In the neighborhood, rp x'^Pf- 
The reference seems to be to the lands in the 
region of Jerusalem which properly fell to the 
priests, Levites, and a part of the people. The 
more distant places are subsequently designated. 
— All Israel, i, e., representatives of all. Cf. 
1 Chron. ix. 3 ; Neh. vii. 3 ; Ez. ii. 59 ; iii. 1. 

Ver. 47. Open place of the first gate. The 
definite statement of our compiler is probably an 
arbitrary addition occasioned by Neh. viii. 1 . Cf. 
Ez. iii. 2, and Keil's Commentari/ at that place. 

Ver. 48. Joshua was now high priest. Zcrub- 
babel was not really son of Salathiel (Shealtiel), 
but the son of his brother. Since Shealtiel had 
no sons, and the line of succe,ssion to the throne 
was continued in Zerubbabel, he was accounted as 
a son of the former. Cf. v. 5. 

Ver. 50. Their place, i. e., the place where they 
had had the altar previously. The thought con- 
tained in the parallel passage in Ezra (iii. 3), that 
they hastened to erect an altar, and offer the cus- 
tomary sacrifices as a means of securing the divine 
protection against the hostility of the surrounding 
nations, seems not to have been before the mind 
of our compiler, but rather this : that a fear of 
the Lord fell upon the surrounding nations, so 
that, although they were hostilcly disposed, they 
were prevented from making any attack. Bertheau 
would emend the reading in Ezra to correspond 
with the present book. But see Keil's note in 
Com. on Ez. iii. 3 ; and cf. Ewald, Geschichte d. 
Volk. Is., iv. p. 131. 

Ver. 55. 'I'he word translated cars, X"^^". ''^ 
given much trouble to commentators. No such 
idea is found in the extant Hebrew original. 
Fritzsche conjectures that the translator mi>under- 
stood the text, and rendered falsely. — Brought 
by floats, /. e., rafts. This is |irobably an addi- 
tion made for the sake of elucidation, and sug- 
gested by 2 Chron. ii. 16. 

Ver. 57. Laid the foundation .... in the 
first day of the second month. It is maintained 
by Schrader(.SfHrf. H. Krit.. 1857, pp. 460-504) that 
this is a mistake, and thnt the building of the 
tcmiile did not icr/m until the time of Darius. 
But his reasons are not such as will carry great 
Height fi>r the majority of minds. 

Ver. 58. From twenty years old. Origin- 
ally the age fixed for the Levites to enter upon 
their full service was thirty. This seems after- 
wards to have been changed by David (see 1 
Chron xxiii. 24 : cf. Num. i. 3) lo twenty years, 
|]iciliably ill vi. w of the lighter service required oi 



them in connection with the temple. In the cor- 
responding passau'e in Ezra there are but three 
classes of families of Levites mentioned. Our 
book seems to lia\e erred in representing the 
*' sons of Joda " (.Jtidah) as a distinct class. Cf. 
Ez. ii. 40, iii. 9 ; Xeh. vii. 43. 

Ver. 59. And the priests stood. At Ez. iii. 
10: They set the priests. Accordirij; to the pres- 
ent book there was found in the originiil Tl^syi i 

according to Ezra, IT'^V^I. The former read- 
ing is supported by a considerable number of 
JISS., vet may have easily originated in a de- 
.-ire to avoid a harshness of expression. The 
LXX. agrees with the Greek Ezra in this case, 
and it is probable that the latter was influenced 
by the former in adopting the reading. — • 'Eo-to- 
KuTfiivoi- At i. 2, the same Greek word is ren- 
dered by the A. V., " being arrayed in long gar- 
ments " ; and here, "arrayed in their vestments." 
The original word means simply " clothed ; " 
but the context supplies the idea of ofBclal robes. 
See Mark xii. .38 ; xvi. 5. 

Ver. 63. Had seen the former house. It 
was destroyed fifty-three or fifty-four years before. 
According to Hag. ii. 3, there were men living 
even at the time of Darius Hystaspis who had 
seen the glory of the former temple. These 
elderly people wept because the contrast was so 
great between the glory of the first edifice and 
that of the present one. 

Vers. 64, 65. The translator has given quite 
a false coloring to the thought. The idea prob- 
ably meant to be conveyed by the original was 
that the cries of rejoicing on the part of the 

multitude were ,so loud that one oould not dis- 
tinguish them from the weeping, or vice veraa. 
The impression was simply that of a mighty 

Ver. 66. Bnemies. A people whom the As- 
syrian king, E.sarhaddon, had planted in the land 
See ver. 69. They became enemies. 

Ver. 69. Since the time spoken of they haa 

I worshipped Jehovah. ('. e., for about one hundred 

and thirty year:?. Cf. 2 Kings xvii. 24-28. This 

j is one of the p.assages which Treiidelenherg (Eich- 

horn, Einleit. in d. Ajmlc. Script., p. 358) adduces 

as showing that the Greek Ezra, in some in- 

j stances, follovped a better original text than the 

canonical books. But the A. V. has forestalled 

Uhis objection, in adopting at Ez. iv. 2, with the 

LXX. and Vulgate, the alternative reading "w 

of some MSS. ; or in regarding the ^^7 of the 

original as a rare form of 1 . , and hence not to be 

rendered, as in Luther's translation, by " not," 

but by " to him " (aurij;). Cf. Ex. xxi. 8. 

Vers. 70, 71. The answer implies that the 
claim to participate in the building of the temple 
on the ground that thev also recognized Jehovah 
ns God. was not regarded as valid. " We our- 
selves alone will build unto the Lord of Israel." 

Ver. 73. For the space of two years. On 
the contrary, it was about fourteen years. The 
mistake probably arose from the translator's casu- 
ally thinking of the second year of Darius, when 
the building of the temple was resumed. So the 
margin of the A. V., " until the second year of Da- 
rius, Ez. iv. 5, 6 ; vii. 24." 

Chapter VI. 

1 Now in the second year of the reign of Darius, Aggaeus and Zacharias the son 
of Addo, the prophets, prophesied against ^ the Jews in Judaea '^ and Jerusalem in 

2 the name of the Lord God of Israel, even against ' them. Then arose * Zorobabel 
the son of Salathiel, and Jesus the son of Josedec, and began to build the house of 
the Lord at Jerusalem, the prophets of the Lord being with them, and helping 

3 At the same time came imto them Sisinnes the eparch ^ of Syria and Phoenice, 

4 with Sathrabuzanes and his companions, and said unto them. By whose order * do 
you build this house and this roof, and finish all the rest ? ' and who are the work- 

5 men that finish " these things ? And * the elders of the Jews had '° favor, because 

6 the Lord had visited the captivity ; and they were not hindered from building, 
until the matter had been brought to the attention of Darius " concerning them, 

7 and an answer received. A '^ copy of the letter which he wrote and they sent to 
Darius : Sisinnes, eparch of Syria and Phcenice, and Sathrabuzanes, with their 
companions, rulers in Syria and Phcenice,^' 

Ver. 1. — ^ ^ A. V. : Aggeua .... unto (Gr., €jri)- ' Jewry. 3 which was upon (see Com.). 

Ver. 2. — < A. V. : stood k/>. 

Ver. 3. — f* A. V. : governor. But it is not the same word which ifl elsewhere rendered " governor." At ii. 12, it \a 
■•poiTTiTTit (cf. Ecclus. .xlv. 24 ; 2 Mace. iii. 4) ; at iii. 21, o-arpim)!. Here it is hrofixK, and it seemed best to transfer the 
word to avoid confusion. Cf. also ver. 29 ; vii. 1, 27. 

Ver. 4. — " A. V. : appointment. ' perform all the other things. * perform. Fritzsche receives from HE. 19. 44 
the article before oUoSo^oi. To these authorities II. may be added. 

Ver. 6. —"A. v.: Nevertheless. >» obtained (Gr., Jirxixriii'). 

Ver. 6. — n X. v. : such time as significatioL was given unto Darius (Gr., a.Tioa-i]iJ.avSrix-ai A.J. 

Ver. 7. — ^2 A. V. : The. " letters which Sisinnes, governor .... and Sathrabuzanes .... wrote and sent unto 
Darius. Instead of aire'trTetAav, III. XI. 53. 64. 248. Aid. have sought to avoid the awkwardness of the construction by 
patting this verb in the singular. Other MSS. (19. 108.) make the other verb plural. 


8 To king Darius, greeting. Let all things be known unto our lord the kinj,-, that 
having ' come into the country of Juda>a, and entered into the city of Jerusalem^ 
we found in the city of Jerusalem the elders '^ of the Jews that were of the captiv- 

9 ity, building a house unto the Lord, great and new, of hewn stones, mid costly 

10 timbers laid in^ the walls, and these operations rapidly advancing,'' and the work 
going ^ on prosperously in their hands, and with all glory and diligence brought to 

11 completion.^ Then asked we these elders, saying. By whose order' build you 

12 this house, and lay the foundations of these works? Therefore to the intent that 
tve might make known to thee, and note down for thee* the chief actors, we also 

13 required^ of them the names in writing of their principal men. But'" they gave ua 

14 this answer, "We are the servants of the Lord who '^ made heaven and earth. And' 
as for this house, it was builded many years ago by a king of Israel great and 

15 strong, and was finished. And ^- when our fathers provoked God unto wrath, and 
sinned against the Lord of Israel who ^^ is in heaven, he gave them over into the 

16 power of Nabuchodonosor king of Babylon, of the Chaldees, who pulled down the 

17 house, and burnt it, and carried away the people captives unto Babylon. But in 
the first year that king Cyrus reigned over the country of Babylon, Cyrus the king 

18 wrote to build " this house. And the holy vessels of gold and of silver, that Na- 
buchodonosor had carried away out of the house at Jerusalem, and had deposited '* 
them in his '" temple, those Cyrus the king brought forth again out of the temple 
at Babylon, and they were delivered to Zorobabel and to Sanabassarus the eparch.^'' 

19 And it was required of him and he carried away all these vessels ^' in order to put 
them in the temple at Jerusalem ; and that the temple of the Lord should be built 

20 on the '^ place. Then that -" Sanabassarus, having '^' come hither, laid the founda- 
tions of the house of the Lord at Jerusalem ; and from that time to this being still a 

21 building, it is not yet finished."' Now therefore, if it seem good unto the king, let 

22 search be made in the depository of archives "* of king Cyrus in Babylon -^ ; and if 
it be found that the building of the house of the Lord at Jerusalem hath been 
done with the consent of king Cyrus, and if our lord the king be so minded, let 
him inform us concerning these things.^ 

23 Then commanded king Darius to seek among the archives deposited ^° at Baby- 
lon ; and "' at Ecbatana the castle,^* which is in the country of Media, there was 
found a roll wherein the following was ^ recorded. 

24 In the first year of the reign of Cyrus, king Cyrus commanded that the house of 
the Lord at Jerusalem should ^° be built again, where they do sacrifice with contin- 

25 ual fire ; whose height should be sixty cubits, and the breadth sixty cubits, with 
three rows of hewn stones, and one row of new wood of that country ; and the ex- 

26 penses thereof io be given out of the house of king Cyrus ; and that the holy vessels 
of the house of the Lord, both of gold and silver, that Nabuchodonosor took out of 
the house at Jerusalem and brought to Babylon, should be restored to the house at 

27 Jerusalem, and be deposited " in the place where they were before. But ^^ he com- 

Ver. 8. — ^ A. V. ; being. ^ ancients. 

Ver. 9. — ' A. V. : and costly stones and the timber already laid upon. 

Ver. 10. — * A. V. : And those works are done with great speed. " goeth. " is it made {Gr., avtTeAov^iei-a). 

Ver. 11. — ' A. V. ; commandment (Gr., Trpocrra^ai'Tos — Ter. 4, trvvTa^. — order, commission). 

Ver. 12. — ^ A. V. : give knowledge unto thee by writing {Gr., yvwpitrat troi «ai -ypai/fat o-oi). * we demanded of 
them who were the chief doers, and we required. 

Ver. 13. — » A. v.: So. "which. Ver. 16. —i^ A. V. : But. "which. 

Ver. 17. — " A. v. : build vp. Ver. 18. — is A. V. : set. "« his own. " ruler. 

Ver. 19. — i^ A. V. t with commandment that he should carry away (for Kal an^jryice, XI. 52. 58. 64. and others with 
Aid. have airei'e'-yKavTi ; 19. 108. have the verb in the inflnitivc) the same vessels, etc. i» in his (Gr., iirX roii toitou ; 
44. 58. 71. 106. 120. 121. 134. 236. add avTov). 

Ver. 20. — -» A. V. : the same (Codd. III. XI. 19. 44. 248. with Aid. have the demonstrative pronoun after the proper 
name. " being. ^^ fully ended. 

Ver. 21. — 23 A. V. t among the records, etc. (marg., rolls ; Gr., et- toi? ^amKtKoU j3t^Xio</)vA(uctot9). -* omits in Babj - 
Ion. These words are received by Fritzsche from XI. 19. 44. Syr. Old I-at. Vulg. To these 11. is to be added. Cod. II. 
has the singular mistake, however, of writing icv, i. e., icvpiov, for Kvpov. Codd. 64. 119. with Aid. make the same mis- 
take. Ver. 22- — -i"' A. V. : signify unto us thereof. 

Ver. 23. — =" A. V. : records. -'• and sn. '-' Ecbatane .... palace (Gr., t]5 Popei). =" thesse (/i/nt-.s were. In 

m. XI. 44. j3ao-tAt((o[^ was inserted before ^l^Xlo»fl., and for totto? the first and last have tojuos. This was also the rcad- 

iig adopH'd by the A.V., and is jirobahly from the Aldine text, as the Bom. cd., the Vulgate, and the Bishops Bible all 

■ead TOTTOt. In the margin of A. V. U : " Or, rolls, ver. 23." See Com. Codd. II. 55. 19. 108. omit .Is after tiS^os. 

Ver. 24.— 3» A. v.: shall. Ver. 26. — ■" A. V. ; set. Ver. 27. — == A. V. : And o/ss- 



manded that Sisinnes the eparch ^ of Syria and Phoenice, and Sathrabuzanes, and 
their companions, and those who - were appointed rulers in Sjria and Phoenice, 
should be careful to keep aloof from ' the place, and ■* suffer Zorobahel, the servant 
of the Lord and eparch of Judrea,^ and the elders of the Jews, to buiJd that " house 

28 of the Lord on the " place. And ' I have commanded also to have it built to com- 
pletion ; ^ and that thev look diligently to help those that be of the captivity of the 

29 Jews, till the house of the Lord be finished ; and that ^'^ out of the tribute of Coe- 
lesyria and Phcenice a portion be carefully ^' given these men for the sacrifices of 

30 the Lord, that is, to Zorobabel the eparch,^'^ for bullocks, and rams, and lambs ; and 
also wheat,'^ and salt, and " wine, and oil, continually ^° every year without ques- 

31 tion,^" according as the priests that are ^' in Jerusalem shall signify to be daily spent ; 
that drink-offerings ^' may be made to the most high God for the king and his children, 

32 and that they may pray for their lives. And I command that orders be given that 
whosoever transgresses or annuls any of the things prescribed, out of his own pos- 
sessions wood be taken and he be hanged thereon, and his goods be for the king.'* 

33 And may ™ the Lord therefore, whose name has there been -' called upon, utterly 
destroy every king and nation, that stretcheth out his hand to hinder or damage ^ 

34 that house of the Lord in Jerusalem. I Darius the king have decreed it, let it be 
carried out accordingly ^ with diligence. 

Ver. 27. 

Ver. 28. 

Ver. 29. 

Ver. 30. 

Ver. 31. 

Ver. 32. 
spoken or 
seized for 
Aid. have 

Ver. 33. 

— I A. V: 


2 which. 

' not to meddle with. 

* but. * governor of Judea. 



— 8 A. V. omits And (so III. and Junius). ^ up whole again 

— I*' A. V. omits that. " carefully to be. ^- governor. 

— 13 A, V. : com. ^* omits and. ^^ and that contiauzUy . >*> /"urMcr question. i' be. 

— 18 A. v.: offerings (Gr., (jTrorSai; so, too, marg. of A. V., " drink.offerings "). 

— 12 A. V. : And he commanded that whosoever should transgress, yea, or make light of any thing afore 
written, oat of his ovm hoit^^e should a tree (Gt., ^yAoc) be taken, and he thereon be hanged, and all his goods 
the king (Gr., etvat fiatrtKiKd ; 19. 108., eis fi<uTtKiKa). For Trpoirrafai, the Codd. III. XI. 49. with others, and 
TTpo{T€Ta^ev, but the former is undoubtedly the original form (see Com.). 

— 20 A^ v., omits And may (Gr., Kal .... aiftavlcrai). -^ is there. ^^ endamage. ^3 ordered that 
onto these things it be done. 

Chapter VL (Cf. Ez. v.-vi. 12.) 

Ver. 1. .Aggseus, i. e., Haggai (Hag. i. 1 ; 
Zech. i. 1). — Z. was not the son but grandson of 
Addo (Iddo, Ez. v. 1). — In Judsea and Jerusa- 
lem. The Jews dwelling here are spoken of in 
distinction from those found elsewhere, especially 
in Babylon. — 'Ewpo<l>riTewrei'- For the jpeculiar- 
ity of the augment, see Winer, p. 71. Cf. also, 
Matt. xi. 13; Jiide 14. — Against the Jews, eV! 
Tovs *lov5alous. The preposition has the force of 
the Hebrew ^'J in a hostile sense. — 'Eirl T(fl oi'6- 
IW.TI. For the force of the preposition, see Wi- 
ler, p. 394 ; Robinson's Lex. under ovojw. ; Butt- 
mann, pp. 18.3, 184, 330, 337. 

Ver. 3. Sisinnes. The LXX. has Thanthanai 
anil the Hebrew (Ez. v. 3), Tatnai. — Of Syria 
and Phcenice- The description is more definite 
than that of the canonical book, and is but one of 
many illustrations of onr compiler's partiality for 

Ver. 5. Had visited, eiri(7KoirT}y yevon4vTi$. Cf. 
Luke i. 68, in the Greek and the A. V. 

Ver. 7. Which he wrote and they sent. 
On such a change of subject, see Winer, p. 632. 
Cf. Textual Notes. 

Ver. 9. The dividing, not the main walls, are 
meant. Keil understands by it the beams for the 

Ver. 15. Provoked God, iropairiKpai/oin-et. The 
word is not elsewhere found in the Apocrypha, .^ut 
occurs at Heb. iii. 16, did provoke (A.'V.). So 
also in the LXX. at Vs. Ixvi. 7 ; Ixviii. 7, forlHl: 
iind at Ps. cvi. 7, 43, for n"~\:. 

Ver. 18. Following most of the MSS and old 

translations we render " Zorobabel and Sanabas- 
sarus," although obviously only one person can 
have been meant. See Ez. v. 14-16 and vers. 27, 
29, below. Probably the word Zorobabel was first 
introduced as a gloss on the margin, and after- 
wards through an inadvertence found its way into 
the l:ext. Cf. v. 40. 

Ver. 23. Hcbatana. It was the capital of 
Cyrus and occupied as a summer residence by 
the Persian kings after his time. Cf. Xen., Ci/r., 
viii. 6, 22 ; Anah., iii. 5, 16 ; Winer's RfalwSr- 
terb. : Schenkel's Bib. Lex., ad voc. ; and Rawlin- 
son's Ancient Mon., ii. 262-269. — A roU. This was 
probably from parchment. At Jer. xxxvi. 23, it 
is said that a knife was necessary to destroy the 
roll there spoken of. The reading of t'odd. 
III. 44. harmonizes better with the context and 
with the Hebrew, and the mistake of writing 
T(firo! for To/ios might easily have been made by 
a copyist. 

Ver. 24. They sacrifice, eTrtdvomrt. The force 
of the present, in this case, is to indicate a future 
action as something as good as already present. 
See Winer, p. 265. 

Ver. 25. With three rows of hewn stones 
and one row of new wood. The idea seetns to 
be that to every three rows, or courses, of stune 
there was one of wood. The Hebrew word trans- 
lated liere and in the LXX. S6iios (Tf373) occurs 
nowhere else in the Bible. By some it is rendered 
stories, thus making it refer to the height r ither 
than the thickness of the walls. 

Ver. 27. But he. /. < ., Darius. Iii the 11. '.v 'v 
the narrative is at this point e!i..nged fiu.n 



indirect to the direct. The decree of Darius was, 
perhaps, thought of as inchided in that of Cyrus, 
or else the translator carelessly hurried along, 
without noticing that the subject had changed, 
nntil he came to the following verse. In the lat- 
ter case he is guilty of .in anachronism, since, if 
Cyrus had given these directions to Tatnai and 
his companions, why were they making such in- 
quiries ? 

Ver. 31. Pray for their lives. It is a fact 
that subsequently offerings were made on behalf 

of the king. See 1 Mace. vii. 33 ; xii. 1 1 ; Jos. 
Aritiq., xii. 2, § 6. 

Ver. 32. The reading irpotreTa^fV probably . 
arose from the supposed difficulty of the con- 
struction. But the compiler seems to have 
brought along the force of ^ireraja of ver. 28 to 
this point. — Hanged. The Hebrew word ^pT 
might properly be translated crucified. It was a 
common punishment among the Persians. In- 
stead of Kpe^affBrjvai, the LXX. has Tr\riyi\iTirtt.t. 
But the reading iroy^o-eTai is also well supported. 

Chapter VII. 

1 Then Sisinnes the eparch ' of Coelesyria and Phoenice, and Sathrabuzanes, with 

2 their companions, following the orders ' of king Darius, more earnestly encouraged ' 
the holy works, assisting the elders * of the Jews and governors of the temple. 

3 And so the holy works prospered, through the prophesying of the prophets Aggteus 

4 and Zacharias.^ And they finished these things by the commandment of the Lord God 
of Israel, and with the consent of Cyrus and ^ Darius and Artaxerxes, kings of 

5 Persia. And thus was the holy ' house finished in the three and twentieth day of 

6 the month Adar, in the sixth year of Darius king of the Persians. And the chil- 
dren of Israel, and' the priests, and the Levites, and the rest' that were of the 
captivity, who had joined them," did according to the things written in the book of 

7 Moses. " And for " the dedication of the temple of the Lord they offered an hun- 

8 dred buUocks, two hundred rams, four hundred lambs ; goats for the sin of all 

9 Israel, twelve in number, according to the twelve tribal chiefs of Israel. ^'^ The 
priests also and the Levites stood arrayed in their vestments,^' according to their 
trihes, prepared for " the services of the Lord God of Israel, according to the book 
of Moses, and the porters at every gate. 

10 And the children of Israel that were of the captivity held the passover the four- 
teenth day of the first month, after that '^ the priests and the Levites were sancti- 

11 fied. They that were of the captivity were not all sanctified together; but the 

12 Levites were all sanctified together.'** And so they offered the passover for all 

13 them of the captivity, and for their brethren the priests, and for themselves. And 
the children of Israel that ca)7ie out of the captivity did eat, even aU they that had 
separated themselves from the abominations of the people of the land, and sought 

14 the Lord. And they kept the feast of unleavened bread seven days, with joy " 

15 before the Lord, for that he had turned the counsel of the king of Assyria towards 
them, to strengthen their hands for the work '* of the Lord God of Israel. 

Ver. 1. - ' A. V. : governor. Codd. III. 19. 44. 66. 64. 71. 74. 106. 108. 119. 120. 121. 134. 236. 245. 248. Aid. have the 
article before eirapxw- ^ A.V.: commandments. 

Ver. 2. 2 A. V. : did very carefully oversee {Gr., eireerraToui' .... iirtfjieXiirrepov). * ancienta. 

Ver. 3. — B A. V. : when Aggeufi and Zacharias the prophets prophesied. 

Ver. 4. * A. V., omits and. Fritzsche adds to the verse, ews tov cktou ctous Aapelov pairtXeiijt nepo-wf, from III. XI. 

52. al. Syr. Old Lat. Cf. ver. 8. 

Ver. 5. ' A. V. : The words 6 ayio? are omitted by II. 19. 44., and some others, with the Old Lat. Vulg. 

Ver. 6. — ' A. v., oiniuand. » other (Or. o'l Aoiiroi). '° that were added unlo M^m (Or., irpouTeSti/res). 

Ver. 7. — "A. v.: to. 

Ver. 8. — " A. v. : and twelve goat* for the sin of all Israel, according to the number of the chief of the tribes ol 
Israel. For en toii- ^uXipxiui', 19- 108. Old Lat. and Vulg. read rii' ^uAir, and were followed by the Bishop's Bible, 
but not by the edition of 1611, which seems to have taken here the Aldine (and Rom.) edition of the LXX. as guide. 
In the margin it recognizes the existence of such a reading (Or, tribes). I have connected irp« ipiBiiov with x'/iapovi 
according to the pointing of Fritzsche's text (see Com.). 

Ver. 9. — " A. V. : in their vestments (not italicized). " according to their kindreds, in. 

Ver. 10. — 'f' For ore, 111. XI. 44. 24S. Aid. have ori. 

Ver. 11. — " Fritzsche omits the whole of this verse excepting " together with these (A. V., ' for all them ') of the 
•aptivity " separating the same from ver. 10 only by a comma. The passage is doubtless corrupt The thought is no» 
found in the Hebrew original (see Com.}. 

Ver 14. — " A. V. ; making merry. '^ in the works (Or., eiri ra epya). 



Chapter VII. (C£. Ez. vl] 

Ver. 4. And Artaxerxes. The person meant, 
as is indicated Ijy the order of words, is the king 
wlio reigned a£ter Darius, that is, Artaxerxes 
LouL'imanus. But, as the temple was completed 
before his accession to the throne, how can it be 
said to have bet-n done by his commandment ? 
It might be held, with Michaelis, Fritzsche, and 
others, that, inasmuch as lie contributed by his 
edicts (cf. viii. 9 f., and Ez. vii. 13-20) to the 
subsequent beautifying of the temple, there was 
no impropriety in the introduction of his name. 

Ver. 5. Month Adar. It con esponded nearly 
with the present month of March. The Hebrew 
has the third, instead of the twenty-third. It is 
likely that tlie compiler made the change because 
it seemed to him more fitting to presuppose that 
the festival of the dedication should eight 
days (1 Kings viii. 66 ; 2 Chron. xxix. 17) ; and 
fo, too, the last eight days of the year be filled 
^ut. \Ve are indebted to Beitheau for this sug- 
gestion, although he was led by the same reason 
to just the opposite conclusion ; namely, that on 
these grounds the translator would not have made 
the change from three to twenty-three, and hence 
the latter must be regarded .as the oriqiual date. 

Ver. 7. And for the dedication. For the 
theological significance of the word 4yKmpl(ui, see 
Cremer's Lex., ad voc. He gives as its meaning, 
" to do something new with something new." De- 
litzscli on Heb. ix. 18 explains it as follows : " sol- 
emnly to setforth something newas such, and to give 
it over to use, to cause it to enter into operation." 

Ver. 8. Goats for the sins of all Israel, 
twelve in number, according to. The construc- 
tion of the Greek is somewhat peculiar : ^tfj.dftovs 
i/TTep a^iaprias navrhs Tov "I SwS^Ka. nphs api&fiitp, 
fK Twv (pvKapxt^v, etc. Trendelenberg ( Eichhorn's 
/Cinlf^it, in d. A/>ok. Schrifl., p. .306) would strike 
out the eV, and make ruv <pvKdpx<*ff immediately 
dependent on a.pi6^6v', but there is almost no 
manuscript authority for such a change. On the 
force of this preposition with the genitive, as here 
found, cf. Winer, p. 366. 

Ver. 9. Our book differs considerably from the 
Hebrew at this point. Cf. Ez. vi. 16, and above, 
i. 2 

Ver. 11. I haye left the A. V. as found, but 
would prefer to render according to Fritzsche's 
text, in which the words Sti ijyvicrO-ntTav, '6ti ot 
Afv^Tai atjjx 7rai/T€s T]yvi(r0Tj(raf are omitted. The 

first two are not found in 58. 71. ; and the re- 
mainder are omitted in 52. 64. 74. 106. 119. 120. 
121. 134. 236. 248., with Aid. It would then 
read, leaving ver. 10 as it is, ver. 11 : "together 
with all the children of the captivity." With the 
reading oux for the first 8ti, — supported by 5.5. 
19. 108., 8yr., Old Lat., Vulg., — the passa^ 
might, however, be rendered : and all the sons oj 
the captivity were not sanctified, because all the 
Levites were sanctified together ; the meaning being 
that the others were not sanctified in the same 
sense and degree as the Levites. In the Hebrew 
a distinction seems, in fact, to be made between 
the purity of the Levites and that of the priests, 
in favor of the former. It may be that this is the 
thought which is floating somewhat indefinitely 
before the mind of the translator. 

Ver 12. The Levites offered it. 

Ver. 15. King of Assyria. We might have 
expected, rather, " king of Persia." But Darius 
had received the kingdom of Assyria, together 
with Palestine, as an inheritance, and so had 
come into such intimate relations with the Jews. 
Assyria, too, as one of the great powers of the 
world, was, as a matter of course, more promi- 
nently before the mind of tlie writer, and it was 
rather a complimentary title than otherwise when 
thus applied to Darius. Cyrus is called by 
Herodotus (i. 206) " king of the Medes." 

Justin Martyr, in his dialogue with Trypho, 
(c. Ixxii.) cites a passage from the present history 
which, if genuine, belongs at this point. It is 
as follows : " And Esdras said to the people : 
' This passover is our savior and our refuge. And 
if you give heed to this point, and lay it to heart, 
that we shall humble him on a cross, and, if after- 
wards we hope in him, then shall this place not be 
witsted for ever, saith the God of hosts But if 
you do not believe him, nor heed his message, so 
shall you become the derision of the heathen." 
Justin claims that the Jews had removeil the pas- 
sage from the book. But, in the first place, it is 
evident that Ezra did not participate in this feast, 
not having come to Jerusalem till afterwards, 
while at the following one he said nothing at all 
about the passover. And, second, tlie passage 
appears in no extant MS. or translation of our 
book, nor is it to be found in Josephus. Prob- 
ably some Christian copyist made the addition, 
and it waa accepted as L'enuine by Justin. 

Chapter VIII. 

1 And after these things,^ when Artaxerxes the king of the Persians reigned, came 
up Esdras the son of Sarieas, the son of Ezerias, the son of Chelcias,- the son of 

2 Salemua, the son of Sadducus, the son of Achitob, the son of Amarias, the son of 
Ozias, the son of Mareroth, the son of Zarjeas, the son of Savias, the son of Bocca, 

Ver. 1. — 1 Some MSS. have eoTi after toutoji' {II., eortV), and afterwards wpoo-e^ij (rendered in A. V. " came "). 
We drop, with Fritzsche, the former. Cf. ver. 5. For 'A^apaiov this critic reads, with III. 19. 44., Sapatou (Sarseaa ; 
A. v., Saraia*"), and for Z€;(piov, with III. 44., 'E^ripiov. - We group together here, for convenience, all the names of 
the present orthography we have changed: (ver. 1) Ilelchiah, Salnm, Sadduc ; {ver. 2) Memeroth, Zaraiaj, 
Boccas, -ibisum ; (ver. 29) Gamael, Lettus, Pharez ; (ver. 31) Pahath M Zaraias ; (ver. 32) Zathoe, Jarathan ; {ver. 33| 
Jo.sias ; (ver. 36) Banid, Assalinioth ; (ver. 3S) Johannes ; (ver. 39) Eliphalet, Samaias ; (ver. 42) Iduel ; (ver. 44) ^[a' 
maias, Kunatan ; (ver. 45) Sadden.^ ; (ver. 46) Daddeus ; (ver. 47) .^Ioli, .4sebehia ; (ver. 48) Asebia, Osaias. Channunous ; 
iTer. 64) Esebrias, Assanias ; (ver. 62) Marmoth, Iri : (ver. 63) Sabban ; (ver. 69) Canaanites, Uittites. 


the son of Abisuai, the son of Phinees, the son of Eleazar, the son of Aaron the 

3 chief priest. This Esdras went up from Babylon, as a scribe, being very ready 

4 in the law of Moses, that was given by the God of Israel. And the king did him 

5 honor, he having found grace in his sight in all his requests. There went up 
with him also some ' of the children of Israel, and - of the priests, and Levites,' 

6 and holy * singers, and ^ porters, and ministers of the temple, unto Jerusalem, in 
the seventh year of the reign of Artaxerxes, in the fifth month ; this was the king's 
seventh^ year: for they went from Babylon on' the first day of the first month, 
and came to Jerusalem, according to the prosperous journey which the Lord gave 

7 them on his account.* For Esdras had much ^ skill, so that he omitted nothing of 
the law and commandments of the Lord, in teaching'" all Israel ordinances" and 

8 judgments. Now the copy of the commission, which was written from Artaxerxes 
the king, and came to Esdras the priest and reader of the law of the Lord, is this 
that followeth : — 

9 King Artaxerxes unto Esdras the priest and reader of the law of the Lord send- 

10 e/h greeting : And '- having determined to deal graciously, I have given order, 
that such of the nation of the Jews, and of the priests and Levites, being within our 

1 1 realm, as are willing and desirous, should go with thee unto Jerusalem. As many 
therefore as have a mind thereunto, let them depart with thee, as it hath seemed 

12 good both to me and my seven friends the counsellors ; that they may look unto 
the affairs of Judoea and Jerusalem, agreeably to that which is in the law of the 

13 Lord ; and carry gifts '^ unto the Lord of Israel " to Jerusalem, which I and my 
friends have vowed, and all the gold and silver that in the country of Babylon may '" 

14 be found, to the Lord in Jerusalem, with that also which has been given by the 
nation '* for the temple of the Lord their God at Jerusalem ; and that silver and gold 
be " collected for bullocks, and '* rams, and lambs, and things thereunto appertain- 

15 ing, to the end that the;/ may offer sacrifices unto the Lord upon the altar of the 

16 Lord their God, which is in Jerusalem. And whatsoever thou and thy brethren 

17 will do with the silver and gold, that do, according to the wDl of thy God. And 
the holy vessels of the Lord, which are given thee for the use of the temple of thy 

18 God, which is in Jerusalem, thou shalt set before thy God ; '' and whatsoever 
thing else thou shalt remember for the use of the temple of thy God, thou shalt 

19 give it out of the king's treasury. And I king Artaxerxes moreover,"" have "' com- 
manded the keepers of the treasures in Syria and Phoenice, that whatsoever Esdras 
the priest and the reader of the law of the most high God shall require,-- they 

20 should give it him diligently,-^ to the sum of an hundred talents of silver, likewise 
also of wheat to -'' an hundred cors, and an hundred measures '^ of wine, and salt -^ 

21 in abundance. Let all things be performed after the law of God diligently unto 
the most high God, that wrath come not upon the kingdom of the king and his sons. 

22 And be it understood by you also that ye are to -' require no tax, nor any other im- 
position,-' of any of the priests, or Levites, or holy singers, or porters, or ministers 
of the temple, or of any that have doings in this temple, and that no man have 

21 authority to impose any thing upon them. And thou, Esdras, according to the wis- 
dom of God appoint'-^ judges and justices, that they may judge in all Syria and 

Vers. 4, 5.—' A. V.: for he found (19. 108) .... certain (Ur., «« Tmv). * omiK and. = priests, of the L. 

• L., of the holy. ^ omits and. 

Ver. 6.— « K. V. : Instead of jpSojio?, II. has o {evTtpo!. ' .\. V. : in. 'A. V.; gave to him (eir' aurcj is omitted 
by III. .XI. 44. 52. 68. (A. 71. 74. 24S. .ind others, with Aid). 

Ver. 7. — * A. V. : very great {Or., ttoAA^i-). i" but taught (Gr., £ija^ai). ^ the ordinances. 

Ver. 10. — 12 A. V. : omits And (with 44. 58. 71. 74. 106. and others. For itoi t^v St III. XI. 44. have orruk le avri* 
(see Com.). 

Ver. 13. —" A. V. : the gifts. " The words tou 'lo-p. are left out in II. 19. 65. 108. Syr. " A. V. : can. 

Ver. 14. — "^ A. V. : is giyen of the people. l^ may be. is omits and. 

Ver. 17. — "> A. V. : The words, " thou shalt set before thy God," are omitted in II. III. 44. Old Lat. Syr. We retain 
them, however, with Fritz.sche,and strilie out simply " in Jerusalem," with which the verse in the A. V. closes. It was 
probably repeated by mistake from the previous line. Cod. II. omits also nearly all of the eighteenth verse (see Com.). 

Ver. 19. — "> A. V. : omits moreover. Fritz.-che receives St (for ISov ) from III. XI. 19. 44. Old Lat. Syr. =' have 

%1bo. " send for (Or., 'iva oua tav an-OffreiAjj = 'iva otja. av aTroo-TGt'Art? at-rriirg). 23 A. V. : with speed (Gr., eirl/ieAwt). 

Ver. 20. — 24 A. V. ; even to. 2C pieces. -'' other things. For aAAa, of the text, rec, we adopt oAo from 106 

•.21. 134. 236. Old Lat. Cod. II. had this also in the original text, but later a second A was introduced. 

Ver. 22. — " A. V. : I command you aLso that ye. 2« Fritz-whe adopts tn-i^oA^ from 246. Syr. Old Lat. Vulg. Th« 
uzt. rec. has .VipovX^'. Ver. 23. — 2» A. V. : ordain (Or., ayiSeiiovj. 

1 ESDRAs. ys) 

Phoenice all those that know the law of thy God ; and those that know it not thou 

24 shalt teach. And whosoever shall transgress the law of thy God, and of the king, 
shall be punished promptly and rigorously/ whether it be by death, or other pun- 
ishment, either^ by fine or imprisonment.' 

25 And Esdras, the scribe, said. Blessed alone be the Lord * God of my fathers, who 
hath put these things into the heart of the king, to glorify his house that is in Jeru- 

26 salem ; and hath honored me hi the sight of the king, and his counsellors, and all 

27 his friends and nobles. And I was ° encouraged by the help of the Lord my God, 
and gatliered together out of Israel men ^ to go up with me. 

28 And these are the cliief according to their father's houses ' and family divisions,' 

29 that went up with me from Babylon in the reign of king Artaxerxes : of the sons 
of Phinees, Gerson ; of the sons of Ithamar, Gamaliel ; of the sons of David, 

30 Attus the son of Sechenias ; of the sons of Phoros, Zacharias, and with him were 

31 counted an hundred and fifty men ; of the sons of Phaath Moab, Eliaonias, the son 

32 of ZanBas, and with him two hundred men ; of the sons of Zathoes. Sechenias the son 
of Jezelus, and with him three hundred men ; of the sons of Adin, Obeth, the son 

33 of Jonathas, and with him two hundred and fifty men ; of the sons of Elam, Jesias 

34 son of Gotholias, and with him seventy men ; of the sons of Saphatias, Zaraias 

35 son of Michaelus, and with him threescore and ten men ; of the sons of Joab, Aba- 

36 dias, son of Jezelus, and with him two hundred and twelve men ; of the sons of 
Banias, Salimoth, son of Josapliias, and with him an hundred and threescore men ; 

37 of the sons of Babi, Zacharias son of Bebai, and with him twenty and eight men ; 

38 of the sons of Astath, .Joannes son of Acatan, and with him an hundred and ten men ; 

39 of the sons of Adonicam, the last, and these are the names of them, Eliphala sun of 

40 Jeiiel, and Samoeas, and with them seventy men ; of the sons of Bago, Uthi the son 
of Istalcurus, and with him seventy men. 

41 And these I gathered together at '* the river called Theras, where we pitched our 

42 tents three days ; and I inspected '" them. And " when I found ^- there none of the 

43 priests and Levites, I sent^^ unto Eleazar, and Iduelus, and Maia," and Masman, 

44 and Alnathan, and Samaras, and Joribus, and Nathan. Eunatan, Zacharias, and 

45 Mosollamus, principal men and learned. And I bade them go '^ unto Loddieus, 

46 who was chief at "* the place of the treasury ; and gave them commission to ar- 
range with Loddieus," and with " his brethren, and with '^ the treasurers in that 
place, to send us such men as might execute the priests' office in the house of the 

47 Lord. And by the mighty hand of our Lord they brought unto us instructed '^ men 
of the sons of Modi the son of Levi, the son of Israel, Asebebias, and his sons, and 

48 his brethren, who were eighteen. And Asebias, and Annuals, and Osreas .his 

49 brother, of the sons of Chanun*us. and their sons, were twenty men. And of the 
servants of the temple whom David and the principal men had appointed -^ for the 
service of the Levites, to wit, the servants of the temple, two hundred and twenty ; 

50 the catalogue of all their '■'- names was shown. '^^ And there I vowed a fast unto the 
young men before our Lord, to desire of him a prosperous journey both for us and 

51 them that were with us, for our children, and cattle; '" for 1 was ashamed to ask 
of the king footmen, and horsemen, and escort for safety -^ against our adversaries. 

52 For we had said unto the king, that the power of our Lord would'" be with them 

53 that seek him, to support them in all their ways.-' And again we besought our 
Lord as touching all -" these things, and found him favorable unto us. 

Ver. 24. — * A. V.: diligently (eirineAws). This rendering did not seem sufficiently strong to suit the context 
A. V. omits either. ^ by penalty of money or by imprisonment (see Com.). 
Ver. 25. — * A. V. : Then said Eydras the scribe, Blessed be the only Lord. 
Ver. 27. — ^ A. V. : Therefore was I. ^ men of Israel. 

Ver. 28. — ' A. V. : their families (Or., ras irorptas aurwi'). ^ several dignities (tols /xepiSopx^as ; cf. Com. at i. 5). 
Ver. 41. — » A. V. : to. lo th^n I surveyed. 
Ver. 42. — " A. V. : But. 12 had found. " then sent I. 

Ver. 43. — •* A. V. : The words " and Maia "' are omitted by II. III. XI. and A. V. (see Com.]. 
Ver. 45. — -'■ A. V. : that thet/ should go. J^ L. tlie capt^iin who was in. 

Ver. 46. — " A. V. : commanded them that Ihei/ should speait unto Daddeus. 18 to 18 to. 

Ver. 47 — 20 ^_ y. : skillful (Gr., cn-tffr^fxoi'a?, rendered " learned " in ver. 44). 
Ver. 49. — ^ A.\.: had ordained, and the principal men. — whose. 23 shewed. 

Ver. 50. — -* A. V. ; for the cattle. Ver. 51. — -^ A. V. : the king .... conduct for safeguard. 

Ver. 52. — 211 x. V. : the Lord our God should. ^ Gr., eis rria-ai' ^jravopOioaLV. It might be rendered also, " for aU 
Ver. 53. — ^ A. V. omits all. For jrdi^a III. XI. 44. and othera with Old Lat. Vnlg. Aid. have Kard 


54 And ' I separated twelve men from the chiefs of the families of the priests,'' 

55 Eserebias, and Assamias, and ten men of their brethren with them ; and I weighed 
them the silver and the gold, and the holy vessels of the house of our Lord, just 

56 as the king, and his counsellors,' and the princes, and all Israel, had given. And 
having weighed it, I delivered unto them six hundred and fifty talents of sil- 
ver, and silver vessels of the worth of an * hundred talents, and an hundred talents 

57 of gold, and twenty golden vessels, and twelve vessels of brass, ei-en of fine brass, 

58 glittering like gold. And I said unto them, Both you are holy unto the Lord, and 
the vessels are holy, and the gold and the silver is an offering ^ unto the Lord, the 

59 Lord of our fathers. Watch ye, and keep them till ye deliver them to the chiefs of 
the families of the priests and Levites, and to the principal men of the families of 

60 Israel, in Jerusalem, in * the chambers of the house of our God. And ' the priests 
and the Levites received * the silver and the gold and the vessels that had been in 
Jerusalem, and brought them ^ into the temple of the Lord. 

61 And from our leaving the river Theras '" the twelfth day of the first month, 
until we came to Jerusalem by the mighty hand of our Lord, which was over us,^' 
he delivered us from the attack of every enemy ; and so we came to Jerusalem. 

62 And when we had been there three days, the gold and silver was weighed and '•' 
delivered in the house of our Lord on the fourth day unto Marmothi a '^ priest 

63 the son of Urias ; and with him was Eleazar the son of Phinees, and with them were 
Josabdus the son of Jesus and Moeth the son of Sabannus, Levites ; all was delivered 

64 them by number and weight. And all the weight of them was recorded '* the same 

65 hour. Moreover they that had come out of the captivity offered sacrifices '^ unto 

66 the Lord God of Israel, eveyi twelve bullocks for all Israel, fourscore and sixteen 
rams, threescore and twelve lambs, goats for a peace offering, twelve ; all of them a 

67 sacrifice to the Lord. And they delivered the king's commandments unto the 
king's stewards, and to the eparchs '* of Ccelesyria and Phcenice ; and they honored 
the nation and the temple of the Lord." 

68, 69 And ^' when these things were done, the rulers came unto me, and said, The 
nation of Israel, and ^^ the princes, and -" the priests and the Levites, have not put 
away from them the strange nations of the land, nor their ^ pollutions; they have 
not separated themselres from the Gentiles, to wit, from ^'■' the Chananites, and 
Chettites, and Pheresites, and ^ Jebusites, and Moabites, and Egyptians,-'' and 

70 Edomites. For both they and their sons have married with their daughters, and 
the holy seed has become mixed with the strange nations '^ of the land ; and from 
the beginning of this matter the rulers and the great men have been partakers of 

71 this iniquity. And as soon as I had heard these things, I rent my clothes, and the 
holy garment, and plucked out '-'^ hair from my head -' and beard, and sat me down 

72 sad and very heav}-. And all -* they that were at any time ^ moved at the word 
of the Lord God of Israel assemWed unto me, whilst I mourned for the iniquity ; 

73 and I remained sitting^" full of heaviness until the evening sacrifice. And having 
risen up '^ from the fast with my clothes and the holy garment rent, I bowed my °* 

74 knees, and stretching forth my hands unto the Lord, I said, 

Ver. 54. — ^ A. V. : Then. - of the chief of the priests (Gr., tUv ^vKipxtav — cf. vii. 8 — Toiv lepiaiv). Nearly 

bU the MSS., including 11., have 5c'*(a instead of SwSeKa in the last clause. 

Ver. 55. — a A. V. : which (For a of the Uxl. rec. we have adopted, with Fritzsche, ovtidc ws. II. III. XI 44. 52. 
and eight others, with .\ld., read oiJTws, after which ws seems to have fallen out) .... his council. 

Ver. 56. — * A. V. : when I had weighed .... vessels an. Ver. 58. — f" A. V. : w a vow (Gr., rux^). 

Ver. 59. — ^ A. V. ; chief of the priests .... into (see ver. 54 and vii. 8). 

Ver. 60. — 'A. V.: So. ^ who had received. ^ brought them unto .Terusalem into the temple of the 

Lord (see Ctim.). The Greek is, to. trKfvr] to iv 'I. tia-rii'fyKav eis, etc. The Codd. II. 55. 19. 108. leave off the preposition 
from the verb. The Codd. 19. lOS. have, instead of this arrangement, ei? 'Up. after the verb. 

Ver. 61. — '" A. V. : from the river T. we departed. ^^ U"e have, for the sake of clearness, reconstructed 

the verse, the A. V. being : first month, and came to J. by the mighty hand of our Lord which was with us : and from 
the beginning of our journey the Lord delivered us from every enemy, etc. 

Ver 62. — '- A. V. ; that was weighed was. '3 .Mammoth, the. 

Ver. 64. — " A. V. : written up. Ver. 65. — '= A. V. : were come .... sacrifice 

Ver. 67. — " A. V. : governors. "' people and .... God (Ssov, 64. 248. Aid.). 

Ver. 68. — '« A. V. : Now. 

Ver. 69. — '" A. V. omits and. » 07nits and. " people of ... . nor the. =» of the Gentiles, <o wit of. 

IB omiu and. ^* the M., E. Ver. 70. — 2-'' A. V. : is mixed (Gr., eire^i'yij) .... Btrauge people 

Ver. 71. — ^^ A. V. : pulled off the. -^ off mij head (Or., (caTeVtAa tou TptxwMttTO?, etc.). 

Ver. 72. —" A. V. : So all. '" then. '» but I sat still (khI^fii,!'). 

Ver. 73. — 3j X. V. . T^en rlnng up. ^2 and bowing mv- 

1 ESDRAS. 101 

75 O Lord, I am confounded and ashamed before thy face ; for our sins are multi- 

76 plied above our heads/ and our ignorances have reached up unto heaven, ever since ■■" 

77 the time of our fathers, and we are* in great sin, even unto tliis day. And for our 
sins and our fathers' we with our brethren and our kings and our priests were given 
over to ■* the kings of the earth, to the sword, and to captivity, and for a prey with 

78 shame, unto this day. And now in what ^ measure hath mercy been shewed unto 
us from thee, O Lord,^ that there should be left us a root and a name in the place 

79 of thy sanctuary, and that thou shouldst discover unto us a light in the house of the 

80 Lord our God, and give ' us food in the time of our servitude ? And in our * bon- 
dage we were not forsaken of our Lord ; but he made us gracious before the kings 

81 of Persia, so that they gave us food ; yea, and honored the temple of our Lord, and 
raised up the desolate Sion, in order to give us a firm support in Judaja ' and Jeru- 

82 salem. And now, O Lord, what shall we say, having these things'^ for we have 
transgressed thy commandments, which thou gavest by the hand of thy servants 

83 the prophets, saying, The land, which ye enter into to possess as an heritage, is 
a land polluted with the pollution '" of the strangers of the land, and they have 

84 filled it with their uncleanness. And now give not your daughters in marriage 

85 unto their sons, neither take " their daughters unto your sons. Moreover ye 
shall never seek to have peace with them, that ye may be strong, and eat the good 
things of the land, and that ye may leave it as an inheritance '- unto your children 

86 for evermore. And all that befalleth '' us, taketh place on account of" our 

87 wicked worlis and great sins, for thou, Lord, who didst lighten us of our sins,^^ 
didst ^^ give unto us such a root. Again we turned ^' back to ^' transgress thy law, 

88 in mingling ^^ with the uncleanness of the nations of the land. Wast thou not '* 

89 angry with us to destroy us so as to leave ''^ us neither root, seed, nor name ? O 

90 Lord of Israel, thou art true, for we have been left as a root this day. Behold, 
now are we before thee in our iniquities, for by reason of these things we cannot 
stand any longer "'- before thee. 

91 And as Esdras in his prayer made his confession, weeping, and lying prostrate -^ 
before the temple, there gathered unto him from Jerusalem a very great multitude 
of men and women and youth,-* for there was great weeping among the multitude. 

92 And -^ Jechonias the son of Jeelus, one of the sons of Israel, called out, and said, 
O Esdras, We have sinned against the Lord God, and -^ we have married strange 

93 women of the nations of the land, and now is all Israel full of hope.-'' Let us 
make an oath in this matter -' to the Lord, that we will put away all our wives, 

94 which we have taken of the heathen, with their children, as decided upon by thee,™ 

95 and as many as do obey the law of the Lord. Arise, and put in execution, for to 

96 thee doth this matter appertain, and we will be with thee, to act vigorously.*' 
And *' Esdras arose, and took an oath of the chief of the families of '- the priests 
and Levites of all Israel to do after these things ; and they made oath.*' 

Ver. 75. — ^ For ra^ icei^aAas 19. 108. Syr. Old Lat., obviously in the way of enlargement, have tol? rpixo? t^? Keij>aA^$. 

Ver. 76. — ^ A. v.: For ever since. ^ we kave been and are. Ver. 77. — * A. V. : up unto. 

Ver. 78. — ^ A. V. : some {Gt., Kara it6itoi' ti ; see Com.). ^ For tou icvpt'ou tcupiov of the text. rec. we adopt, with 

Fritzsche (and A. V.), from III. XI. 44. 52. 248. Aid. Syr. Old Lat. Vulg., n-opd aov Kvpte. ^ A. V., and to discover 
... to give. Ver. 80. — * A. V. : Yea, when we were in. 

Ver. 81. — ^ A. V. : that they have given us a sure abiding in Jewry. 

Ver. 83. — i" A. V. : that the land (ori simply introduces the words of another, and is not to be translated). . . . 

Ver. 84. — ^i A. V. : Therefore now shall ye not join your .... shall ye take. 

Ver. 85. — ^^ a. V. : moreover you .... the inheritance of the land (Gr., (caTaKAT7poi'Ofi^(T7jre}. 

Ver. 86. — ^ A..\ .: is befallen. '* is done unto us for. is Lord, didst make our sins light (in. XI. 19. al. 

AM. Syr. Old Lat. Vulg., read eKoiJ^iffasj. 

Ver. 87. — " A. v.: And didst (so III. XI. 19. 64. 74. 106. 108. al. Aid.). l" but we have turned. "again to 

(19. 108. 121.,r}Vc^< 5e TraAif). l» and to mingle ourselves. 

Ver. 88. — -** A. V. : Mightest not thou be (Gr., ovxl topyiV^t ; marg. of A. V., "Be not angry, /ijj opvto^s ") 
" till thou hadst left. 

Ver. 89. — ^^ A. V. : for we are left a . . . . for we cannot stand any longer by, etc. 

Ver. 91. — 23 X. V. : flat upon the ground. 24 children (Gr., veaviai. ; see Con},), 

Ver. 92. — 25 \_ v_ ; Then. 26 omits and. Fritzsche places a Kot before (rvvtaKi(Ta.ii.ev on the authority )f nearly all 
the Codd. with Syr. and Old Lat. 2' A. V. : aloft (marg., " exalted ; '' see Coin.). 

Ver. 93. — 28 A. V. : omits in this matter (Gr., iv toiVu, with 19. 108. 121). 

Ver. 5^4. — 2* A. V. : like as thou hast decreed (Gr., ilis e»cpi(?7) (rot). 

Ver. 95. —s" A. V. : do valiantly (Gr., lax^" "ot.Iv). 

Ver. 96. — ^i ^ y. : So. ^2 omits the families of (Gr., tovs ii)u),apxous). ^ $0 they sware. 



Chapter VIII. (Cf. Ez. viii.-x. 6.) 

Ver. 1. Artazerxes, The Persian Artach- 
shaBta. This Artaxerxes, as there can be little 
doul)t, is the same who is mentioned in tlie pre- 
vious chapter, ver. 4, and as is generally snpposed 
is Artaxerxes Longimanus. Keil thinks that 
the references in Nehemiah (Neh i. 1 ; v. 14 ; xiii. 
6) are decisive on this point, especially the last, 
•which speaks of the thirty-second year of a con- 
temporary king of this name while Nehemiah 
iiiu\ Ezi'a were also contemporaries for a time, at 
least, in the work at Jerusnleni. Moreover, Longi- 
maiins was a contemporary of .Jeshna the high- 
priest, and Jeshua still held his office in Nehe- 
miah 's time. — The genealogy of Ezra as here 
given is not complete. Twelve generations (in 
Ezra X.) are made to cover a period of more than 
athon.sand years. Cf. 1 Chron. v. 2-8 ; vi. 7-10 
ix. 11. It was not uncommon in such geiiealogi- 
<'al tables to give only principal natnes. By com- 
paring other lists twenty-seven generations can be 
made otit. 

Ver. .3. As a scribe. Not a mere secretary, 
as the word often signifies in the earlier books of 
Scripture, but .a representative of a new class of 
literal! among the Jews, which though not originat- 
ing, took on new glory at about this time. Cf. 
Jer. viii. 8 ; art. " 8chriftgelc,hrte," in Schenkel's 
Bib. /.ex., iLBil Herzog'sReal-Encyl:., respectively; 
also, llixusriith,2^eitgeschifhte,\.93&.,Sinii Schiirer, 
pp. 4.'!7-463. 

Ver. 6. The language in Ezra (vii. 8, 9) is 
clearer. The journey, according to him, lasted 
exactly four months. The distance was from 500 to 
900 miles according to the route. The longer route 
was the one usually t.aken by large bodies of men- 
— 'Ett' avr^,on his [Esra's] account. This prep- 
osition used figuratively denotes generally the 
foundation on which an action or state rests 
See Winer, p. .392 ; Buttmann, p. 327. 

Ver. 7. Esdras had much skill. Schleusner 
would translate this word {(TrtaTTjfnj), by curam et 
dlliyeutiam. It means rather insiijht, knowledge, or, 
as the A. V. h:is rendered it, ^l-Hl. 

Ver. 8. Commission, irpoardyfjiaros. The A. 
V. has in the nnirgin " decree." In vers. 67 and 82 
it is rendered by " commandment, ' as also at 2 
Mace. vii. 30. — 'AvayfwaTrii', reader. Cf. ix. 41. 
This was the title given to the person in the early 
church whose duty it was to read the Scriptures 
at public services. See Herzog's Real-Encyk., viii. 
268, and Sophocles' Lex., ad voc. Our translator 
deviates from the Hebrew and LXX. , probably 
with reference to the passage cited, which relates 
X) the reading of the law by Ezra. 

Ver. '.I. The epithet "king of kings" applied 
to Artaxerxes in the Hebrew and in the LXX. is 
here omitted. 

Ver. 10. The Ka[ a.1 the beginning of this verse 
seems to imply that something had preceded on 
wliicli what is now to be spoken lias a dependence. 
Fritz.sche thinks that it was a visit of Ezra to the 
king (ver. 4), in which he had liiid a petition before 
hini which is now granted. See on this point the 
introdiii'iion to the book, under the lieadirig "Ar- 
langemeut of Materifils." — Willing and desirous. 
The original is translated by une word in tlii' f^XX., 
namely, iKovaia^4fjL(i'os. vVnd aipsTit^oi'ras in our 
passage being without the article can .scarcely be 
«0 related to tovs ^ovhofMfvous as it would appear 
to be from the translation of the A. V. A better 

rendering might be : " that such of the nation 
of the Jews as are willing should go up with thee 
to Jerusalem, namely, such as choose it from 
among the priests and Levites, and also, from the 
people of our realm, " alpeTt^oyTas being taken as 
in apposition with roi/s ^ovKoiihovs. Or, if the 
comma is left after the former word : " that such 
of the nation of the Jews as are willing should go 
up with thee, as choosers {i. e. as preferring it), 
also, of the priests and the Levites," etc. 

Ver. II. Seven friends the counsellors. Cf. 
i. 14. Herod., iii. 81. These were seven principal 
families among the Persians, as Herodotus states, 
and the heads of these families are probably 
meant. See art. " Perser," by Dillmaun in 
Schenkel's Bib. Lex., and under" " Cyrus " and 
" Darius" respectivclv, in Herzog's RealEncyk. 

Ver. 16. With the sUver. In the Heb. (Ez. 
vii. 18) it is " with the rest of the silver," etc., a 
fact which is noticed in the margin of the A. V. 

Ver. 17. Holy vessels. Cf. Ez. viii. 25-28. 
The king and his counsellors gave in addition to 
money, vessels of gold, silver, and copper. That 
the last part of this verse and the first part of the 
following does not appear in some of the most 
impoitant MSS., and hence was omitted from 
the Roman edition of the LXX., was probably due, 
at first, to the carelessness of a transcriber. 

Ver. 20. A hundred talents of silver. About 
fifty-seven English pounds. The cor was between 
eleven and twelve bushels, and the measure of wine, 
about nine gallons. 

Ver. 22. The command is given to the Persian 

Ver. 23. The wisdom of God. The Hebrew 
adds : that is in thy hand, i. e., that thou possessest. 
— Judges and justices, Kpixas /ca! SiKoiTTaj. 

Ver. 24. Ti^upia. In classical usage the vindica- 
tive character of the punishment is the predom- 
inant thought in this word. It corresponds to the 
Latin ultio. This meaning, moreover, is its ety- 
mological one- See Trench, iV. T. Si/n., pt. I. p. 
46. In the New Testament and LXX. it is used 
for punishment generally. See Wisd. xii. 20; 
Acts x.xii. 5; x.xvi. II. In the present jiassage 
its meaning seems to be determined by what im- 
mediately follows. — 'A7ra7cuyj), imprisonment. 
.Most of the old translators render by banishment. 
It is indeed possible that both ideas are included, 
i. e., being led away to imprisonment. Cf. Matt. 
xxvii. 31 ; Acts xxiii. 10. The reading of II. 55., 
p.T] iapyvpitp)ioT ^ [upyvpiK^] puts quite a different 
thought into the pass.age, namely, that nothing so 
light as fine or imprisonment would be vi.sited on 

Ver. 29. Son of Sechenias. It is generally 
supposed that a name has fallen out. It would 
appear from 1 Chron. iii. 22, that Hattush was 
really the grandson of S. 

Ver 32. Zathoes. This name is wanting in 
the Hebrew, but is found in the LXX. 

Vers, 34, 35. Fur differences in the numbers as 
found in our text and in the Hebrew, see accom 
panying tables. 

Ver. 41. River Theras. This seems to have 
been .an incorrect translation of the original He- 
brew word. At Ez. viii. 15, we Iiave Ahara. It is 
supposed to be the modern Hit on the Euphrates. 
Josephus docs not f(dlow the reading of our book, 
as usual, but employs the general designation : ei 



rh irrpav tov Zvcppdroij. But Hitzig I Geschichte, i 
2S2) holds that, the fjathcrinp;-place was really on 
the river Theras, and cites Pausanias, x. 10, 8. 

Vers. 43, 44 Maia and Mosman. Probahly 
a corru)ition for Saniieas, which liavinjj been left 
riut at this point, is improperly introduced in the 
following verse. 

Ver. 4'). In the place of the treasury. In 
the Hebrew it is : at the place Casipliia ; in the 
LXX. : eV apyvptca tov tottov. Onr compiler seems 
to have explained in the sense of the LXX. ratlier 
than translated. Such a place as Casiphia, on the 
route between Babylon and Jerusalem, is at pres- 
+rnt unknown. 

Ver. 47. Son of Levi. Rather i/ranrfson. The 
whole number of Levites, as given in this and the 
following verse, was Iiut thirty-eight. See al<o 
Kz. ii. 40. They manifested a strange disinclina- 
tion to return. Some suppose that it was 
they were jealous of the priests. See Smith's Bib. 
Diet., art. " Levites." Michaelis (Anmerkunqen 
zutn EzrUj viii. 24) supposes tliat, at this time, the 
old distinction between [triests and Levites was 
not so rigidly enforced as formerly, and that to the 
latter the name of priests was sometimes given. 

Ver. 49. ^EaripLavdri. It may mean was indi- 
cated, or was written down, recorded. Bunsen's 
Bibelwerk: yiTeiers the latter tneaning, and it better 
suits the context. — The Greek word rendered 
twice in the present verse by " servants," is else- 
where in the present chapter (vers. 5, 22), trans- 
lated by " ministers." They were the Nethinim, 
Cf. the Hebrew at Ez. vii. 7. 

Ver. 50. Unto the young men. This is not 
found in the Hebrew. :md is probably an addition 
by the translator. For the custom of fasting on 
such occasions, see Judg. xx. 26; 1 Sam. vii. 6; 
Joel i. 14. 

Ver. 5.T. Weighed, eo-rria-a. See ver.s. 56, 62. 
The same word is used in the narrative concerning 
Judas, Matt. xxvi. 15 : Oi 8e iimiaav ainip rpia- 
KOVTa apyvpia. 

Ver. 57. Fine brass. It was line in the sense 
of being iirilliant. The Hebrew mentions but two 
vessels of brass instead of twelve. See Ez. viii. 
27 : '* And two vessels of fine copper, precious as 
gold" (margin, " yellow," or "shining brass"). 
They were probably made from o;icAa/c«m, which 
was an amalgam, something like brass. Cf. re- 
marks at i. 12. 

Ver. CO. The tran,slation of the A. V. is not 
clear: that were in Jerusalem. Better, that had 
[previously) been in .Jerusalem. It is carelessly 
given, it is likely, for to deliver at Jerusrjleni. C{. 
Ez. viii. 30. — To is wanting before eV 'lepouiTa\rip. 
only in two MSS. (108. 245.); but, if stricken 
out, the difficulties of the passage would be greatly 
diminished. Cf. Text. Notes, ad he. 

Ver. 64. All the weight of them. An inven- 
tory of the vessels was made, and the weight of 
each stated at the same time 

Ver. 66. 'Tirep aun-qpiov, for deliverance. 
They offered a thank-offering for their safe arri- 
val. In the Hebrew these goats are said to have 
been offered as a " sin offering." Instead of 
seventy-two lambs, the Hebrew has seventy- 
seven. The idea of sacrificing for .all the twelve 
tribes of Israel seems to be predominant in all 
these numbers. On this account 72 (=6 X 12) 
appears a better reading than seventy-seven. 
Keil, however, calls the latter " die potenzirte 
Sieben," " the potentiated seven." Com, on Ez., ad 
loc. Cf. ver. 72 ; ix. 39 ; and Luke i. 68. 

Ver. 67. And they honored, ;'. c, the Persian 
officials honored. 

Vers. 68, 69. Between the history of vers. 67 
and 68 several months intervene. — Their pollu- 
tions, Ttts CLKaOapaias aitTtov. The pronoun is 
omitted by III. XI. 44. and others, with Aid. 
For the theological significance of this word, see 
Cremer, ad voc. In general, it means impunttj as 
opposed to ayiai7ij.6s. Here the pollution seems 
to be more of a religious nature, i. c, idolatry. 
The construction is difficult, and seems to require 
the supplying of some such words as ovk e'x'^P'*''" 
&T)(Tav, as we have done, — For the Amorites of 
the Hebrew text we find here Edomites, while the 
Ammonites there mentioned are here onutted en- 
tirely. Marriage with the C.rnaanites w:is what 
was forbidden by the letter of the Law. Cf. Ex. 
xxxiv. But the spirit of the Law was undoubtedly 
agiiinst the interni.arriage of the Israelites with 
any other heathen nations. This is evident, in 
fact, from the reasons given for such prohibition : 
namely, that they might not be seduced to idolatry. 
The prohibition extended to the priests in its 
widest extent from the first. Deut. xxi. 10 ff. 

Ver. 71. Very heavy, TrcplKutros See also 
vers. 72, " full of heaviness ; " and cf. M.itt. xxvi. 
38 ; Mark vi. 26, xiv. 34 ; Luke xviii. 23, 24. The 
word is also found in the cl.assics. 

Ver. 73. 'Ek t^s I'Tjo-Temi, from the fast. This 
expre.ssion is not found in the canonical Ezra. 
Bretschueider (Lex., ad voc.) refers it to the 
mental condition {aniyni cegritudo) of Ezra caused 
by bis solicitude for his people. 

Ver. 74. Our ignorances, al iyvoiat. " The 
ayvoovvres arc those who are under the power of 
sin, and therefore sin against knowledge and will, 
but are passively subject to it. Their conscious- 
ness is passive, not active, in relation to sin." 
So Cremer, Le.T., p. 138. Cf. also Fritzsche's 
Com., ad toe. ; and Tob. iii. 3 ; Jud. v. 20 ; 1 Mace, 
xiii. 39. 

Ver. 77. The translator has added somewhat 
to the text as we find it in the Hebrew. 

Ver. 78. The proper accentuation requires a 
question : And now in what measure, /. e., how 
great measure. 

Ver. 80. Gave us food (Tpo(p-r]v]. This is not 
a good translation of the corresponding Hebrew 
word. The LXX. renders more exactly by fuo- 
Tro'n}f7i$, " a reviving." 

Ver. 82. Having these things, i. e., having 
these benefits in possession. This is another 
ap|iarent addition of our translator. 

Ver. 83. The word fioAu<r/i<is is used of the 
worst kind of sensual pollution. See Deut. vii. 
1 ff. ; Jer. xxiii. 15 ; Jos., Cont. Apion, i. 32, ii. 6, 
vii. 1. 

Ver. 91. Nfan'ai. The word means youfA. It 
is applied to Saul, Acts vii. 58. A person until 
forty years of age might be so called. 

Ver. 92. And now is all Israel full of hope 
(A. v., aloft,: inarg., e.ralted). In the parallel 
passage in Ez. (x. 2) we read : ifet now there is 
hope in Israel concerninq this thing. And with this 
reading agree the MSS. 19. 108. 121. and the 
Syriac translation, Fritzsche suggests eiraXyuv 
(€ira\y^ca = to grieve over ; cf. Eph. iv. 19. a7ra.\- 
yfdj) as an emendation ; but is not satisfied with it, 
and thinks the text must be corrupt. But eirdvm 
may be used in a figurative sense for full of ho/ie. 
Schleusner, whom Bretschueider follows, renders: 
*' nunc Icetissimain concipere licet spem poptdo Is^ 


Chapter IX. 

1 And ^ Esdras rising from the court of the temple went to the chamber of Joauan 

2 the S071 of Eliasibus, and lodged there, and did eat no bread ' nor drink water, mourn 

3 ing over * the great iniquities of the people.^ And there was a proclamation in all 
Juda a ^ and Jerusalem to all them that were of the captivity, that tficy should as- 

4 semble themselves ' at Jerus^alem ; and t/uit. whosoever met not there within two 
or three days, according to the decision of the presiding elders ' their cattle should 
be devoted to death, and every such person cast out from the people ° of the captivity. 

5 And in three days were all they of the tribe of Judah and Benjamin gathered 

6 together at Jerusalem ; this was " the twentieth day of the ninth month. And all 
the multitude sat in the broad court of the temple trembling because the winter had 

7 come on.'^ And ^'^ Esdras arose up, and said unto them, Ye have transgressed the 

8 law in marrying strange wives, thereby to increase the sins of Israel. Aid now 

9 make confession ^^ unto the Lord God of our fathers, and do his will, and separate 
\ yourselves from the heathen of the land, and from the strange women. And the 

whole multitude cried ^* and said with a loud voice. Like as thou hast spoken, so 

11 will we do. But the people are many, and it is the wintry season and '* we cannot 
stand in the open air, and this is not a work of a day or two, for ^* our sin in 

1 2 these thuigs is spread far. But '' let the rulers of the people '* stay, and let all 
them from our respective dwelling-places '^ that have strange wives come at a '^ time 

13 appointed, together with the elders °' and judges of every place, till we turn away 

14 the wrath of the Lord from us for this matter. Jonathas ~ the son of Azaelus '■'* 
and Ezecias son of Thocanus accordingly took tliis matter upon them ; and Mo- 

15 sollamus and Levis and Sabbatteus helped them. And they that were of the captiv- 

16 ity did according to all these things. And Esdras the priest chose unto liim men 
who were leaders of their respective father's families,-'' all by name ; and in the 

17 first day of the tenth month they sat together -^ to examine the matter. And -° 
their cause that held strange wives was brought to an end by ^ the first day of the 
first month. 

18 And of the priests that had"* come together, and had strange wives, there were 

19 found, of the sons of Jesus the son of Josedec, and his brethren : Mathelas and 

20 Eleazarus, and Joribus, and Joadanus. And they gave their hands to put away their 

21 wives, and to offer rams to make reconcilement for their error.^ And of the sons 

Ver. 1. — 1 A. v. : Then. 2 cod. II. has the reading, 'Iwi-d ; III. 64., ^\mavav ; the text, rec. 'luvaf. 

Ver. 2. — 2 A. V. : Eliasib .... remained there (sec Com.) .... no meat. » A. V. : lor. The MSS. II. 56. 19. 

108. have vTTep for ejri. In either case, " over " would be a better translation. ^ A. V. ; multitude. Cf . Wahl's CtavU, 
I. V, TTXriGoi. Ver. 3. — "^ A. V. : Je\rry. ^ be gathered together. 

Ver. 4. — 8 A. V. : according as the elders that bare rule appointed. ^ seized to the use of the temple, and himself 
cast out of them that were {see Coin.). 

Ver. 5. — '» A. V. omits this was (oJtos) with 19. 108. 

Ver. 6. — ^^ A. V. ; sat trembling in the broad court of the temple because of the present foul weather (Gr., hia. top 
el/eo-TwTa x^^fjioiva). Ver. 7. — ^- A. V. : So. 

Ver. 8. — 1^ A. V. : by confessing, give glory. With Fritzsche, we strike out fiii^ar after otioXoyiav, as a probable glosfl. 
It is omitted in 58. with the following toI, and these with jcvpt'u in 71. 

Ver. 10. — " A. V. ; Then cried the whole multitude. 

Ver. 11. — " A. V. : But forasmuch as the people are many, and it is foul weather (see Ter. 6), so that. We adopt, 
with Fritzsche, from III. 44. and other authorities, the article before uipa. ^'* A. V. : without, and this .... seeing. 
Codd. II. adds after alSpioL, Kal ov\ ^pofxev. 

Ver. 12. — " A. V- : therefore. ^^ multitude. 1^ of our habitations (Gr., €k twi' KaTotKidn- ^fxaiv). 20 the. 

Ver. 13. — 21 \_ V. : and with them the rulers (Gr., ical .... tou? TTpeafivTepov>i). 

Ver. 14. — 22 A. V. : Then Jonathan. -^ We introduce at this point the proper names of the A. V. which have 
been changed in the present chapter in accordance with Fritzsche's text : (ver. 14) .\zael, Ezechjas, Theocanns, Mosol- 
1am, Sabbatheus ; (ver. 19) Matthelas, Eleazer ; (ver. 21) Zabdeus, Eanes, Sanieius ; (ver. 22) Elionas, Ismael, Ocidelus, 
Talsas ; (ver. 23} Jozabad, Semis, Patheus ; (ver. 24) Eleazurus : (ver. 26) .Sallumus : (ver. 26) Eddias, Eleazar, Asibias. 
Baanias ; (ver. 27) Ela, Hierielus (A. V. omiVs and Joabdius), Aedias ; (ver. 28) Elisimus, Sabatus, Sardeus ; (ver. 29( 
Johannes, Jozabad, Amatheis ; (ver. 30) Jedeus, Jasael ; (ver. .31) [..acunus, Matbanias, Manasseas ; (ver. 32) .\nnas, Aseas, 
Sabbeus, Chosameus ; (ver. 33) Altaneus, Matthias, Banuaia ; (ver. .34) Maani, Momdis, Omaerus, Pelias, Carabasion, 
Bamis, Ozora, Zambis ; (ver. 36) Zabadaias, Edes, Banaias ; (ver.43)Balasamu8 ; (ver. 48) .\nuF, Adinus, Sabateus, Autea. 
Maianeafl, Joazabdus, Biatas. We adopt, with Fritzsche, the reading 0<dk. (for 0eiu«afoO), with the majority of MSS 
A. V. omits and be/ore Jasael (.30), Balnuus (.32), Eliphalat (33) ; it reads, and Matbanias (31). 

Ver. 16. — 24 X, V : the principal men of their families. 25 \Ve adopt, with nearly all the authorities, avveKd6i{rat 
Instead of trvveKXeitrdriiTav of the text. rec. 
Ver. 17. — 2« A. V. : So. '■ \u. Ver. 1?. — 2e A. V. : were. 

Ver. 20. — 20 x. V. : errors (Gr.. ttj? ayvoia^). The A. V. notices in the margin the rejiding of Aid. which was foV 
lowed by the Bishops' Bible, ayveiai for dyvotaf. Cf. the LXX. at Lev- iv. 22, 23. 

1 ESDRAS. lOo 

of Emmer : Ananias, and Zabdajus, and Manes, and Samoeus, and Hiereel, and Az- 

22 arias. And of the sons of Phaisiir: Elionais, Massias, Ismaelus, and Nathanaelus, 
and Ocodelus, and Saloas. 

23 And of the Levites : Jozabadus, and Semeis, and Colius, who was called Calitas, 

24 and Patha;us, and Judas, and Jonas. Of the holy singers : Eliasibus, Bacchurus. 

25 Of the porters : Salumus, and Tolbanes. 

26 Of them q/" Israel, of the sons of Phoros : Hiermas, and Jezias, andMelchias, and 

27 Maelus, and Eleazarus, and Asebias, and Banseas. Of the sons of Elam : Matthan- 

28 ias, Zacharius, and .Jezrielus, and Joabdius, and Hieremoth, and Aidias. And of the 
sons of Zamoth : Eliadas, Eliasimus, Othonias, Jarimoth, and Sabathus, and Zeralias. 

29 Of the sous of Bebai : Joannes, and Ananias, and Jozabdus, aud Amathias. Of the 

30 sons of Mani : Olamus, Mamuchus, Jedasus, Jasubus, and Jasaelus, aud Hieremoth. 

31 And of the sons of Addi : Naathus, and Moosias, Laccunus, and Naidus, Matthan- 

32 ias, and Sesthel, aud Balnuus, and Manassias. And of the sons of Anan : Elionas, 

33 and Asa;as, and Melchias, and Sabbajus, and Simon Chosamaius. And of tlie sons 
of Asom : Altanieus, and Mattathias, and Sabannoeus, and Eliphalat, and Manasses, 

34 and Semei. And of the sous of Baani : Jeremias, Momdius, Ismaerus, Juel, Mab- 
dai, and Pedias, and Anos, Rabasion, and Enasibus, and Mamnitanaimus, Eliasis, 
Baunus, Eliali, Someis, Selemias, Nathanias. And of the sons of Ezora : Sesis, 

35 Esril, Azaelus, Samatus, Zambri, Josephus. And of the sons of Ethma : Mazitias, 

36 Zabadteas, Edais, Juel, Banteas. All these had taken strange wives, aud they put 
them away with their children. 

37 And the priests and the Levites, and they that were of Israel, dwelt in Jerusalem, 
and in the country, in the first day of the seventh mouth. And ^ the children of 

38 Israel were in their respective dwelling-places." And the whole multitude came to- 
gether with one accord into the broad place that was towards the east gate of the 

39 temple ; * and they spake unto Esdras the priest and reader, that he would bring 

40 the law of Moses, that was given of the Lord God of Israel. And * Esdras the 
chief priest brought the law unto the whole multitude from man to woman, and to 
all the priests, in order that they might ^ hear the law on ° the first day of the 

41 seventh mouth. And he read in the broad court before the gate of the temple ' 
from morning unto mid-day, before both men and women ; and all the multitude 

42 gave attention to * the law. And Esdras the priest and reader of the law stood up 

43 upon a pulpit of wood, which had been raade.^ And there stood up by him 
Mattathias, Sammus, Ananias, Azarias, Urias, Ezecias, Baalsamus, upon the right 

44 hand ; and upon his left hand stood Phaldaeus, Misael, Melchias, Lothasubus, 

45 Nabarias, Zacharias.'" And Esdras having taken up the book '' before the mul- 

46 titude sat conspicuously ''^ in the first place in the sight of them all. And when 
he unrolled ^' the law, they stood all straight up. And " Esdras blessed the Lord 

47 God most High, the God of hosts, Almighty. And all the people answered, 
Amen ; and lifting up their hands they fell to the ground, and worshipped the 

48 Lord. Jesus, and '^ Anniuth, and ^^ Sarabias, and " Jadinus, and '* Jacubus, Saba- 
tiBus, Autfeas, Maiannas, aud Calitas, Azarias, aud Jozabdus, and Ananias, Phalias, 
the Levites, taught the law of the Lord, and read the law of the Lord before the 
people, at the same time instilling what was read." 

49 And Attharates said uuto Esdras the chief priest and reader, and to the Levites 

50 that taught the multitude, eveii to all,** This day is holy unto the Lord (and '' they 

Ver. 37. — ■ A. V. : and LeTites .... so. ' habitations (see Com.) 

Ver. 38. — * A. V. : of the holy porch toward the east. See Ter. 41 below, with note in Commentary. The Greek in 
the latter place is npo roO lepov inj}Jav<K i here, irpcK af aroAac tov tepov mikuvtn. 

Ver. 40. — * A. V. : So. '' priests, to hear. •> in. 

Ver. 41. — ^ A. V. ; holy porch (see ver. 38). * heed unto. 

Ver. 42. — ^ A. V. : was made /or that purport. 

Ver. 44. — " A. V.: and N. (omitting Z.). Fritzsche cites II. as agreeing with III. 44. in the reading 4aA5aIoc (A. V.: 
PhaldaiuB), but II. has ^oAaSaiof . 

Ver. 45. — " A. V. : Then took E. (Gr., ical i-vaXafiiv) the book of the law. After fiiffKiov, III. 44. 62. 64. al. Aid. 
Byr. Old Lat. have tov I'li^ov, but it is probably a correction. '^ for he sat honorably (see Com.). 

Ver. 48. — " A. V. : opened (see Com.). i< So. 

Ver. 48. — "> A. V. 077iir3 and. i^ omi'is and. ^'' omits &uA. ^^ omits aud. l° making them wl dial to no 

ieratani it (see Com.). The preceding clause is omitted oy 44. 52. 58. 64. 248. al. Aid. as in A. V. 

Ver. 49. — «» A. V. : Then spake A to all, saying. 

Ver. 60. — " A. V. : for (Gr., tai, which mis;bt be left untraui-lateJ). 



jl all wept when they heard the law). Go then, and eat the fat, and drink the sweet, 

52 and send gifts to them that have nothing, for the day ' is holy unto the Lord ; 

53 and be not sorrowful, for the Lord will bring you to honor. And - the Levites ex- 
horted all ^ the people, saying. This day is holy to the Lord ; be not sorrowful. 

54 And they went * their way, every one to eat and drink, and make merry, and 

55 to give gifts ^ to them that had nothing, and to make great cheer, because ^ they 
were inspired by the words in which they were instructed. And they assembled 
themselves ' — 

Ver. 51. — 1 A. V. : part (Gr., aTroo-ToAas) . . . this day. 

Ver. 53. — ^ &..\.: So. ^ published all tkings to. The order in n. and the sense is the same : exeXevof tu £^/iu 
navTO. ^fyovre^. But in our Greek text we have ; eKe'AruoK wavrl tw fiij^w Aeyot-rfs. 

Ver. &4. — * A. V. . Then went they. -^ part. 

Ver. 55. — ^ A. V. : For oTt yap^ III. 58. have the former alone ; II., ori koi ; 52. 64. 243. Aid., Ire yap (see Com.) 
' A. V. : understood the words wherein they were instructed, and /or the which they had been assembled (see Com.). 

Chapter IX. (Cf. Ez. x. 6-44 ; Neh. yii. 73-Tiii. 13.) 

Ver. 1 . For a discussion of the question who 
this Joanan was, see Keil's Com., at Ez. x. 6. 

Ver. 2. And lodged there, Ka\ ai/Aio-flels tVei. 
The Hebrew here is Tf^'1 i for which our trans- 
lator, in the opinion of Clericus, Eichhorn, Ber- 
theau, Fritzsche, and others, read ]V''1, which, 

indeed, f;ives good sense. It is also the reading 
of the Peshito Version. But his rendering was 
prohalily suggested to the translator bv the LXX., 
which has the word inopeiSn for av\i<r8eh ; and 
he adopted the latter because the LXX., in using 
the word it did, was obliged to repeat it from the 
preceding line. — nerflii' 4irl riiv is a peculiar 
grammatical construction, found only in our book. 
A number of MSS., including II. 19. 55. 108. 
read im^p for eVi. Cf. viii. 72. See Buttmann, 
p. 147. 

Ver. 4. Devoted to death. The Hebrew 
word in the form used means to devote to destruc- 
tion. It is well rendered by ai'iep6a in our pas- 
sage. That they were to be devoted to use in the 
temple a.s victims (A. V.) is not said. They were 
to be devoted to death beyond the power of re- 
demption. — And himself (A. V.), nal aurcis ; 
rather, and every such person. The word is used 

Ver. 6. In the Hebrew (Ez. x. 9) an addi- 
tional rea-son i.s assigned for the people's trem- 
bling ; namely, the matter that had called them 

Ver. 12. Stay, a-rfiTuiray. It is the same 
word which in ver. 11 is rendered " stand." The 
idea is that they were to act as a permanent board 
of adjudication in Jerusalem in this matter. — 
tia^6vr(s xp^^^^ is a peculiar expression, though 
KatpSs is so used in connecticm with ^aSiiv- See 
2 Mace. xiv. 5. The meaning seems to be cor- 
rectly given by the A. V. More literally it 
would be : having designated a time. 

Ver. 13. Till we turn away. The verb xiw 
here used is of con.siderable theological impor- 
tance, although in tlie present passage having 
only its general meaning of loosing, removing, 
liberating. See Cremer's Lex., advoc: and Ben- 
gel's (inomon,at M.alt. v. 17, 19, xviii. 18. 

Ver. 14. Accordingly took {this matter] upon 
{them), i. e., to carry out. The Greek is: e'lre- 
SefofTo /card toOto. The Hebrew seems to de- 
mand a different interpretation. Bertheau, Keil, 
the Speaker's Commejitary, and other authorities, 
would render in Ezra (x. 15) somewhat thus; 
" Nevertheless, Jonathan, the son of Asahel, aiul 
Jahaziah, the son of Tikvah, opposed this." 

Moreover, it is not easy to see, if the Greek Ezra 
be followed, what office these men held, or would 
a,ssume ; since in ver. 16 Ezra is said to have 
chosen men for the special purpose of taking this 
matter upon them. 

Ver. 16. And Esdras, the priest, chose unto 
him. The Hebrew text gives the following : 
" And Ezra the priest, with certain chief of the 
fathers, were separated." It is likely that the 
latter text is so far faulty as that it has lost the 
letter vav, restored in the ivith of the A. V. Its 
absence in the copy which our translator had 
before him probaldy led him to introduce the 
change which he has made in the thought. For 
further remarks on the passage, see our Intro- 
duction to the present book, under " Sources of 
the Work." 

Ver. 17. In the first day (A. V.). In the 
Hebrew it is different, the idea being that the 
matter was settled by the first day of the first 
month. And this is also made clear by the LXX. 
at Ez. X. 17 : eus rip-tpa^ fiias ; and by our text, ews 
TTJs, etc. 

Ver. 20. Kol 4Tf$a\ov t4j x^'P", and they 
gave their hands. The translation of the A. V. 

agrees with the Hebrew (~t^ ^HJ, Ez. x. 19) and 
the LXX. {xal eSoiitai' x*'?") in the corresponding 
passage of the canonical Ezra ; while the trans- 
lation of the Greek as found in our book should 
be literally, laid their hands upon to put away." 
etc. — ReconcOement, 4(t\a<rix6y, Cf. LXX. at 
Ex. XXX. 10; Lev. xxiii. 27; Numb. v. 8. For 
the theological significance and history of this 
word, see Cremer's Lex., under i\a(r^6s ; Girdle- 
stone, 0. T. Syn.,pp. 212, 217; Trench, iV. T. 
Syn., 2d ser., p. 134; Lange's Com., at Matt., 
p. 336. To illustrate the diHerence between this 
word and others allied to it in theological di.--- 
cussions on the atonement, we cite the following 
from the Hulsean Lectures for 1874, p. Inl 
" The three terms more particularly u.sed fni 
Christ's work of atonement are airoKirrpwa-t^, i\a(T 
^6%, and HaraWayfj. 1. 'AiroKirrpwais [redeniptto 
is the most general term, and points specially tn 
the r.ansom {Xinpov) which Christ paid {inrfp, 
■repi) men, the ransom being his own blood (1 Pet. 
i. 19 ; Eph. i. 7). 2. 'I\aaii6s (expiatio) points 
to tlie mystic oblation which our 'Apx'^P*"' iJ.iya.i 
offered onco for all, and which avai'led iXaaKiaSai 
TOf a/iaprias (Hcb. ii. 17), — yea, availed tts 
dfl(T7jo-i>' a/xapria! (Heb. i.\. 26). 3. KaraAAaTT) 
{reconriliutiii) iudiciites the result effected by's sacrifice and nicdiatiou, — the remoia. 



pf the enmity between mankind and God (Rom. 
V. 10), the establishment of peace tirl 77)5; eV 
aydpwwots eliSoKia (Luke ii. 14)." 

Vers^ 18-35. It will br seen by the table be- 
low that, accordin;; to 1 Esdi-as, the number of 
priests who were guilty of marrying foreign 
wives was sixteen ; while according to tlie canoni- 
cal book it was seventeen. The number of Le- 
vites in both lists is the same, namely, ten. But 
the number of lay Israelite^ is given as ten more 
in Ezra than in 1 Esdras. Four of the offenders 
were of the high priest's family. None of the 
division of priests who had returned with Zerub- 
babel had kept themselves free from this sin. 
No sufficient means are at hand to justify an 
attempt to bring the names of the two lists into 
harmony. Concerning the superior value of the 
one or the other, opinions will differ. But it 
should be remembered, that, while the account in 
Ezra is based on an extant Hebrew text, the 
current text of the LXX. is also in closer agree- 
ment with it than with our apocryjihal book. 

Ver. 36. The Hebrew at tliis point, if the 
best reading be adopted, gives : and some of the 
wives had given birth to children. Our translator 
characteristically adds to this fact what one might 
suppose would Lie the natural result of such a 
Btate of things, — the children were to be put 
away with the wives. Bertheau would emend 
the Hebrew to correspond with our book. But 
the Hebrew, as it stands, gives a good sense, and 
presents the difficulties of the matter in even a 
stronger light by suggesting instead of definitely 
stating the case. 

Thorough and solemn as this public and judicial 
separation of one hundred and thirteen men from 
their families must have been, it seems not to 
have been sufficient entirely to root out the evil, 
Erom twenty-five to thirty years afterwards, 
Nehemiah, on the occasion of his second return 
to Jerusalem, found that other Israelites had 
intermarried with Ashdodites, Ammonites, and 
Moabites, had children that spoke the languages of 
these people, and that even a son of the high priest 
had allied himself in this manner with a daughter 
of Sanballat the Horonite. See Neh. xiii. 23 ff. 

Ver. 37. In their (respective) dwelling-places 
(/taToiKiais). The A. V. has in the margin villafies. 
But the Greek here is not the same as at ver" 46 
{Kui/iais), where we have that rendering. See ver. 
12. The Hebrew, however, is in both instances 

Ver. 38. Our translator says the gathering 
was at the cast gate of the temple. In the canon- 
ical book it is said that it took pl.ace before the 
" water gate." In fact, it was probably between 
the two ; a little east from the one, and a little 
west from the other. 

Ver. 40. The allusion made in the original 
Hebrew to the youth who came together is here 

Ver. 41. According to the Greek, the trans- 
iMtor says, most indefinitely, before the sacred (/ate 
{irph TOO iipou TTuA-wvos). It is pi'obable, however, 
that be carelessly omitted the article before irvKH- 
yos, and meant to say : before the gale of the tem- 
vle. Michaelis so translates. Cf. vers. 6, 38. 

Vers. 43, 44. There are thirteen names given 
of persons who stood by Ezra while he read ; 
seven on the right hand, and six on the left. In 
the Hebrew there are also thirteen names given ; 
bnt the seven are on the left of Ezra. Fritzscne 
thinks that one name too many has crept into 
each of the accounts, supposing that they were 

intended to represent thetwelve tribes. Michaelis, 
on the other hand, supposes that thirteen tribes 
were meant to be included, Levi being reckoned 
in with the others. But Keil would supply one 
more name to the Hebrew text; since, in his 
opinion, it is more likely that a word has fallen 
out, — the one given in our apocryphal book, for 
instance, — tlian that more persons stood on one 
side of Ezra than ou the other. As the LXX. 
agrees with the Hebrew text, and the number 
seven on each side would be quite in harmony 
with Israelitish ideas of propriety, the last theory 
is perhaps the best. 

Ver. 45. Conspicuously, emSi^m. Wahl's 
Claris translates by " full of dignity ; " Bret- 
schueider, with Schleusner, " insigniter. gloriose." 
But we must believe that it is Ezra's position as 
elevated above the people that is referred to. So 
Michaelis : " Nachdem er vorhin vor ihnen alien die 
vornehmste Stelle eingenommen," etc. See Neh. 
viii. 5. This is implied, also, in the reading of II. 
III. 58. 64. al. Aid. (irpofKadeTo yip). 

Ver. 46. Opened the law (A. V.), si/ tQ \va-ai 
rhv i>6)jiov. Schleusner would give to the verb the 
meaning of interpreted. So also the Old Latin. 
But in addition to the fact that this rendering 
would not be in harmony with the context, or be 
expected with the aorist, the word is better ren- 
dered by unfastened. That is, before he began to 
read, Ezra, as was natural, undid the fastenings 
of the scroll, and unrolled it. 

Ver. 48. Here, again, we find thirteen names ; 
and, although there is considerable variation in 
the spelling, it is not difficult to find in them the 
same persons who are spoken of in the corre- 
sponding account in Neh. viii. 7. The LXX. — 
probably for the sake of brevity — has only the 
first three names. These per.soiis, being inclose 
contact with the people, re-read and interpreted to 
them what was most difficult to understand. Mi- 
chaelis supposes that they recited the words with 
Ezra, and that through "their united voices they 
were able to roach all the people. This is not 
probable. It is not to be supposed that Ezra 
read, uninterruptedly, the entire time, i. e., for 
six hours. But, after reading a certain part, this 
part was interpreted, as far as necessary, to the 
people. The word iixipuaiw {ifi(pv(Ti6a) is used 
also in John (xx. 22). Schleusner would give it 
in one passage the force of explico; and in ver. 
55 of the present chapter the meaning of exhilaro. 
The rendering in the latter case would seem from 
the context to be correct ; but in the former it is 
too weak. The English word itfase or instill 
seems better to express the earnestiiess with which 
the Levites sought to impress the sense on the 
minds of the ]ieople. 

Ver. 49. Attharates. In the Hebrew this 
word is given as the official title of Nehemiah, in 
the sense of giwernor. He receives another and 
the ordinarv title for governor — Pechah — at 
Neh. v. 14, "15, 18. Cf., above, v. 40, and Neh. 
X. 1 . The text of the Greek Ezra at this point 
deviates in other respects from that of the canoni- 
cal book, and apparently without good ground. 
See remarks in our Introduction to the present 
book, ad loc. 

.Ver. 55. "On 711^. This is an e.xtraordinary 
collocMtion of particles, and sufficiently accounts 
for the variations in the readings. — The clause koL 
e'm<rvvT)xQT)(Tat begins a new sentence, the remain- 
ing part of which has been lost. The Vulgate 
adds: " imiversi in Hierusalem celebrare Iwtitiam 
seci'ndum testamentum Domini, Dei Israel." In 



Josephiis {Antiq., xi. 5, § 5) the account is con- 
tinued to the effect that, after the people had 
feasted for eight days in their tabernacles, they 
departed to their own homes, singing hymns to 
God, and giving thanks to Ezra for his efforts to 
reform the corruptions which had been intro- 
duced into their community ; and that Ezra died 

full of years, and was magnificently buried at 
Jerusalem. Not much contidence can be given 
to these statements. It is probable that they are 
based on tradition alone. According to another 
account Ezra died in Persia. See Schenkel's Bib. 
Lex., under "Ezra;" and Bertholdt's /'m^eiV., 
p. I0I2. 


Ezra (ii. 3-60). 

Nehemiah (vii. 8-62). 

1 ESDEAS (v. 8-40). 








Parosh .... 


Parosh . . 


Phoros .... 



Shephatiah . . . 


Shephatiah . 


Sapbat .... 





Arab . . . 





Pabatb-moab . . 




Pbaath-Moab . . 










Zattu .... 


Zattu . . . 


Zathui .... 



Zaccai .... 


Zaccai . . 


Chorbe .... 





Binnui . . 





Bebai .... 


Bebai . . . 





Azgad .... 


Azgad . . 





Adonikam . . . 


Adonikam . 


Adonicam . 



Bigvai .... 


Bigvai . . 


Bagoi (Bago) . . 





Adin . . . 


Adiim .... 





Ater . . . 





_ „ 

_ _ 

_ - 

Cilan and Azenan . 



_ _ 

_ _ 

_ _ 

_ _ 

Azaru .... 



_ _ 

_ _ 

_ _ 

_ _ 

Annis • . . . . 



_ _ 

_ _ 

_ _ 

_ _ 






Bezai . . . 

. . 324 

Bassai .... 



Jorah .... 


Hariph . 

. . 112 

Arsiphurith . . . 



_ _ 

_ _ 


_ - 

Baiterus .... 



Hashum .... 


Hashum . . 

. . 328 

- - 

- - 


Glbbar .... 


Gibcon . . 

. . 95 


- - 


Bethlehem . . . 

Netophah . . 


Bethlehem and 


Baetblomffi . . . 

Netopbas . . . 



Anathoth . . . 


Anathoth . 

. . 128 

Anathoth . . . 



Aziuaveth . . . 



. . 42 

Btethasmoth . . 



Kiijath-arim, Che- 



phirah, Beeroth . 


phirah, Beeroth 

, et«. 743 





_ _ 

_ _ 

_ _ 

Caphira and Beroth 




- - 


- - 

Chadiasae and Am- 
midii .... 



Ramab and Gaba . 


Ramah and Ge 

ba . 621 

Cirama and Gabbe 

• 621 


Micbmas .... 



. . 122 

Macalon . . . • 



Bethel and Ai . . 


Bethel and Ai 

. . 123 

- - 

- - 




Nebo (other) 

. . 52 

Betolio .... 



Magbish .... 



- - 

Niphis .... 



(Other) Elam . . 


(Other) Elam 

. . 1,254 


- - 


Harim .... 



. . 320 

— - 

— — 


Led, Hadid, and 

Lod, Hadid, 


Calamolalus and 

One .... 


Ono . . 

. . 721 

Onus .... 



Jericho .... 


Jericho . . 

. . 345 

Jerechu .... 



Senaah .... 


Senaah . . 

. . 3,930 

Sanaas .... 



Jedaiah .... 


Jedaiah . . 

. . 973 

Jeddu .... 



Iramer .... 


Immer . . 

. . 1,052 

Emmeruth . . . 



Pashur .... 


1 Pashur . . 

. . 1.247 

Phassurus . . . 



Harim .... 


Harim . 

. . 1,017 

Charmi .... 



Jeshua, Kadmiel, 

Jeshua, Kad 


Jesus, Cadoelua.Ban- 

and Hodaviah . 


and Hodeval 

1 . 74 

iias and Sudias . 



Asaph .... 


Asaph . . . 

. . 148 

Asaph .... 



Children of porters 


1 Children of pc 

rters 138 

Children of porters 



Nethiiiim . . . 
(.35 names.) 


1 Nethinira 

j (32 names 

. . 392 

Servants of temple . 



Other names . . 


Other names 

. . 642 

(Text shortened) 













Phinehas, Gershoni, 

Phineea, Gerson, 


Ithamar, Daniel, 

Ithamarus, Gamaliel, 


David, Hattush, Shechaaiah, 

David, Attus, SechenUg, 


Pharosh, Zechariah 


Phoros, Zacharias. 



Pahath-moab, Elihoenai, Zerahiah. 


Phaath-Moab, Eliaonias, Zareeaa. 



Shechaniah, Jahaziel. 


Zathoeii, Sechenias, Jezelua. 



Adin, Ebed, Jonathan. 


Adin, Obeth, Jonathas. 



Elam, Jeshaiah, Athaliah. 


Elam, Jesias, Gotholiaa. 



Shephatiali, Zebadiah, Michael. 


Saphatias, Zaraias, Michaelus. 



Joab, Obadiah, Jehiel. 


Joab, Abadias, Jezelu3. 



Sbelomith, Josiphiah. 


Banias, Salimoth, Josaphiaa. 



Bebai, Zechariah, Bebai. 


Babi, Zacharia.s, Bebai. 



Azgad, Johanan, Hakliatan. 


Astath, Joannes, Acatan. 



Adonikam, Eliphelet, Jeiel, Shemaiah. 


Adonicam, Eliphalatus, Jeiiel, Samseas. 



Bigvai, Uthai, Zabbud. 


Bago, Uthi, Istalcums. 



1 EsDRAS ix. 19-35. 



Israel in 

Sons of Jesus^ son of Josedec: 
Mathelas, Eleazarus, Joribus, Joadanus. 
Sons of Kmmer : Ananias, Zabdmus, 
Manes, Samaeus, Hiereel, Azarias. Sons 
of Pkaisur : Elionais, Massias, laraaelus, 
Nathanaelus, Ocodelus, Saloas. 

Jozabadus, Semeis, CoHus (Calitas), 
Pathaeus, Judas, Jonaa. 

JToly Singers: Eliasibus, Bacchurus. 

Porters : Salumus, Tolbanes. 

Sons of Pkor-os: Hiernias, Jeziaa, 
Melchiaa, Maelus, Eleazarus, Asebias, 
Banaeas. Sons of Elam ; Matthanias, 
Zachariaa, Jezrielus, Joabdius, Hiere- 
moth, Aidias. Sons of Zamoth : Elia- 
das, Eliasimug, Othoniaa, Jarinioth, 
Sabatbus, Zeralias. Sons of Bebai: 
Joannes, Ananias, Jozabdus, Amathias. 
Sons of Mnni : Olamus, Mamuchiis, 
Jedfeus, Jasubiis, Jasaelus. Hieremoth. 
Sons of Addi : Naathns, Moosias, 
Laccunus, Naidus, Matthanias, Sesthel, 
Balnuus, Manassias. Sons of Anan: 
Elionas, Assas, Melchiaa, Sabbieus, 
Simon, Chosamreus. Sons of Asom: 
Altanseus, Mattatbias, Sabannteus, Eli- 
phalat, Manasses, Seaiei. Sons of 
Baani : Jeremias, Moradius, Ismaerus, 
Juel, Mal)dai, Pedias, Anos, Rabasion, 
Enasibus, Mamnitanaimus, Eliasis, Ban- 
nus, Eliali, Someig. Selemias, Natha- 
nias. Sons of Ezoi'a : Sesis, Esril, 
Azaelus, Samatus, Zambri, Josephus. 
Sons of Ethvia : Mazitiaa, Zabadseas, 
Edais, Juel, Banreaa. 

Ezra x. 18-44. 



Israel in 


Sims of Jeshua, son of Jozadah: 
Maaseiah, Eliezer, Jarib, Gedaliah. 
Sons of Immer : Hanani, Zebadiah. 
Sons of Hnrim : Maaseiah, Elijah, She- 
maiah, Jehiel, Uzziah. Sons of Pashur: 
Elioenai, Maaseiah, Ishmael, Nethaneel, 
Jozabad, Elaaah. 

Jozabad, Shimei, Kelaiah (Kelita), 
Pethahiab, Judah, Eliezer. 
Holy Singers : Eliashib. 
Porters: Shallum, Telem, Uri. 
S':>ns of Pnrosk : Eiamiah, Jeziah, 
Malchiah, Miarain, Eleazar, Malchijah, 
Benaiah. Sons of Elam ; Mattaniah, 
Zechariah, Jehiel, Abdi, Jerenioth, 
Eliah. Sonsof Zaiiu: Elioenai, Elia- 
shib, Mattaniah, Jeremoth, Zabad, Aziza. 
Sons of Btbni: Jehohanan, Hananiah, 
Zabbal, Athlai. S(ms of Bani : Me- 
shullam, Mallucb, Adaiah, Jaahub, 
Sheal, Ranioth. Sons of Pakath-monb : 
Adna, Chelal, Benaiah, Maaseiah, Mat- 
taniah, Bezaleel, Binnui, Manasseh. 
Sons of Hnrim : Eliezer, Ishijah, Mal- 
chiah, Shemaiah, Shimeon, Benjamin, 
Malluch, Shemariah. Sons of Hashum : 
Mattenai, Mattathah, Zabad, Eliphelet, 
Jereraai, Manasseh, Shimei. Sons of 
Bdjii : Maadai, Amram, Uel, Benaiah, 
I^eiah, Chelluh, Vaniah, Meremoth, 
Eliashib, Mattaniah, Mattenai, Jaasau, 
Bani, Binnui, Shimei, Shelemiab, 
Nathan, Adaiah, Machnadebai, Shashai, 
Sharai, Azareel, Shelemiab, Shemariah, 
Shallum, Amariah, Joseph. Sons of 
Nebo : Jeiel, Mattithiah, Zabad, Zebina, 
Jadau, Joel, Benaiah. 



The name generally given to the Book of Tobit in the Greek MSS. is simply lafftr; 
while in the Vulgate it is Liber Tobice, and in the two Hebrew texts Sepher Tobi. The 
ChaUiaic MS., recently discovered by Dr. Neubauer, has as title the " History of Tobiyah " 
(rriait na?^!:). Some Latin MSS., apparently on the ground that the son holds as 
important a place in the history as the father, give as superscription : Tobit et Tobias, and Liber 
utriiisque Tohia ; in the latter of which titles, it will be noticed, the same name is applied to 
father and son, — a usage which is supported by none of the Greek MSS. In the oldest 
Greek authorities, however, the name of the father does not always appear in the same form, 
although the spelling Toi^iV is the most common. The Vatican MS. (II.) has Toi/Selr; and the 
Sinaitic, Tw/SelS. The etymology of the word is not clear; but it is likely that the final letter 
has been added for the sake of euphony, as is the case with many Hebrew words found in 
the Greek Bible (NafopeV, rEWTjirapeV) ; and that the original word was "^itO, " mygoodness," 
being itself a shortened form of n'Zlit2, " goodness of Jehovah," or " pleasing to Jehovah." 
The latter name, which in our book is given to the son, was not an uncommon one in Jewish 
history after the period of the Exile. 

The Different Texts. 

There could, perhaps, be no better evidence of the charm which this simple story had for 
all classes of persons in the earlier times than the numerous texts in which it was put in 
circulation, and the various embellishments it received, in detail, in passing through different 
hands. f)f texts more or less perfect, there exist in printed form, and have been collated, 
three Greek, three Latin, two Hebrew, a Syriac, and a Chaldaic. To dett-rmine the 
essential character of these different existing texts and their relative value, is naturally of 
the highest importance in any really critical study of the book. Which of them is, in all 
probability, the oldest'? Is the same the original of the others, and the first original? or, are 
all but translations of a Chaldaic or Hebrew work no longer extant? 

The most common opinion among scholars of all scliools may be said to be, that the work 

was composed in Hebrew; but, until recently, this theory has been supported on grounds 

which were rather conjectural than real. The recent discovery by Dr. Neubauer, in the 

Bodleian Library at Oxfonl, of a Chaldaic text of the book, which he supposes to be the one 

used by Jerome in his version, has given to the matter a somewhat altered aspect. Jerome, 

in his preface to the translation of the work as it appears in the Vulgate, says : " Exigiiis, ut 

lihrum Chaltlmo sermone conscriptum ad Lalinum stilum traham, librum ulique Tobice Feci 

satis desiderio vestro Et quia vicina est Chaldeeorum lingua sermoni Hebraico. ulriusque 

lingum peritissimum loquacem reperiens unius diei lahiircm arrifiui, et quidquid ille mild Hebiaicis 

verbis exj)ressit, hoc ego accito notario sermnnibus Latinis exposui." Since Jerome's time until 

now, there have been discovered no traces of the Chaldaic text, of which he here speaks. Dr. 

Neubauer, however, is quite confident, and on grounds that must be allowed great weight. 

that he has found the same amongst the treasures of the Bodleian Library.^ The MS. was 

bought by the library from a bookseller in Constantinople (No. 2339 of Neubaucr's catalogue). 

1 See the Alhitta-iim for November, 18T7, p. 630 : the Armhmy of the same clnt«, p. 468 ; Schiirer in the Tlu-olo^ 
Lileralurzeilung, 1878. No. i., col. 21, and No. xiv., cols, SSl-aa") ; Dickell Ztitselmfi fur Kallt. T/teol., 1878, pp. 216-222 
•Bd the text itself published by Dr. .\eubaiier, Tlie Brink Tohii, etc., Oxford, 1878. 


It contains a collection of compositions of the nature of the jMidrash, of which the Book of 
Tobit is the fifth in number, it beinw given as commentary to Gen. xxviii. 22. The grounds 
on which it is maintained that it is nearly related to the Chaldaio te.xt used by Jerome, if not 
identical with it, are first and principally, that both, in the first two chapters and part of the 
third, employ tlie third person in speaking of Tobit, while all tlie other texts make use of 
the first person, that is, suffer Tobit to speak for himself. In addition to this, the two texts 
— that of Jerome represented in the Vulgate, and the newly discovered Chaldaio — have the 
same general form throughout, with the exception of the closing chapters, which are incom- 
plete in the latter. There is the same abridgment of the narrative in the several parts in 
both, and the same general habit of giving in a freer, independent form the contents of the 
story. It is true there are differences, also, between them, both in order and in words; in 
some of which the Clialdaic agrees better with some of the other texts than with the Vulgate. 
But these differences, as Dr. Neubauer thinks, can be sufficiently well accounted for by the 
fact that the Chaldaic had to be adapted to the Midrash, in which it was found ; while there 
can be no doubt that Jerome's version lias inaccuracies owing to his haste, and his method 
of proceeding in other respects, and was at the same time greatly intlueneed by the Old 
Latin, which he also had before him. 

But now, if it be admitted that the newly discovered Chaldaio text is essentially that used 
by Jerome, it would not by any means follow that this text is the original one or even the 
best extant representative of the original. Jerome himself lays no such stress upon the value 
of this particular text as to lead us to suppose that he regarded it as the original. He admits 
that he spent but a day with his Jewish interpreter and his amanuensis upon it, and his work 
shows everywhere the most marked influence of the Old Latin. Moreover, it is evident that 
the text is given in a fuller and more complete form in the Greek than in the Chaldaic, the 
latter being throughout of the nature of an abridgment. But it seems to us conclusive on 
this point, that the Chaldaic text, as we have before stated, instead of representing, in the 
opening chapter, Tobit as speaking, mentions him only in the third person. This, as Neu- 
bauer and Bickell admit, cannot have been the original form of the composition. That is 
found in the Greek MSS., which represent him as giving his own history up to chap. iii. 7 ff., 
where the account of Sarah is introduced, and where the third person is necessary, and from 
that point it is continued through the book. The good Semitic diction in which the Chal- 
daic is written, and on which the two last-named scholars lay much stress, inferring that it 
must arise from the fact that a Hebrew original lies at the basis of it, might just as well be 
the result of the very free way in which the translation is made, as well as the Hebraizing 
character of all the texts, the best of the Greek not excepted. Under these circumstances, 
the opinion of Schiirer seems best worthy of support, who says : " So much is quite probable, 
that an older Chaldaic, or at least Semitic text preceded our present Chaldaic, in which, in 
chaps, i., ii., the first person was preserved. For the Hebrew of MUnster, that has retained 
the first person, indicates such a model, and the same, as above remarked, is otherwise nearly 
allied to our Chaldaic text. We are ready, too, to concede the possibility that the book of 
Tobit was originally written in Hebrew, and that from this Hebrew original our Chaldaic 
text has come. But it remains a bare possibility. And, in any case, the Chaldaic, with its 
arbitrary abridgments and free reproduction of the thought, is much farther removed from this 
supposed original than any one whatever of the Greek recensions." • 

The two existing Hebrew te.\ts are acknowledged to be of recent origin. The one gener- 
ally entitled Hehraus Munsteri was first printed in Constantinople, in 1516, and at Venice in 
1544, 1608. Sebastian Miinster, whose name it bears, received it from Oswald Schrcckc^n- 
fuchs, of Memmingen. He regarded it as a libellus vere aureus, and had it reprinted at Basle, 
with a Latin translation, in 1542 and 1549. It was also published in 1563, 1566, 1570, and 
1576. On its first appearance, opinions were much divided concerning it, some holding it 
for a work of Miinster himself, and otliers for the true original. The edition of 1556, which 
appeared after the death of Miinster, was subsequently incorporated, together with the lat- 
ter's translation, in the London Polyglot. In this same work of Walton, moreover (vol. iv.), 
is to be found the other Hebrew text, which, for the sake of distinguishing it from the for- 
mer, is called Hebraus Fugii, Fagius having published it from a Constantinople copy of 
1517,2 in connection with his edition of Sentenlioe. Morales Ben Syrce (Isnae, 1542), under the 
litle : Tobias Hebraice cum versione Latina e regione. There is no exact agreement of opinion 

1 Thtolog. Literaturzeitttng, 1878, No. 14, col. 335. 2 Zunz, Vortrdge, p. 126, gives the date iis V,\:>. 


respecting the time when these two Hebrew versions were made. Fritzsche and Reusch fix 
the date of that named Hebrtgus Fagii, in the eleventh century; llgen a century later, while 
Sengelmann vacillates between the two. It is for the most part a free translation, or para- 
phrase, of the Greek as found in the Roman edition of the LXX. The other belongs to a 
recension of the text, which, as we have said, is otherwise represented by the Chaldaic and 
the Old Latin. The Hebrew version of the Old Testament apocryphal books by Frankel 
(Lips. 1830) was made from the Vulgate. There is said to be, in the Vatican library at 
Rome, a Latin translation of a Hebrew codex of the Book of Tobit, made by Bartolocci, but 
nothing further is known of it. 

Of the three Latin texts of the Book of Tobit, two originated before the time of Jerome, 
and are variously named " Old Latin," " Itala," " Itala I.," " Itala H.," etc. They were pub- 
lished by Sabatier.^ He used, principally, for this purpose, three MSS., Codex Regius, n. 
3564., which contained the whole book, and belonged to the eighth century; a second, from 
the library of S. Germanus a Pratis, n. 4., of the same age, but defective in certain passages; 
and added various readings from another belonging to the same library, n. 15. The last was 
of inferior value on account of its mutilated character, although not younger than the first two. 
Sabatier, in his notes, gives readings from a fourth important MS., which had formerly be- 
longed to Queen Christina of Sweden, but which, at that time, was in the Vatican Library, 
n. 7. Although of unknown age, its text is of such a character, and differs so much from 
that of the three MSS. just mentioned, as to seem to justify the theory of another recension. 
Unfortunately, however, this codex contains only chaps, i.-vi. 12. From its purer style, and 
the fact that the quotations from Tobit found in the Fathers agree better with the other recen- 
sion, it is thought to be of a somewhat later date. 

The Latin version of Tobit contained in the Vulgate was made, as we have already noticed, 
by Jerome. Of the three translations in this language, it is, undoubtedly, the least valuable. 
Pellican, as quoted by Sengelmann {Ei/ileil., p. 56), was of the opinion that some other per- 
son must have done the work and published it under the name of Jerome, in order to give it 
the more currency. But the confession of this father (unius diei laborem arripui), and his 
known method of proceeding, as given in the preface to his version of Judith (see Introil. to 
that book), are a sufficient explanation of most of its deficiencies. Unfortunately, the author- 
itative position of this text as the one, especially since the Middle Ages, ecclesiastically used 
and sanctioned, has given to it an importance which it in no sense deserves. Many translations 
into modern languages have been made from it, and not only Roman Catholics, but Protes- 
tants have, until a recent period, given it the preference before all others. What seems to be 
still another Latin text, sometimes named " Itala III." is extant in an old MS. whose read- 
ings have been given by Mai in vol. ix. of his Spicilegium Romanum Vaticanum. As only a 
few fragments, however, remain, it is impossible to classify it, relatively to the others, with 
any great degree of certainly. Cf. Reusch, Com., p. xxvi. 

In the Polyglot of Walton the Book of Tobit appears also in a Syriac translation. That it 
is a translation is evident from the exactness with which it follows its still extant Greek 
original (Greek A.). It is, indeed, announced in the superscription : " SequUur Liber Tobit; 
ipse aulem ponitur secundum traditionem LXX. inlerpretum." But the agreement with this 
recension of the Greek text extends only to vii. 10. For Walton's work two MSS. were 
used. On the margin of the first appears at this place, in Latin, the following note : " Up 
to this point we have copied from a codex which was translated from the LXX. Since, 
however, this was mutilated, and we could not make it out any further, we find ourselves 
obliged to transcribe the remainder from another codex. Igitur gum hinc adjinem libri, ab 
edilione alia sunt." (Land. Pol., vol. vi., p. 43.) The latter part of the book, then, — that 
is, from vii. 11 on, — represents another recension of the Greek text, and, as it is generally 
aoreed (so Fritzsche, Reusch, Sengelmann, and others), that which is known as Greek B., 
found in the Sinaitic MS., to which the Itala and the Chaldaic of Neubauer are closely 
allied. The text of this Syriac version is given in vol. iv. of the Polyglot ; but the readings, 
which are not numerous, in vol. vi. Bernstein has made a few emendations in the Zeitschrift 
der deutschen Morgentand. Gesellschaft (iii. 400.) ; but they are not of great importance. 
The extreme literalness of the first of the two above-mentioned MSS. makes it of consider- 
able importance, as far as it goes, in a critical study of the work. 

As already noted, the Greek text appears in three different recensions, named «ever. 

1 Bibliorum Stmrontm Latintz Vfrsiones Antiqwx, Tom. i. 


ally A. B. and C. The last is represented by three MSS. (44. 106. 107.), and is the 
same as that found in the Syriae version from VII. 11. These MSS., however, are not of 
one recension throughout. From the beginning to vi. 9 they have the common texf, 
from V. 10 to xiii. 18, the recension named C. According to Bickell,' this recension is also 
found from v. 9 to vi. 18 in a Vatican MS. of the Itala edited by Bianchini.^ Tlie matter is 
by no means yet fully decided to which of the other two recensions — that principally repre- 
sented, on the one side, by the Vatican MS. (H-), or that, on the other, by the Sinaitic and 
Old Latin (Greek B.) — is to be given the preference. Bickell pronounces that known as 
Greek A. as the oldest of the three Greek recensions, and the source of the other two, they 
being revisions of it, made with the help of the Hebrew original {sic). Gutberlet, since all 
the texts, in bis opinion, have received more or less canonical recognition by their use in the 
church, Uiinks the matter is not one of the greatest importance, but chooses Greek B., which 
is preferable in a literary point of view, as the basis of his Commentar)-. Greek A., as he 
acknowledges, would have the preference on ssthetical grounds, while the Latin Vulgate 
surpasses all others in dogmatical importance.' Obviously, the question is not to be thus 

Fritzsche, in the Prolegomena to his edition of the Apocrypha in Greek, as well as in his 
Commentary, maintains with the utmost confidence, as against Ewald * and Reusch,^ the 
superiority of the text of the book usually followed. It is the text supported by much the 
largest number of MSS., and is the most quoted by the Greek Fathers. It is less diffuse than 
the other, and less smooth in its style of composition. On the other hand, as has been 
recently shown by Scbiirer,^ it is not to be denied that there are instances where A. seems to 
have a text less worthy of confidence than B., if indeed it has not been revised from it. See, 
for instance, i. 4, 19, 20. He holds that although there are cases where B. has been doubt- 
less emended, and A. has a preferable reading (as at i. 1 ; i. 4 : the tou uiJ/iVtou of A. being 
undoubtedly correct, while the Sinaitic has tou fleou; i. 14, the name 'Pdyois is wanting), still 
there is nothing in the way of holding that, in general, it has the original text rather than A. 
The greater diffuseness of B., he thinks, is scarcely ever of the sort that it should be looked 
upon as an enlargement in the way of paraphrase ; but that it would appear, on the contrary, 
as though its more circumstantial account had been generallj' abridged in A. This opinion 
of Schiirer has the more weight since it represents his deliberate judgment after critical e.K- 
amination, he having previously accepted Fritzsche's view.' 

In the present volume we have taken the " received text " as the basis of comment, but at 
the same time have given a translation of that known as Greek B. The former is found in 
the edition of the LXX. by Holmes and Parsons, together with the readings of eighteen 
MSB., whose comparatively few variations testify to the purity of form in which it has been 
transmitted. It has been best preserved in II., with which .52. (i.-iii. 15) and 108. gener- 
ally agree. The remaining MSS., according to Fritzsche, arrange themselves as follows : 
HL 58. 64. 243. 248. 249. 55. on the one side, and 23. 71. 74. 76. 236. 44. 106. 107. and 
the Syriae version as far as vii. 9, on the other. Codex Alexandrinus (HI.) has a mixed 
text, but ordinarily agrees with the former series. 

Has the Book a Basis in Facts f 
It is a question which has been much discussed, whether the Book of Tobit is to be con- 
(Sdered as veritable history or romance. The majority of critics favor, with more or less of 
limitation, the latter view. And if the construction of tlie story and its relation to the 
canonical books be carefully considered, it must be held to be the correct one. For 
nstance, the two characters of Tobit and Sarra are drawn with too much similarity of 
oloring to suppose that they were actual historic personages. They were both at the same 
time treated to vituperation and reproach ; at the same time betook themselves to prayer, 
and prayed for precisely the same thing, namely, that God would relieve them of their 
troubles by removing them from the world. And they are represented as similar not only in 
their fortunes, but also in their mental and moral characteristics: in their honesty, in their 
innocence of crime, although it was charged upon them ; and in the nameless charm of 
virtuous souls. 

1 Ztitschrift fur Kntol. Theol., p. 218. 

2 VindicitB Canonicarum Scripturarum VuIgat€B Editwnn. p. 350. Cf. Reusch, Libel. Tob.y Prsefat., p. iv. 

8 Page 19. 4 JaJirb. d. Bibl. Wissmschaft, \i 191. 6 Com., p. iii. 6 Idem, col. 333. 

7 Idrm, 1878, No. 7, col. 161. 



Again, no one can read the work without being continually reminded of a certain other 
Scriptural personage, whom Tobit resembles in the sad fortunes of his earlier life, as also in 
the restful and fruitful experiences of its closing years. The writer had doubtless " heard 
of the patience of Job," and " seen the end of the Lord ; " for " the Lord is merciful and 
compassionate." Tobit is represented as being like Job, — rich, of high standing, benev- 
olent towards the poor; like Job, notwithstanding his moral worth, he bi-came poor, sick, 
and miserable. Both alike are mocked in their misfortunes by their wives, on whose support 
they are similarly dependent. Both long for death to release them from their sufferings. 
Both are healed in a surprising manner, and come in subsequent life into a position and 
attain a prosperity which far surpass those of their former most prosperous days. In both 
cases it is Ihe special interposition of Jehovah which turns the scales in their favor when the 
period of their discipline is ended. 

Still further, the allusions in chap. .xiv. 10 to the Book of Esther, — if they are admitted, 
— and the seeming effort to construct the story so as to correspond, in some degree, with that 
of tliis favorite book, is much more suggestive of fiction than of real biography. ^Vhatever 
theory may be adopted in the explanation of this difficult passage (cf. Com., ad loc), the 
feeling must still remain, that the writer seeks to enhance the glory of his more or less sup- 
posititious hero by associating him, not only with Job in his trials and his triumphs, but also 
with this earlier favorite of the Persian court. In view now of what has been said, but one 
opinion res[)ecting the composition of the book seems tenable : it is a work of the imagination. 
Where the narrative is interrupted by outbursts of prayer, praise, or supposed prophetic 
utterance (as in chap, xiii.), there is the clearest evidence of attempted, though unsuccessful, 
adaptation of borrowed expressions to the circumstances of the story. It is indeed possible 
that a real family history lies at the basis of the narrative ; but it seems far more probable 
that the author set out with certain moral ideas to which he wished to give utterance, and 
which he has clothed in this garb of quasi, or, to some extent actual, history, as the one or 
the other best suited his purpose. At least, it would appear that not the history, but the 
moral teaching, was the matter which lay nearest his heart. 

Historical Difficulties. 

That the Book of Tobit presents some peculiar historical difficulties is generally acknowl- 
edged, although there is by no means the same unanimity respecting the importance to be 
»ttached to them, or the manner in which they are to be explained. Hengstenberg (Eu. K. 
Zeitung, 1853, p. 54), who, in the controversies on this subject twentj' years ago, argued in 
favor of the publication of the apocryphal l>ooks in connection with the canonical, wrote : 
" The Book of Tobit is charged with containing many geographical, chronological, and his- 
torical, blunders, as well as some opinions which are improbable and worthy of suspicion 
But the author had no intention of avoiding them, since he did not write history but a didac- 
tic story. To judge these [deficiencies, then,] according to the standard of a historical com- 
position, is quite a mistake. He that would defend the historical character of the book will 
undoubtedly involve himself in the strangest jierplcxities." But this is just what the most 
thoughtful and scholarly of the Roman Catholic defenders of the work — like Welte and 
Reusch — do. It will not be a work of supererogation, therefore, to make investigations con- 
cerning the nature and extent of these alleged faults. 

First, then, in chap. i. 2, we find the statement that Tobit was carried away as captive 
from Thisbe, in Galilee, in the time of Ennemessar (Shalmaneser, cf. Com. below). But, ac- 
cording to 2 Kings XV. 29, it was Tiglatli Pileser who made this deportation of captives to 
Nineveh. The usual explanation of this apparent contradiction is that Tobit may have been 
taken indeed, with the captives in the time of Tiglath Pileser. and afterwards, en route, made 
his (•sca|)e (Dereser, Scliolz, Welte), and returned to Palestine to be subsequently removed 
to Nineveh by his successor, the Shalmaneser above mentioned ; or, that he was not inclucivd 
at all among those at first (le[)orted (Reusch), but in the number of those removed by Shal- 
maneser, as noticed in 2 Kings xvii. 3, 6. But it is a fatal objection to the second explana- 
tion that it was not Slialmnnescr. but Sar^'on, according to the Babylonian inscriptions — and 
tlie account in the passage from the Book of Kings is not out of harmony with it — who took 
Samaria, and In- did not carry liis cai>lives to Nineveh, where Tobit was carried, but placed 
them in " Ilalah and in Ilabor [by] the river of Gozan, and in the cities of the Ah'des." Cf. 
Bill. Com., ad loc. ; Transactions, 1873, p. 328 ; Rawlinson, Herod., i. 477 f., and .Incitiil Mon. 


ii. 152. And with respect to the first explanation, our answer to the second is valid also 
against it, — that Sargon was the Assyrian monarch who actual!)- captured S;imaria, while 
the theory that so important a family as that of Tobit could have been in the two deporta- 
tions of Tijlath Pileser (cf. Bib. Com. at 2 Kings xvi. 9) overlooked, or thnt, with the rigor 
with which prisoners of war were then guarded, he made his escape from the victorious 
Assyrian army, has too much the appearance of a subterfuge to require sober investigation. 
The writer of the book was evidently misled by the apparent statements of 2 Kings xvii. 3-6, 
xviii. 9-11, and by not comparing them with that of .xv. 29. Bosanquet (Transactions, 1874, 
i. pp. 1-27) maintains tliat Tiglath Pileser, Shalmaneser, and Sargon were all on the throne 
together; at first, the first two, tlien the three, " by some state arrangement which has not 
yet been explained." If this were to be admitted, it might still be regarded, at least, as 
highly imiirobable that Tiglath Pileser being still on the throne, an event of so much import- 
ance should have been spoken of as taking place during the reign of his associate and in- 

A second discrepancy in dates occurs in chap. i. 4. It is there said that Tobit was a vounw 
man (veairepov fxov ivTos:) when his tribe Nephthali fell away (with the ten tribes) from Judah. 
But this occurred, if as seems necessary (see Com. ad toe), the political separation is referred 
to, a couple of centuries before the Babylonian captivity, while according to the received 
Greek text (xiv. 2, 11) Tobit reached only the age of 158. On the other hand, if we follow 
the other texts, the discrepancies are found to be no less perplexing. 

Another error is found in the fifteenth verse of the same chapter. Sennacherib is repre- 
sented as both the son and successor of Ennemessar, i. e., Shalmaneser. But it is now suf- 
ficiently well established by the Assyrian inscriptions that Sennacherib was the son of Sar- 
gon. Cf. Rawlinson, Ancient Mon., ii. 155; Herod., i. 481, and Schrader, Die Keilin!:chriften , 
p. 169. Bosanquet (Transaction.'!, 1874, p. 27) would explain by supposing either that Sen- 
nacherib suppresses the name of his father, Sargon, because he wishes to be regarded as 
descending from the legitimate line of kings, or that he became the son of Shalmaneser by 
marriage. Both suppositions, however, are simply conjectures. 

Also, in the twenty-first verse, it is said that " not fifty days " passed (the Sinaitic MS. 
says " forty days "), /. e., as is evident from the connection, after the return of Sennacherib 
from his disastrous campaign in Palestine, " before two of his sons killed him." But from 
the account in 2 Kings we learn that he returned to Nineveh and dwelt {^'il)'^) there. The 
idea of a considerable time is undoubtedly involved in this word. Moreover, the same fact 
is clear from the inscriptions (cf. Schrader, Die Keilinschriften, p. 205 f.), according tu which 
he conducted no less than five more or less important campaigns against his enemies after 
this event. And Rawlinson says (Ancient Mon., ii. 169, 170) : " The murder of the disgraced 
Sennacherib, ' within fifty-five [ ?] days ' of his return to Nineveh, seems to be an invention 
of the Alexandrian Jew who wrote the Book of Tobit. The total destruction of the empire, 
in consequence of this blow, is an exaggeration of Josephus, rashly credited by some moderns. 
Sennacherib did not die until B.C. 681, seventeen years after his misfortune; and the empire 
suffered so little that we find Esarhaddon, a few years later, in full possession of all the ter- 
ritory that any king before him had ever held, ruling from Babylonia to Egypt, or (as he 
himself expresses it) ' from the rising up of the sun to the going down of the same.' " 

Still, again, in the last verse of the book, it is said that Tobias heard, before his death in 
Media at the age of one hundred and twenty-seven (the other texts give, Vulg., 99 ; Sin., 
117) of the destruction of Nineveh by " Nabuchodonosor and Assuerus." Now, if we com- 
pare the date of the period fixed for the beginning of Tobit's captivity (i. 2) with the further 
date of his blindness, and of his death (xiv. 2), and of the marriage and death of Tobias 
(x. 10; xiv. 14), it will be evident that our author has made other chronological blunders. 
First, there is not a sufficient interval between the alleged deportation of Shalmaneser and 
the destruction of Nineveh for the events narrated in the book. Second, supposing Tobias 
to have been twenty-seven years of age when he returned with his wife to his father's house 
— Tobit was sixty-six — then, instead of moving into Media, and living to a good old age, 
after his father's death, he must have died, according to the book, very soon after. Or, even 
if he were less than twenty-seven at the date of his marriage, the representation of the book 
(xir. 12-14) would be an exaggeration. Moreover, third, as we have shown below in 
eonnection with the commentary, there can be no depender.-e placed on the statement of 


the same verse that " Nabiichodonosor and Assuerus " took Nineveh. Saraeus was at this 
time king of Assyria, with his capital at Nineveh. One of his ablest generals was Nabopolas- 
sar, whom he sent to Babylon to operate against the Susianians, while he retained the bulk 
of his forces to engnge the Medes, who also had assailed his empire from another quarter. 
Nabopolassar, however, instead of continuing to support the waning fortunes of his monarch, 
proved faithless, made terms with Cyaxares, king of the Medes at that time, on the condition 
that his son should be betrothed to the king's daughter, and both of them turned their united 
forces against Nineveh, which fell before them at about B. c. 625. This is Niebuhr's date. 
Later authorities place the date of this event at B. c. 609-607. Rawlinson (Herod., i. 502)i 
says B. c. 610. Cf. Anciejit Mon., ii. 231, 232. This alliance seems to be noticed in a pas- 
sage in Herodotus (i. 106): " They took Nineveh — I will relate how in another history — ■ 
and conquered all Assyria, except the district of Babylonia." It is plainly stated by Aby- 
denus (Euseb., Chron., i. 9): " Sed enim hie, capto rebellandi consilio, Amuhiam Asty- 
agis Medorum principis filiam nato suo Nabucodrossoro despondebat; moxque raptim contra 
Ninum, seu Niniveni, urbem impetum faciebat." The same also is supported by Polyhistor, 
through Syncellus (Chronograph., ad loc.) and by Josephus, Antiq., x. 5, § 1). The latter says, 
" Now Neco, king of Egypt, raised an army and marched to the river Euphrates, in order to- 
fight with the Medes and Babylonians, who had nrerlhroion the dominion of the Assyrians." 
Hence, while it is possible that Cyaxares may liave also borne the name " Assuerus," it 
seems reasonably certain that the introduction of " Nabuchodonosor's " name is an anachro- 
nism. Sengelmann {Com., p. 118) also cites a Hebrew work of the second century which gives 
to Nebuchadnezzar the credit of subjugating Nineveh. But the influence that his betrothal 
with the daughter of Cyaxares had on that event was so important, and his name was so 
much more distinguished than that of his father, that such a statement is not to be wondered 
at. This may have been the occasion also for what is said in the present book. 

Other Improbabilities. 

In addition to these historical discrepancies, there have also been urged against the credi- 
bility of the Book of Tobit, and as it would appear justly, certain other improbabilities of the 
narrative. Since these, however, have been for the most part noticed where they occur in 
connection with the following commentary, we need only, with the utmost brevity, refer to 
them here- In chap. ii. 9, Tobit is represented as sleeping in the court of his liouse, instead 
of the house itself, because he had become ceremonially unclean by coming in contact with a 
dead body. But just before (ver. 4), on the same day, by his own admission, he had handled 
this very body, and immediately afterwards returned home and partaken of food, apparently 
without a thought of its impropriety. Again, while lying by the wall in the court, it is said 
that sparrows " muted warm dung into his eyes " (ii. 10), i. e., into both his eyes at the same 
time, and he became blind in consequence. The utter improbability of any such thing tak- 
ing place in this manner needs only to be suggested. Further, in iv. 12, Noah is represented 
as one who married a wife from among his own kindred. The illustration is, to say the least, 
" far-fetched," besides, we have no information from the canonical books of Scripture con- 
cerning whom Noah married. 

Again, there seems to be no good reason for the introduction of Tobit's dog into the nar- 
rative (v. 16 ; xi. 4). To say (with Dereser, Seholz, Com., ad loc.) that it was in order that, 
on the return of the son and his angel guide, the dog might run ahead to announce their com- 
ing, is to say what is quite insufficient, while it lacks the support of the Greek text, accord- 
ing to which it is simply said: & kvwv rnnadty ainwy. It is true tliat the dog was much esteemed 
in Egypt, and often appears on the monuments of that country (cf. Transact., iv. 172 ff.), and 
also, as used for the chase, on those of Assyria (Rawlinson, Ancient Mon., i. 234) and Media 
(idem, ii. 301) ; but the present is the only known instance where a Jew is represented as 
treating a dog with anytliing like familiarity. He was employed by them as a watch for 
guarding flocks (Job xxx. 1; Is. Ivi. 10), but, on the other hand, the term " dog " has 
always been among them an expression of utter contempt, as it still is throughout the East 
(see Van Lenneji, Bible Lands, p. 278). It is a fact worthy of notice that in both the Chal- 
daic and Hebrew (Miinster) texts all mention of the dog is left out. 

Still further, the young Tobias has a remarkable experience with a fish on the first evening 
of his journey (vi. 3). He went down to the river Tigris to bathe, and " a fish leaped out ot 
the water and would have swallowed him. But the angel said unto him, ' Lay hold of the 


fish.' And the young man got possession of (mastered, ixpirnffe) the fish, and drew it to 
land." And in the following verse it is said that the two travellers, after roasting the fish, 
ate it. Did tlicv eat all of it? It is elsewhere said (.\ii. 19) that llie angel only "appeared" 
to eat. And what sort of a fish was it that thought to have made a meal of Tobias but was 
made a meal of by Tobias V And where was the dog during this startling episode ? 

In chap. viii. 9, we read that Raguel, after suffering Tobias — and being all too easily 
persuaded, one might say, considering the circumstances — to marry his daughter, goes out 
and digs a grave with the expectation of burying his son-in-law there without any one's know- 
inff it, except his wife. But he afterwards (ver. 18) allows his servants to fill the grave, who 
would thus learn for what purpose it had been intended. (In the Chaldaic text the account 
is somewhat different.) Had he disposed of the bodies of seven previous sons-in-law in 
this manner? How was it possible for him in such a case to escape an investigation on the 
part of his own brethren, if not of the government of the country? In chap. ix. 1-6, it 
seems to be represented that Raphael, with camels and a servant, made the journey from 
Ecbatana to Rages in Media and returned in two days. The distance between the two 
places must have been nearly or quite two hundred miles, which supposition, moreover, 
agrees well with the statement of Arrian that the army of Alexander required eleven days 
to travel it in one direction. Cf. Rawlinson, Aticient Man., ii. 272 f. Further, in chap. xi. 
7,8, Raphael is said to have counseled Tobias to greet his blind father, on his return, with- 
out any previous preparation, by rubbing the pungent gall of the fish on his eyes. The 
author, in aiming at special picturesqueness here, ceased to be natural. The Syriac fitly 
represents the father as saying in astonishment : " What hast thou done, my son? " The 
conduct of the new-comers was truly sensational in more than one respect. Once more, what 
are we to think of a holy angel, of Raphael's pretended rank, who not only acts in general 
the part of this angel of the book of Tobit, in connection with a simple family history, hut 
tells deliberate falsehood, even on the slightest occasion ? He told Tobias (ver. 6), " I have 
lodged with our brother Gabael; '' he declared to the father (ver. 12): " I am Azarias, son of 
Ananias the great." It is no sufficient justification of such conduct to refer to the sins of 
the patriarchs in this respect, as some have done, since no one attempts to justify these sins, 
much less to hold that angels should take the patriarchs as their examples. To say, with 
Reusch (Com., ad loc.), that since the angel had assumed the character of Azarias, son of 
Ananias, therefore, it was only a natural consequence that he should act accordingly, is 
simply to seek to justify one act of dissimulation by another. 

Doctrinal Teaching. 

A variety of opinions exists respecting the aim of the author in the preparation of his work, 
and it may arise from the fact that no one object was particularly prominent in his mind. 
Cramer's theory seems as well as any to meet the circumstances of the case. He says (Dar- 
stell. d. Moral, etc., p. 14): " In the Book of Tobit, various moral doctrines and truths are in 
the way of example set forth, without one's being in a position to pronounce exactly which 

the leading idea is Only so much can with certainty be affirmed, that Tobias and 

Sarah play the principal part in them. The lea<ling ideas of the book are that righteousness, 
although it may seem to be at the mercy of wickedness, yet, in the end, conquers; that God 
hears the true inward prayer of the afflicted in time of suffering ; and that one may win the 
love of Jehovah by the practice of almsgiving, the burial of the dead, and other pious acts. 
5fet there are so many other moral reflections mi.xed in, that the former often seem to stand 
[in the book] on account of the latter." Our object, under the present head, will be to 
point out certain peculiarities in the doctrinal teaching of the composition with special ref- 
erence to the claim that is made for it to be reckoned among the canonical hooks of Scrip- 

And we will first notice its position with respect to the ministry of angels. This, in gen- 
eral, is its teaching : there are angels good and bad. Among the good are seven of special 
prominence, who stand before God and present to Him the prayers of the saints (xii. 15). 
One of them is Raphael. The same also appear among men, and participate in various 
human activities and events (xii. 12 f.) ; serve as guides on long journeys, in which they 
share with their human companions couch and food, although only in appearance (vi. jpoi!- 
stm); act the part of physicians in prescribing for bodily ailments (iii. 17). Of the evil 
ingels, on the other hand, one is Asmodseus. They seek to injure men, and have power to 


kill tlicm. They are also capable of sexual lust, and have unhallowed intercourse with tha 
daughters of men. But there are special means of exorcising them, which consist, at least 
at times, in certain prepared medicaments which are burnt, the smoke of the same being to 
them unendurable (vi. 7). On smelling this smoke the demons will flee to their desolate 
dwellintr-place in Upper Egypt (viii. 3), where they then may be fast bound by the good 

Now, no one needs to ask the question of a person well acquainted with the teaching of 
the canonical books on these several points, whether the Book of Tobit is in harmony with 
them. Its angelology will at once be recognized as an exagtreration, and, in some respects, a 
total perversion of that of these books. There is nothing, for instance, in the acknowledged 
books of the Bible which, when properly interpreted, can be held to support the view that 
there are just seven holy angels of superior rank, who specially minister before God. The 
passa<;es that are sometimes cited from the Old Testament as showing this (Dan. x. 13 ; 
Ezek. ix. 2; Zech. iii. 9) have obviously not this meaning. And the same may be said of 
the Kew Testament (Rev. i. 4; iv. 5; v. 6), although so sagacious and careful a critic as 
Stuart taught the contrary, adducing, among other grounds in its support, the Book of Tobit, 
" one of the earliest, most simple and attractive of all the apocrypha! books " (Apoc, ii. 17 
£f.). Moreover, this doctrine of an order of archangels, seven in number, is not only not to 
be found in the Bible, but is to be found in a fixed and definite form in Parseeism and the 
later Jewish enlargements and embellishments of the teachings of the Bible. According to 
the Zoroastrian religion, there were seven superior beings who stood around the throne of 
Deity, to each one of whom a distinct name was given. And it is well known that among 
the Jews at the time of Christ, and earlier, there were Cabalists who taught that there were 
seven archangels set over the planets, and that they ruled the world respectively, on the sev- 
eral days of the week. Raphael was the one whose special sphere was the sun. Among the 
Babylonians, too, the number seven was even more in use as a holy number than among the 
Jews, as many instances from the monuments prove. On one, for example, is the following 
so-called " Song of the Seven Spirits ": — 

" Thev are seven I Tliey are seven ! 
In the depths of the ocean they are seven ! 
In the heights of heaven thev are seven ! 
In the ocean stream, in a palace, were they born ! 
Male they are not 1 Female they are not ! 
Wives they have not 1 Children are not bom to them I 
Rule they have not! Government they know not! 
Prayers they hear not ! They are seven ! 
They are seven ! Twice over they are seven ! " 

See Records of the Past, iii. 143, and Transact., ii. 58. The following works and articles 
may be consulted for a fuller presentation of the subject : Rawlinson, Ancient Man., iii. 347; 
Kohut (see Index of Authors) ; Schenkel's Bih. Lex., under " Engel " ; Riehm, Handworterb., ad 
vac; Seuijelmann, Einleit., p. 23 ; Bretscbneider, Si/stemat. DarslelL, p. 187 f . ; Graetz, Ge- 
schichle, ii. (2) 20, 416; Ronsch, Bucli der Juhilaen, p. 489 f. ; Nork, ]>. 383 ; Dillmann, 
Henoch, p. 97; same by Hoffmann, p. 123; Gfrorer, i. 11; Herzog's Real-Encyk., under 
" En^el"; Langen, Judenihum, etc. p. 297 ; Ilgen, Einleit., p. Ixxxiii. ; Stud. u. Krit., 1833, 
pp. 772, 1163; 1839, p. 329. 

According to the Book of Tobit (xii. 15), further, it is one of the duties of these superior 
angels to present to God, in the way of mediation, the prayers of his people. In this respect, 
too, it stands outside the sphere of Biblical teaching among works that are acknowled'.'ed to 
be apocryphal. Some passages from the Scriptures have been cited, indeed (Job xxiii. 33 ; 
Acts X. 4 ; Rev. viii. 3), as having a similar meaning. But in none of these passages is it, 
by any means, taii^ht, that angels are actual intercessors for men. The Book of Tobit has 
taken its coloring, it is clear, from traditional opinions, which are represented in a still more 
definite form in other similar works. The Book of Enoch, for instance (ix. 3), contains the 
following address to certain supposed archangels: " And now, to you, O ye holy ones of 
heaven, the souls of men complain, saying, 'Obtain justice for us with the Most High.' " At 
xl. 6, again. Gabriel is s[ioken of as " petitioning and praying " for those who dwell on earth. 
In the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, in connection with a description of the seven, 
heavens, the writer savs (" Test. Levi," iii.): " In the fifth are the angels of the f)resi'nce ot 
God. wbii Miinister and make propitiator i/ nfferinr/s to the Lnnl." Again, in cliaii. v. of th< 


same Testament an angel is made to say : " I am the angel who intercedes for pardon with 
respect to the nation of Israel." Cf. Fabricius, Codex Pseudep., i. pp. 546, 550. 

Still another peculiar feature of the angelology of the Book of Tobit is the plain intimation 
that anjels may become enamored with women of the human race, and enjoy with them unhal- 
lowed sexual intercourse. There is no other reasonable explanation of the relations said to 
have been sustained to Sarra by Asmodieus. But on what is such an idea based ? It can 
only be based on a false interpretation of the well-known passage in Genesis (vi. 2), where 
the " sons of God " are spoken of as intermarrying with the daughters of men. This view 
was widely accepted, at first, in the synagogue and the church, and may have been shared 
also bv the translators of the Septuagint, since the MSS. are divided between the reading 
viol Ton &eov anil S776\oi t. 0. Two important apocryphal works, in addition to the Book of 
Tobit, contain the teaching, — the Book of Enoi-h, and the Book of the Jubilees, or the 
Little Genesis. It is not necessary to say that in our day there are scarcely any commenta- 
tors of note who o-ive it the least countenance as the real meaning of the passage cited from 
(Jenesis. Again, the canonical Scriptures give no countenance to the views of the Book of 
Tobit (vi. 16) respecting the exorcism of demons. These views, however, are in complete 
harmony with practices which were common among the Jews and other nations before and 
after the time of Christ. On one of the Babylonian monuments occurs a singular instance 
of the use of the magic knot (itoToSeo-^os) for the purpose of exorcising demoniacal spirits. 
The inscription is as follows : — 
" Go, my son! 

Take a woman's linen kerchief, 

Bind it (?) round thy right hand : loose it (?) from the left hand ; 

Knot it with seven knots : do so twice; 

Bind it round the head of the sick man; 

Bind it round his head and feet, like manacles and fetters: 

Sit down (?) on his bed: 

Sprinkle holy water over him : 

The gods will receive his dying spirit." ' 

Many allusions in the New Testament itself show how prevalent the use of extraordinary 
means for exorcism was at that time (Matt. xii. 27; Acts xix. 13, 16). Joscphus, also 
(^Antiq., viii. 2, § 5), gives an account of an instance even more extravagant in some of its 
features than that used against Asmodieus. And Justin Martyr (Dial, cum Tnjph., c. 85) 
puts the inquiry, whether a Jew could exorcise a demon by using the name of the God of 
Abraham. Isaac, and Jacob. That the power exercised so wonderfully by Christ, and before 
and after his ascension by his disciples, over the powers of darkness, was of quite another 
sort, and employed in quite another manner, needs no proof. To none of these instances 
would the term ''exorcise," in its usual signification, be at all applicable. 

A second important particular in which the Book of Tobit separates itself in its doctrinal 
teaching from the canonical Scriptures is the emphasis which it lays on the matter of fasting 
and almsgiving. A careful examination will show that the opinion expressed by Westcott 
(Smith's Bible Did., art. " Tobit ") on this point is somewhat too favorable. He savs: 
" There may be symptoms of a tendency to formal righteousness of works; but as yet the 
works are painted as springing from a living faith. The devotion due to Jerusalem isunited 
with definite acts of charity (i. 6-8), and with the prospect of wider blessings (xiii. 11). The 
giving of alms is not a mere scattering of wealth, but a real service of love (i. 16, 17; ii. 1-7; 
iv. 7, 11, 16), though at times the emphasis which is laid upon the duty is exaggerated (as it 
seems) from the special circumstances in which the writer was placeil (xii. 9; xiv. 10, 11)." 

With respect to fasting, it is well known that among the Jews it was looked upon quite 
ilifferently at tlie time of Christ from what it had been up to the period when the canonical 
books of Scripture were gathered. How much stress the Pharisees laid upon the observance 
is clear from many allusions in the New Testament, and is proved also from other sources. 
Cf. Schiirer, p. 505. Now, the tendency to exaggerate the duty and the merit of fasting 
seems to have begun soon after the cessation of prophecy. Some signs of it, indeed, are 
manifest in the warnings of the later prophets (Is. Iviii. 3-7 ; cf. Zech. vii. 5). But in the 
various apocryphal books, including the present one, it is seen in rapid development. Cf. 

1 See Transact., ii. 54. 


Jud. viii. 6; 2 Esdras vi. 31, ix. 23, x. 4. The writer of Tobit does, it is true, teach that 
prayer is to be united with fasting (xii. 8) ; but the whole tenor of the book shows that this 
prayer, too, in liannony with the spirit of the time, was but another form of the opua npera- 
tum by which it was hoped to win ri;;hteonsness before God. It is the advocacy of fasting as 
a regularly recurring, and in itself meritorious, observance that divides these apocryi)hal teach- 
ings from that of the canonical books. It is the false spirit that breathes in them, and that 
finds its unmistakable utterance at last in the words: "I fast twice in the week; I give 
tithes of all I possess," etc. (Luke xviii. 12). We have, indeed, not to go very far back 
before we find the veritable prototype of this familiar character. Tobit says (i. 3) : " All the 
davs of my life I have walked in righteousness and truth; " " The whole house of Nephthali 
apostatized," but I stood fast (i. 6). " All my brethren partook of the bread of the lieathen," 
but I did not (i. 11, 12). 

But particular emphasis is laid, in our book, on the duty of alrfisgiving. In fact, to such 
an extent is this the case that some critics have regarded it as one of the leading objects 
of the composition to inculcate the duty. Tobit is represented as taking particular credit 
to himself for having given alms so freely (i. 3, 16). He enjoins the same earnestly 
upon his son (iv. 7, 8). He declares that such giving of alms is an ayaSSv, and to be 
ranged with fasting, prayer, and righteousness (xii. 8). He even hoWs that it saves 
from death (iv. 10), purifies from all sin (xii. 9), and imparts the fullness of life (xii. 9; 
xiv. 10, 11). Is this in harmony with the teachings of the canonical Scriptures? No 
doubt, they inculcate the same duty. But do they ascribe to its right performance 
the same relative importance, and especially do they expect from it the same extraor- 
dinary results? The question needs only to be asked. That we do not mistake the 
real purport of these passages from the Book of Tobit will appear when they are examined 
in the original. It teaches that " almsgiving saves from death " (ixeriixoaivrt ix eavirov pvirai) 
"purifies from every sin" (aTToKaSapii'inacTav afiapTiav), and to those practicing it imparts 
" the fullness of life [ol TroioCfTts SiKaiotriiraj irX-riaB-haovTai fojjjs). There can be little doubt that 
the word eivaros is here used in its general sense as denoting the punitive consequences of 
sin ; and so including not only the death of the body, but all other evil effects of transgres- 
sion. This would appear, not only from the well-established meaning which the term had 
already acquired (see Cremer's Lex., ad voc, and Sengelmann, Einleit., p. 33), but also from 
the connection in which it is employed, and the striking contrast into which it is brought 
(xii. 9) with the idea of purification from all sin and the fullness of life. In fact, it would 
have been difficult at that time to have expressed the idea of deliverance from eternal death 
with more exactness or definiteness. It is quite a different thought that rules in such pas- 
sages as Ps. xii. 1-3; Prov. x. 2, xi. 4, xix. 7; Dan. iv. 27; Matt. xxv. 31 ff.; Luke xi. 41, xvi. 
9 ; and many others. In none of them do we find anything that brings any real support to 
the teachintr that " almsgiving /Juri/Te.'i from every sin,^' and rescues one from the destruction 
that sin has caused. It is the teaching alone of the Book of Tobit, with other associated 
apocryphal books (of. Ecclus. iii. 31; xxix. 12), and of that perverse rabbinism which did 
not hesitate to make void the law of God through its traditions. Indeed, it is easy to see 
just where our book steps aside from the safe path. It is where it takes a single and sub- 
ordinate element of a virtue, and exalts it above the virtue in its complete form. This, in 
fact, is characteristic of all heresy {a1p((ns. Cf. Trench, Syn. of the N. T., 1st ser., p. 239). 
The writer of the Book of Tobit exhibits, only in a superior degree, the marks of a tendency 
which ajipears in the translation of the LXX. when they give iKerifuKTwri as the rendering for 
np"T?. They took a part for the whole. He went further, and took almsgiving for Actj^oo-wt), 
— ^the outward act for the inward feeling, — and ended by ascribing to it a power which no 
one .should have dared to give even to righteousness, except in its highest form. As it is, 
we meet already, in this pre-Christian document, the denial in advance of the central truth 
of Christianity: " But if ye walk in the light, as he is in the light, we have fellowship one 
with another, and the blood of Jesus Christ, his Son, cleanseth us from all sin." See 1 

John i. 5. 

Author, Place, and Time of Composition. 

The author of the Book of Tobit was undoubteilly a Jew, as is sufficiently proved by its 

language and spirit. That he wrote in Palestine, however, by no means follows. He is cer- 

Uinly not un.acquainted with the countries with which the Jews after the Captivity wer« 

brought in contact — Egypt, Babylon, and Media. It is indeed most proliable, consid-ring 


especially the form of the narrative throughout, that the opinion of Ewald is correct, who 
holds that the book was wi'itten in the far East. He bases his opinion not only on the 
author's accurate knowledge of the places where the scene of the book is laid, his use of 
proper names then and there common, but also on what he considers the special aim of the 
work itself. (See Geschichte d. Volk. Is., iv. 269.) The same critic dates its orii;in at the 
end of the period of the Persian dominion (victory of Alexander at Issus, B. c. 333). But 
this is evidently too early. Eichhorn could not make up his mind that it was even a proiiuct 
of the pre-Christian era. Hitzig holds that it was written after the capture of Jerusalem by 
the Romans. Graetz, Koliut, and Neubauer refer it to a time when the burial of their dead 
was prohibited to the Jews. There are two such periods known in Jewish history: the first 
at about A. D. 2.50, under the Guebres in Persia, at which time Kohiit fixes the date of the 
composition. But this supposition overlooks the fact that the work is cited by Clement of 
Alexandria. Hence, Graetz and Neubauer decide upon the time of Hadrian, "after the fall 
of the famous fortress of Bether, so valiantly defended by Bar Kokhba. The Talmud men- 
tions in fact that the benediction after meals — ' Blessed be he who is good and doeth good ' 
— was instituted after the dead bodies round Bether were allowed to be buried." (See Neu- 
bauer, The Book of Tobit, p. .xvii.) Hilgenfeld and Vaihinger, with Fabricius and others, 
maintain that it was composed in the first century (b. c.) ; while even Scholz does not accept 
Ewald 's date, but decides for the earlier part of the period of the Grsco-Macedoiiian rule. 

In the mean time, there are certain facts of importance bearing on the question. These 
are, (1.) The composition of such a book as the present one by a Jew, in Greek, or its trans- 
lation into Greek, if it were first written in Hebrew; (2.) its doctrinal bearings, especially the 
form which Judaism here assumes with respect to the outside world, its governments and its 
own hopes. These show a much later origin than that supposed by Ewald. On the other 
hand, there ia no sufEcient reason for fi.xing the date at so late a period as that assigned by 
Hitzitj, or even by Vaihinger and Hilgenfeld, while it might be urged against their view that 
the work bears clear marks of an earlier age. " It is simple in tone. There is wanting in it 
that rhetorical pathos which was, at this later period, so much liked. And its contents are 
not so artificially arranged or composed in a manner to excite wonder, as was the custom of 
the later time." (Fritzsche, Einleil., p. 16.) On these grounds, it seems on the whole 
most likely that the composition had its origin, as the latter critic, Keil, Herzfeld, and others 
suppose, near the close of the Maccabasan wars. 


There is no allusion to the Book of Tobit in the writings of either Philo or Josephus. The 
supposed references of the New Testament, as for example at Matt. vii. 12 (cf. Luke vi. 31), 
2 Cor. viii. 12, to Tobit iv. 16, iv. 9, respectively, are quite too general and uncertain to 
claim attention. It is doubtful whether Polycarp {Ep. ad Phil., x.), in the words : " Elee- 
mosyna de morte liberat," would cite Tob. iv. 10, or Ecclus. xxix. 12 (cf. iii. 30), where es- 
sentially the same expression occurs. The first undisputed citation is that of Clement of 
Alexandria {Strom., vi. 12; see also, ii. 23), who quotes from the Greek text the words of 
Tobit xii. 8 : 'Aya6hv vT\ar(ta ya-ra. wpoaivxhi, and accompanies them with the usual formula of 
citation from Scripture. But as he is the first so is he also the last important writer of the 
Greek church who assigns to it this position; since Origen, however inconsistent his practice 
may have been, rested the authority of the work simply on the usage of the church, declaring 
that the Jews rejected it along with Judith (Ep. ad Afric, xiii.). So also Athanasius, who 
in his formal list reckoned it definitely among the apocryphal books, but still recommended 
its use to those " desirous of being instructed in the rules of piety," and used it himself, and 
at times even as though it possessed canonical authority (see Apol. c. Arian., xi. ; cf. Tobit 
xii. 7). That this was the attitude of the entire ancient Greek church as a body is evident, 
among other reasons, from the fact that in the reaction of modern times it has been niaiu- 
tained by them (cf. Herzog's Real-Encjjk., vii. 268). The work was included in no one of 
the three important catalogues of the Biblical books by Cyril of Jerus.alem, Gregory of Nazi- 
anzus, and Epiphanius respectively. The same is true of the list of Melito of Sardis, and of 
the 8oth of the Apostolical Canons.' 

Apparently, through the African church, where we find Lucifer of Cagliari (f A. D. 371) 
making use of the Old Latin translation of the book, and Augustine (a. d. 354-430) recom- 

1 Cf. Smith's Diet, of ChrUi. Antiq., art. " Apostol. Can;" 


mending it as among the books " received by the church," — i. e., the Latin African church 
— it passed into that of the West. At first, however, it was not received without hesitation, 
Ruffinus (f A. D. 410) classing it among books " ecclesiastical," rather than " canonical," 
while Jerome (a. d. 329-420), as is well known, held it, together with the other apocryphal 
productions which had been added to the Hebrew canon, to be unauthoritative. The influ- 
ence of Augustine, the controversialist, seems, however, to have finally preponderated over 
that of Jerome, the scholar, since the councils of Hippo (a. d. 39.S), of Carthage (a. d. 397), 
and of Carthage (a. d. 419), in all of which he took part, fixed the canon according to his 
list in De Doct. Chr., ii. 8. But, as a matter of fact, the views of Augustine himself were 
far from being clear on the subject. In practice he, too, admitted a distinction between the 
books of the Hebrew canon and the apocryphal (cf. Westcott, Bib. in Ch., p. 187), and was 
no doubt much influenced in his general position by a high regard for the LXX., possibly, 
also, for his spiritual father, Ambrose, who seems to have been a warm admirer of some of 
the apocryphal books, especially of Tobit, whom he calls a prophet. 

In the history of the book, as of the Apocrypha in general, subsequent to the time of Au- 
gustine and Jerome, the influence of both of these fathers is clearly observable, though in 
different directions. While the majority held by the opinion of the former, as sanctioned by 
the early councils, there were not a few writers of note, even up to the time of the council 
of Trent, who as firmly defended, or at least conformed in practice, to that of the latter. An 
African bishop, Junilius (cir. a. d. 550), not only distinguishes the apocryphal from the 
other books of Scripture, but in his list makes no mention of Tobit wJiatever. Gregory the 
Great (f a. d. 604) apologizes for quoting from 1 Mace, and cites Tobit (Horn, in Ezech., 
Ix.) as something which " pier quendam sapientem dicitur." Venerable Bede (f A. D. 735) 
wrote a commentary on Tobit (//( librum B. Patris Tobice explanationis allegoricm de Christo 
et Ecclesia, lib. i.), but did not regard the work as of canonical authority. Nicolaus de Lyra 
(f a. d. 1340), in his Prcsfat. in Libr. I'obice, says: " Veritas scripta in lil>ris canonicis 
prior est tempore quantum ad plura, et diguitate quantum ad omnia, quam sit ilia quEe scri- 
bitur in non canonicis." In more modern times, the history of the book has not been peculiar 
to itself, but, in general, has corresponded with that of the other works of its class. In the 
Anglican church, however, it attained in very early times to an extraordinary position, 
which it holds to this day. Not only was the judgment of Luther and other continental 
Protestant leaders confirmed that it was a work " useful for Christian reading," but it was 
quoted in the Second Book of Homilies as the teaching of " the Holy Ghost in Scripture," 
and several passages were introduced from it into different parts of the Book of Common 


Chapter I. 

1 Book * of the history of Tobit, the son of Tobiel, the son of Ananiel, the S07i of 

2 Aduel, the soti of Gabael." of the seed of Asiel,"* of the tribe of Nephthalim,^ who 
in the time of Enemessarus king of the Assyrians was led captive out of Tliisbe, 

3 which is at the right hand of Cydis of Nephthalim ^ in Galilee above Aser. I To- 
bit walked " all the days of my life in the way of truth and righteousness,' and I did 
many almsdeeds to my brethren, and my nation, who had come together with me 

4 into the land of the Assyrians, to Nineve.* And when I was in my country, in the 
land of Israel, being young,' all the tribe of Nephthalim '■" my father fell from the 
house of Jerusalem, which was chosen out of all the tribes of Israel, that all the 
tribes should sacrifice there, and the temple of the habitation of the jMost High 

5 had been consecrated there, and built " for all ages. And '- all the tribes which 
together revolted, and the house of my father Nephthalim,^^ sacrificed unto the 

6 heifer ^^ Baal. And I alone went often to Jerusalem at the feasts, as it was 
prescribed unto all Israel '° by an everlasting decree, having the first-fruits and 
tenths of increase, with that which was first shorn ; and them gave I for ^^ the altar 

7 to the priests the children of Aaron. The tenth " part of all increase I gave to the 
children of Levi,'" who ministered at Jerusalem ; and the second tenth '^ part I 

8 sold,'-* and went and spent it every year at Jerusalem ; and the third I gave unto 
them to whom it was meet, as Debbora ^ my father's mother had directed,'-- because 

9 I was left an orphan by my father. And '■" when I became -* a man, I married 
10 Anna who was of my kindred,-^ and of her I begat Tobias. And when I was carried 

away captive -" to Nineve, all my brethren and those that were of my nation '-'' did 
11, 12 eat of the bread of the Gentiles; but I kept myself so that I did not eat,-" be- 

13 cause I remembered God with all my soul.-'' And the Most High gave me agreeable- 

14 ness and beauty of form"" before Enemessarus, and"' I was his purveyor. And I 
went into Media, and left in trust with Gabaelus, the brother of Gabrias, at Rages "^ 

15 a city of Media, ten talents of silver. And "" when Enemessarus was dead, Sen- 
nacherim his son reigned in his stead ; and his ways were unstable and I was no more 

1 6 able to "■* go into Media. And in the time of Enemessarus I did many almsdeeds "* 

Ver, 1. — ' A. v. : The book. ^ nrords (marg., arts ; Gr., Xoycuv) of T. son of T. the son of A., Iht son of A. the son 

of G. 3 Asael (as 64. 106. a48 Co. Aid.). ■■ Nephthali. Fritzsche adopts here and in the following verses from 
II. III. 58. and most of the other authorities, N€(fi0aAei/i. 

Ver. 2. — 5 A. v. : Enemesaar [as everywhere] king .... that city which if called properly Nephthali (marg., Eedes 
of Nephthali in Galilee). For 'Ersfietr. the Old Lat. Vulg. Syr. [IF. IIM. and Chald. have " Salmanassar." 

Ver. 3. — •* A. V. : have walked (Gr., eiropevi/iijr). ^ justice {.lunius, ;k,«c). 8 came (better, crvtnropevdelcn, from 
23. 55. 68., etc., with Co. and Aid.) .... to N., into the land of the A. 

Ver. 4. — » A. V. : mine own country .... but young. i» Nephthali. " where the temple of the habitation of 
the Most High was consecrated and built. 

Ver. 5. —12 A. V. : Now. is Nephthali. " For SaniAei 248. Co. have Swii^ti, which the version of 1611 notices 
in the margin, as also the " Bahali deo " of Junius (see Com.). 

Ver. 6. —15 A. V. : But I was ordained unto all the people of Israel (so 23. 58. 64s 243. 248. Co. Aid.). is at. 

Ver. 7. — " A. V. : first tenth (so 64. 106. 243. 248. Co. Aid. and Junius). is sons of Aaron (so Junius). The 
reading 'Aapiii' for Aevi is found only in the less important MSS. (68. 64. 243. 249.)with Co. and Aid. I write " children 
of L." for uniformity ; cf. ver. 6. i» A. V. : another tenth. -« sold away (see Com.). 

Ver. 8. — 21 A. V. ; Debora (so Junius). -- commanded me. 

Ver. 9. —23 A. v. : Furthermore. ^ I was come to the ago of. '■■ of mine own kindred. 

Ver. 10. — =» A. V. : we were .... captives. Fritzsche receives ^jxtLaXwritre^v from III. 44. 62. and others, with Co 
►nd Aid. Cod. n. agrees with the text. rec. in giving [)x^oAuiTi<r«>)(ie>'. •' A. V. 1 kindred (Or., tov yeVovj (xou). 

Ver. 11. — 2a A. V. : myself from eating (see Com.). 29 heart (Gr, i/fuxn)- 

Ver. 13. — 31 A. V. : grace and favor (Junius, gratiam decoremque). 8i so that. 

Ver. 14. — S2 A. V. : Qabael. The Aldiue text has ev a-ypois for ev 'Payois ; A. V. : marg., in the land or country of M 

Ver. 16. — 33 A. V. : Now. s* Sennacherib .... whose etaa^e (Junius, rationes) was troubled that I could not, etc 

Ver. 18. — " A. V. : gave many alma. (Cf . ver. 3.) 



17 to my brethren, mid gave my bread to the hungry, and clothes to the naked ; and if 
I saw any of my nation who had died and been cast behind the wall ' of Nineve, I 

18 buried him. And if tlie king Sennacherim slew '■' any, when he came as fugitive from 
Judiva,^ I buried them privily (fo" in his wrath he killed many) ; and * the bodies 

19 were not found, when they were sought for of the king. And one^ of the Nine- 
vites went and informed the king of me,* that I buried them, and hid myself; and' 
understanding that I was sought for to be put to death, I withdi-ew myself for fear. 

20 And " all my goods were forcibly taken away, neither was there any thing left me, 
'21 besides my wife Anna and my son Tobias. And there passed not fifty ^ days, be- 
fore his two '" sons killed him ; and they fled into the mountains of Ararat.'' And 
Sacherdonus '" his son reigned in his stead ; and he '^ appointed over the whole 
business of accounts of his realm and over the entire administration," Achiacharus, 

22 my brother Anael's son. And Achiacharus interceding •'° for me, I came '* to Nineve. 
But Achiacharus was cupbearer, and keeper of the signet, and steward, and ac- 
countant ; " and Sacherdonus " appointed him to be second in rank ; '^ and he was 
my brother's son. 

Ver. 17. — 1 A. T. : my clothes {as 23. 44. 58. 64. 74. al. Co. Aid.) .... dead, or cast about the walls. The reading iiri 
(.luniii^, ad) for oirio-w is found in III. 23. 64. Aid. Co., but it is obTiously a correction. The A. V. has in the margin 
behind the waits. 

Ver. 18. — - A. V. : Sennacherib [as everj'wherej had slain. For airtKreivev (instead of offeVrewe) Fritzsche citee the 
authority of III. 55. 71. 74. 76. 249. To these II. can be added. The form of the king^s name in II. is always dxilpciA 
(for axTjpei^) the transcriber having, apparently, left off the prefix <r€»', as being the name of a heathen deity. 
3 A. V. : was come, and tied from Judea (Gr., ^KBe tfreuyoic, etc.). * but, 

Ver. 19. — ^ A. V. : when one. « complained of me to the king. ' omits and (8e). 

Ver. 20— " A. v.; Then (Junius, Turn). 

Ver. 21. —5 A. V. : flye and fifty (see Com.). '» two of his. 
"Apopir from in. 23. 58. 64. >2 A. V. : Sarchedonus " who. 
and over all his affairs. 

Ver. 22. — lo A. V. : entreating. " returned. i' Now A. was . 

" Araratb {text. rer. andll.). Fritzsche adopts 
" his father's (as 64. 243. 248. Co. Aid.) accounts, 

. . . overseer of the accounts. " SarchedonuB. 

»o next unto him. Cod. n. with the Syr. supplies uid? before « SeuTcpac. 

Chapter I. 

Ver. 2. Snemessar. See ii. 15. Uudoubt- 
edly Shalmaneser is meant. Whether the pres- 
ent form of the word is a corruption (a.s Grotius 
supposes), or simply another name for the same 
person (as others think), cannot with certainty 
be determined. Kawliuson adopts tiie former 
view. He ^ays ihe first syllable S)uil has been 
dropped (in Abydenus we find Bnpalns.sor for 
Nabopolassar), and the order of the liquids m 
and n reversed. With respect to the historical 
statement of the present verse, the same autlior 
remarl^s that the writer follows the appnrfut nar- 
rative of the Book of Kings (2 Kinfjs xvii. 3-6 ; 
xviii. 9-1 1). See, further, the Introduction to 
the pre.sent book, under "Historical Diflieulties." 
— Thisbe- There was a place of this name in 
Gilead, where the prophet Elijah was born, and, 
for a time, lived. Hence, perhaps, the definite- 
uess of the description in our passage. Winer 
{litdUvorte.ib., ad voc.) and some others maintain 
the identity of the two places. According to 2 
Kings XV. 29 (cf. xvi. 9), the people of this region 
were made cajitives by Tigbith-Pileser. 

Ver. 3. For remarks on aKiiBeta, see 1 Esd. iv. 
40. — ^tKaioavvT} ^= " that relalionship to the 5i/c^ 
which fulfills its claims." See Cremer's Lt:r., ad 
voc. Did many almsdeeds. Cf. with the Greek 
Acts ix. 36. 

Ver. 4. 'HytdtrBri .... tfKoSofi'fidri. The aorist 
is sometimes used in narrative for the pluper- 
fect. See Winer, p. 275 ; Buttmann, pp. 199, 200. 
It is here said that Tobit was a young niiin at the 
time of the falling away of the tribe of Neph- 
thalini from Judah. The Chaldaic text agrees 
wiih this represectation : " And when he was but 
young in the land of Israel, all the tribe of Naph- 

thali rebelled against the kingdom of David, and 
refused to go to Jerusalem." Hence Tobit must 
have been at least two hundred years old at the 
time of the Assyrian captivity. But, according 
to a later statement of the book (xiv. 11), he only 
lived to the age of one hundred and fifty-eight 
years altogether. It might be said that not a 
political, but a spiritual, falling away is meant. 
Still, the explanation can be hardly regarded as 
suflicient. The Vulgate, while using different 
dates, is no less inconsistent. According to it 
Tobit was carried away with the capiives removed 
in the third year of the reign of Hoshea (2 Kings 
xvii. 6). He is represented as knowing of the 
destruction of the temple (Viilg., xiii. 11, 12), 
which took place one hundred and thirty years 
later, while elsewhere (xiv. 2) he is said to have 
reached only the age of one hundred and two years- 

Ver. 5. Tj? BdoA rrj 5ajuaA€i, to the heifer 
Baal, I. e., the idol Baal which was worshipped 
in the form of a heifer. Both the masculine and 
leminine genders are used in the LXX., in speak- 
ing of this deity. 

Ver. 6. This statement that Tobit went alone 
(^6vos' Sin., fjLoyunaros) to Jerusalem to sacrifice 
does not agree with one found at v. 13. — Often. 
Three times a year was prescribed. See Ex. 
xxiii. 17. 

Vers- 7-9. Respecting tithes, see Numb, xviii. 
21, 24-32. On the second tenth, see Dent. xii. 
17 f . ; xiv. 22. — I sold, aTriwpaTt^6/n}v. It was 
sold on account of the difficulty of transportation, 
and so to save expense. This (ireek word is 
said to be nowhere else found — The third. See 
Dent. xiv. 28, 29; xxvi. 12. — Of my kindred. 
It was at that time, and is still, regarded ir ths 



Orient ns praiseworthy to marry among one's own 

Ver. 10. Bread of the Gentiles, i. e., food 
that was foibiddiii by the law of Moses. Cf. 
Judith X. 5; Acts x. 14. 

Ver. 1 1 . ^vvfTTipriaa ttjv ^uxv^ f^ov. Most of 
the old eommentators (as A. V.) hold that the 
substantive simply represents the personal pro- 
noun. But it nii^'ht also be taken in its usual 
sense. It was the soul that needed to be kept ; 
since it was not a matter of eating or not eating, 
in itself considered, but of observing the Mosaic 

Ver. 14. It is not meant that he went on only 
"lie occasion into Media, but that he was accus- 
tomed to go thither {ewopcvSfirii'}. See next verse. 
— Rages. An old city of Meilia, and of consid- 
erable importance. It is twice mentioned in the 
Book of Judith (i. 5, 15, Rdfjau], but nowhere in 
the Hebrew Scriptures. According to Arrian it 
wiis ten days' journey distant from Ecbatana ; 
according to Ptolemy, two thousand furlongs. 

Ver. 15. Ten talents of silver. The Jewish 
talent contained about niiiety-tive English pounds. 
See Ex. xxxviii. 25, 26. — Sennacherim. He 
reigned, according to Rawlinson {Ancient Hon., 
iii. 43), from 2.3-24 years, and was then mur- 
dered. — His ways were unstable. This is to 
i)e understood either of his own conduct or of the 
fate which overtook him. His reign wa.s during 
a stormy |)eriod, and made uncertain through the 
wars which he waged. Our book is wrong in 
representing hira as the sou of Shalmaneser. See 
Introduction, under " Historical Difficulties." 

Vers. 16-18. Some commentators call atten- 
tion to the high Christian standard of Tobit's 
conduct, ** Prope accedebat ad evangelicam perj'ec- 
tionein " (see Grotiiis, Annot. ad loc). But, un- 
fortunately, it was only one part of the Xew 
Testament morality that Tobit seems to have 
recognized. He was certainly ignorant of the 
virtue that lets not the right hand know what 
the left hand does, and so falls, after all, into 
the condemnation of the Pharisee in the para- 
ble. — I buried them privily. It was regarded 

among the .Jews as the greatest disgrace that 
one's body should be left unburied after death. 
(See 1 Kings .xiii. 22; xiv. 11.) — As fugitive. 
'The memorable defeat of Sennacherib before 
the walls of Jerusalem, through the special inter- 
position of divine Providence, is probably referred 
to. It is often noticed by the later Jewish writers. 
See 1 Mace. vii. 41 ; 2 Mace. viii. 19; 3 Mac(t. 
vi. 5 ; ]';cclus. xlviii, 21. Cf. Rawlinson, Jnci'e»( 
Man., ii. 168. 

Ver. 19. Koi (KpiBn"- If this word is made 
dependent on ^Jxt, like Ba-mu, we may suppose a 
hendiadys (flaTrrw Kpu/SSyji') ; or with Eritzsche 
translate : " that I bury them and am concealed," 
^. e., that I am the unknown one who buries them. 

Ver. 21. Oy 5ii)\0oi/ Tifj.fpas {rj^fpai) TreyTTjKOfra. 
This verb is sometimes used with the accusative 
of time in the sense of pass, yu by. But the read- 
ing of riiiipai (II. III. 23. 58. 64.) is sufficiently 
well sujjporteil. — His two sons. They w'cre 
called Adrammfleck and Sharezer. See U.awlin- 
son's Ancient Mon., ii. 169. This author says 
that the murder of Sennacherib " within tifty-five 
[the reading of 23. 58. 64, at Aid.] days " of his 
return to Nineveh is an invention of our book. 
He " did not die till seventeen years after his 
misfortune (B.C. 681)." See 2 Ivings xix. 36. 
Cod. II. has fifty days; the Vulgate, with the 
Old Latin and Chaldaic, forty-five days; HE., 
nineteen ; Outberlct, following Rensch, would un- 
derstand the time after the confiscation of the 
goods of Tutiir, and not after the monarch's re- 
turn from .Tudrea. But we cannot see how that 
helps the matter, as, from the te.xt, it would seem 
that this took place at about the same time with 
the other event. — Sacherdonus = Esarhaddon. 

Ver. 22. The position of the " keeper of the 
signet " was next to that of the king. See Esth. 
iii. 1(1. This part of the history is apparently at 
imitation of that of Joseph, Daniel, and Neh« 
miah. as it respects their elevation to high offiov 
in a foreign state. — 'i,la.S(Ktpos is a late word, 
and not elsewhere found in the LXX., except in 
the present book. There is commonly used with 
this meaning the word avp\ii6s. 

Chapter II. 

1 And when I came ' home again, and my wife Anna was restored unto me, witn 
my son Tobias, at" the feast ^ of Pentecost, which is the holj feast, of the seven 

2 weeks, there was a rich meal prepared for * me. And ^ I sat down to eat. And 
when I saw abimdance of food,'' I said to my son. Go and bring what poor man 
soever thou shalt find out of our brethren, who is mindful of the Lord ; and lo, I 

3 tarry for thee. And ' he came again, and said. Father, one of our nation has been ' 

4 strangled, and cast out ^ in the market-place. And ^" before I had tasted anything," 
I sprang ^- up, and took him up into a room until after ^' the going down of the sun. 

5, 6 And I returned, and washed myself, and ate my bread ^* in heaviness. And I 

called to mind the '^ prophecy of Amos, how '" he said. Your feasts shall be turned 

7 into mourning, and all your mirth into lamentation. And " I wept ; and after the 

Ver. 1. — 1 A. V. : Now .... was come 2 \^^ 3 nein-jjaocnT? before eoprij is omitted in III. 248. Co. Aid. The 
article before the latter word, as in III. 24S. Co. Aid., would matte it iu appositiou with the former. * A. V. : good 
dinner prepared me. With e-yei^^ it was hardly neceasarj- to put the word " prepared '■ in italics, as iu the A. V. 
^ A. v., in the which. 

Vera. 2-7. — ■' -i. V. : meat. ' But. ^ is. For erTpayyaAwfieVos of the text. rec. III. 55. offer corpayyoATjfteVos 
as also II. as a correction j 44. 106. : carpoyyaAnj/itVo?. ^ A. V. ; is cast out. i'> Then (Junius, Turn). ^ of 

any meat, ^ start. 13 omits after (Gr., eus ou eSu, etc.). " Then (Jun., Deinde) .... meat ^^ Remem- 

bering that. " aa. " Therefore. 



8 going down of the sun I went and made a grave, and buried him. And ' my neigh- 
bors mocked me, and said, He is no longer afraid of being ^ put to death for this 
matter ; he has been even a fugitive,^ and yet. lo, he burieth the dead again. 

9 And the same night * I returned from the burial, and slept by the wall of mif 
10 courtyard, being unclean,^ and my face was uncovered ; and I knew not that there 

were sparrows in the wall ; and mine eyes being open, the sparrows muted warm 
dtiny into mine eyes, and white spots ^ came in mine eyes ; and I went to the phy- 
sicians, and' they helped me not; but * Achiacharus nourished* me, until he'* 
went into Elymais. And my wife Anna wove wool in the women's rooms ; ''■ 
and she sent it to its owners and '- they paid her the "* wages, and gave her also 
besides a kid. And when she returned home, it" began to cry ; and '* I said unto 
her. From whence is this kid? It is not stolen, is it? Return '* it to the owners, 
14 for it is not lawful to eat cmy thing that is stolen. But she replied," It was given 
as ■■* a gift more than the wages. And " I did not believe her, and ''" bade her re- 


turn ^' it to the owners ; and I was indignant " at her. But she replied to ^ me. 

Where are thine alms and thy righteous deeds ? 

Behold, aU thy works -* are 

Vers. 8-10. — 1 A. V. : But. ' This man is not yet afraid to be. In 23. 44. 52. 64. 108. Co. Aid. oCtos is inserted 

irfter i^o^etTai (Jun., nnn amptiiis tnetuit iste inierjici). ^ A. V., who lied away. * The same night also. 

* polluted. "^ a whiteness (marg., white jUms\. ' A. V. : but. 8 moreover. ^ did nourish. '*• I. 

Fritzsche has changed cTropeu^p', notwithstanding the authority of the MSS., including II., to ^iropcL^, as "clearly re- 
quired by the context."' Junius has pro/ectus esset^ and remarks, in a foot-note : Stc resCituimus ex conjectura subUzta 
titera una. The Vulg., HM., and Chald. omit the clause. 

Vers. 11-13. — '^ A. V. : did take women's work to do (marg., was hired to spin in the women's rooms). For iv Tois 
yvfaiKcioic, llgen would read epyotq y. (see Com.). ^- A. V. : and when she had sent them home to the owners 

^ ovnts the. " it was in mine house (Gr., ore Se TJAfle trpis ^€) and. " omits and. i^ is it not stolen ? render. 

Ver. 14. — 1" A. V. : replied «/JOn me. ^^ for. i9 Howbeit. 20 but. 21 render. 22 abashed. Fori^pvdptwr 
("became red"), llgen would substitute i)ftl9€vov ("served"), but without sutlicient reason. 23 a. V. ; upon 

** thou and all thy works The Greek is i5oi' yvtutrroi rravTa. fieri cov ; hence the italics ( thy works) are not needed. The 
A. V. has in the margin, " Or, lo all things are known to thee,^^ which rendering is admissible, but does not so well suit 
the context as the other. Junius, Eece spectata sunt omnia apud te ; Old Lat., Ecce guce pateris omnibus nota sunt. 

Chaptee n. 

Ver. 1 . Feast of Pentecost. From tliis 
sage we learn that such a feast was .at this period 
ceK'br;ite<i. The law jirescribed (Lev. xxiii. 11, 
15) that the time sliould be reckoned from " tlie 
morrow after the Sabbath " to the morrow after 
the completion of the seventh mouth, i. e., the 
fiftieth dav. The Jews in foreign lands, subse- 
quent to tlie Captivity, usually devoted two days 
to the feast, although the Law required but one. 
— 'Aferretra. The use of this verb to indicate the 
reclining posture at table is evidence of a later 
date. In the Kew Testament it is not uncom- 
mon. See .lolin xxi. 20. and Winer, p. 23. Cod. 
III. has suiistituted avewavad^-nv. 

Ver. 4. Into a room. It was not in his own 
house, since it would have become thereby un- 
clean, but in some adjoining buiUling. See fol- 
lowing verse. — UntU after the sun had set. 
Cum jam traiisihsit (Jiesft^:itns. Grotius. 

Ver. 6. Prophecy of Amos. See Am. viii. 

Ver. 9. He did not sleep at home, because he 
would have rendered the lionse thereby unclean. 
A person who c;ime in contact with a dead body 
was rendered unclean in consequence for seven 
days. See Numb. xix. 11. But lie must have 
previously touched the body wheti he bore it from 
the street into a room to wait for night. And 
yet he had nut only returned to his liuust;, but had 
eaten in it. Either Tobit or his historian must 
have forgotten himself at this point. 

Ver. 10. SrpovBia. Small birds of any kind 
might be meant, but particularly sparrows. The 
Vulgate renders by hiriindines, and is followed by 
Coverdale's and the Bishops' Bible. The A. V. 

has in the margin : " Or, swallows." It is not 
likely that Tobit would be afflicted, at the same 
time, in both his eyes in this manner; it might, 
indeed, be said to be well-nigh impo-sible. — 
White spots, AfiKtaJ/iora. This Greek word is 
comuionly used to designate the of the 
eyes known as " cataract." But that can scarcely 
be its meaning here. It is likely that what is 
known as " albugo " is meant. Junius renders 
by albiitfities. It is a white, hard flake on the 
eye, which is of greater or less extent, and not 
transparent, and sometimes assumes a bluish ap- 
pearance. Among the remedies used for it is the 
gall of cattle, sheep, and of certain kinds of tish. 
Cf. Fritz,sche, Com., ad loc. — Until he [IJ went 
into Elymais. The reading of the text. rec. is 
looked upon as a corruption, since nothing is said 
elsewhere of this journey of Tobit. See xi. 17. 
Its difficulty may have led some of the secondary 
texts to leave out the allusion entirely, as they 
have done. Elymais was a province on the Per- 
sian Gulf. See 1 Maec. vi 1. 

Ver. 11. 'Epifieuoj means properly (0 ivorlc fir 
wages. It has also a special significance, to imrk 
in wool. See Fritzsche, Jxoinerlin'ef, i. p. 143 ff. 
Schleusner {Lex., ad roc.) translates it by lanam 
traclo. llercser would supply the word fpyois 
after yviraiKfiois. See Textual Notes. 

\e\: 13. On the use of /itj in interrogative, see Winer, p. 511 ; Buttmann, pp. 248, 
250, 255 ff. In this ease Tobit seems inclined to 
believe that the kid had been stolen. It is, how- 
ever, a sad hint, as it respects the character of 
his wife. — K\f>pi^aios (= K\otrtfjia7os). A lat« 
word, and, according to Fritzsche, here first found 

TOBIT. 127 

Cf. Sophocles' Lex., ad roc, who gives citations 
from the Fathers, showing its use. 

Ver. 14. "Was indignant, lit., became red. 
'* Excandesceham adverstis lllam, ad verbnm : san- 
quineo rubore {prie ira) sujf'undebam contra illain.'^ 
Wahl's Clains, ad voc — Where are thine alms ? 
i.e., Where are the good results which might 

have been expected from them if they had been 
])roper]v given. " They nre not to be found." 
" We are in distress." — All thy works are 
known. She means, apparently, th;\t it is easy 
to see from the misfortunes into which he had 
fallen that they amounted to nothing. Cf. Job 
ii. 10. 

Chapter III. 

1, 2 And I being grieved wept/ and in my sorrow prayed, saying, O Lord, thou 
art just, and all thy works and all thy ways are mercy and truth, and thou judgest 

3 truly anJ justly for ever. Remember me, and look on me ; punish - me not accord- 
ing to ' my sins and ignorances, and t/ie sins of my fathers, which they * sinned be- 

4 fore thee ; for they obeyed not tliy commandments. And thou deliveredst ^ us 
for a spoil, and unto captivity, and unto death, and for a proverb of reproach to all 

5 the nations among whom we are dispersed. And now thy many judgments are true 
in that thou dealest ^ with me according to my sins and my fathers' ; because we 

6 have not kept thy commandments, neither have walked in truth before thee. And 
now ' deal with me as seemeth best unto thee. Command " my spirit to be taken 

from me, that I may be dissolved,' and become earth ; for it is proiitable for me to 
die rather than to live, because I have heard false reproaches, and have much sor- 
row. Command therefore that I may now be delivered out of t/iis distress, and go 
into the everlasting place ; turn not thy face away from me. 

7 It came to pass the same day, that in Ecbatana ^^ a city of Media, Sarra ^^ the 

8 daughter of Raguel was also reproached by her father's maids, because that she had 
been married to seven husbands, and AsmodiBus the evil demon killed them '■'- be- 
fore they had lain with her. Art thou not clever,'^ said they, that thou hast 
strangled thine husbands ? Thou hast already had seven, and wast not named " 

9 after any of them. Wherefore dost thou beat us ? '^ If they died,^" go " after 

10 them, let us never see of thee either son or daughter. When she heard these 
things, she was very sorrowful, so that she would '' have strangled herself. And 
she said, I am tlie only daughter of ray father, and if I do this, it will '^ be a re- 

1 1 proach uuto him, and I shall bring his old age with sorrow unto Hades.^" And ^' 
she prayed at '-- the window, and said, Blessed art thou, O Lord, my God, and 
blessed is thy holy and honorable name -^ for ever ; let all thy works praise thee 

12 for ever. And now, O Lord, I have directed ^* min- eyes and my face toward 

13 thee. Command to '^ take me away from the earth, that I may hear no more re- 
14, 15 preach.-" Thou knowest, Lord, that I am pure from all sin with a man,"' and 

that I did uot pollute "" my name, nor the name of my father, in the land of my 
captivity ; I am the only daughter of my father, and there is no son '^ to be his heir, 
neither any near kinsman, nor atiy son of one ^ alive, for whom '^ I may keep my- 

Verfl. 1-5. — I A. V. : Then 1 . . . . did weep. ^ por iKSiKricrni, which Fritzsche adopts from III. 58- 64. and many 
other MSS , the lext. rec. (with II.) has eicSiKn^. ^ A- V. : for {see Com.}. * who have (Gr., a TJ^oprei'; but III. 55. 
64. and pome others with Co. Aid. have o'i ; Junius, qui). ^ wherefore (Codd. II. 44. 106. omit the connective ; Jan., 
quemnbrcm) thou delivered. « thy judgmentsare many and true, deal, etc. (so Junius}. Fritzsche justly strikes 
out the connective before oKriS^vai, with II. III. 23. 44. Aid. ; cf. Co»i. 

Vers. 6,7. — 'A. V.: Now therefore (a very common rendering of Ka\ vvv in the A. V.). ^ and command. 

* iaa,Tg., dismissed, OT delivered. ^^' Kcbacane. " Sara. 

Ver. 8. — 1- A. V. ; whom Asmodeus the evil spirit had killed (Jun., occiderat). The form of this proper name in 11. is 
everywhere Acrfiwfiaus. ^^ A. V. : Dost thou not know. For ov truvtel^, llgen, with Schleusner, thinks nil <rv el? 

should be read '^ A. V. : had already seven husbands (Co. Aid. : cttto avSpasj .... neither wast thou named. Cod. 
II. and the Syr., as well as III. have the reading uivdtrBrii {" been profited '") instead of uivoiidadTji of the text. rec. It b' 
probably to be regarded, however, as a corrupt form of the latter, since the word does not otherwise in this for.*!* 

Vers. 9-13. — " A. V. : us for them. The addition is not in the text, rer., but is found in 23. 44. 52. &4. 71. Co. Aid 
Syr. and Junius. ^'* A. V- ; be dead (died, aneQavav, i. e., a natural death I. ^t go thy ways (only ^afii^e). ** she 

thought to. "shall. » the grave (Gr., eis oSou). ^i Then. '- towanl (Gr., irpbs 77)). See Com. =3 A. V. : 
thine holy and glorious name is blessed and honorable {evKoyvirbi' to oro^a rijs Sofi)? trov to ayiov Kal ei'TtpLov, 63. 243 
248. Co. Aid.). ** Bet (Gr., SeSiuica). ^r. and say {eliriv). We connect with the following as imperative (Command 

lo). Jonius has, IHcens ut itberes. -" A. V. : out of the earth .... the reproach. 

Vera 14,16. — " A. V. : with man. (Cod. II. from the first baud supplies icai before avSpiy, as do also 23 44.52.-58. 
106. ll'S. ^9. Syr., which, however, would make her say quite too much.) -'* that I never polluted. ™ neither hath 
le any child. ^^ of his (Gr., simply, ucos ; Jun., JUius ex eo). -" to whom. 



sell for a wife ; my seven husbands are already dead ; why should I live? And* 
if it please not thee to kill me, command some regard to be had of me, and pity 
taken on - me, that I hear no more reproach. 

16 And ^ the prayers of them both were heard before the glory* of the great 

17 God.^ And Raphael was sent to heal them both, that is, to scale away the white 
spots from ^ Tobit's eyes, and to give Sarra ' the daughter of Eaguel for a wife to 
Tobias the son of Tobit ; and to bind Asmodreus the evil demon ; because she 
fell ' to Tobias by right of inheritance. At the selfsame time Tobit returned,' 
and entered into liis house, and Sarra '" the daughter of Raguel came down from 
her upper chamber. 

Ver. 15. — * A. V. : and why should I live? but, etc. 2 that I should die ... . pity taken of. The text, rec, by 

mistake, placed ^Tjitert before i\eTnrat, instead of before aKovtrai, etc. Walton's Polyglot met the difficulty by rendering 
i\€Ti(rai, Tniseraijilem facere (1). 

Vers. 16, 17. — s A. V. : So. « majesty (Gr., Sofrjs). = God (SeoS is supplied by 64. 243. 248. Co. Aid. Syr. , and 

the Greek Bibles of 1545 (Basle) and 1597 (Frankfort) ; Jun., Dei. « A. V. : whiteness of. ' Sara. ' spirit .... 
belonged. s The selfsame time came Tobit home. ^" Sara. I have written " Asmodseus '■ in this Terse, as every- 
where hereafter, instead of " Asmodeus "' of the A. V. 

Chapter III. 

Ver. 1. As we learn from ver. 17, this prayer 
was uttered in the court of his house, to which 
Tobit seems to h.ave confined himself since the 
burial recorded in the previous chapter. 

Ver. 2. Mercy, eAcTj^oirwoi. This word is 
used elsewhere in the present book as designating 
simply a human virtue, or rather the oniward 
exercise of a human virtue. 

Ver. .3. Mt) ^e fKSiK-niTTts rais a^apriais fiov, 
punish me not on account of my sins. " In a 
iiidiT use the dative of the thing is employed of 
everything in reference to which an action or a state 
comes to pass." See Winer, p- 216, and cf. Rom. 
xi. 20. — 'Ayvoiifiaat, ignorances. See remarks 
at 1 Esd. viii. 75, and cf. Ecclus. xxiii. 2. 

Ver. 5. The trauslation of the A. V., deal with 
me, etc., rests on the reading Tro'i-qaov for iroiriaai, 
which, however, is not to he adopted simply on 
the authority of the Complutensian Polyglot. 
See also ver. .3, which the foimcr reading would 
contradict. Cf. the LXX. at Is. i. 24. 

Ver. 6. For it is profitable for me, SiiSti \v<n- 
TfKfi fiLOi. Cf. Luke xvii. 2, AuffiTf^er auTu; also, 
Ecclus. XX. 9, 13, xxix. 13; Xen., j1/«n., ii. 1,15. 
— Into the everlasting place. Does he mean 
heaven (Luke xvi. 9), the grave (Ecclus. xii. 5), 
or Hades'? Prohiihly the last. See ver. 10; xiii. 
2. But his ideas of the future life can scarcely 
be regarded as in advance of those of ihe Old 
Testament. Cf. Add. to Esth., ii. 7. 

Ver. 7. The same day. The day on which 
Tobit uttered his prayer is meant. — Bcbatana. 
There were two cities of this name in Media : 
one the capital of Northern Media, the other of 
the so-called Media Magna. According to Sir 
H. Hiiwlinson the place here meant was the for- 
mer. See Smith's Bible Did., ad voc. ; Ez. vi. 2 ; 
Judith i. 1. 

Ver. 8. Aamodaeus (iaC7). Cf. Job xxxi. 12. 
(^T^?^.)) "fd Wisd. xviii. 25 (6 oXoOpeiav). Many 
good authorities, however, think ihe word is of 
Persian, rather than Semitic, origin. See Stan- 
Icy, iii. 185; Scheukel's Bib. Lex., ad voc; in 
Riehm's Handwdrterb., an article by Delitzgch ; 

and, particularly, Kohut's work. This personage 
is introduced quite frequently into the Talmud as 
Satan himself. It is here intimated that he 
obtained power over these seven unfortunates 
through their incontinence. But any attempt to 
give the narrative at this point a reasonable ex- 
planation must be abandoned. Some would 
make Asmodteus the demon of impurity, and hold 
that through the fumes of smoke simply the pas- 
sions of Tobias and Sarra were deadened (!); 
others, that the death of the seven unfortunates 
took place by permission of God, and the deliver- 
ance of Tobias from a similar fate through prayer 
and continence. (So Welte, p. 95.) The fumi- 
gation, according to this critic, was merely sym- 
bolical, or was made with reference to the bodily 
appearance of the demon, in which condition the 
smoke would have been to him unendurable. 
And Tobias and Sara? (!) The most probable 
explanation is that the whole story is a fabrica- 
tion, based on the then prevalent belief in demon- 
ology among the Jews, and possibly having refer- 
ence to the so-called " loves of the angels." See 
Gen. vi. 2. — On yeveaBat .... fier' ain^s, cf. 
Susan, ver. 20. 

Ver. 9. If they died, ;'. e., " If they have died 
a natural death, good ! May you follow them ! " 

Ver. 10. Would have strangled herself, 5itt6 
a.-rrdy^a(TSat. The Sinaitic MS. reads ii8e\niTfV 
aTrdy^atrBat ; t)ld. Lat., voliiit laqueo vitam Jinire. 
< )n the force of So-re iu such a construction, see 
Winer, pp. 301, 318 ; Buttmann, p. 244. 

Ver. II. At (or before, Trpds) the window. 
See Dan. vi. 10. The meaning is that she turned 
her face in the direction of Jerusalem. 

Ver. 13. Command to. The mediation of 
angels is implied. 

Ver. 17. Scale away, Aeirfaai. Cf. Acts ix. 18, 
where it is said of Paul that there fell from his 
eyes itrel \€ir(5ej; also, xi. 13 of the present book, 
and 1 Mace. i. 22. — Fell to, ^jri/3aAAti. Lit. 
"falls to," the present being used for the aorisl 
See Winer, p. 267 ; Buttmann, p. 196. Cf. Gen 
XV. 3, 4, and vi. 11, 12, below. 

TOBIT. 129 

Chapter IV. 

1 On that day Tobit remembered the money which he had committed to Gabaelus 

2 in Rages of Media. And he said ' with himself, I have wished for death ; where- 

3 fore do I not call for my son Tobias, that I may inform him - before I die ? And 
having called ^ him, he said, 

J/y son, when I am dead, bury me ; and neglect not thy mother, but honor her 
all the days of thy life, and do that which will ■* please her, and grieve her not. 

4 Remember, my son, that she experienced ^ many dangers for thee, witen ihou wast 

5 in /ler womb ; and when she is dead, bury her by me in one grave. 3Ii/ son, be 
mindful of the Lord our God all thy days, and let not thy will be set * to sin, and ' 
to transgress his commandments ; do uprightly all thy life long, and go not in ' the 

6 ways of unrighteousness. For if thou practice the truth thou shalt be prospered 

7 in all thy works.' And to all them that live justly give alms of thy substance ; 
and when thou givest alms, let not thine eye be envious ; do not '" turn thy 
face from any poor mau,'^ and the face of God shall not be turned away from 

8 thee. If thou hast '^ abundance, give alms accordingly ; if thou have but a little, 

9 be not afraid to give according to that little ; for thou layest up a good treasure 

10 for thyself against the day of necessity. Because that alms doth deliver from 

11 death, and suffereth not to come" into darkness. For alms is a good offering" 

12 unto all that give it, in the sight of the Most High. Beware of every sort of '^ 
whoredom, my son, and above all '^ take a wife of the seed of thy fathers, take " 
not a strange woman as wife who '* is not of thy father's tribe ; for we are children 
of prophets. Noe, Abraam, Isaac, Jacob,''' our fathers from the beginning, — 
remember, my son, that '^ they all married wives of their brethren,-' and were 

13 blessed in their children, and their seed shall inherit the land. And now.-- my 
son, love thy brethren, and turn not away with a proud heart from -^ thy brethren, 
the sous and daughters of thy people, in respect to taking thyself '" a wife of them ; 
for in pride is destruction and much disorder,-^ and in dissoluteness is degradation 

14 and great want ; for dissoluteness-'' is the mother of famine. Let not the wages 
of any man, who '-' hath wrought /b;- /Aee,-" tarry with thee, but give him it out of 
hand ; if ^ thou serve God, he will also repay thee. Be circumspect, my son, in all 

15 things thou doest, and be well bred^" in all thy' conduct. And do ^' that to no mar 
which thou hatest. Drink not wine to make thee drunken ; neither let drunkenne^ 

16 go with thee on^- thy journey. Give of thy bread to the hungry, and of tliy ga. 
ments to them that are naked ; all that thou hast in superfluity give as ^^ alms ; and 

17 let not thine eye be envious, when thou givest alms. Pour out thy bread on the 

18 burial of the just, and give not^^ to the wicked. Seek counsel from every wise man 

19 and despise him not in ^ any counsel that is profitable. And bless the Lord thy 
God on every occasion,^'' and seek from *' him that thy ways may become straight,^' 
and that all thy paths and counsels may prosper, for no nation hath ^' counsel ; but 
the Lord himself giveth all good things, and he humbleth whom he wiU, as he will. 

Vers. 1-4. — ^ A. V. : In that .... Gabael .... and said. ^ signify to him of the money. 3 when he had 

called. * despise not .... shall. ^ saw. This verb opaw, not only means to see, but also to experience . 

Wers. 5-7. — " Cod. II. omit.** Kai before juij ^eA^oT)?. The rendering of the A. V. is pretty strong ; but cf. the Greek at 
1 Tim. V. 11, yafifly Oe^ova-Lv, and Buftmanii, pp. 375, 37t>. ' A. V. : or. 8 follow not, etc. ((.Jr., /iij nopevSjjs TaZ<; 

Wots). " deal truly, thy doings shall prosperously succeed to thee (cf. the Greek). i" neither. Cod. II. supplies 
Kai before firj aTro<rrp€>prti. 11 A. V. : any poor. 

Vers. 8-12 : i- For ujrapxet, instead of vTidp)^0L, may be cited with Fritzsche not only III. 44- 74., but also II. ^^ For 
ia elueXetEtu, II. has edirei iKdeti' {Oldljut,, non pntilur ire in tenelf'as) ^* A. V.: gift (see Com.). The Codd. III. 23. 

65. 74. 76. 236. omit yip at the beginning. w a. V. : all. i» chiefly. " and take (the Codd. III. 68. 64. with 

Co. Aid. have the connective). '* woman to wife, which. *' the children of the prophets, . . Abraham .... 
Jacob; ^o remember .... that our fathers .... erc« that 21 own kindred. 

Vers. 13, 14. —22 A. v.: Now, therefore. =» despise not in thy heart, -'* in no« taking (as 106.). 25 trouble 

(Gr., axoTatrratrta). -" lewdness is decay .... lewdness. -" which. -" wrought for tht-e. The Codd. 64. 

243. 248 , with Co. Old Lat. and Aid., add <roi after Jpydcmrai. =» A. V. : for if {icai is supplied by IH. 65. 53. 64.). 
3° A. V. : be wise (Gr., ladi TrejrcuSeuficVos). 3i conversation (cf. Eph. v. 15). Do. 

Vers. 15-20. — -'^ a. V. : in. ^ and according to thine abundance give (Gr., nav o iav TTcpLo-aeva-i} <rot fl-otet, etc.). 
" but give nothing. 35 Ask counsel of all tkat are wise, and despise not. ^ti jjless .... alway (Qi., iv iravri 

•oipto). 2' desire of. 38 directed. 3^ every nation hath not. 



And now,' my son, remember my commandments, neither let them be blotted 

20 out of thy heart.' And now I make thee aware of ten talents which I entrusted 

21 to Gabaelus ■* the brother ^ of Gabrias at Rages in Media. And fear not, my son, 
that we have become impoverished ; " thou hast much wealth, if thou fear God, and 
depart from all sin, and do that which is pleasing in his sight. 

Ver. 20. — i A. V. : now, therefore. * put (Gr., ^^aAei(|>0v}TW(7ai/). s mind (Gr., Kopfiias). * signify tAu to 

«h«e, that I committed ten talents to Gabael. ^ son (marg., cli. i. 14, tlu brother). ^ are made poor : for. 

Chapter IV. 

Ver. 4. In one grave. Cf. 2 Sam. i. 23. 

Ver. 7. Give alms. The Greek is iroUi i\e- 
rmoavirrfv, lit. do almsdeeds ; but the oonte.xt 
shows that they were meant to take the form of 
gifts. — Thine eye be envious, i. e., penurious, 
sparinr/. Cf. Ecclus. xiv. 9, 10; Matt. xx. 15; 
and ver. 16, below. 

Ver. 10. On the doctrine of this verse and its 
relation to the teachings of the canonical Scrip- 
tures, see Introd., under " Doctrinal Teaching." 

Ver. 1 1 . Offering, Swpoi/. In Matthew we find 
this Greek word used several times for a sacri- 
ficial offering, and in Mark the Hebrew Corban 
(T3"lp) is rendered by the same. In the LXX. 
it is quite frequently used for the latter word, 
as also for nP3!2 (iu thirty-two places), and for 

^^t^. in the Epistle to the Hebrews it is em- 
ployed side by side with dvaia. Hence the trans- 
lation which we have given it, which also seems 
best to agree with the context. 

Ver. 12. A strange woman. A woman of 
another naticm (slc Kz. x, 2 f.), aud here also 
including those nut belonging to the same tribe. 
Noah is reckoned among those who married wives 
" of their own brethren." But where did the 
author learn this facti Nothing is said of it in 

Ver. 13. 'Axpdrns. I render by " dissolute- 
ness," as seems to be required by the context. Its 
literal nieauiiig is *'uselessness." But a useless 
life generally becomes something much worse than 
that. Cf. a passage from Aulus Gellus in Sfepli- 
ens' Thes(nn-u:i, under &xp^to^- Sophocles {Lex., 
ad voc.) would give it here the meaning of "lazi- 

Ver. 14. Tarry with thee, av\i<T6-l]Tu). Lit., 
"remain over night." 

Ver. 15. Drunkenness. Cf. Ezek. xxxix. 
19; Joel i. 5; Hag. i. 6. — On (eV) thy jovirney. 
Fritzsche would refer it to the journey of life. 

But it is to be doubted whether this is the mean- 
ing, since Tobit is addressing his son, who himself 
is about to set out on a journey to Media. 

Ver. 16. Envious. See ver. 7. 

Ver. 17. On the burial of the just, e'lrl rht> 
Taipov TtJov diKaloip- Among the ancient Greeks 
the meal at a burial was called Tii<pos. See Horn., 
//., xxiii. 29; Odys., iii. 309. Cf. Jos., Bel. 
,/ud., ii. 1, § 8. Fritzsche supposes that the cus- 
tom of carrying food to the house of mourning is 
meant — which on account of the presence of a 
corpse had been defiled — that those who were 
present as mourners might not suffer in their 
necessarily prolonged absence from their own 
homes. The force of the injunction would then 
be that Tobias was to bring help and comfort to 
the survivors in the case of the death of the 
righteous. See Schenkel, Bib. Lex., art. " Be- 
grabuiss ; " and cf. Dent. xxvi. 14; Ezek. xxiv. 
17 ; Hos. ix. 4 ; Ep. of Jer. ver. 32. There was 
also a custom common among some nations of 
carrying food in large quantities to the tomb 
of the departed ; and it is not impossible that 
this, rather than the above, is what is referred 
to in our passage. See Ecclus. ,\.\x. 18, in the 
Greek text. The Jews may have adopted this 
cusiuin in .some measure. So Bretschneider on 
Ecclus. XXX. 18. Grotius remarks : " Sepulto ali- 
quu viro bono proxiutos ejus solare missis cibis et vino 
Optimo. Vid. Jer. xvi. 7. Nam upud sepulchra 
e/julari et facere ^oxols iTmaipiovs [convivia parenta- 
lia) mos nonfuit HebriEorum.^' Hitzig agrees with 
the latter statement iu his Commentary on Jere- 
miah, ad lor. Reusch ( Coin., p. 49) maintains that, 
if food was thus carried to the graves of the dead, 
it was intended in no sense for the dead, but for 
the living, especially the poor, quoting Menochiua 
and referring to Calmet as holdins; the same opin- 
ion. — Give not to the wicked, )'. e., at the buria'. 
of the wicked. 

Ver. 2 1 . That we have become impoverished, 
Cf. Judg. vi. 6 ; Ps. xxxiv. 10 ; 2 Cor. viii. 9. 

Chapter V. 

1 And Tobias answered and said to him,' Father, I will do all things which thou hast 

2 commanded me. But how can I receive the money, seeing I know him not ? And 

3 he gave him the handwriting, and said unto him, Seek thee a man who will * go 
with thee, and while I live * I will give him wages ; and go and receive the money 

4, 5 And ° he went to seek a man, and ^ found Raphael, who ' was an angel, and ha 
knew it not.* And he said unto him, Can I go with thee '^ to Rages in Media ? '" and 

Vers. 1-6. — ' A. V. : T. then .... said (as 64. 243. 248. Co. Aid.). ' Then. » which may. « whiles I y«f 

live, and. » Therefore when. 'he. 'that. The article is found before 'Poi*., in III. 23. tk. 243. 24S. Co. Aid 
(we Com,), Junius properly renders, aliquem . . . . R. qui erat angdus. * A. V. : But (Junius, &ed) he knew not 
» Canst thou go with me (so 71. 108. 248. Co. Junius). '» omits in Media. 

TOBIT. 131 

6 knowest thou those places well ? To whom the angel said, I will go with thee, and I 

7 know the way well ; and ^ I have lodged with our brother Gabael. And - Tobias 

8 said unto him, Tarry for me, and I will tell my father.^ And ^ he said unto him, Go, 
and tarry not. And ^ he went in and said to his father, Behold, I have found one 
who * will go with me. And he said, Call him unto me, that I may know of what 

9 tribe he is, and whether he 5e' a trusty man to go with thee. And' he called him, 

10 and he came in, and they saluted one another. And ^ Tobit said unto him. Brother, 

11 shew me of what tribe and family thou art. To whom he said. Dost thou seek for 
a tribe and '" family, or a hired man to go with thy son ? And '^ Tobit said unto 

12 him, I would know, brother, thy race ^' and name. Then he said, I am Azarias, 

13 son^^ of Ananias the great, and of thy brethren. And he said to him," Thou art 
welcome, brother ; and be not '^ angry with me because I inquired ^^ to know thy 
tribe and thy family." And '* thou art my brother of a noble '^ and good stock, for 
I became acquainted with ^ Ananias and Jonathas, the sons of the great Semei,"' 
as we went together to Jerusalem to worship, and offered the first-born, and the 
tenths of the fruits ; and they were not seduced with the error of our brethen ; my 

14 brother, thou art of a good stock. But tell me, what wages shall I give thee ? a 

15 drachma ■■^- a day, and what is needful for thee, as also for my^' son? And,-'' 

16 moreover, if ye return safe and sound,^° I will add something to thy wages. And 
so they agreed.''* And he said " to Tobias, Prepare thyself for the journey, and 
may you have^* a good journey. And his son prepared the things''^ for the jour- 
ney. And'° his father said to him. Go thou with this^' man, and God, who °^ 
dwelleth in heaven, prosper your journey, and his angel ^ keep you company. 
And '^ they went forth both, and the young man's dog with them. 

17 But Anna his mother wept, and said to Tobit, Why hast thou sent away our 

18 son ? Is he not the staff of our hand, in going in and out before us? Add not'^ 

19 money to money; but let it be a ransom for '^ our child. For as the Lord hath 

20 given us enough to live with, this sutiiceth ^ us. And Tobit said ** to her. Take no 

21 care, my sister ; he shall return safe and sound,^^ and thine eyes shall see him. For 
a good *" angel will keep him company, and his journey shall be prosperous, and 

22 he shall return safe and sound.*' And she ceased *- weeping. 

Vers. 6-9. — > A. v.: for(Qr., «aO. 2 Then. ' till I tell my father. Old Lat. (from MSS. Germ, and Reg.), 

donee inlrem, etc. Codd. III. 23. 44. 64. 71. nl. Co. Mi. read (lou. ■■ k. V. : Then. « So. » which. ' Then 

... be (the word iirriv is supplied after jtiotos in lU. 23. 64. 243. 248. 249. Co. Aid.). » So. 

Vers. 10-12. — » A. V. : Then. "> or. " Then. '= kindred. '3 the son (to ytVos is found before 'Af. in 44. 
B8. 64. Co. Aid.) " Then Tobit said (Gr., itai dirtp avr<^ ; Toj^. is added in 23. 44. etc., Co. Aid. Jun. ; air<3, omitted 
in 44. 64. 106. Co. Aid.). ^^ be not now. lo have inquired. '' Fritzsche states, in his critical apparatus, that II. 
(with III. 5.3. 6S. 64.) omits trov after iraTplav. In II. aov is found, but dotted. ^^ a. V. : for. '^ an honest (for 

fcoXTJs, III. 55. 58. 64 71., etc., with Co. AM., have jaeyoAT]?). 20 ttnow (Gr., ^Treyrwcritoc). 21 gons of that great Sa- 
maias. The reading of II. is not (as Fritzsche states), with III., Sefteiov but Sc^e'ou ; text, ree , Se^et ; Old Lat. Setneiee. 

Vers. 14, 15. — '^- A. V. ; wdt thou a drachm. -^ and necessary (53. 64. Co. Aid. omit trot) as .... to my 

own. 21 Yea. 2,-, omits and sound. The Greek word here used {iiyiaivoi^fi} means more than simple safety, and 
may well be rendered by our common expression "safe and sound." 

Ver. 16. — •" A. V. : So they were well pleased (Gr., iv56Kiiaav). The sense obviously is that they accepted each 
other's terms. 27 a. V ; Then said he. 2S Q^d send you (Gr., evoSwfieiijre). It is a glaring fault of the A. V. that 
in such instances it introduces without necessity the name of the divine being. 29 A. V. : And when his son had pre- 

pared aU things. »» o?ni« And. 3i said, Go ... . this. Cod. II., with III. 44. 55. 58. 71., omits toutou. '■ A. V. : 
which. 33 the angel of God (so &4. Co. Mil. and Junius). » So. 

Ver. 18. — ^" A.\ . : Be not greedy to add. For apyiipioc Tcp apyvpi'w ^ij i^^ciffoi, lit. " let not money come to money,*' 
Grotius would read apyiipioi/ apa utw ^T) <i)9d(Tai, jton decuit peruniain prfF/erre JUio. Ilgen would substitute dpyupei'w, 
" money chest," for the third word. But it is probable that the te.xt is correct. 38 A. V : as refuse in respect of (cf. Com.). 

Vers. 19-22. — 37 a. V. ; that which (Gr., ws) the Lord hath given us to live with doth suffice. The margin has : " 80 
long as God hath granted US to live, this is sufficient.'* 38 a. V. : Then said T. 39 jq gafety. « /A* good. 

" safe. *2 Then she made an end of. 

Chapter V. 

Ver. 4. Kaphael. This word, iu the majority 
of MSS., as will be seen, has not the article. The 
sense is : a certain Raphael who was an anqel. (See 
Winer, p. 112,) The meaning of the word " Ra- 
phael" is " divine healer." Afterwards (ver. 12 

Ver. 6. I have lodged witli our brother 
Gabael. Reusch justifies the deception here 
jiracticcd, on the ground that, as he hud assumed, 
as angel, a human character, — that of Azarias, 
the son of Ananias, — in the impersonation of this 

he describes himself iis " Azarias, son of Ananias," I character he was obliqed to speak and act as he 

the first word meaning "Jehovah helps." We 
lave in both words apparent evidence of the in- 
tended symbolical character of the na.rrative. 

did. But this is simply supporting one deception 
by another. 

Ver. 8. There is no analogy to be found in the 



eanoDical books for what is here related, that au 
angel should accompany a man on such a jour- 

Ver. 11. The answer of the angel is not with- 
out point: "You are seeking a servant, — what 
has the matter of family to do with it?" He 
seems reluciaut to utter the untruth which the 
questioning of Tobit at last leads him to do. 
But would the father have been any ready to 
intrust his son to the care of this person, if he 
had known at first what he is afterwards supposril 
to have known ? In that case, it is true, the 
story would have suffered. Some Roman Catho- 
lic coniinentator.s seek to excut^e the supjio-'^ed 
angel's duplicity by referring to the case of Abra- 
ham (Gen. XX. 12 ; xxii. 5). But if the circum- 
stances of the two cases were in other respects 
similar, we could hardly approve of an angel's 
taking a fallible human creature (even though he 
were a patriarch) as example. 

Ver. 1 3. As we went together. For remarks 
I'n the discrepancy of this passage with earlier 
«teclarations of Tobit, see above, i. 6. 

Ver. 14. "Eaonat . . . SiS6vai. Such a con- 
struction would be in Greek a l>arl)arism. Fritzsche 
explains by sup]io>ing that either SiSii^'ai was a slip 
of the pen for StSovs, or that the writer gave ((rofxai 
for tiTToi fioi. — A drachma a day. Among the 
Jews and Romans in the New Testament times, 
the drachma was equal to the denarius, whose 
value was about fifteen cents. 

Ver. 16. And the young man's dog with 
them. It is not so easy to see why the dog is intro- 
duced. It plays no important part in the narra- 
tive. It is not again mentioned until the return 
home (xi. 4). Wherever else the dog is spoken 
of in the Apocryphal books, it is with disrespect 
(cf. Eeclus. xiii. 18; xxvi. 25). It is well known 
that the animal was regarded as unclean by the 
Jews (Is. Ixvi. 3) ; and the terms " dog," " dead 

dog," etc., were often used as epithets of reproach 
or of humility among them. In fact, this feeling 
with respect to dogs has not yet died out in the 
Orient. That the jiresent mention is no more 
than a humorous addition to the story by some 
later hand, it would be easy to credit were there 
any external evidence in its support. According 
to Winer (Heahvorferh.,(idvoc.), dogs were seldom, 
and not till a late jjeriod, kept for pleasure rather 
than use, and then only exceptionally. He refers, 
in addition to the present passage, to Matt. xv. 
27. Cf. ///«f/, xxiii. 173; Of/j/s., xvii. 309. 

Ver. 18. This passage has given great diffi- 
culty to commentators. But adopting the read- 
ing, and giving it the translation above, seems on 
the whole the best. It is supported by Se.ngel- 
maim, Schleusner, Wahl, Fritzsche, and others. 
In translating jrepi'ifTj/ia " refuse " (cf 1 Cor. iv. 
13, "tilth "), the A. V. ailopted the literal mean- 
ing of the word. But it had also sometimes the 
figurative meaning of " ransom," which certainh' 
agrees better with the context. In the LXX. at 
Proverbs xxi. 18, we find rrfpiKaOapfia used to 
render the Hebrew '^^.3, " ransom." " Tradunt 
Siiidas ei alii Grteci lexicograpki sub h. v. : ' Athaii- 
eases ad avertendas publicas calamitates quotannis 
/n mare prcecipitasse hominem sceleratum, qui Posei- 
doni sacn'Jicii loco qfferretur ; hinc apyvpiov .... 
TTfpi^i/Tjfia Tov TTttiSiou i)pLOiv y^voiTo, {quasi) piaculum 
Jiat jilii nostrif i. e., pro servanda Jilii vita abjectum 
et couteintum nobis sit.'" Grimm, A^. T. Lex., ad 
voc. Sophocles {Lex., ad voc.) gives " ransom " as 
the original meaning of the word, referring to the 
present passage ; and " offscouring " as a second- 
ary signification. The A. V. has in the margin : 
•' Gr., Let not money be added, but be the offscouring 
oj* our son." 

Ver. 20. Sister. Like "brother," simply an 
expression of tenderness, of which usage this 
book furnishes several examples. 

Chapter VT. 

1 And as they went on their journey, they came in the evening to the river Ti- 

2 gris, and they lodged there. And ' the young man went down to wash himself, 

3 and ^ a fish leaped out of the river, and would have devoured him. And ^ the 
angel said unto him. Lay hold of * the fish. And the young man mastered the fish 

4 and cast it upon the ^ land. And the angel said to him,^ Open the fish, and take 

5 the heart and the liver and the gall, and put them up safely. And' the young 
man did as the angel commanded him ; and liaving roasted the fish, they ate ' it. 

6 And" tliey both went on their way. till they drew near to P^cbatana." And" the 
young man said to the angel, Brother Azarias, for what is ^'^ the heart and the liver 

7 and the gall of the fish ? And he said unto him, Toiichinq the heart and the liver, if 
a demon " or an evil spirit trouble any one, he " must make a smoke thereof before 

8 the man or the woman, and he will '° be no more " vexed. And as for '" the gall, 
it is good to anoint a man that hath white spots '^ in his eyes, and he shall be 

9, 10 And when they drew '" near to Eages, the angel said to the young man, 

Vers. 2-4. — 'A. v.: And when. 2 omils and. ' Then. « Take (Gr., eiriXagov). ^ laid hold of (Gr, 
■KpaTTjo-e) the fish and drew it to (marg., cast it upon, aLV€$a\ev). " To whom the angel said. 

Vers. .'>-7. — ' A. V. : So. » when they had .... did eat. » then. '" Ecbatane. The o5 of the text, rec, 

«fter;(u!,iB omitted in II. III. 44. 66. 74.,andb.v Frit7.,sche. " Then. " to what use is (Gr., ti to-ni'). " devil 
>* any, we. '^ the pftrty phall. l'^ For jU7j(ce'Ti, II. 55 have ov iitjk. ; 64. S4.3. Aid-, oii fiij cti ; III. 23. 58. 71., ou«T 
n (iij. 

Ver». 8,9. — " A. V. : ^.i/or (St is omitted by 44. 107. .lun.). '» whiteness. " were. 

TOBIT. . 133 

Brother, to-day we shall lodge with Ragiiel, who is thy kinsman ; ' he also hath 

11 a '^ daughter, named Sarra ; ^ I will speak concerning '' her, that she may be given 
thee for a wife, for to thee doth the inheritance ^ of her fall,^ and thou art the only 

1 2 one of her race ; ' and the maid is fair and intelligent.' And now * hear me, 
and I will speak to her father ; and when we return '" from Rages we will celebrate 
the marriage ; for I know that Raguel cannot marry her to another according to 
the law of Moses, or'' he will'- be exposed to '^ death, because it is fitting that 

13 thou shouldst receive the inheritance rather than any other person." Then the 
young man answered the angel, I have heard, brother Azarias, that this maid hath 

14 been given to seven men and that they'^ all died in the marriage chamber. And 
now I am the only son of my father, and I am afraid, lest, if I enter it, I die," 
as also the former ones ; '" for a demon '* loveth her, who '^ hurteth nobody but 
those who approach her. And now I ^° fear lest I die, and bring my father's and 
my mother's life, because of me, to their ^' grave with sorrow ; and -- they have no 

15 other son to bury them. But'^ the angel said unto him. Dost thou not remember 
the precepts which thy father gave thee, that thou shouldst marry a wife of thy 
race '^* ? And now '^ hear me, my brother, for she shall be thy ^^ wife ; and 
make no account " of the evil spirit, for this night "* shall she be given thee in 

16 marriage. And when thou enterest ■'' into the marriage chamber, thou shalt take 
the ashes of incense,^" and shalt lay upon them some of the heart and liver of the 

17 fish, and shalt make a smoke with it. And the demon will" smell it, and flee 
moay, and never come again.'^ But when thou comest ^ to her, rise up both of 
you, and pray to God who is merciful, who will save you, and have pity on you ^*. 
Fear not, for she was '^ appointed unto thee from the beginning ; and thou shalt 
preserve her, and she shall go with thee ; and ^ I suppose that she will ^ bear thee 
children. And °' when Tobias had heard these things, he loved her, and his heart 
was exceedingly attached '' to her. 

Ver. 10. — * A. V. : cousin. - one only. The Codd. III. 23. 58. 64. etc., with Co. Aid., add fioroyen}; to Ovyarnp. 

> A. V. : Sara. 

Ver. 11. — • A. v. : for {we omit kox before ort, with II. III. 23. 55. 58. 64. 71.). ^ for .... right (marg., inher- 
itance). * appertain (Gr., cTripoAAet). ^ seeing thou only art of her kindred ; Junius : quia tu solus es ex genere itlitis. 

Vers. 12, 13. — ^ ^. v. ; wise. ^ now therefore. i^ Cod. II. has uTroarpei/fw^ei/ .... n-oi^o-wfiei' instead of the 

future. '^ A. V. : but; Cod II. substitutes (cai for ^. '^a.V. ; shall. '2 gu^ity Qf_ m the right of inheritance 
doth rather appertain to thee than to any other (cf. the Greek). ^^ who. 

Ver. 14. — '1 A V. : go in unto her, I die. i' as the other before (Gr., oi n-porepoi ; 68. 64. 243. 248. Co. Aid., oi 
npvTtpov), ^s wicked spirit. ^^ which. 20 which come unto her : wherefore I also. ^i the {Gr., auTwc). -2 for. 

Vers. 15, 16. — ^ A. V. : Then. ^ thine own kindred. 25 wherefore (Jun., ergo]. ^ given thee to (Gr., <ro* 

trrai eU yvvaiKa). 27 reckoning. -^ same {Jun., (;>5a) night. 29 ghalt come. ^ perfume. 

Ver. 17. — ^^ A. V. : devil shall. ^^ again any more (Jun., neque amplius). ^ shaltcome. ^ which is ... . 

have pity on yoK and save you. ^5 jg. s" Moreover. 3* shall. ^ Now. S9 gfjectually (marg., vehemently) 
joined Cod. III. has Ke«6AATjTo (for iKoXKijQi)) omitting the following avr^. 

Chapter VI. 

Ver. 1. To the river Tigris. Niueveh, from if it were a fancy, for our Tobias to indulge 'J 
which they started, lay on the Tig:ris. Witliwhat We would have given him credit for more sense 
propriety, then, thi.s stati'ment ■? Fritzsche con- 1 after all his previous travels, 
jectures that ;m arm of the Tigris, Zab, is meant, 1 Ver. 5. Did they eat the whole (i.-ihl .''engel- 
and refers to Xcnophou {.4»a^^., ii. 5) and Herod-jmaun quotes Djile {De Orig. Idol., p. 167) as 
otus (v. 52) in its support. Reusch, however, ' follows : *' Qnem si totuin devorarunt^ videntur sane 
holds that there is no need of such a theory, \'n-\J'aisse homines perquam voraces ac guhsi, saltern 

asmuch as the place wliere they lived may have 
not been directly on the river ; or, if it w<as, that 
they may have left it for a time, and then come 
back to it again 

Vers. 2, 3. This is certainly a remarkable fish ! 
It springs out of the river to catch and swallow 
this young man of marriageable age, and yet is 
caught, apparently with the hands, by this same 

junior ille Tobias, si proitensus iste a/tgelus recet'a 
nil inde comedit, quod exserte de se ipso testatur, xii. 
19." In the Chaldaic text the matter is other- 
wise represented : ** And Tobiyyah ran to the 
river to wasli his feet, and a fish came suddenly 
out of the river, and devoured the young man's 
bread, and the young man cried out. Raphael 
said to him : ' Take the fish, and do not let it j 

young man, and flung ashore. Why should it I And he laid hold of the fish, and drew it to land, 
not be relegated to the collection of other so- 1. ... So Tobiyyah did, and took out the heart 
called " fish stories " ? Welte, whose opinion and the gall, and" roiisted the fish, and ate, and he 
Reusch sanctions, says in explanation (is/c^eiV., I left the remainder on the road." See text in Neu- 
p. 90), that it is only the yonng man's notion that j bauer, xxxv., xxxvi. 

the fish sought to swallow him ; and that it is not Vers. 7, 8. According to the Commentary of 
kt all intimated that the fish could have swallowed Dereser (Scholz), the angel here speaks simply in 
iim. But wjuld it not be a singular fancy, even ' harmony with the ideas of that time. Put it is a 


justification wliioh thev would probablv regard as (Xumb. xxxvi. 6-9), the daughter who was an 
far from sufficient if it were to be more widely heir was obliged to marry within her tribe. Bui 
applied : as, for instance, to what our Saviour i that the father was to be condemned to death in 
Bays of demoniacal possessions. With respect to ! case she did not, is nowhere enjoined, 
the fact that the gall of fishes and of various Ver. 14. This doctrine of the possibility of 
animals was in Persia and Arabia extensively spirits haviuir l)odie^ and senses, and falling in 
used for diseases of the eyes, there is no doubt. ' love with the beautiful daughters of men, was by 
In the Mission's Magazine (Basle, 1837, p. 597) it no nieaus unoimmon even in the early Christian 
is reported by a Mr. Wolf that blindness cau.sed church. Cf. Augustine, iJe Civit. Oei, c. 23. 
by inflammation of the eyes is still often cured in Ver. 15. How the angel, who was not present 
Persia by use of the gall of animals. at the time these words were spoken, came to the 

Ver. 9, Kages. This cannot be the Rages knowledge of thim, it is not said. If it is meant 
mentioned in other parts of the Book of Tobit to be reiircscntcd that it was through his super- 

~ human knowledge, it is singular that the young 

man takes no notice of the fact. 

Ver. 16. On the methods used in his time for 
the exorcism of demons, see the singular account 
of Josephus (Aiitiq., viii. 2, § 5). Cf. also the 
Introduction to the present book, under " Doc- 
trinal Teaching," p. 118, and the various authori- 
ties there cited. 

(i 14; v. 5; vi. 9, 121. Fritzsche thiuks it must 
have been a place in the vicinity of Ecbatana. 
Others (Ilgen) .suppose that the text is corrupt. 
Meanivhile, the difference in the form of the word 
"Payri as here found from the usual "PdyoL is to be 
noticed. The Hebrew (Miinster) and the Chal- 
daic substitute for it Ecbatana. 

Ver. 12. According to the law of Moses 

Chapter VII. 

1 And when he reached Ecbatana, he came to the house of Raguel. And Sarra 
also met him ; and saluted him and he her ; and ' she brought them into the house. 

2 And Eaguel said ^ to Edna his wife. How like is this young man to Tobit my 

3 cousin ! And Raguel asked them. From whence are you, brethren ? And they 

4 said to him,' We are of the sons of Nephthali.^ who are^ captives in Nineve. And ' 
he said to them. Do you know Tobit our kinsman ? And they said, We know him. 

5 And he said to them,' Is he in good health ? And they said, He is both alive, and 

6 in good health ; and Tobias said, He is my father. And " Raguel leaped up, and 

7 kissed him, and wept, and blessed him, and said unto him. Thou art the son of a 
noble and good man. And on hearing ^ that Tobit was blind, he was sorrowful, and 

8 wept. And liheicise Edna his wife and Sarra ^° his daughter wept. Moreover 
they entertained them cheerfully ; and after they had killed a ram of the flock, they 
set an abundance of food " on the table. And Tobias said ^- to Raphael, Brother 
Azarias, speak of those things of which thou didst talk on the way, and let tliis busi- 

9 ness be dispatched. And '' he communicated the matter to " Raguel. And 
10 Raguel said to Tobias, Eat, drink,'^ and be merry.^^ for it is meet that thou 

shouldest marry my daughter. Nevertheless I will declare unto thee the truth 

111 have given my daughter in marriage to seven men, who died in the '' night they 

came in unto her ; nevertheless for the present be merry. And "* Tobias said I will 

12 eat nothing here, tUl we agree and swear cue to another. Arid Raguel said, Take 
her from henceforth according to the law ; '^ moreover ^ thou art her brother -' 
and she is thy sister," and the merciful God will "' give you the highest prosperity.** 

13 And ^ he called his daughter Sarra,-'^ and he took her by the hand, and gave her to 

Ver. 1. — 1 A. V. ; And when they were come to E., they came to the house of R. ; and Sara met them : and after 
that they had saluted one another. The verbs in the iirst two clauses are put in the plural in III. 23. 58. 64. 71. 74., 
etc., with Co. and Aid. The same authorities, in general, have avroZs for ai/ria in the next clause. The Kai before 
Sappa is also omitted by them. The want of clearness in the thought of the last part of the verse has caused consider- 
able variation in the MSS. For the reading aiirbs avrriv, are 55. 108. Syr. ; for auroi ain-^v, III. 23. 68. 64. etc., with Co. 
and Aid. The text. Tec. has avTos avToiis. 

Vers. 2-7. — - A. V. : Then said R. "PoyoviiX is omitted in 11. in. 56. = To whom they said. * Cod. II. has 
here Ne</)0aA€i, although in aU other places Ne^oAetjii. ^ which are. « Then. ' Then said he. ^ xhen (Jun. 
Turn). ^ honest and good man. But (.lun., ffro) when he heard. 

Vers. 8-11. — '" A. V. : Sara. " store of meat. ^- Then said T. " in the way .... So. " with. « and 
drink (so 55. 58. 71. 74. 76. 243. Co. Aid and Jun.). i" make (Gr., ytvov) merry; cf. verse 11. " A. V. : tkat (Gr., 
oirb TTji* vvKTa). A second hand has corrected in II. the word anidi^iTKOv to awf6t^<TK0(rav {with III. 64. 243. Aid.) and 
this Cod. omita the article before n>KTa. '^ A. V. : But (Jun., f«ro) .... another. R. said. Then. 

Ver. 12. — >» A v.: manner (marg, /aw; Gt., rriv Kpiini' , see Com.) '^ ior {&€ ; it is omitted in III. 248. 249. Co.) 
** cousin. '2 thine. 23 omits will. '* good success in all tAi'n^s (Gr., euofiwcrci v^ic ri *toAAi(jTa). See Com. 

Ver. 13. — 2" A. V. : Then. =« Sara ; and she came to her father. We have, with Fritzsche, omitted this adde^ 

tlause, as wanting in most of the better authorities. It is found in 23. 64. 243. 248. Co. Aid. Jun., and the ar«el 
eiblcs of 1545 IBaiile) and 1597 (Frankfort). 



be wife to Tobias, saying, Behold, take her after the law of Moses, and lead her 

14 away to thy father. And he blessed them. And he ^ called Edna his wife, and 

15 took paper, and wrote a covenant ; " and they ^ sealed it. And * they began to eat. 

16 And ^ Raguel called his wife Edna, and said unto her. Sister, prepare the other" 

17 chamber, and bring her into it.' And she did" as he had bidden her, and" 
brought her in thither ; and she wept ; and she received ^^ the tears of her daugh- 

18 ter, and said unto her. Be of good comfort, my chUd ; the Lord of heaven and 
earth give thee joy '' for this thj' sorrow ; be of good comfort, my daughter. 

Ver. 14. — 1 A. v. : omits he. - did write an instrument of covenants (Gr., eypai//e avyypa-fr^i'). 3 he. For 

«<r<^ayi<raTO TI. 55. 108. give the plural, which i.s probably the correct form, and is adopted by Fritzsche. 

Vers. 15, 16. — ■> A. V. : Then (so Jun ; jtai totc, 106; er cj: i7/a Aora, etc., Old Lat. from MSS. Reg. and Germ.). 
* A. V. : After (Postea, Jun.). « another (Gr., to ETcpof; see Com.). ' in thither. 

Ver. 17. — ^ A. v.: Which when she had done. '•* she. ^^ her thither .... received. De Wette renders 

*' wiped away ; " but that, as Fritzsche remarks, would require awe/io^aTo for aireSe^aro. In the margin of the ed. ol 
1611 the alternative rendering is " licked.'' The two Old Latin MSS., Reg. and Germ., read : et extersit lacrymas. 

Ver. 18. — " A.. V. : my daughter .... joy. Instead of X"P*''i l^S. 343. 3i8. Co. Aid. offer xp-pav ; Junius, Imtu 
tiam pro tristitia. 

Chapter VII. 

Ver. 2. Eaguel, "friend of God;" Edna, 
" delight." 

Ver. 5. Tlie Syriac and Vulgate omit what is 
here said with respect to Tobit's health, probably 
on account of his blindness. 

Ver. 6. Raguel's weeping for joy and weeping 
for sorrow follow each other pretty closely. See 
following verse. 

Ver. 7. 'O toO KaXov, etc. The nominative for 
the vocative, as in the classics. Cf. Winer, p. 
182 ; Buttrnann, p. 140. 

Ver. 8. "Edvaaf Kpihv irpoSiTav. This verb 
has obviously here a derived meaning. The He- 
brew word ny^, however, whose first meaning is 
to slaughter, is generally rendered by Bvci and 
Sucnaicii in the LXX. This may have led Bret- 
Schneider to give macto as the original meaning 
of the Greek verb in his Lexicon of the New 
Testament. But in classical Greek the njeauiiig 
to sacrifice is the original. Cf. Lexicons of Gnnini, 
Jiobinson, and others. — Then said Tobias to 
Raphael, .\ccording to the Itala, Vulgate, Chal- 
daic, and Hebrew of Miinster, it is Tobias who 
introduces the subject of a marriage with Sarra. 
But the Greek is not only in much lietter taste, 
but corresponds better with the supposed relation 
of Raphael to the young man. 

Ver. II. "Eojs i.v trriiinfTe koI araOrire trpSs fjLe 
(cf. I Mace. xiii. 38 : oa-a kaTijKa^ev wphs v/ 
«o-T7)K6). The verb may here have the meaning 
of promise: until you have promist-d vie (i. e.. to 
give Sarra as wife), and conjirnted it. Others sup- 
ply auT-i}v with (nfitjrin, and refer aTadrJTe to the 
position which the parents took at the betrothal : 
till yon have placed her and yunrselves stand before 
me. So De Wette, and Buusen's Sibelwerk. 

Ver. 12. Aooording to the law, Kari t^v 
Kpiaiv (cf. ver. 12, Kara riv v6ii.oii M. ; and ver. 13). 
The former expression occurs in the LXX. at 

Neh. viii. 18 (A. V., " according to the manner "). 
It is also found in the LXX. at 2 Chron. xxxv. 

13, as the rendering of l25C*;. Ti KoAAnrra, the 
highest prosperity. The adjective is used ad- 
verbially. Cf. Winer, p. 463 ; Buttmann, p. 82 ff. 
Fritzsche thinks that the figure called brachy- 
logy is employed, and would render : " And the 
merciful God will conduct you well, .and give you 
the highest good (das Sehonste, Deste)." 

Ver. 13. On the L' subject of marriage 
in the Orient and the various ceremonies attend- 
ing it, see an excellent articK' in Smith's fii'6. 
Diet., ad voc. ; and Van Lenuep, Bib. Lands, pp. 

Ver. 14. A covenant, iTuyypa.if>i]v. The con- 
tract was always witnessed and signed. Both the 
Hebrew texts here make mention of the presence 
of witnesses. The Chaldaic runs : " And Reuel 
called Kdnah, his wife, to bring paper to write 
thereon the deed of marriage to his daughter, and 
she did so ; and they wrote the deed, and wit- 
nesses signed it." According to Fritzsche, writ- 
ten marriage contracts are of late date among the 
Jews. He claims that tliis passage is the oldest 
example of such a practice. 

Ver. 16. Til eVepoj- Ta/icroi/. Probably some 
room other than the ordinary one is meant. Sen- 
gelmann takes rafi^iov in the sense of 6<i\a^0Sf 
bridechamber, and thinks that a room different 
from the one which had l)een previously used for 
this purpose was selected. 

Ver. 17. And she wept, i.e., Sarra wept. See 
next clause. The Chaldaic, however, runs : " And 
Ednah embraced her daughter Sarah, and wept, 
saying, My daughter, may the God of heaven 
show Kindness to thee this night, and watch over 
thee, and give thee joy for the sorrow thou hast 
had in time past." See also ad loc., our transla- 
tion of text B. as found below. 

Chapter VIII. 

1, 2 And when they had supped, they brought Tobias in unto her. And as he 
went, he remembered the words of Raphael, and took the ashes of the incense,' and 

Vers. 2. 

' A. V. : perfumes. 



put the heart and the liver of the fish thereon,^ and ^ made a smoke therewith. 

3 And when the demon smelled the stench,' he fled into * the upper parts ^ of Egypt, 

4 and the angel bound him. And when * they were both shut in together, Tobias 
rose from the bed, and said. Sister, arise, and let us pray that the Lord may ' have 

5 pity on us. And Tobias began * to say, Blessed art thou, O God of our fathers, 
and blessed is thy holy and glorious name forever ; let the heavens bless thee, and 

6 all thy creatures. Thou madest Adam, and gavest him Eve his wife for a helper 
aiid stay ; from them sprang the race of men.^ Thou hast said. It is not good 

7 that man should be alone ; let us make for " him a helper " like unto himself. 
And now, O Lord, I take not this my sister for lust, but uprightly ; let me find 

8, 9 mercy and with her reach old age.'^ And she said with hhn, Amen. And '^ 

they slept both through the night.''' 
10 And Raguel arose, and went and made a grave, saying. This one also, is most 
11, 12 likely'^ dead. And Raguel went ''* into his house, and" said unto his wife 

Edna, Send one of the maids, and let her see '* whether he be alive ; and '' if he be 

13 not, that we may bury him, and no man know it. And -° the maid opened the door, 

14 and went in, and found them both asleep. And she^' came forth and told them that 

15 he was alive. And'-'* Eaguel praised God, and said, O God, thou art worthy to be 
praised with all pure and holy praise ; and ^' let thy saints praise thee with all thy 

16 creatures ; and let all -* thine angels and thine elect praise thee for ever. Thou art 
to be praised, for thou hast made me joyful ; and it has not happened to me as I sus- 

17 pected ; but thou hast dealt with us ^ according to thy great mercy. Thou art to be 

18 praised because thou hast had mercy on two only-begotten children."^ Grant them 
mercy, Lord, and finish their lite in health with joy and mercy. And he 

19 bade his servants fill'" the grave. And he made for them a-* wedding feast of ^ 

20 fourteen days. And ^ before the days of the wedding '^ were finished, Raguel said ^'^ 
unto him by an oath, that lie should not depart till the fourteen days of the wed- 

21 ding '' were expired ; and that then he should take half his goods, and go in health ^ 
to his father : and the rest ^* when I and my wife are ^ dead. 

. Vers. 2, 3. —1 A. V. : thereupon. " The ical before UiTrvurtv is omitted in III. 64. ^3. Aid. » A. V. : The which 
imell when the evil spirit had smelled. * After ef^v-yei' e«i>s is inserted before €ts by III. 58. ^ A. V. : utmost 
parts (Gr., rd ofuiTaTa). 

Vers. 4-6. — « A. V. : And after that. ■ out of the bed ... . that God (©eot, 23. 71. 74. 76. 108. 236.) would. 

* Then began T. ^ of them came mankind (Gr , eic Tovrtuv ^eyrfdri to av^puininv trniptia). '" unto. " an aid 

(the same word in the Greek is rendered " helper "' in the previous verse). 

Vers. 7-11. — ^2 a. V. : therefore mercifully ordain that we may become aged together (Gr., iirlTa$ov iXerjirai ^€, etc.) 
I have rendered freely, but this seems to be the force of iTTiTdaatu here. '^ So. " that (Gr., rijr yvxra) night, 

I'* I fear lest he also (Gr., /it») Ka't oJto?) be. ^^ But when R. was come. *' he. 

Ver. 12. — 1« The reading IShujaav, of the text. rec. (also of II.) is found as iSerw in 108. 236. 248. Co., and as yviartA 
in III. 58. 64. and others, both of which latter are doubtless corrections, although the plural was first written through 
oversight, the last word, and not ^cai*, having been in mind. ^^ A. V. otrtits and. 

Vers. 13-17. — -" A. V. : So. -i omits she. "- Then. ^ therefore (Gr., Kal). 24 The icai before Troi'Te? is 
omitted by II. 55. 74. -^ A V. : that is not come to me which (Gr., ovk iytvfT6 ti-oi KoButs) .... hast dealt with me 
(Gr., |Li60' ijfi.uii'). 26 Qf two that were the only-begotten children of their fathers. 

Vera. 18-21. —2: A. V. : Then Raguel .... to fill. 2a he kept the (Gr., imiriirev aiinw yai±oy). 29 omits of 

"0 For (Gr., Kal). si marriage. ^- R. had said. ^ and then .... the half of .... in safety. ^ should have 
the rest. 35 be. 

Chapter VIII. 

Ver. 2. The ashes of the incense (A. V. ; 
" pcrfumt'S "). The article is lu-re used, thou}:h 
not ill vi. 16. The OrientuLs make great use of 
perfumes. Tlie Hebrews emjiloyed for this pur- 
pose spices imported from Arabia, or aromatic 
plants which grew in Palestine, These plants 
were sometimes worn in their natural state about 
the person (CiUit. i. 13) ; or boiled down, and 
aiixed with oil {.John xii. 3) ; or reduced to a 
powder, which mipht be carried in a smelling 
bottle (Is. iii. 24) ; or used for fumigation (Cant. 
iii. 0). Cf. Smith's Bib. Did., art. ' Perfumes." 
The object in the present case, however, was luit 
to make a plcasiint impression on the deiiiou, but 
a di»iigreeable one. It is better, therefore, to 
transhue BuniafjLaTuv incense. A fesirful smell 
must indeed have been caused by burning the 

h.alf-deeayed heart and liver of the fish in the 
manner described. The wonder is that it did not 
drive the young Tobias and his bride away, as 
well as the demon ! 

Ver. 3. Upper parts »f Egypt. This piace 
is mentioned because, on account of its desolate- 
ness, it was supposed to be the peculiar resort of 
the demoniacal powers. Cf. Matt. xii. 43 ; Rev. 
xviii. 2, with the introduction to the present book 
by Sengelmiinn, sect. 3. But whiit is to be under- 
stood by the binding? Welte {Eitileil., p. 94) 
says it is not to be taken literally ; that the limita- 
tion of his power over Tobias alone is meant tij 
be inilicated. But Krirzseiie properly character- 
izes this ojiinioji of Welte as arbitrarines.s 
Undoubtedly, llie bindiie.:' is to be taken literally 
as much as the remaining portion ot' llie narrft 



live. Some Roman Catholic commentators, how- 
ever, regard the whole transaction as symbolical, 
or consider the outward means used for tiie ex- 
orcism simply as a medium for the exercise of 
snpernatural power on the part of the angel, and 
as having no special virtue in and of themselves. 
It is represented in the Vulijate that the angel 
made the passage through the air, from Ecbataua 
to Upper Egypt, wiih the demon, in one night, 
and bound him there so fast that he was never 
more able to le ive the region. According to 
HM. and the Chaldaic the smoke was made 
" under Sarah's garments," which would seem to 
carry the idea that the demon was wholly invisi- 

Vers. 5-9. The relation between husband and 
wife, as here represented, is worthy of attention 
as indicating tlie general views of the period 
among the Jews touching this subject. Cramer 
says, that the description of the mutual relation 
of husband and wife in our boolj appears to be 
based on the principle that the marriage relation 
was to be inspired more by a pure, sincere, and 
hearty brotherly and sisterly affection than by 
mere sexual passion ; that often Tobias is named 
the brother of his wife, and Sara the sister of her 
husband. See Moral der Apoc, p. 194 f. But 
it is also to be remembered that these words 
" brother" and "sister " were favorite expressions 
of endearment in other relationships as well, and 
that in the case before us the exigencies of the 
story demanded a more than ordinary control of 
the sexual impulse, and, at the same time, would 
naturally require unusual expressions of attach- 
ment from persons so peculiarly situated. In 
another part of the book (ii. 12-14) we find that 
there were also at that time at least some ex- 
ceptions to the general prevalence of domestic 

Ver. 8. And she said with him, Amen. It was 
the custom in the early Christian church also, in 

public prayer, for all those assembled to unite in 
the closing Amen. 

Ver. 9. Arose, and went and made a grave 
The account of Raguel's conduct with respect to 
the grave here, and in verse 18, has a suspicious 
appearance. Had he buried the seven unfortu- 
nate previous husbands in this clandestine man- 
ner f He does not wish that any man should 
know it, if he is obliged to bury Tobias in the 
grave that he has made. Yet he allows the ser- 
vants to fill it up, and they must have known for 
what it was intended. Cf. art. " Burial " in 
Smith's Bib. Diet. In the Chaldaic the matter is 
somewhat differently represented : ■' Now it came 
to pass in the middle of the night that Reuel 
arose, and bade his servants dig a grave in the 
night, saying to them, ' If the young man die, we 
will bury him in the night, so that no man know 
it, and there will be no reproach to us.* .... 
Then his servants came, and he said to them, 
' Cover the grave before any man perceive it.'" 

Ver. 19. Made for them a wedding feaat of 
fourteen days, i.e., double the usual time. Cf. 
Gen. xxix. 27 ; Judg. xiv. 12 ; and xi. 19 of the 
present book. 

Ver. 20. Before the days of the marriage 
were finished. It would seem from ix. 1-6 to have 
been near the beixiiuiing of the marriage festival. 
— Mtj f^f\6elv. The infinitive involves the idea 
of permission. lie would not be permitted to 
depart. Cf. Phil. iii. 16, and Winer, p. 316. So 
Buttmann, p. 273 : '* And that consequently the 
simple infinitive often includes the ide.a of obli'ja' 
tion, nect-ssift/, permission. This is especially the 
case after such predicates as contain a wish, re- 
quest, or summons," etc. This usage is well 
known in classic Greek. 

Ver. 21. When I and my wife are dead. 
The change from the direct to the indirect address 
is also common in the classics and the New Testa- 
ment. See Winer, pp. 545, 379 ; Buttmann, p. 385. 

Chapter IX. 

1, 2 And^ Tobias called Raphael, and said unto him, Brother Azarias. take with 
thee a servant, and two camels, and go to Rages of Media to Gabael, and bring me 

3 the money, and bring him to me '^ to the wedding, for Raguel hath sworn that 1 

4 shall not depart. And ' my father counteth the days ; and if I tarry long, he will 

5 be sorely distressed.^ And ^ Raphael went on his way," and lodged with Gabael, 
and gave him the written document ; ' and he ' brought forth the ' bags which were 

6 sealed up, and gave them to him. And early in the morning they went forth to- 
gether," and came to the wedding. And Tobias blessed '^ hia wife. 

Vers. 1, 2. — ' A. V. : Then. > omits to me. The pronoun is wanting in m. 23. 55. 58. 64. 60. Aid. Old Lat. 

Ver8.4,5.— 3 A. V. : But. » very sorry (Or., oSuvTiSijo-eToiAioi'). For jieya (after x/x»"'<n<i " tarry long,") 58. 61. 
71. 108. 236. 243. 248. 249. Co. Aid. have (leyiAus. See Cojn. 6 a. V. : So. » out (Gr., lirofineri). ' handwriting 
{lit. something written with the hand). s who. ^ o/nits the. 

Ver. 6. '" A. V. : both together (Gr., simply <toii'i;s). n For tvAoyriirt 23. Tl. 74. 76. 108. have »|vSoio)irev [was welt 
pleased with) which is doubtless a gloss, but gives the real meaning of the former word. Of. Com. The Old Latin 
omits this clause, but adds considerable new matter as follows : " Et invenit Gabelus Thobiam discumbentem : et ex- 
silivit, et ealutavit, et osculatus est eum ; et lacrymatus est Gabelua, et benedixit Deum, dicens : Benedictus Dominua 
qui dedit tibi pacem, bone et optime vir, quoniam boni et optimi et justi viri, eleemosynas facientis, filius es : et bene. 
lictns tn, fill. Det tibi benedictionem Dominus caeli, et uxori tuse, et patri et matri uxoris tuse : et benedictus Deu^ 
laonivn video Thobi consubrini mei similem.-' Cf. the translation of the Sin. 413 which follows. 


Chapter IX. 

Ver. 2. TlopeidriTi iv 'Vayois. We have ev for ] well as the jilural, of this adjective, in place of th« 
(is. fSee Winer, p. 413 f. ; Buttmanu, p. ,3.'i.3. — adverb fxiyaKwi, occurs also in classical Greek. 
The distance was two hundred miles. But one , Ver. 6. And Tobias blessed his ^dfe. Most 
receives the impression from the narrative that it ' commentators think tlie text is corrupt. Some 
was made by the angel in one day, and that on find in fuK6yria-e the idea of eljXoxos, and translate 
the following diiy he returned with Gabael. And, , by gruvidam fecit. (BadwcU and the Geneva ver- 
even supposing that several days elapsed, they.sion.) Others would read /ta! euAiJ77)(7€ Taifliai/ ital 
could not have been many, as it is evident the [ ttjc 7ui'aTKa outoi', /.e., Gabael blessed Tobias and 
journey was made well within the time allotted to i his wife. This was a conjecture of Junius (" Et 
the marriage festival. The Old Latin (v. H) 'beuedtxit { Gebahliel) Tobijie tt itxori ejus ''), Avd ia 
distinctly designates the journey as one of two [ found in the margin of the version of 1611. It is 

days : '* Et est iter bidui ex Balhanis, us(/ne Rages 
civitiitem Pfiagar, qiioe posita est in monte." The 
Vulgate at this point has seemed to think it neces- 
sary that Toliias should recognize the value of 
his guide's services thus far, and adds: " Were I 
to make myself your slave, I could not sufficiently 
repay your care for me." But is not the young 
man wanting in ordinary discrimination not to 
see in his attendant something more than a mere 
man ? 

Ver. 4. Me'-yo, long. The neuter singular, as 

an interesting fact that this particular word in the 
later Greek had the technical mciining of " to 
marry," as used of the priest who performed the 
ceremony. Cf. Sophocles' Lex., ad voc. The ren- 
dering we find in the A. V., however, is perhaps 
best in harmony with the context, if the expres- 
sion is considered as a sort of conclusion to the 
wedding festivities. Tobias felt happy in the 
possession of such a wife, and gave a correspond- 
ing expression to his feelings. 

Chapter X. 

1 And ' Tobit his father counted every day. And when the days for ^ the journey 

2 had ' expired, and he * came not, he ^ said. Are they perhaps ^ detained ? or is Ga- 

3 bael pos.sibly ' dead, and there is no man to give him the money ? And he was very 

4 sorrowful.* But^ his wife said to him, The child ^° is dead, since he stayeth 

5 40 long." And she began to bewaU him, and said, Thou art a source of care to 

6 me,'^ nit/ son, because '* I have let thee go, the light of mine eyes. And Tobit said 

7 to her," Hold thy peace, take no care, /or he is safe. And she said to him, '° Hold 
thy peace, and deceive me not ; my son is dead. And she went out every day into 
the way which he departed,^^ and did eat no food in ^' the day-time, and ceased not 
nights '■' to bewail her son Tobias, until the fourteen days of the wedding were ex- 
pired, which Raguel had sworn that he should spend there. 

But '^ Tobias said to Raguel, Let me go, for my father and my mother look no 

8 more to .see me. But his father-in-law said unto him. Tarry with me. and I will 
send to thy father, and they shall make knovni ^ unto him how t/iings go with thee. 

9, 10 And -^ Tobias said, Let *- me go to my father. And '^ Raguel arose, and gave 

11 him Sarra -'' his wife, and half /lis goods, servants, and cattle, and money ; and he 
blessed them, and sent them away, saying. The God of heaven give you a blessing 

12 before I die,'-*^ tny children. And he said to his daughter. Honor thy father and thy 
mother-in-law, who '^* are now thy parents, that 1 may hear good report of thee. 
And he kissed her. Edna also said to Tobias, The Lord of heaven bring thee back ^ 

Ver. 1. — »A. V.:Now. 2 of. 3 were. « they. For eAoyio-oTo — iqpxero III. 23. 55. 53. 64. and some others 

with Co. and Aid. have eAoyt^ero — ripj^otno. 

Ver. 2. — f-A. v.: r/if;i Tobit {so 68., etc., with Co. Aid.). ^ omits perhaps (Or., firinore KaTe<rx^vTai, the latter 
word being a conjecture of Ilgen, is adopted by Fritzsche — Old Lat., nvrnquid detentus est Thobias — for Ka-rxiaxviTat. ; 
gee Com.). ^ omits possibly. 

Vers. 3-5. — » A. V. : Therefore he was very sorry. ® Then. " My son (Gr., to TraiSio*-). ^^ seeing (Or 

SioTi ; oTi, 248, Co.) he stayeth long. '2 Now I care for nothing. We have adopted, with Fritzsche, the suggestion 

of DruBius, ffii ^e'Aet (for ov fif'AeO- Sengelmann would read ol for ou ; Vulg., heu. Cf. Com. ^^ A. V. : since. 

Vers. 6-8. — '* A. V. : To whom T. said (.lun., cui dixit Tobit). " But she said. *• they went. '* meat on. 

'• whole nights. In III. 64. 108. 243. 248. Co. and Aid. oAos is found after viK-raq ; Old I^t. tola nottr, and adds ft non 
dormiebal. » A. V. : Then. ^ his (aixcj is added by III. 23. 56. 68. 64. 74. at. Co. Aid.) father-in-l,aw .... declare. 

Ver. 9. — « A. V. : But. 2" No ; but let. Cod. II. (as a correction) ns well as III. 23. 66. 64. 71. with Co. and Aid 
have ouxi before i^an6<rT. (Co. and Aid. also iAAa), but it seems better, with Fritzsche, to reject both as later additions 

Vers. 10-12. — 23 a. V : Then (Or., 5«). "^ Sara. 25 a prosperous journey (Gr., EvoSuJa-ei, but, as the contex* 
shows, not to be literally rendered) ; omitt *' before 1 die," and adds it improperly in ver. 12. ^ A. V. : which 
" iwtore thM. 



my dear brother, and grant that I may see thy childreD of my daughter Sarra,' 
that I may rejoice before the Lord. And '^ behold, I commit my daughter unto 
thee in trust ; ' do not treat her ill.^ 

Ver. 12. — 1 A. V. : Sara before I die (aee preceding verse). ^ ,yjjiits and. ' of special trust (Gr., ec 7TopaAcaTa5^*c7j). 
• wherefore do not entreat her evil. Fritzsche properly removes the ko.C before ^i} Auff^o^js, with II. III. 23. 56. 53. 71. 
74. 76. 236. 249. 

Chapter X. 

Ver. 1. ^'EXoylaaro iKaaTqs TjfjLepas, counted 
every day. See ix. 4 ; aud for this use of the 
genitive, Winer, p. 207, 

Ver. 2. MTJTTOTe KaTeaxV^"'- -^^e they perhaps 
detained P This is the translation of the Old 
T.,atin, except in the use of the j)lural ; Numquid 
(Ifieittiis fst Thobids? U^en therefore suggested 
the reading KaxeVxi^'Tai for KaTTJffxufrat, and 
Fritzsche adopts the same. But the latter word 
would also give a good sense : Have tkei/ perhaps 
been disappointed ? Cf . the LXX. at Jer. ii. 36 
and Job vi. 20, where this verb is used to translate 
t'^3. Grotius : " Ati elusa eorum spes per Ga- 
baeiis heredes." On the use of ^^jirore as an inter- 
rogative particle, cf. John vii 26 ; Luke iii. 15. 

Ver. 5. Dgen and Dereser, following the text, 
rec., translate : " I have not mvself to accuse 
that," !. e., it was the father, not the mother, who 

had sent oS the son ; and he was therefore the 
cause of the supposed bereavement. 

Ver. 7. Did eat no food. An obvious hyper- 

V^er. 11. Servants, (Tii/iara. Cf. Greek at 
Gen. xxxvi. 6 ; 2 Mace. viii. 11; Rev. xviii. 13. 
This Greek word is also used by the classic poets 
and by Xenophon to denote persons. See Cremer, 
ad I'oc. 

Ver. 12 The blessing referred to is probably 
the gift of children. Some, indeed, construe 
TfKva in the accusative after evoSaxret, " bless you 
with children." The future is here, as not infre- 
quently, used for the optative. Cf. Buttmann, 
p. 218. — Kal Sc^Ti, and grant. One of the rare 
inflections of verbs in ^i. It is for Soltj, optative 
second aorist. Cf . Rom. xv. 5 ; 2 Tim. i. 16, 18 ; 
and see Winer, p. 78 ; Buttmann, p. 46. 

Chapter XI. 

1 After these thinffs Tobias also went his way,* praising Gtod that he had given 
him a prosperous journey, and blessed Raguel and Edna his wife. And he went 

2 on his way'-' till they drew near unto Nineve. And Raphael said to Tobias, Knowest 

3 thou not, brother, how thou didst leave thy father?^ Let us haste before thy wife, 

4 and prepare the house, and have at hand * the gall of the fish. And they went their 

5 way,* and the dog went after " them. And ' Anna sat looking about towards the way 

6 for her son. And when she espied him coming, she said to his father. Behold, my ' 

7 son Cometh, and the man that went with him. And Raphael said,* I know *" that 

8 thy father will open his eyes; therefore" anoint thou his eyes with the gall, and 
being pricked therewith, he wOl *' rub, and the white spots will *^ fall away, and he 

9 wiU " see thee. And Anna ran up,'^ and fell upon the neck of her sou, and said 

10 unto him, I ^° have seen thee, my son, from henceforth I am content to die. And 

1 1 they wept both. Tobit also went forth toward the door, and stumbled. But his 
son ran unto him, and took hold of his father ; and he sprinkled *' the gaU on his 

12 father's eyes, saying. Be of good hope,'* my father. And when his eyes began to 

13 smart, he rubbed them; and the white spots scaled oflF" from the corners of 

14 his eyes; and on seeing his son, he fell upon his neck, and*' wept, and said, 
Blessed art thou, O God, and blessed is thy name for ever, and blessed are all 

15 thy holy angels, for thou hast scourged, and hast taken pity on me; behold,-' I see 

Vers. 1, 2. — i A. V. : T. went Aij way (Or., en-opeuero «ai T.). 2 and went on his way. ^ Then R Thou 

iinowest .... father. Codd. 243. 248. Co. Aid. omit oii. 

Ver. 4. — • A. V. : take in thine hand. The force of Aa3e n-api xf^pti, however, is as we have given it, and the con- 
text also requires it. s ^, v. ; So . . . . their way. •* For hni.iT8iv (before avitav) of the te:ct. rec. 53. 71- and some 
others have ciiTrpoo^ef. According to the Syriac, the mother saw tirst the dog, on the return of Tobias and the angel, 
and hence, probably, the reading ; Old L:vt., " Et abiit cum illis et canis." 

Vers. 6-7. — 'A.V.: Now. 8 thy. For ui65 ^ou, III. 55. 64. 71. Vulg. Syr. Co. Aid. offer uio? (Tov ; Old Lat.,^ii« 
IU!«(80 Jan.). 8 A. V. : Then said R. '» know, Tobias. The authorities for Tiup. are 111. 23. 58., etc., with Co. 

Aid., but it is probably a gloss. 

Ver 8. — " In the text. rec. ovv is not found, but seems, perhaps, sufficiently well supported {III. 23. 65. 58. 64. 71., 
^tc, with Co.), and is received by Fritzsche. ^^ A. V. ; shall. '^ whiteness shall. " shall. 

Vera. 9-13. — " A. V. : Then A. ran forth. "^ Seeing I. l' strake of. The verb is irpoa-eiraffe, and Tr]v ^oA^f is 

ts direct object. " At vii. IS, the same word (fldptjet) is rendered, " Be of good comfort." The underlying idea ifl 

rather *' courage." i9 A. V. : whiteness pilled away (Gr., eXeiriij^ . . . . rd AevKuM-ara ; cf. Com. at iii. 17). 

Vers. 14-15. — ^ k. V. : when he saw .... And he. 21 for behold. There is no word in the Greek representing 

for," but Co. has icai, and Jun. Nctm. 



my son Tobias. And his son went in rejoicing, and told his father the great things 

16 that had happened to him in Media. And" Tobit went out to meet his daughter- 
in-law to ^ the gate of Nineve, rejoicing, and praising God. And they who ' saw 

17 him go marvelled, because he saw.^ And° Tobit gave thanks before them, be- 
cause God had mercy on them.' And when Tobit ' came near to Sarra ' his 
daughter-in-law, he blessed her, saying. Thou art welcome, daughter. God be 
blessed, who° hath brought thee unto us, and blessed be thy father and thy mother. 

18 And there was joy amongst all his brethren who '" were at Nineve. And Achia- 

1 9 charus, and Nasbas his brother's son came ; and Tobias' wedding was kept seven 
days with joy." 

Vers. 15-19.— > A. V. ; Then. ' at. The Greek is irpb? tt) iniAi) (m. 23. 65. 68. 71. with Co. : irpbt ttjk nvKiiy). 

' A. V. : which. * had received his sight (Qr., e^Ael/(€ ; 58. al. ffi^ene). ^ But. « him (Gr., avrout; avrovt 

ill. 64. 71. al. with Co. Aid.). ' he. » Sara. » which. i» which. " great joy. 

Chapter XI. 

Ver. 1 . In Fritz.«iche'8 text the first part of this 
verse, as far as the period, is found at the end of 
chap. X. 

Ver. 3. The other texts have mentioned the 
place where Raphiie! and Tohias left the rest of 
the company to hasten on before. The Vulgate 
names it " Haran," or " Charan ; " the Syriac. 
" Basri," or, as IJeusch has it, " Kasra ; " the 
Greek B., Kaio-aptia ; The Hehrew of Miinster 
and the Chaklaic Ahris. The Vulgate, moreover, 
says that this point was reached on the eleventh 
day. These places have not been identified. 
Ilgen, on account of readings of certain manu- 
scripts of the Old Latin, conjectures that the 
'ApuKTrifTi of Stralio is meant. 

Ver. 4. It is said that the dog went " after " 
them. There is no ground, then, in this text for 
the opinion of Dereser and Heusch that he is 
introduced into the story that he may go on in 
advance to signify the return of the son to the 
anxious parents. Cf. v. 16. The tbllowing state- 
ment of the Vulgate (xi. 9) is an obvious embel- 
lishment : " Now, the dog which had accompanied 
them on the journey ran on ahead, and, as a 
messenger coming up, fawned, and wagged his 
tail." Both I'ritzsche and Sengelmann call at- 
tention to the fact that the dog is quite super- 
fluous in the narrative. It is not grammatically 
allowable, with Ilgen and others, to refer ouriir in 
verse 6, " espied him coming," to the dog, while 
the context is equally it. 

Ver. 9. 'Anh tov vvv cnroBavov^ai. This is a 
remarkable use of the future. It is likely that 
some word is to be understood as in the text ; the 
expiessiou being proverbial, and so of the briefest 

Vers. 10-12. Roman Catholic commentators 
are not agreed among themselves with respect to 
tlie healing of Tobit. Some hold it to be miracu- 
lous, and others aa the result of the use of natural 

remedies. According to Reusch (Com., p. 103), 
the analogy of the other cure spoken of in this 
book would lead us to regard it as miraculous. 
The Syriac introduces a very natural addition, 
and makes the father ask the son, after his strange 
way of greeting him : " What hast thou done, my 
sou? " In fact, we cannot help thinking that it 
would have been far more respectful, and in the 
end quite as useful, if the father had been previ- 
ously informed of what it was proposed to do for 
his benefit. 

Vers. 16, 17. Ilgen holds that what is here 
said of Tobit's rejoicing and praising God is an 
interpolation. He seems to think that it is repre- 
sented that the thankful man went through the 
streets of Nineveli shouting out his thanksgiving 
before all the people ; and says that when we 
think of what Nineveh was, and of the circum- 
stances of Tobit, it is simply ridiculous. But this 
is to put a meauing into the text, and not to take 
its natural meaning from it. — Tlphs t^ iruAp. Cf. 
Luke xix. 37 : "Eyyt^ovro^ .... ^5?; nphs rij Kara- 
$a<ret toG Spovt, etc." The verb " does not mean 
when he was near, but as he came near (to) the 
mountain." So Buttmann, p. .340. 

Ver. IS. And Nasbas. This person does not 
otherwise appear in the history. Since the words, 
" his brother's son," follow immediately, and ac- 
cording to i. 22, Achiacharus was a brother's son, 
it has been held by some commentators that 
Nasbas is only another name for the same person. 
In the margin of the version of 1611 it is added 
after Achiacharus, as a conjecture of Junius. " who 
is also called Nasbas." Fritzsche's remark, that 
avTOv in the phrase b i^dSiXcpos avrov refers to 
Achiacharus, is by no means conclusive on that 
poiut. It might, by a loose construction not for- 
eign to the present book, refer to Tobit. The 
other texts give the name differently : Greek B., 
No;8a5 ; Old Latin, Nahal ; Syriac, Laban. 

Chaptek XII. 

1 And ' Tobit called his son Tobias, and eaid unto him, My son, see that the man 

2 who went with thee has his wages,^ and (kou must give him more. And he said 
unto him,' father, I shall not be straitened if I give * to him half of those things 

Vera. 1,2. — i A. V. : Then. ' man have his (not In Or., except 44.) wages which went, etc. 8 Tobias said nntc 
Mm. The proper name is found only iB "MS. Co., Jun. The pronoun also (auTfjI), is omitted in the text, ree., but ij 
tound in in. 23. 66. 68. 71. 74. 248. 249. Co. Aid. « A. V. : it is no harm to me to give. See Com. 

TOBIT. 141 

3 which I have brought ; for he hath brought me again to thee in safety ' ; and made 

4 whole my wife ; and brought my ^ money, and likewise healed thee. And ' the old 

5 man said, It is due unto him. And * he called the angel, and said ^ unto him, Take 

6 half of all that ye have brought, and go away in safety. Then he called both apart, 
and said unto them, Bless God, and praise ° him, and magnify him, and praise him 
for the things which he hath done unto you in the sight of all that live. It is good 
to praise God, and exalt his name, and to shew forth with honor ' the works of God ; 

7 and * be not slack to praise him. It is good to keep close the secret of a king, but 

8 it is good to reveal with praise the works of God. Do good, and evil shall not touch 
you. Prayer is good with fasting and alms and righteousness. Little " with righteous- 
ness is better than much with unrighteousness. It is better to give alms than to lay 

9 up gold ; for alms doth deliver from death, and it shall "^ purge away all sin. Those 

10 that practice almsgiving" and righteousness shall be filled with life ; but they that 

11 sin are enemies of '- their own life. Surely I will keep close nothing from you. I 
have just said,'^ It is good to keep close the secret of a king, but it is good to re- 

12 veal with praise" the works of God. And now," when thou didst pray, and Sarra 
thy daughter-in-law, I did bring the remembrance of your prayer ^^ before the Holy 

13 One; and when thou didst bury the dead, I was" with thee likewise. And when 
thou didst not delay to rise up, and leave thy meal, ^* to go and cover the dead, 

14 thou and '^ thy good deed were -° not hid from me, but I was with thee. And now 

15 God sent^' me to heal thee and Sarra'- thy daughter-in-law. I am Raphael, one of 
the seven holy angels, who ^ present the prayers of the saints, and who ^^ go in and 
out before the glory of the Holy One. 

16 And^ they were both in consternation,'* and fell upon their faces, for they 

17 feared. And '" he said unto them, Fear not ; peace be with you ; but praise God for- 

18 ever.-' For not through '■^ favor of mine, but by the will of our ^ God I came ; 

19 wherefore praise him forever. All these days I simply appeared " unto you ; and I 

20 neither ate nor drank,'- but you did see a vision. And now '' give God thanks, for 

21 I go up to him that sent me ; and '''write all things which have happened'" in a 

22 book. And when they rose, they saw him no more.'^ And they confessed his*' 
great and wonderful works,'* how the ^ angel of the Lord had appeared unto them. 

Vera. 3-5. — * The Greek here, and in Ter. 6, is irytjj, i. e., " in health," or, *' safe and sound.'" 2 x. V. ; me the 
(Gr., fiov) ; Old Lat., et pecu/iiam mecum adtulit, a Then. * So. ^ he said. 

Ver. 6. — ^ A. V. : took them (Gr., KoAeVas Toi>s fiuo kpvtttws) both .... God, praise. ' honourably (marg., with 

honour) to show forth. The Greek here is ti-riVw?, Aonori^cff, " giving him honor." 8 A. V. : therefore. 

Vers. 7-10, — » A. V. : but it is honourable (Or., evS6(m ; Codd. 71. 236. 248. ai9. Co. read ei-Sofoi/) to reveal .... Do 
that tvhich is good, and no evil shall .... A little. ^^ ^_ y. : for alms (the yap is omitted in II. 55. 74. 236.) .... and 
shall (avTT) is omitted by 44. 106.). *' exercise alms. i- to. 

Ver. 11. — " A. V. : For I said. The Codd. III. 65. 64. 74. 76. 243. 248., with Co. and Aid. have 6e here instead of S^. 
1* It is good .... but that it was honourable (Codd. 74. 76. 248. 249. Co., eif&o$ov) to reveal. 

Vers. 12, 13. — "• A. V. : Now therefore. 18 Sara .... prayers. i" In addition to the authorities cited in 

Fritzsches Cril. Ap. for the reading trviinapiinTif (III. 68. 64. 71. oV. —which are 76. 236. 243. 248. 249. Co. — ), II. may 
be cited. The text. rec. has (rv^irapjJy^Tji'. '^ A. V. : dinner (Qr., as ii. 1. apurrov). ^^ omits thou and (contained 

in the Gr., ovk iXadt^ fl€ ayadoiroiaif). 20 was. 

Vers. 14-16. — =' A. V. ; hath sent. '^ Sara. » which. " which. 2= Then. =» troubled (Gr. erapix^'"^'') 
The rendering is weak. 

Ver. 17. — -'^ A. V. : But 28 for it shall go well with you ; praise God therefore (Gr., eipijtnj vfjuv ecrrai • rot. 5e Behy 
riiKoyflre eis rbv atoji-a ; the last three words, however, are omitted in 23. 64. 71. 74. 76. 236. 249. Co. Aid.). 

Vers. 18-20. — 29 A. V. : of any. »» The Codd. II. and III. have v/xii. instead of ^(lii. of the text, rec; Old Lat., 

vobiscum. Codd. 44. 68. 106. 249. omit rifxiliv. si A. V. : I did appear. The addition seems necessary for clearness. 
^2 A. V. : but I did neither eat nor drink. 33 Now therefore. ^ but. ^5 are done. 

Vers. 21, 22. — ^^ For ovkcti II. 65. offer ovk ; Old Lat., et non potuerunt ilium videre. 3' A. V. : Then they confessed 
the, etc. 38 great and wonderful works of God, and, etc. The reading followed by the A. V. (dav^aora toO Bern koI 
m) Is supported by III. 23. 55. 58. 71. Co. Aid. 3= Cod. H. omits the article. 

Chapter XII. 

Ver. 1. "Opo, see, in the sense of " have a c^re," 
" look ont for it," like the verb €7ri/ueA.eo;uai. This 
meaning is also given to the word in the classics. 
See Buttmann. p. 243. 

Ver. 2. B\a!rTO;nai, disabled, weakened. The 
meaning is that he would liave enough left, so 
that he would n<it l>e emhurnissed. 

Ver. ^. 'Ay-fjox^ f'U- ay^)xe, instead of tlie usiiai 

^X« as perfect of Syoo. The former is .i late 
word. The intimation of Tobias in this verse 
with respect to his wife is anything bnt compli- 
mentary. But it is doubtless a slip. He refers 
to her deliverance from the influence of the 

Ver. 5. Go away in safety. The meaning is 
not clearly expressed. Tol^it wishes him simply 



a happv jouruey. As the Germans say : " Eine 
gliickliche Reise ! " " A pleasant journey ! " 

Ver. 7. KaKi»' olix evpri<ret iifias. The article 
is omitted with the subject, probably on account 
of its omis>ion with the preceding ayaOSf through 
the general nature of the thought. " Evil shall 
not find (reach) you." 

Ver. 8. Prayer is good with fasting and 
alms. For remarks on the doctrine of fasting 
and almsgiving, as taught in this book, see Intro- 
duction. The Hebrew word npT" is rendered 
by eXeifiioaivT] in the Septuagint at Deut. xxiv. 
13 ; Dan. iv. 27. In fact, there are at least 
thirteen passages where a similar rendering is 
given. The lesson, on which no little stress is 
laid in Scripture, would thereby be taught by 
the translators of the LXX., " that mercy toward 
our fellow-men is the grand token of righteous- 
ness in the sight of tliat God who manifests his 
own righteousness especially by showing mercy 
and goodness." Girdlestone, 0. T. Syn.. p. 261. 

Ver. 9. According to the text. rec. the angel 
.nakes no effort to reconcile the theoretical prin- 
ciples which he lays down with what was practi- 
cally true in the case of the much-suffering 
but righteous Tobit. The Vulgate, however, puts 
into the former's mouth the words ; Et quia ac- 
ceptus eras Deo, necesse Jiiit, lit tentatio probaret te. 
— Doth deliver from death, and it shall purge 

away all sin. Attention should be called again 
(see Introduction) to the unmistakable and start- 
ling import of this declaration. The giving of 
alms shall purqe away all sin and deliver from 
{spi7-itn(il) death .' How important to study the 
grounds on which the authenticity and genuine- 
ness of such a composition are supported, whose 
teachings are so obviously in contradiction to the 
letter and spirit of the canonical Scriptures ! 

Vers. 1 2-1 5. I brought the remembrance of 
your prayers. This idea that angels presented 
pravers before God is also found in the book of 
Enoch (xv. 1). See remarks of Hoffmann, orf/oc. 
< )thers have erroneously adduced pas.sages from 
the canonical Scriptures of the Old Testament 
(.IS Job xxxiii. 23 : Zech. i. 12) in support of the 
same doctrine. Cf. Introduction, under " Doc- 
trinal Teaching," and the various commentaries 
on Rev. viii. and ix. 

Ver. 20. For I go unto him that sent me. 
Strangely enough, some Protestant commentators 
h.ave been driven to such straits in their attempted 
justification of the opinion that the Apocryphal 
books ought to be retained as a legitimate part of 
the Bible as to cite this passage as suggesting to 
our Saviour his words in John xvi. 5. Keerl well 
replies : " Let him understand it who can under- 
stand it ; I confess that such statements appear 
to me, in my 'foolishness,' too strange, too pro- 
found." Die Apokryphenfrage (ed. 1855), p. 109. 

Chapter Xm. 

1 And^ Tobit wrote a prayer of rejoicing, and said, 

Blessed he God that liveth for ever, and blessed be his kingdom. 

2 For he doth scourge, and hath mercy ; 

He leadeth down to Hades,'^ and bringeth up again ; 
Neither is there any that shall escape ^ his hand. 

3 Confess him before the Gentiles, ye children of Israel, 
For he hath scattered us among them. 

4 There declare his greatness. 

Extol him before every living being,^ 
For he is our Lord and God, 
He is our Father for ever. 

5 And he will scourge us for our iniquities, 

And will have mercy again, and will gather us out of all nations, 
Wherever ye have been scattered among them.^ 

6 If you turn to him with your whole heart. 

And with your whole soul, to deal ^ uprightly before him. 

Then will he turn unto you, 

And will not hide his face from you. 

And see what he will do for you,' 

And confess him with your whole mouth, 

And praise the Lord of righteousness,* 

And extol the everlasting King. 

In the land of my captivity do I confess him. 

And declare his might and majesty to a nation of sinners.' 

Te» 1,2. — > A. V. : Then. ' Hell. » can avoid (iK^cv^srat.). 

Vers. 4,6.— « A. v.: And (bo 64. 106. 243. 248. Co. Aid.) extol hta before all the living (Or., iraiT*! <5itos). For he 
U onr Lord, And he is the God, our Father. I have changed the order of the wordp to correspond better with that of 
the Greek. ^ among whom he hath scattered us (Or., ofl iav aK0pTniT9fiTe ev avToi<; ; 243. Co., ov BUaneipef rifLat). 

Vcr. 6. — "A. V. : mind and deal {koX jroiij<n)Te is found in 23. 74. 236.) " Therefore see . . . with you. ■ ol 

might {t>}s Sui'ttixewv, with Co. ; .luD., a potentissimo). '• praise hini .... sinful nation. For tBvei 11. and III. hav« 

TOBIT. 143 

ye sinners, turn and do justice before him ; 
Who knows but that he will accept ^ you, 
And have mercy on you ? 

7 I will extol my God, 

And my soul shall praise the King of heaven, 
And shall rejoice in his greatness. 

8 Let all men speak, and let all praise him in Jerusalem.' 

9 O Jerusalem, city of the Holy One, 

He scourges thee for thy children's works, 

And will have mercy again on the cliildren of the righteous.* 

10 Give praise to the Lord in uprightness 
And bless ^ the everlasting King, 

That his tabernacle may be built ^ in thee again with joy, 
And he make joyful in thee ° those that are captives. 
And love in thee for ever' those that are miserable. 

1 1 Many nations shall come from far to the name of the Lord God, 
Having ' gifts in their hands, even gifts to the King of heaven ; 
Generations of generations shall render thee jubilant praise.' 

12 Cursed are all they who'" hate thee. 

And blessed shall all be who ^^ love thee for ever. 

13 Rejoice and be glad for the children of the just. 

For they shall be gathered together, and shall bless the Lord of the just. 

14 O blessed are they who '^ love thee, /o?- they shall rejoice in thy peace ; 
Blessed are they who '' have been sorrowful for all thy scourges ; 

For they shall rejoice for thee, when they have seen all thy glory, 
And my soul shall " be glad for ever ; 

15 Let it bless '^ God the great King. 

16 For Jerusalem shall be built up with sapphire, and emerald,^" and thy walls 

with '' precious stone ; 
And thy towers '* and battlements with pure gold. 

17 And the broadways '^ of Jerusalem shall be paved with beryl and carbuncle and 

stone of Suphir.'^'' 

18 And all her streets shall say. Alleluia ; 

And they shall praise him, saying. Blessed he God, 
Who ^' hath exalted thee '-- for ever. 

Ver. 6. — * A. V. : can tell if he will accept, 

Vcr. 8. —2 A. V. : for his righteousness (ii/ 5i«iiio<n;n), 64. 243. 248. 249. Co. Aid., the Greek Bible of 1546 (Basle) 
and 1597 (Frankfort) ; i\in., juste, and in the margin, " Gra^c, in juslitia ''). 

Ver. 9. — ^ A. V. : the holy city. (\Ve find ayia (for ayiov of II., the text, rec, and other authorities) in III. 55. f>4. 
n. 76. 236. 243. 248. Co. Aid. See Com.) .... He w ill scourge (the future, but better rendered as present, as it repre- 
sents a general truth, and one which the Israelites were even then experiencing. The margin of the A. V. has, more 
literally, '' lie will lay a scourge upon the works of thy children '').... sons of the righteous (cf. ver. 13). 

Ver. 10. — •> A. V. : for he is good ((. ?., ort aya66^, as 248. Co.), and praise. Cod. II. has dyadwy (as text, rec.) by the first 
hand, and there is not, as stated in Fritzsche's apparatus, a correction to ayaSiZ ; III. has tw ayadiZ. ^ A. V. : builded. 
« let him make joyful therein (eitei is found in III. 23. 64. 249. Aid.). ' Lit., unto all the generations of the aeon. 

Ver. 11. — 8 A. V. : with (Gr., exovre-i). c All generations shall praise thee with great joy (Gr., 7ei'6al yeveCjtf 

5<i(T0v<ri a-ot ayoAAtao-tv). Codd. III. 64. 243. 249., with Co. and Aid., add alvitrovtri t70t (o-e, 64.) (cat after yeveCjv, and 
omit the pronoun after the following verb. The form ayoAAta^a is found in the text, rec, but is changed in his text 
by Fritzsche to dyaAAiWii', with 111. *23. 44. 64. and many others. 

Vers. 12-14. — i" A. V. ; which. "which. ^^ ^yijich. i3 which. " And shall (see next Terse). 

Ver. 15. — If"' A. V. : Let my soul bless (Codd. II. and III. have evifipavOiiaeTtu just before, instead of the plural of 
.ke same, and we have consequently made ij i/n/^^ ij.ov the subject of it, and transferred the words to the preceding verse, 
while continuing the same subject for evKfyyelTin here). 

Vers. 16, 17. — ^^ A. V. ; sapphires, and emeralds. ^^ In harmony with the text of Fritzsche, we connect tA Tet^ij 
(Tov with \i0<f ivTiiiiu. Cf. following. >* A. V. : Thy walls and towers. w the streets. ^o stones of Ophir (Gr., 

Ver. 18. — 2' A. V. : Which. ^ extolled it. Fritzsche would emend the text. rec. vi/niio-e, whlcb la also the read- 

ing of the Codd. (HI. adds eU) to vt/zuire ere eU. 1. is probable that the pronoun was overlooked on account of the end- 
ing of the verb. The direct address se«ms to require it. 

Chapter XIII. 

Ver. 1. This "prayer of rejoicing" is made 
up mostly of expressions of prayer and praise 
Which are familiar to Old Testament readers, and 

has but little adaptation to the peculiar circum- 
stances of the case before us. Sengelmann sug- 
gests that it may have been separately compo.seJ 



by some person whose name was Tobit, and after- 
wards included in the present book. But that is 
scarcely probable. 

Ver." 5. As in verse 9, so here, the ftftnre 
{/laffTtyiiffei) is used for the present, as denoting 
both what has taken place and what will be in the 
future. Cf. Winer, p. 279 f. ; Buttmann, p. 311. 

Ver. 6. See Deut. xxx. 2-4. — The everlast- 
ing King, Thy Paat\ia tuv aidivay. Cf. Ps. cxlv. 
13. Some would improperly give to aluivuv the 
sense of " worlds," as intended to magnify the 
creative power of God. The same expression is 
found in 1 Tim. i. 17 : "Now unto the king eter- 
nal," etc. In Heb. 1. 2, however, 5i' ov koI 
roiis alavas iwoiria-ft', the above-mentioned render- 
ing would seem to be applicable. — A nation of 
sinners. Grotius thinks the Assyrian people is 
meant. But the connection seems to require that 
the reference be to the Israelites, and there is 
sufficient justification in their idolatry for their 
being thus stigmatized. In fact, the following 
sentence appears to he conclusive on this point : 
" who knows but that he will accept." 

Ver. 7. T^j ffaaiXfl rod oupavov. The dative ia 
here used prohablv through the influence of the 
following iloiioXoyeiaSaaav, which was already in 
the writer's mind. Kritzsche thinks the expres- 
sion " King of heaven " is nowhere else found 
(except in verse 11 ) in the Old or New Testament. 
But m the LXX., at Dan. iv. 34, we have rhy 
j8a<ri\€a toD oupavov. 

Ver. 9. City of the Holy One, TiiAis aylov. 
Fritzsche would translate " city of the sanctu- 
ary," making 07(01/ neuter, as referring to the 
temple. But it seems preferable to refer it to the 
subject of the immediately following naaTiyucrfi. 

Ver. II, Cf. I's. Ixxxvi. 9, to the name of the 
Lord, i. e., where He is named, to Jerusalem and 
the temple. 

Ver. 16. Cf. Is. liv. 11, 12 ; Rev. xxi. 18-20. 

Ver. 17. The word translated "streets" in 
the A. V. is irXare'iaL, i. e., broad streets; ^vfiTi 
(ver. 18) commonly denotes a narrower street. 
— 'V-n<pokoyrt$ri(royTai. This word means, first, " to 
play juggling tricks ; " then, " to make inlaid 
work, to pave." 

Chapteb xrv. 

1, 2 And ' Tobit made an end of praising God. And he was eight and fifty years 
old when he lost his sight, and he recovered it ^ after eight years ; and he gave alms, 

3 and continued to fear the Lord God and to praise him.* But he became ^ very aged ; 
and * he called his son, and the sons of his son, and said to him. My son, take thy 

4 sons,'ybr behold, I am aged, and about' to depart out of this life, go into Media, 
my son, for I surely believe those things which Jonas the prophet spake of 
Nineve, that it shall be overthrown ; however, there wUl be for a time more peace ' 
in Media ; and that our brethren still in the land shall be scattered ' from that good 
land ; and Jerusalem shall be desolate, and the house of God in it shall be burned, 

5 and shall be desolate for a time ; and again '° God will have mercy on them, and 
bring them again into the land, and " they shall build the '- temple, but not like to 
the former one,^' untU the epochs of the age ^* be fulfilled ; and afterward they 
shall return from all places of their captivity, and build up Jerusalem gloriously, 
and the house of God shall be built in it for ever with a glorious building, as the 

6 prophets have spoken concerning it.'^ And all the heathen " .shall turn, and fear 

7 the Lord God truly, and shall bury their idols. And all the heathen shall " praise 
the Lord, and his people shall confess God, and the Lord shall exalt his people ; 
and all those who " love the Lord God in truth and justice shall rejoice, shewing 

8 mercy to our brethren. And now, my son, depart out of Nineve, because all those 

9 things which the prophet Jonas spake will " come to pass. But keep thou the 
law and the comman(inents, and be -" merciful and just, that it may go well with 

Vers. 1,2. — ^ A. V. ; So. 2 which was restored to him. * he increased (Or., irpoo-efleTo) in the fear of the I^rd 
God, and praised him. Fritzsche adopts from III. 23. 44. 65. 58. 64. 71. 106. Co. Aid. i^oit.okayeltrio.i. for ifa))ioXoyeiTO of 
the ttrt. Tec, thus relieving the awkwardness of the construction. But the awkward constructions, it must be admitted, 
are more generally the original ones. 

Vers. 3, 4. — * A. V. : And when he was (Gr., iityiXiai 6i fyijpao-e ; 44. lis Si ry^poo-ev). » omits and. « the six 

sons (60 III. 69. at. Co. Aid.) .... children. ' am ready. « A. V. : and that for a time peace shall rather be. 

" and that our brethren shall lie scattered in the earth. I have rendered according to the construction of the Greek. 

Ver. 6. — '° A. V. : that again. " where. ^ a. The article \s found in the Greek. i» A. V. : first " the 

time of that age (Qr.,icaipol tov aiwvos). I have received after oiitoSo^Tj^trfTat ; eis n-ao-as tos Yeveas tou alw^o? oiSoKo^ji, 
»ith II. (in the margin), HI. 23. 55. 61. 71. Aid. Co. and the A. V. On the margin of the last it is remarked : " For ever 
1» not found in the Roman copy." There is little doubt that the corrector of II. mtant to read ii/Sofm.jilthough he hat 
omitted to dot the final letter in the alternative word [iMim of the teit. rec). Fritzsche gives evSofcf, as the reading 
of n. by a corrector. The Codd. 44. 106. 24S., with Co., have oiSoKOfiij li-Sofoi. "> A. V. : thereof. 

Vers. 6-9. — '" A. V. : nations (Gr., irivra. ri c«n)). The context seems to demand the above rendering. " A. V. • 
Bo fihall all nations (see preceding verse). " which. '" that those things .... shall (Ur.,iroi'To« t(n-oi) It renden 
navTti by " Burely." 20 a. V. : show thyself (Gr., yevou =z H^^n) • 



10 thee. And bury me decently, and thy mother with me; and' tarry no longer at 
Nineve. See,'' iny son, how Aman handled Achiacharus that brought him up, 
how out of light he brought him into darkness, and how he rewarded liim ; and 
God saved Achiacharus,' but the other had his reward, and he himself went down * 
into darkness. Manasses gave alms, and escaped the snare of death which one ^ 

1 1 set for him ; but Aman fell into the snare, and perished. And now, my children,' 
see ' what alms doeth, and how righteousness doth deliver. 

And while he was saying this,* he gave up the ghost in the bed ; and he was ° 

12 a himdred and fifty-eight '" years old ; and he'' buried him honorably. And when 
Anna died,'- he buried her with his father. But Tobias departed with his wife 

13 and his sons '^ to Ecbatana '^ to Raguel his father-in-law. And he '^ became old 
with honor ; and he buried his father and mother-in-law honorably, and he in- 

14 herited their substance, and his father Tobit's. And he died at Ecbatana in 

15 Media, being a hundred and twenty-seven '^ years old. And " before he died 
he heard of the destruction of Nineve, which was taken by Nabuchodonosor and 
Asuerus ; '* and before his death he rejoiced over Nineve. 

Ver. 10. — 1 A. V. : but. * Remember (Gr., t6e). ^ again : yet Achiarchus waa saved (icol 'Axiax*po5 f-^v eo-w^, 
III. 23. 65. 58. at, mult. Co. Aid.) * for he went down (Gr., leol aurbs jcaTepTj). ^ snares .... chey had. The Godd. 
23. 64., with Co. and Aid., have the plural iivfi^av for the sing. The proper name is written as 'Afia^ in II. 66. 106; 
' A5w^, in 44. ; Acab in the Syr. ; Nadab, in the Old Lat. 

Ver. 11. — 5 A. V. : Wherefore now, 7?iy son (Jun., Nunc ergo JUi ; Trai&iov, 23. 55. 58. 64. 71. etc., with Co. Aid.). 
' consider (Gr., ISctc). * When he had said these thi7igs. ^ being. ^^ an hundred and eight and fifty. The 

Codd. 44. 106. 55. give the number as fifty, instead of fifty-eight. " In addition to III. 68. 74. 76. 248., cited by 
Fritzsche as authority for tdatfiev, II., the Greek Bible of 1697 (Frankfort), and Jun. may be mentioned. Fritzsche re- 
tains the plural form. 

Vers. 12, 15. — ^ A. V. : his mother was dead (Gr., ore anddavev 'A.wa ; the addition is found in 71. 76. 236. 248. Co. 
Jun.). *3 and children. " Ecbatane. '^ Where he, etc. (Jun., Ubi consenuit honorate). '^ Ecbatane .... an 
hundred and seven and twenty. *' But (Jun., autem). ^^ Assuerus. 'Ao-ct-oi/tjpos (Fritzsche says, 'Ao-ouijpos, but this 
is not the form given in Holmes and Parsons' notes) in 23. 63. 64. 76. 248. Co. Aid. {text, ree., 'AcnJTjpo?) ; III., 'Atrovripos 

Chapter XIV. 

Vers. 1, 2. According to ver. 11 Tobit died 
at the age o£ one hundred eight and fifty, that 
is, ninety-two years after the restoration of his 
sight. The figures of the Vulgate are quite dif- 
ferent, according to which he became blind at 
fifty-six; was restored four years later, and died 
at one hundred and two. The impossibility of 
arriving at any satisfactory adjustment of the 
dates of the book, as they relate to the life of 
Tobit and his son, will appear from the great 
diversity that rules in the MSS. and old versions. 
For instance, the Old Latin, Hebrew of Fagius, 
and the Peshito, agree with Greek A. in giving 
Tobit's fifty-eighth year as the time when he 
became blind ; while the codices 4-1. and 106. give 
fifty ; the Vulgate, fifty-si.x ; Cod. Sinait., si.xty- 
two ; Cod. Ale.x., eighty-eight. His entire age is 
given by Greek A. as one hundred and fifty-eight ; 
by the Vulg.ate and the Peshito as one hundred 
and two ; the Old Latin, Sinait., Arab., and one 
MS. of the Vulgate, a-s one hundred and twelve ; 
codd. 44. 106 55., as one hundred and fifty. The 
period of blindness lasted, according to Greek 
A., eight years ; the Peshito, seven ; Vulgate, 
Old Latin, Sinait. (ii. 11.), four. He lived after 
this, according to the Vulgate, forty-two years; 
the Peshito, thirty-seven ; and the Old Latin, 
fifty-four years. 

Ver. 3. 'Eyfipa<rf, became old. The Attic 
form was iyripava. — Take thy sons. According 
to Ilgen, Dereser, and others, Tobit had hitherto 
superintended the education of his grandchildren, 
and here turns over this duty to their father. 
But there is no sufficient ground for such a sup- 
position either in the context or in the word \i$€. 
This word, in fact, plainly looks forward to the 
following SiTfAfle (cf. verse 12), and I have pointed 


Ver. 4. This verse has given commentators 
much trouble, on account of the reference to 
Jonah. It is well known that God recalled, on 
account of the repentance of the Ninevites, the 
judgments which he had sent that prophet to pre- 
dict. The other texts omit this reference to the 
prophet. Ilgen and Grotius would substitute 
Naoii// for 'layii. Cf. Nab. iii. 7 ; Zeph. ii. 13 ; and 
the translation of the Sinait. MS. which follows, 
ad loc. But there seems to be no good reason for 
this change. Tobit may well have thought that 
the evils against which Jonah had warned this 
heathen city had been delayed only for a time 
through their self-humiliation, and that it would 
certainly come in the future. Verse 4, ewy Katpov 
. . . . yue'xp' xp^""^' I'he writer may indeed have 
had a definite period in view, although the Greek 
obviously admits of a somewhat indefinite mean- 
ing (cf. Luke iv. 13; Acts xiii. 11, &xp' Kaipov ; 
and Ecclus. i. 23, 24). But it is more likely that 
he uses these expressions without knowing to 
what they referred. The translation of the A. V., 
" for a time," is a fair rendering. — Our breth- 
ren, i. «., the tribes of Judah and Benjamin. The 
" good land " is of course Palestine. 

Ver. 5. Kai^of, epochs, i.e., periods of time 
in the jirovidence of God predetermined upon. 
— The places of their captivity. The A. V. 
has explained, rather than translated, e'/c Trnv 
alx^o.^'^^ri^v, from their captivities. The idea of 
place is. however, undoubtedly involved in the 
plural, and we have suffered the rendering to 

Ver. 9. ^iKi\eTiix.aii, merciful, a lover of mercy. 
A word which appears not to occur in this form 

Ver. 10. Eis Niveu^j. On the use of this prep 
osition for iv, see above, ix. 2 ; and cf. Winer 



p. 416, Buttmann,p. 333. — How Aman handled 
Achiacbarus. Is the reference to the story of 
Haman anil Mordecai in the Book of Esther? 
There are apparent reasons for the supposition, 
and it has been adopted by some critics. Both 
Achiacharus and Mordecai were " keepers of the 
signet " to the monarch. Both were second in 
authority in the realm ; the difference in name 
might be accounted for from the fact that more 
than one name of the same person was not un- 
common ; besides, there are several minor points 
of resemblance in the history. The discrepancy 
in dates, which would amount to more than a 
hundred years, might not be regarded as an in- 
superable objection, if the same fault in other 
parts of the present work is considered. But, on 
the other hand, these points of resemblance in the 
two histories seem more than counterbalanced by 
the differences. For instance, Mordecai gained 
his high station in Susa under a Persian mon- 
arch ; Achiacharus in Nineveh, under Sacher- 
donus, i.e., Esarhaddon. Again, according to 
the present account Achiacharus had brought up 
Aman, and there could hardly have existed such 
a relationship between the Mordecai and Haman 
of the Book of Esther. Sengelmann thinks it 
favorable to the former theory that the Mauasses 
mentioned in this SMme verse is probably but the 
Jewish name for Achiacharus, and that this might 
be a corruption for Mordecai, the latter being 
called (Tr'^ab) njtt'a at Esth. x. 3, which might 

easily have been mistaken by a copyist for ntl^SQ. 
On the other hand, Hgen supposes that'A/jai' was 
read for '\iiav by a copyist, and then Manasseh 
substituted for Achiacharus, in harmony with 2 

Chron. xxxiii. 22, 25. Grotius would identify 
the Manasses here mentioned with the Nasbas of 
xi. 18, who, in his opinion, is identical with Achi- 
acharus. On the whole, there seems »ot to be 
sufficient data at hand to admit of a satisfactory 
conclusion. We should hardly be justified, how- 
ever, in regarding, with some critics, the passage 
as a later addition, or in supposing that the 
writer had the facts of the Book of Esther but 
imperfectly before him. 

Ver. 15. And before he died he heard of the 
destruction of Nineve. It is well known that 
authorities differ respecting the exact date of the 
destruction of this city. According to the report of 
Abydenus and vSyncellus (through Euseb., Chron., 
can. i. 9), it would appear that it took place at 
about the time when Nabopolassar ascended the 
throne of Babylon, b. c. 625. According to an- 
other reckoning found in Eusebius and Jerome, 
Nineveh fell in the year 606, or at latest 605 
(cf. Schrader, Keilinschrift., p. 231 f.). There is 
no obvious historical ground, if the first date be 
correct, for the statement that Nebuchadnezzar 
had personally anything to do with the capture 
of Nineveh He was still too young at this time. 
But his betrothal with the daughter of Cyaxares 
seems to have been one of the means adopted for 
strengthening the alhance between his father, Na- 
bopolassar, and the Median king, whereby the 
Assyrian monarchy was overthrown. It is impos- 
sible to say who is here meant by " Asuerus," as 
several different persons bear this name in Bibli- 
cal books, although it may have been one of the 
names of Cyaxares. This view is held by Rawlin- 
son. See hia Herod., i. 523. 



1 Book of the history of Tobith, the son of Tobiel, the son of Ananiel, the son of Adael, 
the son of Gabael, the son of Raphael, the son of Raguel of the seed of Asiel from the 

2 tribe of Nephthalim, who was carried away captive in the days of Enemessarus, the king 
of the Assyrians, from Thisbe, which is on the right of Cydis of Nephthalim, in Upper 
Galilee, above Asser, back of a road to the westward, on the left of Phogor. 

3 I, Tobith, walked in the ways of truth and in righteousness all the days of my life, and 
did many alms deeds to my brethren and to my nation, who had gone with me as captives 

4 into the land of the Assyrians, to Nineve. And while I was in my country, in the land of 
Israel, and while I was young, the whole of my father's tribe, Nephthalim, fell away from 
the house of David, my father, and from the city of Jerusalem which was chosen from all 
the tribes of Israel that all the tribes of Israel might sacrifice [there]; and the temple of 

5 the habitation of God was sanctified and built in it for all futm-e time. And as for all 
my brethren and the house of my father Nephthalim, they sacrificed to the calf which 

6 Jerobeam,'' the king of Israel made at Dan [and] ^ on all mountains of Galilee. And I 
was accustomed to go, quite alone, often to Jerusalem on the feast days, according as it 
is prescribed for all Israel for a perpetual ordinance. With the first-fruits, and the first- 
born, and the tenth of the cattle, and the first shearings of the sheep I hastened to Jeru- 

7 salem and gave them to the priests, the sons of Aaron, for the altar. And the tenth of 
the grain, and the wine, and the oil, and of pomegranates, and the figs, and of the rest of 

8 the fruits of trees I gave to the sons of Levi, who minister in Jerusalem. And the second 
tenth I discharged in money from the six years, and went and consumed* it, year by year, 
at Jerusalem, and I gave it^ to the orphans, and the widows, and to proselytes who dwelt 
among the sons of Israel I appropriated it, and gave it to them in the third year, and we 
consumed it according to the regulation prescribed concerning these things in the law of 
Moses, and according to the precepts which Debbora, the mother of Ananiel, our father, 

9 had enjoined, for my father left me as an orphan when he died. And when I had grown 
to be a man I took a wife from the seed of our father's house, and begot from her a 

10 son and called his name Tobias, after I was carried away captive into Assyria.^ And 
when as captive I came to Nineve, and all my brethren and they of my race ate of the 

11 bread of the heathen, I, on the other hand, kept myself so that I did not eat of the 
12, 13 bread of the heathen; and when 1 was mindful of my God with my whole soul, 

the Highest also gave me favor and a shapely figure in the sight of Enemessarus, 

14 and I purchased for him all things which he needed ; and I went into Media and pur- 
chased for him from there till he died. And I deposited with Gabael, the brother of 

15 Gabri, in the land of Media, bags of silver amounting to ten talents. And when Ene- 
messar died and Sennacherim his son reigned in his stead, the roads of Media also were 

16 unsettled, and I was no longer able to go into Media. And in the days of Enemessarus' 

17 I did many alms deeds to my brethren, to those who were of my race : my bread I 
was wont to give to the hungry, and clothing to the naked, and if I saw any one of my 

18 nation dead and cast behind the wall of Nineve, I buried him. And if the king, Sen- 
nacherim, had slain any when he came back as fugitive from Judsea at the time of the 
judgment which the King of heaven had brought upon him on account of the blas- 
phemies which he had uttered, I buried them ; for many of the sons of Israel he slew in 
his rage, and I slipped their bodies off and buried tliem. And Sennacherim sought for 

19 them and found them not. And a certain one of the inhabitants of Nineve went and 

1 I give here a translation of the so-called " test B.*' of the Book of Tobit, the same being for the most part that of 
the Sinaitic MS (X.) and where that fails, of the Itala. I follow in ail cases, unless a deviation is indicated, Fritzsche'd 
text, as found in his edition of the Apocrypha published in 1871. See Introduction to Tobit under " The Uilferent 

2 The Greek spelling is followed. 

8 No Kai is found in the Sinait. cod., but is inserted by Reusch on the authority of Latin MSS. 

* iSaKaviai/, Siu. : " eBiSovv per errorem scripsit Fritzsche," Reusch. See Tischendorf's ed. of LXX. 

'' TTji' ieKdnji- ToiTrfv. Reusch. 

6 Fritzsche joins the last clause with the nest vers* I have followed Reusch. 

' The Greek is foUowed. See ver. 15. 


informed the kino; of me, that I was the one who had secretly buried them, and when 1 
was aware that the king knew of me, and that my life was sought, I was afraid and raa 

20 away. And I was robbed of all my possessions, and there was nothing left me which wa» 

21 not passed over to the royal treasury except Anna, my wife, and Toljias, my son. And 
forty days passed not away before his two sons killed him and fled into the mountains of 
Ararat. And Sacherdonus, his son, succeeded him in the kingdom, and placed Achicha- 
rus, the soa of Anael, my brother's son, over the entire business of accounts of his king- 

22 dom, auL ^s had power over the whole civil administration. Then Achicharus interceded 
for me auJ i returned to Nineve. For Achicharus was chief cupbearer and keeper of 
the signet, and comptroller, and accountant for Sennacherim, king of Assyria, and Sa- 
cherdonus gave him the position of second to himself. But he was my cousin, and of 
my kinsfolk. 

Chapter 11. 

1 And under king Sacherdonus I came back to my house, and there were returned to me 
my wife, Anna, and Tobias, my son; and at our feast of Pentecost, which is the holy 

2 feast of weeks, there was an excellent meal prepared for me. And when I sat down to 
the meal, and the table was spread for nie, and many dishes served up for me, I said 
to Tobias, my son, My child, go and bring hither any poor man whatever whom thou 
mayest find of our brethren of the captivity in Nineve, who is mindful of the Lord with 
his whole heart, and he shall eat in common with me, and lo, I wait for thee, my child, 

3 until thou dost come.. And Tobias went to seek some poor man of our brethren; and 
when he returned he said, Father! And I said to him. Behold I [listen], my child. And 
he answered and said, Father, behold one of our nation has been killed and cast out in 

4 the market-place; just now he has been strangled there. And I sprang up and left 
my meal untasted and bore him away out of the street, and placed him inside one of the 

5 little buildings until the sun had set and I might bury him. On returning therefore, I 

6 washed myself and ate my bread in sadness, and called to mind the prophetical word 
which Amos uttered at Bsthel, saying. Your feasts shall be turned into sorrow, and all 

7 your songs into lamentation ; and 1 wept. And when the sun had gone down I went out 

8 and dug a grave and buried him. And the neighbors derided me saying, Is he no longer 
afraid? For already his life has been sought for this very thing, and he ran away, and 

9 lo, he is burying the dead again. And on the same night 1 washed myself and went into 
my court and slept by the wall of the court, and my face was uncovered on account of 

10 the heat. And I knew not little birds were in the wall above me, and their warm 
dung fell squarely ' into my eyes and brought on leucoma. And I went to the physi- 
cians to be treated, and the more they plied me with their unguents the more blind my 
eyes became from the leucoma until my sight was wholly gone. And for four years 1 
could not use my eyes. And all my brethren grieved on my account, and Achiacharus 

11 took care of me for two years, until he went into Elymais. And at that time Anna, my 
wife, was engaged among womanly employments in working in wool, and returned it to 

12 her employers, and they gave her her pay. And on the seventh of Dystros ^ she cut off 
what was woven and sent it to the employers, and they gave her her pay all of it, and 

13 gave her for the family a young goat. And when she came home the kid began to bleat, 
and I called her and said, Whence is this kid V It has n't been stolen has it? Return it 

.4 to its owners, for we have no right to eat anything stolen. And she said to me. It was 
given me as a present in addition to the pay. And I believed her not, and told her to re- 
store it to the owners; and I was indignant at her because of this. Then she retorted 
by saying. And where are thy alms? Where are thy righteous deeds? Behold thy 
matters are known. 

Chapter III. 

1 And I grew very sad at heart and wept with sighs, and amid sighings began to pray, 

2 Thou art righteous, O Lord, and all thy works are righteous, and all thy ways are mercy 

3 and truth; thou judgest the world. And so, O Lord, be tliou mindful of me, and look 
upon me and take not vengeance on me for my sins and for my ignorances and those of 

4 my fathers. I sinned before thee, and turned a deaf ear to thy precepts, and thou gavest 
us to spoil and captivity and death, and to ridicule and babble and reproach among all 

5 the nations where thou didst scatter us. And now, thy just judgments are many in 
dealing with me for my sins, because we kept not thy precepts and walked not uprightly 

6 before thee. And now, according to thy pleasure deal with me, and order my spirit to be 
taken from me, that 1 may be released from the earth and become dust, since it were gain 
for me to die rather than to live: because 1 have heard false reproaches and 1 have much 

1 ixadivtv. ' Macedonian word for March. 


sorrow. O Lord, command that I be freed from this distress ; discharge me into the ever- 
lasting place, and turn not away thy face from me, O Lord, for it were gain for me to die 
rather than experience much distress in my life, and that I should not hear reproaches. 

7 On that day it happened to Sarra, the daughter of Raguel in Ecbatana of Media, that 
she also heard reproaches from one of the maids of her father, for the reason that she 
had been given in marriage to seve» men and Asraoda>us. the evil demon, killed them be- 

8 fore they had been with her as the custom is [to bi 1 with women. And the maid said 
to her, Thou art the one that killest thy husbands ; behold already thou hast been 

9 wedded to seven men and wast not named after one of them. Why dost thou chastise us 
for thy husbands, because they died V Go thou with them, and let us see of thee neither 

10 son nor daughter for ever. On that day she was grieved to the soul and wept, and having 
gone up into the upper room of her father she would have hanged herself ; and again she 
considered with herself and said. They might reprsach my father and say to him. Thou 
hadst one beloved daughter and she escaped her misfortunes by hanging herself, and I 
bring my father's old age with sorrow to Hades. It is better for me not to hang my- 
self, but to pray to the Lord that I may die, and no longer hear reproaches in my life. 

11 At this juncture she spread out her hands toward the window, and prayed, and said, 
Blessed art thou, O merciful God, and blessed is thy name for ever, and let all thy works 

12, 13 bless thee for ever. And now I have lifted up my face and my eyes unto thee. Com- 

14 mand that I be released from the earth, and that I no longer hear reproaches. Thou 

15 knowest, O Lord, that I am free from every impurity with a man, and that I have stained 
neither my name nor my father's name in the land of my captivity. I am an only child of 
my father and he has no other to be his heir, nor has he brother at hand, or relative, that 
I should keep myself for him as wife. Already my seven [husbands] have perished, 
and why should 1 live any longer? And if it seem not good to thee, O Lord, to kill me, 
look now upon my reproach. 

16, 17 At this point the prayer of both of them was heard before the glory of God, and 
Raphael was sent to heal both : to relieve Tobith's eyes of the leucoraa in order that he 
might behold with his eyes the light of God, and as to Sarra the daughter of Raguel, to give 
her to Tobias, the son of Tobith, as wife, and set her free from the evil demon Asmo- 
daeus, because by inheritance she fell to Tobias rather than any of those who wished to 
marry her. At that point Tobith returned from the court into his house, and Sarra, the 
daughter of Raguel, she also descended from the upper room. 

Chapter IV. 

1 On that day Tobith bethought himself of the money which he had deposited with 

2 Gabaelus in Rages of Media ; and he said in his heart. Behold, I have asked for death ; 

3 why not call Tobias, my son, and inform him of this money before I die? And he called 
his son Tobias, and he came to him; and he said to him, My child, when I die, bury me 
respectably; and honor thy mother, and leave her not all the days of her life; and do 

4 what is pleasing in her eyes, and grieve not her spirit in any single thing. Be mindful 
of her my child, because she experienced many dangers in her womb on thy account; 

5 and when she is dead, bury her beside me in orr-i tomb. And all thy days, my child, 
remember the Lord, and do not choose to sin, and to transgress his precepts. Practice 

6 righteousness all the days of ;hy life, and walk no in the ways of unrighteousness. For 

7 those who practice truth will have prosperity in what they do. And to all who practice 
righteousness^ give alms of thy substance, my son, and do not turn thy face away from 
any poor man, and so will it come to pass that the face of God will not be turned away 

8 from thee. According to thy ability, my son, give alms : if thou have abundance, give 
the more alms from it; if thou have little, from that little itself communicate; and be not 

9 anxious, my son, when thou givest alms. Thou wilt lay up for thyself a noble reward 
10 against the time of need ; for alms free from death, and do not suffer one to come into 
11, 12 darkness. A good gift is an alms to all who bestow it, before the highest God. Keep 

thvself, my son, from all fornication. As wife take the nearest from the seed of thy 
parents, and marry no strange wife who is not of the tribe of thy parents. For we are 
sons of the prophets, who prophesied in truth in the former times. Noe prophesied in 
the early days, and Abraham and Isaac and Jacob, our fathers from the beginning of 
the world. Call to mind, my son, how all these married wives of the race of their fathers, 
and were blessed in their sons ; and the seed of their sons shall possess the heritage of the 

13 earth. And thou, my son, love thy brethren, and show not such proud spirit towards 
the daughters of the sons of thy people that thou wilt accept no one of them ; for pride 

14 is destruction and great unsteadiness, and luxury is poverty and great impiety. Give his 

1 From this verse to ver. 19 incIusiTe, Fritzsche has emended Cod. X., which is incomplete, from the Old Lat., and 
ban given the whole text as there found. Reusch has supplied a text from the Alexandrine Codex. 


wages the same day to everv man who shall have worked for thee, and let not the wages 
of a man remain with thee; and thy wages shall not be diminished, it tlioii serve God in 

15 truth. Give heed to thyself, my son, in all thy works, and be wise in all thy utterances; 
and what thou hatest thyself, that do not to another. Drink not wine to drunkenness, and 

16 let no iniquity whatever fasten itself upon thee in thy whole life. Give of thy bread to the 
hungry, and clothe the naked with thy garments. From thy abundance of everv sort, 

17 my son, bestow alms; and let not thine eye look when thou givest an alms. Pour out 

18 thy wine and thy bread over the tomlis of the just, and give it not to sinners. Seek 

19 counsel of a wise man, and do not despise it ; for all counsel is useful. On every occasion 
bless God, and entreat of him that he direct thy ways and all thy paths, and that thy 
purposes may turn out well, for other nations have not a worthy purpose. Whom he 
will, he elevates: and whom he will he brings low. even down to the underworld.^ And 
so, uiy child, be mindful of these precepts, and let them not be blotted out from thy heart. 

20 And now, my child. I inform thee that I entrusted ten talents of silver to Gabaelus, the 
brother of Gabri, at Rages in Media. And fear not, my child, because we have become 
impoverished. Thou hast many good things, if thou fearest God, and fleest every siu 
and dost practice what is good before the Lord thy God. 

Chapter V. 

1 Then Tobias answered and said to Tobith, his father : All things which thou hast 

2 enjoined upon me I will do, father ; but how can I receive it from him, when he 
neither knows me, nor I him? What token can I give him that he may recognize me 
and have confidence in me so as to give me the money? And the roads into Jledia — I 

3 do not know the way of getting there. Then Tobith answered and said to Tobias, his 
son. His written obligation he gave nie, and I gave a written obligation to him ; and I 
divided it into two parts, and we took each a piece, and I laid it along with the money. 
And now, behold, twenty years are gone since I deposited this money. And so, my child, 
seek for thyself a trust}' ma-n who shall go with thee, whom we will ])ay after thou 

4 hast returned, and get from him this money. And Tobias went out to seek a man who 
should go with him into Media, one acquainted with the way; and when he went out 
he found Raphael, the angel, standing before him, and he knew not that he was an angel 

5 of God. And he said to him. Whence art thou, young man? And he said to him. From 
the sons of Israel, thy brethren, and I have come hither to get employment. And he 

6 said to him. Dost thou know the way to go into Media? And he said to him. Oh, yes! 
I have been there many times, and have experience, and am acquainted with all the 
roads. I have often gone into Media, and lodged with Gabaelus, our brother, who 
lives at Rages in Media ; and it is a definite journey of two days from Ecl)atana to 

7 Rages; for it lies in the mountain, Ecbatana in the midst of the plain. Ami he said to 
him, Wait for me, young man, until I go in and inform my father; for I have need of thee 

8 to go with me, and I will give thee thy wages. And he said to him, Behold, I wait; 
only do not stay long. And Tobias went in, and informed Tobith, his father, and said 
to him, Lo, I have found a man from our brethren, of the sons of Israel. And he said to 
him. Call the man to me, that I may learn of what race he is, and of what tribe, and 

9 whether he is sufficiently trusty to go with thee, my child. And Tobias went out and 
called him, and said to him. Young man, my father would see thee. And lie went in to 
him, and Tobith greeted him first. And he said to him, Much joy be unto thee ! And 
Tobith answered and said to him. What joy remains to me more? I am even one who 
has no use of his eyes, and see not the light of heaven, but sit in darkness as the dead 
who no more see the light; I am alive among the dead; I hear the voice of men, and see 
them not. And he said to him. Be of good courage: to heal thee is near with God; be 
of good courage. And Tobith said to him, Tobias, my son, wishes to go into Media, if 
thou canst be his companion and guide; and I will give thee thy wages, my brother. 
And he said to him, I shall be able to go with him, and I know all the ways ; and I have 
often been going into Media, and passed through all its plains and mountains, and I am 

10 acquainted with all its roads. And he said to him. My brother, of what fandly art thou, 

11 an<l of what tribe? Show me, my brother. And he replied, What use hast thou for a 
tribe? And he said to him, I desire to know truthfully, brother, whose son thou art, ami 

12 what thy name is. And he answered him, I am Azarias, son of the great Ananias, of thy 

13 brethren. And he said to him. Health and safety to you, my brother; and be not vexed 
at me, brother, that I wished to know the truth and thy father's house. Thou also art a 
brother of ours, and of an excellent and good race. I was acquainted with Ananias and 

' The Sin. Cofl. confounds Ters. 7 and 19, omitting what intervenes between the words irotouo-iv Stxatocriii^v of th« 
one, and Swcrci jcvpi'os avToU ^ouAijc ayadriv of the other ; but with the exception of the latt«r words, which are no» 
found in it, the Old Latin sufficiently well restore.^ the sense. 


Nathan, the two sons of the great Semelias, and they went with me to Jerusalem, and 
worshipped with me there, and they did not go astray. Thy brethren were good men, 

14 of a good stock art thou, and I bid thee welcome. He also said to him, I will give thee 
as wages a drachma a day and the things thou mayest need, just as to my son; and 

15 do thou go with my son, and I will add somewhat to thy wages. And he said to him, I 
will go with him. And be without anxiety : we shall go away in health, and in health shall 
we return to you, for the road is safe. And he said to him, A blessing be upon thee, my 

16 brother! And he called his son, and said to him, My child, get ready the things neces- 
sary for the journey, and go along with thy brother ; and the God who is in heaven 
preserve you [to get] there, and bring you back to me safe and sound ; and may his angel 
attend you with safety, my child! 

And he went forth to go his way, and kissed his father and mother; and Tobith said 

17 to him, A safe journey ! And his mother wept, and said to Tobith, Whv hast thou sent 
away my child? Is not he the staff of our hand, and does he not go in and out be- 

18 fore usV Add not money to money, but let it be as refuse in comparison with [oj', as a 

19 ransom for] our son. As we receive enough from the Lord to live, let this suffice us. 

20 And he replied to her, Be not anxious: our child will go in health, and in health will he 
return to us. And thy eyes shall see bim on the day on which he will return to thee in 

21 health. Be not anxious; fear not for them, my sister; for a good angel will attend him, 

22 and his way shall be prospered, and he shall return safe and sound. And she ceased 

Chapter VI. 

1 And the young man departed, and the angel with him; the dog, too, went out with 
him, and accompanied them on the journey; and as they travelled together the first night 

2 came upon them, and they spent it at the river Tigris. And the young man went down 
to the river Tigris to bathe his feet; and a huge fish leaped out of the water, and would 

3 have swallowed the foot of the young man. And when he cried out, the angel said to 
the young man. Lay hold and get possession of the fish. And the young man mastered 

4 the fish, and drew it up upon the land. And the angel said to bim. Divide the fish, and 
take out its gall and heart and liver, and lay them up by thee, and throw away the insides; 

5 for its gall and heart and liver are good as medicine. And the young man divided the 
fish, and collected together the gall and the heart and the liver; and some of the fish he 
broiled and ate, and left over a part of it, which he salted. And they journeyed both 

6 together until they drew near to Media. And then the young man spoke to the angel, 
and asked him. Brother Azarias, what are the medicinal qualities in the heart and the 

7 hver of the fish and in the gallV And he answered him. The heart and the liver of the 
fish, — make a smoke with them before a man or a woman who is attacked by a demon 
or evil spirit, and every attack will cease from him, and they will not continue with him 

8 any more for ever. And the gall is to anoint a man's eyes with who has leucoma on 

9 them. Blow it in upon the white spots that are on them, and they will get well. And 
when he had come into Media, and already approached Ecbatana, Raphael said to the 

10 young man. Brother Tobias! And he said. Behold, I [listen]! And he said to him. 
In the house of Raguel must we lodge this night; and the man is of thy kin, and has a 

11 daughter whose name is Sarra; and he has no son i or daughter, with the sole excep- 
tion of Sarra; and thou art her next of kin, to whom she falls by inheritance rather 
than to any other man, and thou hast the right to inherit her father's substance. And 
the maiilen is intelligent and courageous and very beautiful, and her father is a noble 

12 man. He also said: Thou hast the right to marry her; and listen to me, my brother, 
and I will talk this night with her father concerning the maiden that we may get her for 
thee as bride, and when we return from Rages we will celebrate the wedding with her; 
and I know that Raguel cannot withhold her from thee, or betroth her to another, without 
exposing himself to death according to the ordinance of the book of Moses; and because 
of the knowledge that the inheritance is thine, it is fitting that thou, rather than any 
other man, shouldest marry his daughter. And now listen to me, my brother, and let 
us this night speak about the maiden, and ask her in marriage for thee; and, when we 

13 return from Rages, we will take her, and lead her away with us to thy house. Then 
Tobias answered and said to Raphael, Brother Azarias, I have heard that she has 
already been given to seven men, and they died in their bridal chamber; the night 
when they entered in unto her thev also died.^ And I have heard it said that a demon 

14 killed them. And now I am afraid, becau>e, while he does not injure her, he kills him 
who has a mind to come near to her. I am my father's only child, [I am afraid] lest I 
die and bring down the life of my father and my mother, with grief on my account, to 

15 their grave ; and they have no other son to bury them. And he said to him, Dost 

* The Greek is vib? aptrrjv. 2 The last clause is omitted by Reusch, following the best Latin MSS. 


thou not recall the injunctions of thy father, that he bade thee marry a wife from the 
house of thy father? Anti so hear me, my brother, ami be not anxious about this 

16 demon, and take her. And I know that this ni^ht she shall be given thee as wife, .-^nd 
when thou enterest into the marriage chamber, take some of the liver of the fish, and the 
heart, and place it on the ashes of the incense, and the smoke will issue from it ; and the 

17 demon will smell it, and will flee away, and no more appear in her neighborhood forever. 
And when thou art about to have connection with her, rise up first, both of you, and 
pray and entreat the Lord of heaven that mercy and salvation may come upon you. And 
fear not; for she has been apportioned to thee from eternity, and thou wilt save her, and 
she will go with thee ; and I suppose that thou wilt have children from her, and thev 
will be to thee as brothers ; have no anxiety. And when Tobias heard the words of 
Raphael, and that she was his sister, from the seed of his father's house, he loved her 
very much, and his heart cleaved to her. 

Chapter Vii. 

1 And when he arrived at Ecbatana, he said to him, Brother Azarias, take me a direct 
course to Raguel, our brother. And he took him to the house of Raguehis, and they found 
him sitting by the door of the court, and they saluted him first; and he said to them, 
Many welcomes, my brethren! And I hope you come in the best of health! And he led 

2 them into his house; and he said to Edna, his wife. How like is this young man to 

3 Tobith, my brother! And Edna asked them and said to them. Whence are 3'ou, my 
brethren ? And they replied to her, We are of the sons of Nephthalim, of the captivity 

4 at Nineve. And she said to them. Do you know Tobith, our brother? And they 
6 answered her, We know him. And she said to them. Is he well ? And they replied to her. 

6 He is alive and well. And Tobias said. He is my father. And Raguel sprang up, and 

7 kissed him tenderly, and wept. And blessing him he said, A blessing be upon thee, my 
child, who art the son of a noble and good man! O the wretched misfortune, that a 
righteous man and a giver of alms should become blind! And falling on the neck of 

8 Tobias, his brother, he wept. And Edna his wife wept for him; and Sarra, their 
daughter, she also wept. And he slaughtered a ram from the flock, and entertained 
them heartil}-; and, after they had bathed and washed and sat down to eat, Tobias 
said to Raphael, Brother Azarias, Speak to Raguel that he give me Sarra, my sis- 

9 ter? And Raguel heard the remark, and said to the young man, Eat and drink and 

10 be men-y this night ; for there is no man who can properly marry my daughter, Sarra^ 
except thyself, my brother. And moreover, likewise, I have no power to give her to any 
other man, except thyself, because thou art my next of kin. And [yet] verily I will 

11 make known to thee the truth, mj' child. I have given her to seven men of our brethren, 
and they all died the night when they entered in to her. And now, my child, eat and 
drink, and the Lord will show you mercy. And Tobias said, I will not eat here at all, nor 

12 drink at all, until thou hast arranged these matters with me. And Raguel said to him, 
I will do it, and she shall be given thee, according to the ordinance of the book of Moses ; 
and it has been fixed in heaven that she is to be given to thee. Receive thy sister. 
From now on thou art her brother, and she is thy sister; from to-day and for ever she is 
made over to thee. And the Lord of heaven prosper you, my child; this night, also, 

13 may he bestow upon you mercy and peace. And Raguel called his daughter, Sarra, and 
she came to him; and, taking her hand, he gave her away to him, and said, Receive her 
according to the law, and according to the ordinance written in the book of Moses that 
she is given thee as thy wife, and keep her, and lead her away to thy father in health 

14 and the God of heaven give you prosperity and peace. And he called her mother, and 
bade her bring paper ; and he wrote a certificate of marriage, and that he gave her away 

15 to him as wife according to the ordinance of the law of closes. After that they began 
'6 to eat and to drink. And Raguel called Edna, his wife, and said to her. Sister, make 
>.7 ready the other sleeping-room, and lead her in there. And she went into the sleeping- 
room, and put the couch in readiness, as he had bidden her, and led her in there, ami 

8 wept over her; and, when she had wiped away the tears, she said to her. Be of good 
cheer, my daughter; the Lord of heaven give thee joy for thy sorrow; be of good cheer, 
my daughter. And she departed. 

Chapter VIIL 

\ And when they were through with eating and drinking, they wished to go to sleep, 

* and they led away the young man and conducted him into the sleeping-room. And 

Tobiae recalled the words of Raphael, and he took the liver and the heart of the Csb ox' 


of the little sack where he had kept them and laid them on the ashes of the incense 

3 And the odor of the fish was a check to the demon and he ran away into the upper parts 
of Egypt, and Raphael went and fettered him there and bound him forthwith.' And they 

4 went out and shut the door of the sleeping-room. And Tobias arose from the couch and 
said to her, Sister, rise up, let us pray and entreat our Lord that he will bestow upon us 

i> mercy and deliverance. And she rose up, and they began to pray and entreat that they 
might find deliverance; and he began, saying. Blessed art thou, O God of our fathers, 

6 and blessed is thy name for ever ; let the heavens bless thee, and thy whole creation for 
ever. Thou didst make Adam and niadest for him a helpful support, Eva, his wife, and 
from both sprang the race of men. And thou didst say. It is not good for man to be alone, 

7 let us make for him a helper like himself. And now, I take not this my sister for the sake 

8 of lust, but in truth. Command that mercy be shown me and her, and that we become old 

9 together. And they said with one another, Amen. And they slept through the night. 

And Raguel rose up and called his servants with him, and they went and dug a grave; 

10 for he said. He may perhaps have died and we become a laughing-stock and reproach. 

11 And when they were through digging the grave, Raguel went into the house and called his 

12 wife and said, Send one of the maids and let her go iu and see if he is alive; and if dead, 

13 that we may bury him, so that no man know it. And they sent the maid, and lighted 
the lamp and opened the door; and she went in and found them at rest and asleep to- 

14 gether. And the maid came out and told them that he was alive and that there was no 

15 trouble. And they blessed the God of Heaven and said. Blessed art thou, O God, with 

16 all pure blessing; let them bless thee for ever ; and blessed art thou that thou hast made 
me glad, and it has not happened as I suspected, but thou hast dealt with us according 

17 to thy great mercy. And blessed art thou that thou didst pity two only-begotten 
children. Grant them, O Lord, mercy and salvation, and bring their life to a close with 

18 joy and mercy. Then he ordered his servants to fill up the grave before the dawu should 

19 appear. And he bade his wife make much bread. And going out to the herd he brought 
two bullocks and four rams and ordered that they should be made ready, and they began 

20 to prepare them. And he called Tobias and said to him, Under fourteen days thou 
shalt not stir a step from here, but remain in this place eating and drinking with me and 

21 making glad the soul of my daughter, that is cast down. And of my entire property take 
hence half and go in health to thy father, and the other half is yours when I and my wife 
are dead. Be of good cheer, my child, I am thy father and Edna thy mother. And we 
are with thee and thy sister from this time forth for ever ; be of good cheer, my child I 

Chapter IX. 

1, 2 Then Tobias called Raphael and said to him, Brother Azarias, take with thee four ser- 
vants and two camels, and go to Rages and visit Gabaelus, and orive him the written obli<»a- 
S tion and get the money and bring him with thee to the wedding. For thou knowest that 

4 my father will be counting the days, and if I delay a single day I shall grieve him sorely. 

5 And thou seest how Raguel has sworn, and I cannot disregard his oath. Antl Raphael, 
with the four servants and two camels, went to Rages of Media and stayed over night 
with Gabaelus ; and he delivered to him his written obligation and told him about Tobias, 
the son of Tobith, that he had married a wife and that he invited him to the weddincr. 
And he rose up and counted out to him the little sacks with their seals and they laid them 

€ together. And they arose earlj- in the morning together, and started out for the wedding; 
and they came into the house of Raguel and found Tobias reclining at table. And he 
sprang up and embraced him, and wept and blessed him and said to him, A noble and 
good man, sou of one noble and good, righteous and merciful, art thou; may the Lord give 
thee and thy wife heaven's blessing, and to thy father and the mother of thy wife. Blessed 
be God that I have seen Tobias, my cousin, a picture of him.^ 

Chapter X. 

1 BoT Tobith reckoned day by day the number of days it would require for him to go 

2 and to return. And when the days cauie to an end and his son did not appear, he 
said. Has he perhaps been detained there? Or is Gabael possibly dead and no one de- 

3, 4 livers to him the money? And he began to be sorrowful. Ami Anna, his wife, said, 

My son has perished and is no more among the living. And she began to weep and la- 

5 ment for her son, and said. Woe to me, my child, that I let you go away, the light of my 

* Reusch has for ttie last clanee «al eTrtirrpe\f/tv rrapavrUa, " and returned immediately." 

' 'Ofioiov avTf^ Reusch would emend to ort elSov <re Ttu^id tuv aveipiov juov ojuotoi'. The Old Lat. is : " yuoniawl mdt$ 
Thobi consobrini mei simitem,^^ 


6 eyes ! And Tobith said to her, Be silent, have no anxiety, sister I He is well, and thej 
have been finely entertained there; and the man who went with him is trusty, and is one 
of our brethren. Grieve not on his account, my sister. He will be here ri^ht awav. 

7 And she said to him. Do not talk to me, and deceive me not; my child has peri-hed. Anil 
she rushed out and day by day looked round about on the road which her son went, and 
trusted to nobody ; ^ and when the sun went down she returned home and lamented 
and wept the whole night and had no sleep. And when the fourteen days of the wedding 

8 were over which Raguel had sworn to observe for his daughter, Tobias went to him and 
said, Send me away, for I know that my father and mother do not believe that they shall 
see me again ; and now I beg thee, father, to send me away that I may go to my father — 

9 I have already told you in what state I left him. And Raguel said to Tobias, Stay, my 
child, stay with me, and I will send messengers to thy father Tobith, and they shall in- 

10 form him concerning thee. And he said to him. By no means, I pray you permit me to 

11 go hence to my father. And Raguel rose up and delivered to Tobias Sarra, his wife, and 
half of all his possessions, uienservants and maidservants, cattle and sheep, asses and 

12 camels, clothing, and money, and vessels, and he sent them away in health, and em- 
braced him and said to him. Farewell, ray child, in health go hence; the Lord of heaven 
prosper you and Sarra thy wife and may I see from you children before I die. .\nd he 
said to Sarra, his daughter. Go to thy father-in-law, for from tliis time forth they are thy 
parents as those who have begotten thee; go in peace, my daughter; may I hear good 
of thee as long as I live. And embracing them he let them go. And Edna said to Tobias, 
My child and beloved brother, may the Lord bring thee back and may I see thy children 
while I live and those of Sarra my daughter before I die. Before the Lord I give over my 
daughter to thee in trust; grieve her not all the days of thy life. Go, dear child, in peace, 
from henceforth I am thy mother and Sarra thy sister. And may we all be prospered in 
the same thing all the days of our life. And she tenderly kissed them both and sent them 

13 away in health. And Tobias went away from Raguel hale and happy and blesssing the 
Lord of heaven and earth, the King of all, that he had given him a prosperous journey; 
and he [Raphael?] said to him, May it be granted thee ^ to honor them all the days of 
their life. 

Chapter XL 

1,2 And when they drew near to Caserin,' which is over against Nineve, Raphael said, 

3 Thou knowest how we left thy father; let us hasten on in advance of thy wife and get the 

4 house ready while they are on the way.^ And they went on both together; and he said to 
him. Take in thy hand the gall. And the dog went along with them, behind him and 

5, 6 Tobias. And Anna sat looking around over her son's road. And she espied him 
coming and said to his father, Lo, thy son is coming and the man who went with him. 

7 And Raphael said to Tobias before he got near his father, I know that his eyes will be 

8 opened ; rub the gall of the fish into his eyes and the medicine will make them shrink 
up and the leucoma will peel off from his eyes and thy father will see again and behold 

9 the light. And Anna ran up and fell on her son's neck and said to hiui, I have seen 
10 thee, my child, henceforth I am ready to die. And she wept. And Tobith rose up and 

stumbled with his feet, and he went out to the door of the court. And Tobias advanced tc 
n him, and the gall of the fish was in his hand; and he blew it into his eyes and took hold of 

12 him and said. Be of good courage, father. And he applied the medicine to him once 

13 and again; and with both his hands he peeled oft [the substance] from the corners of his 

14 eyes; and he fell on his neck and wept, and said to him, I have seen thee my child, the light 
of my eyes! And he said. Blessed be God, and blessed his great name, and blessed be all 

15 his holy angels. May his great name be upon us and all the angels be blessed for ever, for 
he chastised me and behold, 1 see Tobias, my son. And Tobias went in rejoicing and 
blessing (iod with his whole mouth ; and Tobias told his father that his journey had been 
prospered and that he had brought the money and how he had married Sarra, the daiighter 
of Raguel, and. Behold she is at hand and is in the neighborhood of the gate of Nineve. 

16 And Tobith went out to meet his daughter-in-law, rejoicing and blessing God, to the 
gate of Nineve. And the inhabitants of Niiieve, as they saw him going, and walking along 

17 m his full strength and led by the han<l of none, wondered. And Tobith acknowledged 
before them thatljod had had mercy on him and that he had opened his eyef. And Tobith 
drew near to SaiTa, the wife of Tobias his son, and blessed her and said to her. Welcome, 
daughter, and blessed be thy God wlio has brought thee to us, daughter, and blessed is thy 
father, and blessed is Tobias my son, and blessed art thou, my daughter. Enter into thy 

> ReuBs adopts for eVti'fltTO oiSeW from " C, ■■('•<•, ^- 1U6. 107.), e-ycviraTo ovJeyoi. 

J Rmsoti would substitute lioi for o-oc, and put the verb in the optative instead ol the subjunctive. C. has -yttoirj 
KOI Tiiiii- r'ov TTtyBtpov Mou, etc. ; Old Lat., " Iiijiinclum e.« mihi a Domino honoran vos omnibus dithus mla vestrir. ' 
» KeuBch writes from conjecture XaAojj ; tin- (ild Lat. has Otaram; the Codd. named by Reusch " 0.," Xaio-opcio. 
* 'Hv y ipxovrat.. lleusch, ews epxfai ojriVaj t^i^ujv. 


house in health, in blessing and joy enter in, my daughter. On this day there came joy 
18 to all the Jews who were in Nineve. And Achicar and Nabad, his cousins, were present 
to rejoice with Tobith. 

Chapter XII. 

1 And when the wedding was over Tobith called his son, Tobias, and said to him. My 
child, see that thou trivest his wages to the man who went with thee and give him more 

2 than the wages. And he said to him, Father, how much as wages shall I give himV I 
shall not be harmed if I give him half of the property which he brouL^ht here with me; 

3 he has guided me prosperously, and my wife he has cured, and the money he has brought 
in my company, and has healed thee : how much additional as wages shall I give liimV 

4 And Tobith said to him, It is right for him. my child, to receive half of all that he brought. 

5 And he called him and said. Take half of all that thou didst bring as thy wao-es, and 

6 go in health. Then he called the two aside and said to them. Bless God and acknowl- 
edge him before all the living for the good things he has done in your case that you 
might bless and praise his name; declare the works of God to all men with honor and 

7 be not slow to acknowledge him ; to conceal a secret of a king is well, but to acknowledge 
the works of God and reveal them [is also well]; and [so] acknowledge him with honor.* 

8 Practice the good and evil shall not find you. Prayer is good with truth, and alms with 
righteousness better than wealth with unrighteousness ; better is it to give alms than hoard 

9 up money. Almsgiving delivers from death and it cleanses from every sin ; those who 

10 give alms shall be filled with life ; those who practice sin and unrighteousness are enemies 

11 of their own souls. I will make known to you the whole truth and conceal from you 
nothing. Already I have shown you and said, A secret of a king it is well to conceal, 

12 and to reveal with praise the works of God. And now, when thou and Sarra didst pray I 
brought the memorial of your prayer before the glory of the Lord, and when thou didst bury 

18 the dead bodies likewise, and when thou didst not delay to rise up and leave thy meal and 

14 go and bury the corpse, then I was sent to thee to prove thee and at the same time God 

15 sent me to heal thee and Sarra thy daughter-in-law.^ I ain Raphael, one of the seven an- 

16 gels who stand in waiting, and go in before the glory of the Lord. And the two were in 

1 7 consternation and fell down on their faces and were afraid. And he said to them, Fear not ; 

18 peace be to you! Bless God for ever. I, when I was with you, was not with you by my 

19 favor but by the will of God, bless him for ever; praise him. And you observed me that 

20 I ate nothing, but it was a vision you saw. And now bless the Lord on earth and acknowl- 
edge God. Behold I ascend up to him that sent me ; record all that which has happened to 

21, 22 you. And he ascended. And they arose and could see him no more. And they 
blessed and praised God and gave him thanks for all these his great works, that an angel 
of God had appeared to them. 

Chapter Xm. 

1, 2 And he said, Blessed be God who lives for ever and blessed be his kingdom, for he 
chastises and shows mercy, he leads down to Hades, in the lowest [lart of the earth and 
he brings up from the great destruction and there is nothing which shall escape his hand. 

3, 4 Confess him, ye sons of Israel, before the nations, for he scattered you among them, and 
there he showed you his greatness ; and exalt him in the sight of everything that lives, since 

5 he is our Lord and he is our God and he is our Father and he is God fur ever. He will 
chastise you for your unrighteousness and will have mercy on you all ^ out of all peoples 

6 among whom you may have been anywhither scattered. VV'hen you turn to him with your 
whole heart and your whole soul to practice truth before him then will he turn to you and 

8 will no longer hide his face from you. And now observe what he has done with you, and 
confess him with thy whole mouth and bless the Lord of righteousness and e.xalt the eternal 

10 King.* And again, thy tabernacle shall be set up in thee with joy, [and he will turzi] to make 

11 glad in thee all the captives and lo love in thee all the wi-etched even for ever. A clear 
light shall shine to all the ends of the earth ; many nations shall come to thee from far and 
dwellers in the uttermost parts of the earth to thy holy name, yea having their gifts in their 
hands. To the King of heaven generations of generations shall give praise in thee and [carry V 

12 the] name of the chosen one to eternity.* Cursed shall be all they who speak a harsh 
word, cursed shall be all they who destroy thee and cast down thy walls, and all who 
overturn thy towers and set fire to thy dwellings, and blessed shall be for ever those who 

13 fear * thee. Then go ' and rejoice before the sons of the just, for all shall be gathered 

^ Beuss has emended to ; ra St epya rov Qeov efofioAoyetcrtfai ivrifUK, omitting Koi avoKaXvirreiVf Kol efoftoAoyeiij^e. 

* The Greek is, ttji' wfifbi^v trov- 

3 We follow the Sinaitic Cod-, with Fritzsche ; Reusch supplies from other MSS. koI ovfo^ei um«- 

* The next three verses are wanting in .\. s Reusch's text reads, to byofid (Toy eVXeKTOK 

* Reusch adopts, from the Old Latin, oi«o5ououi/Tes for if)oflou^e»'oi of the Sin. 
' Reusch has ;^dp7jfli, which is the reading of II. 


14 together and shall bless the everlasting Lord. Happy are they that love thee and happy 
are they that shall rejoice over tliy peace, and happy are all the men who shall grieve 
for thee on account of thy chastisements, for they shall have joy in thee and shall see all thy 

15, 16 joy for ever. My soul blesses the Lord, the great King, for in the city of ' Jerusalem 
shall be built his house for ever. Happy shall I be if the remnant of my seed survive 
to behold thy glory, and to give thanks to the King of heaven. And the gates of Jeru- 
salem shall be built with sapphire and emerald, and all thy walls with precious stone ; 
the towers of Jerusalem shall be built with gold and their bulwarks with pure gold ; the 

17 broadways of Jerusalem shall be paved with carbuncle and stone of Suphir. And the 

18 gates of Jerusalem shall utter songs of praise and all her dwellings say, Alleluia, blessed be 
the God of Israel. And blessed ones shall bless the holy name for ever and aye. 

Chapter XIV. 

1 And the words of Tobith's thanksgiving were ended, and he died in peace, one 

2 hundred and twelve years old, and was buried with honor in Nineve. And he was 
sixty-two years old when he became blind; and after he saw again he lived in good 

3 circumstances, and practiced almsgiving. And still more he praised God, and confessed 
his greatness. And when he was dying he called Tobias, his son, and charged him, 

4 saying. My son, take away thy children, and hasten into Media, for I believe the word 
of God against Nineve which Nahura uttered : that all things shall be and shall come upon 
Assur and Nineve; and what the prophets of Israel have spoken, whom God sent, all will 
come to pass, and nothing at all will fail from all the predictions ; yea, all will take 
place in their time ; and in Media there will be safety, rather than in Assyria and in 
Babylon. [Go] for I know and am assured that all things which God has spoken will be 
fulfilled and will be, and not one word of his utterances fail. And our brethren who 
dwell in the land of Israel will all be scattered, and carried away captive from the good 
land, and the whole land of Israel will be desolate, and Samaria and Jerusalem will be 

5 desolate, and God's house in it will also be burned until its time. And again God will 
have mercy on them, and God will return them to the land of Israel; and again they will 
build the house, yet not as the first, until the time when the period of the epochs has 
been fulfilled. And afterwards all will return from their captivity, and will build Jerusalem 
gloriously, and the house of God will be built in it, according as the prophets of Israel 

6 have spoken concerning her. And all the nations which are in the whole earth will turn, 
and fear God truly, and all will forsake their idols, which seduced them to their false 

7 ways, and will bless the eternal God in righteousness. All the sons of Israel who are 
saved in those days, remembering God in truth, will be gathered together, and will 
come to Jerusalem, and dwell for ever in the land of Abraam in safety, and it will be 
given over to them; and they that love God in truth will rejoice, and they that practice 

8 sin and unrighteousness will cease from the whole land. And so, my children, I enjoin it 
upon you : serve God in truth, and do that which is pleasing in his sight, and enjoin it upon 
your children to practice righteousness and almsgiving, and that ihey be mindful of God, 

9 and praise his name at every opportunity in truth, and with their whole strength. And 

10 now, my child, do thou go away from Nineve, and remain not here. On the very day on 
which thou shalt bury thy mother by my side, stay not over night in her borders; for I see 
that there is much uin-ii;liteousness in her, and much guile comes to fruit in her, and they 
are not ashamed. Behold, my child, what Nadab did to Achicarus, who brought him up: 
was he not brought down alive into the earth V And God paid back the dishonor to his 
face; and Achicarus came out into the light, ivhile Nadab went into the eternal darkness, 
because he sought to kill Achicarus. Because he practiced almsgiving in my case he 
escaped the snare of death which Nadab laid for him ; and Nadab tell into the snare of 

11 death, aud it destroyed him. And now, my children, see what almsgiving docs; and what 
unrighteousness does — that it kills. And, behold, my spirit is departing. And they laid 

12 him on the bed, and he died, and was buried with honor. And when his mother died 
Tobias buried her by his father, and he and his wife went away into Media, and dwelt 

13 in Kcbatana with Raguelus, his father-in-law; and he cherished them honorably in their 
old age. And he buried them in Ecbatana, of Media, and inherited the house of Raguelus 

14 and that of Tobith, his father. And he died with honor when he was one hundred and 

15 seventeen years old; and he saw, before his death, and heard of the destruction of 
Nineve; and he saw her captives led to Media, whom Asuerus,* the king of Media, led 
captive. And he blessed God in all which he did to the sons of Nineve and Assur, and 
he rejoiced before his death over Nineve; and he blessed the Lord, who is God for eve* 
and ever. Amen ! 

1 Beusch has adopted TraAiv for t-jJ TrdXei of the Sin. 

i Beiuch has 'Axia;^apof, which ia the original reading of X. ; Old Lat., Achicar. 



The Book of Judith, which Luther for some reason not yet explained places at the begin- 
ning of the apocryphal books in his translation of the Bible, in the English Bible comes fourth 
in order, being preceded by 1 and 2 Esdras and Tobit. Its contents are, in brief, as fol- 
lows : An Assyrian king, called Nabuchodonosor, residing at Nineveh, wag carrying on, in 
the twelfth year of his reign, a war against a certain Median king named Arphaxad. After 
five yciirs of conflict, the latter was defeated and slain, and his capital, Eebatana, destroyed. 
In this war the neighboring peoples had allied themselves to the one side or the other, as 
their own prejudices or interests dictated. The war being over, and his victory having been 
duly celebrated by Nabuchodonosor, he determined to take vengeance on such nations, in- 
cluding the Jews, as had refused to become his allies against Arphaxad. 

Operations against the latter people were undertaken by Olophernes, the general of Nabu- 
chodonosor, at first in connection with a certain fortified place called Betulua, situated some- 
where in the mountains of Judah. He laid siege to the place, and after a period of thirty- 
four days bad brought the inhabitants into a condition of the deepest distress. They despaired 
of deliverance, and, with the hope of saving at least their lives, wished to surrender to the 
Assyrians. Ozias, however, one of the "governors" of the city, counseled delay for five 
days longer, expressing the hope that within this time Jehovah would in some way interpose 
for their deliverance. At this point Judith, a rich, pious, and beautiful widow, presents 
herself before the elders of the city and declares her readiness to engage in an enterprise for 
the rescue of her people, but is unwilling to communicate the details of her plan. She is 
allowed to go forth on her perilous undertaking, and reaches in safety the Assyrian camp, 
attended only by a single maid. Here, after three days, she succeeds in so far winning the 
confidence of Olophernes and his officers that she is allowed to remain alone in the former's 
tent while he is in a state of beastly intoxication. With his own sword she sunders the head 
of this redoubtable general from his body, and under cover of the darkness makes good her 
escape with the bloody trophy. Arrived in Betulua, she advises that the head of Olophernes 
be suspended over the walls, and that a feint of attacking the Assyrians be made at the break 
of day. Her counsel being followed, the Assyrians are utterly routed and are pursued by the 
Jews as far as Damascus. Thirty days are consumed in plundering the Assyrian camp, after 
which great honors are paid to Judith by the high priest and the entire nation. She dies at 
the age of one hundred and four years, and is publicly lamented for seven days. During her 
lifetime, subsequent to the defeat of the Assyrians, and for a long period after her death, 
Israel had peace. 

Is the Book a History or a Romance f 

With the exception of Wolf and Von Gumpach, those who in modern times defend the 
story of Judith as a veritable history are found almost exclusively within the bounds of the 
Roman Catholic church. How serious a task these persons have taken upon themselves, and 
how far short they have come of its successful execution, we shall endeavor to show. It is 
seen, in the first place, in the widely divergent theories proposed by them in accounting for 
the origin of the work. Some would assign the events narrated to a period just previous to 
the Babylonian captivity, others, with equal assurance, to that just after the return, while by 
gtill others they have been located in almost everj- subsequt/nt century down to the time of 
Christ. Naturally, the difhculty of dispo.sing of Nabuchodonosor is one of the greatest, and 
there is scarcely an Assyrian, a Babylonian, Persian, or Seleucian king with whom, at one 


time or another, he has not been identified, — Cambyses, Xerxes, Esarhaddon, Kiniladen, Me- 
rodach Baladan, among them. There is a like want of unanimity among its defenders respect- 
ing the authorship of the work. Some maintain that it was Judith herself. Others fi.ic 
upon Joacim, the high priest. Wolf will have it that it was no other than Achior the Am- 

The geographical problems which the remarkable campaign of Olophernes force upon the 
careful reader are no less productive of differences of opinion among the supporters of the 
credibility of the history. No one seems able to trace this general's line of march in a man- 
ner satisfactory to his co-l.iborers. Such a state of things is, in itself, calculated to awaken 
doubt even in the minds of those naturally inclined to accept the supposition of a real his- 
tory. But when the actual facts of the case are known, the misstatements, the anachro- 
nisms, the geographical absurdities, the literary extravagances of the book considered, it is- 
difficult to see how any unprejudiced reader can hesitate in his decision that, whatever slight 
basis of truth or worthy aim it may have had, it is essentially a work of tlie imagination. In 
harmony with this view, Luther speaks of it as a kind of allegorical, didactic, passion-play 
(Passionsspiel) ; Grotius, as an allegorical work intended for comfort and encouragement ; 
Buddeus, as a drama; Niebuhr, an epic; Babor, an apologue; Jahn, a didactic poem; Movers 
and Ewald, a legend ; Eichhorn, a worthless [?] fable of an ignorant Jew; Bertholdt, purely 
a work of the fancy; Keil and Gutmann, a free, poetic working over of a traditional, and dur- 
ing its transmission much changed historical saga ; Fritzsche and De Wette, a poem with 
patriotic and moral aim ; Vaihinger, a prophetico-poetical nariative ; Westcott, historical 
fiction. This line of opinions which, under various forms of expression, is essentially one, 
finds its support in the following among other similar characteristics of the book. 

First, the impossibility of reconciling its historical statements and presuppositions with one 
another or with universally acknowledged facts. In the earlier chapters of the book, for ex- 
ample, we read that an Assyrian army marclied against the Jews. This could have happened 
only before the Exile, while in the later chapters the entire representation is of a period sub- 
sequent to the Exile. It is distinctly stated, in fact, that the people had but just returned 
from the Cajitivity, and that the temple, which had been destroyed, was again restored and 
consecrated (iv. 3; v. 18, 19). They had no longer a king, but were politically united under 
a high priest by the name of Joacim, who ruled in connection with the Sanhedrin (iv. 6, 8; 
XV. 8). After the heroic act of Judith, the country is said to have had peace for a long time 
(xvi. 25). It is as impossible, from these historical data, to fix the period covered by our 
narrative soon after the Captivity as immediately before it. Still, this has been the usual 
course of those attempting to defend its credibility. Nabuchodonosor, for instance, is assumed 
to be some Persian king. Gutschmid sought to identify him with Artaxerxes Ochus, who is 
known to have had a general by the name of Olophernes. But while meeting this compara- 
tively trifling condition of the problem he became involved in a network of more serious diffi- 
culties, from which he found it impossible to extricate himself. He was obliged, among other 
things, to explain how it was possible for Nineveh to be still in existence at that period, and 
how such a campaign as the one described could then have been undertaken against Israel. 
Those, on the other hand, like Wolf and Niebuhr, who have preferred to take the bull boldly 
by the horns, and to locate the history where its opening chapters place it, have shown a no 
less astounding temerity in the character of their suppositions and logical combinations. 
Fritzsche (Schenkel's Bib. Lex., s. v.) says of these critics: " That history knows nothing of a 
Nabuchodonosor, as king of Assyria in Nineveh, or of a Median king Arphaxad, who built the 
walls of Ecliatana, troubles them not. By the latter mentioned they understand, at one time, 
Deioces, the builder of Ecbatana (Herod., i. 98 [according to Rawlinson, Ancient Mon., ii. 383, 
there was really no such person]; at another time, and more commonly, his son Phraortes. 
Here, truly, there was something to hold to, that this person, in the twenty-second year of 
bis reign, was overwhelmingly defeated by the Assyrians (Herod., i. 102). The difference in 
•_ame could indeed be explained, and that the task of building Ecbatana had been entrusted 
to him by his father might be considered as a pardonable error of representation. But diffi- 
culties multiply as we advance. At the very start, the Nabuchodonosor wanted cannot be 
found. On the basis of certain vague dala these critics proceed to guess : it is Esarhaddon, 
it is Saosduchinus, or Kiniladen. They even lix on the Babylonian Merodach Baladan, and 
Nabopolassar, but without exi)lainiiig how any one of them came to bear the name " Nabu- 
>;hodono8or." They lose themselves in labyrinthine speculations in order to bring this period 


mto harmony with the condition of the Jews as described. Since no Jewish king is mentioned, 
and yet there must be one, so it must have been the time when Manasseh was in prison at 
Babylon, or, just then, had little authority, or when king Josiah was under guardianship. The 
captivity of the people and their return from the same is left unexplained. Has the temple, 
according to v. 18, been wholly destroyed — it is only a desecration ! The high priest Joacim 
was Eliakim, represented in 2 Kings xviii. 18 to be an important personage under Hezekiah; 
or, as Von Gumpach supposes, the high priest Hilkiah under king Josiah (2 Kings xxii. 4). 
And finally, tc adduce but a single other circumstance, the beautiful Judith executed her 
bold undertaking, according to this theory, in somewhere .about the sixtieth year of her life!" 

Again, the geographical difficulties encountered by those who would defend the authenticity 
of the book are as hopelessly numerous and embarrassing as the historical. Let us notice, for 
example, some of the places mentioned in connection with the campaign of Olofernes, and see 
what light one of the most learned commentators of our book has been able to shed upon it. 
According to chap. ii. 15, Olophernes started from Nineveh with an army of 120,000 infantry 
and 12,000 cavalry. After a march of three days (ver. 21) the army came to the " plain of 
Bsectilaeth." Wolf supposes this to have been " Malatia " (Melitene), which was more than 
three hundred miles from Nineveh to the northwest. Since this place could not really have 
been reached in the time stated, he conjectures that they must have reckoned from some 
other nearer place (p. 91). From there the army marched " into the hill country and de- 
stroyed Phud and Lud and spoiled all the children of Rasses." By "Phud," this critic 
thinks the Cholcians are meant, a people more than another three hundred miles to the 
northeast of Malatia ; by Lud, the Lydians, double that distance to the west ; while by the 
" children of Rasses," the inhabitants of Tarsus, or Cilicia, are supposed to be meant, to 
reach whom the army must march back a couple of hundred miles or so, in a southeasterly 
direction. Then the " children of Ishmael " were subdued, inhabiting the country "to the 
south of the land of the Chellians." These Ishmaelites, Wolf thinks, were to be found directly 
to the east, inhabiting a part of Mesopotamia. Another long march of from two hundred to 
three hundred miles must be made, and the river Euphrates crossed, to reach them. The 
Euphrates was then recrossed, and the fortified places, " high cities," on the river "Arbona," 
— supposed to be " Chaboras " — destroyed. But, according to Wolf's theory respecting the 
Chellians, the army was already on the right side of the river for this purpose, and he is there- 
fore obliged to suppose that after bringing these Ishmaelites into subjection they had gone 
over to the south side again, and carried on operations, of which our book says nothing. 

The next point of attack was the " borders of Cilicia," the very land and people from 
which they had but just come, and which, one might suppose, had already been sufficiently 
punished by this agile and insatiable general of Nabuchodonosor. From Cilicia the line of 
march is to the " borders of Japhet," by which, our critic thinks, the high table-land 
in the vicinity of the mountain range Hauran is meant. From thence they compassed " all 
the children of Madiam," and " went down into the plain of Damascus." Was there ever 
another army, in ancient or modern times, that could march with such rapidity as this, or 
that has been led by a general who conducted his campaigns on such a singular plan ? If 
Olophernes had no mercy on his soldiers, that he put them through this shuttle movement, 
back and forth over plains and mountain ranges indifferently, we should suppose that the 
question of forage and supplies for such a multitude would have led to a different course. 
Our book gives us but slight indications resj)ecting the time consumed in this remarkable 
scries of military operations ; but Wolf, who seems never to be at a loss for theories, would 
have us understand that Olophernes left Malatia with his army in the " middle of September, 
J. C. 638," and reached Damascus after passing over a distance of two thousand miles, more 
or less — as one may readily compute for himself from the data given by this critic, — fighting 
many battles, and reducing a large number of fortified places " at the end of May, B.C. 037," 
i. e., in eight months, the rainy season included! See Wolf, Com., pp. 91, 108. 

In addition to these geographical and historical objections to the supposition that the work 
before us is to be interpreted as fact, its structure in oiher respects is equally against it. 
Many of the proper names, for instance, seem to have been selected with special reference to 
the characters they represent in the story. Such are Judith, " Jewess ; " Achior, " brother 
of light;" Betulua," virgin of Jehovah;" and Nabuchodonosor, as a common designation 
for a dreaded, hostile sovereign. The descent of Judith, too, is obviously for a special pur- 
pose traced back to Simeon', to which tribe also her husband belonged, as well as the eldurs 


of Betulua. Moreover, the plan of operations of the Assyrian army, in its attempt to reduce 
Betulua (ihap. vii. passim) is wholly inconsistent with the supposition of an actual case. So, 
too, the delineation, in many of its features, of the principal character of the book, Judith. 
Her conduct is especially noticeable for its unnaturalness after her return from the Assyrian 
camp, where, like another Jael, she had made a striking display of heroic patriotism, but at 
the expense of all womanly instincts. The scene where Achior swoons quite away (xiv. 6) 
at the sicrlit of Olophernes' head, is as highly colored as that where the heroine, like a queen, 
summons him into her presence with the words: " Call me Achior, the Ammonite! " The 
whole representation of Judith's proceedings in the hostile camp presupposes an amount of 
stupidity and carelessness on the part of Olophernes and his chief officers that can only be 
paralleled by their operations in the attempted capture of Betulua with its handful of de- 

Probable Dale of the Composition. 

The possibility of dating the origin of the book at or near the time of the Babylonian Cap- 
tivity beincr, as we have already seen, from the nature of the case, out of the question, there 
are but two other theories touching the time of its composition which seem to demand con- 
sideration : that which would assign it to the period of the Maccabees, or thereabouts, and 
that which sees symbolically depicted in it the relations of the Romans to the Jews during 
the time of Hadrian or Trajan. Hitzig, who first suggested the latter theory, fixed upon the 
insurrection under Barkochba or Simon, during the reign of the former emperor (a. d. 132), 
as the event symbolized (cf. his work, Ueber Johannes Markus unci seine Schriften, p. 165). 
But Volkmar, who, in a number of shorter articles, and especially in his Handbook of Intro- 
duction to the Apocrypha,^ has been its principal supporter, advocates the view that the insur- 
rection brought to a close at the beginning of the reign of Hadrian, A. D. 117, is meant. 
Graetz in the fourth volume of his Hiitory of the Jews, accepts in a somewhat modified form 
this position of Volkmar, while others, as Lipsius, Hilgenfeld, Derenbourg, Schiirer, Ewald, 
and Fritzsche are unable to find any sufficient ground for it. The theory of Volkmar, in 
brief, is this : " The book is a poetic narrative of the historic victory of Judith (i'. e., Judaea) 
over the leo-ate of the new Nebuchadnezzar (Trajan) after his victorious campaign against 
the apparently invincible new Median (Parthian) empire. This book of imaginary history 
was composed under the veil of the language of the Old Testament, to celebrate the day of 
the victory of the Jews in March {des Adar), after Trajan's death, particularly to celebrate 
the 'day of Trajan,' from A. D. 118, at the end of A. D. 117, or the beginning of A. D. 118, 
not earlier, and also not later. According to this, by Judith is meant Judtea; by Nabuchod- 
onosor, Trajan; by Assyria, Syria; by Nineveh, Antioch; by Arphaxad, a Parthian king 
Arsaces; by Ecbatana, a new, immense citadel of the later Medians, Nisibis, or the smaller 
BatnsE, or both together, but especially the latter ; by Olophernes, a barbarian general, Lusius 
Quietus. Joakim means '• God raises up; " Achior, " friend of light ; " Bagoas is the name 
for the office of eunuch in general. The temple was destroyed by Titus. The return from 
Exile followed either under Trajan or Hadrian." Cf. Fritzsche, in Scbenkel's Bi6. Lex., ibid. 
One of the o-reatest difficulties which this bold but ingenious and ably defended theory has 
to contend with is the serious doubt whether Palestine was at all concerned in the insurrec- 
tion in question. Lipsius, Schiirer, and others dispute it, and, as it would seem, with good 
reason. Those who advocate the affirmative are obliged to rely principally on a single ex- 
pression in the biography of Hadrian by Spartianus, where it is said that Palestine, at the 
becinnintf of the emperor Hadrian's reign, was rebelliously inclined: " Lycia denique ac Pales- 
tina rebelles animos efferebant." Cf. Schurer, p. 353, note 6. The rabbinical tradition makes 
mention, indeed, of a war by this Moor, Quietus, but probably refers to that carried on in 
Mesopotamia. Still further, Volkmar is obliged, in order to insure safety to his theory, to 
deny the genuineness of the first epistle of Clement of Rome, where our work is quoted (Ep. 
i. 55). But the question of the date and authorship of this epistle is a far less doubtful one 
than that concerning the Book of Judith. And it is much more reasonable to accept the 
"ormer as evidence to reach conclusions touching the latter than to reverse the process. Cf. 
Zeller's Jahrb., 18.i6, iii., and Donaldson, Apostol. Fathers, p. 135. Moreover, the fact that 
the book is quoted in the first epistle of Clement of Rome may be taken as weighty evidence 
in support of the view that it had its origin in a much earlier period. Hence, even were the 
lupposition to be accepted that the Clementine letter did not originate until after A. D. 118 

1 Handbuch der EinUit. in die Apoknjphen. 


still the balance of probabilities would be in favor of a considerably earlier date for the Book 
of Judith. How imperfectly, too, in general, the events of the supposed rebellion in tho 
time of Hadrian would be symbolized by those narrated in the work before us may be seen 
in the careful comparison made by Fritzsche and the otlier critics before alluded to. There 
are besides not a few minor particulars in which the argument seriously halts. Volkraar, for 
instance (Einleit., p. 14), asserts that the " Arphaxad " of the Book of Judith is the Old 
Testament designation for the later Medes, or Parthians. But in the genealogical tables of 
Gen. X. 2, " Arpliaxad " is the name given to a Semitic branch of the human family, while 
the Medes belonged to the Japhetic. There are also noticeable, occasional examples of ex- 
travagant and arbitrary interpretation, an overstraining of the symbolism, and an unauthor- 
ized interchange of the letters of words indicating numbers, in apparent subserviency to a 
preconceived adjustment of the history. 

The principal theory remaining respecting tlie origin of the Book of Judith, that it was 
written during tlie first or second centuries before Christ, or more definitely, at or near the 
Maccabaean period, does not lack the support of scholarly pens. The grounil for such a theory 
is, of course, to be sought in the work itself, and necessitates the previous supposition that it 
contains at least some more or less trustworthy historical data. Ewald, for example (Ge- 
fchichie, iv. 618), and essentially Vaihinger (Herzog's Keal-Encyk., s. v.), refer it to the pe- 
riod of the campaign of the Seleucian king Demetrius II. against Egypt, B. c. 131-129. He 
had escaped from his imprisonment among the Parthians, been again elevated to the throne, 
and now breathed vengeance against all those who hail made war upon him, the Jews under 
John Hyrcanus included. Vaihinger, indeed, thinks the work could not have been composed 
eariier or later than the year B. c. 128. Hilgenfeld (Novum Testamentum, etc., Fasc. L, p. 89), 
on the other hand, fixes on the period B. c. 147-145 for the date of its composition. Movers 
(Bonner Zeitschnft, H. 13, p. 47) would not put it so far back. To him the work suggests 
events in connection with the war of Ptolemy Lathurus against Alexander Jannsus, b. c. lO.i. 
His argument is based on the theory that the author purposely transferred the geographical 
relations of his own time to an earlier period. These relations could only have existed, 
he thinks, from the time of John Hyrcanus to that of the invasion of Judtea by Pompey. But 
his reasoning is far from conclusive. Cf. Ue Wette, Einleit., p. 579. 

According to Keil the probable historical groundwork which the author of the Book of Ju- 
dith made use of in his composition is to be found in a notice contained in the tliirty-first book of 
Diodorus Sicnhis; where a campaign of Artaxerxes Ochus against Egypt is mentioned, in whicli 
campaign a certain Cappadocian prince, by the name of Olophernes, gi-eatly ilistinguished him- 
self. In this campaign, moreover, this monarch invadeil Palestine, taking and destrovin" 
Jericho. Still further, according to Sulpicius Severus (ii. 14), there was a eunuch by the name 
of Bagoas in his army, and that writer, as more recently Herzfeld (Geschichte, ii. 118), seems to 
think that it was some special event of this campaign in which the author of the Book of Judith 
found the materials for his composition. Keil, then, holds that the work originated in the first 
decade of the second century before Christ, believing that a liundred and fifty years must 
have elapsed after the occurrence of the events before they were narrated in our book. His 
principal reasons for this opinion are : (1.) That tliere are to be found in the work no evi- 
dences of the religious persecutions which the Jews suffered under Antiochus Epiphanes. 
(2.) That it is there stated that after the defeat of Olophernes the Jews enjoyed peace for a 
long period, which might well refer to that preceding the reign of Antiochus. Cf. Einleit., 
pp.'727, 729. 

Both of these arguments of Keil, however, might be used with equal propriety as applica- 
ble to a time somewhat subsequent to the Maccabaean wars. In fact, the Jewish people were 
so often in the condition presupposed in the present narrative, and the geographical, histori- 
cal, and other data were obviously, to such an extent, chosen for the express purpose of dis- 
guise, that it is no wonder that the date of composition has been made to oscillate between 
such extreme points. " The poet intentionally makes his sketch in a period long past, and 
carefully veils the dangerous names of the present, while he, in fact, depicts the more clearly 
and thoughtfully, for such as could understand it, the actual affairs of his own period." 
(Ewald, GeKcMchle, iv. 619.) And since this really seems to be the case, it is perhaps best 
to leave the question of a more exact designation of the date of our book unsettled. It is 
enough that a. great majority of its allusions, direct, and especially indirect, such as its point 
of view touching the Mosaic law, its exaggeration of particular features of the same, the blood- 



thirsty spirit it breathes, the representation of the Jewish people as for a long time oppressed, 
references to the prominent position of the Sanhedrin, to the observance of the day before 
the Sabbath and the new moons, and the stress laid upon the circumcision of proselytes, have 
led most unbiased critics to think of the later centuries before Christ, and generally to fix 
upon some part of B. c. 200, for the date of its origin. The influence of the later Hellenism 
on the composition are numerous and marked. Cf. iii. 7; xv. 13; xvi. 7. This view is also 
strongly supported by Jewish traditions. According to Zunz (^Vorlrage, p. 124), the book of 
Judith " stands in a double relation to the Maccabasan period: On the one hand, it gives us the 
sao'a of a deliverance and of a supposed public festival. On the other hand, in the Inter rab- 
binical teaching, Judith is represented as daughter of Jochanan, or of Mattathias, and heroine 
of the time of the Hasmonaean dynasty. This tradition is found in a form which differs very 
much from the Greek, in the collection of the rabbinical histories, and at the same time Jerome 
mentions that Judith in the Aramaic language was not regarded by the Jews as a canoni- 
cal writing but as a history. It might be (juite possible that in a Palestinian city a festival was 
observed in honor of some heroic deed of a woman, and after the true occasion had been for- 
gotten and had given place to a much enlarged and embellished legend, a narrative was com- 
posed in honor of Judith, and probably before the destruction of the temple." The rabbi 
Gutmann, also (Die Apok., etc., p. 172), in support of his theory that the narrative has its 
basis in some actual occurrence, adduces incidentally further evidence for fixing its date near 
the Maccabsean period. He says that the story is quite clearly referred to in a prayer which 
was used for the first Sabbath of the festival of the dedication of the temple, beginning: 
3trm ^2 TIDSS ""3 ^T "IS, and occurring in connection with a reference to the religious perse- 
cutions under Antiochus. The names Judith, Achior, Olophernes, are distinctly given. How 
far back the composition of this prayer dates is unknown. 

Literary and Moral Character. 

As a purely literary work the composition before us is certainly not to be reckoned among 
the least worthy of the Old Testament Apocrypha. We can hardly accord to it, however, the 
praise of which Fritzsche — possibly as a kind of indemnification for his thoroughly unfavor- 
able judgment in other respects — sees fit to give it. "The narrative," he says (Einlek., 
p. 127), "contains nothing tedious, pompous, strained, but is brief, simple, natural, and 
shows, also, originality. Similar things may be found in the older literature, but not in the 
degree that one can really charge it with imitation. It is the spontaneous fruit rather of the 
author's own sphere of education, or, at least, he makes use only of a reminiscence here and 
there in the pursuit of his aim. Appropriate, and sometimes, most appropriate are his deline- 
ations of single points and characters. The representation of Nebuchadnezzar brings before 
one the image of an insatiable conqueror who, in his presumptuousness, desires to know that he 
is recosnized as lord of the world, yes, even as Goil himself. Thatof Holophernes, the success- 
ful o-eneral, who, proud of his good fortune, imagines himself safe, and therefore falls so easily 
a victim to thoughtlessness and self-indulgence. The Jewish people, just now couscious of 
freedom from heinous sin, especially its traditional sin of idol-worship, ought to have con- 
fronted this danger without fear, but in its weakness, proved itself unequal to the emergency. 
It gives up, and chooses rather to submit itself to the will of the enemy tban to perish heroically 
while doing the utmost. The rulers, indeed, are not to the same extent wanting in confi- 
dence in God, still, are so weak as to yield to the threats of the people, gaining thereliy only a 
brief respite before the surrender should take place, — which, in fact, was nothing less than a 
temptint; of Providence. This people sat down in despair, whose history had made such a 
powerful impression upon even a foreigner, like Achior, that he, at this very time, ]iredicted 
to the haughty foe the worst consequences, if Israel were now free from heinous sin! But one 
man, no — a woman, a Jewess, a widow, beautiful and rich, despaired not. The men having 
become women she became a man, a master, the ideal of the genuine Jewess. In the strengtli- 
nin" con.sciousness of the strictest observance of the law and unsullied chastity, her confi- 
dence in God is not to be shaken. She undertakes with manly resolution, through one bold 
act, to deliver her people and the temple of her God, or to yield herself as a sacrifice for them. 
But she is withal a woman, and as such, knows full well how to employ deception and dissim- 
ulation also." 

Did Fritzsche need, as in these closing words, to slander the whole of womankind, in orde» 


to find fitting words in which to describe this old-time heroine? Or did he think, in thus seek- 
ing to put Judith on a supposed level with all other women in this one matter of a capacity 
for cunning and dissimulation, to weaken the force of one of the principal objections against 
this character as here portrayed ? To our mind it is one of the chief literary faults of the 
author of our book, that he was unable to sketch this idealJewish woman, without making her 
something else and something less than a true woman; or without representing her, according 
to Fritzsche's judgment, as a man in boldness, and a woman only in craft! The character, 
moreover, is not simply objectionable from a literary point of view, but even more so from a 
moral stand-point. The question needs only to be asked : What would be the natural, yes, 
inevitable influence of this story of Judith on the mind of one considering it, not as a calm 
critic, but with all the reverence and loving prepossessions of one taught to regard it as a part 
of the true, inspired Word of God? Could it be otherwise than most harmful? 

This Judith tricks herself out in all her finery, with bracelets and anklets and pnint in order 
to captivate Olophernes through the beauty of her person and find opportunity to take his life. 
Her way is strewn with deception from first to last, and yet she is represented as taking God 
into her counsels and as having bis special blessing in her enterprise. Having succeeded in 
reaching the Assyrian camp and inflaming the heart of Olophernes with unhallowed passion, 
she assents to his request to take part in a carousal at his tent and to spend a night in his em- 
brace (xii. 14). " Wlio am I," she says, " that I should gainsay my lord? Surely whatso- 
ever pleaseth him I will do speedily and it shall be my joy unto the day of my death." In 
fact, it would seem to have been a mere matter of chance that Judith escaped an impure con- 
nection with Olophernes, and something which she could by no means have counted on as cer- 
tain — not to say probable — when she went to his tent. Indeed, her entire proceeding makes 
upon us the impression that she would have been willing even to have yielded her body to this 
lascivious Assyrian for the sake of accomplishing her purpose. That God by his providence 
interposed to prevent such a crime, cannot relieve her of the odium attaching to her conduct. 
It would, in truth, have required of her a faith greater than that of Daniel confronting the 
lion's den, to suppose that in thus rushing uncalled into temptation she could rely on the divine 
interposition at the nick of time. And she exposes herself in this manner to sin, simply for 
the present purpose of gaining the confidence of a weak slave of his passions that she may put 
him to death. If the conduct of Jael, in .seeking on the ;.pur of the moment the life of a 
sleeping guest and fugitive who had confided himself to the protection of her tent, is worthy 
of reprobation, there are elements of moral turpitude in the character of Judith even more 

Hers was a deliberately planned assassination. It was attempted at the imminent of 
sacrificing her own purity. It was carried out by a series of deceptions which would do credit, 
not to a woman, but to a master of finesse and falsehood. God's blessing was invoked 
not only on the enterprise in general, but on the deceptions themselves. " Smite," she says 
(ix. 10), " by the deceit of my lips the servant with the prince." And again (ix. 13) : " Make 
my speech and deceit to be their wound and stripe." An old commentator (Calovius, Bib. 
III., in loc.) remarks: "Petere enim a Deo utfaveat deceptinni est Deum in sociela/em sceleris co- 
care, ut promoveal opus Satanm, et innuere deceptionem aliquam Deo gralain esse posse: petere a 
Deo, ul inspire! deceptionem, est statuere Deum esse auctorem peccati, i. e. Deum negare esse 
Deum." That the doctrine of the present book should give no ofi^ense to that class of theolo- 
gians, one of whose recognized principles is that " the end justifies the means," is not sur- 
prising. It is, however, matter of surprise that distinguished Protestant theologians like 
Rudolph StitiT {Die Apok., etc., passim), and others, should find nothing in it deservino- of 
special censure. It breathes throughout the spirit of that condemned Pharisaism which while 
straining out a gnat swallows a camel. Dissimulation, revenge, an indecent coquetry, an abuse 
of prayer and the divine Providence, are here no more sins; but to fail of the observance of the 
ceremonial law in the least particular, that is the greatest of offenses. In fact, some of the 
most solemn and divinely sanctioned lessons of Jewish history must be unlearned in order to 
accept the moral stand-point of the present narrative. Judith, for instance, proudly traces 
her descent back to the patriarchs. It is Simeon, who, no doubt with direct reference to the 
vengeance he took on Shechem, the nolator of Dinah's chastity, is assigned to her as ances- 
tor. And yet the dying Jacob found in that very act of Simeon occasion for loathing and 
dread : " O my soul, come not thou into their secret; into their assembly, mine honor, be not 

thou united; for in their anger they slew a man Cursed be their anger for it is fierce, 

and their wrath for it is cruel." Gen. xlix. 6, 7. 


Author and Original Language. 

The author of the book of Judith was probably a Palestinian Jew, and wrote in the Hebrew 
language. Both of these views are accepted with considerable unanimity by scholars of all 
confessions and shades of philosophical opinion. The conjecture of Wolf, that Achior the 
Ammonite composed it, he supports by a long array of learned and ingenious arguments, but 
they are not such as carry particular weight for other minds. (Cf. his Cnm., pp. 188-196.) 
Eichhorn, on the other hand (Einleil., p. 322 if.), ascribes the work to the pen of a Christian 
who lived in the first century, and wrote in Grvek. With him, as far as the language is con- 
cerned, agree Capellus, Fabricius, Jahn, Dahne, and Von Colin. The principal fact which has 
weight in determining the place of composition, is the definite knowledge shown by the author 
concerning the geography and history of Palestine, while in the case of other lands coming 
under notice he expresses himself only in the most general terms. The writer, however, 
seems not to have lived at Jerusalem, but as it would appear, at some point in the neiijhbor- 
hood of the real, or fictitious, Betulua, where the principal scene of the narrative is laid, i. e., 
somewhere in the mountains that overlook the plain of Esdraelon. 

Most of the grounds for maintaining that the work was originally written in Hebrew must 
be sought in the composition itself. Jerome does, indeed, as in the case of the Book of Tobit, 
speak of having used a " Chaldaic " text in the preparation of his Latin translation (Vulgate) 
of Judith, but there is little probability that this text was the original. (Cf. Prcef. ad lib. 
Judith.) In apparent contradiction to his testimony, Origen affirms (£/). ad African.), that 
the Jews made no use of the work even as apocryphal, as he had learned from themselves. 
Just what he means by this, is uncertain. It is said by some that the remark had its ground 
in the fact that the "Chaldaic" original at this time had been so far supplanted by the 
Greek text that it e.xisted in only a very few copies, and that hence it was unknown to the 
Jews with whom Origen conferred about it. But it seems far more likely that this so-called 
" Chaldaic " text may have been simply a translation of the work into the language prevalent 
in Palestine at the time of Christ. At least, so far as his work is to be taken in evidence, 
Jerome could have made but very little use of any " Chaldaic " te.xt, the " many codices" of 
which he speaks being doubtless but different MSS. of the Old Latin, by which, as matter of 
fact, he was chiefly influenced. Cf. below, under " Different Texts, Vulgate." 

But the proofs of a Hebrew original furnished by the book itself, even in its Greek dress, 
are quite sufficient. They consist not alone in examples of Hebraisms occurring here and 
there, but in the entire form and coloring of the composition from beginning to end: its 
lexicography, its syntax, and its style. Among other things, the infrequent use of Greek 
particles is quite noticeable. No other book of the LXX. can compare with it in this 
respect. In chapters i., iii., iv., xi., the particle S4 is wholly wanting; oAAo, in iii.-v., 
vii., ix.-xi., xiii., xv.; n€i/ occurs only at v. 20; S^, only at xi. 2, 15, xii. 4, xiv. 2. The 
particles re, oSi/, and Spa, are not found at all. On the other hand, the expression, so com- 
mon in Hebrew, e'v rais fifiepaa, occurs ten different times; and a<t>65pa (IS"), about thirty 
times. There are also many apparent examples of failure on the part of the Greek trans- 
lator to understand the original, — easily to be explained on the supposition that the original 
was Hebrew. For instance, at chap. iii. 9, we have toC irpiovos, instead of to5 ircSfou, as in 
chap. iv. 6 ; because in the first case the translator probably read "liS^Q, instead of "iiJl"C' 
At chap. i. 8, he evidently read "'0^2 instead of ■'^^2, and hence translated 4v rois tSveat 
instead of Iv Toii n6\e<riv, as might have been expected. And at chap. ii. 28, he gives Soup 
as the rendering, it would seem, of "ii"'' Aupa. Cf. 1 Mace. xv. 11. Other apparent failures 
of translation have also been noticed: as at ii. 2, ix. 9. 

A multitude of peculiar expressions, too, indicate a Hebrew origin. We have at vii. 4, 
for example, 'cKaaros irphs rhv TrX-tjatov avrov ; at iv. 2, (rip65pa, (T(p6Spa, as the probable transla- 
tion (as we have noticed above) of IS!;, twice repeated; at vi. 12, i&a\ov iv \l6oi!, as it 
would appear for □''3DS3 ^"1^. Cf. also the use of Kal at the beginning of sentences intro- 
ducing a conclusion (vi. 1 ; xi. 11 ; xiv. 11; xv. 3, and elsewhere), as well as the frequent em- 
ployment of a demonstrative in connection with a relative (v. 19; vii. 10; viii. 22; x. 2; xvi. 4). 
Moreover, some of the geographical names of the book, for which no corresponding places 
are now to be found, may [lerliMps Ijc accounted for on the natural supposition of an incorrect 
rendering of the same from ilic llrlirew .Src De Wette, Einleit., p. 577. That these uamef 


in every instance, however, represent an actual place then existing need not be assumed. On 
these and other similar grounds, then, we are quite safe in accepting, with Ewald, De Wette, 
Fritzsche, Vaihinger, Hitzig, Nbldeke, Keil, Volkraar, and many others, the opinion that the 
Book of Judith was originally written in some dialect of tlie Hebrew language. 

The Different Exkting Texts. 

Like the ancient Hebrew books of the Bible which had been translated into Greek by the 
Hellenistic Jews, the Book of Judith also, not long after its composition, was similarly 
honored, and after a time found a place in the Greek Bible. And although this Greek text 
has in the course of time been considerably modified in its form, it still maintains its place 
(in the absence of the original) as the purest, most e.xiict and complete, representation of the 
same now in existence. In fact, considering that it is extant in different MSS., was the 
vul<.rar text of the early church, and has been subject to the vicissitudes of all such ancient 
works, the imperfections are no more numerous than might have been expected. 

According to Fritzsche (Einleit., p. 117, and Libri Apoc. Vet. Test., Prfef., p. xviii), this 
text is to be found in its best form in IT., far less pure in III. 52. and 65. Outside of these, 
the other MSS. range themselves as follows: on the one side, 44. 71. 74. 76. 106. 107. 236., 
and often 23.; on the other side, 64. 243. 248. 249., to which often 52. 55. and III. join them- 
selves. The Complutensian and Aldine editions of the LXX. present a mixed text, made 
up from that found in both of the series of MSS. Each of these two families of codices has 
a text which, mainly for subjective reasons, has been much amended; the former, however, 
more than the latter. In connection with this common form of the Greek text, thus modified, 
there are also two other forms in which it has been transmitted in this language, — the one, 
as found in the MS. 58., which is followed by the Syriac and Old Latin versions ; the other, in 
MSS. 19. and 108. These are not, however, to be looked upon as different recensions from 
the original, but simply as independent efforts to work over into a shape more acceptable to 
the person or persons concerned the ordinary Greek text. One among many proofs of this 
is the fact that all the Greek MSS., as well as the Syriac and Old Latin, have at chap. iii. 9, 
the reading toO irployoi instead of rod -mSiov ; the Greek translator having obviously, as we have 
shown under the last head, read the Hebrew at this point falsely. Nickcs, with whom 
Volkinar agrees, differs somewhat from Fritzsche with respect to the value to be attached to 
the several MSS. According to him, the common Greek te-\t is to be found in II. III. (23.) 
52. 55. Of the other MSS., 64. 243. 248. 249. belong together on the one side, and 44. 106. 
71. 74. 76. 236. on the other. The MSS. 58. 19. 108. form a class by themselves ; with which, 
moreover, the Old Latin and Syriac best agree. 

The Vulgate, as the text which has been most used and translated, and been made the 
ground of comment, not only by Roman Catholics but by Protestants, down to a very late 
period, has attained to honors and a position quite undeserved. It is simply an arbitrary, 
and often extravagant, working over of the narrative on the basis of the Old Latin, which 
itself (as we have seen) is but an imperfect offspring of the Greek. The principal features 
of the story are indeed preserved ; but witliin these limits the changes are numerous and 
important. There are, for example, alterations in the order of statement (chap. xiv. 5-10 
stands at the close of chap. xiii.). Considerable is left out (i. 13-16) ; quite as much added 
(iv. 11 f.; xiv. 8 f.). The sense is sometimes essentially modified. Differences in names 
and numbers are quite noticeable. It is interesting, indeed, to observe more particularly 
what Jerome says of his own work in the preface to the same, as above quoted. He in 
substance remarks that it was reckoned by the Jews among apocryphal works (Jiagiographa. 
Cf. Credner, Geschichte des N. T. Kan., p. 309 ff. ); that lie himself held it in no great estima- 
tion, and could spare no time for a thorough handling of it. But inasmuch as some greatly 
Irized the book, and it was used at the Nicene Council with the other Scriptures, he had 
done his friends the favor of editing it. Still, he had given it little attention (^unam lucu- 
hratiunculam dedi); and it was necessarily so (^seposilis occnpulionibiis oehemenler arclatu^'); 
tnoreover, quite proper, since the book had really no authority, and could not be used for 
\eciding questions in dispute {cujus auctorilns ad rnboranda ea. quce in conlenlionem veniunt, 
iiinus idonea judicatur'). He had not translated (>uin ex cerbo cei-bum transfer ens), he adds, 
ut simply given the sense [sensum e sensu), and that in a condensed form, hoping tlms the 
more easily to overcome the diflicidty ari.sing from the many variations in the [l^atin] MSS., 
and get at the meaning of his " Clialdaic " copv (mulloruni cndicum varietatem vitiosissimam 
anwutavi, sola ea, qum intelligentia Integra in verbis C/ialdceis invenire potui, Lalinis expressi). 


There is no evidence that Jerome made any use, in his superficial work, of Greek MSS., 
or much use of the " Chaldaic " of which he speaks. De Wette {Eiideil., p. 576) says there 
is but one apparent instance of the hitter. In chap. xvi. 3, he has in mullitudine fortitudinis 
su(e, while the Greek is ^v /ivptain SvfdfKas auTov, D"; having seemingly been read instead of 
127. In this chapter, elsewhere, his translation conforms almost Uterally to the Old Latin, 
while throughout the entire book parts of verses, peculiar constructions, noticeable words, 
furnish the unmistakable proof that his chief reliance was on his Latin MSS. Fritzsche 
mentions, indeed, as convincing evidence in this direction, the fact that quite a number of 
Latin forms and expressions are found in this translation of Jerome, which occur in none 
of his other works, and which may be traced directly to his Latin authorities (Einteil., p. 22). 
Some critics even doubt whether Jerome really had the book in a " Chaldaic " text before 
him at all. In addition to the positively adverse testimony of Origen, already noticed, it is 
thought that this father might have made the assertion — -as he seems not to have been above 
doing in other instances — simply for effect. (Of. Volkraar, iim/ciV., p. 9.) Such a supposi- 
tion would be, at least, scarcely less probable than that of Nickes, that the passan-e cited 
from Origen is an interpolation; or that of Scholz and Wolf, that a distinction is to be 
made between a " Chaldaic " and a " Hebrew" text, and that Origen speaks simpiv of not 
knowing of the existence of one of the latter kind. But the recent discovery of a Chaldaic 
text of Tobit, which may have been used by Jerome in his translation of that book, is in- 
directly corroborative of this father's assertion, and it will probably be no longer disputed. 

Ecclesiastical Recognition. 

By virtue of its connection with the other books of the Old Testament in the translation 
of the LXX., the work before us, like Tobit and the remaining apocryphal compositions, 
found its way into the Christian church. It seems to have been held in no little estimation, 
and to have been widely used. The fact that Josephus makes no reference to it has been 
improperly urged by some as certain evidence of late origin. It is first cited by Clement of 
Rome (i. 55). Clement of Alexandria, also, quotes it with respect. Jerome and Oritren, 
however, as we have seen, were too well informed to concede to it canonicity. The unsup- 
ported assertion of Jerome, that it was used at the Nicene Council in numero Scripturarum, 
must not be taken for more than it is worth. Melito of Sardis does not place it in his list of 
the books of the Old Testament, which was that of the Palestinian LXX. , i, e. , the LXX. 
as revised from the Hebrew. The Apostolic Canons have been impro|)erly cited in its favor 
(cf. art. " Apostol. Can.," in Diet, of Christian Antiq., p. 113). It was rejected by Cyril of 
Jerusalem and Athanasius, and Nicephorus placed it among the books '' disputed," in his 
Slichometry . Hilary speaks of some who sought to make out twenty-four books in the Old 
Testament, corresponding to the number of letters in the Greek Alphabet, ''by the addition 
of Tobit and Judith " (t. e., in place of Ruth and Lamentations). This may be taken as 
plain evidence that the work was sometimes assigned to an undeserved place, simply through 
the lack of knowledge and investigation. (Cf. Westcott, Bib. in Ch., p. 180). Rutlinus 
enumerates it among the books called "ecclesiastical," in distinction from "canonical." 
That now, notwithstanding so much uncertainty, and on the part of some decided oi>position, 
the Book of Judith attained to the rank of a canonical work in the Western church, was 
evidently due not to the essential merit of the composition itself, or a knowledge of its history, 
but to the want of discrimination and conscientiousness on the part of those having to do with 
it. And that the Council of Trent should finally set its seal, not only on the book as such, 
but on Jerome's so-called translation of the same, as from that time to be and to be treated 
as of inspired authority throughout the Roman Catholic church, did not alter its essentia. 
character in any respect, or reverse the true verdict of history respecting it. 


Chapter I. 

1 In the twelfth year of the reign of Nabuchodonosor, who reigned over the As- 
syrians ' in Nineve, the great city, in the days of Arphaxad, who ^ reigned over the 

2 Medes in Ecbatana,' and built at Ecbatana and round about it walls of hewn 
stones * three cubits broad and six cubits long, and made the height of the wall 

3 seventy cubits, and the breadth thereof fifty cubits, and set the towers thereof upon 
the gates of it, an hundred cubits /ligk, and laid the foundation of them to the 

4 breadth of ^ threescore cubits, and made ^ the gates thereof, eren gates that were 
raised to the height of seventy cubits, and the breadth of them was forty cubits, for 
the going forth of his mighty armies, and for the setting in array of his footmen ; 

5 even in those days the Idng Nabuchodonosor made war with king Arphaxad in the 

6 great plain that is on ' the borders of Ragau. And there allied themselves with * 
him all they that dwelt in the hill country, and all that dwelt by the ^ Euphrates, 
and the ^ Tigris, and the ^ Hydaspes, and in '" the plain of Arioch the king of the Ely- 
majans ; and many ^^ nations assembled themselves against the sons of Cheleud.^'" 

7 And Nabuchodonosor the king of the Assyrians sent unto all that dwelt in Persia, 
and to all that dwelt westward, and to those that dwelt in Cilicia, and Damascus, 

8 Libanus,'^ and Antilibanus, and to all that dwelt upon the sea coast, and to those 
amongst the nations " that were of Carmelus, and Galaad, and the upper '° Galilee, 

9 and the great plain of Esdrelom, and to all that were in Samaria and the cities thereof, 
and beyond the ^'' Jordan unto Jerusalem, and Betane, and Chelus," and Kades, and 
the river of Egypt, and Taphnas,"* and Ramesse, and the whole '^ land of Gesem, 

10 until you come above-" Tanis and Memphis, and to all tlie inhabitants of Egypt, 

11 until you come to the borders of Etliiopia. And-^ all the inhabitants of the whole 
earth -^ made light of the commandment of Nabuchodonosor king of the Assyrians, 
neither went they with him to the battle, for they were not afraid of him, but -^ he • 
was before them as one man ; -^ and they sent back -^ his ambassadors from them 

12 empty,-" and with disgrace. And '" Nabuchodonosor was very angry with all tliis 
country, and swore -* by his throne and kingdom, that he would surely -"^ be avenged 
upon all the borders ** of Cilicia, and Damascus, and Syria, that he would slay with 
his sword also all '^ the inhabitants of the land of iloab, and the cliildren of Am- 
mon, and all Judaja, and all that were in Egypt, till you come to the borders of 

13 the two seas. And he put his army '- in battle array against king Arphaxad in the 

Vers. 1-3. — ^ A. V. : omits over the Assyrians ( ■ Aa-avptoji', iu nearly all the authorities, but not in 52. 64. 249. Co. 
Aid.). 2 which. 3 Ecbatane. ^ in Ecbataue walls round about of stones hewn (c'tt' 'E. koX kvkK^^, etc. The 
connectiTe fails in HI. 44. 64. 74. 106. 236. 243. 248. 249. Co. Aid. ; 19. 108., " built Ecbatana and enclosed it with walls, 
etc.) 5 the breadth thereof in the foundation. Fritzsche would emend the text. Tec. by substituting avTuiv for 

avrijc, after irAaro?, since the towers and not the city must be referred to. So, too, in Ter. 4. 

Vers. 4-8. — » A. V. : he made. ' king N which is the plain in. (III. X. 62. 64. 243. 248. 249. Old Lat. Co 

Aid. supply Trefii'o*'. The text. rec.hiLS simply Toi)Ti eariv.) ^ came unto (Gr., ovt^iTTjtrai' irpo? avT6fi see Com.}. 

8 omits the. i^ omits in. ^ Elymeans and very many. We omit atfioSpa. after jroAAa, with II. III. X. Old Lat. 

^ A. V. : of the sons of Chelod, assembled themselves to battle (see Com.). For the reading xe^eoiiS are III. 23. 44. 58. 
and many others. The form of the word in the text. rec. {and II.) is ;^€Xeou\. i3 A. V. : Then N. king .... and 
Libanus. III. 19 58. 64. 74. 76. 108. Co. Aid. prefix (cat. ^* Instead of Tois edvein, which probably arose from a mis- 
translation (see Com.), raU TriAeo-tf should probably be read. ^^ A. V. : Carmel .... higher. 

Vers. 9-11.— 10 A. v.: oOTi'ls the. " Chellus (II. III. « a/., XeAoiis). i» Taphnes. » aU the. =» beyond 

(Or., iTravui). 21 j5ut. -~ land (text, rec., TTatrav Tr)v •yrjt' ; 19. 23. 58. 64. at. with Co. Aid. omit TTatraw). 23 yea 

(Gr., oAA"). -^ With Fritzsche, we adopt el? after (i? avrfp, from III. X. 19. 23. 52. and others, instead of lo-os of the 

texi. Tec. (with II.). -■^' A. V. : away. 2fi w-ithout effect. 

Vers. 12-16. — 2^ A. V. : Therefore. 26 sware. 20 Fritzsche receives for ei itrjv of the text, rec, ^ /itjV. He sus- 

pects, however, that the true reading of the text. Tec. was el nj]. 30 \. y. : those coasts. 3i and (106. 108. OO-) that 

. . . the sword all (108. Co.). ^2 Then he marched . . with his pow-er. The Greek might also be reniered : 



seventeenth year, and he prevailed in his battle, and put to flight the whole army ' 
of Arphasad, and all his horsemen, and all liis chariots, and became lord of his 

14 cities ; and he " came unto Ecbatana,* and took the towers, and spoiled the streets 

15 thereof, and turned the beauty tliereof into its shame. He took also Arphaxad in 
the mountains of Ragau, and smote him through with his spears,'' and destroyed him 

1 6 utterly that day. And ° he returned with them * to Nineve, both he and all his 
mixed troop,' behig a very great multitude of men of war ; and there he took his 
ease, and banqueted, both he and his army, an hundred and twenty days. 

attacked with his army etc. [jraperofaTO kv Tfl fiura^ei avToO Trpbs 'A.). 1 A. V. : for he overthrew all the power. ' omits 
he. 3 Ecbatane. ^ into (44. 71. 74. 76. 106. 236. omit avrris) shame .... darts (Gr.. ^t^yi-ais). ^ So. ^ after- 
ward. The words tier avriav — probably on account of the difficulty of translating them — are omitted in 19. 108. Old 
Lat. Syr. Of. Com. ' A. V. : company of sundry nations t(nJtJ.fiiKTCK). 

Chapter I. 

Ver. 1. This Terse is left incomplete on ac- 
count of a long parenthetic statement beginnintj 
with verse second, the natural course of the nar- 
rative not being resumed till verse fifth. — In 
Nitieve. Rather, in Babylon. Cf. Introduction, 
under the first heading. — Arphaxad. A person 
of this name is mentioned in the canonical Scrip- 
tures (Gen. X. 22, 24; xi. 10) as the son of Sliem 
and .nncestor of Elier ; and it is an interesting 
fact that Josephus held him to be the ancestor of 
the Chaldse.ans (Aidiq., 1, 6, §4). The Median 
king who is here so called is thought by some to 
be identical with Deioces, by others with his son, 
Phranrtes; while Niebuhr regards the word as 
but anotlier form of Astyages (Aslidahak), a com- 
mon title of the rulers of Media. Cf. Winer, 
Realicorterb. ; Schenkel's Bib. Lex., ad voc. 

Vers. 2-4. Eobatana. There were two Ec- 
batanas : one in the north, the other in the south, 
of Media. The latter is douhtle.<iS meant. Ac- 
cording to the text of the Vulgate Arphaxad 
built the entire city ; according to the other texts, 
only the fortifications. But, as a matter of fact, 
it is not probable that Ecbataua ever had any 
walls of the character here described. Rawlin- 
8on says : " The Medes and Persians appear to 
have been in general content to establish in each 
town a fortified citadel or stronghold, round 
which the houses were clustered, without super- 
iddiiig the further defense of a strong wall. 
[Modern researches have discovered no signs of 
town walls at any of the old Persian or Median 
sites.] Ecbataua, accordingly, seems never to 
have stood a siege. |It yielded at once to Cyrus, 
to Alexander, and to Autiochus the Great.] When 
*iie nation which held it was defeated in the open 
field, the city [unlike Babylon or Nineveh] sub- 
mitted to the conqueror without a struggle. Thus 
the marvelous description in the Book of Judith, 
which is internally very itnprobable, woidd ap- 
pear to be entirely destitute of atiy, even the 
slightest, foundation in fa<'t." See Ancient Mon., 
ii. 268. The northern Ecbatana or Gaza, at a 
period considerably later in the time of the Sas- 
sanians, was iiuleed surrounded with a strong 
wall, which was guarded by numerous bastions, 
and pierced by gateways ; but there is no evi- 
dence that this was ever true of the Median 

Ver. 5. Kagau (Rages, Rlmges). It was the 
city next in importance to the two Ecbaianas in 
ancient Media, and was situate<l at the extreme 
eastern part of the empire. It was the name 
also given to a considerable district within which 
the city lay. If there be any liisiorical truth at 

the basis of the present narrative at this point, 
it may rest on the fact that the Median rebel 
Phraortes fled to this place after his defeat by 
Darius Hysta.spis. Cf. Rawlinson in Smith's 
Bib. Diet., art. " Rages ; " and Ancient Mon., iii. 

Ver. 6. Allied themselves with him, i. e., 
Nabuchodonosor. The Greek here is crvyiii'TriaaD 
trpis a\n6v. The verb is used in a friendly as well 
as in a hostile sense ; here, evidently in the for- 
mer. They responded to his summons to act as 
his auxiliaries in this war. — Hydaspes. Not 
likely the river in India of this name, but pos- 
sibly the same as the Choaspes in Snsiana. The 
Romans, in fact, sometimes gave the river Cho- 
aspes this name. See Winer, Realwortei b., ad voc. 

— Ariooh. Cf. Gen. xiv. 1, 9; Dan. ii. 14.— 
Elymeeans, Cf. Gen. xiv. 9. The country which 
to the Jews was known as Elam was called also 
Cissia or Susiana, and lay on the opposite side of 
the Tigris from Baliylon. — Assembled them- 
selves against the sons of Cheleud, ets Trapar- 
a^iv viiiv XeKeovS. It has been conjectured that 
Cheleud is a corruption for XaKtiu, i. e., Ktesi- 
phon. Ewald, on the other hand, thinks that the 
word is a nickname for the Syrians ; namely, 
" sons of the moles," that is, " trench di^'gers " 
(I'Tr)' De Wette translates, with the A. V., 
" from the sons of Cheleud." And Wolf ( Com., ad 
loc.) .supposes it to be a rendering of ,'~ll'T''n""'^3, 
and woidd translate " sons of the army," or, 
freely, " born soldiers." 

Ver. 7. Of the lands to the West which are 
first mentioned in geueial terms, Damascus and 
Cilicia are by way of example particularly speci- 
fied. The writer seems to have Palestine all the 
while in view, and, when he readies it, accords to 
it a much more detailed description. — • Tlphs Sutr- 
jua?s. Lit., toward the settings, the genitive ijKiov 
being understood. — Cilicia. This was the ino.-t 
southeasterly province of Asia Minor nearest to 
Syria, whose principal city is next mentioned 

— Libanus and Antilibanus. Lihanus is the 
Greek form of the wiird Lebanon. 'I'he word 
Antilibanus is not elsewhere found in the Biide 
(cf. Josh. xiii. 5). The region indicated is usually 
known as Ctt'le-Syria, " the hollow Syria," taking 
its name from the valley, about a hundred miles 
long, which lay between Lebanon and Anti- 

Ver. 8. Among the nations. Vaihinger (Her- 
zog's lieal-Enci/k., an. "Judith") and others dis- 
cover here a failure in translation; ''tiV2 having 



been read instead of ^~li?3. " among the cities." 
Cf. Textual Notes. — Carmelus. The Carmel 
meant is doubtless the well-known Mount Carmel 
so celebrated in Jewish history through its con- 
nectiou with scenes in the life of the prophet Elijah. 
It lay ou the Mediterranean. There was anotlier 
Carmel (cf. Josh. xv. 55) in the mountainous 
country of Judah. — Galaad. This is the Greek 
form of the word Gilead. — Upper Galilee, i. e., 
the country north of Carmel and west of the 
Jordan. — And the great plain of Bsdrelom. 
This word has different forms even in the present 
book. At iii. 9, iv. 6, it is Esdraehn ; at vii. 3, 
Eiidi-aelom, in the "received text," although some 
good manuscripts (X.) have an v instead of /i as 
the last letter. It is the Greek form of the He- 
brew word Jezreel, and the name is given to the 
plain in honor of the old city which occupied its 
eastern extremity. 

Ver. 9. Samaria, i. c, the district, and not the 
city. — And beyond the Jordan. Here this 
phrase me;ms, not as commonly the country east 
of the Jordan, but that lying west of the river. — 
Betane. Tliis place is not easily identified. Mo- 
vers, followed by Fritzsche, Buusen's Bibelicerk, 
and other authorities, think that the Beth-anoth 
of Josh. XV. 59 is meant, — a place in the moun- 
tainous district of Judah. According to Rawliu- 
son {Herod., ii. 460) the Batansea, or Betana, of 
the Greeks, the Basan of the Jews, and ancient 
capital of the kingdom of Og, is intended (see 
Num. xxi. 33). — Chelus. Supposed by some to 
be the Halhul of Josh. xv. 58. Others would 

identify it with Chalutza (EInsa). — Eadea. Pos- 
sibly the Kedesh (tl'l[;) of Josh. xv. 23. — 
Taphnas. A frontier fortification near Pelusium 
and the " Daphnfe Pelnsite " of Herod., ii. .30, 107. 

— Ramesse. Probably the chief city of the land 
of Goshen in Egypt. — Gesem. Goshen. 

Ver. 1 0. Tanis. Thought to be identical with 
the ancient Zoan. 

Ver. 11. 'E(pai\taav, made light of. See also 
xi. 2, 22; and Xen., Mem., i. 6, 9. iavKos {<p\ad- 
pos) is aliin to wavpos (Lat., paulus), evil, bad, and 
then worthless. 

Ver. 12. Swore by his throne and kingdom, 
{. e., that as surely as he was king he would do it. 

— Judaea. Here meant to include the whole of 
Palestine. — The borders of the two seas. The 
two arms of the Nile are meant (Astaboras and 
Astapus), called by the Arabs, respectively, "the 
white sea" and " the blue sea." 

Ver. 15. Destroyed him utterly that day. 
Lit., " to that day " (ews ttJs TjfjLepas eKei'n??), /. e., 
from the day of the battle to the day when he 
pierced him through with a spear. Gaab would 
read tjws, morning, for eus, until; but it is quite 

Ver. 16. We have translated, with Fritzsche, 
Bunsen's Bibelwerk, and otlier authorities, /utr' 
avTiiv, by "with them," instead of by "after- 
ward," as the A. V. It probably refers loosely to 
the prisoners and booty taken in this series of 
battles. A failure to understand it may have 
led to its omission in some manuscripts (249. 

Chapter II. 

1 And in the eighteenth year, the two and twentieth day of the first month, there 
was talk in the palace ^ of Nabuchodonosor king of the Assyrians, that he would ^ 

2 as he said, avenge himself on all the earth. And he called together all his ser- 
vants,' and all his nobles, and communicated with them respecting his secret plan, 

3 and fully set forth the entire wickedness of the earth with his mouth.'' And they 
decided on the destruction of ^ all flesh, that did not obey the commandment of his 

4 mouth. And it came to pass ^ when he had fully ended his plan,' Nabuchodono- 
sor king of the Assyrians called Olophernes the chief general ' of his army, who ' 
was next unto him, and said unto him, 

5 Thus saith the great king, the lord of the whole earth, Behold, thou shalt go 
forth from my presence, and take with thee men that trust in their strength,^" of 
footmen to the number of an hundred and twenty thousand, and a multitude '' of 

6 horses with their riders twelve thousand ; and thou shalt go against all the west 

7 country, because they disobeyed the order of my mouth.^- And thou shalt bid 
them make ready '^ earth and water, for I will go forth in my wrath against 
them, and will cover the whole face of the earth with the feet of mine army, and 

8 I will give them for a spoil unto them ; and their wounded " shall till their valleys 

9 and brooks, and the overflowing river shall be filled with their dead '° ; and I will 

Vers. 1-4. — ^ A. V. : house. s should. ^ go ^e called unto him all his officers (Gr., Ka.i trvvfKoXfae Travras tous 
9ipairovrai auTou). Fritzsche thinks that, in giving this verb, the translator read 71 .3^ when he should have read 
n^D^) ro reveal, disclose. * A. V. : them his secret counsel, and concluded the afQicting of the whole earth out of 
his own mouth {Gr., (rvfereAea-e rratrav 7r}v KoKiav rris y»)«, etc.). ° Then they decreed to destroy. ^ omits it came 
to pass (cytVeTo). ' counsel. ^ captain. « which. 

Vers. 6-12. — ^o A. V. : own strength. ii footmen an (so 44. 106.). . . . the number. ^- my conunandment (64. 
243. 248. Co. Aid , iv tiJ pij/iaTt (lou). " declare unto them that they prepare for me (58. 64. 243. 248. 249. Co. Aid. add 
iu>4). ^* so that 'heir slain (Gr., Tpau/iariat ; see Com. at 1 Mace. i. 18). >."' the river shall be filled with their *Wd tUlit 


10 lead tlieir^ captives to the utmost parts of all the earth. But go thou ^ forth, and 
take beforehand for me all their frontier ; ' and if they will yield themselves unto 
thee, thou shalt also watch them closely ^ for me till the day of their punishment. 

11 But concerning them that rebel, let not thine eye spare, to deliver^ them to 

12 slaughtei' and spoil in all thy land. For as I live, and by the power of my kiug- 

13 dom, I have spoken, and I will do these things'' by mine hand. And thou more- 
over " transgress none of the commandments of thy lord, but accomplish them fully, 
as I have commanded thee, and defer not to do them. 

14 And ^ Olophernes went forth from the presence of his lord, and called all the chief 

15 men ^ and the generals, and officers '" of the army of Assur ; and he mustered 
chosen '^ men for battle,^- as his lord had commanded him, unto an hundred and 

16 twenty thousand, and twelve thousand archers on horseback. And he ranged them 

17 as a great army is set in battle array .'^ And he took camels and asses and mules ^* 
for their baggage,^^ a very great number ; and sheep and oxen and goats without 

18 number for their sustenance ; '^ and plenty of victuals" for every man of the army, 

19 and very much gold and silver out of the king's palace.^* And he and all his power 
went forth ^' upon the way to go before king Nabuchodonosor,^ and to cover all the 
face of the earth westward with their chariots, and horsemen, and their chosen foot- 

20 men. The great mixed troop also went °' with them like locusts, and like the sand 

21 of the earth, for the multitude of them ^ was without number. And they went 
forth from "^ Nineve tliree days' journey toward the plain of Boectilaeth,'" and pitched 
from B»ctila3th -* near the mountain '-* which is at the left hand of the upper Cilicia. 

22 And he took all his army, the footmen, and the horsemen, and his chariots,"^ and 

23 went from thence into the hill country. And he put to flight '■" Phud and Lud, and 
spoiled all the children of Rassis,-" and the children of Ismael, who ^ were before '" 

24 the wilderness at the south of the land of the Chella'ans.*' And '' he went over the "^ 
Euphrates, and went through ]\Iesopotamia, and destroyed all the fortified ^* cities 

25 that were upon the river Abrona,^^ till you come to the sea. And he took the borders 
of Cilicia, and put to flight ^° all that resisted him, and came to the borders of Ja- 

26 pheth, which were toward the south, over against Arabia. He compassed also all 
the children of Madiam,'' and burnt up their tents,^* and spoiled their sheepcotes. 

27 And ^^ he went down into the plain of Damascus in the time of wheat harvest, and 
burnt up all their crops,'"' and destroyed their flocks and herds, also he spoiled their 
cities, and utterly wasted their flelds,^' and smote all their young men with the edge 

28 of the sword. And *' fear and dread of him fell upon all the inhabitants of the sea 
coast, who *^ were in Sidon and Tyrus, and on ^'' them that dwelt in Sur and Ocina, 
and all that dwelt in Jemnaan ; and they that dwelt in Azotus and Ascalon *^ feared 
him greatly. 

overflow (Gr. TrOTOjaog ejrtKKv^uJV rots ceKpois aiiTuc 7rATjpu)0^<reTai). ^ them. - Thou, therefore, Shalt go (Gr., ijii Si 

i^ekfiiitv iTpoKaTaXrj>pri). 3 coasts. * ehalt reserve them. ^ them; but put (Gr., SoCfai). o the slaughter, and 
spoil them wheresoever thou goest .... whatsoever (as 52. 64. 243. 248. Co. Aid.) I have spoken, that (ra, 55. 74. 77. 2.36. 
will I do. 

Vers. 13-18. — ^ A. V. : take thou heed that thou (Gr.,ifat aii 5e ; but 71. Co. omit Kai). 8 Then. » governors 

(fiufooras). ^f and captains, and the (19.) officers. '^ the chosen. ^^ the battle. (For eice'Aevo-ef X. III. 19. 

62. 58 have TrpotTeTa^ev.) ^ ordered for the war (Gr., 6y rpoiroi' jroXeVo^ ttA^Aos trvvTonrafTat). '* omtts and muiea 
(with 52. 64. 71. 74. 76. 106. 243. 248. Co. Aid.). « carriages. i« provision. " victual. ■» house. 

Vers. 19-22. — i** A. V. ; Then he went forth and all his power. 20 to go before king N. in the voyage. 21 ^ gr^at 
multitude also of sundry countries came. ^^ omits of them (avTwi'). ^ of. ^^ Bectileth, jSeKreAefl, is found iu 
in. 23. 65. 64. 243. 28. Co. Aid. 2= After opous, 58. has 'Ayriou ; Old la.t., Agge [Coi. Corb. as Vulg., ^ng-e). ■"A. V. : 
Then .... his footmen, and horsemen, and chariots. 

Vers. 23-25. — 2' A. V. : destroyed (JieKoi/ze, lit., " cut through "). " Rasses. We find 'Poo-o-ei'i in II. HI. 23. 64. 
Aid. ; X. has 'Poao-o-eis ; Old Lat., Tkiras et Rasis (Cod. Corb. and Vulg., Tharsis, t. e.. Tarsus). 29 a, v. : whicli 

« toward. 2' Chellians (Fritzsche adopts from X. III. XeAeniv ; II. 108. 58. 19. Syr., XoAJaiui-). ''- Then 

w omits the. ^* high. ^^ Arbonai. Thiw form is supported by 64. and some other MSS., with Co. Aid. The 014 
liat. has Eeccon (Cod. Corb. and Vulg., Mambre). =« A. V.; killed (Gr., KareKoJ/e). See ver. 23. 

Vers. 26-28. — '^~ A. V. : Madian. This is the form found in the text, rec, but Fritzsche properly adopts Mojici^ from 
II. i;l. X. 23. 58. 71. =» A. V. : tabernacles (Gr., OTTji/iinaTa). =» Then. •" Belds (tovs iypout ; right, but better 
here " crops "). *^ countries (Gr., TrcSi'a ; cf. preceding). *2 Therefore the. The article is wanting before th« 
words *' fear " and " dread " respectively, in II. X. 23., while X. has avTov after the former, instead of the latter word 
u In the text. r«e. " A. V. ; coasts, which " omits on. " After Ascalon, X. 68. Syr. Old Lat. add "and ii 



Chapter II. 

Ver. 1. The first month. The month Nisan, 
— or Abib, as it was called before the Exile, — 
answering nearly to our April. Ci. Beilage i., 
Schiirer's Neiilest. Zeitqeschichte, p. 669. As the 
campaign was to be carried on in a mountainous 
region, it could not have well begun before this 
time. See, however, verse 27. 

Ver. 2. His secret plan, {. e., the resolution 
which he had privately made. 

Ver. 4. Olophernes. The form of the word 
in the Vulfjate is Holofernes. In the Old Latin it 
is " Olofernes," which conforms better with the 
Greek. Its meaning is uncertain. It occurs also 
in Cappadocian liistory a!x)Ut B. c. 350. 

Ver. 7. Make ready earth and water. These 
were the symbols of a full and unconditional sur- 
render. VI. Herod., vi. 48, 49; l.iv., xxxv. 17. 
The speech of Nebuchodonosor is intentionally 
clothed in the most boastful language, in order to 
enhance the moie the greatness of the delivery 
which Israel experienced. 

Ver. 12. °Oti (a>v, for by my life. An excep- 
tional .employment of the participle. Winer (p. 
354) calls it a Hellenizing of the Hebrew infini- 
tive absolute. Cf. Thiersch, De Pentateuckl Ver. 
Alex., p. 164ff. 

Vei". 14. The word translated "governors" in 
the A. v., by us " chief men," is Svud/rras, and 
refers, it would seem, to the rulers of the differ- 
ent provinces. The other officers mentioned are 
of inferior rank. Cf. ix. 3; Wisd. v. 23, viii. 11 ; 
Ecelus. iv. 27, vii. 6, x. 3, 24, xi. 6, xdii. 9, xxxviii. 
33, xli. 17 ; 2 Mace. ix. 25; 3 Mace. vi. 4. 

Ver. 15. An army of one hundred and twenty 
thousand infantry and twelve thousand cavalry 
would not seem to be an extravagantly large one, 
but quite in keeping with the circumstances. 

Ver. 16. Sy the twelve thousand *' archers on 
horseback," Wolf thinks Scythians are referred 
to. But the bow was the usual Oriental weapon, 
r<i{ou fivfxa being sometimes used symbolically for 
the Persians, in distinction from \6yxv^ lax'^^ for 
the Greeks. Cf. ^sch., Pers , 147. 

Ver. 19. With their chariots. Only persons 
of rank fought in chariots, it being regarded the 
most honorable form of warfare, as it was also 
the safest. For a description of the Assyrian 
var chariot, see Ancient Mon., i. 406 S. 

Ver. 20 This " mixed troop " may simply 
nave been soldiers not fully or regularly armed. 

Ver. 21. Toward the plain of JBaectUseth. 
This word may possibly be a corrupted form of 
Bekaa, which is the name of a valley between the 
two chains of Lebanon. The different m.anu- 
Bcripts give other forms of the word : B€kti(ij,€)- 
K6.(f)B, also, IlaKTaAaiO, and the Old Latin " Bithi- 
lat" and " Bethnlia." Wolf conjectures that a 
part of the Taurus chain of mountains is meant, 
from which the Sultan-su tjikes its rise. He sa\s : 
" The liigh table-land, Malatia, was the most 
desirable starting-point for operations in the 
direction of Asia Minor, since from here roads 
into the interior of all the regions west and north 
would be open [?], while the fruitfulness of the 
district would at the same time furnish the army 
and its herds of cattle rich sustenance." Com., 
p. 91. But this place was at least three hundred 
English miles from Nineveh. How, then, could 
such an army reach it in a three days' march? 
To meet this difficulty, this critic is obliged to 
make other wholly groundless suppositions. 

Ver. 23. Phud and Lud. The first name 
seems to refer to the Libyans, and the second is 
held by some to designate the Lydians (cf. Gen. 
x. 6; i Chron. i. 8; Is. Ixvi. 19"; Jer. xlvi. 9; 
Ezek. XXX. 5). But it is more likely, from the 
manner in which the latter name is used in the 
Scriptures in connection with Cush and Phut, 
that it also was some African people in the neigh- 
borhood of Egypt. In one of his prophecies 
(cf. xxvii. 10; xxx. 5 ; xxxviii. 5) Ezekicl pre- 
dicts the overthrow of Cush, Phud, and Lud, aa 
being the auxiliaries of Egypt, and at the same 
time with it. With what propriety, then, are 
these people mentioned here ? If they are not 
entirely out of place, the least unreasonable sup- 
position would perhaps be that they are either 
colonists or mercenaries employed against the 
forces of Assyria. Wolf thinks Cholcians are 
meant by Phud, and by Lud the Lydians to the 
west. — Children of Bassis. Gesenius would 
identify Rosh (or 'Pwj, which is probably but an- 
other form of the present word, and occurs in 
Ezek. xxxviii. 2, 3; xxxix. 1) with a tribe which 
was located to the north of the Taurus, and was 
the beginning of the present Russian people. 
Wolf ( Com., p. 95 f.), who, as in the case of Phud 
and Lud just noticed, is obliged to make the 
most violent conjectures in his attempts to har- 
monize the statements of our book with geo- 
graphical and hi>torical facts, accepting the read- 
ing of the Old Latin, regards Thiras (Thars) as 
but another name for Tarsus (Cilicia), while 
Rassis (Rosos) is Rhosus, situated on the (Julf of 
Issus ! It would seem to be a sufficient objection 
to this supposition that any part of Cilicia is 
meant, that in verse twenty-fifth it is spoken of as 
having been subsequently overrun and ravaged 
by the Assyrian general. Cf. arts. " Rasses " and 
"Rosh" in Smith's Bib. Diet,, and "Ros" in 
Schenkel's Bib. Lex. — Sons of Ismael, Bedouins 
of Northern Arabia, to the south of Babylon. — 
Of the land of the CheUseans. — A few MSS. 
only (including II.) read XaKSaiuv for XeWoiW 
[XiWiwv, XiKiiav). It is doubtless a correction. 
And that it restores the true reading of the origi- 
nal is very questionable. The word seems rather 
to point back to the Chellus (Chalutza, Elusa) of 
i. 9, and the people must be sought for in the 
vicinity of Kades. 

Ver. 24. Went over the Euphrates. He 
recrossed it to go into Southern Mesopotamia. — 
The river Abrona. Possibly the river " Chabo- 
tas," as Grotius and others suppose. The con- 
jecture of Movers, that it was not a proper name 
at all, but stands for "IHSn "12V, bei/ond the river, 
i. e., the Euphrates, has little to support it. 

Ver. 25. Borders of Japheth. Here still we 
must venture forwards uncertainly. Possibiv the 
borders which separated the Siuaitic and Japhetic 
peoples are meant. Wolf thinks that he is able 
to fix the place exactly, and indicates the high 
table-land in the vicinity of the mountain range 

Ver. 26. Madiam, i. e., Midian. 

Ver. 27. In the time of wheat harvest. Thii 
came generally in the month Abib (April); but, 
its Wolf supposes, it may have been somewhat 
later than in Palestine, but hardly so late as June. 
He thinks that Olophernes set out on his expedi- 
tion in April, and bad his headquarters in the 



plain of Malatia (Bfectilseth) until September, 
and made the rest of the campaign to Damascns 
between September and June. But the text gives 
US no other indications of the time which had 
elapsed than the 22d day of the first month in 
chapter ii., and the fact of its being the time of 
wheat harvest when the victorious army reached 
Damascus. — Utterly wasted. Cf. Luke xx. 18 : 
KiKfxT)<rfi avT6v : " grind him to powder." Here 
the still more emphatic ^f\'n{fj.7]a€ is used. 

Ver. 28. Sur and Ocina. Siir is also given 
as Sud in some MSS. But the place was prob- 

ably Dor (~lil), a seaport town near Carmel. 
Ocina was also most likely a seaport town { Accho;, 
now better known by the name Ptolemais. — 
Jeninaan. It was, as it would seem, the Philis 
tine city Jabneh (n?2^ cf. 2 Chron. xxv. 6). 
which lay on the Mediterranean. — Azotus (Aslv 
dod) and Ascalon (Ashkelon). They were like- 
wise cities of the Philistines. The former was 
situated about midway between Gaza and Joppa, 
and the latter further to the south. 

Chapter III. 

1, 2 And ' they sent ambassadors unto him with words of peace, saying, Behold, 
we the servants of Nabuchodonosor the great king lie before thee ; use us as it 

3 is ^ good in thy sight. Behold, our farm-houses,^ and every place of ours,* and 
every field ^ of wheat, and the ^ flocks, and the ' herds, and all the folds ' of our 

4 tents, lie before thy face ; use them as it may please thee. Behold, also ' our cities 
and the inhabitants thereof are thy servants ; come and deal with them as it is good 

5 in thy sight." And the men came to Olophernes, and reported unto him according to 

6 these words. ^' And he came down upon the sea coast, both he and his army, and set 
garrisons in the fortified '^ cities, and took out of them chosen men as auxiliaries.'^ 

7 And" they and all their country round about received him with garlands, and 

8 dances, and '^ timbrels. And he '^ cast down all " their frontiers," and cut 
down their groves ; and his thought was '' to destroy all the gods of the land, 
that all nations might ^ worship Nabuchodonosor only, and that all tongues and all 

9 their tribes might ^' call upon him as god. And ^^ he came over against Esdraelon 
10 near uuto Dotaea, which is over ■^ against the great saw of Judaea.^^ And he pitched 

between Gaebis ^ and Scythopolis, and there he tarried a whole month, that he might 
gather together all the baggage ^* of his army. 

Vers. 1-5. ^^ A. V. : So. * to treat of peace .... shall be. * houses (Gr., al eVovAet?) * all our places. 
Fritzsche receive.s into his test the words koX n-as roiros (ayp6s, 58. Syr. Old Lat.) rtfiiav from III. 19. 23. 52. 64. 74. al, 
with Co, Aid. Old Lat. (Cod. Corb.), which are wanting in the text. ree. 6 A. V. : all our fields. f omits the. 

' omits the. 8 lodges {Gr., ^dv6pac). ^ pleaseth {68. 106.) .... even ^o geemeth good unto thee. " So 

.... declared .... this manner. 

Vers. 6, 7. — ^ A. V. : Then came he down toward .... high. ^ for aid {Gr., etc ffviLfiaxiaf]. " So. 

^ the country (Gr., Troffa ^ Treptxwpos auTwf ; the pronoun is omitted by 23. 44. 71. 76. 106.) .... them .... with 
dances, and with. 

Ver. 8. — i'5 A. V. : Yet he did. " omits all. 18 it is probable that ra tepo. should be read for to. opta (see iv. 1), 
although it has no MS. authority. It would seem that the translator mistook the word in the original. *" A. V. : 
for he had decreed. For koX ^v X. 58. Old Lat. Syr. (as A. V.) have ori V- The reading, Se&ofievoy, instead of SfSoynevov, 
is also supported by II. as well as by III. X. 19. 58. 71. al. with Old Lat. Syr., cited by Fritzsche. Either would give a 
good sense, but the former might easily have sprung from the latter through an error of a copyist. 2* A. V. ; should. 
21 and tribes should. The word iritron. is omitted before " their tribes," in III. 19. 23. 55. 68. 64. 108. 248., and many 
other Codd., with Co. Aid., and seems out of place ; but it was probably found in the original text. 

Vers. 9, 10. —^ A. V.: Also. 23 judea, over (marg., Dotea; Dothan, Junius). The A. V. follows the Aldina 

text. "A. v.; strait (see Com. ) of Judea. 2' Geba. The (tas. rec. has Toifiai; X. 64., yo'^oi/ ; HI. roi/Sav; 19. 
108., ye/SoA ; 58. 23., ya/9oi. »> A. V. : carriages. 

Chapter IIL 

Ver. 4. 'AwttvTav, deal with. This is a later 
meaning of the word. Cf. 2 Mace. vii. 39 ; 3 
Mace. iii. 20. 

Ver. 8. Cut down their groves, !. e., The 
sacred proves in which the idols of the people 
were to be found. Cf. 1 Kings xii. 10 ; xv. 13 ; 2 
Chron. xiv. 3. 

Ver. 9. Near Dotsea (Dothnn). See Gen. 
xxxvii. 17. 'I'his plMce still bears its ancient name. 
It is slinated four or five miles south of Jenim and 
but a short distance from the plain of Esdraelon. 
— Over against the great saw of Judeea. The 
word TT[>iuv, sair, is thought to be a mistranslation 
iif "1'ici"'!;, p/di'n, for wliich the translator read 

~I1U?0. It was for a long time a great puzzle to 
scholars, both on account of the corruption of 
Dotsea into "Judea" and the singular word 
Ttpioms found in the text. It was Reland who 
first suggested the idea of a mistaken transla- 

Ver. 10. Qsebee and Scythopolis. The first 
place has been thought by some to be Gilboa 
(Fritzsche), by others, " Geba," on the road be- 
tween Samaria and Jenim. Scythopolis. "city of 
the Scythians," is given as the synonym of Beth- 
shean or Bctbshan in the LXX., and is the place 
now known as Beisaii. It was the largest of the 
ten cities and the only one west of the Jordan. 

JUDITH. 173 

Chapter IV. 

1 And the children of Israel, that dwelt in Judaea, heard of ' all that Olophemes the 
chief general ^ of Nabuchodonosor king of the Assyrians had done to the nations, 
and after what manner he had spoiled all their temples, and brought them to nought. 

2 And ' they were exceedingly afraid before * him, and were troubled for Jerusalem, 

3 and ybr the temple of the Lord their God ; for they had but just come up ^ from the 
Captivity, and all the people of Jud.iea had been ^ lately gathered together, and the 

4 vessels, and the altar, and the temple sanctified from ' the profanation. And * they 
sent into all the border of Samaria and villages,'' and to Boethoron, and Belmen, 

5 and Jericho, and to Choba, and JEsora, .ind to the valley of Salem, and possessed 
themselves beforehand of all the tops of the high mountains, and walled about 
the villages on ^^ them, and laid in provisions as a preparation for ^' war ; for 

6 their fields were of late reaped. And Joacim, the high priest, who '- was in those 
days in Jerusalem, wrote to them that dwelt in Betulua, and Betomesthaem,'' which 

7 is over against Esdraelon before the plain ^* near to Dothaim, charging them to 
occupy ^^ the passages of the hill country, for by them was the entrance ^^ into 
Judaea ; and it was easy to stop them that were coming up," because the passage 

8 was strait, for two men at the most. And the children of Israel did as Joacim the 
high priest and the council ^' of all the people of Israel, who '* dwelt at .Jerusa- 

9 lem had commanded them. And '■" every man of Israel cried to God with great 

10 fervency, and with great fervency ^"^ did they humble their souls, both they, and their 
wives, and their little ones,-*-' and their cattle ; and every stranger and hireling,^ 

1 1 and their servants bought with money, put sackcloth upon their loins. And -* every 
man and woman of Israel '^ and the children that dwelt in "° Jerusalem prostrated 
themselves '■" before the temple, and cast ashes upon their heads, and spread out 

12 their sackcloth before the Lord, and put-* sackcloth about the altar. And 
they ''^ cried to the God of Israel all with one consent earnestly, that he would not 
give their little ones ** for a prey, and their wives for a spoil, and the cities of 
their inheritance to destruction, and the sanctuary to profanation and reproach, 

13 an object of sport to the nations.''' And the Lord heard their cry,'- and looked 
upon their atfliction.^ And "* the people fasted many days in all Judaja and Je- 

14 rusalem before the sanctuary ^ of the Lord Almighty. And Joacim the high priest 
and all the priests that stood before the Lord, and they who °^ ministered unto the 
Lord, their loins being ^ girt with sackcloth, offered '* the daily burnt offerings, 

15 with the vows and the free gifts of the people. And they ^ had ashes on their 
mitres ; and they '"' cried unto the Lord with all their power, that he would look 
upon all the house of Israel graciously. 

Vers. i-4. — ^ A. V. : Now .... heard. ^ captain. 3 Therefore. •• of. ^ were newly returned {Gr., n-pocr- 
^Tws ^aav afa^e^TjitoTes). ^ were. ' house sanctifled after. * Therefore. ^ coasts .... the villages. Frit«- 
Bche adopts Kuiti.a^ {Cexi. Tec, Kwi'as, as proper name) from 111. 243. 248. 249. Co. Aid. ; 68. has eU rac ku^. ; II. 44.. 
Kuva ; X KwAa ; 19. 108., icetAa. ^ X. V. ; BethoroD .... Esora .... and fortified the villages that were in. 

Vers. 5, 6. — ^^ A. V. : up victuals for the provision of, etc. (Gr., eis Trapao-Kevijf iroXfVou). ^- Also .... which. 
13 Bethulia and Betomestham. Uere II. has the form ^airovAova, like the other Codd., though commonly the form in 
this MS. is ^atTvAova ; X., ^atrovAia. i^ A. V.: toward the open country (marg., p^m). 

Vers. 7, 9. — ^ .4. V. ; keep (Gr., SioxaTatrxet*'). **^ there was an entrance. ^^ that would come (7^po(7■^al^'ol'Tas), 

" high priest had commanded them with tbe ancients (marg., governors). The Codd. 44. 71. oi. insert TrpooTji'^aro 
before ^ ycpoua-i'a. i*-* A. V. : which. 20 Then. 21 vehemency. (For cKTej-t'^, near the close, 19. 58. Old Lat., 
oiler injoTti'o ; cf . Ps. xxxv. 13. The change was probably due, however, to the fact that iKTevi(^ occurs just before. 
Cod. X. omits the whole phrase.) 

Vers. 10-12. — -2 A. V. : their children (cf . ver. 12.) 23 instead of the article before iLiirBttiTo^ (as text. rec. ), Fritzsche 
Adopts Kdi, as found in III. X. 19. 23. 66. 68. 64., etc., with Syr. Co. Aid. « A. V. : Thus. 25 omits of Israel (so 
£2. 64. 243. 248. 249. Co. Aid.). =« little children (Gr., n-oi6ia, but see ver. 12, -ri vrima.), and the inhabitants of 

Fritzsche would strike out the «oi', with II. 58. 74. 108. 248. Old Lat. Syr. 27 a. V. : fell. -> the face of thn 

Lord ; also they put. 29 omits they. 30 children (see preceding ver.). 3i and for the nations to rejoice at. 

Vers. 13-15. — 22 A. V. : So God (64. 243. 248. Co. Aid.) .... prayers. » looked upon their aflUctiona (II. has 

«crei3Ei', with an &> over the first letter, i.e., ws eiSer). ^ for. ^ Cod. X. supplies ^mcrov before Kara Trp6<riaiTov riav 
iyitov. 36 A. V. : which. ^7 i^^d their loins girt. ^s and offered. ^n and free .... and. *" omits they. 

Chapter IV. 

Ver. 2. It is to be noticed that the temple has 
been already restored. This took place cir. b. c. 

Ver. 3. To raak? the point jnst noticed still 
more certain, we read here that the people had 
just returned from the Captivity. See Introd., 



nnder " Historical Difficulties." It is said, more- 
over, that the vessels of the altar of the house had 
beeu sanctitied from the profanation (bv Antio- 
chus Epiphanes?). Cf. Herzfeld, i. 319. ' 

Ver. 4. Sent into all the border of Samaria. 
The Samaritans at this time were a mi.\ed people 
whom the kiutr of Babylon had established in tlie 
country after depopulating it of its original inhab- 
itants. They were idolaters. They had not been 
allowed to partieipate in the rebuilding of the tem- 
ple, and were on terms of the bitterest hostility 
with the Jews at the time when the supposed 
events here recorded took place. Hence the state- 
ment before us is not a little surprising, as well as 
suggestive. Many hold it for an unmistakable 
evidence of a late date for onr work. — Baethoron. 
There were two places of this name, an upper and 
a lower. They still survive in what is known as 
Beit'-iir, a little to the northwest of Jerusalem. — 
Belxnen. A place apparently in the neighborhood 
of Dothaim. Cf. vii. 3. — And to Clioba. Prob- 
ably the same as Chobai (cf. xv. 4, 5), and may 
be the Hobah (712111) of Gen. xiv. 15, a place 
north of Damascus. — .fflsora. As it would seem 
for the Hebrew "Tl^n, Hazor. The Svriac has 

T " 

the reading, Bethchom, ('. e. Bethoron. — And to 
the valley of Salem. Thought by some to be 
the plain of Sarou, the " Sharon " of the Old Tes- 
tament. Others (Smith's Bib. Diet.) refer it to 
the broad plain of the Mukhna, which stretches 
from Ebal to Gerizim. 

Ver. 6. One MS. (58.) calls this high priest, 
here and in verse 8, 'IXtaKei/j,. This name is not to 
be found in the list of the names of the high priests 
given in 1 Chron. vi., and it is not likely that the 

Eliakim mentioned in 2 Kings xviii. 18, was ever 
raised to this dignity. On the theory that the nook 
before us is in the main fictitious, the title " Joa- 
cim," i. e. "the Lord hath set up," would be an 
appropriate one for the character. — Betvilua and 
Betomesthsem. The name which designates the 
scene of the piincipal events of our book docs not 
elsewhere occur. Its deri\-ation has been sought 
in various Hebrew words, but most generally in 

n^^^n3, i. e., " virgin of the Lord." Possibly 
the author changed the name of some other place 
into Betulua in order to answer the requirements 
of his story. Its location would seeiu to be given 
with sufficient detiniteness, but all attempts to fix 
its exact site have hitherto failed. The other 
place mentioned was in the vicinity of Betulua, 
but its actual position remains also unknown. 

Vers. 9-1 1 . The law of Moses provided for 
only one public, strict fast in a year (Lev. .\vi. 
29 ff. ). After the Exile the occasions for fasting 
were greatly multiplied and were reckoned at last, 
with the rise of the Pharisaic spirit, among the 
most meritorious of good works. Cf. Keil, Ar- 
chaol., p. 353. 

Ver. 12. Cities of their inheritance, i. e. the 
cities of the land which they had inherited. Cf. 
Ecclus. xlvi. 8 ; 1 Mace. xv. 33, 34. 

Vers. 14,15. Accordingto the Vulgate the high 
priest Joacim went about and admonished the peo- 
ple to continue their fasting and praying as the 
surest way of finding deliverance. — Their mi- 
tres. Both the high priest and the ordinary 
priests wore crowns, the latter being of linen and 
somewhat simple in form and ornamentation, the 
former highly ornamented and costly. 

Chapter V. 

And it was reported to Olophernes, chief general ^ of the army of Assur, that the 
children of Israel had prepared for war, and had shut up the passages of the hill 
country, and walled about every high mountain top,'- and had laid impediments 
in the plains.^ And ^ he was very angrj', and called all the princes of Moab. and 
the generals ^ of Ammon, and all governors of the sea coast, and said ^ unto them, 
Tell me now, ye sons of Chanaan,' who this people is, thatdweUeth in the hill coun- 
try, and what are the cities that they inhabit, and what is the multitude of their 
army, and wlierein is their power and their strength, and what king is set over them. 
as leader ' of their army ; and why Iiave they contemptuously refused ^ to come and 
meet me, more than aU the inhabitants of the west ? And '° Achior, the leader ^' 
of all the sons of Ammon, said to bim,'- 

Let my lord now hear a word from the mouth of thy servant, and I will report 
unto thee the truth concerning this people," which inhabiteth this hill country near 
thee ; " and there shall no lie come out of the mouth of thy servant. This people 
are descendants of'° the Chalda;ans, and sojourned formerly'^ in Mesopotamia, 
because they would not follow the gods of their fathers, which were in the land 
of the Chaldeans." And "* they left the way of their ancestors, and worshipped 

Vers. 1-5. — * A. V. : Then was it declared .... the chief captain. 2 i^ad fortified all the tops of the high hills 
' champion countries. * wherewith. ^ captains. the (68. 74. 108. 236. 248. Co.) governors .... he said 

' Canaan. * and strength .... or captain (Or., Tjyov^ecos). ® determined not (lit., carried on the back^ 

>» Then said. " captain. >= omits said to him. " declare unto The Codd. III. 19. 23. 52., and othen 

with Co. Old. Lat. supply toiJtov after Aaou, and we let it stand, although not found in Fritzsche's text. 1* A. V. : 
dwelleth near thee and inhabiteth the hill countries. Literally, the Greek would be rendered, " which inhabiteth thk 
hill country, inhabiting near thee.'" 

Vers. 6-8. — "> A. V. : descended of. '•■ they sojourned heretofore (Gr , to npitTtpov). ^'' Chaldea. i** For. 

JUDITH. 176 

the God of heaven, a God ' whom they came to know.'^ And ' they cast them 
out from before * their gods, and they fled into Mesopotamia, and sojourned there 
9 many days. And ^ their God commanded them to depart from the place where 
they sojourned, and to go into the land of Chanaan.^ And ' they dwelt there,' 
lU and were increased with gold and silver, and with very many cattle. And because ' 
a famine covered all the land of Chanaan,'" they went down into Egypt, and so- 
journed there, as long as " they found nourishment ; '- and they became there a 

1 1 great multitude, and there was no numbering of their race.'^ And " the king of 
Egypt rose up against them, and they overreached them in work and in brick and 

12 brought them low,^^ and made them slaves. And ^^ they cried unto their God, and he 
smote all the land of Egypt with incurable plagues ; and '" the Egyptians cast them 

13, 14 out from before them.'* And God dried up '^ the Red Sea before them, and 
brought them on the way to Sina, and Cades-Barne ; and they cast forth -'" all that 

15 dwelt in the wilderness. And ^' they dwelt in the land of the Amorites, and they 
destroyed by their strength all them of Esebon, and passing through the Jordan they 

16 possessed all the hill country. And they cast forth before them the Chanaanite, and 
the Pherezite,'''^ and '■^ the Jebusite, and the Sychemite, and all the Gergesites, and 

17 they dwelt in that country many days. And as long as -^ they sinned not before their 

18 God, they prospered, because God who "^ hateth iniquity was with them. But when 
they departed from the way which he had ^^ appointed them, they were destroyed 
in many battles for a very long time,^ and were led captives into a land that teas 
not theirs, and the temple of their God was cast to the ground, and their cities were 

19 taken by their ^' enemies. And now, having-'' returned to their God, they came'" 
up from the place where they were scattered, and possessed Jerusalem, where their 

20 sanctuary is, and '^ settled down "^ in the hill country ; for '' it desolate. And 
now, 7)11/ ^* lord and master,'^ if there is error in this people, and they sin 
against their God, we will look to it what this offence among them is, and will 

21 go up and *" overcome them. But if there is no transgression in their nation, let my 
lord now pass by, lest their Lord and their God defend them,*' and we shall be 
a reproach before all the earth.'* 

22 And it came to pass when '^ Achior had finished these sayings, all the people 
standing round the tent and round about murmured. And the chief men of Olo- 
phernes and all that dwelt by the sea side, and in Moab, said ** that /le should kill him, 

23 For, say they, we will not be afraid before the children of Israel ; for lo, it is a 

24 people that have no strength nor power for a strong orderly battle.*' Now there- 
fore, lord Olophernes, we wUl go up, and they shall be food for *'' all thine army. 

Vers. 8-10. —> the God (no article in the Gr.). '- knew (Gr., i-irsyxcoo-av). » so. * the face of. » Then. 

3 Canaan. ' Where ^ om//s there. ^ very much .... when (Gr., yap ; 74. 76. 236 , 5e'}. " Canaan. 

" while. " were nourished (seeCom.). " and became .... so that one could not number their nation. 

Vers. 11-14. — " A. V. : Therefore. >» dealt subtillr with them, and broiight them low with labouring in bri'-k 
(Gr., Kareo'cxfuiTai'TO auToiJs eV K^vt^ — X. 58. thjAw ; cf Ex. i. 14 — Ka\ TikivQM, »cal kT(nviivtiirra.v aWTOu?. A. V. read 
KaTeo-oiiVaTO . . .. eTan-eiWire;' .... c^ero, with III. X. 19. at.). l'' Then. '^ so. ^^ of their si?ht (Gr., airb Trpoffti- 
jTouauTuf. See ver. 8). '^ o»iir5 up (Gr., Karef^pafsi/ ; preposition is omitted by 44. 71. 106). 20 to mount (In 54. 
58. 64. Co. and Aid. opos is read for 656i', as well as by .Junius. The A. V. has in the margin : Gr., into the way of the 0/ Sina) . . . and cast forth (efe'PoAe 52. 64. 248. Co. Aid. at.). 

Vers. 15-18. —21 A. V. : So. -• over J Canaanite, the P. -^ ornits aud. 24 whilst. *fi the God that 

(the article is found in 23. 44. 68. 74. 249. Co. Aid.). 26 omit:: had. « Tery sore (Gr., e'lr'i woKii injioSpa). » the. 

The force of the preceding possessive pronoun is to be brought along to this point. 

Vers. 19, 20. — -^ A. V. : But now are they (aorist participle). 3" and are come. 3i places where .... have 

possessed .... is and are. 32 are seated, 33 por ort X. has ore. 34 Xow therefore my (19., ^ou). 3.^ governor. 
3« be a/iy .... let us even consider that this shall be their ruin, and let us . . . . we shall. 

Veis. 21-24. —3: A. V. : be no iniquity .... Lord defend l/iem, and their God be for them (Gr., /i^irore uirepomr.'in) 6 
■lipios aiiTwv Koi 6 6fh<; avritiv ij-nkp ovToic). 38 a. V. : become .... all the world. 39 j^mj when (e'ye'ceTO : 44. 71 

106. omit). « round about the t«nt murmured .... spake. ■" afraid of the face of .... a strong battle 

The Greek is eis n-apdToftj' ttrxvpai*. See remarks in Com. at 1 Esd. ii. 30; cf. also vii. 11, xvi. 12; Wisd. xii 9 
*• A. V. : a prey to be devoured of (Gr., ets xard^pw^). 

Chapter V. 

Ver. 1. "XKCLvhaKov. Tnis word referred o'-igi- 
Tially to the trap-stick on which the bait was fas- 
tened (cf. LXX. at Josh, xxiii. 13 ; 1 San., xviii. 
21) ; then, generally, anything against which one 
strikes or stumbles (cf. Wisd. xiv. 11 ; Ecclus vii. 
6 ; xxvii. 23 ; 1 Mace. v. 4.) 

Ver. 2. The princes (&pxovTas) of Moab, and 
the generals [uTparriyovs] of Ammon, and all 
the governors (o'arpaTras) of the sea-coast. 

Ver. 3. Sons of Chanaan, Really applicable 
only to the inhabitants of the sea-coast. 

Ver. 5. Achior has a great deal to say about 



his speaking the truth, probably because it was 
scarcely to be expected from him under the cir- 
cumstances, and possibly, too, because he would 
be obliged to say what might be considered by 
Olophemes as offensive. 

Ver. 6. Of the Chaldaeans, i. e., through Abra- 
ham. Ur is commonly supposed to have been 
in Mesopotamia, where also Stephen, by impli- 
cation (Acts vii. 2, 4), fixes its locality. See, how- 
ever, a full discussion of the matter in Smith's 
Bib. Dirt., art. "Ur;" and Wolf, Com., ad he. 
Josephus (Antiq., i. 6, §5) says: "Now Terah 
hating Chald«a on account of his mourning for 
Haran, they all returned to Haran, of Mesopo- 

Ver. 8. God of Heaven. An expression fre- 
quently found in the later books of Scripture. 
In Josephus (I. c.) we are told how Abraham 
came to his peculiar views about God for which 
he was driven out by the Chaldfeans. 

Ver. 10. As long as they found nourish- 
ment, fifxpis ov Si^rpd(p7jaav. This appears to be 
the correct translation, although several other 
renderings are given. Dereser : " till they again 
found sustenance ; " De Wette : " till they re- 

Ver. II. Overreached them. The same 
word, KuTiuroipl^oimi, is rendered by the A. V. 
at Acts vii. 19 as here. But the meaning seems 
to be better expressed by overreach, circumvent. 

See the Hebrew at Ex. i. 10 ; and cf. Jud. x 
19 (A. v., "deceive"). — ACtous «<s iovKovs, 
(made) them slaves. The preposition is used 
tropically as denoting aim or end. Cf. Winer, 
p. 396. 

Ver. 14. Cades-Barne. Also called simply 
Kades. See above, i. 9. 

Ver. 15. Dwelt in the land of the Amorites. 
Cf. Numb. xxi. 2.5, 31. — Esebon. The chief 
city of the children of Amnion was Heshbon. 

Ver. 18. Here we have the announcement o{ 
the destruction of the temple, and of the Captivity, 
which is worthy of notice as a general indication 
of the date of the history. 

Ver. 19. It was desolate, i.e., the mountaii. 
country, of its inhabitants ; and they did not 
need to take pos.scssion of it again. 

Ver. 20. Ka! eVi(rKei|.<iu6ea. Seelntrod., p. 164. 
The sentence wliich ]>i'ece(Ies does not contain the 
leading idea, and the following itai serves to give 
a greater prominence to that which it introduces. 
But it is scarcely translatable. It is a species of 
anacoluthon. Cf. Winer, p. 438, and, below, 
verse 22; vi. I ; x. 2, 7, 14; xi. 11 ; xiv. 11. — 
Ruin (A. V.),(r(t({i'SoAo>'. Better here, q^ense. The 
plural of the same word is rendered by "impedi- 
ments" in verse I. Cf. its use at Wisd. xiv. 11 
(A. v., "stumbling-blocks "), and see remarks at 
verse 1, above. 

Chapter VI, 

1 And when the tumult of the * men that were about the council ceased,'^ Olophernes 
the chief general * of the army of Assur said unto Achior before all the foreign 
peoples, and to all the sons of Moab,^ 

2 And who art thou, Achior, and the hirelings of Ephraim, that thou hast prophe- 
sied amongst us as to-day. and hast said, that we should not make war with the race 
of Israel, because their God will defend them ? And who is God but Nabucho 

3 donosor ? He will send his power, and will destroy them from the face of the earth, 
and their God shall not deliver them ; but we his servants will smite ^ them as one 

4 man ; and they shall not withstand ° the power of our horses. For with them we 
will overrun them,' and their mountains shall be drunken with their blood, and their 
plains shall be filled with their dead bodies ; and not by one step shall they with- 
stand ' us, but ' they shall utterly perish, saith king Nabuchodonosor. the '" lord of 

5 all the earth ; for he said it ; '' his words shall not '- be in vain. But '' thou, Achior, 
a hireling of Ammon, who " hast spoken these words in the day of thine iniquity, 
shalt see my face no more from this day, until I take vengeance on the race '* 

6 that came out of Egypt. And then shall the sword of mine army, and the spear '" 
of them that serve me, pass througli thy sides, and thou shalt fall among their 

7 wounded,'" when I return. And '* my servants shall carry thee away '' into the 

8 hill country, and shall set thee in one of the cities of the passages ; and thou shalt 

Vers. 1-4. — 1 A. v. : omits the. ^ was ceased. ^ captain. ^ A. and all the Moahite? before all the company of 

other nations. {We place as in the text, in conformity with the order of the Greek.) 6 people of I destroy. 

for they are not able to sustain ((Jr., Ka\ ovx v-irotrrfitTOvTai ; cf. 1 Mace. V. 40 ; vii. 25, and the immediate context of 
the present verse). ' tread them under foot. (We adopt KaraKKvaoix^v, with Fritzsche, from 19. 55. 74. 108. 236. in 
place of (caTaKautrojuev, we will hum (them in them, i. e., their cities) of the text, ree. The Codd. 52. 64. 248. 249., with 
Co. and Aid. (as A. V.) liave Ka.ja.naTrjiTQii.ev.) ^ fields .... their footsteps shall not be able to stand before. (Sea 
Com.) ' for. "> omits the. " said. " jjone of my words (64. 243. 248. Co. Aid. have fiov). 

Vers. 5-8. — ^^ A. V. : And (Or., (jv 5e'). '* which. Cod. .X. offers here instead of the relative, ur. JO of thU 

nation. " multitude. Fritz.^che adopts xajjio^ (for Aao? of the text, ree.). Old Lat., lancea. The Codd. give Aais 

without exception. But it would seem to have been an early corruption of x<iA«6s. ^^ A. V. : slain (Gr., rpau- 
■LaTiotf. Cf. remarks in Com. at 1 Mace. i. 18). '^ Now there/ore. ^^ bring thee back, etc. (Gr., aTroKaTonm^mvai 



9 not perish, till thou art' destroyed with them. And if thou dost hope in thy 
heart - that they will ' not be taken, let not thy countenance fall. I have spoken 
it, and none of my words shall be in vain. 

10 And ■* Olophernes commanded his servants, who stood around in his tent, to take 
Achior, and bring him to Betulua,^ and deliver him into the hands of the children of 

11 Israel. And ^ his servants took him, and brought him out of the camp into the plain, 
and bore him ' from the midst of the plain into the hill country, and came unto the 

12 fountains that were under Betulua.' And when the men of the city on the top of 
the mountain ' saw them, they took up their weapons, and went out of the city to 
the top of the mountain ; " and every man that used a sling took possession of the 

13 place of their ascent and hurled stones upon ^^ them. And crouching under the 
mountain, they bound ^^ Achior, and left him beliind cast down at the foot of the 

14 mountain,'^ and returned to their lord. But the Israelites descending from their 
city, came " unto him, and loosed him, and brought him into Betulua,'^ and presented 

15 him to the rulers'" of their" city, who'* were in those days: Ozias " the son of 
Micha, of the tribe of Simeon, and Chabris ^ the son of Gothoniel, and Charmis ^' 

16 the son of Melchiel. And they called together all the elders ^^ of the city; and all 
their youth ran together, and their women, to the assembly. And they set Achior in 
the midst of all their people, and "' Ozias asked him of that which had taken place.''^ 

17 And answering, he reported ^ unto them the words of the council of Olophernes, and 
all the words that he had spoken in the midst of the rulers of the sons of Assur,'^* 

18 and how far Olophernes had spoken proudly against the house of Israel. And '^^ 

19 the people fell down and worshipped God, and cried,'^' saying, O Lord God of 
heaven, behold their arrogance,^' and pity the low estate of our race,** and look 
upon the face of those that are sanctified unto thee this day. And '"■ they comforted 

20, 21 Achior, and praised him greatly. And Ozias took him out of the assembly 
into '^ his house, and made a feast to the elders. And they called on the God of 
Israel all that night for help. 

Vers. 8-13. — ^ A. V. : be. 2 persuade thyself in thy mind. 3 shall. * Then. '> that waited in ... . 

Bethulia. ^ So. ' they went {Gr., awripav \ 44. 106., ?iXQov]. ^ Bethulia. » omits on the top of the mountain 
(so 58.). ^0 hill. ^^ kept them from coming up by casting of stones against (Gr. , iie^tpanio-ai' Tf)v avdfiatrii' ain^v 

Kal l^oAov eV \iQot<; in). ^3 Nevertheless having gotten privily under the hill, they bound {tcaX viToSv<ravTfi virOKaTiu rov 
opouc eSriirav). *3 and ca^t him down and left him at the foot of the hill (Gr., Kai a.'t'riKav eppLfxttevov, etc.). 

Vers. 14, Ifi.^i* A. V.: descended .... and came. i^ Bethulia. lo governors (Or., apxc^rat). ^' the (Or., 
avrCii' ; it is omitted by 44. 71. 74- 76. 106. 236.). ^^ which. i^ Cod. II. everywhere spells this proper name O^eta?. 
30 For •A^pls of the text, rec, Fhtzsche adopts from III. X. XaSpei9. This is the reading of II. also, and not Xap^ecV, 
as stated in Fritzsche's Grit. Ap. 21 j*or Xafiij.ii of the text, rec, Fritzsche adopts from n. X. Xop^ei's ; III. has XoA 
ILtii ; 44. and others, Xapni. 

Vers. 16-21. — ^^A.Y.: anciente. Here (as at viii. 10) the Greek is tovs irpetr^ure'povs, and not, as at iv. 8, if yepavtria. 
Cf. also, X. 6 ; xiii. 12 ; 1 Esd. vi. 8. ^ A.W : Then. 24 ^as done. 25 he answered and declared. ^ princes 

of A. 27 whatsoever Then. 28 cried unto God. (The la^t two words are not in the Greek of the rez/. rec, 

but are found in 243. Co. Aid. Jnn. ). 29 prjde (Gr. , uirep7)(^ai'€cas). In this sentence (*' behold their pride ") the 

Codd.X. 19. 108. use, instead of (cariSe, the stronger en-i^Aei^o^, 1. e. , *' behold to punish. " 3° A. V. : nation. 

»> Then. " „nto. 

Chapter VI. 

Ver. 1 . By the " sons of Moab " are meant, 
apparently, the people east of .the Jordan, in dis- 
tinction from the remaining peoples, who were 
gathered from the coast of Palestine and Syria. 

Ver. 2. After the separation of the ten tribes, 
the tribe of Ephraim preponderated to such an 
extent over the others that the kingdom of Israel 
was often called Ephraim. But in employing 
this title Olophernes shows that he was not so 
ignorant of the history of the country as he pre- 
tends to be. — And who is i @e6s 1 i. e., here, " the 
true God." 

Ver. 3. His power, i. e., his army, as very 
frequently in this book and the books of the Mac- 

Ver. 4. Lit., and the step of their feet shall 
not withstand. Not by a single footstep forward 
would they be able to with.staud them. 

Ver. 5. Race that came out of Egypt. An 
allusion to the fact of their former enslavement. 

Ver. 7. Cities of the passages, i. e., a city 
that lies in the way of the ascent to the moun- 
tains, one of the nearest fortified cities of the 

Ver. 9. Let not thy countenance fall. " Don't 
be worried," as we sometimes say ironically. — 

AiatrliTTeiv ( ^^3), to Jail to the earth, come to nought. 
Cf. Gen. iv. 6. In ecclesiastical Greek it means 
" to backslide." Cf. Euseb., H. E., v. 2. 

Ver. 15. Gothoniel, cf. Judg. i. 13 (Othniel) ; 
Charmis, cf. Gen. xlvi. 9; Josh. vii. 1 (Carmi) ; 
Melchiel, cf. Gen. xlvi. 17 (Malchiel). 

Ver. 17. CouncU, (TufeSp^as. The same word 
is used of this assembly at verse 1, and at xi. 9. 
The word translated "assembly" in verse 16, on 
the other hand, is ixxKriaia, i. e., an assemblage of 
the people. Cf. verse 21, vii. 29. xiv. 6; Ecclus. 
XV. 5 et passim; 1 Mace. ii. 56 (with Numb, 
xiii. 31). 


Ver. 19. 'Eirl t4s uircp7)cf)apeios. The plural is 
emphatic, great pride. Cf. Winer, p. 177. — 
Those that are sanctified. The whole Jewish 
people are meaut. Dereser would connect on (tV) 
lAis day with 4iTi0\e^oy. 

Ver. 21. Feast, irdroi/. IaI., a drinking ; then, 
a drinking in common, a /east. The unsuspecting 
confidence which is here accorded to this Gentile 
Achior — as afterwards on the part of the Assyri 
ans to Judith — is scarcely natural. 

Chapter VII. 

1 The next day Olophernes commanded all his army, and all his people who had 
come to help him, that ihey should move against Betulua, and take beforehand the 

2 mountain passes,^ and to make war against the children of Israel. And every 
mighty man of them marched '" that day, and their force of ^ men of war was an 
hundred and seventy thousand footmen, and twelve thousand horsemen, beside the 
baggage, and the* men that were afoot ^ amongst them, a very great multitude. 

3 And they camped in the valley near unto Betulua,* by the fountain ; and they 
spread ' in breadth over Dothaim ' as far as Belbaem,^ and in length from Betulua '" 

4 unto Cyamon, which is over against Esdraelon. And ^^ the children of Israel, when 
they saw the multitude of them, were greatly troubled, and said every one to his 
neighbor, Now will these mew lick up the face of the whole earth ; ^^ and '' neither 

5 the high mountains, nor the valleys, nor the hills, will " bear their weight. And 
every man took up his weapons of war, and having ^^ kindled fires upon their 

6 towers, they remained and watched all that night. But on ^^ the second day Olo- 
phernes brought forth all his horsemen in the sight of the children of Israel who " 

7 were in Betulua,'* and examined the passages up to their city, and searched 
out their fountains of water, and took possession of them,-" and set garrisons of men 
of war over them ; and he himself departed to -" his people. 

8 And there -' came unto him all the chief -^ of the children of Esau, and all the 
leaders ^ of the people of Moab. and the generals -■* of the sea coast, and said, 

9, 10 Let our lord now hear a word, that there be no disaster ^ in thy army. For 
this people of the children of Israel do not trust in their spears, but in the height of 
the mountains wherein they dwell, because it is not easy to come up to the tops of 

11 their mountains. And now, our lord,*^ fight not against them in orderly battle,-" and 

12 there shall not one man of thy people fall.-* Remain in thy camp ; keep every 
man^ of thine army ; and let thy servants get into their hands the fountain of water, 

13 which issueth forth from ^ the foot of the mountain, for all the inhabitants of Betu- 
lua '^ have their water thence ; and thirst will consume ^ them, and they will ^ give 
up their city ; and we and our people will '* go up to the tops of the mountains that 

14 are near, and wUl camp upon them, to watch that none go out of the city. And'' 
they and their wives and their children will "'^ be consumed with famine, and before 
the sword come against them, they will be laid low " in the streets where they 

15 dwell, and thou shalt " render them an evil reward, because they rebelled, and met 
thee not with peace.*^ 


Vers. 1, 2. — * A. V. ; which were come to take his part that they should remove their camp against Bethulia to talte 
aforeband the ascents of the hill country. ^ Then their strong men removed their camps in. 3 the army of the. 

* othfr. 6 For Tre^oi, 68. has jrapf^oBevTai ; Old Lat. , cum eis comitanles. The force of infantry is given as 8,000 in 

Cod X. 

Vers. ;i-7. — "A.V.: Bethulia. ' s^re&A themselves. * over Dothaim (marg., /rom i}oiAaim, Junius ; Gr.,e'Trt A.). 
The form of the proper name [text, rec, t^mBatp.) Ai»9aei> is found in II. III. X. » A. V. : even to (Fritzsche omits «oi 
with III. X.a/.) Bolmnim. For ^eA^aiV are II. III. 65. » A. V. : Bethulia. "Now. >= the earth (Gr., -rfis -yil! 
irii(r>)s; the last word is omitted by 44. 71. 74. 76. 106. 2.36.). "for. "are able to. (The verb is in the future tense.) 
^ Then .... when they had. ^'' in. >■ which. " Bethulia. '» viewed (Gr., eireo-iceifiaTo) the passiages up 
to the city (Gr., rts ara^a^eit ttjs it. a\)7!i>v), and came to (Gr., «0ii{fv<re ; Junius, invadens occupavit) the fountains 
of their waters (Cod. X. with II. 44. 71. 74. 76., etc., omits the possessive pronoun after v&artav), and took (Gr., n-po- 
icaTcXfi^eTo) them. -^ removed towards (Gr., avi^ev^ev eis). 

Vers. 8-12. — 2' A. v.: Then. - apxoKTK ; cf. vi. 14. 23 A. V. : governors. « captains. ^ „ot an overthrow 
BpavtTtia : lit., fragment). ^ Now therefore, my. 27 battle array (Gr., Ka6m yiverat TroKefio-; Traparafews, (. e., ai 

•egulur warfare is carried on. Cf. v. 23). '» so much as one . . ..perish. » and Iteepall the men. For aiifieii-of 
Iremain) iii. Old Lat. Syr. offer oAAa iieZvof. '» A. V. : of. 

Vers. 13-15. —" A. V. : Bethulia. "^ so shall thirst kill (Or., di-t^ti ; " de siti aisumente," Wahl's davis, ad voc.) 
'■■' shaU. =< shall. ""So. so jhall. 37 gdall be overthrown (Or., icaTooTpiuSijcroi'T-at. The context is to be cod 
lidered). ** Thus ahalt thou. 3" not thy person peaceably. 

JUDITH. 179 

16 And their ' words pleased Olophernes and all his servants, and they resolved - to 

17 do as they had spoken. And a detachment' of the children of Ammon de- 
parted, and with them five thousand children of Assur, and they pitched in the val- 
ley, and took the waters, and the fountains of the waters of the children of Israel. 

18 And ■• children of Esau went up with the children of Ammon, and camped in 
the hill country over against Dothaim ; and they sent some of them toward the 
south, and toward the east, over against Egi-ebel," which is near unto Chus,^ that 
is upon the brook Mochmur. And the rest of the army of the Assyrians camped in 
the plain, and covered all the face of the land ; ami their tents and baggage made 
an encampment with many camp followers ; and they amounted to ' a very great 

1 9 multitude. And ' the chiklren of Israel cried unto the Lord their God, because their 
spirit ^ failed ; for all their enemies had compassed them round about, and there was 

20 no way to escape from among them. And the whole army of Assur remained about 
them, the^" footmen, and the chariots, and their horsemen, four and thirty days. And '^ 

21 all their vessels of water failed all the inhabitants of Betulua.-"^ And the cisterns 
were emptied, and they had not water to drink their fill for one day, for they gave 

22 them to drink by measure. And " their young children lost " heart, and the ^° women 
and the young men fainted for thirst, and fell down in the streets of the city, and 
in '^ the passages of the gates, and there was no longer any strength in them. 

23 And " all the people assembled to Ozias, and to the chief of the city, the young 
men, and the women, and the^' children, and cried with a loud voice, and said be- 

24 fore all the elders, God be judge between us and you, for you have done us great 
injustice,'^ in that you have not spoken with the children of Assur on behalf of 

25 peace.^ And -' now we have no helper ; but God hath sold us into their hands, 

26 that ive shoidd be laid low before them with thirst and great destruction. And 
now -^ call them up,-** and deliver the whole city for a spoil to the people of Olo- 

27 phernes, and to all his army. For it is better for us to become ** a spoil unto them:''^ 
for we shall™ be his servants, and'" our souls will -' live, and we shall not see the 
death of our infants with our eyes, nor our wives nor our children as they pine 

28 away.'^ We take to witness against you the heaven and the earth, and our God and 
Lord of our fathers, who ** punisheth us according to our sins and the sins of our 

29 fathers, that he do not according as we have said this day. And '^ there arose a great 
lamentation on the part of all at once ^^ in the midst of the assembly ; and they cried 

30 unto the Lord God with a loud voice. And Ozias said ^^ to them. Brethren, be of 
good courage ; let us endure yet five days, in which ^* the Lord our God may turn his 

31 mercy toward us ; for he will not forsake us utterly. But if these days pass, and 

32 there come no help unto us, I will do according to your words.'^ And he dispersed 
the people, each to his post ; ^^ and they went upon *' the walls and the towers of their 
city ; and he sent away the women and the children ^ into their houses. And they 
were brought very low ^ in the city. 

Vers. 16-19. — * A. V. ; these (Gr., avruv ; III., aiirov). 2 ije appointed {text, rec, followed by Fritzache, (ruver- 

a^av. Codd. III. X. 55. 58., with Old Lat. Syr. Co. Aid , hare the verb in the singular). ^ go the camp {n■ape^^oA^, 

but cf. Com.). < of the Assyrians . . . Then the. = Ekrebel (II. X. 23. , E-ype|3^A, and are followed by Fritzsche). 
6 Chusi (text, rec, XoOs, but 64. 243. 248. 249. Co. Aid. as A. V.). ' the face of the whole .... carriages were 

pitched to ; 52. 64. 243. 248. Co. Aid. omit cv o^Aw Kat t]<xom (see Com.). 8 A. V. : Then. » heart {Gr., to TTTciifia). 

Vers. 20-26. — '" A. V : escape out .... Thus aU the company (crui-a-yioy^, 23. 44. 64. al. Co. Aid.). . . . both their (so 
58.). 1' chariots (58. omits rd) and horsemen .... so that. 12 Bethulia. 13 them drink .... Therefore. " were 
ont of (Or., ijW)ii|o-6i'). '= their. (After yvvolm the pronoun is stricken out by Fritzsche, following II. III. X. 19. 
55.68.) "SanUyoung . . . . by (Gr.jei-Tars.etc.). "Then, w 4oIA young men and women and children. "injury 
(Gr., dStKi'oi'). 20 required peace of the children of A. 21 Por. 22 thrown down .... Now therefore. 

2^ unto you., etc. (Gr., e'TrtKaAeVac^e auTOu's.) « 

Vers. 2V-30. — 2< A. V. ; be made. 2£ adtis, than to die for thirst. Alter {lapn-n-yiji-, 52. 64. 243. 248. Co. Aid. insert : 
i\ a.-n(>QQ.vtiv eV fii'i/zi]. 2(1 ,^_ y. : will. -' that. 2S may. 29 and not see ... . before otix eyes .... children to 
die (Gr., eKAeiTTOuo-as ras '^vxa.'i avTwv). »" which. ^' Then. ^2 ^^s great weeping with one consent. ss Then 
<(aid 0. ^ yet endure .... the which space. 

Vers 31,32.-35^ V.; And .... word. ^o jt.jry one to their own charge (Gr., eU ■nji' tairroi irapeji^oA^i-) 

'^ unto (Gr., irri). ^® and towers (58.) .... and sent (Fritzsche adopts aweorctAei' — text, rec, ^fajretrreiAe — from 

II. X. 65. 19. 108. ; 111. 23. 44 ajritnetXtw) the women and children. ss yery low brought. 

Chapteb VII. 

Ver. 2. The army had been increased then, I fifty thousand infantry. Cf. ii. 15. The Syriac 
over and above all its losses since its start, by [and Codex Ger. 15 of the Old Latin has one hnn- 



dred and seventy-two thousand ; another Codex 
of the Old Latin (Corh.) and the Vulgate, one 
hundred and twenty thousand. And for twelve 
thousand horsemen, the Syriac, Old Latin, and 
Vulgate have twenty-two thousand. — Amongst 
them. Some would make this refer to the bag- 
gage, which is meutioued just before. It can, 
however, with equal propriety refer to the array ; 
these persons being the unarmed, mi.\ed multi- 
tude of which we read in ii. 20. 

Ver. .■?. Belbaem. Cf. Belmaen, iv. 4, with 
note. — Cyamon. Possibly the place now known 
as Tell Kaimon, on the eastern slopes of Carinel. 
This would answer the description, if Esdraelon 
be regarded as Jezreel. Eusebius knew the place 
under the name of Ka/jL/juDya, and Jerome as Ci- 
mana. Cf. .Smith's Bib. Diet., ad voc. The A. V. 
has in the margin "Beanficld," which is the 
nieauing of the word. 

Ver. 4. Lick up, iKXel^ovirtv (Lat., flingo). 
Cf. Bar. vi. 20, where it is also employed ; and 
Numb. xxii. 4, where it is used in the LXX. of 
cattle, for T[n'^. — Bear their weight. Their 
wants with respect to sustenance would be too 
great for the country to supply them. 

Ver. 7. Garrisons, Trapfij.0o\is. It is other- 
wise rendered at verse 17. Cf. note there. 

Ver. 8. The children of Esau, i. e., the Edom- 
ites, inhabiting the country to the southeast of 

Ver. 1 0. IlewotBav, trust in. Cf . on this word, 
■with the dative after eVf, Winer, p. 214. — 
"Wherein they dwell, 4v oh auTol fvoiKovcriy 4v 
avrois. This redundancy in the Greek is caused 
by au effort to conform to the Hebrew idiom. 
Cf. Winer, p. 148 ; also, v. 19, x. 2, xvi. 4, of the 
present book, for further examples of the same 

Ver. 1 1 . Kadws 7(V erai tt6K€^os wapaT^etos, i. e,, 
as regular "warfare is carried on. The last word 
was Used of a« annij in arrai/, a line of battle. It 
was employed also for the battle itself, as in 1 
Esd. i. 30, where Josias was cai'ried back from the 
line of combatants to the rear. Cf. also 1 Mace. 
iii. 26, iv. 21 ; 2 Mace. viii. 20; Diod. Sic, iii. 70. 

Ver. 12. Eichhorn remarks on the conduct of 
Olophernes at this point {Einleit. in d. Apok. 
Schrifi., |). .306) : " He comes at last to Bethulia, 
an insignificant place, and lies for months inactive, 
just as though it were the most unconquerable 
lortress, for whose siege one should make im- 
measurable preparations. And what prepara- 
tions does he make '. After lung inactivity, he 
seeks at last to do what among the ancients was 
always the tirst thing in surrounding a city, — 
cuts off its water supply And the inhab- 
itants of the city do not hinder it ! " And we 
may add : This victorious general docs not seem 
to know enough to imdertake this simple matter 
of himself, but must be advised to it by some of 
the least estremed of his allies. - 

Ver. 15. Met thee not with peace. They 
did not come to liim witli ])roposals for peace, in- 
stead of resisting as they were then doing. 

Ver. 16. They resolved. The verb is plural 
(see Text. Notes), and probably refers to Olo- 
phernes and his officers. They concluded, resolved, 
to do as the Edomites had advi.sed. 

Ver. 17. Detachment .... departed. The 

word translated " detachment " is TtapefiffoKii It 
means: 1, an insertion beside or among others 
2, a distribution of men in an army ; 3, the body 
of men so distributed ; 4, like o-TpaTciireSov, a 
camp. In this sense it is Macedonian. A still 
further meaning is a fortified place. It has here 
the tiiird meaning, and refers to the body, detach- 
ment of Edomites. In verse 12 it has the fourth 
of these meanings. Cf. Grimm at 1 Mace. iii. 3, 
in which book the word occurs with great fre- 

Ver. 18. And the children of Ammon, t. e.^ 
those who remained. A part had already gone in 
another direction. See previous verse. It is not 
needful to say that the word rendered " children " 
here and elsewhere, so frequently, is vioi. We 
have not thought it necessary to give it its literal 
meaning of " sons," as the expression has become, 
in connection with the A. V., in a certain sense 
technical. — Egrebel. The Peshito version has- 
Ecrabatj which seems to indicate Acrabbein, — 
a place mentioned by Eusebius. It is the pres- 
ent Akrabih, lying about six miles southeast 
from Shechem. — Chus. By some identified with 
the present IJshurish. — The brook Mochmur. 
Probably the Wady Makfuriyeh. — Made an 
encampment with many camp followers, kot€- 
(TTpaToirfSevaaf iv ox^V TfoWtfi, etc. We have 
so translated, making 6x^<>^ refer to camp- 
followers in distinction from the regular army. 
Bunscn's Bibelwerk renders ; " was extended with 
many people." De Wette : " was extended in 
great masses." The following clause seems to 
favor our rendering, in which the entire army 
appears to be referred to : " and they amounted 
to a very great multitude." 

Ver. 20. It might well be asked how this re- 
nowned and successful Assyrian general, with his 
immense army, can spend so much time before 
this insignificant place, of which neither sacred 
or profane history has a word to s.ay. And it 
would also be interesting to know how, without 
opposition, the army of Olophernes came into 
such close proximity toBetulua as to po.ssess itself 
of all their water-supply? Had not the command* 
of the high-priest, Joacim (iv. 6), that the different 
avenues of approach to the city be occupied, been 
complied with? Cf. above, verse 12. — The cis- 
terns. They were for rain-water. 

Ver. 21. Drink by measure. Grotius: " Con- 
venit cum aliarum gentium historiis, apud quas 
in obsessis oppidis aqua ad dimensum distributa 

Ver. 22. Fainted, i^iKmov. It is a somewhat 
free but allowable rendering. Cf. xi. 12 ("fail");. 
Luke xvi. 9 (^(tAiVp, "fail"); Wisd. v. 13 ("dis- 
appeared ") ; Ecclu's. xl. 14 (" come to nought "). 

Ver. 25. Hath sold. The figure is taken 
from the treatment of slaves. They would say : 
" It is God's purpose that we should become the 
slaves of the Assyrians, and it were better so than 
that we should liere perish from thirst." 

Ver. 27. For a spoil. Here ei's Siapira-pir 
[i.e., "plunder"). In ver. 26, however, eis npo- 
voiJii\v (i. e., " to forage upon "). 

Vers. .'iO, 31. Ozias hoped, it would seem, for 
rain during this time. Cf. viii. 31. The rainy 
season, in Palestine, lasts from October to March 
In April and May there are rarely any showere. 

JUDITH. 181 

Chapter VIII. 

1 Ann ' at that time Judith heard thereof, daughter " of Merari, son of Ox, son of 
Joseph, son of Oziel, son of Elcia, son of Ananias, son of Gedeon, son of Raphain, 
son of Achitob,' son of Elias, son of Chelcias, son of Eliab,* son of Nathanael, son of 

2 Salamiel,^ son of Sarasadai,^ son of Israel. And Manasses, her husband, was of her 

3 tribe and her kindred ; and he had ' died in the barley harvest. For while he had 
the oversight of them that bound the * sheaves in the field, the hot wind ^ came upon 
his head, and he took to his '" bed, and died in his city of Betulua ; '^ and they buried 

4 him with his fathers in the field between Dothaim and Balamon.''^ And Judith was 

5 a widow in her house three years and four months. And she made her a tent upon tlift 
roof ^' of her house, and put " sackcloth upon her loins, and wore ^^ her widow's ap- 

6 parel. And she fasted all the days of her widowhood, save on eves of sabbaths," 
and sabbaths," and eves of new ^* moons, and new ^^ moons, and feasts,-" and festival 

7 days ^' of the house of Israel. She was also of a goodly figure," and very beautiful 
to behold. And her husband Manasses had left her gold, and silver, and menser- 

8 vants, and maidservants, and cattle, and lands ; and she remained upon them. And 

9 there was none that gave her an ill word, for she feared God greatly. And she 
heard of '^ the evil words of the people against the ruler ^'' because ^^ they fainted 
for lack of water ; and ^^ Judith heard of all ^ the words that Ozias had spoken unto 
them, and that he had sworn to them '^ to deliver the city unto the Assyrians after 

10 five days. And-'' she sent her waiting-woman, that had the oversight*" of all her 

11 affairs,'^ and called Ozias and Chabris and Gharmis, the elders °^ of her *' city. And 
they came unto her, and she said unto them. 

Hear me now, O ye rulers of the inhabitants of Betulua,'^ for your words that 
you have spoken before the people this day are not right ; and you have established 
the oath which you have uttered between God and you,*" and have promised to de- 
liver the city to our enemies, unless within these days the Lord turn to help you.^*" 

12 And now who are you that have tempted God this day, and set yourselves above'' 

13 God amongst the children of men? And now search out" the Lord Almighty, 

14 and ^ you shall never find out " any thing. For you cannot find the depth of the 
heart of man, neither can you grasp *^ the thoughts of his mind ; and ■*- how can 
you search out God, that hath made all these things, and know his mind, and ^^ com- 
prehend his purpose ? Nay my brethren, provoke not the Lord our God to anger. 

15 For if he choose not to help us within these five days, he hath the power to defend in 

16 what days he will, or also ■" to destroy us before our enemies. But do not you force *^ 
the counsels of the Lord our God, for God is not as man, that he may be threatened, 

17 neither is he as the son of man, that he should be wavering.*" Therefore let us wait 

Ver. 1. — 1 A. v. : Now. ^ uihich was the daughter. There is no article in the Greek, as is the case also before 

" flon " in each instance in the present verse, although the A. V. has " the.'" * Fritzsche adds here, " son of Ananias, 
son of Qedeon, son of Kaphain, son of Achitob '' from III. X. 23. 52. Old Lat., Syr. They are found in the A. V. al- 
ready (with Junius) except that the last two words are spelled as I{aphaim, Acithoh. * A. V. : Kliu, son of Eliab 
6 Bamael (so Aid. ; marg., Samaliel, with 248. Co.). * Salasadai. 

Vers. 2, 3. — ' A. V. : And M. was her husband, of her tribe and {19. 71. 108. omit aiiTTJc) kindred, who. ^ aa he 

stood overseeing them that bound. For ^n-i tou Seerfteuorros, III. X. 19. 44. 65. 64. put the last two words in the plural 
and III. X. 19. 63. 64. the following words (to fipdy^ia). " A. V. : heat (Gr., 6 Kau<r(Di'). i" fgn on (it is literal (eireo-ei' 
ini) but perhaps better rendered by our expression " took to ■') his ; III. 23. 55. 68. 71. 108. al. Syr. Old Lat. have aitrov 
" A. V. : the (Aid.) city of Bethulia. 12 Balamo. The form, ^oiAo/iiii-, is supported by II. 111. X. 23. 65. 

Vers. 4-9. — '= A. V. : So .... top " put on (Gr., Jire»T|icei' ; iecKef, 44. 71. 74. 76.106. 236. ; UiBeTo, 68.). " ware. 
'8 save the eves of the sabbath (Gr., irpoirafifidTaty, without the article). ^^ the sabbaths. 18 the eves of the new 
19 the new. 20 the feasts. 2X solemn days (Gr., ;^apjLL0i7vi'a>i'). 22 countenance (Gr., TcjJ eiSei). "•* Now 

when she heard. ^ goveraoT {Qv., tov apxovTa). 2.', that. -" for. 27 had heard all. ^a had sworn. Cod 

II. has OS for d,s. The A. V. puts all between " for Judith " . . . . *' five days," inclusive, in a parenthesis. 

Vers. 10, 11. — 2" A. V. ; then. =" government. =' (/iing.s that she had. =2 to call .... ancients. *'the(Gr., 
OVTTJ5). ^ governors .... Bethulia. '^^ touching this (III. 19. 23. al. Co. Aid.) oath which ye made and pronounced 
((coWoTTja-aTe Tov opKovov i\a\TiijaT€) between God and you. ^"^ Instead of t]fj.iv of the text. rec. II. III. X. 249., with 

Aid., give vfiiv, and the A. V. may therefore be regarded as correct. According to Holmes and Parsons, II. has rjfiiv. 

Vers. 12-16. — B7 a. V. ; stand instead of (Gr., larofffle vnep tov 6.). Fritzsche, following Holmes and Parsons, cites 
II. as supporting (with III. X. 65. et al.) the reading i'o-TttTe, but II. has iiTTOTai. 3» A. V. : try (Gr., i^eTo^ert}. 

IB but. **> know (Gr., iniyyJiiTeiT^e). *i ye perceive (Gr., SiaA^i/zeo-ee ; so Fritzsche, with III. 19. 44. 55. 64. ai.). 

fi things tiiat he thinketh : then. « qj.. a will not help . ... us when he will, even every day, or. 52. 64. 74 

76.. etc., with Co. and Aid., have for ijiieaai^, Kai jTd<Tai^ ijixepat^. 

Vers. 16-17. — *''A. V. ; Do not bind (marg., engage ; ivexvpi^^are). *i Fritzsche adopts, with Biel and others 

nopni^vai (text, rec, with II., SiairriSriyan) from 19. 23. 44. 66. Cf . Numb, xxiii. 19, and the Cotji. below, ad toe. 


for salvation from ^ him, and call upon him to help us, and he will heed our cry,' 

18 if it please him. For there arose none in our generations,' neither is there any now 
at this time,* neither tribe, nor family, nor people, nor city, among us, which wor- 

19 ship gods made with hands, as it was in earlier times.^ For which ' cause our 
fathers were given to the sword, and for a spoil, and had a great fall before our ' 

20 enemies. But we know none other God save him,' therefore we hope ' that he 

21 will not overlook ^^ us, nor any of our race. For if we be taken, so will all .Ju- 
daea ^^ lie waste, and our sanctuary be ^'^ spoiled ; and he will require the profana- 

22 tion thereof from our mouth.'^ And the slaughter " of our brethren, and the captivity 
of the country, and the desolation of our inheritance, will he turn upon our heads 
among the Gentiles, wheresoever we shall be in bondage ; and we shall be an offence 

23 and a reproach before them ^^ that possess us. For our servitude will ^^ not be directed 

24 to favor ; but the Lord our God will " turn it to dishonor. And now,'* O brethren, 
let us shew '^ to our brethren, that their life depends '* upon us, and the sanctuary, 

25 and the temple, and the, rest upon us. Besides all this ^' let us give thanks 

26 to the Lord our God, who trieth us. even as also our fathers. Remember what 
things he did with Abraham,'^ and how he tried Isaac, and what happened to Jacob 
in Mesopotamia of Syria, when he kept the sheep of Laban his mother's brotlier. 

27 For he hath not tried us in the lire, as he did them, for the examination of their 
hearts, neither hath he punished *' us ; but the Lord doth chastise ^ them that come 
neai- unto him, for admonition,"^ 

28 And Ozias said^° to her. All that thou hast spoken hast thou spoken with a gooc 

29 heart, and there is none who will -' gainsay thy words. For this is not the first day 
wherein thy wisdom is manifest ; '* but from the beginning of thy days all the peo- 
ple have known thy understanding, and tliiit'-^ the disposition of thine heart is good 

30 But the people were very tliirsty, and compelled us to do as we have spoken unto 

31 them,'" and to brinn; an oath upon ourselves, which we will not break. And*' now 
pray thou for us, because thou art a godly woman, and the Lord will send us rain 

32 to fill our cisterns, and we shall faint no more. And .Judith said unto them. Hear 
me, and I will do a thing, which shall go from generation to generation to the 

33 children of our race.*- You shall stand this night in the gate, and I will go forth 
with my waiting-woman ; and within the days that you have promised to deliver 

34 the city to our enemies the Lord will visit Israel by mine hand. But inquire not 
you of mine act, for I wOl not tell ^ it unto you, till the things be finished thai 

85 I do. And Ozias and the princes said '^ unto her. Go in peace, and the Lord God 
36 go ^ before thee, to take vengeance on our enemies. And ^^ they returned from tbs 
tent, and went to their posts," 

Vers. 17-19. — ^ of. ^ hear our voice. ^ age. 4 in these days. ^ hath been aforetime. ^ the which 
' Codd. 44. 74. 76. 106. 236., with the Old Lat. and Syr., reads aurwi', instead of ruimv. It would make a smoother sen- 
tence, but is probably a correction. 

Vers. 20-23. — ^ A. V. : god (Gr., eVepoc dfov ovk eyrwfier ttAtji* avTOu, the last two words being omitted by 52. 64. Co 
Aid.). » trust. i» " nation .... so all Judea shaU. For noS^o-eTai of the (fit. wc, Fritzsche 

adopts icAtfl^CT-eTai from 19. 23. 44. 64. Thilo i^Acta Thomas, p. 16) conjectures that the word should be iravBYjirfTai. but 
.he first named critic would prefer KavdriaeTai, if one may depend on conjecture. ^- A. V. ; shall be. '^ at our 

nouth. Instead of irTo/iaTos, II. III. X. 65. 19. 108. Old Lat. Syr. offer aVfiaros, but, although so well supported, it 
must be looked upon as a probable correction. ^* In the margin " fear,*' which would be to adopt the reading of 

52. 64. 243. 248. Co. Aid., •t'O^ov, for idi'Oi'. " A. V. : to all them. '" shall. i" shall. 

Vers. 25-27. — '8 a V. : Now therefore. " shew an example {Gr., iwiSet^toiiiBa). 20 because their hearts depend 
iGr., oTi . . . . KpenaTai Tj tpvxrj aiiTutv). =1 house .... Moreover. -- which . , . . as he did .... to Abraham 
•3 taken vengeance on. ^* scourge. 25 to admonish them. 

Vers. 28-38. — !» A. v.: Then said 0. 27 that may. =« is manifested (Gr., >rp46»iA(ls ^oth-). » because. (This seems 
not to be just the force of KoJd6Tt here.) ^o do unto them as we have spoken. The position of ovTot? after MaA^o-aftev 
Is against such a construction. 3i A. V. : Therefore. ^2 xhen said .ludith .... throughout all generations .... 
oation. 33 declare. (The Codd. III. X. 19. 52. read ii'ayyeAi (for epi of the text, rrc), 62. 243. Co. Aid., airayyfAil) 
'» Then said 0. and the princes. 23 t^, it jg better to retain the force of the preceding verb, Tropei'ov. 3« go 

•' wards. 

Chapter VIII. 

Ver. 1. Only the most inijiortaut of tlie an- 
cesioi's of Judith are iiieutiunvd, as is evident 
from the fact tliat an interval of six hundred years 
lies hetween Sara^adai and Jacob. Other MSS. 
increase the number of ancestors to seventeen 

VuTf;ate ; wfaiie ulov lu/ieti:' is added, probably 
with reference to the statement of verse 2 and ix. 
2. Even the principal personage of Betulua is said 
to have been deseemled from Simeon. Cf. vi. 15 
Ver. 2. It was regardid as praiseworthy t« 

Sarasadai fails in the Syriac, Old Latin, and I in:irr.\ among' one's own kindred. Cf. Toh, 



Ver. 3. Solomon had a vineyard at Baal- 
hamon, which may possibly be the same place :is 
the one here mentioned. The fact that Manasses 
was buried " with his fathers," in a special place 
outside of the city, is evidence of the importance 
of his family. 

Ver. 4. The law of Moses laid no restriction 
on the marriiij^'e of a widow, e.xcept in case she 
was left cliildless, when the brother of the deceased 
husband had the right to marry her. 

Vers. 5, 6. The usual ]>eriod of special mourn- 
ing was for a widow one month. The fact that 
Judith is represented as intermittiuc; her fasting 
on the day before the Sabbath and the new moon, 
is regarded by Herzfeld as evidence of a late 
period for onr book (i. 319 ; cf. also Bertholdt, 
Einh'it., p. 2563; iahn, Einleit, p. 921). Wolf 
thinks that what is here said of the " eves of 
sabbaths," etc., is an interpolation of the Greek 
text (Com., p. 25). It is not, however, at all 
likely, although the words are omitted in the 
Syriac and 58., while the Old Latin gives for it 
pneter cirmim puram, and leaves out (e.xcept the 
Codex Germ. 15.) the w'ord Trpoyou/xTit/twi/. Cf. 
Mark xv. 42 : '6 cVti irpocra^BaToy. 

Ver. 7. After the word " Manasses," the Old 
Latin gives a table of his progenitors ; but it is 
obviously taken from verse 1. 

Ver. 10. Her waiting woman, rh" affpav ainris, 
Cf. remarks, Add. to Eslh., v. 2. 

Ver. 14. Cf. Job xi. 7 ; Jer. xvii. 9 ; Rom. xi. 
33, .34. 

Ver. 16. 'Ei/exupaC". This word means liter- 
ally to take si'curity from ant/ one. Cf. Job xxiv. 
3, in LXX. Here the meaning is " to use force," 
that is, attempt to compel God to adopt a certain 

conrse of action. We have accepted, n ith Fritzsche, 
the reading SiaprTjA^rai, to be deceived, or in sus- 
pense. Probably the author had the LXX trans- 
lation of Numb, xxiii. 19, in his mind. Some 
critics, retaining SiaiTijflS'"". would derive it from 
Siaireu {i.e., Sia aiVe'ai) with the meaning " to he 
entreated." Others derive it from Siairaw, with 
the signification " to be judged," or "called to 
account." The rendering of the A. V., " be waver- 
ing," is based on the re:i(ling5iapT7i65vai, this being 
one of its metaphorical mi*aniugs. 

Vers. 18, 19. The statement made is irrecon- 
cilable with any theory that assiiins the author- 
ship of our book to a perind previous to the 
Babylonian cajjtivity. 

Ver. 23. Directed to favor. Asunder Cyrus? 

Ver. 27. That come near. The Orientals 
speak of one as being near the king when he has 
his confidence, and stands in somewhat intimate 
relations with him. 

Ver. 28. With a good heart. The meaning 
is ; t/iou hast meant well. 

Ver. 29. KoflciTi. Lit., ('n wAut manner; but the 
context seems to require the meaning given 

Ver. 30. We will not break. Even the un- 
necessary oath could not be broken. Cf. Josh. ix. 
19, 20. 

Ver. 32. This language of Judith has a cer- 
tain undlsguisable post facto coloring, and the 
whole transaction lacks the ordinary marks of 

Ver. 33. Waiting woman, a/3pos. Cf. verse 1(X 
It is used for naS at Ex. ii. 5, and for mVS 
at Gen. xxiv. 61, by the LXX. 

Chapter IX. 

1 But ' Judith fell upon her face, and put ashes upon her head," and uncovered the 
sackcloth which she was wearing ; ^ and it was just when * the incense of that even- 
ing was offered in .Jerusalem in the house of God.^ And "^ .Judith cried with a loud 

2 voice to the Lord,' and said, O Lord God of my father Simeon, into whose hand* 
thou gavest a sword to take vengeance on ^ the strangers, who deflowered a 
maid to her defilement,^" and uncovered ^^ the tliigh to her shame, and polluted 
her womb ^" to her reproach; for thou saidst. It shall not be so, and yet they did so ; 

3 wherefore thou gavest their rulers to be slain, and their bed, which was ashamed 
of their deception, to be bathed in blood,^* and smotest servants with their lords, 

4 and lords " upon their thrones ; and thou gavest ^^ their wives for a prey, and their 
daughters to be captives, and all the booty to be the spoil of '^ thy dear children, 
who also " were moved with thy zeal, and abhorred the pollution of their blood, 

Ver. 1. — 1 A. V. : Then. 2 After these words Cod. 58., with the Old Lat. and Syr,, have the addition Kol Siepfnj^e 
rbv \tTliiya avTfi^ which was doubtless meant as an explanation of what immediately follows. ^ A.\.: wherewith she 
was clothed. * about the time that (Gr., apn). ^ the Lord (so III. 55. 68. 64. Co. Aid.). ° omits And. ^ omits 
to the Lord, Trpbs Kupiof (so 52. 64. 243. 248. Co. Aid.}. 

Ver. 2. — » A. V. : to whom (agreeing with 52. 64. 243. ai8. Co. .41d.). » of. '» loosened the girdle of ... . (Or.,' /iiiTpav irapdevov) to deiile iter. For eKvaav, 19. lOS. read IKvp-^vavTO (" maltreated ; " cf. Am. i. 11 ; 4 Maco. 
vviii. 8). n A. V. : discovered. ^- her virgiuity (Gr., /i^rpai' ; 24S. Co. napflefiai'). 

Ver. 3. — ^3 A. V. : so that they dyed their bed in blood, being deceived. The pronoun after oTptDjui^r is omitted by 
III. X. 44. (U. Cod. 248. with Co. reads ijpSeiiVaTo (dpSe™, to water), 23. 64. 243. Aid., i/SeviraTo (to wet, soak), instead 
of aSetraTO of the text. rec. Fritzsche conjectures that the word may originally have been TjSvvaTO (sweetened). His text 
cads : Kal ttji* tnptuiJLinjv ainOiv ij TjSufaTO Tqv anaTriv avTujv eis at^ia. For awaTriv avTtiiv, the Codd. III. 52 (34. and others 
uave aTTa-n)dtl(ra.v , while II- X. 19. 23. 44. 55. and others read the latter without omitting the former, except that X 
leaves out tihe pronoun. ^* A. V. : the servants .... the lords. 

Ver. 4. — ^ A. V. : and hast given. "■ their (so 19.) daughters .... their [avTtiiv, 19. 64 74. oi. Co. Aid.) spoils 
to be divided amongst. >' which. 



5 and called upon thee for aid. God, O my God, hear me also, the ' widow. For, 
thou hast wrought the former things, and these, and those that followed and present 
things ; and what will be thou hast thought of,^ and what thou hast thought of has 

6 come to pass ; ' and ■* what things thou didst determine were ready at hand, and said, 
Lo, we are here. For all thy ways are prepared, and thy judgment is in ^ fore- 

7 knowledge. For behold, the Assyrians are multiplied in their power; they are ex- 
alted with horse and rider ; ^ they glory in the strength of footmen ; they hope ^ 
in shield, and spear, and bow, and sling, and know not that thou art Lord, deciding ' 

8 battles. Lord ^ is thy name. Throw down their strength in thy power, and bring 
low '" their force in thy wrath, for they have purposed to defile thy sanctuary, and " 
to pollute the tabernacle where thy glorious name resteth, to strike off with the '^ 

9 sword the horns '^ of thy altar. Behold their pride ; send down " thy wrath upon 

10 their heads ; give into mine hand, the '^ widow's, the power that I have conceived ; 
smite by the deceit of my lips servant ^* with prince, and prince with his servant ; 

11 break down their stateliuess by the hand of a woman. For thy power standeth not 
in a '" multitude, nor thy miglit in strong men ; but '* thou art a God of the lowly,^' 
a helper of the oppressed, an upholder of the weak, a i)rotector of the forlorn, a 

12 saviour of them that are without hope. Verily, verily,-" O God of my father, and 
God of the inheritance of Israel, Lord of the heavens and the earth. Creator of the 

13 waters. King of aU thy creatures,*^ hear thou my prayer, and make my speech and 
deceit to be their wound and stripe, who have purposed cruel things against thy 
covenant, and thy hallowed house, and against the top of Sion, and against the 

14 house of the possession of thy children. And make thy whole nation and every 
tribe fully recognize and know that ^'" thou art the God of all power and might, and 
that there is none other that protecteth the race ^ of Israel but thou. 

Vers. 4-6. — ' A. V. : a. 2 for thou hast wrought not only those things, but also the things which fell out before, 
and which ensued after ; thou hast thought upon the things which are now, and which are to come. 3 xhe clause, 
and what thou hast thought of, etc. («at iyfvriejiaav a ivtvoridri^), is omitted bj 52. 243. 2i8. Co. Aid. * A. V. : Yea. 
6 judgments are in thy. Tor ij KpiViy, III. 64. 248. Co. Aid. read cd icptVeis ; 58. Old Lat. Syr., ai KritrtK. 

Vers. 7, 8. — ♦^ A. V. : man (Gr., avafiarri). '• their footmen .... trust. 8 the Lord that breakest the (Gr., 

wvrpi^tiiv, but here better rendered by " deciding ; " cf . xvi. 3). ^ the Lord. '^ down ^' and (Fritzsche 

receive.^ a koli from X. 19. 44.). 12 and to cast down with. {The Kai here the same critic rejects as not appearing in 
II. III. X. 44. 55. 58. " Strike off " would seem to be a better rendering for Kora^aX^iv than that given in the A. V., if 
the context is considered.) '3 horn. It should be rendered as plural. Cf. Com. 

Vers. 9-14. — ^^ A. V. : and send. ^^ which am a widow. i^ the serrant. (The A. V. has the article also before 
each of the three following substantives, although not found in the Greek.) " omits a. ^^ for (Gr., oAAd) 

19 affiicted (Gr., rutriivuiv). 20 i pray thee, I pray thee (Gr., va^t. vox). 21 and earth .... every creature (Gr., n-aoiff 
KTiVedjf aov. The pronoun is omitted by 44. 58. 74. 76. 106. 236.). 22 gyery nation and every tribe to acknowledg* 

that. The Gr. of Fritzsche's text is TroiTjaof in\ wafTOs eflvous o-ov koX Tratnj? ^vKr^s- The text. rec. (with X.) has ^m n-ai- 
rb idvoi. The Codd. III. 58. 64. 243. 248. 249. Co. Aid. write the first clause as in the former instance, excepting o-ov, 
Which they omit — aU but 64. 243. ■^ people (Ifltout, 52. 68. 64. aJ3. 248. Co. Aid.) 

Chapter IX. 

Ver. 1 . Uncovered the sackcloth. She wore it 
tmder her mouming garments. See viii. 5. — 
Incense of that evening. Cf. Ex. xxx. 7, 8. 

Ver. 2. She prays to the God of her f;ither 
Simeon. See viii. 1. This invocation would 
seem to be scarcely in place when we consider 
.hat Jacob highly disapproved of the conduct of 
jis sons which is here applauded. Cf. Gen. xxxiv. 
30, and xlix. 5-7. It is, in fact, but another evi- 
dence of the later origin of our book, when alone 
one would have ventured so to reverse the verdict 
of this patriarch. An intense hatred of "the 
leathen," as at the time of the Maccabees, might 
.veil be the immediate cause of this change of 
sentiment. Denser (Com., p. 166) rem.trks : "If 
Judith, who sprang from Simeon, looked upon that 
event from another point of view, one is not per- 
mitted to hold her private opinion for a declara- 
tion of the Holy Scriptures." (!) — 'Who de- 
flowered, etc. The word iiiirpav Grotius would 

change to filrpav. But the former has the support 
of nearly all the MSS. 

Ver. 4. Pollution of their [the Israelites'] 
blood, i. e., through the shameful act of the She- 

Ver. 7. Multiplied in their power. They have 
an immense military force. 

Ver. 8. Kepas. It is used doubtless in a col- 
lective sense. Cf. Kx. xxvii. 2. 

Ver. 10. The Old Latin has ex labiis s!/a.*»'>"/« 
7ne(E. Codex Corb. reads cfiaritatis for suasionia. 
They are evident corrections. — StateUness, ayatr- 
TTfiia. The same word is used of Israel at .\ii. 8, 
" raising up," /. e., elevation. It is the earlier 
form of avatTTfixa (from cit'tVTTj^ui)- 

Ver. 13. My word and deceit, i. e., my deceit- 
ful, misleading words. The following words are 
added as a justification of this petition. — The top 
{Kopv<pTis) of Zion, i. e., Mount Zion, by which 
here Jerusalem is meant. 

JUDITH. 186 

Chapter X. 

1 And it came to pass when ^ she had ceased to cry unto the God of Israel, and 

2 had made an end of all these words, she rose from her prostration,- and called her 
maid, and went down into the house in which she passed ' the sabbath days, and 

3 her * feast days, and took ^ oflE the sackcloth which she had on, and laid off ' the 
garments of her widowhood, and washed her body all over with water, and anointed 
herself with precious ointment, and arranged ' the hair of her head, and put on a 
turban,* and put on her garments of gladness, wherewith she was clad during the 

4 life of Manasses her husband. And she put ' sandals upon her feet, and put on the 
anklets and the bracelets and the rings and the ear-rings and all her ornamentation ; 
and she adorned herself very much,'" to allure '^ the eyes of whatsoever men might ^^ 

5 see her. And '^ she gave her maid a canteen •''' of wine, and a cruse of oil, and 
filled a bag with barley bread,'^ and cakes '^ of figs, and with pure " bread ; and she 

6 wrapped up all her vessels '* together, and laid them upon her. And '^ they went 
forth to the gate of the city of Betulua,'"' and found standing by it Ozias, and the 

7 elders '' of the city, Chabris and Charmis. And when they saw her — her -- counte- 
nance was altered, and her apparel changed ^ — they wondered at her beauty very 

8 greatly, and said unto her. The God -* of our fathers give thee favor, and accom- 
plish thine enterprises '^ to the pride -^ of the children of Israel, and to the exalta- 

9 tion of Jerusalem. And she ^ worshipped God. And she said unto them, Com- 
mand the gate of the city to be opened unto me, and I will -' go forth to accomplish 
the things whereof you have spoken with me. And ■^ they commanded the young 

10 men to open unto her, as they'"' had spoken. And they did so. And ^' Judith 
went out, she, and her maid with her. And the men of the city looked after her, 
until she had'^ gone down the mountain, and^ till she had passed the valley, and 
they '^ could see her no more. 

11 And ^ they went straight forward '^ in the valley ; and an outpost ^' of the As- 

12 Syrians met her, and laid hold of* her, and asked her, Of what people art thou? 
and whence comest thou and whither goest thou? And she said, I am a daughter'' 
of the Hebrews, and am fleeing *" from them because*' they shall be given you to 

13 be consumed ; and I am going *" before Olophernes the chief general *^ of your army, 
to make a trutliful report ; " and I will shew him a way, whereby he shall ''^ go, and 
win all the hill country, and of his men shall not one man, not one living soul perish.''" 

14 And "when the men heard her words, and beheld her countenance, they wondered 

15 greatly at her beauty, and said unto her. Thou hast saved thy life, in that thou hast 

Vers. 1-3. —1 A. v.: Now after that (^ycVero ia omitted by 44. 106.). - where she bad fallen down. See Com. 

* A. v. : in the which 8he abode in (Greek, 5t€■Tpt^e^', etc.). * in her. "pulled. « put off (Or., ifefiviraTo, and 
in the preceding line TTCptctXaTo). ^ braided (Or., SieVafe). 8 a tire upon it. See Com. 

Ver. 4. — '' A. V. : took (Gr., fAa/3e . . . . eis). '" about her her bracelet.s and her chains {i/reXta, see Com.), and her 
tings (SoxTvAi'ov? ; cf. Is. iii. 20. where this word (in the L-\X.) is rendered in the A. V. " ear-rings " being followed by 
trepi5e'^ta, " rings '') and her ear-rings (^rajria, at Is. iii. 20, '' nose jewels "} and all her ornaments (t'ov K6afjLov), and 
decked herself bravely (^KoAAuiri'imTO irttoSpa). " For iirinjo-ii' of the lexl. rec. II. (with III. X. cited by Fritzsche) 

has an-oi'n7(7ii', which might therefore well be adopted, although the idea of meeting to charm, attract, is not excluded 
^* A. V. : aU men that should. 

Ver. 5. — '3 A.. V. ; Then. " bottle. (For aa-KoirvTivrjv, which was a leather-covered canteen, X. ha« simply ia-Kov, 
" wine-skin.") « parched corn (Gr., iXcfiiriay). >» lumps (cf. 1 Sam. xxv. 18 ; xxx. 12, where the same word in 

the LXX. is rendered in the A. V. " cakes ■'). " fine (Gr., KaBapdv). It was pure in a ceremonial sense. This word 
is omitted by 44. 71. 74. 76. 106. 236. Old Lat. Syr. but it is doubtless genuine. " A. V. : so she folded all these 

things (marg., wrapped or packed). The Greek is n-epieSiVXaxre iravra Ta ayyeta. Cf . Com. 

Vers. 6-9. — "A. V. : Thus. » Bethulia. =' there .... ancients. == A. V. : that (itiiO her (see Com.). 

* was changed. ^i repeats the God. (The second 6 Om is not found in II. III. X. 44. 55. 58. 71. 74. 76. 106. 236. 249 
old Lat.) 25 enterprises (Gr., ^TrtTrjSeu/AoTa ; cf. si. 6, where it is rendered '* purposes," and xiii. 5, where it is trans- 
lated as here). 20 glory. =' Then they (23. 44. 52. 55., etc., with Co. Aid. have the plural). -' gates that 

I may. » So. » she (sing, found in III. X. 64. 74. Co. Aid., and with the addition avrois in 19. 108. ; cf. viii. 35). 

Vers. 10-12. — 81 A. V. : when they had done so, Judith »• was. ^3 and (Co.). ^ omits they. 3^ Thus, 

'o forth. " the first watch, etc. (Gr., aiivrivrriaev .... n-pocJuAasij. Cod. 58., with the Old I<at. and Syr. have, " and 
«he met the first watch," etc. At xiv. 2 we find the same word with the article, eis ttj*' iTftoj>vKaK-rjv). ^ took (Gr., 

(Tvre'Aapoi/). ^9 woman (Gr., fluyarrip). *o am fled. *^ for. 

Ver. 13. — '- A. V. : coming. " captain. « declare words of truth. « can. (The verb is future, and might b« 
better so rendered in this place.) '« without losing the body or life of any one of hia men. The translation Is not 
absolutely incorrect, but lacks the force of the original (trdpf txia. ov5i nvevp-a t'uiTJy, etc.). 

Vers. 14 —"A V.: Now. 



hasted to come down to the presence of our lord. And now ^ come to his tent, and 

16 some of us will - conduct thee, until the}' have delivered thee to his hands. And if so 
be ' thou standest before him, be not afraid in thy heart, but report that which thou 

17 hast spoken,* and he will treat ^ thee well. And^ they chose out from them- 
selves ' an hundred men, and they accompanied ' her and her maid and brought " 

18 her to the tent of Olophernes. And there was a concourse in all the camp, for her 
coming was noised among the tents ; and they came and encircled '" her, as she stood 

19 without the tent of Olophernes, till they told him of her. And they wondered at her 
beauty, and admired the children of Israel because of her, and every one said to his 
neighbor, Wlio will ^' despise this people, that have among them such women ? It '* 
is not good that one man of them be left, who being let go could '^ deceive the whole 

20 earth. And they that kept guard by " Olophernes went out, and all his servants, and 

21 they brought her into the tent. And Olophernes rested npon his bed under the mos- 
quito net, which was woven with purple, and gold, and emerald,'^ and precious stones. 

22 And '^ they told ^^ him of her ; and he came out into the front part of " his tent, 

23 and silver lamps were borne '' before him. And when Judith came ^'' before him 
and his servants, they all marvelled at the beauty of her countenance. And she 
fell down upon her face, and did reverence unto him. And his servants took her 

Vers 15-17. — A. V. ; i now therefore ^ shall. ^ when (Gr., idv). * shew unto him according to thj 

word. ''entreat, 6 Then. ' of them. 8 to accompany {muTg., and they prepared a. cha.not /or her\. The 

Greek is koI rrapd^ev^av aiiTj). At XT. 11 we find e^ev^e Tas afia^a^ aiiTTj^^ rendered in the A. V. by " made ready her 
carts." At 1 Kings xviii. 44, we have in the LXX. ^ev^ov to apfia o-ou ( A. V. ; Prepare thy chariot), as rendering for a 
Hebrew word meaning " to bind." But here the .'orce of the preposition is to be noted. Literally, the verb means to 
yoke beside, to couple, i. e., they joined themselves to her as an escort. * A. V. : they brought. 

Vers. 18-23. — lo A. V. : Then was there throughout .... about. " would. ^2 surely it. (See Com.} 

13 might. " lay near. ^^ Now .... a canopy (see Com.) . . . emeralds (68.) w go, ^t shewed (Or., 

iv^yytiKai'). 18 before (Gr., eis to wpocrKrivtov. The A. V. gives the impression that he went outside of his tent, but 
It was into what was called in Latin the proscenium = \oyflov of Polyb. xxx. 13, 4). ^* with silver lamps going, 

w And when J. was come. 

Chapter X. 

Ver, 2, Kal o^eVr?). Cf. on the force of the 
connective the note at v. 20. — 'Airb tTjs TrTciafois. 
Tills word means simply "fall," and refers only to 
Judith's prostrate position, and not at all (as im- 
plied in the A. V.) to the place where slie was. 
See ix. 1. — Precious ointment. Different kinds 
of oil were used for ihis purpose : olive oil, oil of 
myrrh, and of the castor bean. Here it is called 
uvpof, and its valuable quality indicated by de- 
Bcribing it as thick, nix"^- — li which she passed. 
Cf. viii. .5, 6. 

Ver. 3. A turban, fjiWpav. The A. V. has in 
the margin, " Gr. mitre;" but it is a different 
word which is so remlered at iv. 15 (K(5apis). Cf. 
xvi. 8, where also we find the present word ren- 
dered " tire " in the A. V. It seems better to 
render by "turban," as the word " mitre " has a 
technical meaning in connection with the dress of 
the priests. 

Ver. 4. Sandals were not worn in the house. 
Great attention was bestowed on them by the 
female sex, the thongs with which they were bound 
on being often richly embroidered. — XXtSiufat, 
anklets. This word is used by the LXX. to trans- 
late n"T^!i. It means a going, marching, and in 
the plural step-chains. They were short chains 
attariied by females to the ankle-band of each 
foot, so as to compel them to take short steps, go 
" mincingly." See Is. iii. 30. It may mean here 
" bracelet " or " anklet ; " but probably has the 
latter significiiiion, as another word for " bracelet,'' 
^(\ia, immediately follows. 

Ver. 5. In this scrupulosity of Judith with 
resjiect to what she ate there is evidence of a late 
authorbhip for our book. She would not eat even 

the ordinary bread of her own people, she says. 
It must be Ka8ap6s. This word, however, is prob- 
alily meant simply to distinguish the Jewish prep- 
aration from that of the heathen. Cf. >:ii. 1,2. — 
The word n€piSttr\6oi, fold together, wrap up, !.•» 
said to be found only here. Judith was afraid 
these vessels, to be used in cooking, might ccme 
in contact with something ceremonially unclean. 

Ver. 7. On Koi in a secondary clause after a 
Ijarticle of time, cf. Winer, p. 438. The clause 
liegiuning " and her countenance was altered," 
with the one next f(d]owing, are parenthetic, be- 
ing the ground of the following assertion. 

Ver. 8. She worshipped God. This prob- 
ably refers to a siiuple bowing or kneeling. Some 
susjiect, however, a failure in tritiislation, and 
think that Judith bowed herself before the elders. 

Ver. 10. 'AmcrK6tTetjov, looked after her. The 
word contains the idea of looking down from 
above. The ending euu for eai is of late origin. 
Cf, Winer, p, 92, 

Ver. 13, J^ta^iavioj. It means, first, to sound 
apart, to he out of harmony. At a later period, 
however, it received other derived meanings : ( 1 ) 
to be trantinp, to be missed; (2) to perish. Kither 
of the two meanings would be proper in the 
])resi'nt case. 

Ver. 14. For the construotion where xal intro- 
ducing the principal clause is left untranslated, 
cf. verse 7, above, and v. 20, 

Ver. 1.'5. "Will conduct, TrpoTreVi^oufTi. The first 
meaning of the verb is to dismiss, send forth. Seft 
Wisd. xix. 2. ; Xen., Cf/r., ii. 4, 8. A secondary 
meaning, as here (cf. Acts xv. 3), is to accompany 
Cf. 1 Ksd. iv. 47 ; 1 Mace. xii. 4. 



Ver. 17. The number of men sent as escort to 
Judith and her maid to the tent of Olopherues 
seems, from our point of liew, somewhat hirge. 

Ver. 19. "Oti, rendered "surely" in the A. 
v., appcirs designed to introduce the remark of 
some oilier person, and may be omitted in the 

Ver. 21 . KuyaiTveToi'. It was a couch with cur- 
tains used to jirotect one from mosquitoes, and 
the name was derived from Ktivutfi, a gnat (Lat. 
culex). Cf. Herod., ii. 95. Here the reference 

seems to be simply to the curtains: iv T(f xoivot- 
TTfiS. Cf. xiii. 15"; xvi. 19. Other forms of the 
word in use in ecclesiastical Greek were KOifoh- 
irecliv and Kuvwiriwv. 

Ver. 22. The lights were necessary, inasmuch 
as it was still night (xi. 3). She had gone forth 
in the night, probably in order to make it seeni 
more likely that she wasafugitive (viii. 33). But 
the sentinels and the men of the camp — how 
could tliey have discovered, then, that she was so 
extraordinarily beautiful ? See verses 14, 19. 

Chapter XI. 

And Olophernes said unto her, Woman, be of good comfort, fear not in thine 
heart, for I never hurt any that was willing to serve Nabuchodonosor, king ' of 
all the earth. And now - if thy people that dwelleth in the mountains had not set 
light by me, I would not have lifted up my spear against them ; but they have done 
these things to themselves. And ' now tell me wherefore thou didst flee * from 
them, and didst ^ come unto us ; for thou dost ^ come for safety.' Be of good com- 
fort, thou shalt live * this night, and hereafter ; for none shall hurt thee, but treat * 
thee well, as they do the servants of king Nabuchodonosor my lord. And " Judith 
said unto him. 

Receive the words of thy servant, and suffer thy handmaid to speak in thy pres- 
ence, and I will report '^ no lie to my lord this night. And if thou wilt follow the 
words of thine handmaid, God will bring the thing perfectly to pass by thee ; and my 
lord shall not fail of his purposes. For as Nabuchodonosor king of all the earth 
liveth, and as '- his power liveth, who hath sent thee to put in order '^ every living 
thing, not " only do men serve '^ him by thee, but also the beasts of the field, and 
the cattle, and the fowls of the air, shall live by thy power under Nabuchodonosor 
and all his house. For we have heard of thy wisdom and the subtle devices of thy 
spirit ; ^'^ and it is reported in all the earth, that thou only art clever " in all the 
kingdom, and mighty in insight, and admirable as army leader.^" And now ^" as 
concerning that which Achior said-" in thy council, we have heard his words ; for 
the men of Betulua "' saved him, and he informed them of "^^ all that he had spoken 
unto thee. Therefore, O lord and governor, disregard'^ not his word ; but lay it 
up in thine heart, for it is true. For our race is not punished,^* neither does the 

11 sword prevail-'^ against them, except they sin against their God. And now, that 
my lord be not driven out '•'^ and so become unsuccessful,-" and that death may 
fall -* upon them, sin -^ hath overtaken them, wherewith they will provoke their 

12 God to anger, when they do '" that which is not allowed ^^ to be done. For since 
victuals failed ^■^ them, and water of every kind was scant, they have determined 
to fall ^' upon their cattle, and purposed to consume all those things, that God by his 

13 laws hath forbidden them to eat."^ And they have ^* resolved to consume '"^ the first- 
fruits of the grain, and the tenths of the " wine and the ^^ oil, which they had reserved 


5 art. 
« As 

Vera. 1-7. —1 A. v.: Then said Olofernes .... the king. ^ Now therefore. = But. < art fled. 

• art. ' safeguard. • For iri<rji, X. offers fyi^ fijoT). = A. V. : entreat. m Then. " declare. 13 for the upholding of (Gr., el!«aT6p9u)iTii'). " for not. m only men shall serve. 

Vers. 8-10. — ^^ A. V. : thy policies (Gr., to. iracovpyeiifiaTa ttjs i/n^xTJs o-ov). ^~ excellent (Gr., ayoflis, but its mean- 
ing is determined by the contest ; marg. of A. V., in favour). ^^ knowledge (Gr., 67ri(rni/iTj) and wonderful in feats of 
war (Gr., kv (rrpaTev/xoo-i 7roAe>ou). ^^ Now. 20 the matter, which Achior did speak. -' Bethulia. 23 declared 
unto them. ^ reject (Gr., n-ape'A^s). 24 nation shall not be punished (Gr., ou .... «5i«aTai) 25 can . . 

prevail (ouSe Ko.Tt<Txv€i) 

Vers. 11, 12. — -■' A. V. : defeated ,e»cPo\o?). 2: and frustrate of his purpose. 28 gyen death is nov^ fallen (Gr., koI 
en-iireo-eiTai Sai-aTOs ejri, the force of Iva being continued from the preceding clause). 29 and their sin. There is a 

«ai, but seeCom. so a. V. : whensoever they shall do »■ fit. (SeeCoin.) » (or their (HI. 23. 44. al. Co. Aid.) 

victuals fail. The partiele yii: is omitted in III. X. 19. 44. 52. 65. at. Co. and Aid., and the verb changed from e^e'A- 
tnev to ffapefe'Aiffev (in. 2.S6., Trape^eAetirei'), i. f ., the yap appears as n-op in these authorities by mistake. Cod. II. haa 
ifeAecTrev. ^ A. V. : all their water is scant, and .... lay hands (Gr., irav vSup .... e^^l^aAe^^'). 
bidden them to eat by his laws. 

V«r. 13. — *s A. V. : and are. ^ upend. s: corn .... of . ^s omits the. 

M God hath toi- 



as sacred to ' the priests that serve in Jerusalem before the face of our God, which ' 
things it is not lawful for any of the people so much as to touch with their hands. 

14 And they have sent messengers ^ to Jerusalem, because they also that dwell there 

15 have done the like, to bring them the permission from the council.^ And it shall 
be when it announces it to them and they do it,^ they shall be given thee to be de- 

16 stroyed the same day. Wherefore I thy servant, having learned of ^ all this, 
fled ' from their presence ; and God sent ' me to work things with thee, whereat 

17 all the earth shall be astonished, whosoever^ shall hear it. For thy servant 
is GoJ-fearing,^° and serveth the God of heaven night and day. ^' And now ^' 
my lord, I will remain with thee, and thy servant will go out by night ^' into 
the valley, and I will pray unto God, and he will announce to " me when they have 

18 committed their sins ; and I will come and shew it unto thee ; and ^' thou shalt go 
forth with aU thine army, and there is none of them that will '^ resist thee. 

19 And I will lead thee through the midst of Judsea, until thoti come before Jerusalem ; 
and I will set thy throne in the midst thereof ; and thou shalt drive them as sheep 
that have no shepherd, and a dog shall not growl " at thee ; for these things were 
told me ^' according to my foreknowledge, and they were announced unto me, and I 
was sent '^ to tell thee. 

20 And -" her words pleased Olophernes and all his servants ; and they marvelled at 

21 her wisdom, and said. There is not such a woman from one end of the earth to the 

22 other, for beauty of face, and intelligent speech.'^ And ^ Olophernes said unto her, 
God hath done well to send thee before the people, that strength might be in our 

23 hands, but '^ destruction upon them that lightly regard my lord. And now thou 
art beautiful ^ in thy form,-'^ and sagacious in thy speech ; *^ surely if thou do as 
thou hast spoken, thy God shall be my God, and thou shalt dwell in the palace " 
of king Nabuchodonosor, and shalt be renowned through the whole earth. 

Vera. 13-15. — * A. V. : sanctified and reserved for (Gr., fitc^uXafac oytao-oi^es). ^ the which. ^ Vot . . . .some. 
There is no word for messengers in the Greek, but it is contained in the Terb and the following roiis iieTaxotiicrovTai. 
* A. V. : a license from the senate (Gr., ttji- a^etriv .... ycpouaias. Cf. iv. 8). ^ Now when they shall bring them 
word (for cffrot . . . . m av oi/oyyctAp — 62. 64. 243. 248. Co. Aid. have the fut. plur.), they will /ortAitriM do i/, and. 

Vers. 16-19. — ^ A. V. : thine handmaid (cf . vers- 5, 17) knowing (€7riyt'ou<7'a). ^ am fled. ^ hath gent. ^ and 
whosoever. "> religious. " day and night (as 19. 44. 106. 108. 236.). " now therefore. 'a by night (Gr., «aTa 
vitKTa, i. «., night by night). i* teU. (Fritzsche adopts avayy^Kel from III. 19. 62. 58. 64. Old Lat. instead of epet of the 
text, ree.) " then. Fritzsche adopts Kai here from III. 23. 44. 55. 58. 71. 74. 76. Co. Aid. It is wanting in the text. 
Tec. ^^ A. V : shall be ... . shall. ^' so viuch as open his mouth. Literally, it would be, *' mutterwith his 

tongue." " A. V. : were told me (marg., have I spoken, iKaXrf^ y.0K ; cf. Luke i. 45 ; .\cts. il. 6 ; ileb. is. 19). 

13 declared .... am sent (Gr., aireerroATjv). 

Vers. 20-23. — ^ A. V. : Then. ^^ both for . wisdom of words. Fritzsche adopts the reading ef icaAA» n-potrwirov 
from 19. 44. 52. 64. Old Lat. Syr. But II., with III., has kv koAw n-poo-wini*. The text. rec. agrees with the latter, excepting 
the preposition. 22 _a,. v. : Likewise. 23 and. ^ both he&atiful. ^a countenance (Or., eifiei). =6 witty in 
thy words. The word rendered " witty " is ayad6s, whose generic meaning is " good." But it means good in its kindf 
and hence may be used as an epithet for all sorts of nouns as opposed to koxos, bad in its hind. See Liddell and Scott'i 
Lex.f ad voc. The context here determines, as at ver. 8, the particular meaning to be attached to it. ^^ house. 

Chapter XI. 

Ver. 2. Set light by me, (<pai\i(rdv fie. Cf. 
vei-se 22, and remarks in Co7n. at i. 11. 

Ver. 7. For as N liveth. Here we 

have Q, and not, as at ii. 12, the nnusual parti- 
ciple. Cf. remarks in Com. at that place. — The 
beasts of the field. Cf. for a similar thought 
Bar. iii. 16, and Ps. viii. 7 ; but especially Jer. 
xxvii. 6, where it is