Full text of "The Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the Old Testament in English : with introductions and critical and explanatory notes to the several books"

¥^

THE APOCRYPHA

AND PSEUDEPIGRAPHA

OF THE

OLD TESTAMENT

IN ENGLISH

WITH INTRODUCTIONS AND CRITICAL AND EXPLANATORY NOTES

TO THE SEVERAL BOOKS

EDITED IN CONJUNCTION WITH MANY SCHOLARS BY

R. H. CHARLES, D.Litt., B.D.

FELLOW OF MERTON COLLEGE, OXFORD
FELLOW OF THE BRITISH ACADEMY

VOLUME I

APOCRYPHA

. OXFORD

at the clarendon press

I9I3

OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS

LONDON EDINBURGH GLASGOW NEW YORK

TORONTO MELBOURNE BOMBAY

HUMPHREY MILFORD M.A.

PUBLISHER TO THE UNIVERSITY

PREFACE

For students both of the Old and New Testaments the value of the non-Canonical
Jewish literature from 200 B.C. to a. d. 100 is practically recognized on every side
alike by Jewish and Christian scholars. But hitherto no attempt has been made to
issue an edition of this literature as a whole in English.^ Indeed, such an undertaking
would have been all but impossible at an earlier date, seeing that critical editions of
some of the Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha have not been published till within
the last few years.

The method observed in this work.

In all the contributions one and the same method has been observed. Each
contribution consists of an introduction, an English translation from the best critical
text — in a few cases the Revised Version has been adopted and emendations suggested
in the notes — and of a critical and exegetical commentary.^ As regards the intro-
ductions, the subjects dealt with in them have, so far as possible, been treated in
the same order to facilitate the use of the work. Though a large discretion has
naturally been given to the various editors, the following order has more or less
been observed as a guide or been actually carried out.

\ r. Short account of the book, embodying its leading features and the editor's

chief conclusions.
\ 2. Title of the book.
\ 3. The MSS.
\ 4. The Ancient Versions.

^ 5. Date of {ci) the original text, {8) of the Ancient Versions.
\ 6. Integrity or composite nature of the text.
\ 7. Authorship.

\ 8. Influence of the book on later literature — (a)' Jewish ; (b) Christian.
\ 9. Theology of the book.
^ 10. Bibliography —

(rt) Chief editions of the text (and of the Ancient Versions).

{p) Chief critical inquiries.

{c) Chief editions of the book.

1 Kautzsch published an edition in German in 1900, but on a smaller scale than the present work and embracing
fewer books of this literature (vol. i. 1-507 ; vol. ii. 1-540).

- In the case of Sirach and Tobit the editors have been allowed much beyond the normal number of pages for
their critical apparatus, which they have used to good purpose.

iii a 2

PREFACE

The exlciit of the present ivorlc.

The first volume contains what is generally known as the Apocrypha Proper,
which constitutes the excess of the Vulgate over the Hebrew Old Testament, which
excess was in turn borrowed from the LXX. But this volume differs from the
Apocrypha Proper at once in the way of excess and in the way of defect. 3 Maccabees
has been added after 2 Maccabees, since it is contained in many MSS. of the
LXX, and 4 Ezra has been transferred to Volume ii since it is essentially a
Pseudepigraph.

Volume ii contains all the remaining extant non-Canonical Jewish books written
between 200 b. c. and a.d. 100 with possibly one or two exceptions. The greater part
of these books have hitherto been accessible onl)' in expensive editions — such as
Jubilees, i Enoch, Testaments of the XII Patriarchs, 2 Baruch, 4 Ezra, Psalms
of Solomon, Pirke Aboth, the Story of Ahikar, &c. As regards the last two, it is
not necessary to make anj- apology for their introduction into the present work,
although they do not properly fall within the true limits above defined, but they
were used, at all events partiall)', by Jewish readers within this period, nor can they
be rightly designated Pseudepigraphs. The Fragments of a Zadokite Work are of
an historical character, and are valuable in throwing light on a lost chapter of Jewish
religious history. They contain likewise apocalyptic material of an interesting nature.

The General Editor, in conclusion, wishes to express his thanks to the Delegates
of the Press for undertaking this work, and to the Officers of the Press, whose help
and counsel were always ready to meet each difficulty as it arose. The Editor is
also under deep obligations to the many scholars who, notwithstanding the pressure
of other duties, have yet given themselves so unsparingly' to the tasks they had
undertaken, that in every instance most valuable service has been rendered to the
student and the scholar, while in not a few instances their contributions form actual
monographs within the limits assigned. His thanks are due to Messrs. A. and C. Black,
the publishers of his editions of Jubilees, Martyrdom of Isaiah, Testament of the XII
Patriarchs, Assumption of Moses, 2 Baruch, for permission to reprint the translation
and make use of the introduction and notes contained in those editions. Finally, he
would acknowledge his indebtedness to the Rev. A. LI. Davies, who has acted
throughout as his secretary and also made the General Index.

' R, H. CHARLES.

24 Bardwell Road, Oxford.
March, 191 3.

CONTENTS OF VOLUME I

PAGES

C0NTKIBUTOK.S vi

THE APOCRYPHA OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

General Introduction (Charles) vii

Addenda et Corrigenda xi

HISTORICAL BOOKS—

I Esdras (Cook) J -58

1 Maccabees (Oesterley) 5y-i34

3 Maccabees (Moffatt) 135-154

3 Maccabees (Emmet) 155-173

QUASI-HISTORICAL BOOKS WRITTEN WITH A MORAL PURPOSE—

TOBIT (Simpson) f 174-241

Judith (Cowley) _ 243-267

WISDOM LITERATURE—

- SiRACH (Box and Oesterley) 268-517

Wisdom of Solomon (Holmes) 518-56S

ADDITIONS TO AND COMPLETIONS OF THE CANONICAL BOOKS—

I Baruch (Whitehouse) 5^9-595

Epistlk of Jeremy (Ball) 596-611

Prayer of Manasses (Ryle) 612-624

Additions to Daniel —

Prayer of Azariah and Song of the Three Children (Bennett) . 635-637

Susanna (Kay) 638-651

Bel and the Dragon (Witton Davies) 652-664

Additions to Esther^ (Gregg) 665-684

CONTRIBUTORS TO VOLUME I

Ball, C. J., M.A., D.Litt., Queen's College, University Lecturer in Assyriology, Oxford : The
Epistle of Jeremy.

Bennett, W. H., Litt.D., D.D., Professor of Old Testament Exegesis, Hackney College, London:
The Prayer of Azariah and the Song of the Three Children.

Box, G. H., M.A., formerly Scholar of St. John's College, Oxford ; Lecturer in Rabbinical Hebrew,
King's College, London ; Rector of Sutton, Beds. : Sirach (along with Dr. Oesterley).

Cook, S. A., M.A., Ex-Fellow and Lecturer in the Comparative Study of Religions, and Lecturer
in Hebrew and Aramaic, Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge : i Esdras.

CowLEV, A. E., M.A., D.Litt., Fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford ; Judith.

Davies, T. Witton, B.A., Ph.D., Professor of Semitic Languages, University College, Bangor :
Bel and the Dragon.

Emmet, Cyril W., M.A., formerly Scholar of Corpus Christi College, Oxford; Rector of West
Hendred : 3 Maccabees.

Gregg, J. A. F., D.D., Archbishop King's Professor in Divinity, Trinity College, Dublin : The
Additions to Esther.

Holmes, Samuel, M.A., Lecturer in Theology, Jesus College, 0.xford : The Wisdom of Solomon.

Kay, D. M., B.D., Professor of Oriental Languages, St. Andrews : Snsanna.

Moffatt, James, D.D., Yates Professor of New Testament Greek and Exegesis, Mansfield College,
Oxford : 2 Maccabees.

Oesterley, W. O. E., D.D. (Cambridge) : i Maccabees, Sirach (jointly with G. H. Box).

RvLE, Right Rev. Bishop Herbert E., D.D., Dean of Westminster ; formerly Hulsean Professor
of Divinity, Cambridge, and Bishop of Exeter and Winchester : The Prayer of Manasses.

Simpson, D. C, M.A., Lecturer in Theology and Hebrew, St. Edmund Hall, and Reader in Hebrew
and Old Testament in Manchester College, Oxford : Tobit.

Whitehouse, O. C, M.A., D.D., Theological Tutor, Cheshunt College, Cambridge : i Baruch.

INTRODUCTION TO VOLUME T

§ I. TIic origin of tlic term apocryphal.

How the term 'Apocryphal Books '(ctTro/cpi'^a jSt/SAm) arose has not yet been determined. It did
not, as Zahn {Gcscli. dcs Nciitcstamcntlichen Kaiioiis I. i. 123 sq.), Schurer, Porter, N. Schmidt, and
others maintain, originate in the Late Hebrew phrase D'HJJ O'lSD, 'hidden books. '^ But Tahiiudic
literature knows nothing of such a class. The Hebrew word ganaz (T3J) does not mean ' to hide',
but ' to store away ' things in themselves precious. Indeed, so far is it from being a technical term
in reference to non-Canonical writings, that it is most frequently used in reference to the Canonical
Scriptures themselves. When writings were wholly without the pale of the Sacred books — such as
those of the heretics or Samaritans — they were usually designated hisonim, i.e. ' outside ' (Sanh. x. i
D^jivn cnaD and D^:n;n nao). To this class the Apocrypha were never relegated, save Sirach,
according to a statement found only in Sanh. x. i in the Palestinian Talmud, where it is stated that
'whoso reads the outside books would have no part in the life to come'. But it is clear that there
is some error either in the text or the interpretation ; for Sirach is very frequently cited by the
Rabbis (see the Original Hcbrcu' of a Portion of Ecrlcsiasticns, Co\v\ey and Neubauer, pp. xix-xxx),
and two passages of it (Sir. vii. ]o in Erubin 65" and xiii. 16 in Baba Oama 92'') are cited as
belonging to the Hagiographa. The facts show that Sirach was read — read at all events for private
edification though not in the synagogues.

§ 3. Extent of the Jewish apocryphal ivrititigs.

We arc not here of course concerned with all Jewish apocryphal writings, but with those which
were written between 200 li.C. and A.D. 120. The most notable of these in the past centuries were
those which we ma\' define as the Apocrypha Proper, i.e.

1 Esdras Epistle of Jeremy

2 Esdras Additions to Daniel — The Prayer of Azariah and the Song

of the Three Children
I Tobit „ „ Susanna

]Judith „ „ Bel and the Dragon

Additions to Esther Prayer of Manasses

Wisdom of Solomon i Maccabees

Ecclesiasticus or Sirach 2 Maccabees

I Baruch
If we compare the collection of the Sacred books as they are found in the Hebrew Old
Testament, the LXX, and the Vulgate, we shall find that the Apocrypha Proper constitutes the
excess of the Vulgate over the Hebrew Old Testament, and that this excess is borrowed from
the LXX. But the official Vulgate (1592) does not include i and 2 Esdras (i.e. 4 Ezra in this
edition) and the Prayer of Manasses among the Canonical Scriptures, but prints them as an appendix
after the New Testament. The Roman Church excludes them from the Canon.'' Only i Esdras is

' This Introduction is not intended to be a General Introduction to the Apocrypha, but only to bring forward
a few important points in connexion with the Apocrypha.

^ This error appears to have arisen from Aboth K. N., I. i, where it is said, ' Formerly because Proverbs, the Song
of Solomon and Ecclesiastes, contained only proverbs, and did not belong to the Hagiographa, they were stored away
(D'1133) until the men of the Great Synagogue explained them.' Here many scholars have rendered the Hebrew word
wrongly as ' hidden '.

' The rest of the Apocrypha Proper was declared to be Canonical by the Council of Trent (1546), which
pronounced an anathema on the man who did not accept libros ipsos integros cum omnibus suis partibiis, prout in
Ecdesia Catholica legi coiistieverunt et in veteri vulgata Latitia editione habentur, pro sacris et canonicis.

vii

INTRODUCTION TO VOLUME I

found in the LXX. That 2 Esdras (i.e. 4 Ezra) was not incorporated can only have been due to
an accident. Further, it is to be observed that, whereas 3 and 4 Maccabees and Psalm 151 are
found in most manuscripts of the LXX, they are absent from the Vulgate and the Apocrypha^
Proper.

Thus the difference between the Protestant Canon and that of Rome represents the difference!
between the Canon of the Palestinian and the Alexandrian Jews. This difference is not due, asj
it was thought at one time, to the difference in the language of the originals— a view which appears!
as early as the controversy of Africanus with Origen ; for, as we are now aware, the bulk of thej
Apocrypha was originally written in Hebrew.

But besides the Apocrypha Proper there was a vast body of literature in circulation in Judaism
to which is now generally attached the term ' Pseudepigrapha ', i.e. books written between 300 B.C.
and A.D. 120 under the names of ancient worthies in Israel. Since these will be briefly dealt with
in the Introduction to vol. ii we shall not discuss them here.

To the Apocrypha Proper in this volume we have added 3 Maccabees — a quasi-historical work
— which is found in very many manuscripts of the LXX. It might have been advisable to have
included also Pseudo-Philo's Liber Antiqititatum Bib/icanivi, \wh\c\\ was written originally in Hebrew
and possibly soon after A. O. 70. But this work has not yet been critically edited. Of lost apocrypha
we might mention the History of Johannes Hyrcamis, mentioned in i Mace. xvi. 23, 24, Janncs and
Mauibres (i.e. Jambres), Book of Joseph and Asenatli.

\ 3. Variotts meanings of the term ' apocryphal' .

(i) In its earliest use this term (drroKpvcpo^) was applied in a laudatory signification to writings
which were withheld from public knowledge because they were vehicles of mysterious or esoteric
wisdom which was too sacred or profound to be disclosed to any save the initiated. In this sense
it is found in a magical book of Moses, which has been edited by Dieterich (Abraxas 169) and may
be as old as the first century A.D. This book is entitled ' A sacred secret Book of Moses ' (Moova-iws
iepa ^i^\o9 dwoKpvcpo^).

But we have still earlier indications of the existence and nature of the Apocrypha in this sense.
The Book of Daniel is represented as withheld from public knowledge until the time came for its
publication : xii. 4, ' But thou, O Daniel, shut up the words and seal the book, even unto the time
of the end.' The writer of i Enoch speaks of his revelations as designed not for his own, i. 2,cviii. i,
but for the elect of later generations : xciii. 10

And at its close shall be elected

The elect righteous of the eternal plant of righteousness,

To receive sevenfold instruction concerning all His creation.

Similarly, the writer of the Assumption of Moses enjoins that his book is to be preserved for a later
period, i. 16-17. That with large bodies of the Jews this esoteric literature was as highly or more
highly treasured than the Canonical Scriptures is clear from the claims made by the Rabbis on behalf
of their oral which was originally in essence an esoteric, tradition, since it was not to be committed
to writing. Though they insisted on the exclusive canonicity of the twenty-four books, they claimed to
be the possessors of an oral tradition that not only overshadowed but frequently displaced the written
Law. In 4 Ezra xiv. 44 sq. we have a categorical statement as to the superior worth of this esoteric
literature: ' So in forty days were written ninety-four books. And it came to pass when the forty
days were fulfilled, that the Most High spake unto me saying: The twenty-four books^ that thou
hast written publish, that the ivorthy and the umvorthy may read {them): But the seventy last thou
shalt keep to deliver to the wise among thy people.

' The twenty-four books are, of course, the Old Testament : the seventy are the apocryphal, but especially the
apocalyptic books.

viii

INTRODUCTION TO VOLUME I

For in them is the spring of understanding,

The fountain of wisdom,

And the stream of knowledge.'

In a Hke laudatory sense Gregory of Nyssa reckons the New Testament Apocalypse as kv
dnoKpixpoL^ {Oratio in siiain ordiiiaiioncin, III. 549: Ed. Migne).

(2) But the word was applied to writings that were withheld from public circulation, not on the
crround of their transcendent worth, but because their value was confessedly secondary or question-
able. Thus Origen differentiates writings that were read in public worship from apocryphal works
[Coiniii. in Matt. x. 18, xiii. 57). This use became current, and prepared the way for the third and
unfavourable sense of the word.

(3) The word came to be applied to what was false, spurious, or heretical. This meaning
appears also in Origen, Prolog, in Cant. Cantic. : Lommatzsch, xiv. 325).

§ 4. T/u- attitude of the Christian Churcli to the Apocryplia.

The degree of estimation in which the apocryphal books have been held in the Church has
varied with age and place.

(i) The Greek Fathers such as Origen and Clement, who used the Greek Bible, which included
these books, frequently cite them as ' scripture ', ' Divine scripture ', ' inspired ', or the like. Later
Greek Fathers^ rejected in various ways this conception of the Canon, but it was accepted and
maintained in the West by St. Augustine. Where the Greek differed from the Hebrew Augustine
held that the difference was due to Divine inspiration, and that this difference was to be regarded as
a sign that in the passage in question an allegorical — not a literal^interpretation was to be looked
for. Since he habitually used a Latin Bible, which embraced the Apocrypha, he appealed to the
authority of these books as of the rest of the Scriptures. The Council of Hippo (A.D. 393)" and that
of Carthage (A.D. 397), at both of which Augustine was present respectively as a presbyter and
a bishop, drew up a list of Canonical writings, which, though formed by Latin-speaking bishops, was
the chief authority on which the Council of Trent based its own decision. In fact the list authori-
tatively issued by the Council of Hippo and that of Trent agree in nearly every respect, save that
the Tridentinc divines appear to have misunderstood the meaning of i and 2 Esdras in the list of
the African Council. That in this list i Esdras meant the apocryphal book which Augustine
acknowledged as Scripture {De Civ. Dei., xviii. 36) and 2 Esdras meant the Canonical Ezra and
Nehemiah there is no reason for doubt ; but the Tridentine divines, taking i Esdras as = the
Canonical Ezra and 2 Esdras as = the Canonical Nehemiah, ' through a misunderstanding declared
I Esdras (i.e. the apocryphal Esdras) apocryphal.

(2) On the other hand, teachers connected with Palestine and familiar with the Hebrew Canon,
like Africanus and Jerome, declared all books outside the Hebrew Canon as apocryphal.

(3) Alongside these two opposing views arose a third which held that, though these books were
not to be put in the same rank as those in the Hebrew collection, they nevertheless had their value
for moral uses, and should be read in the Church services. Hence they were called ' ecclesiastical ' —
a designation that is found first in Rufinus (ob. A.D. 410). Notwithstanding many variations in the
attitude of different authorities and councils these three opinions maintained their ground down to
the Reformation.

At the Reformation the above ecclesiastical usages were transformed into articles of belief,
which may be regarded as characteristic of the Churches by which they were adopted. As we
liave already remarked, the Council of Trent adopted the Canon of the Council of Hippo and of
Augustine, declaring: ' If any one receive not, as sacred and canonical, the said books entire with

' In the next century Athanasius, in an Easter letter (a. D. 365), states that the books of the Old Testament were
twenty-two in number according to the letters of the Hebrew alphabet. Other books not included in the Canon, such
as Wisdom, Sirach, Esther, Tobit, Judith, might be used for the instruction of catechumens. It is noteworthy here
that the Maccabees are omitted, and Esther is treated as an apocryph.

'^ Zahn, Gcsch. des N. T./ickett Kanons, II. i. 246-253.

^ Council of Trent, April 8, 1546. ' Testamenti veteris . . . Esdrae primus et secundus, qui dicitur Nehemias."

INTRODUCTION TO VOLUME I i

all their parts, as they have been used to be read in the Catholic Church, and as they are contained
in the old Latin Vulgate ... let him be anathema.' ' All the Apocrypha except i Esdras, 4 Ezra,
and the Prayer of Manasses belonging to the Apocrypha Proper were declared Canonical.

On the other hand, the Protestant Churches have universally declared their adhesion to the
Hebrew Canon of the Old Testament. Yet amongst these a milder and a severer view prevailed.
While in some Confessions, i.e. the Westminster, it is decreed that they are not 'to be any other-
wise approved or made use of than other human writings ', a more favourable view is expressed
regarding them in many other quarters ; e.g. in the preface prefixed to them in the Genevan Bible :
' As books proceeding from godly men (they) were received to be read for the advancement and
furtherance of the knowledge of history and for the instruction of godly manners : which books
declare that at all times God had an especial care of His Church, and left them not utterly destitute
of teachers and means to confirm them in the hope of the promised Messiah ' ; and in the Sixth
Article of the Church of England : 'the other books the Church doth read for example of life and
instruction of manners.'

In addition to the spiritual and moral service rendered by these books, the modern student
recognizes that without them it is absolutely impossible to explain the course of religious develop-
ment between 200 B. c. and a.d. ico. In this respect the Apocrypha is to be regarded as embracing
the Pseudepigrapha as well. If the Canonical and Apocryphal Books are compared in reference to
the question of inspiration, no unbiased scholar could have any hesitation in declaring that the
inspiration of such a book as Wisdom or the Testaments of the XII Patriarchs is incomparably
higher than that of Esther.

§ 5. Editions — partial or complete — of the Apocrypha.

Fritzsche und Grimm, Kurzgef. exegel. Himdbuch zu den Apokryphat dcs A. T., 1851-60. Fritzsche, Lief. I,

3 Esra, Zusalze zu Esther mid Darnel, Gebet Manasses, Baruch, Brief Jer. ; II. Tobil und fudiih;

V. Sirach. Grimm, Lief. Ill, i Makk. ; IV. 2-4 3Takk. ; VI. Wisdom.
E. C. Bissell, The Apocrypha of the Old Testament, with historical Introductions and Notes Critical and

Explanatory, New York, 1880. This work contains the Apocrypha Proper (though 2 Esdras (i. e. 4 Ezra)

is added in an Appendix); also 3 Mace, and a summary of 4 Mace. In a second Appendix a short

account is given of some of the Pseudepigrapha.
Wace, Apocrypha (in the 'Speaker's Commentary'), 2 vols., London, i888. This edition is furnished with

a good introduction by Salmon. The various books are edited by different English scholars.
O. Zockler, Die Apokr. des A. T. nehst einem Anhang iiber die Pseudepigraphenliteratur, 1891.
Ball, The Ecclesiastical or Deutero-Ca7io7iical Books of the Old Tcstametit, cotnmonly called the Apocrypha (1892).
Kautzsch, Die Apokryphen und Pseudcpigraphen des Alien Testaments, 2 vols., Tubingen, 1900. This is the best

work that has hitherto appeared on this literature as a whole. But many parts of it are already antiquated.

§ 6. General literature dealing directly or indirectly ivith the period of this literature ■■

Weber, System der altsynagogalen paldstinischen Theologie (1880). The last edition of this work was published

under the title Lehre des Talniuds, 1897.
Bacher, Die Aggada der Tannaiteti, 2 vols., 1884-90.

Stade, Geschichte des Volkes Israel, vol. ii. Das Ende des judischen Staatswesens (by O. Holtzmann). i888.
Drummond, Philo Judaeus, 2 vols., i888.

Bois, Essai sur les origines de la philosophic judeo- Alexandrine, 1890.
Toy, fudaism and Christianity, 1890.

' This decree of the Council of Trent was ratified by fifty-three prelates, 'among whom (Westcott, Bibte in the
Uiurc/t, 2 57) there was not one German, not one scholar distinguished by historical learning, not one who was fitted
by special study for the e.xammation of a subject m which the truth could only be determined by the voice of antiquity '
Ihis Jist mcludes only a few of the works interesting to the student of this literature.

INTRODUCTION TO VOLUME I

Smilh, G, A., Historical Geography of I he Holy Land, 1894, 1901'.

Mahaflfy, T/h' Empire of the Ptolemies, 1 895.

Bertholet, Die Stellung dcr Israeliten und der Juden zu den Fremden, i 896.

■ichtciAer, Studies in Judaism, 1896.

Chtyne, Jezuish Religious Life after the Exile, 1898.

Streane, The Age (f the Maccabees, 1 898.

Kent, A History of the Jewish People, Part III, 1899.

Wellhausen, Israelitische und jildiscke Geschichte^, 1901.

Schiirer, Geschichte des jiUlischtu Volkes^, 1898-1901.

Bevan, The House of Seleucus, 2 vols., 1902.

V o\z, Jiidische Eschatologie von Daniel bis Aqiba, 1903.

Bousset, Die Religion des Jiidentiims im neutestamcntlichen Zeitalter, 1903, 1906".

Baldensperger, Die Messianisch-Apokalyptische Hoffnungen des fade nthiims, 1903.

Porter, The Messages of the Apocalyptical Writers, 1905.

Friedliinder, Die religiosen Bewegungen innerhalb des Judenthums im Zeitalter Jesu, 1905.

Marti, Geschichte der israelii ischen Religion^, 1907. See Sections V and VI.

Oesterley and Box, The Religion and Worship of the Synagogue, 1907.

Kent, The Sermons, Epistles, and Apocalypses of LsraeFs Prophets from the Beginning of the Assyrian Period to the

End of the Maccabean Struggle, 19 10.
H. Pentin, International Journal of Apocrypha.

ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA TO VOLUME I

p. 60 (i Mace), 1. 28 from bottom, delete comma after 'although'

P. 99, 1. 29 from bottom, read 'v. 25' for 'v. 25 '

P. 118, 1. 20 from bottom, read ' Sion 'for ' Zion '

P. 123, 1. 3 from top, read 'enemies' 'for 'enemies'

P. 174. The evidence referred to in § 3 will be published in the /. T. S., July, 1913, under the title:
' Original Text of Tobit '.

P. 197 (Tobit), 1. 26 from top, read 'uternaryor 'external'

P. 534. To the literature add ' Goodrick, The Boole of Wisdom, 1913 ' — a very valuable commentary.

P- 559 (Wisdom). In xv. ^ for 'leadeth fools into lust' (which gives the sense ivell) render more
literally ' for fools leadeth into lust '.

P. 579 (i Baruch), 1. 25 from bottom, read '130 a. v.' for '130 b. c'

SYMBOLS AND ABBREVIATIONS EMPLOYED IN INTRODUCTIONS,

TEXT AND NOTES

See special lists as under : —
I Esdras vol.

Tobil „

A' &c. See 2 Bar. § 7

A.J.Th. American Journal ol Theo-

Aboth Pirke A both [%/

Ab. R. Nathan = Aboth Rabbi Nathan

(iir.XeY.orti'p. ix-na^ Ki-^u^nvov or ufr]jiivov

i\poc.A!)rah. Apocalypse of Abraham

Apoc. of Baruch = 2 Baruch

Apoc. Zeph. Apocalypse of Zephaniah

Aq. Aquila

Ar. Arabic

Aram. Frag. Aramaic Fragment. See Test.

• .-;//. II

Arm. Armenian

Asc. Is. .-Kscension of Isaiali

Ass. Mos. Assumption of Moses

Aug. Augustine

B' &c. See 2 Bar. § 7

B.D. Bible Dictionary

U.S. Deissmann, Biblical Studies

1 Bar. Apocryphal Book of Baruch

2 Bar. Syriac Apocalypse of Baruch
t, Bar. Greek Apocalypse of Baruch
iier. Rabb. Bereshith rabba

Bcrach. or Berakh. = Berachoth

Bcresh. Bereshith

C'.I.G. Corpus Inscriptionum Grac-

carum
C.O.T. Cuneiform Inscriptions and

the Old Testament. See

K.A.T.
Cat.Niceph. Catalogue of Nicephorus
Chag. Chagigah (Talmud)

Chron. Pasch. = Chronicon Paschale
Clem. Alex. Clement of Alexandria
Clem.Recog. Pseiido-Clcmentinc Recogni-
Cod. Codex \tions

D.B. Diclionaiy of the Bible

Dan. Daniel

Diod. Sic. Diodorus Siculus
Diog.Laert. DioL^enes Laertius
E.A. See 4 Ezra, § 7, and ii. 560

E.B. or Bi. Encyclopaedia Biblica
Edd. Editions

1 En. I Enoch or Ethiopian Enoch

2 En. 2 Enoch or Slavonic Enoch
Encyc. Brit. Encyclopaedia Britannica
Ep. Barn. Epistle of Barnabas

Ep. Jer. Epistle of Jeremy

Epiph. Epiphanius

Eth. Ethiopic

Eus. Eusebius

Ev. Nicod. Evangeliuin Nicodemi

4 Ez. Fourth Book of Ezra

Fayum P. Fayum Papyri

Fr. or Frag. Fragment

(5 Greek Version

G. d. Jud. Geschichte des Judenthuins

G.J.W Schiirer's Geschichte des jii-

dischen Volkes

G.V.I. Geschichte des Volkes Israel

Gen, rabb. Genesis rabba

Gk. Greek

Gk. Frag. Greek Fragment. See Test.
App. II

Gr. Grimm

Gr. of O.T. Greek Grammar of Old Testa-
ment Greek (Thackeray 1

H.D.B. Hastings' Dictionary of the

Bible

\\. I.P. History of the Jewish People

Heb. (Jr. Hebrew Grammar

Herm. Hermas, Pastor

Hes. Hesiod

Sirach vol. I. ,^15.

Test. XII Pntr.

vol. II. 29:^.

.. 11.47!;.

I. 19, 20.

Prayer of Manasses ,, I. 620.

2 Baruch

I. 201.

I Enoch „ II. 187.

4 Ezra

„ II. 560.

See also under Versions and MSS. in the different books.

Hiph. Hiphil

Horn. Homer

II. Ili.-id

Int. Crit. Comm. = International Critical
Commentary

Intr. Introduction

I.E. Jeioish Encyclopaedia

j.Q.R. Jewish Quarterly Review

J.R.A.S. Journal of the Royal Asiatic
Society

J . T. S. Journal of Theologica I Studies

Jalkut Schim. = Jalkut Shimeoni

Jashar Book of Jashar

Jer. Joma &c. = Toma in Jerusalem Tal-
mud

Jerus. Targ. Jerusalem Targum

Jos. ^H/. &c. Josephus, Antii/iiities, Sec.

Tub. Book of fubilees

jiid. Theol.2 Jitdische Theologie- (Weber)

K. Kautzsch

K.A.T. Schrader,Z)K Keilinschriftcn

nnd das Altc Testament

Kit. Kittel

L.A.E. Deissmann, Light from the

Ancient East

L.d.T. Weber, Die Lehren des Tal-

muds

L. & S, Liddell and Scott

LXX. Septuagint Version

Lact. Lactantius

Lib. V.T. Libri Vcteris Testamenti

Luc. Lucian

Lucr. Lucretius

MS. Manuscript

MT. Massoretic Text

I Mace. &c. First, &c., Book of Maccabees

Macrob. Macrobius

Mart. Is. Martyrdom of Isaiah

Mass. Massoretic

Megill. MegiUa

Menach. Menachoth ^Talmud)

Mg. Margin

Midr. Midrash

N.H.W. Neuhebrdisches Wbrterbuch

N.T. New Testament

O.T. Old Testament

Onk. Onkelos, Targum of

Onom. Sacr. Onomasticon Saci uni

Or. .Sibyll. Sibylline Oracles

Orph. Frag. Orphic Fragment

P.E.F. Palestine Exploration Fund

P.P. Petiie Papyri

P.R. Eliezer Pirke Rabbi Eliezer

P.R.E. Real-Encyclopddie fiir pro-

test. Theologie mid Kirche

P.S.B.A. Proceeditigs of the Society of
Biblical Archaeology

Pesikt. Pesikta

Ps. Clem. Recog. = Pseudo - Clementine
Recognitions

Ps. Jon. Targum Pseudo- Jonathan

Ps. of Sol. Psalms of Solomon

R. Rabbi

R.E. Real-Encyklopddie

R.E.J. Rtvue des Etudes juives

Rel.desjud. Religion des Judenthuins

Sam. Samaritan

Sam. Chron. Samaritan Chronology

Saiih. Sanhedrin

Schtirer,E.T. Schiirer's History of the Jew-
ish People. English Trans-
Sept. Septuagint [lation

Shabb. Shabbath

xii

Sir. Sirach

Slav. Bar .See vol. ii. 131

Slav. Vit. Slavonic Vita Adae et Evae.

See Books of Adam and
Soph. Sophocles, [Eve

Stob. Stobaeus

Symm. Symmachus

Syncell. Syncellusf

Syr. Syriac

Syr. H. Hexaplaric Syriac

Syr. W. Syriac Version in Walton's

Polyglot
Sok. Sokolov's Text of 2 Enoch

T.A. &c. See under ' Testaments ' in

list of symbols prefi-xed to

Index.
T.b. Babylonian T.almud

Targ. Jer. Jerusalem Targum
Targ. Jon. Targum Pseudo- Jonathan
Th. Craw. Thackeray, Grammar if Old

Testament Greek
Theod. Theodotion

Theoph. Theophilus
Tebt. P. Tebtuneh Papyrus

Tert. Tertullian

Test. Testament

Test. Sim. See vol. ii. i;3
Test. XII Patr. = Testamentsof the Twelve

Patriarchs
Tisch. Tischendorf

Tob. Tobit

V.L.or Vet.Lat. = Versio VetusLatina.Old

Latin Version
Vit. Ad. Vita Adae
Vulg. Vulgate

W.P. Walton's Polyglot

Wellb. Wellhausen

Wisd. Book of Wisdom

Z.A.T. W. Zcitschriftfiirdic A. T. Ids-

sense ha ft
Z.D.M.G. Zcitschrifl der Deutschen

Morgenldndischen Gesell-

schaft
Z.N.T.\\'. Zeitschrift fiir die N. T.

Wissenschaft
Z.W.T. or Z.f.W.T. =' Zeitschrift fu,

wiss. Theologie

[ ] indicate an intrusion into the

original text

t t indicate that the word or

passage so enclosed is cor-
rupt

( ) or italics indicate that the

word or words so enclosed
or printed are supplied for
the sake of clearness.

+ indicates that the authority

or authorities quoted insert
the word or words follow-
ing this mark.

> indicates that the authority

or .authorities quoted omit
the word or words follow-
ing this mark.

( ) indicate a restoration in the

text.
Thick type indicates an emendation in

the text.

I ESDRAS

INTRODUCTION

§ ]. Preliminary Account of the Book.

The first book of the Apocrypha stands in a class by itself in that it is, with the exception of
one portion, a somewhat free Greek version of the biblical history from Josiah's Passover (2 Chron.
XXXV.) to the Reading of the Law by Ezra (Neh. viii.). It differs, however, in several important
particulars both from the corresponding canonical passages and from the more literal Greek trans-
lation of them (also preserved in the Septuagint), and an adequate treatment of its text and contents
belongs properly to the commentaries and handbooks on Chronicles, Ezra, and Nehemiah. Con-
sequenth'. in order to keep the Introduction and Notes within limits, it has seemed desirable to
print the Revised Version of the ' apocryphal ' and ' canonical ' passages side by side, and to restrict
all remarks to those points which appeared to be essential for the study of the relation between the
texts and their significance for the period which they cover. Further reference to the commentaries
and other works dealing with the period in question is therefore recommended.

The contents of i Esdras comprise : — -
E i.^ — 2 Chron. xxxv. i-xxxvi. 3i. Josiah's passover and death ; the last kings of Judah to the

fall of Jerusalem, 586 B.C.
ii. 1-15. = E i. The decree of Cyrus permitting the rebuilding of the Temple and the return of

Sheshbazzar with the temple-vessels and a band of exiles, 538-537.
ii. 16-30. = E iv. 7-24. The Samaritan opposition to the rebuilding in the reign of Artaxerxes,

465-425.
iii. i-v. 6. wanting in E. The successful oration of Zerubbabel, one of the bodyguard of Darius,

in the second year of his reign (D. I, Hystaspes, 521-486), and the king's decree

permitting a return of exiles to rebuild the city and Temple ; brief statement of the

journey.
V. 7-73. = E ii. i-iv. 5, 24 {v. 6 is wanting). List of Zerubbabel's band, the rebuilding of the Temple

hindered by the Samaritans from the time of Cyrus to the second year of Darius (520).
vi.-vii. = E v.-vi. The successful rebuilding of the Temple through the intervention of Darius in

520, and its completion in 516.
viii. i-ix. 36 = E vii.-x. The decree of Artaxerxes in his seventh year (458), the return of Ezra

and a body of exiles, the separation of the people from the foreign wives,
i.x. 37-55 = N vii. 73-viii. 13 a. The reading of the law by Ezra, placed in N /. c. after the return

of Nehemiah in the king's twentieth year (444).
The outstanding features are : —

(i) The presence of the Artaxerxes record before the reign of Darius, whether after the return
of Sheshbazzar (iT ii. 16-30) or after the commencement of the rebuilding by Zerubbabel (E iv. 7-24),
both of which are placed in the time of Cyrus.

(2) The inclusion oi E iii. i-v. 6, the story famous for the Praise of Truth and the well-known
dictum 'magna est Veritas et praevalet ', and the decree of Darius (which excludes any prior return).

(3) The confusion caused by the presence of this section {E iii. i-v. 6) in the history of the
exiles who returned in the time of Cyrus {E ii. 1-15 =: E i) and at once commenced the work of
rebuilding {E v. 7-73 = E ii.-iv.).

(4) The omission in i? of N i.-vii. 72, with the result that the continuation of the story of Ezra
(N viii.) is placed in immediate connexion with E vii.-x., whereas the canonical books leave a gap
of twelve years between E vii.-x. and N i. seqq.

(5) Numerous readings in E of greater or less value, which are often important for the textual
criticism of the MT, and sometimes affect the literary and historical problems of the sources.

E ceases abruptly ; cf. the close of 2 Chron., ' and let him go up ' ( =E i. 3), also Mark xvi. 8.
The R.V. rendering of ix. 55 implies that this is intentional (so Ewald, Bissell, Lupton, Bayer, and
others). Hence it is often supposed that ii is a self-contained work, written and compiled for some

' For the abbreviations E, E, N, &c., see below, p. 19 seq.
rios I B

I i^DRAS

specific purpose, e.g. to influence Gentiles in favour of the Jews, or (Lupton^ to prepare the way for
the building of the temple of Onias at Alexandria, or simply, perhaps, to bring together narratives
relating to the Temple ; cf the conclusion of IL^ ' explicit Esdrae liber primus de templi restitutione '.
But the feature may also be explained on the view that the book, which begins somewhat abruptly,
is merely a fragment of a larger work (Michaelis, Eichhorn, Trendelenburg, Rodiger, Treuenfels.
Howorth, Torrey, and others). This raises several interesting questions ; in particular, ix. 38-55
belong in N viii. to the concluding chapters of Ezra's history, and it is very noteworthy that
Josephus finishes his account of Ezra before his introduction of Nehemiah— what was the original
sequel of E ? Moreover, not only was £ used by this orthodox Jewish historian, the book was
important enough to find a place in the Greek Bible, it was known to early Christian writers, and is
referred to in terms which indicate that its canonicity and value were not doubtful (see § 2).

Now, the criticism of the O.T. has advanced sufficiently to prove that the biblical records E-N
bristle with the most intricate and serious difficulties, the extent of which is manifest in the widely-
differing conclusions that prevail. As can be seen from other sources (see § 4, iv. c), the history of
the Persian period is plunged in obscurity, upon which some light has only recentl}- been shed by
contemporary records (Babylonian inscriptions, Jewish-Aramaic papyri from Upper Egypt). It can
no longer be assumed that the MT necessarily represents a more trustworthy record of the age,
and that E is necessarily arbitrary and methodless. Both share fundamental imperfections. E,
therefore, in any case deserves impartial consideration, and its problems involve those of E-N.
These problems, owing to the absence of decisive and independent evidence, can be handled only
provisionally : but enough is clear to permit the conclusion that E represents a text in some respects
older than ^\& present MT, to which, however, some attempt seems to have been made to conform
it (cf Ewald, 138 n. 6 ; Howorth, PSBA, xxiii. 306 seq.). From a comparison of both with Jos.
and other sources (notably Daniel) it would further appear that E represents one of the efforts to
give an account of a period, the true course of which was confused and forgotten, if not intentionally
obscured ; different attempts were made to remove difficulties and inconsistencies, and the desire to
give greater prominence to the priestly Ezra than to the secular governor Nehemiah is probably
responsible for the arrangement of the extant texts.

E-N and E (with Jos.) exhibit diverging views of the history. But E, even in its present
incomplete form, overlaps with Chronicles-Ezra-Nehemiah, and since it provides a distinctly para-
phrastic and free rendering of the MT, it seems probable that when it was superseded by the more
literal Greek translation — of Theodotion (cf. the two Greek texts of Daniel) — this confused and self-
contradictory book (or fragment) was preserved mainly on account of the excellent story of Zerub-
babel (cf Howorth, /'^i?>4, xxiv. 167). To the Jews, both Zerubbabel and Nehemiah pale before
the growing majesty of Ezra ; to the early Christians, the Praise of Truth was a familiar passage,
and Augustine (de Civ. Dei, xviii. 36) saw in it a prophecy of Christ.' Dating, apparently, about
the first century B. C. E's view of history was familiar to Josephus and his readers, to the Hellenist
Jews, and to the Christians. The form in E-N, with the omission of the story of Zerubbabel (and
the chronological confusions which attend it), represents that of the Rabbinical schools, and subse-
quently (through Jerome) of the Christian Church. Through these vicissitudes E fell into unmerited
neglect, and by this omission (apparently intentional) there was removed a story which could not
fail to interest the Christians — for it is surely significant that although the two genealogies of Jesus
are hopelessly inconsistent, the two lines of ancestry of ' David's greater Son ' converge in the
person of Zerubbabel.

§ 2. Title and Standing.

The book is known as (i) Esdras A or i Esdras, so (B''^ %, »>, and English Bibles since the
Geneva edition of 1560 (where the name ' Ezra ' is reserved for the canonical book) ; or (2) as
Esdras B or 2 Esdras, so (B"- (where 1 Es. = Ezra and Nehemiah) ; or (3) as 3 Esdras, so Latin
Bibles since Jerome, the ' Great Bible' of 1539, and also the Anglican Article Vl in the Prayer-
book. The name 3 Paraleipomenon (i.e. Chronicles) is found in a Florentine Greek MS., cf the
title Sennones Diermn (the Heb. title of Chron.) Esdrae in Hilary's list (H. B. Swete, Introd. to
O.T. in Greek, 210). It is also styled Tertius Necviiac by Franciscus Robles, 1532 (Lupton, 4).
A convenient name for the book is the 'Greek Ezra', to distinguish it from the" other and literal
translation of the canonical books."

• A late Midrash (Jellinek, ii. 54-7) makes Zerubbabel the centre of 'a short apocalypse on the certainty of the
ultimate appearance of the Messiah son of David, on his precursor the Messiah son of Joseph, and on their friends
and foes (Ew. 128).

'' On the title h U,>€is in dS* (to distinguish E from 2 or 4 Esdras of the Apocrypha?), see Nestle, 29.

INTRODUCTION

It is a significant fact that, as emphasized by Whiston in 1722, the Jewish historian Josephus
uses E for his account of King Josiah, follows its order of events, and is influenced by its language,
although for the other books he employs the LXX. Equally significant is the appearance of ^ with
the canonical E-N in the best Greek MSS., either before (dp"^, and presumably N) or after ((B')
these. It is quoted by several early Greek and Latin Fathers,^ and Augustine and Origen cite
iv. 41 and .59 respectively from ' Esdras ' without indicating that another than the canonical book is
meant. Moreover, a Greek synopsis (Lag. iS4) and a Syriac Catena (see on E ix. 55) treat E as
I Esdras, and give the title 2 Esdras to N -. But -Jerome meanwhile had condemned the two
apocryphal books of Esdras with their ' dreams ' {Praef. Esd. et Neh.), and his ruling was confirmed
in due course by the Church. E is wanting in the early MSS. of the Vulgate, and it was rejected
by the Council of Florence (1442). It is found in the Latin bibles of 1474, 14H0, &c., but is regarded
as apocryphal by De Lyra (1498), Karlstadt (1520), and Stephanus (1521S). It is wanting in the Com-
plutensian Polyglot (i")i4-J7), and Luther ignored it — though not perhaps primarily (Bayer, 6 seq.)
— for its triviality. There was even a belief that it did not exist in Greek (Torrey, 13 n. i). The
Council of Trent rejected it in 1546, but it is printed in an appendix in small type in the Tridentine
edition of the Vulgate. Although it appears as i Esdras in the 1587 edition of the Septuagint
(Rome), it was omitted three years later from the Sixtine Vulgate (Rome, 1590). In spite of the
occasional attention paid to it by a few scholars, E has since too often been overlooked and neglected,
and has only recently come into deserved prominence through the persistence of Sir Henry H.
Howorth from 1893 onwards (see further Torrey, 13 seqq.).

E, on closer inspection, proves to be no free or less careful treatment of the Greek translation
of the canonical books, as had been held by Keil, Zockler, Bissell, Konig {Einlcitniig, § 97), and
formerly Schiirer (contrast his Gescli. Volk. Isr., 3rd ed., iii. 328). There is an overwhelming body
of opinion that it is translated from a Semitic (Hebrew and Aramaic) original. There are, it is true,
various readings, identical or apparently connected with the literal Greek translation, but they do
not outweigh the many considerable and characteristic differences of rendering, the variations in the
transliteration or translation of proper names, and the numerous readings in E which can be ex-
plained only from the MT (see especially Bayer, 156 seqq.). That E is an independent version older
than the (B of the canonical books was suggested by Grotius (1644, see PSBA, xxv. 139), Whiston
(1722), Pohlmann (1859), Ewald (1864), Lagarde (1874), and others, and has since been more
cogently shown by Howorth and Torrey. It is pointed out that the (15 of E-N presents features
characteristic of Theodotion's translation (viz. transliteration of gentilics, and of difficult or uncertain
words) and parallel to his translation of Daniel. The 05 of E, on the other hand, as Gwynn also
noticed, finds parallels in the ' Septuagint ' text of Daniel, especially the first six chapters. Moreover,
the ^ oi E claims to be made from the Septuagint, and it is very probable that E took the place
of the (B of E-N in Origen's Hexapla. Volz, however, has properly drawn attention to the varying
quality of the different sections of is', a feature which ' excludes the supposition that the Greek version
can have been produced aiis cinem Guss '. In general, all the evidence tends to show that E held
a more authoritative position than has been usually conceded to it (in consequence of Jerome), but
that its unevenness as a translation and the complexity of its contents make its true origin and
structure a more intricate problem.-'

§ 3. Text Versions, Date, etc.

(a) Character of Translation. E, on account of its peculiar relationship to the O.T., cannot be
studied textually apart from the versions based directly upon the MT (see more fully, Torrey 63-1 14).
While the (B of E-N is un-Greek, literal and mechanical, E is the very reverse of sei'vile, and its
language both elegant and idiomatic. The vocabulary is extensive, containing several words that
occur nowhere else in ' Septuagint ' Greek, or only in other books of the Apocrypha, notably 2 Mace,
(see Moulton's \\st,ZATlV,-s\-s.. 232 seqq.). Semitic idioms are usually happily replaced by natural
Grecisms. There is often a free treatment of the article, pronouns, and conjunctions ; hypotaxis for
the parataxis of MT ; active verbs for passive. Condensation, paraphrase, and re-arrangement are
frequent, and the translator has generally made the best of the original text, gliding over or
concealing the difficulties. Sometimes he has misunderstood the original ; but the rendering is
carefully worded and thus presents an apparently plausible result (see e.g. i. 10-12, 38, 51). He

' e. g. TertuUian, Clement of Alexandria, Athanasius ; see Pohlmann, 263 seqq., and the tables in Andre, 22 seqq.

" Augustine, also, in a list of canonical books (de doctr. Christ, ii. 8) enumerates two books of Ezra ' of which our
I Esd. was certainly one ' (Volz). See, on the other hand, Bayer, 4.

' See Howorth, PSB.4, x.xiii. 156 seqq., .\xiv. 164 seqq., xxix. 31 seqq., xxxiii. 26 seqq. ; Torrey, ib. xxv. 139 seqq.,
and his Ezra Studies, Chap. I ; J. Gwynn, Diet. Clirist. Biog., ' Theodotion ', and Extracts from tlie Syro-He.x.
Version of the LXX (London, 1909), xx. seqq.

X B 2

I ESDRAS

manifests his intelligence when the skilful paronomasia S.vfnv Kal &(j>e(TU' (iv. 62), suggestive of a Greek
composer, goes back none the less to a Semitic original (cf. Susanna, 54 seqq.), and the use of the name
Sisinnes (vi. 3) in place of the MT Tattenai is typical of his care. E, it is clear, was made to be
read, it is a version rather than a translation, and its value for the criticism of the MT must not blind
us to its imperfections (on which see Bayer, 11 seqq.). Consequently, a mean must be sought
between a promiscuous and haphazard use of E and a whole-hearted though indiscriminate reliance
upon its readings and paraphrases. The attempt must invariably be made to distinguish between
the underlyincj text and the features which (as in the Septuagint elsewhere) are due to the translator
alone, and the difficulty of this task in certain crucial cases is vital for the disentanglement of the
problems of E} ....

(d) E and the MT. It is abundantly plain that E is not derived from the (^ (Theodotion) of
the Canonical Books. Where there is agreement, the evidence points to accident or absence
of intention, and is not strong enough to prove dependence (see the most recent study by Bayer,
156-61). In certain cases where they agree against the MT they sometimes are due to an easy
misunderstanding, and sometimes point to a preferable reading ; now and then the more literal
version alone preserves an older text. It is highly significant that E is occasionally conflate, and
presents simple doublets (e.g. ii. 25, vi. 29, ix. 8, 46), or more elaborate combinations made with some
little care (e.g. v. 50, 58, 72 seq., vi. 5, 10, &c. [see Marq. 44-7])- This revision appears to
have been made from the MT, and E vi. 25 actually presents the incorrect ' new ' (mn) of the MT
by the side of the correct ' one ' (nn). Revision has also been made for the purpose of removing
difficuhies (so, probably v. 73*^, in view of the date in vi. i), or of making identifications (Zerubbabel,
vi. 18, 27, 29). These adjustments, which are not found in Theodotion, seem to have been made first
in the Greek version, and thus might appear to confirm the view that E is based upon an earlier
Greek version (Ewald). The question of the underlying original, however, would still remain, and
it is very important to notice that not only does E often presuppose a better text than the MT, but
that some of the readings raise questions of literary structure and historical criticism. Consequently,
E is not directly based either upon Theodotion's literal translation or the extant MT ; the marks
of revision point rather to an attempt to adjust to the MT an earlier version which differed from it
in some material respects, large (nos. i, 2, 4, on p. i above) and small (e.g. v. 39 seq., 47, vi. 28, vii. i,
ix. 38, 49).2

(f) MSS. and Versions. The GREEK MSS. fall into two main classes, (1) Lucianic (MSS.
19, 108), and (2) B, A, &c. The former stand in a class by themselves, reveal many signs of
correction and improvement in order to agree with the MT, and can be used only with great caution
(see Torrey, ic6 seqq.). The latter comprise two main subdivisions, B and A. B is distinctly the
inferior, but shows fewer traces of correction. For a full grouping of all the MSS., see the elaborate
discussion by Moulton, ZATW, xix. 211 seqq. N, it may be added, lacks E, but its subscription
Eo-gpaj /3 (N xiii. 31) presupposes an ' Esdras A.'

Two old Latin translations were printed by Sabatier {Bibl. Sacr. Lat. iii. 1041 seqq.), with
a collation of MS. Sangermanensis — ^L*^ (Cod. Colbertinus ; no. 3703), and a later which in a revised
form was used as the Vulgate. A summary from a Lucca MS. was edited by Lagarde, Sept. Stud.
ii. 16 seqq. (% Lag.). These differ from, and, on the whole, are purer than (B''.

The Syriac Peshitta is without Chron., Ezra, and Neh. -£ »> is the Syro-Hexapla of Paul of
Telia, printed in Walton's Polyglot and by Lagarde {Lib. Vet. Test. Apocr. Syr., 1861). It is
explicitly said to be from the Septuagint, and the same is stated at the head of a collection of
excerpts in the old Syriac Catena, British Museum, Add. 12168 (see on i.x. 55). The variants of the
latter and its selections from N are printed by Torrey, 5 seqq., and these selections, with a retransla-
tion into Greek, collation, and complete introductory discussion by Gwynn (see p. 3 n. 3). ») has
many points of contact with dp'-, especially in i. 1-9, but on the whole a relationship with (B** is
more distinct.

The Ethiopic translation (ed. Dillmann, Vet. Test. Aetk., Vol. V) represents the text of (0"=, »>,
&c., in contrast to (B'^, and, according to Torrey (101), 'is a valuable witness to the Hexaplar text.
It must have been made with unusual care from a comparatively trustworthy codex.'

The Arabic translation awaits study {PSBA, xxiv. 169) ; the Armenian is valueless (Volz, § 2).

{d) Joscphus. The Jewish historian (first cent. A.D.), with his continuous history of the mon-
archy and post-exilic age, stands nearest (of extant compilations) to the chronicler in point of
antiquity. He is a valuable exponent of the attempt to weave heterogeneous material into a read-
able and more or less consistent whole, and his greatest claim to attention lies in the evidence he

' On the general features of E's version, see further Moulton, 226 ; Thackeray, 760 ;« ; Torrey, 83 seq.
* For the textual value oi E see, in addition to the commentaries on E-N, the discussions by Riessler {Biblische
Zeitschrift, v. 146 seqq.) and Bayer.

INTRODUCTION

furnishes for a comparative study of the traditions encircling the names and events of the period from
Josiah to the Samaritan schism. Jos. is the earliest witness to E ; the relationship is unmistakable
as regards material and even language (Eichhorn, Einleit. Apokr. [1795], 347 seqq. ; Treuenfels,
Dcr Orient [11S50-1] ; H. Bloch, Qndlcn d. Fl. Jos. [1879], 69 seqq.). There are several points of
agreement with (B'^ as against (0" (Thackeray, l6%b), and also with (B'- ; Torrey (103) assigns the
text an intermediate position. Unfortunately, Jos. is often extremely paraphrastic, and is therefore
no safe guide for restoring the original ol E. None the less, it is noteworthy that he is without the
faults of if i. 29, 34 seq., he presupposes a text more complete and older than that in vi. 18, viii. 55,
he uses a slightly different version of iii. (see Biichler, 64, 100), and, while obviously harmonizing in
some places, elsewhere presents singular divergences or additions which do not appear to be arbitrary.
In particular, his treatment of the stories of E and N is highly suggestive (see appendix to note on
ix. 55). Besides utilizing the canonical sources (Jer., Dan., Est.), he has had access (as in Est.)
to other Jewish traditions (see on vii. 15), and possessed some acquaintance with external history
(see p. II, and on i. 25). But although Jos. is not a direct witness to E's text — and G. Holscher
has suggested that he made use of Alexander Polyhistor {Qiullcit d. Jos. [1904], 36, 43 seqq., 51) —
he testifies to the authority of E's, history, and it is unnecessary to assume (Swete, Thackeray,
Bayer, 140) that he used it simply because it was written in good Greek.

{e) Date and place. While Jos. is evidence for the earlier existence of E, it is not certain that
it then had precisely its present form. As a translation the linguistic features suggest that it belongs
to the time of the old Greek translation of Daniel, and was perhaps due to the same translator
(Torrey, 84 seq.). The date of the original is bound up with that of Chron.-Ez.-Neh., and must be
some time after ■^jy^ B.C. The Persian period was past, and its history had become obscure, the
identity of Darius and Apame (iv. 29) was forgotten, and the points of contact with Dan. and Est.
(not necessarily in their present form), would suggest the late Greek age. The problem also involves
the question whether iii. i-v. 6 is a secondary insertion or part of the original compilation, and this
naturally affects the discussion of the home of the book (see pp. 29, 32). Although the section seems
to some scholars to point to the influence of Alexandrian thought and philosophy (Lupton, Andre,
Thackeray, Volz), to others it is Palestinian (Zunz), or not necessarily Alexandrian (Torrey). The
identification of Apame speaks for Egypt or Antioch ; the knowledge of the topography of Jerusalem
(v. 47, ix. 38) is not that of the compiler or translator but of his source, and therefore cannot be
claimed to support a Palestinian home. Egypt is suggested by the free irony in iii., iv., the unveiled
women (iv. 18), the references to navigation (iv. 15, 23), and piracy (v. 27), and elsewhere by the use
of Coelesyria (see ii. 17). Thackeray (762(2:) compares the 'friends' of the king (viii. 26; E (15
av\i.^ov\oi) with the ' first friends ' who were third in scale of the courtiers at Alexandria, and with
tw <paii'-qTaL aoL (ii. 21, not in E) the phrase eaf (Itaiv^TM in Aristeas and frequently in Egyptian
papyri. In so far as these data point to Egypt one may recall the interest in history-writing among
the Hellenists Demetrios, Eupolemos, Artapanos, Alexander Polyhistor and others.

[f) English versions. It may be added that the old Geneva Bible, according to Lupton (6), is
'in some respects closer to the Greek than that of 161 1 '. Various improvements to the A.V. are
suggested by Ball in the Variorum Apocrypha, and even the R.V. is not such an advance as might
have been anticipated. Note, for example, the archaic ' Artaxerxes his letters ' (ii. 30), ' cousin ' (iii. 7),
'Jewry' (v. 7), and the gliding over of the obscurities of an imperfect (B in viii. 8, and especially in
the concluding words, ix. 55.

§ 4. Problems of Literary and Historical Criticism.

I. The Period.

The problems of E and its relation to E-N involve that more complete and continuous series
Chronicles-Ezra-Nehemiah which is united by sequence of contents and the recurrence throughout
of similar features of language, interest, standpoint, and compilation. The ' chronicler's history ' ^
of the post-e.xilic period deals with the fall of Jerusalem (586 B.C.), the return from exile under
Zerubbabel and Jeshua, the reorganization of the Jewish people, the restoration of the Temple and

' By ' chronicler ' is meant the hand which, by writing, compiling, or revising, brought the three consecutive
books into practically their present form. Owing to the complexity of the compilation the term may not be an
adequate one, but there seems no reason to doubt that there has been a single editorial process at some stage in i/ie
literary gro-wtli (the objections of Jampel, i. 108, 112, II5 seqq., and Davies, 16 are unnecessary). In any case,
historical criticism cannot start from the untrustworthiness of Chronicles, and minimize the extent of the ' chronicler '
in E-N (Davies, 16 seq.), or exaggerate it (Torrey, 145 seqq., on the E-story), or assume that all other records are
necessarily relatively superior (so apparently Meyer, Entstehung). See below, pp. 17-19.

I ESDRAS

the furtherance of religious conditions, the separation from the Samaritans and other non-Israelite
nci<Thbours, and the inauguration of a church under the Mosaic Law. It is the period during which
a considerable portion of the O.T., after passing through the hands of J udaeati writers andeditors,
was reaching its present form, and the sole consecutive canonical source for this period, the
chronicler's work, cannot be dated before the Greek age (333 B. c). This source ignores all events
between >S6 and the decree of Cyrus, and omits other details which also refer to the period (see
e.g. 2 Kings xxv. 22-30, Jer. xl.~xliv., lii. 38-34, Daniel, Esther). This feature, like the failure to
record the history of (north) Israel after the fall of Samaria, cannot be wholly unintentional. Interest
is concentrated upon exiles and reformers from Babylon, and upon their labours in rebuilding the
Temple and in purifying religious and social conditions in the face of opposition within and without.
A new and reformed Jewish community with its new Temple is linked historically with the old
Judah of the Monarchy and the Temple of Solomon. The climax is reached partly in the great
Covenant inaugurated by Ezra (N x.), after the Introduction of the Law (444 B. C), and partly in
the Samaritan schism initiated by Nehemiah (N xiii.). But such are the gaps and the one-sided
.standpoints that the records cannot be said to give us objective history. We have, rather, specific
representations of certain events of vast importance for post-exilic Judaism, and, just as the account

, of the settlement of the old Israelite tribes in the land of their ancestors is found to contain con-
flicting traditions and the gravest difficulties, so also here, the compilation as a whole is dominated
by certain larger views which tend to obscure the contradictions and intricacies that arise in any
critical study of the data. In both cases the method of criticism is similar, and unfortunately the

" evidence is frequently insufficient for any confident recovery of the actual events during that period
which is of such profound importance for the study of the O.T.^

II. TJie Age of Cyrus and Dariits.

{a) Paucity of tnist7i<orthy evidence. It is evident that the fall of Jerusalem could not have

had the catastrophic effects that the traditional view assumes. We cannot picture Judah between

- ^^86 and 537 as half-empty.^ Neither the number of deported Judaeans nor that of those who

returned points to any depopulation, and even the events under Gedaliah's governorship and the

■* account of the flight of the survivors into Egypt indicate that the disasters ending in 586, when
taken by themselves, had no ruinous consequences for the land. Subsequent history is ignored in
Chron., but it is known that Jehoiachin in later years received some favour, and that Tyre had once
more a king. The thread is resumed in E i.-vi. {E ii.-vii.), in the reigns of Cyrus and Darius, but
the narratives contain serious difficulties and conflicting representations (§ 6, a) which are increased
by the independent prophecies of Haggai and Zech. i.-viii. (see on E ii. i seqq.). Not until we reach

. the time of Artaxerxes are the sources more extensive, and the light they throw upon preceding
years renders the value of E i.-vi. extremely doubtful. That is to say, between 586 and 458 (E's
return), or rather 444 (N's first visit to Jerusalem), there is a lengthy period of the greatest signifi-
cance for the internal history leading up to Judaism and Samaritanism, and the only continuous
source is both scanty and untrustworthy (see Marq., 67, Torrey, 156, and, partly, Meyer, 74).

(b) The evidence of the prophets. The prophecies of Haggai and Zechariah, dated in the second year of
^ Darius, 520, mention neither any previous important return nor any earlier attempt to rebuild the Temple.
Zerubbabel now resumes dynastic history (Hag. ii. 23, contrast Jehoiachin, Jer. xxii. 24), and the high-priest
Jeshua (grandson of Seraiah, 2 Kings xxv. 18-21), whose return in Dan. ix. 24-26 dates an epoch, is now
officially installed. Yahweh had been angry seventy years (Zech. i. 12, cf. Jer. xxix. ro seq., Dan. ix. 2) ; but
is aroused and returns to Jerusalem (i. 16, ii. 10-13 J contrast his departure in Ezek. x. 18 seq., xi. 23). He
is jealous for Zion and full of wrath against her enemies ; they shall be punished and his people shall
enjoy increased happiness (i. 15, ii. 9). City and temple shall be rebuilt and the land re-inhabited (i. 16 seq.,
ii. 4, cf. vii. 7). The dispersed shall be rescued and again dwell in Jerusalem. The community in Babylon
is bidden to escape to Zion (ii. 7, cf. Jer. Ii. 45). Babylon is threatened (vi. 1-8), and a passage which suggests
that small bands of exiles might occasionally return heralds the forthcoming building of the temple (vi. 9-15).
Haggai declares that the Temple is waste (i. 4, 9, hdreb, cf. the term in N ii. 3, 17) and he stirs the people to
the work of rebuilding. The appeal is to the 'remnant' (i. 12, 14, ii. 2, cf. Zech. viii. 6), that is, not the

' Modern criticism is influenced by the radical conclusions of \V. H. Kosters and the forcible defence by E. Meyer
(Entstehung) whose own position, however, is in many respects opposed to the purely traditional ; see S. R. Driver,
/,//. 552 (and on the introductory literary questions, ib. 544 seqq.). A striking advance has recently been made by
Torrey {Ezra Stiu/ies), to whose work the present writer gratefully records his indebtedness, and since reasons are
given in these pages for adopting certain radical conclusions of Kosters, Torrey, and others, it may be well to refer
readers to the writings (see § 8) of Davies, Driver, Hokhey, Janipel, Nikel, Ryle, and G. A. Smith, for the arguments
adduced in support of a generally consistent traditional position.

^ See Wellhausen, GGN. 1895, P- '^5 seq.; Kosters, Th. T. .xxix. 560; G. A. Smnh. Jerttsalcm, ii. 26S ; Torrey,
290 seq., 297 seqq. ; Kennett, /o;////. 'J'hcot. Stud., 1905, pp. 172 seqq.

INTRODUCTION

40,000 of E ii., but those who had escaped deportation (cf. Zeph. ii. 7, 9, Jer. xlii. 2, 15, &c., see Jahn,
p. xxxviii.). Zerubbabel is the one to rebuild and complete the undertaking (Zech. iv. 8-10, vi. 12 seqq.).
The people fetch wood and the work is begun on the twenty-fourth of the sixth month (Hag. i. 14 seq.) ; as
yet one stone had not been set upon another (ii. 15). The foundations are laid on the twenty-fourth of the
ninth month (ii. 10-19), and two years later, in 518, Zech. viii. 9 seqq. look back upon the happier period
which had thus been inaugurated. But the exilic fasts were still being celebrated (vii. 3-5), the return of the
dispersed was still an event to be anticipated. From these data it is reasonable to infer — with an influential
number of scholars — that ' no considerable band of exiles can have returned — none that was able materially to
influence the Jewish community' (Cheyne, Eiuy. Bib., 1481 n. 4).

((■) Objections. Various counter-arguments, influenced by the chronicler's history in E-N, have been brought
forward (see p. 6 n. i). Those based upon a representation of events which has perplexed a generation of
scholars naturally tend to beg the question. For example, it is urged that the prophets address returned exiles
and it was unnecessary to describe the people as such ; that they do not say that the builders were not
returned exiles ; that only E i.-iii. explain the events of 520-516 and subsequent history; that the Temple
could not have been built by the native ' heathen ' Judaeans ; that the main stream of Jewish life had been
diverted to Babylon and only the presence of a Babylonian ' leaven ' explains the prophecies of Hag. and, Zech.
While some scholars recognize and seek to explain the silence of the prophets touching a return and rebuilding
before 520, others contend that there are indeed references to these events. Some, observing the profound
difference between the promises of the ' Deutero-Isaiah ' (xl.-lv.) and the history in E iii. seq., are of opinion
that, since ' the reality was a bitter disenchantment,' the disillusionment so great, the prophets naturally do
not refer to the events. But others argue that unless these promises had been essentially fulfilled there would
have been so fatal a felsification of popular expectation that the oracles of Is. xl. seqq. would scarcely have
survived. It is obvious that the preservation of prophecies is hardly conditioned by their fulfilment, however
partial, and the difference between the anticipations and the reality was surely sufficient, on the most
conservative view, to throw Is. xl. seqq. into oblivion. Haggai, it is objected, ignores a future return and may
well have ignored previous events— but his contemporary Zech. excludes a previous return, testifies to the
continuation of the exile, and looks forward to a return. The argumentitm e sikntio is undoubtedly valid.
Zech. (i. 2-6), in appealing to the people to repent, alludes to past experience, but does not refer to the return
— which would have been the most immediate proof of the might of Yahweh. Was there a wish to put courage
into the poor hearts of the returned exiles ? There was one practical illustration of divine grace, but there is
no allusion to it. In fact, the urgent supplication to Yahweh (i. 12) is unintelligible had a new era dawned
as in E i.-iii. ; one may note Daniel's prayer for divine intervention (Dan. ix., cf. also N i.) and the prayers of
E after his return (E ix. 8, N ix. 30 seq.). In point of fact, Zech. sees the punishment and misery of the past
(vii.), and the ' decalogue of promises ' belong to the future (viii.). Did the prophets intentionally refrain from
mentioning the material help the exiles had received in the time of Cyrus, in order to emphasize the necessity
of relying'upon spiritual help ? The very passage which has been quoted in support of this view refers to the
small beginnings recently inaugurated by Zerubbabel (iv. 6, 9 seq.), and ignores E i.-iv.

There is no explanation of the gap between 537 and 520 ; there is no hint of any hindrance, cessation, or
of any more or less continuous rebuilding (see § 6 a): the people are negligent and remiss, and according
to Haggai the distress caused by the failure of the rains was a punishment for not rebuilding the Temple
(i., cf. 2 Sam. xxi. i-io, Zech. xiv. 17). It hardly required a Babylonian exile to teach this. Haggai
certainly refers to an altar (ii. 14, ' there '), but this does not prove the accuracy of E iii. 3 or its context.
A holy place is not necessarily deserted when the sanctuary is ruined, and Jer. xli. 5 already presupposes an
altar ; to contend that the existence of this altar throughout the exile ought to have been mentioned in the
O.T. is unreasonable. Indeed, the references to priests and sacrifices (Hag. ii. 10-14, cf. Zech. vii. 3 seqq.)
go further and suggest that the cult of Yahweh was independent even of the existence of a Temple (cf. Sellin,
Stud. 53 seq. ; Torrey, 305). There is, moreover, no good reason for believing that native Judaeans would
be ' heathenish ', and that if they had rebuilt the Temple they would have been treated otherwise by the
reformers E and N. If Jer. and Ezek. bear witness to low religious conditions. Hag., Mai., and Is. Ivi.-lxvi.
indicate no great improvement after the return ; and the degenerate community which all scholars recognize in
the latter sources and which needed the reforms of E and N include— on the traditional view— the Babylonian
' leaven.' Yet the Judaeans and Samaritans felt themselves to be heirs of Israel and the latter could claim to
worship Yahweh (2 Kings xvii. 32 seq., 41, Jer. xli. 5, Ezek. xxxiii. 24, E iv. 2). The fall of Jerusalem and
the Exile do not exclude the presence— even among ' the poorest of the land ' — of men who might follow in
the footsteps of the Rechabites (Jer. xxxv.), or of such seers as Amos, Hosea, Micah or Jereniiah ; and
considering the piety of the Jews in distant Elephantine (Sachau-papyri), there is clearly no necessity to deny
the possibHity of the continuous worship of Yahweh during the exile, or to demand after 538 the presence of
a ' leaven ' which nevertheless did not preclude the abuses confronting E, N, Mai., and the writers in Is. Ivi. seqq.
It is obviously impossible to start with presuppositions of what was orthodox Yahwism and what was heathenism
whether in Elephantine or in Palestine (before or after 536). If, too, Meyer's argument (177) is valid, that
the Levitical family of Henadad (E iii. 9, wanting in E ii.) was indigenous, indigenous also was the family of Iddo
.to which Zech. belonged (see E vi. i) ; and this scholar's recognition of the prominence in and around Jerusalem
of Calebite and other families who had never tasted exile (see § 5 (") is extremely important for any estimate
of the internal conditions. The evidence of Hag. and Zech. outweighs other evidence which might appear to

I ESDRAS

be contrary ; hence one can hardly assume that the dehverance of Jeshua (Zech. iii. 2) necessarily refers to his
return seventeen years previously, or that the name Zerubbabel suggests that other Jews with him were
necesssarily ' begotten in Babylon '. Nor can decisive objections be based upon references in E vu.-x., N 1. seqq.
to an earlier return. That men (? exiles) should come and assist in the rebuildmg of the Temple is a promise
for the future in Zech, vi. 15. The references in E ix. 4, x. 6 seq. present their own peculiar difficulties on any
view, and in all probability the story of E should come after N i.-vi. (see III. a). N i. 2 seq. are inconclusive :
they may be used to support a theory (Rosters, 45, Berth., 47, Torrey, 301 n. 27, Davies, 161), although Ryle
(149), who maintains an independent, though strictly conservative position, refers the passage to the people
who had escaped the exile— the passage, in any case, must be considered in the light of evidence for some
disaster between the age of Zerubbabel and the return of N (see further, § 5/). It is to be remembered, also,
that the belief in a great return under Cyrus (or Darius) might influence the description of subsequent events
even as the complete Mosaic legislation appears at first sight to be confirmed by the form which the revised
and redacted history has taken in the books that follow the Pentateuch.

{d) Summary. The account of a large return to rebuild the Temple, whether in the time of Cyrus or Darius,
must be tested by the independent Hag. and Zech. Great weight is often laid upon the circumstantial list in
E ii., and its genuineness has been upheld, particularly by Meyer (73, 98 seqq., 191 seqq. ; note the criticisms of
Kosters, Th. T. xxxi. 530-41); see below, p. 35. He, however, rejects in the main the rest of the Cyrus-history
(49, 73, 99, 191, 193 ; Driver, Lit., 552), although the decree of Cyrus is in itself entirely plausible (Nikel,
31-7; Torrey, 144 n. 12), and the list is closely bound up with the whole series E i.-vi. His position
appears inconsistent from any traditional standpoint (see Nikel, 42 seq., Davies, 14, 80 seq.), as well as from
one more consistently critical, although his recognition that the list (which contains names recurring throughout
E-N) is fundamental for the criticism of the post-exific history is thoroughly sound. But the list stands or
falls with its context, and when it is admitted that the success of the opposition in E iv. proves that the return
has been exaggerated (see Sellin, Stud, i ; O. C. Whitehouse, Isaiah, ii. 228; G. A. Smith, y^^rw. ii. 298 seq.),
or that the list has been re-edited (Holzhey, 15 ; Davies, 51), it is necessary to determine what details in
E i.-vi. may be regarded as even essentially accurate. The tolerance and kindness of Amil-Marduk (to
Jehoiachin), Nabunaid (who sent back Merbaal to be king of Tyre), Cyrus, Cambyses, and Darius ' certainly
allow the probability of the return of bands of exiles, even as the Sachau-papyri show how Cambyses might
favour native Jewish communities. But E i.-vi. are so closely interconnected as a piece of history that if we
accept — as we must— the testimony of Hag. and Zech., it is difficult, if not impossible, to reconstruct from E
the course of events. On the one hand, we gain new presuppositions regarding the internal conditions of the
age. On the other, there is remarkable confusion in the traditions of Cyrus and Darius in E and E, E ii. is
repeated in the history of the time of Artaxerxes, and a narrative of this later period is actually inserted in
E i.-vi. ; these combine with other features to extend the problems of E i.-vi. to those connected with the work
of E and N.

III. Tlic Work of Ezra and Nehemiah.

{a) Ezra. In the story of E there is considerable intricacy in the description of the separation
from the heathen on the part of the ' children of the captivity ' (i. e. E's small band of exiles, or the
congregation presumably formed in 536-516), and the inauguration of the new community, consisting
of these and the elect of the ' seed of Israel '. The whole story is closely interconnected, and much
difficulty is caused by N i.-vii. which sever E vii.-x. from N viii. seqq. by twelve years. There is,
moreover, a very strong presumption that the Reading of the Law was originally described shortly
after E's arrival (cf. if ix.), and not (as in N viii.) after this lengthy interval, during which we hear
nothing of him. Finally, on independent grounds there seems to be no place for E before the first
visit, at all events, of N. It is indeed allowed that 'it is impossible to decide upon the evidence
at our disposal ' (G. A. Smith, Expositor, July, 1906, p. 16), or that this later position of E is only
a possibility (Wellhausen) ; but it seems very doubtful whether the story is trustworthy (H. P. Smith,
Torrey, Jahn), and, even if it be historical, many agree that it cannot be placed before N i.-vi.
(Berth., Buhl, Cheyne, Guthe, Hoonacker [esp. Rev. Bibl., x. 15 seqq.], Kennett, Kent, Kosters,
Marq., Sellin, Wildeboer). See further the notes on E viii-x.

\b) Nehemiah. N was governor from the 20th year of Artaxerxes (Jos. xi. 5 7, 25th of Xerxes) to
the 32nd (N v. 14), i.e. 444-432, and we hear of a return to the king and a second visit (xiii. 4-6).
But N xiii. is joined to xii. so closely as to imply that only on the occasion of the later visit were
the walls dedicated, although the ceremony is ostensibly the immediate sequel of their completion,
two months after his_;?;-.j^ visit (vi.).^ This must be due to defective compilation (cf Nikel, 196 n. i),

' For the external evidence see Berth., 26 seq. ; Jampel, i. 502 seqq., ii 1 1 seqq
J Rawlmson and Klostermann (so Davies, 267), Howorth (PSBA, xxv. 18 seq.), G. A. Smith {op. cit. 10-12),
R. H. \.^n'cicx.i (tamh.BM. Essays 120) ; the dates N vi. 15, vii. 73, ix. i were evidently meant-by the compiler-
to be consecutive. That the walls were actually completed in 52 days may be 'hardly credible '(Ew. 157 n. 5):
Jos. (^179) al.ows 2 years and 4 months (hardly an invention, Ew.), and dates the completion in the ninth month
(cf. 2 Mace. 1. 18) of the 28th year of Xerxes.

INTRODUCTION

which will also explain the description of N's social reforms (v.) amid the intrigues during the
hurried rebuilding of the walls, where N looks back upon the period of his governorship (v. 14). In
fact, his strong position as reformer in v. seems more in harmony with that in xiii. than with the
picture of suspicion and hostility represented in iv., vi., and this serious difficulty touching the course
of N's work (vii. 3 may hint at his departure) hampers every attempt to trace the history of his period.
Consequently N, even with the elimination of the E-story, cannot be in its original form, as is clear
also from the literary features of xi. and xii. (see also Torrey, 325 seq., 248 seq.).

(r) TIic List N vii. N's proposal to summon the people in order to augment Jerusalem
(vii. 4 seqq.) is severed by part of the E-story (N viii.-x.) from the list of inhabitants (xi.), other lists
(xii. 1-36), the dedication of the walls and arrangements for the Temple officials (xii. 27-47), &c.
His story is no longer autobiographical (contrast, however, xiii. 4-31) and fresh sources are to be
recognized. Since the list found by him (vii. 5) is that of the return of Zerubbabel (E ii.), it is often
assumed that the sequel in xi. must also refer to this earlier period (Ewald, Smend, Stade, Meyer,
&c.). But xi. diffisrs so widely from vii. 6 seqq. that both cannot be authentic (Meyer, 189). It is
more probable, however, that xi. belongs to the story of N and follows upon vii. 4, ' though the
narrative is hardly continued uno tenorc' (Driver, .551). Yet, on any theory, the presence of
N vii. 6-73 is inexplicable, since it is difficult to see why even a compiler should quote an ancient
list which excluded the more recent return of E (E viii. 1-14; cf. Holzhey, 37). If 'a genealogical
register was necessary ' (Davies), this would have been out-of-date, and although lapse of time and
later adjustment might explain — on this view — the various differences between E ii. and N vii.,
there are far more significant differences in N x. 1-37, a list which is referred to N's time. Now, its
conclusion (N vii. 73 b) is the proper introduction to the Reading of the Law (viii.), which is in
a more natural position between E viii. and ix., and Torrey (356 seqq., cf. Kent, 369) points out that
N vii. 70-3 a, also, are more in harmony after the account of E's return. Indeed, vii. 66-9 (the
enumeration) and 61-5 (the expulsion of the impure in Zerubbabel's time, sec on E v. 38) would
be useless for N's purpose, and in fact H. P. Smith would place the entire list (from vii. 5) after
E viii. 36 (393 n. i ; see, however, Torrey 359 n. 9). Accordingly, through compilation and revision
the account of N's work, with its own chronological embarrassments, has been broken by a portion of
the story of E, the first part of which is now found before N i., while the list in vii. {vv. 5 a, 73 suggest
a gathering of the people) records details which are not in keeping with the context, whereas in E ii.
it is in a consistent context, albeit an unhistorical one. While the Reading of the Law (vii. y^ b-vm.)
abruptly introduces E, the preceding material is partly (at least) connected with E's return in
E vii. seq., and partly belongs to the (unhistorical) account of Zerubbabel's return. A considerable
portion of the E-story is sundered from N viii. seqq., but the description of the separation from the
heathen is confused and closely interrelated, and the list of those who had married strange women
(see on E ix. 31-36) includes families who are not mentioned in E's band (E viii. 1-14), but appear
in the list of E ii., which in II N vii. is connected with the return of E ! Finally, this great list, though
used for the time of Cyrus (or Darius, E v.) and treated in N vii. as a document of tiiat period, reveals
traces of the age of N himself, and of having been adjusted to the earlier context (see on E v.
34 seq., 40, 44 seq., 46 seq.). Hence it would seem that E ii. N vii. originally belonged to an
account of a return in some record of the history of the times of N, E, and Artaxerxes. On its
repetition, see p. 19 (§ 6).

(d) The Ezra-story. The well-supported view that E came to Jerusalem after N i.-vi. implies
some rearrangement of the material ; and the suitability of N vii. (some portion) and viii. between
E vii. seq. and ix. suggests, not that the latter part of the E-story has been removed from E x. and
placed after N vi., but that the whole once stood after that chapter. The complexity of the list vii.
(which overlaps with E viii.) still remains, and it is at this point in the book that the critical problems
become most intricate. But it must be noticed that the E-story is certainly composite and not in
its original form, and some of the confusion may have arisen when it was divided and part of it
placed before N i.^ If, moreover, the E-story stood after N vi. it may be observed that there is
a certain relationship between the stories of E and N : the reference to the son of Eliashib, E x. 6,
cf. N xiii. 4, 38 ; the suitability of N xiii. 1-2, between E x. 9 and 10 (W. R. Smith ; Berth., 89) ; the
coincidence in the day of arrival of each (see E viii. 6) ; the twelve-years' gap in the history of each,
and the parallel features in their measures on behalf of temple, priests and people. E, however,
is mentioned only incidentally in the story of N (xii. 36, doubtful, see the comm.), and it is impossible
that the two laboured together. On the other hand, the Tirshatha is prominent at the Reading of
the Law (N viii. 9) and the signing of the Covenant (x. i), and also in the list, vii. (v. 65, the degrada-
tion of the priests; v. 70, gifts to the treasury) ; he is Identified with N (see on E ix. 49), and N is

' For the interrelation between the now sundered portions see p. 47, and cf. JE in Ex. .x.xxiii. seqq. and Num. x.
29-36, xi. ; and also the contents of 2 Sam. v.-viii., xxi.-xxiv.

I ESDRAS

equally prominent in his own story (especially v., xiii.). N was not the only governor in post-exilic
Jerusalem (N v. i ^, Mai. i. <S), but it is noteworthy that the E-story, especially m the narrative-
portions, shows no' interest in either the governor or the high-priest; the story seems to be written
from an independent standpoint, and is focussed upon the austere figure of E alone. The story
represents a period of divine favour and royal clemency after the sufferings of Israel (Dan. ix., N i.
presuppose an earlier situation) ; it obviously comes after the disappearance of Zerubbabel, but it
cannot be placed before the introduction of N. There are independent arguments for the tradition
of a return under N and religious reorganization (see § 5 b, d), and this appears to be supplemented by
the account of E. The latter describes the return of E and a representative community to a temple,
but one sorely in need of replenishing (E vii. 15-27, viii. 36); to an ecclesiastical body (note
E viii. 17), but a negligent one (N x. 32 seqq.) ; to a community that worshipped Yahweh, but had
fallen from the ideal. It can hardly "be called an Autobiography (Meyer, 205) or a Memoir, and
there is no evidence to prove it to be a mere invention or fiction. Rather is it based upon facts
which link the energy of N with the subsequent appearance of an established orthodox Jewish
Church. It may be regarded as an ideal description of the inauguration of Judaism, and the intro-
duction of the 'Book of the Law of Moses' (the Pentateuch is probably meant) is a later parallel
to the story of the (re-)discovery of the ' Book of the Law ' (Deuteronomy) in the reign of Josiah ;
cf. also the chronicler's accounts of Asa, Jehoshaphat and Hezekiah (2 Chron. xiv. 4, xv. 3, 10-13,
xvii. 7, 9, xxix. ID). It does not seem to have been written by the compiler of the series Chron.-
E-N ; it appears rather as a tradition of independent origin, written around the age of N, combined
with the story of N and ultimately with the great post-exilic history of Jerusalem and the Temple.

IV. Interrelation of Data.

{(i) Intricacy of parallels. The intricacy of the list E ii. N vii. for the history of Cyrus, Darius {E) and
Artaxerxes does not stand alone. The close connexion in the narratives relating to Cyrus and Darius appears
in E iii. 7 compared with E iv. 48, in iii. i with E v. 6, and in E iii. 2 with E v. 4-6. The Temple,
according to Hag. and Zech., was not commenced before the time of Darius, in contrast to E iii. ; but
the laments in E iii. 12 in the time of Cyrus curiously recall Hag. ii. 3 seqq. The social and religious
reorganization implied in E ii. 59, 62, vi. 21 finds a parallel in the reforms of E, and while E ii. 70, iii. i,
introduce the erection of the altar, the text in E v. 46 seq. presupposes a later period, and in fact these verses
in N vii. 73, viii. i, form the prelude to the Reading of the Law. The latter event is the sequel to the record of
a return (N vii.) which in E ix. is that of E himself E iii. is unhistorical, and has probably been influenced
by material relating to the time of N ; thus Meyer (73, 99) points to N viii. 17 seq., and Jahn compares
iii. 10-13 with N xii. 40-3. The account of the opposition in E iv. is untrustworthy, and there is a marked
resemblance between the details and N iv., vi., enhanced by the insertion in E iv. 7-24 of a record of the time
of Artaxerxes. This record attests a return of some importance, which, however, has yet to be identified, and
while the decrees of Cyrus and Darius agree (cf. also Artaxerxes and E) in presenting several very similar
features (Torrey, 125 seqq., 158 ; Bayer, 117 seqq.), the historical basis for any decree on the lines they take
cannot be found in their reigns. For parallels in the stories of E and N see above, p. 9 (d). Such is the
interrelation of the contents that it is hardly surprising that later sources should not infrequently combine
Zerubbabel and Ezra (Lag. 18 ; Torrey, 49 n. 17) and that both should be united with Jeshua in a return in
the time of Darius (Lag. 84). Even N xii. 47 looks back and mentions together Zerubbabel and N (see
Berth.); and if Hashabiah and Sherebiah in N xii. 24 may be identified with the names in E viii. 18 seq.,
Joiakim (son of Jeshua) and E appear to be correlated much in the same way that N xii. 12-26 seem to
confuse the times of Joiakim, N and E (see also the view of Kosters, 91 seq.).

{f) Some modern vieivs. The endeavour to recover the historical facts has led to very divergent
conclusions among modern scholars. One favourite view has retained Ahasuerus and Artaxerxes in E iv.,
between Cyrus and Darius, by the simple device of changing the names or of assuming an alternative
nomenclature. Equally popular has been the theory that Artaxerxes and Darius are to be identified with the
second bearer of each name, and, indeed, this may have been the view of the compiler or writer (see Torrey,
38 seq., 178 seq.). Although this leaves an astonishing gap between Cyrus and Darius II, the belief that the
Artaxerxes of the stories of N and E was the later king (404-359 ^i.c.) has found very weighty support (de
Saulcy, Maspero, Hoonacker, and Howorth [partly], Marq., H. P. Smith [382], &c., see further Berth., 30 ; and
FSB A, xxiii. 319 seqq.). It has also been proposed to identify the Cyrus of the narratives with Darius and
I )arius with Art. I, and so close is the interconnexion of events that N viii.-x. has been placed in the time of
Zerubbabel, and the whole of E-N (extending from 537 to 432) has been compressed within a few years (see
H. Wmckler, Helmholfs World's Hist. iii. 216 seq., and the summaries in Jampel, ii. r seq.). Others hold
that Zer. first returned in the time of Darius, and that E iii. 8 seqq. properly belongs to that later period. More-
over, the historical and prophetical writings are necessarily co-ordinated, and thus Hag. and Zech. have
appeared to some to be of or about the time of Cyrus, although if Darius be D. II they are brought down
to (about) 423-404 (see Howorth, PSBA, xxiii. 324). So, also, the prophecies in Is. xl.-lxvi., are sub-
divided and connected with the history of the times of Cyrus and Artaxerxes, although, under the influence of

INTRODUCTION

another tlieory of the history, the chapters are once more treated as virtually a whole, either relatively early
(c. 537-520; Sellin, Stud. 160; Rothstein) or relatively late (H. P. Smith, 371 n. i, 379 n. 3; Torrey,
288 n. 8, 314; Kennett). In contrast to these efforts to overcome the difficulties are the views of those
scholars who do not admit the intricacies but continue to maintain the essential trustworthiness of E-N,
the unhistorical character of Chron. itself being, nevertheless, almost unanimously realized. In so far as this
is based upon the manner in which the narratives appear to be mutually confirmatory — cf. the conservative
attitude to the criticism of the Pentateuch — and superficially, at least, consistent, it is necessary to observe
that the chronicler's history is singularly simple compared with the forms taken in E, or in Jos., or in the
traditions that prevailed elsewhere in ancient times.

((■) Some ancient views. Jos., who is well-informed on the last Babylonian kings, asserts that the kingdom
fell to Cyrus the Persian and Darius the Mede ; the two were kinsmen and the latter, whose father was
Astyages, had another name among the Greeks (x. 11, 2, 4). Cyrus, son of Cambyses, was the father of the
better-known Cambyses ; his mother, according to tradition, was the sister of Cyaxares and daughter of
Astyages. Astyages, the last Median king, was the son of Cyaxares and was defeated by Cyrus. But this
name is also given by Alexander Polyhistor and others to Cyaxares (c. 624-584), the founder of the Median
empire, who took part with Nabopolassar in the attack upon Assyria.' When the father of Darius is called
Ahasuerus (Dan. ix. i ; cf. the synopsis, Lag. 15, where he is born of Vashti), and the latter and Nebuchad-
rezzar capture Nineveh (Tobit xiv. 15), the names Ahasuerus and Cyaxares have evidently been confused
(Rawlinson). The Ahasuerus of Esther was certainly placed soon after the deportation of Jehoiachin by
Nebuchadrezzar (so ii. 5 seq.). but in Judith iv. 1-6 the last-mentioned reigns over the Medes at a time
when the Jews had recently returned from captivity and the high-priest was one Joiakim. The historical
foundation for Esther's king can only be Xerxes, although Jos., LXX, and early writers identify him with Artaxerxes.
Jos., moreover, states that he was also called Cyrus— in Dan. v. 31, vi. 28, Darius the Mede becomes king
after the fall of Babylonia and is followed by Cyrus — and gives the name Xerxes to the Artaxerxes of the
stories of E and N. The difficulty of distinguishing the names would obviously be increased by the fact
that Darius I was actually followed by Xerxes (485-465), and D. II (423-404) by Art. II (404-359), and that
D. II had a son Cyrus, famous for the unsuccessful expedition against his elder brother Art. II. Not to pursue
the confusing details further, it is enough to notice that the later historians had behind them a series of events
of vital importance. During a relatively brief period the power of Assyria was broken up, Scythians and
Medes entered into W. Asiatic politics, a new Babylonian empire was restored only to fall before the Persian
regime under Cyrus ; a little more than a century later another Cyrus created a turmoil in W. Asia (400), and
finally the Greeks, who had been gradually coming into closer touch with the Oriental world, established
a new age under Alexander the Great. How soon history became enwrapped in legend is obvious from
Herodotus and Xenophon (fifth century B.C.) and from Ctesias, who is even said to have drawn upon Persian
records. Jos., for his part, endeavoured to reduce the confusion into some order ; the Seder Olam (ch. xxx)
ingeniously identifies all the Persian kings : Cyrus, Darius, Ahasuerus and Artaxerxes — Dan. xi. 2 knows only
of four — and the whole of the Persian age from the restoration of the Temple to the time of Alexander the
Greek was even compressed into a few decades. The appearance of simplicity in the chronicler's history of
the period is misleading ; see further § 6 f.

§ 5. Data for Reconstruction.

The foregoing survey of the intricacies of E-N, the prevailing confusion in regard to the period,
and the efforts made by ancient and modern writers to present the historical facts, will perhaps be
convincing proof that the difficulties in E-N are genuine. They concern both r:-N and E, and any
attempt to discuss the origin and structure of E must form some preliminary conception of the
underlying history. For this the story of N seems most fruitful.

{a) The Saviariians. N's age was one of intermarriage and close intercourse between the
Jews, Samaritans, and other neighbours (vi. 18, xiii. 3, 4, 23, 24, 28). The elliptical repulse of the
Samaritans in N ii. 20 implies that they, as in E iv. 2 seq., had some claim ' to a share in the fortunes
of Jerusalem' (Ryle, 171), and that they 'would have had no quarrel with the Jews if they had been
permitted to unite with the latter in their undertakings and privileges' (Davies, 177). These details,
the character of the intermarriages, the efforts to compromise with N (vi. 2-4), the close relationship
presupposed by the subsequent bitterness after the schism, the fact that Samaritanism was virtually
a sister-sect of Judaism— these preclude the present position of E's return and marriage-reforms
and make it extremely doubtful whether there had as yet been any serious Samaritan hostility.
They also suggest that the records of E-N have been written and revised under the influence of
a bitter anti-Samaritan feeling, the date of which can hardly be placed before N xiii. Indeed, it is
not improbable that the Samaritan schism should be placed (with Jos. xi. 7 seq.) at the close of the
Persian period (see further Marq., 57 seq.; Jahn, 173 seqq. ; Torrey, 321 seqq., 331 seq.).

{b) Place of Ez. iv. 7-23. This undated record of the reign of Artaxerxes, in spite of some

1 See Ettcy. Brit., nth ed., on these names.
I I

I ESDRAS

internal difficulties (see criticisms in Berth., i8 seq., Nikel, 182), probably illustrates the story of N
when 'Tobiah sent letters to put me in fear' (vi. 19).' It points to some new reconstruction of the
city by returned exiles — evidently after an earlier disaster — and requires the assumption that the
story of N is focussed upon the governor alone and that N and his military escort (ii. 9, cf. E v. 2,
contrast ib. viii. 51 seq.) brought back a band of exiles (so Jos.) ; see below {d). Against this the
objection has been brought that N, in spite of the royal command (E iv. 21 seq.), continued to build
and actually did complete the walls. On the other hand, the walls were already practically finished
(vi. I, vii. I, see Ryle, 219), and some time would necessarily elapse before letters could reach
Artaxerxcs and his reply come to hand (cf. the situation in E v. 5). The king does not order the
walls to be destroyed or weakened ; N naturally had other building operations to attend to in
addition to the walls, and these may well have been stopped ' by force and power ' (E iv. 23). The
letter to Artaxerxes urges that the rebuilding of Jerusalem would be detrimental to the security of
the province (iv. 13, 19 seq.), and disloyalty was the strongest charge brought against the governor
(N ii. 19, vi. 6-7). In fact, N vii. 2 seq. may suggest that the perturbed governor left his brother in
charge of the city while he visited the king — his leave had been limited (ii. 6) — and although the
sequence of events is admittedly obscure there is a distinct gap between his position in N i.-iv., vi.
and that as represented in xiii. (cf. v.). The formal steps of the Samaritans in E iv. 7 seqq.
(similarly the satrap in E v. seq.) stand in contrast to the confusing account of the hostility in
N iv., vi. against one who had come armed with royal authority, and undue weight must not be laid
upon the present form of the N-story (see above [a]). All in all, the evidence does not exclude the
helpful conjecture that E iv. 7-23 illustrate the troubles of N at that stage where the continuation
of the book (after vi. 19) is almost inextricably complex.

{c) TJic scmi-Edoviitc population. In the list of those who helped to rebuild the wall (N iii.) it is
noteworthy (i) that very few of the names can be at all plausibly identified with the families who
apparently returned with either Zcrubbabel or Ezra (Kosters, 47), and (2) that some of the names
have Calebite affinities.- The list is evidence for the poverty of the Babylonian section of population
and for the prominence of the Judaeans, who include both the natives and those Calebite and allied
groups who moved up from the south of Judah some time after 586. The presence of the latter is
only to be expected, and the fact, pointed out by Meyer himself in 1896, is obviously fundamental
for the criticism of the book of Ezra (see Kosters, Th. T. xxxi. 536).^ In this Calebite or semi-
Edomite Judah — and to call these groups 'half heathen ' (with Nikel, 56, 64) is to beg the question —
we may find a starting-point for our conception of the district from the time of their immigration
northwards to the date of the far-reaching reorganization associated with the names of N and E.
Further, the list of the inhabitants of Jerusalem in N xi. recurs, though with variations, in 1 Chron. ix.,
where it represents the compiler's conception of the post-exilic population after the captivity.
According to his perspective of history, there was an old Israel which included a Judah of Calebite
and Jerahmeelite origin (i Chron. ii. and iv.) and some later stage which corresponds closely with N xi.
N xi., however, differs widely from the lists in E ii. and viii. and ignores the return of Zerubbabel
and Ezra. Its disagreement is hardly a proof that these lists are authentic ; what is significant is
the agreement between the Judaean clans Perez, Shelah and the semi-Edomite Zerah in N xi. and
the mixed genealogies in i Chron. ii. and iv. The chronicler, it will be observed, knows of no earlier
Judah ; his evidence in ii., iv. is (in his view) pre-Davidic, and it agrees with this that his lists of the
Levitical orders of David's time illustrate the close bond uniting these ecclesiastical bodies with
people of south Palestinian and Edomite affinity.*

{d) A decree and a return. The introduction to the Jerusalem list reads like the sequel to the
account of some return (N xi. 3, 1 Chron. ix. 2 ; cf. E ii. 70, N vii. 73, and see Ewald, 159 n. 2).
The list itself, after dealing with priests, Levites, &c., proceeds to refer to those who dwelt in the
country, and it is noteworthy that N xi. 23 seq. have in view the fulfilment of some royal decree
touching the singers (cf E iv. 54 seq., E vii. 24). The singers, also, are subsequently collected from
the Netophathite and other villages which they had built at some unspecified period (xii. 28 seq. ;
cf. the Levites in 1 Chron. ix. 16), and the explicit references to the rest of Israel and their cities
(xi. 20, 25), before the assembling at the dedication of the walls (xii. 27), recall the situation before

' H. P. Smith, 348 ; Kent, 358 ; see also the remarks of SeUin, Ser., 53 seqq., S/ud. 16-35. With Tobiah, cf. the
Aram, form Tabeel, E iv. 7 (Hoonacker, /v'«'. Bibl. x. 183 n. 6; Selhn, S/ud. 33).

- See for (2) Meyer, Ent., 114-19, 147, 167, 177 seq., 181, 183, and his Israeliten, 352 n. 5, 399, 402, 409, 429 n. 5,
430. See also on E v. 26.

= Cf. also H. Guthe, E. Bi. 2249 ; T. K. Cheyne, ib. 3385 ; H. P. Smith, Hist. 354 n. i ; R. Kittel, Chron. 14, 16 ;
Jahn, 99; Kennett, Essays, 117, 123; Torrey, 328, n. 53 ; E. L. Curtis and A. A. Madsen, Chron. 89, 98, 104.

See also E. Meyer and B. Luther, Israel., 442 seqq., for evidence connecting Judah and the Edomites ; in their
opmion, however, the data, found m literature relating to pre-monarchical times, refer to pre-Davidic conditions.

INTRODUCTION

the exiles were assembled in Jerusalem after their return and settlement in the Zerubbabel-story
(E ii. 70, iii. i). Thus, the difficult and much revised narratives of N's work, between vi. and xiii.,
are connected with the list of the return in vii., with the return of E (see p. 9 c), and with some return
associated with the figure of N himself. G. A. Smith observes that the reforms of N ' are best
explained through his reinforcement byjust so large a number of Babylonian Jews under just such a
leader as TL' {Expos., July, 1906, p. 7 seq.). On the other hand, there is insufficient historical evidence for
the presence of E and his band, and the above details strongly suggest that there was an account of
some other return in connexion with the activity of N, although it is still impossible to reconstruct
the course of N's work (see § 4, III./?).

[e) The Temple. The history after the rise of the Davidic Zerubbabel is a blank which can be
filled only by conjecture (see e.g. Ewald ; Sellin, Scr.; Nikel, 142-6, and others). The situation
in Jerusalem at the return of N cannot be explained by the disasters at the fall of Jerusalem about
140 years previously. The city was in great affliction and reproach, and N's grief, confession, and
prayer recall E's behaviour at the tidings of the heathen marriages. The ruins of Jerusalem were
extensive (N i.3,ii. 3, 8, 13, iii., cf. Ecclus. xlix. 13), and it is disputed whether the birdh (ii. 8) refers
to the fortress on the north side of the Temple (G. A. Smith, Jems., ii. 347 seq., 461), or the Temple
itself (cf. I Chron. xxix. i and see Jahn, pp. iv, 93). According to 2 Mace. i. 18, N built both the
Temple and the Altar, and Jos. (independently) asserts that he received permission to build the
walls of the city and to finish the Temple. An old Latin synopsis (Lag. 18 seq.) states that E
restored the foundations of Zerubbabel's temple, and an old Greek summary of ' Second Esdras '
refers to N as a builder of the Temple (Lag. 84, 1. 27 : aiiro? ly^i'too-e -irept rrjs' otKoSo/i-i/s roC UpoC).
These can scarcely all be based upon the references to the Temple in the Artaxerxes-record in E
ii. 18, 20. It is at least noteworthy that, both in E and E, compilers have placed this episode in
the history of the Temple, and the different readings in E iv. 12, 14, might be due to the alternative
position of the story (see below, § 6 (c)) after the account of the opposition in the time of Cyrus.^
Moreover, the mention of the ' decree of Cyrus, and Darius, and Artaxcrxes king of Persia ' (E vi. 14,
see E vii. 4) is unintelligible — for even a gloss or interpolation must express some plausible belief —
unless there was a tradition associating Artaxerxes with the building of the Temple. Again, in view
of the parallels between E iv. and N ii. iv., vi., in the account of the Samaritan opposition, it is surely
significant that the abrupt allusion in N ii. 20 to the repudiation of the Samaritans can only be
explained in the light of E iv. 3, where the building of the Temple is concerned.^ Finally, the
E-story represents a period of favour during which the Temple had been restored or repaired
through God's mercy and the clemency of Persia (E ix. 8 seq.). This brief ' moment ' [v. 8) cannot
date back from the decree of Cyrus and the work of Zerubbabel, rather must one read the whole
situation — the strengthening of a neglectful community, the furthering of a poor temple — as a
supplement to the disorganization and confusion in the story of N's measures. Hence, it may be
concluded that there is sufficient evidence for some tradition of a rebuilding of the Temple and
of a return in the time of N.

(/) Tlie recent disaster. The disaster which explains N's grief, anxiety, and energetic labours
may probably be ascribed in part at least to Edom. Friendly or neutral relations between Judah
(and its semi-Edomite population, see c) and the 'brother' Edom appear to have continued at
a relatively late period, until for some reason Edom is denounced for its unbrotherly conduct.^ The
origin of the enmity is generally connected with the fall of Jerusalem in 586. But it cannot be found
in the time of Jehoiakim (the conjecture 'Edom' for 'Aram' in 2 Kings xxiv. 2 is against Jer.
XXXV. 11), orof Zedekiah(when Edom was among the allies of Judah ; Jer. xxvii., Ezek.xvii.il seqq.) ;
the Chaldeans alone destroyed the Temple, and Jews had even taken refuge in Edom and elsewhere
(Jer. xl. 11). The very explicit statement that the Edomites burned the Temple ' when Judaea was
made desolate by the Chaldeans ', and occupied Judaean territory {E iv. 45, 50), points to the reality
of a tradition which, however, has been connected with the events of 586. The various allusions to
Edom (Obad., Ezek. xxv. 12, xxxv. 10, 12, xxxvi. 5, Lam. iv., Ps. cxxxvii. 7), though possibly
referring to different periods, cannot be based upon the history of the Chaldean invasion. The very
circumstantial references to Edomite aggression {E iv. 50, Ezek. xxxv. 10, xxxvi. 3, 5) have led to
the view that the Jewish exiles recovered their land through Persian aid.* This, however, finds no
support in the history of either Cyrus or Darius. But may it not be later (Nikel, 57 n. 1), before

' See also Sellin, Ser. 56 n. I, 58 ; Stud. 18 seq. ; Griinhut, Einleitung (cxVtA by Jampel, i. 105).

- Parallel traditions elsewhere explain each other, cf. Ex. xvii. 6 with Num. .xx. 8 ; Ex. xvii. 10 with Num. xiv.
40, 44; Ex. xxxiii. with Num. xi.

" Mai. i. 2-5 ; see Kennett, Essays, 117.

* See the discussions of Ewald, 80 seqq., 88 ; Herzfeld, Cesch. (1847) i. 475 seq. ; Smend, 22, 24 ; Stade, Gesch. u.
H2; F. Buhl, Gescli. d. Edomiier (1893), 77.

I ESDRAS

the prophecy of IVIal. i. 2-5, and between the times of Zerubbabel and N ? ' If so, it is tempting to
associate the relatively simple and unadorned decree attributed to Darius in E iv. 48-56 (which
points to a return to rebuild the Temple after a period of Edomite hostility) with the situation that
underlies the narratives of N, cf. d above.

(g) Summary. The internal difficulties of E-N are exceedingly complex owing to the numerous
untrustworthy features, the remarkable and suspicious parallels, and the intricacies of rearrangement,
adjustment, and revision. The sources throw little (if any) light on the period before the return of
N, and traditions originally associated with him or his age appear to underlie the rest.^ His story
forms the starting-point for the problems of E-N, but it has too many serious difficulties for any
confident theory of the order of events. Yet it seems clear that in N's time there had not as yet
been any previous Samaritan hostility of any extent, any separation from the 'heathen', any important
return of exiles. It is not improbable that in the time of Zerubbabel there was a monarchy of some
size (cf. Sellin, Ser., 89), and it is interesting to notice that the Samaritan opposition in the time of
Artaxcrxes is aimed especially at the apparent political pretensions of N (ii. 19, vi. 6-8, cf. E iv. 13).
The population in and around Jerusalem consisted partly of the old indigenous stock and partly of
the southern groups of Edomite affinity who moved northwards after 586. This .semi-Edomite people
had suffered from a disaster, due, in some measure, to the 'brother' Edomites who had burned the
Temple and occupied Jewish territory, and to repair the lamentable conditions was the object of N's
return. The southern groups in question are only to be expected after i Chron. ii. and iv., and the
history in Chron. seems to reveal some traces of their perspective : their presence in the Levitical
bodies, the stories of the reconstruction of Temple and cult, and the traditions of invasions of hostile
southern peoples. On independent grounds it is probable that other traces of the presence and
prominence of these groups may be observed elsewhere, and we may notice that the O. T. preserves
the tradition of the high reputation of the eponymous Caleb, the • servant of Yahweh ', and that late
traditions even ascribe a southern origin to some of the prophets.^

In the chronicler's compilation the rise of the new Jewish Church and the opposition of the
Samaritans are dated at the commencement of the Persian age, and in the light of this the later
history was meant to be read, even as other writers presuppose the patriarchal ancestors of pre-Mosaic
days or the elaborate Levitical ritual associated with Moses and Aaron. Although this view shapes
the compilation, the study of the age of Artaxerxes throws a different light upon its value. There
are persistent and independent traditions of some return in his reign, and of some reconstruction of
the people. Subsequent to the situation represented in N iii. (see c above) a new community was
formed, and since it would be composed of elements of exilic (Babylonian) and non-exilic ancestry,
some of the names of the latter class (found e. g. in N iii.) might naturally recur in (the later) lists
referring to earlier periods (for such names, see Nikel, 154 seqq.). From 1 Chron. ii. and iv., and
from the place of Caleb and Jerahmeel among the 'sons' of Perez — Gen. xxxviii seems to record
his superiority over the rival and semi-Edomite Zerah — it is obvious that there has been a genea-
logical readjustment of the groups of southern origin. Moreover, elsewhere, the specific traditions
of such groups as these have been revised or mutilated, and it is probable that all these features may
be connected with the intricate development of the priestly and Levitical figures, suggestive of rival
representations and compromise.*

E-N is written from the standpoint of a reorganized community which admitted no relationship
with the semi-Iulomite or native Judaean groups. The Babylonian exiles piqued themselves on
their superiority to the Judaeans, who none the less could boast of their father Abraham — the hero
of the Calebite city of Hebron (Ezek. xxxiii. 24). To the exiles from Babylon and thence
(E ii.) to the old Judah which fell in 586, the community persistently attributed its origin. The
Jews of the post-exilic theocracy laid most weight upon an ancestry from the deportation by Nebuchad-
rezzar, even as the old Israel ignored the large indigenous and mixed element in Palestine, and
descent was claimed from the immigrant tribes from Egypt and thence from the pre-Mosaic sons of
Israel. Different disasters were focussed upon 586, and traditions of return and rebuilding were
concentrated upon the return of Zerubbabel. Consequently, by thus passing over the native groups,
whether akin or not to the hated Edomites, the mixed origin of the Jews was rendered less con-
spicuous. The significance of this has been well pointed out by Torrey {i:;^^, i^b seq., 321 seqq., and,

1 Some later Edomite invasion has been inferred by J. Ley, ll.Jesaia (1S93), 150 ; T. K. Cheyne, Introd. /s.,
210 seq. ; A Bi. col. 2701 ; H Winckler, Kcilinschr. u. d. A. T. 295 ; R. H. Kennett, Joiirn. Theol. Stud., 1906, p. 487.
Note also the earlier views of Kueneii and Sellin {Ser., 82) that Is. Ixiii. 18, Ixiv. 10 seq., point to another destruction of
the Temple after 516.

s ^ote J'le tradition in 2 Mace. ii. 13 that N collected writings and 'letters of kings about sacred gifts'.
Habakkuk and Zephaniah of Simeon, Obadiah an Edomite proselyte, Nahum of Elkosh.
' P=,l .;•" l""'^'^^'^"'^'- f ^''^■. 1 ith ed , artt. ' Genesis ' (xi. 584 seq.) ; ' Jews ' (xv. 387, 389-91) ; ' Levites ' (xvi. 513 seq.) ;
Palestine (.x.x. 615 seq.), and art. ' Edomites ' in Hastings' Diet, of Ret. and Ethics. 3 J ^ ' '

INTRODUCTION

especially, 328 n. 53). Both Jews and Samaritans were of mingled ancestry, but the latter could at
all events claim to have been associated with the land longer than the former. The question of
kinship between the two divisions was, as we see from Jos. (ix. 14 3, xi. 8 6, xii. 5 5), always a debatable
one, and the knowledge of past history would only increase the bitter enmity at the rise of the rival
cult on Mt. Gerizim. But the chronicler's compilation very carefully conceals the course of events
and upholds for Judah alone the sole right to be the legitimate descendant of the ancient confederation
of Israel.'

§ 6. Structure of the Sources.

It may often be possible to point out conflicting data, to indicate traditions which seem to be
older or more original, and to arrive at positive or negative conclusions regarding the underlying
facts ; but the endeavour to trace the literary growth of complex sources which are certainly the
result of intricate reshaping and revision is a delicate problem of literary criticism and distinct from
the historical criticism of the period they describe.

(a) The Shcslihazzar-Cynis Tradilion. The story of Zerubbabel and the first return of the
Jews in the time of Darius {E iii. i-v. 6) is the pivot upon which the problems turn. Our starting-
point is the Aramaic section E v. seq., where Darius confirms and extends a decree of Cyrus, who
had ordered the rebuilding of the Temple and had sent back the vessels with Sheshbazzar (v. 13-15).
This tradition is supported by E i., which refers also to Mithredath the treasurer who apparently
was once mentioned in E v. (see on E vi. iH). But E i. is written in a different style and in Hebrew ;
it gives a highly-coloured form of the decree (note the parallels with the story of E, Marq. 56,
Torrey, 1,57 -seq.j, and tends to minimize the importance of Cyrus by emphasizing the direct influence
of Yahweh (contrast the initiative of Darius in E iv., E vi. 8-1 1 ; see also on E vii. i). Consequently,
E v. seq., which have various marks of incompleteness (see on E vi. 7 seq., 23), presuppose an account
of Cyrus and the return of Sheshbazzar (probably also in Aramaic), some part of which at least has
been replaced by E i. Further, Sheshbazzar returned to build the Temple, but instead of any
account of his work, Jeshua and Zerubbabel are abruptly introduced in the great list, E ii. 2. These
two erect the altar (iii. 2), and (mentioned in the inverse order) commence the rebuilding (iii. 8-10),
repulse the ' adversaries ' (iv. 2 seq.), and subsequently, in the time of Darius, are encouraged by the
prophets to begin operations (v. 2, note the repetition of the ancestry). Zer., as in E iii. i-v. 6, is
the leading figure, whereas the Shesh. tradition in v. seq. refers to the ' elders ' (E v. 5, 9, vi. 8, 14 ;
in vi. 7 (B" omits the unnamed governor, see Berth., 19). From the point of view of historical criticism
Shesh. and Zcr. are two distinct individuals, but it seems obvious that the compiler of E i.-vi.
regarded them as the same, although it was left for ancient and modern harmonists to make the
identification. And in fact it is implied and made in E vi. 18, 27, 29, after the introduction of Zer.
in iii. seq., but naturally not in E ii. 1-15 ( = E i.) ; yet in E, strangely enough, it is nowhere made,
although the return of Shesh. in E i. 11 evidently corresponds to the appearance of Zer. in ii. 2
( II ^ V. 8 immediately after the Zer. story). Hence Jos. is obliged to harmonize (xi. I § 14,
3 § 32). Moreover, it is noteworthy that the Aramaic sources (v. 3-vi. 12) do not clearly indicate
that the Jewish builders were exiles (contrast E iv. 13), and that there is no explicit reference in
E v. 15 to any return of exiles under Sheshbazzar ; on the other hand, the conflate text of E vi. 5, 8
clearly alludes to the Jews as being of the Captivity (cf. vii. 6, 10), and E ii. 15 shows more distinctly
than E i. 1 1 that exiles returned with Shesh. That there is a gap after this verse has often been
suspected. Accordingly, there are two important features: (i) the Shesh. tradition has been
mutilated and otherwise adjusted in order to give the greater prominence to Zer. and his return,
and (2) while it is not certain that Shesh. was originally the leader of a band of exiles, the text in E
partly identifies him with the more illustrious Zer., and partly seems to treat his return as that of
the ' captivity ' also. Finally, the Shesh. tradition is that of a continuous building of the Temple
since the time of Cyrus (E v. 16). This may be supported by E iv. 4, 5, which refer to unceasing
troubles and intrigues, and by v. 6, where the accusation in the reign of Ahasuerus means, in this
context, that the Temple was still under construction. On the other hand, the presence of the
Artaxerxes-episode would imply that the work was definitely brought to a stop (see iv. 21-24), and
with this agrees the statement in v. 2 that Zer. and Jeshua, encouraged by the prophets, ' rose
up . . . and began to build the house of God '. Since the presence of these conflicting views can
hardly be original, the Artaxerxes-episode and the cessation of the building may probably be
regarded as foreign to the Shesh. tradition. Hence, although E does not present E'a remarkable
confusion of the sequence of events in the reigns of Cyrus and Darius — a confusion which Jos. has

^ In so far as the foregoing paragraphs bear upon the prophetical writings, it must be remembered that the dates
of the latter depend upon our knowledge of the historical conditions in the light of which they are to be explained.

I ESDRAS

done his best to remedy— it contains, on closer inspection, a very singular combination of conflicting
traditions of the Temple, and of Shesh. and Zer.

(d) The Zeritbbabel-Darius tradition. Since Jewish tradition has it that Darius was the son of
Ahasuerus the Mede (Dan. ix. i), and the Ahasuerus in Esth. was called Artaxerxes (although,
historically, Xerxes must be meant), and since the sequence Art-Darius is true of Art. I-Dar. II
(or even of Art. III-Dar. Ill), compilers might be justified in placing the story of the opposition
before a tradition of Darius, whether in E ii. i6 seqq., iii., or E iv. 7-24, v. But it is not easy to
decide which of the two is the earlier position. The cessation of the building of the Temple would
be intelligible before E iv., which really describes a new era in the history, and would equally agree
with the commencement of work mentioned in E v. 3. In either case it leads up to Zerubbabel.
But whereas in E it forms a necessary link between Cyrus and Darius, in E it breaks the connexion
(iv. .'-,, V. i) and conflicts with the Shesh. tradition. The assumption that E gives the older
position of the episode may be suggested by the fact that its text presents some features distinctly
sounder than that in E iv. (note, however, the textual relation of Chron. to Sam.-Kings). On the
other hand, in E v. 66 seqq. (E iv. i seqq.) the compiler has made use of iv. 1-5, 24, and it is possible
that he found iv. (6 ?) 7-24 before him, but naturally omitted the passage he had already used.
In any case, iv. 1-5 is obviously most closely connected with the preceding chapters, and since
these presuppose certain material found only in E iii. i-v. 6, E's account of Sheshbazzar and
Zerubbabel in the time of Cyrus thus presupposes data in E of the time of Darius ! The simplest
explanation of these intricacies is that the MT has suffered by excision (see Torrey, 27 seq.), and it
remains to determine whether the material in question originally belonged to the Darius period (as
in E) or to that of Cyrus (as in E). Torrey alone has discussed this problem, and he has presented
a complete, clever, and attractive hypothesis. He treats the Darius-Zer. story in E iii. i-iv. 43 as
an interpolation in the history of Cyrus, rejects or emends all that is impossible in such a context,
and regards E ii. 16 seqq. as a transposition from E iv. made by the interpolator (see p. 32). But
this leaves the complexity of E i.-vi. untouched. It treats as redactional certain passages that have
by no means that appearance (viz. E iv. 43-7^, 57-61), and if E iv. 7-24 was deliberately borrowed,
it is strange that no effort was made to form a reasonable link between ii. 15 and 16, as Jos. has
done. The compiler used E \\. 16 seqq. to link Cyrus and Darius, but this theory assumes that for
no apparent reason whatsoever a story of Darius has been introduced into the Cyrus-history and
combined with it by (redactional ?) material, which is partly of considerable independent value, and
partly introduces a new tradition of Cyrus (iv. 44, 57) in conflict with all other evidence. The story,
moreover, would hardly have been used in Jewish history unless it was associated with Zerubbabel,
Darius, and the return of the Jews ; hence its presence, general character, independence, and the
confusion arising from the attempt to unite it with other traditions plead for the view (also held
by Howorth and Bayer) that it is original.

{c) Res7tlt of combination. On this alternative theory, then, E preserves a Zer.-Darius nucleus
corresponding to a Shesh. -Cyrus nucleus in E, and it seems probable that the intricacies in E and E
have arisen from the endeavour to combine and compromise. E iii. i-v. 6 commence like an indepen-
dent story, presupposes no prelude, and quite excludes any current story of Cyrus, iv. 44, 57, it is
true, refer to his inability to fulfil a vow, but this has neither any foundation in history nor support
in extant tradition, and appears to be an early effort to connect the section with Cyrus. Thenceforth
we apparently have the building-up of narratives. The Artaxerxes episode was taken from a source
relating to the time of N (§ ^b), and the sequel of the story, the list v. 7 seqq., also has a Nehemian
background. The connexion between v. 1-6 and 7 seqq. is not close (note repetition 4, 7^, the
preliminary vv. 5 and 7), and it is possible that iii. i-v. 6 once had another sequel, or that there has
been later adjustment. In any case, the references to Cyrus (iv. 44, 57), the treatment of the Shesh.
tradition, and the fact that E ii. 1-15 are not in their original form, unite to show that there has been
much revision, the stages in which cannot be traced. The list itself, partly connected with E's
return in N vii., has been applied to the return of Zer., and then treated (in N) by the compiler of
E-N as a quotation from the earlier period. It presents a materially older text, and its immediate
continuation in E v. 47 seqq. (E iii.) is also based upon N viii. i, and describes events in which one
may recognize the influence of other passages in N (Meyer, 73, 99 ; Marq., 58 seq. ; Volz, § 9). But
the material is adjusted to Zerubbabel and Cyrus, with the result that while i: v. 8 (the introduction
of Zer.) is explained by the preceding story, and v. 47 (the date) by v. 6 ; v. 55 has in view iv. 48
(Darius), but its context is of the time of Cyrus (note the harmonizing efforts of Jos., xi. 41,3 seq.).

Haggai and Zech., in the second year of Darius, know of no return or eadier rebuilding. So far this
agrees with the Zer. story, which, however, while excluding any earlier rebuilding, describes the first return of
the Jews. The Shesh. story throws back the commencement of the temple, but in E does not clearly point to

INTRODUCTION

any return (contrast E). In so far as Darius is concerned, these stories are mutually contradictory, and neither
is supported by the prophets, and in so far as the fortunes of the temple are concerned, it is possible that
a compromise was found in the belief that the work was brought to a stop and that the building was re-com-
menced in the time of Darius. This explains the motive of the Artaxerxes episode, and if the references to the
Temple in E ii. i8, 20 are reliable, their absence in E iv. 12, 14 may be due to its new position. Further, if
E V. I once had (as in E vi. i) the precise date, this would be in order after iv. 5 (see Berth., 19), but might
naturally be omitted after the insertion of iv. (6) 7-24 ; and since also the retention of the date in E vi. i
would be unnecessary after v. 73 (=E iv. 24), the present unintelligible wording of the latter verse may be due
to intentional alteration and not to corruption of the text. Thus, E partly presents material in an older text
and form than E, partly shows signs of revision (apparently in the Greek), either to harmonize details or to
conform with the MT, and partly is influenced by the form of E, whose imperfections it shares. The root of
the problem lies in the two nuclei : Zerubbabel-Darius, Sheshbazzar-Cyrus-Darius, and in the endeavour to
co-ordinate them ; but in addition to the complexity touching Cyrus and Darius, it is obvious that the present
form of the narratives cannot be viewed apart from the literary treatment of the events of the time of Artaxerxes.

{d) The Ezra-story. The narratives involved are an account of N's work, partly autobio-
graphical, but now in a much revised and intricate form, which is divided by the E-story, also not
from one hand, and itself split into two. These have suffered various changes and adjustments in
the course of being combined with each other and with the great history of the 'chronicler'. On
both literary and historical grounds we may postulate a stage when the whole of the E-story was
found after the first appearance of N (p. 9 d). To suppose that N viii.-x. also once stood before
N i. (Torrey, 265 seq.) only increases the difficulties. E appears relatively late in tradition, but
continues to grow in reputation. He is absent from both Ben Sira xlix. 12 seq. and 2 Mace. i. seq.,
and here N is particularly prominent : but N's prominence, though in agreement with all the evidence,
has not been made so obvious in the E-story (see § 4. III. d). Moreover, the effort has apparently
been made to give greater significance to E by placing the most important part of his mission — the
Reading of the Law (and the sequel, the Covenant) — in the account of the completion of the walls
of Jerusalem, and also by introducing the rest of the story before N's arrival. E has gone further,
and in ix. 37 seqq. has read part of N viii. after E x. Now, although E presents in some cases
a better text, it is noteworthy that in reproducing N viii. and the introductory vii. 73/', the compiler
has also unnecessarily removed 7'. 73«, which can hardly stand after E ix. ^6 = E x. 44 (cf. Volz, 1492).
This deliberate transference perhaps explains the text in vv. 38, 49, and suggests that E's recension
is here based upon the MT, with the E-story divided as at present. Consequently, both E and E-N
share that complicated treatment of the purification of Israel which seems to have arisen when the
story of E was rearranged. It is uncertain how E, if more complete, would have continued. There
is indeed some evidence, perhaps not of great value, for an account of E's passover, suggesting that
some portion of the story has been lost (see on ix. 5,5). However, if the whole of ihcprcsejit story had
been placed before N i., both N i.-vi., xi.-xiii. and E vii.-x., N viii.-x. (or in any rearranged form)
would still be in a confused, and certainly not original shape. The one source which actually efiects
this transposition is Jos., who finishes the life of E before dealing with N. His treatment is brief and
paraphrastic, but it seems to be extremely significant that he does not point to the existence of the
story of N in cither the form or the sequence which it now has. To reconstruct the continuation
of E is to make the overlapping with N more conspicuous ; this is clear from the synopses cited
below on p. 58, and it is interesting to notice that an old Syriac catena, which follows E, endeavours
to readjust to N — it passes from ^'ix. i-io to 46(^-47 ( = N viii. 6) and thence to N i. 1-4, and places
the Reading of the Law (N viii.) in the context it now has in the MT. E, it is evident, does not
enable us to go behind the MT, but, together with Jos., it tends to show that the MT is the late
outcome of a very intricate literary development.

{c) The Coinpilation. At the stage when the stories of E and N were shaped in their present
form, and when the traditions of the time of Artaxerxes had been used directly or indirectly for the
age of Cyrus and Darius, we reach the complete historical work Chron.-E-N., and the structure
of E-N really involves close attention to that of Chron. itself. Here it must suffice to observe that
both Chron. and E-N furnish evidence representing different stages in the vicissitudes of the priests
and Levites (see on E viii. 28), and it is noteworthy that there are several traces oi textual variation
and confusion where these are concerned (see, e.g., i. 5 seqq., 10, 15, v. 56, vii. 9, viii. 42, ix. 43 seqq.).
It is also significant of the relative lateness of E-N that the age at which the Levites serve agrees
with secondary passages in Chron. (see on v. 58), and that an apparent anti-Aaronite bias has found
its way into both (see on vii. 10-12). Perhaps the most important feature in the compilation is the
presence of gaps (e.g. before E v. i, N i.), the more striking when we observe that the chronicler has
ignored pertinent material in Kings, Jer., Daniel, and Esther. The book of Daniel was familiar in
the Greek age and later (cf. i Mace. ii. 59 seq., and, for the Targums, Prot. Rcalency., iii. 107 seq.),

1108 17 ^

I ESDRAS

and was used by Jos. The story in E iii. seq. has literary points of contact with both Dan. and Est.
(Marq. 66, 68, 72 ; Torrey, 47 seq. ; Bayer, no seqq.), and the former of these records traditions of
the Temple-vessels (see on ii. 10).' The sacrilegious use of the holy objects by Belshazzar was
followed by the fall of Babylon to the Medes and Persians, and forthwith Darius the Mede, son of
Ahasuerus, became king (v. 31, ix. i). He was led to proclaim the God of Daniel (vi. 25-7), and to
the first year of his reign is ascribed the prayer of Daniel (ix.). Here, the seventy years of desolation
foretold by Jeremiah are complete, and Daniel prays on behalf of the Jews in Jerusalem and
afar off, and on behalf of the ruined sanctuary. The tradition— irrespective of its present setting-
is so far in harmony with E iii. seq., the story of Zerubbabel in the second year of Darius (cf. Buchler.
7 .seq.), where, as in Daniel's prayer, an earlier return is excluded. It is difficult not to believe that
these traditions are related, and it is noteworthy that while the references to Cyrus in the story
of Zerubbabel appear to be due to later revision, Cyrus, according to Dan. vi. 28, x. i, reigned after
Darius. Thus, not only is it more intelligible that the Cyrus tradition is relatively the later, and
probably grew out of the Darius tradition, than the reverse, but a tradition evidently once prevailed
which placed Darius before Cyrus.

But it was also known that Cyrus preceded Darius, and in Bel and the Dragon he follows after
Astyages (see above, p. 11) and — like Darius in Dan. vi. — becomes convinced of Daniel's God. This
correct .sequence is that represented by Jos. and the 'chronicler', with one important difference,
that while the former does his best to combine all the varying traditions of Cyrus and Darius, the
present MT ignores Dan. and E iii. i-v. 6 and the complications these would introduce into the history.
Accuracy of sequence does not necessarily prove greater antiquity of source. It depends upon
accuracy of information, and if Jos. (xi. 2) knows that Cambyses and not Artaxerxes {E ii. 16 seqq.)
reigned before Darius, he is confused in his treatment of Xerxes and Artaxerxes, and while the
chronicler wrongly retains these two between Cyrus and Darius, he has, however, avoided the
incorrect sequence of the latter two in Daniel. The traditions of this period (§ 4 IV. c.) combine in
an inextricable manner trustworthy and untrustworthy data with the result that mere mechanical
rearrangement of material or correction of names is inadequate for the recovery of the historical
facts. Whether or no there was a continuous chronicle of the Kings of Media and Persia (Est. x. 2),
if a compiler of Jewish history followed the tradition which also appears in Dan., Darius the Mede
reigned before Cyrus, and Darius, after E iii. seq., was the first to permit the Jews to return. On
the other hand, Cyrus was really the first king, and it is easy to understand the endeavours to
adjust the traditions. It may not be possible to trace all the steps in the process, nevertheless, .£"s
recension is a valuable witness to the efforts made to efifect a compromise, and it is significant that
while all the evidence points to the relative lateness of the Cyrus tradition in the form it now has
in E ii. 1-15 or E i., the immediate prelude in E i. represents a text materially older in some
respects (though more corrupt in others) than the corresponding 2 Chron. xxxv. seq.

(/) CoHcluswii. In the nature of the case, any explanation of the structure of E and E-N must
be a provisional one. At all events, Bayer's view (93 seq., 102, 139), that E is a secondary and
deliberate self-contained compilation dealing with the Temple, is inadequate, in that it accounts for
only a small proportion of the textual features. Howorth, whose merit it has been to force the
attention of biblical students to the importance oi E, undoubtedly goes too far in championing the
textual and historical value of E. As regards its text, used by Jahn with a certain lack of discrimina-
tion and by Bayer somewhat unduly underestimated, Torrey and Volz support an intermediate
position, pointing out the general relative superiority of MT. Torrey justly observes, also, that as
a history E is not in its original form, and he has proposed a hypothesis of its relationship with E-N
which he works out with much skill and thoroughness (18 seqq., 30 seqq., 255 seqq.). He starts from
the chronicler's history in almost its present form (dated c. third cent. B.C.), and assumes two
important changes: (i) the transference of N vii. 70-x. 39 from their 'original' position between
E viii. and ix. to the place where they now stand, and (2) the interpolation of the story E iii. i-iv. 42,
in the history of Cyrus, with redactional expansion, alteration, &c., and with the transposition of the
Artaxerxes episode from E iv. 6-24 to E ii. 16-30. Subsequently, two rival forms arose : one (A)
with the retransposition of N vii. 73-x. 40, this time between E x. and N i. ; the other (B) with the
excision of the Story of the Three Youths {E iii. seq.) together with a part of the ' original ' history.
The latter is represented by the MT; the former, after being translated into Greek, survives only in
the fragmentary E, which is defined as 'simply a piece taken without change out of the middle of
a faithful Greek translation of the chronicler's History of Israel in the form which was generally
recognized as authentic in the last century B.C.' (18). This hypothesis is complicated (see Bayer's
criticisms,i43 seq.), though not unduly so. On the other hand, there are objections to the view that

' It is disputed whether Em. seq. is later than these (Bayer, 128 seq.), or earlier (Torrey); in .uw case the
canonical books, whatever their date, may well incorporate or be based upon older traditions.

INTRODUCTION

the Story of the Three Youths is an interpolation in the alleged original Cyrus-history, viz. in E i.,
E iv. 47-56, iv. 63-v. 6, E ii. seqq. (see p. 16), and to the assumption that the place of the E-story
before N i. is the earlier (see p. 17). Further, although E is obviously imperfect, to restore a
complete work in which it should correspond to E in the chronicler's series necessitates the belief
that Jos., the only early source which places the E-story before N, is witness to the MT form of the
stories of both E and N, and this cannot be said to be certain (see p. 57 seq.). The latter part of E
presupposes the present structure of E vii.-x., N . . . vii. 73-viii. 13 . . ., whereas the first half
presents older traits in i., ii. 16 seqq. (the position of the Artaxerxes episode), iii. i-v. 6 (the Zerub-
babel story), v. 7-70 (the background of the list, E ii.), and v. 71 (the immediate sequel, the prelude
to the work of the returned exiles). Finally, the criticism of E inevitably raises the problem of
the entire series Chron.-E-N, which at one stage was a literaiy whole, and consequently we cannot
take the chronicler's history as a fixed starting-point. As a matter of fact, apart from the literary
questions arising out of Chronicles alone, it seems that the books were regarded by the Rabbis with
some suspicion (Curtis and Madsen, Chrou. 2), and now stand after E-N ' as if it were an afterthought
to admit them to equal authority ' (W. R. Smith, Old Test. Jew. Church, 182). It is not improbable
that this severance involved some subsequent alteration and revision (cf. Marq., 29). Moreover,
the recurrence of i Chron. ix., N xi., in a single w ork hardly looks like an original feature ; like
the more remarkable repetition of the list E ii., N vii. (see Jampel, i. 306 ; Howorth, PSBA, xxvi. 36 ;
Holzhey, ^7 n. 2) the feature seems to point to the combination of sources which were primarily

distinct.

All the data suggest that E and E-N represent concurrent forms which have influenced each
other in the earlier stages of their growth. They are rivals, and neither can be said to be wholly
older or more historical than the other. The endeavour was made to correct E to agree with the

MX and dB'' is a conspicuous example of the extent to which the revisers could go — and the

presence of such efforts and in particular the doublets (see § 3 5) are of essential importance in
indicating that E's text does not precisely represent a Heb.-Aram. work, and that when all allowance
is made for correction and revision of the Greek, problems of the underlying original text still remain.
But it was impossible to make any very satisfactory adjustment, E diverged too seriously from the
MT, which had cut the chronological knot by the excision of the story of Zerubbabel, and we
may suppose that this facilitated the desire for the more literal translation of Theodotion (p. 3 seq.).

§ 7. Value.

Although our O.T. has lost the story of Zerubbabel and the Praise of Truth, there is no doubt that
there is something ' unbiblical ' in the orations. In the course of the growth of the O.T., compilers
and revisers have not unfrequently obscured or omitted that to which they took exception, and some
\\z\\t is thus often thrown upon other phases of contemporary Palestinian or Jewish thought. While
the orations themselves remind us of the old 'Wisdom' literature (Proverbs, Ben Sira, Wisdom),
their combination with narrative will recall the interesting story of Ahikar. E remains ' apocryphal '
in so far as it was deliberately rejected by Jewish and Christian schools. It had indeed found a place
in the Bible of the Greek-speaking Jews, and was familiar to Jews and Christians, either indirectly
through Jos., or directly as a separate work. To the Christians the prominence of Zerubbabel must
have been of no little interest (see § i, end). But the value of E does not lie merely in this story.
The book (or fragment) furnishes useful evidence for the criticism of the text and contents of the
canonical passages, and illustrates methods of compilation and revision, swing of traditions, and play
of motives. It clearly indicates the importance of the comparison of related traditions as apart from
the ultimate question of the underlying facts, and shows, in conjunction with Jos., how a relatively
straightforward account of history as in E-N may be the last stage in the effort to cut the knots
formed by imperfect compilation. In its final form, the MT, the result of ' Rabbinical redaction '
(Marq., 29), is ascribed by Howorth to the School of Jamnia in the time of Rabbi Akiba (PSBA,
xxvi. 25), and although it is difficult to find decisive arguments in favour of this conjecture^or
against it — it is not impossible that the chronicler's history, as it now reads, may be dated about the
beginning of the Christian era. It is significant that it is wanting in the Syriac Peshitta. Such
a view, it should be observed, no more expresses an opinion on the dates of the component sources
or sections than it would were the work in question a composite and much edited portion of
Mishnah or Midrash.

§ 8. Select Biui iography and Abbreviations.

A, S, B = Codices of the Greek version.

Andre, L. E. T. = Les Apocrvphes de VA. T. (1903).

Ball, C. J. = The Variorum Apocrypha (1896).

19 C 2

I ESDRAS

Bayer, E. = ' Das dritte Buch Esdras und sein Verhiiltnis zu den Buchem Esra-Nehemia ', in Biblische Stiidien, ed.

Bardenhewer, vol. xvi. (1911).
Bertholet, A. = Die Biicher Esra und Nehemia (1902).

Buchler, A. = ' Das apoko'phische Esrabuch', MGWJ, xli. (1S97), 1-16, 49-66, 97-1 o3-

Charles, R.H. = ' Third Book of Ezra', ^'wj'./^'v?. nth ed., vol. X. 104-6. ^ ., ^ , t~ ■, , o o. ^
Cheyne, T. K. = Introduction to the Book of Isaiah (1895). Jewish Religious Life after the Jixite (1B9S). bee also

sub Kosters.
Davies, T. W. = ' Ezra, Nehemiah, and Esther', The Cetitury Bible (1909).
Driver, S. R. = Introd. to the Lit. of the O.T. (1909).
E = Ezra (the book or man).
E = \ Esdras.

EBi. = Encyclopaedia Biblica (1899-1903).
Ew. = Ewald, H., History of Israel, 2nd ed. (1880). vol. v.

Fr. = Fritzsche, O. F., Comment, on i Esdras in Kurzgef. exeget. Handbuch (1851).
G = Greek version.

<5 Chron., (EE, &c. (or Chron. ffi, EG, &c.) = Greek version of Chronicles, Ezra, &c.
(jBANL ^ Codices of the Greek.

Geissler, J. = Die litterarischen Besiehungen der Esrameiiioiren (1899).

Guthe, H. = / Esdras, in Kautzsch, Die Apok. u. Pseudepig. d. A. T. (1898). See also SBOT.
Holzhey, C. = Biicher Esra u. Nehemia (1902).
Hoonacker, A. van = Nchcinic et Esdras (1890). Zerubabel et le second Temple (1892). Nouvelles Etudes sur la

Restauration juive (1896). Articles in Revue Biblique, 1901, January, April.
Howorth, Sir Henry Y^. = Academy, 1893, January-July (passim), Transactions of Oriental Congress, London, ii.

69-85 (1893). Proceedings of Soc. of Bibl. Archaeology, 1901-10 {passim).
Jahn, C. = Die Biicher Esra (A u. B) u. Nehemja (1909).
Jampel, S. = ' Die Wiederherstellung Israels unter den Achameniden ', MGWJ, xlvi. and xlvii. (1902-3) ; here cited

as i. and ii.
Jos. = Josephus, ed. Niese.
Kennett, R. H. = ' Hist, of the Jew. Church from Nebuchadnezzar to Alexander', Cambridge Biblical Essays (ed.

Swete, 1909), 91-135. Journal of Theological Studies, 1905, January, 161-S6 ; 1906, July, 481-500.
Kent, C. F. = Israels Historical and Biographical Narratives (1905).
Kosters, W. H. = Die Wiederherstellung Israels in der persischen Periode (Germ, ed., by Basedow, 1895).

„ Th. T. = Articles in the Theologisch Tijdschrtft, xxix. (1895), 549 seqq. ; xxx. (1896), 489 seqq., 580 seqq. ;

x.\xi. (1897), 51S seqq.
„ E Bi. — Articles ' Cyrus', 'Ezra', ' Ezra-Nehemiah ', 'Nehemiah' (with additions by T. K. Cheyne), in EBi.
L = Lucian's recension of the Greek version.
31, IL'^IL Lag. = Latin Versions, see above, § 3 c.
Lag. = Lagarde, P. de, Septuaginta-Studieti, ii. (1892).
Lupton, J. H. = I Esdras in The Apocrypha, ed. H. Wace (1888).
Marq. = J. Marquart, Ftntdamettte Israel, u.jiid. Geschichte, pp. 28-68 (1896).
Meyer, E. = Die Entstehung des Judentuius (1896).

„ Isr. = Die Israeliten u. Hire Nachbarstamme (1906), by E. Meyer and B. Luther.
MGWJ — Monaisschrijt f. Gesch. u. Wisse7ischaft des Judentums.
Moulton = ' iJber die Uberlieferung u. d. textkntischen Wert d. IH. Esr.' in ZATW, xix. 209-58 (1899) ; xx. 1-35

(1900).
MT = Massoretic Text.
N = Nehemiah (the book or man).

Nestle, E. = Marginalien 11. Matcrialien (1893), 23 seqq.

Nikel, J. = ' Die Wiederherstellung des jiid. Gemeinwesens nach den bab. Exil ', in Biblische Studien, ed. Barden-
hewer, vol. V (1900).
Pohlmann = ' Uber das Ansehen des apokryphen Buches Esra', Tiibi?iger Theolog. Quartalschrift, 1859.
PSBA = Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology.
Ryle, H. E. = ' Ezra and Nehemiah ' in the Cambridge Bible (1901).
S = Syriac version.

Sachau, E. = ' Drei aram. Papyrusurkunden aus Elephantine' (Abhandl. kdnigl.-preuss. Akad. Berlin, 1907).
SBOT= The Sacred Books of the O.T., ed. P. Haupt : 'Ezra and Nehemiah', by H. Guthe (and, pp. 56-71, L. W.

Batten).
Schrader, E. = 'Die Dauer des zweiten Tempelbaues ', Theolog. Stud, und Kritiken, 1S67, pp. 460 seqq.
Sellin, E., Ser. = Serubbabel (189S).

„ Stud. = Studien zur Entstehungsgeschichte d. jiid. Gemeinde, vol. ii. (1901).
Smend, R. = Die Listen der Biicher Esra u. Nehemia (1881).
Smith, G. A. = In The Expositor, 1906, June-August.
Smith, H. P. = O.T. History (1903).
Th. T. = Theologisch Tijdschrlft.

Thackeray, H. St. J. = Art. 'Esdras', Hastings' Diet. Bible, i. 758-63.
Theis, J. = Gesch. u. literarkrit. Fragoi in E i-vi (1910).
Torrey, C. C. = Ezra Studies (Chicago, 1910).

„ Camp. = ' Composition and Historical Value of Ezra-Nehemiah ', Beiheft zur ZA TW, 1896.
Trendelenburg = 'Apokr. Ezra ', Eichhorn, Allgem. Bibl. d. bibl. Litt. (1787), 178-232.
Treuenfels = Articles in Der Orient (ed. J. Fiirst), 1850-1.
Volz, P. = ' The Greek Ezra ', E Bi. vol. iv, cols. 1488-94.
Wellhausen, J. = 'Die Riickkehr der Juden aus dem bab. Exil', in Nachrichten d. Gottinger Celehrten Gesellschaft,

1895, pp. 166 seqq. Review of E. Meyer, Entstehung u.s.w., in the Gott. Gel. Anzeigen, lSg7, pp. 89 seqq.
ZA TW = Zcitschriftjiir Alttest. Wisscnschaft.

I ESDRAS.

SI AS

I And Josias held the passover in Jerusalem
unto his Lord, and offered the passover the four-

j teenth day of the first month ; having set the
priests according to their daily courses, being
arrayed in their vestments, in the temple of the

3 Lord. And he spake unto the Levites, the
temple-servants of Israel, that they should hallow
themselves unto the Lord, to set the holy ark of
the Lord in the house that king Solomon the son

4 of David had built : and said. Ye shall no more
have need to bear it upon your shoulders : now
therefore serve the Lord your God, and minister
unto his people Israel, and prepare you after your

5 fathers' houses and kindreds, according to the
writing of David king of Israel, and according to
the magnificence of Solomon his son :

and stand-
ing in the holy place according to the several
divisions of the families of you the Levites, who
minister in the presence of j'our brethren the

6 children of Israel, offer the passover in order, and
make ready the sacrifices for your brethren, and
keep the passover according to the commandment

7 of the Lord, which was given unto Moses. And
unto the people which were present Josias gave
thirty thousand lambs and kids, and three thou-
sand calves : these things were given of the king's
substance,

according as he promised, to the peo-

8 pie, and to the priests and Levites. And Helkias,
and Zacharias, and Esyelus, the rulers of the
temple, gave to the priests for the passover two
thousand and six hundred sheep, and three hun-
dred calves.

I And Jeconias, and Samaias, and

Nathanael his brother, and Sabias, and Ochielus,
and Joram, captains over thousands, gave to the
Levites for the passover five thousand sheep, and
seven hundred calves.

I And when these things

2 Chri
35
And Josiah kept a passover unto the Lord in i
Jerusalem : and they killed the passover on the
fourteenth day of the first month. And he set 2
the priests in their charges, and encouraged them
to the service of the house of the Lord.

And 3
he said unto the Levites that taught all Israel,
which were holy unto the Lord, Put the holy ark
in the house which Solomon the son of David
king of Israel did build ; there shall no more be
a burden upon your shoulders : now serve the
Lord your God, and his people Israel.

And 4
prepare yourselves after your fathers' houses by
your courses, according to the writing of David
king of Israel, and according to the writing of
Solomon hi,s son. And stand in the holy place 5
according to the divisions of the fathers' houses
of your brethren the children of the people, and
let there be for each a portion of a fathers' house
of the Levites. And kill the passover, and sane- 6
tify yourselves, and prepare for your brethren,
to do according to the word of the Lord by
the hand of Moses. And Josiah gave to the 7
children of the people, of the flock, lambs and
kids, all of them for the passover offerings, unto
all that were present, to the number of thirty
thousand, and three thousand bullocks : these
were of the king's substance. And his princes cS
gave for a freewill offering unto the people, to
the priests, and to the Levites. Hilkiah and
Zechariah and Jehiel, the rulers of the house of
God, gave unto the priests for the passover offer-
ings two thousand and six hundred small eattle,
and three hundred oxen. Conaniah also, and 9
Shemaiah and Nethanel, his brethren, and Hasha-
biah and Jeiel and Jozabad, the chiefs of the
Levites, gave unto the Levites for the passover
offerings five thousand small cattle, and five
hundred oxen. So the service was prepared, 10

Josiah's passover and death, the last kings of Judah, and the exile. Ch. i. = 2 Chron. xxxv. seq. (cf. 2 Kings
xxiii. 21-XXV. 30 and the relevant portions of Jeremiah), cf. Jos. Ant. x. 4 5-xi. 7 (who uses the canonical books,
including Daniel, E, and unknown sources). On the text and contents, see the Comm. on Chronicles, also, for the
versions, Moulton, ZA TW, xix. 234 seqq. The whole chapter when compared with MT and ffi of Chron. and Kings
furnishes an instructive illustration of the methods and merits of the translator.

2. arrayed {iuToKi.a\xivovs), cf. v. 59, vii. 9. Perhaps an Aramaizing mistranslation (Nestle, 24).

3. temple-servants, mg. the Nethinim, a misreading of MT D'3'3t3n. Note the indirect narration in E and Chron. ffi.
5. magnificence (^tyaKnoTrp-a), &■ (cf. S) and Chron. ffisA gii x^'P^s, perhaps interpreted 'by the might '. Charles

conj. 'T py for MT 3n3D3 (a repetition of 3n3)i misread in E as 7nj3 (private communication).
The paraphrastic 5-7 represent a rather different MT.
8. Esyelus (tS"- 'Joel'), Y^yg. Jehiel (after MT) ; perhaps Haziel is intended (Fr., Guthe ; cf. I Chron. xxiii. 9).

SDRAS

I ESDRAS 1. 10-24

2 (koN,
35-

were done, the priests and Levites, having the un-
leavened bread, stood in comely order according
to the kindreds,

1 1 and according to the several
divisions bj- fathers' houses, before the people, to
ofter to the Lord, as it is written in the book of

1 2 Moses : and thus did they in the morning. And
they roasted the passover with fire, as apper-
taineth : and the sacrifices they sod in the hrasen

13 vessels and caldrons with a good savour, and set
them before all the people ; and afterward they
prepared for themselves, and for the priests their

14 brethren, the sons of Aaron. For the priests
offered the fat until night : and the Levites pre-
pared for themselves, and for the priests their

15 brethren, the sons of Aaron. The holy singers
also, the sons of Asaph, were in their order,
according to the appointment of David, to w?V,
Asaph, Zacharias, and Eddinus, who was of the

16 king's retinue. Moreover the porters were at
every gate ; none had need to depart from his
daily course : for their brethren the Levites pre-

1 7 pared for them. Thus were the things that be-
longed to the sacrifices of the Lord accomplished

18 in that day, in holding the passover, and offering
sacrifices upon the altar of the Lord, according

19 to the commandment of king Josias. So the
children of Israel which were present at that time
held the passover, and the feast of unleavened

20 bread seven days. And such a passover was not
held in Israel since the time of the prophet

21 Samuel. Yea, all the kings of Israel held not
such a passover as Josias, and the priests, and the
Levites, and the Jews, held with all Israel that
were present in their dwelling place at Jerusalem.

22 In the eighteenth year of the reign of Josias was

23 this passover held. And the works of Josias were
upright before his Lord with a heart full of godli-

24 ness. Moreover the things that came to pass in
his days have been written in times past, concern-
ing those that sinned, and did wickedly against
the Lord above every people and kingdom, and
how they grieved him exceedingly, so that the
words of the Lord were confirmed against Israel.

10-12. A good example of misunderstanding and adjustment. Unleavened bread = commandment (niSD, for
m.iD), morning (cf. v. 50) = oxe?t (Ipa, ffl in £ and Chron., for niJ3) ; good sa.wouT = pans {eiu>Sia, for eioSias [cf. A.V.
mg.], G in Chron. eicoSci^, ; a misunderstanding of the root n^S in mnb^2^ ■ for parallels, see Ecclus. xliii. 26, Ascens.
Iscuah,yu 17, and>«m. RoyatAsiatk Soc:, 1901, p. 169). For G'-'s text, see Torrey, 107.

^^'z/cVrLkZ^^ru^l these choir-masters were at Josiah's passover (cf. Chron. (5) is of course erroneous,
was m" ^..r. fr^Bl (Kf ju'i^.^' ' ^^1°"- ^"- '^-^^''- 5' "•'^^/e ^^ ^^"ks next to Asaph ; see Benzinger, C/,ron. 74.

2^ sea An" addition L^' ^^Ch f^'^^^^'f ^'° ^- '" C*?™"'^ ' ^"'"^ ^SS. of MT read ' seers ', cf. i^Chron. xxv. 7.
Ch^r^om^- Se"e tS^^rV.^S ^^frlZl^'sLll] t"S "^^s^^' ^ ^'"^^ ^'""- '' ^^^'^' ^^^ ^'^ ^'^ ^''''^^ ^

him': "".Td ihe'words' !'.'"? (aftertjuf. '° ''" '"' '"" """^" '" """^ P^^'' °" ^"°""' °^ "^°- " ' ' -'^ °— -^
exceedingly (©a ,v a,V5^o-» [cf. SJ, ffi>. eV.), mg. senst7>ty ; cf. Judith xvi 17
conhrmed (arto-T-i/o-fic), a Hebraism, cf. Jer. xliv. 29.

and the priests stood in their place, and the
Levites by their courses, according to the king's 1
commandment. And they killed the passover, u
and the priests sprinkled t/ie blood, which they
received of their hand, and the Levites flayed
them. And they removed the burnt offerings, 12
that they might give them according to the
divisions of the fathers' houses of the children of
the people, to offer unto the Lord, as it is written
in the book of Moses. And so did they with the ;
oxen. And they roasted the passover with fire 13 j
according to the ordinance : and the holy offer- |
ings sod they in pots, and in caldrons, and in j
pans, and carried them quickly to all the children I
of the people. And afterward they prepared for 14
themselves, and for the priests ; because the 1
priests the sons of Aaron ivere busied in offering |
the burnt offerings and the fat until night : there- 1
fore the Levites prepared for themselves, and for i
the priests the sons of Aaron. And the singers 15,
the sons of Asaph were in their place, according
to the commandment of David, and Asaph, and
Heman, and Jeduthun the king's seer ; and the
porters were at every gate : they needed not to
depart from their service, for their brethren the j
Levites prepared for them.

So all the service if'
of the Lord was prepared the same day, to keep j
the passover, and to offer burnt offerings upon
the altar of the Lord, according to the command-
ment of king Josiah. And the children of Israel i'
that were present kept the passover at that time,
and the feast of unleavened bread seven days. '
And there was no passover like to that kept in i!
Israel from the days of Samuel the prophet ; :
neither did any of the kings of Israel keep such
a passover as Josiah kept, and the priests, and i
the Levites, and all Judah and Israel that were •
present, and the inhabitants of Jerusalem. In i
the eighteenth year of the reign of Josiah was ,
this passover kept. \

)KAS

I ESDRAS 1. 25-3S

25 Now after all these acts of Josias it came to
pass, that Pharaoh the king of Egypt came to
raise war at Carchemish upon Euphrates : and

26 Josias went out against him. But the king of
Egypt sent to him, saying, What have I to do

27 with thee, O king of Judeea? I am not sent
out from the Lord God against thee; for my
war is upon luiphrates : and now the Lord is
with me, yea, the Lord is with me hasting me
forward : depart from me, and be not against

28 the Lord. Howbeit Josias did not turn back
unto his chariot, but undertook to fight with
him, not regarding the words of the prophet

29 Jeremy spoken by the mouth of the Lord : but
joined battle with him in the plain of Megiddo,
and the princes came down against king Josias.

30 Then said the king unto his servants, Carry me
away out of the battle ; for I am very weak. And
immediately his servants carried him away out

31 of the host. Then gat he up upon his second
chariot ; and being brought back to Jerusalem
he died, and was buried in the sepulchre of his

32 fathers. And in all Jewry they mourned for
Josias ; and Jeremy the prophet lamented for
Josias, and the chief men with the women made
lamentation for him, unto this day : and this was
given out for an ordinance to be done continually

33 in all the nation of Israel. These things are
written in the book of the histories of the kings
of Juda;a, and every one of the acts that Josias
did, and his glory, and his understanding in the
law of the Lord, and the things that he had done
before, and the things now recited, are reported
in the book of the kings of Israel and Judah.

34 And the people took Joachaz the son of
Josias, and made him king instead of Josias his
father, when he was twenty and three years old.

35 And he reigned in Judah and in Jerusalem three
months: and then the king of Egypt deposed

36 him from reigning in Jerusalem. And he set a
tax upon the people of a hundred talents of

37 silver and one talent of gold. The king of Egypt
also made king Joakim his brother king of Judaea

38 and Jerusalem. And Joakim bound the nobles:
but Zarakes his brother he apprehended, and
brought him up out of Egypt.

2 Ch
35

After all this, when Josiah had prepared the 20
temple, Neco king of Egypt went up to fight
against Carchemish by Euphrates : and Josiah
went out against him. But he sent ambassadors 21
to him, saying. What have I to do with thee,
thou king of Judah ? / co7tie not against thee
this day, but against the house wherewith I have
war ; and God hath commanded me to make
haste : forbear thee from meddling with God,
who is with me, that he destroy thee not.

Never- 22
theless Josiah would not turn his face from him,
but disguised himself, that he might fight with
him, and hearkened not unto the words of Neco,
from the mouth of God, and came to fight in the
valley of Megiddo. And the archers shot at 25
king Josiah ; and the king said to his servants,
Have me away; for I am sore wounded. So 24
his servants took him out of the chariot, and put
him in the second chariot that he had, and brought
him to Jerusalem ; and he died, and was buried
in the sepulchres of his fathers. And all Judah
and Jerusalem mourned for Josiah. And Jere- 25
miah lamented for Josiah : and all the singing
men and singing women spake of Josiah in their
lamentations, unto this day ; and they made them
an ordinance in Israel: and, behold, they are
written in the lamentations.

Now the rest of the 26
acts of Josiah, and his good deeds, according to
that which is written in the law of the Lord, and 27
his acts, first and last, behold, they are written
in the book of the kings of Israel and Judah.

Then the people of the land took Jehoahaz 2 Ch
the son of Josiah, and made him king in 36 i
his father's stead in Jerusalem. Joahaz was 2
twenty and three years old when he began to
reign ; and he reigned three months in Jerusalem.
And the king of Egypt deposed him at Jeru- 3
salem, and amerced the land in an hundred talents
of silver and a talent of gold. And the king of 4
Egypt made Eliakim his brother king over Judah
and Jerusalem, and changed his name to Jehoi-
akim. And Neco took Joahaz his brother, and
carried him to Egypt.

25. Jos. X. 5 I explains the march of Neco as an attack upon the Medes and Babylonians who had overthrown
.-\ssyria. On the Median empire see Introd., pp. 11 c, \7 e.

26. king of Egypt, based on a misunderstanding of ' messengers ' (D'ONPO).

27. upon Euphrates, similarly Jos.

28. unto his chariot, mg. /lis chariot Jroiii him {&-).

undertook (so Jos., and IS in Chron.), see Torrey, 221 ; Charles conj. 3U'n' (private communication).
prophet. Xeco (so Jos.) misread (X"33 for 13: ) and plausibly expanded by the addition of the prophet's name.

29. princes came down ; another misreading (Dncn nTil for Qi-l\-! n'l "ith which G Chron. and Jos. agreej.

30. host, better ' line of battle ' ; apparently reading n^nyo for najnc

32. chief men ; reading Dnb' for D'Ht".

The dirge, according to Jos., was still extant.

33. With the paraphrase cf. i'. 42.

34. Joachaz (i.e. Jehoahaz), but mg.yftwzzVrjr (i.e. Jeconiah = Jehoiachin, v. 43), soffi^lLand Matt. i. 11. Jos. x. 5 2
follows l5 of Chron. with which cf. 2 Kings xxiii. 31-35. AH the texts show some confusion here; see the comm.

35- Judah, mg. Israel (ffi" 5L) ; ©S Jos. . . and MT (with (G) omit.
38. Hopeless confusion arising from misreadings of the MT.

DRAS

I ESDRAS 1. 39-53

2 CfIn.
36

39 Five and twenty years old was Joakim when
he began to ieign in Judaea and Jerusalem ; and
he did that which was evil in the sight of the

40 Lord. And against him Nabuchodonosor the
king of Babylon came up, and bound him with
a chain of brass, and carried him unto Babylon.

4 1 Nabuchodonosor also took of the holy vessels of
the Lord, and carried them away, and set them
up in his own temple at Babylon.

42 But those
things that are reported of him, and of his
uncleanness and impiety, are written in the
chronicles of the kings.

43 And Joakim his son reigned in his stead : for
when he was made king he was eighteen years

44 old ; and he reigned three months and ten days
in Jerusalem ; and did that which was evil before
the Lord.

45 So after a year Nabuchodonosor sent and
caused him to be brought unto Babylon with

46 the holy vessels of the Lord ; and made Sedekias
king of Judaea and Jerusalem,

when he was one
and twenty years old ; and he reigned eleven

47 years: and he also did that which was evil in
the sight of the Lord, and cared not for the
words that were spoken by Jeremy the prophet

48 from the mouth of the Lord. And after that
king Nabuchodonosor had made him to swear
by the name of the Lord, he forswore himself,
and rebelled ; and hardening his neck, and his
heart, he transgressed the laws of the Lord, the

49 God of Israel. Moreover the governors of the
people and of the priests did many things
wickedly, and passed all the pollutions of all
nations, and defiled the temple of the Lord,

50 which was sanctified in Jerusalem. And the
God of their fathers sent by his messenger to
call them back, because he had compassion on
them and on his dwelling place. ^

51 But they
mocked his messengers; and in the day when
the Lord spake iinto them, they scoffed at his
prophets :

52 so far forth, that he, being wroth with
his people for their great ungodliness, com-
manded to bring up the kings of the Chaldeans

53 against them ; who slew their young men with
the sword, round about their holy temple, and

Jehoiakim was twenty and five years old when
he began to reign ; and he reigned eleven years
in Jerusalem : and he did that which was evil in
the sight of the Lord his God. Against him came
up Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon, and bound
him in fetters, to carry him to Babylon.

Nebuchad-
nezzar also carried of the vessels of the house of
the Lord to Babylon, and put them in his temple
at Babylon. Now the rest of the acts of Jehoi-
akim, and his abominations which he did, and
that which was found in him, behold, they are
written in the book of the kings of Israel and
Judah: and Jehoiachin his son reigned in his
stead.

Jehoiachin was eight years old when he began
to reign ; and he reigned three months and ten
days in Jerusalem : and he did that which was
evil in the sight of the Lord.

And at the return
oftheyearkingNebuchadnezzarsent,and brought
him to Babylon, with the goodly vessels of the
house of the Lord, and made Zedekiah his bro-
ther king over Judah and Jerusalem.

Zedekiah was twenty and one years old when
he began to reign ; and he reigned eleven years in
Jerusalem : and he did that which was evil in the
sight of the Lord his God ; he humbled not him-
self before Jeremiah the prophet speaking from
the mouth of the Lord. And he also rebelled
against king Nebuchadnezzar, who had made
him swear by God : but he stiffened his neck,
and hardened his heart from turning unto the
Lord, the Lord God of Israel.

Moreover all the
chiefs of the priests, and the people, trespassed
very greatly after all the abominations of the
heathen ; and they polluted the house of the
Lord which he had hallowed in Jerusalem. And
the Lord, the God of their fathers, sent to them
by his messengers, rising up early and sending ;
because he had compassion on his people, and on
his dwelling place : but they mocked the messen-
gers of God, and despised his words, and scoffed
at his prophets, until the wrath of the Lord arose
against his people, till there was no remedy.
Therefore he brought upon them the king of the
Chaldeans, who slew their young men with the
sword in the house of their sanctuary, and had
no compassion upon young man or maiden, old
man or ancient : he gave them all into his hand.

7 I

39 seqq. For Joakim s history E does not use the fuller ffi of Chron. Jos. incorporates material from Jer. and
elaborates the traditions ; cf. Dan. i. i seq. On the te.\t see further Torrey, S9.
43. Joakim, an error for Jehoiachin.
eighteen, mg. eight (ffi" E": Si).

49. and passed all, mg. even above all (ffi"-).

50. messenger; read the plural, as in v. 51. The Jeremian 'rising up early and sending' (mi^c'l DOCn, cf. Jer-
xxix. 19, iS:c.) is wanting.

51. in the day, a misreading, Dra for D^tia ('despised ').

SAS

I ESDRAS 1. 5,

-• o

2 ChR

spared neither young man nor maid, old man
nor child ; but he delivered all into their hands.

54 And they took all the holy vessels of the Lord,
both great and small, with the vessels of the
ark of the Lord, and the king's treasures, and

55 carried them away unto Babylon. And they
burnt the house of the Lord, and brake down
the walls of Jerusalem, and burnt the towers

56 thereof with fire : and as for her glorious things,
they never ceased till they had brought them all
to nought: and the people that were not slain

57 with the sword he carried unto Babylon : and
they were servants unto him and to his children,
till the Persians reigned, to fulfil the word of the

58 Lord by the mouth of Jeremy : Until the land
hath enjoyed her sabbaths, the whole time of her
desolation shall she keep sabbath, to fulfil three-
score and ten years.

► I In the first year of Cyrus king of the Persians,
that the word of the Lord by the mouth of

2 Jeremy might be accomplished, the Lord stirred
up the spirit of Cyrus king of the Persians, and
he made proclamation through all his kingdom,

3 and also by writing, saying. Thus saith Cyrus
king of the Persians ; The Lord of Israel, the
Most High Lord, hath made me king of the

And all the vessels of the house of God, great 18
and small, and the treasures of the house of the
Lord, and the treasures of the king, and of his
princes ; all these he brought to Babylon. And 19
they burnt the house of God, and brake down the
wall of Jerusalem, and burnt all the palaces thereof
with fire, and destroyed all the goodly vessels
thereof.

And them that had escaped from the 20
sword carried he away to Babylon ; and they
were servants to him and his sons until the reign
of the kingdom of Persia: to fulfil the word of 21
the Lord by the mouth of Jeremiah, until the
land had enjoyed her sabbaths : for as long as
she lay desolate she kept sabbath, to fulfil three-
score and ten years.

Ezra ]
Now in the first year of Cyrus king of Persia, i
that the word of the Lord by the mouth of Jere-
miah might be accomplished, the Lord stirred up
the spirit of Cyrus king of Persia, that he made
a proclamation throughout all his kingdom, and
put it also in writing, saying. Thus saith Cyrus 2
king of Persia, All the kingdoms of the earth
hath the Lord, the God of heaven, given me ;

53. child, MT OT'; (? 'aged', cf. Ar. wathwath, 'weak, impotent ').

54. the vessels, mg. the arks 0/ the Lord (ffi^S S) ; based upon a confusion of nVIS (' treasure ') and inx.

56. Lit. 'and they made an end of spoiling . . .' (o-wfrtXeo-ai/ . . . axptaJaai) ; MT V3 ?3 ('all the goodly . . .')

treated as ?3 (' made an end of) IP^.

that were not slain : Toin inCKomom anriyayev fiera (G"^ and, cf. 3L*^) f>oix(j)a!as ' the people that were left he led
away with the sword'.

58. The passage (see Jer. xxv. 12, xxix. 10 ; Lev. xxvi. 34 seq.) is treated as a quotation (cf. comm. on E ix. II seq.) ;
on the statements, see Torrey, 2S6 n. 2.

The decree of Cyrus and the return under Sheshbazzar, ii. 1-15 = 2 Chron. xxxvi. 22 seq., E i. ; cf. Jos. Ant. xi. i.
(a) The compiler passes over the years of exile, ignores the tradition of the Median empire represented in Daniel, and
proceeds to the first year of Cyrus the Persian, the divinely-appointed agent inspired to fulfil the prophecy of Jeremiah
(see Jer. xxiv. 6, xxv. 12 seq., xxix. 10-19, xxxiii. 10-13). His decree (to be contrasted with vi. 24 seqq.) has a marked
Jewish tinge, as is recognized even by those who accept it as mainly genuine (Ewald, 49 ; Sellin, Stitd. 154; Holzhey,
14), and should be compared with those of Darius {E iv.) and Artaxerxes (viii. 8 seqq.), and with the royal decrees in
the 'canonical' and 'apocryphal' Esther; see Torrey, 144 n. 12, 15S. The place of Cyras in Jewish tradition (see
Is. xli. 25, xliv. 28, xlv. 1-13) has been idealized; the story of Bel and the Dragon reveals another view of his
character. He was not a monotheist, nor did he fulfil all the expectations of the prophecies. On the other hand, the
parallels between his 'cylinder Inscription' and Is. xliv. 28-xlv. 4 (see Kittel, ZATW, xviii. 149 seqq.) could suggest
that the biblical writers had been directly influenced by the inscription of this patron of the Babylonian gods.
Tradition is embellished further in Jos., who refers to a prophecy of Jeremiah heralding the rebuilding of the Temple
(x. 7 3, xi. I 1-2 ; cf. on v. 61), and attributes the enthusiasm of Cyrus to his perusal of the prophecies of Isaiah
(cf. similarly Alexander the Great and Daniel, xi. 8. 5, § 337).

(b) The section E i.-vi. is mainly from the chronicler (Driver, Lit. 545 seq.), and while Chron. itself can be
controlled by the parallel portions of Samuel and Kings, the criticism of this section rests upon internal data and the
independent testimony of Haggai and Zech. i.-viii. From a study of these prophecies it is urged that the rebuilding of
the Temple at Jerusalem was" first begun in the reign of Darius, and not Cyrus (as in E iii.),that the builders werethe
'remnant' of Jiidah, no considerable body of exiles having as yet returned (as in E i. seq., E iv.-v. 6), that no serious
Samaritan hostility had as yet arisen, and that no separation from the heathen of the land had as yet led to the
inauguration of a Jewish 'congregation' or 'church'. See, in the first instance, Schrader, 460-504, and for fuller
details Introd. § 4 (II).

On the text of ii. 1-15 see the comment., Moulton, ZATW, xix. 243 seqq., and Torrey, 120 seqq.
II. 3. Most High, MT ' God of Heaven ', so also in vi. 31, viii. 19, 21. Definite conclusions can with difficulty be
drawn from the numerous and often noteworthy variations in the form of the Divine name ; for a summary of the
data see Moulton, ZA TW, xix. 226 seqq. The title ' Most High ' (Z^wtos = i^py) recurs frequently in Daniel
(14 times). Psalms (21), Ecclus. (48), and in Jubilees; more rarely in the Pentateuch (6); see the detads in
R. H. Charles, /;<(5//^f.f, pp. !xvi, 213, who observes that it was most used in the second cent. B.C. On the Greek
title see E. Schiirer, Theolog. Lit.-zeit., 1897, nos. 9 and (with a review of F. Cumont's Hypsistos) 19; J. Skinner,
Genesis, 270 seq.

I ESDRAS 2. 4-14

EzR [

4 whole world, and commanded me to build him
r, a house at Jerusalem that is in Judaea. If there-
fore there be any of you that are of his people,
let the Lord, even his Lord, be with him, and
let him go up to Jerusalem that is in Judaea, and
build the house of the Lord of Israel : he is the

6 Lord that dwclleth in Jerusalem. Of such there-
fore as dwell in divers places, let them that are

7 in his own place help each one with gold, and
with silver, with gifts, with horses also and cattle,
beside the other things which have been added
by vow for the temple of the Lord which is in
Jerusalem.

8 Then the chief of the families of Judah and of
the tribe of Benjamin stood up ; the priests also,
and the Levites, and all they whose spirit the
Lord had stirred to go up, to build the house for
the Lord which is in Jerusalem.

(J And they that

dwelt round about them helped them in all things
with silver and gold, with horses and cattle, and
with very many gifts that were vowed of a great
number whose minds were stirred up thereto.

10 King Cyrus also brought forth the holy vessels
of the Lord, which Nabuchodonosor had carried
away from Jerusalem, and had set up in his temple

1 1 of idols. Now when Cyrus king of the Persians
had brought them forth, he delivered them to

12 Mithradates his treasurer, and by him they were
delivered to Sanabassar the governor of Judaea.

13 And this was the number of them : A thousand
golden cups, a thousand cups of silver, censers of
silver twenty nine, vials of gold thirty, and of
silver two thousand four hundred and ten, and

14 other vessels a thousand. So all the vessels of
gold and of silver were brought up, even five

and he hath charged me to build him an house
in Jerusalem, which is in Judah. Whosoever 3
there is among you of all his people, his God
be with him, and let him go up to Jerusalem,
which is in Judah, and build the house of the
Lord, the God of Israel, (he is God,) which is in
Jerusalem. And whosoever is left, in any place 4
where he sojourneth, let the men of his place help
him with silver, and with gold, and with goods,
and with beasts, beside the freewill offering for
the house of God which is in Jerusalem.

Then 5 1
rose up the heads of fathers' houses of Judah and
Benjamin, and the priests, and the Levites, even !
all whose spirit God had stirred to go up to build ;
the house of the Lord which is in Jerusalem. 1
And all they that were round about them 6 :
strengthened their hands with vessels of silver, ,
with gold, with goods, and with beasts, and with
precious things, beside all that was willingly
offered.

Also Cyrus the king brought forth the 7
vessels of the house of the Lord, which Nebu- j
chadnezzar had brought forth out of Jerusalem,
and had put them in the house of his gods ; even 8 •
those did Cyrus king of Persia bring forth by the 1
hand of Mithredath the treasurer, and numbered ,
them unto Sheshbazzar, the prince of Judah. |
And this is the number of them : thirty chargers 9 j
of gold, a thousand chargers of silver, nine and
twenty knives ; thirty bowls of gold, silver bowls ic'
of a second sort four hundred and ten, and other 1
vessels a thousand. All the vessels of gold and H'
of silver were five thousand and four hundred. ;

5. people. ©'•+ ' who desireth to go up ' ; cf. v. 8, viii. 10 seq.

let the Lord, mg. let liis Lord be, &^c. {&), cf. Chron. Yaliweh his Cod.

the Lord that dwelleth, cf. E R.V. mg. : he is the God which . . . (with omission of the brackets).
7. horses, reading E'3'1 for B'lS"! (cf. ?'. 9) ; perhaps wrongly, see Torrey, 121.

added by vow (or ' in accordance with vow '), cf. v. 9, viii. 13, and see ZA TVV, xi.\. 231.

9. in all things, ^33, for MT''^3a.

of a great number, reading 3^? (i.e. 'with precious things in abi/?tdance'') in place of the incorrect 13?
('beside').

10. holy vessels. P"or the rendering cf. i. 45, vi. iS, 26 ; Dan. i. 2 (MS. 87) and Moulton, ZATW, xi.\. 228 seq.
There is an obvious effort to Imk the new Temple with that of Solomon (cf. similarly the Register of the exiles in

V. 1-46 J, but the details are intricate. Some of the Temple-vessels were removed in the reign of Jehoiakim (2 Chron.
xxxvi. 7, Dan. i. 2 ; wanting in 2 Kings). Later, in the time of Jehoiachin alt were cut up or canied away (2 Kings
xxiv. 13 seq., a doubtful passage, see the comm.). In Zedekiah's time, nevertheless, many evidently were left (Jer.
xxvii. 16 seqq., xxviii. 3), and a prophecy of their removal also promises their restoration, although this latter feature
is absent from ffl's text (xxvii. 16-22). Finally, at the fall of Jerusalem they were broken up and removed {2 Kings
x-xv. 13-17, Jer. lii. 17 seqq.). (The evidence in Judith iv. 1-3 for a return of exiles and vessels m the time of Kebu-
chadrezzar and the high-priest Joakim can hardly be discussed.) The sacrilegious use of the vessels by Belshazzar
was avenged by the division of the Babylonian empire among the Medes and Persians, and Darius became king
(Dan. v.). The tradition of their restoration in the reign of Cyrus clearly conflicts with E iv. 44, 57, where Darius
effects what Cyrus had been unable to accomplish, and this belief can hardly have been current among those who
knew of their return as described in E i. Moreover, the prophets Hag. and Zech. (time of Darius) do not imply that
the vessels had been restored ; E received rich supplies {E viii. 17), and returned with gifts something over ^2,500,000
in value (Meyer, 69 seq.). But in the story of N the Temple appears to be neglected and poor, and Is. Ix. 5-7 look
forward to wealthy gifts. Another aspect is presented when it is supposed that the Temple-furniture had been concealed
(see 2 Mace. ii. 4-S ; Apoc. Baruch, ed. Charles, vi. 7 seqq., Ixxx. 2, and p. 168).

12. Sanabassar (ffl*), mg. Samanassar (6" in v. 14, but ' Sanamassar ' here). On the numerous variant forms
see Guthe (SBO'J) and Torrey, 136 seq. See below, vi. 18.

13 seq. On the variations in this passage see Torrey, 123 seq., 138 seq.

)BAS

I ESDRAS 2. 15-18

EZR.

15 thousand four hundred threescore and nine, and
were carried back by Sanabassar, together with
them of the captivity, from Babylon to Jeru-
salem.

16 But in the time of Artaxerxes king of the Per-
sians Belemus, and Mithradates, and Tabellius,
and Rathumus, and Beeltethmus, and Samellius
the scribe, with the others that were in com-
mission with them, dwelling in Samaria and
other places, wrote unto him against them that
dwelt in Judsa and Jerusalem the letter follow-

17 ing : To king Artaxerxes our Lord, Thy servants,
Rathumus the storywriter, and Samellius the
scribe, and the rest of their council, and the judges
that are in Ccelesyria and Phoenicia.

18 Be it now

known to our lord the king, that the Jews that
are come up from you to us, being come unto

All these did Sheshbazzar bring up, when they
of the captivity were brought up from Babylon
unto Jerusalem.

EzR/

And in the reign of Ahasuerus, in the begin- 6
ning of his reign, wrote they an accusation against
the inhabitants of Judah and Jerusalem.

And in the days of Artaxerxes wrote Bishlam, 7
Mithredath,Tabeel,and the rest of hiscompanions,
unto Artaxerxes king of Persia ; and the writing
of the letter was written in the Syrian character,
and set forth in the Syrian tongue. Rehum the 8
chancellor and Shimshai the scribe wrote a letter
against Jerusalem to Artaxerxes the king in this
sort : then 7i<rote Rehum the chancellor, and Shim- 9
shai the scribe, and the rest of their companions ;
the Dinaites, and the Apharsathchites, the Tar-
pelites, the Apharsites, the Archevites, the Baby-
lonians, the Shushanchites, the Dehaites, the
Elamites, and the rest of the nations whom the 10
great and noble Osnappar brought over, and set
in the city of Samaria, and in the rest of the
country beyond the river, and so forth. This is 1 1
the copy of the letter that they sent unto Arta-
xerxes the king ; Thy servants the men beyond
the river, and so forth. Be it known unto the 12
king, that the Jews which came up from thee are
come to us unto Jerusalem ; they are building

15. Neither MT nor the expHcit E supports the conjecture (Meyer, 193; cf. Holzhey, 15 seq., Davies, 47) that
Sheshbazzar returned to prepare the way for Zerubbabel.

The opposition in the reign of Artaxerxes, ii. 16-30 = E iv. 7-24 (Aramaic), cf. Jos. Ant. xi. 2 1-2.
(a) This passage cannot, in either E or if, come between the reigns of Cyrus and Darius. There is an obvious
gap after ■;'. 15, and Jos., who ingeniously changes Artaxerxes into Cambyses, avoids it by an introduction (§ 19 seq.,
to be compared with § 88 = if v. 72 seq.), and ends with the statement of a delay of nine years (including 6 of
Cambyses, 2 of Darius). The passage has hardly ' strayed' to its place in E (Davies, 84) ; it is not indispensable in
E, whereas in if it is a necessary link between the return of Sheshbazzar and the tradition in iii. seq. Various attempts
have been made to show that it is in its true position before the accession of Darius, whether by identifying the latter
with D. II, or, like Josephus, by treating Artaxer.xes as a mistake for Cambyses (cf. Sellin, Winckler, Torrey, and see
references by Howorth in PSBA, xxiii. 313, 319, and Janipel, i. 103 seqq., ii. 97 seq.). These only cut the knot.
Allowance must be made for a compilation based on a particular though erroneous theory of the Median and Persian
kings (see Torrey, 38, 286, 302), but the real difficulty is the occurrence of this document relating to the time of
Artaxerxes immediately after the reign of Cyrus. On its place, see further below, p. 56, and Jntrod. § 5 (b).

{b) The text in if is certainly from an Aramaic original. Note the translation of DVU PW ' story- writer ' (mg.
'recorder') in 17, 25, but the transliteration in 16 and (with a doublet) 25 ; the different renderings in EG (e.g. iv
flprjvrj for MT Bishlam, if Belemus, 7'. 16) ; and such variant renderings as 'cities' (v. 22 for 'provmces'), 'passage'
(■:'. 24 and Jos. § 25 ; 'pl^ for MT p^n ' portion '). E, although free and paraphrastic, preserves (as noticed by Volz,
1490) some better readings: 'our lord, the king' {tt. 17 seq., 21, cf. vi. 8; in agreement with Aramaic diplomatic
usage), 'be it now^ known' (■:'. 18, see Torrey, 146, 186; 31'^ prefixes 'peace'); 'books' (?'. 21), 'the Jews' (t'. 23).
Sometimes, however, decision is difficult; so in vv. 25 seq., 28, the references to the Temple in v2k 18, 20, and
especially the introduction compared with E iv. 6-1 1. In the JNIT 7 and 8 imply t2co letters, but the relationship is
not clear ; both 8 i!) and 10 (?■ (ending ' and now ' as in ?'. li)pointto the immediate commencement of a letter. The
(Hebrew) reference to Ahasuerus (Xerxes) in ''. 6 (cf. the story of Esther) is wanting in if, although 7/. 16 (end) seems
to represent MT 6i>, and if. 17 covers MT tz'. 8 (end), 9 (omitting the names after 'Dinaites', if 'judges'), and 10
(the reference to 'beyond the river '). Thus E v. 18 begins the letter and corresponds to MT 12 (ct. 11 b with \ob).
The intricacies may be due partly to the compiler's effort to quote a source and also to use it in his narrative (cf. on
if vi. below), partly also to the revision of E after E and the reverse. It is noteworthy that E (where i.-iv. 6 is in
Hebrew) takes care to state that the document was in Aramaic and needed translating {vv. 7 and 18 R.V. mg.) ; this
is ignored in if, as also is the debatable tynSD in E ix. 48. See further the comment, and Torrey, 172 seq., 178 seqq.,
Bayer, 33 seq.

17. Ccelesyria and Phoenicia. The geographical term in MT ('Transflumen', ' Transpotamia') represents the
Persian province west of the Euphrates, and to this the earlier use of the term Ccelesyria (before the first cent. B.C.)
corresponds, if's rendering (contrast EG's literal Tsipav roi norafiov) may point to an Egyptian locale where the
geography of Palestine and Syria was unfamiliar (Torrey, 83). Jos. names Syria and Phoenicia, and adds Ammon
and Moab ; cf. perhaps Tobiah the Ammonite and Sanballat (if a native of Horonaim).

«AS

I ESDRAS 2. 18-30

EZR,

Jerusalem, do build that rebellious and wicked
city, and do repair the marketplaces and the
walls of it, and do lay the foundation of a temple.

19 Now if this city be builded and the walls thereof
be finished, they will not only refuse to give
tribute, but will even stand up against kings.

20 And forasmuch as the things pertaining to the
temple are now in hand, we think it meet not to

21 neglect such a matter, but to speak unto our lord
the king, to the intent that, if it be thy pleasure,
search may be made in the books of thy fathers :

3 2 and thou shalt find in the chronicles what is
written concerning these things, and shalt under-
stand that that city was rebellious, troubling both

23 kings and cities: and that the Jews were rebel-
lious, and raised always wars therein of old time ;
for the which cause even this city was laid waste.

24 Wherefore now we do declare unto thee, O lord
the king, that if this city be builded again, and
the walls thereof set up anew, thou shalt from
henceforth have no passage into Ccelesyria and

25 Phcenicia. Then the king wrote back again to
Rathumus the storywriter, and Beeltethmus, and
Samellius the scribe, and to the rest that were in
commission, and dwelt in Samaria and Syria and

26 Phoenicia, after this manner: I have read the
epistle which ye have sent unto me :

therefore
I commanded to make search, and it hath been
found that that city of old time hath made in-

27 surrection against kings ; and the men were given
to rebellion and war therein : and that mighty
kings and fierce were in Jerusalem, who reigned
and exacted tribute in Ccelesyria and Phoenicia.

28 Now therefore I have commanded to hinder
those men from building the city,

and heed to
be taken that there be nothing done contrary to

29 this order ; and that those wicked doings pro-
3° ceed no further to the annoyance of kings. Then

king Artaxerxes his letters being read, Rathu-
mus, and Samellius the scribe, and the rest that
were in commission with them, removing in haste
unto Jerusalem with horsemen and a multitude
of people in battle array, began to hinder the
builders ; and the building of the temple in Jeru-

the rebellious and the bad city, and have finished
the walls, and repaired the foundations.

Be it 13
known now unto the king, that, if this city be
builded, and the walls finished, they will not pay
tribute, custom, or toll, and in the end it will
endamage the kings. Now because we eat the 14
salt of the palace, and it is not meet for us to see
the king's dishonour, therefore have we sent and
certified the king ; that search may be made in 15
the book of the records of thy fathers : so shalt
thou find in the book of the records, and know
that this city is a rebellious city, and hurtful unto
kings and provinces, and that they have moved
sedition within the same of old time : for which
cause was this city laid waste.

We certify the 16
king that, if this city be builded, and the walls
finished, by this means thou shalt have no portion
beyond the river.

Then sent the king an answer 17
unto Rehum the chancellor, and to Shimshai the
scribe, and to the rest of their companions that
dwell in Samaria, and in the rest of the country
beyond the river. Peace, and so forth. The letter '8
which ye sent unto us hath been plainly read
before me. And I decreed, and search hath been 19
made, and it is found that this city of old time
hath made insurrection against kings, and that
rebellion and sedition have been made therein.
There have been mighty kings also over Jeru- 20
salem, which have ruled over all the country
beyond the river ; and tribute, custom, and toll,
was paid unto them. Make ye now a decree to 21 I
cause these men to cease, and that this city be
not builded, until a decree shall be made by me. ;
And take heed that ye be not slack herein : why ^^ j
should damage grow to the hurt of the kings?

Then when the copy of king Artaxerxes' letter ^3 '
was read before Rehum, and Shimshai the scribe, j
and their companions, they went in haste to -
Jerusalem unto the Jews, and made them to cease 1
by force and power.

Then ceased the work of

18. lay the foundation . . . , Kai vahv liro^dWovTm (BA ; VTj-fp^dWovra df^iiXioinriv, L).

20. temple ... in hand (cVfpyciTm ra Kara TOP vaoij), lit. 'are being urged on'. MT JVoiu because . . .palace
((G°* cm.) may mean that the writers are in the king's service, or have entered into a covenant with him, or (reading
'our salt is the . . .' ; Nestle, Strack) receive the dues of the palace or temple (cf. E vii. 22, i Mace. x. 29, xi. 35).
£■ apparently rests upon some confusion of nPO ('salt'), with nSN^'D ('work of), n^» ('the matter of ), or perhaps
N?D ('be full, complete '). In any case the reference to the Temple here and in -j. 18 is noteworthy ; either it may
be part of a deliberate aim to introduce allusions to the Temple (see Bayer, S7 seqq., 94 seq., 102), or there was
a tradition of the building of the Temple in the time of Artaxer.xes. The latter finds independent support (see Introd.
% 5 e), and the text in MT may be explained by the fact that, while in E and E Sheshbazzar had returned to rebuild
the Temple, in E only is there an account of the commencement of the work and the delay. See also Introd. 15 seq.

23. Rather ' rebellious and still continuing sieges therein from of old ' (Ball).

30. horsemen, <S:c. ; MT force (tit. ' arm ') and power (lit. ' strength ' or ' army'). Cf. the situation in N iv. 2, S.

)RAS

I ESDRAS 2. 30—3. 5

Ezra

salem ceased until the second year of the reign
of Darius king of the Persians.

the house of God which is at Jerusalem ; and it
ceased unto the second year of the reign of
Darius king of Persia.

1 Now king Darius made a great feast unto all his subjects, and unto all that were born in his house,

2 and unto all the princes of Media and of Persia, and to all the satraps and captains and governors

3 that were under him, from India unto Ethiopia, in the hundred twenty and seven provinces. And
when they had eaten and drunken, and being satisfied were gone home, then Darius the king went
into his bedchamber, and slept, and awaked out of his sleep.

A Then the three young men of the body-guard, that kept the king's person, spake one to another :

c Let every one of us say one thing which shall be strongest : and he whose sentence shall seem wiser

than the others, unto him shall Darius the king give great gifts, and great honours in token of

The Story of the Three Pages and the Decree of Darius, ill. i-v. 6, wanting in E ; see Jos. xi. 3 2-6.
{a) This section, famous for the Praise of Truth and for the familiar though often misquoted saying in iv. 41, is the
centre of the problems of E. The story, well-known to early Christian Fathers and Synoptists, appears to be a piece
of popular literature (cf. Susanna, Bel and the Dragon), not originally connected with Zerubbabel (see iv. 13, v. 5).
Although ascribed to the early part of the reign of Darius (iv. 43, v. 6), it was evidently not written for the present
context, which, indeed, it throws into great chronological confusion (see iv. 44, 57 ; v. 2, 55, 71, 73). In fact, the name
Apame (iv. 29) suggests the time of Darius III (Codomannus), and the original scene, not laid in Babylon (iv. 57, 61),
though ostensibly in Susa. was probably Egypt (so most scholars) or Antioch in Syria (Marq. 66). The orations
are not distinctively biblical. That on drink stands in contrast, e.g. to Prov. xxiii. 29-35, Ecclus. xxxi. 25-30 ; and iv. 20
and 39 do not necessarily indicate any acquaintance with Gen. ii. 24 and Deut. x. 17 respectively. Allusions to
Samson (so Lupton) are not obvious in iv. 17, 24, 26. The religious colouring is weak, but has been deepened by
translators (see iv. 35 seq., 41, 59). Even the fine Praise of Truth seems to be an early addition: it is loosely
appended to the paean of women, which, again, is out of touch with O.T. thought. Yet, even though the story be
somewhat removed from biblical ideas, it may still be Jewish. The Praise of Truth, for example, may be a specimen
of Palestinian wisdom (Zunz),and although Volz (1493) thinks it shows contact with Alexandrian religious philosophy,
Torrey (46 scq.) fails to find anything ' hellenistic ' or suggestive of the influence of Greek literature or philosophy.

(b) Ewald has suggested a connexion with the Sibylline books (iii. 293 seq.), where allusion is made to Persian
kings inspired by dreams to further the restoration of the Temple. This is as little convincing or helpful as the alleged
parallel between the questions debated by the Three Pages and the propositions put to the Jewish elders in the Letter
of Aristeas. On the other hand, the opening of the story is clearly reminiscent of Est. i. 1-3; iii. 9 seems to be
connected with Dan. vi. 2 (Torrey, 48), and several other interesting points of contact with Esther and Daniel
have been noticed by Bayer (no seqq.). Lagarde {Mittheil. iv. 358) conjectured that the story once followed
after Dan. vi. i. It is not improbable that the compiler identified Darius with the Mede in Dan. v. 31 (Hitzig, Reuss),
and Biichler (51) further points out that Daniel's prayer in the first year of Darius (ix.) knows of no earlier return of
exiles and may be associated with E'% story of Zerubbabel, which is placed in the king's second year. The story
contains data which ignore and exclude E ii. 1-15 (note that Cyrus follows Darius in the book of Daniel). The land
is waste and is partly occupied by Edomites who had burned the Temple. Neither exiles nor Temple-vessels had as
yet returned, and now for the first time the favour of Persia had been gained and permission was given to return.
For some reason Cyrus had been unable to fulfil his vow, and that of Darius is virtually a duplicate. It is, as Ewald
(129) trenchantly observes, 'as if these kings had been in the habit of thinking of the God of Israel and the fate of
his people at every critical moment of their lives, and the history of the whole world had strictly hinged in consequence
upon the changes of its lot '. Ewald, however, accepts the decree of Cyrus, and this leaves no room for that of Darius,
which is as credible, in itself, as that of the other Persian kings. See below, p. 32.

(t) It is very generally agreed that, with the exception of v. 1-6, the section was probably or certainly composed
in Greek. But signs of a Hebrew original have been noticed by Schrader, Renan, Ball, and especially Jahn, who
offers a Hebrew retranslation (177-88). Torrey (20-25, 37-61) argues for a Hebrew or Aramaic original, on the
grounds of internal linguistic features, antecedent probability (viz. the close connexion between v. 1-6 and the end
of iv.), and the characteristic interest in the ecclesiastical bodies (iv. 51-56). He notices several 'Aramaisms'
(e.g. use of ToVf, Aram, pnx ; 'ip^aro, ^tcO, and concludes that the Story of the Three Pages was in Aramaic, and
metrical (p. 47) ; I'-c: 43-46 were also in Aramaic, but the sequel in Hebrew (pp. 29 seq., 58). Bayer (123 seqq.)
agrees, but urges that the whole of iii. and iv. was in Aramaic. See further Torrey's retranslation and notes (50 seqq.),
and below on iv. 42 seqq. Jos. reproduces the section, with a necessary introduction to account for the presence of
Zerubbabel ; he seems to have used a slightly different version (Buchler, 57 seqq., 100 ; see on iii. 3). An abbreviated
version is given in the Latin summary published by Lagarde (Sc-pf. Stud. ii. 16 seqq.; here cited as Lag.), and in
Josippon (see Buchler, 59 seqq., 62 seq., 100 seq.). For other witnesses see on iv. 36, 41, 59.

111. 3. slept, and awaked: t/coi/jij^j? kuX i'^inms eydvcTo, 'lay down and was sleepless', cf. i'ivnvos in mod. Greek
' wide-awake ' (J. C. Lawson, Mod. Gr. Folklore, p. 31). According to Jos. § 35, cf. § 57, the king was restless (cf. Est.
vi. i), and was the first to suggest the orations and to promise and specify rewards. This confiicts with v. 8 seq., but
seems to be hinted at in iv. 42 U\da, tmi/ ytypainiivav). On the other hand, E does not alljw that the suggestion
came from the king, who is asieep (vv. 8 seq., 13). Jahn proposes to read ewnms (p. 177); Torrey (24, 50) con-
jectures that the original Aramaic text read: '(v. 3) . . . Darius . . . slept. (?'. 4) Then stood on the watch (or
"bestirred themselves " v,n inynio) three young guardsmen (who protected the person of the king: a gloss), and
they said . . . .'

5. thing (Aoyoi'), i.e. sentence, as in v. 16.

strongest (iTrfpierxija-fi), i. e. shall prevail.

sentence (pij/io), i.e. argument.

honours, &:c., f'jriciKia ixeydXa, {-,'. 6) Ka\ TTOpf.vpav TTfpi^aXiaSai ; Jos. § 35 viKrjTrjpiov TTopcpiipav ivhiaaixeai. Cf.
Dan. V. 7.

I ESDRAS 3. 6—4:. lo

6 victory: as, to be clothed in purple, to drink in gold, and to sleep upon gold, and a chariot with

7 bridles of gold, and a headtire of fine linen, and a chain about his neck : and he shall sit next to

8 Darius because of his wisdom, and shall be called Darius his cousin. And then they wrote every

9 one his sentence, and set to their seals, and laid ^/le ivriting under king Darius his pillow, and said,
When the king is risen, some shall give him the writing ; and of whose side the king and the three
princes of Persia shall judge that his sentence is the wisest, to him shall the victory be given, as it is

io,ii,i2 written. The first wrote, Wine is the strongest. The second wrote. The king is strongest. The
third wrote, Women are strongest : but above all things Truth beareth away the victory.

13 Now when the king was risen up, they took the writing, and gave it unto him, and so he read it :

14 and sending forth he called all the princes of Persia and of Media, and the satraps, and the captains,

15 and the governors, and the chief officers ; and sat him down in the royal seat of judgement ; and the

16 writing was read before them. And he said, Call the young men, and they shall explain their own

17 sentences. So they were called, and came in. And they said unto them, Declare unto us your
mind concerning the things ye have written.

18 Then began the first, who had spoken of the strength of wine, and said thus, O sirs, how exceeding

19 strong is wine! it causeth all men to err that drink it : it maketh the mind of the king and of the
fatherless child to be all one ; of the bondman and of the freeman, of the poor man and of the rich :

20 it turncth also every thought into jollity and mirth, so that a man remembereth neither sorrow nor

21 debt : and it maketh every heart rich, so that a man remembereth neither king nor satrap ; and it

22 maketh to speak all things by talents : and when they are in their cups, they forget their love both

23 to friends and brethren, and a little after draw their swords: but when they awake from their wine,
-A they remember not what they have done. O sirs, is not wine the strongest, seeing that it enforceth

to do thus ? And when he had so spoken, he held his peace.
4. I, 2 Then the second, that had spoken of the strength of the king, began to say, O sirs, do not men

3 excel in strength, that bear rule over the sea and land, and all things in them? But yet is the king
stronger : and he is their lord, and hath dominion over them ; and in whatsoever he commandeth

4 them they obey him. If he bid them make war the one against the other, they do it : and if he

5 send them out against the enemies, they go, and overcome mountains, walls, and towers. They
slay and are slain, and transgress not the king's commandment : if they get the victory, they bring

6 all to the king, as well the spoil, as all things else. Likewise for those that are no soldiers, and
have not to do with wars, but use husbandry, when they have reaped again that which they had sown,

7 they bring it to the king, and compel one another to pay tribute unto the king. And he is but one

8 man : if he command to kill, they kill ; if he command to spare, they spare ; if he command to
smite, they smite ; if he command to make desolate, they make desolate ; if he command to build,

9, 10 they build ; if he command to cut down, they cut down ; if he command to plant, they plant. So
all his people and his arnjies obey him : furthermore he lieth down^ he eateth and drinketh, and

9. some (i.e. they) shall give, hiaanvam. iL dabimus.

three princes, cf. Est. i. 14 ((5, but MT 7, as in E viii. 11).
as it is written, Jahn restores according to his writing.

12. above all things . . . (imip Si ndfTa . . .), i.e. 'Truth is victor over all' (Torrey, p. 24, cf. ^y nv;l. ' The
third appears to have a double thesis to maintain, thus interfering with the symmetry' (Lupton).

13. <&'■ ' writings', and similarly in v. 15.

14. ©■• om. satrnps. Cf. Dan. iii. 2 for this list.

15. sat ; IL S they sat.

seat of judgement (xprjiiaTia-Trjpia)), council-chamber (cf. A.V. mg.).

16. he, ©"-S t/iev.

17. they said, 3L he said, ffi'-iL'^ and the king said.

1 8. 3L (;uam ( + facile 3L<^ ; cito Lag.) praeualet (E= vincit) vintun omnibus hoininibus (3L<= omnes homines) qui bibunt
illud.

21. speak . . . by talents, (5'- + »tai TTcil'rn 8ia ■ypn/u/iaTo)!' TToici oVai' 8e TTi'l/axTi.

23. awake, & tyipdimiv, (5^ yevi]duicn.v, (S"" yeVmi/rm, E*^ et cum digesserit vinuiii et stcrrexerint (Lag. cum a vino
fuerint . . .).

24. ffi"- how is not wine . . . , cf. iv. 12. 32.

IV. 2. that bear . . . , rather ' in bearing rule . . .'
3. their lord, (5" lord of all, cf. A.V. ; E rex autem super omnia praecellit, 3L'= . . . super fortis est.
and hath . . . them, ©'- om.

obey, fi"* ivumwyaiv, ffi'- avT'ws, aKoiiovai toC eVds, ffi* jroiijtroiKTti' (cf. L Lag. faciunt) ; lif- om. ' and in . . . him '.
5. as well the spoil . . . ffi xai (A + oo-a) iav Trpovnixeia-ma-w KaX ra ciWn -rriivTa (i. e. ' and if they raid— and all else ' [in
like manner]), % they bring to the king whatsoever they spoil. Torrey (52) conjectures a confusion of Aram, ins ' take'
and nnx ' other '.

7. but one man, mg. one and alone; ffi xal avTu^ et (ffiiabAi. ^^ ^^^g^ ^VtiV, cf. Josh. .xxii. 20, Judith i. 1 1 (so Torrey,
52. who would join the words to i>. 6).

8. ffi om. //in '■. 8 seq. (5* om. el-n-fv ijirjfiacnn €pr;/jor.(Ti... Cf. generahy Dan. v. 19.

I ESDRAS 4. 11-35

11 taketh his rest : and these keep watch round about him, neither may any one depart, and do his own

12 business, neither disobey they him in anything. O sirs, how should not the king be strongest, seeing
that in such sort he is obeyed ? And he held his peace.

13 Then the third, who had spoken of women, and of truth, (this was Zorobabel) began to speak.

14 sirs, is not the king great, and men are many, and wine is strong ? who is it then that ruleth them,

15 or hath the lordship over them? are they not women? Women have borne the king and all the

16 people that bear rule by sea and land. Even of them came they: and they nourished them up that

17 planted the vineyards, from whence the wine Cometh. These also make garments for men; these

18 bring glory unto men ; and without women cannot men be. Yea, and if men have gathered together
o-old and silver and every other goodly thing, and see a woman which is comely in favour and beauty,

10 they let all those things go, and gape after her, and even with open mouth fi.x their eyes fast on her ;

20 and have all more desire unto her than unto gold or silver, or any goodly thing whatsoever. A man

21 leaveth his own father that brought him up, and his own country, and cleaveth unto his wife. And

22 with his wife he endeth his days, and remembereth neither father, nor mother, nor country. By this
also ye must know that women have dominion over you : do ye not labour and toil, and give and

23 bring all to women? Yea, a man taketh his sword, and goeth forth to make outroads, and to rob

24 and to steal, and to sail upon the sea and upon rivers ; and looketh upon a lion, and walketh in the

25 darkness ; and when he hath stolen, spoiled, and robbed, he bringeth it to his love. Wherefore a man

26 loveth his wife better than father or mother. Yea, many there be that have run out of their wits for

27 women, and become bondmen for their sakes. Many also have perished, have stumbled, and sinned,

28 for women. And now do ye not believe me ? is not the king great in his power ? do not all regions

29 fear to touch him ? Yet did I see him and Apame the king's concubine, the daughter of the illus-

30 trious Bartacus, sitting at the right hand of the king, and taking the crown from the king's head,

31 and setting it upon her own head ; yea, she struck the king with her left hand : and therewithal the
king gaped and gazed upon her with open mouth : if she laughed upon him, he laughed also : but
if she took any displeasure at him, he was fain to flatter, that she might be reconciled to him again.

32 O sirs, how can it be but women should be strong, seeing they do thus ?

33 Then the king and the nobles looked one upon another : so he began to speak concerning truth.

34 sirs, are not women strong? great is the earth, high is the heaven, swift is the sun in his course,
for he compasseth the heavens round about, and fetcheth his course again to his own place in one

35 day. Is he not great that maketh these things? therefore great is truth, and stronger than all

13. ovTOi idTw Zop., G'-lt'^S' +the son of Salathiel, Lag. +of the house of David, of the tribe of Judah, cf. v. 5.
The identity of the unknown third youth (note z'. 58), thus parenthetically introduced, is stated also by (5'- in v. 61,
by 3L^ in 33, 43, 58, and by Jos. regularly after iv. 40.

14. is not . . . ffi"- by omitting the negative, makes the statement, and joining the verse on to z'. 15, reads 'have
not women borne the king .' and all the people . . . land were even of them '.

men are many, or are mighty, see Torrey, 24, 53.

From 7'. 14 seq. Biichler (61 seq.) conjectures that the first and second orations have been transposed ; cf. August.
(fe Civ. Dei, xviii. 36 ' quum reges unus dixisset, alter vinum, tertius mulieres,' &c.

17. garments . . . glory, probably a doublet (Torreyj.

18. and see . . . , (5* do they not love (cf. A.V.).
comely . . . beauty khX>}i' ... to xtiXXfi, an evident sign of translation (Torrey, 53).

21. endeth his days, (S urjiirja-t rqv ■>irvxqv ; or ' loseth his life ' (Ball, who cfs. Gen. xxxv. iS ffi) ; otherwise '. . . for
the sake of (3 misunderstood) his wife' (Jahn, 178), or 'abandoneth himself (Torrey, 53, cf. Sj. Jos. § 52 nai ras i^v^ns
(i^Uvai fi^T (ivToiV {a^Loi'ijLeu Kai, see Niese) Kaprfpovfieu.

22. ye must know . . . over you, (5"- ' we . . . us '.

23. make outroads, &'• e^oheveiv (cf. i Mace. xv. 41), G-^ eit i^o^Uw, 3L'- ' to waylay ', S ' to travel '.
and to steal, (S'- om.

34. looketh upon (i. e. faces or confronts), (5 deapil, % contemnit. Lag. vidit ; Treuenfels conj. drjpeiei, ' hunts '.
25. Wherefore, /it 'and', similarly in vv. 35 ('therefore'), 49 ('moreover').

27. stumbled, &"'' ea-tjidXritTiw, G"- iatpdyrjo-ai' (cf. Ej, S ' erred'.

28. do ye not, G'- ' if ye '.

29. I see him and, Torrey, 339 conj. I i/ivsf/f (uvtos) saw . . .
the illustrious Bartacus. G ^aproKov {B.\; Bnffixou, L; pa/SffuKou, Jos. ; Bezacis, Bezzachi, Lat. ; r-b-'-'r-t-k

S) Tov BavpacTTov {BepaaUw Jos., ? a proper name, cf. Bapdaios, Herod, vii. 194). The reference may be to no
historical person (Bayer, 1 16), or to Apame daughter of the satrap Artabazos III, or of the Bactrian satrap Spitamenes ;
the former was given to Ptolemy Lagos, the latter to Seleucus Nicator. Thus the story may relate to Egypt or to
.^ntioch, and date from the time of Darius III, Codomannus (<:. 300 B.C.). See further, Marq. 65 seq.; Torrey,
40 seqq., 54, 102 ; Josippon (Biichler, 66 n. 2) would make Apame the daughter of Axios (?) the Macedonian.

30. struck, (5 epdmCfi', ' was slapping '.

31. therewithal, G Ka\ wp6s tovtois, ' and moreover' (Lupton, cf. 1'. 10), or, 'and in spite of this ' (Toirey, 25, 54).
33. one upon another, (G" (h [(repos Trpiis, A] tov erepov ; G'- er. Tw eVcpw (see Torrey, SAg)-

35. maketh, rather ' doeth ' ; the reference is transferred from the Sun to the Deity (see esp. Jos.).
therefore, xm', rather ' but '.

I ESDRAS 4. 36-42

36 things. All the earth calleth upon truth, and the heaven blesseth her : all works shake and tremble,

37 but with her is no unrighteous thing. Wine is unrighteous, the king is unrighteous, women are
unrighteous, all the children of men are unrighteous, and unrighteous are all such their works ; and

38 there is no truth in them ; in their unrighteousness also they shall perish. But truth abideth, and

39 is strong for ever ; she liveth and conquereth for evermore. With her there is no accepting of
persons or rewards ; but she doeth the things that are just, and rcfraiticth from all unrighteous and

40 wicked things ; and all men do well like of her works. Neither in her judgement is any unrighteous-
ness ; and she is the strength, and the kingdom, and the power, and the majesty, of all ages. Blessed

41 be the God of truth. And with that he held his tongue. And all the people then shouted, and said,
Great is truth, and strong above all things.

42 Then said the king unto him. Ask what thou wilt more than is appointed in writing, and we will
give it thee, inasmuch as thou art found wisest ; and thou shalt sit next me, and shalt be called my

36. calleth upon, A.V. mg. praiseth the truth, Lag. invocat ; Athanasius, Or. II. c. Arian. ii. xx, quotes the passage
Call . . . tremble'), and argues that if all the earth 'praiseth' (iV"") the Demiurge and Truth, the former is the
Logos.

works, 'ipya, perhaps originally 'created things' (Torrey), Lag. quae moucntur trement.

with her (so Jos.), but him (mg.) is a well attested reading and refers to the Deity as in v. 35 (see Torrey, 55).

37. and there is, Torrey (25) conj. 'if (fi) there is . . .'

3S-40. See Cyprian, Ep. Ixxiv., August, de Civit. Dei, xviii. ch. 36.

38. for evermore, ei? tov nlwvn tov altovos, a Semitism.

39. rewards, €1" dia<j>opd (cf. !LS), &"'■ Smc^^opa; Torrey, 56 a, compares 2 Chron. xix. 7.

and refraineth, similarly G'- 31= 3L Lag. ; the text implies a misunderstanding of the comparative particle : ' things
that are just rather than all . . .' (Fr., Ball, Torrey, 25, 56).
do well like, eiSoKota-i, cf. Matt. iii. 17.

40. she, inrrj ; &'■ avTfjs ' hers ' ; read perhaps airrj ' to her ' (cf. Lag. ipsi). With the doxology cf. I Chron. xxix. 1 1,
Dan. ii. 37, Matt. vi. 13.

Blessed .... or, since Truth is praised, restore 'blessed of God be Truth ' (Torrey, 56).

4 1. ffi M(yd\t] 7) <iXi}^f la Kai vwepiax^o- 1 3L magna est Veritas et praevalet (iL"^ + omnibus). There is no good authority
for the erroneous praevalebit. Jos. ignores the saying. Cyprian {Ep. Ixxiv. 9) quotes it as Veritas manet et invalescet.
August, [de Civ. Dei, xviii. 36) refers to this passage as a prophecy of Christ. See further, for citations, Pohlmann,
263 seq.

The appendix on Truth {7)v. 33-41) does not seem to be part of the original story ; one may perhaps compare the
various embellishments in the story of Ahikar. Andrd (192) points out parallels in the praise of Wisdom and refers to
Wisd. iii. 9, where Truth has a deeper mystical signification as though synonymous with the God of Truth.

The decree of Darius and the return of Zerubbabel, iv. 42-v. 6. (a) The vow of Darius practically duplicates that
of Cyrus, and both kings are curiously associated with the capture of Babylon in Jos. x. 11 4. That Cyrus was unable
to fulfil his vow need not imply, as Biichler supposes, the existence of some specific tradition; it may be merely an
attempt to justify this story of Darius, see hitrod. p. 16. In any case the return of exiles under Zerubbabel in the reign
of Darius (v. 6) is complicated by the references in v. 7 seqq. (E ii. seq.) to that of Cyrus. Since ii. 1-15 seems to be
incomplete, it has been urged that the gap between E i. and ii. may be filled, partly at least, by E v. 1-6, reading Cyrus
for Darius in t'. 2 and adjusting or omitting v. 6 (see Ewald, 86 ; the comm. of Bertheau and Ryssel ; Sellin, Stud.,
112 seq.; Davies, 49 seq.). Against this see Schrader, 482 n. d. It is otherwise held that v. 1-6 refer to a return,
perhaps under Joakim (see v. 5), in the reign of Darius (De Saulcy and Kaulen [so Nikel, 52, 126]; Schrader;
Reuss; Ryle, 15 ; Andre, 137-40). But it has been shown by Schrader (/t?c. cit.) and Torrey that this passage cannot
be severed from the close of iv, and that both are of Semitic origin. The relationship between E i. and E iv. v. 1-6,
7 seqq. (E ii.) thus becomes more difficult, and Torrey (followed by Kent) would treat the Story of the Three Youths
as an (Aramaic) interpolation in the (Hebrew) history of the time of Cyrus. Hence iv. 43-7, 57-61, and v. 6 a are
regarded as redactional, linking the interpolated Darius story with the main narrative. The latter thus comprises
E i. {E ii. 1-15), E iv. 47 a, 48 a (' and Cyrus the king wrote . . .'), 48 ^-56, 62 seq., v. I seqq. (with Cyrus in v. 2,
and in ?'. 6 reading only ' in the second year of the reign of Cyrus, king of Persia, in the month . . .') ; see Torrey,
Journ. Bibl. Lit.,\v\ (i&'^y), 16S seq., fcra Stud., 26, 32 seq., 58, 133; Kent, 340 seq. This would represent an
earlier stage than the MT, but still furnishes a narrative, which both scholars regard as unhistorical, and which has
been expanded by transferring E iv. 7 seqq. from its incorrect position before the reign of Darius to one equally
incorrect in E ii. 16 seqq.

(1^) Although the effort has been made to link together traditions of Cyrus and Darius, the interpolation-hypothesis
brings fresh difficulties. The Story of the Three Pages (iii. i-iv. 41), whatever its true origin and form, can only
have been used because of its sequel. True, it could only have been inserted here, but a compiler was under no
obligation to insert it, and the exhibition of rhetorical skill evidently served his purpose. The royal favour once
obtained is turned to good account (cf. Est. v.), and unless the story had been already connected with Jewish history
it is difficult to explain its presence. Only the fact that it deals with Darius and not Cyrus explains its survival, and
the confusion arismg from the effort to combine it with the history of the exiles is evidence of deliberate method. On
these grounds, then, we have a bona-fide tradition— not necessarily a valuable one— of a return in the reign of Darius.
Hence it is that ii. 16 seqq. seek to explain the delay between the time of Cyrus (who belongs to the past, ii. 30, iii. I,
iy- 44, 57) and that of Darius, and that Darius is represented partly as initiating (iv. 43, 47-56) and partly as endorsing
(iv. 44, 57, see vi. 34) the return of the Jews. The whole is the result of a compromise. iv. 43-6 (Aramaic,
Torrey, 29 n. 13) and 57-61 (Hebrew, id. 59) bear no resemblance to redactional patches (against Torrey, 57 seqq.).
They actually being new details (the valuable v. 45), and vv. 44, 57, by ignoring the return of the vessels in ii. 10-15,
link conflicting traditions, but do not link an otherwise unnecessary interpolation with the tradition which runs through
E i.-iii. Besides, it is not clear that the gap between E i. and ii. is filled by Torrey's restoration (see Bayer, 134) or
that the attempt to fill it is (in view of the development of the Cyrus-tradition) at all necessary. It may be concluded,

I ESDRAS 4. 43-62

43 cousin. Then said he unto the king, Remember thy vow, which thou didst vow to build Jerusalem,

44 in the day when thou earnest to thy kingdom, and to send away all the vessels that were taken out
of Jerusalem, which Cyrus set apart, when he vowed to destroy Babylon, and vowed to send them

45 again thither. Thou didst also vow to build up the temple, which the Edomites burned when Judsea

46 was made desolate by the Chaldeans. And now, O lord the king, this is that which I require, and
which I desire of thee, and this is the princely liberality that shall proceed from thee : I pray there-
fore that thou make good the vow, the performance whereof thou hast vowed to the King of heaven
with thine own mouth.

.-J Then Darius the king stood up, and kissed him, and wrote letters for him unto all the treasurers
and governors and captains and satraps, that they should safely bring on their way both him, and

48 all those that should go up with him to build Jerusalem. He wrote letters also unto all the
governors that were in Coelesyria and Phoenicia, and unto them in Libanus, that they should bring

49 cedar wood from Libanus unto Jerusalem, and that they should build the city with him. Moreover
he wrote for all the Jews that should go out of his realm up into Jewry, concerning their freedom,

50 that no officer, no governor, no satrap, nor treasurer, should forcibly enter into their doors ; and that
all the country which they occupied should be free to them without tribute ; and that the Edomites

51 should give over the villages of the Jews which then they held : and that there should be yearly

52 given twenty talents to the building of the temple, until the time that it were built ; and other ten
talents yearly, for burnt offerings to be presented upon the altar every day, as they had a command-
os ment to offer seventeen : and that all they that should come from Babylonia to build the city should
54 have their freedom, as well they as their posterity, and all the priests that came. He wrote also io
^e^give tltem their charges, and the priests' vestments wherein they minister; and for the Levites he

wrote that their charges should be given them until the day that the house were finished, and

57 Jerusalem builded up. And he commanded to give to all that kept the city lands and wages. He
sent away also all the vessels from Babylon, that Cyrus had set apart ; and all that Cyrus had given
in commandment, the same charged he also to be done, and sent unto Jerusalem.

58 Now when this young man was gone forth, he lifted up his face to heaven toward Jerusalem, and

59 praised the King of heaven, and said, From thee cometh victory, from thee cometh wisdom, and
)0 thine is the glory, and I am thy servant. Blessed art thou, who hast given me wisdom : and to thee
>i I give thanks, O Lord of our fathers. And so he took the letters, and went out, and came unto
)2 Babylon, and told it all his brethren. And they praised the God of their fathers, because he had

therefore, that E ill. l-v. 6 furnish a distinctive tradition of some return in the reign of Darius in accordance with
his decree in vv. 48-56. See further on vi. seq.

On the text of iv. 42 seqq., see especially Torrey, 125 seqq.

43. Remember, ffi'- + O king.

44. he vowed . . . Babylon, S om. ; Gaab (see Fr.) and Torrey conj. ' when he began' (^plai-o) ; 3L cum excideret
{desolavit) B. Jos. § 58 omits all reference to Cyrus — 'the vessels which Neb., having pillaged, carried to B.'

45. Edomites, cf "viii. 6g. ffi° 'lovSaioi ; 1L Lag. '. . Chaldei cum desolata esset ludea.' Fr. cites MS. 44 : ...
(VfiTvpia-f Na^. See In trod. § 5 /.

46. O lord the king, cf Dan. iv. 24.

and this is the . . .; 'and since such munificence is thine' (Torrey, 29 n. 13).
the vow . . . vowed, lit. ' the vow which thou didst vow.'

47. letters, lit. 'the letters', viz. which he desired. The reference is naturally to Darius and Zerubbabel ; but on
the theory that the story is an interpolation, Cyrus writes for Sheshbazzar (Torrey, Kent).

48. The grant of wood ; see v. 55.

49. enter . . . doors. According to Jos. § 61 the royal taxes are remitted, cf. E vii. 24.

50. Edomites (ffi"* Chaldeans). Jos. adds the Samaritans and people of Coelesyria.

51. twenty talents, ffi"- S + 'of silver'. Jos. reads ' fifty ', but omits the numbers in 7'. 52.

temple, t6 ifpuV, probably DTlPsn n*2 ; for 7^^■^ E usually has I'oof.

52. and other . . . yearly, ffi E S at end of verse, perhaps rightly,
seventeen should probably be omitted (Lupton, 69; Torrey, 127).

53. The reference to freedom seems out of place, see Buchler, 98 seq., who joins the last words ('and for all the
priests . . .') to v. 54.

54. to give them, cf. ffi"- SoS^rat.

charges, x°Pny^"- In v. 55, Jos. § 62 has 'for the Levites, the musical instruments (ra opyava) wherewith they
praise God '. With the interest in the Levites, cf. E vii. 24, and especially N xi. 23.

dictus es Deus veritatis' (cf v. 40).
60. give thanks, rather ' praise '.
62. God of their fathers, cf E vii. 27, viii. 28, x. 11.
1105 33 D

EsDRAs I ESDRAS 4. 63-5. 7

63 given them freedom and liberty to go up, and to build Jerusalem, and the temple which is called by
his name : and they feasted with instruments of music and gladness seven days.
5 I After this were the chiefs of fathers' houses chosen to go up accordmg to their tribes, with their

2 wives and sons and daughters, with their menservants and maidservants, and their cattle. And
Darius sent with them a thousand horsemen, till they had brought them back to Jerusalem safely,

3 and with musical instruments, tabrets and flutes. And all their brethren played, and he made them
go up together with them.

4 And these are the names of the men which went up, according to their families amongst their

5 tribes, after their several divisions. The priests, the sons of Phinees, the sons of Aaron : Jesus the
son of Josedek, the son of Saraias, and Joakim the son of Zorobabel, the son of Salathiel, of the

6 house of David, of the lineage of Phares, of the tribe of Judah ; who spake wise sentences before
Darius the king of Persia in the second year of his reign, in the month Nisan, which is the first
month. 1

7 And these are they of Jewry that came up | Now these are the children of the province, 2

63. which is called ... <5 oi wmiidirdr, to Smfia airoO fV airaj a Hebraism, cf. 2 Chron. vi. 33, vii. 14, E vi. 33.
feasted, Jos. § 66 rqn lifiiitrijo-ir Km TraXiyyepea-iav T/jf TrarpiSos eoprd^oPTes.

V. 2. brought . . . back, ffi""^ tmoKaTaarria-m, ffi"- aTroKfiTacrKrji/aiirai.

safely, mg. 7mi/i peace, a literal rendering in the Greek of the Hebrew term. For the escort, cf. E viii. 22,
N ii. 9.

3. And all . . . , IK MSS. nos. 55, 58 omit 'and' ; the brethren were naturally the musicians, cf. v. 42 below.

he made . ..,©'•' they '. Restore perhaps (after Torrey, 130) ' played and were sending them (on their way)
as they went up'. Cf. Jos., and possibly (so Lupton) TertuIHan, De Cor. Milit. i.K. 'facilius cum tympanis et tibiis

et psalteriis revertens de captivitate Babyloniae quam cum coronis ', &c. j

4. Cf viii. 28 ; the tribal arrangement also recalls E's twelve lay-families. ]

5. Read 'of the priests' (Torrey, 131), cf. E viii. 2, where also priests are mentioned first (cf. E iii. 2, but contrast j
iv. 3, v. 2). 1

Phinees (Phinehas), the son (ffi'- S) + of Eleazar the son of Aaron (ffi'-).

and Joakim the son of Z. ffi"- o km Z., thus identifying, ci. Zer. and Sheshbazzar in vi. 18. This genealogy
conflicts with that of Zerubbabel in I Chron. iii. 19 seqq., and Joakim the priest was the son of Jeshua (N xii. 10, 26).
Some (e.g. Fr., Reuss) accept Joakim as the original hero of the story in iii. seq. and as the leader of a return in the
reign of Darius. Buchler (56) would read ' and Zer. The son of Shealtiel the son of Joakim ' (i. e. the king), |
corresponding to Jeshua the grandson of the priest Seraiah. Similarly Bayer (121 seq.) who also reads ' Jeshua the j
son . . . of Seraiah, the son of Phinehas, the son of Aaron the priest'. Torrey (131) suggests 'and there rose up j
with him Zer.' (13 DP'1, cf. ii. 8). This is attractive but seems rather abrupt. The analogy of E viii. 2 would suggest
the presence of priestly and Davidic representatives. Such is the confusion, however, in the history of the return that j
'Joakim the son of may conceivably be an insertion on the view that Zer. (identified with Sheshbazzar) had already 1
led a return in the time of Cyrus. On the intricacies see hitrod. p. 15 seq. I

6. which is . . . , rather 'on the first of the month' (Fr. ; Jahn ; Torrey, 27, 61). The date is properly not that j
when Zer. gained the king's ear (cf. N ii. i, also the first month), but of the departure (see E viii. 6), and, although j
it conflicts with v. 57, the mention of the year is presupposed by the reference in 'd. 47. Note the care to give dates '.
in E vii. 7 seq., viii. 31, lic. ;

The Register of the Return, v. 7-46 = E ii, N vii. 6-73; Jos. xi. 3 10 merely gives a brief summary. This list |
is the foundation-stone of the canonical post-exilic history, its authenticity a matter of keen dispute among those
who have investigated this period, its essential trustworthiness accepted even by those who reject almost all that
remains for the time of Cyrus {E i.-iv. 5). Its problems involve the entire structure of E-N. It is the list of those,
who returned 'every man to his own city' (E i<. 8), thus connecting in the most realistic manner the large community 1
(the kahal) which returned to the land of their ancestors with the pre-exilic population. It is no less closely connected ,
with subsequent events in E-N; note the families in Ezra's band several decades later (see on E viii. 2S-4o),the|
enumeration in E ix. 21 seqq., the signatories of the covenant (N x.). and the various lists in N xii. As a whole the;
list maybe likened to the register of the children of Israel before the Exodus (Gen. xlvi. 8-27) and after the settlement]
(Num. xxvi. 1-5 1, I Chron. ii.-viii.).

As a Register of the Return it ignores both the many Jews who had never left Palestine or who may have fled;
(perhaps temporarily) into Egypt, and the South Judaean families who had moved northwards into the neighbourhood;
of Jerusalem (i Chron. ii.). Confining itself to the deportation by Nebuchadrezzar it ignores other returns (on the
assumption that Zech. vi. 9 seq. do not represent an isolated occurrence). It implies the possibility of a very easy,'
settlement by the exiles among the people of the land (contrast the tradition in E iv. 50) ; and the manifest improbability
that the faniilies could return after many years each to its old abode cannot be explained away (with Meyer, 151, and
others) in view of the explicit statements in v. 46 seq. Moreover, the list includes the common people (see 2 Kings;
xxiv. 14-16), numbers Zerubbabel alone among the Davidic descendants, and apparently excludes guilds of artisans
(2 Kings, I.e.). Although the numbers {v. 41) have been skilfully defended, considerable perplexity is caused by,
the place-names enumerated (see Elhorst, Th. T. xxix, 97 seq.; Kosters ib. xxx, 499 seq., xxxi, 531 ; Nikel, 57 seq.)..
Whether the list enumerates families carried off at the exile or applies to the new settlers— and those who accept the^
list are divided on this very important question— it is very difficult to account for the absence of some places (Nikel.
54 seq.) and the presence of others (Meyer, 105 seqq., 190). Moreover, the list implies a careful retention of the,
various local origins and divisions of the ecclesiastical and lay families during the years of exile, although once iri
Palestine there are, as is to be expected, continual changes and developments (Kosters, E Bi. col. 1483, § 8). Nd
doubt some of the personal names are old, but it is improbable that such family-names as Jeshua, Pahalh-mo'ab, Elamj
Bigvai (better Bagoi E v. 14), and Aspadath [E Aspharasus v. 8) are of pre-exilic date. It also assumes the existence

34 I

RAS

I ESDRAS 6, 7-1 ;

Ezra 2

from the captivity, where they dwelt as strangers,
whom Nabuchodonosor the king of Babylon had
carried away unto Babylon.

8 And they returned
unto Jerusalem, and to the other parts of Jewry,
every man to his own city, who came with Zoro-
babel, with Jesus, Nehemias, and Zaraias, Resaias,
Eneneus, Mardocheus, Beelsarus, Aspharasus,

9 Reelias, Roimus, and Baana, their leaders. The
number of them of the nation, and their leaders :
the sons of Phoros, two thousand a hundred
seventy and two : the sons of Saphat, four

10 hundred seventy and two : the sons of Ares,

11 seven hundred fifty and six : the sons of Phaath
Moab, of the sons of Jesus and Joab, two thou-
sand eight hundred and twelve :

12 the sons of
Elam, a thousand two hundred fifty and four :
the sons of Zathui, nine hundred forty and five :

13 the sons of Chorbe, seven hundred and five : the
sons of Bani, six hundred forty and eight : the
sons of Bebai, six hundred twenty and three :

that went up out of the captivity of those which
had been carried away, whom Nebuchadnezzar
the king of Babylon had carried away unto
Babylon, and that returned unto Jerusalem and
Judah, every one unto his city; which came with 2
Zerubbabel, Jeshua, Nehemiah.Seraiah.Reelaiah,
Mordecai, Bilshan, Mispar, Bigvai, Rehum, Ba-
anah. The number of the men of the people of
Israel :

the children of Parosh, two thousand 3
an hundred seventy and two.

The children of 4
Shephatiah, three hundred seventy and two.
The children of Arab, seven hundred seventy 5
and five. The children of Pahath-moab, of the ^
children of Jeshua and Joab, two thousand eight
hundred and twelve. The children of Elam. a 7
thousand two hundred fifty and four. The chil- 8
dren of Zattu, nine hundred forty and five. The 9
children of Zaccai, seven hundred and threescore.
The children of Bani,si.x hundred forty and two. 10
The children of Bebai, si.x hundred twenty and 1 1

of trustworthy genealogies (v. 37 seqq.) which apparently were not preserved at Babylon, but were cherished by the
natives of Judah. Such lists as are incorporated in Chron. (especially l Chron. xxiv., which has several points of
resemblance with the E-N lists) are on critical grounds practically valueless for the pre-exilic age, and it is necessary,
therefore, to suppose that — if the great list is genuine— the older genealogical records have disappeared (see Meyer,
140, 160 seqq.). On the other hand, one important list which vitally conflicts with this is preserved in Neh. iii., and,
as Ed. Meyer was the first to observe, testifies to the prominence of an indigenous population, secular and ecclesiastical,
wherein the presence of the South Judaean groups may be recognized. But that list testifies also to the weakness of any
body of Babylonian exiles ; see Introd. § 5 (c).

While this list forms the backbone of the biblical post-exilic history and is in a context where the events are
closely interconnected (viz. the generous decree, the great return, the steps to reorganize religious conditions), the
evidence of Haggai and Zechariah (520 B.C.) renders the whole context untrustworthy (so even Meyer, pp. 49, 73,
98 seq., 191). These prophets ignore the presence of this great community (see Introd. § 4. II.), and the successful
opposition as described in E v. 66 seqq. 'shows how small a number had really returned' (G. A. ':~,m\\ki, Jerusalem,
ii, 29S seq.). Certain considerations might support the genuineness of the list and its context (see Davies, 14, 80 ;
Torrey, I44),but the weight of evidence, and the recognition that the list has been subsequently 'edited' (Holzhey, 15 ;
Davies, 51), or may comprise the result of several returns between 538 and 520 or 516 (Sellin, Ser. 7, Stud. 42, 108 seq.,
115, 158), indicate that whatever return or returns took place the list and the context describe events in such a way
that the historical facts cannot be recovered by any internal criticism of the narratives.

The list appears in the account of Nehemiah {c. 444) where it is treated as that of 'the children of the province ',
and should incorporate those native families who had separated from the heathen {E vii. 6. 13); see Introd. p. 9.
On internal grounds N vii. (not necessarily in its present form) appears to be its earlier form, and it is noteworthy
that E and to a greater extent E show traces of some adjustment of the list to the history before the building of the
Temple (see below). On the minutiae of the list, see Smend (who notes frequent agreement with N, so also Bayer, 38) ;
Moulton, ZATIV, xix, 246 seq.: Meyer, 141 seqq., and Bayer, 42 seqq., and, besides the comm., the several articles in
E Bt. The readings in the R.V. mg., with the identifications of the more difficult names, have been omitted in the
notes here and in the other lists, viii. 29 seqq., ix. 19 seqq., &c.

7. captivity . . . , © r^t al-)(fj.dKmala^ Tip napoiKlas {*&^ aTTOLK^auis).

8. The leaders are twelve in number (cf. the tribes, and see on v. 4) through the insertion of Eneneus (= Nahamani
Nvii. 7). Nffi reads 'who came with Zer. and Jeshua and Neh.: Azariah . . . Mispereth, Ezra, Bigvai . . . Baanah,
Masphar'; cf. the old view that the return of Zer. was contemporary with that of N or E (see Introd. p. \o a).
Among the important variants are E Zaraias (E Seraiah, N Azariah) \ Resaias (E Reelaiah, N Raamiah, see
E Bi., 3997); Beelsarus (EN Bilshan, see E Bi., 574); Aspharasus (? Pers. Aspadata ; Marq. 35); Reelias (i.e.
Reelaiah, EN Bigvai) ; Roimus (E Rehum, N Nehtim = ffi"- in E). Jos. xi. 3 § 73 seq. mentions besides Zer. and
Jeshua two names of prominent donors (see v. 44 seq.), Mordecai (see on vii. 15) and Sherebiah.

9-23. The lay-families. E 15 seq. add Kilan (.' Keilah), Azetas (? Azekah), Azaru or Azuru (cf. Asara v. 31, or
.'Vzzur N X. 17), Annis or Annias (cf. Hananiah, or Hodiah N x. iS). For Arom cf. Harim, E 32 (wanting in E,
unless Chorbe v. 12 represents it and not Zaccai; see N x. 14) or Hashum (E 19 before Gibbar [see below] ; N x. 18
before Bezai \E Bassai]). On these additions see also Bayer, 43 seqq.. 75. For the compound Arsiphurith, ci./orah
'^\'& = Hariph N vii. 24 (fflN + 'the children of .Asen '), x. 19. Baiterus (note the number) takes the place of
Gibbar (V^) or Gibeon (N) ; cf perhaps Bether, Josh. xv. 19 G and see Guthe, SBOT. With the Chadiasai, cf. perhaps
Hadashah, Josh. xv. 37, or Adasa. I Mace. vii. 40 ; and with the Ammidioi, perhaps Modin, i Mace. ii. I, or Migdal-
Gad, or Middin (Ball); Bayer (45 seq.) discovers the names Hashum and Hodijah. In -a. 21 Ai is wanting, and if
Niphish represents Magbish (E only, cf. Magpiash N x. 20), the men of Nebo, the other Elam (cf. E 31) and Harim
(see E 39, E 25J are absent. Calamolalus (©" -calus) and Omis represent Lod, Hadid and Ano.

35 1^2

ESDRAS

I ESDRAS 5.

13-29

the sons of Astad, a thousand three hundred

14 twenty and two: the sons of Adonikam, six
hundred sixty and seven : the sons of Bagoi.two
thousand sixty and six :

the sons of Adinu, four

15 hundred fifty and four: the sons of Ater, of
Ezekias, ninety and two: the sons of Kilan and
Azetas, threescore and seven : the sons of Azaru,

16 four hundred thirty and two : the sons of Annis,
a hundred and one : the sons of Arom : the sons
of Bassai, three hundred twenty and three : the

1 7 sons of Arsiphurith, a hundred and twelve : the
sons of Baitcrus, three thousand and five : the
sons of Bethlomon, a hundred twenty and three :

18 they of Netophas, fifty and five: they of Ana-
thoth, a hundred fifty and eight : the}' of Bethas-

19 moth, forty and two: they of Kariathiarius,
twenty and five: they of Caphira and Beroth,

20 seven hundred forty and three : the Chadiasiai
and Ammidioi, four hundred twenty and two :
they of Kirama and Gabbe, six hundred twenty

21 and one: they of Macalon, a hundred twenty
and two : they of BetoHon, fifty and two : the
sons of Niphis, a hundred fifty and six :

the sons
of Calamolalus and Onus, seven hundred twenty
and five : the sons of Jerechu, three hundred

24 forty and five: the sons of Sanaas, three thou-
sand three hundred and thirty. The priests :
the sons of Jeddu, the son of Jesus, among the
sons of Sanasib, nine hundred seventy and two :
the sons of Emmeruth, a thousand fifty and two :

25 the sons of Phassurus, a thousand two hundred
forty and seven : the sons of Charme, a thousand
and seventeen.

26 The Levites : the sons of Jesus,
and Kadmiel, and Bannas, and Sudias, seventy

27 and four. The holy singers : the sons of Asaph,

28 a hundred twenty and eight. The porters: the
sons of Salum, the sons of Atar, the sons of
Tolman, the sons of Dacubi, the sons of Ateta,
the sons of Sabi, in all a hundred thirty and nine.

29 The temple-servants : the sons of Esau, the sons
of Asipha, the sons of Tabaoth, the sons of
Keras, the sons of Sua, the sons of Phaleas, the

three. The children of Azgad, a thousand two 12
hundred twenty and two. The children ofi;
Adonikam, six hundred sixty and six. The i'
children of Bigvai, two thousand fifty and six.
The children of Adin, four hundred fifty and i(
four. The children of Ater, of Hezekiah, ninety i
and eight.

The children of Bezai. three hundred H
twenty and three. The children of Jorah, an ii
hundred and twelve. The children of Hashum, i
two hundred twenty and three. The children of 21
Gibbar, ninet}- and five. The children of Beth- 2-
lehem, an hundred twenty and three. The men 2
of Netophah, fifty and six. The men of Ana- 2
thoth, an hundred twenty and eight. The chil- 2,
dren of Azmaveth, forty and two. The children 2
of Kiriath-arim. Chephirah, and Beeroth, seven
hundred and forty and three. The children of 2
Ramah and Geba, six hundred twenty and one.
The men of Michm.as, an hundred twenty and -
two. The men of Beth-el and Ai, two hundred '■
twenty and three. Tlie children of Nebo, fifty -
and two. The children of Magbish, an hundred 'i\
fifty and six. The children of the other Elam, ;'i
a thousand two hundred fifty and four. The ;]
children of Harim, three hundred and twenty. !
The children of Lod, Hadid, and Ono, seven ;|
hundred twenty and five. The children of:
Jericho, three hundred forty and five. The !
children of Senaah, three thousand and six :
hundred and thirty. The priests : the children '
of Jedaiah, of the house of Jeshua, nine hundred 1
seventy and three. •

The children of Immer, a !
thousand fifty and two. The children of Pashhur, '■
a thousand two hundred forty and seven. The j
children of Harim, a thousand and seventeen, f
The Levites : the children of Jeshua and Kad-
miel, of the children of Hodaviah, seventy and '
four. The singers : the children of Asaph, an ,
hundred twenty and eight. The children of the j'
porters : the children of Shallum, the children of I
Ater, the children of Talmon, the children of
Akkub, the children of Hatita, the children ^
of Shobai, in all an hundred thirty and nine.'
The Nethinim : the children of Ziha, the children J
of Hasupha, the children of Tabbaoth ; the chil-i+
dren of Keros, the children of Siaha, the children.

24 seq. The priests. The family of Jedaiah is ascribed to Sanasib (3L= Enassibe) i.e. Eliashib, grandson of Jeshua'
and grandfather of Jaddua (N xii. 10-12) ; Meyer, 169 ; Batten, SHOT, 59. The omission of Eliashib in EN is more'
explicable (in view of the foreign alliance in N xiii. 4, 28) than its presence in E. The reference to Jeshua may be due'
to insertion. Apart from this, it is noteworthy that there is little variation in the versions, perhaps an indication of the
lateness of the list of the priests [SBOT ioc. cit.).

26. The Levites. As regards the small number, it may be noticed that certain Levitical families, at all events
appear not to have been deported, so Henadad (see v. 5S), and also the Korahites (Meyer, Israel., 352 n. 5j, see Meyer
Ent. 167, 177, Nikel, 86 (from another standpoint), and Intiod. § 5 (c).

29 seqq. The Nethinim. E (but not &-, which is as usual corrected after the MT) adds Uta (? cf. Uthai, E viii. I4)|
hetab (or Ketam, cf. N vii. 48 ffi^*, and see Torrey, 89 seq., Bayer, 52), Chaseba (? cf. Chezib, Cozbi), Asara (see Azanr
V. 15, and cf. Hasrah, 2 Chron. .\xxiv. 22), Pharakuii {see E Bi., 3686) and Oaha (? cf. the Cuthaeans, or, with Bayer'
Sotai, E 55). '•

I ESDRAS 5. 30-40

Ezra 2

30 sons of Labana, the sons of Aggaba, the sons of
Acud, the sons of Uta, the sons of Ketab, the
sons of Accaba, the sons of Subai, the sons of
Anan, the sons of Cathua, the sons of Geddur,

,1 the sons of Jalrus, the sons of Daisan.the sons of
Noeba, the sons of Chaseba, the sons of Gazera,
the sons of O/.ias, the sons of Phinoe, the sons of
Asara, the sons of Basthai, the sons of Asana,
the sons of Maani, the sons of Naphisi,

the sons
of Acub, the sons of Achipha, the sons of Asur,

-^2 the sons of Pharakim, the sons of Basaloth, the
sons of Meedda, the sons of Cutha, the sons of
Charea, the sons of Barchus, the sons of Serar,
the sons of Thomei, the sons of Nasi, the sons of
Atipha.

The sons of the servants of Solomon :
the sons of Assaphioth, the sons of Pharida,

the
sons of Jeeli, the sons of Lozon, the sons of

?4 Isdael, the sons of Saphuthi, the sons of Agia,
the sons of Phacareth, the sons of Sabie, the sons
of Sarothie, the sons of Masias, the sons of Gas,
the sons of Addus, the sons of Subas, the sons of
Apherra, the sons of Barodis, the sons of Saphat,

55 the sons of AUon. All the temple-servants, and
the sons of the servants of Solomon, were three

56 hundred seventy and two. These came up from
Thermeleth, and Thclersas, Charaathalan lead-

57 ing them, and AUar ; and they could not shew
their families, nor their stock, how they were of
Israel; the sons of Dalan the son of Ban, the
sons of Nekodan, six hundred fifty and two.

58 And of the priests, they that usurped the office
of the priesthood and were not found : the sons
of Obdia, the sons of Akkos, the sons of Jaddus,
who married Augia one of the daughters of

i9 Zorzelleus, and was called after his name. And
when the description of the kindred of these men
was sought in the register, and was not found,
they were removed from executing the office of

(o the priesthood : for unto them said Nehemias
and Attharias, that they should not be partakers

of Padon ; the children of Lebanah, the children 45
of Hagabah, the children of Akkub ; the children 46
of Hagab, the children of Shamlai, the children
of Hanan ; the children of Giddel, the children of 47
Gahar, the children of Reaiah ; the children of 48
Rezin, the children of Nekoda, the children of
Gazzam ; the children of Uzza, the children of 49
Paseah, the children of Besai ; the children of 50
Asnah, the children of Meunim, the children of
Nephisim ; the children of Bakbuk, the children 51
of Hakupha, the children of Harhur ; the chil- 52
dren of Bazluth, the children of Mehida, the
children of Harsha ;

the children of Barkos, the 53
children of Sisera, the children of Temah; the 54
children of Neziah, the children of Hatipha.
The children of Solomon's servants : the children 55
of Sotai, the children of Hassophereth, the chil-
dren of Peruda ; the children of Jaalah, the 56
children of Darkon, the children of Giddel ; the 57
children of Shephatiah, the children of Hattil,
the children of Pochereth-hazzebaim, the chil-
dren of Ami.

All the Nethinim, and the chil- 58
dren of Solomon's servants, were three hundred
ninety and two. And these were they which 59
went up from Tel-melah, Tel-harsha, Cherub,
Addan, and Immer : but they could not shew
their fathers' houses, and their seed, whether
they were of Israel : the children of Delaiah, the 60
children of Tobiah, the children of Nekoda, six
hundred fifty and two. And of the children of 61
the priests : the children of Habaiah, the children
of Hakkoz, the children of Barzillai, which took
a wife of the daughters of Barzillai the Gileadite,
and was called after their name. These sought 62
their register among those that were reckoned
by genealogy, but they were not found : there-
fore were they deemed polluted and put from
the priesthood. And the Tirshatha said unto 63
them, that they should not eat of the most holy

33 seq. Servants of Solomon. E (but not &■) omits Sotai, severs (with ffi of E-N) Pochereth-luizzebaim, and
between the latter and Ami (E ; N Anion, E Alien) inserts eight names, on which see E Bi.

36. See the coram. Leading is apparently based upon a doublet of Tel-harslia (XCnn), as though connected witfi
tysi (XC"1) ' head, leader ' ; but see v. 8 end.

37. Dalan, & aaav, MT Delaiah. Ba/z, marg. Baenan ((5"), but MT Tobiah (? cf. i\ vi. 17 seq., xiii. 4), though with
the addition of /iowi, Effi^ Nl5\ A'i'/-i7<z'a(«), cf. ?/. 31 (£■ Noeba).

38. And of the priests (similarly N 63), they that claimed ... (01 (jjnToiovfievoL [ffi"- /xfTayroi.] ifpoxrw;)?). Obdia,
& Obbeia, N Hobaiah. The family of Hakkoz, according to the traditional view, had been legitimate ( I Chron.
xxiv. 10), was now deposed, but was subsequently reinstated and held a prominent place (N iii. 4, 21, E viii. 33). If
this list is of the time of Zerubbabel we must explain the retention of the name in N vii. 63 and its omission in N x., xii.
(cf. Kosters, 77/. 7"., xxxi, 539). The passage has not the value set upon it (notably by Meyer, 170, who compares the
Calebite Kos, i Chron. iv. 8 ; see also Jampel i, 313), but only shows that at some period the legitimacy of the family
was evidently doubtful.

the sons of Jaddus, apparently Jaddua ; note the variant text in E.
40. Attharias, i.e. the Tirshatha (cf. ix. 49). The verb (dnfv) is in the singular and <&>■ (see A.V. rag.) identifies the
two. S reads only Nchemiah, and MT only the Tirshatha (cf. the variants in E ix. 49). Even if the identification
be due to a gloss (Fr., cf. Bayer, 53) it must serve a purpose (as in iv. 13, vi. 18), and it is only intelligible if the list
belonged originally to the history of N's age (see W. R. Smith, Ency. Brit., 9th ed., art. ' Haggai ', xi, 370 ; Harvey,
Expos., 1893, vii. p. 440 ; Howorth, PSBA, xxiii, 309 seq.). The mitigated form of the decision in the MT is probably,

37.

EsDRAS

I ESDRAS 5. 40-49

EzRij

of the holj' things, till there arose up a^ high

41 priest wearing Urim and Thummim. So all
they of Israel, from twelve years old and up-
ward, beside menservants and womenservants,
were in number forty and two thousand three

42 hundred and sixty. Their menservants and
handmaids were seven thousand three hundred
thirty and seven : the minstrels and singers, two
hundred forty and five :

43 four hundred thirty and
five camels, seven thousand thirty and six horses,
two hundred forty and five mules, five thousand
five hundred twenty and five beasts of burden.

44 And certain of the chief men of their families,
when they came to the temple of God that is in
Jerusalem, vowed to set up the house again in

45 its own place according to their ability, and to
give into the holy treasury of the works a thou-
sand pounds of gold, five thousand of silver, and
a hundred priestly vestments.

4'' And the priests

and the Levites and they that were of the people
dwelt in Jerusalem and the country; the holy
singers also and the porters and all Israel in their
villages.

47 But when the seventh month was at hand,
and when the children of Israel were every man
in his own place, they came all together with
one consent into the broad place before the first

4S porch which is toward the east. Then stood up
Jesus the son of Josedek, and his brethren the
priests, and Zorobabcl the son of Salathiel, and
his brethren, and made ready the altar of the

49 God of Israel, to offer burnt sacrifices upon it,
according as it is expressly commanded in the

things, till there stood up a priest with Urim
and with Thummim. The whole congregation 64 i
together was forty and two thousand three
hundred and threescore,

beside their menservants 65
and their maidservants, of whom there were seven I
thousand three hundred thirty and seven : and |
they had two hundred singing men and singing
women. Their horses were seven hundred thirty 66
and six ; their mules, two hundred forty and
five ; their camels, four hundred thirty and five ; 67
tlieir asses, six thousand seven hundred and j
twenty. And some of the heads of fathers' 68 I
houses, when they came to the house of the
Lord which is in Jerusalem, offered willingly for j
the house of God to set it up in its place : they 69 j
gave after their ability into the treasury of the '
work threescore and one thousand darics of gold, '
and five thousand pound of silver, and one hun-
dred priests' garments. So the priests, and the 70
Levites, and some of the people, and the singers,
and the porters, and the Nethinim, dwelt in their
cities, and all Israel in their cities. i

I
And when the seventh month was come, and 3 i
the children of Israel were in the cities, the i
people gathered themselves together as one i
man to Jerusalem. J

Then stood up Jeshua the 2 i
son of Jozadak, and his brethren the priests, '
and Zerubbabel the son of Shealtiel, and his i
brethren, and builded the altar of the God of I
Israel, to off^er burnt offerings thereon, as it is '
written in the law of Moses the man of God.

less original (Guthe, Bertholet, Jahn) ; instead of being removed, the priests are forbidden to share in the most holy
things, which were restricted to the Aaronites.

41. For the age-limit (also in Jos.) cf. Luke ii. 42.

42. For the minstrels cf. v. 2 seq., and see Meyer, 192.

43. The horses and mules are wanting in good MSS. of N.

44 seq. E and E omit N vii. 70, which relers vaguely to the donations of the heads 'to the work' and mentions the
gifts of the Tirshatha (i.e. Nehemiah, so Ci"), and also ib. 72, the gifts of the rest of the people, although the priestly
garments are recorded. The emphasis upon the proposed building of the temple, natural in ££, is wanting in K,
although the record there professes to be taken from the history of the time of Zerubbabel (N vii. 5). For the view
that EE represent a less original form of the passage, see Meyer, 195 ; Wellh., GGN, 1895, p. 176; Nikel, 75 n. I ;
Sellin, Stud., no; Guthe, SHOT. For the general situation, cf. I Chron. x.\ix. 6 seqq.

46. On the data of MT and the versions, see the comm. The mention of Jerusalem here and ix. 37 presupposes
the completion of the rebuilding of the city ; the omission in MT may be due to the conte-xt : in E, the city has not yet
been restored, in N it is still poorly inhabited and barely ready. Elsewhere, in I Chron. ix. 2, N xi, 3. 20 there is
a distinction between Jerusalem and the outside villages. In N xi. some of the ecclesiastical body dwell in the city (v. 21),
but others live in the villages (N xii. 28 seq., cf. I Chron. ix. 16), and in N xiii. 10 Levites and singers have deserted
and returned to their abodes. In i Chron. xiii. 2, 2 Chron. xxiii. 2, they are summoned, especially when new conditions
are inaugurated, or when (xxix. 4) the temple-service is resumed (cf. the dedication of the walls, N xii. 27 seq.), or when
fresh arrangements are made for them (2 Chron. xxxi. 19).

The Rebuilding of the Altar and the Foundation of the Temple, v. 47-65 = E iii., cf. Jos. xi. 4 1-2. The
description of the resumption of the Levitical service (cf. I Chron. xxiii. 31, 2 Chron. ii. 4, viii. 12 seq.) begins with
the congregating of the exiles (now ' the children of Israel ') in the seventh month. This is the first year of the return
(cf. 7'. 56 [Cyrus] and the preliminary date v. 6 [Darius]). In || N vii. 73 fi, viii. i, it is the first year of N's return
(after the completion of the walls, vi. 15), and it introduces the Reading ot the Law, which in 11 £ ix. 371^, 38 seqq.
IS the sequel to the purging of the community (cf. probably E v. 36-40 and the allusions in vii. b, 13). The scene of
the assembly in 7-. 47 (cf. 2 Chron. xxix. 4, a story of the restoration of the Temple after some disaster, v. 9) presupposes
the existence of the Temple, as m ix. 6 (K x. 9), 38 (N viii. i), and, therefore, a later context in the history (cf. the later
background of the preceding list). The MT has consequently altered the wording (see Bertholet, Guthe).

3«

Esi

I ESDRAS 5. 50-58

Ezra 3

o book of Moses the man of God. And certain
were gathered unto them out of the other nations
of the land, and they erected the altar upon its
own place, because all the nations of the land
were at enmity with them, and oppressed them ;
and they offered sacrifices according to the time,
and burnt offerings to the Lord both morning

11 and evening. Also they held the feast of taber-
nacles, as it is commanded in the law, and offered
sacrifices daily, as was meet :

, and after that, the

" continual oblations, and the sacrifices of the
sabbaths, and of the new moons, and of all the
consecrated feasts.

And all they that had made
any vow to God began to offer sacrifices to God
from the new moon of the seventh month,
although the temple of God was not yet built.

4 And they gave money unto the masons and

5 carpenters ; and meat and drink, and cars unto
them of Sidon and Tyre, that they should bring
cedar trees from Libanus, and convey them in
floats to the haven of Joppa, according to the
commandment which was written for them by

6 Cyrus king of the Persians. And in the second
year after his coming to the temple of God at
Jerusalem, in the second month, began Zorobabel
the son of Salathiel, and Jesus the son of Josedek,
and their brethren, and the priests the Levites,
and all they that were come unto Jerusalem out

7 of the captivity : and they laid the foundation of
the temple of God on the new moon of the second
month, in the second year after they were come

-8 to Jewry and Jerusalem. And they appointed
the Levites from twenty years old over the works

And they set the altar upon its base ; for fear 3
was upon them because of the people of the
countries : and they offered burnt offerings
thereon unto the Lord, even burnt offerings
morning and evening.

And they kept the feast 4
of tabernacles, as it is written, and offei-ed the
daily burnt offerings by number, according to
the ordinance, as the duty of every day required ;
and afterward the continual burnt offering, and 5
the offerings of the new moons, and of all the set
feasts of the Lord that were consecrated, and of
every one that willingly offered a freewill offering
unto the Lord. From the first day of the seventh 6
month began they to offer burnt offerings unto
the Lord : but the foundation of the temple of
the Lord was not yet laid.

They gave money 7
also unto the masons, and to the carpenters ; and
meat, and drink, and oil, unto them of Zidon,
and to them of Tyre, to bring cedar trees from
Lebanon to the sea, unto Joppa, according to
the grant that they had of Cyrus king of Persia.

Now in the second year of their coming unto 8
the house of God at Jerusalem, in the second
month, began Zerubbabel the son of Shealtiel,
and Jeshua the son of Jozadak, and the rest of
their brethren the priests and the Levites, and
all they that were come out of the captivity unto
Jerusalem ;

and appointed the Levites, from
twenty years old and upward, to have the over-

50. upon its own place; cf. E R.V. mg. in its place.

And certain . . . and because all . . . are doublets (1L cm. the latter), MT has cf^-j for fear . . . countries
(nD'K3 represented in E by D'N3 ; EG" om. the clause), is's reading finds parallels in 1 Mace. v. 1-2, and possibly
N iv. 12 (MT V. 6), where the enemy come up against the builders (see comm.).

oppressed {Km[a-)Qiaav), may point to 'pinn^l 'and they strengthened themselves' (see Berth.), or 1p?n'l 'and they
[the foreigners] strengthened them ' (Ewald, loi n. 4 ; Bayer 25 compares v. 66).

to the Lord and according to the time (1L om.) are based on doublets in G {Kvpws, Kmpus) ; for the sacrifices,
cf. I Chron. xvi. 40. Jos. § 76 reads simply ravra 8i Tvoiovvrfs oiik rjaav iv rjbov]] toIs Trpodxaplois '46v«Tiv tvuvtuiv
aVTo'ii aTT^xGavopiVOiv.

52. sabbaths ; appropriate, see Num. xxviii. 9 seq.; 2 Chron. ii. 4, viii. 13.

53. seventh month, m^.Jirst (ffi").

although . . . , Jos. § 78 : ' they also began the building of the temple.' MT laid; for the use of ID', see E iii. 10,
2 Chron. iii. 3, xxiv. 27 (R.V. mg.).

55. Cf. 2 Chron. ii. S-lo, 15 seq.

cars (MT and ffi oil), x'^^P'^ CS" ? nrraC for iCC), Kappa (A) mpva (L), (capiroi's (58), (cnpSa, &c., &c. ffi" explains
Jos. § 78 Toii- re 2iSmi'iois rjSv (ciii KoOf^oi' tjv, See, and IL cum gatidio et dcderunt carra (cf. A.V.). The grant in question is
referred to only in the decree of Darius (iv. 48, cf. N ii. 8, Artaxerxes). Jos. here and in v. 71 characteristically com-
bines Cyrus and Darius on the lines of iv. 57 (D. commands what had been commanded by C). But, apart from other
questions, was Cyrus in a position to make this grant (Ryle, 43) ?

56. A new paragraph, note the order Zer. and Jeshua (contrast v. 48), and the parentage (see v. 68 and vi. 2).
second year, &- (which is often corrected after MT) and V add 'of Darius' (but EG"- T^t eXda-ews airav fit toi'

"iVoi/ . . .) in agreement with Haggai and Zechariah ; see In/rod. p. 16 (foot). For the second month cf. I Kings vi. I.
the priests the Levites, ffi"- inserts and with MT, cf. v. 63.
58. For the age-limit of the Levites, cf. the secondary passages I Chron. xxiii. 24, 27 ; 2 Chron. xxxi. 17-19. The
reference to the oversight of the works presupposes the statement in v. 57 which is wanting in MT. E v. 9 is very
confused and the names of the Levites are severed ; E has doublets, and Jos. § 79 points to the reading ' Kadmiel the
brother of Judah (= Hodaviah, E ii. 40) the son of Amminadab '; see Bayer, 64 seq. Meyer observes that the Levites
of Henadad (wanting in the preceding register) apparently were not of exilic origin ; see on %'. 26.

ESDRAS

I ESDRAS 5. 58-69

Ezii

of the Lord. Then stood up Jesus, and his sons
and brethren, and Kadmiel his brother, and the
sons of Jesus, Emadabun, and the sons of Joda
the son of Iliadun, and their sons and brethren,
all the Lcvites, with one accord setters forward
of the business, labouring to advance the works
in the house of God. So the builders builded

59 the temple of the Lord. And the priests stood
arrayed in their vestments with musical instru-
ments and trumpets, and the Levites the sons

60 of Asaph with their cymbals, singing songs of
thanksgiving, and praising the Lord, after the

61 order of David king of Israel. And they sang
aloud, praising the Lord in songs of thanks-
giving, because his goodness and his glory are

62 for ever in all Israel. And all the people
sounded trumpets, and shouted with a loud
voice, singing songs of thanksgiving unto the
Lord for the rearing up of the house of the

63 Lord. Also of the priests the Levites, and of
the heads of their families, the ancients who
had seen the former house came to the building
of this with lamentation and great weeping.

64 But many with trumpets and joy slwiitcd with

65 loud voice, insomuch that the people heard not
the trumpets for the weeping of the people : for
the multitude sounded marvellously, so that it
was heard afar off.

66 Wherefore when the enemies of the tribe of
Judah and Benjamin heard it, they came to
know what that noise of trumpets should mean.

67 And they perceived that they that were of the
captivity did build the temple unto the Lord,

68 the God of Israel. So they went to Zorobabel
and Jesus, and to the chief men of the families,
and said unto them, We will build together

69 with you. For we likewise, as ye, do obey
your Lord, and do sacrifice unto him from the

sight of the work of the house of the Lord. Then 9
stood Jeshua with his sons and his brethren,
Kadmiel and his sons, the sons of Judah, to-
gether, to have the oversight of the workmen in
the house of God : the sons of Henadad, with
their sons and their brethren the Levites.

And 10
when the builders laid the foundation of the
temple of the Lord, they set the priests in their
apparel with trumpets, and the Levites the sons
of Asaph with cymbals, to praise the Lord, after
the order of David king of Israel.

And they
sang one to another in praising and giving thanks
unto the Lord, saying. For he is good, for his
mercy enditrcth for ever toward Israel. And all
the people shouted with a great shout, when they
praised the Lord, because the foundation of the
house of the Lord was laid.

But many of the
priests and Levites and heads of fathers' hottses,
the old men that had seen the first house, when
the foundation of this house was laid before their
eyes, wept with a loud voice ; and many shouted
aloud for joy : so that the people could not dis- :
cern the noise of the shout of joy from the noise
of the weeping of the people : for the people
shouted with a loud shout, and the noise was
heard afar off.

Now when the adversaries of Judah and'*
Benjamin heard that the children of the cap-
tivity builded a temple unto the Lord, the God
of Israel ;

then they drew near to Zerubbabel, 2
and to the heads of fathers' Juntses, and said
unto them, Let us build with you : for we seek
your God, as ye do ; and we do sacrifice unto
him since the days of Esar-haddon king of '

59- stood, so G and some J\ISS. of the MT.

61. For the refrain see 2 Chron. v. 13, and especially Jer. xxxiii. ioseq.,a prophecy of the repopulating of the desert
land (cf. V. 7 seq.), which is followed by the promise of the ideal king [vv. 14-18).

62. sounded, shouted, apparently doublets of IVTl ; cf. v. 64 seq.

63. came (i.e. D\S'3), but MT many (QUI) is wanting.

the former house . . . , E R.\'. nig. the first house stMiding on its foundation, when this house -was before their
eyes; cf. Hagg. 11. 3 (Darius). For the mingling of joy and sorrow cf. £ ix. 50-4, and for the last words of -^. 65,
cf. Neh. XII. 43. "

The Samaritan opposition v. 66-73 = E iv. 1-5, 24 ; cf. Jos. xi. 4 3-4, §§ 84-8. The resuU of the opposition
indicates that there could have been no large return of exiles fortified with the decree of a o-enerous king Jos (xi 2 l)
and many modern scholars attempt to explain the success of the opponents, but the Sacliau-papyri from Elephantine
prove that, whatever may have been the case with Cyrus, Cambyses was ready to assist the lews. Moreover; Haggai
and Zechariah do not refer to any persisting opposition of the kind here implied, and, according to the former, when
the Temple w-as ultimate y taken in hand m the reign of Darius, not external history, but the desire to remove the
distress caused by the failure of the rains was the main factor. The term ' enemies ' [v. 66) is applied prospectively
(Reuss), and as Ewald (103 n. 4) remarks, 'this severe designation only belongs to the later period in which the mutual
hostility of the neighbours on either side had quite broken out.' In fact the situation in 66 seqq. has many untrust-
worthy features (so even Meyer, 119 seqq. 124 seqq. ; Cornill, /ntro.i. 252), and the proposal of Rothstein (15, 20) to

Hiffl. u-^^''^""!? 5 ^^i^t !^^ '■?'^"' °^ ^y'"' ''"'^ °^'"' respectively, though insufficient in itself, illustrates the
difficulties. Indeed, all the indications point to an initial absence of Samaritan hostility (see Davies, 81), and there
are some striking resemblances between the details here and in N ii., iv., vi., the relation between t- 6f

being especially interesting. See hitrod. § 5 a, b, e (end).

. 68 seq. and N ii. 20

JAS

I ESDRAS 5. 69—6. I

Ezra 4

days of Asbasareth the king of the Assyrians,

70 who brought us hither. Then Zorobabel and
Jesus and the chief men of the famihes of Israel
said unto them, It is not for you to build the

71 house unto the Lord our God. We ourselves
alone will build unto the Lord of Israel, accord-
ing as Cyrus the king of the Persians hath

72 commanded us. But the heathen of the land
lying heavy upon the inhabitants of Judaea, and
holding them strait, hindered their building ;

73 and by their secret plots, and popular persuasions
and commotions, they hindered the finishing of
the building all the time that king Cyrus lived :

so they were hindered from building for the
space of two years, until the reign of Darius.

I Now in the second year of the reign of Darius,
Agga;us and Zacharias the son of Addo, the

Assyria, which brought us up hither.

But Zerub- 3
babel, and Jeshua, and the rest of the heads of
fathers' houses of Israel, said unto them, Ye have
nothing to do with us to build an house unto our
God ; but we ourselves together will build unto
the Lord, the God of Israel, as king Cyrus the
king of Persia hath commanded us. Then the 4
people of the land weakened the hands of
the people of Judah, and troubled them in
building, and hired counsellors against them, 5
to frustrate their purpose, all the days of Cyrus
king of Persia, even until the reign of Darius
king of Persia.

Then ceased the work of the 24
house of God which is at Jerusalem ; and it
ceased unto the second year of the reign of
Darius king of Persia.

Now the prophets, Haggai the prophet, and 5 i
Zechariah the son of Iddo, prophesied unto the

69. Asbasareth (ffi"*), mg. Asbacaphath (B and partly S), but L axn\)iav\ see Torrey, 169 n. Jos. has Shal-
maneser (cf. E iv. 10 &■ and Tobit i.) ; he ascribes the origin of the Samaritans to Cutha and Media (§ 85, cf. § 19),
and, in his version of'^'. 71 (where Cyrus and Darius are associated), allows them and other peoples to come to Jerusalem
for worship (similarly xviii. 2 2).

70. for you, mg./<:v iis and you (ffi*, S).

71. alone ; E togt-t/ur, which would be more appropriate in E iv. 2. For the spirit of the reply, cf. Neh. ii. 20 and
see 2 Chron. xiii. 5-12, xxv. 7, and 2 Kings .wii. 7-41, xviii. 12.

72 seq. lying heavy, (iriKoifiwixiva (BA), irri.KuivmvuvvTa (L), gentes autcm terrae qicae conimixtae erant (IL), 'that
were set over them ' (Si). Fr. conj. e'mKeififva.

holding them strait (TToXiopKoivTes), mg. besieging them.

by their secret plots, &c., mg. leading the people astray in counsel and raising coininotiotis : koi Bov\as (eVi-
jiovXas, A) KUL Sqfinyaiyovl'TfS (-as, B"^ ; Srjfiayuiyias, AL) <a\ iTvaTii(T(ii (eViCTTutreif, L) noiovfifvuu See further, Moulton,

ZATIV, XX. I seq. The language (E v. 4 seq.) implies that the Jews were slandered at the Persian court (Ryle,
Bertholet) ; the whole situation is illustrated by Neh. ii. 19 seq., iv., vi.

73. for the space of two years ; the MT is correctly reproduced in E ii. 30 ; see Inirod. p. 17 c. Jos. (§ 89), who
has filled in the gap between E ii. 15 and 16 (§ 19) and consistently placed E v. in the reign of Darius (who carries
out the wish of Cyrus), refers to the new opposition (as in the days of Cyrus and Cambyses), ignores the actual
cessation and the fresh ' beginning ' (E vi. 2), and passes on to the visit of Tattenai.

The rebuilding and completion of the Temple in the reign of Darius, vi.-vii. = E v.-vi., cf Jos. xi. 4. 1-8, whose
treatment of the material is highly instructive, (a) In MT the narrative, apart from E vi. ig-22, is, like E iv. 8-24, in
Aramaic, and the dialect, though in close agreement with Eg.-Aram.-papyri of the fifth cent., is certainly later ; see
Bevan, Daniel, 34; T. N6\deke, Eney. Brit. xxW. 624; A. Kamphausen, ib. loio n. I ; Driver, Lit. 504, 515; Torrey,
161 seqq. The excerpts show some traces of Jewish colouring and of compilation and adjustment (see E vi. 8, iS, 23,
26, 33), and the whole concludes with an account, in the chronicler's style, of the dedication of the Temple. To what
extent reshaping and revision have been effected is of course uncertain (see Torrey, 142 seqq.). E is especially note-
worthy for its doublets (vi. 5, 10, 12, 15, 28, see further Marq. 44 seq.), perplexing paraphrases (e.g. vi. 19 seq., 26 seqq.),
and for a few interesting material variations (see vi. 4, iS, 26 seq., 32, vii. i seq., 5 seq., 9).

(b) The narrative represents a zealous satrap anxious to ascertain whether the Jews had really received permission
from Cyrus to rebuild the temple. His procedure is quite formal (cf E iv. 8 seqq., contrast N. iv., vi.), and Darius, having
found the ' memorandum ' of Cyrus, not only confirms that king's permission, but goes further in his benevolence.
Such a representation agrees with the traditional friendliness of Darius (see also vi. 26), but utterly conflicts with his own
decree already given in E iv. The wording does not suggest that the Jews, whether before or after the intervention of
Darius, were rewarded for any act of loyalty, e.g. abstinence from the intrigues at his succession. Nor does it point
to any serious Samaritan hostility (see Kosters, 77;. T. xxxi. 545 seq.; Meyer, 124; Sellin, Ser. 88). In thus agreeing
with Hag. and Zech. it also does not state that the Jewish builders were exiles from Babylon (Kosters, 26 ; contrast the
explicit E iv. 12 ; see on E vi. 5, 18). Both sources agree, moreover, in dating thefounding of the Temple in the second
year of Darius (see on vi. i seq.), and this narrative, implying that the building was in course of erection, might be
taken to refer to a slightly later date.

(c) It throws another light upon the deci-ee of Cyrus (vi. 17-20, 24-26, see ii. I seqq.). It confirms the return of
the vessels (contrast iv. 44, 57), but gives prominence to Sheshbazzar (cf. E i.) and not to Zerubbabel (E iii., see on
£ vi. 18 seq.). These two are identified by harmonists (see 18, 27, 29), but to the latter alone do the independent
prophecies ascribe the commencement and completion of the Temple (see Introd. § 4, II). In addition to this, while
vi. I seq. relate the ' beginning ' by Zer. and Jeshua, the context combines the representation of continuous operations
since the return of Sheshbazzar (E v. 16) with a complete cessation (iv. 24) which is attributed to the decree of a Persian
king. See further Introd. § 6. On the text, see also Torrey, 189 seqq., 201 seqq.

I seq. The opening verses agree with Hag. in the date of the beginning of the building, yet not 'before a stone
was laid upon a stone' (Hag. ii. 15), but after a complete cessation (E iv. 24) ; contrast, however, v. 20 below.

Addo, mg. Eddin (&). A priest Zechariah son of Iddo is mentioned in the time of Joiakim the son of Jeshua

ESDRAS

I ESDRAS 6. i-io

EZR j

prophets, prophesied unto the Jews in Jewry
and Jerusalem ; in the name of the Lord, the

2 God of \^X7\.&\, proplicsied titey unto them. Then
stood up Zorobabel the son of Salathiel, and
Jesus the son of Josedek, and began to build
the house of the Lord at Jerusalem, the prophets
of the Lord being with them, and helping them.

3 At the same time came unto them Sisinnes the
governor of Syria and Phcenicia, with Sathra-
buzanes and his companions, and said unto them,

4 By whose appointment do ye build this house
and this roof, and perform all the other things ?
and who are the builders that perform these
things ?

5 Nevertheless the elders of the Jews
obtained favour, because the Lord had visited

6 the captivity ; and they were not hindered from
building, until such time as communication was
made unto Darius concerning them, and his
answer signified.

7 The copy of the letter which Sisinnes, governor
of Syria and Phounicia, and Sathrabuzanes, with
their companions, the rulers in Syria and Phoenicia,
wrote and sent unto Darius ;

8 To king Darius,
greeting : Let all things be known unto our lord
the king, that being come into the country of
Judaea, and entered into the city of Jerusalem,
we found in the city of Jerusalem the elders of

9 the Jews that were of the captivity building a
house unto the Lord, great and new, of hewn

10 and costly stones, with timber laid in the walls.
And those works are done with great speed, and
the work goeth on prosperously in their hands,
and with all glory and diligence is it accom-

Jews that were in Judah and Jerusalem ; in the
name of the God of Israel prophesied they unto
them. Then rose up Zerubbabel the son ofz
Shealtiel, and Jeshua the son of Jozadak, and
began to build the house of God which is at
Jerusalem ; and with them were the prophets of
God, helping them.

At the same time came to 3
them Tattenai, the governor beyond the river,
and Shethar-bozenai, and their companions, and
said thus unto them. Who gave you a decree to
build this house, and to finish this wall ?

Then 4
spake we unto them after this manner, What are
the names of the men that make this building?
But the eye of their God was upon the elders of 5
the Jews, and they did not make them cease, till
the matter should come to Darius, and then
answer should be returned by letter concerning it.

The copy of the letter that Tattenai, the 6
governor beyond the river, and Shethar-bozenai,
and his companions the Apharsachites, which
were beyond the river, sent unto Darius the
king : they sent a letter unto him, wherein was 7
written thus ; Unto Darius the king, all peace.
Be it known unto the king, that we went into 8
the province of Judah,

to the house of the great
God, which is builded with great stones, and
timber is laid in the walls, and this work goeth
on with diligence and prospereth in their hands.

(N. xii. 16); but the family of Iddo, though among the priests in N. xii. 4, is not named in the great list (E ii., &c.).
Did the four families in E li. 36-9 suddenly expana into the twenty-two in Neh. xii. 1-7 or the twenty-four in 1 Chron.
xxiv., or were the latter incorporated into four great classes ? On the traditional view some explanation is necessary.
unto them (cV airoi's), E, K.V. mg. ii'hich was upon them, cf. Jer. xv. 16.

3. On the identification of the names (Ustani, a prefect of Transpotamia temp. Darius, or Taddanu a Bab. naine;
and Mithrabuzanes, or perhaps Satibarzanes), see the comment, and Torrey, 172. A's Sisinnes, though probably ;
incorrect, is a thoroughly authentic name and typical of the cleverness of the translator.

his (E their) companions. On the variation in the possessive pronoun, see Guthe, SBOT. 1

4. roof, E wall, KJIE'i* (ffi xopiyia, 'charges' in E iv. 54 seq.). The readings represent (so Torrey, 175 seq.) X"UN l|
(tggara ' roof, agra ' pay '), cf. NniJX ' shrine, temple ', in the Aram, papyri from Egypt (S.iyce and Cowley, E 14 J 6, '
Sachau I, 6, &c.). NJnC'K, also in Sachau I, 1 1, denotes some part of a temple, whether fore-court (Sach.), colonnade
(Torrey), or the temple as a whole (see Haupt, Delitzsch, SBOT, 34, 63, Nikel 130 n. 2, Jampel i. 494). Jos. (§ 89)
finds a reference to the porticoes (aToat, see on vii. 9) and the walls of the city. Was N"i:n altered in MT because of
its heathen associations? Cf. its use in the Targums of a heathen altar, and the Bab. ektir; cf. also the distinction
observed in MT between fna and IDS.

and who. E ' then spake we ' (C5 5 ' then spake they '), an actual quotation from the report, cf. ib. 9 seq.

5. the captivity (cf. Effi), and see V7'. 8, 27 seq. ; based upon a doublet "nt' ' elders [of] ' and '?t^' ' captivity'.

7. G ' The copy of the letter which he (©■- ' they ') wrote unto D. and sent : Sis., the governor, &c.,'to king Darius \

greeting ' (cf 1L). j

7 seq. Let all things ... 31'= combines this with the reading of E. j

our lord the king, rightly, cf. 21 seq., ii. 17 seq. |

The reference to the arrival at Jerusalem and the discovery is quite appropriate (Marq., 46 seq.) ; MT has I

apparently condensed.

9. new, apparently based upon 7'. 25, where it represents MT mn an error for nn ' one'; the doublet combines j
both corrigendum and correctum (see Berth, xvi. seq., 24). '

4a i

JAS

I ESDRAS 6. 1 1-2

Ezra 5

iiplished. Then asked we these elders, saying,
By whose commandment build ye this house,

12 and lay the foundations of these works ? There-
fore, to the intent that we might give knowledge
unto thee by writing who were the chief doers,
we questioned them, and we required of them

13 the names in writing of their principal men. So
they gave us this answer, We are the servants of

14 the Lord which made heaven and earth. And
as for this house, it was builded many years ago
by a king of Israel great and strong, and was

15 finished. But when our fathers sinned against
the Lord of Israel which is in heaven, and pro-
voked him unto wrath, he gave them over into
the hands of Nabuchodonosor king of Babylon,

I'' king of the Chaldeans ; and they pulled down
the house, and burned it, and carried away the

17 people captives unto Babylon. But in the first

year that Cyrus reigned over the country of

) Babylon, king Cyrus wrote to build up this

[8 house. And the holy vessels of gold and of
silver, that Nabuchodonosor had carried away
out of the house at Jerusalem, and had set up in
his own temple, those Cyrus the king brought
forth again out of the temple in Babylonia, and
they were delivered to Zorobabel and to Sana-
bassarus the governor,

(9 with commandment that

he should carry away all these vessels, and put
them in the temple at Jerusalem ; and that the
temple of the Lord should be built in its place.

!o Then Sanabassarus, being come hither, laid the
foundations of the house of the Lord which is in
Jerusalem ; and from that time to this being still
a-building, it is not yet fully ended.

!i Now there-

fore, if it seem good, O king, let search be made
among the royal archives of our lord the king

!2 that are in Babylon : and if it be found that the
building of the house of the Lord which is in
Jerusalem hath been done with the consent of
king Cyrus, and it seem good unto our lord the
king, let him signify unto us thereof.

;3 Then commanded king Darius to seek among
the archives that were laid up at Babylon :

and

Then asked we those elders, and said unto them 9
thus, Who gave you a decree to build this house.
and to finish this wall? We asked them their 10
names also, to certify thee, that we might write
the names of the men that were at the head of
them.

And thus they returned us answer, say- n
ing, We are the servants of the God of heaven
and earth, and build the house that was builded
these many years ago, which a great king of
Israel builded and finished.

But after that our 12
fathers had provoked the God of heaven unto
wrath, he gave them into the hand of Nebuchad-
nezzar king of Babylon, the Chaldean, who
destroyed this house, and carried the people away
into Babylon.

But in the first year of Cyrus 13
king of Babylon, Cyrus the king made a decree to
build this house of God.

And the gold and 14
silver vessels also of the house of God, which
Nebuchadnezzar took out of the temple that
was in Jerusalem, and brought them into the
temple of Babylon, those did Cyrus the king
take out of the temple of Babylon, and they
were delivered unto one whose name was Shesh-
bazzar, whom he had made governor ; and he 1 5
said unto him. Take these vessels, go, put them
in the temple that is in Jerusalem, and let the
house of God be builded in its place.

Then i6
came the same Sheshbazzar, and laid the found-
ations of the house of God which is in Jerusalem :
and since that time even until now hath it been
in building, and yet it is not completed. Now 17
therefore, if it seem good to the king, let there be
search made in the king's treasure house, which
is there at Babylon, whether it be so, that
a decree was made of Cyrus the king to build
this house of God at Jerusalem, and let the king
send his pleasure to us concerning this matter.

Ezra 8
Then Darius the king made a decree, and i
search was made in the house of the archives,
where the treasures were laid up in Babylon.
And there was found at Achmetha, in the palace 2

13. the Lord which made {tov KTia-aPTOi), cf. 2 Chron. ii. 12 (inoi^ufv) and the quotation in Eupolemos (fxTicrfi/j,
second cent. B.C. (Swete, Introd. 370 ; Torrey, 82); also Jer. .\. 11 and the late Gen. .\iv. 19 R.V. mg.
15. Lord . . . heaven. A conllate reading.
Note that even the Aram, source presents the later and inaccurate form of the name Nebuchadrezzar.

18. his own temple, cf. ii. 10.

and to Sanabassarus (mg. Sabanassatus). Some MSS. omit am/; this and the sequel ('that he should carry')
indicate that the attempt has been made to identify Sheshbazzar (E i.) with the more prominent Zerubbabel (Nikel,
42 n. I, 45). Note the introduction of the latter in vv. 27, 29.

E ' whom he had made ' . . . , but C* ' to the treasurer . . . who was over the treasury '. This must refer not
to Shesh., but to Mithredath (E i. 8) whom Jos. combines with Zer. here (§ 92, cf. ib. xi. 3 §§ u, 14), although in his
version of £ 20, 26, he mentions only Shesh. The allusion to the treasury may be supported by E v. 17, vi. i. That
the texts are not in their original form is obvious.

19. all these vessels, mg. the same (ffi'^).

21. of our lord (Kupiov), & S, curiously ' of Cyrus ' (so A.V.).

ESDRAS

I ESDRAS 6. 2

j-j^

EZR

so at Ecbatana the palace, which is in the
country of Media, there was found a roll where-

24 in these things were recorded. In the first
year of the reign of Cyrus king Cyrus com-
manded to build up the house of the Lord
which is in Jerusalem, where they do sacrifice

25 with continual fire : whose height shall be sixty
cubits, and the breadth sixty cubits,

with three
rows of hewn stones, and one row of new wood
of that country ; and the expenses thereof to

26 be given out of the house of king Cyrus: and
that the holy vessels of the house of the Lord,
both of gold and silver, that Nabuchodonosor
took out of the house at Jerusalem, and carried
away to Babylon, should be restored to the
house at Jerusalem, and be set in the place
where they were before.

27 And also he com-
manded that Sisinnes the governor of Syria
and Phoenicia, and Sathrabuzanes, and their
companions, and those which were appointed
rulers in Syria and Phoenicia, should be careful
not to meddle with the place, but suffer Zoro-
babel, the servant of the Lord, and governor of
Juda;a, and the elders of the Jews, to build that

28 house of the Lord in its place. And I also do
command to have it built up whole again ; and
that they look diligently to help those that be
of the captivity of Judsa, till the house of the

29 Lord be finished : and that out of the tribute of
Coelesyria and Phoenicia a portion be carefully
given these men for the sacrifices of the Lord,
that is, to Zorobabel the governor, for bullocks,

30 and rams, and lambs ; and also corn, salt, wine,
and oil, and that continually every year without
further question, according as the priests that
be in Jerusalem shall signify to be daily spent :

that is in the province of Media, a roll, and
therein was thus written for a record.

In the 3
first year of Cyrus the king, Cyrus the king
made a decree ; Concerning the house of God at
Jerusalem, let the house be builded, the place
where they offer sacrifices, and let the founda-
tions thereof be strongly laid ; the height thereof
threescore cubits, and the breadth thereof three-
score cubits ; with three rows of great stones, 4
and a row of new timber : and let the expenses
be given out of the king's house :

and also let 5
the gold and silver vessels of the house of God,
which Nebuchadnezzar took forth out of the
temple which is at Jerusalem, and brought unto
Babylon, be restored, and brought again unto the
temple which is at Jerusalem, every one to its
place, and thou shalt put them in the house of
God. Now therefore, Tattenai, governor beyond 6
the river, Shethar-bozenai, and your companions
the Apharsachites, which are beyond the river,
be ye iar from thence :

let the work of this house 7
of God alone ; let the governor of the Jews and
the elders of the Jews build this house of God in
its place. Moreover I make a decree what ye 8
shall do to these elders of the Jews for the build-
ing of this house of God :

that of the king's
goods, even of the tribute beyond the river,
expenses be given with all diligence unto these
men, that they be not hindered. And that 9
which they have need of, both young bullocks,
and rams, and lambs, for burnt offerings to the
God of heaven, wheat, salt, wine, and oil,
according to the word of the priests which are

23. roll (ffi*, Jos.), mg. //atv (ffi'"- ii S), a confusion of i-cifios and toVo!,-. The 'memorandum' (in^H) recalls the p^t
(Sach. Pap. Ill) relating to the rebuilding of the Jewish sanctuary at Elephantine. The fact that the roll was sought
for at Babylon but found at Ecbatana points to some condensation in the narrative.

24. continual fire. A slight change of the MT supported by most scholars.

25. Jos. (§ 99) applies these measurements to the altar, although in xi.i 3 (see below on v. 26) he rightly refers them
to the Temple.

one row of new wood (similarly Jos.) of that country, 'one' and 'new' are doublets, (see v. 9), and 'country'
seems to be some confusion of the Heb. JHK (land) and H^ (cedar), so Jahn ; or of the Aram. J>^N (land) and VX (wood),
so Marq. For the details see I Kings vi. 36, vii. 12.

26. Note the changes of person and number in MT (E 6 has /heir companions). The compiler turns the decree of
Cyrus into a command to Shesh. {and thou shalt place), and then passes on to the commands of Darius (see Meyer, 47);
a clear case of compilation. E, however, takes E 6 to belong to the old decree, and Jos. actually attributes the whole
(to the end oft/. 33) to Cyrus, which Darius (as in v. 34) simply endorses. Hence, in his history of Cyrus, Jos. (xi. I 3)
gives a lengthy decree on these lines in the form of a letter to Tattenai and Shethar-bozenai, an interesting and
instructive example of history-making.

27. the servant of the Lord. Jos. (§ loi) 'the servants of God (cf. v. 13), the Jews and their leaders'. Here
and in v. 29 Zer. appears to be due to later insertion (Jos. omits) ; perhaps the translator misunderstood muU ('work')
in the MT, where *!5^ om. ' the governor (<&"■ governors, or leaders) of the Jews and '. In E v. 5, 9, vi. 8, 14 only the
' elders of the Jews ' are mentioned ; see Guthe, SBOT.

28. till . . . finished, a natural limitation, cf. iv. 51, and the stipulation in N ii. 6; with MT cf. the free hand given
to Ezra (E vii.).

29. of the Lord . . . , cf. S; ffi tw xupiM {&'- + tov, cf. Dan. vi. 26, Bel and Dragon, 41) Zop. enapxtf (&'■ om.).

30. question, a misunderstanding (as in E(£) of li'B', as though from bn^.

.AS

I ESDRAS

6. 31.

Ezra 6

31 that drink offerings may be made to the Most
High God for the king and for his children, and
that they may pray for their lives.

,2 And that

commandment be given that whosoever shall
transgress, yea, or neglect anything herein
written, out of his own house shall a tree be
taken, and he thereon be hanged, and all his

33 goods seized for the king. The Lord therefore,
whose name is there called upon, utterly destroy
every king and nation, that shall stretch out his
hand to hinder or endamage that house of the

34 Lord in Jerusalem. I Darius the king have
ordained that according unto these things it be
done with diligence.

] I Then Sisinnes the governor of Ccelesyria and
Phoenicia, and Sathrabuzanes, with their com-
panions, following the commandments of king

2 Darius, did very carefully oversee the holy works,
assisting the elders of the Jews and rulers of the

3 temple. And so the holy works prospered, while
Aggjeus and Zacharias the prophets prophesied.

4 And they finished these things by the command-
ment of the Lord, the God of Israel, and with the
consent of Cyrus, Darius, and Artaxerxes, kings

5 of the Persians. Aitd thus wzs the house finished
by the three and twentieth day of the month

6 Adar, in the sixth year of king Darius. And the
children of Israel, the priests, and the Levites,
and the other that were of the captivity, that were
added unto them, did according to the things

y written in the book of Moses. And to the dedica-
tion of the temple of the Lord they offered a
hundred bullocks, two hundred rams, four hun-

at Jerusalem, let it be given them day by
day without fail : that they may offer sacri- 10
fices of sweet savour unto the God of heaven,
and pray for the life of the king, and of his sons.
Also I have made a decree, that whosoever 1 1
shall alter this word, let a beam be pulled
out from his house, and let him be lifted up
and fastened thereon ; and let his house be
made a dunghill for this :

and the God that 12
hath caused his name to dwell there overthrow
all kings and peoples, that shall put forth their
hand to alter the same, to destroy this house of
God which is at Jerusalem. I Darius have
made a decree ; let it be done with all dili-
gence.

Then Tattenai, the governor beyond the river, 13
Shethar-bozenai, and their companions, because
that Darius the king had sent, did accordingly
with all diligence.

And the elders of the Jews 14
builded and prospered, through the prophesying
of Haggai the prophet and Zechariah the son of
Iddo. And they builded and finished it, accord-
ing to the commandment of the God of Israel,
and according to the decree of Cyrus, and Darius,
and Artaxerxes king of Persia. And this house 15
was finished on the third day of the month Adar,
which was in the sixth year of the reign of
Darius the king.

And the children of Israel, the
priests and the Levites, and the rest of the child-
ren of the captivity, kept the dedication of this
house of God with joy.

And they offered
at the dedication of this house of God an
hundred bullocks, two hundred rams, four hun-

31. For the praying cf. Baruch i. 10 seq., I Mace. vii. 33, Sach. Pap. I, 25 seq. G"- reads Bvalai k. anovdm and adds
fV8fXe;(iif at end of verse.

32. written, mg. ti/ore spoken or leritten (ffi*). , ,

goods seized, similarly Jos. ; cf. Dan. ii. 5, iii. 29, <&. This interpretation of jNIT 1710 (v13) ' dunghill ' is supported
by Jahn (55) and by Torrey (S5, who compares Ar. 7iala 'take, obtain 'j. Bayer, 30, emends.

33. therefore, VCX for this, end of 7'. II.

whose name . . . , the Jewish colouring in this verse (cf. Deut. xii. ii,xiv.23) is commonly admitted (Meyer, 51.
Holzhey, 25, &c.).

VII. I seq. The more active intervention of the strangers {iTtiaTcnow . . . fTrtfifXiaTepov), though in harmony with
viii. 67 (E viii. 361, is less emphatic in MT '. . . their companions did according to the decree which . . . sent',
cf. above, 27 seq., with E vi. 7.

2. rulers of the temple (ifpoo-Toraif ; Jos. ' princes of the Sanhedrin '), cf. i. S (2 Chron. xxxv. 8), and the addition in
EG 'and the Levites'.

4. consent (A.V. mg. t/ie decree, yviotir)) . . . Artaxerxes (Jos. omits Art., ffit"- transposes with Darius), kings (ffi""-
and MT l-i?ig) . . . The name can hardly be explained even as a careless interpolation ; the reading king- .suggests that
only one name was originally written ; see Introd. § 5 (e).

G*, S, 1L add ' until (by) the sixth year of Darius king of the Persians '.

5. the house, mg. tlie lioly house (*5*).

Jos. confirms the 23rd day (adopted by Bertholet, Torrey, 195, but treated by Bayer, 83, as a misreading,
□'■IC'SJ for DV "IV), but reads the ninth year of Darius ; in C. Apion. i. 21 he states that the foundations of the Temple
were laid in the second year of Cyrus and it was finished again in the j-tYW/fj' year of Darius.

6. that were added, explained by v. 13, although this act of separation is not recorded, contrast N ix. 2, xiii. 3 (see
below, p. 47).

book of Moses, cf. v. 49, and especially N. viii. i, x. 29, xiii. I.

ESDRAS

I ESDRAS 7. 8—8. i

Ezr|7

8 dred lambs ; rt«^ twelve he-goats for the sin of all
Israel, according to the number of the twelve

9 princes of the tribes of Israel. The priests also
and the Levites stood arrayed in their vestments,
according to their kindreds, for the services of the
Lord, the God of Israel, according to the book of
Moses : and the porters at every gate.

10 And the children of Israel that came out of
the captivity held the passover the fourteenth
day of the first month, when the priests and the

1 1 Levites were sanctified together, and all they that
were of the captivity ; for they were sanctified.

12 For the Levites were all sanctified together, and
they offered the passover for all them of the cap-
tivity, and for their brethren the priests, and for

1 3 themselves. And the children of Israel that came
out of the captivity did eat, even all they that
had separated themselves from the abominations
of the heathen of the land, and sought the Lord.

14 And they kept the feast of unleavened bread

15 seven days, making merry before the Lord, for
that he had turned the counsel of the king of
Assyria toward them, to strengthen their hands
in the works of the Lord, the God of Israel.

8 I And after these things, when Artaxerxes the
king of the Persians reigned, came Esdras the

dred lambs ; and for a sin offering for all Israel,
twelve he-goats, according to the number of the
tribes of Israel. And they set the priests in iS
their divisions, and the Levites in their courses,
for the service of God, which is at Jerusalem ; as |
it is written in the book of Moses. j

And the children of the captivity kept the 19 |
passover upon the fourteenth day of the first 1
month. For the priests and the Levites had 20 I
purified themselves together ; all of them were
pure : and they killed the passover for all the j
children of the captivity, and for their brethren 1
the priests, and for themselves. j

And the chil- 21
dren of Israel, which were come again out of the
captivity, and all such as had separated them-
selves unto them from the filthiness of the
heathen of the land, to seek the Lord, the God
of Israel, did eat, and kept the feast of unleavened 22 1
bread seven days with joy : for the Lord had i
made them joyful, and had turned the heart of
the king of Assyria unto them, to strengthen 1
their hands in the work of the house of God, the '
God of Israel. i

Now after these things, in the reign of Artax- 7 i
erxes king of Persia, Ezra the son of Seraiah, the '

8. princes, mg. twelve tribes of Israel (ffi"").

9. Cf. V. 59. For the/Sor/^rj (also in Jos.),cf. i. i6,and 2 Chron. viii. 14, xxiii. iSseq.; Jos. adds that the Jews also
built the cloisters (o-Tocif) of the inner temple. See vi. 4 above.

10. From this verse onwards the MT, with the exception of E vii. 12-26, is in Hebrew. With this account of the
celebration of the Passover, cf. 2 Chron. x.\x. (after the purification of the Temple by Hezekiah), xxxv. = E i (after
Josiah's reforms) ; see also p. 58.

of Israel, lit. ' of Israel, of those that were of the captivity.'
when the priests, several MSS. because.

1 1 seq. mg. and they that ivere of the captivity luere not all sanctified together : but the Levites were all sanctified
together. And, £-<;.; cf. &■%&, but not Jos. For the textual variants see ZATW, xx. 12 seq. Since the Levites
perform the slaughtering there may be an anti-Aaronite bias, as also in 2 Chron. .\xix. 34 (cf. perhaps xxx. 3, 15 17);
see Kittel, Chron. 160.

13. even, wanting in ffi.

15. Jos. (§§ 1 1 1-13) after summing up with an account of the constitution, &c., appends (§v^ 1 14-19) a new story
of Samaritan enmity and of the intervention of Darius. The Jews send Zerubbabel and four nobles, including .-Ananias
and Mordecai (see for the latter, v. 8 above) to complain that the Samaritans did not carry out the royal commands
and were hostile. Darius accordingly writes to the eparchs and council iliovXr), cf. ii. 17), viz. to Taganas and Sambas
(or Sambabas), the eparchs, and to Sadrakes and Bouedon (var. Bouelon, &c.), 'the rest of their fellow servants'
(aiuSiw^oi, cf. <!!r E v. seq. for 'companions'). On the conjectural origin of these corrupt names, see Marq. 52, 54
(Tag. from Tattenai, Sad. and Bou. from Shethar-bozenaiJ.

The Work of Ezra, (a) The narratives are severed in the MT, which places E vii.-x. (E viii. l-ix. 36) in the seventh
year of Artaxerxes (458 B.C.), and N viii. seqq. (E ix. 37-55+ . . .) in the twentieth. They are of composite origin :
note the introductory impersonal E vii. i-io (see Driver, Lit., 548 seq.), the change from ' I ' (vii. 27-ix.) to the imper-
sonal form in viii. 35 seq., the use of ' I ' (ix.), 'he' (.x.), and 'we' (N ix. 38, x. 30). In spite of parallels (Torrey,
244 seq.), these changes seem to prove diversity of source. Various signs of revision and condensation are to be
noticed in vii. (see E viii. 8-24), x. (Meyer, 96 n. i), and elsewhere.

(b) Although N viii. seqq. interrupt the history of Neh., and both E and N are engaged in reorganizing religious
conditions, the story of N ignores the work of E, and the story of E mentions N only somewhat incidentally (N viii. 9,
X. I ). The two groups of narratives have different backgrounds. The E-story shows no trace of the desolation and
misery which N sought to remedy. E is intent upon the Temple and the law, and comes to an apparently peaceful
city, whereas N appears as a reformer of elementary civic, social, and religious conditions at a time when E was
presumably in Jerusalem. The secular pioneer builds up and reconstructs ; the priestly scribe gives, as it were,
a finishmg stroke in the way of important, though less initial, reforms. While N laments the ruin and distress,
E recognizes the manifestation of God's favour, which the people had ill requited by their heathenish marriages. The
former encounters suspicion, hostility, and treachery; the latter, armed with most remarkable powers, finds a people
anxious to hear and obey the law, eager to remove the stain of the marriages, and ready to carry out measures which
N, with characteristic impulsiveness, seems merely to initiate in N xiii. The whole situation in the E-story forbids

iDR

I ESDRAS 8. 1-7

Ezra 7

son of Azaraias, the son of Zechrias, the son of

2 Helkias, the son of Salem, the son of Sadduk,
the son of Ahitob,

the son of Amarias, the son
of Ozias, the son of Memeroth, the son of
Zaraias, the son of Savias, the son of Boccas,
the son of Abisue, the son of Phinees, the son
of Eleazar, the son of Aaron the chief priest.

3 This Esdras went up from Babylon, as being
a ready scribe in the law of Moses, that was

4 given by the God of Israel. And the king did
him honour : for he found grace in his sight in
all his requests.

5 There went up with him also
certain of the children of Israel, and of the priests,
and Levites, and holy singers, and porters, and

6 temple-servants, unto Jerusalem, in the seventh
year of the reign of Artaxerxes, in the fifth
month, this was the king's seventh year ;

for they
went from Babylon on the new moon of the first
month, and came to Jerusalem, according to the
prosperous journey which the Lord gave them

7 for his sake. For Esdras had very great skill, so
that he omitted nothing of the law and command-
ments of the Lord, htt taught all Israel the ordi-
nances and judgements.

son of Azariah,

the son of Hilkiah, the son of 3
Shallum, the son of Zadok, the son of Ahitub,
the son of Amariah, the son of Azariah, the son 3
of Meraioth, the son of Zerahiah, the son of Uzzi, 4
the son of Bukki, the son of Abishua, the son of 5
Phinehas, the son of Eleazar, the son of Aaron
the chief priest :

this Ezra went up from Baby- 6
Ion ; and he was a ready scribe in the law of
Moses, which the Lord, the God of Israel, had
given : and the king granted him all his request,
according to the hand of the Lord his God upon
him. And there went up some of the children 7
of Israel, and of the priests, and the Levites, and
the singers, and the porters, and the Nethinim,
unto Jerusalem, in the seventh year of Arta-
xerxes the king. And he came to Jerusalem in 8
the fifth month, which was in the seventh year
of the king. F"or upon the first day of the first 9
month began he to go up from Babylon, and on
the first day of the fifth month came he to Jeru-
salem, according to the good hand of his God
upon him. For Ezra had set his heart to seek Jc
the law of the Lord, and to do it, and to teach
in Israel statutes and judgements.

the identification of E's return with that in E iv. 12 (£ ii. iS). The rebuilding mentioned in the latter is excluded in
the E-story and ignored in N i.-vi., where there is neither any reference to an earlier attempt to rebuild nor any hint
of such a return as that in E vii.-x.

(t) E vii.-x. are severed from E i.-vi. by nearly sixty years. A large body of exiles, ' children of the captivity '
(iv. i), had rejected the families of doubtful blood (ii. 59-63), and had been reinforced by those who had separated from
the heathen (vi. 21). Jewish exclusivism had apparently been established. Now, however, E returns with a repre-
sentative band (vii. 7), 'children of the captivity' (viii. 35), and, after an interval (the vague ix. i), hears of the deplorable
extent of intermarriage among the people of Israel, the ' holy seed ' (ix. 2), ' the captivity ' (ix. 4). The sin is admitted,
and it is proposed to make a solemn covenant (x. 3). 'The children of the captivity' are summoned from their settle-
ments under the penalty of excommunication from 'the congregation of the captivity' (x. 6-8). The area affected
proves to be extremely restricted (x. 9). The congregation agrees to the separation (vv. 10-12). There is, however,
an inquiry lasting three months, and as a veritable anti-climax we have an extremely small list of offenders (see on
E ix. 21-36). Forthwith (so E), or apparently some twelve years later (so N viii.), E reads the law to the people, and
'all the congregation, those who had returned from captivity' (N viii. 17, cf. E vi. 21), celebrate the feast of Taber-
nacles. After a solemn confession of sin, the erring 'seed of Israel ' separate from the heathen (ix. I seq.), and this
epoch-making event, which (see E x. 1-12) might be expected after the prayer in E ix. 6 seqq., is followed by a second
prayer on behalf of the backsliding people. P'inally, there is a covenant (N ix. 38) signed by the congregation and all
that separated themselves from the people of the land (x. 28). Whether we follow the tradition or any modern hypo-
thesis, these data are extremely complicated (see Kosters, 67, 96 seqq., Tli. T., xxix, 554 seqq.). They point to a close
literary connexion in the E-stor)', which makes it improbable that E vii.-x. should be severed, as in i\IT, from N viii. seqq.
They reveal a serious literary intricacy which must be due to revision and reshaping, and they do not show at all
clearly that the 'children of the captivity' who returned (E viii. 35) found a people constituted as E ii. 59-63, vi. 21,
would imply. It is possible that the E-stor)' (of independent origin, see Iiitrod. p. 9 d.) has confused the accounts of
the purification of the exiles who returned with E and the separation of the native Judaeans from the heathen, the two
events which are kept more distinct in E i.-vi.

The return of Ezra, viii. 1-67 = E vii., viii., cf. Jos. xi. 5 1-2 (who replaces Artaxerxes by Xerxes). In addition
to the comm., see Torrey, 196 seqq., 205 seqq., 265 seqq.

2. Azaraias and Zechrias ((G" ; 'Efepi'ou A, 'Af(ipnioi> L) = Seraiah and .'Vzariah. The former was contemporary with
the fall of Jerusalem (i Chron. vi. 14 seq.), but the genealogy would make him identical with the Seraiah in Neh. xi. 11
(II I Chron. ix. 11, Azariah), priest at the renovation of the city.

G" omits the names Memeroth — Savias (Uzzi).

5. temple-servants, mg. the Ncthiiiii)!, cf. i. 3, and for the sequence of the classes cf. the arrangement in v. 9 seqq.

6. The date of arrival (E 8) probably coincides with that of Nehemiah (departure in the first month, ii. I ; arrival at
the beginning of the fifth, interval of three days, ii. 11 ; and, after fifty-two days, the completion of the walls on the
25th of the sixth month, vi. 15).

seventh year (ffi" 'second', cf. v. 6, vi. l), the absence of a date in v. i is noticeable. On the chronological and
other details in the verse see the comin.

for his sake, 85° €7r' avTa, (G'' om., ffi"- (v. 7) iii avrov yap 6 "EfSpaf rji; os . . .
7- but taught, so ©^ SiSugm. For the variants see Moulton, ZA TIV, xx. 14.

ESDRAS

I ESDRAS 8. 8-20

EZF'

Now the commission, which was written from
Artaxerxes the king, came to Esdras the priest
and reader of the law of the Lord, whereof
this that followeth is a copy ;

King Artaxerxes
unto Esdras the priest and reader of the law of
the Lord, greeting : Having determined to deal
graciously, I have given order, that such of the
nation of the Jews, and of the priests and Le-
vites, and of those within our realm, as are
willing and desirous, should go with thee unto
Jerusalem. As many therefore as have a mind
theretmto, let them depart with thee, as it hath
seemed good both to me and my seven friends
the counsellors ; that they may look unto the
affairs of Judrea and Jerusalem, agreeably to that
which is in the law of the Lord, and carry the
gifts unto the Lord of Israel to Jerusalem, which
I and my friends have vowed ;

and that all the
gold and silver that can be found in the country

14 of Babylonia for the Lord in Jerusalem, with that
also which is given of the people for the temple
of the Lord their God that is at Jerusalem, be
collected : even the gold and silver for bullocks,
rams, and lambs, and things thereunto apper-
taining ; to the end that they may offer sacrifices
unto the Lord upon the altar of the Lord their
God, which is in Jerusalem.

And whatsoever
thou and thy brethren are minded to do with gold
and silver, that perform, according to the will of

17 thy God. And the holy vessels of the Lord,
which are given thee for the use of the temple of
thy God, which is in Jerusalem :

and whatsoever
thing else thou shalt remember for the use of the
temple of thy God, thou shalt give it out of the

19 king's treasury. And I king Artaxerxes have
also commanded the keepers of the treasures in
Syria and Phcenicia, that whatsoever Esdras the
priest and reader of the law of the Most High
God shall send for, they should give it him with

20 all diligence, to the sum of a hundred talents
of silver, likewise also of wheat even to a hun-
dred measures, and a hundred firkins of
and salt in abundance.

wme.

Now this is the copy of the letter that the king u
Artaxerxes gave unto Ezra the priest, the scribe,
even the scribe of the words of the command-
ments of the Lord, and of his statutes to Israel.
Artaxerxes, king of kings, unto Ezra the priest, 12
the scribe of the law of the God of heaven, per-
fect and so forth. I make a decree, that all they 13
of the people of Israel, and their priests and the
Levites, in my realm, which are minded of their
own free will to go to Jerusalem, go with thee.

Forasmuch as thou art sent of the king and his
seven counsellors, to inquire concerning Judah
and Jerusalem, according to the law of thy God
which is in thine hand ;

and to carry the silver
and gold, which the king and his counsellors
have freely offered unto the God of Israel, whose
habitation is in Jerusalem, and all the silver and
gold that thou shalt find in all the province of
Babylon, vvith the freewill offering of the people,
and of the priests, offering willingly for the house
of their God which is in Jerusalem ;

therefore
thou shalt with all diligence buy with this money
bullocks, rams, lambs, with their meal offerings
and their drink offerings, and shalt offer them
upon the altar of the house of your God which
is in Jerusalem. And whatsoever shall seem
good to thee and to thy brethren to do with the
rest of the silver and the gold, that do ye after
the will of your God. And the vessels that are
given thee for the service of the house of thy
God, deliver thou before the God of Jerusalem.
And whatsoever more shall be needful for the
house of thy God, which thou shalt have occasion
to bestow, bestow it out of the king's treasure
house. And I, even I Artaxerxes the king, do
make a decree to all the treasurers which are
beyond the river, that whatsoever Ezra the priest,
the scribe of the law of the God of heaven, shall
require of you, it be done with all diligence,

unto
an hundred talents of silver, and to an hundred
measures of wheat, and to an hundred baths of
wine, and to an hundred baths of oil, and salt

16I

i8i

2:1

S-24. jos. xi. 5 I, §§ 123-30 reproduces this remarkable decree more carefully than he does the rest of the Ezra
story. The document, which is in Aramaic, should be compared with the decrees of Cyrus and Darius (see Torrey, 1 58) :
its value rests upon the Ezra-story as a whole and is variously estimated (see Berth., 34 seq., Nikel, 167 seqq.). According
to Je\yish tradition, of course, the book of Esther, with the story of the favour of Xerxes, would precede the present
situation, v. 8 ffi has no conclusion and there are signs of unevenness especially in g seq. and 22.

9 seq. Read, perhaps E 12 seq., ' perfect peace, and now I make . . . ' (cf. E v. 7).

10. Some words are probably missing at the beginning (Lupton).
and of those, mg. being within ffi'^'- IL S.

17. Jos. prefixes (iw.e^crfit, 3L<:' pones', cf. WX deliver (x2A\i<tx ' hand over wholly '). The MT God of /erusaiem i^^"
' before Cod [IG'- ' the God of Israel'] in J.') is very strange.

18. remember (Zaa av {jmiti-nTT, tjoi), rather, ' shall occur to, or befall thee ', MT ' thou shalt have to give ".

19. send for (E shall require), a misreading (rh^ for h^V ; so Ball, Moulton), or merely a paraphrase.

20. salt(lLandsome MSS.offfi), mg.^^/;fr///z>?^i-(«5''E; Bom.); 1L= ' sal sine mensura et caetera sine men.' ; ffi'-S
and other things according to the law of God ' (see v. 2i)

5DI

I ESDRAS 8. 21-

EZRA 7

21 Let all things be per-
formed after the law of God diligently unto the
Most High God, that wrath come not upon the
kingdom of the king and his sons.

22 I command
you also, that no tax. nor any other imposition,

i be laid on any of the priests, or Levites. or

i holy singers, or porters, or temple-servants, or
any that have employment in this temple, and
that no man have authority to impose anything

[23 upon them. And thou, Esdras, according to the
wisdom of God ordain judges and justices, that
they may judge in all Syria and Phcenicia all
those that know the law of thy God ; and those
that know it not thou shalt teach.

24 And whoso-

ever shall transgress the law of thy God, and of
the king, shall be punished diligently, whether
it be by death, or other punishment, by penalty
of money, or by imprisonment.

-5 Then said Esdras the scribe, Blessed be tlie
only Lord, the God of my fathers, who hath
put these things into the heart of the king, to

>6 glorify his house that is in Jerusalem : and hath
honoured me in the sight of the king, and his
counsellors, and all his friends and nobles.

'■1 Therefore was I encouraged by the help of the
Lord my God, and gathered together out of
Israel men to go up with me.

i8 And these are the

chief according to their families and the several
divisions thereof, that went up with me from

'9 Babylon in the reign of king Artaxerxes : of

. the sons of Phinees, Gerson : of the sons of
Ithamar, Gamael : of the sons of David, Attus

jo the son of Sechenias : of the sons of Phoros,
Zacharias ; and with him were counted a hun-

ii dred and fifty men : of the sons of Phaath
Moab, Eliaonias the son of Zaraias, and with

2 him two hundred men : of the sons of Zathoes,
Sechenias the son of Jezelus, and with him three
hundred men : of the sons of Adin, Obeth the
son of Jonathan, and with him two hundred

3 and fifty men : of the sons of Elam, Jesias son
of Gotholias, and with him seventy men :

without prescribing how much. Whatsoever is 23
commanded by the God of heaven, let it be done
exactly for the house of the God of heaven ; for
why should there be wrath against the realm of
the king and his sons? Also we certify you, 24
that touching any of the priests and Levites,
the singers, porters, Nethinim, or servants of this
house of God, it shall not be lawful to impose
tribute, custom, or toll, upon them.

And thou, 25
Ezra, after the wisdom of thy God that is in
thine hand, appoint magistrates and judges,
which may judge all the people that are beyond
the river, all such as know the laws of thy God ;
and teach ye him that knoweth them not. And 26
whosoever will not do the law of thy God, and
the law of the king, let judgement be executed
upon him with all diligence, whether it be unto
death, or to banishment, or to confiscation of
goods, or to imprisonment.

Blessed be the Lord, the God of our fathers, 27
which hath put such a thing as this in the king's
heart, to beautify the house of the Lord which
is in Jerusalem ; and hath extended mercy unto 28
me before the king, and his counsellors, and
before all the king's mighty princes. And I was
strengthened according to the hand of the Lord
my God upon me, and I gathered together out
of Israel chief men to go up with me.

Now these are the heads of their fathers' 8 i
/wiises, and this is the genealogy of them that
went up with me from Babylon, in the reign of
Artaxerxes the king. Of the sons of Phinehas, 2
Gershom ; of the sons of Ithamar, Daniel : of
the sons of David, Hattush. Of the sons of 3
Shecaniah ; of the sons of Parosh, Zechariah ;
and with him were reckoned by genealogy of
the males an hundred and fifty. Of the sons 4
of Pahath-moab, Eliehoenai the son of Zerahiah ;
and with him two hundred males. Of the sons 5
of Shecaniah, the son of Jahaziel ; and with him
three hundred males. And of the sons of Adin, 6
Ebed the son of Jonathan ; and with him fifty
males. And of the sons of Elam, Jeshaiah the 7
son of Athaliah ; and with him seventy males.

22. The decree is now addressed to the Persian officials in Palestine, cf. the direct address E vi. 6 seq., and the
abstract in if iv. 49 seqq.

that have employment, 7rpay;uaTiKoif toO Upoii ; US 'scribes of the temple' (as though ypa/x/inTiKoir).

24. punishment, ffi"* rtfxapia, L, aniiia, IL cruciatu, IL'^ tormentis, E batiishment, prop. ' uprooting ', ffit TrmSeia.
imprisonment, mg. captivity, ffi"* aTrnywyr}, L Seo-^ieiVm, li abductione, 3L= exilio. Jos. -feppmo-o, cf. % Lag. bene

valeas.

25. Then . . . scribe, G"'- om., 3L<^ om. the scribe.
Blessed . . . , or 'blessed alone be the Lord' (Ball).

28-40. Ezra's band. With the priestly families {v. 29), cf. Eleazar and Ithamar, i Chron. xxiv. 2 seqq., where the
priesthood is not restricted to the Zadokites but as a compromise a share is given to the subordinate family of Ithamar.
For the priestly and Davidic families, cf E v. 5. With the preferable reading : Hattush of the sons of Shechaniah
(■''•29), cf. I Chron. iii. 22. The names of the /7t'£'/7r (see v. 4) lay families recur in the great register £" v.; Pahath-moab
and Joab (vv. 31, 35) are, however, severed (contrast v. 11). The sons of Zattu (v. 32) are wrongly omitted in E (but
see ffi* ib.). Zaraias represents Zerahiah in v. 31, but Zebadiah in v. 34 ; Jezehis {v. 35) = Jehiel, cf on i. 8. The
family of Bani (<-'. 36) is wanting in E (but see ffi" ib.). Istalcunis (v. 40) = Zabbud or Zaccur ; see E Bi., art.
Zabud (2) ; Bayer 56 would restore ^1^^ p Tliy. For other details see the comm.

II05 40 E

ESDRAS

I ESDRAS 8. 34-52

of the
sons (if Saphatias, Zaraias son of Michael, and

35 with him threescore and ten men : of the sons
of Joab, Abadias son of Jezelus, and with him

36 two hundred and twelve men : of the sons of
Banias, Salimoth son of Josaphias, and with him

37 a hundred and threescore men : of the sons of
Babi, Zacharias son of Bebai, and with him

38 twenty and eight men : of the sons of Astath,
Joannes son of Akatan, and with him a hun-

39 dred and ten men : of the sons of Adonikam,
the last, and these are the names of them, Eli-
phalat, Jeuel, and Samaias, and with them

40 seventy men : of the sons of Bago, Uthi the son
of Istalcurus, and with him seventy men.

41 And I gathered them together to the river
called Theras ; and there we pitched our tents

42 three days, and I surveyed them. But when
I had found there none of the priests and

43 Levites, then sent I unto Eleazar, and Iduel,

44 and Maasmas, and Elnathan, and Samaias, and
Joribus, Nathan, Ennatan, Zacharias, and Mo-
sollamus, principal men and men of understand-

45 ing. And I bade them that they should go unto
Loddeus the captain, who was in the place of

4'' the treasury : and commanded them that they
should speak unto Loddeus, and to his brethren,
and to the treasurers in that place, to send us
such men as might execute the priests' office in

47 the house of our Lord. And by the mighty
hand of our Lord they brought unto us men of
understanding of the sons of Mooli the son of
Levi, the son of Israel, Asebebias, and his sons,
and his brethren, who were eighteen,

48 and
Asebias, and Annuus, and Osaias his brother, of
the sons of Chanuneus, and their sons were

49 twenty men ; and of the temple-servants whom
David and the principal men had appointed for
the service of the Levites, two hundred and
twenty temple-servants, the catalogue of all their

.50 names was shewed. And there I vowed a fast
for the young men before our Lord, to desire of
him a prosperous journey both for us and for
our children and cattle that were with us :

51 for
I was ashamed to ask of the king footmen, and
horsemen, and conduct for safeguard against

52 our adversaries. For we had said unto the
king, that the power of our Lord would be with

And of the sons of Shephatiah, Zebadiah the 8
son of Michael ; and with him fourscore males.
Of the sons of Joab, Obadiah the son of Jehiel ; 9
and with him two hundred and eighteen males.
And of the sons of Shelomith, the son of Josi- 10
phiah ; and with him an hundred and threescore
males. And of the sons of Bebai, Zechariah the 11
son of Bebai ; and with him twenty and eight
males. And of the sons of Azgad, Johanan the is
son of Hakkatan ; and with him an hundred and I
ten males. And of the sons of Adonikam, that i
ivei-e the last ; and these are their names, Eliphe-
let, Jeuel, and Shemaiah, and with them three-
score males. And of the sons of Bigvai, Uthai i,;
and Zabbud ; and with them seventy males.

And I gathered them together to the river ij
that runneth to Ahava ; and there we encamped
three days : and I viewed the people, and the
priests, and found there none of the sons of Levi.
Then sent I for Eliezer, for Ariel, for Shemaiah, j
and for Elnathan, and for Jarib, and for Elnathan,
and for Nathan, and for Zechariah, and for Me-
shullam, chief men ; also for Joiarib, and for El-
nathan, which were teachers. And I sent them i
forth unto Iddo the chief at the place Casiphia ;
and I told them what they should say unto Iddo,
and his brethren the Nethinim, at the place
Casiphia, that they should bring unto us minis-
ters for the house of our God.

And according i
to the good hand of our God upon us they
brought us a man of discretion, of the sons of
Mahli, the son of Levi, the son of Israel ; and i
Sherebiah, with his sons and his brethren, eigh-
teen ; and Hashabiah, and with him Jeshaiah of ij
the sons of Merari, his brethren and their sons, !
twenty ;

and of the Nethinim, whom David and :
the princes had given for the service of the |
Levites, two hundred and twenty Nethinim : all :
of them were expressed by name.

Then I pro- :i
claimed a fast there, at the river Ahava, that we
might humble ourselves before our God, to seek I
of him a straight way, for us, and for our little j
ones, and for all our substance. For I was ij
ashamed to ask of the king a band of soldiers \
and horsemen to help us against the enemy in '■
the way : because we had spoken unto the king, •'
saying, The hand of our God is upon all them j

41. called, perhaps a better reading (Ew. 137 n. 4).

Theras (ffi" om ), see vv. 50, 61. Jos. § 134 ' beyond (? iripav for eep^f, Lupton) the Euphrates '.

42. in E only the Levites are absent, see v. 29 and note the textual difficulties in 42 seqq. (see Berth.i/and elsewhere
where the priests and Levites are concerned.

43 seq. sent I unto. Omit unto; the accusatival !? (see esp. 2 Chron. xvii. 7^ was misunderstood.

45. place of the treasury, E Casiphia, but cf. (5 ib. Cf. also v. 46, where, too, the Nethinim are ignored.

47. men, mj;. a man (ffi""-). ' > > 5

48. Annuus = MT itto ' with him ' (to be read eth, a mark of the accusative).
Chanuneus (E Afcran) might suggest Chenani(ah), Neh. ix. 4, i Chron. xv. 22, &c.

oinittedTBlm ^°"^^ "^^"' ^" °^^^"^^ statement, perhaps a misreading of E's ri7'er (nW for nnj), A/iava beingj

RAS

I ESDRAS a 53-66

EZKA 8

them that seek him, to support them in all ways.

53 And again we besought our Loid as touching
these things, and found him favourable laito us.

54 Then I separated twelve men of the chiefs of the
priests, Eserebias, and Assamias,and ten men of
their brethren with them :

55 and I weighed them
the silver, and the gold, and the holy vessels of
the house of our Lord, which the king, and his
counsellors, and the nobles, and all Israel, had

g6 given. And when I had weighed it, I delivered
unto them six hundred and fifty talents of silver,
and silver vessels of a hundred talents, and a hun-

57 dred talents of gold, and twenty golden vessels,
and twelve vessels of brass, even of fine brass,

58 glittering like gold. And I said unto them, Both
ye are holy unto the Lord, and the vessels are
holy, and the gold and the silver are a vow unto

59 the Lord, the Lord of our fathers. Watch ye,
and keep them till ye deliver them to the chiefs
of the priests and Levites, and to the principal
men of the families of Israel, in Jerusalem, in
the chambers of the house of our Lord.

60 So the
priests and the Levites, who received the silver
and the gold and the vessels which were in
Jerusalem, brought them into the temple of the
Lord.

(ii And from the river Theras we departed the
twelfth day of the first month, until we came to
Jerusalem, by the mighty hand of our Lord
which was upon us : and the Lord delivered us
from assault by the way, from every enemy, and

62 so we came to Jerusalem. And when we had
been there three days, the silver and gold was
weighed and delivered in the house of our Lord
on the fourth day unto Marmoth the priest

63 the son of Urias. And with him was Eleazar
the son of Phinees, and with them were Josabdus
the son of Jesus and Moeth the son of Sabannus,
the Levites : all ivas delivered tlieui by number
and weight.

6^ And all the weight of them was

written up the same hour.

65 Moreover they that

were come out of the captivity offered sacrifices
unto the Lord, the God of Israel, even twelve
bullocks for all Israel, fourscore and sixteen rams,

'/)6 threescore and twelve lambs, goats for a peace
offering, twelve; all of them a sacrifice to the

that seek him, for good ; but his power and his
wrath is against all them that forsake him. So 23
we fasted and besought our God for this : and
he was intreated of us. Then I separated twelve 24
of the chiefs of the priests, even Sherebiah,
Hashabiah, and ten of their brethren with them,
and weighed unto them the silver, and the gold, 25
and the vessels, even the offering for the house
ot our God, which the king, and his counsellors,
and his princes, and all Israel there present, had
offered: 1 even weighed into their hand six 2 ft
hundred and fifty talents of silver, and silver
vessels an hundred talents ; of gold an hundred
talents ; and twenty bowls of gold, of a thousand 27
darics ; and two vessels of fine bright brass,
precious as gold. And I said unto them, Ye are 28
hoi)' unto the Lord, and the vessels are holy ;
and the silver and the gold are a freewill offering
unto the Lord, the God of your fathers. Watch -9
ye, and keep them, until ye weigh them before
the chiefs of the priests and the Levites, and the
princes of the fathers' houses of Israel, at Jeru-
salem, in the chambers of the house of the Lord.
So the priests and the Levites received the 30
weight of the silver and the gold, and the vessels,
to bring them to Jerusalem unto the house of our
God.

Then we departed from the river of Ahava on 31
the twelfth day of the first month, to go unto
Jerusalem : and the hand of our God was upon
us, and he delivered us from the hand of the
enemy and the lier in wait by the way. And 32
we came to Jerusalem, and abode there three
days.

And on the fourth day was the silver and 33
the gold and the vessels weighed in the house of
our God into the hand of Meremoth the son of
Uriah the priest ; and with him was Eleazar the
son of Phinehas ; and with them was Jozabad
the son of Jeshua, and Noadiah the son of Bin-
nui, the Levites; the whole by number and by 34
weight : and all the weight was written at that
time. The children of the captivity, which were 3,")
come out of exile, offered burnt offerings unto
the God of Israel, twelve bullocks for all Israel,
ninety and si.x rams, seventy and seven lambs,
twelve he-goats for a sin offering : all this was
a burnt offering unto the Lord.

54. Eserebias (= Sherebiah), (5" prefi.x 'and'; there are thus twelve Levites (cf. -'. 47 seq., N xii. 24) and twelve
priests (cf. 1'. 60). E includes the two men and their brethren among the twelve priests.

55. all Israel, Jos. ' who remained at Babylon' (cf. v. 13 seq.), some qualification is necessary.

57. twelve, CS" 'ten'.

58. holy, cf. Is. lii. II. '

and the vessels . . . , mg. ami the vessels and the silver and the gold, &^c. (ffi=).

60. which [were] in Jerusalem, the words belong to the end of the verse.

61. every enemy, reading 3^1X1 for miXl. G" confuses the first and the third person (for the latter see 65-7) and
omits 'uur' in v. 62. See on 7'i'. 68 seqq.

66. peace offering, or thank-offering, cf. the Geneva Bible ' for salvation '. For E cf. vii. 7 seq. (E vi. 17).

51 E 2

ESDRAS

I ESDRAS 8. 67-81

EZR I

67 Lord. And they delivered the king's com-
mandments unto the king's stewards, and to the
governors of Ccelesyria and Phcenicia ; and they
honoured the people and the temple of the Lord.

6« Now when these things were done, the prin-

69 cipal men came unto me, and said, The nation
of Israel, and the princes, and the priests and
the Levites, have not put away from t/ieiti the
strange people of the land, nor the unclean-
nesses of the Gentiles, to ivif. of the Canaanites,
Hittites, Pherezitcs, Jebusites, and the Moabites,

70 Egyptians, and Edomites. For both they and
their sons have married with their daughters,
and the holy seed is mixed with the strange
people of the land ; and from the beginning of
this matter the rulers and the nobles have been

71 partaker.s of this iniquity. And as soon as I had
heard these things, I rent my clothes, and my
holy garment, and plucked the hair from off my
head and beard, and sat me down sad and full of

72 heaviness. So all they that were moved at the
word of the Lord, the God of Lsrael, assembled
unto me, whilst I mourned for the iniquity : but
I sat still full of heaviness until the evening sacri-

73 fice. Then rising up from the fast with my clothes
and my holy garment rent, and bowing my knees,
and stretching forth my hands unto the Lord,

74 I said, O Lord, I am ashamed and confounded

75 before thy face ; for our sins are multiplied above
our heads, and our errors have reached up unto
heaven,

76 ever since the time of our fathers ; and we

77 are in great sin, even unto this day. And for our
sins and our fathers' we with our brethren and
our kings and our priests were given up unto the
kings of the earth, to the sword, and to captivity,
and for a prey with shame, unto this day.

78 And
now in some measure hath mercy been shewed
unto us from thee, O Lord, that there should be
left us a root and a name in the place of thy

79 sanctuary ; and to discover unto us a light in the
house of the Lord our God, and to give us food in

80 the time of our servitude. Yea, when we were in
bondage, we were not forsaken of our Lord ; but
he made us gracious before the kings of Persia, so

8r that they gave us food, and glorified the temple

And they
delivered the king's commissions unto the king's
satraps, and to the governors beyond the river:
and they furthered the people and the house of
God.

Now when these things were done, the princes
drew near unto me, saying. The people of Israel,
and the priests and the Levites, have not separ-
ated themselves from the peoples of the lands,
doing according to their abominations, even of
the Canaanites, the Hittites, the Perizzites, the
Jebusites, the Ammonites, the Moabites, the
Egyptians, and the Amorites. For they have
taken of their daughters for themselves and for
their sons ; so that the holy seed have mingled
themselves with the peoples of the lands : yea,
the hand of the princes and rulers hath been
chief in this trespass. And when I heard this
thing, I rent my garment and my mantle, and
plucked off the hair of my head and of my beard,
and sat down astonied.

Then were assembled
unto me every one that trembled at the
words of the God of Israel, because of the tres-
pass of them of the captivity ; and I sat
astonied until the evening oblation. And at the
evening oblation I arose up from my humiliation,
even with my garment and my mantle rent ;
and I fell upon my knees, and spread out my
hands unto the Lord my God ; and I said, O my
God, I am ashamed and blush to lift up my face
to thee, my God : for our iniquities are increased
over our head, and our guiltiness is grown up
unto the heavens. Since the days of our fathers
we have been exceeding guilty unto this day;
and for our iniquities have we, our kings, and
our priests, been delivered into the hand of the
kings of the lands, to the sword, to captivity,
and to spoiling, and to confusion of face, as it is
this day. And now for a little moment grace
hath been shewed from the Lord our God, to
leave us a remnant to escape, and to give us
a nail in his holy place, that our God may
lighten our eyes, and give us a little reviving in
our bondage.

For we are bondmen ; yet our
God hath not forsaken us in our bondage, but
hath extended mercy unto us in the sight of the
kings of Persia, to give us a reviving, to set up

9 11^

67. honoured, iho^aaav (so ECS), cf. viii. 25, 81, and Is. Ix. 13 ; a weak and inappropriate rendering (E\v. 138 n.6).

The mixed marriages, vv. 68-90 = E ix., cf. Jos. xi. 5 3. See below on ix. 37 seqq. <&'• gives the narrative in the
third person.

69. the uncleannesses . . . , mg. «<;;• tJieir undeamtesses (to wit) of the Gentiles, &^c. ((!5°).

Edomites, see iv. 45, 50.
72. So all they, ffi'^ + 'that were zealous and all they'.
Tl- fast, cf. E R.V. m%.fasti!!(^.
75. multiplied above . . ., ffi"- 1L S ' multiplied more than the hairs of our head*, cf. Ps. xl. 12.

77. we with our brethren (UrijN 'we' read as 13'nS).

78. root (cf. V. 8S), perhaps influenced by 2 Kings xix. 30 seq. (Bayer, 15).

79. food, E reviving (n^riO, cf. Judg. vi. 4).

RAS

I ESDRAS 8. 81-95

Ezra 9

of our Lord, and raised up the desolate Sion, to
give us a sure abiding in Jewry and Jerusalem.

82 And now, O Lord, what shall we say, having these
things? for we have transgressed thy command-
ments, which thou gavest by the hand of thy

83 servants the prophets, saying. That the land,
which ye enter into to possess as an heritage, is a
land polluted with the pollutions of the strangers
of the land, and they have filled it with their un-
cleanness.

84 Therefore now shall ye not join your
daughters unto their sons, neither shall ye take

85 their daughters unto your sons. Neither shall
ye seek to have peace with them for ever, that
ye may be strong, and eat the good things of
the land, and that ye may leave it for an in-

86 heritance unto your children for evermore. And
all that is befallen is done unto us for our wicked
works and great sins : for thou, O Lord, didst

87 make our sins light, and didst give unto us such
a root : but we have turned back again to trans-
gress thy law, in mingling ourselves with the

88 uncleanness of the heathen of the land. Thou
wast not angry with us to destroy us, till thou
hadst left us neither root, seed, nor name.

89 Lord of Israel, thou art true : for we are left a
50 root this day. Behold, now are we before thee

in our iniquities, for we cannot stand any longer
before thee by reason of these things.

)i And as Esdras in his prayer made his con-
fession, weeping, and lying flat upon the ground
before the temple, there gathered unto him
from Jerusalem a very great throng of men and
women and children : for there was great u eep-

)2 ing among the multitude. Then Jechonias the
son of Jeelus, one of the sons of Israel, called out,
and said, O Esdras, we have sinned against the
Lord God, we have married strange women of
the heathen of the land, and now is all Israel aloft.

•3 Let us make an oath unto the Lord herein, that
we will put away all our wives, which lue have

14 take}t of the strangers, with their children, like as
seemeth good unto thee, and to as many as do obey
the law of the Lord.

5 Arise, and put in execution :

for to thee doth this matter appertain, and we

the house of our God, and to repair the ruins
thereof, and to give us a wall in Judah and in
Jerusalem. And now, O our God, what shall 10
we say after this ? for we have forsaken thy
commandments, which thou hast commanded by 11
thy servants the prophets, saying, The land,
unto which ye go to possess it, is an unclean
land through the uncleanness of the peoples of
the lands, through their abominations, which
have filled it from one end to another with their
filthiness. Now therefore give not your daugh- 12
ters unto their sons, neither take their daughters
unto your sons, nor seek their peace or their
prosperity for ever : that ye may be strong, and
eat the good of the land, and leave it for an
inheritance to your children for ever.

.A^nd after 13
all that is come upon us for our evil deeds, and
for our great guilt, seeing that thou our God
hast punished us less than our iniquities deserve,
and hast given us such a remnant, shall we again 14
break thy commandments, and join in affinity
with the peoples that do these abominations ?
wouldest not thou be angry with us till thou
hadst consumed us, so that there should be no
remnant, nor any to escape? O Lord, the God 15
of Israel, thou art righteous ; for we are left
a remnant that is escaped, as it is this day :
behold, we are before thee in our guiltiness ; for
none can stand before thee because of this.

Now while Ezra prayed, and made confession, 10 i
weeping and casting himself down before the
house of God, there was gathered together unto
him out of Israel a very great congregation of
men and women and children : for the people
wept very sore. And Shecaniah the son of 2
Jehiel, one of the sons of Elam, answered and
said unto Ezra, We have trespassed against our
God, and have married strange women of the
peoples of the land : yet now there is hope for
Israel concerning this thing. Now therefore let 3
us make a covenant with our God to put away
all the wives, and such as are born of them,
according to the counsel of my lord, and of those
that tremble at the commandment of our God ;
and let it be done according to the law. Arise ; 4
for the matter belongeth unto thee, and we are

81. Sion. G. A. Smith (Jerusalem, i. 150 seq.) observes that the term is not found in Ezek., Chron. (except the
quotations I Chron. xi. 5, 2 Chron. v. 2), E and N.

82. having . . . transgressed, presumably based upon misreadings 'inN for "iriN, 1j"i31' for 1J3TJ? (see Ball).
86. make . . . light, cf. Effi.

SS. Thou wast not, mg. 'o.'ast thou not, &c., see E.

The marriage-reforms, viii. 91-ix. 36 = E, x., cf. Jos. xi. 5 4.
92. Israel (Jos. 'Jerusalem'), E Elam, cf. E x. 26.
aloft, mg. exalted (with a reference to Deut. xxviii. 13, npyipp). This points to the reading 75)0 'trespass'
(E ix. 2, 4, X. 6) for TWp'D ' hope ' ((S"- 3 here) and is preferred by Jahn. 3L et nimc es super omneni Israel (U'^ et nunc
de populo I.). Bayer (16) conj. eVai/m corruption of inofiom) (Effi).

' Concerning this thing ' in E is read by ffi"-^ 1L at the beginning of E 93.
94. ©"-S 'and as many as obeyed . . . having arisen, said unto Ezra, Arise . . . ' (reading D''Tnnn lOP).
95- put into execution, n?3 has probably dropped out from the MT (Guthe, SBOT).

ESDRAS

I ESDRAS 8. 96— ^». 14

Ezp

96 will be with thcc to do valiantly. So Esdras
arose, and took an oath of the chief of the priests
and Levites of all Israel to do after these things ;
and so they sware.
9 I Then Esdras rising from the court of the
temple went to the chamber of Jonas the son of

2 Eliasib, and lodged there, and did eat no bread
nor drink water, mourning for the great iniquities
of the multitude.

^., And there was made proclama-

tion in all Jewry and Jerusalem to all them that
were of the captivity, that they should be gathered

4 together at Jerusalem : and that whosoever met
not there within two or three days, according as
the elders that bare rule appointed, their cattle
should be seized to the use of the temple, and
himself cast out from the multitude of them that
were of the captivity.

5 And in three days were all they of the tribe
of Judah and Benjamin gathered together at
Jerusalem : this was the ninth month, on the

6 twentieth day of the month. And all the multi-
tude sat together trembling in the broad place
before the temple because of the present foul

- weather. So Esdras arose up, and said unto
them. Ye have transgressed the law and married
strange wives, tlicrcby to increase the sins of

8 Israel. And now make confession and give
glory unto the Lord, the God of our fathers,

9 and do his will, and separate yourselves from
the heathen of the land, and from the strange

10 women. Then cried the whole multitude, and
said with a loud voice. Like as thou hast spoken,

1 1 so will we do. But forasmuch as the multitude
is great, and it is foul weather, so that we cannot
stand without, and this is not a work of one day
or two, seeing our sin in these things is spread

12 far: therefore let the rulers of the multitude

13 stay, and let all them of our habitations that
have strange wives come at the time appointed,
and with them the rulers and judges of every
place, till we turn away the wrath of the Lord
from us for this matter.

' "* Then Jonathan the son

of Azael and Ezekias the son of Thocanus accord-
ingly took the matter upon them : and Mosol-
lamus and Levis and Sabbateus were assessors

with thee : be of good courage, and do it. Then 5
arose I^zra, and made the chiefs of the priests,
the Levites, and all Israel, to swear that they :
would do according to this word. So they
sware. Then Ezra rose up from before the 6
house of God, and went into the chamber of
Jehohanan the son of Eliashib : and whe7t he
came thither, he did eat no bread, nor drink
water : for he mourned because of the trespass
of them of the captivity. And they made pro- 7
clamation throughout Judah and Jerusalem unto
all the children of the captivity, that they should
gather themselves together unto Jerusalem ; and S
that whosoever came not within three days,
according to the counsel of the princes and the
elders, all his substance should be forfeited, and
himself separated from the congregation of the
captivity.

Then all the men of Judah and Ben- 9
jamin gathered themselves together unto Jeru-
salem within the three days ; it was the ninth
month, on the twentieth day of the month : and
all the people sat in the broad place before the
house of God, trembling because of this matter,
and for the great rain. And Ezra the priest ic:
stood up, and said unto them, Ye have tres- I
passed, and have married strange women, to ]
increase the guilt of Israel. Now therefore make rij
confession unto the Lord, the God of your I
fathers, and do his pleasure : and separate your- I
selves from the peoples of the land, and from the j
strange women. Then all the congregation 1 1
answered and said with a loud voice. As thou hast 1
said concerning us, so must we do. But the''
people are many, and it is a time of much rain, !
and we are not able to stand without, neither is '
this a work of one day or two : for we have j
greatly transgressed in this matter. Let now i '
our princes be appointed for all the congregation, ;
and let all them that are in our cities which have i
married strange women come at appointed times, !
and with them the elders of every city, and the '
judges thereof, until the fierce wrath of our God 1
be turned from us, until this matter be des- {
patched. Only Jonathan the son of Asahel and '
Jahzeiah the son of Tikvah stood up against this '
matter: and Meshullam and Shabbethai the j
Levite helped them.

96. the chief (rather chiefs, as in viii. 49) • • • and Levites, for miJ see Guthe, SBOT.
IX. 2. lodged there, rightly reading f>''\ for l^'l.

6. in the broad place. According to Jos. § 149 there was a meeting of the elders in the upper room (but Niese
I'TTiiidfia) of the temple.

S. (!5»* 'Give confession («5'--l-and) glory'; a doublet of iTjin (Fr., Sec).
11. forasmuch as, wanting in (E.

13. for this matter, cf E R.V. mg. as toucJwtg this matte)-.

14. took the matter (fVfSelni-To, cf. with Fr. i Mace. i. 42J ; cf. E R.V. mg. li-ere appointed over this {matter).'
On the conflicting interpretations of this passage see the comm

Ezekias, mg. Ezias (ffi""- S).

Levis . . . , E ffi"- 'the Levites '.

assessors, <& a-wf^iuiiievaav, % cooperati (31*= consenserunt).

tlAS

I ESDRAS 9. I

Ezra 10

15 to them. And they that were of the captivity
■ did according to all these things.

16 And Esdras the priest chose unto him principal
men of their families, all by name : and on the
new moon of the tenth month they were shut in

17 together to examine the matter. So their cause
that held strange wives was brought to an end
by the new moon of the first month.

18 And of the
priests that were come together, and had strange

19 wives, there were found ; of the sons of Jesus
the son of Josedek, and his brethren ; Mathelas,

20 and Eleazar, and Joribus, and Joadanus. And
they gave their hands to put away their wives,
and to offer rams to make reconcilement for

21 their error. And of the sons of Emmer ; Ana-
nias, and Zabdeus, and Manes, and Sameus, and
Hiereel, and Azarias.

22 And of thesonsof Phaisur;
Ellonas, Massias, Ismael, and Nathanael, and

23 Ocidelus, and Saloas. And of the Levites ;
Jozabdus, and Semeis, and Colius, who was called
Calitas, and Patheus, and Judas, and Jonas.

24 Of
23 the holy singers ; Eliasibus, Bacchurus. Of the

26 porters ; Sallumus, and Tolbanes. Of Israel, of
the sons of Phoros ; Hiermas, and leddias, and
Melchias, and Maelus, and Eleazar, and Asibias,

27 and Banneas. Of the sons of Ela ; Matthanias,
Zacharias, and Jezrielus, and Oabdius, and Hiere-

28 moth, and Aedias. And of the sons of Zamoth ;
Eliadas, Eliasimus, Othonias, Jarimoth, and

29 Sabathus, and Zardeus. Of the sons of Bebai ;
Joannes, and Ananias, and Jozabdus, and Ema-

30 theis. Of the sons of Mani ; Olamus, Mamuchus,
Jedeus, Jasubus, and Jasaelus, and Hieremoth.

51 And of the sons of Addi ; Naathus,and Moossias,
Laccunus, and Naidus, and Matthanias, and Ses-

?2 thel, Balnuus, and Manasseas. And of the sons
of Annas ; Elionas, and Aseas, and Melchias, and

53 Sabbeus, and Simon Chosameus. And of the
sons of Asom ; Maltanneus, and Mattathias, and
Sabanneus, Eliphalat, and Manasses, and Semei.

ii4 And of the sons of Baani ; Jeremias, Momdis,
Ismaerus, Juel, Mamdai, and Pedias, and Anos,
Carabasion, and Itnasibus, and Mamnitanemus,
Eliasis, Bannus, Eliali, Someis, Selemias, Natha-
nias : and of the sons of Ezora ; Sesis, Ezril,

iS Azaelus, Samatus, Zambri, Josephus. And of
the sons of Nooma ; Mazitias, Zabadeas, Edos,
Juel, Banaias.

And the children of the 16
captivity did so. And Ezra the priest, zvitli
certain heads of fathers' houses, after their fathers'
houses, and all of them by their names, were
separated ; and they sat down in the first day of
the tenth month to examine the matter. And '7
they made an end with all the men that had
married strange women by the first day of the
first month. And among the sons of the priests 18
there were found that had married strange
women : funnel}', of the sons of Jeshua, the son
of Jozadak, and his brethren, Maaseiah, and
Eliezer, and Jarib, and Gedaliah. And they ig
gave their hand that they would put away their
wives ; and being guilty, they offered a ram of
the flock for their guilt. And of the sons of 20
Immer; Hanani and Zebadiah. And of the 21
sons of Harim ; Maaseiah, and Elijah, and She-
maiah, and Jehiel, and Uzziah. And of the sons 22
of Pashhur ; Elioenai, Maaseiah, Ishmael, Ne-
thanel, Jozabad, and Elasah. And of the 23
Levites ; Jozabad, and Shimei, and Kelaiah (the
same is Kelita), Pethahiah, Judah, and Eliezer.
And of the singers ; Eliashib : and of the porters ; 2\
Shallum, and Telem. and Uri.

And of Israel : 25
of the sons of Parosh ; Ramiah, and Izziah, and
Malchijah, and Mijamin, and Eleazar, and Mal-
chijah, and Benaiah. And of the sons of Elam ; 26
Mattaniah, Zechariah, and Jehiel, and Abdi, and
Jeremoth, and Elijah. And of the sons of 27
Zattu ; Elioenai, Eliashib, Mattaniah, and Jere-
moth, and Zabad, and Aziza. And of the sons 28
of Bebai; Jehohanan, Hananiah, Zabbai, Athlai.
And of the sons of Bani ; Meshullam, Malluch, 29
and Adaiah, Jashub, and Sheal, Jeremoth.

And 30
of the sons of Pahath-moab ; Adna, and Chelal,
Benaiah, Maaseiah, Mattaniah, Bezalel, and Bin-
nui, and Manasseh. And (^the sons of Harim ; 31
Eliezer, Isshijah, Malchijah, Shemaiah, Shimeon ;
Benjamin, Malluch, Shemariah. Of the sons of 32, 33
Hashum ; Mattenai, Mattattah, Zabad, Eliphelet,
Jeremai, Manasseh, Shimei. Of the sons of 34
Bani ; Maadai, Amram, and Uel ; Benaiah, 35
Bedeiah, Cheluhi ; Vaniah, Meremoth, Eliashib ; 36
Mattaniah, Mattenai, and Jaasu ; and Bani, and 37, 38
Binnui, Shimei ; and Shelemiah, and Nathan, and 39
Adaiah ; Machnadebai, Shashai, Sharai ; Azarel, 40, 41
and Shelemiah, Shemariah ; Shallum, Amariah, 42
Joseph. Of the sons of Nebo ; Jeiel, Mattithiah, 43

16. chose ; read accordingly in E ' separated for himself (Eichhorn, Bayer, &c.), or better (Torrey) ' they separated '.
to examine . . . , MT t^'rilp ; the singular Heb. word has a no less singular resemblance to ' Darius ' (W^'n).

20. Read in E 19 ' and for their guilt offering . . . ' (DDB'wSl for D'O'J'NI ' and being guilty ').

21-36. In view of the tenour of the whole narrative viii. 68-ix. 20 this list of 113 (E, in ffi) offenders is an
antidimax. On the one hand, the separation of the people of Israel generally, though anticipated at this juncture
(see viii. 91-ix. 17), is not recorded until N ix. 2, after the reading of the law. On the other hand, the list cannot refer
only to ' the congregation that had come out of captivity ' with E (N viii. 17, combined with the purified Israel in x. 28),
since the families of Harim, Hashum and Nebo did not return with E, but many years earlier under Zerubbabel.

On the variants see the comm. and E Bi. There are omissions in vv. 21, 25, much confusion in vv. 31 seqq., and
Zaccur should be added after Eliashib in E 24 (cf. <&>-).

.55

ESDRAS

I ESDRAS 9. 36-44

Ezili

36 All these had taken strange wives,

and they put them away with their children.

And

the priests and Levites, and they that were of
Israel, dwelt in Jerusalem, and in the country, on
the new moon of the seventh month, and the
children of Israel in their habitations.

38 And the whole multitude were gathered toge-
ther with one accord into the broad place before

39 the porch of the temple toward the east : and
they said unto Esdras the priest and reader,
Bring the law of Moses, that was given of the

40 Lord, the God of Israel. So Esdras the chief priest
brought the law unto the whole multitude both
of men and women, and to all the priests, to hear
the law on the new moon of the seventh month.

41 .-^nd he read in the broad place before the porch
of the temple from morning unto midday, before
both men and women ; and all the multitude gave
heed unto the law.

42 And Esdras the priest and
reader of the law stood up upon the pulpit of

43 wood, which was made for that purpose. And
there stood up by him Mattathias, Sammus, Ana-
nias, Azarias, Urias, Ezekias, Baalsamus, upon

44 the right hand : and upon his left hand, Phaldeus,
Misael, Melchias, Lothasubus, Nabarias, Zacha-

Zabad, Zebina, Iddo, and Joel, Benaiah. All
these had taken strange wives : and some of
them had wives by whom they had children.

So the priests, and the Levites, and the
porters, and the singers, and some of the people,
and the Nethinim, and all Israel, dwelt in their
cities. And when the seventh month was come,
the children of Israel were in their cities.

And all the people gathered themselves together
asone man into the broad place that was before the
water gate ; and they spake unto Ezra the scribe
to bring the book of the law of Moses, which the
Lord had commanded to Israel.

And Ezra the
priest brought the law before the congregation,
both men and women, and all that could hear
with understanding, upon the first day of the
seventh month. And he read therein before the
broad place that was before the water gate from
early morning until midday, in the presence of
the men and the women, and of those that could
understand ; and the ears of all the people were
attentive unto the book of the law. And Ezra
the scribe stood upon a pulpit of wood, which
they had made for the purpose ; and beside him
stood Mattithiah, and Shema, and Anaiah, and
Uriah, and Hilkiah, and Maaseiah, on his right
hand ; and on his left hand, Pedaiah, and Mis-
hael, and Malchijah, and Hashum, and Hash-

Ne
73

Ni 8

36. The MT cannot be translated (R.V. mg. has 'some of the wives had borne children') and E's reading is
eminently more intelligible.

The division between the books E and N which occurs at this point is a relatively late feature in the MT. The
scribes counted them as one book. This is important in considering questions of the transposition and rearrangement
of the contents.

The Reading of the Law, ix. 37-55 = Neh. vii. 73-viii. 13 «, cf. Jos. xi. 5 5. The view is strongly urged (Hoonacker,
Ryle, Meyer, Bertholet, Nikel, Jampel, Driver, SiC.) that E iv. 7 seqq. (E ii. 16 seqq.), which cannot refer to the return
of Ezra, fills partially at least the gap between the books E and N. This would imply a new catastrophe, a new and
important return, and a somewhat extensive work of rebuilding in the time of Artaxerxes, after E x. and before N i.
On the other hand, the formal proceedings of the adversaries in E iv. 7 seqq. and the words of the king do not suggest
that the opponents would be likely to exceed instructions which, in themselves, are not necessarily sufficient to e.xplain
the ruined Jerusalem which so deeply moved Nehemiah. Further, it cannot be assumed that the disgrace of 113
offenders in the matter of the mixed marriages aroused the hostility that is represented in N i.-vi. The people
themselves had recognized their sin (£" viii. 68 seqq.), they feel themselves to be the 'holy seed', and the proposed
covenant and the willingness of the people to act 'according to the law' (v. 94, E x. 3), would make the entire tenour
of the narrative unintelligible unless the writer was describing the successful issue (despite the obscure opposition in
Ex. 15) of steps initiated, not by Ezra, but by the community (Meyer, 228, 240, 241 n. 2, Torrey, 278). Moreover, the
close literary connexion between E ix. seq. and N viii. seqq. forbids the severance of these portions (see above, p.47<:J.
The sequence of events in E ix. is adopted by many (Michaelis, Fr., Berth., &c.), but can hardly be original, since
there is still a lacuna between the reforms and the Reading of the Law, and ix. 37, though the natural introduction to the
latter, is not in place after vv. 1-36 (note the awkward dates vv. 17, 37). v. 37* more properly concludes the account
of some return, as in v. 46, where vv. 47 seqq. describe another religious event, also dated in the seventh month.
Finally, it is a very natural supposition that the law brought by Ezra was being made known during the four months'
interval between viii. 67 and 68 (E viii. and ix.) ; see A. P. Stanley, Jew. Church, iii. 118 ; Lupton, 60. Hence it is
highly probable, following Torrey (Comp. 29 seqq.. Essays, 253 seqq., 260 seq.), H. P. Smith {Hist. 393), and Kent
(ii. 369 seqq.), that the introduction of the law to the notice of the people came at the beginning of Ezra's work
(after E viii.), and thus explains the people's recognition of their sins. Such an arrangement is found in the Greek
summaries of Esdras Book I ( = £) and Esdras Book II (= N) in Lag. Sept. Stud., ii, 84 (see below, p. 58).

38. For the locality cf. v. 47, ix. 6. Perhaps the compiler who placed this narrative before \ i.-viii. believed that the I
water-gate was m ruins (see N iii. 26) ; cf. the adjustment in E iii. i'. i

39. (S* 'the chief priest', vv. 40, 49 (contrast N). \

40. the priests, a misreading of pD for pD (see E viii. 16, i Chron. x.w. S), or merely a paraphrase ; in any case
in an unsuitable position.

41. all the multitude . . . , mg. they gave all heed (<&^).

43 seq. E adds Azariah after .\naiah, reads Hezekiah for Hilkiah, and perhaps rightly omits Meshullam. For
other variants see E Bi. and comm.

I ESDRAS 9. 45-

Neh. 8

»6

45 Has. Then took Esdras the book of the law

before the multitude, and sat honourably in the

first place before all.

And when he opened the

law, they stood all straight up. So Esdras blessed

the Lord God Most High, the God of hosts,
(J Almighty. And all the people answered, Amen ;

and lifting up their hands they fell to the ground,
,8 and worshipped the Lord. Also Jesus, Annus,

Sarabias, ladinus, Jacubus, Sabateus, Auteas,

Maiannas, and Calitas, Azarias, and Jozabdus,

and Ananias, Phalias, the Levites, taught the law

of the Lord,

and read to the multitude the law of

the Lord, making them withal to understand it.
19 Then said Attharates unto Esdras the chief priest

and reader, and to the Levites that taught the
,0 multitude, even to all, This day is holy unto the

Lord ; (now they all wept when they heard the

law :)

1 go then, and eat the fat, and drink the
sweet, and send portions to them that have

2 nothing ; for the day is holy unto the Lord :
and be not sorrowful
you to honour.

3 So the Levites published all
things to the people, saying, This day is holy ;

4 be not sorrowful. Then went they their way,
every one to eat and drink, and make merry,
and to give portions to them that had nothing,

.5 and to make great cheer : because they under-
stood the words wherein they were instructed,
and for the which they had been assembled.

for the Lord will bring

baddanah, Zechariah, and Meshullam. And 5
Ezra opened the book in the sight of all the
people ; (for he was above all the people ;) and
when he opened it. all the people stood up : and 6
Ezra blessed the Lord, the great God. And all
the people answered, Amen, Amen, with the lift-
ing up of their hands : and they bowed their
heads, and worshipped the Lord with their faces
to the ground. Also Jeshua, and Bani, and 7
Sherebiah, Jamin, Akkub, Shabbethai, Hodiah,
Maaseiah, Kelita, Azariah, Jozabad, Hanan,
Pelaiah, and the Levites, caused the people to
understand the law : and the people stood in
their place. And they read in the book, in the 8
law of God, distinct!}^; and they gave the sense,
so that they understood the reading. And y
Nehemiah, which was the Tirshatha, and Ezra
the priest the scribe, and the Levites that taught
the people, said unto all the people. This day is
holy unto the Lord your God ; mourn not, nor
weep. For all the people wept, when they heard
the words of the law. Then he said unto them, 10
Go your way, eat the fat, and drink the sweet,
and send portions unto him for whom nothing
is prepared : for this day is holy unto our Lord :
neither be ye grieved ; for the joy of the Lord
is your strength. So the Levites stilled all the 11
people, saying, Hold your peace, for the day is
holy ; neither be ye grieved. And all the 1 2
people went their way to eat, and to drink, and
to send portions, and to make great mirth,
because they had understood the words that
were declared unto them.

And on the second day were gathered to- 13
gether . . .

46. ffi 1L (but not &-) transliterate the familiar niNSV nin\ and add the paraphrase WmiTOKfima^), oinnipotentem
(wanting in l."^). On the use of this paraphrase, see H. St. J. Thackeray, Gram, of O.T. in Greek, g, and for the
distribution of the term ' Lord of Hosts ', see -M. Lohr, Buch Amos {Beiheft to ZATW, 1901)1 38 seqq.

47. Amen, &'■ Ss + Amen, cf. X.

48. The teachers are Levites, cf. 2 Chron. xvii. S seq., and contrast N and. On the forms in E see E Bi. ; Annus
is apparently a corruption of Banaias.

and read . . . Lord, (S-^ E om.
The texts are confused, see NG.

49. In__N, some read 'and N and E ', omitting 'which was the Tirshatha' (Smend, Stade, Wellh., Nikel, &c.,
cf. ffi^**-* S) ; others omit ' N which was ' (Fr., Schlatter, Guthe, Torrey, &c.) ; and yet others read simply ' and E ',
omitting all reference to N (Meyer, 200 n. 3; Howorth, PSBA, xxv. 15 seq.; Berth., Jahn, Davies). The difficulty
caused by the presence of N or of an unnamed Tirshatha makes it still more difficult to remove it by simple excision.
The identification of X and the Tirshatha, even if a gloss, expresses a plausible view (cf. N x. l), and its omission in
E may be due to the presence of the passage before N i. seqq. (cf. Meyer, 200 n. 3). N and especially E may seem
to give the Tirshatha undue prominence, but this may be supported by v. 40, N vii. 70 (his gifts), and the position of
the governor Bagohi in the Sachau papyri.

52. honour, nnn, 'joy', misread rmn (Ball).

53. published, tKiXevov, an error for Koikva, or D''ti'nD ('stilled') read as D''inD.

55- understood, mg. 7vert: inspired by ; ei'f(f>va-iu>6i]a-av (cf. John xx. 22) ; cf. v. 48 i/j^rpvtrimvTes ajia tt]v avdyioaiv.
and for the which . . . This conceals the abruptness of ffi : k<u f'ma-uvrjxdija-ai/. Nffi reads koI iv t;} rjtiepa rrj
^(vTipti <Tvvr]x., but E, which handles the ;\IT more freely (cf. the dates in viii. 62, ix. 37), probably placed the date after
the verb. Bayer's explanation (90 seq.) seems too artificial. (S"- cites the whole of N 13. 3L reads: et coadunati
(congregati) sunt omnes (universi) in ler. iocundari (celebrare laetitiam) secundum dispositionem (testamentum)
Domini dei Israel ; 1L'^ + explicit Esdrae liber primus de templi restitutione. Jos., whose treatment of the story of E is
free and summary, proceeds to refer to the feast of tabernacles (X viii. 16 seqq.), the return of the people to their homes,
the death of the aged E, and his burial in Jerusalem contemporary with the death of the high-priest Joiakim and the
succession of Eliashib (cf. N xii. 10). He then gives a summary of the labours of N, either an extremely arbitrary
version or else based upon another recension (xi. 5 6-8). N, hearing of the desolation and captivity, returns with
a band of exiles in the 25th year of Xerxes (cf. X i.-ii. 9). He appeals to the people (cf. ii. 17 seq.) and the work of

■57

)k.

I ESDRAS

rebuilding is distributed (cf. iii.l. Amnion, Moab, Samaria, and Coelesyria are hostile, but the walls (evidently begun
in the 5th month, cf. vi. 15) are completed in 2 years 4 months, in the 9th month of the 28th year of Xerxes (N v. is
ignored). The walls are dedicated (cf. xii. 27 seqq.) and there is a feast of eight days. The surrounding peoples are
enraged at the completion of the building (cf. vi. 16). The population of the city is augmented (cf. vii. 4, xi.), and
arrangements are made for the priests and Levites (cf. xii. 44, xiii. 10-13). N dies an old man, and the walls of the
city arc his eternal monument (cf. Ben Sira, xlix. 13). Next follows the story of Esther (xi. 6), and the Samaritan
schism (cf. N xiii.) is placed at the close of the Persian age (xi. 7, 8). Thus Jos. does not testify to the present fragmentary
condition of E ; he treats the life of K independently of and before that of N, and his points of agreement with the MT
make his divergences the more significant.

A Syriac Catena (Brit. Mus..Add. 1216S), representing a text of the seventh cent., illustrates the relationship between
£■ and the MT in an interesting manner. It uses i and 2 Chron., ' I Ezra' (i.e. £), '2 Ezra' (i.e. N) and Daniel;
E is said to be 'according to the tradition of the Seventy (i.e. the Septuagint).' It passes from 2 Chron. xxxv. 20-25 '0
£ ii. 1-15, 16, 24-30, iv. 35 /'-36, 38-40, 49-57, v. 47-73, vi. 1-2, vii. 6-15, viii. 1-26, 68-72, 91-6, ix. i-io, 46^-47.
Then follow N i. 1-4 a, ii. 1-8, iv. 1-3, 10-16, vi. 15-16, vii. 73Z'-viii. 18, ix. 1-3 (the references are to the R.V.). This
removal of the Reading of the Law appears to be a compromise between E (note the retention of ix. 46/^-47) and the
MT of N. But there is some evidence that E may have had another sequel, and that it or a following book may have
treated the life of E and of N on other lines (cf. H. Bloch, Quellen d. Fl.Jos., 1879, p. 79 seq.). Thus according to
Justin Mart. (Dial. Trypli. Ixxii/ an account of the passover celebrated by E was among the passages cancelled by the
Jews. The passage quoted recurs in Lactantius [Inst. iv. 18) : 'Apud Esdram ita scriptum est : Et dixit Esdras ad
populum : Hoc pascha Salvator noster est, et refugium nostrum, cogitate et ascendat (Just, /tui ittv SwvoridfiTe xni ana^ij)
in cor uestrum, quoniam habemus humiliare eum in signo (Just. oVt fi.eWofi.er avrliv Tmremovv en (Tiffieiui), et post haec
sperabimus (but Epit. xlviii. -a'i'inius) in eum, ne deseratur (J. e'lirnxiodfi) hie locus in aeternum tempus (J. airnvza xpwov),
dicit Dominus Dcus virtutum {'Keyei n deot Tar Smxifieui' [= rilX3V nin^]). Si non credideritis ei neque e.\audieritis
annuntiationem eius, eritis derisio (eTrixapfin) in gentibus.'

The quotation may be compared generally with the spirit of E's prayers (E ix., N ix.). It can hardly be based
upon E viii. 35, which recalls the sacrifices at the dedication of the Temple by Zerubbabel (vi. 17) mentioned before
the celebration of the passover by the 'children of the captivity' (vi. 19 seqq.). Elsewhere the chronicler deals at
length with the passover celebrated by Hezekiah and Josiah (2 Chron. xxx., xxxv.), in each case after a restoration
or reform of the Temple, and 2 Chron. xxx. 6-9 illustrate the importance attached to the celebration. It is ver)- note-
worthy, also, that the Latin Lucca Synopsis (Lag. 18 seq.), after using E iii. seq., combines the return of Zerubbabel
with that of E (using £ viii.) and asserts that the passover was celebrated on reaching Jerusalem. Moreover, a Greek
synopsis of i Esdras and 2 Esdras (= N) testifies to E's passover. According to I E, Jeshua, E and Zer. were the
three youths of E iii. seq., and the statement of the return is followed immediately by the notice that the builders were
Zer., Jeshua and N ; E brings the law, reads it, casts out the foreign wives and the people observe the passover and
a fast. As for 2 E : ev toi'^m ra /3i/3\i'(o ra aina fxiv ra wparM Xiyei "E. nep\ rrjs e'TmniSov X"pif rav 7Tpnji\ijdeVTQ>it. But it
is chiefly concerned with ' X. the eunuch ' and his building of the Temple. E reads the law and celebrates the passover,
and in the seventh month there is a fast and the Feast of Tabernacles. E then notices the foreign marriages (Ashdodite
women are mentioned, see N xiii. 23) and persuades the people to promise to observe the law and expel the women.
They swear to keep the law and after being cleansed rejoice and depart each to his own home (Lag. Se/>/. Stud. ii. 84).
It seems clear from the foregoing evidence that the form of the narrative whether in the present EN or in E was not
the only one extant. See further. Introd., p. 17.

THE FIRST BOOK OF MACCABEES

INTRODUCTION

§ I. Title.

The Greek title Ma/c/ca/Saicoi; ' a takes its origin from the surname applied, in the first instance,
to Judas (cp. I Mace. ii. 4. 66 ; 2 Mace. viii. 5. 16; x. i. 16, &c.), but later on to all the members
of the family and their followers. The title is transliterated by Origen (Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. vi.
25. 2) ^apl3iid Eal3araie\ (= 'XJom IT'S iBD 'the book of the house of the Hasmonncans', see
further, Dalman, Arainiiischc Grammatik. p. 7 [2nd ed.]) ; but this title is Aramaic, and is not likely
to have stood at the head of a book written in Hebrew (see § 6) ; it was, therefore, probably, the
title of an Aramaic translation of the original Hebrew. What the actual title of the book in its original
form was, is not known.

§ 2. Contents.

■■ , The book is a sober and, on the whole, trustworthy account of the Jewish struggle for religious
liberty and political independence during the years 1 75-135 15- C, i. e. from the accession of Antiochus
Epiphanes to the death of Simon the Maccabee. The narrative is, with few exceptions, written in
chronological order, and is concerned almost wholly with military events. The main part of the
book deals with the exploits of Judas Maccabaeus, who is regarded as the central figure in the whole
struggle. The divisions of the book are clearly marked, and are as follows :

i. 1-9. A brief introduction in which reference is made to the conquests of Alexander the Great,
and the division of his kingdom.
10-64. The original cause of the Maccabaean struggle,
ii. 1-70. The beginning of the struggle, under the leadership of Mattathias.
iii. i-ix. 22. The account of the events during the leadership of Judas. The purification of

the Temple and re-dedication of the altar. The acquisition of religious liberty,
ix. 23-xii. 53. The leadership of Jonathan ; the establishment of the Hasmonacan high-priest-
hood,
xiii. i-.xvi. 24. The leadership of Simon ; political independence secured. A brief reference to
the rule of John Hyrcanus.

§ 3. The Author.

There are no direct indications in the book as to who the author was, nor is anything to be gathered
elsewhere regarding him ; but some points concerning him may be inferred from certain data in his
book. It is clear that he was a rigid adherent of orthodox Judaism, and his patriotism is everywhere
evident. That he was a native of Palestine is equally clear, for he manifests an intimate, and even
minute knowledge, both of the geography and topography of the land. There are grounds for
believing that he belonged to the circle of the Sadducees ; although a loyal upholder of the Law, his
zeal is not characterized by any approach to Pharisaic fanaticism ; his sympathy for the Jewish high-
priesthood is frequently manifested ; his tolerant attitude towards the profaning of the Sabbath
(ii. 41 ; ix. 43 ff.) is very different from that which would have been adopted by a Pharisee ; there is
not the slightest hint of a belief in the life after death, see ii. 52 fif. where a reference to this would
have been eminently appropriate, had it been believed in. These reasons go far in justifying the
opinion that the author was a Sadducee.

' The name is derived, most probably, from the Hebrew i"13i5D ' hammer ' (cp. Judges iv. 21 ) ; another derivation is
suggested by S. J. Curtiss ( The name Machabce, Leipzig, 1S76), namely '330 ' quencher ' (cp. Isa. xliii. 1 7), i. e. he who
exterminated the enemies of his people. Earlier commentators explained the name as consisting of the initial letters
jf the words niH'' Q^xa nDD3 ''D (' who is like unto thee among the gods, Yahweh ', Exod. xv. 11); but there is no
eason to suppose that a cryptic title of this kind would have been adopted by those whose special boast was loyalty
their God and His Law.

I MACCABEES

§ 4. Date of the Book.

The passages which throw light on the date of the composition of the book are :
(a) In reference to the sepulchre which Simon the Maccabee built for his parents and his four
brothers at Modin, the writer says in xiii. 30 : ' This is the sepulchre which he made at Modin, and it
is there unto this day.' The sepulchre in question was an elaborate one, as is clear from the
description given (xiii. 27-29) ; it consisted of seven pyramids with ' great pillars ' around them ; when,
therefore, it is spoken of as being in existence 'unto this day', it must have been standing for some
considerable time when the author wrote this book. The building of this sepulchre is described as
having taken place immediately after the death of Jonathan (xiii. 25), i.e. in 143 B.C., and Simon
was murdered in 13.5 B. C. When the writer, therefore, speaks of the sepulchre standing 'unto this
day ', we must allow at the least the lapse of about thirty years, probably more, from the time the
year 143 B.C. to the time when the writer made this statement. That would make the earliest
possible date of the book about no B. C.

(/;) But in xvi. 23, 34 we have the following : ' And the rest of the acts of John, and of his wars . . .
behold, they are written in the chronicles of his high-priesthood, from the time that he was made
high-priest after his father'; the formula here used is very frequent in the O.T., but it is invariably
employed in reference to a ruler whose reign has been concluded. These chronicles, that is to say,
took up the narrative at which our author ceased his account ; therefore he was writing at a period
subsequent to the time at which the chronicles of John's high-priesthood had been compiled. Now
John (Hyrcanus) died in 105 B.C., so that even if the records of his doings were being kept from
year to year during his rule, they were not finished until the year 105 B.C., and therefore the
writer of i Mace, did not begin his work until, at the earliest, after this year. On the other hand,
the book cannot have been written after the year 63 B. C, for it was in the autumn of this year
that Pompey took Jerusalem, and desecrated the Temple by entering into the Holy of Holies
(cp. Josephus, Antiq. XIV. iv. 2-4; Bell. Ind. I. vii. 3-6); it is inconceivable that the book would
have contained no reference to this, had it been written after this calamity had taken place. Cf. the
references to the faithfulness of the Romans as allies (viii. i. 12, xii. i, xiv. 40). Roughly speaking,
therefore, the book must have been finished some time between the years 100-70 B. C, nearer the former
than the latter date. But this does not mean to say that the writer did not begin his work at an
earlier period ; for, although, the author made use of certain documents (see below), which implies, ;
of course, that he was writing some time subsequent to the events recorded, there are passages which !
certainly give the impression that he wrote as a contemporary of those who took the leading part in
those events; such a passage, e.g. as xiv. 4-1,5, in which the details of Simon's reign are described,
reads like the account of an eye-witness ; it was a period of peace (' And the land had rest all the !
days of Simon '), and therefore conducive to literary work. There seems to be nothing that can be
urged against the belief that the writer began his work during the reign of Simon ; the looking-up of
records, and the compiling of a book which is, upon the face of it, a very careful piece of work, must
have taken some time to complete. The conclusion, therefore, is that the gathering of materials
began as early as the time of Simon (i42-]3,-, B. c), but that the completed work must be dated some ,
time later. We cannot be far wrong in assigning the work in its final form to somewhere during the
last quarter of the second century B. C.

§ 5. Literary a.nd Religious Characteristics. j

Although a translation (see § 6) the literary style of the book is admirable ; the narrative is written \
in a simple, .straightforward manner, with an entire absence of anything artificial ; the reader's interest
is engaged throughout, both on account of the easy flow in the style of writing, as well as on account
of the graphic way in which the details arc presented. The author writes as a historian, whose duty^
It is to record the facts without colouring them with personal observations ; he is impartial, but this!
does not prevent him from sometimes bursting out into a poetical strain. While, as might be;
expected, there are frequent reminiscences of the language of the Old Testament, the author in no'
wise imitates this, his writing being marked throughout by his own individual style. On the other|
hand, there are not infrequent exaggerations, especially in point of numbers ; and considerablcj
freedom is observable in the way in which discourses are put into the mouths of important persons :|
but in these things the author only shows himself to be the child of his age ; his substantial accuracy
and trustworthiness are not affected thereby. * I

From the religious standpoint the book is likewise marked by special characteristics ; these aretcj
be explained partly by the writer's sober and matter-of-fact way of looking at things, and partly b>
the somewhat altered religious outlook of the age as compared with earlier times. The most striking,

-60

INTRODUCTION

characteristics here are (i) that the direct divine intervention in the nation's affairs is not nearly so
prominently expressed as in the books of the Old Testament ; and (ii) that God is not mentioned by
name in the whole book. The writer is very far from being wanting in religious belief and feeling ;
his conviction of the existence of an all-seeing Providence who helps those who are worthy comes out
strongly in such passages as ii. 6i, iii. i8 ff., iv. lo ff., ix. 46, xii. 15 ; but he evidently has an almost
equally strong belief in the truth expressed in the modern proverb, that ' God helps those who help
themselves '. This very sensible religious attitude, which is as far removed from scepticism as it is
from fatalism, fully corresponds to the writer's sober impartiality as a historian. But his attitude was,
doubtless, also due to the influence of certain tendencies which were beginning to assert themselves.
These centred round the Jewish doctrine of God. Just as there was a disinclination, on account of
its transcendent holiness, to utter the name of God, and instead, to substitute paraphrases for it,
so there arose also a disinclination to ascribe action among men directly to God, because of His
inexpressible majesty. One result of this was the further tendency to emphasize and extend the
scope of human free-will. These tendencies were only beginning to exert their influence, but they
largely explain the religious characteristics of the book.

§ 6. Original Language.

In his Prologiis Galeatus Jerome distinctly states that Hebrew was the language in which the
book was written : ' Machabaeorum primum librum hebraicum repperi ' (cp. also the title given by
Origen, see § i above). The question arises, nevertheless, as to whether Hebrew proper or Palestinian
Aramaic is meant; two considerations, however, make it almost certain that it was Hebrew. In
the first place, the writer clearly takes as his pattern the ancient inspired Scriptures (cp. Grimm,
p. xvii), so that the obvious presumption is that he would have written in the holy tongue. And,
secondly, there are many indications in the book itself that it was translated from Hebrew rather
than from Aramaic, many of these will be found in the commentary ; in some cases, mistakes in transla-
tion are most easily and naturally accounted for on the supposition that they were translated from
Hebrew, e.g. i. 28 koI ((TfiiTdi] 7) yi; i-nl roi/j KaTOLKovvTWi avTt'jr : this presupposes an original 75; which
was translated ' against ' instead of ' because of ; it can mean either of these, according to the context ;
other examples are found in ix. 24, xiv. a8, see notes in commentary. There are, furthermore, many
examples of Hebrew idiomatic phrases translated literally into Greek. There can, therefore, be no
reasonable doubt that the book was originally written in Hebrew. But it seems clear that this
original Hebrew text was little used, and disappeared altogether at a very early period ; the reasons
which lead to this supposition are firstly that not even does Josephus show any signs of having used
it, and secondly, as Torrey {E.B. 2866) points out: 'There is no evidence of correction from the
Hebrew, either in the Greek, or in any other of the versions ... on the contrary, our Greek version
is plainly seen to be the result of a single translation from a Hebrew manuscript which was not free
from faults.'

§ 7. The Sources of the Book.

One of the chief sources of information utilized by the writer of 1 Mace, seems to have been the
accounts given to him by eye-witnesses of many of the events recorded ; one is led to this conviction
by considering the wonderfully graphic descriptions of certain episodes (cp., e. g., iv. 1-24, vi. 28-54,
m. 26-50, ix. 1-22, 32-53, X. 59-66, &c.), the sober presentation of the facts, and the frequent
mention of details obviously given for no other reason than that they actually occurred. That the
writer had also written sources to draw from is to be presumed from such passages as ix. 22 : 'And
the rest of the acts of Judas, and his wars, and the valiant deeds which he did, and his greatness,
they are not written,' the implication being that in part these acts had been written (cp. xi. 37, xiv. 18,
27, 48, 49), and xvi. 23, 24 : 'And the rest of the acts of John . . . behold, they are written in the
:hronicles of his high-priesthood. . . .'

Besides these sources, there are a certain number of documents which have been incorporated ifi
:he book ; the genuineness, or otherwise, of these requires some more detailed consideration. They
all into three groups ; but for reasons which will become apparent the documents belonging to each
jroup respectively cannot in every case be kept separate.

i. Letters of Jewish origin.

{a) The letter from the Jews in Gilead asking Judas to send them help because they were being
attacked by the Gentiles (v. 10-13). This purports to contain the very words which were written ;
)ut it is probably merely a summary of what the author of the book had derived from some vvell-
nformed source ; that it represents, however, in brief, the contents of some written document, and

I MACCABEES

was not simply a verbal message, may be assumed, as it stands in contrast to what is said to have
been a verbal message in v. 15.

(b) The letter from Jonathan to the Spartans (xii. 6-18). Concerning this it must be said that
the artificial way in which it has been pressed into the text is sufficient to arouse suspicion. In xii. i
we are told of an embassy being sent to Rome ; the narrative is broken by v. 2 which refers to a
letter which was sent to the Spartans, and ' to other places' ; in v. 3, which comes naturally after v. 1,
the thread of the narrative is taken up again. Then in v. 5, where one might reasonably have
expected further details about the embassy to Rome, it goes on to say : ' And this is the copy of the
letter which Jonathan wrote to the Spartans.'' The copy of this letter then follows ; but the main
subject with which the chapter began, obviously a more important one, is left without further
mention. On considering the letter itself, it must strike one that it is not easy to understand what
the purpose of it was. In v. 10 the purpose is stated to be the renewing of brotherhood and friend-
ship ; but in the same breath, as it were, it is said that the Jews needed none of these things, ' having
for our encouragement the holy books which are in our hands.' Then, again, in v. 13, after reference
has been made to the afflictions which the Jews had endured, the letter continues (vv. 14, 15): 'We
were not mindful, therefore, to be troublesome unto you . . . for we have the help which is from
heaven to help us. . . .' Thus, in the same letter, brotherhood and friendship are desired, on the one
hand, while on the other it is said that this is not required. The object of the letter is, therefore, not
apparent ; nor can it be said that it reads like a genuine document. That a relationship of some
kind existed between the Jews and the Spartans need not be doubted ; the letter probably reflects
the fact of this relationship, which the writer of this book, or more probably a later editor, desired to
place on record, while not wishing to make it appear that his people had any need to depend upon
foreign help in struggling with their enemies (see further the notes on this passage in the commentary).
In connexion with this letter the following one must be considered.

(c) The letter from Areios, king of the Spartans, to Onias the high-priest (xii. 20-23). This owes
its presence here to the fact that in the letter just dealt with Jonathan cites the existence of former
friendship between the Jews and the Spartans as a reason for renewing the same (xii. 7-9) ; it is
added as an appendix to Jonathan's letter. The original of this document must have been written
about 150 to 200 years earlier than that in which it is incorporated (see the notes on the passage in
the commentary). It is only of indirect importance in the present connexion as it does not bear on
the history of the Maccabaean struggle. But the fact of a letter written so long before this period
being quoted here shows with what care such documents were preserved, and thus tends to inspire
confidence in the general historicity of our book, since it is clear that the writer (or, as in this case,
probably a later editor) had recourse to the national archives for information ; for even if, as some
commentators rightly believe, this letter was added by a later editor, it is equally true that he
depended on ancient documents for his additions.

id) In xiv. 27-47 we have a source of an entirely different character. This passage contains
a panegyric on Simon, together with a rhttvie of his prosperous reign. It is stated to have been i
engraved on tables of brass, and to have been set up in a conspicuous place within the precincts of j
the sanctuary ; copies of it are also said to have been deposited in the treasury (cp. vv. 27, 48, 49).
On comparing the details of Simon's reign given in this section with those in chaps, xi-xiii, however,
it will be found that there are several chronological discrepancies. The course of the history, as
given in the book itself, is acknowledged on all hands to be, on the whole, of a thoroughly trustworthy
character ; but if the passage in question be really the copy of an official document, as it purports toj
be, the accuracy of other portions of the book is, to some extent, impugned. It is difficult to suppose:
that one and the same author would write the historical account of Simon's reign in chaps, xi-xiii,:
and then in the very next chapter give a resume of what had preceded differing from it in a number
of particulars. The suggested explanation of the difficulty is as follows : The original writer of the
book gave in chaps, xi-xiii a substantially correct account of the period of history in question, but
was inaccurate in the sequence of events ; a later editor added a copy of the document under con-
sideration, to which the original author of the book, for some reason or other, did not have access
or perhaps he gathered his materials from different eye-witnesses of the events recorded, and therefore^
saw no purpose in utilizing this document. The later editor was not concerned with the discrepancie:|
between the written history and the copy of the document which he added, because he saw that, ir|
the main, they were in agreement. If this solution be the correct one it will follow that for th(i
historical period in question we have two independent accounts as far as the main history i!
concerned.

INTRODUCTION

ii. Letters from t/te suzerain poitjer {Syrian kings) to Jeicish leaders.

(a) The letter from Alexander Balas ^ to Jonathan (x. 18-20). There can scarcely be two
opinions regarding this document ; it is not a copy of the letter, but merely its purport which our
author has woven into his narrative, much after the same manner in which he incorporates the general
sense of the various speeches he records. It is far too short and abrupt to be the actual letter of one
who was seeking the help and alliance of the Jewish leader, and for whose friendship this aspirant to
the Syrian throne was bidding. The author of our book, moreover, adds some words of his own in
the middle of the letter, a thing he is scarcely likely to have done had he been quoting the actual
words of the letter itself. On the other hand, there is not the slightest reason to doubt that a genuine
document has been made use of here.

(b) The letter from Demetrius I to the nation of the Jews (x. 25-45). This was written for the
purpose of out-bidding Alexander Balas in promises of favour, remitting of taxes, and conferring of
privileges, &c., on the Jews in return for their support in his struggle to retain his throne. While it
must be admitted that the letter is based upon an original document — all the probabilities go to
support this — there are two reasons for questioning the accuracy of the details. The promises and
concessions made to the Jews are of such an exaggerated character that, had they really been made,
they would have defeated their object by arousing suspicions among the Jews regarding the writer's
sincerity ; this, indeed, was actually the case (see v. 46), but the reason of Jonathan's incredulity is
not the character of the promises, but the fact that Demetrius had before done • great evil in Israel ',
and 'had afflicted them very sore'; that does not tally with the contents of the letter as given. If
one compares the sober contents of another letter from Demetrius on the same subject, not actually
quoted, but incorporated in the narrative (x. 3-6), the document under consideration must strike one
as untrustworthy as regards details. Then, in the second place, a number of the things actually
promised in the letter correspond so exactly with the highest aspirations of the Jews at this time,
that they suggest rather the expression of Jewish ideals than actual promises ; such are. the promise that
Jerusalem is to be ' holy and free' (v. 31), a thing which would have been impossible for the Syrian
king to grant if he was to have any real hold upon this part of his kingdom, a Syrian garrison in
Jerusalem being essential to his overlordship ; the promise to permit the full observance of all the
ancient feasts and holy-days, together with ' immunity and release ' ^ for all Jews during these periods,
as well as during three days before and after each {vv. 34, ■^^) ; this would have meant an end to the
hellenization of Jewry which the Syrian kings had always regarded as indispensable if the Jews were
to be their genuine subjects ; the promise that the Jews were to have their own laws (?'. 37), a thing
which would have meant an imperium in iniperio, a dangerous state of affairs from the Syrian point
of view ; and finally, the promise to remit a large amount of taxation, and to give princely gifts to
the sanctuary {vv. 39 ff.) ; this would have meant considerable loss to the royal coffers at a time when
there was the highest need of increasing monetary supplies. For these reasons, the letter we are
considering must be regarded as ungenuine so far as most of its details are concerned.

(c) The letter from Demetrius II to Jonathan, enclosing one to Lasthenes (xi. 30-37). Most of
what has been said regarding {b) applies to this document as well. It represents an original letter,
the contents of which were utilized by the author of i Mace, and elaborated in accordance with his
ideas of things.

{d) The letter from Antiochus VI to Jonathan (xi. 57). This is clearly a succinct summing-up of
the contents of the original letter; its extreme shortness and the absence of salutation show that,
although written in the first person, it does not profess to do more than to give the general sense of
the original.

[e) The letter from Demetrius II to Simon (xiii. 36-40). This letter, in which the Syrian king
acknowledges receipt of certain presents from the Jewish high-priest, and confirms earlier privileges,
IS stamped with the mark of genuineness ; it reads like an original, and is doubtless a copy of this.

(/) The letter from Antiochus VII to Simon (xv. 2-9). To some extent what was said in
reference to {b) and (r) applies also to this letter ; it is probably not a verbatim copy of the original,
but represents in part the contents of this ; on the other hand, there are elements in it which are the
expression of ardent desires rather than the actual facts of the case.

iii. Letters from the rulers of foreign kingdoms,

{a) The document containing the treaty of alliance between the Romans and the Jews (viii. 23-32).
In vv. 24 ff it is stated, as one of the articles of the treaty, that if the Romans are attacked, the Jews

' He was, of course, not yet king when he wrote this letter.
j ^ See, on this, the notes in the commentary.

I 63

I MACCABEES

must not render the enemy any help, whether of ' food, arms, money, or ships ' (v. 16) ; this mention
of ships is held by several commentators to be a proof that this document belongs to a later date
than the time of judas, when the Jews were not in possession of any ships, and that therefore the
whole section is a later interpolation. But it is quite possible that the foresight of the Romans
sufficiently explains this mention of ships; they might, indeed, very naturally have assumed the
possession of ships by the Jews, as they must have been aware of the long stretch of coast-land which
belonged to Palestine. It was, as a matter of fact, not long after the time of Judas that the Jews
acquired a harbour: ' And amid all his glory he (i. e. Simon) took Joppa for a haven, and made it an
entrance for the isles of the sea' (xiv. 5),cp. also xiii. 29. There seems no sufficient reason to doubt
that the author of i Mace, made use here of the actual document in question, though it may be that
he gives only its general contents, and not a verbatim copy.

{b) The letter from the Spartans to Simon (xiv. 20-22). We are confronted here with the same
difficulty which occurs in the letter from Jonathan to the Spartans (xii. 6-18, see i. (b) above). The
section opens {v. 16) with the words : 'And it was heard at Rome that Jonathan was dead, and even
unto Sparta, and they were exceedingly sorry ; ' it then goes on to say that the Romans wrote to
Simon (who had succeeded his brother) on tables of brass to renew 'the friendship and the
confederacy' (j'. 18) ; but then, instead of giving a copy of this letter, as might reasonably have been
expected, it goes on to say : ' And this is a copy of the letter which the Spartans sent.' In this letter
it is stated that the two Jewish ambassadors who were the bearers of it were Numenius, the son of
Antiochus, and Antipater, the son of Jason. But then the narrative (in v. 24) goes on : 'After this
Simon sent Numenius to Rome with a great shield of gold of a thousand pound weight, in order to
confirm the confederacy with them.' On the previous occasion on which mention is made of a
rapproehemeiit between the Jews and the Romans on the one hand, and the Spartans on the other,
the same two ambassadors were sent, first to the Romans and then to the Spartans, on the same
journey (see xii. 16, 17) ; on the present occasion it is to be presumed, for the text implies it, that this
was also done ; but if so, how is one to account for the fact that in the letter to the Spartans these
ambassadors are said to be the bearers of it, while immediately after {v. 24) it is said that Numeniu.s
started on his journey? Then there is this further difficulty ; is it likely, as stated in the text, that
on the death of Jonathan the Romans would have taken the initiative in renewing the treaty with
the Jews ? This seems to be directly contradicted by v. 24. It seems probable that vv. 1 7-23 are |
an interpolation added later ; this would also explain the otherwise unaccountable words ' and even 1
unto Sparta ' in v. 16, which was presumably put in because of the interpolation ; the text of this verse, 1
as it stands, cannot fail to strike one as suspicious: koX ijKova-dr] tv 'Poi^j; on airidaviv 'icovaddi', koi eun
27ra/)T?;s, koI ekvTrrjdijijav aipobpa. The contents of the letter read like an official document ; the
probability seems to be that use has been made of some genuine record which, as already remarked,
was interpolated at a later period.

(c) The letter from Lucius, the Roman consul, to Ptolemy Euergetes II, king of Egypt (xv. 16-21). I
This is the copy of a circular letter written in the name of ' Lucius the consul ', and brought back by ■
Numenius. In it the friendship between the Romans and the Jews is proclaimed ; copies of it are ,
sent not only to the kings of Egypt and Syria, but also to a number of small separate States which (
enjoyed complete independence. Now Josephus {Antiq. XIV. viii. 5) mentions a letter from the 'i
Roman Senate, written in the name of the praetor Lucius Valerius in reply to a message brought by ;
a Jewish embassy ; as in the case just referred to, Numenius, the son of Antiochus, is one of the 1
ambassadors,' and he brings a gift of a golden shield ; the contents of the letter are similar, and it is, j
likewise, sent to a number of independent petty States. But, according to Josephus, this happened ]
in the ninth year of Hyrcanus II, who reigned 63-40 B.C. Now if, as is maintained by some,'
(especially by VVillrich, in his Jiiden and Griechen vor dcr makkabdischen Erhebung, pp. 70 ff.),]
Josephus is right here, the passage in question is an interpolation, and must have been added shortly \
before the beginning of the Christian era. Mommsen [Hermes ix. 284fif., cp. Kautzsch, Z*/.? ■
Apokrypltcn iiiid Psctidepigrapheii des alten Testamenfes, i. p. 30) has proved that Josephus is |
recording genuine history in saying that the praetor Lucius Valerius sent a letter to the Jews, with'
the contents as given, during the reign of Hyrcanus II. But this does not constitute an insuperable]
difficulty, for one of the consuls in 139 B.C. was named Lucius Calpurnius Piso, and the 'Consuli
Lucius' spoken of in the text (xv. i6)'could quite well refer to him. What is more difficult is thej
fact of the great similarity in the contents between the letter as given in i Mace., and that given inj
Josephus; Mommsen maintains that they are not identical, which would mitigate the difficulty; buti
the mention of Numenius, the son of Antiochus, in both documents is more serious ; the explanation!

i
i
' Two other ambassadors, Alexander the son of Jason, and Alexander the son of Dositheus, accompany him t
accordmg to this account.

64 i

INTRODUCTION

given by Torrey (E.R. 3865) that Josephus 'omitted the portion of i Mace, containing the mention
of Numenius and the golden shield, but took occasion to introduce this important name, and the
most interesting details, at the next opportunity', is not very illuminating. Probably Willrich is
right in regarding the passage as a later interpolation, added because it seemed appropriate in
a place where Simon's treaty with Rome was mentioned {op. cit. p. 73) ; this conclusion was arrived
at independently by the present writer, on the following grounds : — Numenius is mentioned in
I Mace, in connexion with an embassy to Rome in xii. 16, in the letter of Jonatlian to the Spartans,
which, as we have already seen reasons to believe, is a later interpolation ; he is also referred to
incidentally in a similar connexion in the time of Simon xiv. 34, cp. xv. 15. But a Numeniu.<!, in
all respects identical, so far as description and name are concerned, is mentioned by Josephus as
taking part in an embassy to the Romans, and having presented a shield of gold of a thousand
pounds' weight, in the reign of Hyrcaims II ; it seems, on the face of it, highly improbable that both
references can be correct ; cither the episode of the shield in connexion with Numenius took place in
the reign of Simon, or in that of Hyrcanns II. The account given by Josephus, and the letter as
quoted by him {Antiq. XIV. viii. 5), appear to be undoubtedly genuine ; it follows that i Mace. xv.
15-24 is due to an interpolator ; there are also independent reasons for regarding this passage as an
interpolation, since it breaks the narrative in a very obvious and awkward manner. The interpolator,
knowing that negotiations had actually taken place between Simon and the Romans, has transferred
an incident describing a Jewish embassy to Rome, which belongs to a later period, to the time of
Simon. Josephu.s, in his edition of i Mace, did not read the section xv. 15-34 as we have it (see
Aniiq. XIII. vii. 3) ; he does, however, follow i Mace. xii. 16 ff. (see Antiq. XIII. v. iS) in associating
Numenius, the son of Antiochus, and Antipater, the son of Jason, with an embassy sent to Rome in
the reign of Jonatlian ; but we have already seen that the whole of this letter in i Mace, is a later
interpolation ; it follows, therefore, that Josephus had this interpolation in his copy of i Mace,
though the Lucius letter (xv. 36-34) seems to have been absent from the text he used.

§ 8. The Greek Manuscripts.

The most important of these are the three uncials Cod. Sinaiticus (x), Cod. Alcxaudriiins (A),
Cod. Venctus (V), the latter belonging to the eighth or ninth century. Cod. Vaticanus (B) does
not contain the books of the Maccabees. The te.xt represented in N V is, on the whole, better
than that represented in A ; but all three are undoubtedly the offspring of a single Greek MS.
Whether, however, it can be said that all our texts, as well as the Versions, come from one
Greek MS. (Torrey, in E.B. 2867) is not so certain ; for there are isolated readings (small in
number, it is true) in some of the cursives which presuppose a better text in the passages in
question than that represented in the three uncials ; in some cases these readings are supported by
one or other of the Versions. Of the cursives which have been used, 53, 106, 107 follow, now x A
against V, now N V against A ; in a somewhat less degree this is also true of 56, 63, as well as of 55 ;
but this latter has retained some readings, peculiar to itself, which are superior to those in any other
MS., uncial or cursive (see e.g. iii. 47, 48, 49, iv. 61, v. 22, 67, vii. 7, 38), and it is possible that these
represent echoes of a MS. or MSS. other than the single Greek MS. which is the parent of the three
uncials ; at the same time the fact is not lost sight of that in other cases the variations in 55 are
merely explanatory additions, and in this, as well as in its agreement at times with S'""= (see below),
betrays a Lucianic colouring. Another group is formed by 19, 64, 93;^ theirC are Lucianic in
character, but 64 less so than the other two; with these three N'^-* sometimes agrees against all
other Greek MSS. ; very frequently 19, 93 and S''"= (see below) go together against all other
authorities ; this occurs in about fifty cases. The cursive 71 offers a curious phenomenon on account
of its large number of omissions ; these are usually skilfully manipulated ; they have been recorded
in the apparatus criticiis because it quite looks as if in some instances a better reading were afforded by
the omission. That in spite of these omissions 71 here and there shows signs of Lucianic colouring-
is an interesting fact. So far as the cursives are concerned, with the exception of 19, 64, 93, and 71,
only those readings are recorded in the apparatus criticus which seemed to be of importance.

The collations used for the above are, for the uncials, Swete's The Old Testament in Greek ^ vol. iii.,
and for the cursives the apparatus criticus of Holmes and Parsons.

§ 9. The Syriac and Latin Ver.sions.

[a) The Syriac text exists in two forms ; one is represented in Cod. Ambrosianus (sixth century) ; -
this follows in the main the text of the Greek uncials (S? in the app. crit.), and is preserved up to

' = Luc in the apparatus criticus.

^ Edited by Ceriani (Milan, 1876).

1106 65 F

I MACCABEES

xiv. 2,^-'', from there onwards it = S'""^ ; the other is tlie text found in the Peshitta,^ which is, how-
ever, Lucianic in character, and has, as we have seen, great affinity with the Lucianic group of
cursives 19, 64, 93. ^ See the very useful notes on the two Syriac recensions by G. Schmidt, 'Die
beiden syrischen Uebersetzungen des i. Makkabaerbuchs,' in ZATW, 1897, pp. i fif., 233 fif.

(b) The Latin Version is also preserved in two recensions ; both are pre-hieronymian ; one is that
found in the Vulgate (1L'), the other is that contained in Cod. Saiigertnancnsis \^ (E^) the latter is
only preserved up to the beginning of chap. xiv.

Both the Syriac and Latin Versions are translations from the Greek.

Literature.

Grimm, in Kiirzgef assies Exeg. Handbuch . . . (1853 . . .).

Bissell, in Lange-Schaff's Coniiiiefitary . . . (1880).

Fairweather and Black. TAc First Book of Maccabees, in the Cambridge Bible for Schools (1897).

Kautzsch, in Die Apokrypheii unci Pseud, des A. T. (1900).

Knabenbauer, in Ctirsiis Scriptnrne Sacrae (1907).

For the older literature see Grimm, and Schiirer HJP. II. iii. pp. 9 fif. (E. T. 1890).

Other works which have been of use are referred to in the body of the work.

' Edited by P. de Lagarde, Libri vet. test, apocryphi Synace . . . (Leipzig, 1861).

''■ It is represented by S'"'' in the app. crit. ; the sign Si denotes the consensus of these two recensions.

' Edited by Sabatier, Bibl. Sacr. Latinae ■versiofies antigiiae, ii. pp. 1017 fF.

THE FIRST BOOK OF MACCABEES

Introduction. I. 1-9.

I. 1-4. The Victory of Alexander the Great over the Persians, and the fotmding of his empire.

And it came to pass after Alexander, the son of Philip the Macedonian'^, who came from the land
of Chittim, had smitten Darius, king of the Persians and Medes'', that he reigned in his stead".
And he waged many wars, and won strongholds*^, "and slew kings', and pressed forward to the ends
of the earth, and took spoils from many peoples'^. But when the land was silenced^ before him, ""'he
became exalted"^, and his heart was lifted up'. Then he gathered together ''a very mighty army'',
and ruled over lands and peoples and principalities'; and they became tributary unto him.

I. 5-9. The sick7iess and death of Alexander ; the division of his empire.

And after these things he took to his™ bed, and perceived that he was about to die. Then he
called his chief ministers, men who had been brought up with him from his youth, and divided his
kingdom among them while he was yet alive. And Alexander had reigned twelve years when he
died. And his ministers ruled, each in his particular domain. And after he was dead they all

I. '^ + who first reigned in Greece IL' ^the repetition of the verb (km eirara^eit) is not required; > IL^

"TrpoTfpoi' (TrpoTfpos ,§'"<= Luc) cKi TX]v EXXaSa is probably a gloss ; > it' "^ + many iL* + all iL' «-« > 5'"'=
f + of the earth N V IL' e was silent and quiet S'"<= h-b>5iiic i-i>x ''-'' a strong and numerous host S"'<=
' princes N "^nurou X AIL"

1. I. And it came to pass. The Hebrew original of the book is indicated at the outset, rai iyiviro being the usual
Septuagint rendering of 'iT'l.

Alexander the ' Great', 356-323 B.C., the third Macedonian king of this name.

Chittim. i. e. the people of the islands and coastlands of Greece, cp. Jer. ii. 10 Q'|ri3 ^IIX. In Gen. x. 4 the
Chittim are called 'sons of Javan ' (Greece). They took their name originally, according to Phoenician inscriptions,
rom Kiti {the Greek Kition), the chief city on the island of Cyprus, now called Larnaca. The original colonists were
Phoenicians, later on many Greeks settled down there, hence the term ' sons of Javan ' applied to these Chittim.

Darius. The third of the name, known as Codomannus.

he reigned in his stead. Cp. Dan. viii. 21, where Alexander is spoken of as |V "I?D, and xi. 2, where his

cingdom is spoken of as jV ni3?C

2. kings. Not to be taken in a literal sense, generals, governors, and the like, are meant.

3. the ends of the earth. A constant O.T. expression : jnxn QDN ly.

his heart was lifted up. Cp. Dan. xi. 12. 133P mi.
I 4. principalities. The reading of X ijvflavvKjsv for Tvpavvimv) is perhaps preferable ; satrapies (or satrap), the
Persian province is presumably meant, though in Esther ix. 3 a difference is made between the ruler of a province and
I . ' tyrannos ' (01 iip\ovri'i t<ov aarpaTT^LQiv kul ot Tvpavi>oi).

they became tributary unto him. In Judges i. 28 (= Sept. i. 30) this phrase occurs, but the Heb. DD? Vri'l
= 'they were subject to task-work', cp. Gen. xlix. 15.

I 6. chief ministers, nn'is is used in i Sam. xix. i of the chief officers of Saul (in^JJ).
I brought up with him. tovs o-weKTpd'pnvs avrnv, cp. Acts .xiii. 1 Mnvniiv re 'H/joJSou tou T(rpap)(ov a-vvrpofjios.

divided his kingdom . . . Grimm, i/t loc, gives numerous references to ancient authors in which this is
eferred to, but shows that the statement is unhistorical; he says that the story was probably circulated by the
j artisans of the various Hellenic kings in order to make their assumption of kingship appear legitimate in the eyes
f the people.

while he was yet alive. When one remembers how young Alexander was at his death, the improbability of the
■hole tradition is obvious. ' Greater likelihood attaches to the statement of Justin (xii. 15), Diodorus Siculus (xviii. 2),
jiid Curtius (x. 5. 7), that when no longer able to speak, the dying Macedonian took off" his signet-ring and handed it
p Perdiccas, the captain of his body-guard, in token of his desire that he should reign after him' (Fairweather and
plack, in loc. ; this is also referred to by Grimm) ; but as an hereditary monarchy existed in Macedonia (cp. v. 9), this
jitatement must also be regarded as unhistorical.

I 7- he died. He was taken ill with fever in the night of May 31, 323 B.C., and died eleven days after.
. 8. And his ministers . . . This is a continuation of the unhistorical statement just referred to.
I 9- they all assumed . . . This is inexact, as only five of Alexander's generals assumed the title of king, and that
ot till 306 B. c, seventeen years after his death.

67 Fa

I MACCABEES 1. 9-17

assumed the diadem, and their sons after them [did likewise ; and this continued for] many years.
And these wrought much evil on the earth.

The Cause of the Maccabaean Revolt. I. ic-64.
I. 10-15. Antiochiis Epiphancs and the Hellenistic party in Judaea.

10 And a sinful shoot came forth from them, Antiochus Kpiphanes, the son of Antiochus the king,
who had been a hostage in Rome, and had become king in the one hundred and thirty-seventh

11 year of the Greek kingdom. In those days "there came forth out of Israel lawless men", and per-
suaded many, saying : ' Let us go and make a covenant with the nations that are round about us ;

1 2 for since" we separated ourselves from them many evils have come upon us.' And the saying

13 appeared good in their eyes; and as certain of the people were eager (to carry this out), they went

14 to the king, and he^ gave them authority to introduce the customs of the Gentiles. And they built

15 a gymnasium 1 in Jerusalem according to the manner of the Gentiles. They also submitted them-
sefves to uncircumcision', and repudiated the holy covenant ; yea, they joined themselves to the
Gentiles, and sold themselves' to do evil.

I. 16-19. Antiochus subdues Egypt.

16 And when, in the opinion of Antiochus, the kingdom was (sufficiently) established, he
determined to exercise dominion also over the land of Egypt, in order that he might rule over two

17 kingdoms. So he pushed forward into Egypt with an immense force ; with chariots, and elephantT

n-nx El " + the day Luc IL^ Pthe king Luc S 3L- <J stadium S "'lit. they drew forward

the prepuce S"": = were tempted N"=-' 19 S""=

the diadem. Cp. viii. 14, xi. 54 ; Josephus, Antiq. XIL x. i ; a blue and white band which was worn around the
Persian royal hat as a badge of royalty ; to be distinguished from the crown worn on state occasions. The Heb.
equivalent is T^? and riS?2i?p. It was also worn by the Parthian kings, and by the Byzantine emperors.

wrought much evil. Heb. Vin .nibv? lain ; cp. Ecclus. xlviii. 16 (Sept. ; the Heb. is different).

10. a sinful shoot. Cp. Ecclus. xl. 15 ; in Dan. xi. 21 he is called a 'contemptible person '.

Antiochus Epiphanes. The fourth of the name ; he seized the Syrian throne in 175 K. c , on the murder of his
elder brother Seleucus IV; he died in 164 B.C. (cp. i Mace. vi. 1-16, 2 Mace. i. 10-17). The title 'Epiphanes' (the
'Illustrious') which he assumed on coming to the throne, was in mockery changed to ' Epimanes ' (the ' Madman') on
account of the outrageous acts of which he was guihy. On his coins are found the epithets Ofiis and Ni/cijc^dpos ; the^
former title is applied to him by the Samaritans in their letter to him asking him to permit their temple to be called]
'The Temple of Hellenius' (Josephus, Antiq. XII. v. 5).

the son of Antiochus. i. e. the ' Great ' ; the third of the name, who reigned 223-187 B. c.

who had been a hostage in Rome. The reference is to Antiochus Epiphanes, who was sent as a hostage tc
Rome after the defeat of his father at the battle of Magnesia (190 B. C.) ; he remained in Rome for twelve years.

in the ... of the Greek kingdom. The reference is to the Seleucid era, which began on October i, 312 B.C.
on the accession of Seleucus I (cp. Josephus, Antiq. XIII. vi. 7) ; the author of this book reckons according to the'
months of the Jewish calendar, according to which the year begins on the first of Nisan (April), so that his dates an
all six months earlier than those of the Seleucid era.

11. In those days. An indefinite reference to date occurring very often in the O.T. as well as the N.T. ; Heb

there came forth . . . Cp. Deut. xiii. 13 (14 in Sept.) ; the reference is to Jason, cp. v. 13 and 2 Mace. iv. 7-ic

make a covenant. The regular Heb. phrase, n''"i3 m3. The object of this was, according to Josephus {Antiq^
XIL V. 1, Belt. Jill/. I. V. 1), solely the acquisition of temporal advantage.

since we separated ourselves . . . The reference here cannot be to any particular time, for the observance c
the Mosaic Law was the cause of this separation ; it had always been intended to be the means of keeping Israelite!
free from the contamination of the Gentiles.

many evils have come upon us. Lit. ' have found us ', thoroughly Hebraic, cp. e. g. Deut. xxxi. zi!

: nu-i niyn , . . |Ni-cn. |

12. appeared good. Cp. the Hebr. phrase, 'to do what is pleasing in the eyes of; ^TV^i 31Dn nb'J? which is cl
frequent occurrence in the O.T. .'

13. and he gave them authority. Cp. 2 Mace. iv. 9. 1

14. And they built a gymnasium. Cp. Josephus (Antiq. XII. v. l), 2 Mace. iv. 9, 12. I

15. They also submitted . . . See the rendering of the Syriac in the critical note ; cp. I Cor. vii. iS. Those wh
submitted to this operation were called Meshiikim (from a root meaning 'to draw back'}, according to the Roma|
name, Rccutiti (Grimm, in toe.'). !

repudiated the holy covenant. Since circumcision was the covenant-mark (Gen. xvii. 11), its obliteration wc
ipso facto the repudiation of the covenant.

sold themselves to do evil. Hebraism, cp. i Kings xxi. 20 : JJin n'lb'vb ''jnSOTn.

16. the kingdom . . . established. Hebraism, cp. i Kings ii. 12 : inaljO |3ril.
two kingdoms, i. e. Syria and Egypt.

17. with an immense force. Lit. 'a heavy force' ; Hebrew usage, cp. 133 Dy3; cp. Dan. xi. 22-24.

I MACCABEES 1. i8-?6

O"-

i and horsemen', together with a great fleet". And he waged war against Ptolemy, the king of
Egypt. And Ptolemy turned back==^ from before him, and fled; ^and there fell many woundedy^
' And they^ captured the fortified cities in Egypt''; and he took the spoils from the land'' of Egypt.

I. 20-28. The Desecration of tlic Temple ; slanghter of the J CIVS, n

' And Antiochus, after he had smitten Egypt, returned in the one hundred andBfty-third year,
1 and went up against Israel and*^ Jerusalem with a great army. And in (his) arrogance he entered

into the sanctuary, and took the golden altar, "and the candlestick for the light", and all its acces-
• scries, and the table of the shewbread, and the cups, and the bowls, and the golden censers f and the

veil, and the crowns, and the golden adornment on the fa9ade of the Temple, and he scaled it all off.
! Moreover, he took the silver, and the gold, and the choice vessels ; he also took the hidden treasures
} which he found. And having taken everything, he returned ^ to his own land*".

'And there was great mourning in Israel' in every place ;
And'' the rulers and elders groaned ;
Virgins and young men languished,
And the beauty of the women faded away ;
Every bridegroom took up (his) lament,
She that sat in the bridal-chamber mourned'.
And the land was moved for her inhabitants,
And all ""the house of™ Jacob was clothed with shame.'

I. 29-40. Jerusalem occupied by Apolloniiis ; massacre of the people ; desecration of the Sanctuary.

After the lapse of two years the king" sent a chief collector of tribute to the cities of Judah ; and
he came to Jerusalem with a great host. And he spoke unto them peaceful words in subtilty, so
that they had confidence in him ; but he fell upon the city suddenly, and smote it with a grievous
stroke, and destroyed much people in Israel. And he took °the spoils of the city°, and burned it
with fire, and pulled down the houses thereof and the walls thereof"" round about. And they led
captive the women and the children, and ''took possession of the cattle. And they fortified the
city of David with a great and strong wall with strong towers, so that it was made into a citadel foi
them. / And they placed there a sinful nation, lawless men; and they strengthened themselves

therein. And they stored up (there) arms and provisions, and collecting together the spoils of
Jerusalem, they laid them up there. And it became a sore menace, for it was a place to lie in wait
in against the sanctuary, and an evil adversary to Israel continually.

'>64 "with great pomp S ^N ; ewroan-T; A N'-'' V (= 1L') y-y > SB ^ fled N were slain S'"''

»he SB 3t> i^the land of Egypt A V 93 '' > land N* V " + went up against S''»= 1L* 3L' ^^>V 'the

instruments of the sacrifices and offerings S''"= Scarried (them) V *■ + .A.nd he (A they) made a great slaughter

and he (A they) spake with great arrogancy ; all authorities (exc Ss) ; + and he made a great slaughter Ss,
omitting the rest. The ivords have probably got out of -place, and should come after v. 21. 'Jerusalem 64 ''There-
fore S 'N ; e-yefcTo (v T.fvGti. A V fnevdr)cr€ Luc ""'" > 93 "Antiochus the king Luc °~°much spoil S
Pof Jerusalem S i-i > N ; + for themselves N'^-'^ Luc 5'""=

18. Ptolemy. The sixth of the name, Philometor, 181-146 B.C. ; he was only sixteen years old at this time.
there fell many wounded. The Hebrew equivalent D'31 Dvpn vB'l would imply that they were wounded to
death (cp. R.V.), but in Greek the word has not this intensive force.

20. went up against . . . Jerusalem. Cp. 2 Mace. v. 11 ff.

21. the golden altar. Cp. Exod. xxx. 1-6.
the candlestick. Cp. Exod. xxv. 31-9.

22. the table of the shewbread. Cp. E.xod. xxv. 23-30 ; cp. Josephus, Antiq. III. vi. 6.

23. the hidden treasures. Cp. 2 Mace. iii. 10-12 ; Josephus, Bell. lud. II. ix. 4.

25-8. This lament was probably originally in poetical form, and is largely made up from the language of the O.T.
poetical books. Cp. for some verses cast in a somewhat similar mode 2 (4) Esdras x. 22.

25. great mourning. Cp. Job xxx. 31.

26. the elders. Cp. Lam. i. 19, ii. 10.

faded away. Cp. Sept. of Ps. cviii. 24, ^XXoimfli; (cix. 24 in Hebr.).
virgins and young men . . . Cp. Lam. i. 4, iS, ii. 10, 20.

27. took up (his) lament. Cp. Sept. of Lam. v. 13 KKav6\ihv aviXa^ov (the Heb. reads differently).

28. clothed with shame. Cp. Job. viii. 22 ; Ps. xxxv. 26, cxxxii. 18.

29. a chief collector of tribute, i.e. Apollonius, according to 2 Mace. v. 24.

After the lapse of two years. Lit. ' After two years of days ' ; Heb. D^jp^^ Q'njB' J'i3>3, cp. Gen. xli. I.

30. he spoke peaceful words. A Hebrew idiom : DipC* '"IIT "IDN'I. Cp, Deut. ii. 26.
he fell upon . . - suddenly. Cp. 2 Mace. v. 24 fif.

33- into a citadel, fi's a^pav, i. e. Acra.

I MACCABEES 1. 37-54

37 And they shed innocent blood on every side of the sanctuary,
And they defiled the sanctuary'.

38 And because of them the inhabitants of Jerusalem fled,
And she became a dwelling for strangers,
Being herself estranged to her offspring,

And her children forsook her.

39 Her sanctuary became desolate as a wilderness,
=Her feasts were turned into mourning',
Her sabbaths 'into shame",
Her honour'" into contempt.

40 According as her glory^' (had been) "^so was (now) her dishonour increased^,
And her high estate was turned to mourning^

I. 41-53. Edict of AntiocJnis, forbidding Jewish Worship.

And the king*" wrote unto his whole kingdom, that all should be one people, and that every one 'j
should give up his [religious] usages. And all nhe nations'^ acquiesced^ in accordance with the com- J

43 mand of the king. And many in Israel took delight in 'his (form of) worship", and they began

44 sacrificing to idols, and profaned the sabbath f. Furthermore, the king sent letters^ by the hand of
messengers to Jerusalem and to the cities of Judah (to the effect that) they should practise customs li

45 ''foreign' to (the traditions of) the land'', and that they should cease the (sacrificing of) whole burnt
offerings, and sacrifices, and drink offerings in the sanctuary, and that they should profane the sabbaths

46, 47 and feasts, and pollute the sanctuary and ''those who had been sanctified''; that they should (more-
over) build high places, and sacred groves, and 'shrines for idols', and that they should sacrifice ,

48 swine and (other) unclean™ animals ; and that they should leave their sons uncircumcized, and make j

49 themselves abominable by means of (practising) everything that was unclean and profane, so that !

50 they might forget the Law, and change all the (traditional) ordinances. And whosoever should not '

51 act according to the word of the king, should die. In this manner did he write unto the whole" of
his kingdom; and he appointed overseers" over all the people ; and he commanded the cities of Judah |

52 to sacrifice, every one of them. And many of the people joined themselves unto them, all^ those]

53 [namely] who had forsaken the Law; these did evili in the land, and caused Israel to hide in all j
manner of hiding-places. j

I. 54-64. Idolatry forced upon the people of J itdah ; destruction of copies of the Scriptures ;

massacre of Israelites. I

54 And on the fifteenth'' day'' of Chislev in the one hundred and forty-fifth* year they set up upon the 1
altar an 'abomination of desolation ', and in the cities of Judah on every side they established high-

*■ 4- of the Lord V '-= > gg ^-^ >■& hit added by Vi."^ "humiliation 19 ^plur. in &91L'' Jherj

children X* ''-^the land was filled with shame N ''humiliation 64 £'"« •> + Antiochus 3L <:--> Se

(131,2 e-etj,g ^vQfghjp of (he king SB ^sanctuary A'' sabbath A* 8> 64 93 ''"''of the Gentiles in the)

landIL i>93 l'-" the holy things S E'' '-'idols A V^ S 3L "o all N* (unclean X"-''; ''>AVS3LI

° + over all his kingdom and S8 PallSsiL' •) much evil 64 93 'twenty-fifth S= «+ in the month Luc

'fjorty-fifth A j

37-40. Another lament in poetical form originally, the language of which is again largely borrowed from that of the
O.T. poetical books.

37. they shed innocent blood. Cp. Ps. Ixxix. 3.
they defiled the sanctuary. Cp. Ps. Ixxix. i.

38. a dwelling for strangers. Cp. Ps. liv. 3 ; Lam. v. 2.
Being herself estranged. Cp. Lam. i. i.
her children forsook her. Cp. Lam. i. 5.

39. Her feasts . . . Cp. Amos viii. 10.
Her sabbaths into shame. Cp. Lam. ii. 6.

40. And her high estate ... Cp. Lam. ii. 9, 10.

41. one people, i.e. as regards religious practice.
44. letters. [iilfiWa, Heb. CIDp. j

47. swine and unclean animals, i. e. animals holy to heathen gods and goddesses ; the pig and the hare wenj
holy to Astarte, and as holy animals occupied an important place in the religions of Greece and Asia Minor. j

51. appointed overseers. Cp. 2 Mace. v. 22.

54. the fifteenth day of Chislev. We should read here with Ss 'the twenty-fifth day', see v. 59. Chislev is th
ninth month of the Hebrew calendar (= December approximately).

the one hundred and forty-fifth year. i.e. 168 B.C. '■

an abomination of desolation. Cp. Dan. xi. 31, xii. 11 ; i.e. the abomination which brought about profanatiol
(= desolation) ; it was a small heathen altar which was set up on the altar of burnt-offering, see v. 59.

I MACCABEES 1. 55—2. 14

56 places ; and "they offered sacrifice" at the doors of the houses and in the streets. And the books of

57 the Law which they found they ''rent in pieces, and^ burned them in the fire. And with whomsoever
was found a book of the covenant, and if he was (found) consenting unto the Law, such an one was

58 according to the king's sentence^', condemned to death. Thus did they in their might to the Israehtes

59 who were found'' month by month in their'' cities. And on the twenty-fifth day of the month they
)0 sacrificed upon the altar which was upon the altar of burnt-offering. And, according to the decree^
)i they put to death the women who had circumcised their children, hanging their babes round their

(mothers') necks, and they put to death their (entire) families'^, together with those who had circum-
cised them. Nevertheless many in Israel stood firm'' and determined in their hearts® that they would
'3 not eat unclean things, and chose rather to die so that they might not be defiled with meats, thereby

4 profaning the holy covenant'' ; and they did die. And exceeding great wrath came upon Israel.

M.\TTATHIAS. II. 1-70.
II. 1-5. TJic Genealogy of the Maccabees.

1 In those days rose up Mattathias, the son of John, the son of Simeon, a priest of the sons of

2 Joarib, from Jerusalem ; and he dwelt at Modin. And he had five sons : John, who was surnamed
sGaddis; Simon, who was called Thassis ; Judas, who was called Maccabaeus ; Eleazar, who was

called Auaran ; and Jonathan, who was called Aphphus.

II. 6-14. A Dirge over the desecration of the Holy City.

1 And he saw the blasphemous things that were done in Judah and in Jerusalem, and said, ' Woe is
me, why was I born to behold the ruin of my people and the ruin'' of the holy city, and to sit still
there while it was being given into the hand of enemies, and the sanctuary'' into the hand of
strangers ? '

5 '^Her house"^ is become like (that of) a man dishonoured*"^;
J *^Her glorious vessels are carried away captive ;

Her infants have been slain in her streets.

Her young men with the sword of the enemy.
5 What nation hath the kingdom not taken possession of,

(Of what nation) hath it not seized the spoils ?

Her adornment hath all been taken away,

^Instead of a free woman she is become a slaves.
; And, behold, our holy things, and our beauty, and our glory have been laid waste,
; And the heathen have profaned them ! To what purpose should we continue to live ?
,1 And Mattathias and his sons rent their garments, and covered themselves with sackcloth, and
. mourned greatly.

"-"they burned incense and offered sacrifice EMhey burned incense IL'^ ^-^> S Jedict IL'' '+ and they

led them away by force Ss * V ; the N A &C ''the command of the king S the command of king Antiochus 31-

"houses N V their entire houses 3L (Ss = A) + and plundered «'=■'' S'"" d„ere hanged A IQ " > iq 5'""=

'the holy Law of God IL'

II. '"> 19 93 S'"^" E' I' her sanctified ones Ss + were delivered Su <=-'=T.R.1l- ; Her temple was like an

illustrious man N .A V 5'"« 3L. They did clothe her temple with glory as a man {is clothed) »i ''people 93 " 19 11'
'+ And now Luc g-sHer freedom is become bondage S'"<=

55. at the doors of the houses. The reference is to sacrifices offered to the ' deities of the street ', i. e. images of
Greek gods which stood in the porches of houses.

56. the books of the Law. i. e. rolls of the Pentateuch.

58. to the Israelites who were found. A literal translation of the Hebrew D'NVDjn PN^B"?.
63. and chose rather to die. Cp. 2 Mace, vi, vii.

II. 1. In those days . . . Cp. Josephus, Antiq. XII. vi. I.
the son of Simeon. Josephus adds toO ' haafiuivmov, from whom the adjectival form of the family name, .Asmo-
naean or Hasmonaean. was derived; the name does not occur in the books of the Maccabees, though Josephus often
uses it, and it is found in the Mishnah {Middotli i. 6), and frequently in the Gemara (e.g. Sliabbatli 21 b, Baba Kama
82^), where the name Hasmonaeans is always used for Maccabaeans.
the sons of Joarib. Cp. i Chron. xxiv. 7 ff.

Modin. Cp. v. 70, xiii. 25. The present El-Medije, east of Lydda.
4' Maccabaeus. See Introduction.

7- The holy city. 'C"\\>r\ TV Isa. xlviii. 3; cp. 2 Mace. i. 12, iii. I, ix. 14.
S-12. Another dirye in poetical form.

14. rent their garments . . . The usual signs of mourning in the East, see further Nowack, Hebrdische Archdo-
logiel. 192 ff.

I MACCABEES 2. 15-32

II. 15-28. The commencement of the Maccabaean Revolt.

15 And the king's officers who were enforcing the apostasy came to the city of Modin Ho make them

16 sacrifice\ And many from Israel went unto them ; but Mattathias and his sons' gathered themselves

17 together. Then the king's officers answered and spake unto Mattathias, saying: 'A ruler art thou,
,8 and illustrious and great in this city, and upheld by sons and brothers. Do thou, therefore, come

first, and carry out the king's command, as all the nations have done, and all the people'' of Judah,
and the)' that have remained in Jerusalem; then shalt thou' and '"thy house"' be (numbered among)
the friends of the king, and thou and thy sons shall be honoured with silver and gold, and with many

19 gifts." Thereupon Mattathias answered and said with a loud voice: 'If all the nations that are
within the king's dominions obey him by forsaking, "every one of them^ the worship of their fathers,

20 and have chosen for themselves to follow his commands, yet will I and my sons and my brethren

21 walk in the covenant of our fathers. Heaven forbid that we should forsake the Law and the ordi-

22 nances; (but) the law" of the king we will not obey by departing from our worship either to the

23 right hand or to the left.' And as he^ ceased speaking ithese words'*, a Jew came forward in the

24 sight of all to sacrifice'' upon the altar in Modin in accordance with the king's command. _ And
when Mattathias saw it, "his zeal was kindled", and his heart quivered (with wrath) ; and his indig-

25 nation burst forth for judgement, so that he ran and slew him on the altar; and 'at the same time'

26 he [also] killed the king's officer who had come to enforce the sacrificing, pulled down the altar, and
[thus] showed forth his zeal for the Law, just as Phinehas had done in the case of Zimri the son of

27 Salom. And Mattathias cried out with a loud voice in the city, saying, 'Let everyone that is

28 zealous for the Law and that would maintain the covenant come forth after me ! ' And he and his
sons fled unto the mountains, and left all that they possessed in the city.

II. 29-38. A strict observance of the Sabbath results in the massacre of a tlioiisand J elvish people.

29 At that time many who were seeking righteousness and judgement went down to the wilderness to

30 abide there, they and their sons, and their wives, and their cattle; for misfortunes "fell hardly" upon

31 them. And it was reported to the king's officers and to the troops that were in Jerusalem, the city
of David, that men who had set at nought the king's command* had gone down into hiding-places

32 in the wilderness. And man}' ran after them, and having overtaken them, ''they encamped against

''"''to sacrifice 64 iL- ; + and burn incense and forsake the Law of God It'
''rulers N V ' + and thy sons V 64 "'-"'and thy sons Ni^-a S 3L

P Mattathias 64 93 1-1 > N (hab'».'^-^\ 'to burn incense A Ss

"-•' + and were multiplied N* N*^" were multiplied V ^counsel N

'they that were with him 64 93
-n > ^luc othe ^oj-d X V Luc

^ ''SB places this after quivered
j-y > Slue 51,1

18. the friends of the king. There were, according to Polybius (x.vxi. 3. 7), two orders of royal favourites under
the Graeco-Syrian kings, viz. those of the ' Companions ' and the ' Friends' ; these occupied the position of a military
aristocracy. Cp. x. 65, xi. 27 ; 2 Mace. viii. 9.

19. the king's dominions, iv oi'xw tjjs paaiXeias toC jSacriXe'tuf, cp. Amos vii. 13 oIkoi ffaa-iXdas, riD^DD DU, in
reference to Bethel.

have chosen for themselves. Cp. 2 Chron. xxix. 11 (Sept.).

21. Heaven forbid. i/VfMs = n7vn, cp. 2 Sam. xx. 20.

22. either to the right hand or to the left. Cp. 2 Sam. xiv. 19.

24. his heart. Lit. 'his kidneys', the seat of the emotions and affections, cp. Ps. Ixxiii. 21 (JinCi'N TIV^JI, 'for
my kidneys were in a ferment.'

for judgement. Heb. 133^3 ; what, according to the statute, he was bound to do.
and slew him. Cp. Deut. xiii. 9 ; 2 Chron. xxx. 16.

26. as Phineas had done . . . Cp. Num. xxv. 7, 8.

27. Let everyone . . . come forth after me. Grimm quotes (from Livy xxii. 53) the cry of the Roman patriots
in time of danger : Out reinpuUicavi salvam volunt tiie sequaniiir.

28. fled unto the mountains. This would enable him, with a comparatively small number of followers, to defy
almost any force that might be brought against him, an attacking party being always at a great disadvantage in
mountain warfare.

29. righteousness and judgement. Cp. Ps. l.x.xxix. 14, xcvii. 2; righteousness (npnv) = ethical right-doing;
judgement jt:3rD) = sense of justice; the technical terms are 'to do (HCy) righteousness', and 'to keep (iDC')
judgement , cp. Isa. Ivi. i ; the terms are generally used in the reverse order, and rightly so as the more logical ; the
inward sense of justice has as its result outward acts of righteousness ; this is also borne out by the verbs used, ' to
keep,' to do.'

the wilderness, i.e. the wilderness of Judaea, west of the Dead Sea ; it was called Jeshimon, cp. i Sam. xxiii.
19, 24, xxvi. 13, meaning ' desolation '.

30. their cattle. In the wilderness of Tekoa, which lay to the north of the district just mentioned, there was
suHicient vegetation to support cattle, cp. Amos i. I, vii. 14.

31. hiding-places in the wilderness. Cp. I Sam. xxiv. 3; Isa. xlii. 22.

I MACCABEES 2. 33-42

33 them, and*' set the battle in array against them on the Sabbath day. And they said unto them :
"Let it suffice now^; come forth, and do according to the command of the king, and ye shall live.'

34 And they answered, ' We will not come forth, nor will we do according to the command of the king,
, 36 and thereby profane the Sabbath day. Thereupon they immediately attacked them. But they

37 answered them not, nor did they cast a stone at them, nor even block up their hiding-places, saying,
' Let us all die in our innocency ; Heaven and earth bear us witness that ye destroy us wrongfully'".

38 And they attacked them on the Sabbath : and they died, they and their wives, and their children,
and their cattle, about a thousand souls.

n. 39-48. Mattatliias, supported by ilic Chasidini, contiimes the zuai- with siccccss.

, 40 And when Mattathias and his friends knew*" it they mourned greatly for them. And one said to
another, ' If we all do as our brethren have done, and do not fight against the Gentiles for our lives

41 and our ordinances, they will soon destroy us from off the earth.' And they took counsel on that
day, saying, ' Whosoever attacketh us on the Sabbath day, let us fight against him, that we may not in

42 any case all die, as our brethren died in their hiding-places.' Then were there gathered unto them
''a company of the Chasidim", mighty men of Israel who willingly offered themselves for the Law,

^"' Do ye resist still even now ? E "uncharitably SB ''heard S'"'' '^"^ the whole company of Jews N V

32. on the Sabbath day. From the words in v. 33 it is evident that the eneiny had no desire of taking a mean
advantage by fighting on a day on which they knew the Jews would make no resistance.

34. and thereby profane the Sabbath day. The profanation of the Sabbath would, according to the preceding
words, consist in coming forth and doing according to the coinmand of the king ; i. e. the command of the king was
that they should come forth and submit themselves. This the Jews would not have done at any time, but to do so on
the Sabbath would have been an aggravation of the oflence, since, apait from the act of renegades which submission
would, under the circumstances, have implied, the coming forth with their belongings would, in itself, have constituted
a breaking of the Sabbath.

36. nor did they cast a stone, i. e. there was not even the semblance of resistance.

37. in our innocency. iv ti} dn-XuTT;ri i/^wf, i.e. 'in our integrity' (QH) ; cp. Ps. x.xvi. I, II, xxv. 21, xli. 13.
wrongfully. Cp. xv. 33 where R.V. renders aKpiras ' wrongfully ' ; this is a better rendering than ' without trial '

as R.V. translates here, for the revolt having been entered upon by the events recorded in I'Z'. 1 5-28, the idea of
a trial is out of the question. Cp. Ps. Ixix. 4, ' They that would cut me off, being mine enemies wrongfully, are
mighty.'

38. they attacked them. This hardly bears out the statement of Josephus : ' they burned them as they were in
the caves without resistance, and without so much as stopping up the entrances of the caves ' [Aiitiq. XI 1. vi. 2).

and they died . . . about a thousand souls. Josephus adds : ' But many of those that escaped joined them-
selves to Mattathias, and appointed him to be their ruler, who taught them to fight, even on the Sabbath day' {ibid.),
cp. vv. 40, 41. , , L

39. they mourned greatly for them, ewf acpoSpa = ISD'Hy ; e'w' alrois, the verb /3N (' to mourn ') is usually
followed by 7V (' upon' or ' over').

40. and one said to another, xai ein-ev ayfjp npos t6v nXr^aliw avT(w is another Hebraism : 'l^V^~i'N CN ^J^N'1.

41. and they took counsel . . . Cp. ix. 44 ff., xi. 34, 43 ff. ; the counsel ('Whosoever attacks . . .') taken was
a modification of the Law ; but, as a matter of fact, the Written Law did not forbid necessary labour on the Sabbath.
What we have here is an ordinance of the Oral Law, framed by the rigid legalists as the interpretation of the Written
Law. The mention of the CJiasidiin in the next verse is significant, as they were responsible, in large measure, for
the strict interpretation of the Written Law. The passage shows that the party of the Cliasidivi was already in
existence, and was not created by the persecution under Antiochus ; see next note.

42. a company of the Chasidim. The 'Ao-iSnau (= DTDri) are here referred to as though well known, a fact which
further substantiates what was said in the preceding note. The Chasidim (' pious') were those, frequently referred to
in some of the later Psalms (e.g. xii. 2, x.xx. 4, xxxi. 23, xxxvii. 28, cxlix. 1-9), who remained true to the traditions and
customs of their fathers when, in the third century B. C. and onwards, the Jews of the Dispersion, and also of Palestine,
were becoming lax in their observance of orthodox Judaism owing to the rise of the Hellenistic spirit. They were
animated by a hatred of everything and everyone that savoured of Hellenism, for, according to them, this implied
unfaithfulness to the God of Israel. Although in existence beforehand, it was only during the Maccabaean struggle that
they commenced to play an important role in the political life of the nation. In 1,2 Mace, they are referred to three
times ; the data regarding their characteristics seem, at first sight, to be conflicting. In 1 Mace. ii. 43, 44 they are
described as warlike ; in vii. 12-14 they appear as the peaceful party, while in 2 Mace. xiv. 6 they are said to ' keep
up war, and are seditious, not suffering the kingdom to find tranquillity'. It is probable that these descriptions both
witness to the true facts of the case ; the natural inclination of these strict observers of the Law would obviously be in
the direction of peace ; but as soon as they realized that the cherished object of their existence was imperilled, it
behoved them to be up and doing. This is borne out by what we read in the Psalms concerning them, for at one time
they are spoken of as peaceful worshippers (xxx. 4), and as the lovers of the Lord (xxxi. 23, xxxvii. 28) ; while at another
time they are represented as warriors zealous for the honour of God. and fighting His enemies (cxli.x. 6-9). It is not
without significance that after the Maccabaean struggle, when the victory for orthodox Judaism had been won, nothing
further is heard of the Chasidim. They seem to have gradually developed into the Pharisaic party, which was
characterized by the same zeal for the Law (cp. Moritz Friedliinder, Gcscliichte dcr Judisclien Apologetik, pp. 316 ff.,
464 ff.).

mighty men of Israel. Cp. i Chron. vii. 2, 7 (Sept.).

I MACCABEES 2. 43-66

43 every one of them. And all they that fled from the evils were added unto them, and reinforced

44 them. And they mustered a host, and smote sinners in their anger, and lawless men in their wrath ;

45 and the rest fled to the Gentiles to save themselves. And Mattathias and his friends'" went round

46 about", and pulled down altars'', and they circumcised by force the children that were uncircumcised,

47 as many as theys found ''within the borders'' of Israel. And they pursued after the sons of pride,

48 and the' work prospered in their hand. And they rescued'' the Law out of the hand of the
Gentiles, and 'out of the hand' of the'" kings, neither suffered they the sinner to triumph.

II. 49-70. The last words of Mattathias ; his death.

49 And the days drew near that Mattathias should die, and he said unto his sons: ' Now have pride

50 and rebuke" gotten strength and a season of destruction and wrath of indignation. And now (my)

51 children, be zealous for the Law, and give your lives for the covenant of your" fathers^. PAnd call
to mind the deeds of the'" fathers"' which they did in' their generations'; "that ye may receive"

52 great glory and an everlasting name. Was not Abraham found faithful in temptation, and it was

53 reckoned unto him for" righteousness? Joseph, in the time of his distress, kept the commandment,

54 and became lord of Egypt. Phinehas, our father, for that he was zealous exceedingly, obtained the

55 covenant =' of an everlasting'' priesthood. Joshua, for fulfilling the word*, became a judge in Israel.
56,57 Caleb, for bearing witness in*" the congregation, obtained '^land (as) an heritage'^. David, for being

58 merciful, inherited'' the throne of'' a ""kingdom for ever and ever". Elijah, for that he was exceeding

59 zealous for the Law, was taken up into heaven*^. Hananiah, Azariah (and) Mishael, believing (in

60 God)8, were saved from the flame. Daniel, for his innocency, was delivered from the mouth of the

61 lions''. And thus consider ye 'from generation to generation'; — all who hope in Him shall want for

62 nothing. And'' be not afraid of the words of a sinful man, for his glory [shall be]' dung and worms'".

63 To-day he shall be lifted up, and to-morrow" he shall in no wise be found, because he is returned

64 unto his dust, and his thought is perished. "And ye°, (my) children, be strong and show yourselves

65 men ''on behalf of the* Law''; for therein shall ye obtain glory. And behold Simeon your' brother,

66 I know that he is a man of counsel"; give ear unto him alway'; he shall be a father unto you. And

<i sons .A. ; they that were with him Ss "commanded X 'their altars A V KheAV ''-'■among the

sons X 'their 19 ''took S^ '"' > 64 "'their N'='' 64 93 "famine Ss ''our A p-r>Sitic

'J~i>7l 'our A "firstonesSs '> A "^" and ye shall receive E'' ^>A y the lot of

a covenant N 'holy A > 71 "words Luc. + of the Lord 11' '>>A <=-'' the heritage X IL' a heritage of

land V a land of heritage S""= ^'^ > 71 """'an everlasting kingdom A 71 'verses 59-63 are omitted by 71

BiL' •'lion N 64 '-'according to generation A ''>S'"'' 'Luc "a worm 19 S'"'^ IL^ °>A o-o>

N (hab S"") P-P> 71 liyour A 'our 93 "good counsel 3L^ counsel and intelligence S '> 3L'

44. sinners . . . lawless men. i.e. the renegade Israelites.

46. the children . . . Israel. An eloquent witness to the way in which the Hellenistic spirit had influenced the
Jews. The same applies to the mention of altars (i.e. idol-altars), for these verses evidently refer to Jews, cp. the
words of Josephus: '. . . and overthrew their idol-altars, and slew those that broke the laws, even all that he could
bring under his power, for many of them were dispersed among the nations round about them for fear of him (i.e.
Mattathias).'

47. sons of pride. Hebraism, cp. ' sons of tumult ' (ilNC '32) Jar. xlviii. 45 ; the reference is to the Syrians ;
cp. i. 21.

48. neither suffered they the sinner to triumph. oIk 'ihosKav Kipai rco AixapTaXa, Hebraism ; cp. Ps. Ixxv. 5,
' Lift not up your horn on high ' ; a frequent O.T. figure for strength.

49. And the days drew near ... A frequent O.T. phrase, cp. Gen. xlvii. 29; I Kings ii. I.
50 ff. With this enumeration of the deeds of the fathers, cp. Ecclus. xliv-xlix.

51. an everlasting name. On the ideas connected with this cp. the writer's Lz/e, Death, and 1 m mortality s
Studies in tlic Psalms, Lecture III.

52. . . . in temptation. Cp. Gen. xxii. i.
reckoned unto . . . Cp. Gen. xv. 6.

53. kept the commandment. Cp. Gen. xxxix. 9.

54. was zealous exceedingly. Cp. Num. xxv. 7, 13.

55. a judge. USb* in the sense of ' ruler ', cp. Mic. iv. 14.

56. for bearing witness . . . Cp. Num. xiii. 31, xiv. 24 ; Joshua xiv. 14.

57. the throne of a kingdom. Cp. 2 Sam. vii. 16.

58. exceeding zealous . . . Cp. i Kings xviii. 40, xix. 10.
was taken up . . . Cp. 2 Kings ii. 11.

59. Hananiah . . . Cp. Dan. i. 6 ff.
believing. Cp. Dan. iii. 17.

60. . . . of the lions. Cp. Dan. vi. 22.

61. shall want for nothing. Cp. Ps. xxxiv. 10.

63. To-day . . . Cp. Ps. cxlvi. 3, 4 ; Ecclus. x. 10.

64. Be strong . . . Cp. Joshua x. 25 ; i Sam. iv ; i Kings ii. 2.

I MACCABEES 2. 67—8. 11

Judas Maccabaeus, he" hath been strong and mighty" "from his youth"; he shall be your captain and

67 shall fight^ the battle^ of the people^ And ye, take you unto you all those who observe the Law

68 and avenge the wrong of your people. ''Render a recompense to the Gentiles, and take heed to the
commandments of the Law.'

), 7° And he blessed them, and was gathered unto his^ fathers. ''And he'' died in the one hundred and
forty-sixth" year*'"; sand his sons buried hims "in the sepulchres' of his fathers'' at Modin • ''and
all Israel made great lamentation for him''.

Judas Maccabaeus. IIL i — IX. 22.

III. 1-9. A Song ofpi-aise in hono2ir of Judas Maccabaeus.

I, 2 And his son Judas, 'who was called' Maccabaeus, rose up in his stead.
And all his brethren helped him,
And all they that clave unto" his father.
And they fought with gladness the battle of Israel.

3 And he" extended the glory °of his people",
And put on a breastplate as a giant,

And girt on his weapons of war.

^He set battles in array,

He protected ''the army with the sword'"'.

4 Ancl he was like a lion in his'' deeds :

And as a lion's whelp roaring for prey,

5 He pursued the lawless, seeking them out,
And burnt up those that troubled Miis peopled

6 And the lawless lost heart for fear of him,

And all the workers of lawlessness were sore troubled ;
*And deliverance prospered in his hand.*

1 And he angered many" kings,

And made Jacob'' glad with his acts.
And his memorial is blessed for ever.

8 And he went about among the cities of Judah,
And destroyed the ungodly^' thereout^,

And turned away wrath from Israel.

9 And he was renowned unto the utmost part of the earth,
And gathered together "those who were perishing^.

III. 10-26. Victories of Judas Maccabaeus over Apollonitis and Seron.

10 ''And ApoUonius gathered'' the Gentiles'^ together, and'' a great host from Samaria, to fight

11 against Israel. And Judas perceived it, and went forth to meet him, and smote him, and slew him ;

">NLuc "in might A w-w> 71 ^ye shall fight A y battles Luc ^ for the people 71 3L' S ^> this v. yi
''their S" (his «<=■") '=-'=> 71 ''Mattathias Luc "forty-eighth N 5'""= ' + of the kingdom Luc e Bhe was
buried N 71 E' h-h> 71 'sepulchre Luc k-k> 71

III. '-'>Si"'= ""followed 64 "Judas Luc iL- "-"by his word V P-P So that they fell in the battle ;

and he raised up shields against the fortresses Ss i~9with his sword in battle V '' > X * "> A '~'> 93

''>93Se X Israel Luc ^kings 64 ^ thereon A '^-'^A^oWonms, [as subject) V'' t-b^v" "> 19 ''>S5

68. Render a recompense. Cp. Ps. cxxxvi. 11 (Sept.).

69. and was gathered ... A regular O.T. phrase, cp. e.g. Gen. xxv. S ; Deut. xxxii. 50, cp. also Acts xiii. 36.

70. in the one hundred and forty-sixth year. i.e. 167-166 B.C.

III. I. Judas. Hebr. mi,T.

who was called Maccabaeus. Cp. ii. 4, 66, v. 24 ; 2 Mace. ii. 19, viii. i.
3-9. In his panegyric on Judas Maccabaeus the author adopts a poetical form.

3. giant, yi'yiis is not a good rendering of "1133, which means ' hero ' ; for the Sept. usage see, e.g., Gen. x. 9, Isa. iii. 2.

weapons of war. ra o-xeuj) to. TvoXefiiKii = nDHTO v3, cp. I Sam. viii. 12.

4. like a lion. Cp. 2 Mace. xi. 11.

5. burnt up. Better 'exterminated', according to the sense of lya in 2 Sam. iv. 1 1 ; unless it is meant literally
cp. ?'7'. 5, 44, 2 Mace. viii. 33 ; this was regarded as the most degrading death, cp. Lev. xx. 14, xxi. 9; Deut. x.xi. 23;
Joshua vii. 25 ; Amos ii. 1.

7. his memorial . . . Cp. Prov. x. 7.

10. ApoUonius. Cp. i. 29 and 2 Mace. v. 24 ; Josephus, Antiq. XII. v. 5, vii. I.

I MACCABEES 3. 12-30

12 and many fell wounded to death, and the rest fled. And they" took their spoils''; and Judas took
the sword of Apollonius, and therewith fought he all (his) days.

13 And Seron, the commander of the host of Syria, heard that Judas had gathered ^a gathering and^

14 a congregation of faithful men with him, ^and' of such as went out to war'' ; and he said : 'I will make
a name for myself, and get me glory in the kingdom ; and I will light against Judas'' and them that

15 arc with him, that' set at nought the word of the king.' ■" And he went up again™ ; and there went up

16 with him a mighty army of the ungodly to help him, to take vengeance on the children of Israel.
And he° came near to the ascent of Bethhoron ; and Judas" went forth to meet him? with a small

17 company. But ''when they"" saw the army coming to meet themi', they said unto Judas: 'What?' shall
we be able, being a small company, to fight against so great "and strong" a multitude ? And we, for

18 our part, arc faint, having tasted no food this day.' And Judas said : ' It is an easy thing for many
to be shut up in the hands of a few, and there is no difference 'in the sight of Heaven" to save by

19 man\^ or by few : for victor)' in battle standeth not in the multitude of an host, but strength is from

20 Heaven''. They come unto us in>' fulness of insolence and lawlessness, ^to destroy us and our wives

22 and our children, for" to spoil US'" ; but we fight for our lives and our laws. And He Himself" will

23 discomfit them before our face ; but as for you, be ye not afraid of them.' Now when he" had left
off speaking, he'' leapt suddenly upon them, and Seron and his army were discomfited ^before him''.

24 And they pursued them' at the descent of Bethhoron unto the plain ; and there fell of them about
eight hundred men ; and the rest fled into sthe land of= the Philistines.

25 Then began the fear of Judas ''and of his brethren"", and the dread (of them) fell upon the nations'

26 round about them. And his name came near even unto the king; and ''every nation'' told of
the battles' of Judas.

III. 27-37. Lysias is couuiiissioncd to continue the war against the Jews dtiring
tlic absence of Antiochiis in Persia.

27 But when Antiochus the king"" heard these words he was full of indignation ; and he sent and

28 gathered together all the forces "of his kingdom", °an exceeding strong army'". And he opened his
treasury and gave his forces pay for a" year, and commanded them to be ready* for every need''.

29 And he saw that the money failed from his treasures, and that the tributes of the country were
small, because of the dissension and harm which he had brought upon the land (in seeking) to take

30 away the laws which had been (in vogue) from the earliest times ; and he feared (therefore) that he
would not have (enough), as (he had had) at other times, for the charges and the gifts which he gave

"he 19 farms (///. vessels) A g-g> Si"<: ^~^> S> ■> Luc '' + the son K 'and those that A

"'~'"/?<'a^z>?g-Kai TTpoo-cflcTo Toi; aj/a/3i;rat (nipyp fIDVI) ; and he prepared himself 3L' > 31^ "they V Luc °he Sk
Pthem. V64 9-9> 71 "^ + that were with him Luc ^him A V (them V) 'How 71 "'">A ''it';
©///.before "the God of Heaven N V him that dwelleth in Heaven SB ^the Heavenly One 19 64 y>A

»-'>*8 aand7iS'"=IL ''the Lord Luc S'""^ ''Judas Luc ^they S^ ''">93 'him X 8-g> V
h-li> 19 'all the nations 31' ''''the nations N 64 93 'acts 93 S m-^^iuc u-ii> ^j ''-°> ■».* (hub

X ca^ Pthe A 9 + for a year A "'all things 1L^

15. and he went up again. See critical note.

16. the ascent of Bethhoron. About five hours' journey north-west of Jerusalem. ' From a military point of view
Bethhoron was an important outpost, and to an invading force from the maritime plain the key to Jerusalem ; cp.
Joshua X. 16-26 ' (Fairweather and Black, in loc).

18. to save by many or by few. Cp. I Sam. xiv. 6.

22. He Himself. Thus avoiding the mention of the name of God ; this is characteristic of later usage ; cp. ii. 61.

23. were discomfited. awTpiHeii' has a stronger meaning, ' were utterly crushed '.

28. pay for a year. This suggests that his forces could not always be relied upon. The extravagance of
Antiochus Epiphancs (cp. ?'. 30) and the way in which he squandered money on public displays, games, and the like,
must have oiten made it difficult to find the wherewithal to pay his soldiers, in consequence of which discontent would
have manifested itself. The Jews had a great advantage here, since, in fighting, they were actuated solely by patriotic
motives. According to Josephus {Bett. Itui. L ii. 5) the Jews never employed mercenary troops until the time of
Hyrcanus I (135-107 B.C.).

to be ready for every need. The meaning is, presumably, that they were not necessarily to be employed
against the Jews only, but that they were to be prepared to go anywhere ; this provision was necessary, for with his
Egyptian campaigns Antiochus was always in need of soldiers. In 2 Mace. v. 5-1 1, e.g., we are told that he was
hurriedly called back from an Egyptian campaign in order to quell an outbreak in Judaea under Jason.

30. the gifts which . . . with a liberal hand. Cp. the words of Polybius (x.Kvi. l): 'Rational people were at
a loss what to think about him. Some regarded him as a simple and homely man, others looked upon him as crazed.
... To some he gave bone dice, to others dates, to others gold. But if perchance he should meet anyone whom he
had never seen before, he would give him unexpected presents ' (quoted by Fairweather and Black, in loc). Grimm
mentions that in one of his Egyptian campaigns Antiochus gave a piece of gold to every Greek in Naukratis
(Polybius, xxviii. 17. II) ; cp. also Dan. xi. 24, ' In time of security shall he come even upon the fattest places of the

I MACCABEES 3. 31-37

31 aforetime with a liberal hand, — ^and he was more lavish than the kings that were before him^ He
was (therefore) exceedingly perplexed in his mind ; so he' determined to go to Persia, and to take

32 tributes of the countries", and (thus) to gather much money. And he leff Lysias, an honourable
man, and ''one of the seed royaP", (to be) over the affairs of the king from the river Euphrates unto

34 the borders of Egypt, and to bring up his son Antiochus until he should return. And he delivered unto
him the half of the forces, and the elephants, and gave him charge over all the things that he would

35 have done and concerning them'' ^that dwell in Judaea and Jerusalem, (namely) that he should send
a host ^against them^ to root out''*' and destroy the strength'' of Israel and'' the remnant of Jerusalem,

36 and ''to take away'' their" memorial from the place ; and that he should make strangers to dwell in

37 all their borders, and that he should ^divide their land by lot''. And the king took the half that
remained of the forces, and removed from Antioch, sfrom his'' royal citys, *(in) the one hundred and
forty-seventh year' ; and he passed over the river Euphrates, and went through the upper countries.

«"^> A *theyA Antiochus Luc " country S'"" ^ sent X* (left N<=-") ^^"by race (belonging) to

the king S'""-" . . . the kingdom Ss ... the country iL ^all them A y y> 93 z-i> g? afo drive

out A'V 64 93 ''name SB "+ to take away Luc '*"<'> Luc "^its A ' 'take possession of their land A

take possession of their land and divide it by lot 3L g g > IL^ ''the Sg ' '>7i

province ; and he shall do that which his fathers have not done, nor his fathers' fathers ; he shall scatter among them
prey, and spoil, and substance.'

31. Persia, and to take . . . countries, i. e. the countries east of the Euphrates under the rule of the Seleucidae ;
cp. vi. 56, where the reference is to Media and Persia.

to gather much money. ' The temples of the Asiatics had hitherto been for the most part respected by their
European conquerors, and large stores of the precious metals were accumulated in them. Epiphanes saw in these
hoards the means of relieving his own necessities, and determined to seize and confiscate them. Besides plundering
the temple of Jehovah at Jerusalem (see i. 2 1-23 ), he made a journey into the south-eastern portion of his empire, about
165 B.C., for the express purpose of conducting in person the collection of the sacred treasures. It was while he was
engaged in this unpopular work that a spirit of disaffection showed itself; the East took arms no less than the West ;
and in Persia, or upon its borders, the avaricious monarch was forced to retire before the opposition which his ill-
judged measures had provoked, and to allow one of the doomed temples to escape him' (cp. vi. 1-4), Rawlinson, The
Sei'enth Great Oriental Motiarchy, p. 5.

32. Lysias. For the part played by this general during the Maccabaean struggle, see, besides this passage, iv. I fif.,
28 fif., vi. 5 ff., 28 ff., 51 ff. ; he was put to death at the accession of Demetrius 1, in 162 B.C. (vii. 1-4) ; see also
2 Mace. X. II ff., xi-xii. i, xiii. i-xiv. 2 ; the two accounts are not always in agreement.

one of the seed royaL HDIPCn ynt[tD] as in I Kings i. 46 ; Jer. xli. i ; Dan. i. 3, or nsi'DDn ynt as in 2 Kings
xi. I ; 2 Chron. xxii. 10.

the affairs of the king. For the phrase cp. 2 Mace. viii. 8, x. 11, xi. i.

33. his son Antiochus. The future Antiochus 'V, sumamed Eupator (cp. vi. 17), ' on account of the virtues of his
father,' according to Appian (quoted by G. A. Smith in ED 187) ; he was murdered, after two years' reign, together
with Lysias (see vii. 1-4 ; 2 Mace. xiv. 2).

34. elephants. The Persians were the first to use elephants in warfare, as far as is known ; they are first mentioned
in this connexion as having been used in the army of Darius at the battle of Arbela, in 331 B. C. They are referred to
several times in this book ; vi. 34 ff., where they are described as being furnished with towers of wood, and as being
driven by an Indian (cp. 2 Mace. xiv. 12) ; see also viii. 6, xi. 56 ; 2 Mace. xi. 4, xiii. 15.

35. to root out. ToO iKTpl^m ; Cod. A has the milder word toC eKp\-^m, ' to drive out.'

the strength. The Syriac Version reads ' the name ', which in the Old Testament is not infrequently used as
equivalent to ' seed ', Num. xxvii. 4 ; Deut. xxv. 6 ; Ruth iv. 5, 10; I Sam. xxiv. 22 ; Isa. xiv. 22, c&c.

36. strangers, uious dXXorpiouf is a Hebraism, "133 ':3.

divide their land by lot. i.e. apportion it to others, cp. Ps. Ixxviii. 55 ; this is the reading of X KaroKXrjpo-

37. Antioch, Not, of course, the Pisidian Antioch, though this, too, was founded by the Seleucid kings about
300 B. c. ; but the Syrian Antioch, built (300 B. C.) by Seleucus Nicator on the left bank of the Orontes. It was
situated just where the Libanus range joins the Taurus range. ' Holm has summed up in a striking sentence the
historical position of Antioch under the Seleucid kings. Although close to the sea (amn'Kovs avdqpfpai', Strabo, p. 751),
it was yet no seaport : on the borders of the desert, it was yet something more than a centre for the caravan trade
between the East and the West. The city reflected the character of the kingdom of which it was the capital,
a kingdom which itself also was neither a genuine naval nor a genuine land power. Antioch was a Greek city, just as
the Seleucid kingdom was an attempt to impose upon the Orient the political ideas and forms of Hellas. Yet. in the
capital, as in the kingdom at large, there was no true Hellenism ; the commingling of Oriental and Western elements
resulted in the perpetuation of the worst features of both races, and the moral worthlessness of the Syrian found in the
brilliance and artistic temperament of the Greek merely the means of concealing the crudities of his own life. The
characteristic failing of the Greek also was exhibited on a great scale. A third element, and that the one most
important for biblical history, was provided by the Jews. The colony was in fact coeval with the city, for it dated
from the time of Seleucus Nicator, who gave the Jews the same privileges as he gave the Greeks (Josephus, Antiq.
XII. iii. i). For this connexion with the Syrian kings see I Mace. xi. 42 ff.' {EB 185.)

the one hundred and forty-seventh year. 166-165 B.C.

the upper countries. Cp. vi. i, 2 Mace. ix. 25. Grimm quotes Polybius {v. 40. 5) and Arrian (iii. 6. 12) as
referring in similar terms to Persia and Media.

I MACCABEES 3. 38-47

III. 38-60. Lysias dispatches an army iiilo the laud of Jtidali under Ptolemy, Nicanor, and
Gorgias. Judas Maccabaeus prepares for the coming struggle.

38 And Lysias chose ■'Ptolemy the son of' Dorymenes, and Nicanor, and Gorgias, mighty men of the

39 king's friends ; and with them he sent forty ■ thousand footmen, and seven thousand horse, to go into

40 the land of Judah, and to destroy it, according to the king's command. And they™ removed with

41 all their host, and came and pitched near Emmaus in the plain countr}'. And the merchants of the
country heard tell of them, and took silver and gold exceeding much, together with fetters", and
came into the camp, to take the children of Israel as slaves. And there were added unto them
troops from Syria and from the land of the Philistines".

42 And Judas and his brethren saw that evils were multiplied, and that the forces (of the enemy)
were encamping^ in their borders ; and theyi took knowledge of the king's'' commands which he had

43 put forth (with a view) to bring about the destruction and annihilation of the people. So they said,
each man to his neighbour : ' Let us raise up the ruin^ of our people, 'and let us fight for our people'

44 and the Holy Place." And the" congregation was gathered together, so as to be ready for battle, and
to pray and to ask for mercy and compassion.

45 And Jerusalem was uninhabited like a wilderness,

There was none of her offspring that went in ^or went ouf.

And the Sanctuary was trodden down,

And the sons of strangers (dwelt) in the citadel,

A lodging-place for Gentiles (it became) ;

And joy ""'was taken away"' from Jacob,

And the pipe and the harp ceased.

46 And they gathered themselves together, and came to Mizpeh", over against Jerusalem ; for in

47 Mizpeh there had been aforetime a place of prayer for Israel. And they fasted that day, and put on

k-k> V 'fifty V ten S ™ +who were round about Ptolemy Luc "^bands and fetters S ; servants

(jraiSar for TTfSat) (5 (= S.) ; 'fetters' Josephus <>S; ///. strangers ffi IL Phad surrounded S8 ihe S8

•■ royal A = kingdom IL" '-'>AV "all the 'V ^-^> N* (/z^^i X'-a) 'V 71 iL' """ was brought to an

end 64 ^Massephaffi

38 fF. With this section cp. 2 Mace. viii. 8-22 ; Josephus, Antiq. XII. vii. 3.

Ptolemy the son of Dorymenes. Cp. 2 Mace. iv. 45, viii. 3, .x. 12, in this last passage he has the surname
Macron, and is described as being friendly disposed to the jews ; he committed suicide by taking poison because he
was regarded as a traitor for abandoning Cyprus. This is the only mention of him in i Mace.

Nicanor. Cp. vii. 26-50 ; 2 Mace. viii. 9, xiv, xv.

Georgias. Cp. v. 56 ff. ; 2 Mace. x. 14, xii. 32-7.

forty thousand. See critical note. In 2 Mace. viii. 9 the number is 20,000, no mention being made of
horsemen.

to destroy it. Better ' to lay it waste '.

40. Emmaus. Not the Emmaus of Luke xxiv. 13, but a city in the plain into which the mountains of Judaea slope
down ; It IS twenty-two Roman miles from Jerusalem on the road to Joppa ; the modern Ainwas. It was fortified by
Bacchides, cp. ix. 50.

41. the merchants of the country. In earlier days the Edomites are mentioned as slave-dealers (cp. Amos i.
6, 9);^ in Ezek. xxvn. 13 Javan (Greeks), Tubal, and Mesheeh (probably peoples of Asia Minor) are said to have traded
with the persons of men ' ; from the fifth century B. c. onwards Syrian slaves, among whom Jews were reckoned, were
in great demand in Greece (cp. Robertson Smith, in the E>icyd. Brit. xiii. 705). The Phoenicians played a leading role
in the slave-market ; Rawlinson (Hist, of Phoenicia, p. 296) says : ' The traffic in slaves was one in which the
Phoenicians engaged from very early times. They were not above kidnapping men, women, and children in one
country and selling them m another ; besides which they seem to have frequented regularly the principal slave-marts
01 the time. 1 hey bought such Jews as were taken captive and sold into slavery by the neighbourintr nations.' See
further 2 Mace. viu. II, 34. ° °

fetters. See critical note.

troops from Syria . . According to Josephus these were ' auxiliaries (o-iVMax"') out of Syria and the country
round about, as also some of the renegade Jews ' (Antiq. XII. vii. 3), i. e. presumably volunteers who joined either from
the love of lighting, or from the hope of plunder, or possibly out of sheer hatred of the lews

Philistines. See critical note.
43. each man to his neighbour. See note on ii. 40.

45. This verse was probably in poetical form in the original ; it is full of O.T. thoughts and expressions.
uninhabited. Cp. Isa. v. 9, vi. 11 ; Jer. ix. 11, xlvi. 19.

there was none of her offspring. Cp. Jer. x.\xiii. 10.

that went in or went out. Cp. Jer. xxxvii. 4; Zech. viii. 10.

the Sanctuary . . . Cp. Ps. Ixxix. i.

the sons of strangers. See note on v. 36.

A lodging-place ... Cp. Isa. i. 8.

joy was taken away. Cp. Lam. v. 15 ; Isa. xxiv. 11 ; Hos. ix. i.

the pipe . . . ceased. Cp. Isa. xiv. u, xxiv. 8.

46. aforetime a place of prayer. Cp. i Sam. vii. 6-9.

I MACCABEES 3. 48—4. 10

48 sackcloth, and put^ ashes upon their heads^, and rent their clothes. And they spread out the roll
of the Law, (one of those) concerning which the Gentiles were wont to make search ''''in order to depict

49 upon them^ likenesses of their idols''. And they brought the priestly garments, and the firstfruits, and

50 the tithes ; and they shaved "= the Nazirites who had accomplished their days. And they cried aloud ''
toward heaven, saying: 'What shall we do with these men, and whither shall we carry them away?

51 For** thy Holy Place is trodden down and defiled, and thy priests are in heaviness and brought low.

52 And, behold, the Gentiles are gathered together against us to destroy us ; thou knowest what things

54 they imagine against us. How shall we be able to stand before them unless thou help us? ' And
they sounded with the trumpets', sand cried with a loud voices.

55 And after this Judas appointed leaders of the people, captains of thousands, and captains of

56 hundreds, ''and captains of fifties'', and captains of tens. And he said to them that were building
houses, and were betrothing wives, and were planting vineyards, and were fearful, that they should

57 return, each man to his own house, according to the Law'. And the army removed, and encamped''

58 on the south of Emmaus. And Judas said : ' Gird yourselves, 'and be' valiant men ; and be ready
on the morrow to fight against these Gentiles that are assembled together against us to destroy us,

59 and our Holy Place ; for it is better for us to die ""in battle"" than to look upon the evils (that have

60 comet upon our nation and the Holy Place. Nevertheless, as may be the will in heaven, "so shall
he do".'

IV. 1-35. Victory of Judas over Gorgias.

i4 I And Gorgias took five thousand (foot-) men, and a thousand chosen horse; and the'' army moved
- by night so that it might fall upon the army of the Jews'* and smite them suddenly ; and (certain)"

3 men from the citadel were his'' guides. And Judas heard thereof and he removed, he and the valiant

4 men, that he might smite the king's host, which was at Emmaus, while as yet the forces were

5 dispersed from the camp. And Gorgias came into the camp of Judas by night", and found no man ;

6 and he sought them in the mountains, for he said : ' These men flee from us.' And as soon as it was
day, Judas appeared in the plain with*^ three thousand men; howbeit, they had not armour nor

7 swords as they would have wished (to have had). And they saw the camp of the Gentiles strong

8 (and) fortified, and horsemen compassing it round about ; and these were experienced in war. And
Judass said to the men that were with him : ' Fear ye not their multitude, neither ''be ye afraid of"

9 their onset. Remember how our fathers' were saved in the Red Sea, when Pharaoh pursued them
10 with a host''. And now, let us cry' unto heaven"", "if he will have mercy upon us", "and'" will

y> ffi [exc 55) ; S'"'' 3L' supply the ve?-b 'head X V Luc a-a> gj (^^^ 55 71) b-bj^nfj mourned before the

Holy One concerning the Gentiles, because they forced them to imitate their ways S'"° "raised up G (cut 55)

<"///. with a voice: with a great voice 93 eAnd ffi > SB »' + fortiter 3L' g-g>E' ''-''> N* (/wiJ N"-^) ^g

' + of Moses 3L' •'assembled 51' '"'> 93 "'""'> 93 """so be it done ESe

IV. ^ his 19 93 S'"" ''JudahS'"" +by night 19 93 S'"<= ^theA "l to them 3'"= 3L «> S'"'= f+onlyiL^
sheS'"" ''-''> 71 'brethren 3L' "^ a great host S'"" IL ' we will cry N ""theLord;! our Lord It'

"-" Several cursives Sb IL' ; if he will have us N A V °-°> -ji i' + the Lord S'"'<=

48. they spread out ... In order that the roll of the Law might bear witness before God against the blasphemous
proceeding ot the Gentiles.

49. and they brought ... All these acts were intended to witness against the evils which the Gentiles had
wrought, and thus call down upon them the divine wrath.

54. they soucded with the trumpets. Cp. Num. x. i ff
58. be valiant men. Cp. 2 Sam. ii. 7, xiii. 28 (Sept.).

be ready on the morrow. Cp. E.xod. xxxiv. 2, xix. 15.
60. so shall he do. Another instance of the way in which the mention of the name of God is avoided in this book.

IV. With vv. 1-25 cp. Josephus, Antiq. XII. vii. 4.

1. Gorgias . . . The non-mention of Nicanor, the commander-in-chief (cp. 2 Mace. viii. 23, 24), does not
necessarily imply that he was not the guiding spirit ; the writer is giving the details of one episode in the campaign,
in which Gorgias is the leading figure ; he is, therefore, not concerned with the question as to under whose orders
Gorgias was acting. That there was not one in chief command responsible for the general conduct of the operations,
is difficult to believe. Cp. Josephus : ' But when the enemy sent Gorgias . . .'

2. men from the citadel. oX v\o\ tijs uKpas, Hebraism. Josephus speaks of them as 'renegade Jews'.

3. Emmaus. See note on iii. 40.

5. and he sought them in the mountains, i.e. in the mountainous district south and east of Emmaus ; Judas
was thus drawing this detachment of the enemy further and further away from the main body with which he intended
to deal (see v. 13) ; cp. Josephus: 'And he resolved to fall upon those enemies that were in their camp, now that their
forces were divided.'

6. three thousand men. So, too, according to Josephus ; in 2 Mace. viii. 16 the number is given as 6,oco.

7. experienced in war. SiSaKro! Tto\efiov, Hebraism, cp. Song of Songs iii. 8 nCTOtJ noPD.

I MACCABEES 4. 11-29

1 1 remember "the covenant of the'' fathers", and destroy this army before our" face to-day ° ; and (then)

12 all the Gentiles will know that there is one who redeemeth 'and saveth' Israel. And the strangers"

13 lifted lip their eyes and saw them coming against them, and they went out of the camp to battle.

14 And they that were with Judas sounded the trumpets, ^and joined battle\ ^^and the Gentiles

15 were discomfited, and fled unto the plain. And all^^ the hindmost fell by the sword: and they
pursued them unto Gazera, and unto the plains of Idumaea^ and^ Azotus and Jamnia ; and there
fell of them about three thousand men.

16, 17 And Judas and (his)'" host returned ''from pursuing after them"; and he'= said unto the people :

18 ' Be not greedy of the spoils, for (another) "^ battle is before us, and Gorgias and (his)'= host are nigh
unto us ^in the mountain''. «But stand ye now against our enemies^, and fight (against) them, and

19 afterwards take the spoils with boldness.' While Judas was yet saying •> these things, there appeared a

20 part of them peering out from the mountain ; and they .saw that (their host) had been put to flight,
and that (the Jews)' were burning the'' camp,— for the smoke 'that was seen' made manifest what had

2 1 been done. And when they perceived these things they were sore afraid ; and perceiving also the
22, 23 army of Judas '"in the plain"" ready for battle, they" all fled into the land of the Philistines". And

Judas returned to the spoil of the camp, and took much gold and silver, and blue'', and "sea-purple",
24 and great riches. And as they returned they sang a .song of thanksgiving, and blessed "^'(God',

looking up) to heaven', (and saying) :

' Good (is the Lord), for his mercy endureth for ever.' ="
-5 And Israel had a great" deliverance that day.

IV. 26-35. Victory of Judas over Lysias.

26 But as many of the Gentiles'^ as had been saved came and reported to Lysias all that had happened.

27 And when he had heard all'" he was confounded ''and discouraged", both because it had not
happened unto Israel as he had wished, and because the things which the king had commanded him^
had not come about.

28 And in the next year he'' gathered together sixty thousand chosen [foot-]men, and five thousand

29 horse, to make war upon them*. And they came into Judaea^ and encamped at Bethsura, and Judas

1" the first covenant S "^ a^xx, several cursives ^ your 64 '-*> S* (/^a^ N '==') >» the Greeks Ss ''-"'> Ss
" with them Luc ='>S8 yjudsaAVig '+untoLuc ='I9 93S"'<= ^-b > ji^i cj^jas Luc dLucS'"" =64 93

f-f > SB 8-g > 93 h T.R. S IL ; lit. filling up X A V &c., reading Nb»:J3 for bbcto ' they that were with Judas
Luc ''their Luc '"' > 93 m-m > §g n and they S'"<= ° S ;///. strangers ffi p precious hyacinth

stones S'"" 9~9 purple and sea A i"'"> 71 Possibly ijuXoyow fiV oipavi'iv here and in v. 55 = D'ODP 13131

(cf. 1 Chron. xxix. 20 for construction) where, therefore, ovpavos = 6(6s. Hence ' they blessed Heaven ; for He is good,
&c.' [Gen. Editor] =~*the Lord that is in the heavens S *T.R. " > Luc ''///. strangers (!5 ; the Greeks S?
''>XV ^-^>V y>l9 93 5'"«1L • Lysias T.K. » Israel Luc " N' ; B reads I^oufiami/

12. and the strangers lifted np their . . . From vz'. 3, 4. Judas evidently intended a surprise attack, but this
verse shows that his intention was frustrated. On the other hand, Josephus definitely states that the enemy's defeat
was due to Judas"s une.xpected attack ; ' so he commanded the trumpeters to sound for the battle ; and by thus falling
upon the enemies when they did not expect it, and thereby astonishing and disturbing their minds, he slew many of
those that resisted him.'

15. Gazera. The ancient Gezer, cp. Joshua x. 33, xii. 12, xvi. 3, &c. ; see further the note on xiii. 43.

Azotus. Ashdod, cp. Joshua xi. 22 ; I Sam. v. 5 ; 2 Chron. x.Kvi. 6, &c., the modern Asdud.

Jamnia. Jabneel, cp. Joshua xv. 11, called Jabneh in 2 Chron. xxvi. 6.

the plains of Idumaea, This reading cannot be right, for the border of Idumaea lay at least two days' journey
to the south-east of the scene of the battle, and the next day was the Sabbath, cp. 2 Mace. viii. 26, 27 ; in the next
verses Judas and his army are described as being near the mountainous region again ; had four days intervened some
mention would assuredly ha\e been made of it. Moreover, the three places 'Gazera, Azotus, and Jamnia' lie close
together, and the mention of Idum.aea in such a connexion is quite out of place. The reading 'plains of Judaea' is
equally strange, for Judaea lay behind the pursuers where the country was mountainous. It is possible that
' Kmmaus ' stood here originally (cp. iii. 40 ' Emmaus in the plain country'], the reference being to the plain in which
Emmaus stood.

23. blue and sea-purple. rb'ZV, ' violet stuff', cp. Ezek. xxiii. 6, xxvii. 7 ; used in reference to the Temple hangings
2 Chron. ii. 6, 13, 14; ;W1N 'purple-red cloth', generally mentioned with the former; 'sea-purple' refers to the fact
that the colour was not a manufactured dye, but that it was the slimy substance from a sea-shell (Murex tninciilus)
found in great quantities on the Phoenician coast ; the slime from these shells is white, but becomes gradually darker
when exposed to the rays of the sun, until it assumes a deep red, or a deep blue-red colour which never fades. Iminense
numbers of these shells have been found on the site of an ancient dye-factory near Tyre. According to Judges viii. 26
it would appear that the Midian kings wore a purple garment when going into battle.

24. for his mercy ... Cp. Ps. cxviii. 1-4, and the oft-repeated refrain in Ps. cxxxvi.

29. Judaea. This is what Josephus reads, as well as 2 Mace. xi. 5 (the parallel passage), see note v. 15.
Bethsura. 'The house of rock' (cp. Joshua xv. 58), in southern Judaea; ' Bethsuron ' in 2 Mace. xi. 5.

I MACCABEES 4. 30-43

30 met them witli ten thousand men. And he saw that the army" was strong, and he prayed, and
said :

' Blessed art thou'^, O Saviour *of Israel, who didst bring to nought the onslaught of the giant*^ by
the hand of ^ thy servant ^ David, and didst deliver the army of the Philistines into the hands of Jonathan

31 ''the son of Saul and of his armour-bearer^ Shut up' this army in the hands of thy people Israel,

32 that with their host and their horsemen they may be put to shame. ''Give them fearfulness of heart,
and cause the boldness of their strength to melt away, and let them quake at' their destruction''.

33 Cast them down with the sword of them that love thee, "and let all that know" thy name praise
thee with songs of thanksgiving".'

34 And they joined battle ; and there fell of the army of Lysias about five thousand men, and" they

35 fell down over against them. But when Lysias^ saw that his array had been put to flight, and the
boldness^ that had come upon them that were with Judas, ""and how ready they were either to live
or die nobly "■, he removed to Antioch, 'and gathered together mercenary troops, that he might come
again into Judaea with an even greater (army)'. W

IV. 36-61. T/ic Purification and Re-dedicaiion of the Te7nple ; the fortification
of the Temple-Mount and Bethsura.

36 But Judas and his brethren said : ' Behold, our enemies are discomfited ; let us go up to cleanse'

37 the Holy Place, and re-dedicate" it. And all the army was gathered together, and they'' went unto

38 mount Sion. And they saw our^' sanctuary laid desolate, and the altar profaned'', and the gates^
burned up, ''and shrubs growing in the courts as in a forest or upon one of the mountains, and the

39 chambers" (of the priests) pulled down''' ; "and they rent their garments", and made great lamenta-

40 tion, and put ashes ''on their heads'* ; and they fell on their faces to the ground, *and they '^blew

41 the solemn blasts'' upon the trumpets^, and cried unto heaven"''. Then' Judas appointed (a certain
number of) men to fight against those (that were) in the citadel, until he should have cleansed

42 the Holy Place. And he chose blameless priests, such as had delight in the Law ; and they''
44 cleansed the Holy Place, and' bare out the stones of defilement"" into an unclean place. And they

" +of them that were opposed Luc <• +Lord N '^"> 71 '///. mighty man, +Goliath 71 g-g > 71

h-h>7i i+LordiL ''-''>7l Mn 19 93 5'"" m-m > ^j " that have seen A " > 38 Phe 71

•i + and steadfastness IL' '"''^ > 7 1 '"' the MSS. and Versions vary here considerably ; but the general sense is

clear, and in accordance with the text above * that we may cleanse N "•" Luc " that we may re-dedicate X "'' Luc
that we may renew it S'"° ''he 93 '"the K V ^ waste 93 S^"'' y doors X '-'= > 71 » adornments S^
''disruta et detracta iL^ "'" %'i places these words after heads ^~^ > X 19 93 •" "et clamaverunt ad caelum

in tubis signorum 3L' f-f > Se b-« blew with glorious horns S'""' ''the Lord 71 'andS^ ''heLucSs

' +they Luc SB " +and placed them 3s +and cast them 3'"°

30-^2. In 2 Mace. xi. 6-8 this prayer is only referred to, not quoted ; but instead, mention is made of ' one on horse-
back in white apparel, brandishing weapons of gold ', who appeared at the head of the Jewish army, and led them on
to victory'. This fantastic elaboration is perhaps based on the two stories of David (i Sam. xvii. 40-54) and Jonathan
(I Sam. xiv. 1-16I ; in each case a champion came forth and delivered Israel.

34. they fell down over against them. i. e. they were struck down and fell at the feet of each individual Jewish
warrior, so fierce was the onslaught of the Jews.

36. cleanse, "ino is used of cleansing the Temple from unclean things in 2 Chron. xxix. 15, 16, 18, and from the
pollution of idolatrous images in 2 Chron. xxxiv. 3, 5, 8.

re-dedicate. The ritual of cleansing and re-dedicating is detailed in the verses which follow. The Hebrew
word for 'dedicate' (l^n) means lit. ' to train up a child' (Prov. xxii. 6) ; it is used in the sense of dedicating a house
in Deut. xx. 5, of the Temple in i Kings viii. 63 (= 2 Chron. vii. 5j.

38. the gates burned up. We have but scanty details of Zerubbabel's temple ; mention is made of the Miphkad Gate
(Neh. iii. 31) and of the Prison Gate (Neh. xii. 39) ; in Josephus (Contra Ap. i. 22, quoting Hecataeus) there is a
reference to ' double gates ' in the Temple, but this seems only to refer to one of the ordinary gates. These are the only
gates of which mention is made in the O.T., but there must certainly have been others, as there were in the first temple.
the chambers (of the priests), ra natrTocfiopca, cp. Ezra viii. 28, x. 6 ; Neh. iii. 30, x. ^y ff., xii. 44, xiii. 5 ff. ;
Josephus Antiq. XI. iv. 7, XIV. xvi. 2.

40. solemn blasts upon the trumpets. The reference is to the long drawn-out blasts on the ram's-horns. Cp.
Num. X. 10.

41. in the citadel. Cp. i. 33 ff.

42. blameless. afiM^ov?, lit. ' without blemish ', i.e. Levitical purity ; used originally in reference to physical blemish,
but later the idea of innocence and integrity is included, cp. Prov. i. 12, where the word (D'On) is used for soundness
in health ; see Deut. xviii. 13, where it occurs in the figurative sense, cp. Ps. c.xxxii. 9, 16. That a physical blemish was,
also in later times, an obstacle to the performing of the priestly office may be gathered from Josephus, Antiq. III. xii. 2 :
' He ordered that the priest who had any blemish should have his portion indeed among the priests, but he forbad
him to ascend the altar, or to enter into the holy house.' In the Talmud no less than 147 physical blemishes are
enumerated which make a man unfit to perform ministerial duties, cp. Krauss Talmudische ArchUologie, i, p. 250.

43. the stones of defilement. Cp. i. 54.

an unclean place. What is meant can be seen by a reference to Deut. xxiii. 12-14.
1105 81 G

I MACCABEES 4. 44—5. 2

took counsel concerning the altar of burnt offerings, which had been profaned, what they should do with

45 it. And a good idea occurred to them" (namely) to pull it down, lest it should be a reproach unto

46 them, because the Gentiles had defiled it ; so they pulled down the altar, and laid down the stones
in the mountain of the House, in a convenient place, until a prophet should come and decide" (as to

47 what should be done) concerning them. And they^ took whole stones according to the Law, and

48 built a ncwi altar after the fashion of the former (one) ; ""and they built the Holy Place, and the

49 inner parts of the house, and hallowed" the courts. And they made the holy* vessels new'', and they
brought the candlestick, and the altar of burnt offerings and of incense, and the table, into the

50 temple. And they burned incense upon the altar, and they lighted the lamps that were upon the

51 candlestick "in order to give light" in the temple". And they set loaves upon the table, and hung up

52 the veils, and finished all ""the works"' which they had undertaken. And they rose up early in the morn-
ing ''on the twenty-fifth (day) of the ninth^ month, which is the month Chislev, in the ""one hundred

53 and'' forty-eighth'' year''*', and'' offered sacrifice, according to the Law, '^upon the new altar of burnt

54 offerings which they had made"^. At" the corresponding time (of the month) and on the (corres-
ponding) day on which the Gentiles had profaned it, on that day' was it dedicated afresh, with songs

55 8and harps^and lutes, and with cymbals. And all ''the people'' fell upon their faces, and worshipped',

56 and gave praise, (looking up) unto heaven, to him who had prospered them. And they celebrated
the dedication of the altar for eight days, and offered burnt offerings ''with gladness'', 'and sacrificed

57 a sacrifice of deliverance "'and praise""'. And they decked the forefront of the temple with crowns
of gold" and small shields, and dedicated" afresh the gates and the chambers (of the priests), ^and

58 furnished them with doors''. lAnd there was exceeding great gladness among the people, and the

59 reproach of the Gentiles was turned away''. And Judas and his brethren and the whole congregation
of Israel ordained, that the days of the dedication of the altar should be kept *in their seasons year
by year for eight days, from the twenty-fifth (day) of the month Chislev, with gladness and joy'''.

60 And 'at that season' they built high walls" and strong'' towers around mount Sion, lest haply the

61 Gentiles should come and tread them™ down, ''as they had done aforetime^. And he set there^
a force to keep it^ and they fortified Bethsura •''to keep it% that the people might have a strong-
hold over against Idumaea.

V. 1-8. Victories of Judas over the Edomiies, Baeanites, and Ammonites.

* ' And it came to pass, when the Gentiles round about heard that the altar'' had been built^ and the
^sanctuary dedicated'', "as aforetime^ that they were exceeding wroth. And they determined'' to

"himS"'' "speak 3 answer 3L PheAV i > S'"<= '-''> 71 = he hallowed A V *>93

"">7I ^to be visible Luc w-w > gluo ^^>yi y>N •« > 64 ^ ninth Ss i' > N +ofthe
kingdom Luc <= > »8 'i-'i>7i >=AndatNV f>A s-8>Luc ^'^>7i i+God7i ''-k>7i
'' and a sacrifice of deliverance E= m-m > ^j » > n* (/;ai5 X<:a) " he dedicated .A p-p > ^luo q-q>7i

r— r

> 71 =greatjoylL' 't>7i "a high wall Luc ''high N* (strong N<:a) "itN-'-aq^ '^ " > 71

y>7l ^ them X' (it X *=■=■) ^-^>55S ^ •= 1 yj ^1

V. ''house S8 '=>7i E= «-«>7i f were wroth X* (determined X<="J

46. the mountain of the House. Cp. Mich. iii. 12 ; Jer. x.wi. 18 (DOn nn).

a prophet should come . . . The reference is probably to Deut. xviii. 18, which is not a ' Messianic' passage,
however it may have been interpreted subsequently. f 6 >

47. according to the Law. Cp. Exod. xx. 25 ; Deut. xxvii 6

.Jt ,S^ir°,'?!^!,"'='' ■ • • t*^^ a't^'" • ;, • and the table. These had been taken away by Antiochus Epiphanes,
see 1. 21, 22 , the three are again specifically mentioned in the two next verses t- r ,

Chi^lf; Jr^rP<=n''"r?'' n °^ '^K ^"^^J"^ Chanukkah, which has been observed ever since by the Jews. The month
r>W///.r W /■ y ^'^'^^"''T- .^''^^'^ {^eschichtc desVolke^ Israel iv. 407 [3rd ed.]), followed by Wellhausen
IX^h^xlttZt^^^^^ P\''°^' ^"'f^" "^^' "-^ '^^ ^5th Chislev a winter solstice feast had been

feist was e^rlv known ^^ time and that this was adapted and turned into the historical feast of Chanukkah. This
reeird^' the Lh^in J nf th ^ '^'' l^ Vt"-^ ^*TS '" Josephus, Antig. XII. vii. 7) ; two methods were in vogue
Isfon eic^sir^cPPHfn /h 7-^i '^' [°"°ys °f Shammai lit eight lamps on the first day of the festival, and one

added one on f^,rht"la^ ^f '^^ "?'" °^ '\ ^e^st; the Hillelites lit one lamp on the first day of the feast, and
The origin of the eUTH^Wf*"' f^\ '° "^' °" '^' ^^''K^''^ "^'^ht lamps were lit. ' The Talmudic sources . . . ascribe
\t the dedic^don of the ny,-ififH T • '? ■•.^/^."^'°'" of illuminating the houses, to the miracle said to have occurred
1 le H-rsntneTnrLst^T^ th^ '^ ""'^ ^"^^" ""^^ of consecrated oil found unpolluted by

until new orcZrbfnremreHr"^? '''" ^"v'"?'"'." ^^'^'"^ "^""^ ^"^^^^ ^"'d hidden away, lasted for ei^ht days,
somlXtlr' dita'c[:rsee 2 ALcc!i'T-ii °V ' ''"""'"'' *^"""' '"'''"'■ ^'^ '^4'')- ^or a legend'of

om'Imems^'cf^ .° KnSs^^"7. ^""^'^ ^^""''^^^- ^"''^P' ^"'^'^' °^^°^'^' "'^'''^ ^^'^'l^ "^^ s>"-" shields, were temporary
60. strong towers. Cp. i. 31.

■v. 1-8. Cf. Josephus, Antig, XII. viii. i.

I MACCABEES 5. 2-15

destroy (those of) the lace^ of Jacob "^that were in the midst of them'', and they began 'to slay and

3 to destroy among the people". And Judas fought against the children of Esau in Idumaea'' at
Akrabattine, because they annoyed Israel' by their attacks; and he smote them with a great

4 slaughter, "'and humbled" them'", and took spoils from them. And he remembered the malice of
the children of Baean, who were unto the people" a snare and a stumbling-block, lying in wait for

5 them Pin the ways''. And they were shut up by him in the towers ; and he encamped against'*
them, ''and utterly destroyed them', and burned'' 'with fire' "the towers of the place''", with all that

6 were" therein. Then he" passed over to the children of Ammon, and found (there) a mighty band,

7 and much people^, and Timotheus (who was) their leader. And he fought many battles with them,

8 ''and they were discomfited before him, '""and he smote them"^; and he gat possession of Jazer and
the villages'' thereof, and returned'- again into Judaea''.

V. 9-68. Victories of Simon in Galilee, and of Judas in Gilcad.

9 And the Gentiles that were in Gilead gathered themselves together against the Israelites that

were on their borders, to destroy them ; and they fled unto the stronghold of Dathema''. And they
sent letters unto Judas and his brethren, saying : ' The Gentiles that are round about us are gathered

1 together 'against us' ^to destroy us ; and they are preparing to come and get possession of the

2 strongholds whereunto we'' have fled for refuge ; and Timotheus is leading their host. Now, there-

3 fore, 'come and deliver us from their hand, for a number of us are fallen, and all our brethren' that
were in the (parts) of Tubias have been put to death, and they have carried into captivity their wives

4 and their children and their'' belongings, and have destroyed there about a thousand men.' While
the' letters were yet being read, behold, there came other messengers from Galilee with their

5 garments rent, bringing a report to the following effect, saying" : ' There be gathered together
against them (men) from Ptolemais, and Tyre "and Sidon", and all Galilee of the Gentiles, to

Bseed Luc '' *>> 71 ' 'to persecute and to kill them 3L' '^]\\A's.'e.-s. X 'Amalek N* (Israel N'=-»)

m-m > iL' " scattered Se <> + of Israel Ss p-p > Ss 1 cast aside A >• ■' > IL' » they burned S'»<=

t-t y. V u-u their towers 3L' "///. thereof > S'"" "^ dwelt N <= » 55 ^ Judas 64 93 E' y +and a

mighty band N V Luc ^~^ > 3L' ""^ > 19 '' ''"'• daughters " they returned N Judas ret. 64 93

"i Idumaea V 5'""= "^RamothSs ''~f>X SB and have carried us off and are occupying the stronghold H'

•"they N* (we X <=•") '-' > 71 '' > S'">= ' these 55 Sl"<= ■» The words ivhichfolloiu are in direct narration

in Sfi, but in oblique narration in ffi IL "-" > S''"'^

2. (those of I the race of Jacob. The reading ' seed of J.', though not well attested, is more likely to be correct,
being more in accordance with O.T. usage, cp. Ps. xxii. 23, Isa. xlv. 19, Jer. xxxiii. 26, &c.

3. the children of Esau. Cp. Gen. xxxvi. 10, 19.

Akrabattine. Cp. D^3"lpV n7yD (Joshua .\v. 3, Judges i. 36) ; a spot in the hill-country in the south-west
of Palestine, which formed the boundary of Judaea, cp. Num. xxxiv. 4.

and he smote them with a great slaughter. A characteristic Hebrew phrase : npnj n3D DDN "]'1.
humbled them and . . . For the phraseology cp. Deut. .xxviii. 29.

4. the children of Baean. This name does not occur elsewhere ; Blau (quoted by Bissell, in loc.) says : 'The
region in which the event described in I Mace. v. 1-6 took place is the same as that which the table by Karnack calls
Bajaa, near Kapharbaruk, east from Hebron, where in the time of the Maccabees Idumaeans settled. In my opinion,
J'3 '33 signifies simply the inhabitants of the place Bajjan.' Grimm holds that Baean can only refer to the ancestor of
a tribe, on the analogy of ' the children of Esau '.

a snare and a stumbling-block. Cp. Ps. Ixviii. 23 (Sept.), = Ixix. 22 (E.V.).

5. utterly destroyed. dvaSeiinTliai = D'lnn ; cp. i Sam. xv. 8.
burned . . . the towers. Cp. Judges ix. 49.

6. the children of Ammon. Like the Edomites, traditional enemies of Israel, cp. Judges xi. 4, 12 ; 2 Sam. x. 6-14.
a mighty band. Lit. ' a mighty hand ' ; a Hebraism, npfn T, used in Num. xx. 20 of the fighting power of the

Edomites.

Timotheus . . . their leader. Probably an Ammonite who had assumed a Greek name, in accordance with a
frequent custom in those times.

7. and he smote them. Cp. note on i'. 3.

8. he gat possession. TTpoKaTcikajijiaviijem implies a sudden taking possession.

Jazer. A place on the east of Jordan occupied by the Amorites originally (Num. xxi. 32), later by the tribe of
Gad (Num. xxxii. 25 ; Joshua xiii. 25 ; i Chron. vi. 81).

the villages thereof. Lit. the 'daughters thereof, a Hebraism ; the 'land of Jazer' was a fertile region with
villages dependent upon the city ; see Num. xxxii. I ; Isa. xvi. 8 ; Jer. xlviii. 32.

9. Gilead. The reference here is to the ' land of Gilead ', i.e. the mountainous district on the east of Jordan between
the Yarrauk in the north, and the Arnon in the south ; the river Jabbok cuts this region into two parts (cf. Num.
.xxxii. 29 ; Joshua xxii. 9 ; Judges x. 8, xx. l).

Dathema. This place has not been identified. On the letter contained in vv. 10-13 see Intr. § 7. i {a).
13. Tubias. Cp. 2 Mace. xii. 17 ; ' the land of Tob ' (Judges xi. 3, 5 ; 2 Sam. x. 6, 8), twelve miles south-east of the
Sea of Galilee.

15. Ptolemais. The Accho or Akka of the O.T., cp. Judges i. 31 : Joshua xix. 24-31. It is uncertain when this
name was changed to Ptolemais ; the city had already received it for some time by the end of the third century B.C.

«3 G 2

I MACCABEES 5. 16-34

,(i consume us.' Now wlicn Judas and" the people^ heard these words, there assembled together

a ^reat gatheriivr to consult what they should do "for their brethren who were in tribulation and
iTbefn? attacked by the enemy ^1. And Judas said unto Simon his brother: 'Choose out men_ for

thyself, and go and deliver thy^ brethren in Galilee, while I and Jonathan my brother will go into
18 Gilcad ' And he left Joseph the son of Zacharias, and Azarias, as leaders of the people, with the
, g rest of the army, in Judaea, to guard it. And 'he commanded them, saying' : ' Take ye the charge of
"o this people and engage not in battle with the Gentiles until we return." And three thousand men were

allotted unto Simon to go into Galilee, and eight thousand men" unto Judas (to go)^ into Gilead.
21 And Simon went into Galilee, and engaged in many'' battles with the Gentiles, and the Gentiles

were discomfited before him. And he pursued them unto the gatc^' of Ptolemais ; and there fell of
,, the Gentiles^ about three thousand men, and he took their spoils. And he^ took nhose (that were)='

in" Galilee and Arbatta with (their) wives and children, and brought'' them'^ into Judaea ''with great

gladness ^ 1,1

•.4 And Judas Maccabaeusf and ^his brother^ Jonathan passed over Jordan, and went three days
^e journey in the wilderness; and they fell in with the Nabataeans, and these met them in a peaceable

26 manner, and recounted to them all things that had befallen their brethren in Gilead ; and how that
many of them were shut up in Bosora, and Bosor, and Alema, Casphor, Maked, and Carnaim,— all''

27 these cities (being) strong and great ; *and how that they were shut up in the rest'' of the cities of
Gilead', and that" on the morrow (the enemies) had planned' to encamp -"against the stronghold"",

28 and to take (it)", and to destroy all those^ (who were in it) in one day. And Judas and his army
turned suddenly "by the way of'' the wilderness unto Bosora' ; and he took" the city, and slew all the
males' "with the edge of the sword", and took all their spoils, and burned'' it (i.e. the city)'' with fire.

29, 30 And he'' removed thence^ by night, and went on'^ until (he reached) the stronghold. And when it
was morning they lifted up their eyes'', and behold (there was) a great multitude ''which could not
be numbered'', bearing ladders and engines (of war), to take the stronghold"^ ; and they were fighting

31 against them (that were in the stronghold). And when Judas saw that the battle had begun, and

32 that the cry of the city'' went up to* heaven, with trumpets and 'a great sound f, he» said unto the

33 men of his host: ' Plght this day for your'' brethren.' And he' went forth behind them in three

34 companies, and they"* sounded with trumpets, and cried out in prayer. And the army of Timotheus
perceived that it was Maccabaeus, and they fled from before him ; and he' smote them with a great""

° + all5564S8 Phis brethren Sb q<!>7i ■■ijy tj^em X V &c. by him A » > X 93 our 55 64 '"'and

he said unto them 7 1 " > 71 '^ this is expressed in S)^'^'' " > V ^cities A gates 55 > 19 71

93 S'"" y + in that day 55 ^ Simon Luc '^ *them A '^ Hi. from "they brought A V ''all as many as
were with them S8 ^-^>-jl '■>7i 8-8 > 71 !> > X* (/^ai^ N <=■») 71 •-■>7I l' other K > Ss

' intended to attack (///. to trouble) 64 m-m^g^ ^ pliir. <& S>'^ ; but see next jsoie and iiote'^ beloiu "them 19 64
+ and the rest of the cities of Gilead 71 P > S'"" 111055 ''+ a journey f///. a way) of three days 55 "fell
upon S'"= *+thereof55 "">7I ''they burned N " it ffi S IL == Judas 64 93 ^ > 71 "they went on
S 64 93 ^ + and saw S'"" 3L> ""'' > X* (/;ai5 X«-^) '^plur.K) d battle E' "unto (fws for eir) A 55 (= S'"«)
'-*■> 71 + from the city U' 8 Judas 55 64 93 hourX<=''AV 'Judas6493 ''he A 'theyiL' ™>7i

Ptolemy Lagi destroyed it in B.C. 312 when it was still called Akka ; very possibly the renovated city which sub-
sequently arose took its name from him ; but as he only had possession of it for a very short time, it seems more likely
that it was named after Ptolemy II, who conquered the whole of Phoenicia, and retained possession of it. For the
history of the city during the Maccabaean struggle see I Mace. x. I, 39, 48-66, xii. 45 fif. ; Josephus, Antiq. XII. viii. I,
ii. 6, XIII. ii. 3, iv. i. 6. 9, vi. 2.

all Galilee of the Gentiles, i.e. Upper Galilee with its mixed Gentile population; cp. Isa. viii. 23, ix. i.

18. Joseph . . . and Azarias. See vv. 56-62 ; they are not mentioned otherwise.

23. Arbatta. Probably = Arabah, i.e. the valley of the Dead Sea (cp. Deut. i. 7; Joshua xi. 16, xii. 8, xviii. 18).

25. the Nabataeans. The Ishmaelite tribe of Nebaioth of the O.T. (Gen. xxv. 13), according to Josephus {Antiq.
I. xii. 4); Petra, their capital, became a great commercial centre in later days. G. A. Smith {Historical Geography of
Palestine, p. 547) says : ' Their inscriptions are scattered all over eastern Palestine, where they had many settlements,
and in Arabia, but have even been discovered in Italy, proving the extent of their trade.'

in a peaceable manner. Cp. ix. 35.

26. Bosora. i.e. Bozrah in Moab (cp. Jer. xlviii. 24), not the Bozrah in Edom (Isa. Ixiii. i).

Bosor. i.e. most likely = Bezer 'in the wilderness', in the inheritance of the Reubenites (Deut. iv. 43, Joshua
XX. 8, .\xi. 36) ; mentioned also on the Moabite Stone.

Alema, Casphor, Maked. These places are not otherwise mentioned ; they cannot be identified further than
that they were cities of Gilead, see ?'. 36.

Carnaim. Cp. Gen. xiv. 5 ; Deut. i. 4 ; Am. vi. 13 ; 2 Mace. xii. 21, 26.
29. the stronghold, i.e. Dathema.
33. And he went forth . . . Cp. Judges vii. 16.

cried out in prayer, i.e. a battle-cry which was also a prayer, cp. Judges, vii. 18, where the cry is: 'For the
Lord and for Gideon,' which was also preceded by the blowing of trumpets. Cp. the battle-cry, ' Allah, Allah!' of
the Turks (Grimm), and ' For God and St. George ! ' of the English.

I MACCABEES 5.

35-oC

io slaughter ; and there fell of them "on that day" about eight thousand men. And he° turned asides
to Mizpeh and fought against it, ''and took if, and slew"^ all the males thereof, and took^ the spoils

56 thereof', and burned it with fire. From thence he" removed, and took Casphor, Maked, Bosor, and
the other cities "^of Gilead^.

?7 Now after these things Timotheus gathered another army, and encamped over against Raphon,

?8 beyond'' the brook. And Judas sent (men) to espy the army'' ; and they reported to him, saying^ :
'All the Gentiles ""that are round about us"-^ are gathered together unto them'', an exceeding" great

59 host ; and they have hired Arabians to help them, and are ''encamping beyond the brook'', ready to

40 come against thee* to battle.' And Judas went to meet them. And Timotheus said unto the
captains of his host, when Judas "^and his army' drew nigh unto the brook of water : ' If he pass over

41 unto us first, »\ve shall not be able to withstand him*", fors 'he will mightily prevail against us' ; but
''if he be afraid, and'' encamp beyond the river, we will cross over 'unto him', ""and prevail against

42 him°'°.' Now when Judas came nigh unto the brook °of water", he placed the officers'' of the people
•Jby the brook'', and "^commanded them, saying'': °' Suffer no man to encamp', but let all' come to

43 the battle.' And he crossed over first against them, and all" his'' people after'" him ; and all^ the
Gentiles were discomfited before his^ face, and cast away their"^ arms, and fled unto "the temple of*

44 Carnaim. And they'' took the city'=, and burned the temple'' with fire, together with all ''that were"
therein. 'And Carnaim was subdued'; neither could theys stand any longer before the face of
Judas.

45 And Judas gathered together all Israel, them that were in Gilead, ''from the least unto the
greatest'', and their 'wives, and their' children, and their belongings, an exceeding great army, that

46 the}' might come into the land of Judah. And they came as far as Ephron ; and this was a large
city at'' (the entrance of) the pass, exceeding strong ; it was not (possible) to turn aside 'from it'

47 either to the right or the left, but (one had) to go through the midst of it. And they of the city shut

48 them out, and stopped up the gates with stones. And Judas sent '"unto them"' with words of peace,
saying: ' We" would pass through" thyP land to go into our own land; and none shall harm you,

^g we will only pass by on our feet.' But they would not open unto him''. And Judas 'commanded

proclamation to be made' in the army, that each man should encamp in the place where he was.

5o 'And the men of the host' encamped" ; and they" fought against the city all that day and all that

u— u

>7l "Judas Luc p enclosed 3L' q-S'"'= '' they slew S'"" ' they took S'"'' t>S''= "Judas
Luc ^-■'>S8 «' in front of N at IL' ^ the land Ss y>7l ^-^ > 71 »you A ''himXESe

<=>7l '»-7i eusE^ f-''>7iS8 s-g>7i b before the face of him 55 S'"" '~'>iL' ''-''>7i
i~'>7i unto them SB m-m > ^ "them SbIL'- °-°>yi p//'/. scribes 1-1 > 71 '^-'" said 71

"-'leave no man behind $.' « > 71 " > 71 ^>NV "before A ^>Xl9 93S'»<= ytheirXE'

"all their A a-a --. 3(^1 •>+ that were round about Judas Luc heSelL^ "+ of Carnaim 55 ** the place IL'
«-e > N V Luc f-' > 3L' 8 he A 93 l'-'' > 71 ■-' > 71 ''X V (en-i instead of rj) '-' > 64 93

m-m>Si? "I A 1964 "intoA Pyour S''"'iL= ") them N* (him X') S'"'' E "'-■'proclaimed 71 '^'>7l
' city A ° he X

35. Mizpeh in Gilead ; cp. Judges xi. 29.

36. Casphor . . . See notes on v. 26.

37. Raphon. According to Pliny (quoted by Grimm) this was one of the cities of ' Decapolis ' ; Josephus {Aiitiq
XII. viii. 4) speaks of it as a ' city'.

the brook, x^t^iiippous = iriJ, ' a torrent ' of water in a narrow channel ; cp. Judges v. 21, &c.

39. Arabians. Cp. 2 Mace. xii. 10. L L L-

40. For he will mightily prevail against us. Grimm aptly refers to 2 Chron. xxxii. 13 (Sept.) = w ?3V 53^ .

42. ofBcers. roir -ypa/j/jaTfis = D^'IO'C'. Cp. Deut. XX. 5 ff. (Kautzsch).

43. and he crossed over first. That no attempt was made by Timotheus to oppose the Jews during this crossing
shows extraordinary ineptitude ; bad leadership on the part of the enemy must evidently have had much to do with
many of their defeats during the Maccabaean struggle.

the temple, rifievos is the entire piece of consecrated ground in which a temple stands ; regarding this temple
of Carnaim cp. 2 Mace. xii. 26.

45. from the least unto the greatest. A characteristic O.T. expression, ?nnj;i IDpD.

46. Ephron. According to Kautzsch, identical with the Tct^poOs or Vi(f)povti, mentioned by Polybius V. Ixx. 12, as
having been conquered by Antiochus the Great. From ;'7'. 43, 52 (cp. 2 Mace. xii. 27 f.) it must have lain in the
stretch of land between Ashtaroth and the Jordan, opposite Scythopolis or Beth-Shan (Grimm). The situation of the
city explains why it was not possible ■ to turn aside from it either to the right or the left ', i.e. the land was precipitous
on either side.

48. we would pass through . . . Cp. the similar request preferred by Moses to the king of Edom (Num. xx. 17)
and to the king of the Amorites (Num. xxi. 22). .

we will only pass by on our feet. Cp. the Hebrew phrase mayx VJ13 ' let me pass through with my feet'
(Num. XX. 19), the idea being that of rapidly passing through ; cp. Ps. ciii. 16.

49. each man should encamp ... In view of what is said in the next ?'., that they fought ' all that day ', it can
only be a temporary halt that is here referred to, not an encampment proper.

I MACCABEES 5. 51-6S

51 night • and ^thc city v was delivered into his"' hands ; and he'' destroyed all the males' with the edge
of the sword, and rased^ the city, and took^ the spoils thereof^ and passed'^ through the city over

52 them that were slain. And they'' went over Jordan into the great plain over against Bethshan.

53 "And Judas gathered together those that lagged behind, and encouraged the people all the way
r.4 through until" he came into the land of Judah. And they went up to mount Sion with gladness

and joy, and offered whole burnt offerings, because not so much as one of them was slain ^until they
returned in peace'.

55 And in the days when Judas and Jonathan'- were in the land"" of Gilead, and Simon 'his brother'

56 in Galilee ''before Ptolemais'', Joseph' the son of Zacharias, and Azarias, leaders'" of the armies" (in
.57 Judaea), heard of their exploits and of the war,— "what things they had done° ; and they said : ' Let

usP also make a name for ourselves, and «let us go'i fight' against the Gentiles that are round about

58 us.' "And they gave charge unto the (men) of the host' that was with them', and went toward

59, 60 Jamnia. And Gorgias and his men came out of the city "to meet them" in battle. And Joseph and

Azarias were put to flight, 'and were pursued'' unto the borders of Judaea"' ; and there fell on that

61 day "of the people'' of Israel about two thousand men. And there was a great overthrow ^'among

62 the people y, because they hearkened not unto Judas ^and his brethren, thinking to do some exploit ='^

63 But they were not of the seed of those men, by whose hand deliverance was given unto Israel. *" But
"the man" Judas and his brethren were glorified exceedingly in the sight of all Israel, and of alH the

64 Gentiles, wheresoever'' their name was heard of''; 'ands (men) gathered unto them, acclaiming
(them)'''.

65 And Judas and his brethren went forth, and fought against the children of Esau in the land toward
the south ; and he smote Hebron and the villages' thereof'', and pulled down the strongholds' thereof'",

66 and burned the towers thereof round about. "And he'' removed" to go into the land of the Philis-

67 tines'", and he went through Marisa". In that day (certain) priests fell in battle, desiring'' themselves^

68 to do exploits, in that they' went out to the war unadvisedly. And Judas turned aside to Azotus, to
the land of the Philistines, and pulled" down their altars, and burned the carved images of their gods'',
and took the spoil of their cities, and returned into "the land of'" Judah.

^-^it;! '^ their 'V 55 "they 55 93 y + thereof Luc 55 » they rased 19 S'""' ^ they took 1 9 S'"'-'

''ofthecityA " they passed 1 9 S'"" '•heSs <'-'>7i *"''> 71 e + his brother 19 93 S'"'

''>A '"'>7I ''-''> 71 'Josephus Luc ""//'/. rulers "armyX'V "-"which Judas had

waged (//A done) Luc > S'"'' P+we5S "i-9>7i "■ > 'V let us fight 71 s-s^-rj t > 51,1 "-"and
they stood before him V t-t > jj^i ™ Idumaea 19 (i5;// wr^?;/^/)/ jr/<7/) S'"" ^-^ > V' yy>7i in Israel

N"-^ among them 93 ^-»>7I * +him (^/t) A + they also Luc ''-''> 71 <=-» > S'"<; '^ > &s

' and wheresoever Ss f' > 71 ^> Si^ making 07ie seiitence iviih the fo7-egoing '"64 him 93 ^ lit.

daughters ''>7l ^ sing. K " > 71 " "And judas removed from thence Luc ° they Ss v lit.

strangers ^3L- Samaria ffi S IL' (^^^ «t)/<? (5^/ow) ^ reading ^ovkivoy-ivoi. ivith '&* ^reading av-roi with ^'^

^ reading ainow with T.R. ^this and the following verbs in the plur. S'"<= '^ + in fire X T.R. '^ '" > A

50. the city was delivered. For the expression cp. Gen. xiv. 20 ; Deut. iii. 3 ; Judges xi. 21 ; the idea was that
the Lord of hosts (i.e. of the Israelite hosts) brought this about ; cp. 2 Mace. xii. 36.

52. the great plain, i.e. the plain of Ksdraelon, between the Jordan and mount Gilboa ; Kautzsch suggests that
it was called the ' great ' plain because it was here much broader than the continuation of it east of Jordan.

Bethshan. Beth-Shean ; called Scythopolis in Judges i. 27 (Sept.) ; 2 Mace. xii. 29 ; Josephus. Antiq. XII. viii. 5,
XI II. vi. I ; Bell. hid. III. ix. 7 : one of the cities of the Decapolis, the only one of the ten lying on the west of
Jordan ; the modem Beisan.

56. Joseph . . . and Azarias. Cp. v. it!.

58. Jamnia. See note on iv. 15.

59. Gorgias. Cp. iii. 38 ; 2 Mace. viii. 9, ' a captain and one that had experience in matters of war.'

61. because they hearkened not . . . i.e. to the command given to them by Judas in v. 19. Josephus {Antiq.
XII. viii. 6) says concerning this : ' For besides the rest of Judas' sagacious counsels, one may well wonder at this
concerning the misfortune that befel the forces commanded by Joseph and Azarias, which he understood would
happen, if they broke any of the injunctions he had given them."

62. But they were not of the seed ... i.e. not Hasmonaeans; the writer apparently resents the idea that any
not belonging to the Hasmonaeans should take part in the national deliverance ; cp. note on iii. 28.

63. the man Judas. Cp. Exod. xi. 3, xxxii. i ; Num. xii. 3.

65. Hebron. The ancient Kirjath-Arba (Judges i. 10).
the villages thereof. Cp. note on ■;'. 8.

the strongholds. Cod. A reads ' stronghold ', i. e. the citadel.

66. Marisa. i.e. Mareshah in the plain of Judaea. The reading of all authorities, excepting 3L= and Josephus,
Antiq. XII. viii. 6), viz. ' Samaria ' cannot be right, for to go from Hebron to Philistia via Samaria without very special
reasons is unthinkable ; no reasons are given, but they certainly would have been given by the intelligent and careful
author of this book if this enormous detour had been undertaken.

67. In that day . . . This episode is not mentioned by Josephus ; but in 2 Mace. xii. 38-40, where, however, no
mention of priests is made, these men are said to have fallen because under their garments were found ' consecrated
tokens of the idols of jamnia '.

68. Azotus. See note on iv. 15.

pulled down their altars . . . Cp. x. 84.

I MACCABEES 6. 1-15

VI. 1-17. Death of Antiochns Epiphancs, and accession of his son, Antiochiis Eupator.

1 And king Antiochus was journeying through the upper countries ; and he heard that Elymais^, in

2 Persia, was* a city "renowned for riches, for silver and gold^ and that the temple which was in it
(was) rich exceedingly, and that therein (were) golden shields, and breastplates, and arms, which
Alexander, son of Philip'', the Macedonian" king, who reigned first among 'the Greeks^, had left

3 behind there. So he came and sought to take the city, "and to pillage its ; but he was not able (to

4 do so) because the thing had become known to them of the city. And they rose up'' against him to
battle'; and he fled, and removed'' thence with great heaviness, to return to Babylon.

5 And 'there came one bringing him tidings' into Persia"" that ""the armies, which went against

6 "the land of" Judah", had been put to flight ; and that Lysias had gone forth at the head of a strong
army, and had been put to shame before them ; ''and that they had wa.xed strong by reason of
arms "iand power, and with store of spoils'', which they took from the 'armies that they had cut off"'^''' ;

7 and that they had pulled down 'the abomination which he had built" upon the altar that was in
Jerusalem*; and that they had compassed about the sanctuary" with high walls, ''as (had been the

R case) formerly'", and Bethsura, ''his city^. And it came to pass, when the king heard these words,

he was struck with amazement and greatly moved ; and he laid him down upon (his) bed, and fell

9 sick for grief, because it had not befallen him as he had looked for. And he was there many days,

10 because great^ grief was renewed upon him ; and he^ reckoned that he was about to die. And he
called for all his Friends, and said unto them : ' Sleep departeth from mine eyes, and (my)''- heart

11 faileth ''for care''. ''And I said in (my) hearf. Unto what tribulation am I come, and how great

1 2 a flood is it wherein I now am ! For I was gracious and beloved in my power. But now I remem-
ber the evils which I did at Jerusalem, and that I took all'' the vessels 'of silver and gold that were

13 therein, and sent forth (armies) to destroy the' inhabitants" of Judah without a cause. I perceive
that on this account these evils are come upon me, and, behold, I perish ^through great griefs in

14 a strange land.' And he'' called for Philip, 'one of his Friends''', and set him over all his kingdom,

15 and gave him (his) diadem, and his robe, and (his) signet-ring, 'to the end that he should educate'

VI. "erXv^inis- N V (fi/ fAu/jaif 55) cXvjies A '' had N " '^glorious, and full of riches, possessing gold

and silver 3L^ ' <'>7I »>7I f fthem X g g > SB ^ ^vithstood 1L' ' > 93 '' > H' ''there

came (men) bringing tidings to him S'"" ™+to Antiochus 19935'"'= """the encampments in the land of Judah
ji^i 0-0 >f{ PP>7i i''i>A ■^"'^ the encampments 3L' ^ smitten Luc '* the execrable thing, the
monstrous thing which they had built in Jerusalem E' "had been built 19 93 S'"" ^ > 71 the altar and the

sanctuary Sg ™™>7i ^ " > N their city 19 93 S'"' 7 > Slue ^ Antiochus 64 93 » 19 93 5''"=

t.-b>7j o-<!>7i d>r57isinc 6-6>7i fallthe55 gg>7i •'Antiochus 64 93 '"'his

friend IL^ ''servants V ' 'to brine them to Luc S

VL I. Elymais. See critical note. Most commentators take Elymais as the name of a province (Elam of the
O.T. lying between Media and the Persian Gulf), and retain the ev, because a city of this name is unknown ; but the
preposition does not belong to the original text, and the whole context necessitates our regarding Elymais as a city,
and not as a province. Josephus (Antiq. XI L ix. i) speaks of 'a very rich city in Persia, called Elymais', and says
that Antiochus 'went in haste to Elymais, and assaulted it, and besieged it'. Elymais is mentioned in Tobit ii. 10,
where, however, it is thought of as a province ; but it is possible, and even probable, that the text in this passage is
based on a misunderstanding of an original Semitic form (see Dillon in the Contemporary Revicd', March, 1S9S,
referred to in EB col. 12S4). See next note.

2. the temple which was in it. Cp. 2 Mace. i. 12-17, w'here this episode is clearly referred to ; here this temple
is spoken of as that of Nanaea, one of the primeval Babylonian deities, = I nnanaea, called in later times Nana, and
identified with Ishtar ; she is spoken of as the 'goddess of the world', and also as the 'goddess of war' (see further
Jastrow, Die Religion Babylonicns und Assyriens, i. 76 f.). The chief centre of the cult of this goddess was the city
of Erech, and continued so to the very end of the Assyrian Empire. There is, therefore, the possibility that in the
name Elymais there lurks a corruption of some form of the name of Erech in the original Hebrew text.
had left behind there, i. e. as votive offerings.

5. the armies . . . had been put to flight, i.e. those of Seron (iii. 23), Nicanor (iv. 14), and Gorgias (iv. 22).

7. the abomination . . . Cp. i. 54.

10. Sleep . . . Cp. Gen. xxxi. 40 (Sept.). With this and the follow-ing vv. cp. 2 Mace. ix. 12-17: in Josephus
(Antiq. XIL ix. I) this speech is merely summarized.

13. these evils are come upon me. According to Polybius (xxxi. 11), who is, however, only repeating a tradition
(wt eVioi (jtaa-tv), 'these evils' constituted a species of madness, for he died SaifLnvrjiras . . . Sii to yeviaOai nvas f'ma-r]-
fiaalnt ToC Sainoviov Kara Tqv nepi to Trpoeipij^e'raf iepuv Tzapavoiiiav. The author of I Macc. is evidently preserving some
tradition based on fact, though he assigns the cause of Antiochus' disorder to his desecration of the temple at
Jerusalem, while Polybius traces it to strange apparitions seen during his attempt to rob the temple in Elymais.
Cp. the argument in Josephus {Antiq. XII. ix. l) who certainly does 7iot take the will for the deed!

in a strange land. This is a natural addition by a Jew who wishes to represent things as bad as possible for
the arch-enemy of his race, cp. for the conception Amos vii. 17. Antiochus the Great was killed while plundering the
temple at Elymais.

14. Philip. Cp. 2 Macc. v. 22, vi. II, viii. 8, ix. 29, see also I Macc. i. 6.

15. signet-ring. Cp. Gen. xli. 42 ; Esther iii. 10, viii. 2.

that he should educate . . . This duty had been assigned to Lysias (iii. 32-4) ; the reason for the change is

I MACCABEES 6. 16-35

16 Antiochus his son, '"and bring him up to be king"". And king" Antiochus died there "in the one

17 hundred and forty-ninth year". And when Lysias knew that the king was dead, he set up
Antiochus his (i.e. the king's) son to reign^, whom he had nourished up while yet young, and he
called his name Eupator.

VI. 18-54. The struggle between Judas and the forces wider Lysias and Eupator \

for the possession of Jerusalem and Bethsura.

18 And they that were in the citadel kept enclosing Israel round about the sanctuary, and continually

19 sought their hurt, "land (acted as) a support to the Gentilesi. And Judas'^ purposed to destroy

20 them, and called all' the people together to besiege them. 'And they were gathered together, and
besieged them' in "the one hundred and fiftieth year" ; and he" constructed siege-towers" against

21 them, and engines (of war). And there came forth some ''of them'' that were shut up, and unto

22 them were joined certain ungodly men of Israel^. And they went unto the king and said: 'How

23 long wilt thou not execute judgement, and (when wilt thou) avenge our brethren ? We were willing

24 to serve thy father, and to walk after his words, ''and to follow his commandments''. ^'^For this cause''
the children of our people ''besieged it (i.e. the citadel)"*", and were alienated from us, and' ^'as

25 many of us as they could light on^ they killed\ 'and they spoiled'' our inheritances'. And not

26 against us only did they stretch out their hand, but also against all their* borderlands. And, behold,
they are encamped this day against the citadel in Jerusalem with the object of capturing" it, and

2~. they have fortified the sanctuary™ and Bethsura. And if thou art not" beforehand with them quickly

they will do greater things than these, and thou wilt not" be able to control them.'

28 And the king was angry when he heard (this) ; and'' he gathered together all his Friends, (who

20 were) the leaders of his host, and them that were over the horse'i. And there came unto him'' from

,0 other kingdoms^ and from 'the isles of the sea', bands of mercenaries. And the number of his forces

was a hundred thousand footmen, and twenty thousand horsemen, and thirty-two elephants trained

31 for war. And they went through Idumaea, and encamped against Bethsura, and fought against (it)
many days, and made engines (of war) ; but "they (that were besieged)" came out and burned them

32 with fire, and fought manfully. And Judas removed from the citadel, and encamped at Beth-

33 zacharias, over against the king's camp. And the king rose early in the morning, and removed the
army in its eagerness "along the road to Beth-zacharias" ; and his forces prepared themselves" for

34 the battle, and sounded with trumpets. And they showed the elephants the blood of grapes and

35 mulberries, that they might prepare them for the battle. And they divided the beasts among the
phalanxes^, and they set by each elephant a thousand men armed with coats of mail, and helmets

'"-"' that he should reign Luc " > Ss <>-'>> 71 P + in his stead A V 19 64 Ss

'>7I *-»>N* (/"2'^N''-'') A71 "'"71 ''theyES « turrets to fight (from) S

salem X » + to the king IL' '■^>yi ^'^>Ti c«andNV '^ ''A 55

8-8 > X* {hab N <:■=•) ^pass. in (5 E S'"'^' act. in S8 ' ' > 71 "^ > X* {/lab X =■='1 ' thy 1/' ™ > 'V

the fortress 3L' with high walls 55 "ye be not X V 55 64 S'"" ° ye will not S'"'' P +he sent and 55

""tribute 55 chariots S 3L I'them S8 E' swings A V '"* many isles S'"* ""the children of Israel 55

T T ~> 7J w _;_;„ order that they might be ready 55 ''defiles A 71

1-'3> 71 SB

'■>S8

^"thereof A

yjeru-

^T.R. S'"'^

fbut A V

not given ; cp. Josephus {Antig. XII. ix. 2), who adds : ' But it was Lysias that declared his death to the multitude,
and appointed his son Antiochus to be king, of whom at present he had the care, and called him Eupator.' The
appointment of Philip was fraught with evil consequences, see vt. 55-63.

16. one hundred and forty-ninth year. 163 B.C.

17. while yet young. Appian (Syr. xlvi) says he was : ivvaezii iraihiov.
and he called his name. A very frequent O.T. phrase IDCTlX X^p''1.

Eupator. .A.ppian [ibid.) says: vpoaiB^Kav 01/0/xa Ein-dTwp oi Si'poi Sia t-iJk tov ■naTjiui apeTrjv.

18. kept enclosing . . . This is explained by Josephus {Antig. XII. ix. 3): ' For the soldiers that were in that
garrison rushed out suddenly, and destroyed such as were going up to the temple in order to offer their sacrifices ; for
this citadel adjoined to, and overlooked the temple.'

20. the one hundred and fiftieth year. 162 B. c.

21. ungodly men of Israel. Cp. i. 11.

26. they have fortified . . . Cp. iv. 60, 61.

30. a hundred thousand footmen . . . These numbers, which are also given by Josephus, are probably
exaggerated ; in 2 Mace. xm. 2, the number of horsemen given is still larger, but the other forces are smaller, though
there are added, ' three hundred chariots armed with scythes.'

32. Beth-zacharias. A place between Jerusalem and Beth-zur, an hour's walk to the south of Bethlehem : the
present Beth-zachaneh.

34. they showed the elephants . . . Grimm refers to Aelian, Ve Animat. xiii. 8 in support of the fact that
spirituous liquors were given to elephants in order to excite them. In the present case the liquor was only shown
to them, for had they drunk of it they would have got out of control. Josephus omits all reference to this. In
3 Mace. VI, 2 there is an account of the intention to give unmixed wine to elephants, and, when thoroughly maddened,
to drive them into an enclosure full of Jews, in order that the latter might be trampled upon.

I MACCABEES 6. 36-56

36 of brass ^on their heads^' ; and for each beast were appointed five hundred chosen horsemen. These
had previously been (with the beasts) ^wherever a beast was''; "and whithersoever it went, ''they

37 went together with (it)''; they did not leave it\ And towers of wood (were) upon them, strong

38 (and) covered, (one) upon each beast, girt fast '^''upon them with'' (special) contrivances'^; and upon
each were tthirty-'^twof men", fighting '^from them*^, ^and (each beast had) its Indian^. ''And the
residue of the horsemen he placed on this side and that side, on either wing of the army, '(thus)

39 striking terror (into the enemy, while) covering the phalanxes"". Now when the sun shone upon the

40 shields of gold ''and brass'', the mountains shone therewith, and blazed like torches 'of fire. And
a part' of the king's"" army 'was spread' upon the high" mountains, and some on the "low ground",

41 and they went on •'safely'^ and in orderi*. And all thaf heard the noise of their multitude, ^and of
themarching of the multitude, and the rattling of the arms^ did quake ; for the army was exceeding'

42 "great and" strong. And Judas and his army drew near for battle, and there fell of the king's army
six hundred men.

43 And Elcazar Avaran saw one of the beasts armed with royal breastplates, and he was higher than

44 all the (other) beasts, so that it appeared as though the king were upon it ; and he gave himself to

45 deliver his people and to acquire an everlasting name ; and he ran upon it courageously into the
midst of the phalanx", and slew on the right hand and on the left, and they parted asunder '"from

46 him"' on this side and on that ; and he crept under the elephant, ''and^ thrust him from beneath'',

47 and slew it ; and it fell to the earth upon him, and he died there. And when they"^ saw the strength
of the royal" (army), and the fierce onslaught'' of the hosts, they'= turned away from them.

4^ '^But they'^ of the king's army went up to Jerusalem to meet them, and the king encamped toward

49 Judaea, and toward mount Sion. And he made peace" with them of Bethsura ; for' theys came out
of the city, because they had no food there'' to be shut up therein (any longer), 'because it was

50 a sabbath to the land'. And the king took Bethsura, and appointed'' a garrison there to keep it.

51 And he encamped against the sanctuary many days, and set there siege-towers', and engines (of war),

52 and instruments for casting fire "and stones'", and pieces to cast darts and slings. And they (who

53 were besieged) also made engines against their engines, and fought for many" days. But there were
no victuals in the store-chambers" Pbecause it was the seventh year", and they that had fled for

54 safety ^to Judaea'' from the Gentiles had eaten up the residue of the store ; and there were (but)
a few men left in the sanctuary, because the famine prevailed against them, and they were scattered,
each man to his own place.

VI. 55~^3- ^'^ abortive treaty of peace.

55 And Lysias heard that Philip, whom Antiochus the king'' — while he was yet alive — appointed to

56 nourish up his son Antiochus^ that he might be king, had returned from Persia 'and Media', and

y y > Ss 2 2 > glue ji,/;;V/; jgins tile precediiig sentence to this verse " a > 7 , b u > j^i c-c > 7 j

'' ■'under it N > SB " «men of strength N V > two 19 55 64 ''^against them \i.c. ihefocs\ A g g> 71

h h > 7; i >striking with weapons Ss moving together in close order in legions 3L- ''"'' > A 55 71 ' '> N*
{hab N '■») "" > S'"'' " > X* {hah X '^•a) "" low mountains S'"<= P"I' cautiously IL' 1 with confidence S

'■ -I- inhabited the earth IL- 8"=>7i '>V "'u>Ss ^defileA;: w"" > 64 x x > 3(^1 y +the

sword 19 64 « Judas Luc " /zV. of the kingdom '^p/ur.A '^JudasLuc ''"'' and some A ■S'"" «>A

*7//. and s\iQ-^ but the sense of the passage shoias that this is wrong l" > 93 S'"'' ' ' > E' ''smote A

' turrets to fight (from) S '''-'''>V7I " > N* V "T.R.V sanctuary X A &c. . pp>7I i-«>S'"<=

r ^ ;$'"*' ^ >■ S'"*^ ' ' > 71

37. thirty-two. This is, of course, an impossible number ; Grimm, following Michaelis, suggests in the original
the reading Q'Jt*' \:hv {' two (or) three ') which, through a copyist's error, became WX}^ W^bv (' thirty-two ') ; Fair-
weather and Black offer the ingenious suggestion that ' possibly the original text may have read D'K'pB' ("picked
warriors"), the term used in Exod. xiv. 7, xv. 4 of the picked men in Pharaoh's chariots, which the translator mistook
for WVbVt (" thirty ")' ; some Greek MSS. read ' thirty ', and X V read ' thirty men of strength '. The usual number of
warriors on an elephant was three or four.

its Indian. This name came to be applied to the driver whether an Indian or not.

39. the shields of gold . . . This is merely a rhetorical picture.

43. Eleazar Avaran. Cp. ii. 5.

45. they parted asunder from him. i. e. they could not withstand his onslaught.

47. they turned away from them. An instance of the general trustworthiness of the writer, who does not conceal
the fact of defeat; that he does not enlarge upon it is very excusable; cp. Josephus, Bell. lud. I. i. 5. In 2 Mace,
xiii. 22, 23 the Jewish defeat is represented as a victory.

49. it was a sabbath to the land. i.e. a Sabbatical year, cp. Exod. xxiii. 10, 11 ; Lev. xxv. 2-7 ; cp. v. 53.

51. pieces. Lit. ' little scorpions,' so called because part of the ' piece ', or instrument, resembled the uplifted tail of
a scorpion. The Hebrew word D'3"lpV occurs in I Kings xii. 11, 14 ; 2 Chron. x. II, 14.

53. they that had fled for safety ... i.e. those from Gilead and Galilee, see v. 23. 45.

55. Philip. Cp. V. 14.

ill

I MACCABEES 6. 56—7. 7

with him the forces that went with" the king, and that he was seeking to take unto him the govern-
ment'. And he" made haste, and gave consent to depart ; and he'' said ^to the king and^ to the
leaders of the host and to the^ men : ' ^We languish daily'', and our food is scant, and the place which
^8 we are besieging is strong'', and the affairs of the kingdom lie upon us ; now therefore let us give the
'rn right hand to these men, and make peace ''with them'', '^and with all their nation'' ; and let us settle
" with them that they (be permitted) to walk after their own laws, as aforetime ; for because of their

60 laws which we abolished were they angered, and did all these things.' And the saying pleased the

61 king and the leaders, and he sent unto them to make peace" ; and they^ accepted thereof. And the
king Kand the leaders" sware unto them in accordance with these (conditions) ; (thereupon) they''

62 carne forth from the stronghold, and the king entered into mount Sion. But (when) he saw the
strength of the place, he set at nought the oath 'which he had sworn, and gave commandment' to

63 pull down'' the wall round about. And he' removed in haste, and returned unto Antioch,and found
Philip master of the city; and he fought against him, and took the city '"by force"".

\'II. 1-20. Dciiictrins becomes king of Syria; Bacchides and Alchimns sent against the Jews.

' I In the one hundred and fifty-first^" year Demetrius the son of Seleucus came forth from Rome, and

2 went up with a few men ''unto a city" by the sea'\ and reigned there. And ■'it came to pass'', when
he had formed the purpose of entering into the house of the kingdom of his fathers, that the soldiery"

3 laid hands on Antiochus and Lysias, to bring them unto him. 'And when the thing was made known

4 to him8 he' said: 'Show me not their faces.' And the soldiery slew them. And Demetrius sat

5 upon the throne of his kingdom. And there came unto him all the lawless and ungodly men of
•5 Israel ; and Aicimus"" led them, desiring to be (high)' priest. And they accused the people unto the

king, saying : ' Judas and his brethren have destroyed all thy Friends, and have scattered us from

7 our'' land'. Now therefore send a man whom thou trustest, and let him go and see ""all the havock

which he hath made of us and of the king's country"", and "let him punish" them and all thaf^ helped

">A55lL' ■' regni negotia 3L^ the affairs of the kingdom 3'"'^ '"they A '^ Lysias Luc y-y > E^

«+ great 64 93 =»" it is all up here 5'"° i* is firm and strongly fortified S'"" <= ■= > X <i''>7i « +with

them Luc 'he A se>7i i"heA ''>7l ''and they (he 64 71) pulled down A Luc ' they A
m-m > gg 3L

VII. ^fiftieth S8 i'^'' to abide in a city ill =//?/?-. S'"" ^^^>Ti » the captains of the forces S f'and
when they had been brought, Demetrius 1L' e > V •» + their leader X ' S ^ their Ss ' +and from

our people 55 ""■" these things 71 n" 55 ; S A 'V &c. he hath punished "those that 71

59. to walk after their laws. To achieve this was the one object, originally at any rate, of the Maccabaean
struggle.
63. returned unto Antioch. See the further details given by Josephus (Antiq. XII. ix. 7) ; cp. also 2 Mace. xiii. 4-7.

V'll. I. the one hundred and fifty-first year. 162-161 B.C.

Demetrius the son of Seleucus. The first of the name, called also Soter, on account of his having delivered
the Babylonians from the satrap Heraclides; he reigned 162-150 B.C. His father was Seleucus I'V, surnamed
Philopator.

came forth from Rome. i.e. he escaped from Rome, mainly through the help of Polybius the historian, where
he was as a boy sent as a hostage in place of Antiochus Epiphanes, his uncle. He escaped to Tripolis, the ' city by
the sea' (cp. 2 Mace. xiv. I ; Josephus, Antiq. XII. x. l).

a few men. According to Polybius, five men and three boys ; in 2 Mace. xiv. I he is said to have arrived in
Tripolis ' with a mighty host and a fleet ';

and reigned there. Rather, proclaimed himself king there, cp. x. I, xi. 54; Josephus (Antiq. XII. x. l) says:
'and set the diadem on his own head.' Polybius (xxxi. 20. 4 f.) says that while Demetrius was yet in Rome his
guardian Diodorus brought him the news from Syria that distrust had arisen between Lysias and the Syrians, in
consequence of which there was much turmoil in the land of his fathers. It was owing to the advice of Diodorus, who
assured him that he would be welcomed in Syria, that he determined to escape. The event proved that he was well
advised.

2. the house of the kingdom, i.e. Antioch, the royal city, cp. Dan. iv. (27) 29.

the soldiery. The Syriac rendering is probably more strictly correct, ' the captains of the forces.'

3. And when the thing was made known to him. See critical note.

Show me not their faces. A hint that they should be put away; Josephus says they were ' immediately put to
death by the command of Demetrius '.

4. the throne of his kingdom. He was the rightful heir.

5. the lawless and ungodly men. i. e. those who did not obey the Law (Torah), the Hellenizing element.
Alcimus. According to Josephus 'IiKfifior, a graecized form of D"p; abbreviated from D''p;i'S« (= Eliakim), cp.

2 Kings xviii. iS, &c., another form of the name is Jehoiakim.

desiring to be (high-) priest. According to 2 Mace. xiv. 7 he had already been high-priest, but had 'laid
aside' his 'ancestral glory,' meaning the high-priesthood. Josephus [Atitiq. XII. x. l) speaks of him as 'high-priest',
and makes no mention of his now desiring to be so; and, again, in X.X. x. i he says: 'Antiochus (Eupator) and
Lysias, the general of his army, deprived Onias, who was also called Menelaus, of the high-priesthood, and slew him
at Beraea, and put Jacimus into the place of the high-priest, one that was indeed of the stock of Aaron, but not of this
house' (i.e. of Onias). The words before us are, therefore, not strictly correct, and must be understood in the sense
of desiring to be confirmed in the office by the new king, cp. v. 9.

I MACCABEES 7. 8-25

8 them.' And the king chose Bacchides, (one) of the king's friends'', who was ruler in the country

9 beyond the river, ''and was a great man in the kingdom, and faithful to the king. And he sent him'',
and the ungodly Alcimus, and made'' sure to him the (high-) priesthood'' ; and he commanded hirn
to take vengeance upon the children of Israel.

,0 And they' removed, "and came" with a great host into 'the land of Judah"''; and he'' sent
J J messengers to Judas and his brethren with words of peace, deceitfully. But they crave no^ heed to
, 2 their words ; for they saw that they were come'' with a great host. And there was gathered together
, , unto Alcimus and Bacchides a company of scribes, to seek for justice. And the Chassidim were the
J , first among ''the children of" Israel that sought peace of them ; for they said : 'One that is a priest
J- of the seed of Aaron is come ^with the forces, and he" will do us no wrong''. And he spake with

them words of peace, and sware unto them, saying : ' We will seek the hurt neither of you nor of your
i(, friends.' And they believed him ; and he laid hands on threescore men of them, and slew them in

one day, according to the ''words which (the psalmist)'' wrote'":
I- The flesh of thy saints and their blood
They poured out around Jerusalem ;
And there was no man to bury them.

18 And the fear ''and the dread^ of them fell upon all the people, for they said : ' There is neither truth

19 nor judgement in them ; for they have broken s the covenant and the oath which they sware.' And
Bacchides removed from Jerusalem, and encamped in Bezeth ; and he sent'' and took many' of the
deserters that were with'' him, and certain of the people, and slew them, (and cast them) into the

20 great pit. And he delivered the land to Alcimus, and left with him a force to aid him ; and
Bacchides went away unto the king.

VII. 21-50. Judas takes vengeance on the deserters ; his victories over Nicauor.

22 And Alcimus strove for the high-priesthood'. And there were gathered unto him all they that
troubled their people, and they got the mastery of the land of Judah, and did'" great hurt in Israel.

23 And Judas saw all the mischief that Alcimus and his company had wrought among the children of

24 Israel, worse than (that of) the Gentiles ; and he went out into all the coasts of Judaea" round about,
and took vengeance on "the men'' that had deserted from him", and they were restrained from going

23 forth into the'' country. But when Alcimus saw'' that Judas and his company waxed strong, and

P the king's Friend V 'Ji>7i 'theymadeAV » high priesthood V the.A. "'" > 71 »-^ Judaea V

Judah 64 93 * > 31' ^ they 5'"'' y> Luc ^ + against them Luc 3'"<^ a a > gg '^''tousiL' <^^theyS'""=
''-''word which the prophet spoke S word of Asaph the prophet 55 3L' "the prophet Xi^-^Luc 3 Asaph the

prophet 55 '-f > S'''° 1L- «+ the judgement and 19 93 S'"= t" > Ss i > c,iuf ''from Luc 'priest-
hood N 55 > 93 ■"hedidS'"o "+andA °" the children of the deserters E' p + and (on those) A
1 their SB ^ heard H''

S. Bacchides. Cp. Josephus (Anlig. XIL x. 2), who speaks of him as 'a friend of Antiochus Epiphanes, a good
man (a reading which Grimm disputes], and one that had been entrusted with all .Mesopotamia.'
the river, i.e. the Euphrates, cp. Isa. viii. 7 ; Zech. ix. 10.

13. the Chassidim. See note on ii. 42.

14. one that is a priest, ai^dpanos Upeis, a Hebraism Jrib t^'X, cp. Lev. .xxi. 9.

16. which (the psalmist) wrote. In different MSS. the subject ('the psalmist') varies; 'the prophet', 'David',
' Asaph ' occur.

17. The flesh ... A shortened form of Ps. Ixxix. 2, 3.

thy saints. I'TPOi '• e. Chassidim, cp. z'. 13; this word was most probably the reason for which the writer
quoted the passage, for the circumstances of the Psalm are not analogous to the occurrence here described.

18. the fear and the dread of them. Cp. Isa. viii. 13.
neither truth nor judgement. Cp. Ps. cxi. 7.

they have broken the covenant, jrapiii^crav Tt]v ardcrw, tit. ' they have transgressed the statute ' ; in the O.T.
the usual phrase is JTiaTlS ^3J; (Joshua vii. II, &c.), but T\'''\2, 'covenant ', is not infrequently = to pn (npn), ' statute'
(e.g. Isa. .vxv. 5 ; Ps. 1. 16).

the oath which they sware. See 1'. 15.

19. Bezeth. Josephus {Aniiq. XII. x. 2, xi. i), ' the village called Bethzetha ' (= Br;5fai5u, ' the house of the olive ',
cp. Judith V. 2j, Hebr. n'f n''3 ; in Bell. hid. V. iv. 2 Josephus speaks of Bezetha as the new quarter of Jerusalem [Kawr]
n-oAis). Probably the place is to be identified with this.

the deserters that were with him. i.e. that had been with him (Bacchides). Judas did likewise, see v. 24.
the great pit. <ppeap, lit. ' well ' or ' cistern ' ( = ISO) ; the use of the definite article shows it was well known.
21. strove for . . . Cp. note on v. 5 ; the meaning is that he strove to retain the office he already possessed, cp.
Josephus [Aniiq. XII. x. 3).

24. into all the coasts, i. e. the whole border of, cp. Judges xxi.v. ig. ?N"lt;" A^i ?33.
they were restrained ... i. e. they were besieged in their fenced cities.

25. But when Alcimus ... In 2 Mace. xiv. 26 the return of Alcimus is stated to be the understanding that had
been arrived at between Judas and Nicanor; the account in Josephus {Antiq. XII. x. 3, 4) does not agree with this.

I MACCABEES 7. 25-45

knew that he was not" able to withstand them', he returned to the king", and brought evil accusations

( ''^And the kiiig'^' sent Nicanor, ''one of his honourable princes, a man that hated Israel and was their
2, enemy' and commanded him to destroy the people. And Nicanor came to Jerusalem with a great
28 host ■ and he sent unto Judas and his brethren deceitfully'' with words of peace, saymg : ' Let there

be no battle between me and you^ ; I" will come with a few men, that I may see Vour faces'' m
.9 peace." And hc"^ ''came to Judas'*, and the\- saluted one another peaceably^ But the enemies were

ready to take away Judas by violence. And the thing became known to Judas, (namely) that he
,, came unto him with deceit ; and he was sore afraid of him, and would see his face no more. And

(when) Nicanor knew that his purpose was discovered, he went out to meet Judas ^ in battle f beside

32 Capharsalama ; and there fell of those (that were) with Nicanor about five hundreds men, and they
fled into the city of David ^

33 And 'after these things' Nicanor went up to mount Sion ; and there came some of the priests out
of the sanctuary, and some of the elders of the people, to salute him peaceably, and to show him the

34 whole burnt sacrifice that was being offered for the king ; but he mocked them, and laughed at them,

35 and polluted them, and spake haughtily, and sware in a rage, saying: ' Unless Judas and his army
be now delivered into my hands, it shall be that, if I come again in safety, I will burn up this house.'

36 And he went forth with great'' wrath. And the priests entered in, and stood before the altar and

37 the temple', and wept and said : ' Thou" didst choose this house to be called by thy name, to be a

38 house of prayer "and supplication" for thy people ; take vengeance on this man and his army, and
let them "fall by the sword" ; remember their blasphemies, and suffer them not to live any longer.'

30 And Nicanor went forth from Jerusalem, and encamped in Bethhoron, and there met him the host

40 of Syria. And Judas encamped in Adasa with three thousand men ; and Judas prayed, and said:

41 'When they that came from the king blasphemed, thine angel went out and smote among them one

42 hundred and eighty-five thousand. Iwen so crush' this army before us to-day; and let all the rest
know that he hath spoken wickedly against thy sanctuary ; and judge him« according to his wicked-

4,"; ness.' And the armies joined battle ""on the thirteenth (day) of the month Adar'' ; and Nicanor's

44 army was discomfited, "and he himself was the first to fall in the battle". Now when his army saw

4.-) that Nicanor was fallen, they cast away their arms, and fled. And they* pursued after them a day's

journey from Adasa until thou comest to Gazara, and they sounded an alarm after them "with the

■ > A ' him SB " to them IL' ■" him 93 ™ + Demetrius 64 93 ^"^ that was Israel's enemy 71

y>Se "thee SB "^ and 1 1 9 93 S''"= '>-'' thy face Sb "they S'"'^ 'i-'i Judas came to him Sb ^>7I
f-f>ALuc BthousandAV ''Judah 71 '"'>7i •' > A 1 the steps of the altar (xaTatrTpojua, cp.

Joel ii. 17) 5'"'= + and called upon God 55 ■" +0 Lord 55 71 31' i>i>7i3L' ""all fall by the mouth of

the sword 55 Phe crushed A 4 them Luc 55 '^''>7i ^ ^> 71 ' +th,it were with Judas 64 93

u u> 71

36. Nicanor. Cp. iii. 38; Josephus (/. c.) speaks of Nicanor as 'the most kind and most faithful of all his
(Demetrius') friends; for he it was who fled away with him from the city of Rome'; Polybius (xx.\i. 22. 4) also
speaks of him as one of Demetrius' intimate friends in Rome.

28. that I may see your faces in peace, i. e. that I may have friendly intercourse with you ; it is a Hebraism
(CJQ niXl); but it is also used of simply appearing before someone, e.g. Exod. x. 28, and cp. z'. 30.

31. he went out to meet Judas in battle. A Hebrew phrase, cp. Num. xx. 18 ^^N^P? NSX mn2"|S, 'lest with
the sword I go forth to meet thee.'

Capharsalama. Called 'a village' by Josephus; possibly to be identified with the modern Salame, a village
distant from Jaffa about an hour's walk (Kautzsch).

32. and there fell . . . According to Josephus, Nicanor 'beat Judas, and forced him to fly to that citadel which
was in Jerusalem'; an obvious error since the citadel ('Akra') was in the hands of the enemy !

33. there came . . . out of the sanctuary, i.e. the outer court; they came from the inner court into which
Nicanor, as a Gentile, was not permitted to enter.

offered for the king. Cp. Jer. xxix; Ezra vi. 10; Josephus, Bi;//. hid. II. xvii. 2.

34. polluted them. Most probably by spitting on them ; this was, according to the Rabbis, one way whereby
Levitical purity was lost (cp. Krauss, Talin. Arch., i, pp. 251, 704).

35. imless. ih.v fiTj = a? DN ; the threat is conditional on his winning the victory.

37. to be called by thy name . . . Cp. with this verse i Kings viii. 38, 43.

39. Bethhoron. See note on iii. 16.

40. Adasa. An hour and a half north-east of Bethhoron; Josephus (Anti</. XII. x. 5) speaks of it as ' a village
which was thirty furlongs distant from Bethhoron.'

41. when they that came from the king . . . The reference is to Sennacherib, see 2 Kings xviii. 22 ff.
one hundred . . . Cp. 2 Kings xix. 35 ; reference to the same event is made in Ecclus. xviii. 21.

43. Adar. The twelfth month of the Jewish ecclesiastical year, corresponding roughly to March ; in leap-years
there is what is called Adar S/icni (the 'Second Adar'), which is then the thirteenth month.
45. a day's journey. From Adasa to Gazara is about fifteen miles.
Gazara. See note on iv. 15.

I MACCABEES 7. 46—8. 5

46 solemn trumpets". And they came forth out of all the villages of Judaea round about'', "and closed
them in''' ; and these turned back on those (behind), and they all fell by the sword, and there was

47 not one of them left. And they took the spoils and the booty, and they smote off Nicanor's head,
''and his right hand, which he stretched out so haughtily, and brought them^, and hanged them up^

48 near Jerusalem. And the people was exceeding glad, ^and they kept that day as a day of great

49 gladness''. And they ordained that this day should be observed year by year (on) the thirteenth

50 (day) of Adar. And ^"the land of''' Judah had rest ^''a little while''''.

VIII. 1-32. jftidas concludes a treaty with tlie Romans, after having
heard of their poiver and rule.

\ I And Judas heard of the fame of the Romans, that they were valiant men, and that they were
friendly disposed towards all who attached themselves to them, and that they offered friendship^ to

2 as many as came unto them, ''and that they were valiant men''. And they told him about their
wars and exploits which they had done among the Galatians, and "how they had ''conquered them**,

3 and brought them under tribute : and (they told him also of) what things they had done in the land

4 of Spain", how they had acquired ''the mines of silver and gold there" ; ''and how that by their
policy and persistence » they had conquered the whole'' land (and the land was exceeding far 'from
them'); also (they told) of the kings that had come against them from the uttermost part of the
earth, until they had discomfited them', and smitten them very sore ; and how the rest had given

5 them tribute year by year. Furthermore, (they told) of how they had discomfited in battle ''Philip,

y^^luo w-w///. outflanked them > 71 x x > 51.1 y///. stretched them out ="^>7i in that day IL'

aa-aa > y '"'''''' ///. a few days.

V'l 1 1. "+ and to as many as held to them A b b> gluo cc-^^j ^ <■ ^yon their land iL^ ""The

mountains from whence silver and gold are sought out Ss '~''>7i SwisdomIL' "^ > Ss ' ' > 38 ''"^ > Ss

the solemn trumpets. Lit. ' the trumpets of signals ', i. c. to give a signal to their friends in the villages round
about, see next verse.

46. closed them in. vjrfpfKe'pav airovi, ' outflanked them ', thanks to the alarm given by the signal trumpets.

47. smote off . . . Cp. I Sam. xxxi. 9: Judith xiii. 8-15.

stretched out . . . hanged them up. e^ireivfv . . . (^ereimv, a word-play quite after the Hebrew fashion.

49. . . . the thirteenth (day) of Adar. This festival was originally called ' Nicanor Day ', but it was displaced
(when, is not known) by the Fast of Esther, which was kept on this day in memory of Esther's fasting, mentioned in
Esther ix. 31 (cp. Esther iv. 3, 16) ; this fast was a preparation for the feast of Purim, which occurs on the fourteenth
of Adar. ' Nicanor Day ' is mentioned in the Jerusalem Talmud {Megillali, ii. 66 a), where it is spoken of as a semi-
festival.

50. the land . . . had rest. Cp. ix. 57, xiv. 4, and for the Hebrew J»nNn nopB' cp. Joshua xi. 23.
a little while. Lit. ' a few days ', i. e. about a month, cp. ix. 3.

VIII. 1-32. 'The details of this narrative have been called in question by many critics, although the fact of a treaty
having been concluded between the Jews and the Romans has been generally admitted. Wellhausen, e.g., while
asserting that the journey to Rome, the negotiations with the Senate, and the return to Jerusalem, could not have
been accomplished in a single month, goes on to say : " This would be decisive, only 1 am not convinced that the
usual assumption is correct. For the festival of Nicanor's day is unintelligible, if the sensation of victory had been
forthwith effaced through a reverse of the worst description. It is not maintained that the statement of I Mace,
viii. 17 (2 Mace. iv. 11) is drawn purely from the imagination" {Isr. und Jiid. Gescli?, p. 250, note 3). That the
narrative does contain inaccuracies [vv. 8, 15, 16) is not to be denied. These, however, may be accounted for by
the defective means of international communication in those days, and still more by the fact that the interests of the
Jews were practically confined to agriculture and their ancestral religion. The writer's graphic picture is, upon the
whole, "not unfaithful" (Rawlinson), and has "quite the character of that naivety s.Xidi candour with which intelligence
of that sort is propagated in the mouth of the common people" (Grimm). In spite of what is said in v. 13, he is
apparently blind as to the dangers attending negotiations with Rome ' (Fairweather and Black, p. 157).

1. all who attached themselves to them. Rawlinson points out that 'the Romans had received into alliance
Attalus of Pergamus, Ariarathes of Cappadocia, Ptolemy Philometor, and the Rhodians.'

2. the Galatians. Kautzsch thinks it improbable that the reference is to the Gauls in Asia Minor who were
conquered by Manlius Vulso, 189 B.C.; he thinks, with Mommsen and others, that the Gauls of Upper Italy are
meant ; these were subjugated by the Romans in 190 B. C, and laid under tribute.

3. the land of Spain. This came under the Roman dominion in 201 B.C., though only that portion of it which had
belonged to the Carthaginians ; it was not until nearly two centuries later that the whole country became incorporated
into the Roman Empire.

the mines of silver and gold there. Pliny {Hist. Naturalis, xxxiii. 4, §§ 21, 23) speaks of the gold and silver
found in Spain, the former in the shape of gold-dust in the bed of the Tagus; Diodorus Siculus (v. 35, § i) says:
' Spain has the best and most plentiful silver from mines of all the world ' (cp. Rawlinson, Hist, of Phoenicia,

PP-3i3ff.)-

4. the whole land, rorroir is used here of the whole country as in i Sam. xii. 8 (Sept.) ; Jer. xvi. 2, 3 (Sept.) ; the

Hebrew word (OlpO) is used in the same way in these passages. The statement here is an exaggeration, see note on v. 3.

5. Philip, i.e. Philip V, King of Macedonia, 220-179 B.C.; he was finally defeated at the battle of Cynoscephalae
in Thessaly (197 b. c.) by T. Ouinctius Flaminius.

I MACCABEES 8. 5-15

'and'' Perseus', kin- of Chittim, and them that lifted themselves up against them, and had conquered

6 them ; Antiochus also, the great" king of Asia, who had come against them to battle, having

a hundred and twenty elephants, with cavalry, and chariots, and an exceeding great host,— he had

- also been discomfited by them", and they had taken him alive, and had appointed that both he and

' such as reigned after him should give them a great tribute" and should give hostages, and a 'tract'

(of land), (namely) the country of India, and Media, and Lydia, and of the goodliest of their

countries ; and how they had taken them from him, and had given them to king Eumenes. Also

(they told of) how they of Greece had purposed to come and destroy them, and the thing had

become known to them, and they had sent against them a captain, and had fought against them,

and many of them had fallen, ''wounded to deaths ; and (of how) they had made captive their wives

and their children, ''and had spoiled them and conquered their land, and had pulled down their

, I strongholds'^'', and had brought them into bondage unto this day. And (they told of) how they had

destroyed the residue of the "kingdoms "and of the isles% as many as had risen up against them', and

1 2 had made them their servants ; but that with their friends and such as relied upon them they kept
amity ; and (of) how they had conquered the kingdoms" that were nigh and those that were far off,

13 and that all who heard of their fame were afraid of them. Moreover (they told) that whomsoever
they will to succour and to make kings, become kings'' ; and that whomsoever they will, do they

14 depose; and they are exalted exceedingly; and that for all this none of them did ever put on
5 a diadem, "neither did they clothe themselves with purple, to be magnified"' thereby ^.'■'' (They told)

also how they had made for themselves a senate house, and how day by day three hundred "and

i-'>i993 ™>7i "himLuc "+ year by year Luc P'r>L' i'J>7i '+ and spoiled

them ffi &c. 8 8 > 31^1 the rest of the isles S'"" * + and had plundered them Luc + and had plundered them

and taken them captive S'^" " kings N V 19 93 S'"<= ^ will become kings A """ > 71 =^ > N* {/lad N «•=■)
y to exalt themselves (in the sctise 0/ assuming too much power) S8 * " > SB

Perseus. The illegitimate son and successor of Philip ; he was conquered by L. Aemilius Paullus at the battle
of Pydna (168 B.C.), whereby the Macedonian kingdom was brought to an end.

Chittim. See note on i. i.

and them that lifted . . . Probably the reference is to those who sent reinforcements to Perseus, viz. the
p'pirots, Thessalians, and Thracians (Grimm).

6. Antiochus also ... i.e. Antiochus III, the Great, King of Syria 223-187 B.C., son of Seleucus Callinicus.
Asia. See note on xi. 13.

discomfited. At the battle of Magnesia, 190 B. C, by Scipio Africanus (Polybius, iii. 3. 4).

7. taken him alive. ' Here the author has been misled by a false report. According to the unanimous testimony
of the classical writers, Antiochus succeeded in making his escape' (Fairweather and Black) ; Kautzsch suggests that
possibly the author has mixed up Antiochus with Perseus here.

such as reigned after him. Seleucus IV, Philopator (187-176B. c), and Antiochus IV, Epiphanes (175-164 B.C.),
with whom the tribute ceased.

a great tribute. According to Polybius, xxi. 14. 3-6, 15,000 Euboic talents, 500 of which had to be paid at the
conclusion of the negotiations, 2,500 when peace was ratified, and 1,000 a year for the next twelve years (quoted by
Knabenbauer, p. 152).

hostages. See note on i. 10.

a tract. Stacn-oXi;, the word is apparently used in the same sense as in Rom. iii. 22, a 'distinction', i.e. the land
in question was to be distinguished in the future from the rest of his possessions by being assigned to the Romans.
S. India. This never belonged to Antiochus, so he could not have ceded it to Rome.

Media. According to Livy xxxvii. 56, xxxviii. 38 it was only his possessions on this side of the Taurus (i.e. on
the west) that Antiochus was forced to give up. We must probably see here, as elsewhere in this section, a rhetorical
exaggeration. The ingenious attempts which have been made to emend to the text, and read ' Ionia and Asia', or
' Mysia ', may or may not be justified, but they have absolutely no support either from MSS. or Versions.

. . . to king Eumenes. Eumenes II, king of Pergamos (197-158 B.C.), and son of Attains I; these territories
were given to him by the Romans in recognition of the help rendered during the war with Syria, and especially at the
battle of Magnesia (see further. Smith's Diet, of Class. Biog. s.v.).

9. Also . . . What this all refers to is not known. Kautzsch thinks that very probably the reference may be to the
Roman victory over the forces of the Achaean Alliance (147-146 B.C., i.e. fifteen years after the death of Judas
Maccabaeus) ; in this case the 'captain', mentioned in 1'. 10, would be L. Mummius. The war, which was short and
decisive, resulted in the subjugation of the whole of Greece, which was reduced to the status of a Roman province,
under the name of Achaia.

11. the isles, i.e. Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica, together with the isles of the Grecian Archipelago.

12. In this and the next few verses the subjects of t'T'. I ff. are again reverted to.

with their friends . . . they kept amity. This is not in accordance with the facts; the statement is, no
doubt, due to insufficient knowledge.

15. and how day by day ... As Fairweather and Black point out, 'this is quite a mistake. The regular
sittmgs of the Senate were confined to the Kalends, Nones, Ides, and Festivals. In case of emergency, however,
It could be summoned in a moment, as its members were not allowed to leave Rome for more than a day, and only
a few of them at a time. In the later days of the Republic the Senate sat on all lawful days in February to receive
foreign ambassadors, but there is no evidence that the practice was as old as the time of the Maccabees. If it was,
the writer's mistake is easily explained.' The reference to three hundred and twenty members of the Senate is also
a mistake, it never reached more than three hundred.

I MACCABEES 8. 15-28

twenty^ men sat in council, consulting alway for the people, to the end that they'^ might be well

1 6 ordered ; and how they committed their government to one man }'ear by year, that he should be over
them, and be lord overall'' their country ; and that all are obedient to this one, and that there is
neither envy nor emulation among them.

17 And Judas chose Eupolemus, the son of John, the son of Accos, and Jason, the son of Eleazar, and
1.8 sent them to Rome, to make a league of amity and confederacy '^vvith them'=, and that they should

take the yoke from'" them, when they saw that the kingdom of the Greeks did keep Israel in

19 bondage. And they'^ went to Rome, '^and the way was exceeding long*^ ; and they entered into the

20 Senate house, ^and answered^ ''and said'' : 'Judas, who is also (called) Maccabaeus, and his brethren,
and the whole people of the Jews, have sent us unto you, to make a confederacy and peace with you,

21 and that wc might be registered (as) your confederates and friends.' And the thing was well-pleasing
32 in their sight. And this is the copy of the writing' which they wrote back again on tablets of brass,

and sent to Jerusalem, ''that it might be with them there'' for a memorial of peace and confederacy:

23 ' Good success be to the Romans, and to the nation of the Jews, by sea and by land for ever ; the

24 sword also and the enemy be far from them. But if war arise for Rome' first, ""or for any of their

25 confederates in all their dominion'", the nation of the Jews shall help them as confederates as theoccasion

26 shall prescribe "to them", with all their heart ; and unto "them that make war" they (i.e. the Jews)
''shall not give'', neither supply, food, arms, money, or ships, as it hath seemed good unto Rome; and
they (i. e. the Jews) shall observe their obligations, receiving nothing (in the way of a bribe). ''In the

27 same manner'', moreover, if war come first ' upon the nation of the Jews, the Romans shall help them

28 as confederates with all their soul, as the occasion shall prescribe to them ; and to them that are
confederates' there shall not be given corn, arms, money, 'or ships', as it hath seemed good unto

^ the reflex pr on., A V suggesting that the Senate was looking after its own interests ''>7I '=">X*

(habfH"-^) '»>A «+ that were with Eupolemus Luc f f > iL^ g g > E' '>h>A. 'letter X

k-k>siuc 1 the Romans SI"": !L "'-■"> 71 u-ii^su.cjL 005 in <5i the reference seems to be to

the Romans pp > N» iyhah X <:^) 93 4 q > S'"<= '' > 58 '^ that make war 55 IL^ «"' > A

16. one man. Another instance of inadequate knowledge ; there were, of course, two consuls.

neither envy . . . This also is contrary to fact ; on this, however, Grimm remarks that ' it is psychologically
very comprehensible that, having regard to the assistance to be looked for by an alliance with Rome, the darker side
of the conditions which obtained in the Roman State, of which the writer might have been cognisant, were naturally
overlooked or left unnoticed.' At any rate, it is not to be expected that the writer should have had much intimate
acquaintance with the internal affairs of Rome; and even if he had, his knowledge of the deplorable conditions in his
own country would unconsciously tend to make him take a bright view of all that concerned the powerful people from
whom so much was hoped.

17. Eupolemus. 'Perhaps identical with that Eupolemus who is known to us as a Hellenistic writer' (Schiirer,
The fe-ioish People . . ., Div. 1, vol. i, p. 231, see also Div. II, vol. iii, pp. 203 ft'.) ; he was a Palestinian Jew who
wrote about 158-157 B. C. or shortly afterwards.

the son of John. See 2 Mace. iv. 11.

Accos. More correctly Hakkoz, cp. I Chron. xxiv. 10; Ezra ii. 61 ; Neh. iii. 4, 21, vii. 63, belonging to a priestly
family.

Jason the son of Eleazar. Perhaps the same Jason who is mentioned as the father of Antipater in xii. 16,
xiv. 22.

18. the yoke. i.e. the Syrian yoke; this implies either that the victory over Nicanor, recorded in ch. vii, had not
yet taken place, or else that it was, after all, not of a wholly decisive character; Schiirer thinks that 'from the general
drift of the First Book of Maccabees, it may be assumed that Judas had first arranged the embassy after the victory
over Nicanor' (op. cit. Div. 1, vol. i, p. 232 note).

22. tablets of brass. The usual way of preserving documents of this kind ; Grimm quotes Polybius, iii. 26. i, who
says, in reference to the treaties between Rome and Carthage, that they were preserved in this way, and that they
were kept in the Capitol. Josephus {Antiq. XII. x. 6) says regarding this treaty that the Romans 'also made
a decree concerning it, and sent a copy of it into Judaea ; it was also laid up in the Capitol, and engraven in brass.'

23. Good success he to the Romans. The equivalent, as Grimm points out, of the usual Roman formula : (2uod
honum^faustuni felixqtie sit populo Romano . . .

26. unto them that make war . . . ships. Kautzsch sees in this mention of ships, which at this time (161 B.C.)
the Jews could not have supplied, one of the reasons for regarding this whole section {7'V. 22-32) as having been
added later, whether in the Hebrew original or when the translation was made ; but there is much in Grimm's
contention that the mention of ships shows the far-seeing character of Roman policy, especially as not long after this
the Jews got possession of a harbour (cp. xiv. 5J. At the same time, it is worth while noting that in Josephus'
account the ships are not spoken of in reference to the Jews ; in Antiq. XII. x. 6 the decree runs : ' It shall not be
lawful for any that are subject to the Romans to make war with the nation of the Jews, nor to assist those that do so,
either by sending them corn, or ships, or money ' ; this is the only mention of ships. It is, therefore. Just possible
that the form of the decree in i Mace, is due to a misunderstanding of the original Roman form of it.

as it hath seemed good unto Rome. This, together with the phrase in vv. 25, 27, 'as the occasion shall
prescribe to them ', made the treaty far more advantageous to the Romans than to the Jews ; see also the same words
in V. 28. It is true that in v. 30 there is z. proviso that modifications might be made by either party by mutual consent,
but this does not appear to be part of the actual treaty, the words of which clearly stop at the end oft'. 28.

I MACCABEES 8. 29—9. 5

29 Rome" : and thcv shall observe these obligations, and that without deceit/ -According to these

30 words have the Romans made (a treaty) with the people of the Jews. But if hereafter the one
party ^or^ the othcr^ shall determine to add or to dimmish anything, they shall do it at their

^r pleasure, and whatsoever they shall add or take away shall be established. And as touching the
evils which king- Demetrius doeth ^''unto you""-, we have written -^^to him- sayingOi: 'Wherefore hast

3. thou made thy yoke heavy upon our friends (and)" confederates the Jews? If, therefore, they plead
any more against thee, we will do them justices^ and fight thee by sea and by land.

IX. 1-22, Death of Judas Maccabaeiis.

3 I And when Demetrius had heard that Nicanor »was fallen* with his forces »in battle*, he sent
Bacchides and Alcimus again into the land of Judah "a second time", and the right wmg (of his army)

2 with them And they<= went by way of Gilgal^ and encamped against Mesaloth, which is in Arbela,

3 "and <Tat possession of it", and destroyed^ much people. And sin the first month of the one

4 hundred and fifty second year« thev encamped against Jerusalem. And they removed and went

5 unto Berea, with twenty thousand footmen and two thousand horse. And Judas was encamped at

" the Romans S 5>- IL - + thus Luc ^-^ + S'- ^ and A V Luc S'- 2. - > N* (hab S--)

i,b-bb>f[, cothem N (wy/S"-") A Luc S dd dd and sent unto him S'"'' «nhus Ss «+ourLuc
88 vengeance 55 vengeance and justice S'""

IX. "'"had waged battle A >> b > ^g + that were with Bacchides Luc d Gilead Luc S'"" « « > Ss

and occupied it E' 'he destroyed A V 8 g > 7 1

31. we have written to him . . . But, as Schiirer truly points out, this came too late, for through the energetic
action of Demetrius the overthrow of Judaea had already been completed before there was any possibility of inter-
ference on the part of the Romans (cp. ix. 1-21). ,

wherefore hast thou made thy yoke heavy. A Hebraism 7iy n'33n (cp. 2 Chron. x. 10, 14).

32. we will do them justice. Another Hebrew phrase 123^13 nC'JJ (' to do justice ', lit. 'judgement '), Deut.x. 18, &c.

IX. I. that Nicanor was fallen. Cp. vii. 43, 44. , ,

he sent ... a second time, irpnafdero . . . anoa-TelXm, 'he added to send', a Hebrew phrase TV^? f\D^^.
the right wing. The Jews faced eastwards so that from their point of view the right would be the Syrian troops
in the south, but the actual right wing of the Syrian army was that part of it stationed towards the north ; see next
note, Bacchides probably came from the north, Josephus directly states that he 'marched out of Antioch ' {Antiq.
XII. xi. i).

2. Gilgal . . . Mesaloth . . . Arbela. The identification of the place which ' Gilgal' represents is extremely
difficult, perhaps impossible. The best attested reading is Ya\ya\a = (iilgal ; but there are at least three places of
this name mentioned in the O.T. ; Joshua's Gilgal, the Gilgal by Bethel, and the Gilgal by Mount Gerizim (on this
see G. A. Smith in EB 1729 ff.). Some MSS., followed by the Lucianic Syriac, read TaXadS = Gilead ; and Josephus
has Va\i\aiap = Galilee. Assuming, as is permissible, that the two last readings are to be rejected, and that ' Gilgal'
is the right reading, it seems upon the whole best to identify this with the Gilgal by Mount Gerizim; 'if, says
G. A. Smith {£B 291 f.), ' Bacchides wished to avoid the road which had proved so fatal to Nicanor, he may have
taken the road from Esdraelon south through Samaria. ... On this route Masaloth might be Meselieh or Meithalun,
respectively 5 or 8 miles south of Jenin, each of them a natural point at which to resist an invader. A greater
difficulty is presented by (v 'Ap^iiXois. The plural form evidently signifies a considerable district. Now, Eusebius
(OS^^) 'Ap0t)X(i) notes the name as extant in his day, on Esdraelon, 9 Roman miles from Lejjun. while the entrances
from Esdraelon on Meselieh and Meithalun are 9^ Roman miles from Lejjun. It is therefore possible that the
name 'Ap^ijXa covered in earlier days the whole of fhis district. The suggestion is, however, far from being capable
of proof. The chief points in its favour are the straight road from the north, which was regarded as a natural line of
invasion, and the existence along the road of a Jiljuljeh [= Gilgal], a Meselieh, and a Meithalun.'

3. the first month. If, as there is every reason to suppose (cp. i. 54, vii. 43), it is the Jewish first month that is
meant, it is the month Nisan, corresponding roughly to April. This would mean that only six or seven weeks had
elapsed since the defeat of Nicanor on the 13th of Adar (= March); that does not allow much time for the news
of Nicanor's defeat to have reached Demetrius in Antioch, and for the latter to dispatch the reinforcements under
Bacchides, especially as some time must have been taken up in encamping against Mesaloth, and getting possession
of it, and destroying much people (see 7'. 2), on the way to Jerusalem. This feat is not impossible, but rather
improbable, unless we suppose (with Michaelis, quoted by Grimm) that it was leap-year, in which the month Adar
Sheni with its twenty-nine days came between Adar and Nisan. Otherwise the most obvious explanation is that the
writer has made a mistake of about a month.

they encamped against Jerusalem. Presumably Bacchides thought Judas was in Jerusalem ; otherwise it is
difficult to understand why he should have encamped here. It is surprising how badly Bacchides must have been
informed about the movements of his opponents ; bad generalship and an inefficient intelligence department on the
part of the Syrians, both of which are several times unconsciously implied by the writer of this book, must evidently
have had much to do with the success of the Maccabees against overwhelming odds. In this particular case the
disparity was so great that even bad generalship could not save the Jews from disaster.

4. they removed . . . unto Berea. They had scarcely settled themselves down before Jerusalem before they had
to break up the camp again. It is not known where Berea was.

5. Judas was encamped at Elasa. This place is also unknown ; Josephus says that ' Judas pitched his camp at
a certain village whose name was Bethzetha' {Antiq. XII. xi. l).

I MACCABEES 9. 6-22

6 Elasa, and three thousand chosen men with him. And (when) they saw the multitude ''of the
forces'', ''that they' were many'', they feared exceedingly ; and many slipped away from the army;

7 there were not left 'of them' more than eight hundred men. And (when) Judas saw that his army
slipped away, '"and that (nevertheless) the battle was imminent for him"", he was sore troubled in

8 heart, for that he had no time to gather them together. "And he became desperate", and said to
them that were left : 'Let us arise and go up against our adversaries, if peradventure we may be able

9 to fight against them.' And they turned from him, saying: ' We shall in no wise be able °(to with-
stand them)° ; but let us rather save our lives now''; let us return (later on) with our brethren, and

fight ''against them'' ; we are (now too) few.' Then Judas said: 'Far be it 'from me'' to do this
thing, to flee from them! ''And if our time is come**, let us die manfully" for our brethren's sake

1 'and not leave a cause (of reproach) against our glory'.' And the (Syrian) host removed from the
camp, and (the Jews) stood to encounter them ; and the horse was divided into two companies, and
the slingers and the archers went before the host together with "all the mighty men that fought in

2 the front (of the line of battle)'". But Bacchides was on the right wing; and the phalanx drew near
from both sides, and they blew with their trumpets, and the men of ^Judas' side'^ also blew ywith

;3 their trumpets^' ; and tlie earth shook ''with the shout^ of the" armies. And the battle was joined,
[4 (and continued) from morning until evening. And (when) Judas saw that Bacchides and the main
strength of (his) army were on the right wing, ''his followers concentrated their whole attention (upon
[5 them)'', and the right wing" was discomfited by them, and they pursued after them unto the mount
[6Azotus^. And (when) they that were on the left wing' saw that the right wing*^ was discomfited,

17 they turned (and followed) upon the footsteps of Judas and those that were with him. And the

18 battle waxed sore, and many'' ^-'on either side'^ fell ''wounded to death''. And Judas fell, and the

19 rest fled. And Jonathan and Simon 'took Judas their brother, and' buried him in the sepulchre of

20 his'' fathers at Modin. And they bewailed him', and all Israel "'made great lamentation for him
and"' mourned" many days, "and said" :

21 ' ''How is the mighty one fallen, the saviour of Israel !'' '

22 And the rest of the acts of Judas, ''and (his) wars'', and the valiant deeds ''which he did'', ''and his
greatness'', — they are not written ; for they were exceeding many.

•i '' > 71 ' +\vho were opposed (to them) Luc ''-''> 71 3!.' '^' > S'''" m m > 71 " n > 71 11'

00 to fight against them N V 55 P > 58 1L^ q-q>Sg '■-''>XV ^^*'>7i '>A " > 11'

vv->7i w '>^ all the men who are skilled in war 1L ^"JudahNV y'y>7l *-» because of (///. from) A

" their A '' '' S'"" and there went with him all that were brave in heart (!5 58 3L " part N 19 93 ^ Gazara It

« part S'"': *■> 19935'"= 8 g of those X h-h > g'nc i-i > cj^ ''their 64 93 '+ there A Judas 19

(^^ ^luc m-m>7j 'i>iL °o>7i i'P>7i q q > 5'''°

three thousand chosen men. It is strange that so many of these ' chosen men ' should have ' slipped away ' at
the critical moment ; Josephus gives their number as only one thousand, but this is obviously a mistake, as he says
that ' they all fled away, excepting eight hundred ' !

8. he became desperate. Cp. Deut. xx. 3 (Sept.).

10. far be it from me to do this thing. M^ /xoi yevotro nmrja-at to Trpayfia TnuTo, a very Hebraic phrase:

nST nib'UD ''? np^pn (cp. xiii. 5), see Gen. xliv. 7, 17 ; Joshua .xxii. 29, xxiv. 16 ; I Kings xxi. 3.

13. the earth shook. Cp. 2 Sam. xxii. 8.
from morning until evening. Josephus says the battle continued 'till sun-set', but does not mention when it
began ; the statement in the text is probably a rhetorical exaggeration ; eight hundred against twenty-two thousand,
holding out all day, can scarcely be hterally true, especially as no hint is given that the smaller number occupied any
advantageous position ; from the account in the text, as well as in Josephus, the two armies met on equal terms as far
as position was concerned.

15. the mount Azotus. Josephus, 'a mountain called Eza' (or Aza) ; no such mountain is known; the text is
clearly corrupt.

17. and the battle waxed sore. Kni f/3apw5>; 6 TroXf^os, a Hebrew phrase ru^nbon 13301; cp. i Sam. xxxi. 3;
I Chron. x. 3 ; Isa. xxi. 15.

19. . . . took Judas their brother. According to Josephus (Aiifhj. Xll. xi. 2) they 'received his dead body by
a treaty from the enemy ' ; this is more likely to be correct, for it is hardly to be expected that the Syrians would have
treated the body of the Jewish rebel chief, as they regarded him, with more respect than that which the Jews accorded
to the body of the Syrian general Nicanor (see vii. 47), unless there were special reasons for this. Josephus does not
mention the terms of this ' treaty'.

Modin. Cp. ii. I, xiii. 27.

20. great lamentation. Cp. xiii. 26.

21. How is the mighty one fallen. Cp. 2 Sam. i. 19, 25, 27.
the saviour of Israel. Cp. Judges iii. 9; 2 Kings xiii. 5.

22. And the rest of the acts . . . For the phraseology cp. xvi. 23 ; it occurs often in the Books of the Kings.
they are not written. This statement implies that for this part of the narrative (i.e. the 'rest of the acts') no

documents were available ; which, on the other hand, implies that what is recorded in our book was based on extant
documents.

'With the overthrow of Judas', says Schijrer {op. at., i. i, p. 233), 'it was finally and definitely proved that it
1105 97 ^

I MACCABEES 9. 23-33

Jonathan Maccabaeus. IX. 23— XII. 55.

IX. 23-31. Jonathan succeeds Jndas.

23 And it came to pass after the death of Judas that the lawless put forth their heads in all the

24 borders of Israel and all they that wrought iniquity rose up ; in those days nhere arose exceeding
or great murmuring that the land made peace with them^ And Bacchides chose out the ungodly men,
^6 and made them lords of the country. And they sought out and searched for the friends of Judas,

and brought them to Bacchides, and he took vengeance on them, =and treated them with mockery^
27 And there was great tribulation in Israel, such as was not since the time that a prophet appeared
-,8 unto them'. And all the friends of Judas were gathered together, and they said unto Jonathan :

29 'Since thy brother Judas hath died, we have no man like him to go forth" against our enemies and

30 Bacchides, ^and against them of our nation that are inimical (to us)^^\ Now therefore we have
chosen thee this day to be our ruler and leader ^in his stead", •^that thou mayest fight our battles^.'

31 ^And Jonathan took^ ''the leadership upon him at that time^ and rose up in the stead of his brother
Judas^.

IX. 32-73. Jonatlian's strtigglc with Bacchides.

,j,^ 22 And (when) Bacchides knew it, he sought to slay him. But (when) Jonathan, "and Simon his
brother, ''and all that were with him'''-', knew it, they fled into the wilderness of Tekoah, and

'^ See no/e bel07i> ='>!!. ' Israel SB IL^ » + and to enter in N V Ss v-v>ili w ig g^ x-x > giuc
y-yfor battle 1L' z-z And they chose Jonathan as leader in place of his brother Judas E^ » chose 19 Ss ^^>7i

cc>-i d-d > 93

was a vain endeavour on the part of the Jewish nationalists to measure swords with the mighty forces of Syria.
Brilliant as the earlier achievements of Judas had been, he was largely indebted to the recklessness and self-
confidence of his opponents. Continuous military success was not to be thought of if only the Syrian authorities
seriously roused themselves to the conflict. The following age cannot show even one conspicuous victory of the kind
by which Judas had won renown. What the I\Iaccabaean party finally reached, it won through voluntary concessions
of claimants to the Syrian throne contending with one another, and generally in consequence of internal dissensions
in the Syrian Empire.'

23. the lawless. Cp. vii. 24, 25.

put forth . . . rose up. Cp. Ps. xcii. 7 (Sept. xci. 8).

24. murmuring. Prof. Torrey (EB 2859) thinks the rendering Xi/ids is due to a misreading of the original Hebrew
which had DJ!"! ('murmuring'), not 3y"l ('famine') ; this, if coiTect, would certainly make the next clause less difficult.

that the land made peace with them, xai airo/idXrjirfv ^ X"^?" M^r' airuiv. The verb with fiiTo. only occurs

once in the Septuagint, 2 Sam. x. 19, where the Hebrew has ?Nlb""nN 1D''7t5'''1 , (' and they made peace with Israel ').
If we are to be guided by this, the passage before us must mean (if we accept 'famine' as the right reading) that
owing to the famine, the land, by which here can only be meant the followers of Judas, made peace with them, i.e. the
'lawless'. This must, however, be rejected ; firstly, because 'the land' cannot be restricted in this way, and, secondly,
because the sequel shows that there was no peace between the followers of Judas and the ' lawless '. Fairweather and
Black take 'the land' to mean 'the country' in general, as distinguished from staunch patriots' ; but the text gives no
justification for this distinction ; for the writer of i Mace, there are only two parties in the Jewish State, the
Maccabaean party and the 'lawless'. Grimm holds that the real meaning of the passage is shown by the
paraphrastic rendering of the Syriac Version : ' And the land too has become corrupt with them ' ; i.e. the land,
through the famine, had, as it were, joined hands with the apostates in antagonism against the faithful. This is in
accordance with Josephus (An/iy. XII. i. l). Kautzsch concurs in this: 'The land, otherwise so fruitful, seemed to
have allied itself with the lawless for the purpose of destroying the godly' ; and he renders : 'So that (in the same
way) the land fell off (or "deserted") with them, i.e. the lawless.' Against this it is to be urged that the Septuagint
nowhere uses the verb in question in this sense (I Sam. xx. 30, where the participle is used in the sense of ' rebellious '
is not a profos). If, now, we follow Torrey in regarding 'famine' as a mistake for 'murmuring' (in the sense of
indignation), and interpret the verb in the sense in which it is used in 2 Sam. x. 19 (see above), its only other
occurrence with iifra, we get: 'there arose exceeding great murmuring (i.e. on the part of the faithful) that the land
made peace with them,' i.e. the enemy, as the next verse goes on to show; indeed, the verses that follow seem
thoroughly to justify this rendering, as offering further grounds for the ' murmuring '. By ' the land ' is meant everyone
excepting the faithful, who were now obviously in a minority ; it must also be remembered that the author of i Mace.
writes as one of the faithful.

26. took vengeance on them. c'^tSUa avrois, for which T.R. reads t'leSiicfi ev avTols, cp. Jer. v. 9, 29 (Sept.) =
3 Dp:nn i Sam. xviii. 25 ; 3 Dp: Judges xv. 7 (Grimm).

treated them with mockery. The reference must be to their religious practices ; Josephus, however, says :
' tortured and tormented them.'

27. since the time that a prophet appeared unto them. That the writer implies the prophet Malachi here (so
Grimm, Bissell, Fairweather and Black, Knabenbauer) is not necessarily certain ; we have in the O.T. fragments of the
writings of prophets who lived later than the time of Malachi (some short time before 450 B.C.) ; if they are anonymous,
' Malachi ' is pseudonymous ; the former may have exercised as great an influence as the latter, although their names
have not come down to us. Josephus makes no reference to a prophet, but says : ' They had never experience of the
like since their return out of Babylon.' In either case it is a rhetorical exaggeration.

33. the wilderness of Tekqah. The wilderness got its name from the city six miles south of Bethlehem, on the
borders of the wilderness ; the name still exists, TeA-ua ; the site of the ancient city lies on the top of a hill with

I MACCABEES 9. 34-47

!4 encamped by the water "of the pool Asphar". 'And Racchides got to know of this on the Sabbath

day, and he came, he and all his army, over Jordan '^.

i5 And (Jonathan)s sent his brother, a leader of the multitude, and besought his friends, the Nabath-

j6 aeans, that they might leave with them their baggage, which was much. But the children of Ambri

j7 came out of Medaba, and took John, and all that he had, and went their way ''with it"". 'But after

these things' they brought word to Jonathan 'and Simon' his brother, that the children of Ambri

were making a great marriage, and were bringing the bride from Nadabath with a great train,

58 a daughter of one of the great nobles of Canaan. And they remembered'' John their' brother, and

59 went up, and hid themselves under the covert of the mountain ; "'and they lifted up their eyes'", and
saw, and behold, a great ado and much baggage ; and the bridegroom came forth, and his friends
and his brethren to meet them (i.e. those forming the bridal procession) with timbrels, and minstrels,

JO and "many" weapons". And they rose up "from their ambush^ against them, and slew them ; and
many fell wounded to death, and the rest fled into the mountain ; and they took all their spoils''.

[I And the marriage was turned into mourning, and the voice of their'' minstrels into lamentation.

42 And (thus) they avenged fully the blood of their brother ; and they turned back to the marsh-land''
of Jordan.

f,:; And (when) Bacchides' heard it", he came on the Sabbath day unto the banks of the Jordan

44 with a great host. And Jonathan said unto his brethren'' : ' Let us arise now and fight *'for our

45 lives ; for it is not (with us) to-day, as yesterday and the day before. For, behold, the battle is
before us and behind us™ ; moreover, the water of the Jordan is on this side and on that side, and (this

46 is) marsh-'' and wood-land, and there is no place to turn aside. Now, therefore, cry unto heaven,

47 that ye may be delivered out of the hand of your-^ enemies.' And the battle was joined, and
4.8 Jonathan stretched forth his hand to smite Bacchides, and he turned away back from him. And

Jonathan, and they that were with him", leapt into the * Jordan, and swam over to the other side ;

<• 1- > U' f'f B. and all his army crossed the Jordan on the Sabbath day IL' 8T.R. ii-h^j^i i-i-^y;

k + the blood of N SB 3L^ And Jonathan remembered S'"" 'his N* (their N""*) 93 S'""= m-m^^j "imiich
people 55 64 °>7l PP>19 1 vessels A ''the 19 = mountainous-land A V 55 71 bank iL^ fords''""
t > «,iu u tijat Jonathan had returned Luc S'"<= (7iiM slight variations) " them that were with him X V

''*'>7i x->siuc your A »+ behind Luc a ^ > Ss

sloping sides ; the top is of considerable extent, and is covered with ruins spread over four or five acres of ground
(cp. I Chron. ii. 24 ; 2 Chron. xx. 20 ; Amos i. I ; Jer. vi. l).

the pool Asphar. ' The Be'er Asphar is probably the modern Bir-Se/hiib, a considerable reservoir in the
wilderness, six miles WSW. of Engedi, and near the junction of several ancient roads ; the hills around still bear
the name Sa/ni, an equivalent of Asphar' (G. A. Smith, Eli 343).

34. This verse, which is a variant of v. 43, has got out of place ; it should be deleted.

35. his brother, i. e. John ; cp. ?'?'. 36, 38.
the Nabathaeans. See note on "'iS'25.

36. the children of Ambri. The reading 'la/i^pfi is probably due to dittography, the 1 of the preceding nloi having
been repeated by mistake (Kautzsch). Cheyne, however, thinks that the form Jambri (or Jamri) is correct, as the
name "IDS!' has been found on an Aramaic inscription at Uiiiin er-Resds,3.ho\\i twelve miles SSE. of Medeba (EB 2217).
The name is not otherwise met with ; but, as the text shows, they belonged to an Arab clan of this name living at or
near Medeba. Josephus has ol '.^/inpmoi TraiSes, i.e. Amorites ; cp. Num. xxi. 29-31, where Medeba is spoken of as
a city of the Amorites.

Medaba. Mentioned on the Moabite Stone: '. . . Now Omri annexed the (land) of Medeba, and dwelt therein'
(II. 7, 8). It was situated on the high land of Moab to the south of Heshbon ; cp. Joshua xiii. 9, 16. The ruins still
survive and are called Medaba (see the Quarterly Statement of the Pal. Expl. Fund, July 1895 and July 1901).

37. they brought word. Presumably some escaped.

Nadabath. Possibly = Nebo ; Clermont-Ganneau (Journal of the Anterican Oriental Soc, 1891, pp. 541 fT.)
thinks it is a mistake for Rabatha = Rabbath Ammon, twenty-two miles east of Jordan, on the river Jabbok (cp. 2 Sam.
xii. 26-28) ; the modern 'Amman.

39. his friends. Cp. Judges xiv. 11.

42. the marsh-land, to Tkns ; at the present day the ford nearest the Dead Sea is called el Helii ; it is no doubt
owing to this that the Syriac 'Version reads ' the ford ' 1 (cp. Grimm).

44. for it is not ... i. e. the state of affairs is more desperate than hitherto on account of the hopeless position
they are in, as described in the next verse.

45. on this side and on that side. i. e. they were caught in a bend of the river.

47. and he turned . . . The exact meaning here is not quite clear ; in view of the words : ' The battle was joined,'
it is probable that the reference is not to a personal conflict between Jonathan and Bacchides, but that their names
here refer to their respective parties. In this case, the meaning of vv. 47, 48 would be that Jonathan and his
followers made such a vigorous onslaught upon the enemy that the latter gave way temporarily ; Jonathan, thereupon,
seeing the indecision of the enemy, took advantage of the momentary respite, and plunged into the river, followed by
his men. That he gained some advantage at the commencement of the battle seems evident from the fact that
Bacchides is afraid to pursue ; he is, presumably, deterred by the courage of despair which had been evinced by his
opponents. The mention of the loss of a thousand Syrians also points to a conflict which at the start, at all events,
was not one-sided.

99 H 2

I MACCABEES 9. 49-65

49 and they (i.e. Bacchidcs and his followers) did not pass ovci- Jordan against them. And there fell'^

''ofBacchides' company"= ''that day'' about a thousand* men. . . ^ , ^ , ^ ,

-0 And theyf returned^ to Jerusalem ; and they'' built strong cities in Judaea, (namely), the strong-
■' hold that is in Jericho, and Emmaus, and Bethhoron, and Bethel, and Timnath', Pharathon, and
-I Tephon with hi-h walls, "and gates and bars''. And they' set garrisons- in them to vex Israel,
r' And they fortified '^the city Bethsura", and Gazara, and the citadel; >'and they" put forces in them,
-,3 and store of victuals''. And they'' took the sons' of the chief men of the country for hostages, and

put' them in ward in the citadel at Jerusalem. . , , .

.-4 Now in the one hundred and fifty-third year, "in the second month", Alcimus commanded to pull
'' down the wall of the inner court "of the sanctuary", (in so doing) he pulled down^' also the works of
-- the prophets. "And (when) he began to pull down", at that (very) time, Alcimus was stricken, and
'^'' his works were hindered ; and his mouth was stopped, and he became palsied, "and he could no more
-,6 speak anything, (nor) give order concerning his house". And Alcimus ^^' died at that time with great
57 torment. And (when) Bacchides saw that Alcimus was dead, he returned to the king. And the

land of Judah had rest two years.

cs And all the lawless men took counsel, saying : ' Behold, Jonathan, and they of his part are dwelling

' at peace, (and) in security; ^let us therefore now brings Bacchides, and he will lay hands on them

59, 60 ally in one night.' And they went and consulted with him. And he^ removed, and came with

a great host, and sent letters privily to all his confederates that were in Judaea, that they should lay

hands on Jonathan, and (on) them that were with him ; but they were"' not able (to do so), because

61 their plan became known to them''. And they (that were of Jonathan's part) laid hands on "^ about

62 fifty men'' of the country that were the ringleaders in the wickedness, and slew"* them. And Jona-
than, and Simon, and they that were with him, gat them away'' to Bethbasi, which is in the wilder-

, 63 ness, and he built up ^that which had been pulled down thereof, and mades it strong. And ''(when)
Bacchides knew it'', he gathered together all' his multitude, and sent word to them that were in Judaea.

64 And he ''went and'' encamped against Bethbasi, and fought against it ''many days, and made''

65 engines' (of war). And Jonathan left his brother Simon in the city, and went forth into the country ;

'' there went through A '^ "^ by the side of Bacchides A ■• "i > 71 « three thousand N V 55 Ss f he N V Luc E

«+ Bacchides 64 93 hheX'^-^ i+andNAV '^-''>7I ' he N '^V o>i/j' "heNV ""SE;

Bethsura N 64 93 the city and Bethsura A the city near (///. in) Bethsura V r-p>7i « he N V Luc E

'heNVE Bacchides 64 93 «+ of Israel 55 * he put N V 3L64 93 '>-»>7l ^ destroyed IL " > S?

X X ya ^„/j, ^ve will bring N A V* let us lead Luc y > 19 64 11' ^ Bacchides Luc ^ he was not A

'' > X him SB "^ " > K "i he slew N A 3L> ■■ + from them N ^ ' > 7 1 s they made X E' T.R. h h > 31,1
i > 5IUC k-k;>7[ ' with engines 71

50. they. i.e. the Syrians ; cp. critical note.

the stronghold that is in Jericho. Grimm refers to the two citadels by Jericho mentioned by Strabo as having
been destroyed by Pompey, namely Taurus and Thrax ; the reference here must be to one of these.

Emmaus. See note on iii. 40.

Bethhoron. See note on iii. 16.

Bethel. About ten miles north of Jerusalem, the modern Beititi^ nearly 3,000 ft. above the sea-level.

Timnath. Several places of this name are mentioned in the O.T. ; the one here must be either the Timnath-
Serah in Jilount Ephraim, where Joshua was buried (Joshua .xix. 50, xxiv. 30; Judges ii. 9), or the Timna (called also
Timnatha) in Danite territory about fifteen miles to the west of Jerusalem ; the latter is, perhaps, the more likely.

Pharathon. The Syriac and O.L. versions, like Josephus, omit ' and '. This place is the Pirathon of the O.T.
(Judges xii. 13, 15), in Ephrainiite territory (but cp. xi. 34), the modern Ferata, about six or seven miles south-west of
Nablous, the ancient Sichem.

Tephon. Probably a corruption of Tappuach, also in the inheritance of Ephraim (Joshua xvi. 8).
52. Bethsura, and Gazara. See notes on iv. 29. 15.

the citadel. Cp. i. 33, and the note on v. 53.
54. the one hundred and fifty-third year. i. e. 159 B.C.

the second month. lyar in the Jewish calendar.

the wall of the inner court. The inner court was restricted to Israelites, so that the pulling down of its wall
implied the obliteration of all religious difference between Israelites and Gentiles ; this was to undo the work of the
prophets whose aim was to keep the Israelites distinct from their idolatrous neighbours.

56. Alcimus died. Josephus places the death of Alcimus earlier, before the death of Judas, see ^w//^;. Xll. x. 6;
he says that Alcimus was ' smitten suddenly by God '.

57. he returned to the king. Assuming, no doubt, that the country had now been subjugated ; but, as the sequel
shows, the period of rest which the land had enjoyed, was utilized by the national party to good purpose.

62. Bethbasi, which is in the wilderness. G. A. Smith says that ' in the wilderness of Judaea, east of Tekoa,
there is a VVady el-Jlassah, which name as it stands means 'marsh', an impossible term, and therefore probably an
echo of an ancient name' (EB 550) ; possibly Bethbasi is to be identified with this.

65. and went forth into the country. For the purpose of creating diversions, and to come to the relief of his
brother at the right moment.

100

I MACCABEES 9. 66—10. 7

.6 and he went with a (small) number. And he smote Odomera and his brethren, and the children of

17 Phasiron in their tents. And he"" began to smite (them) and to go up with (his) troops. Then Simon

18 and they that were with him went out of the city and set on fire the engines (of war) ; and they
fought against Bacchides, and he was discomfited by them, and they afflicted him sore, ° for his plan

19 and his attack had been in vain°. And they" were very wroth with the lawless men that "ave him
counsel to come into the country, and they slew many of them. And he determined to depart into

;o his own land. And (when) Jonathan had knowledge (thereof), he sent ambassadors ^unto him^, to
the end that they should make peace with him, and that he should restore unto them'' the captives.

71 And he"^ accepted (the thing), ^and did according to his words", and sware unto him that he would

72 not seek his hurt all the days of his life. And he restored unto him the captives which he had taken
captive aforetime out of 'the land of Judah ; and he" returned and departed into his own land, and

73 came'' not any more into their borders. And the sword ceased from Israel. And Jonathan dwelt
at Michmash. And Jonathan began to judge the people™ ; and he destroyed the ungodly out of
Israel ''.

X. 1-66. Jonatliaii siifiports Alexander Balas in /lis struggle tvith Demetrius I.

r In" the one hundred and sixtieth year Alexander ''Epiphanes, the son of Antiochus'', went up

2 and took possession of Ptolemais, and they'' received him, and he reigned there''. And (when) king
Demetrius heard (thereof), he gathered together exceeding great forces, and went forth to meet him

3 in battle. And Demetrius sent letters unto Jonathan with words of peace, so as to magnify him.

4 For he said : ' Let us be beforehand to make peace with them, ere he make peace with Alexander

5 against us. For he will remember all the evils which we have done "^unto him*, and unto his
fi brethren and unto his nation^.' And he gave him authority to gather together forces, and to provide

arms, and to be his confederate ; and he commanded that they should deliver up to him the hostages
7 that were in the citadel. And Jonathan came to Jerusalem, and read the letters sin the ears of all''

'"they XV 64 93 " " > 71 " he N"=-'' V Bacchides 19 93 5i"<^ p-p unto them X 93 >V o him 55 E Ss

'■ Bacchides Luc «"« > 71 ' ' > N 5s " Bacchides 19 93 S'"" "^ looked Luc " + of Israel 19 93 S'"*^

^ofit5''"=

X. a And in Ct IL 5''"= ''""^the son of Antiochus Epiphanes S'"" > Antiochus E^ <= it A 93 X '^■^ '• (over)
themIL' e-e > 31.1 fraceV g-s>7l •> > 58

with a (small) number, apidfia, cp. Isa. x. 19 (Sept.).
66. Odomera. Another reading is Odoarres ; presumably the name of the head of some Bedouin clan ; this applies
also to Phasiron.

and to go up with (liis) troops, i.e. to lead his troops against the enemy ; for the Hebrew phrase 'to go up '

(by npy) for the purpose of fighting cp. I Sam. xiv. 10 ; Judg. vi. 3, xv. 10, xviii. 9, &c.

70. the captives, i.e. those who had been taken captive aforetime (see z'. 72).

73. And the sword ceased . . . 'With this laconic notice the First Book of JNIaccabees passes over the following
five years. This can only mean that Jonathan, while the official Sanhedrim of Jerusalem was still filled by those
friendly to the Greeks, established at Michmash a sort of rival government, which gradually won the position of main
influence in the country, so that it was able even to drive out (a<^ai'i'ff"') the ungodly, that is, the Hellenizing party.
The Hellenistic or Greek-favouring party had no root among the people. The great mass of the Jews had still the
distinct consciousness that Hellenism, even if it should tolerate the religion of Israel, was irreconcilable with the
religion of the scribes. So soon, then, as pressure from above was removed, the great majority of the people gave
themselves heart and soul to the national Jewish movement. The Maccabees, therefore, had the people soon again
at their back. And this is the explanation of the fact that during the struggles for the Syrian throne now beginnmg.
the claimants contended with one another in endeavouring to secure to themselves the goodwill of the Maccabees'
(Schiirer, op. Lit. i. i, p. 239).

Michmash. Xine miles north of Jerusalem, the modern Muktimas.

and he destroyed . . . This shows how the power of the national party had been consolidated.

X. I. In the one hundred and sixtieth year. 153 B.C. ; the last date given was 159 B.C. (see ix. 54), and in
V. 57 we are told that the land had rest for two years ; seven years have, therefore, elapsed since the time that
Bacchides thought the land was subjugated (see note on ix. 57) ; and during this interval nothing is recorded save an
abortive attempt on the part of Bacchides to subdue Jonathan (ix. 58-73).

Alexander Epiphanes. Alexander Balas was a low-born native of Smyrna who, owing to his resemblance to
.Antiochus Eupator, gave himself out to be the son of Antiochus Epiphanes. He was taken up by Attalus II, King of
Pergamum, from whom he received the name of Alexander, and who supported his claims to the kingdom of Syria
against Demetrius. Although, according to Polybius (xxxiii. 14. 6), it was well known that the claims of Alexander
were without justification, he was, nevertheless, recognized by the Roman Senate, who promised to support him. His
success was largely due to the fact that Demetrius was hated by his own people (see Josephus, Antiq. XIII. ii. l) on
account of his ' insolence and difficulty of access ', and because he was ' slothful and negligent about the public affairs '.

Ptolemais. See note on v. 15, and cp. Josephus, /. c.

2. went forth to meet . . . See note on vii. 31.

3. with words of peace. See note on i. 30.

7. in the ears of all the people. Cp. Isa. xxxvi. 2 Qyn '•JIX3.

lOi

I MACCABEES 10. S-30

8 the people, and of them that were in the citadels ; and they were sore afraid when they heard that

9 the king had given him' authority to gather together forces. And they ''of the citadel'' delivered up

10 the hostages unto Jonathan, and he' restored them to their parents. And Jonathan dwelf" in

11 Jerusalem, and began to build "and renew" the city. And °heP commanded them that did the work
to build" the walls and the mount Sion round about with square"! stones for defence ; and they' did

12. 13 so. And the strangers, that were in the strongholds that Bacchides had built, fled away; 'and

"14 each man left his place", and departed into his own land. Only in Bethsura were there left certain

of those that had forsaken the Law, 'and the commandments ; for it was a place of refuge unto

them".
I - And king Alexander heard all the promises which Demetrius had sent unto Jonathan ; and they
"" told him of the battles and the valiant deeds 'which he and his brethren had done, "and of the toils

16 which they had endured'"; and he said : ' Shall we find another such man? And now 'let us make'"

17 him our Friend "^and confederate".' And he wrote letters, "^^and sent (them) unto himy, according to
18, 19 these words, saying^': 'King Alexander to his brother Jonathan, greeting^ We have heard

' 20 concerning thee, that thou art a mighty'' man of valour, ''and meet to be our Friend''. And now we
have appointed thee "^^this day'= (to be) high-priest of thy nation, and (it is our will) that thou shouldest
be called the king's Friend ' — and he"^ sent unto him a purple robe and a crown** of gold^ — ' and that
21 thou shouldest take our part, and keep friendship^ with us.' And Jonathan put on the holy garment
''in the seventh month of the one hundred and sixtieth year*", at the feast of Tabernacles, and he
gathered together forces, and provided arms in abundance.
22, 23 And (when) Demetrius heard 'these things', he was grieved, and said : ' Why have we permitted
this to be done, that Alexander hath been beforehand ''with us in establishing friendship with the

24 Jews'', to strengthen himself? I also will write unto them words of encouragement, 'and of honour,

25 and gifts, that they may be with me for (my) aid.' And he sent unto them according to these words' :

26 'King Demetrius unto the nation of the Jews, greeting ! Forasmuch as ye have kept covenant with
us, and have continued in our friendship, "and have not joined j'ourselves to our enemies, we, (who)

27 have heard (hereof), rejoice. And now continue ye still"" to keep faith with us, and we will recom-

28 pense unto you "good things" °in return for what ye do in our behalf" ; and we will grant you many

29 immunities, and will give you gifts. ''And now I (herewith) free you, and release all the Jews from

30 the tributes'', and from the custom on salt, and from (the presenting of)'' the crowns ; and instead of

'them A k-k > 31.2 'they A "^ heard A ''-»>7I °"°>7I p Jonathan 64 93 "5 four-foot N V 55

'■heS'ViL' """>7i '"'>7l u-u^^iuc ▼->' we will make N V 19 64 " " > 71 ^-^untohim7l

yy>Luc ^>V ^goodA ''"''> 71 <="<=> 71 ''they A « a royal crown Ss f + and saying X '•••''

epiur. a Luc 'i'i>7i '''>7i kk > y '"'>7l ui-m-^yi n-u > gg 0'0>7i p PAnd

now I release all Jews from tribute %' 1 the custom of 55

8. they were sore afraid, eiio^rjdrfa-av t^o^ov fic'yai', cp. Luke ii. 9.

II. square stones. Cp. i Kings vi. 36, vii. 9; Isa. ix. 9; called in Hebrew ri'T3 ''P.^f? ; not 3VnD 'i3X ('hewn
stones'), which were smaller, and not necessarily ' square '.

14. Bethsura. See note on iv. 29.

16. Friend. See note on ii. 18.

iS. King . . . greeting! A Greek formula which often occurs in 1-2 Mace. ; the Hebrew equivalent for 'greeting'
would be DiPB' ' Peace '.

19. a mighty man of valour. A very frequent O.T. expression, -"O ll^J.

20. higli-priest. This office had been vacant for seven years, i.e. since the death of Alcimus.
a purple robe and a crown of gold. Cp. xi. 58, xix. 43 ; Esther viii. 15 ; Dan. v. 7.

21. the holy garment, i.e. the specilic high-priestly robe (?*J)t?) ; the ' robe of righteousness ' (Isa. Ixi. 10).
the seventh month. Tishri, corresponding roughly to October.

the feast of Tabernacles. Called Sukkoth ('Booths'); the feast began on the 15th of Tishri, and lasted
seven days (Lev. xxiii. 34) ; nowadays it lasts nine days, and is called ' the season of Rejoicing' ; cp. Josephus, Antiq.
VIII. iv. I.

he gathered together forces . . . Jonathan evidently thought it wisest, in the long run, to trust to himself only.
27. we will recompense . . . These promises were of such an extravagant character that Jonathan would in any
case have regarded them with suspicion ; but he evidently knew the real state of affairs, and foresaw that the doom of
Demetrius was sealed.

29. the tributes. This was the principal burden laid upon the people, the poll-tax ; ' it was, strictly speaking,
a kind of trade-tax, a percentage that varied according to the nature of the work and the means of the individual, not
a personal tax, uniform and unchanging' {EB 4909, after Aristotle, Occoiwm. ii. i. 4).

the custom on salt. A very large quantity of salt is deposited upon the marshy land around the Dead Sea
when the annual spring floods, which cause the sea-level to rise several feet, subside. The tax on this was called
17 tiXiKij ; the very words here used, aTro . . . r^t ti(h> toC liXof, have been found on an Egyptian ostrakon. See further
on the whole subject of salt-taxes in Palestine under the Seleucidae, Wilcken, Griechische Ostraka aus Aepyptcii . . .,
i. pp. 141 ff.

and from . . . crowns. These were originally voluntary gifts given to the sovereign, but afterwards exacted as
of light. For another instance of the remission of taxes to the Jews see Josephus, Aiitig. XII. iii. 3, where we are told
of ' poll-money, and the crown tax, and other taxes ' being remitted.

102

I MACCABEES 10. 30-41

the third part of the seed, and instead of ''the half of' the fruit of the trees, which falleth to me

to receive, I release (them) from this day and henceforth, so that I will not take (them) from the

land of Judah, and from the three governments which are added thereunto from the country of

51 Samaria and Galilee, ^from this day forth and for all time^ And 'let Jerusalem be' holy and

32 free, "together with the outlying districts, (regarding)' the tenths and the tolls. ''I yield up"

also my authority over" the citadel which is at Jerusalem, and give (it) to the high-priesf", that

53 he may appoint in it (such) men as he shall choose, to keep it. And every soul of the Jews that

hath been carried away captive from the land of Judah into any part of my kingdom, I set at

34 liberty ^without priced ; and let all remit the tributes of their cattle also. And all the feasts, and
the Sabbaths, and new moons, and appointed days, and three days before a feast, ^and three days
after a feast^, "let them all be days of immunity and release for all the Jews ''that are in my king-

35 dom**"; and no man shall have authority to exact (anything) from any of them, or to trouble them

36 concerning any matter. And let there be enrolled among the king's forces about thirty'^ thousand men

37 of the Jews, and pay shall be given unto them, as belongeth to all'' the king's forces. '"^And of them
some shall be placed in the king's" great strongholds, and some of them shall be placed over the
affairs of the kingdom*, which are of trust ; and let those that are over them, and their rulers, be
from among themselves, and let them walk after their own laws, even as the king hath commanded

38 in the land of Judah. And the three governments that have been added to Judaea from the country
of Samaria'' 'let them be added to Judaea, ''that they may be reckoned''^ to be under one (man),

39 that they obey not any other authority than that of the high-priest '^. As for Ptolemais, and the land
pertaining thereto, I have given (it 'as) a gift' to ""the sanctuary that is at"" Jerusalem, for the

40 expenses " that befit " the sanctuary. And I (undertake to) give every year fifteen thousand shekels

41 of silver "from the king's revenues", Pfrom the places which are (most) convenient''. '"^ And all the

r-r>5iuc a-s>7i ' t j. ghaH bg V u-u > 1^1 ' and I remit A V 19 S «-" > A 19 71 S ^ to the

holy house Ss y-y>7i 2-''>7ill> '^ ^paraphrased hi & ''''>7i ■= three S'"<= "i > 5'"'=

<■ « > X IL^ f"f > 71 Bof the king 5'"'' •> +and Galilee Luc ' ' let them be reckoned with Judaea &s 3L^

^ '^> 19 S'"-' 1-1 > S'"'^ ""^'^ > SB "-" > Si"<= ° ° > 71 from the king's treasury Ss from the

treasury IL^ p i' > S'"<= 'J 9 All that is owing to me 5'"= ■■ '' > 71

30. the seed. Josephus (Aiitiq. XIII. ii. 3) : 'the fruits (of the field),' cp. ra (TTretpo/Mem, XIV. x. 6.

half of the fruit ... A larger proportion of this was appropriated because the produce involved less labour.
the three governments. Cp. xi. 28, 34, called ' toparchies '.

and Galilee. This is an erroneous addition ; the three toparchies mentioned belonged to Samaria, cp. xi. 34 ; in
z'. 38 of this chapter a similar error is made in some MSS., see critical note there.
and for all time. Cp. xi. 36.

31. let J. be holy. What is meant is made very clear by referring to a rescript of Antiochus III, the Great,
quoted by Josephus [Aniiq. XII. iii. 4) : 'It shall be lawful for no foreigner to come within the limits of the Temple
round about ; which thing is forbidden also to the Jews, unless to those who, according to their own custom, have
purified themselves. . . . Let them only be permitted to use the sacrifices derived from their forefathers, with which
they have been obliged to make acceptable atonements to God. .\nd he that transgresseth any of these orders, let
him pay to the priests three thousand drachmae of silver.

free, . . . the tenths and the tolls. The reference is to the tithes, and the tax on the revenues of the Temple,
which had been exacted by the Syrian rulers ; Josephus makes this clear {Antiq. XIII. ii. 3) : ' I also release to you
those ten thousand drachmae which the kings received from the Temple, because they appertain to the priests that
minister in that Temple ' (cp. also 2 Mace. xi. 3). The Temple dues which were thus taxed were : (l) ' the third part of
a shekel for the service of the house of our God ' (Neh. x. 32), which every Israelite of twenty years and upwards had
to pay annually ; originally it was a half-shekel (about one shilling and twopence halfpenny), for rich and poor alike
(Exod. XXX. 14, 15) ; but on this see Schiirer, op. cit. ii. I. 250 ; (2) the votive offerings (cp. Lev. xxvii ; Deut. xxiii.
22-24; see also Josephus, Antiq. IV. iv. 4) = Dm3 ; and (3) the free-will offerings (Dmj). On the whole subject of
these offerings see the Mishnic tractate Shekalim.

y:,. and let all remit. The ' all ' must refer to the king's officials, ' their cattle ' to the property of Jews ; what is
meant is explained by Josephus {Antiq. XIII. ii. 3) : ' I also give order that the beasts belonging to the Jews be not
pressed for our service.'

34. days of immunity . . . i.e., as the next verse shows, on these days the Jew-s were to be left unmolested,
whether as regards the payment of taxes or debts (cp. v. 43) or as regards service for the king.

36. And let there be enrolled . . . This would give a status to the Jews which they had not hitherto enjoyed ;
but Demetrius' main object was to increase his forces in order to withstand Alexander.

pay. ^ivia = the clothing, food, and pay given to mercenary troops.

37. and some of them shall be placed . . . Josephus (Antiq. XIV. ii. 3) says : ' And some of them I will place in
my garrisons, and some as guards about mine own body, and as rulers o\-er those that are in my court ; ' cp. Antiq.
XII. ii. 5.

38. the three governments. See note on ?'. 30.

39. As for Ptolemais ... As Alexander had taken possession of this (see v. i), the promise was merely a bribe
to induce Jonathan to attack the rival of Demetrius.

40. from the places . . . convenient, i.e. those which could best afford it ; the clause is omitted by the Lucianic
Syriac, and Josephus makes no reference to it.

41. all the overplus. Fairweather and Black are probably right in understanding this to refer to the additional

103

I MACCABEES 10. 41-60

overplus'' which the officials paid not in— as (has been done) in former years"— they shall from
42 henceforth give towards the works of the ' house '■. And " beside this ", the five thousand shekels of

silver, which they used to take from the dues of the sanctuary^ *out of the income"' year by
4:5 year, ''''this also is released, because it appertaineth '^ to the priests that minister y. And whosoever

shall flee unto the temple that is in Jerusalem, and in all the precincts thereof, (because) he oweth

money to the king, or for any other reason, let (such) go free, together with all, whatsoever they possess,

44 in my kingdom. And for the building and renewing of the works of the sanctuary the expense

45 shall be given also out of the king's revenue. 'And for the building of the walls of Jerusalem, and
the fortifying thereof round about, "shall the expense be given also out of the king's revenue ''%
and for the building of the walls (of other cities) in Judaea*.'

4'' Now when Jonathan and the people heard these words, they gave no credence unto them <=, nor
received the)- (them), because they remembered the great evil that he had done in Israel '', and that

4 7 he had afflicted them very sore. And (moreover) they were well pleased with Alexander, because
he was the first that spake ^ words of peace" unto them, and they remained confederate with him
always.

48 And king Alexander gathered together ^ great forces f, and encamped over against Demetrius.

49 And the two kings joined battle, and the army of Alexander « fled, and Demetrius'' followed after

50 him ", and prevailed against them. And he continued the battle ^ obstinately until the sun went
down ; and Demetrius fell that day.

.SI And Alexander' sent ambassadors to Ptolemy, king of Egypt, "according to these words'",

52 saying : ' Forasmuch as I am returned to my kingdom, and am set on the throne of my fathers, and

have gotten the dominion, and have overthrown Demetrius, " and have gotten possession of our

.t3 country" — yea, I joined battle with him, and he and his army were discomfited by us, and we" sat

54 upon the throne of his kingdom, — let us now establish amity ''one with the other*'; and give me
now '• thy daughter to wife ; and I will make affinity with thee, and will give both thee and her gifts

55 worthy of thee.' And Ptolemy the king answered, saying'': ' Happy is the day wherein thou didst

56 return into the land of thy fathers, and didst sit upon the throne of their kingdom. And now will
I do to thee (according to) the things which thou hast written. But meet (me) " at Ptolemais, that

57 we may see one another ; and I will make affinity with thee *even as thou hast said '.' And Ptolemy
went out of Egypt, he and Cleopatra his daughter, "and came unto Ptolemais, in the one hundred

58 and sixty-second year " : and he bestowed on him his daughter Cleopatra, and celebrated her
marriage at Ptolemais with great pomp, as the manner of kings is.

59, 60 And king^' Alexander wrote unto Jonathan, that he should come to meet him. And he"' went

^nations Luc E= ' this Luc " " > 71 ^ + as in former years A "V 55 71 S It w-w^^iuc x-x > 55 y-y>7i
•-'>Ss »-^>64 '' house 19 93 SI"": <^ him S'"" > 71 <' Jerusalem 64 «■"'=> 71 f*' all the

forces X +andmanyi9 93 e Demetrius «<'•*,<=■'' V 19 64 i> Alexander N<^-* V 19 64 ' them N";" 19 S'"=

^ S8 IS li'antbig f 7-0)11 here lo year iti v. 67 ' + in that day Luc S'"'' ■""■" > 71 """ > 71 ° I Luc

PP with him A with them N 9 > N 19 71 93 5'"= 31, ''>7l ^ expressed in H'^-^ l<) gi '** > 71

"■'>7i ''>7i "Jonathan Luc

u-u

yearly subsidy granted for the Temple service out of State funds, and regularly paid ('as in former years ') under the
Persians, Ptolemies, and Seleucidae, prior to Antiochus Epiphanes.

the works of the house, i. e. the affairs of the Temple, see preceding note.

42. the five thousand shekels of silver, which . . . This item has already been dealt with in v. 31.
dues. Text reads xpfwi' = '^IV, corrupt for ''^ly [Gen. Editor].

43. shall flee unto the temple. Jewish law granted the right of asylum only to those who had committed murder
accidentally ; the places of asylum were the altar in the Temple, and the six cities of refuge (cp. Exod. xxi. 14 ; I Kings
i. 50, ii. 28, 29).

44. for the building . . . Cp. Ezra vi. 8, vii. 20.

46. they gave no credence. The promises were far too extravagant to inspire confidence.

47. the first. up\riym, i.e. he took a higher place in their estimation.

49, 50- This laconic account can only be understood by the aid of Josephus, who says {Antiq. XIII. ii. 4) : 'And
when it was come to a battle, the left wing of Demetrius put those who opposed them to flight, and pursued them
a great way, and slew many of them, and spoiled their camp. J5ut the right wing, where Demetrius happened to be,
was beaten ; and as for all the rest, they ran away. But Demetrius fought courageously, and slew a great many of
the enemy ; but as he was in pursuit of the rest, his horse carried him into a deep bog, where it was hard to get out,
and there it happened, that upon his horse's falling down, he could not escape being killed ; for when his enemies saw
what had befallen him, they returned back, and encompassed Demetrius round, and they all threw their darts at him ;
but he bemg now on foot, fought bravely ; but at length he received so many wounds that he was not able to bear up
any longer, and fell.'

51. Ptolemy. The sixth of the name, surnamed Philometor ; he reigned 180-146 B. C., first under the guardianship
of his mother, Cleopatra, and jointly with his brother until 170, when he became sole king of Egypt.

52. I am returned to my kingdom . . . This insolent falsehood had been so sedulously propagated that many
believed Alexander to be the rightful heir ; presumably the author of i Mace, also believed this.

54. thy daughter. Cleopatra, the issue of the incestuous union between Ptolemy and his sister, Cleopatra.

104

I MACCABEES 10. 60-73

='\vith pomp to Ptolemais'^, and met the two kings, and gave them and their Friends silver and

61 gold, and many^ gifts ; and he found favour in their sight. And there were gathered together
against him ^ (certain) pestilent fellows out of Israel ==, men that were transgressors of the Law, to

62 complain against him ; but the king ^ gave no heed to them. And the king * commanded '', and they =

63 took off Jonathan's garments, and clothed him in purple ; '' even so did they do''. And the kin"" made
him sit with him, and said unto his princes : ' Go forth with him into the midst of the city, and make
proclamation, that no man complain against him 'concerning any matter'', and let no man trouble

64 him for any manner of cause.' And «it came to pass^ when they that complained against him'' saw
his glory 'according as (the herald) made proclamation', and (saw) him clothed in purple '', that they

6.-, all fled away. ' And the king showed him ^ honour, and wrote "" him among his Chief Friends, and

66 made him a captain, and governor of a province'. And Jonathan returned "to Jerusalem" with
peace °and gladness".

X. 67-89. Victory of Jonathan over Apollonins, tlie general of Demetrius II ;
he is retvarded by Alexander,

67 And in the one hundred and sixty-fifth year came Demetrius, the son of Demetrius, out of Crete

68 into the land of his fathers. And (when) king Alexander heard (thereof) he '' was grieved e.xceed-

69 ingly, and returned'' unto Antioch. And Demetrius appointed Apollonius, ■'who was"^ over
Coelesyria ^'j (captain) ; and he gathered together a great host, and encamped in Jamnia, and sent

70 unto Jonathan the high-priest, saying: ' Thou alone liftest up thyself against us ; but I am had in
derision and in reproach because of thee. ' And why dost thou vaunt thy power against us in the

71 mountains?' Now therefore, if thou trustest in thy forces, come down to us in the plain, and there

72 let us try conclusions with one another, for with me is the power of the cities". Ask and learn who
I am, ^'and the rest"' (of those) that help us; and they (will) say, Your^ foot cannot stand before

73 our face ; for thy fathers have been twice put to flight in their own land. And now thou wilt not

''-''> 71 y>S'»= ^^'>93 ■■'''> 93 ''+themA = he A d-d>7i5(_i e i^j^gg j^ f f> 71

B"S>7iS'"'= 1" Jonathan Luc *'>7i i^ linen A '^' > 71 ""appointed 55 " " > X °°>7i

I' the king X >! sent 19 ^ 'leader 55 IL' defender Ss « Syria S'"" *'>7[ " wars 64 ^"'>i\
w -p. 5IUC X -pi^y 5g

60. and he found favour in their sight. A Hebrew expression CP.'W \n XJfD) which frequently occurs in the
O.T., e.g. Gen. xx.x. 27, xlvii. 25, 29 ; I Sam. i. iS, &c.

61. pestilent fellows. ("mSpis Xot/iol, cp. I Sam. xxx. 22 (Sept.) avqp Xoijuds ; i Sam. xxv. 25 . . . ruir "wdpio-rrov tuv
Xm/ioi/ . . . (by!S3 r'N).

62. clothed him in purple. ' It is still the custom of oriental kings to bestow upon State officials, vassals,
governors, ambassadors, and scholars, as a mark of honour, not, it is true, purple, but a costly garment, called Khila
. . . and especially also those whom they wish publicly and solemnly to declare innocent of some charge do they
clothe in gorgeous apparel, and cause them to be led through the royal city ' (Grimm) ; references to the accounts of
travellers are given. Cf. Gen. .\li. 43 ; Esther vi. 11.

65. Chief Friends. There were evidently different grades among the King's Friends, just as in an aristocracy ;
Jonathan had already been made a Friend of the King (see v. 16).

a captain, and governor of a province. ' SrpiiTjj-ydf and pfpihapx^^ niay be taken as equivalent to military and
civil governor. ... It specially deserves notice, that, in spite of Jonathan's appointment as 0Tpa7-i;ydf, a Syrian
governor still continued to occupy the citadel of Jerusalem ' (Schiirer).

66. with peace and gladness. The rebuff which the Hellenistic Jews had received, and the honours which had
been heaped upon Jonathan, occasioned him outward and inward peace.

67. the one hundred and sixty-fifth year. 147 B.C.

Demetrius. The second, surnamed Nicator. Josephus (Antiq. XIII. iv. 2) adds further that he came with a large
number of mercenary troops, brought to him by Lasthenes, a Cretan, and sailed to Cilicia. He had been living in
exile in Crete since the war between his father and Alexander began.

68. returned unto Antioch. i. e. from Ptolemais.

69. Apollonius. According to Polybius (x.xxi. 21. 2), the foster-brother (o-i^irpof^os) of Demetrius 1. Josephus
(Antiq. XIII. iv. 2) calls him 'Apollonius Uaus', i.e. belonging to the Dahae, a great Scythian people who led a nomad
life over a large tract of country east of the Caspian Sea, still called Daghestan.

Coelesyria. i.e. 'hollow (koU^tj) Syria', so called because it included, and was originally restricted to, the
depression between the two Lebanons (cp. Joshua xi. 17 |i33^ri nyi^a, 'the valley of Lebanon') ; but in the Greek
period it included the whole of eastern Palestine ; Josephus [Antiq. XIV. iv. 5 ) says that it stretched from • as far as the
river Euphrates and Egypt ' ; it is in this extended sense in which the name is here used. It occurs for the first time
in I Esdras ii. 17. In the Roman period Coelesyria was again used in the restricted sense, as it was made a separate
province.

Jamnia. See note on iv. 15.
72. for thy fathers ... As Apollonius is writing from Jamnia (Jabneel), i.e. from what was formerly Philistine
territory, he is probably referring to Israelite defeats at the hands of the Philistines ; the two most signal instances
were the battle of Aphek, at which the Philistines captured the .Ark (i Sam. iv. i-ii), and the battle of Mount Gilboa,

10.^

I ^lACCABEES 10. 73-89

be able to withstand the horse and such an host as this in the plain, where there is neither stone

74 y nor flint ^, nor (any) place ^ to flee unto \' Now when Jonathan heard the words of Apollonius, he
was "moved in his mind''; and he chose out ten thousand men, "and went forth'' from Jerusalem ;

75 and Simon his brother met him for to help him. And he encamped against Joppa ; and they of the
' city shut him -^ out, because Apollonius (had) a garrison ^ in Joppa''; and they" fought agamst it.

76 f And they of the city, being afraid, opened (the gates)', and Jonathan became master of Joppa.

77 And (when) Apollonius heard (of this), he gathered « an army of three thousand horse, and a great
host, and went to Azotus as though (intending) to journey on, but i-at the same time 1^ moved

78 forward ' into the plain, because he had a multitude of horse, and relied on this. And he'' pursued

79 after him' to Azotus, and the armies joined battle". Now Apollonius had left a thousand horse
So ° behind him ", hidden ° ; but Jonathan realized that there was an ambushment ^ behind him p. And

they surrounded his army, and cast (their)' darts at the people from morning until 'late in the

8 1 afternoon '■ ; but the people stood still, as Jonathan (had) commanded, while the (enemy's) horses

82 were wearying (themselves). And Simon drew forth his host, and joined battle with the phalanx—

83 for the horsemen « were spent — and they were discomfited by him, * and fled. And the horsemen »
were scattered in the plain ' : and they fled to Azotus, and entered into Beth-dagon, their idol's tem-

84 pie", to save themselves. And Jonathan burned Azotus, and the cities round about it, and took

85 their spoils ; "and the temple of Dagon, '^ and them that fled into it", he burned with fire". And
they that had fallen ^by the sword", with them that were burned, were about eight thousand men.

86 And from thence Jonathan removed, and encamped against Askalon, and they of the city came forth

87 to meet him with great pomp. And Jonathan, with them that were on his side, returned to Jerusalem,

88 having many spoils. And ^it came to pass^, when king Alexander heard these things, he honoured

89 Jonathan yet more ; and he sent unto him a buckle of gold, as the use is to give to such as are of
the kindred of the kings ; moreover, he gave him Ekron and all the borders thereof for a possession.

y-y>1L «+ whither A » "enraged and moved Ss >> b > ^inc <= ^* \ S^'^'^ "iL^ make /his refer to the ci/y
"••^ therein S'"<= ' he Ss '-f And they were afraid and departed from the city E' 8 interposed 93 S'"'^

1'-»'>S'"= 'led forward A 55 "t Jonathan T.R. S 1 + for battle N V ™ + after him ffi («-6. Luc j S it

°°>7I " in a hiding-place T.R. pp>S "^ expressed in \<^ ()■}, '"''evening T.R. the sinking ((y^/;c

sun) &s ss>7i t-t>5g " > 93 S'''^ 11' ■f " > 19 93 S'"<= ""''and its (i.e. ///t'67/y'.f) temple A > 71
x-x>3Li y-y> 71 SincfL^

when king Saul was slain (i Sam. xx.\i. 1-7). These were by no means, however, the only occasions on which the
Israelites were defeated by the Philistines, and perhaps for this reason Josephus (A>tiig. XIII. iv. 3) says that ' these are
the very men who always conquered thy progenitors', though this, again, is a gross exaggeration, cp. e.g. 2 Sam. v.
17-21, when David defeated them at the battle of Baal-perazim (2 Sam. viii. i ; i Chron. xviii. i, &c.).

73. neither stone nor flint. An exaggeration, to emphasize the contrast between the mountainous country and
the plain.

75. Joppa. The modern Jaffa, 3^ miles from Jamnia ; its chief importance lay in its harbour, which was the best,
though not an ideal one, on the coast of Palestine; cp. i Mace. xii. 33, 34, xiii. 11, xiv. 5, 34, xv. 28-30, 35 ; 2 ]\Iacc.
xii. 3-7.

yy. Azotus. See note on iv. 15.

but . . . moved forward. With the purpose of enticing Jonathan out.

79. hidden. Lit. ' in secret ', Josephus, more explicitly, ' in a gully.'

80. realized. Lit. ' knew ', presumably by means of spies.

cast (their) darts. ' Shot their arrows' (Hebr. JTl riT, as in, e.g. i Sam. xx. 36).

81. but the people stood still. This is explained by Josephus, who says that Jonathan commanded his army ' to
stand in a square battle array'; they covered themselves with their shields, against which the enemy hurled their
missiles in vain.

82. Simon drew forth his host. Evidently having been held in reserve all this time.

83. Beth-dagon. Dagon was one of the chief gods of the Philistines (cp. Judges xvi. 23, 24; I Sam. v. 1-5), whose
worship they took over when they first entered into the land ; his name occurs on the Tell-el-Amarna tablets, and has
also been found inscribed on the walls of the temple of Mukair in southern Babylonia. .Although it cannot be proved
that Dagon was a fish-god, it is probable that this was the case, though Philo Byblius speaks of him as a corn-god
(deriving the name from |J"1 'corn', instead of 3T ' fish').

84. the cities . . . Josephus, more correctly, 'the villages about it.'

86. Askalon. One of the five chief cities of the Philistines (Joshua xiii. 3), lying on the coast between Ashdod and
Gaza ; the modern Askali'/n.

88. he honoured . . . yet more. irpoa-t'SeTo So^uo-ai, a Hebraism (7 'ID').

89. a buckle of gold. Cp. xi. 58, xiv. 44; the golden buckle and the purple robe (see v. 21) were only worn by
the most distinguished men of the kingdom, or by ' the kindred of the kings'.

Ekron. The most northerly of the chief Philistine cities ; it lay between Ashdod and Jamnia towards the east;-
the modern Akir.

106

I MACCABEES 11. 1-13

XI. 1-19. Alliance between Ptolemy VI and Demetrius II, resulting in the doiunfall of
Alexander Balas. Demetrius becomes king of Syria.

L I And" the king of Egypt gathered together '^'great forces^, as the sand which is by the sea shore
(for multitude), 'and many ships'^, and sought to make himself master of Alexander's kingdom by

2 deceit, and to add it to his own kingdom. And he went forth into Syria with"* words of peace ; and
they of the cities opened unto him (the gates), and met him, and king Alexander's command was

3 that they should meet him, because he was his father-in-law. Now when ''Ptolemy entered into the

4 cities'', he placed in each city' his forces (-for) a garrison^. And when he came near to Azotus, they
showed him the temple of Dagon (which had been) burned with fire, ""and Azotus, (which) together
with the suburbs thereof, had been pulled down, and the bodies scattered about, and them that had
been burned, 'whom he had burned' ''in the war'', for they had made heaps of them in his way''.

5 And they told the king what things Jonathan had done, in order to cast blame on him ; and the

6 king' held his peace. And Jonathan met the king" "with pomp" at Joppa, and they saluted one

7 another, and they slept there. "And Jonathan went with the king" as far as the river ''that is called''
Eleutherus, and returned to Jerusalem.

8 But king Ptolemy made himself master of the cities upon the sea coast, unto Seleucia iwhich is by

9 the sea'', and he devised evil devices concerning Alexander. And he sent ambassadors unto king
Demetrius, saying : ' Let us make a covenant with one another, and I will give thee (to wife) my

10 daughter whom Alexander hath, and thou shalt reign over thy father's kingdom ; for I have repented

11 that I gave my daughter unto him, for he sought to slay me.' 'But he cast blame on him (thus),

12 because he coveted his kingdom"'. And taking his daughter (from Alexander), he gave her to

13 Demetrius, and ^vvas estranged from Alexander^ and their enmity became manifest. And Ptolemy

XI. '^ -I- Ptolemy 71 ''* an army 3L= c-c > ji_i a speaking N « « he entered into the cities of

Ptolemais A VN<'-" f of them S'"c S'g to guard (z/) «'=•'' V 55 l'-t'>7l '"' who had been killed IL'

l' "^ with fire Ss ' -I- went forth and 55 + when he heard it S'"'^ ""him 71 ''"''>7I """And they went 71
P"P>I9 «-3L^ ''■ and to obtain my kingdom 31 ^^ T.R. ; .Alexander changed his face A it became

known unto Alexander N

XI. I. the king of Egypt. Ptolemy VI, Philomettr, cp. x. 51.

as the sand . . . P~or this frequently used O.T. metaphor cp. Joshua xi. 4; Judges xvii. 12; i Sam. xiii. 5,
xvii. II, &c.

by deceit. Cp., on the other hand, Josephus {Aniiq. XIII. iv. 1), according to whose account Ptolemy came in
perfect good faith.

4. the suburbs thereof. Cp. xi. 61.

5. held his peace. So as not to commit himself either for or against Jonathan.

6. met the king. Cp. x. 86, where o-uwin-jjo-is- is used in the sense of a meeting for the purpose of submitting
oneself (Kautzsch) ; the verb here used is awavTav, cp. Gen. xlvi. 28 (Sept.) where this verb is used in the sense of
meeting some one with the purpose of showing honour to him (Jacob sending Judah to Joseph).

7. Eleutherus. The modern Xahr td-Kebir, the most important river in Phoenicia; it rises in the Lebanon and
reaches the sea a little north of Arka ; Jonathan therefore accompanied Ptolemy for a considerable distance,
liurckardt [Travels in Syria and the Holy Land, p. 161) says : ' It is a large torrent, dangerous at this period of the
year (March) from its rapidity. The Hamah caravans have been known to remain encamped on its banks for weeks
together, without being able to cross it.'

8. Seleucia which is by the sea. Five miles north of the spot where the Orontes flows into the sea ; one of the
four most important cities of northern Syria ; the port of Antioch, which was si.xteen miles distant ; it was founded by
.Seleucus I Nicator (reigned 312-280 B.C.), the founder of many cities. Mentioned in connexion with the missionary
journey of Paul and Barnabas, Acts xiii. 4.

9. sent . . . unto king Demetrius. He was presumably in Cilicia ; cp. x. 67, and '<•. 14, where it is said that the
people of Cilicia had revolted against Alexander.

10. for he sought to slay me. The occasion of this is not mentioned in our book; the author was biassed in
favour of Alexander because of the friendship between him and Jonathan ; but Diodorus does not refer to it either, he
says that Ptolemy only turned against Alexander when he realized what a hopeless weakling he was (cp. C.rimm).
On the other hand, Josephus refers to the occurrence in a circumstantial manner (Antiq. XIII. iv. 6) : ' But as Ptolemy
was at Ptolemais, he was very near to a most unexpected destruction, for a treacherous design was laid for his life by
Alexander, by means of .\mmonius, who was his friend ; and as the treachery was very plain, Ptolemy wrote to
Alexander, and required of him that he should bring Ammonius to condign punishment, informing him what snares
had been laid for him by Ammonius, and desiring that he might be accordingly punished for it. But when Alexander
did not comply with his demands, he perceived that it was he himself who had laid the design.' It is difficult to
believe that there was not some truth in Ptolemy's allegation.

11. because he coveted . . . This can scarcely have been the case originally, otherwise why should he have
given his daughter in marriage to Alexander.' A pretext for quarrelling could easily have been found if, in the first
instance, Ptolemy had intended to seize the kingdom. It seems more likely that it was the proof of Alexander's
enmity which was the reason of Ptolemy's determination to wrest the kingdom from him.

107

I MACCABEES 11. i

O J J

entered into Antioch, and put on himself the diadem of Asia; so he (now) had put two diadems

upon his head, the diadem of Egypt and that of Asia.
I, But king Alexander was in Cih'cia at that season, 'because they of those parts were m revolt'.
1^ And Alexander heard of it, and he came against him in war; and Ptolemy led forth-^ (his host)^and
i6 met him with a strong force, and put him to flight. And Alexander fled into Arabia, ^'that he might

17 be sheltered there ; but king Ptolemy was exalted"'. And Zabdiel the Arabian took off Alexander's

18 head, and sent it to Ptolemw And king Ptolemy died the third day (after) ; and they that were in

19 his strongholds were slain ''by them that dwelt in the strongholds''. And Demetrius became king
in the one hundred and sixty-seventh year.

XI. 20-37. Joiiailian secures the favour of Demetrius II.
,0 In those days Jonathan gathered together ^them of Judaea^ to take the citadel that was in
^i Jerusalem ; and he made many engines (of war) against it. And ^certain ones that hated their" own
nation% men that transgressed the Law, went unto the king, and reported unto him'' that Jonathan

22 was besieging the citadel. And (when) he heard it he was angered ; but immediately "on hearing it<=
he set forth, and came to Ptolemais, and wrote unto Jonathan that he should not besiege it'', and that

23 he should meet him and speak with him at Ptolemais with all speed. But when Jonathan heard (this),
he commanded (that the citadel should continue) to be besieged ; and he chose (certain) of the elders

24 of Israel and of the priests" and put himself in peril, and taking silver and gold and raiment, and

25 divers presents besides, went to Ptolemais unto the king. And he found favour in his sight. And
2(5 certain lawless men of them that were of the nation made complaints against him ; but the king did

unto him even as his predecessors had done unto him*^,and exalted him in the sight of all his Friends^,

27 and confirmed him in the high-priesthood, and whatsoever other honours he had before'^, and gave

28 him pre-eminence among his Chief Friends. And Jonathan requested of the king, that he would make
Judaea' and the three provinces of the country of Samaria^ free from tribute ; and he'' promised him

29 'three hundred' talents. And the king consented, and wrote letters unto Jonathan concerning all these
things after this manner :

30, 31 ' King Demetrius unto (his) brother Jonathan and unto the nation of the Jews, greeting ; The copy

of the letter which we wrote unto Lasthenes our'" kinsman concerning you, we have written also unto

32, 33 you, that ye may see (it). King Demetrius unto Lasthenes (his) father, greeting ; We have determined

t-t>7i u went forth 55 3''"= ^- expressed in H'^-'^ 'Luc •«^>7l ^ ^^ > 3L= yy Israel S' ^'■>~l

"ourX* ''+ saying Luc " '' > 71 <* the citadel X '-'■'' Luc "JewsN > S? *' -I- and glorified him with

great glory 55 s enemies 3L' i^+and exalted him 19 93 S'"'' ' Idumaea 64 i Reading, with Grimiii,

Trjs 'S.iiiiapeiri.Sus for Ka\ rqu 2a/jnpiV/ji' ''they A '"'thirty 55 ™ your X* A"

13. . . . entered into Antioch. Cp. Diodorus (quoted by Knabenbauer), who says that Hierax and Diodotus,
who had been left in charge of Antioch by Ale.xander, gave up his cause as hopeless, and induced the people of
Antioch to offer the crown and kingdom to Ptolemy.

Asia. Not the Roman province of this name, which was formed in 133 B.C., and included Mysia, Lysia, Caria,
the western part of Phrygia, together with the Dorian, Ionian, and .\eolian coast-cities, with the islands lying off the
coast (Ramsay, in HDB, s. v.); nor the continent; but the Asia as understood after it had been reduced about
285 B.C., and when the name Asia was 'restricted to the coast-cities and the lower valleys of the Maeander, Cayster,
Hermus, and Caicus ' (Ramsay).

15. and met him. According to Strabo, Ptolemy attacked Alexander at the river Oenoparas, on the plains of
Antioch (Schiirer, op. cit. i. I, p. 244). Josephus says that Ptolemy was accompanied by Demetrius.

17. Zabdiel. 'A prince among the Arabians' (Josephus). The name occurs on a Palmyrene inscription (a. D. 155)
in the form Zabd-ila (Waddington, Inscriptions grecqiies et latines de la Syrie 2590 ; cp. G. A. Cooke, Nortli Semitic
Inscriptions, p. 272).

18. . . . died the third day (after). Josephus (Antiq. XIH. iv. 8) says that Ptolemy was thrown from his horse in
the battle, and wounded in the head by his enemies ; he was unconscious for four days, but partially recovered on the
tifth, and died 'a little while after'.

they that were in his strongholds. Cp. 1'. 3.

19. the one hundred and sixty-seventh year. i.e. 145 B.C.

21. men that transgressed . . . ,-\s on several other occasions, it was the renegades of their own race who were
the worst enemies of the Jewish leaders.

24. he found favour in his sight. For the Greek phrase cp. Sept. of Gen. vi. S, xviii. 3, xxx. 27.

26. as his predecessors had done . . . Cp. x. 6, 18-20, 25 ff., 61-65.

27. confirmed him in the high priesthood. Cp. x. 20.

28. the three provinces ... Cp. x. 30, and especially xi. 34; these provinces had been taken from Samaria;
the reading Kui t;)>/ Sa/nn/jiVijr, though supported by all MSS. and Versions, cannot be right, see crit. note.

29. after this manner. With the Greek cp. 2 Mace. i. 24.

30. unto (his) brother. Cp. x. 18, 25.

3!. Lasthenes our kinsman. Cp. Josephus {Antiq. Xlll. iv. 3), where it is said that it was Lasthenes, the Cretan,
who brought a great number of mercenary soldiers to Demetrius. ' Kinsman ', like ' brother ' in v. 30, is a title of
honour ; the same is the case with ' father ' in the next verse ; cp. Antiq. XII. iii. 4, where Antiochus III addresses
Zeuxis, the general of his forces and his 'intimate friend', as ' father '.

108

I MACCABEES 11. 33-42

to do good to the nation of the Jews, who are our friends, and observe what is just toward us, because

34 of their good will toward us. We have confirmed unto them, therefore, the districts of Judaea, and
the three governments of Aphaerema", and Lydda, and Ramathaim — (these) were added unto Judaea
from the country of Samaria — and all things appertaining unto them, for all such as do sacrifice in
Jerusalem, instead of the king's'^ dues which the king received of them yearly aforetime from the

35 produce of the land and the fruits of trees. And as for the other things which appertain unto us
""ifrom henceforth'', of the tenths and the tolls 'that appertain to us', "and the saltpits, and the crowns

36 that appertain to us'', all these we will bestow upon them*. 'And not one of these things shall be

37 annulled' from this time forth and for ever. Now therefore be careful to make a copy of these thinfTs,
and let it be given unto Jonathan, and let it be set upon the holy mount in a fitting "and conspicuous
place".'

XI. 31S-53. JonatJian assists Demetrius in opposing Tryphoti.

38 And (when) king Demetrius saw that the land was quiet before him, 'and that no resistance was
made to him'', he sent away all his forces, each man to his own place, — except the "foreign forces''',
which he had raised from the isles of the Gentiles — and (therefore) all the forces ""of his fathers^

39 were inimically disposed towards him. Now Tryphon was of those who aforetime had been of
Alexander's part, and he saw that all the forces murmured against Demetrius, and he went to

40 Imalkue'' the Arabian, who was nourishing up Antiochus, the young child ''of Alexander^, *and
pressed sore upon him that he should deliver him unto him*, that he might reign'' in his father's
stead ; and he" told him all that Demetrius had done, and the hatred wherewith his forces hated
him ; and he abode there many days.

41 And Jonathan senf^ unto king Demetrius, that he should cast out of Jerusalem them of the citadel,

42 and them that were in the strongholds ; for they fought against Israel continually ^ And Demetrius

"EphraimS > 1L' '^ > S' IL' P-P>7I Sl>>= i-r^^u.c ^ s ^^.e remit unto them E ' ' > 71
" " > 71 S'»= '' " > 71 " "' > S'"" ^ ^ > 71 y Malchus 1L= .$s = Josephus ^^>Ss »»>«

'■ make him king Luc '' ihey A >*+ letters 71 " > IL'

34. Aphaerema. i.e. Ephraim (2 Sam. xiii. 23), or Ephron (2 Chron. xiii. 9) ; according to Josephus [Bell. lud.

IV. ix. 9) it lay not far from Bethel, '. . . he took Bethel and Ephraim, two small cities.' Cp. also John xi. 54 (see
further, Robinson, Researches in Palestine, iii, pp. 67 ff.).

Lydda. Lod in Hebr., afterwards called Diospolis, the modern Ludd ; between Joppa and Jerusalem ; one of the
toparchies of Judaea, according to Josephus {Bell. Itid. II. xx. 4).

Ramathaim. Cp. I Sam. i. i, where it is called Rainatkaini Zopliim (but see Driver, Notes on the Hebrew Text
of the Books of Sam., in loc), and located on Mount Ephraim ; the usual form of the name is ha-Ramah (' the
height '), which is, however, to be differentiated from the Ramah belonging to the tribe of Benjamin, nearer Jerusalem.
It is probably to be identified with the modem Beit Rinia, north-east of Lydda, in the neighbourhood of Thamna ;
this agrees with the accounts of Eu5ebius and Jerome (see Schiirer, op. cit. i. i, jd. 246).

from the country of Samaria. Cp. x. 30, xi. 28.

as do sacrifice in . . . i.e. the privilege is for the orthodox Jews ; the ' transgressors of the Law ', as well as the
Samaritans living in the three provinces, are excluded.

instead of . . . The text is clearly not in order, something having dropped out ; in Josephus (Antiq. XIII. iv. 9)
it says : ' I remit to them the three provinces ... as also what the kings, my predecessors, received from those that
offered sacrifices in Jerusalem, and what are due from the fruits of the earth, and of the trees, and whatever else
belongs to us ..." ; cp. x 29-31.

35. See notes on x. 29, 30.

all these ... It is noteworthy that there is no mention about the siege of the citadel in Jerusalem (vv. 20-23 1 j
presumably the siege was raised in consideration of all these concessions ; the Syrian garrison, therefore, still remained
in possession.

37. a copy. On tables of brass, cp. viii. 22.

38. the foreign forces . . . from . . . From Crete and from the other islands (Josephus), i.e. of the Grecian
Archipelago.

were inimically disposed. The real reason for this was their loss of pay ; Josephus (Aniig. XIII. iv. g) says
that the kings before this used to give pay to the soldiers in time of peace, ' that they might have their goodwill, and
that they might be fully prepared to undergo the difficulties of war, when any occasion should require it.' This
short-sightedness of Demetrius is only to be explained by the natural slothfulness which seems to have been
characteristic of him ; cp. Justin, xxxvi. I. I, 9, referred to by Grimm.

39. Tryphon. 'Diodotus, who was also called Trypho, an .Apamaean by birth, a commander of Alexander's
forces' (Josephus).

Imalkue the Arabian. On a Palmyrene inscription (a.d. 162) the name iMaliku (13?0) occurs (de 'Vogue, La
.Syrie Centrale, 9) ; on another of later date (A. D. 242) we have Zahdila the son of Maliku, the son of Maliku, cp.

V. 17 (Vogiie, 15 ; cp. G. A. Cooke, op. cit., pp. 276, 2781. In Josephus the form is Malchus, so also the Syriac and
one Latin Version. Schiirer {op. cit. i. I. 247) refers to Noldeke, in Euting"s Nabataische Inschriften, p. 74, where

a Palmyrene inscription is given in which the name 13710' (= Imalku) occurs; Diodorus gives lamblichus, which

also is nothing else than IS^tDV

41. . . . that he should cast out . . . Nothing could better illustrate the broken power of the Seleucidae, and
the way in which Jonathan was able, in consequence, to draw advantage from it.

109

I MACCABEES 11. 42-63

sent unto Jonathan, saying : ' I will not only do this for thee and thy nation, but I will greatly honour

43 thee ''and thy nation', if I find favourable occasion. Now therefore thou shalt do well, if thou send me

44 men who shall fight for mc ; for all my forces are revolted.' And Jonathan sent him^ three thousand
valiant men unto Antioch. And they came unto the king; and the king*" was glad at their coming.

45 And they of the city gathered themselves together 'into the midst of the city", to the number of a

46 hundred and twenty thousand men ; and they were minded to slay the kingJ. And the king fled
into the palace, and they ''of the city'' seized "the thoroughfares of the city', and began to fight.

4 7 And the king called the Jews to (his) aid"", and they were gathered together unto him "all at once" ;

and they dispersed themselves ° in the city ° ; and they slew that day to the number of a hundred
48, 49 thousand. And they set the city on fire, and got many spoils p that day p, and saved the king. And

(when) they of the city saw that the Jews had made themselves masters of the city '"'as they would'',
53 they waxed faint in their hearts ", and cried out to the king with " supplication, saying : ' Give us (thy)

51 right hand, and let the Jews cease from fighting against us and the city.' And they cast away their
arms ', and made peace. And the Jews " were glorified in the sight of the king, and before all that

52 were in his kingdom''"; and they"^ returned to Jerusalem, having many spoils. And (when) king"

53 Demetrius was seated on his throne of his kingdom (again), and the land was quiet before him, he
lied in all that he had spoken, and estranged himself from Jonathan and recompensed (him) not
(y according to) '^ the benefits with which he (had promised to) recompense him-''; but he afflicted
him sore.

XI. 54-74. Fi-iendship between JonatJian and AntiocJuts \'I.

-4 Now after this Tryphon returned, and with him the young child Antiochus ; and he reigned, and

55 put on a diadem. And there were gathered unto him all the forces which Demetrius had sent away

56 in disgrace; and they fought against him, and he" fled, ""and was'^ put to rout'^. ''And Tryphon

57 took the elephants'', and became master of Antioch. And the young Antiochus wrote unto
Jonathan, saying : ' I confirm unto thee the high-priesthood, and appoint thee over the four govern-

58 ments, and to be one of the king's Friends. And he sent unto him golden vessels and furniture for
the table, and gave him leave to drink in golden vessels, and to be clothed in purple, and to have

59 a golden buckle. And his brother Simon he made governor (over the district) from the Ladder of

60 Tyre unto the borders of Egypt. And Jonathan went forth, and took his journey beyond the river,
and through the cities ; and all the forces of Syria gathered themselves unto him for to be his

61 confederates. And he came to Askalon, and they of the city met him honourably. And he
departed thence to Gaza, and they of Gaza shut him out ; and he lay siege unto it, "and burned the

62 suburbs thereof with fire'', and spoiled them. And they of Gaza made request unto Jonathan, and
he gave them his right hand, and took the sons of their princes for hostages, and sent them away to
Jerusalem. And he passed through the country as far as Damascus.

63 And Jonathan heard ' that Demetrius' princes were come to Kedesh. which is in Galilee, with

f-f>7l 8of them A 55 64 93 •= > 71 '-' > 55 E' J + Demetrius 64 93 '''''> 93 '"' (it) 93

"■ palace iL^ ° " > 71 55 3i«<: It 0-° > 71 Ss P-i'>7i 11 > N* (//«<!' N<;-") ■-''>i9 »+ much 64

«+ and gave him their right hand S'"<= "-">7I ■>"+ and they were named in his kingdom N IL' "the Jens 71
='>7l3l' ''"' > N 93 '^ expressed i7i\ ^ Demetrius 64 93 b-b>j[(_i = they were N " ''> iji;

«"« and they burned it S« f saw E' :>:>

43. all my forces are revolted. According to Josephus [Antiq. XIII. v. 3), the inhabitants of Antioch revolted,
but all the troops which Demetrius had not dismissed (see v. 38) remained faithful to him ; ' he took the mercenary
soldiers which he had with him . . . and assaulted the Antiochians.'

45. a hundred and . . . This is an evident exaggeration, so too the number of the slain, v. 47.

4S. they set the city on fire. Josephus adds that the houses were close together, and mostly built of wood.

49. they waxed faint in their hearts. For the Greek cp. Isa. vii. 4, Sept. (Grimm).

53. afflicted him sore. Josephus, more specifically, says that 'he threatened that he would make war upon him
unless he would pay all the tribute which the Jewish nation owed to the first kings ' (i. e. of Syria).

57. the four governments, i. e. Judaea and the three governments mentioned in v. 34.

58. clothed in purple, . . . golden buckle. See notes on x. 20, 62, 89.

59. the Ladder of Tyre. Cp. Josephus {Bdl. Jud. II. x. 2), who says it is a high hill, a hundred stadia north of
Ptolemais.

60. beyond the river, vipav toC -noTnuoi = imn -\1\\ i. e. the territory this side of the Euphrates from the point
of view of the Israelites, that side of the Euphrates from the point of view of the Babylonians (cp. i Kings v. 4) • the
reference here is, therefore, to Syria; cp. the words in this verse, 'ail the forces of Syria gathered themselves unto him '

Askalon. See note on x. 86.

61. Gaza. The southernmost of the five chief Philistine cities, the modern Ghuszeh.

62. Damascus. The modern Esh-Sham ; it lies 120 miles north-east of Jerusalem, and 200 miles south of Antioch

63. Kedesh. Cp. Joshua xxi. 32; Judges iv. 6, 11; situated on the northern frontier of Palestine, amon" the
mountains of Naphtali. Josephus speaks of it as belonging to the Tyrians {Bell. lud. II. xviii. i, IV ii -x) ■ it still
retains its ancient name. -^ '

I 10

I MACCABEES 11. 64— 12. 9

()4 a great host, with the object of hindering him from his purpose ; and he went to meet them, but

65 Simon his brother he left in the country. And Simon encamped against* Bethsura, and fouo-ht

66 against it many days, and shut it*" up ; and they made request to him that he would give them his
right hand, and he gave it to them ; but he put them out from thence, and took possession of the

67 city, and set a garrison over it. And Jonathan and his army encamped at the water 'of Gennesar ',

68 and early in the morning they got them to the plain of Hazor''. And, behold, an army of strangers
met him ' in the plain, and they laid an ambush for him "" in the mountains, but they themselves met

69 (him)° face to face. But they that lay in ambush™ rose out of their places, and joined battle; and

70 all they that were of Jonathan's side fled; not one of them was left, except Mattathias the son of

71 Absalom, and Judas the son of Chalphi, captains of the forces. And Jonathan rent his clothes, and

72 put earth upon his head, and prayed. And he turned again unto them in battle, and put them to

73 rout, and they fled. And (when) they of his side who were fleeing saw it, they returned unto him,

74 and pursued (them) with him unto Kedesh to their camp; and they encamped there. And there
fell of the strangers "on that day" about three thousand men. And Jonathan returned unto
Jerusalem.

XII. 1-38. Jonathan renews Ids alliance witJi Rome, and enters into a league ivitJi the
Spartans. He defeats the foil oivers of Demetrius.

L2 I And Jonathan saw that the time served him, and he chose men, and sent them to Rome, to confirm

2 and renew the friendship that they had with them. " And to the Spartans, and to other places, he

3 sent letters after the same manner ". And they '' went unto Rome, and ^ entered into the senate
house, and said : 'Jonathan the high-priest, and the nation of the Jews, have sent us, to renew for

4 them the friendship and the confederacy, as in former time'^.' And they gave them letters unto (the
governors) of every place, that they should bring them on their way to the land of Judah in peace.

5, 6 And this is the copy of the letter which Jonathan wrote to the Spartans : ' Jonathan the high-priest '',
and the Council "of the nation", and the priests, and the rest of the people of the Jews, unto their

7 brethren the Spartans, greeting ! Even before this time were letters sent unto Onias the high-priest
from Areios \ who was reigning among you, (to the effect) that ye are our brethren, as the copy

8 (here) underwritten showeth. And Onias treated honourably " the man that was sent s, and received ''

9 the letters, wherein declaration was made of confederacy and friendship. Therefore we also — albeit

Sin A 645''"= b them Luc IL' S'"'- *' > V "^ Nazor A V 55 64 'them 55 Ss m-m > a,iuc-

° expressed in ^^ o - o > j|(,i

XII. a-tt > 71 b-b > |(,i c +and they that were in Rome welcomed them 19 93 5'""= " +of the nation A
'''^>AS'''° f 3i' = Josephus ; all otiier autliorities read V)a.x€mi s s those who were sent 3L' ''gave 71

his purpose, i.e. of helping Antiochus.
65. Bethsura. See note on iv. 29.
67. the water of Gennesar. i. e. the lake of Gennesareth ; the name occurs here for the first time.

the plain of Hazor. Cp. Joshua xi. i, xii. 19, xix. 36; Judges iv. 2 ; I Sam. xii. 9; l Kings ix. 15 ; Josephus
{Aiitiq. V. V. i) says it was near the lake Semechonitis, or Merom ; it lay, therefore, right in the north of Palestine.
74. three thousand. Josephus says two thousand (Antiq. XIII. v. '&).

XII. I. he chose men. i. e. Numenius and Antipater, see ;'. 16, xiv. 22.

to confirm . . . Cp. viii. 17 fif.
2. and to other places. It is not specified either in this book or in Josephus what these ' other places ' were.

6. the Council of the nation. This Gerousia is mentioned as being already in existence in the time of Antiochus
the Great (cp. Josephus, Aiitiq. XII. iii. 3) ; the earliest reference to it is, however, 2 Chron. xix. 8. It developed later
into the Sanhedrin, a name which occurs for the first time in the reign of Hyrcanus II (cp. Antiq. XIV. ix. 4). The
head of this Council was the high-priest, as the head also of the State ; it exercised judicial and administrative
functions (cp. I Mace. xiv. 20). The measure of its authority varied according to the amount of autonomy granted by
the suzerain power ; but its moral influence over the Jews, whether in the Dispersion or in Palestine, was always
very considerable.

the rest of the people. 6 XoiTror fii'j/ios- ; Grimm pointedly remarks that it is probably not without a purpose
that the Greek translator of this book almost invariably restricts the use of the word fi^^os to documents sent to or
received from a foreign nation (viii. 29, xiv. 20, 25, xv. 17) ; his object in doing so is to place on record the fact that the
Jewish people is one that is free and independent.

7. Onias. The first of the name, son of Jaddus [Antiq. XI. viii. 7) or Jaddua (Neh. xii. 11), father of the high-priest
Simon I, the Just. There is great uncertainty as to his date, some scholars putting it at about 320-300 B.C., while
others contend for some fifty years later ; others, again, place it between these two extremes.

Areios. The first of the name, who reigned over the Spartans 309-265 B.C. This is the correct form of the
name Areus. All Greek MSS. wrongly read Dareios (see crit. note). That .'Vreios is the right reading is evident from
Josephus ; the form Oniares occurs in v. 20; Cod X reads there oviaapijf (= 'Owa"Ap;)f). The Old Latin \'ersion alone
has preserved the right reading.

8. the man that was sent. Named Demoteles, according to Josephus {Antiq. XIII. v. 8).

Ill

I MACCABEES 12. 10-33

,0 ' we need none of' these things, having for our comfort the holy books which are in our hands— have

assayed to send that we might renew our brotherhood ''and friendship'' with you, to the end that we

should not become estranged from you altogether ; for long time is passed since ye sent unto us.

1 1 ' We therefore at all times without ceasing, both at our feasts, and on other convenient days, do

remember you in the sacrifices which we offer, and in our prayers, as it is right and meet to be

12, 13 mindful of brethren; and, moreover, we are glad for your glory'. But as for ourselves, many

'"afflictions and many wars'" have encompassed us, "and the kings that are round about us have

14 fought against us°. We were not minded, however, to be troublesome to you, or to the rest of our

I 5 confederates » and friends, in these wars ; for we have the help that is from heaven " to help us p, and

iTjwe have been delivered from our enemies, and ''our enemies'' have been humiliated. We chose,

therefore, Numenius the son of Antiochus, and Antipater the son of Jason, and have sent (them)

unto the Romans, to renew the friendship that we had 'with them S "and the former' confederacy ^

17 We commanded them, therefore, to go also unto you, and to salute you. and to deliver you our letters

18 concerning the renewing " (of friendship) and " of our'' brotherhood. And now ye shall do" well if

19 ye give us an answer thereto.' And this is the copy of the letters '^ which they^ sent^ to Onias :
20, 2 1 ' A?eios ^ king of the Spartans, to Onias, the chief priest, greeting ! ''It hath been found in writing,

concerning the Spartans and the Jews, that they are brethren, and that they are ^of the stock'' of

22 Abraham ; and now, since these things have come to our knowledge, ye shall do well to write unto us

23 of your prosperity. And we, moreover, do write on our part to you", that your cattle and goods
are ours, '■ and ours are yours. We do command, therefore, that they'' make report unto you on
this wise '^.'

24 And Jonathan heard that Demetrius' princes were returned to fight against him with a greater

25 force than afore, so he removed from Jerusalem, and met them in the country of Hamath ; for he

26 gave them no respite to set foot in his country. And he sent spies into their" camp; and they
returned, and reported unto him that in such and such a way they had planned to fall upon him by

27 nio-ht. But as soon as the sun was down, Jonathan commanded his men to watch, and to be in arms,
that all the night long they might be ready for battle ; and he sent forth sentinels (and placed them)

28 round about the camp. But (when) the adversaries heard that Jonathan and his men*^ were ready
for battle, they were afraid and trembled in their heart; and they kindled fires in their camp, ^and

29 departed s. But Jonathan and his men knew it not till morning; for they saw the fires burning.

30 And Jonathan '' pursued after them, but did not overtake them ; ' for they had gone over the river
3' Eleutherus. And Jonathan turned aside (and fought) against the Arabians, who are called Gaba-

32 daeans, and smote them ', and took their spoils. And he set out from thence, and came to Damas-
cus. ^ and took his journey through all the country.

33 And Simon went forth'', and took his journey as far as Askalon, and the strongholds that were

'-' we do not put our trust in S? '' '' > 71 ' ' > 71 "'^'" > V "-"^ > 71 ° +and brethren S>s

P P > 71 iL' <ii they that are before us Luc 71 '' "^ > S^ ^-^> yi * > 5''"= """^ > S''"^ iL' ^' your S'"''
«■ ye have done A ^"''>7I yheN'=-i64 93 ■' IL^ {> %') a/o/it; ^'^>-ji i'-''>SsfL- ' -<^^ and if ye
command anything we will readily fulfil it 71 "^ we Ss IL- " his (5 (exc. Luc) £'"'' IL > 5= 'fathers N

K "Luc S o«/)' (= Josephus) •> > A '~'>7l ^'^>S:e

9. the holy books. Cp. i. 56, 57, iii. 48.

15. we have been delivered . . . Cp. iii. 18 fif., iv. 30 fif., &c.

21. concerning the Spartans and the Jews . . . 'The fiction of a relationship between the Jews and the
Spartans, which constituted the motive for the Spartans to write their letter (l Mace. xii. 6, 7, 21, cp. 2 Mace. v. 9),
was not unheard of during the era of Hellenism. Freudenthal, Alexander Polyhistor, p. 29, note, refers in illustration
and for proof to Stephen of IJyzantium under the word 'louSnia ... as K\ai38tof ^\av\i.oi a-na OvSniov STrdpT-mi/ e'eut i'k
Bri^rjs fjLfra Aioiwov eo-rpareuKoTor. In a decree of the Pergamenes (Josephus, Antiq. XIV. .wiii. 22) there is also mention
of a relation between the Jews and the Pergamenes' (Schiirer, op. cit. i. i. 251). On the other hand, as S. A. Cook
and \V. J. Woodhouse {KB 4744) contend : ' There is no reason to doubt the fact of diplomatic relations with Spartii
having been set on foot by Jonathan. For Sparta was too obscure at the time to have suggested itself to a forger
eager to magnify his hero by inventions of the kind. Again, the incident leads to no result in the sequel ; the reverse
would have tended to throw doubt upon the entire episode.' The probability is that while the details can scarcely be
regarded as historical, the broad fact of diplomatic relations of some kind between the Jews and the Spartans is to be
accepted as true (see further, Intr. § 7). The Greek legend of the Spartans having been descended from the Phoenicians
may not have been without influence upon the subject (see, further, Stade, Geschichte des Volkes Israel, ii, pp. 372 f.).
Grimm's important pages (187-191) should, however, also be consulted; while not prepared to accept the copy in
I >Licc. as representing the original document, he holds that since diplomatic relationships were in existence between
the two nations, documents of some kind must have been exchanged.

24. And Jonathan heard . . . The narrative, interrupted by vv. 1-23, is now taken up from xi. 74.

25. Hamath. On the Orontes ; the modern Hamah. Cp. Num. xiii. 21 ; i Kings viii. 65.

30. Eleutherus. See note on xi. 7.

31. Gabadaeans. Probably the small tract of land, about eight miles north of Damascus, now called Zabdini.
<E, 11, S read ' Zabadaeans '.

33. Askalon . . . Joppa. See notes on x. 75, 86.

JI3

I MACCABEES 12. 34-53

f near unto it. And he turned aside to Joppa, and took possession of it, for he had heard that they
were minded to deliver the stronghold unto the men of Demetrius ; and he placed a garrison there
to keep it.

5 And Jonathan returned, and called the elders of the people together ; and he took counsel with

6 them to build strongholds in Judaea, and to make the walls of Jerusalem higher, and to raise a crreat
mound between the citadel and the city, ' for to separate it from the city ', " so that it might be

7 isolated ", ° that they (within it) might neither buy nor (they without) sell ". And they were
gathered together to build (the city) ° ; and (a part of) the wall by the brook that is on the east side

8 had fallen down, and ''he repaired that which is called Chaphenatha ''. And Simon also built Adida
in the plain country, and made if strong, 'and set up gates ^and bars''^

XII. 39-53. TIic capture of Jonathan through Ireacliery.

i9 And Tryphon sought to reign over Asia and to put on himself the diadem, and to stretch forth

to his hand against Antiochus the king *. And he was afraid lest haply Jonathan should not suffer

him (to do so), "and lest he should fight against him" ; so he "sought a way'" how" to take him,

41 ''that he might destroy him''. And he ''removed, and carne^ to Bethshan. ^ And Jonathan came

42 forth ^ *to meet him" with forty thousand men chosen for battle, and came to Bethshan. And
(when) Tryphon saw that he came with a great host, he was afraid to stretch forth his hand against

43 him ; and he received him honourably, and commended him unto all his Friends, '""'and gave him
gifts ""j and commanded his Friends'' and his forces to be obedient unto him, "as unto himself '=".

44 And he said unto Jonathan : ' Why hast thou put all this people to trouble, seeing there is no war

45 betwixt us ? And now, send tliem away to their homes, but choose for thyself a few men who shall
be with thee, and come thou with me to Ptolemais, and I will give it up to thee, ''and the rests of the
strongholds and the rest of the forces, and all the (king's) officers ; then I will return and depart ; for,

46 for this cause did I come'^.' And he trusted him and did even as he said, and'' sent away his

47 forces, and they departed into the land of Judah. But he reserved to himself three thousand men,

48 two thousand 'of whom' he left in Galilee, but one thousand went with him. But when Jonathan
had entered into Ptolemais, "^ they of Ptolemais shut the gates, and ^ took him ; and all they that

49 had come with him they slew with the sword. And Tryphon sent forces and horsemen into Galilee,

50 'and"' into the great plain', to destroy all Jonathan's men. And they perceived that he was taken
and had perished, and they that were with him ; nevertheless they encouraged one another, and went

51 on their way close together, ready for war. And (when) they that were following (upon them) saw

52 that they were ready (to fight) for their lives, they turned back again. And they all came in peace
to the land of Judah, and they mourned for Jonathan and them that were with him, "and they were

53 sore afraid. And all ° Israel mourned " with a great mourning. And all the Gentiles that were
round about them sought to destroy them utterly, for they said : ' They have not p a man p (that is)
leader and (who will) help (them) ; '' now therefore let us fight against them '', and take away their
memorial from among men.'

' ' > N** (hab X '=-^) "»""" > Ss » " > N* {hab N <^^) ° expressed in X cities V pp he pulled down the

mound which is called Chesphonitho S « > A '' '' > .\ ^"^ > 55 *° ' the younger Ss "-" > 71

"" was desirous IL ">« ^"''>Ss y-y came stealthily V ^-'=>S« ■■■" > 64 93 ''-''>X*

(/;rt(5 X =•") V <=-<=> 71 d-d>5g e-eiii^ewise A ''"f>7l SmanyA i" + Jonathan X<=-'' 19 93 S'""

*'about«A k-k>siuc 1-1 > 71 "1 > A "°>7i '^ > .'V 9S P'P > X V i-q>7i

37. the brook that ... i. e. the Kidron.

Chaphenatha. The meaning of this word is unknown ; it does not occur elsewhere : Josephus does not mention it.

38. Adida. The Chadid of Ezra ii. 33 ; Neh. vii. 37, xi. 34. four miles east of Lydda ; Josephus {Aiiiiq. XIII. vi. 5)
says it is ' upon an hill, and beneath it lie the plains of Judaea'. The modern el-Chadite.

the plain country. 'SecptjXci = the lowland region west of the mountainous country of Judaea.

40. Bethshan. Sec note on v. 52.

41. with forty thousand men. The number shows how Jonathan's power and influence had increased ; it was
not without reason that Tryphon recognized Jonathan's power to hinder him in his designs (cp. 7'. 40). Josephus
(Antiq. XIII. vi. i) says that the reason why Jonathan came with such a large army was because he expected to be
attacked by Tryphon.

43. commended. For this sense of o-^Jw'o-T-ij/ii cp. 2 Mace. iv. 24; Wisd. vii. 14 ; Rom. xvi. i ; 2 Cor. x. 18 ; for
further references see Schleusner s.i>.

49. the great plain. See note on v. 52.

50. had perished. But see xiii. 23, though it was natural to suppose that he had been murdered.

52. they mourned . . . Cp. ix. 20, xiii. 26; enivdrja-iv . . . nivOoi fiiya, a Hebraism.

53. They have not . . . Both the rival kings were now at enmity with the Jews ; hitherto the Jewish leader had
always managed to have the support of one or other of the claimants to the throne.

let us fight against them. This intention does not appear to have been carried out.

. . . take away their memorial . . . Cp. iii. 35, Ecclus. x. 17.

1106 113 I

I MACCABEES 13. 1-20

Simon Maccabaeus XIII. 1— XVI. 24.
XIII. i-ii. Simon elected leader.

13 1 And Simon heard that Tryphon had gathered together a numerous " host to come into the land of

2 Judah, and destroy it utterly. And he saw that the people were troubled ^ and (were) in great fear '' ;

3 so he went up to Jerusalem, and gathered the people together, and encouraged them, and said unto
them : 'Ye yourselves know what things I, and my brethren, and my father's house, have<= done for

> 4 the '■ laws and the sanctuary ^, and the battles " and the distresses " ^ which we have seen ^ ; by reason

5 whereof all my brethren have perished for Israel's sake, and I alone am left. And now be it far from

^ me that I .should spare my own life in anytime of affliction; 8 for I am not better than my brethren s.

■. 6 Howbeit I will take vengeance for my nation, and for the sanctuary, and for our ''wives and •» children ;

7 because all ' the Gentiles are gathered together to destroy us ^ of very hatred ''.' And the spirit of

8 the people, 'as soon as' they heard these™ words, revived. "And they answered with a loud voice,

9 saying" : ' Thou art our leader instead of Judas and Jonathan thy brethren". Fight thou ''our war^,

10 and all that thou shalt say unto us, that will we do.' And he'' gathered together all the men of war,

1 1 and made haste to finish the walls of Jerusalem, and fortified it round about. And he sent Jonathan
the son of Absalom, and with him a great host, to Joppa ; and he cast out them that were therein,
and abode there'' ^ in it '.

XIII. 12-24. Simon defeats Tryplion.

12 And Tryphon removed from Ptolemais with a mighty host to enter into the land of Judah ; and
13. 14 Jonathan was with him in ward. But Simon encamped at Adida, 'over against the plain'. And

(when) Tryphon knew that Simon was risen up instead of his brother Jonathan", and meant to join

15 battle with him, he sent ambassadors unto him, saying: ' It is for the money which Jonathan thy
brother owed unto the king's treasure, ^ by reason of the offices which he had ^', that we hold him fast.

16 And now send a hundred talents of silver, and two of his sons (as) hostages, that when he is set at

17 liberty he may not revolt from us, — and we will set him at liberty.' And Simon knew"' that they
spake ''unto him " deceitfully, but sent the money and the children, lest peradventure he should bring

i!^ upon himself great hatred on the part of the people '', (in that they should be) saying : ' Because I sent

19 him not the money and the children ^''he perished''.' "^And he sent the children ^ "= and the hundred

20 talents ; and "he'' dealt falsely, and did not set Jonathan at liberty. And ' after this ^ Tryphon came
to invade the land \ and destroy it, and he went round about by the way (that leadeth) to Adora ;

XIII. "great S3 •'-i^>7i " + all N V d-d the holy laws H » « > x* (/W' N"=) Y 71 f-f T.R. N' <= i*
e-g>7i h-h>5iuc i>Sg k-k>7j ^-^ avTov (for afia Tov) in refere7tce to people ""his 19 93 S'""^

"-" And they said E 055 S'-"; ; brother ffi 1i pp >% <! Simon 64 93 ' > N* {hab N <==') V S?

S8> 51110 3L '-* in the sight of the temple 31 " > 71 ''"'>7l "knew not 'V^ 55 ''"^^ > 71

y Israel 55 S""^ + Israel Luc ^-^ > X » " > 58 i' > 55 64 <=^'= > 71 ^ Tryphon Luc ^-e -> -j 51^

'city A + of Judah Luc

XIII. I. Simon. The last survivor of the five Maccabaean brothers. He completed the work so brilliantly carried
out by Jonathan, and made his people entirely independent of the Syrian kings.

3. which we have seen. i. e. experienced ; Ihuv is used in this sense like HNI, see Jer. v. 12, xiv. 13, &c.

4. my brethren have perished. According to the general belief Jonathan had been murdered, but he was still
alive at this time, see v-,'. 12, 23.

I alone am left. Cp. the words of Elijah, i Kings xviii. 22.

5. I am not better . .^ . Cp. the similar words of Elijah, i Kings xix. 4.
7. the spirit . . . revived. Cp. Gen. xlv. 27 ave^amiptun to nveiiia "laKii/S.

9. and all that ... Cp. Exod. xix. 8 ; Joshua i. 16.

10. to finish the walls . . . This work had been begun by Jonathan, see xii. 36, 37.

11. Absalom. Cp. xi. 70.

• • •. '•° J°PP^ • • • Cp. xii. 33, according to which Joppa was already in possession of the Jews ; Josephus [Antiq.
XIII. VI. 4) makes the maUer clear: 'And sent . . . Jonathan the son of Absalom, to Joppa, and gave him command
to cast out the mhabitants out of the city, for he was afraid lest they should deliver up the city to Tryphc'

13. Adida. See note on xii. 38.

the plain, mhinv here, in xii. 38 a-ecpriXd.

14. to join battle with him. For the Greek phrase cp. Deut. ii. 14 (Sept.).

15. the king's treasure, i.e. the royal treasury, cp. 2 Mace. iii. 13.
the offices which . . . Cp. x. 65, xi. 63.

20. he went round about by the way. Cp. i Kings iii. 9 (Sept.) ; KixXoiv 686v = T]ni 3D (Grimm), i. e. he
jiurposcly made a di'tour by way of Adora.

Adora. Adoraim in the O.T., cp. 2 Chron. xi. 9, one of the cities fortified by Rehoboam, the modern Dura
(Josephus calls it Dora, A7itiq. XIII. vii. 2), five miles south-west of Hebron.

114

I MACCABEES 13. 21-32

1 and Simon and his army marched over against him to whatsoever place he went. Now they of the
citadel sent '^ unto Tryphon = ambassadors, hastening him to come ^ unto them through the wilderness,

2 and to send them victuals'". And Tryphon made ready all his horse to come; and in that night
there fell 'a great quantity of' snow, and he did not (find it possible to) come because of the snow ;

3 so he removed, and came into the country of Gilead. But when he came near to Bascama, he slew

4 Jonathan, and he was buried there. And Tryphon returned, and went away into his own land.

XIII. 25-30. JonatJuvis sepulchre at Modin.

5 And Simon sent, and took the bones of Jonathan his brother, and buried him ^ at Modin, the city

6 of his fathers. And 'all Israel' made great™ lamentation over him, "and mourned for him many

7 days ". And Simon built (a monument) upon the sepulchre of his father and of his brethren, and
raised it aloft, °so that it could be seen "(from afar); (he built it) with polished stone behind and

8 before. And he set up p seven pyramids, '^ one over against another, for (his) father, and mother, and

9 four brethren*. And ""for these "" he made cunning devices, setting about them ^ great' pillars,
and upon the pillars he fashioned "all manner of arms" for a perpetual memory, and beside "the

oarms" ^carved ships % that they should be seen of all that sail on the sea. This is the sepulchre
which he made at Modin, (and it is there) unto this day.

XIII. 31-43. Murder of Antiochus. Treaty between Simon and Demetrius II.

2 Now Tryphon dealt deceitfully with the young" king^ Antiochus, and slew him, and reigned in
his stead, and put on himself the diadem of Asia, and brought great calamity upon the land.

g8>A *'b>7i i-i > IL kthemT.R. '-'theyyi ™ > Luc °-°>7i ""/zV. to the sight

P + upon it 55 Luc 4''J>7l r-r->5iuc 8 4. four IL ' > 55 """ panoplies G/!\ propitiatory

offerings Ss (?) '>' '^ various carved things A + he set up S'""^ " great 64 93 ^ > Ss

inarched over against him. i. e. marched parallel with him, Simon in the mountain country and Tryphon in
the plain.

21. hastening. For the Greek Karaanfiheiv cp. Sept. of Exod. v. 13 (' And the taskmasters vi^ere urgent . . .').

22. because of the snow. It is but rarely that snow falls south of Hebron, though it is not altogether unknown
even so low down south as that; see further, Nowack, Hebr. Archiiologie, i. 49.

23. Bascama. This place is not mentioned elsewhere, its position is quite uncertain ; see, further, Buhl, Geographic
des alten Paldstina, p. 241.

25. Modin. See note on ii. i.

26. great lamentation. Cp. ii. 70, ix. 20.

27. the sepulchre ... ' Ever since, in the fourth century B. c, Artemisia, widow of Mausolus, King of Caria,
erected at Halicarnassus a stately monument to his memory — hence the word mausoleum — the custom of building
similar sepulchred edifices had been spreading in the East ' (Fairweather and Black, op. cit., p. 230).

28. seven pyramids. Josephus [Aniig. Xlll. vi. 6) says that these had ' been preserved to this day ' ; he seems to
be referring to some additional source of knowledge in adding : ' And we know that it was Simon who bestowed so
much zeal about the burial of Jonathan, and the building of these monuments for his relations ; ' cp. in v. 30 the words
' unto this day '. The seventh pyramid Simon presumably set up for himself.

29. carved ships. Josephus makes no mention of these.

30. unto this day. Concerning the bearing of this on the date of the book see Intr. § 4. Grimm quotes Eusebius,
who says in his Onomasticon : ' Modeim . . . unde fuerunt Maccabaei, quorum hodieque ibidem sepulchra mon-
strantur.'

31. and slew him, and reigned in his stead. 'There are coins of Antiochus VI from 167 to 170 of the Seleucid
era, or from 146-145 to 143-142 B.C. Coins of Trypho bear the number of the years III and IV, Josephus assigns to
the reign of Antiochus VI a period of four years, and to Trypho a period of three years (^«//V. XIII. vii. 1,2). This is in
agreement with the statement of Porphyry, who gives to Demetrius, before his imprisonment, only a three years' reign
(Eusebius, Citron., ed. Schoene, i. 257, 263 ff.), from Olympiad 160. i, which is really Olym. 159. 4, or 141-140 e.g.,
to Olympiad 160. 3, or 138-137 B.C. Porphyry evidently reckons the reign of Demetrius as beginning with the
displacement by conquest or murder of Antiochus VI. In thorough accord with this, too, is the chronology of
I Mace. xiii. 31-41, which unhesitatingly assigns the murder of Antiochus by Trypho to the Seleucid year 170, or
143-142 B.C. Finally, it is no serious discrepancy when, in I Mace. xiv. i the Parthian campaign of Demetrius is
dated from the Seleucid year 172, or 141-140 b. C. ; while Porphyry, on the other hand, assigns it to Olympiad 160. 2,
or 139-138 B.C. In direct contradiction, however, with the foregoing, stands the statement made by many writers
(Josephus, A)itiq. XIII. v. 11, vii. i ; Appian, Syr. 67, 68 ; Justin, xxxvi. l), that Antiochus was not murdered by Trypho
before the time of the Parthian campaign by Demetrius, and indeed not till after Demetrius had been taken prisoner.
This, however, is in opposition not only to the chronology of I Mace, but also to the circumstance that then there is
not left a three or four years' reign for Trypho, which yet, according to Josephus and the coins, must be admitted.
Then Trypho's death occurs almost contemporaneously with the seizure of Demetrius by the Parthians in 138 B. C. . . .
It therefore seems to me hazardous to assume, with many modem critics, that the last-named authorities should have
precedence over i Mace' (Schi.irer, op. cit. \. i, pp. 176 f). Regarding the death of Antiochus, Grimm qiiotes Livy
(Epit. 55) to the effect that ' Alexandri filius, rex Syriae, decem annos admodum habens, a Diodoto, qui Tryphon
cognominabatur, tutore suo, per fraudem occisus est, corruptis medicis, qui eum calculi dolore consumi ad populum
mentiti, dum secant, occiderunt.'

32. Asia. See note on xi. 13.

115 I a

I MACCABEES 13. 33-50

33 And Simon built the strongholds ^ of Judaea, and fenced (them) about with high towers, and great

34 walls ^ and gates, and bars; and he laid up victuals in the strongholds. And Simon chose men, and
sent to king Demetrius, to the end he should give the country an immunity, * because all that

35 Tryphon did was to plunder". ''And king Demetrius sent unto him according to these words, and

36 answered him, and wrote a letter unto him, after this manner'': 'King Demetrius unto Simon the

37 high-priest and Friend of kings "=, '' and unto the elders and nation of the Jews '', greeting. The golden
crown, and the palm-branch *, which ye sent, we have received ; and we are ready to conclude

38 a lasting peace with you, and to write to the officers to grant immunities unto you. ^ And whatsoever
things we (have now) confirmed unto you, they are confirmed ^ ; and the strongholds which ye have

39 builded, ^ let them be *>' your own. '■ As for any oversights and faults (committed) unto this day, we
forgive (them ') '' ; and the crown which ye owed ^ (we remit) ; and if there were any other toll

40 exacted in Jerusalem, ' let it no longer be exacted 1. And if (there be) some of you meet to be
enrolled among those round about us, let them be enrolled ; and (thus) let there be peace betwixt

41 us.' ""In the one hundred and seventieth year (therefore) was the yoke of the heathen taken away

42 from Israel™. And the people of Israel" began to write in their instruments and contracts: °'In
the first year" of Simon the great high-priest and captain" and leader of the Jews.'

XIII. 43-53. Simon captures Gazara and the citadel of Jerusalem. ^

43 In those days he « encamped against Gazara ■", and compassed it round about ' with armies ; and he

44 made 'an engine of siege', and brought it up' to the city, and smote one tower, and took it". And
they that were in the engine of siege leaped forth into the city; and there was a great uproar in the

45 city ; and they of the city rent their clothes, and went up " on the wall ^ with their wives and children,

46 and cried with a loud voice, making request to Simon to give them right hands. And they said :

47 'Deal not with us according to our wickednesses, but according to thy mercy.' And Simon was
reconciled unto them, and did not fight against them ; but he drove them out of the city, and cleansed
the houses wherein the idols were, and so " entered into it with ^ singing and giving of praise ^ ^.

48 ^ And he put all uncleanness out of it", and caused to dwell in it men who observed the Law; and
he made it stronger (than it was before), and he built therein a dwelling-place for himself.

49 But they of the citadel of Jerusalem were hindered from going forth, "''and from going* into the
country '', ■= and from buying and selling '^ ; and they hungered exceedingly, and many of them

50 perished through famine. And they cried out to Simon *'to take right hands; which thing he
granted them''; but he cast them out from thence; and he cleansed the citadel from pollutions.

y stronghold A ^+ and towers A ''»>7i ''"'' And he sent unto him a writing thus 71 ■= of the king S'""^
.1 d > 7 1 e pahii-branched N* embassy 93 so probably 5'"° NFlVn^C' (' robe ') being a mistake for XniH'i'K' (' embassy ')
t f > 71 setheyareE. '^^>-]\ 'youA kowe'V '"'>7i m-m>7i ">NV64g3

o-o> 71 i>> 71 qsimon T.R. •'■with foscphus, Antiq. XIII. vi. 7 ; Bell. Iiid. I. ii. 2 ; Gaza alt the MSS.

and Versions, wrongly 8-= > 71 '-* > A a strong wooden tower S'"<= ; in Ss the Ck. is transliterated " the
ctySioc v-T>igg35iuc wthenSsE ^^>7i y+toGodVE '-">7i ''»>A7I93

1)Ii>Sk <= "> 71 d d^ 71 ' ^ / yo

33. And Simon built . . . Simon was not slow to utiHze the opportunity for strengthening his own position which
the struggle for the Syrian throne afforded him.

34. And Simon chose men . . . This is not mentioned by Josephus.

36. King Demetrius ... On this letter see Intr. § 7. ii. {e).
the elders. See note on xii. 6.

37. the palm-branch. So critical note. The reading /3aiV is to be preferred, fidivi^v of Cod. S* being most likely
due to the following rfv, cp. 2 Mace. xiv. 4, where it is said that 'a chaplet of gold and a palm' (0oi'wKn) were presented
to Demetrius. The reference here is most likely to a sceptre the top of which was shaped into palm-leaves. In the
O.T. the palm-tree is referred to as a symbol of prosperity (cp. Ps. xcii. 12); it is with this signification that it is
depicted on some Jewish coins, see De Saulcy, Numismatique fuive, PI. I, fig. 6 ; Madden, Coins of the Jews, p. 71.

to grant immunities . . . Cp. x. 28-35.
39. the crown . . . Cp. x. 29.

41. In the one hundred and seventieth year. i.e. 143-142 B.C.

42. And the people of Israel began to write ... On the importance of the study of numismatics in connexion
with this statement see Schurer, op. cit. i. i, pp. 257 ff., and his Appendix IV.

43. Gazara. See critical note. For the correctness of this reading see v. 53; xiv. 7,34; xv. 28; xvi. i. On
Gazara see note on iv. 15. On the situation of Gazara, Eusebius, Onom., ed. Lagarde, p. 244 (quoted by Schurer,
op- "t- 1. I, p. 261), remarks : km vw KaXilrai VaCapa Kafir) Nixon-oAeus aTre'xoucra trijfifioir b' iv /Sopciois. It is the modern
lell-Jezer discovered by Clermont-Ganneau in 1873, and excavated by the Pat. Exilor. Fund during the years
1902-9 ; see the Quarterly Statement ' for these years.

an engine of siege. tXtVoXit (see critical note) ; on this machine see Smith's Diet, of Class. Antiq., s. v.
46. Deal not with us . . . Cp. Isa. i. 16 (Sept.) ; Jer. xxxiii. 5.

116

I MACCABEES 13. 51— U. 9

I And he*" entered into it ^ "on the three and twentieth day of the second'' month, in the one hundred
and seventy-first year", with praise, and palm-branches, 'and with harps and with cymbals ''and
with viols, and with hymns '', and with songs ' ; because a great ' enemy had been destroyed out of

J Israel ™. And he ordained that they should keep that day every year " with gladness °. ° And the
hill of the temple that was by the citadel he made stronger (than it was before) ; and he dwelt there,

? (both) he and his men °. And Simon saw that John his son was (grown to be) a man, and he made
him leader of all his forces ; and he dwelt at Gazara.

XIV. 1-3. Demetrius II imprisoitcd by Arsaccs, king of Persia.

1 In the one hundred and seventy-second year Demetrius the king gathered his forces together, and

2 went into Media, to get him help, that he might fight against Tryphon. And (when) Arsaces, the
king of Persia *and Media ^ heard that Demetrius was come into his borders, he sent one of his leaders

3 to take him alive ; and he went and smote the army of Demetrius, and took him, and brought him to
Arsaces ; ""and he put him in ward''.

XIV. 4-15. Simon s beneficent rtile ; an ode in his hononr.

4 And the land " had rest all the days of Simon ; and he sought the good of his nation ; and his

5 authority "^and his glory'' was well-pleasing to them ''all his days'*. And ''in addition to all his
(other) glory (was this that) '' he took Joppa for a haven, and made it a place of entry for the ships "
of the sea.

6 And he enlarged the borders of his nation,

'' And ruled over the land ^

7 And he gathered together 8 many that had been in captivity s,

And he ruled over Gazara, and Bethsura, ' and the citadel.
And he took away uncleannesses therefrom ^ ',
And there was none that could resist him.

8 And they tilled their land in peace ;

And the land gave her increase,
And the trees of the plains their fruit.

9 Old men sat in the streets ',

■^ All spoke together of the (common) weal ^,

And the young men put on glorious and ' warlike apparel.

"they X 19 93 §'''<= f the citadel Luc s-s>-7i ii > 19 93 S''"' '"'>7l k-k > ^luc ' > 64

'" Jerusalem V + and no enemy rose up any more to fight Luc S'"'= " ° > A °~° > 7 1

XIV. a-'i>7l ^ ^ > V. [hab f/C^-'^) <= -l-of Judah N V 19 55 S iL '1-*>7I '' 'Lwc %; \%\t^ all other

authorities *'"'> 71 s-g much treasure Ss i" from them 64 93 * assemblies N (streets N ■=■") ''"''> 71

i+not Luc Ss

51. the three and twentieth day . . . The 23rd of lyyar (= Ziv in O.T., cp. I Kings vi. l) 171 = the 23rd May

142 B.C.

palm-branches. Cp. 2 Atacc. x. 7; John xii. 13.
with harps . . . Cp. iv. 54.

52. And he ordained . . . This feast is referred to in Megillath Tdanith (' The scroll of Fasting ', so called
because fasting is forbidden on the days enumerated), ch. ii, which enumerates thirty-five days of joy in Jewish
history which were kept as feast-days; it was compiled about the beginning of the Christian era. Possibly this feast
is included in the words contained in Judith viii. 6, but it has long ceased to be celebrated.

And the hill of the temple . . . On this statement, and that of Josephus (yJ«//V. XIII. vi. 7), that Simon had the
hill on which the citadel stood removed, in order that the Temple might stand higher than any other building in
Jerusalem, see Schiirer, op. cit. i. I, p. 163.

53. John. i.e. John Hyrcanus I.

XIV. I. one hundred and seventy-second year. On the Parthian expedition see note on xiii. 31.
2. Arsaces. i.e. Mithridates I, king of the Parthians. The name Arsaces was assumed by all the kings of \

Parthia after the founder of the Empire of this name. \

7. Gazara . . . Cp. iv. 29, xiii. 43, 49-51.

8. they tilled . . . Cp. Lev. xxvi. 4; Ezek. xxxiv. 27.
the land gave . . . Cp. Zech. viii. 12.

the trees . . . Cp. Deut. viii. 8 ; Hag. ii. 19.

9. Old men . . . Cp. Zech. viii. 4, 5.

117

I MACCABEES 14. 10-27

10 For the cities he provided victuals.

" And furnished " them with defensive works,

Until his glorious name was proclaimed to the end of the earth,
r I He made peace in the land,

And Israel rejoiced with great joy.

1 2 And each sat under his vine " and his fig tree ",

And there was none to make them afraid " ;

13 And no one was left in the land to fight them

P And the « kings were discomfited in those days.

14 And he strengthened all that were brought low of his people ;

He sought out the Law,
And put away the lawless and wicked.

15 ■■ He glorified the sanctuary p.

And multiplied '^ the' vessels of the Temple.

XIV. 16-34. Renewal of the alliance with Rome.

16 And (when) *it was heard* in Rome that Jonathan was dead, "and' (even) unto Sparta", they

17 were exceeding sorry. But as soon as they heard that his brother Simon was made high-priest " in

18 his stead, and ruled the country, and the cities therein ", they wrote unto him on tablets of brass, to
renew with him the friendship and the confederacy which they had established with "Judas and"

19, 20 Jonathan "his brethren " ; and they were read before the congregation in Jerusalem. And this is the
copy of the letter which the Spartans sent : ' The rulers and the city'' of the Spartans, unto Simon the^^
high-priest, and unto the elders, "and the priests, and the rest of the people of the Jews, (who are)

2 1 brethren ", greeting ; " The ambassadors that were sent unto our people made report to us of your '^

22 glory and honour ; and " we were glad for their coming. And we did register the things that were
spoken by them in the public records, after this manner : Numenius, son of Antiochus, and Anti-
pator, son of Jason, the Jews' ambassadors, came unto us to renew the friendship they had with us.

23 And it pleased the people to receive the men honourably, and to place the copy of their words
among the public records, to the end that the people of the Spartans might have a mernorial thereof.'

24 Moreover they^ wrote a copy of these things unto Simon the high-priest. After this Simon sent
Numenius to Rome having a great shield of gold of a thousand pound weight", in order to confirm
the confederacy with them.

XIV. 25-49. The hereditary High-priesthood conferred upon Simon ; a memorial tablet
to Simon and the Maccabaeans is set np in the Temple.

25 But when the people heard these things, they said : ' What thanks shall we give to Simon » and his

26 sons? For he, and his brethren, and his father's house have ''made themselves strong '', and have
chased away in fight the enemies ° of Israel from them, '' and established liberty for it ^.' And they

27 wrote on tablets of brass, and set them upon a pillar " in mount Zion. ^ And this is the copy of the
writing : ' On the eighteenth day of Elul, in the one hundred and seventy-second year — that is the

m-m>7i n strengthened S'"<= °°>X p-p>7i "J their A '-i'>X ^ And the S t' he heard A
they heard Luc 55 71 "">7i '+ it was heard Luc " cities il' S'"<= " +great Luc 55 ^^ peace and
your Luc JweYgs ^ > Ss "+ the high priest Si'"= ''"'' acted valiantly 5'"° "the sons 64 ''-'iand
they gave the inheritance to Simon and established (him) Luc, makitig 'the people' m v. 25 the subject
« pillars NV f-f>7l

12. each sat under . . . Cp. i Kings iv. 25 ; I\Iic. iv. 4 ; Zech. iii. 10. ■

And there was none . . . Cp. Deut. xxviii. 26 ; Jer. vii. 33 ; Zech. i. 21.
14. all that were brought low. iravTas tovs raneivovs ; cp. Ps. xvii. 28 ; Isa. xiv. 32 ; Amos ii. 7 (all in Sept.).

He sought out the Law. Cp. Ps. civ. 45 (Sept.).
16. and (even) unto Sparta. See Jntr. § 7. iii. {b).
18. the friendship and the confederacy . . . Cp. viii. 17-30, xii. 1-4.

20. The rulers and ... On this letter see Intr. § 7. iii. {b). The rulers were the Ephors ever since the year
192 B.C., when Nabis, the last of the 'tyrants', was murdered.
22. Numenius. Cp. xii. 16.
24. After this . . . See Intr. § 7. iii. (t).

a thousand pound weight. .\vi obvious exaggeration, cp. xv. iS.
27. Elul. The sixth month in the sacred year (= September approximately) ; cp. Neh. vi. 15.

the one hundred and seventy-second year = 141 B.C.

118

I MACCABEES 14. 28-41

8 third year of Simon s the '' high-priest s, ' and the prince of the people of God ' — in a great congre-
gation of priests and people and princes of the nation, and of the elders of the country, ^ (the following)

9 was promulgated by us i' ; Forasmuch as oftentimes there have been wars in the country ', Simon the
son of Mattathias, '^ the son of the children of Joarib '', and his brethren, put themselves in jeopardy,
and withstood the enemies of their nation, that their sanctuary and the Law might be upheld ; and

they glorified their nation with great glory. 'And Jonathan assembled their" nation together', and

1 became high-priest to them ; and he was gathered to his people. Then their enemies determined to
invade their country, "that they might destroy their country utterly", and stretch forth their hands

,2 against their sanctuary. Then rose up Simon and fought for his nation ; and he spent much of his own

,3 substance, and armed the ° valiant men of his nation, and gave them wages. And he fortified the cities
of Judaea, and Bethsura (that lieth) upon the borders of Judaea, where the arms of the enemies were

(4 aforetime, and set there a garrison of Jews, p And he fortified Joppa which is by the sea, and Gazara
which is upon the borders of Azotus, wherein the enemies dwelt aforetime ; and he placed Jews there •',

• 5 and whatsoever things were needful for the sustenance '' of these he put in them. And (when) the
people saw the faith "^ of Simon, and the glory which he sought to bring unto his nation, they made him
their leader "and high-priest, because he had done all these things, and because of the justice and the

56 faith which he kept to his nation, and because he sought by all means to exalt his people p. And in
his days things prospered in his hands ^, ' so that the Gentiles were taken away out of their (the
Jews') country ; and they also that were in the city of David, they that were in Jerusalem, who had
made themselves a citadel, out of which they issued, and polluted all things round about the sanc-

37 tuary, and did great hurt unto its purity (these did he expel) • ; and he made Jews to dwell therein,
and fortified it for the safety of the country and of the city ; and he made high the walls of Jeru-

58 salem. And king Demetrius confirmed him in the high-priesthood "in consequence of these things ",

40 and made him one of his Friends, ^and honoured him with great honour^'. For ™ he had heard™
that the Jews had been proclaimed by the Romans friends, and confederates, "and brethren", and

41 that they had met the ambassadors of Simon honourably. And " the Jews and the priests were well
pleased that Simon should be their leader and high-priest " for ever, until a faithful prophet should

g g > §100 h + great N V Luc 55 ' > in .\saramel (Saramel A = ^X DSJ nt^) G the prince of Israel S

k"k he made known to us N A V &c. we made known to you Luc S'"° these things were made known IL (= VliH)
'-i>N7i "D his V S'"" E' n-n> X* (//(ti^ xo-^') V ° his « i>-p>7i 1 nourishment and susten-

ance S'"<^ "^ deeds S'"" IL' -l-deedsV ^ -f- and fortified Jerusalem 71 ''>7i "'"///. according to

these things ; > 71 S^^° v-v > 71 w-w jj \^^^ been heard A Luc 71 ^ 71 ; ■(// of/ier authorities add that

the third year . . . Cp. xiii. 42.

28. the prince of the people of God. Greek cV 'S.apafiVK, see critical note, where, however, the meaning of this
expression given does not account for the cV; Schiirer thinks that this represents the remains of o-eyti/ (= pD, the
Hebr. for aT^taT^yo^ [roO \.ipav\, cp. Jer. li. 23, 28, 57; Ezek. xxiii. 6, 12, 23; Ezra ix. 2; Neh. ii. 16, iv. S, xii. 40,
xiii. II ; Dan. iii. 2, 27, vi. 8 ; Acts iv. i), op. cit. i. i. 265 ; ii. i. 258 f.; but, in this case, what has become of the trey?
It seems more natural to follow Wernsdorf (quoted by Grimm and Kautzsch) and see in aapaiiiX the transliteration of

?N DV "I'C, ' Prince of the people of God'; the translator, assuming that this' was the name of a place, would then
have inserted eV. The difficulty here is the mention of God, which is uniformly avoided in this book ; it may,

therefore, be that the Syriac Version has retained the original reading, 'a prince of Israel,' ?XT.^" lb'; the Hebrew
script in use before the square characters were introduced might easily account for reading an m (to) for the second
s (C) ; the translator, who was obviously puzzled, may also have taken exception, through ignorance, to the
repeated "W.

was promulgated by us. See critical note.

29. Joarib. Cp. ii. I.

33. Bethsura. Cp. iv. 29.

34. he fortified Joppa. Cp. xii. 33, 34.

Gazara . . . upon the borders of Azotus. Cp. xiii. 43-S. This is a mistake as Gazara was 17 miles distant
from Ashdod ; Grimm thinks the error is due to the translator.

wherein. €1/ »; . . . fVei, a Hebraism ; cp. e. g. Deut. iv. 5. 14, 26, >; yij fir fju vfiels diTTropevecrdf fxei ; and often.

35. they made him . . . But cp. xiii. 8 ff. ; on the chronological discrepancies between the details given in this
letter and those in xi. i6-xiv. 24 see //itr. § 7. iii.

40. and brethren, a-u/x/ioxoi is the more usual expression, cp. v. 18, viii. 20, xv. 17 ; dSeXcpoi is scarcely original.

41. leader and high-priest. Simon has three official titles: apxiepevs, as spiritual ruler; a-TpaTi]y6t, as military
chief; and eSvapxris, as civil governor ; see xiii. 42, and v. 47 of this chap., cp. also xv. i, 2.

for ever. i. e. that it should be hereditary in his family.

until a faithful prophet ... By this is meant that ' this popular decree should remain in force until an
authentic communication from God should make some other enactment. . . .The significance of this popular resolution
lies not so much in the fact that it conveyed to him (Simon) any new dignity, but rather in this, that it legitimized and
pronounced hereditary those dignities which he already had. In this way a new high-priestly and princely dignity
was founded, that of the Asmoneans' (Schiirer, op. cit. i. i, p. 265].

119

I MACCABEES U. 42— 15. 14

4 2 arise ^ ; and that he should be a captain over them 5", to set them over their works, and over the country,

43 and over the arms, and over the strongholds, 'and that he should take charge of the sanctuary, and

that he should be obeyed by all, and that all instruments in the country should be written in his

A 4 name"", and that he should be clothed in purple, and wear gold ; and that it should not be lawful for

anyone among the people or among the priests to set at nought any of these things, or to gainsay

the things spoken by him, or to gather an assembly ^ in the country '■ without him, or that any (other)

45 should be clothed in purple, or wear a buckle of gold ; »»but that whosoever should do otherwise,

46 or set at nought any of these things, should be liable to punishment ^': And all the people con-

47 sented to ordain '''' for Simon that it should be done according to these words. And Simon accepted
(hereof), and consented to fill the office of high-priest, and to be captain and governor of the Jews
''■''and of the priests, and to preside over all matters"".'

48 And they commanded to put this writing on tablets of brass, and to set them up within "the

49 precinct of '"' the sanctuary in a conspicuous ""'^ place ; and copies of this (they caused) to be placed in
the treasury, to the end that Simon and his sons might have them.

XV. 1-9. AntiocJiiis VII {Sidetes) seeks the throne, and solicits the help of Simon.

15 I And Antiochus, son of Demetrius the king, sent letters from the isles of the sea unto Simon the

2 priest " and governor of the Jews, and to all the nation '' ; '' and the contents thereof were after this
manner "^ :

' King Antiochus to Simon the high-priest and governor, and to the nation of the Jews, greeting :

3 Forasmuch as pestilent fellows have made themselves masters of the kingdom of our^ fathers, and my
purpose is to claim the kingdom, that I may restore it '^as before, — I have, moreover, raised a mul-

4 titude of foreign soldiers, and have prepared ships of war ", and I have determined to land in the country,
that I may punish them that have devastated our country, and them that have made many cities in the "

5 kingdom desolate, — I therefore (herewith) confirm *^unto thee' (the release from) all the exactions which

6 the kings that were before me remitted unto thee, ■= and whatsoever gifts s besides they remitted unto

7 thee " ; '' and I give thee leave ^ ' to coin money ^ for thy country '^ with thine own stamp '. And Jeru-
salem and the sanctuary shall be free ; "" and all the arms which thou hast prepared ", and the strongholds

8 "^ which thou hast built, which thou hast in thy possession *=, let them remain unto thee. And everything
owing to the king, ' and the things that shall be owing to the king, let them be remitted unto thee

9 from now and unto all time '. Moreover, when we shall have established "" our kingdom, we will
glorify thee and thy nation and "the Temple with great glory °, so that your glory shall be made
manifest in all the earth.'

XV. 10-14. Antiochus VII besieges Tryphon in Dor.

10 In the one hundred and seventy-fourth year Antiochus went forth into the land of his fathers;

11 and all the forces came together unto him, so that there were (but) few men° with Tryphon. And

12 king Antiochus pursued him, and in fleeing he>' came to Dor, which is by the sea ; for he perceived

13 that 1 troubles were come upon him, and that his forces had forsaken him. And Antiochus encamped
against Dor, and with him a hundred and twenty thousand men of war, and eight thousand horse.

14 And he compassed the city round about, 'and the ships joined in the attack from the sea; and he
pressed the city sore' by land 'and sea% and suffered no man to go out or in.

Occur

illlC

y +and should take charge of the sanctuary ffi 5'"^ E' ; these -d'oids Iiave crept into the text by mistake, they
again in tlie next verse ^ ^ > .S'"<= aa-aa > 71 bb + ti,ese things 64 93 oc cc > glue dd gafe A

Xy. ''high-priest 55 64 '•+ of the Jews 71 "'"'^ > 71 ^ ^y jj 51"= ^ my N V ff>S--

B exactions A ''-''> A ' ' to make laws and to put forth decrees according to thine own will Si""^ k-k > ^luc
'- > 71 "■ obtamed E' " " our Temple 55 " + that were left T.R. v Tryphon 64 93 4 + all Luc

43- . . . clothed in purple, and wear gold. Cp. viii. 14, x. 20, 89, and v. 44 of this chap.
49. in the treasury. Cp. 2 Mace. iii. 6, 28, v. 18 ; John viii. 20.

XV. I. Antiochus. CaWftd Sidetes on account of his having been brought up in the city of Side in Pamphylia
(cp. V. 23). Accordmg to Josephus {Antig. XIII. viii. 2), he was also called the ' Pious ' (E^ffe^ns), because of ' the great
zeal he had concemmg religion '. He was the seventh of the name ; son of Demetrius I, and brother of Demetrius II.
I ?™f I u V" . • ®^^; Schiirer quotes Appian, Syr. c. 68, to the effect that while at Rhodes Antiochus

learned of his brother s captivity [iTveo^evos iv 'PoSoj Trcpi r^r aixfiaXwaias).

2. the contents thereof ... On this letter see /ntr. § 7. ii. (/)

6. to coin money ... See Schiirer, op. cit. i. i, pp. 257-60.

ID. In the one hundred and seventy-fourth year. i.e. 139-138 e. c.

okVV ^°^' m'^' ■'°^'^"^ f-"^' -'^''- -3. Y"- " ; Judges i. 27 ; an ancient 'Phoenician town on the Mediterranean coast,
about nine miles north of Caesarea ; the modern Tantura.

1 30

I MACCABEES 15. 15-34

XV. 15-34. The 7-eturn of tJic Jewish envoys from Rome.

5 And Numenius and his company came from Rome, having letters to the kings, and to the coun-
tries, wherein were written these things :
i6j 7 'Lucius, consul of the Romans, unto king Ptolemy, greeting: The Jews' ambassadors came unto
J us (as) our friends and confederates, to renew the old friendship and confederacy, being sent from

8 Simon the high-priest, *and from the people of the Jews* ; moreover, they brought a shield of gold

9 of a thousand " pound "•'. It pleased us, therefore, to write unto the kings and unto the countries,
"that they should not seek their hurt, nor fight against them"', ''and their cities, and their country^,

;o nor be confederates with such as fight against them ^. And it seemed good to us to accept the
.•I shield from them. If, therefore, any pestilent fellows should have fled from their country unto

you, deliver them unto Simon the high-priest, that he may take vengeance on them according to

their law.'
i2 And the same things wrote he to Demetrius the king, and to Attalus, and to Ariarathes^, and to
!3 Arsaces, and unto all the countries, and to Sampsames '', and to the Spartans, and unto Delos, and

unto Myndos, and unto Sicyon, and unto Caria '', and unto Samos, and unto Pamphylia, and unto

L}-cia, and unto Halicarnassus, and unto Rhodes, and unto Phaselis, and unto Cos, and unto Side, and
.'4 unto Aradus, and Gortyna, and Cnidus, and Cyprus and Cyrene^ And a copy hereof they wrote to

Simon the high-priest.

XV. 25-41. Antiochits VII breaks his covenant ivith Simon.

25 And Antiochus the king encamped against Dor the second (day) ^, bringing his forces up to it
j6 continually, and making engines (of war) ; and he shut up Tryphon " from going in or out. And

Simon sent him two thousand chosen men to fight for him, and silver and gold, and instruments (of
27 war) in abundance. But he would not receive them, ' but set at nought everything that he had
>8 previously covenanted 8 with him s'; ''and he was estranged from him ''. And he sent unto him

Athenobius, one of his Friends, to commune with him, saying ; ' Ye hold possession of Joppa and
29 Gazara, and the citadel that is in Jerusalem, 'cities of my kingdom. The borders thereof have ye

wasted, and done great hurt in the land ', and have got the dominion of many places in my kingdom.
50 Now, therefore, deliver up the cities which ye have taken, ''and the tributes of the places whereof ye
-31 have gotten dominion outside of the borders of Judaea''; or else give me for them five hundred talents

of silver ; and for the harm that ye have done, and the tributes of the cities, other five hundred

32 talents ; otherwise we' will come and make war upon you.' And (when) Athenobius, the king's
Friend, came to Jerusalem, and saw the glory of Simon, and the'' cabinet with gold and silver vessels,

33 and his great attendance, ' he was amazed ', and reported to him ™ the king's words. And Simon
■* answered, and "^ said unto him: 'We have neither taken other men's land, nor have we possession
of that which appertaineth to others, but of the inheritance of our fathers ; " howbeit, it was had in

34 possession of our enemies wrongfully for a certain time ". But we, having (taken) the opportunity,

''>7i "five thousand A 55 ■'talents 55 ^ " > X (//((.^ N^a) j^ x-x^^j y countries A 93 S'"" IL'

^ Arathes A 55 71 " Sampsaces A S'""^ Lampsacus 11' *• Caris A <^ Smyrna V ^ expressed only in '^'^■'^

Luc e 4- from all sides Si"<= *' f > 71 g s > S'"° ''"''> 55 ' they A ^ + golden Luc S""'
''>S''"= ™ them A Simon Luc °"»>7l

16. Lucius . . . On this letter see Intr. § 7. ii. (c).
Ptolemy. The seventh of the name; Euergetes II, Physcon ; he reigned jointly with his brother, Ptolemy VI,
Philometor, 170-164 B.C., and alone from 164-117.

22. Attalus. King of Pergamum, but uncertain whether the first or second of the name (Grimm).
Ariarathes. The fifth of the name, king of Cappadocia, 162-130 B.C.

Arsaces. INIithridates I, king of Parthia ; see note on xiv. 2.

23. Sampsames. Possibly the harbour on the Black Sea between Sinope and Trebizond, but uncertain.
Delos. This and Samos are islands in the Archipelago.

Myndos. Like Halicarnassus and Cnidus, in Caria, the country on the south-west coast of Asia Minor.

Sicyon. On the north coast of the Peloponnesus, west of Coiinth.

Pamphylia. The country on the coast of Asia Minor between Lycia and Cilicia ; Side is a sea-port of
Pamphylia.

Rhodes. The island lying south off the coast of Caria.

Phaselis. A city on the coast of Lycia.

Cos. An island lying off the coast of Caria.

Aradus. An island close to the Phoenician coast, nearly opposite the mouth of the Eleutherus (see xi. 7).

Gortyna. A town on the island of Crete.

Cyrene. The capital of Libya, the country lying to the west of Egypt.

The disordered enumeration of all these shows that the writer's knowledge of their geographical positions was
extremely meagre.

121

I MACCABEES 15. 35— 16. 6

35 hold fast " the inheritance " of our fathers. Nevertheless, as touching Joppa and Gazara which thou
demandest,— (though it was) they that did great harm among the people " and in our land "—we will

36 give a hundred talents for them.' And he? answered him not a word, but returned m a rage to the
' king, and reported unto him these words, " and the glory of Simon, and all things whatsoever he had

seen ° ; and the king was exceeding wroth.
37, 38 But Tryphon embarked on board a ship, and fled to Orthosia. And the king appointed Cende-

39 baeus chief captain of the sea-coast, and gave him forces of foot ''and horse 1 ; and he commanded
him to encamp before Judaea ; also 'he commanded him "■ to build up Kedron, 'and to fortify' the

40 gates « \ and that he should fight against the people ; but the king pursued Tryphon. And Cende-
baeus came to Jamnia, ""and began to provoke the people', and to invade Judaea, and to take 'the

41 people' captive and to slay them. And he" built Kedron, and set horsemen there, and forces of
foot, to the end that, ^ issuing out, they might make outroads upon the ways of Judaea ", according
as the king had commanded him.

XVI. i-io. Jiidas and JoJm, the sous of Simon, defeat Cetidebaeus.

16 I, 2 And John went up from Gazara, and told Simon, his father, what Cendebaeus was doing. And

Simon called his two eldest* sons, Judas and John, and said unto them : ' I and my brethren and my

J father's house have fought the battles of Israel ^ from our youth, even unto this very day'^ ; and things

3 have prospered in our hands, " (so that we were able) to deliver Israel oftentimes ''. But now I am
old, and ye moreover, ^ by (God's) ^ mercy'", are of sufficient age ^ ; be ye (then) instead of me " and
my brother, and go forth'' and fight for our nation ; "and let the help that is from Heaven be with

4 you ".' And he "* chose '''' out of the country *'"' twenty thousand men of war and horsemen ; and they

5 went against Cendebaeus, and rested at RIodin. And rising up in the morning, they went into the
plain, and, behold, a great host came to meet them, of footmen and horsemen ; and there was

6 a brook betwixt them. And he encamped over against them, " he and his people ; and he saw that

» o our inheritance and (that) A p Athenobius T.R. 1 1 > V 93 ^■'>7i no build up X ' cities A

" Cendebaeus Luc '' '' they might fight Judaea 71

XVI. ■">7T ''^>7i y expressed in S^"" ^ > S'"" ** John Luc \>^-v\^ > V 71

37. Orthosia. A town on the Phoenician coast, north of Tripolis ; the name is preserved to the present day, the
ruins of the ancient town being still called Arthusi.

38. Cendebaeus. According to Schiirer [op. cit. i. i, p. 270) a name derived from Kdi^Su^a, a town in Lycia,
cp. Sidetes, from Side (see v. i ).

39. Kedron. Probably identical with Gederoth (Joshua xv. 41), the present Katra, south-west of Ekron, near
Modin, according to xvi. 4ff.

40. Jamnia. See note on iv. 15.

XVI. 3. his two eldest sons. A third, Mattathias, is mentioned in v. 14.

things have prospered in our hands. Cp. the Hebr. phrase p "V^ JJ'B'in 'to gain success for'.

3. I am old. Cp. Joshua .x.\iii. 2 TlJpr.

by (God's) mercy, iv xm e'Xe'ei, again the avoidance of the divine name which is characteristic of this book ;
cp. ' the help that is from Heaven' further on in this verse.

of sufficient age. Lit. ' sufficient in years '.

go forth and fight. According to Josephus {A?itig. XIII. vii. 3), Simon himself took the lead: ' . . . Taking
a resolution brisker than his age could well bear, he went like a young man to act as general of his army . . . ' ; this
is also borne out by the V7>. that follow here, in spite of be ye instead of me ' in this verse.

4. he chose. Logically 'Simon' is the subject; 'John' of the Lucianic MSS. (see critical note) was presumably
inserted because of the words, ' 1 am old . . . '.

out of the country. The point of these words is not quite clear (see critical note) ; the Jews had not yet had
any idea of employing mercenaries, so that the words cannot be supposed to imply native-born soldiers as distinct
from foreigners; nor could they have been new recruits, since they were 'men of war'. The MSS. which omit the
words are perhaps justified in doing so.

horsemen. This is the first time mention is made of the Maccabees using horsemen, though their use in warfare
was not new to the Jews (cp. Isa. xxxi. I, xx.xvi. 9; Hos. i. 7 ; Neh. ii. 9, &c.); that more use had not been made of
them during the Maccabaean war was due to the method of warfare on the part of the Maccabaeans ; it was more
advantageous for them to adopt mountain warfare.

rested. Lit. 'slept', = 'passed the night ', the Hebr. p^.

Modin. See note on ii. i.

5. they went into the plain. Cp. Job xxxix. 10 (Sept.).
a great host. fivVafiir ttoXXtj, cp. Ps. l.xxvii. 12 (Sept.).

to meet them, th avvdvTT)aiv avrok, cp. the same phrase in Gen. xiv. 17 (Sept.).
a brook. See note on v. 37.

6. he encamped. See notes on ?'?>. 3, 4.

his people. Xniir is used in the sense of an army in Joshua x. 5 (Sept.) for the Hebrew njriD.

122

I MACCABEES 16. 6-21

the people were afraid to pass over the brook, so he passed over first '^ ; and (when) the men saw him

7 (doing this), they passed over after him. And he divided the people, "^"and (set) the horsemen in the

8 midst of the footmen, for the enemies horsemen were exceedingly numerous '=°. And they sounded
with the'''* trumpets ; and Cendebaeus and his army were put to the rout, and there fell of them ^^

y many wounded to death ; and they that were left fled to the stronghold. At that time was Judas,
John's brother, wounded ; but John pursued after them, till he came to Kedron, '^ which [Cendebaeus] ^
to had built ". And they fled unto the towers that are in the fields of Azotus ; and he burned it with
fire; and there fell of them about a thousand'' men. And he returned to Judaea in peace.

XVI. 11-24. JSIitrder of Simon and his tivo sons, Mattathias and Judas, by
Ptolemy ; John Hyrcamts escapes.

ti And Ptolemy the sonof Abubus had been appointed captain "for the plain" of Jericho; and he

(3 had much silver and gold, for he was the high "^-priest's son-in-law. "And his heart was lifted up",

and he was minded to make himself master of the country ; and he took counsel deceitfully against

14 Simon and his sons, to make away with them. Now Simon was visiting the cities that were in the
country, and taking care for the good ordering of them. And he went down to Jericho, he himself
and Mattathias and Judas, "'his sons'*, ®in the one hundred and seventy-seventh year, in the eleventh

15 month, the same is the month Sebat^ And the son of Abubus received them deceitfully into the
little stronghold that is called Dok, ® which he had built" ; and he made them a great banquet ; and

16 he hid men there. And when Simon and his sons had drunk freely', Ptolemy and they that were
with him rose up, and took their arms, and came upon Simon * into the banqueting hall®, and slew

17 him and his two sons, and certain of his servants. "And he committed (thus) a great act of

18 treachery*", and recompensed evil for good. And Ptolemy wrote these things, and sent to the king,
that he should send him forces to aid (him), and that he should deliver to him their '' country and the

19 cities. And he sent others to Gazara to make away with John ; " and unto the captains of thousands

20 he sent letters to come unto him that he might give them silver and gold and gifts". And others he

21 sent to take possession of Jerusalem, "and of the mount of the Temple". And one' ran ^ before to
Gazara, and told'' John 'that his father and brethren had perished, ' and ', (said he), " he hath sent to

co-cc > 71 cia + iioly V T.R. «» it A {in reference to the army) > 71 " ^f > 71 ^ they Luc S'"'' b t^yg
thousand N V 71 three thousand Luc Si"'^ ° > V 55 'i~'* his brother N* (his sons N<=-*) «"«>7i f-(-and

e a godless act A •> the Luc 71 ' > A 71 93 S'"'= ''-''//«?•. 93 S'"*

7. the horsemen in the midst . . . An unusual proceeding ; Grimm cites an instance of the Romans having
done so. The object here was two-fold ; to accustom the horsemen to their new duties, and to avoid their meeting
the full force of the enemy's cavalry, which was numerically superior.

S. they sounded with . . . Cp. Num. x. 8 ; the addition of ifpnit in some ]\ISS. is probably due to the mention
of the priests in Num. x. 8, from which the phrase here seems to be borrowed ; o\ icpcir (raKmovtjiv iv rah criiXniy^iv,
cp. I Chron. xv. 24 (Sept.).

the stronghold, i.e. Kedron, see xv. 39-41.

10. they fled. i. e. those of the enemy who had not been able to get into Kedron, and who had, therefore, been
forced to continue their i^ight.

the fields of Azotus. i.e. the open country round the city. The 'towers' (pIM) were used both for the defence
of cities and for the protection of flocks ; for the former use cp. 2 Kings xvii. 19, xviii. 8.

he burned it with fire. i. e. the city of Azotus ; Jonathan had done this to Azotus ten years before (see x. 84),
but it is not necessary to suppose that either then, or on this occasion, the city was wholly obliterated.

about a thousand men. See critical note.

11. Ptolemy the son of Abubus. He was the son-in-law of Simon, see below.

the plain of Jericho. IfT'T nmv Joshua v. 10, see also Sept. of this. The plain was ' seventy furlongs long,
and twenty broad ; wherein it (i.e. the fountain near Jericho) affords nourishment to those most excellent gardens that
are thick set with trees ' (Josephus, Be//, lud. IV. viii. 3).

12. the high-priest's son-in-law. See further Josephus {Antiq. XIII. vii. 4, viii. i).

13. his heart was lifted up. See note on i. 3.

14. went down to Jericho. For the phrase cp. Luke x. 30.
the one hundred and seventy-seventh year. i.e. 135 B.C.

the month Sebat. Properly Shebat (133;;'); cp. Zech. i. 7. It corresponds appro.ximately to February; the
fifth civil and eleventh ecclesiastical month in the Jewish Calendar; the month, according to Jewish tradition, in which
demons prevail.

15. Dok. Amk, Josephus {Antiq. XIII. viii. I ; Be//, hid. I. ii. 3) calls it ^ay/av. ' The name is still retained in that
of the fountain ' Ain ed-DziI;, north of Jericho, on the border of the mountain land, in a position very suitable as the site
of a fortress' (Schiirer, of), cit. p. 271). Grimm says that Dii/c is mentioned as a mountain fortress lying between
Jericho and Bethel, and belonging to the Templars ; this was still standing in the thirteenth century.

16. had drunk freely. iii.iBva6rf means that Simon was intoxicated cp. the murder of king Elah by Zimri under
similar circumstances (l Kings xvi. 9, 10).

17. act of treachery. See critical note. Cp. 2 Mace. xv. 10.

123

I MACCABEES 16. 22-24

22 slay thee also ".' And when he ' heard (it), he was sore amazed ; and he laid hands on the men " that
came to destroy ° him '", and slew " them ; ° for he perceived that they were seeking to destroy him ".

23 And the rest of the acts of John, and of his wars, and of his valiant deeds "which he did", and of

24 the building of the walls which he built, and of his (other) deeds, behold they are written in the
chronicles of his high-priesthood, from the time that he was made high-priest after his father.

'John Luc m m > gj 5IHC nn >V 0">7I

23. acts. Lit. ' words ', but the Hebr. word "^21 means ' act ' as well ; cp. 2 .Sam. xi. iS dn-^yyfiXe rm PamXc'i Aafi\8

the building of the walls, i.e. the walls of Jerusalem which had been broken down by Antiochus VII Sidetes
(Josephus, Antiq. .\I11. viii. 3).

24. in the chronicles. eVi [iifiklov i^/ifpui/ ; cp. the Hebrew name of the Books of Chronicles, D•D^^ '•Han, lit. ' the
acts of the days '.

Grimm mentions that 'Sixtus Senensis (Bibliotheca sa?ic/a, lib. i, p. 39) declares that he saw in the library of
Santes Pagninus in Lyons the manuscript of a very Hebraic Greek book of the Maccabees, which embraced the
history of thirty-one years (according to Josephus, Atitig. XIII. x. 7, Hyrcanus reigned this number of years), and
which began with the words, Ka\ iiera tu aTTOKTantirivm t6v Si'^mki tyevr)6r^ 'imavvrji o viuf avrnv lepeiii aj/r' avToi ; a book
which, according to this description, must either have contained the chronicles here mentioned, or have been, at any
rate, one which contained their substance. Unfortunately, soon after Si.xtus Senensis had given this news to the
world, the library in question was destroyed by fire'. Schiirer {c>p. cit. ii. 3, p. 14) says regarding this manuscript:
'Judging from the enumeration of the contents as given by Sixtus, this book simply narrates t/ie history of John
Hyrcanus, and precisely as in Josephus (the same facts and in the same order). With regard to this he himself
observes : " Historiae series et narratio eadem fere est quae apud losephum libro .A.ntiquitatum decimo tertio ; sed
stylus, hebraicis idiotistnis abundans, longe dispar." Consequently he ventures to conjecture that it may have been
a Greek translation of the history of Hyrcanus mentioned at the end of the First Book of the Maccabees. Many
modern writers have concurred in this conjecture. . . . But in view of the enumeration of the contents given by
Sixtus, it seems to me there can hardly be a doubt that the book was simply a reproduction of Josephus, the style
being changed perhaps for a purpose.'

124

THE SECOND BOOK OF MACCABEES

INTRODUCTION

§ I. Contents and Characteristics.

2 Maccabees is the anonymous <7rtTo//7j(ii.26,28)ordigest of an earlier Maccabaean history which
had been composed by a Hellenistic Jew called Jason of Cyrene. The writer condensed Jason's
five books into one. It is unnecessary to hold that his statements to this effect are simply a literary
device, as though he were a Jewish Defoe who thus attempted to gain the fictitious authority of age
for his own composition (so e.g. Kosters in Tlicolog. Tijdschrift, 1878, 491 f., and Kamphausen).
Had this been the case, the contents would have been more of a unity than they are, and the lacunae
would have been fewer. Besides, more than once, the style (e. g. in xiii. 22f.) suddenly corresponds
to that of an historian who is hurriedly compressing as well as popularizing some earlier source.
Upon the whole the materials, the contents, and the style of the book answer fairly to the writer's
account of his own method and aims (in ii. 19-32, vi. 12-17, xv. 37-9). His work is an abridgement
and at the same time more than an abridgement. He must have omitted large sections of Jason's
treatise and summarized even what he took over, but, instead of preserving invariably either the
language or the shape of his selections, he embellished the former to suit the popular taste and
enlarged the latter, for the sake of edification, with pious amplifications of the miraculous element.

The outline of the epitome is thus characterized by a unity of religious feeling, rather than by any
historical sequence. The introductory documents of i. i-ii. iS, containing two letters, are followed
by a naive preface (ii. 19-32), after which the epitome proper begins, with five successive pauses
(iii. 40, vii. 42, X. 9, xiii. 26, xv. 37, perhaps after Jason). The only formal interruption is a short
passage upon the doctrine of retribution as the clue to Jewish history (vi. 12-17). Judas Maccabaeus
comes on the scene in v. 27, and, once his story is resumed (in viii. i f.), it runs on to the end, the
only digression being the highly-coloured tale of Antiochus' death (ix. 1-29 ; x. 1-8 resumes the narra-
tive dropped at viii. ■^'^. The epilogue (xv. 37-9) echoes the prologue. Indeed the aim of even the
prefixed letters corresponds to the general purpose of the book, which is to magnify the two festivals
of the Hanukka and Nicanor's day,^ as the ceremonial glories which recall the heroism of Judas
Maccabaeus.2

2 Maccabees is not a sequel to i Maccabees. It is, in Luther's words, ' a second book upon the
Maccabaean struggle, not the second book. As the period of its narrative (175-161 B.C.) coincides
with part of i Maccabees, a comparison of the two books might be expected therefore to clear up
the problem of their relative value, and furnish a standard for valuating the second. To some extent
this expectation is realized. But critical opinion has swayed curiously between an undue deprecia- ,
tion of 2 Maccabees as an historical document and an exaggerated claim on its behalf. The former
tendency is represented by modern critics like Willrich and (especially) Kosters ; the latter by Niese
{Kritik der beidcn ]\lakkabdcrbiiclicr , 1900), who not only succeeds in vindicating the trustworthiness
of the book at several points, but attempts to prove that it is older and more authentic than
I Maccabees — an attempt which has failed to carry conviction (cp. e. g. the articles of Levi in Rcvjie
des etudes juives, 1901, 222-30, Abrahams in jfezuisk Quarterly Reviezv, 1901, 508-19, Kamphausen
in Thcolog. Liter atiLrzeitung, 1901, 287-90, and Wellhausen in NachricJiten der kgl. Gcsellscli. d.
IViss. zu Gdttingen, 1905, pp. 117-63). The parallel narratives of the two books are as follow: —

' On the improbability of any connexion between the Purim festival of the book of Esther and Nicanor's day see
L. B. Paton's 'Esther' (Intern. Crit. Coinm.), pp. 78 f.

' Cp. Hochfeld in ZA TW, 1902, pp. 364-84, who emphasizes, after Geiger, the Pharisaic interests and methods
of the writer.

^ ' Man wolt es denn heissen ein anders buch und nicht das ander buch Maccabeorum, alium vel alienum scilicet
non secundum.'

125

II MACCABEES

I Macc.
Accession of Antiochus Epiphanes : i. lo.

Gymnasium, &c., introduced in Jerusalem : i. 11-15.

Expedition of Antiochus against Egypt : i. 16-19.

Antiochus plunders Jerusalem : i. 20-8.

His royal commissioner completes secularization of

Jerusalem : i. 29 f.
The Maccabees leave Jerusalem : ii. i f.

Hellenizing decree of Antiochus brought by mes-
sengers to Jerusalem : temple profaned and pagan
customs established: i. 41-59-

Jewish mothers and their children'' killed : i. 60-1.

Jews massacred for keeping sabbath : i. 29-38.

Jews martyred for refusing to eat swine's flesh : i.
62 f.

Mattathias and his sons refuse to sacrifice: ii. 15-26.

Mattathias organizes a revolt : ii. 27 f.

Judas Maccabaeus succeeds Mattathias : ii. 49-70.

Successful revolt of Judas : iii. 1-9.

He defeats Apollonius and Seron : iii. 10-26.

Lysias commissioned by Antiochus to exterminate

the Jews : iii. 2 7 f.
Lysias commissions Ptolemaeus, Nicanor, and Gorgias

to devastate Judaea : iii. 38 f.
Slave-dealers join expedition : iii. 41.
Mustering of Jews : iii. 42-60.
Withdrawal of some : iii. 55-6.
Defeat of Gorgias : iv. 1-25.

Defeat of Lysias* : iv. 26-35.
Entry into Jerusalem : iv. 36-7.

Purification of temple : iv. 38-51.
Celebration of Hanukka-feast : iv. 52-61.

Judas subdues Idumaeans, Baeanites, Ammonites

under Timotheus : v. 1-8.
Judas subdues pagans under Timotheus in Gilead,

Galilee, &c. : v. 9-54.
Gorgias defeats Joseph and Azarias outside Jamnia :

V. 55-62.

2 Macc.

iv. 7 : accession of Antiochus Epiphanes.

iv. 7-8 : sacerdotal intrigues of Jason.

iv. 9-17: gymnasium, &c., introduced in Jerusalem.

iv. 18-22 : fresh intrigues of Jason.

V. 23-50 : high-priesthood of Menelaus.

v. I : expedition ' of Antiochus against Egypt.

V. 2-10 : intrigues and death of Jason.

V. 1 1-2 1 : Antiochus plunders Jerusalem.

V. 22 f. : Apollonius, his deputy, completes the work.

V. 27 : Judas Maccabaeus and his followers leave

Jerusalem,
vi. 1-9 : Athenian commissioner of Antiochus has

temple profaned and pagan customs established.

vi. 10 : two Jewish mothers and their children" killed.

vi. I r : Jews burnt for keeping sabbath.

vi. 18-31 : Eleazar martyred for refusing to eat
swine's flesh.

vii. 1-42 : mother and seven sons martyred for refus-
ing to eat swine's flesh.^

viii. 1-7 : successful revolt of Judas.

viii. 8 f. : Ptolemaeus, Nicanor, and Gorgias commis-
sioned to devastate Judaea,
viii. 10- 1 1 : slave-dealers join expedition,
viii. 12-23^?: mustering of Jews,
viii. 1 2 f. : withdrawal of some.

viii. 23^-29 : defeat of Nicanor.

viii. 30 : defeat of Timotheus and Bacchides.

viii. 31 f. : entry into Jerusalem.

ix. 1-28 : miserable death of Antiochus.

X. 1-5 : purification of temple.

X. 5 f. : celebration of Hanukka-feast.

X. 9-1 1 : accession of Antiochus Eupator.

X. 15 f.: Judas' defeats Idumaeans, Timotheus, &c.

^ This invasion of Egypt by Antiochus is not ' second ' to the preliminary march south in iv. 21 (Bevan, House of
Seleiicus, ii. 297-8), but the second of the campaigns against Egypt (cp. Dan. xi. 25 f., which agrees better with
I Maccabees), the first of which {170 B.C.) was really followed by the attack upon Jerusalem.

' The question of circumcision.

' The earliest martyrology— an important tradition preserved by Jason, though the presence of the king at the
tortures, even if the scene is transferred from Jerusalem to Antioch, is dramatic rather than historical.

* The epitomist (xi. 1-12) not only transfers this to the next reign but em.bellishes it in order to glorify the
success of Judas. On the other hand, he dates the death of Antiochus too early. Whether the one error led to the
other, and, if so, which was primary, it is impossible to determine.

^ These wars on the neighbours of the Jews may have lasted longer than I Maccabees implies, and it is even
probable that some details which the epitomist has supplied in xii. i f. are to be credited, but Niese (pp. 55-60) is not
justified in proceeding to set aside the fact that they began before the death of Antiochus. At his death the king had
only heard (I Macc. vi. ,5-8) of the Jewish rebellion as recorded up to iv. 61, but this does not imply that the Jews
had not already embroiled themselves with the surrounding tribes. The motive assigned in I Macc. v. I for the rising
of these tribes is perfectly natural, and is not to be explained as a mere unhistorical echo of Neh. iv. i.

126

INTRODUCTION

I Macc.

Judas subdues Edomites and Philistines : v.
Miserable death of Antiochus : vi. 1-16.
Accession of Antiochus Eupator : vi: 1 7-
Judas attacks citadel of Jerusalem : vi. i8f.

63-8.

I.jsias and Eupator invade Judaea : vi. 28-54.
Lysias concludes a treaty of peace : vi. 55-63.
Accession of Demetrius I : vii. 1-4.
Alcimus installed high-priest by Bacchides : vii. 5-22.

Nicanor's mission, attempt to seize Judas by treachery,
threats against temple, defeat and death : vii. 23-47.

Institution of feast : vii. 48-50.

2 Macc.

xi. 1-12 : defeat of Lysias.

xi. 13 f. : Lysias arranges terms of peace.

xii. I f. : Judas punishes Joppa and Janinia, &c.,

defeats pagans under Timotheus' in Gilead, cS:c.
xiii. I f. : Lysias and Eupator invade Judaea.-
xiii. 22 f. : treaty of peace,
xiv. 1-2 : accession of Demetrius L
xiv. 3 f. : Alcimus to be re-instated high-priest by

Nicanor.^
xiv. is-xv. 35 : Nicanor's mission, friendliness to

Judas, attempt to seize him, threats against temple,

defeat and death.
XV. 36 : institution of feast.

A broad survey of the two documents puts it beyond reasonable doubt that upon religious ques-
tions like the resurrection of the body (e.g. vii. 11, xiv. 46) and the prohibition of warfare on the
sabbath (viii. 27, xv. 1 f.), 1 Maccabees is decidedly more primitive than 3 Maccabees. It is prob-
ably the latter interest, among other things, which led the anti-Hasmonean epitomist to omit all
reference to Mattathias (cp. i Macc. ii. 39 f. ; also ii. 49 with its absence of any allusion to the resur-
rection). Niese (pp. 45 f.) attempts to turn the force of this argument against the accuracy and
impartiality of 2 Maccabees by ascribing the introduction and prominence of Mattathias in
1 Maccabees to tendency — i. e. to the desire of glorifying the later Hasmoneans through Simon his
son. But the probabilities are against this theory. It is incredible that Jewish traditions went
wrong in glorifying the role of Mattathias; 'the Rabbinic tradition (which is independent of both
books of the Maccabees) recognized Mattathias as the principal figure in the struggle for religious
liberty' (Abrahams, op. cit. 516), and this consideration corroborates the impression that it is the
omission of Mattathias in the epitome, not his role in i Maccabees, which is secondary.

The chronological disorder of 2 Maccabees, as has been already noted, further tells against the
hypothesis of its superiority to i Maccabees. The first part of the epitome closes with the feast of
the purification (x. i-%), the second with the feast of Nicanor's day (xv. 36). The former feast is
apparently* dated after the death of Antiochus Epiphanes ; but there is really no sound reason for
doubting that 1 Maccabees has preserved the correct tradition in the reverse order of these events
(iv. 36 f., vi. I f.) as well as in its description of the manner in which Antiochus died, while the entire
account of Lysias' subsequent actions (in 2 Macc. xi. i f.) shows that the writer, or the sources on
which he relied, must have confused the two defeats of Lysias. It is not possible, with Niese, to
establish the historical inferiority of i Maccabees on the basis of these incidents.

The historicity of the Roman correspondence in xi. 34 f. is also supposed to be corroborated not
only by the fact that, in keeping with contemporary usage, the cognomen is omitted (Niese, 31), but
by the likelihood that the Romans would no more hesitate to negotiate with the Jews against Deme-
trius at this juncture than they hesitated to deal with Timarchus who was in arms against the same
opponent (Diod. Sic. xxxi. 37 a ; cp. Niese 63 f., 88 f., and, for a more cautious statement, Laqueur,
op. cit., pp. 30 f.). Still, these considerations do not amount to more than the possibility that such
documents (as e. g. the letters from Antiochus III in Josephus,yl«//(7. XII. iii) were composed at an
early period by some Alexandrian writer who possessed good knowledge of the situation. At most
they may reflect an historical nucleus, but in their present form the epistles of xi. 16 f. are almost
certainly manufactured documents, like those in i-ii.

Here, as elsewhere, Niese's arguments and researches prove that the sources (i. e. especially Jason)
used by the epitomist evince a knowledge of the age which is hardly likely to have been possessed

' An instance of the compiler's carelessness : he had already killed Timotheus (x. 37).

^ Even Niese (pp. 76 f.) admits that i Maccabees at this point is plainly superior to the self-contradictions and
patriotic evasions of 2 Maccabees. It is the inferior character of xii f. which has led some critics (from Grotius
onwards) to suspect that Jason is no longer used.

^ 2 Maccabees, fusing the missions of Bacchides and Nicanor, obliterates the real course of events, but gives a not
incredible account of the latter's policy and temper.

' Laqueur {Kritische Untersuchunge?i zuiii zweiten Makkabiierbicch, 1904, pp. 30 f.), arguing that the Antiochus
of xi. 22 f. was originally Antiochus Epiphanes, not Antiochus V, proposes to transfer x. 1-8 and xi to their true
position before viii. 30 f. But this is a tour de force of criticism.

127

fcl

II MACCABEES

by a Jewish writer after the second century B.C. There are vivid touches which are more than
circumstantial, and independent notices which point upon the whole to the information of eye-
witnesses and contemporaries behind some of Jason's narratives. Upon the other hand, 2 Maccabees
exaggerates numbers generally (cp. e. g. xiv. i with i Mace. vii. i) and horrors invariably, abounds
in confused and contradictory notices (cp. e.g. on i. 17, ix. 18, xi. 5, xiii. 33), and is repeatedly
unhistorical (see on iv. 21, ix. 2, 9, x. 11, xiii. 23, xv. ^^), besides containing some references (e.g.
to the vicarious suffering of the martyrs, vi. 28, and to sacrifices for the dead, xii. 43) which at any
rate suggest that it is less primitive than its predecessor.^ The result is that Niese must be pro-
nounced more successful in establishing afresh the historicity of some details which are peculiar to
3 Maccabees, in opposition to ultra-scepticism, than in depreciating i Maccabees in favour of the
general trustworthiness of the epitome. The epitomist, in fact, has the artistic temperament as well
as the pious aim of edification ; on both grounds he is naturally careless of the exact accuracy which
an historian pursues, and satisfied if he can produce his effects in a picturesque manner. The relative
position of the two Maccabaean books may be, therefore, summed up in Wcllhausen's verdict
(Gcsc/iic/ite*,p. 246): ' Niese's criticism of the two Maccabean books has taught me a great deal, but
it has not convinced me that the second book is older than the first and that it deserves preference.
. . . We must not indeed look at everything through the spectacles of the first book. Nevertheless
we have no alternative but to make it our basis.'

§ 2. MSS. AND Versions.

Second - Maccabees (MaKxa/Sattoi; B.Machabaeorum liber secundus), like i Maccabees, is preserved
in A and V, as well as in a number of minuscules. Probably owing to the influence of Athanasius,
who objected to the Maccabaean books, it was omitted from the Ethiopic version (Rahlfs, ZATIV,
1908, pp. 63-4). The Syriac version is paraphrastic and of less value than in the case of i Maccabees.
On the other hand, in addition to the pre-Hieronymian Old Latin or Vulgate version, there is a
version reproduced in Codex Ambrosianus E 76 inf. (cp. A. Peyron's Ciccronis oration 11711 pro Scaiiro,
pro Tidlio et in Clodimn fragmenta inedita, 1834, pp. 73-117), and yet another in Codex Complutensis
(cp. S. Berger's Notices et Extraits dc la BibliotJdqjie Nationale, 1895, pp. 147-53). Four fragments
(iv. 39-44, 46-v. 3, v. 3-14, X. 12-26, X. 27-xi. i) recently published by Mercati {Revue Bibliqne,
1902, 184-311, ' Frammenti Urbinati d' un' antica versione latina del libro II de' Maccabei editi ed
illustrati ') seem to be connected with the Peyron-text ; iii. 13-iv. 4 and iv. 10-14, which also occur in
a fragmentary Breslau MS. (eighth or ninth century), are now published by W. Molsdorf in ZATW
(1904, pp. 240-50). It is thus from the Latin versions, as representing varied types, that most help
is to be gained in the determination of the text. Still, the extant Greek text has been so badly
preserved at certain points, that neither the aid of the versions nor of conjecture is sufficient to yield
any sure confidence that we can have a text before us which appro.ximates to the original.

§ 3. Date.

The date of the epitome, and inferentially of Jason, cannot be fixed except within approximate
limits. It has indeed been argued by Niese (see below) that, as i. i-ii. 18 represent a composition
of the author in 125-124 B. C. (i. 7, 10 a), this will date the entire epitome. But the integrity of
the introductory section must be abandoned (see below) ; i. 10 a only dates (or professes to date) the
particular letter to which it is appended ; and, even on Niese's showing, the loose connexion between
the introduction and ii. 19 f. would invalidate any argument from the date of the former to that of
the latter. Furthermore, even supposing that i Mace. xvi. 23-4 formed part of the original work,
these verses do not necessarily presuppose a date subsequent to the death of Hyrcanus (cp. Torrey
in Ency. Bib. 3859 f., as against Niese on the one hand and Destinon, Wellhausen, and Abrahams
on the other), so that i Maccabees need not be assigned to a period (after 104 B. C.) subsequent
to the supposed date of the epitome (when the latter, or its source, is placed shortly after the last
event which it records). The utmost that can be said, with any degree of certainty, as opposed to
Niese on the one hand and to Willrich {Judaica, 1900, pp. 131 {.) on the other, is that the terminus
ad qucm is fixed by the use of 3 Maccabees not only in Fourth Maccabees and the Epistle to the
Hebrews (especially xi. y^^ f.) but in Philo {qiiod omnis probiis liber, \ 13), while the terviinus a quo
for Its source is 161 B. c, the date of Nicanor's defeat by Judas (xv. 1-36)— although, if xv. 2,^ is an

1' "S*^^ Pharisaic author of 2 Maccabees may scatter angel appearances and surprising wonders over his romantic
w»r '^X PV°>"' ';°"'J'2P°'-^"es . of the Maccabean brethren were content with the providential wonders of
nistory (Cheyne, Origin of Psalter, 344 f.). "^

= The first occurrence of the title is in Eus. Praep. Euangel. viii. 9 ^ Uvripa t5v MaKxa^aia,^.

ia8

INTRODUCTION

allusion to the book of Esther (ix. 31), the source of the epitome can hardly have been written earlier
than c. 130 B. C, while the epitome itself must be later than 125 B. C. Jason's work may be dated,
therefore, roughly after 130 r.. C. ; the epitome probably falls not later than the first half of the first
century B. C. The internal evidence, as compared with that of i Maccabees, offers remarkably few
reliable clues to its distance from the period of its subject. The predilection for the supernatural in
the shape of apparitions (iTnipavnai, ii. 21), prodigies, and visions, vouchsafed from heaven to its
favourites in need, is neither unexampled in Greek historians — indeed the apparition of the two
youths (iii. 6 f.) recalls the cult of the Dioscuri — -nor is it necessarily any proof of late composition.
Legends spring up early on such soil, especially at some distance from the scene, and popular tales
of the miraculous (so far as they go back to the sources) may be contemporaneous in the main with
the events which they embellish (cp. Niese, pp. 34 f.). But the matter-of-fact air which pervades
1 Maccabees, in spite of its tendencies and omissions, invests it with superiority as an historical docu-
ment to 'i Maccabees, and superiority here is practically equivalent to priority.

There is no obvious reason for conjecturing (so e.g. Kosters recently) that the latter is
deliberately and primarily an attack on the former, although there is perhaps as little for sus-
pecting that the epitomist (not Jason) was not familiar with the earlier document.' In any case,
he had a fine, if uncritical, enthusiasm for the heroes (private as well as public) and the principles
of the Maccabaean rising ; more specifically, as his pages prove, he was an Alexandrian Jew, a
rhetorical adherent of the Pharisees, who wrote, probably during the third or fourth generation
afterwards, in order to foster reverence for the temple in Jerusalem and also strictness in the
observance of the Maccabaean festivals as a bond of union between the Jews of Palestine and Egypt.
If the anti-Hasmonean bias of the book is emphasized, a more precise terminus a quo for its com-
position might be found c. 106 B.C., when the Pharisees broke with the Hasmoneans (so Hochfeld).
But this is not inevitable; 2 Maccabees might have been compiled shortly before that date, under
stress of the growing antagonism, as naturally as after it.

§ 4. Integrity and Composite Nature of the Text.

3 Maccabees, says Luther in his brief preface, appears to be ' zusammen geflickt aus vielen
bijchern'. This is evident («) in i. i-ii. 18, where some critics, like Gratz ('Das Sendschreiben
der Palastiner an die agyptisch-judaischen Gemeinden vvegen der Feier der Tempelweihe ', in
MonatsscJu'ift filr Gcschichte iind IViss. des JitdcnUcms^ '^^77^ PP- i-i<5, 49-73), N. Briill ('Das
Sendschreiben der Palastiner an die Alexandriner ', in Jahrbiicher fiir jildischc Geschichtc uiid
Literatur, 1887, pp. 30-40), and B, Niese (op. cit. pp. 10 f.), have contended that there is only one
letter, opening properly at i. 10 after the introductory preface of i. 1-9, while others, e.g. Bruston
[Zeitsc/trift filr die alttcst. Wisscnschaft, 1890, pp. iiof.), Willrich [Jitden 7ind Gricclien vor der
makkah. Erhebiing, 1895, pp. 76 f.), and Laqueur {op. cit. pp. 53 f.), have detected no fewer than three
(in i. 1-7 a, 7b-ioa, lob-ii. 18) ; the majority, however, rightly distinguish only two, in i. i— 10 a
and i. lob-ii. 18, although opinion is still seriously divided upon the precise extent, date, and trust-
worthiness of both (cp. generally the older pamphlets by F. SchlUnkes : Epistidae quae secundo
MacJiabaeoruni libro cap. I. vv 1—9 legitttr cxplicatio, 1844, DifficilioruiiL epistidae quae H Mack. I.
10 ad II. 18 legitiir locoriim explicatio, 1847, with Kosters' essay in Theol. Tijdschrift, 1898,
68 f., C. Torrey's article in ZcitscJirift fiir die alttcstain. Wisscnschaft, 1900, pp. 335—43, and
H. Herkenne's full monograph, in Bardenhevver's Biblische Studien, viii. 4, on Die Brief c zii. Beginn
des Zzveiten MakkabdcrbiicJies, 1904). It is fair to start from the likelihood that, just as in xi. 21,
33, 38, the date of the first letter is placed at the end (i. 10 a). The date in ver. 6 (i. e. 144—143 B. C.)
refers to a previous communication, to which the writer (or editor) awkwardly refers in order to lend
verisimilitude to his present production as one item of a correspondence between the Palestinian
and Egyptian Jews. The date assigned to this later epistle is 134 B.C. Those who join i. 10a to
the following letter are involved in the double awkwardness not only of beginning the letter with
the date but of placing a full stop after v\jav in i. 7 (so Torrey), or else (cp. D. M. Sluys, De Maccha-
baeorum libris I et II qiiaestioncs, 1904, pp. 1—79) of taking i. 3-6 as an interpolation. The second
letter apparently comes from a different source; it is undated, except generally after the death of
Antiochus Epiphanes, and the writers precede the receivers in the address (i. 10 b, c). But the object
is the same (i. 18 a, ii. i6f. = i. 9) — to bring out the historical and religious significance of the
Maccabaean feast of the Hanukka. Both epistles, as they stand, are specimens of the Alexandrian
epistolography which was fond of producing such documents for purpose of edification. At the
same time, the language of i. 18 a (jxeWovTes ayftv ktA) and of ii. 16 (/xoVAoirej ouv ayeiv nrX) is

' So e. g. Montet {Ess>ii sur Ics Originss des Partis .Saducden et Pharisien, 1883, pp. 1 3 f.).
1105 139 K

II MACCABEES

.. watermark of interpolation, the intervening paragraphs being a legendary insertion based on the
tradition of x. 3 and perhaps on Epist. Jerem. 4-6. The retrospective allusion to Judas in u. 14 is
incompatible with the position assigned him in i. 10 b, but it fits in with the aim of settmg Judas
within the great succession of Moses, Solomon, Jeremiah, and Nehemiah ; he ranks with Nehemiah
as a collector of the sacred scriptures, and with the others as a transmitter of the holy fire which
was essential to the sacrifices of the temple. ....

Whether authentic or not, these letters did not belong to the Jason-source, as the position of
the preface (ii. 19-32) and the discrepancy between the two accounts of the death of Antiochus
(i. 12 f. and ix. 1 f.) are enough to show, but there is scarcely sufficient evidence to indicate decisively
whether both came from the same oen, and if so. whether it was the pen of the epitomist or of
another. As the insertion (i. i8b-ii.'i5) is in all likeHhood his own work, the two letters which
form the framework may have been found by him in some other source and prefixed to his
abridgement proper, instead of being placed chronologically in the narrative. It is a further question
whether he translated one (the second, according to Ewald's History of the Jews, Eng. Tr. v, pp. 467 f.;
the first, according to Schliinkes) or both (so e.g. Gratz, BruU, and Torrey) from the original Hebrew
(Aramaic). Upon the whole, it seems difficult to give a satisfactory answer in the negative, with
any positive evidence, to such a query, although the rest of the book was undoubtedly written in
Greek (' Machabacorum . . . sccundus Graecus est; quod ex ipsa quoque <^pao-ei probari potest ',
Jerome's Prologiis Galeatus).

(b) This opens up the intricate problem of the sources which lay before the epitomist. Without
refusing to deny that he had access to a Jason-source, we may conjecture that not only in i. i-ii. iH
but in the body of the epitome (e.g. x. 32 f. and xii. 2 f.) he occasionally employed traditions and
even documents from other quarters,^ e.g. (i. 10) from the famous Alexandrian Jew Aristobulus
(cp. Schiirer's Gcschielite, iii, pp. 512 f.). The conjecture, however, cannot be worked out with any
approach to definiteness. Biichler, in his important Die Tobiadeu v. die Oniaden iiii II Makkabder-
buc/ic, &c. (1899), pp. 277 f., 396-8, and Laqueur (op. cit. pp. 72-87) have recently elaborated precise
theories of the use made respectively of Jason and of a supposed second source, involving frequent
transpositions of material. The patent variations of style may lend some colour to the hypothesis
that Jason is specially employed e.g. in viii. i f., and that throughout the writer is often an in-
terpolator (e.g. in iii-v, cf. Biichler, pp. 277 f.) as well as an epitomizer. But as the available data
(even e. g. in iv. ^-6 and viii. 20) are purely internal, they seldom enable us to check such theories,
and the possibility — amounting to a probability — that Jason's large work already contained a variety
of oral traditions counterbalances any attempt to run literary analysis into a confident scheme of
results. Unfortunately we possess no independent clue to the character and scope of Jason's
treatise. While the second book of to. MaKKalidCKa is an abridgement, it is not on the same footing
as e. g. the periocJiae of the lost books of Livy. 2 Maccabees is neither a bare synopsis nor the
summary of a summary ; it is a literary composition, whose materials were selected from the
original work of Jason. The latter's work has not survived, however, and even his personality is in
dispute. He has been precariously identified (Herzfeld : Geschichte dcs Volkes Israel, 1855, 445 f.)
with the Jason of i Mace. viii. 17 ( — the Judas- of 2 Mace. i. 10, ii. 14), and even more arbitrarily
his Jewish nature has been denied (Sluys, op. cit. pp. 74 f.). The name (lao-coz^ KvprjiJatos) has been
found in an Egyptian temple of Thothmes III (cp. Sayce in Revite des etudes grccgnes, 1894, p. 297),
apparently dating from the third century B.C., but, while this does not necessarily tell against a ]e\x,
the individual need not, on the other hand, be the author of the epitomist's source. His connexion
with Cyrene would suggest a more accurate knowledge of Palestinian sites and affairs than the
epitome reveals ; its references to the latter are less reliable than in the case of the Syrian realm.

§ 5. Authorship.

While the relation of the book to i Maccabees resembles on the whole that of the books
of Chronicles to the books of Kings, in so far as a definitely religious pragmatism controls the
epitomist, the afiinities of the latter are with the Pharisaic type of Jewish piety. He lays emphasis
e.g. upon legal praxis, the divine providence, recompense, the temple cultus, the sabbath, angels,
and the resurrection. The last-named feature is bound up with the martyr-stories (cpp. vi-vii)
which have floated the book into wide popularity throughout Christianity as well as throughout
Judaism. They are told with a detailed ghastliness which jars on modern taste. Probably ' the

' It is impossible to ascertain whether an extra-Biblical touch like viii. 19 f. was due to the author or to Jason.

'^ Attempts have often been made to identify this Judas not with Judas Maccabaeus but with some other Judas
(so e.g. Ewald and Niese), or to emend the text into rasv 'lovSaiav or 'lovSaias (Syr., so e.g. Torrey), or 'lovSas
■Apto-T<i;3ovXos 'OWu (Sluys), but in vain (cp. Grimm 36-7, Herkenne 65).

130

INTRODUCTION

stories had already clothed themselves for the writer in a halo of legend, and he tricks them out in
that poor rhetoric, that stifled literary jargon, which was the curse of third-rate authors in the
Hellenistic world ; but if you can penetrate through this repellent medium, you can still touch an
anguish that was once real and quivering ' (E. IBevan, Jerusalem under the High Priests, 1904,
p. 83). The anonymous author belongs to Alexandrian rather than to Palestinian Judaism, but
beyond this general inference it is not possible to pass with any confidence to theories, for example,
like the ingenious but unconvincing guess of Buchler {of. cii. pp. 396 f ), that the author or final
editor was a Hellenistic Jew who reversed the polemic of the original (written by a Samaritan in
Egypt) against the temple in Jerusalem.

§ 6. Influence on Later Literature.

{a) The use of 3 Maccabees in Philo ^ and in 4 Maccabees (see above, § 3) is clearer than the
evidence for Josephus' acquaintance with it; none of the latter's relevant passages {Antiq. XII. v. i
= i Mace. iv. I f,XII.v. 5 = aMacc. vi. 2, XII. ix. 7 = 3 Mace. xiii. 3-8, XII. x. i = 2 Mace. xiv. i)
makes such a conjecture necessary. More is to be said for the hypothesis that the epitome is
echoed in the Assiimptio Mosis (cp. v. 1-4 = 3 Mace. iv. 11 f., v. 8, &c. ; viii. 3 f = 2 Mace. vi. 4 f,
II, 38, &c. ; ix. I f. = 3 Mace. vi. 18 f ; ix. 6 = 3 Mace. vi. 11, vii. 3, x. 6, &c.). The edifying
narratives of the martyrs in especial led to haggadic developments in Jewish literature (cp. Zunz,
Die gottesdicnstliclicn Vortrdge der jfuden, pp. i3of. ), and also (b) in early Christianity where the
Maccabaean martyrs were eventually canonized- and accorded a yearly festival (August 1st) in the
Greek and Latin churches (cp. Maas in Monatsschrift fiir GescJiichte u. IViss. des jfudenthuins, 1900,
pp. 145-56). This tallies with the early and widespread diffusion of the book, from the period of
the epistle to the Hebrews down to Clement of Alexandria, Hippolytus, Origen, Chrysostom, and
Jerome. Portions of it are read in the Roman Breviary (for October).

§ 7. Theology.

The later popularity of 3 Maccabees is due as much to the support found in it by the Roman
Church for dogmas like prayers for the dead (xii. 43, 45) and the intercession of the saints
(xv. 1 1 -1 6) as to the martyr-stories or the miraculous and legendary incidents {iTiKpaviiaLj. Otherwise,-'*
the theological ideas resemble those of the Pharisaic school during the latter half of the second
century B.C. The doctrine of retribution and chastening is naturally worked out with particular
care (vi. 13-17). The worst punishment is to be left severely alone by God, as is the case with
pagan nations ; the Jews, on the contrary, are chastened and thus prevented from lapsing into the
excesses of sin which draw down upon their neighbours (individuals as well as nations) the shattering
penalties of God even in this life (cp. e.g. iv. 38, v. 9-10, ix. ^-6, xiii. 4 f., xv. 33 f.). The sufferings
of the martyrs, again, although due to the sins of their nation, avail to expiate God's just anger
(vii. 33-8) on their fellows. After death, only the righteous rise, and rise with their bodies (vii. 11,
22 f., xiv. 46) to life eternal, i.e. apparently to participation in the messianic kingdom (vii. 29, ^t„ 37,
xiv. 15) on earth. The similarity of this conception to that of Eth. En. Ixxxiii-xc, where the scene
of the messianic kingdom is also on earth, suggests that 2 Maccabees, in its eschatological outlook
at this point, 'belongs essentially to the second century' (R. H. Charles, Esckatology, 1899, p. 330).
The outlook on the future, as might be expected from the nature of the subject, has nothing of the
catholic hope which dominated the best of the O.T. prophets.

§ 8. Special Literature.

In addition to essays and monographs already cited : (a) critical editions of text in editions of LXX by Holmes
and Parsons {Vetus Testamentuin Graece, v, 1827), Fritzsche (Libri Apocryphi Vet. Testam. Graece, 1871),
Tischendorf (Vet. Test. Graece, 6th ed., 18S0), and H. B. Swete (Tlie Old Testametit in Greek, iii, 1894);
[b) annotated editions by Grotius (Annolationes in Vet. Testamentuin, 1644), Grimm (Ktirzgefasstes exeget. Handbuch
zii den Apocryplien des AT, 1857), Keil (Leipzig, 1857), Reuss [La Bible, vii, 1879), E. C. Bissell {The Apocrypha of
t/ie O.T, 1880, New York, pp. 550-614), \V. R. Churton {Canon, and Uncan. Scriptures, pp. 48 1 f.), Rawlinson
(Speatcer's Comni., 1S88, London), Kamphausen (Kautzsch's Apo/cryphe?i u. Pseudepigraphen des AT, 1901), and
Knabenbauer (in Cursus sacr. s. Commettt. in Vet. Test., 1908) ; {c) general literature, VVestcott in Smith's Diet, of
Bible (ii. 174-S), Welte in Wetzer und Welte' s Ki'rc/ienlexicon (viii. 418-22), Andre's Les Apocryphes de FAncicn
Testament (Florence, 1903, pp. 86-115), Schiirer's Gescliichte des Jiidisclien Valines* (iii, 1909, pp. 482-9), Fairweather
in Hastings' Diet, of Bible (iii. 189-92), Torrey in Encycl. Biblica (2869-79), C. F. Kent in Israel's Historical and
Biofi^raphieal Narratives (pp. 38 f., 387 f.), Bertholet in Budde's Geschiclite d. althebriiischen Literatur (pp. 345-5°'.
and F. Bechtel in Catholic Encyclopaedia (i.x. 497-8).

^ Cp. Lucius, Der Essenismus (1881), pp. 36-9.

^ Cp. the Acts of the Christian Felicitas and her Seven Sons, a variation of the same theme. The scene of the
Maccabaean martyrdom was transferred from Jerusalem to Antioch, where a basilica was erected in their honour.
' The book's angelology is allied to a belief in dreams (xv. 11).

131 K 2

THE SECOND BOOK OF MACCABEES

I. i-ioa. First document.

1 I To the brethren, the Jews in Egypt, greeting. The brethren, the Jews in Jerusalem and

2 throughout the land of Judaea, wish you perfect peace ; yea, may God do good unto you, and

3 remember his covenant with Abraham and Isaac and Jacob, his faithful servants ; may he give you

4 all a heart to worship him and do his pleasure with hearty courage and a willing soul ; may he give

5 you an open heart for his law and for his statutes, and make peace, and hearken to your supplica-

6 tions ; may he be reconciled to you, and not forsake you in time of evil. Such, then, are our

7 prayers for you in this place. In the reign of Demetrius, in the hundred threescore and ninth year,
we the Jews have already written unto you in the extreme tribulation that came upon us during
these years, from the time that Jason and his company revolted from the holy land and the kingdom,

8 setting the porch on fire and shedding innocent blood : but we besought the Lord, and were heard ;
we oft;red sacrifice and made the meal off'ering, we lighted the lamps, and set forth the shewbread.

9- 10 See that ye keep the days of the feast of tabernacles in the month Chislev. Written in the hundred
fourscore and eighth year.

I. 10 b — II. 1 8. Second document.

They that are in Jerusalem and they that are in Judaea and the senate and Judas, unto
Aristobulus, king Ptolemy's teacher, who is also of the stock of the anointed priests, and unto the

11 Jews that are in Egypt, send greeting and health. Having been saved by God out of great perils,

1 2 we render great thanks, as befits us to thank One who arrayeth himself against a king. For He

13 flung away into Persia those who had arrayed themselves against the holy city. For when the leader
arrived, with a force that seemed irresistible, they were cut to pieces in the temple of Nanaea by

14 the treachery of Nanaea's priests. Antiochus, on the pretext of marrying her, came into the place,
he and his Friends who were with him, that they might take a great part of the treasures by way

15 of dowry; but when the priests of the Nanaeon had set the treasures forth, and he had passed
with a small company inside the wall of the precincts, they shut to the temple when Antiochus had

16 entered: then opening the secret door in the panelled ceiling, they threw stones and struck down

1 7 the leader, and hewing the company in pieces threw their heads to those who were outside. Blessed

18 for all things be our God who gave the impious doers for a prey. Whereas we are now about to
celebrate the purification of the temple in the month Chislev, on the five and twentieth day, we

I. 7. already written, i.e. referring to some previous communication. The alternative (see Introd. § 4) is to
take the perfect (yeypric^n/jf;/) in the sense of the epistolary aorist (fypa.'^ay.(v, ii. 16), and render : 'we write, as if the
context dated the present letter.

extreme tribulation (eV t;} SXixl^ci km iv x^ aK/ifj), i.e. that under Demetrius (see I Mace. .xi. 53). The hendiadys
of the exaggeration is too obvious to justify Herkenne's (pp. 42-4) conjecture of oXk;; (= warlike attack) for aK/ifj
(cp. iv. 13).

the kingdom, i. e. the theocracy; Jason's apostasy is described in iv. 13 f. The following words are a loose
summary of the outrages subsequent to Jason's movement, and of the restoration under Judas (l Mace. iv. 38, 50 f.).

9. see that ye keep : i. e. in Egypt, as we do in the Holy Land ; or, by sending representatives to Jerusalem. The
Maccabaean festival of the temple's reconsecration was called either rii eyKaivia (cp. John x. 22) or t) ijKr]vmir]y'ia (John
vii. 2) ToO XnaiKfv, being celebrated for the same time and almost on the same lines (cp. 2 Mace. x. 6-7) as the feast
of tabernacles, only during Chislev (December) instead of during Tisri (October).

II. arrayeth himself. Reading, with Bruston and Herkenne, naparno-aoniva (cp. Zech. xiv. 3, LXX) for TrapaToo-o-o-

13. in the temple of Nanaea. i.e. the temple in Elymais of Artemis or Aphrodite (cp. Polyb. xxxi. 2 ; Josephus,
Ant. XII. ix. I, and Appian. Sy?: 66) as identified with the Persian goddess Anaea (Anaitis), or of the Babylonian
Nana.

14. take ... by way of dowry. For this diplomatic trick see Seneca's Oraf. Suas. i, where Antony agrees to
marry Athene at Athens for a dowry of a thousand talents. Antiochus is said to have tried a similar device at
Ilierapolis in Syria.

17. gave the impious doers for a prey. In 187 B.C. Antiochus 111 lost his life in an attempt to plunder a shrine
of Bel in the Elymaean hills, and Antiochus VII (Sidetes) perished, in 129 B.C., in battle against the Parthians ;
r]iTtT<Jsixivoi iavTov (kt^viv (Appian. Syr. 68). The writer of the letter may have been so barren in imagination as to
have embellished the death of this king (so recently Torrey and Niese) with legendary traits drawn from the fate of
Antiochus Epiphanes, but it is the latter who is (erroneously) meant.

133

II MACCABEES 1. i8— 2. 4

deem it our duty to Inform you, that you too may keep the feast of tabernacles. — Now (concerning)
the fire, on the occasion of Nehemiah offering sacrifices, after he had built both the temple and the
altar (, you must know that) when our fathers were to be led into the land of Persia, the godly priests
of that time took some of the fire of the altar, and hid it secretly in the hollow of a sort of empty
cistern, wherein they made it sure, so that the place was unknown to all men. Well, after man\-
years, when it pleased God, Nehemiah was sent on a mission by the king of Persia, and he sent in
quest of the fire the descendants of the priests who had hid it. When they announced that they had

1 found no fire, but thick liquid, he commanded them to draw out some and bring it to him : and when
the sacrifices had been duly placed (on the altar), Nehemiah commanded the priests to sprinkle the

2 liquid both on the wood and on the sacrifices. When this was done, after some time had elapsed
and the sun, formerly hidden in clouds, had shone out, there was kindled a great blaze, so that all

3 men marvelled. And the priests offered prayer, while the sacrifice was being consumed, — priests

4 and all, Jonathan leading and the rest saying it after him, as did Nehemiah. The following was the
prayer: O Lord, Lord God, the creator of all things, who art terrible and strong and righteous and

15 merciful, who alone art King and gracious, who alone suppliest every need, who alone art righteous
and almighty and eternal, thou that savest Israel out of all evil, who madest the fathers thine elect,

6 and didst sanctify them : accept this sacrifice for all thy people Israel, guard thine own Portion,

7 and consecrate it. Gather together our dispersion, set at liberty them that are in bondage among
the heathen, look upon them that are despised and abhorred, and let the heathen know that thou

9 art our God. Torment them that oppress us and in arrogancy shamefully treat us. Plant thy

1 people in thy holy place, even as Moses said. Then the priests sang the hymns. Now as soon as
the sacrifice was consumed, Nehemiah ordered the rest of the liquid to be poured on large stones.

2 And when this was done, a flame was kindled ; but, when the light from the altar shone over against

3 it, it was extinguished. And when the matter became known, and it was told the king of the
Persians, that, in the place where the captive priests had hid the fire, there had appeared the liquid with

,4 which Nehemiah and his company purified the sacrifice, then the king, after verifying the matter,
;5 had the place made a sacred enclosure. And the king exchanged gifts with those in his favour.
;6 Nehemiah and his company called this thing Nephthar, which is by interpretation, Cleansing ; but
most people call it Nephthai.

1 It is also found in the records, that Jeremiah the prophet commanded them that were carried

2 away to take some of the fire, as has been already noted : and how that the prophet charged them
that were carried away, after giving them the law, that they should not forget the statutes of the
Lord, neither be led astray in their minds, when they saw images of gold and silver, and the adorn-

3 ment thereof. And with other such words exhorted he them, that the law should not depart from

4 their heart. This also was in the writing, that the prophet, being warned by God, commanded the
tabernacle and ark to accompany him, and that he went away to the mountain which Moses had

iS. the feast of tabernacles. Several critics (from Schliinkes and Grimm to Kosters and Kamphausen) supply
TiW I'jfifjjas before t^s- tjnrjvoiTt)yias, while Herkenne adds rd. Something like tov avevpiQivroi or Sodipros or (pavevjoi m
usually supposed, also, to have dropped out after Tivpos. But if (as the Syriac version suggests) -rrepi is read for xm,
the text may be rendered as above (so Torrey). Here the long interpolation (i. l8b-ii. 15) begins.

built. The v. /. oiVoi'o/jijcraf (125, so Herkenne) for oiVoSo/xi'/cras is an attempt to get rid of the unhistorical state-
ment about Nehemiah, whose prestige is exaggerated in another direction in ii. 13.

20. announced. The meaningless r^plv (to us) between Si«Tu4>j]<Tay and /i?j is rightly omitted by Rawlinson (with 64,
93, S}'?:) as the result of dittography (n<rai/ repeated from &ii<ja(pr](Tav and then amended into r]p.'i.v).

26. thine own Portion. Deut. .xxxii. g.

29. Cp. Baruch ii. 2S-35.

31. to be poured on. This involves the reading oi icaTaxf'w (A, vg.) for Karex^'" or Karao-;^? I'j', and either the addition
of e'TTi (or (Is) before Xif^our or the construction of Karaxa" with a double accusative, but there is no more satisfactory
explanation of a corrupt and obscure passage.

33-5. The writer appeals to the testimony of the pagan monarch, whose respectful attitude to the phenomenon of
the fire— as befitted a Persian — adds glory to this Jewish portent.

35. exchanged gifts, &c. Reading, with V, exapl^eTo after ors— a naive Oriental method of expressing pleasure at
some happy occurrence (cp. Esth. ix. 19, 22 ; Apoc. John xi. 10).

36. Nephthai. An inflammable oil, like the modern naphtha, is in the writer's mind, but the etymology of the word
is beyond recovery. The writer equates N. with Kndapi.ap<k, and this is the point of the legend, which connects the
discovery of the fiery liquid with the purification of the temple {v. 18). The least improbable line of explanation
is that which connects the word with the Persian naptarj naptar aptuim was a Zend epithet for the sacred elemental
water {arduisur), which possessed purifying qualities (cp. Benfey and Stern's Ueber die Monatsnameti eiiiiger alter
Volker, 1836, pp. 204 f.).

n. I. Legend had no scruple in transforming a prophet who was radically indifterent, if not hostile, to the ritual of
the temple into a pious conservative (cp. further, xv. 14).

II MACCABEES 2. 5-32

5 climbed to view the inheritance of God. On reaching it Jeremiah found a cavernous chamber, in

which he placed the tabernacle, and the ark, and the altar of incense ; and he made fast the door.

6, 7 And some of his followers drew near in order to mark the road, but they could not find it. Now

when Jeremiah came to know this, he blamed them, saying. Unknown shall the spot be until God

8 gather the people again together, and mercy come ; then indeed shall the Lord disclose these things,
and the glory of the Lord shall be seen, even the Cloud, as in the days of Moses it was visible, and

9 as when^Solomon prayed that the Place might be consecrated with solemn splendour. It was also

10 narrated how he, in his wisdom, sacrificed at the consecration and completion of the temple; as
Moses prayed to the Lord, and fire descended from heaven to consume the sacrifice, so Solomon also

1 1 prayed, and the fire descended and burned up the holocaust ; [and Moses said, Because the sin

1 2 offering had not been eaten, it was consumed in like manner with the rest ;] and Solomon kept the
eight days.

13 These things were narrated also in the archives or memoirs of Nehemiah ; as well as how he
founded a library and collected the books about the kings and the prophets, and the books of David,

14 and letters of kings about sacred gifts. Even so did Judas collect for us all the writings which had

15 been scattered owing to the outbreak of war. They are still with us. So, if you need them, send/
some messengers to fetch them for you.

16 Seeing therefore that we are about to keep the purification, we write thus to you. You will do well,

17 then, to keep the days (of the festival). Now God, who saved all his people, and restored to all the

18 heritage, and the kingdom, and the priesthood, and the hallowing, even as he promised through the
law, — in God have we hope, that he will speedily have mercy upon us, and gather us together from
under the (wide) heaven to the holy place : for he did deliver us out of great evils, and did purify the
place.

IL 19-32. The preface of the epitoviist.

ly Now the things concerning Judas Maccabaeus and his brothers, and the purification of the great

20 temple, and the dedication of the altar, and further the wars against Antiochus Epiphanes and

21 Eupator his son, and the heavenly apparitions vouchsafed to those that vied with one another in
manful deeds for the religion of the Jews — so that, in spite of their small numbers, they plundered

22 the whole country, and routed the barbarian hordes, and regained the temple renowned all the world
over, and freed the city, and restored the laws which were on the verge of abolition, since the Lord

23 showed favour graciously to them : (all) this, recounted by Jason in five books, we will try to compress

24 into a single volume. For, in view of the flood of statistics and the difficulties presented by the mass
2.5 of material to those who desire to go into the narratives of the history, we have aimed at attracting

those who are fond of reading, at smoothing the path for those who like to memorize their facts, and

26 at being of some service to our readers in general. As for ourselves, we have not found this self-
imposed task of abridging to be a light business. On the contrary, we have sweated and sat up late

27 over it — just as there is no lack of work for any one who has to superintend a banquet and look after
the interests of others. Still, to reap the gratitude of many, we will cheerfully undertake this

28 toilsome labour; leaving the historian to investigate details, we will exert ourselves to prepare

29 an epitome upon the usual lines. For as the masterbuilder of a new house has to look after
the entire edifice, while the decorator who undertakes to inlay and paint it has only to look out

30 what is suitable for embellishing the house, so, methinks, is it with us. To enter into details and

31 general discussions and elaborate researches is the business of the original historian ; on the other
hand, any one who simply recasts the material must be allowed to aim at conciseness of expression
and to eschew any thoroughgoing treatment of the subject.

32 Well now, let us begin the story. We have no more to add, by way of preface ; for it is truly
stupid to expatiate in introducing a history and then cut short the history itself.

10. fire descended . . . sacrifice. A midrashic expansion of Lev. ix. 23-4. The Solomonic legend follows the
midrash of 2 Chron. vii. i in preference to I Kings viii. 62 {., and a precedent for the Maccabaean ceremonial is
artificially found in the tradition of i Kings viii. 65 (2 Chron. vii. 8). The origin of the incoherent touch in verse II
must have been also a midrashic paraphrase of Lev. x. 16 f.

13. about sacred gifts, i.e. about presents made to the temple. A specimen is preserved in Ezra vii. 12 f. The
interest of 2 Maccabees in the temple comes out incidentally even in this allusion ; such letters are ranked alongside
of the sacred scriptures in Nehemiah's library. The next verse reflects the companion interest in the prestige of Judas
Maccabaeus.

18. Cp. Exod. xix. 6 ; Deut. xxx. i-io.

21. plundered the whole country. In the sense in which Cromwell's troops swept over England during the
Civil War.

27. superintend a banquet. For the duties of the dpx"'/"''<'^""'f (?) see Sir. xxxii. 1-2 ; John ii. 8-9.

28. exert ourselves. Reading tionuvovvTn for utovovvti^.

II MACCABEES 3. 1-25

III. 1-39. The iinraciihnts discomfiture of Scleiicus and HcUodonts hi their attack

upon the temple at Jerusalem.

1 When the holy city was inhabited in unbroken peace, and the laws were kept right strictly,

2 owing to the godliness of Onias the high-priest and his hatred of wickedness, it came to pass that
even kings themselves did honour the Place and glorify the temple with the noblest presents ;

3 so much so that Seleucus the king of Asia actually defrayed, out of his own revenues, all the expenses

4 connected with the ritual of the sacrifices. But a certain Benjamite, Simon, who had been appointed

5 warden of the temple, fell out with the high-priest over the management of the city-market. Unable
to get the better of Onias, he betook himself to Apollonius of Tarsus, then governor of Coelesyria

6 and Phoenicia, and informed him that the treasury in Jerusalem was full of such untold sums
of money that the wealth of the funds was past counting ; they did not belong, he said, to the

7 accounts of the sacrifices, and they could be got into the hands of the king. So when Apollonius
met the king, he informed him of the money which had been mentioned to him, and the king
chose his chancellor, Heliodorus, and dispatched him with orders to carry out the removal of

^ the aforesaid money. Heliodorus at once started on his journey, giving out that he intended to

visit the cities of Coelesyria and Phoenicia, though his real object was to execute the king's design.

9 On reaching Jerusalem, where he was courteously welcomed by the high-priest and the city, he

submitted the information which had been given him, and explained why he had come, inquiring

10 further if this information was really true. The high-priest pointed out to him that there were

11 deposits belonging to widows and orphans, besides monies belonging to Hyrcanus, the son of Tobias,
a man of extremely high position (by no means what that impious Simon had alleged), and that in

12 all there were four hundred talents of silver and two hundred of gold ; it was utterly impossible, he
added, that injury should be inflicted on those who had put their trust in the sacredness of the Place

13 and in the majesty and inviolable sanctity of the temple, honoured over all the world. Heliodorus
had his orders from the king, however, and he replied that in any case these monies must be
confiscated for the king's treasury.

14 So, having appointed a day, he went in to superintend the investigation of the treasure. And

15 there was no small distress throughout the whole city. The priests, arrayed in their priestly robes,
flung themselves before the altar, and called to heaven on him who had appointed the law regarding

16 deposits, beseeching him to preserve these treasures safe for the depositors. And no one could look
at the mien of the high-priest without feeling a pang of heart. His countenance and changed colour

17 betrayed the anguish of his soul. For terror and a shuddering of the body had come over the

18 man, which plainly showed to the onlookers the grief that was at his heart. As for the people in
the houses, they flocked out with a rush to join in common supplication that the Place should not be

19 dishonoured. The married women, girt under their breasts with sackcloth, thronged the streets, while
the maidens who were kept in ward ran together, some to the porticoes, others to the walls, and

20 others to look out at the windows ; but all, stretching forth their hands toward heaven, made their

21 solemn supplication. One could not but pity the populace all prostrate with one accord, and the
an.xiety of the high-priest in his sore distress.

22 Meantime, however, as they were invoking the all-powerful Lord to keep the deposits safe and

24 sure for the depositors, Heliodorus proceeded to execute his orders. But when he and his guards
had got as far as the front of the treasury, the Sovereign of spirits and of all authority prepared
a great apparition, so that all who had presumed to enter were stricken with dismay at the power

25 of God and fainted with sheer terror. P'or there appeared to them a horse with a terrible rider, and

III. 4. warden of the temple. Whether this office corresponded to that of the segan (or orpar'jyos tov Upov) or of the
ya(n(f)v\a^ (Josephus, Antiq. XX. ill. II, &c.) depends largely on the meaning assigned to rljf Kura rqv tvitKiv ayupanofiins
(the V. I. ndpavopLLtii being an attempt to smooth out the difficulty). According" to BUchler {op. cit. pp. 33 f. ; cp. Bevan,
House of Seleucus, ii. 163) Simon the Tobiad, as aTparqyu'i, was also apxuptii'i in the sense that he e.Kercised a certain
political control of the temple affairs. This identification of Simon with the Simon of Josephus, Antt(/. XII. iv. 10, is
preferable to the alternative identification of Onias II (Autig.'S.ll.'w. i-io)with the Onias of 2 Mace, iii (so e.g. Schlatter,
\\'illrich, and Guthe in Eiicycl. Biblica, 3504 f.).

5. of Tarsus. Adopting Hort's convincing conjecture of Oapcria for the Qpaaaiov of the MSS.

7. Heliodorus. Probably the Heliodorus of the Delian inscriptions (cp. Deissmann's Bible Studies, pp. 303-7).
The payment of the annual instalment of the war indemnity to Rome was one of the causes which made the govern-
ment press for money in any likely quarter. Simon's information suggested a welcome and une-^cpected source of
revenue.

9. and. Inserting xat (V) after np;^iffj€'a)s-.

II. Hyrcanus. Perhaps the Jewish Alcibiades of Josephus, Aniiq. XII. iv. 2-1 1, whom Wellhausen sees behind
Zech. .xi. 4-17.

24. Sovereign of spirits. This is the same e.\pression as Lord of spirits in I Enoch xxxvii. 2, &c.

presumed to enter. The implied insolence (cp. v. 15) is described in I Mace. i. 21. In the following account,
the tirst horseman (ver. 25) seems to belong to a different tradition from that of the other two (26 f.). The latter do
all the work. Similar traces of fusion occur in ix. 6 f., as if the author had embroidered his source with outside matter.

1 35

II MACCABEES 3. 25— i. 12

it was decked in magnificent trappings, and rushing fiercely forward it struck at Heliodorus with its

26 forefeet. And the rider seemed to be armed with a golden panoply. Two youths also appeared
before Heliodorus, remarkable for their strength, gloriously handsome, and splendidly arrayed, who

27 stood by him on either side, and scourged him unceasingly, inflicting on him many sore stripes. He
dropped suddenly to the ground, and thick darkness wrapped him round, but (his guards) caught him

28 up and put him into a litter, and carried him away — carried him who had just entered the aforesaid
treasury with a large retinue and all his guard, but who was now absolutely helpless — recognizing

29 clearly the sovereign might of God. And so he had been laid prostrate, deprived of speech owing to

30 God's strong hand, bereft of all hope and succour. But the Jews blessed the Lord who had done
marvellous honour to his own place ; and the temple, which a little before had been full of terror and
alarm, was filled with joy and gladness, thanks to the manifestation of the all-powerful Lord.

31 Now some of Heliodorus' intimate friends at once besought Onias to call upon the Most High,

32 and so grant life to him, as he lay quite at the last gasp. The high-priest suspected that the king
might imagine the Jews had perpetrated some foul play against Heliodorus, and he offered a sacrifice

33 for the recovery of the man. But as the high-priest was offering the sacrifice of propitiation, the same
young men appeared again to Heliodorus, arrayed in the same robes ; and they stood and said. Give
Onias the high-priest hearty thanks, since it is for his sake that the Lord has granted thee thy life ;

34 and do thou, since thou hast been scourged from heaven, publish abroad to all men the sovereign

35 majesty of God. And when they had spoken these words, they vanished out of sight. So Heliodorus
offered sacrifice to the Lord and vowed very great vows to him who had preserved his life, and, after

36 taking a friendly farewell of Onias, he returned with his army to the king, testifying to all men the

37 deeds of the supreme God which he had witnessed with his own eyes. And when the king asked
Heliodorus what sort of person would be suitable for another mission to Jerusalem, he said. If thou

38 hast any enemy or conspirator against the state, send him thither, and thou shalt get him back well
scourged— supposing he escapes with his life ; for the Place is really haunted by some power of God.

39 He who dwells in heaven above has his eye upon that Place and defends it, smiting and destroying
those who approach it for ill ends.

HI. 40 — IV. 22. Intrigues of Simon and Jason over the high-priestJwod.

40 Such was the history of Heliodorus and the preservation of the treasury. But the aforesaid
4 I Simon, who had informed about the money and betrayed his country, proceeded to slander Onias,

alleging that it was he who had maltreated Heliodorus and who had contrived the whole mischief

2 He dared to accuse of conspiracy the very man who had proved the benefactor of the cit}-, and the
guardian of his fellow-countrymen, and a zealot for the laws ! And when the feud between them

3 went to such a pitch that one of Simon's trusted followers actually committed several murders, Onias,

4 recognizing the danger of the contention, and observing that Apollonius, the son of Menestheus, as

5 governor of Coelesyria and Phoenicia, was fanning Simon's malice, betook himself to the king — not
that he went about to accuse his fellow-citizens, but simply with a view to the good of all the people,

6 both public and private ; for he saw that, unless the king intervened and interested himself, it was
impossible for the State to be at peace, nor would Simon abandon his insensate attempt.

7 But when Seleucus died, and Antiochus, who was called Epiphanes, succeeded to the kingdom,

8 Jason the brother of Onias supplanted his brother in the high-priesthood, promising in a petition to

9 the king three hundred and threescore talents of silver, besides eighty talents from another fund ; in
addition to which he undertook to pay a hundred and fifty more, if he was commissioned to set up ,

10 a gyrnnasium and ephebeum and to register the Jerusalemites as citizens of Antioch. And when
the king had given his assent, Jason at once exercised his influence in order to bring over his fellow-

1 1 countrymen to Greek ways of life. Setting aside the royal ordinances of special favour to the Jews,
obtained by John the father of Eupolemus who had gone as envoy to the Romans to secure their
friendship and alliance, and seeking to overthrow the lawful modes of life, he introduced new customs

12 forbidden by the law: he deliberately established a gymnasium under the citadel itself, and made

28. recognizing. Reading eVe-yvmicorfs, with the majority of MSS., instead of iTnyvaKuTa.

IV. 4. Menestheus. Reading Merco-^fW, Hort's certain emendation of uaivea-Bai eas or ws. Cp. ii. 21 ; Apollonius
was naturally exasperated at the miscarriage of his little plot.

7, 8. Jason . . promising, &c. If Josephus is correct, however, the charge of simony is undeserved ; Jason
succeeded to his brother's position, as Onias died leaving only an infant son (cp. An/ii/. XII. v. l).
•• ^V^° '".^f ^'^'", • •,.• *^ citizens of Antioch. The coveted title of ' Antiochenes ' (cp. Schurer, Ccsc/i. jiid. Volkes\
11. 106-7), i-e. loyalists (to the Seleucid dynasty and policy), carried with it certain privileges (cp. ver. 19). The
cognate promise (i.x. 15) to confer on the jews > the privileges of Athenian citizens is true to the Hellenistic and
Athenian prochvitiesof Antiochus (Niese, pp. 29-30), who probably tried to atticize his Antiochene subjects.

II. See I Mace. viu. 17-32.

136

II MACCABEES 4. 13-35

;, the noblest of the young men wear the petasus. And to such a height did the passion for Greek

fashions rise, and the influx of foreign customs, thanks to the surpassing impiety of that godless

14 Jason — no high-priest he ! — that the priests were no longer interested in the services of the altar, but

despising the sanctuary, and neglecting the sacrifices, they hurried to take part in the unlawful

(5 displays held in the palaestra after the quoit-throwing had been announced — thus setting at naught

[6 what their fathers honoured and esteeming the glories of the Greeks above all else. Hence sore

distress befell them ; the very men for whose customs they were so keen and whom they desired

17 to be like in every detail, became their foes and punished them. For it is no light matter to act
impiously against the laws of God ; time will show that.

1 8 Now games, held every five years, were being celebrated at Tyre, in the presence of the king,

19 and the vile Jason sent sacred envoys who were citizens of Antioch to represent Jerusalem, with
three hundred drachmas of silver for the sacrifice of Heracles. The very bearers, however, judged

no that the money ought not to be spent on a sacrifice, but devoted to some other purpose, and, thanks
to them, it went to fit out the triremes.

21 Now when ApoUonius the son of Menestheus was sent to Egypt to attend the enthronement
of king Ptolemy Philometor, Antiochus, on learning that the latter was ill-disposed to him, proceeded

22 to take precautions for the security of his realm. Thus he visited Joppa, and travelled on to
Jerusalem, where he had a splendid reception from Jason and the city, and was brought in with
blazing torches and acclamation. Thereafter, he and his army marched down into Phoenicia.

IV. 23-50. IntrigJies of Mcnelaiis.

23 Now after a space of three years Jason sent Menelaus, the aforesaid Simon's brother, to convey the

24 money to the king and to remind him of some matters which required attention. But Menelaus got
into favour with the king, whom he extolled with an air of impressive authority, and secured the high-

25 priesthood for himself, outbidding Jason by three hundred talents of silver. On receiving the royal
mandate, he appeared in Jerusalem, possessed of no quality which entitled him to the high-priesthood,

26 but with the passions of a cruel tyrant and the rage of a wild beast. So Jason, who had supplanted
his brother, was in turn supplanted by another man, and driven as a fugitive into the country of the

.27 Ammonites. Menelaus secured the position, but he failed to pay any of the money which he had

28 promised to the king, although Sostratus the governor of the citadel demanded it. As the latter

29 was responsible for collecting the revenue, the king summoned both men before him : Menelaus left
his brother Lysimachus to act as his deputy in the high-priesthood, while Sostratus left (as his
deputy) Crates, the viceroy of Cyprus.

30 At this juncture, it came to pass that the citizens of Tarsus and Mallus raised an insurrection,

31 because they were to be assigned as a present to Antiochis, the king's mistress; so the king went
off hurriedly (to Cilicia) to settle matters, leaving Andronicus, a man of high rank, to act as his

32 deputy. Then Menelaus supposed he had got a favourable opportunity, so he presented Andronicus
with some golden vessels which he had stolen from the temple ; — others he had already sold to Tyre

33 and the surrounding cities. On ascertaining the truth of this, Onias sharply censured him, withdrawing

34 for safety into the sanctuary of Daphne, close to Antioch. Whereupon Menelaus took Andronicus
aside and exhorted him to kill Onias. So Andronicus went to Onias, gave him pledges by guile and
also his right hand with oaths (of friendship), and persuaded him, despite his suspicions, to come out of

35 the sanctuary. He then killed him at once, regardless of justice. This made not only the Jews but

12. the petasus, i.e. a broad-brimmed felt hat, which, as the mark of Hermes, was the badge of the palaestra.
The otiose vrroTiia-a-cov of V probably arose from dittography with the following vnu niTnaon.

16. For this idea of the punishment fitting the crime see ver. 38 (= Herod, iii. 64), v. 9-10, viii. 33, ix. 6, xiii. S,
XV. 32, Wisd. xi. 16, Test. Gad v. 10.

iS. The celebration of games, in imitation of the Olympic festival and the Panathenaea, was an important part of
the Hellenizing policy (cp. vi. 7). For the games held by Alexander the Great at Tyre see Arrian ii. 24. 6, iii. 6. I.

20. thanks to them. Reading, with V, rmi' irapaKoiMC^wTcov, instead of rat' nnpdi'Tcov.

21. Antiochus, on learning that the latter was ill-disposed, &c. ApoUonius, the repre^sentative of Antiochus
at the enthronement (tt^wtoicAio-ih or TrpanoKX^aia = the ardK^ij-n'jpLci of Polybius xxviii. 12. 8, ra vofu^ofiefa yireaOiu rois
0aai\eiaw orav (is iJXiki'iiv eXdwaiv) of the young Ptolemy, evidently reported to his master that a move was on foot to
regain Coelesyria for Egypt. Antiochus took the initiative by concentrating his forces in Phoenicia. The writer,
however, merely narrates the episode for the purpose of branding Jason's servility. In the following episode (30-8),
either he or his source must be assumed to have coloured and shaped the death of Onias from the story of prince
Seleucus' murder at the hands of Andionicus (so Willrich's Jiiden und Griechcn, pp. 86 f., 120 f., and Wellhausen's
Ceschicht^, pp. 243 f.), even though the murder of Onias is taken (as e.g. by Niese and Guthe) to be historical.

29. deputy. In the semi-technical sense of Siufioxof, the Egyptian court-title (cp. ver. 31 and xiv. 26). As Cyprus
belonged to the Ptolemies, Crates can only have been viceroy of the island during the later and brief occupation by
Antiochus. The phrase is therefore proleptic.

34. pledges. Reading ■nlatm (62, so Niese) for nacrSfis, with &(^ias Btn laed' iipKoii-, and <i7r«T£u'€K (so Niese after
vg. and S) for TzaplKKdaiv.

^2,7

II MACCABEES 4. 36—6

36 many people of other nationalities indignant and angry over the unjust murder of the man.
when the king returned from the regions of Cilicia, the Jews of the capital (with the support ol

So
of the

37 Greeks who afso detested the crime) complained to him about the illegal murder of Onias. Antiochus
was heartily sorry about it, and was moved to pity and tears for the dead man's sober and well-

38 ordered life ; inflamed with passion, he at once had Andronicus stripped of his purple robe, and
led, with rent under-garments, all round the city to the very spot where he had committed the
outrage upon Onias ; there he had the murderer dispatched, the Lord rendering to him the punish-
ment he had deserved.

39 Now when many acts of sacrilege had been committed in the city by Lysimachus, with the
connivance of Menelaus, the report of these spread abroad throughout the country, till the people rose
against Lysimachus; for by this time a large number of gold vessels had been sold in all directions.

40 But when the people rose in a frenzy of rage, Lysimachus armed about three thousand men and
took the offensive with a bold charge, led by a certain Auranus, a man well up in mad folly no less than

41 in years. On realizing that Lysimachus was attacking them, however, some of the people caught
up stones, others logs of wood, and some snatched handfuls of ashes that lay near, flinging them all

42 pell-mell upon Lysimachus and his troops. In this way they wounded many, felled some to the
ground, and routed the whole band, slaying the sacrilegious robber himself beside the treasury.

43, 44 In connexion with this affair, proceedings were taken against Menelaus, and when the king

45 reached Tyre, three men sent by the senate laid their accusation before him, Menelaus felt that all
was now over with him, but he promised a large sum of money to Ptolemy the son of Dorymenes,

46 in order to get the king talked over. So Ptolemy took the king aside into a gallery, as though to

47 get some fresh air, and induced him to change his mind, the result being that he acquitted Menelaus,
who was responsible for all the trouble, and condemned to death the hapless trio, who would have

48 been discharged as innocent, even had they pled before Scythians. This unjust punishment was

49 inflicted instantly upon these spokesmen for Israel's city and folk and sacred vessels ; which moved

50 some Tyrians, who hated the crime, to provide magnificent obsequies for them. Menelaus, however,
still remained in power, thanks to the covetousness of the authorities, and, waxing more and more
vicious, he provecl a great plotter against his fellow-citizens.

V. 1-27. Profanation of temple and oppj-ession of ycivs by Antioehus Epiphanes.

O I, 2 Now about this time Antiochus made his second inroad into Egypt. And it so befell that
throughout all the city of Jerusalem for almost forty days horsemen were seen charging in mid-air,

3 wearing robes inwrought with gold, armed with lances, and arrayed in troops : swords flashing,
squadrons of horse in array, assaults and charges repeated from one side and another, shields shaken,
spears massed together, darts hurtling to and fro, the sheen of golden trappings, and corselets of all

4 kinds. Which made all men pray that the apparition might betoken good.

5 Now a false rumour got abroad that Antiochus had died. Whereupon Jason took not less
than a thousand men, and made a sudden attack on the city ; the troops stationed on the walls were

6 routed, and, as the city was now practically captured, Menelaus took refuge in the citadel, while
Jason proceeded to slaughter his fellow-citizens without mercy, reckless of the fact that to get any
advantage over kinsfolk is the worst kind of disadvantage, and imagining to himself that he was winning

7 trophies from foes and not from fellow-countrymen. He failed to secure the place of power,
however ; and in the end he reaped only shame from his conspiracy, and had to pass over again as

8 a fugitive into the country of the Ammonites. As for the end of his wretched career — imprisoned
under Aretas the Arabian prince, flying from city to city, pursued by all men, hated as an apostate
from the laws, and loathed as a butcher of his country and his fellow-citizens, he was expelled into

9 Egypt. He who had driven so many into exile, died himself in exile, crossing over to the Lace-
daemonians, with the idea of finding shelter there among kinsfolk. He who had flung out many

40. Auranus. The variant reading ' Tyrannus ' (Tufxii/rai., V ; cp. Acts xix. 9) is more likely to have arisen from
the uncommon Aupiii/ou (A, 55, 74, 106) than vice versa. The latter, even when read as .Kvpavav, cannot mean
'homo in Auranitide', which would be .KhpuvlTioi or AiipanTiVijs-. Nor is there any connexion between this assassin's
name and Eleazar's title of Avaran (Auapuj/) or the ' slabber' (?) in I Mace. ii. 5.

V. 8. imprisoned. Owing to the compressed style of this passage, which recapitulates generally the closing
adventures of Jason, the conjectural reading eyK\r]deis (= arraigned ; so read many editors from Luther and Grotius to
Grimm), instead of ('y/t\fia^£is- (cp. Nestle's Septuaginta-Studien, iv, p. 22), is plausible, but the lack of connexion in
the epitome here is enough to explain how Jason could be described as fleeing from city to city after being a prisoner.
Probably 'irvx^v goes with eyKXncreeis (cp. iv. 32), and nipas with kuk^s avatrTpofjy^s. The easier 7: I. eXa/ifv (V) enables
Tre'pns to be taken not in an absolute construction but in close connexion with the verb.

9. kinsfolk. Cp. i Mace. xii. 21 ; Josephus, Wars, i. 26. I. On the origin of the legend see lUichler, op. cit., pp. 126 f.
H. Winckler (Altvrient. Forschungcn, ii. 3. 565 f.) takes the Maccabaean references as editorial additions based on
a misunderstanding of the original DTIJ.

138

II MACCABEES 5. 10—6. 10

a corpse to lie unburied had none to mourn for him, nor had he a funeral of any kind or place in the

1 1 sepulchre of his fathers. Now when tidings of what had happened reached the king, he thought

12 Judaea was in revolt. He therefore started from Egypt in a fury, stormed the city, and commanded
his soldiers to cut down without mercy any one they met, and to slay those who sheltered in their

i;, houses. So there was a massacre of young and old, an extermination of boys, women, and children,

14 a slaughter of virgins and infants. In the short space of three days eighty thousand were destroyed,

15 forty thousand of them in close combat, and as many again were sold into slavery. Not content
with this, he dared to enter the most holy temple on earth, under the guidance of Menelaus, who

16 proved himself a traitor both to the laws and to his country ; he laid polluted hands on the sacred
vessels, and swept off with his profane hands what other kings had dedicated to enhance the glory and

17 honour of the Place. Uplifted in spirit, Antiochus did not consider that it was on account of the sins
of those who dwelt in the city that the Sovereign Lord was provoked to anger for a little while ; hence

18 His indifference to the Place. Had they not been involved in so many sins, this fellow would have
fared like Heliodorus, who was sent by king Seleucus to pry into the treasury — he would have been

ly scourged as soon as he pressed forward, and turned back from his presumption. But the Lord did not

20 choose the nation for the sake of the Place ; he chose the Place for the sake of the nation. And so
the Fla.ce, after partaking in the calamities that befell the nation, shared afterwards in its prosperity ;
forsaken in the wrath of the Almighty, it was restored again in full glory when the great Sovereign
became reconciled.

21 Antiochus, then, carried off from the temple eighteen hundred talents and hurried away to
Antioch, thinking in his arrogance to make the land navigable and the sea passable by foot — ^so

22 uplifted was he in heart. He also left governors behind him to ill-treat the Jewish people: at
Jerusalem, Philip, a Phrygian by race, whose disposition was more barbarous than that of his

23 master ; at Gerizim, Andronicus ; and, besides these, Menelaus, who lorded it worst of them all

24 over the citizens. And in malice against the Jews he sent the Mysian commander Apollonius with an
army of two and twenty thousand, under orders to slay all those that were of full age and to sell

25 the women and the younger men. This fellow, on reaching Jerusalem, played the role of a man of
peace, waiting till the holy day of the sabbath ; then, finding the Jews at rest from work, he com-

26 manded his men to parade in arms, put to the sword all who came to see what was going on, and

27 rushing into the city with the armed men killed great numbers. Judas Maccabaeus, however, with
about nine others got away, and kept himself and his companions alive in the mountains, as wild
beasts do, feeding on herbs, in order that they might not be polluted like the rest.

VL 1-31- Enforced Hcllcnizatio7i of the Jezvs.

> I Shortly after this the king sent an old Athenian to compel the Jews to depart from the laws

2 of their fathers, and to cease living by the laws of God ; further, the sanctuary in Jerusalem was to
be polluted and called after Zeus Olympius, while the sanctuary at Gerizim was also to be called

3 after Zeus Xenius, in keeping with the hospitable character of the inhabitants. Now this proved a sore

4 and altogether crushing visitation of evil. For the heathen filled the temple with riot and revelling,
dallying with harlots and lying with women inside the sacred precincts, besides bringing in what

5 was forbidden, while the altar was filled with abominable sacrifices which the law prohibited. And

6 a man could neither keep the sabbath, nor celebrate the feasts of the fathers, nor so much as

7 confess himself to be a Jew. On the king's birthday every month they were taken — bitter was the
necessity — to share in the sacrifice, and when the festival of the Dionysia came round they were

8 compelled to wear ivy wreaths for the procession in honour of Dionysus. On the suggestion of
Ptolemy, an edict was also issued to the neighbouring Greek cities, ordering them to treat the Jews

9 in the same way and force them to share in the sacrifices, slaying any who refused to adopt
10 Greek ways. Thus any one could see the distressful state of affairs. Two women, for e.xample,

were brought up for having circumcised their children ; they were paraded round the city, with

23. And in malice against the Jews. Omitting (with V) TroAirHs- in ver. 23, and taking 'ix'^" • . • amx^ri with
what follows (so Clrimm, and R.V. margin).

24. the Mysian commander, tw fivai'ipxii' may be either a derogatory epithet or an official title ; probably it is
both. The Mysians (Muaoi, cp. Polyb. xxxi. 3. 3) formed a special division or guard in the Seleucid armies, and the
unique formation Mua-dpxii means ' commander of the Mysians ' (cp. Kvnijuifixqs, xii. 2 = 6 «Vi Tmn Kutt/jimj', for the
form, though fiva-uipxr]s would mean 'governor of Mysia'). But the ill-repute of the Mysians (Mdo-wi' (axaros, a
scoundrel) suggested a play on the term, as if it meant ' detestable ringleader '.

27. Cp. X. 6, Heb. xi. 37-S.

VI. 2. Zeus Xenius. i. e. the protector of strangers or guests.

7. the king's birthday every month. For the monthly celebration of a royal birthday see the evidence from
Egypt, Coramagene, and Pergamum, collected by Schiirer in Preuschen's Zeitschrift fic>- die neiitcstainentliche Wissen-
schaft (1901), pp. 4!)-52.

II MACCABEES 6. ii— 7. 5

11 their babies hanging at their breasts, and then flung from the top of the wall. Some others, who
had taken refuge in the adjoining caves in order to keep the seventh day secretly, were betrayed
to Philip and all burnt together, since they scrupled to defend themselves, out of regard to the
honour of that most solemn day. , , .. , „

1 2 Now I beseech the readers of this book not to be discouraged by such calamities, but to reflect

13 that our people were being punished by way of chastening and not for their destruction. For
indeed it is a mark of great kindness when the impious are not let alone for a long time, but

14 punished at once. In the case of other nations, the Sovereign Lord in his forbearance refrains from
puni-shing them till they have filled up their sins to the full, but in our case he has deter-

15 mined otherwise, that his vengeance may not fall on us in after-days when our sins have reached

1 6 their height. Wherefore he never w ithdraweth his mercy from us ; and though he chasteneth his

17 own people with calamity, he forsaketh them not. So much by way of a reminder to ourselves;
after these few words we must come back to our story.

18 Eleazar, one of the principal scribes, a man already well stricken in years and of a noble counten-
igance, was compelled to eat swine's flesh. But he, welcoming death with renown rather than life

20 with pollution, advanced of his own accord to the instrument of torture, affording an example of
how men should come forward who have the courage to put from them food which, even for the

21 natural love of life, they dare not taste. Now those in charge of that forbidden sacrificial feast took
the man aside, for the sake of old acquaintance, and privately urged him to bring some flesh of his
own providing, such as he was lawfully allowed to use, and to pretend he was really eating of the

22 sacrifice which the king had ordered, so that in this way he might escape death and be kindly treated

23 for the sake of their old friendship. But he with a high resolve, worthy of his years and of the
dignity of his descent and of his grey hair reached with honour and of his noble life from childhood
and, still more, of the holy laws divinely ordained, spoke his mind accordingly, telling them to

24 dispatch him to Hades at once. ' It ill becomes our years to dissemble,' said he, 'and thus lead
many younger persons to imagine that Eleazar in his ninetieth year has gone over to a heathenish

25 religion. I should lead them astray by my dissimulation, for the mere sake of enjoying this brief

26 and momentary life, and I should bring stain and foul disgrace on my own old age. Even were I for
the moment to evade the punishment of men, I should not escape the hands of the Almighty in

27 life or in death. Wherefore, by manfully parting with my life now, I will show myself worthy of my

28 old age, and leave behind me a noble example to the young of how to die willingly and nobly

29 on behalf of our reverend and holy laws. With these words he stepped forward at once to the
instrument of torture, while those who a moment before had been friendly turned against him,

30 deeming his language to be that of a sheer madman. Now, just as he was expiring under the
strokes of torture, he groaned out, The Lord, who hath holy knowledge, understandeth that,
although I might have been freed from death, I endure cruel pains in my body from scourging and

31 suffer this gladly in my soul, because I fear him.' Thus he too died, leaving his death as an
example of nobility and a memorial of virtue, not only to the young but also to the great body of
his nation.

VII. 1-4-. Martyrdom of seven brotltcrs and their mother.

7 I It also came to pass that seven brothers and their mother were arrested and shamefully lashed
with whips and scourges, by the king's orders, that they might be forced to taste the abominable

2 swine's flesh. But one of them spoke up for the others and said, Why question us ? What wouldst

3 thou learn from us? We are prepared to die sooner than transgress the laws of our fathers. Then

4 the king, in his exasperation, ordered pans and cauldrons to be heated, and, when they were heated
immediately, ordered the tongue of the speaker to be torn out, had him scalped and mutilated

5 before th e eyes of his brothers and mother, and then had him put on the fire, all maimed and
crippled as he was, but still alive, and set to fry in the pan. And as the \apour from the pan spread

18. of a noble countenance, was compelled. Reading KaAXio-ros Tuyp^ai-cuc r]vayK.a^(ro (19, 52, 62, 93, Syr. ; V cm.
avaxaivuiv) with Niese and Nestle {Sept.-Studien, iv. 20).

20. affording an example. For TTfionTia-as de (= but spat out the flesh first), which comes in awkwardly, read
TrpoTv-naiaas (so one minuscule: Nestle, pp. 20-1) as above, which tallies with 27-S better than Trpwreicras (V"). The
less natural alternative is to omit de (with Niese) and read ToTroi/ (so Grotius) for t^ottoi/.

23. descent. For yjjpovs (A) or yiipas (V) read, with Niese, -yeVoif. The two considerations of age and race are
developed in the following clauses, where dvaa-Tpoiprii (R.V. margin, so A, 52, 55, 62) is preferable to aparpocpfis (R.V. text).

26. Cp. Heb. X. 31, xi. 35 ; also vv. 19 and 30 with Heb. xi. 35 (dXXoi St ervpLnaviadricrap}, and vii. 28 with Heb. xi. 3.

VII. 4. scalped. Ufpia-KvBianvTds refers to the practice of the Scythians, the typical savages (see above, iv. 47) and
Red Indians of the ancient East, who flayed and scalped their victims (Herod, iv. 64).

140

II MACCABEES 7. 6-36

6 abroad, they and their mother exhorted one another to die nobly, uttering these words : The Lord
God beholdeth this, and truly hath compassion on us, even as Moses declared in his Song which
testificth against them to their face, saying.

And he shall have compassion on his servants.

7 And when the first had died after this manner, they brought the second to the shameful torture,
tearing off the skin of his head with the hair and asking him, Wilt thou eat, before we punish thy

8 body limb by limb ? But he answered in the language of his fathers and said to them, No. So he

9 too underwent the rest of the torture, as the first had done. And when he was at the last gasp, he said,
Thou cursed miscreant ! Thou dost dispatch us from this life, but the King of the world shall raise

10 us up, who have died for his laws, and revive us to life everlasting. And after him the third was made
a mocking-stock. And when he was told to put out his tongue, he did so at once, stretching forth

11 his hands courageously, with the noble words, These I had from heaven; for His name's sake

12 I count them naught; from Him I hope to get them back again. So much so that the king
himself and his company were astounded at the spirit of the youth, for he thought nothing of his

13 sufferings. And when he too was dead, they tortured the fourth in the same shameful fashion.

14 And when he was near his end, he said : 'Tis meet for those who perish at men's hands to cherish
hope divine that they shall be raised up by God again ; but thou — thou shalt have no resur-

16 rection to life. Next they brought the fifth and handled him shamefully. But he looked at the
king and said. Holding authority among men, thou doest what thou wilt, poor mortal ; but dream

17 not that God hath forsaken our race. Go on, and thou shalt find how His sovereign power will

18 torture thee and thy seed ! And after him they brought the sixth. And when he was at the point
of death he said, Deceive not thyself in vain ! We are suffering this on our own account, for sins

19 against our own God. That is why these awful horrors have befallen us. But think not thou shalt

20 go unpunished for daring to fight against God ! The mother, however, was a perfect wonder ; she
deserves to be held in glorious memory, for, thanks to her hope in God, she bravely bore the sight

21 of seven sons dying in a single day. Full of noble spirit and nerving her weak woman's heart with
the courage of a man, she exhorted each of them in the language of their fathers, saying, How you

22 were ever conceived in my womb, I cannot tell ! 'Twas not I who gave you the breath of life or

23 fashioned the elements of each ! 'Twas the Creator of the world who fashioneth men and deviseth
the generating of all things, and he it is who in mercy will restore to you the breath of life even

24 as you now count yourselves naught for his laws' sake. Now Antiochus felt that he was being
humiliated, but, overlooking the taunt of her words, he made an appeal to the youngest brother,
who still survived, and even promised on oath to make him rich and happy and a Friend and

25 a trusted official of State, if he would give up his fathers' laws. As the young man paid no atten-

26 tion to him, he summoned his mother and exhorted her to counsel the lad to save himself. So,

27 after he had exhorted her at length, she agreed to persuade her son. She leant over to him and,
befooling the cruel tyrant, spoke thus in her fathers' tongue: My son, have pity on me. Nine
months I carried thee in my womb, three years I suckled thee ; I reared thee and brought thee up

28 to this age of thy life. Child, I beseech thee, lift thine eyes to heaven and earth, look at all that is
therein, and know that God did not make them out of the things that existed. So is the race of

29 men created. Fear not this butcher, but show thyself worthy of thy brothers, and accept thy death,

30 that by God's mercy I may receive thee again together with thy brothers. Ere she had finished, the
young man cried, What are you waiting for? I will not obey the king's command, I will obey the

31 command of the law given by Moses to our fathers. But thou, who hast devised all manner of evil

32 against the Hebrews, thou shalt not escape the hands of God. We are suffering for our own sins,

33 and though our living Lord is angry for a little, in order to rebuke and chasten us, he will again be

34 reconciled to his own servants. But thou, thou impious wretch, vilest of all men, be not vainly
33 uplifted with thy proud, uncertain hopes, raising thy hand against the heavenly children ; thou hast
36 not yet escaped the judgement of the Almighty God who seeth all. These our brothers, after

6. Song which testifieth . . . face. This sententious description of the Song (Deut. xxxii. 36) is not only out of
keeping with the misc en scene, but far-fetched ; the testimony of the Song in question was borne against faithless
Israel, not against outside oppressors.

18. Some MSS. insert ^10 before, or ya/j after, a^m. Niese, reading the latter, and following V (u^ioi) and V
(•yeyoca^fv), conjectures Kii'haapav for dtivixaa-fxriv (i. e. a/id ha^ie deserved punishment). But the above reading, though
characteristically abrupt, yields a good sense.

23. men. For av6paTTov yivtaiv read with Niese livBtsuntov (or iipiJ/jcoTrouf), the first yivtaw being repeated perinciiriani
from the second.

24. overlooking. For vcjinfiafiems (' suspecting ') read vntpopajievos (Vg. = expivbran/is icoce despecla) with
Kamphausen. For the promised rank of Friend (i. 14, viii. 29, i Mace. ii. 18, &c.) see Deissmann's Bible-Studies,
pp. 167 f.

27. reared thee. Omitting (with 71, Vg, S) the anticlimax of xai Tpo<(>o(f>opr](ra(Tai/ {= and sustained thee, lit.
nursed).

141

II MACCABEES 7. 36—8. 20

enduring a brief pain, have now drunk of everflowing life, in terms of God's covenant, but thou shalt

n receive by God's judgement the just penalty of thine arrogance. I, like my brothers, give up body

and soul for our fathers' laws, calling on God to show favour to our nation soon, and to make thee

38 acknowledge in torment and plagues, that he alone is God, and to let the Almighty's wrath, justly

39 fallen on the 'whole of our nation, end in me and in my brothers. Then the kmg fell mto a passion

40 and had him handled worse than the others, so exasperated was he at being mocked. Thus he also
4[ died unpolluted, trusting absolutely in the Lord. Finally after her sons the mother also perished.
42 Let this suffice for the enforced sacrifices and the excesses of barbarity.

VIII. 1-36. Revolt and early successes of Judas Maccabaeus.

8 I But Judas, who is also called Maccabaeus, together with his companions, went round the
villages by stealth, summoning their kinsfolk and mustering those who had adhered to Judaism, till

2 thcy^'collected as many as six thousand. And they invoked the Lord to look upon the people whom

3 all men oppressed, to have compassion on the sanctuary which the godless had profaned, and also
to pity the ruined city which was on the point of being levelled with the ground, to hearken to the

4 blood that cried to him, to remember the impious massacre of the innocent babes and the blasphemies
r committed against his name, and to manifest his hatred of evil. Now as soon as Maccabaeus had
"^ got his company together, the heathen found him irresistible, for the Lord's anger was now turned

6 into mercy. He would surprise and burn both towns and villages, gaining possession of strategic

7 positions and routing large numbers of the enemy. He took special advantage of the night for such
attacks. And the whole country echoed with the fame of his valour.

8 So when Philip saw that the man was gaining ground inch by inch and adding daily to his
successes, he wrote to Ptolemy, the governor of Coelesyria and Phoenicia, for support in maintaining

9 the king's cause. The latter lost no time in selecting Nicanor, the son of Patroclus, one of the fore- >
most among the king's Friends, whom he dispatched at the head of no fewer than twenty thousand
troops of all nationalities to exterminate the entire population of Judaea; and with him there was
associated Gorgias, a military commander who had considerable experience of active service.

10 Nicanor, however, determined to sell the Jews into slavery, and so to make up the sum of two

11 thousand talents which the king owed by way of tribute to the Romans. He therefore sent at once
to the maritime towns, inviting them to purchase Jewish slaves, whom he promised to sell at the rate
of ninety a talent — little imagining the judgement that was to overtake him from the Almighty.

12 Now when Judas was informed of Nicanor's inroad, and when he told his followers about the

1 3 arrival of the host, those who were cowardlyand sceptical aboutGod's judgement ran off and decamped,

14 while others sold all their remaining possessions and withal besought the Lord to deliver those

15 whom the impious Nicanor had already sold before the battle ; and this, if not for their own sakes,
at least for the sake of the covenants made with their fathers and for the sake of His reverend and

16 glorious name, by which they were called. But when Maccabaeus had got his men together, six
thousand in number, he bade them have no fear of chains and slavery and no dread of the vast

1 7 number of the heathen who had attacked them wrongfully ; let them fight nobly, keeping before their
eyes the wanton and lawless outrage of the heathen upon the holy place, the shocking and despiteful

18 violence done to the city, and further the overthrow of their ancestral polity. They trust to arms
- and daring deeds, he said, but we rely upon the Almighty God, who by a nod can lay low our

19 enemies, aye and the whole world. Then he rehearsed to them the aid repeatedly vouchsafed in the
days of their ancestors, as in the days of Sennacherib, when a hundred and eighty-five thousand

20 perished, and as at the battle fought against the Galatians in Babylonia, where only eight thousand

36. drunk. Hort's conjecture, TrenoiKncn, for the I\ISS. niirTaKan-i, restores the original sense of the passage.

VIII." 4. massacre of the innocent babes. Cp. above, vi. lo, and i Mace. i. 6l.
. 6. villages. Kw/uHt ('villages ') is to be read for ;)(Q)pas.
routing . . . enemy. Cp. Heb. xi. 34.

13. God's judgment, i.e. on their foes (cp. ver. 11). Contrast the account of i Mace. iii. 56.

14. those whom . . . sold before the battle, i.e. not stray captives picked up by the way but the speakers
themselves, whom Nicanor had sold in advance.

16. six thousand in number. But this was the original number of the army (ver. i) !
slavery. For rnvi TroXt/jious (V) or rots n-oXf/iiotr read ruh fifir/noif, which has been altered in A into tois- Seafiiois,
as the variant (19, 62) toI$ TroXt'^oif has been altered into toIs TioXe^iiuir.
18. by a nod. Cp. Apoc. Bar. xxi. 5, &c.

and the whole world. For the turn of expression see I John ii. 2.
20. the battle ... in Babylonia. Nothing is known of the engagement which forms the subject of this
e.xaggerated boast. The eight thousand, who are obviously Jews, may have been fighting either under Antiochus the
Great against a body of Gallic mercenaries under Molon, the rebellious satrap of Media (221-220 B.C.), or, earlier, in
the ranks of Antiochus Soter (2S1-261 B.C.), who is said to have won his title (Appian, Syr. 66) from his efforts against
the Gallic raiders in Asia Minor.

142

II MACCABEES 8. 20— 9. 4

men, together with four thousand Macedonians, took the field, and where, after the Macedonians were
hard pressed, the eight thousand slew the hundred and twenty thousand, owing to the aid vouchsafed

21 them from heaven, and won rich booty. With these words he inspirited them and got them ready

22 to die for the laws and for their country. He then divided his army into four, and put his brothers
at the head of the various divisions, Simon, Joseph, and Jonathan each being in command of fifteen

-!.5 hundred men ; he also made Eleazar read aloud the holy Book, and taking ' God's Help ' as a watch-

24 word put himself at the head of the first division, and engaged Nicanor. And. since the Almighty
fought on their side, they slew over nine thousand of the enemy, wounded and disabled the greater

25 part of Nicanor's army, and forced them all to flee. They also secured the very money of those who

26 had arrived for the purpose of buying them. Then, after pursuing them for some distance, they were
j obliged to turn back on account of time ; it was the day before the sabbath, and therefore they made

27 no effort to follow them up. So, after collecting the arms of the enemy, and stripping them of their
spoils, they attended to the duties of the sabbath, loudly blessing and praising the Lord who had

28 preserved them unto this day and thus begun to show them mercy ; after the sabbath, when
they had apportioned part of the spoils to their own wounded and to the widows and orphans, they

29 shared the remainder among themselves and their children. This done, they united in supplication,
beseeching the Lord of mercy to be fully reconciled to his servants.

30 In an encounter with the forces of Timotheus and Bacchides, they also killed over twenty thousand
and got possession of some extremely high strongholds, securing a large quantity of plunder which
they distributed equally with themselves not only among the wounded, the orphans, and the widows,

31 but also among the older people. Then, after collecting the arms of the enemy, they stored them all

32 carefully in the most important forts, conveying the rest of the spoils to Jerusalem. They also slew
Phylarches, who belonged to Timotheus' forces, a most impious scoundrel who had inflicted serious

.^3 injuries on the Jews. And while they were celebrating the victory in the city of their fathers, they
burned Callisthenes and some others, who had set fire to the sacred gates, and who had taken refuge

34 in a small house ; thus did these men receive the due reward of their impiety. As for the thrice-

35 accursed Nicanor, who had brought the thousand merchants to buy the Jews for slaves, those whom
he reckoned of no account humbled him by the help of the Lord ; doffing his splendid uniform, he
had to make his way alone, like a runaway slave, straight across country to Antioch, having fared

36 disastrously in his expedition and having left his army annihilated. So the man who undertook to
secure tribute for the Romans by selling the Jerusalemites into captivity, proved the means of
showing that the Jews had a Champion and that they were invulnerable since they followed the laws
which He enacted.

IX. 1—29. Tlic miserable death of Antiochits Epiphanes.

I I Now about that time it happened that Antiochus had to beat a disorderly retreat from the region

2 of Persia. He had entered the city called Perscpolis and tried to rob temples and get hold of the
city ; whereupon the people flew to arms and routed him, with the result that Antiochus was put to

3 flight by the people of the country and broke up his camp in disgrace. And while he was at

4 Ecbatana, news reached him of what had happened to Nicanor and the forces of Timotheus. So, in

22. Joseph, here and in x. 19, is an error of the author or of a copyist for John (cp. I Mace. ix. 36 f.).

23. made Eleazar read aloud. Reading (Vg, S, ig, 62, 64, 93, so Grimm, RavvHnson, and Kamphausen)
Trnpa-yfrnrai for napanayvovs (A.V. Fritzsche, Swete). 'God's Help' is a play on the name of Eleazar.

26, 27. The real reason was not Sabbatarian strictness (cp. 1 Mace. iv. 17 f.), and the spoiling of the enemy is
ante-dated (cp. I Mace. iv. 18, 23). On the Sabbatarianism see above, vi. II, and Jub. 7. 6-13.

27. after collecting the arms. Here, though not in ver. 31, o-n-XoXoyrja-afTts uirovs might also be rendered, ' having
piled their arms' (contrast I Mace. iv. 6).

thus begun to show them mercy. The pretty reading, irra^avTos ('distilled'), is less well supported than
ra^avTus (as above, cp. ver. 5) or tiI^iiiti (62). Niese, reading the latter, with xui after airois, renders, 'to him who
had preserved them and appointed this day to be the beginning of mercy for them.'

29. to be fully reconciled, i. e. to show the permanence of his favour by continuing to crown their efforts with
success. Grimm quotes a similar phrase from Euseb. //. E. viii. 16. 2 {j'li'i 6eicis npovoias . . . ra> fiiv avriji KaraWar-
Tofievrjs Xaw, of the cessation of persecution).

33. a small house. The point of mentioning the smallness of the house (oiki'Sioj/, a real diminutive) is obviously to
contrast the number who took refuge in it. This tells, together with the position of v(P?]\j/ai' after V^akXtcrBevr^v, in favour
of 7rt0cuyor(i9 instead of Tret^eiryora (as if Callisthenes was the only incendiary who hid himself in the hut or cottage),
of Kai Tivns t'iXXovs after KaXXiirOii'rjVj and oi ^KOfiiaavTo for eKo^io-uTo,
reward of their impiety. For the phrase cp. 2 Pet. ii. 13.

35. fared disastrously. Reading v7r(pdym> SvaifitpriKas.

IX. 2. Persepolis was not in Elymais ; consequently, unless ' Elymais' in l Mace. i. 6 is a corruption (cp. Cheyne
in Encyclopaedia Biblica, 1284, 3660), there is a geographical contradiction between the two narratives. See i. 12 f.
tried successfully, according to Appian {Syr. 66).
3. Ecbatana, the capital of Media, was not near the route of his flight to Babylon (i Mace. vi. 4).

143

II MACCABEES 9. 4-24

a transport of rage, he determined to wreak vengeance on the Jews for the defeat which he had
suffered at the hands of those who had forced him to fly, and ordered his charioteer to drive
on without halting till the journey was ended. Verily the judgement of heaven upon him was
imminent ' For thus he spoke in his arrogance : When I reach Jerusalem, I will make it a common
s sepulchre of Jews But the all-seeing Lord, the God of Israel, smote him with a fatal and unseen
stroke • the words were no sooner out of his mouth than he was seized with an incurable pain in

6 the bowels and his internal organs gave him cruel torture— a right proper punishment for one who

7 had tortured the bowels of other people with many an exquisite pang. He did not cease from his
wild insolence however, but waxed more arrogant than ever, breathing fire and fury against the Jews,
and givino- orders to hurry on with the journey. And it came to pass that he dropped from his

8 chariot as^it whirled along, so that the bad fall racked every limb of his body. Thus he who in his
overweenino- haughtiness had supposed the waves of the sea were at his bidding and imagined he
could weigh the high mountains in his scales, was now prostrate, carried along in a litter— a manifest

9 token to all men of the power of God. Worms actually swarmed from the impious creature's body ;
his flesh fell off, while he was still alive in pain and anguish ; and the stench of his corruption turned

10 the whole army from him with loathing. A man who shortly before had thought he could touch

11 the stars of heaven, none could now endure to carry, such was his intolerable stench. Then it was
that, broken in spirit, he began to abate his arrogance, for the most part, and to arrive at some know-
led-^'e of the truth. For, as he suffered more and more anguish under the scourge of God, unable

1 2 even to bear his own stench, he said : Right is it that mortal man should be subject to God, and not

13 deem himself God's equal. The vile wretch also made a vow to the Lord (who would not now

14 have pity on him), promising that he would proclaim the holy city free— the city which he was
I ^ hurryino- to lay level with the ground and to make a common sepulchre — that he would make all

the Jews equal to citizens of Athens— the Jews whom he had determined to throw out with their
16 children to the beasts, for the birds to devour, as unworthy even to be buried— that he would

adorn with magnificent offerings the holy sanctuary which he had formerly rifled, restoring all the

sacred vessels many times over, and defraying from his own revenue the expense of the sacrifices ;
I V furthermore, that he would even become a Jew and travel over the inhabited world to publish abroad
i8 the might of God. But when his sufferings did not cease by any means (for God's judgement had

justly come upon him), he gave up all hope of himself and wrote the following letter, with its humble

supplication, to the Jews :

19 To his citizens, the loyal Jews, Antiochus their king and general wisheth great joy and health

20 and prosperity. If you and your children fare well and your affairs are to your mind, I give thanks

21 to God, as my hope is in heaven. As for myself, I am sick. Your esteem and goodwill I bear in
loving memory. On my way back from Persia I have fallen seriously ill, and I think it needful to

22 take into consideration the common safety of all my subjects — not that I despair of myself (for,

23 on the contrary, I have good hopes of recovery), but in view of the fact that when my father marched

24 into the upper country, he appointed his successor, in order that, in the event of anything un-

8. Cp. V. 21 ; Isa. xl. 12, li. 15.

9. worms, &c. A conventional doom for blasphemous persecutors (cp. .-^cts xii. 23). The narrative of Jason
probably described the disease as a result of the fall from the chariot. The epitomist not only puts in the supernatural
touch of ver. 5, but some of the high colouring in the edifying sequel.

II. broken in spirit. V's reading {vTvoTedpiwcrtJLeiins) may mean either that he grew steadily worse (Bissell) or that
he was suffering severely (an instance of meiosis, so Grimm and Kamphausen) ; but the variant of A {redfiava-fiu'oi, so
Fritzsche, Rawlinson, &c.) gives a better sense, and Niese's conjecture that kutu uTiyfirjv has arisen by dittography
from ixncTTiyi (cp. 62, ixdcrTiyfirji') is very plausible. ' Ferner muss man mit 19, 62, 64, 93 lesen : Km els eTriyvoiuii'
(pX(<r6at d\r]8eias' 6eia yap ^(iiTTiyi fTnTeimfievos rals oKyqboa-i kol jxr^Sc Tr]S aafiris hwiifitvoi OKEXfc^ai kt\' [Kflttk, p. 11 3).
In ver. 12 vnfpr)<jiatia (A, 55, 71, 74, 1 06, 243) is probably (so Grimm, Bissell, Kamphausen) a gloss upon la-66((i
(cp. Phil. ii. 6 ; Aesch. Pcrsac, S20, &c.).

17. become a Jew, &c. The narrative makes Antiochus outdo even Nebuchadrezzar (Dan. iv. 37) in the way of
abject penance, or at least of promises.

18. the following letter, with its humble supplication. The letter does not answer to this description, and, as
addressed to Judas and his party, is entirely out of keeping with the facts of the situation. Bevan (House of Sclcucus,
ii. 177, 298), like Niese (30), defends it by supposing that it was originally meant for the Hellenizing Jewish community
of Jerusalem, which Antiochus affected to regard as the genuine article. He calls them xP'ja'Toi in the sense in which
the Cavaliers in seventeenth-century England were called the 'honest' party (cp. e.g. Aristoph. Frogs 783 oXiyov to
XpT^dTov ianv), and describes himself as their arf>aTi]y6i (general) by way of flattery, implying that he was proud to be
strategos in Jerusalem no less than in Athens. Had the author, or Jason, composed the letter, he would probably
have coloured and shaped it to fit the context. Its very discrepancies with the present setting tell in favour of the
hypothesis that it reflects some authentic document.

21. I am sick. Your esteem, &c. The asyndeton is awkward, but it is more awkward to insert ei p.i) before
lio-flei/Ms or aXXmt yap before vpuiv, and translate (with Rawlinson) : ' 1 am sick, otherwise I would have remembered,
&c.' (retaining the 'w before ep.vjp.uiKvov, which probably arose from the last syllable of the preceding fCvoiav).

23. marched into the upper country. Cp. i Mace. iii. 37.

24. anything unexpected. A euphemism for the king's death, like ' the coming event ' (ver. 25).

144

II MACCABEES 9. 24— 10. 16

expected occurring or any unwelcome news arriving, the residents at home might know whom the
5 State had been entrusted to, and so be spared any disturbance. Besides these considerations, as
I have noticed how the princes on the borders and the neighbours of my kingdom are on the alert
for any opportunity and anticipate the coming event, I have appointed my son Antiochus to be kin^.
I have often committed and commended him to most of you, when I hurried to the upper provinces.
I have also written to him what I have written below. I therefore exhort and implore you to
remember the public and private benefits you have received and to preserve, each of you, your

7 present goodwill toward me and my son. For I am convinced that with mildness and kindness he
will adhere to my policy and continue on good terms with you.

8 So this murderer and blasphemer, after terrible suffering such as he had inflicted on other people,

9 ended his life most miserably among the mountains in a foreign land. His bosom-friend Philip
brought the corpse home ; and then, fearing the son of Antiochus, he betook himself to Ptolemy
Philometor in Egypt.

X. 1-8. TJic temple picrified and the feast of dedication instituted.

1( I Now Maccabaeus and his followers, under the leadership of the Lord, recaptured the temple and

2 the city, and pulled down the altars erected by the aliens in the market-place, as well as the sacred

3 inclosures. After cleansing the sanctuary, they erected another altar of sacrifice, and strikino- fire
out of flints they offered sacrifices after a lapse of two years, with incense, lamps, and the presentation of

4 the shew-bread. This done, they fell prostrate before the Lord with entreaties that they might never
again incur such disasters, but that, if ever they should sin, he would chasten them with forbearance,

5 instead of handing them over to blasphemous and barbarous pagans. Now it so happened that the
cleansing of the sanctuary took place on the very day on which it had been profaned by aliens, on

6 the twenty-fifth day of the same month, which is Chislev. And they celebrated it for eight days
with gladness like a feast of tabernacles, remembering how, not long before, during the feast of

: 7 tabernacles they had been wandering like wild beasts in the mountains and the caves. So, bearing
wands wreathed with leaves and fair boughs and palms, they offered hymns of praise to him who had
8 prospered the cleansing of his own place, and also passed a public order and decree that all the
Jewish nation should keep these ten days every year.

X. 9-38. Further campaigns of Judas.

:o Such was the end of Antiochus, who was called Epiphanes. We will now explain what occurred
under Antiochus Eupator, the son of that godless man, summarizing the calamities of the wars.

:i When he succeeded to the throne, he appointed a certain Lysias as his chancellor and as supreme

12 governor of Coelesyria and Phoenicia. For Ptolemy, who was called Macron, had set an example
of justice to the Jews in righting wrongs done to them, and had endeavoured to deal amicably

.[3 with them. For this he was arraigned before Eupator by the king's Friends ; on every side he heard
himself called a traitor for having abandoned the island of Cyprus which Philometor had entrusted
to him, and for having sided with Antiochus Epiphanes : so, feeling unable to maintain the prestige of
his position, he took poison in a fit of despair and made away with himself.

[4 But when Gorgias became governor of this district, he maintained a force of mercenaries and kept

[5 up war with the Jews at every turn. Besides that, the Idumaeans, who were in possession of important
strongholds, harassed the Jews and did their utmost to keep the feud going by welcoming the refugees

16 from Jerusalem. But Maccabaeus and his men, after solemnly imploring and beseeching God to

29. bosom-friend. A Hellenistic court title (cp. Frankel in Alterthiimer von Pergamon, viii. i, pp. in f.) here as
in Acts xiii. i and in the inscription of Delos (see above, on iii. 7) which assigns it to Heliodorus.

X. 3. striking fire out of flints. According to the ancient view that only fire obtained thus fresh from nature,
i.e. struck from flints or otherwise (cp. i. 22 f.), could be used to rekindle altar-fires. 'Two' years is a mistake for
'three' (cp. I Mace. iv. 54).

6. wandering, &c. v. 27, Heb. xi. 37-8.

11. a certain Lysias. The off-hand allusion to Lysias (two) is on a par with the unhistorical conception of the
regent's position (cp. i Mace. iii. 32, vi. 17, &c.).

12. For gives the reason why Lysias was made governor of Coelesyria and Phoenicia, which Ptolemy (cp. viii. 8)
had hitherto ruled. The boy-king must have been a puppet in the hands of Lysias ; the latter was responsible for the
impeachment of Ptolemy, who was evidently suspected by the anti-Semites on much the same flimsy pretext as
Desdemona (' She did deceive her father, marrying you. And . . .').

13. the king's Friends. This title was revived by the phalanx of political mercenaries in the eighteenth century
who intrigued for George III. As though, said Junius, the mass of Englishmen were enemies of the king !

prestige. Grimm's conjecture, eiyifia-ns, for the textual variants (evy^uvaieras, €vyiiiva(jias, (iynwaaim, &c.) gives
an excellent sense, but the words iV aBvfxias (56), though poorly supported by MS. evidence, are too vivid and essential
to be a gloss.

15. the refugees, i.e. Hellenistic Jews expelled by Judas.
1105 145 L

II MACCABEES 10. 17— 11. 4

1 7 fight on their side, rushed at the strongholds of the Idumaeans and, after a vigorous assault, captured
the positions, beating off those who manned the walls, slaying any whom they came across, and

18 slaughtering no fewer than twenty thousand. No less than nine thousand took refuge in two
ly extremely strong towers, which were well equipped to stand a siege ; so Maccabaeus left Simon and

Joseph, together with Zacchaeus and his division, as a force adequate for the siege, and went off

20 in person to various places where he was needed. But the covetous retinue of Simon allowed them-
selves to be bribed by some of those inside the towers, and let some of them slip out, on payment of

21 seventy thousand drachmas. When Maccabaeus learned of what had occurred, he summoned the
leaders of the nation and accused them of selling their brethren for money, by setting their enemies

22 free to fio-ht against them ; then he slew these men for having turned traitors and instantly stormed

23 the two towers. Successful in every feat of arms which he undertook, he destroyed in the two
strongholds more than twenty thousand men.

24 Now Timotheus, who had been previously defeated by the Jews, mustered a foreign force of vast
size, and raised a large detachment of Asiatic cavalry, and arrived in Judaea as though he meant

25 to capture it by force of arms. But on his approach Maccabaeus and his men sprinkled earth upon

26 their heads and girded their loins with sackcloth, in supplication to God, and falling down upon the
step in front of the altar besought Him to show favour graciously to them, to be the enemy of their

27 enemies, and the adversary of their adversaries, as the law affirmeth. Then rising from prayer they
took up their arms and advanced some distance from the city, halting when they drew near to the

28 enemy. And when the dawn came, the two armies joined battle; one had a pledge of success and
victory, not only in their valour but in their appeal to the Lord, while the other side were impelled

29 to the struggle by their own passions. And as the fight waxed fierce, the enemy saw five resplendent

30 men from heaven on horses with golden bridles, who led on the Jews and took Maccabaeus between
them, sheltering him with their armour and preserving him scatheless ; they also showered arrows
and thunderbolts on the enemy till, blinded and disordered, they were utterly bewildered and cut to

J I, 32 pieces. Twenty thousand five hundred were slain, with six hundred horsemen, and Timotheus
himself took refuge in a stronghold called Gazara, which was very strongly fortified under command

33 of Chaereas. The troops of Maccabaeus laid eager siege to this fort for twenty-four days, during

34 which time the besieged, who relied on the strength of the place, blasphemed furiously and gave

35 vent to impious cries. But, as the twenty-fifth day dawned, twenty youths from the Maccabaean army,
burning with anger at all this blasphemy, stormed the wall like men, and in a wild fury of passion

36 proceeded to cut down every one they met. Meantime others had followed them up by a wheel
movement and had set fire to the towers, kindling fires and burning the blasphemers alive, while

37 some burst the gates open and admitted the rest of the band. So they captured the city, and killed
Timotheus, who had concealed himself in a cistern, and his brother Chaereas, and Apollophanes.

38 Having accomplished this feat, they sang hymns of thanksgiving, blessing the Lord who rendereth
great services to Israel and giveth them the victory.

XL 1-38. Defeat of Lysias, and terms of peace arranged.

11 I Quite soon after this, Lysias, the king's guardian and kinsman and chancellor, who was seriously

2 annoyed at what had taken place, collected about eighty thousand infantry with all his cavalry and

3 marched against the Jews, intending to make the city a residence for Greeks, to levy tribute on the
temple as on the other sacred places of the nations, and to put up the high-priesthood for sale

4 every year ; for he never reckoned with the might of God, but was puffed up with his own myriads

ig. Zacchaeus (cp. viii. 22) is otherwise unknown, unless his name is explained from I Mace. v. 56. Thus Grotius
conjectured that the original reading here was xnl tov toC ZaKxa'iov.

21. selling their brethren for money, i. e. betraying the wider interests of the nation for the sake of pecuniary
advantage to themselves.

24. Asiatic cavalry. The Iranian cavalry were a famous item in the Seleucid armies ; but if "m-aovi here is
equivalent to horses, probably Media is intended specially.

25. sprinkled earth upon their heads. See xiv. 15 and i Mace. xi. 71.

26. as the law affirmeth. Cp. Exod. xxiii. 22.

28. came. Literally 'succeeded the night' (hi.a'hexo\xivr)'i as in Wisd. vii. 30).

30. led on the Jews, &c. Reading 'louSatmi', 01 xai kt\. (instead of '\ovhai.uiv o! Suo Ka\ kt\.). Avo is the gloss of a
scribe who wished to emphasize that Judas was escorted by two of the angels, one on each side (so Grimm).

32. Gazara. Gezer was really captured by Simon (i Mace. xiii. 43 f.), but, in this extract, the credit of the exploit
is assigned to the troops of Judas, the only Maccabee in whom the book is interested, and the story is retold in order
to bring out the religious fanaticism of the Jewish army (cp. Kosters in Theolog. Tijdschrijt, 1S78, pp. 5 19 f.). This
strong post, on a ridge of the Shephelah, was 'virtually the key of Judaea at a time when Judaea's foes came down the
coast from the north' (G. A. Smith, Hist. Geogr. of Holy Land, pp. 215 f). But, if the story is taken as an independent
narrative, Gazara must be identified with Jazer (i Mace. v. 8) in Gilead.

146

II MACCABEES 11. 5-33

5 of infantry and thousands of cavalry and eighty elephants. On entering Judaea, he came up to

6 Bethsuron, a strong fort about five leagues from Jerusalem, and pressed it hard. Now when Maccabaeus
and his men learned that he was besieging the strongholds, they and all the people wailed and wept,

7 beseeching the Lord to send a good angel to save Israel. Maccabaeus himself was the first to take
up arms, and he urged the others to join him at the hazard of their lives, in order to succour their

iS brethren. So they sallied forth, all together, right willingly. And ere ever they had left Jerusalem,

9 a rider appeared at their head, in white apparel, brandishing weapons of gold ; and they joined in

blessing God the merciful and were still more encouraged ; ready now to break through not only

men but ferocious beasts and walls of iron, they advanced in array with their heavenly ally — for the

1 Lord had mercy on them. And leaping like lions upon the foe, they slew eleven thousand of

2 their infantry, and sixteen hundred of their cavalry, and forced all the rest to flee. The majority
only escaped with wounds and the loss of their arms, while Lysias himself had to save his life by

3 a disgraceful flight. Now Lysias was no fool. Thinking over the defeat he had sustained, and

4 recognizing that the Hebrews were invincible, thanks to the mighty God who was their ally, he sent
to persuade them to agree to a fair and comprehensive settlement, undertaking that he would even

5 induce the king to become their friend. Maccabaeus agreed to all the terms proposed by Lysias,
thereby showing a sagacious regard for the interests of the people, since the king did grant all the

6 written demands which Maccabaeus made to Lysias on behalf of the Jews. Now the letter addressed
by Lysias to the Jews was to this effect :

■J Lysias to the people of the Jews, greeting. Your envoys, John and Absalom, have presented the

8 appended petition and asked for a decision upon its contents. I have therefore informed the king

9 of whatever had to be laid before him, and he has agreed to all that could be granted. If you will
;o maintain your goodwill toward the State, I will endeavour in future to promote your interests, and,

as for this particular business, I have instructed your representatives and my own to confer with
■I you. Fare ye well. Written in the hundred and forty-eighth year, on the four and twentieth day

of the month Dioscurus.
• 2 The king's letter ran as follows :
!3 King Antiochus to his brother Lysias, greeting. Now that our father hath passed over to the

gods, it is our pleasure that the subjects of the realm should live undisturbed and attend to their own
;4 concerns. As for our Jewish subjects, we understand that they object to our father's, project of

bringing them over to Hellenism, preferring their own ways of life and asking permission to follow
■!5 their own customs. It is our will therefore that this nation also shall not be disturbed, and we have

decided to give them back their temple and to permit them to live after the manner of their
36 ancestors. Thou wilt do well therefore to send messengers to them and give them the right hand

of fellowship, that they may know our purpose and be of good heart and cheerfully settle down to

their own business.

27 The king's letter to the nation was as follows :

28 King Antiochus to the senate of the Jews and to the rest of the Jews, greeting. If you faae well,

29 it is as we wish ; we too are in good health. Menelaus has informed us of your desire to return

30 home and attend to your own affairs. Those Jews then who return home up to the thirtieth day of
:3i Xanthicus shall have our friendship, with full permission to use their own food and to observe their

32 own laws as of yore ; none of them shall be molested in any way for any unwitting offence. More-

33 over, I have sent Menelaus to reassure you. Fare ye well. Written in the hundred and forty-eighth
year, on the fifteenth day of Xanthicus.

XI. 5. Bethsuron {lif6a-ovpa>v, gen. after avueyyiiras as in i Mace. xi. 4, xiii. 3, &c.) in i Mace. iv. 29 is the strategic
fort of Beth-zur, commanding the highroad from Jerusalem to Hebron. The v. I. o-j^oii/ous (o-;^oii'ot = thirty stadii) for
(TTafiioDf is probably an attempt to correct the error of placing B. so near to Jerusalem, unless the writer (or his source)
confused the place with another of the same name in the vicinity of the capital, e. g. Bet Sahiir (Grimm), or Kefr-et-TiJr
(on the Mount of Olives, cp. Schick in Palest. Explor. Fund Quarterly, 1S95, p. 37). The o-;(oii'fjiif-reckoning, which
brings up its distance to 150 stadii, would almost harmonize with the statement of Eusebius that Beth-zur lay 160 stadii
from Jerusalem, but this reckoning never occurs elsewhere in 2 Maccabees (cp. xii. 9, &c.).

6. a good angel. Cp. xv. 23 ; Tobit v. 21. He came in white apparel, the conventional guise of angels.

14. induce the king. Text corrupt. Translation omits avayn-dCfiv.

16. to this effect. For an analogous expression see .A.cts xxiii. 25.

people. TrXrjrfos here, as in i Mace. viii. 20, &c., is used in its official and political sense of fi^pis (see below, ver. 34).

17. Absalom. Possibly the same as the Absalom of i Mace. xiii. 11.

21. the month Dioscurus. The AwoKopivdiov of A, &c. (cp. the Aioa-KopiSav of V in ver. 28) is either a corruption
of Avarpoii (read by some MSS. in Tobit ii. 12 ; Addit. Esth. xiii. 6, as an equivalent for Adar), or some intercalary
month between Dystrus and Xanthicus (cp. below, vers. 33 and 38), or, most probably, an error for Aioa-Kupnv (i.e. the
third month of the Cretan calendar). When Aiot KnpivOiov is read, the first month of the Macedonian calendar is
perhaps meant (Aios = Marcheshvan, the Mapaovavris of Josephus, Antiq. I. iii. 3, &c.j, and the name betrays the king's
love of introducing Hellenic novelties into the very calendar of the East.

29. to return home. Literally ' to go down' (i.e. from Jerusalem to the country-districts).

147 L2

II MACCABEES 11. 34—12. 20

34 The Romans also sent them a letter to this effect :
Ouintus Memmius and Titus Manlius, ambassadors of the Romans, to the nation of the Jews,

35 greeting. With reference to what Lysias, the king's kinsman, has granted you, we hereby give our

36 consent. As for the points which he decided were to be referred to the king, send some one at once

37 to advise on them, that we may act in your interests. We are off to Antioch ; make haste, then, to

38 send some of your number, that we may know what your mind is. Fare ye well. Written in the
hundred and forty-eighth year, on the fifteenth day of Xanthicus.

XII. i-4,> Fresh campaigns of Judas.

12 I After these agreements had been concluded, Lysias went away to the king, while the Jews

2 devoted themselves to husbandry. But some of the local governors, Timotheus and Apollonius,
the son of Gennaeus, with Hieronymus and Demophon, and also Nicanor, the governor of Cyprus,

3 would not let them alone or leave them at peace. Some inhabitants of Joppa also perpetrated the
following crime : they invited the Jewish residents to embark, with their wives and children, in boats
which they provided, as if they meant no harm at all but were simply acting according to the public

4 regulations of the town. The Jews agreed to go, since they wished to be peaceable and had no
suspicions ; but, when they were out at sea, the men of Joppa drowned no fewer than two hundred

5 of them. Now when Judas heard of this brutal cruelty to his fellow-countrymen, he summoned his

6 men, called on God the righteous Judge, and attacked the murderers of his brethren, setting fire to

7 the haven by night, burning the boats, and putting to the sword those who had fled thither. Then,
as the town was shut against him, he retired, intending to come back and extirpate the entire

8 community of Joppa. And on learning that the inhabitants of Jamnia meant to carry out the same

9 kind of plot against the local Jews, he attacked them also by night, and set fire to the haven and
the fleet, so that the glare of the light was seen at Jerusalem, two hundred and forty furlongs distant.

10 Now when they had drawn off nine furlongs from thence, on their march against Timotheus, they

11 were attacked by no fewer than five thousand Arabs, with five hundred horsemen, and a stiff" fight
was waged in which, by God's help, Judas and his men won the victory. The vanquished nomads
besought Judas to be their friend, promising to give him cattle and to be of service in other ways,

1 2 and Judas, with the idea that they would really be of use in a number of ways, agreed to keep
peace with them ; whereupon, after pledging friendship, they departed to their tents.

13 He also fell upon a town which was strongly fortified with earthworks and walls, and inhabited

1 4 by a mixed population; its name was Caspin. The inhabitants, relying on the strength of their
walls and their ample provisions, scoffed insolently at Judas and his men, and, more than that,

15 blasphemed and uttered cries of impiety; but Judas and his men, invoking the great Sovereign of
the world, who without rams and instruments of war had laid Jericho low in the days of Joshua,

^ 16 made a furious attack on the walls, and, capturing the town by the will of God, they massacred an
unspeakable number, so much so that the adjoining lake, which was two furlongs broad, looked as
though it were filled with the deluge of blood.

1 7 Drawing off seven hundred and fifty furlongs from thence, they made their way to Charax, to the

18 Jews who are styled Tubieni. Timotheus they did not find in that locality ; he had gone off without

19 achieving any success, and left behind him in a certain post an extremely strong garrison. But
Dositheus and Sosipater, captains of Maccabaeus, sallied out and destroyed the troops left by

20 Timotheus in the stronghold, over ten thousand men. Whereupon Maccabaeus, arranging his men
in divisions, set a leader over each division, and hurried after Timotheus, who had with him

34. Titus Manlius. In 163 b. c, two years later than the date of this letter, a certain Manius Sergius was one of
the envoys to Antiochus Epiphanes (Polybius, xx.xi. 9. 6), and in 164 B. C. T. Manlius Torquatus went on a mission to
Egypt (Livy, xliii. 11), but there is no record of any Roman envoys to Syria bearing the names of Q. Memmius and
T. Manius (or Manlius). Niese (72 f.), in his desire to identify one of them, emends the reading of V (Mhwos- Epwos)
into Mawnr 2e,jyios, and takes TiV'if as the corruption of a name ending in -tius. But this is too heavy a price to pay
for vindicating the historicity of the passage. P'or npfa;HvTns (sc^ncw) =^ irfjia^evriji (legaius) see i Mace. xiv. 22, xv. 17,
Philemon 9.

XII. 6. thither, i.e. to the coast, where refugees from the interior were trying to escape by sea.

13. earthworks. For y((f)vf>ovi/ (om. V, Syr., iS:c.) read yt^jyvprnt (55, \g.—Jirmam fiontibiis) with Grimm and
Kamphausen, in sense of ' embankments ' or ' earthworks '. In I Mace v. 26-36 Judas, during his raid into Gilead,
captures Casphor among other towns, and subsequently (46 f.) storms Ephron, an 'extremely strong' town. When
'Gephyrun' is retained here, it maybe identified with this Ephron, as the 'Gephyrus' of Polyb. v. 70. 12, or with
Heshbon. which had a large reservoir adjacent (ver. 16). Otherwise the town's name, Caspin (or Caspis), must be
connected with Casphor, i.e. the modern el-Muzeirit, 'the great station on the Hajj road' (so G. A. Smith, Eiuycl.
BMica, 1. 707-8, who pronounces Furrer's identification of Casphon with Chisfin as ' philologically improbable ').

20. over each division. Reading roiV, Grimm's conjecture for the MSS. airoi's.

I4.S

32;

II MACCABEES 12. 21-42

[ a hundred and twenty thousand infantry and two thousand five hundred cavalry. Now as soon as

Timotheus heard of the onset of Judas, he sent forward the women and children and also the

baggage into a place called Carnaim, which was hard to besiege and difficult of access owing to its

I narrow approaches on all sides. But when the first division of Judas appeared in sight, panic seized

the enemy, who were terrified by the manifestation of Him who beholdeth all things ; they took

to flight in all directions, so that many got hurt by their own men and wounded by the points of

5 one another's swords, while Judas kept up a hot pursuit, putting the wicked wretches to the sword,

t and destroying as many as thirty thousand men. Timotheus himself fell into the hands of Dositheus

and Sosipater, whom he adjured with plenty of specious guile to spare him and let him go, on the

ground that he had the parents of many and the brothers of some in his power, and that (if he were

5 not released) it would be the worse for them. So, to save their brethren, they let him go, after he

5 had solemnly pledged himself with many an oath to restore them unhurt. Then Judas attacked

7 Carnaim and the temple of Atergatis, massacring twenty-five thousand persons, and after this rout
and slaughter he made war against Ephron, a strong city, where Lysias had a residence and where
the inhabitants came from all nationalities. Stalwart young men drawn up in front of the

8 walls offered a resolute defence, and the place held ample stores of military engines and darts, but
the Jews invoked the Sovereign who crusheth forcibly the strength of his enemies, and got the city

9 into their hands, destroying as many as twenty-five thousand of the inhabitants. Setting out from
thence they marched in haste against Scythopolis, which is six hundred furlongs from Jerusalem,

but since the local Jews testified to the goodwill shown them by the Scythopolitans and to their

1 humane conduct during periods of misfortune, they simply thanked them and enjoined them to
continue well-disposed to their race in future. Then they marched up to Jerusalem, as the feast
of weeks was close at hand.

3 After the feast called Pentecost they hurried against Gorgias, the governor of Jamnia, who came

4 out to meet them with three thousand foot soldiers and four hundred cavalry. And when they

5 joined battle, it came to pass that a few of the Jews fell. But a man Dositheus, belonging to the
Tubieni, who was a powerful horseman, caught hold of Gorgias and, gripping his mantle, dragged
him off by main force, meaning to capture the accursed wretch alive. A Thracian horseman bore

6 down on him, however, and disabled his arm, so that Gorgias managed to escape to Marisa. And
as Esdrls and his men were now exhausted by the long fight, Judas called upon the Lord to

7 show he was their ally and leader in the fight ; then, raising the war-cry and songs of praise in the
language of the fathers, he made an unexpected rush against the troops of Gorgias and routed them.

8 And Judas took his army to the town of Adullam, where, as the seventh day was coming on, they

9 purified themselves according to custom and kept the sabbath. Next day, when the troops of Judas
went — as it was high time they did — to pick up the corpses of the slain, in order to bring them

home to lie with their kinsfolk in their fathers' sepulchres, they discovered under the shirts of every
one of the dead men amulets of the idols of Jamnia — a practice forbidden the Jews by law. All saw

1 at once that this was why they had perished, and, blessing the (dealings) of the Lord, the just Judge

2 who revealeth what is secret, all betook themselves to supplication, beseeching that the sin com-
mitted might be wholly blotted out ; and the noble-hearted Judas exhorted the people to keep them-
selves from sin, after what they had seen with their own eyes as the result of sin committed by those

21. Carnaim. The Carnaim of i Mace. v. 26, 43, where Derkgto, the fish-goddess (cp. VV'. R. Smith's Religion of
Seiniies-, pp. 171 f. ; Cheyne in Encycl. Biblica, i. 379), was worshipped as Atargatis (see below, ver. 26).

26. Then, &c. Resuming the narrative of ver. 23, after the interlude of vv. 24-25.

29. Scythopolis, the Bethshan of i Mace. v. 52, is so named in Judith iii. 10 and Polybius v. 70. 4 (cp. Rix, Tent
and Testament, pp. 152 f.). Though a Hellenistic town under the Syrian power, it was not bitterly anti-Semitic at
this period.

32. Jamnia. The change (Grotius) of 'iSou^ams into 'In/jveiar brings the narrative more into line with ver. 40,
I Mace. V. 58-9, and Josephus, Ant. XII. viii. 6 (where Gorgias is called 'lafiveias a-TpnTijyos).

35. Dositheus. Evidently a different man from the Dositheus of vv. 19 and 24. For toO Ba/ciji/opor read (with 19,
62, 64, 93 ; so Niese) raj/ Tov^njvwi' (Tm/Sciji'mj/). Dositheus belonged to the Tubieni Jews of ver. 17.

36. Esdris. The Topyitw of A 44, 64, Sec, is more probably a correction of 'Eo-SpiV, due' to the feeling that Esdris
(for the name cp. i Chron. xxvii. 26) has not hitherto been mentioned, than of 'Ea-Spav (i. e. priests called after Ezra,
Ewald). The epitoraist, with characteristic carelessness, has forgotten to transcribe from Jason any previous allusion
to this Jewish captam ; hence the abruptness of his introduction. The earlier part of the engagement seems to have
been costly and doubtful (for the reason assigned in ver. 40), but Judas as usual, with divine aid, proves successful in
the end.

38. the town of Adullam. Not far from Marisa (the Mareshah of I Mace. v. 66) ; cp. Micah i. 15 ; 2 Chron. xi. 7 ;
Neh. xi. 30.

purified themselves, i. e. from the stains of recent contact with pagans as well as of bloodshed.
40. a practice forbidden. Deut. vii. 26, &e. These ((/w/iara were small portable idols, worn as amulets (see
W. Robertson Smith, Religion of Semites", pp. 208-9, and L. Blau, Das altjiiil. Zauberiuesen, pp. 86-7).

149

II MACCABEES 12. 43—13. 22

4^ who had fallen He then collected from them, man by man, the sum of two thousand drachmas of
• ' silver which he forwarded to Jerusalem for a sin-ofifering. In this he acted quite rightly and
properly bearing in mind the resurrection— for if he had not expected the fallen to rise again, it
45 would have been superfluous and silly to pray for the dead— and having regard to the splendour of
the crracious reward which is reserved for those who have fallen asleep in godliness— a holy and
pioul consideration ! Hence he made propitiation for the dead, that they might be released from
their sin.

XIII. 1-26. Lysias atid Etipator forced to make terms luith Jews.
13 I In the hundred and forty-ninth year tidings were brought to Judas and his men that Antiochus

2 Eupator was marching with large troops against Judaea, accompanied by Lysias his guardian and
chancellor, each commanding a Greek force consisting of a hundred and ten thousand foot-soldiers,
f^ve thousand three hundred cavalry, twenty-two elephants, and three hundred chariots armed with

3 scythes. Menelaus also attached himself to them and, making loud pretences of patriotism, abetted
■ Antiochus— not that he cared for the safety of the fatherland, but because he thought he would

4 be appointed to ofifice. But the King of kings stirred the anger of Antiochus against the
scoundrel, and, learning from Lysias that he was responsible for all the troubles, he ordered him to

■" 5 be taken to Be'roea and put to death there in the local fashion. For at Beroea there is a tower, fifty
> cubits high, filled with (hot) ashes, and a revolving contrivance which drops the victim sheer into the

6 ashes. To this they bring any one who is guilty of sacrilege or other heinous crimes, and they all

7 push him on. to meet his doom. By such a fate it befell that Menelaus, the law-breaker, died,
Snot even getting a grave in earth. And this was perfectly just. Many a sin had he committed

against the altar, whose fire and ashes were holy ; by ashes, then, he got his death.
9 Now the king was coming in hot indignation to inflict on the Jews the very sorest of the sufferings

10 that had befallen them in his father's time. But when Judas heard this, he bade the people call day
and night on the Lord, that he would succour them, now if ever, as they were on the point of losing

1 1 the Law, their country, and the holy temple, and that he would not allow the people, after their brief

12 and recent revival, to fall into the hands of profane pagans. Now when they had all done so with one
accord, and implored the merciful Lord for three days without ceasing, weeping and fasting and

13 lying prostrate, Judas addressed them and ordered them to get ready. After consulting privately
with the elders, he determined that, before the king could throw his army into Judaea and master

M the city, they would march out and decide the issue by the help of God. So, committing the

outcome of it to the Creator of the world, and charging his men to fight stoutly, even to death, for

?■ 15 laws, temple, city, country, and polity, he pitched his camp near Modin, and, giving his troops the

watchword of VICTORY IS God's, he and a picked body of his bravest young men made an onset

by night upon the royal tent and slew as many as two thousand men within the camp ; they also

16 stabbed the chief elephant and his mahout, and finally, after filling the camp with panic and

17 confusion, got away triumphantly, just as* the day began to dawn. This was due to the help of
God s protection.

18, 19 After this taste of the Jews' prowess the king used stratagem in attacking their positions. Thus

he moved upon Beth-sura, a strong fortress of the Jews, was routed, dashed at it (again), was worsted.

20, 21 Judas got the necessaries of life conveyed to those inside. But Rhodocus, a Jewish soldier, betrayed

the secrets of the Jews to the enemy ; search was made for him, he was arrested and imprisoned.

22 Again the king made overtures to the residents in Beth-sura, pledged his right hand, took theirs,

43. man by man. kut avhpoKnyuov (Swete) or KaT avhpcihoyiav (V, 74, Fritzsche) is a corruption of rar' civhpa \oyiav
(44, 71, cp. Deissmann's Bible-Studies, pp. 219-20) or Xoyeiav. The following KaraaKevuiriiara is to be omitted (with
52, 55, 74, 106, 243) as a gloss. The sacrifice for the dead is recounted in such a way as to suggest that the writer
anticipated, not unnaturally, objections to it on the score of novelty. It is, from the religious standpoint, one of the
remarkable contributions made by this book to our knowledge of contemporary Judaism.

XIII. 2. elephants. The elephants and their mahouts (ver. 15) were imported by the Seleucid monarchs from
India. The ' futile device ' of the scythed chariot (appa ISp(navq(i>6pov, curnts falceatiis) was used as late as the battle
of Magnesia (cp. Livy x.Kxvii. 40-1), ' but it may be questioned whether after the experience of that day they were
used again ' (Bevan, House of Seleiicus, ii. 290).

5. Nothing otherwise is known of this local custom at Beroea (the modern Aleppo), ' but suffocation in a pit full of
ashes was a recognized Persian punishment, and one frequently inflicted upon offenders of a high class ' (Rawlinson).
See Ovid's Ibis, 317-18.

6. they bring. Reading iipavra (Niese) for the unintelligible an-nn-es of the MSS., and Trpooidoia-ii' below ('push
on ') for the Trpoa-oidnvtru' of the MSS. With 7-8 cp. iv. 26, ix. 5-6, Wisd. xvi. I.

15. stabbed. Reading o-vr€KeVT7;(Tc(cp.xii. 23), Grimm's ingenious correction of the meaningless (rui/e'^'/Kti' of the MSS.
17. just as . . . dawn. This. Omitting (with V) the 8c after iTro^uii/oiio-ijs and adding (with V, so Niese) bi after
rovTo. Judas still believed in night-attacks (viii. 7).

21. Rhodocus apparently was more leniently treated than the earlier traitors (x. 22).

22. pledged his right hand, took theirs, (Sec. See xii. 12. The writer, or the source which he is hurriedly recapitu-

150

II MACCABEES 13. 2:;— U. 21

, departed, attacked the forces of Judas, was defeated, heard that Philip who had been left as
chancellor in Antioch had become desperate, was confounded by the news, proposed peace to the
Jews, submitted with an oath to all their equitable conditions, came to terms with them and offered

1 sacrifice, honoured the sanctuary and the sacred Place, behaved humanely, took gracious farewell
i of Maccabaeus, left Hegemonides in command from Ptolemais to Gerar, went to Ptolemais. The

men of Ptolemais felt sore over the treaty; they were excessively indignant with the Jews and
) wanted to annul the articles of the agreement. Lysias advanced to the bcma, defended it as well
as possible, convinced them, pacified and won them over, departed to Antioch. Such was the course
of the king's inroad and retreat.

XIV. 1-46. Ijitrigttcs and threats of Nicanor.

[ Now after the space of three years Judas and his men learned that Demetrius the son of Seleucus

2 had sailed into the haven of Tripolis with a powerful army and fleet, and had seized the country,

3 after making away with Antiochus and Lysias his guardian. And Alcimus, a former high-priest,
who had voluntarily polluted himself in days when there was no trafficking (with the Gentiles), and
who therefore judged he was no longer safe and that he was now debarred entirely from the holy

4 altar, came to king Demetrius in the hundred and fifty-first year with the present of a golden crown
and palm, and, in addition to these customary gifts, some of the olive-branches from the temple.

5 The first day he said nothing. But when he did get a chance of furthering his infatuated enterprise,
on being summoned to confer with Demetrius and being asked about the temper and aims of the

6 Jews, he replied : It is the Jews called Hasidaeans, led by Judas Maccabaeus, who are keeping up the

7 feud and stirring sedition ; they will not let the kingdom settle down in peace. Wherefore, deprived of

8 my ancestral glory — I mean, the high-priesthood — I have now come hither, primarily from a sincere
concern for the king's interests, and secondly from anxiety on behalf of my own fellow-citizens ; for

9 the recklessness of the aforesaid party has involved our nation in no small misfortune. Acquaint
thyself, O king, with the details of this business, and take measures on behalf of our country and our

sorely tried nation, according to the gracious kindness which thou showest to all. For as long as

1 Judas is alive, it is impossible for the State to be at peace. When he said this, the rest of the king's
Friends, who cherished ill will against Judas, hastened to inflame Demetrius still further against him,

2 and, after instantly summoning Nicanor, formerly master of the elephants, and appointing him

3 governor of Judaea, he dispatched him with written instructions to make away with Judas and to

4 scatter his troops and to set up Alcimus as high-priest of the great temple. Now all the heathen
throughout Judaea, whom Judas had driven to flight, flocked to join Nicanor, anticipating that the

5 misfortunes and calamities of the Jews would mean gain to them. But when the Jews heard of
Nicanor's inroad and the onset of the heathen, they sprinkled earth upon their heads and solemnly
invoked Him who had established his own people to all eternity and who ever upholds those who

6 are his Portion with visible aid. Then, by order of their leader, they at once started out and joined

7 battle with them at a village called Lessau. Now Simon, the brother of Judas, had already
encountered Nicanor and, thrown suddenly into consternation by the foe, had sustained a temporary

18 check. Nevertheless, Nicanor shrank from deciding the issue at the sword's point, as he had

heard of the manliness and the courage shown by the troops of Judas in fighting for their country.

(9 He therefore sent Posidonius and Theodotus and Mattathias to give and receive pledges of friend-

20 ship. After full consideration, when the proposals were laid by the general before the troops, and

21 it appeared they were all of one mind, the compact was agreed to, and a day was fixed for the two

lating, glosses over the fact that the fortress was starved into surrender (i Mace. vi. 49-50), and that Judas was routed
(cp. Josephus, Ant. XII. ix. 5).

23. Cp. V. 22, ix. 29, where a different tradition emerges. It was really Lysias, not the king, who was upset by the
news of Philip's move (cp. I Mace. vi. 55 f.).

24. Hegemonides. If !^y(fj.oMrjp is equivalent to rjyffiom, the story is guilty of another historical error in making
Lysias appoint Judas as governor. But the word is more probably a proper name, formed on the analogy of Hye^ofior,
especially as aTparq-yov would otherwise be superfluous.

Gerar. For Tfppi)vo>v (V), = ' the inhabitants of Gerrha ', read TfpaprjpHiv {repaprjpoiv 55) = Gerar, SE. of Gaza (so
Ewald), or Garar (Syr.), i. e. Gezer (Gazara) near Lydda (l Mace. xv. 28, 35). The phrase means ' from Ptolemais on
the north to G. on the south '. Gerrha (Gerra), between Rhinocura and Pelusium, belonged at this time to Egypt.
Hence, unless the writer is held guilty of a serious error, the other reading is preferable.

XIV. 3. voluntarily polluted himself, &c. The Hellenistic proclivities of Alcimus were aggravated, to the
writer's mind, by their gratuitousness ; he had not been forced to adopt Syro-Greek customs, and he had not the
excuse of any syncretisfic current during his high-priesthood (cp. ver. 38).

14. whom Judas had driven to flight. A solecism (nirjivyaSevKoTes t6v 'luvSau) apparently based on the analogous
uses of ff>(vyfii' riwi = ' to fiy from one ' (e. g. Herod, v. 62).

16. Lessau. The v. I. Cit(.aa;v is connected by Ewald with the Adasa of I Mace. vii. 40, 45 ; otherwise neither
Lessau nor Dessau can be identified.

17. a temporary check. Reading /3pa;(e'M9 (V) instead oi^paKwi (A, 19, 44, 62, &c.).

II MACCABEES U. 22—15. 7

22 leaders to meet by themselves. A litter was carried forward from each army; chairs of state were
placed ; Judas stationed armed men ready in suitable positions, lest the enemy should spring any

23 treacherous attack ; they carried through the conference duly. Nicanor stayed a while in Jerusalem

24 and did nothing amiss ; he even disbanded the hordes who had flocked to join his standard ;

25 he kept Judas always beside him; he had become heartily attached to the man, urged him to
marry and beget children. He did marry, settled down, and enjoyed life.

26 But when Alcimus saw their mutual goodwill, he got hold of the treaty which had been concluded
and went to Demetrius, alleging that Nicanor was ill affected toward the State, since he had

27 appointed that conspirator Judas to be his successor. At this the king fell into a passion
and, exasperated by the calumnies of the scoundrel, wrote to Nicanor that he was displeased
at the compact, and ordered him to send Maccabaeus instantly as a prisoner to Antioch.

28 Nicanor was confounded by this news and sadly vexed at the thought of annulling the terms

29 arranged, as the man had done no wrong. However, as the king could not be gainsaid, he bided

30 his time to carry out the business by a stratagem. But Maccabaeus noticed that Nicanor was
treatino- him with less friendliness and behaving more rudely than was his wont ; so, reckoning this
harshness was of a sinister character, he gathered a considerable number of his men and hid from

31 Nicanor. The latter, conscious that he had been pluckily outwitted by Judas, went to the great and
holy temple, while the priests were offering the usual sacrifices, and commanded them to deliver up

32, 33 the man. And when they swore they did not know where the man was whom he sought, he
stretched forth his right hand toward the sanctuary, and swore this oath : Unless you hand over
Judas as mj^ prisoner, I will raze this shrine of God to the ground, and break down the altar, and

34 erect on this spot a temple of Dionysus for all to see. With these words he went away. But the
priests stretched forth their hands to heaven, invoking Him who ever fighteth for our nation, thus :

35 O Lord, who hast no need of aught, as it hath pleased thee to have among us a sanctuary where thou

36 dwellest, so now, O holy Lord, from whom is all hallowing, keep free from defilement for evermore
this house so lately cleansed, and shut every impious mouth.

37 Now information was laid before Nicanor against a Jerusalemite elder called Razis, a patriot who
was very highly esteemed, and addressed as Father of the Jews on account of his benevolence. For

38 in bygone days, when there was no traflScking (with the Gentiles), he had been accused of Judaism,

39 and had most resolutely risked body and life for Judaism. So Nicanor, with the intention of

40 showing his hostility to the Jews, sent over five hundred soldiers to arrest him. For he meant to

41 strike a blow at the Jews by this arrest. But when the troops were on the point of capturing the
tower, forcing the outer door of the courtyard and calling for fire to set light to the doors, he fell

42 upon his sword, seeing he was surrounded on every side ; he preferred to die a noble death rather

43 than fall into the scoundrels' hands and suffer outrages unworthy of his noble character. Owing to
the hurry of the struggle, however, he missed his stroke, and, as a crowd of men was now pouring
through the door, he pluckily ran up to the wall and threw himself bravely down among the crowds.

44. 45 They drew back at once, so that he fell between them on the open street. Still alive, however, he

got up in a fury of anger and ran, with blood pouring from him, sore wounded as he was, right

46 through the crowds ; then, standing on a steep rock, his blood now drained from him, he tore out

his bowels, taking both his hands to them, and flung them at the crowds. So he died, calling on

Him who is lord of life and spirit to restore them to him again.

XV. 1-36. Attack, defeat, and death of Nicanor.

15 1 Now, learning that Judas and his men were in the region of Samaria, Nicanor determined to

2 attack them without any risk upon the day of rest. And when the Jews who were forced to accom-
pany him said. Destroy them not so savagely and barbarously, but show honour to the day which

3 He who beholdeth all things hath hallowed in his holiness, the thrice-accursed wretch asked them

4 if there was a Sovereign in heaven who had ordered the observance of the sabbath day. And when
they declared. There is the living Lord, himself a Sovereign in heaven, who bade us observe the

5 seventh da)-, he replied, I too am a sovereign on earth, and my orders are to take arms and execute
the king's business. Nevertheless he did not succeed in executing his shocking purpose.

6 _ Now Nicanor, in the height of his overweening pride, had determined to erect a public trophy of

7 victory over Judas and his men ; but Maccabaeus still ceased not to trust with absolute confidence

24. the hordes, i.e. the supporters mentioned in ver. 14.

36. and shut every impious mouth. So 19, 62, <^pa^ov hi jriv a-rofia avnfiov (<f>pd^(is . . . aSi/cov, 64, 93 a), and S.

42. A higher motive for suicide than in the case of Ptolemy Macron (x. 13).

XV. 5. he did not succeed, &c. The writer gives no account of what transpired. The purpose of the excerpt is
■' simply to exalt, m ultra-Pharisaic and unhistorical fashion (cp. i Mace. ii. 41), the rigid Sabbatarianism of the
Maccabaean army.

II MACCABEES 15, 8-^,6

i that he would obtain help from the Lord, and exhorted his company not to dread the onset of the

heathen, but to keep in mind all the help they had formerly received from heaven and to expect at
) the present hour the victory which would be theirs from the Almighty ; and comforting them out

of the law and the prophets, as well as recalling the struggles they had endured, he made them
) more eager (for the fray). Then, after rousing their spirits, he issued his orders, and at the same time

pointed out the heathen's perfidy and breach of their oaths. He armed each man, not so much with

confidence in shields and spears as with the heartening which comes from apt words, and also
; cheered them all by recounting a reliable dream, a sort of vision. This was what he had seen : Onias,

the former high priest, a good and great man, of stately bearing yet gracious in manner, well-spoken

and trained from childhood in all points of virtue — Onias with outstretched hands invoking blessings
! on the whole body of the Jews ; then another man in the same attitude, conspicuous by his grey
[ hairs and splendour, and invested with marvellous, majestic dignity. This, Onias explained to him,

is the lover of the brethren, who prayeth fervently for the people and the holy city, Jeremiah the
; prophet of God. And Jeremiah held out his right hand to present Judas with a golden sword, and
) as he gave it he addressed him thus : Take this holy sword as a gift from God, and with it thou

shalt crush the foe.
' So, encouraged by these truly heroic words of Judas, which had the power of rousing young souls

to valour and stirring them to manliness, they determined not to pitch camp but manfully to set

upon the foe and, by engaging them right valiantly hand to hand, to decide the issue, since the city
) and the sanctuary and the temple were in danger. For their anxiety about wives and children, as

well as about brethren and kinsfolk, weighed less with them than their supreme and chief anxiety
) about the consecrated sanctuary. Whereas those left behind in the city were uneasy about the
3 encounter in the open country, and suffered no slight anguish. All were now waiting for the critical

moment, the enemy had now united their forces and drawn up their line of battle, the elephants
: were arranged for easy action, and the cavalry stationed on the wings, when Maccabaeus, surveying

the hordes in front of him, with their varied weapons and fierce elephants, held up his hands to

heaven and called upon the Lord, the worker of wonders, for he knew that victory is not decided
! by weapons but won by the Lord for such as He judgeth to deserve it. And his prayer was in these

terms : Thou, Sovereign Lord, didst send thine angel in the days of Hezekiah king of Judaea, and
5 he slew as many as a hundred and eighty-five thousand of Sennacherib's host ; so now, O heavenly
J Sovereign, send a good angel before us to scare and terrify the foe; by the great strength of thine
5 arm may those who have blasphemously assailed thy holy sanctuary be utterly dismayed. And as
5 he ended with these words, Nicanor and his men advanced with trumpets and paeans. But Judas
7 and his men joined battle with the enemy, calling upon God and praying ; and so fighting with their

hands, while they prayed to God with their hearts, they slew no fewer than thirty-five thousand men,
i mightily cheered by the manifest help of God. The battle over, they were returning with joy, when
J they recognized Nicanor lying dead in full armour ; a shout of excitement arose, they blessed the
3 Sovereign Lord in the language of their fathers, and he who was ever in body and soul the protagonist

of his fellow-citizens, he who retained through life his youthful patriotism, ordered Nicanor's head

1 and arm to be cut off and carried to Jerusalem. When he arrived there, and had called his country-

2 men together and set the priests before the altar, he sent for the garrison of the citadel, showed them
the vile Nicanor's head and the impious creature's hand which he had stretched out vauntingly

3 against the holy house of the Almighty ; then, cutting out the impious Nicanor's tongue, he said he
would throw it piecemeal to the birds and hang up the rewards of his insensate folly opposite the

4 sanctuary. And they all lifted to heaven their cry of blessing to the Lord who had manifested

5 himself, saying, Blessed be He who hath preserved his own Place undefiled. And he hung Nicanor's

6 head from the citadel, a clear and conspicuous token to all of the Lord's help. And all decided, by
public decree, never to let this day pass uncelebrated, but to celebrate the thirteenth day of the
twelfth month— called Adar in Syriac — the day before the day of Mordecai.

II. a sort of vision. Reading vwap n for ii/re/j n. This intercessory function of the saints is denied in Slav. En.
liii. I.

20. united their forces. Reading a-v/j.iJLi^di'Twi/ (V) for Trpoa-fxi^avTav (A).

21. and fierce elephants. Omitting, with V, in'i nipos ivKmpw.
24. sanctuary. Reading vaov (V) for Xaiij' (A). Cp. xiv. 33.

33. the rewards of his insensate folly, i.e. the mutilated head and hand (cp. i Mace. vii. 47), which were the
miserable recompense of his insensate attack on the Jews. The citadel was not in the hands of the Jews at this period,
however, but held by a Syrian garrison.

34. to heaven ... to the Lord. Cp. I Mace. iv. 24, 55.

35. Cp. I Sam. xxsi. 10, Judith xiv. i. For 'head' (as a rendering of ttjjoto^^i/) R. V. prefers 'head and shoulder'
(cp. ver. 30).

II MACCABEES 15. 37-39

XV. 37-39- Epilogue of the epitoinist.

37 Such was the history of Nicanor ; and as the city was held from that period by the Hebrews,

38 I will make this the end of my story. If it has been well told, if it has been skilfully arranged, such

39 was my desire ; but if it is poor and indifferent, that was all I could manage. For just as it is bad
to drink wine alone or again to drink water alone, whereas wine mixed with water proves at once
wholesome and delightful, so the skill with which a book is composed is a delight to the taste
of readers.

And here shall be the end.

37. the city was held from that period. A pious exaggeration ; the citadel was not captured by the Jews till
^ 142-141 B.C., and Antiochus Sidetes recaptured the city in 133 B.C.

39. This verse carries on the thought of the first part of the preceding verse ; it has nothing to do with the second
part. The writer expresses himself obscurely, although the obscurity may be due to some corruption of the te.\t, but
it is clear that he is not comparing graphic and prosaic passages in his narrative to wine and water, as if defending the
blend of the two. He did his best, he pleads, to be pointed. For good style, blended with sound matter, adds to the
reader's profit and pleasure ; facts alone, and style alone, are alike inferior to this combination of history and literature.

^54

THE THIRD BOOK OF MACCABEES

INTRODUCTION

§ I. Contents and Main Conclusions.

The scene of j Llaccabees is placed in the reign of Ptolemy IV (Philopator) at the time of the
battle of Raphia (217 B.C.). It narrates an attempt made by the king to enter the Temple at
Jerusalem, and his miraculous repulse. In consequence he determines to wreak his vengeance on
the Jews of Alexandria, and of Egypt as a whole, first by interfering with their religion, and altering
their political status, and afterwards by letting loose drunken elephants to trample them to death in
the Hippodrome of Alexandria. After his purpose has been several times providentially delayed,
it is finally foiled by a vision of angels which turns the elephants upon the persecutors. The king
repents and becomes the patron of the Jews, who return in safety and rejoicing to their homes. The
story as it stands is full of impossibilities and bombastic exaggerations, but each one of the incidents
taken singly may well rest on some basis of fact, though they certainly did not all take place in the
same reign. The general accuracy of the technical and official language of the book is confirmed
by a comparison with Ptolemaic Papyri, and the book as a whole has striking points of contact with
2 Maccabees and the Letter of Aristeas. It would seem to have been written in Alexandria at about
the same time as these books, not far from 100 B. C, a date which is confirmed by indications drawn
from Papyri. The writer apparently used the lost memoirs of the reign of Philopator, written by
Ptolemy Megalopolitanus shortly after his death. He seems to have combined a narrative of
Philopator's attempt to enter the Temple with a later story, preserved in another form by Josephus,
of a persecution of Egyptian Jews by Physcon.

§ 2. Title.

Maccabees is really a misnomer, unless with Fritzsche we consider the book to be part of a prolego-
mena to a complete history of the Maccabees. riroAe/xaiKa (see below, § 9) would be more accurate.
Syncellus (I. 516) cites the Letter of Aristeas as -KToKiixaiKa. It is probable that the present title
is not original. It may easily have arisen from its collocation with the other books of Maccabees
in the MSS.

§ 3. MSS. AND Versions.

The book is found in A and V ( = Holmes and Parsons 23), and in many cursives ; see Fritzsche,
Libr. Apoer. Graece, p. xx, and Swete, Ititr. to the O.T. in Greek, pp. 14S ff. ; 19, 63, 64, 93 agree
continually and give a Lucianic Text. It is not in the Vulgate, but is found in the Syriac Peshitta,
the text of which represents a free and expanded rendering, sometimes agreeing with the
Lucianic Text. There is also an Armenian version, which is probably to be dated A.D. 400-600,
in the golden age of Armenian literature. It is a loose, but very literary, translation in the style
of the fifth-century historian, Faustus of Byzant, and is found in most MSS. of the Armenian
Bible. 1

The text is generally well preserved and presents as a whole no serious problems. The
variations of reading seldom affect the sense, and usually arise from the desire to substitute for
the forced phraseology of the writer a simpler and more familiar expression. Even in cases where
the MSS. seem to be corrupt, the general meaning is clear, and the confusion always appears to be
due to the difficulties raised by the verbose and obscure style of the book. Emendation is very
uncertain, as the ordinary canons of language and grammar can hardly be applied. There are
interesting examples of probable conflation, e.g. in ii. 6, 24, v. 43.

' For these facts, and for the readings from the Armenian version in tlie critical notes, I am indebted to the ready
help of Mr. F. C. Conybeare.

Ill MACCABEES

§4.

Date and Origin.

The date must be determined by internal considerations. There is no early attestation to the
existence of the book (see below, § 9), but it cannot have been written after the destruction of
tlie temple It clearly belongs to the Jewish apologetic literature which sprang mto being in the
second century B.C. and continued to be popular for some time. It has pomts of contact with
Esther and Judith on the one hand, though unlike them it has no hero, and with Sir ach Wisdom,
and 4 Maccabees on the other. But the connexion is specially close with 2 Maccabees and the Letter

of Aristeas. ,,,,.., .••■,. .1

(a) Relation to 2 Maccabees, (a) Many of the leading ideas and incidents are the same :—
The repulse of Heliodorus (2 Mace. iii. 22-31), and the punishment of Antiochus (ix. 4 ff., cf.
5 Mace ii. 21-4) ; miraculous visions (iii. 25, x. 29, xi. 8 ; cf. 3 Mace. vi. 18) ; stress on the sanctity
of the temple and prayers for its defence (iii. 15-22, viii. 2-4, xiv. 34-6; cf. 3 Mace. 1 ix ff.,
ii. I ff)- attacks on religion (vi. 9, &c. ; cf. 3 Mace. ii. 27 ff., in. 21); attempts to enforce an
alien citizenship (iv. 9 ; cf. 3 Mace, ib.) ; stress laid on memorial feasts (x. 6, xv. 36 ; cf. 3 Mace,
vi 30-6 An acred and pious Eleazar appears in both books (vi. 18; cf. 3 Mace. vi. i); official
letters are included (ix. 18 ff., xi. 16 ff". ; cf. 3 Mace. iii. 12 ff"., vii. i ff".) ; the picture of the general
horror in iii. 15 ff". is like that in 3 Mace. i. 16 ff"., iv. 3-8.

(/3) There is a strong resemblance in style and language. Both books present the same type
of literary, or pseudo-classical, Greek. Crasis of the definite article, and various classical syn-
tactical forms, are common to the two books and found nowhere else in the LXX ' ; both show
the same fondness for connecting sentences with hk. The following words found in both occur
nowhere else in the LXX : —

" tftnitofu'fa) i. 2 ; iv. 5, ix. 29 in passive.

fiopiaXcoToy i. 5 J V. II.
urnVaXoi i. 5 ; xiv. 1 7.
tv-ra^ia i. lo ; iv. 37.
TTa^avayiyi/wiTKui 1. 12 ; VUl. 23.
cjipvaacTOiiaL ii. 2 ; vii. 34 [cf. Acts iv. 25].
Kpa&aiva ii. 21; xi. 8.

uvTiXrjiiyj/fws rev^aaftai. ii. 33 ; XV. 7 [the same peculiar

form of the Aorist ; see Thackeray, o. c, p. 287].
dXirijpioi iii. 16 ; xii. 23, xiii. 4, xiv. 42.
v\^avx(vo)v iii. I g ; xv. 6.

vcpupwfievos iii. 23 ; vii. 24.

npo Tdi/ d(li&aX^jLcov Xapjiuvfiv IV. 4 J VUl. 17.
6p.oe6vrii iv. 12, vii. 14; iv. 2.

piai vno Kaipbv f]p.€pas IV. 14? VU. 20.
(XfCpavrdpxns V. 4, &C. ; xiv. 12.
pLeya\ofi(pa>s vi. 33 [adj. V. 8]; iv. 22, 49.
Trpodtjpawa V. I3, 47 > '^- ^3-

ddepiTos v. 20 ; vi. 5, vii. i, x. 34.

6 fm<pan!]S Kvpios V. 35 ', XV. 34.
aXoyca-Tia V. 42 ; xiv. 8.
iVon-fSor V. 43 ; viii. 3, ix. 14.

uTpoiTos V. 47 ; viii. 36, x. 30 [in classical sense = un-
wounded].

KaTaaT(}i\u> vi. I ; iv. 3 1.

T-fpnTOTToiof [of God] vi. 32 ; XV. 21.

olavo^paiTos vi. 34; IX. 1 5.

The following words ai-e found in both books, and are rare otherwise : —

xaTaxXfuTT-os i. 18 ; iii. 19 [in both cases with TrapBemi] ;

Wisd. xviii. 4.
i'iy(po>xia, -ot i. 25, ii. 3 ; ix. 7 ; "Wisd. ii. 9.
anpoaSeiis [of God] ii. 9 ; xiv. 35 ; I Mace. xii. 9 [not

of God].
fVoTrrijs [of God] ii. 21 ; iii. 39, vii. 35 ; Ad. Esth. v. i.
(iWkijtos iv. 21 ; xi. 13 ; 4 Mace. ter.
dmx^'is, -ws iii. 4, v. 3 ; V. 23 ; Wisd. xix. 15.

dnr]pavTos vi. 6 ; xii. 25 ; Wisd. vii. 22.
aSiaAfiTTTMr vi. 33; iii. 26, &c. ; I Mace. xii. 11.
lepi'fci/ [as adj.] vii. 3 ; ix. 6 ; Esther iii. 13.
ilcTTaefiv vii. 4; xii. 2, xiv. 25 ; Jer. xxx. 9.
tiSfta vii. 12 ; xi. 30; Wisd. xii. 11.
Ka6i.hp(i(iv \\\. 20; iv. 12; Ep. Jer. 17.
npoeipripevos five times in 3 Mace. ; six times in 2 Mace;
I Esdras vi. 32 [A].

The similarity of phrase in the following cases is noticeable : —

naaijs Sui/djafmr Swacrrevap V. J [cf. Surao-Tijs V. S'Jj

TTao-^s (^ovuUis SuTOOTTjf ill. 24 [all of God].
liaa-Lkfiit ratv ^aui.\fv6vT<>>v V. 35 ; fi- ^airiXiutv xiii. 4 [both

of God].
' Scythian ' cruelty vii. 5 ; iv. 47.

\eipovo}iia 1. 5 ; CI/ x^iptitv vopuis V. 14.

Kia(T6(j}v\\ov ii. 29 ; KKTo-oi vi. 7 and reference to

Dionysiac worship.
pffi'pio-Tos popos iii. I ; (/iKntrror /xojjos ix. 28.
dTroTvpTTavi^io 111. 27 ; Tvpiiai'oi' vi. 19, 28,

Add also the idea of the eTii^dreia of God, and the use of totios for the temple, which are frequent
in both books.

Though these resemblances are sufficiently striking, there are differences which prevent our
ascribing the books to the same author. The style of 2 Maccabees is much better than that of
3 Maccabees ; it is less involved and exaggerated, and more akin to the style of Polybius. Nor

' See Thackeray, Gr. O.T. in Greek, pp. 138, 248. 279.
''■ In each verse the reference to 3 Mace, is given first.
156

INTRODUCTION

is it easy to establish a direct literary dependence on either side.^ The impression left is that
both books belong to the same school of thought, and probably to the same period.

{b) Relation to the Letter of Aristcas. (a) There is a general similarity in the idea and
purpose of the books. Both aim at glorifying the Jew in his own eyes and in the eyes of the
Greek world ; stress is laid on the importance of his position, and his fidelity to the Ptolemies
(Aristeas, ^fi, &c.).^ A Ptolemy is the central figure in each book, and he is represented as acknow-
ledging the protection of the God of the Jews (i6, 19, 'i,'] ; cf. 3 Mace. iii. 21, v. 31, vi. 24 ff, vii. 6 ff.).
Much is made of the inviolability and beauty of the temple (83 ff.) and the overwhelming awe
inspired by it (99) ; the latter would seem to be a simpler expression of the physical terror and
helplessness which in 3 Mace. ii. 21 overtakes Philopator ; cf. also the punishments of those who
profaned the secrecy of the text of the law (313 ff.). Other points of contact are the discussion of
Jewish separateness in food and life (128 ff. ; cf. 3 Mace. iii. 3 ff.), the place played in each story
by the repeated royal feasts (187 &c., 3 Mace. iv. 16, v, vi), the inclusion of official letters, and
the position of the typical priest Eleazar (22, 29, j,^^ 41 ; cf 3 Mace. iii. 12, vii. i ; y^, 41,
&c. ; vi. 1).

(/3) Style mid language. The most striking resemblances are found in the official letters, or
decrees : — •^

xalpfv Kul eppwadoL iii. 12, vii. I ; 35 ; cf. 41.

TrpoaTeraxaptv iii. 25, vii. 8 ; 24.

Cf. also iii. 25 with 25 \pieiKij(pap(v yap, «S:c.] ; and

VT7op.aiyTial(s>v in iii. 27 With €7TtpaaTi6iwv in 27.

pirjvvftv Tov ^ovXopevoif ((p to . . . 111. 28 J tov fiovKopevov 6 Tr)S £7n(TTo\tjs Tvrrns ovTuis eyeypanTo iii. 30 J eiricTToXf] 7

npo(Tayy€\\€ii' n(p\ tu>v aTTfiOrjadvTiov (<p' o) ... 25

[reward follows in each case].

TvTTov i^ovaa TovTov 34.

Kat) OVTlVOVf TpOTTOV vil. 7 J 24.

Remarkable words or phrases common to both books include the following : — ■

teVrup^i'a [technically of a petition] vi. 40 : i.
fuTToXutrif vi. 37, 40; 16.

6 TTavTOiv enoTTTT^s d^os 11. 21 J 16.
n\o(TXfp'ls V. 31 ; 27 [""s].
toAoyms- vi. 25 ; 24, 107.
Sfapia V. 24 ; 31.

Karaxapi^io [technically] ii. 29 ; 36.

TTapavayiyvaxTKoi i. 12 J 42.

dSiaXfiTTTos, -ws vi. 33 ; 86, 92, 294.

fiois [dawn] v. 46; 88.

fldi6rr)S vii. 17 ; 97.

Trapa Trudus 6puiVT€s, or €;^ofrfff iv. 8, V. 8 ; I35.

SwuO-Tei/u)!' [of God] V. 7 ; 168, 195.

fnTTTaKJTOS vi. 39 ; 187.

Tpti7Ty]vai els [npusj evcppoavi'qv V. 36 ', 202, 294.
dnpoadeqs U. 9 J 2 11.
liKi'iyiaTOS V. 42, VI. 12 ; 213.
eifTTaBeia iii. 26, vi. 28 ; 2I7, 261.
■t'(carei;<^i;/j6ri' vil. I3 ; 217.
fave(f)iKTOs ii. 15 ; 223, 283.
fpiyaXopeprji V. 8 ; 226, 319.
f7Ti<pdi(ta [of God] V. 8 ; 264.
f'pfpyeia [of God] iv. 2 1, V. 12 ; 266.
tcVXrjKTOS iv. 2 [V] ; 269.

fTTieUeta Ka\ (pCKavSpanrla [in technical sense, of kint;
iii. 15; 290.

As with 2 Maccabees, the connexion seems to be of school and date. The similarity in the use of
technical and official language is specially remarkable ; as we shall see in the next paragraph, this
language was that actually in use in documents of the Ptolemaic period.

(c) Relation to Papyri. The evidence of the papyri confirms the general accuracy of the
official and technical language of the book, and suggests that it belongs to the Ptolemaic period,
not the Roman.

Applying Thackeray's test' of ovOeCs (^njSets) as against ovbeCs (/iir)8eis), we find the form in
i. 13 (A), ii. 28 (V), vii. 8 (A), as against six times where the MSS. agree with the spelling with 6.
The fluctuation is much the same as in Wisdom (see Introd. to Wisdom in loc. in this volume),
and both books are probably to be referred to the 'period of transition' 132 B.C. to 100 i;. C, or
rather later.

Again, the formula xaiptw koX eppuxrdai, ktA. (iii. 12, vii. i), which it will be remembered is
found in the Letter of Aristeas, seems 'to point to a date at the end of the second or the beginning
of the first century B. c' ^ Earlier papyri usually have a conditional sentence ; papyri of the end

* It is usually assumed without any serious attempt at proof that the writer of 3 Maccabees used 2 Maccabees.
Willrich argues, on the other hand, that the reverse is true (ludaica, pp. 163 ff.).

' The references are to VVendland's paragraphs, as printed in Mr. Thackeray's edition in Svvete's Intr. to the
O.T. in GrecB. The English translation with critical and e.xegetical notes will be found in vol. ii of this work.

' Thackeray has already called attention to some of these in Swete, 0. c, p. 502, n. 3. As before, the reference
to 3 Mace, is in each case given first.

* Those marked with t do not occur elsewhere in the LXX.
^ Grammar O.T. in Greet:, pp. 58 ff.

^ For the facts and references in this paragraph I am indebted to information kindly placed at my disposal by
Mr. Thackeray in a private letter.

Ill MACCABEES

of the first centui-y B. c. and onwards have ^Xaara xav«J'. Cf. especially P. Grenf. ii. 36 (95 B. c.)
and P Lips 104 (c. q6 B. c). where the resemblance to ^ Maccabees is peculiarly close.

AaoypaA.'n (ii. 2^)} which had been supposed to point to the Roman period, has been proved
to be entirely in place in the Ptolemaic age ; and again the dating by Egyptian months alone
(vi C.8) in which Willrich-^ finds a sign of late date, occurs much earlier, the equalizing of the
E-yptian and Macedonian months having taken place in the reign of Euergetes II (Physcon).^ ^
"^ In Tcht P ; (an official document of the beginning of the same reign) we find ot ewt to>v
■npoaiho^v (cf. 3 Riacc. vi. 30) ; ol r^rayi^ivoi H\ ■j^paytxAra.v \xpa&v\ (c^ vil I, y 14); Kad ovrwovv
Tp6r,ov (cf. vii; 7 and Letter of Arisleas, 24). In Louvre P. 63 (an official letter of; Philometors
rei^-nl occur the words T^dip'^adai (cf. iii. 1.5), <TKe77(iCew (cf. in. ay), ivxpi)TTia [cl 11. 33) ao-xoAia

.....options speak of records on a <tt//A7/ (11. 27, vii. 20;, ana anora eyiaence ui uie pupui^iuy of
commemorative feasts (vi. 36, vii. 19). mv<>^'-^ '^ov l3ov\6,x(vov (111. ih)* -uapovaia" (m. 17, of a roya
visit) <t>L\arepo,7ria (of roval clemency, iii. 15-1 «), h'Tvyxdv^ (:= petition, vi. 37-4°), are all
familiar in Papyri. ypa(j>i.^ol K&kap.oi (a hitherto unparalleled phrase, iv. 20) occurs in Grenf eil P.,
ii qS (first century B.C.): oUtriKos (ii. 2S) in B.M.P. cccci {c. 116 B.C.); KaKonxy^lv {v\\. 9) in
P. Eleph. I (311 B.C.); Qio>(>la (v. 24) in P. Tebt. 33 (iia B.C.); aKv\p.6s (iii. 25 metaphorically)
inP. 7>^/. 4W119B.C.). J r •

{d) We have therefore converging lines of evidence. There are good reasons tor connecting
2 Maccabees with Alexandria;" Jason is probably to be placed between 130 and 100 B.C., and
2 Maccabees not much later. The Letter of Aristeas is certainly Alexandrian and of the same
period." Indications derived from the papyri (the nature of the ofificial language, the greetings in
the letters, and the use of the forms ovQdi and p^]edi) suggest a date somewhere about 100 B. C. As
we regard the connexion between j Maccabees and the other books as one of school and thought,
and not of direct literary indebtedness, it may possibly have been written shortly before them. Its
superior limit is fixed by the apparent quotation in 6" from The Song of the Three Children (LXX),
which probably dates from the last quarter of the second century B. C.

Mahaffy^'points out that polemical tracts for and against the Jews came into vogue during the
reio-n of Physcon (146-117 B.C.), and they certainly continued to be the fashion. Our book clearly
belongs to this class of literature. It was apparently written primarily for Jews to encourage and
confirm their faith in themselves and their destiny,'^ but it was certainly meant to be read by the
outside world as well. It is an apology, representing the Jew as the Ptolemies' most loyal supporter,
just as later apologists represented the Christian as the Emperors' best citizen. There is also, not
far below the surface, the further suggestion that it is not prudent to interfere too far with him or
his religion. The book is further a tract on the orthodox side, supporting the strict view of the
Hasidim, as against the laxer Hellenizing section," which must have been even stronger in Egypt
than in Palestine. There is, however, little evidence that this polemic was specially directed against
a Samaritan element, or even very definitely against the Onias temple.

(e) The chief alternative date is that suggested by Ewald.'^ He connects the book with the
attempt of Caligula to place his image in the temple, and with the persecutions of the Alexandrian
Jews which took place in his reign. Philo tells the story in the adv. Flaccnm, and the I^cgatio ad
Caiuin}"' Certain points are found in his story and in } Maccabees as well, e. g. the injustice of the
persecution, the loyalty of the Jews, the punishment of the persecutor. But these are commonplaces.
We miss the characteristic features of the Caligula story, the attempt to force the Emperor's image
into the temple and the synagogues of Alexandria, the attacks on the synagogues, and Caligula's
claim to divine honours ; ^^ since the Ptolemies were dioi, this feature could have been easily trans-
ferred. Further, in Philo the hostility comes first from the populace, the outbreaks in Alexandria
precede the events in Jerusalem, and the Jews in fact suffer severely. Those who accept this date
are therefore forced to hold with Grimm that the author was afraid to work out his parallel too
closely. But the tone of ^ Maccabees is not that of a period of oppression and martyrdom ; it belongs
rather to a time when the nation is prosperous, and its position has been triumphantly vindicated.

' See note on ii. 28. " ludaica, p. 166. '■' Mahaffy, The Ptolemaic Dynasty, p. 205.

* Deissmann, Bible Studies, p. 343. ^ Deissmann, Light from the Ancient East, pp. 372 ff.
« E. B., art. 3 Maccabees. ' Wendland and Thackeray, loo-So B. c.

* Emp. Plot., p. 390.

' It may also have been intended to be read publicly on the occasion of the festivals commemoraling the
deliverances (vi. 36, vii. 19).

'» Cf. ii. 31, vii. 10. " Hist. Isr. v, pp. 46S ff. '= See also Josephus, Ant. XVIII. viii.

" See Schurer, G.J. V. (1909), ii, iii, pp. 493 ff.

158

INTRODUCTION

And tempting though Ewald's suggestion appears at first sight, it cannot outweigh the positive indica-
tions of an earlier date which we have gained from other sources.

Attempts have also been made to find the occasion for the writing of the book in Pompey's
attack on the Temple in 64 1!. C, or in the incidents narrated of Herod (Josephus, A/it. XVII. vi. 5)
or Pilate (ib. XVIII. iii. i). But the resemblances in these cases are still slighter, and could only be
seriously considered if there were independent grounds for ascribing the book to the Roman period.

§ 5. HI.STORICAL BA.SIS.

(a) Relatio)i to Polybitis. Generally speaking the account of the battle of Raphia, and the
picture of Philopator's character, agree with Polybius v. But there are important differences in
detail, for which there is no obvious reason ; sec notes on ch. i. Now there was a certain Ptolemy
of Megalopolis (a fellow-townsman of Polybius), who is mentioned by him as governor of Cyprus
(xviii. 55. 6, &c.), and who wrote an anecdotic account of the reign of Philopator, giving a very
unfavourable picture of the king.^ Scala - shows that he was one of the sources used by Polybius,
particularly in the story of Agathocles (xv. 25-33) » '' the comment which he appends to that story
(xv. 34. i) probably refers to Ptolemy's history. ' I am quite aware of the miraculous occurrences
and embellishments which the chroniclers of this event have added to their narrative with a view of
producing a striking effect upon their hearers, making more of their comments on the story than
of the story itself and the main incidents. Some ascribe it entirely to Fortune, and take the oppor-
tunity of expatiating on her fickleness, and the difficulty of being on one's guard against her. Others
dwell on the unexpectedness of the event and try to assign its causes and probabilities.'* Mahaffy,^
apparently independently, also arrives at the conclusion that this Ptolemy is the authority for the
Agathocles section, and is ' probably the source which has blackened the name of Philopator '. Now
on the other hand it has been recognized that the author of ^ Maccabees apparently used some good
authority, other than Polybius, for his account of Raphia and the character of Philopator.'^ Can we
not then identify this unknown source with the lost history of Ptolemy Megalopolitanus ? The
characteristics which Polybius ascribes to him, love of ' miraculous occurrences and embellishments ',
and the fondness for tracing out causes, are exactly those of _j 3Iaccabces, and would make him
a congenial pattern for the author of the latter book. It is noticeable that in one of his extant frag-
ments ~ he speaks of Philopator's boon companions, of whom we hear so much inj Alaccabces. There
are again many features in the Agathocles section which remind us of the Jewish story, e. g. the
stress laid on the popularity of Arsinoe (cf. 3 Mace. i. 4 ff.), the picture of the confusion in the streets
of Alexandria, the debaucheries, the cruelties, the unexpected escape of Moeragenes.^ These are
sufficient to show that the sort of story told in ^ Maccabees is just that which was narrated by
Ptolemy in his anecdotes. I would suggest then that the narrative of the opening verses of
J Maccabees may be derived directly from him, and that amongst the stories which he told
of Philopator were some which a pious Jew could adapt for the glorification of his own nation.

{b) Relation to Josephus. In c. Ap. ii. 5 there is a story which is certainly in some way
connected with that of j Maccabees. After the death of Philometor the Alexandrian Jews sup-
ported Cleopatra against his brother Physcon (Ptolemy IX, 146-117 B.C.). The latter in revenge
exposed the Jews and their families to drunken elephants, which, however, turned on Physcon's
followers and slew many of them. A phantom also appeared to the king, preventing him from
further attempts to injure them. But the parallel does not stop here. Earlier in the chapter
Josephus mentions a visit of Ptolemy Euergetes I to Jerusalem to offer thankofferings after
a victory; stress is laid on the services of Onias and Dositlieits, Jewish generals; and reference is
made to the intercession of Ithaca, or Irene, Physcon's concubine, on behalf of the Jews, as well as
to a memorial feast kept by the Alexandrian Jews on the day of their deliverance. It is at once
obvious that Josephus' version is far more probable than the exaggerated and sensational narrative
of J Maccabees'.' The mention of the festival in both suggests that some historical incident lies

' See Miiller, Frag. Hist. Grace, iii, p. 66. '" Studien dcs Polybius, pp. 58-60, 263-7.

' Also in the character of Philopator, xiv. 11, 12 ; Cleino, his cup-bearer, mentioned there, is also mentioned in
one of the extant fragments of Ptolemy.

' Shuckburgh's translation. * Empire of tlic Ptolemies, p. 272, n. I ; Ptoteinaic Dynasty, pp. 143 ff.

" e.g. by Mahaffy (Emp. Pt., p. 267) ; Willrich (Klio, vii, p. 293) ; Biichler {Tobiaden und Oniaden, p. 174).

' apud Athen. vi, p. 246 C.

* There is no striking resemblance in the language, which is that of Polybius himself ; but afiiTuBeTos and Tiapa&€i-
yiioTl^fiv, which occur in 3 Mace. v. i, 12, iv. 11, and nowhere else in LXX, are found in this section (32. 7, 32. 5) ; also
*-f- 3'- 5 (x'^p'jo'ai'Tff fis- Tr]v e^ apxqs hiaBecriii) with ii. 28, 29.

" Josephus clearly did not know, or at any rate care to use, j Maccabees.

159

Ill MACCABEES

behind the legends, and there is indeed no a priori reason for doubting this. But is Josephus right
in placing it in Physcon's reign ? The evidence of the papyri tends to show that the Jews as
a whole were well treated by this king, and this fact has led Mahaffy and others to reject Josephus'
setting of the incident.^ But the evidence is somewhat scanty and refers to the latter part of the
reign. Josephus places the persecution at the very beginning, and implies, as does the author of
y Maccabees even more clearly, that the persecutor afterwards became a protector of the Jews. In
neither story is there any question of a long continued oppression, but only of a single abortive
attempt at vengeance. Further, in the troubles which broke out on the death of Philometor, it is in
every way probable that his widow Cleopatra and her infant son were supported by Onias and the
loyal Jews of Leontopolis ; - it is equally probable that in the reprisals with which Physcon signalized
his success-' he may have attempted to punish the Jews. Such a view agrees with the impression
left by } Maccabees that the main attack was made on Fayum Jews brought to Alexandria for the
purpose.* Again, the fact that in Justin 38. 8 we may have 'traces of an edict [of Physcon]
by which Egyptians and Syrians (Jews) were granted the privileges of Alexandrian citizenship ' ^
harmonizes exactly with 3 Mace. ii. 30, iii. 31.

On the other hand the Jerusalem incident is probably rightly placed by the writer of j Maccabees
in the reign of Philopator. In his triumphal progress after Raphia the king would not be likely to
leave out the Jewish capital.^ With his love of architecture and interest in religion he would
certainly wish to enter the Temple. The Jews would no less certainly have tried to prevent him,
and his superstitious fears may well have been worked on in some such manner as to give rise to
the highly coloured narrative of our book.' It is even possible that the story may have been taken
in substance from the memoirs of Ptolemy Megalopolitanus.

The hypothesis that two independent stories have been united in j Maccabees is confirmed by
an examination of the book itself. The connexion between the Jerusalem episode and the subsequent
persecution in Egypt is very artificial. No doubt it is difficult to set bounds to the aAoytoria of a
despot, but it is not very probable that Philopator should have wished to destroy the innocent and
loyal Jews of Egypt merely on account of an insult offered by their fellow-countrymen in Jerusalem,
and the narrative itself in its references to taxation and local religious differences affords a far more
reasonable explanation of the origin of the persecution.

It would seem, then, that the writer of j Maccabees has combined the Physcon and Philopator
stories, transferring the former to the earlier reign. There was an obvious advantage in doing so,
since in the original narrative as preserved by Josephus the position of the Jews was a little
ambiguous. It is true they had been loyal to Cleopatra, but they had unfortunately sided with the
defeated party, and from the point of view of the conqueror they could be regarded as rebels. No
such objection attached to the representation in j Maccabees. The writer has also, by the way,
worked in a reference to another story glorifying the Jew. Dositheus is mentioned in the Physcon
story side by side with Onias as a Jewish general who did good service to the Ptolemies. In the
Hibeli P. 90 and elsewhere a Dositheus son of Drimylns is found as an Alexander priest of 223 B. C.
The writer in i. 3 apparently identifies the two, and turns the son of Drimylns into a renegade Jew.
At the same time he makes him play the role of a Mordecai and save the king's life.** It is possible
that the reference to Arsinoe in i. i, 4 may be explained on similar lines. She plays no further part
in the story and her introduction seems quite pointless. But the writer may have intended that she
should play the role which Ithaca plays in Josephus, and intercede for the Jews ; for some reason
he dropped this feature, but omitted to expunge the earlier references to her. On the other hand
the episode may have been taken directly from Ptolemy Megalopolitanus, in whose narrative she
seems to have figured prominently. In that case she is simply part of the historical setting of
the picture, and her introduction was never intended to have any further significance.

It is at any rate clear that the aim of the writer was to combine in a single picture as many

J Ptolemaic Dynasty, pp. 192 fif. ; Willrich, /«(/£■« unci Griechen, pp. 151 fif.

- Mahaffy, ib., p. 183. 3 g_ g_ jj^g massacre of Cyrenaeans, Diod. .\.\xiii. 13.

V. inf. ^ 6, and cf Abrahams, /. Q. R. i.\, pp. 39 ff.
= Mahaffy, ib., p. 190. e jb_ p ^^^_

The Letter 0/ Arisleas 99 speaks of the eKjrXr,|is and eavixaaij.6s i\&u]yr]Tos inspired by the Temple; Stanley
compares the story of Ibrahim Pacha struck down on attempting to enter the shrine of Isaac (//ist. J. Ch. iii,
p. 219, n. I). '^ ^ ^ -^

» See Willrich, Klio, vii (1907), p. 293 f The same writer in ludaica, p. 19 f., and Hermes, xxxix. 244 ff., calls
attention to the undoubtedly curious coincidence that in Ad. Esth. xii. I Tharra the Eunuch slain by Mordecai is
ca led, in Lagarde s a text, Thedeutos or Theudetos, while Josephus {Ant. XI. vi. 4) calls him Theodosites, or in Ant.
Al. VI. 10 theodestes; cf. the Theodotus of 3 Mace. i. 2. Again in Ad. Esth. xi. i Dositlieus a priest and Levite is
named as the bearer of the book to Egypt. But his elaborate attempt to reduce all these narratives to versions of
a single legend can hardly be followed ; it involves a theory of Esther which ' has found no favour thus far among
critics' (Paton, Estlier [in Int. Liit. Com.], p. 77).

160

INTRODUCTION

features as possible, all tending to the glorification of the faithful Jew. We thus have brought
together in a single canvas the frustrated attempt to enter the Temple, the saving of the king's life
by a Jew, the attacks on religion and attempts to hellenize, affecting both the Jews in Alexandria
and in Egypt as a whole, the testimonies to their great influence and unswerving loyalty, the marvels
of divine intervention, and the vengeance on renegades. The result is not very convincing artistically
or historically. But on the other hand each feature, taken by itself and stripped of its sensational
colouring, is entirely credible and probably has some foundation in fact. Our knowledge of the
history of the Jews in Egypt under the Ptolemies is too fragmentary to justify us in denying the
possibility of sporadic outbreaks of anti-Semitism in the second and third centuries B. C. As we have
seen, the papyri confirm in various ways the general accuracy of the writer, and we shall probably be
justified in giving his work a somewhat higher historical value than has usually been assigned to it.
On one point all are agreed. The character of Philopator is in full accordance with the picture
which history had come to form of him. ' Noctes in stupris, dies in conviviis consumit.' ' Whether
the picture is quite a fair one is another question. It may be due to the bias of Ptolemy Megalo-
politanus, and inscriptions suggest that there was something to be said on his side.^ At any rate
they prove an interest in architecture and religion, and a ready liberality to cities and temples, which
agree with the statements of _j Maccabees.

§ 6. Integrity of the Book.

It is sometimes held that the book is only a fragment of a larger work (Ewald, Fritzsche), or
that at any rate the opening has been lost (Grimm). The arguments for this view are found in the
-abruptness of the introduction,^ the reference to the plot of Theodotus in i. 2 as though it were well
known, and to the ' before-mentioned companions ' in ii. 25, who have not in fact been introduced
previously. But if we accept the hypothesis of the writer's dependence on Ptolemy Megalopolitanus,
it will be more reasonable to suppose that these are slips, due to a careless reproduction of the
source. In i. 2 we have ' a certain Theodotus ', as though from the writer's standpoint he was being
mentioned for the first time, while the following words imply a previous reference to his treachery.
The source is evidently only imperfectly adapted ; the tls shows that Theodotus cannot have been
already named in a lost opening of the book itself.

Biichler,* on the other hand, argues that^ Maccabees, as it stands, has been drastically edited, and
contains copious interpolations which have introduced confusion into the story. He points out that
in the concluding chapters the Alexandrian Jews are hardly mentioned ; they deal solely with the
return of country Jews to Moeris and the Arsinoite nome. He suggests that the original narrative
dealt with a persecution of Fayum Jews, who had refused to join in a birthday feast to Dionysus on
some occasion when Philopator attempted to establish his cult at Bakchis and Dionysias on the
banks of Moeris. The references to renegades point to a Samaritan element which was ready to fall
in with a lax syncretism. In accordance with this theory he makes very considerable excisions in
the book. There are no grounds for doing this, and it is more probable that the writer himself com-
bined various stories and is responsible for the resultant confusion. At the same time Buchler's
hypothesis as to the reasons which led to the persecution of the Fayum Jews is probable enough,
and may well indicate one of the historical elements in the story.

§ 7. Style.

The book is a product of Alexandrian literature, exemplifying in its extremest form the pseudo-
Classicalism of the Atticists. It would, however, be misleading to speak of it as written in the most
literary style, since its artificiality and extravagance make it hardly worthy of the name of literature.
Particularly when the writer attempts in descriptions to introduce purple passages, he succeeds only
in being obscure and bombastic: e.g. i. 16 ff., iv, v. 6 ff. His sentences are full of repetitions and
awkwardly constructed, and for all their attempt at rhetoric are marked by an excessive use of the
weak introductory particle 8e' ; e.g. of the first 11 verses, 10 begin with it. The vocabulary is
varied ; Swete^ gives a selection of 32 words not found elsewhere in the LXX, but in fact the list can
be extended to over 100 ; its character may be judged from the fact that it includes 20 adjectives
compounded with o privative ; many again are poetical, such as -navohvpTos, or -noXvhaKpv^. There
are also about 14 words not found elsewhere in Greek literature, verbs such as ^IrvyouXKilv , irpoav-
(TTfWiLv, and compound adjectives of the type of j3vdoTp€(j)ris, jxiaovjipii, iJivpol3pex.i'is, ■novTofipox^os,
(}>oPepoeih]i, Tivpoirrovs.

Among the Classical forms, unique or unusual in the LXX, which mark the writer as an Atticist,

' Justinus XXX. i. 8 ; his nickname was Tpvcpav. ' Mahaffy, Emp. Ptol., pp. 270 ff.

^ Xenophon's Oecon. and Josephus' Life also begin with a fie clause, but apparently in neither case were they
meant to be regarded as independent works.

■' Tobiaden iinii Oniaden, pp. 172 ff. ^ Intr. O.T. in Greek, p. 312.

1106 161 ■ M

Ill MACCABEES

are the following ' : — TiXeof, rtXem, bea-fjid, tare, bir]pTTd(T6i}v, KadeiirTavTei, (Sxreipa, and the use of crasis
with the definite article {rovvdi'TLov, TaXrjdii).

At the same time the writer shows the influence of the kolvi] in such forms as Tci/^ao-flat,
KaTfaxed'i, vi'^f^a, ilaaeT^aav, dee, rerdprj; (for reVpas). In iv. 19 there is an interesting example of
a superfluous iv with dative after xpaaOac."

§ 8. Theology.

The book represents the most orthodox type of old-fashioned Judaism, with its devotion to the
temple, the law, and the peculiar position of the chosen people. The business of God is to act as
their champion ; there is no trace of universalism, or even any desire for proselytes ; Philopator is
forced to respect God, but he does not worship Him, as does Nebuchadnezzar, nor is there any of the
syncretism which we find in the LeUer of Aristeas. At the same time, side by side with the tone of
somewhat arrogant self-satisfaction and narrow materialism, there is a real piety and an absolute
faith in the power of prayer. There are no references to the Messianic hope, or apocalyptic ideas,
or the future life. An angel vision terrifies Ptolemy and his followers, but it is not seen by the Jews ;
there is no sign of the desire to interpose intermediaries between God and man, nor is He described
by periphrases; e.g. His T,p6voia is mentioned, but in no way personified (iv. 21, v. 30). He is
addressed directly, and the variety and number of the attributes ascribed to Him is remarkable. The
heaping up of such attributes in prayer was a feature of Hellenistic Judaism^ (ii. 3 ff., 21, v. 7,
vi. 2-9, 18, 28 ; cf. 2 Mace. i. 24, Pr. Man. 1-4). Among the titles of God not found elsewhere in the
LXX are the following: — \i.6vo.pyos (ii. 2), TTpoirdTwp (ii. 21), ix^yaKoKpuTiup (vi. 2), p.icrovj3pi.s (vi. 9),
evTiixos (vi. 13), /^€ya\o6ofoj (vi. 18), as well as several phrases of the type of TidfDjs bvudixecos dvvaa-Tevuiv.''
Unusual titles are Tiavrcov eTroTTTrj? (ii. ai), ayte iv ayioLS (ii. 2, 2l), 6 iiTLcpmujs Kvpws (v. 35), reparoTroios
(vi. 32), pv<TTi]'i ^IcTparjk (vii. 23).

From the theological standpoint, therefore, the book seems to belong to the strict and con-
servative school of the Hasidim, devoted to the law, and finding its inspiration in the lessons of the
national history (ii. 2-20, vi. 1-15).^ It expresses a bitter opposition to the attempts at hellenizing,
which so nearly overwhelmed Judaism in the second century B. C, and shows no sympathy with the
developments of thought and doctrine, which at that time were growing up within the Jewish Church.
Though it belongs to Alexandria, it shows no trace of the influence of the typical Alexandrian ideas. ^
The keenest heresy-hunter could have found no fault with its uncompromising orthodoxy.

§ 9. Use of the Book.
The references to j Maccabees are verj' few, and entirely confined to Christian writers. They
include Apost. Canofis 85, the Sticlwmetry of Nicephorus, Synopsis Athanasii, Eus. Cliron. ii. 122.
The Stichometry of Codex Claromontanus implies a knowledge of the book, by mentioning the fourth
book of Maccabees. In the Synopsis At/iattasii we find MaxKa/JaiKa ^ijikia h' riroAe/xatKa, where
Credner's emendation of Kai for 5' is usually followed ; Zahn's ■noXip.iKo. has found little support.
Theodoret of Antioch summarizes the book and treats it as historical {ad Dan. xi), and Swete " calls
attention to an interesting combination of Isa. Ivii. 15 with 3 Mace. ii. 2 in the Liturgy of St. Clement.
It will be seen that the attestation is entirely Eastern ; the book was not accepted in the Western
Church and does not appear in the Vulgate.

§ 10. Bibliography.

(a) r£?.r/— Holmes and Parsons, vol. v; Fritzsche. Libri Apocryphi Graece ; Tischendorf and Nestle, Septuagint;
Swete, O.T. in Greek, vol. iii (collates A and V). The Syriac is printed in Walton's Polyglot, vol. iv (with Latin
trans.), and in Lagarde's Apocr. Syriace.

(b) Editions— Grimm in Kitrz. Ex. Handb. (far the fullest) ; Kautzsch in Die Apokr. u. Pseudepigr. des A.T. ;
Churton, The Uncctnonical and Apocryphal Scriptures; Bissell m Lant^e-Schajf Commentary.

(':) CrUical inquiries— A.rUc\es in the Bible Dictionaries, &c. ; 'Ewald, /^«/. Isr. v. 468 ff.; Schiirer, G.f.V.
(1909), 11, ni, pp. 493 ff. [Eng. trans, ii, iii, pp. 216-19]; Andrif, Zt'j- Apocr. de CA. T., pp. 115-32 (full with many
references); Sv/ete, Jntr. O.T. in Greek, pp. 27S ff. ; Abrahams, J.Q.R, ix, pp. 39 ff. (discusses historicity of the
story) ; Mahaffy, Empire of t lie Ptolemies, pp. 267 ff. ; Ptolemaic Dynasty (vol. iv of Petrie's Hist. Egypt), chs. v, viii ;
Willrich,yWf« u. Griechen, pp. 145 ff-; htdaica, pp. 163 ff.; Klio, vii, p. 293 f. ; Hermes, xxxix (1904), pp. 244-58;
Huchler, i obiaden und Oniaden, pp. 172 ff. (a very full and suggestive study).

The translation which follows is based to some extent upon Churton's, but is practically a new one. The attempt
has been made to give an idea of the characteristics of the Greek by preserving the complexity of the sentences, and the
use of out-of-the-way words. A smoother and more literary rendering would have given a wrong impression of the book.

In the notes Ur. and K. refer to the editions of Grimm and Kautzsch.

1 These examples are collected from Thackeray, Gr. O.T. in Greek; the references will be readily found in the
index to that book. 2 Cf. Moulton, Grammar of N.T. Greek, pp. 75, 104.

^ lyz\%%m^xm, Bible Studies, •^^.■X()-]K. .ff /:>. t

\ ^i7' ^^' ^'' ^'' ^' ^''" 5 ! "^^^ 2 Mace. iii. 34 ; Esther viii. 13 ; Wisd. xiv. 3.

, The attempts made to find characteristic features of Philonian thought are very unconvincing.

" Intr. O. T. in Greek, p. 472. o / a

i6a

THE THIRD BOOK OF MACCABEES

1 Now when Philopator had learned from those who had returned of the capture by Antiochus of the
places which had been held by him, he issued orders to all his forces, foot and horse, and taking with
him his sister Arsinoe, marched to the district over against Raphia, where the army of Antiochus

2 was encamped. But a certain Theodotus, determining to carry out his plot, took with him the
bravest of the soldiers of Ptolemy who had been previously assigned to him, and went by night to

3 the tent of Ptolemy, intending to kill him single-handed, and thereby put an end to the war. But
Dositheus, called the son of Drim)'lus, who was by birth a Jew, but had subsequently abandoned
the observance of the law, and renounced his ancestral faith, had conveyed Ptolemy away, and put
some obscure person to sleep in the tent ; and so it happened that on this man fell the vengeance

4 intended for the other. And when a fierce battle had begun, and things were favouring Antiochus,
Arsinoe went frequently up and down the ranks, and her hair dishevelled, exhorted them with
lamentation and tears to fight manfully for themselves, their children, and their wives, promising to

5 give them if they conquered two minae of gold each. And thus it came about that their adversaries

6 were destroyed in the encounter, and that many were also taken captive. So Ptolemy, having
y crushed the attack, determined to visit the neighbouring cities, and encourage them. And having

8 done this, and given gifts to their shrines, he inspired his subjects with confidence. And when the
Jews had sent to him some of the senate and elders to greet him, and bring him gifts, and con-
gratulate him on what had happened, he became the more eager to visit them as quickly as possible.

9 And when he had come to Jerusalem he sacrificed to the Most High God and offered thankofferings,
acting in some measure according to what was suitable to the place. And entering into the Iioly

10 place, and being struck by the care displayed, and the beauty, and admiring also the good order of

11 the temple, it came into his mind to purpose to enter into the sanctuary. And when they said that
this was not allowed, since not even members of their own nation could enter, or all the priests, but

12 only the high-priest who was chief of all, and he once a year, he was by no means convinced. And
when the law had been read out to him, not even then did he desist from his claim that he himself

13 should enter, saying. Even if they are deprived of this honour, I must not be so. And he asked

14 why, when he entered into every shrine, none of those present hindered him ? And some one

I. g. ^e-yio-rm] TrtoTM A tihv f^iyf ti] uiv effort 64 : irfpiTTOv Tt, or e^ofiov Ti Arm

1. I. The opening describes the relations between Ptolemy IV, Philopator (222-204 B.C.), and Antiochus III, the
Great (224-187 B.C.), immediately before the battle of Raphia, which took place in the spring of 217 ; Antiochus had
captured Seleukeia, and occupied Syria and Palestine. See Pol. v. 40 fif. ; 82 fif. ; Mahaffy, Empire of the Ptolemies,
ch. vii. The story of Raphia is in substantial agreement with the account of Polybius, but there are certain divergences ;
(a) in Polybius the two armies reach Raphia at about the same time ; (b) Arsinoe encourages the army in concert with
Philopator before the battle ; Antiochus is at first victorious on the right wing, but at the crisis it is the king himself
who changes the fortune of the day ; (c) Polybius refers to the ready submission of Coele-Syria and to Ptolemy's visits
to its cities, but he lays stress on their gifts and homage to him, not on his to them, as in 3 Mace. i. 6, 7. On the
significance of these differences see Intr. § 5 a ; see also § 6 for the abruptness of the opening, and § 5 (^ for character
of Philopator. Raphia is referred to in Dn. xi. II, 12.

his sister Arsinoe. This is correct at the date of Raphia ; subsequently, according to Egfyptian custom, she
became Ptolemy's wife ; Livy (xxxvii. 4) calls her Cleopatra ; Justinus (xxx. i. 7) Eurydice. On the significance of her
mention here see Intr. § 5 ^.

2. This Theodotus was a deserter from Ptolemy, who had been of great service to Antiochus (Pol. v. 40, 46, 61).
His attempt is narrated ib. 81 ; there he takes two men with him, Dositheus is not mentioned, Ptolemy is saved
because he did not sleep in his official tent, and Theodotus wounds two men and kills Andreas the king's physician
(.' = the (lo-jj^df n% of v'). See further Intr. § 5 ^.

oTrXcor IlToXe/xmKMt' tIi KpaTiara. The translation given above is that of most Edd., and KpuTia-ra makes it probable.
But the reference may be to arms and equipment which were nroXf/xnixa, and therefore not noticed (n. b. u>s fioiios KTehai).
Polybius remiarks that the varieties of dress in the two armies prevented discovery.

3. Dositheus, see Intr. § 5 1^.

4. The promise seems impossibly extravagant, but it must be remembered that Egyptian queens had large private
property, and Abrahams suggests that the promise was only made to the Greek mercenaries.

5. According to Polybius, Antiochus lost nearly 10,000 infantry, 300 cavalry, and 4,000 prisoners; Ptolemy 1,500
infantry and 700 cavalry.

9. TfiTTus the temple, as regularly in 2, 3 Mace, and elsewhere.

13. irai' Tejievm. Gr. and K. (with hesitation) understand this of the Jewish temple, as though it were irav to t(jx(vos ;
why had he been allowed to enter at all, if he might not penetrate into the inmost shrine ? But the argument is weak
even for a despot, and the translation given above is more pointed.

163 M 3

Ill MACCABEES 1. 15—2. 9

15 answered thoughtlessly that he did wrong to make this boast. But since this is so, he said, why

16 should I not enter in any case, whether they wish it or not? Then the priests in all their robes fell
down, and besought the Most High God to aid them in that which had come upon them, and to
turn the violence of him who was making this wicked attack, filling the temple with lamentation

17 and tears ; and those who were left in the city hurried forth in confusion, concluding that something
iS strange was happening. The virgins who had been shut up in their chambers rushed forth with

their mothers, and covering their hair with dust and ashes, filled the streets with groanings and

19 lamentations. And those who had been lately married, leaving the chambers prepared for wedded

20 intercourse and forgetting their proper modesty, ran about in confusion through the city. And as
for the new-born children, the mothers and nurses who had charge of them left them here and there,
in the houses or in the streets without care, and came in crowds to the temple which is high above all.

21 And manifold were the supplications of those gathered here because of the impious enterprise of the

22 king. And with them the bolder from among the citizens would not endure his carrying the matter

23 to an extremity, or his determination to complete his project ; but calling 011 one another to rush
to arms, and to die bravely for the law of their fathers, they made great confusion in the place,
and being with difficulty turned from their purpose by the elders and the priests, they joined in

24, 25 supplication with them. And the multitude continued meanwhile praying as before. But the
elders who \\ ere with the king tried in many ways to turn his haughty mind from the purpose he

26 had conceived. But being emboldened and now setting them all aside, he was even beginning to

27 approach, thinking that he would complete the design aforesaid. Therefore those who were with
him seeing this, joined with our own people in beseeching him who has all power to defend them in

28 their present need, and not to disregard the lawless and insolent deed. So incessant and vehement

29 was the united cry of the multitude that an indescribable uproar arose. For it might have been
thought that not only the people, but even the walls and the whole pavement were crying out, since
all preferred death to the profanation of the holy place.

2 I Then the High-Priest Simon bowing his knees before the holy place, and spreading out his hands

2 in calm reverence, prayed after this manner : Lord, Lord, king of the heavens, and sovereign of all
creation, holy among the holy ones, only ruler, almighty, give ear to us who are grievously troubled

3 by one wicked and profane, made wanton in insolence and might. For thou who hast created all
things, and governest the whole world, art a righteous ruler, and judgest those who do aught in

4 violence and arrogance. Thou didst destroy those who aforetime did iniquity, among whom were

5 giants trusting in their strength and boldness, bringing upon them a boundless flood of water. Thou
didst burn up with fire and brimstone the men of Sodom, workers of arrogance, who had become
known of all for their crimes, and didst make them an example to those who should come after,

6 Thou didst try with manifold and grievous punishments the insolent Pharaoh when he enslaved thy

7 holy people Israel, and didst make known thy mighty power. And when he pursued with chariots
and a multitude of peoples thou didst overwhelm him in the depth of the sea, but those who trusted

8 in thee, the ruler of all creation, thou didst bring safely through. And they seeing the works of thy

9 hands did praise thee, the almighty. Thou, O King, when thou didst create the boundless and

15. TrHj/TMs] Tra^ToJi' A ; TrniTfr V 1 6. imaai'i ran ((T6x\aftjiv\ A V 44, 55,74; raiy nyinir ecrS. «/ ; Trairais rais

nyimr fcrfl. Arm 18. o-ttoSm xtii] nTrffioJKar A V 44, 55, 71, 74 ; > Arm yaov ti V 44, 55, 74 Arm ; ttou yi A ;

yoav Te al. ig. rovs ivpns mravTr^mv hiaTerayiifvovs ■aaoTovs] rovs Trpof awav vvv SiaTerayfievovs (A -rjv) A V 55 ;

anavTas 44, 74, with further variations in cursives; 'were sitting veiled {or curtained off) and prepared' Arm. The
parallel in iv. 6 confirms naarovs, and SiaTfTaynhiqv in A suggests that amivTxicnv is the original reading. 23. tipiuiv]
Luc te.xt, Syr ; yfpaiwv A Arm al; ycpcav V 28. o-ti/ayofifi/ijf] -a,v Syr Arm and Edd

II. I. AV55,7i >whole verse; (tnt tin-or o^o5ii;j(i8oi> 44, 74 ; ' they began to pray and said ' Arm 6. hom-

Hacras Tt/iwpiair eyfo>pi(Tas to p€ya <tov Kparos] V ; + (after (yvaptaas) ttjv o-rjv Svvafiiv e(ji ais eyvaipuras A Arm and most
cursives with variations ; a conflate reading 8oKipaa-as] (8. A ; Sapaaas Luc text 9. rjyiaaas . . . aot] + (before

o-oi) €ir a-ov ovopa A Arm ; eis ovopa crov (> ctoi) V

15. Text and grammar are in some confusion, but the general meaning is clear.

18, 19. The same remark applies ; cf. 2 Mace. iii. 19 for the general picture. Trpoaaprias is not found elsewhere ;
L. and S. ' lately ' ; Edd. ' completely '.

fo-Ta'Kptvai. There is no parallel for the meaning 'married', which is required by the verse. Gr. and K.
suggest 'secluded', others vestem (sc. nuptialem) iiidittae. Arm. translates 'who had just then only been newly
introduced', which is probably right.

IL I. Simon II, son of Onias II (219-199 B.C.). Perhaps referred to in Sir. 1. i, but it is doubtful whether Simon
the Just IS to be identified with Simon I or II.

2. This heaping up of the attributes of God is characteristic of Hellenistic Judaism; see Intr. § 8. ayu iv iiy'wis
(11. 21) ; cf. Isa. Ivii. 14; see Intr. § 9 for the liturgical use of the phrase, udfapvof occurs in Eus. and later writers as
a title of God.

4. For giants cf Judith xvi. 7 ; Sir. xvi. 7 ; Wisd. xiv. 6 ; Enoch vii. 2, ix. 9, xv. 8 ; Jubilees v. 7. See also 2 Pet.
n. 5-6, where we have angels, the flood, and Sodom.

164

Ill MACCABEES 2. 9-29

measureless earth, didst choose this city and sanctify this place [for thy name] for thyself, who hast

need of nothing, and didst glorify it by a splendid manifestation, establishing it to the glory of thy
great and honourable name. And loving the house of Israel, thou didst promise that if there should

be a falling away, and distress should overtake us, and we should come to this place and make our
: 2 supplication, thou wouldst hear our prayer. And indeed thou art faithful and true. And seeino-

that oftentimes when our fathers were afflicted thou didst succour them in their humiliation, and
13 didst deliver them from great evils, behold now, O holy king, for our many great sins we are
•!4 grievously troubled and put into subjection to our foes, and faint in our weakness. In our low

estate this insolent and profane man seeketh to do violence to the holy place which is consecrated
[5 upon earth to the name of thy glory. For man cannot reach thy dwelling place, the heaven of
(6 heavens. But since thy good pleasure was in thy glory amongst thy people Israel, thou didst

17 hallow this place. Punish us not by the uncleanness of these men, neither chastise us by their
profane doings, lest the transgressors boast in their wrath or exult in the insolence of their tongue,

18 saying, We have trodden down the house of the sanctuary as the houses of the abominations are

19 trodden down. Blot out our sins and scatter abroad our offences and manifest thy mercy at this
!o hour. Let thy compassion speedily overtake us, and put praises in the mouth of the fallen and

broken in heart, granting us peace.

21 Then the God who beholds all, the Father of all holy among the holy ones, hearing the supplica-
tion spoken according to the law, scourged him who was greatly uplifted in violence and inso-

22 lence, shaking him to and fro as a reed by the wind, so that lying on the ground powerless and

23 paralysed in body he could not so much as speak, being smitten by a righteous judgement. Where-
upon his friends and body-guard, seeing that the chastisement which had overtaken him was swift,
and fearing lest he should even die, speedily drew him out, being overwhelmed by an exceeding great

24 fear. But having after some time recovered himself, he by no means came to repentance though he
had been thus punished, but departed with bitter threats.

25 So, arriving in Egypt, and going on further in his wickedness, through his boon companions and

26 associates, who have been already mentioned, utter strangers to all justice, he was not content with
his countless excesses, but even reached such a pitch of insolence that he raised evil reports in those
parts, and many of his friends watching carefully the royal purpose, themselves also followed his

27 will. He purposed publicly to inflict a disgrace upon the Jewish nation, and erected a pillar on the

28 tower in the palace with the inscription. That none who did not sacrifice should be allowed to enter
their temples ; and that all Jews should be degraded to the rank of natives and the condition of

29 serfs, and that those who spoke against it should be taken by force and put to death ; and that
those who were registered should even be branded on their bodies with an ivy-leaf, the emblem of

24. nn-eiXaf 5c ttik/jos flffiecof] V Luc text ; /nfTO OTreiX^jf fie TriKpas at \ jxera aTTdXrjs S( mKpas Bfjxevos A^(a clearly conflate
reading)

lo. I Kings viii. 33.

18. abominations is of course a slip from the standpoint of the supposed heathen speaker.

21. navToif fTTOKTrjs, cf. 2 Mace. vii. 35, ix. 5 ; Ad. Esth. xv. 2 ; Letter of Aristeas, l6 ; see Deissmann, Light from
the Ancient East, p. 429.

'ivQffrpoi expressing the law ; cf. v. 10.

For the incident cf. the repulse of Heliodorus in 2 Mace. iii. 22-30, where the resemblance in language is great,
and the punishment of Antiochus ib. ix. 4 fif.

25. already mentioned ; either a slip from a careless use of a source (see Intr. § 6), or a reference to the supposed
lost beginning of the book.

26. evil reports — whether against himself, or the Jews, is not clear.

28. i.e. the Jews might only enjoy their own worship if they also conformed to the official cult ; cf. Josephus, Ant.
XII. iii. 2 ; c. Ap. ii. 6. No other example of the word Xaoypacpia was known till the discovery of the Papyri. Grenfell
and Hunt {Teit. P. [1902] pp. 445-8) discuss this passage with reference to Wileken's view that the word implies the
' poll-tax ' of the Roman period, and is therefore an anachronism in a decree ascribed to Philopator, and in fact proves
that the book dates from the Roman period. They show that the word does occur in Ptolemaic papyri, but not in its
fully developed technical sense ; it means not a tax, but ' a taxing list of persons, most, or all, of whom were native
Egyptians'. Xacif is the technical tenn for Egyptians as contrasted with Greeks (ib. p. 552). This exactly fits the
context here.

iia6«ns is freq. in Polybius = condition ; cf. esp. xv. 31. 5 ;(a)pi}o-nf7-fs ei's ti)>/ e'^ apA;^^ ^- For the idea cf. Philo,
Leg. ad Cai. 1 7.

29. Ewald finds here an allusion to the vine as ' the symbol and arms of Jerusalem' ; i.e. it is maliciously suggested
that the Jews have been worshippers of Dionysus all along. This, however, is rather far-fetched. There is good
evidence that Bacchus was the family god of the Ptolemies {vide Satyrus ap. Theophr. ad Autolyi. ii, p. 94). Philo-
pator apparently allowed himself to be branded (riiXXos , 6 ^iXottqtwp nToXepaios- 81a t6 (pvWa Kiaa-ov KaTecrrixdai ms 01
rdXXot, Step/i. Thes. s. v.) ; cf. also Biichler, Tob. u. On. pp. 197 if., for traces of the cult in Egypt during this period.
In 2 Mace. vi. i Antiochus introduces the worship of Bacchus into Jerusalem.

For branded cf. Philo, De Men. i. 8 (Jews .who allowed themselves to be branded), and Isa. xliv. 5 (a probable
reference to branding the name of J" on the hand).

165

Ill MACCABEES 2. 30—8. 11

30 Dionysus, and be reduced to their former limited status. But that he might not appear an enemy
to all, he added : But if any of thei^ prefer to join those who are initiated into the mysteries, they
shall have equal rights with the citizens of Alexandria.

31 Some fobviously hating the price paid for the religion of their cityf readily gave themselves up,

32 expecting to gain great glory from their association with the king. But the greater part stood firm
with a noble courage, and departed not from their religion ; and paying money as a ransom for

33 their lives fearlessly attempted to save themselves from the registration. And they remained of
good hope that they should find help, and abhorred those who parted from them, accounting them
as enemies of their nation, and excluding them from social intercourse and the rendering of any
service.

J I The impious king perceiving this was so greatly enraged that he was not only wroth with those
who dwelt at Alexandria, but was even more bitterly hostile to those in the country, and ordered
that they should all be speedily gathered together, and put an end to by the most cruel death.

2 While this was being arranged a malicious report was noised abroad against the Jcivish nation on
the part of men who agreed together to do them hurt, an occasion being afforded for representing

3 that they hindered them from the observance of the laws. But the Jews continued to maintain

4 their goodwill towards the kings and their unswerving fidelity. Yet worshipping God, and living
according to his law, they held themselves apart in the matter of food ; and for this reason they

5 were disliked by some ; but adorning their conversation by the good practice of righteousness they

6 were established in the good report of all. But of this good practice, which was the common talk
1 of all men with regard to the nation, the foreigners took no account ; but they talked continually of

the difference tliey made with regard to worship and food, alleging that they were friendly neither
to the king nor his army, but ill-disposed, and bitterly hostile to his interests ; thus they cast no

8 small opprobrium upon them. But the Greeks in the city having been in no way injured by them,

9 seeing the unexpected disturbance about them, and the unlooked-for concourse, were not able to
help them — for they lived under a tyranny — but tried to comfort them and were indignant, expect-
ing that this affair would take a change for the better ; for so great a community could not be thus

10 allowed to perish when it had committed no fault. And already some of their neighbours and
friends and business associates, taking aside some of the Jews secretly, gave pledges of their protec-
tion and earnest endeavours for their assistance.

11 So the king, puffed up by his present prosperity, and regarding not the power of the most high
God, but supposing that he himself would always hold firmly to the same purpose, wrote this letter

31. €n-OToXaici)f] V^ Arm ; tirm-oXfiuf A ; fTTi TToXems V* (z/ Ta (ras A') Tijf TToXem? eu(rf/3eia9 e7n/3a5pa A ; raf . . . fm^nBpai
V at, with numerous variations of evcreSovs, entjiadpois, and alterations of order crTvyovpres] -ai A ; oroixonvrf s Arm

Luc text (with variations of spelling)

III. 4. f;ri TO) Kara rar T/)o(/)as] V 62, 64 ; (ttl to) KaTa<TTpo(j)as A ; ctti rivaiv Kai KaTaijTpocf)as at ei'ioif] -01 A

29. Karax'-'p^C'^ is technical = ' enrol ' or ' enter ' ; cf. papyri. Letter ofAristeas, 36, Canopus and Rosetta inscriptions.
The latter also speak of records set up on a stel^ (v. 27).

30. The question of Alexandrian citizenship and its different grades is complicated ; cf. Mahaffy, Ptol. Dyn., p. 58.
According to the repeated statements of Josephus (Ant. XII. i; XIX. v. 2, &c.) the Jews already possessed a full citizen-
ship. But there is no doubt that whatever such privileges they had at this period they enjoyed as individuals and
not as a nation, and very little is known of citizenship outside Alexandria. There was therefore room for such a grant
as this ; and there are in fact independent traces of it in Physcon's reign (Intr. § 5 1^). Abrahams suggests that
Alexandrian citizenship was offered to the FayiJm Jews in order to simplify organization or taxation. Cf. 2 Mace. iv. g
for attempt to impose Antiochene citizenship on the Jerusalem Jews, and Josephus {Ant. XII. iii. 2) for close con-
nexion of citizenship with religion.

31. The first part of the verse is very obscure. K., ' who on account of the citizenship in a city hated the approaches
to the city of piety '. Gr. takes fVl woXfcof, ' some who were over a district, or community, in Alexandria,' and the last
part is translated by some ' hated the advances of the religion of the city'. I suggest with hesitation the translation
given above, which keeps the best attested reading. 67ri7roXaiof in Aristotle frequently means ' evident ' or 'obvious '.
('mHadpov means ' a fare ', or more generally ' price paid ' ; cf. Plut. 2. 727/, where the stork by its destruction of
snakes pays (TrlfiaBpov ti yfis.

The reference would be to the heavy demands made by the Jewish law, or more specifically to the Temple tax,
and it is possible, as Biichler suggests, that the renegades may be Samaritans ; at any rate they are the lax, Hellen-
izmg section of the Egyptian Jews (cf. Kennett, Schweich Lectures [1909], Lect. III). The Arm. gives a similar sense:
' Many of them, shallow-witted people [taking tViiroXaiMp as meaning " superficially "1 who aforetime indeed were
irresolute m the ancient law.'

If 'city of piety' be the right translation, it confirms Prof. Burkitt's emendation of non for Din in Isa. xix. iS,
though there the reference is not to Jerusalem.

III. 4. On the unpopularity caused by Jewish peculiarities see an exhaustive study by Dobschutz, Amer.J. Tlieot.
1904, pp. 72S ff. ; cf. the defence in Letter ofAristeas, 12S ff. For the hostility of the populace see Philo's account of
the violence of the Alexandrian mob in the outbreak under Caligula.

8. The Greeks are the better-class Macedonian element. There is evidence that their position too was attacked
by Physcon (Mahalfy, Einp. Ptol., p. 38S).

166

Ill MACCABEES 3. 12— 1 3

2 against them. King Ptolemy Philopator to his generals and soldiers in Egypt and every place

13 4 greeting and prosperity. I myself and our affairs prosper. Our expedition into Asia, of which you

yourselves are aware, having been brought to an expected conclusion by the help of the Gods

5 granted us deliberately, we thought, not by force of arms, but by kindness and much benevolence
to foster the peoples of Coele-Syria and Phoenicia, bestowing benefits upon them with all readiness.

6 And having granted large revenues to the temples in the cities, we came to Jerusalem as well, going
up thither to show honour to the temple of the accursed people who never cease from their folly.

::7 Seemingly they welcomed our presence, but their welcome was insincere ; for when we were eager

:.:8 to enter their shrine and to honour it with magnificent and beautiful offerings, carried away by their

ancient pride they prevented us from going in, being left unhurt by our power on account of the

9 benevolence we have to all. ^ut they show plainly their ill-will towards us, and standing alone

among nations in their stiff-necked resistance to kings and their own benefactors, they refuse to take

!0 anything in a proper spirit. We accommodated ourselves to their folly, and returning victoriously

!i to Egypt, and treating all nations with kindness, have acted as was right. And under these cir-
cumstances, making known to all our ready forgiveness of their fellow-countrymen, on account of
their alliance, and the numerous matters which have been freely entrusted to them from of old, we
have ventured to make a change, and have made up our mind to hold them worthy even of Alex-

>2 andrian citizenship, and to give them a share in our religious rites from time to time. But they
taking this in the opposite spirit and rejecting the good offer with their inborn ill-feeling, and

-'3 continually inclining to evil, not only refused the invaluable citizenship, but also show their con-
tempt silently and by words for the few among them who behave properly towards us, in every case
secretly expecting that through their infamous behaviour we should speedily alter our

24 policy. Therefore having good proof for our persuasion that they are evilly disposed towards us
in every way, and taking precautions lest when some sudden tumult is raised against us hereafter

35 we should have these impious people behind our backs as traitors and barbarous foes, we give order
that, as soon as this epistle reaches you, you shall at once send to us with harsh and violent treat-
ment those who dwell among }-ou with women and children, binding them fast in every way with

26 iron chains, to meet a terrible and ignominious death, as befits traitors. For we believe that when
they have been punished together, our estate will be established for the future in the surest and

27 best condition. And whoever shall harbour any Jew, old man or child or very suckling, shall with

28 all his house be tortured to death with the most horrible torments. Information may be given by
any one ; the informer to receive the estate of the guilty party, with two thousand drachmae from

29 the royal treasury, and to be honoured with freedom. And every place where a Jew shall be
detected at all in concealment shall be made a waste and burnt with fire, and shall become entirely

30 useless to any mortal creature for all time. Thus ran the letter.

1 In every place where this decree reached, a feast at the public charges was made for the heathen
with exultation and joy, the hatred which had long before become inveterate in their hearts being now

2 freely displayed. But among the Jews there was unceasing grief and a lamentable crying with
tears, their heart being all aflame with their groanings,as they bewailed the unlooked-for destruction

3 which had been suddenly decreed against them. What district or city or what habitable place at

14' + (after (TV^\ia\ia) Kai rifxeT€pn Se pt^M inferior cursives 21. kgl /xero;^ouy . , . KaTaaTfJfTm^ > V 62, 64

Arm 25. efvefiofiei'ovs] (v<7ifj.aivofjLfiiovs Luc text, Syr; (fijjawoiievovs Arm («/ I'idetur') 28. Tt]^ eXivdepLm

(TTecpnvadijaerai.] A V 55, 74 ; -I- (after «X.) rev^erai (cai a/; ' honoured with a crown of freedom ' Arm

IV. 2. dXt/KToi'] V 44, 55, 74 (cf. Letter of Ai'isteas, 269) ; okeKTov A ; avi^KetrTov at 3. oi/c^/Tor] oiktkttoit A V ;

unparalleled = ' habitable ', in 2 Mace. ix. 28 = pitiable

13. On the papyri evidence for the technical terms in this letter see Intr. § 4 i' ; on the parallels with similar official
documents in the Letter of Aristeas see § 41^.

21. For the confidence reposed in Jews see vi. 25, vii. 7 ; Aristeas, 36, and the Josephus passages quoted on ii. 30.
The Elephantine Papyri show that as early as the fifth century B.C. Jewish garrisons had been established by the
Persians at Elephantine and Assuan to guard the southern frontier of Egypt.

Tav ae\ lepeav, Edd. tr. 'eternal religious rites'. Mahaffy emends to hpeiap, which he translates by 'priesthood'
= Upaa-wmv (Emp. Plot., p. 26S, n. 2). But with this reading, the translation of the text seems better, giving dd its
idiomatic classical meaning ; for the meaning of Upeiav cf 2 Kings x. 20.

28. The shorter reading, omitting Tev^erai koI, is to be preferred. Deissmann {£. S., p. 341) emends further to
fXevdfpiu (cf the reading of the Arm.), the t being due to the following a-Te(pat'a>drja-eTai. He gives examples from Polyb.
xii. 9. 5 and the papyri of the use of a-Tfcpavoiv in the metaphorical sense of 'reward'. Freedom is opposed to the
practical slavery with which the Jews were threatened ; cf. i\iv6epot in vii. 20. But it is not probable that the Jews
themselves should be expected to be the only informers. Accepting his emendation, it would be better to see a
reference to native-born Egyptians, who were practically serfs, and more likely to be specially hostile to the Jews
(cf Aristeas, 36), in contrast to the Greeks who favoured them (iii. 8). But much is to be said for the emendation
Toit (kivBep'iats (' at the Eleutheria' ) ; eXevBepevs and eXeidepos were names of Dionysus, and the Eleutheria sometimes
meant a festival of Dionysus (v. Steph. Tltes. s. v.). Though there is no evidence of the Eleutheria in Egypt under the
Ptolemies, there is abundant evidence of the cult of Dionysus at this period.

167

Ill MACCABEES 4. 4-21

4 all or what streets were not filled with wailing and lamentation for them? For in such manner with
harshness and pitiless heart were they sent away with one accord by the generals in the cities, that
at the sight of their unusual sufferings even some of their enemies, with common pity before their

5 eyes, remembering the uncertain issue of life, wept at their hapless departure. For there was carried
away a multitude of old men, covered with their wealth of grey hairs, forcing to a swift journey
their feet bent and sluggish from old age under the violence of their rough driving which knew no

6 shame. And the young women who had but lately entered the marriage chamber for the society of
wedded life, with lamentations instead of joy, and with their perfumed locks covered with dust, were
carried away unveiled, and with one accord sang a dirge in place of the wedding hymn, scarred by

7 the cruel treatment of the heathen ; and as prisoners exposed to public gaze they were dragged

8 along with violence until they were embarked on board. And their consorts, with ropes on their
necks instead of garlands, in the flower of their youthful age, spent the remainder of the days of their
marriage feast in dirges instead of mirth and youthful ease, seeing the grave already yawning at their

9 feet. And they were brought on board driven like wild beasts under the constraint of iron bonds ;
some were fastened by the neck to the benches of the ships ; others had their feet secured in the

10 strongest fetters ; and further they were shut off from the light by the thick planks above, that in
entire darkness they might be treated as traitors throughout the whole voyage.

1 1 When they had been brought to the place called Schedia, and the voyage was completed as
determined by the king, he ordered them to be imprisoned in the hippodrome that was before the
city, a place of immense circuit and very suitable for making them a gazing stock to all who entered
the city, and to those of the inhabitants (?) who went into the country to sojourn, so that they might

12 neither communicate with his army, or in any way claim protection of the walls. But after this had
been done, hearing that their fellow-countrymen in the city often went out in secret and bewailed the

13 shameful fate of their brethren, he was enraged and ordered that they should be treated in exactly

14 the same way as the others, receiving in no respect a lesser punishment. And he commanded that \
the whole race should be registered by name, not for the wearisome service of labour which was briefly ,
described before, but that they should be tortured with the torments to which he had sentenced

15 them, and finally be made an end of in the space of a single day. The registration therefore was
carried on with bitter haste and zealous diligence from sunrise to sunset, coming to an end after ^

■ forty days but still uncompleted.

16 But the king was greatly and continually filled with joy, ordering feasts in the temples of his
idols, with a heart far astray from the truth and profane lips, praising dumb idols which could not speak

17 to them or help, and uttering words which were not fitting against the most high God. But after
the aforesaid space of time the scribes reported to the king that they were no longer able to continue

18 the registration of the Jews on account of their incalculable number ; although the greater number
of them were still in the country, some still remaining in their homes and others on the journey, it

19 was impossible for all the generals in Egypt. And after he had threatened them fiercely as having

20 been bribed to contrive their escape, he was at length clearly convinced on this point, when they told
him and proved that even the paper manufactory and the pens which they used for writing had

21 already given out. But this was the working of the invincible providence of him who was aiding the
Jews from heaven.

5. yfpaxav Tr\rjdos noXia TTfnvKaa-^evioi'] V a/, with variations ; yepav 7rX';()';r TroXias nemnaaiievaiv A lo. to <^fyyof

awoxXfio/xfi/oi] > A V Luc text, Arm ; but the phrase is necessary to the grammar and sense, and is hardly a
glossator's ii. tois ck tovtoiv] This can hardly mean ' those of the inhabitants '. For tovtuiv read TavTrjs : ' those

who set out from it to the country ' (R. H. C.) n-tpi^oX mr] V ai; -o> A ; -ov Luc text i6. fn Sf tov peyioTov

6€ov\ > TOP fityiarop 6(uv A 55, 64, 93 ; > whole concluding clause V iS. Kara roi/ vopov] Luc text ; Kara tov

roirov A ; Kara TpoTroi' V ; Kara Tonoi/ al ; Kautzsch suggests a lacuna at the end of the verse, ' to gather them all together '

IV. 5. The verse is obscure and probably corrupt, but the general sense is clear.

6. Cf. i. 18 fif.

II. Schedia was three miles from Alexandria (Strabo xvii, p. 800) ; probably a landing-place nearer the city is
here intended. The Hippodrome was before the east gate of the city (ib. p. 795).

(carajiiirai jrfpi/iioXMi/. Edd. supply axnow as object, ' honour them with the protection of walls '. But this is very
awkward grammatically, since it is the subject of the previous clause. For meaning of Kara^iom as given in the trans-
lation adopted cf. 2 Mace. xiii. 12.

14. See ii. 28 (condition of serfs).

16. Cf. Dn. iv. 4.

20. xy")P^«: is not found elsewhere ; cf. Pliny, N. H. xviii. 10 Chartariae officinae. For ypa<^iKo\ Ka\ap.oi cf. Grenfell,
P. 11. 38. Philo, c. Fl. 6, gives the number of Jews in Egypt as a million, but it is impossible to defend the bombastic
exaggerations of this chapter. There are also some inconsistencies; vv. 12 ff. seem to imply that the Jews in Alexandria
had not yet been interfered with, and according to %'. 18 many of the country Jews are still at large ; contrast ii. 27 ff.,
IV. I ff.

168

Ill MACCABEES 5. 1-29

1 Then he called Hermon who was in charge of the elephants, and filled with bitter anger and

2 wrath, and altogether inflexible, ordered him for the next day to drug all the elephants — in number
five hundred — with copious handfuls of frankincense, and abundance of unmixed wine, and then when
they were maddened by the plentiful supply of drink to bring them in to compass the fate of the Jews.

3 And giving this order he turned to his feasting, having gathered together those of his friends and

4 army who were most hostile to the Jews, while [Hermon] the ruler of the elephants attended to the

5 injunction with all care. And the servants who were in charge of the Jews went out in the evening
and bound the hands of the hapless wretches, taking all other precautions to keep them safe through the

6 night, imagining that the nation would at one blow meet its final destruction. But the Jews who
seemed to the heathen to be destitute of all protection, on account of the constraint and bonds

7 which encompassed them on every side, with crying that would not be silenced, all called with tears

8 on the almighty Lord and ruler of all power, their merciful God and father, beseeching him to
frustrate the wicked design against them and to deliver them by a glorious manifestation from the

9 fate yawning ready before them. So their prayer ascended fervently to heaven ; but Hermon,

10 having given the pitiless elephants drink till they were filled with the plenteous supply of wine and
sated with frankincense, came early in the morning to the palace to report to the king about this.

11 But the good creature, bestowed night and day from the beginning of time by him who gives the

12 portion of sleep to all, evefi to whomsoever he will, this he sent upon the king ; and he was over-
borne by a sweet and heavy slumber by the operation of the Lord, thus being greatly foiled in his

13 lawless purpose, and utterly disappointed in his unchangeable design. But the Jews having escaped
the appointed hour praised their holy God, and again besought him who is ready to forgive to

14 manifest the might of his all-powerful hand before the proud eyes of the heathen. But when the
middle of the tenth hour had nearly come he who was in charge of the invitations, seeing the guests

1 5 assembled, went to the king and shook him. And having woken him up with difficulty, he pointed out

16 that the hour for the banquet was already passing, reminding him of the circumstances. And the
king considering these, betook himself to his cups and ordered those who had come for the banquet

17 to take their places over against him. And when this had been done he called on them to give them-
selves up to revelry, and counting themselves highly honoured to reckon as a joy the feast, late as it

18 was. And when the entertainment had gone on for some time, the king called Hermon and asked with

19 fierce threats why the Jews had been allowed to survive that day. But when he pointed out that he

20 had completely carried out the order overnight, and his friends confirmed him, the king with a rage
more fierce than Phalaris, said that the Jeivs might thank his sleep for the respite of the day ; but,
he added, make ready the elephants in the same manner without further delay for the following day

21 to destroy utterly the accursed Jews. When the king had' spoken, all who were present readily

22 assented with joy with one accord, and each one departed to his own house. But they did not
spend the night season in sleep, so much as in devising all manner of cruel insults for those whom
they thought to be in such wretched plight.

23 So as soon as the cock had crowed in the morning, Hermon harnessed the beasts and began to

24 put them in motion in the great colonnade. And the multitudes in the city assembled for the

25 piteous spectacle, eagerly looking for the break of day. But the Jews drawing their last breath for
but a brief moment more, with tearful supplications and strains of woe, raising their hands to heaven,

26 besought the most high God again to help them speedily. The rays of the sun were not yet scattered
abroad, and the king was receiving his friends, when Hermon came to his side and invited him to go

27 forth, explaining that the desire of the king was ready to be fulfilled. When the king understood
him, he was astonished at the unusual suinnions to go forth, having been overwhelmed with complete

28 ignorance, and asked fwhat was the matter on account of which this had been so zealously completed!.
But this was the operation of God the ruler of all, who had put in his mind forgetfulness of his former

29 devices. But Hermon and all his friends pointed to the beasts and the army ; It is prepared, O king,

V. 4. Ep/i(Bf] T 12. KaTf(Txfdq] AV a/ ; KaTaaxfdfts mvai imo eampai cms (vvaT<Ti

Luc text, Syr 17. to naprnpov tijs a-vpirocrias ... (if fv(f)poiTvvrjs (-rj^ V) KaTaOefrdui pepos] V Luc text, Arm ; to

irapov . . . fLs (v<l)po(Jvvr)v A at 27. Tt to npnypti ecf) ou tovto avro> piTa (rnovdrj9 rereXforai] on to bin(ja<povpivov ert

avTa ei pira CTjrovSr/r TfTtXioTm A ig, 93 (A > ei) ; on to Sipa<povi' . . . TerfXeadai. V ; apparently a primitive corruption,
though the general sense is clear

V. 2. Philadelphus had 300 elephants ; Philopator had 73 at Raphia.

5. The mention of the binding has been supposed to be inconsistent with iii. 25, iv. 9 ; but it is to be presumed that
once the Jews were safe in the hippodrome, their fetters were taken off.

14. i.e. 3.30 p.m., the Babylonian reckoning being in use in Egypt.

20. Phalaris — the tyrant of Agrigentum in the sixth century B.C., whose cruelty had become proverbial (Polyb. xii.
25) ; cf. inf. 7'. 42.

169

Ill MACCABEES 5. 30—6. i

30 according to thine eager purpose. But he was filled with fierce anger at the words, because by the
providence of God he had entirely lost his wits on this matter, and looking on him said threaten-

31 ingly, If thy parents or offspring were here, I would have furnished them as this rich banquet for the
fierce beasts in place of the Jews against whom I have no charge and who have shown in a pre-

32 eminent degree a full and unshaken loyalty to my ancestors. And indeed, if it were not for the
.33 affection kindled by our life together and thy service, thou shouldst have died instead of these. So

34 Hermon met with an unexpected and dangerous threat, and his eyes and countenance fell. And
tJic kings friends, slinking away sullenly one by one, sent away the assembled crowds, each to his

35 own business. And the Jews hearing the words of the king, praised the Lord God who had
manifested his glory, the king of kings, having obtained this help also from him.

36 But the king, having arranged the banquet once more in the same way, ordered them to turn to

37 their pleasures. And calling Hermon he said threateningly, How often, thou wretched creature,

38 must I give thee orders about these very things ? Even now make ready the elephants for the

39 morrow to destroy the Jews. But his kinsmen who sat at table with him wondered at his shifting

40 purpose, and remonstrated, How long, O King, dost thou make trial of us as though we were fools,
now for the third time giving orders for their destruction, and once more when the matter is in

41 hand changing and cancelling thy decree.' Wherefore the city is in a tumult through its expecta-
tion, and being crowded with throngs of people has now been several times in danger of being put

42 to plunder. On this the king, a Phalaris in all things, was filled with madness, and, reckoning
nothing of the changes of mind which had been wrought in him for the protection of the Jews,
swore strongly a fruitless oath that he would without delay send to the grave the Jews mangled by

43 the knees and feet of the beasts, and would march against Judaea and quickly level it to the ground
with fire and sword, fand burning to the earth their temple which we might not enter would quickly

44 make it empty for all time of those who sacrificed thereinf. Then his friends and kinsmen went
away joyfully with good confidence, and ordered the army to the most convenient places of the city

45 to keep guard. And the ruler of the elephants, having driven the beasts into a state almost, one
might say, of madness by fragrant draughts of wine mingled with frankincense, and having fitted

46 them in a fearful guise with implements, at dawn, the city being now filled with countless multitudes
thronging towards the hippodrome, entered the palace and urged on the king to the business that

47 lay before him. And he, his impious heart filled with fierce anger, started forth with all his force
with the beasts, determined with an unfeeling heart and his own eyes to gaze on the grievous and

48 piteous destruction of the afore-mentioned Jcivs. And when they saw the dust raised by the
elephants going out at the gate, and the armed force accompanying them, and the movement of the

49 crowd, and heard the far-sounding tumult, thinking that the last crisis of their life had come and the
end of their miserable suspense, they betook themselves to lamentation and groans, and kissed one
another, embracing their relatives and falling on their necks, parents and children, mothers and

50 daughters ; and others with new-born babes at their breast drawing their last milk. But none the
less, reflecting on their former deliverances sent from heaven, with one accord they threw them-

51 selves on their faces, and took the babes from their breasts, and cried out with an exceeding loud
voice, beseeching the ruler of all power by a manifestation to show pity upon them now that they
were come to the gates of death.

O I But a certain Eleazar, a man of note among the priests of the country, whose years had already

29. At the end of this verse 64 has a long addition (14 lines in Holmes and Parsatts), according to which the king is
inclined to spare the Jews ; his friends, including Hermon (who is mentioned as though for the first time), remind him
of his decree, and the dangerous character of the Jews 30. fi^ra a-rveiKr^i] + eis toi/ Epfim'a Km SviTfiepe<n X0701S

XoiSopijo-ns Luc te.\t 31. fiTKfvacra av] 62 ; ecrKevacrav A V 40. as aXoyovs] V a/ ; > 19,93; > aXoyuut A ; 'in

thy mind ' Arm 42. ^aXapif] o-e^oXepot Arm (a tempting variant, but cf. v. 20) 43. nvpi nptjfea av raxfi- "at raiv

<TvvTf\ovVTusv (KU 6v<nas eptj/ioi/ ror avavra xpopoi/ KaTaarniTiw] Trvpi Trpi/rA V ; > lent A V al; > (prjpnv A V Arm a/;
+ f ts (before tov) A V a/ ; Arm paraphrases freely. The verse is in confusion, and we seem to have a conflate
readmg (n. b. repetition of Trvpi, a-Trjuccrdai — KaTna-Trjcreiv, 8ia Taxouf — eV Td;(fi). Swete emends rrpiji' to npnaavTa, but the
verse remains unintelligible with the omission of Kai and eprip.of in the Uncials. Perhaps jrupi Trpiji/ conceals some adj.
governmg tmv o-ui'TfXoiVrwp. Or a tempting emendation would be jrvpav, which a scribe might have altered to wvpriv,
hesitating as to the form, mpav 7npr;>/ giving rise to Trupi Trprji/ : ' make [the temple] the funeral pyre of those who
sacrifice there.' The objection is that it becomes necessary to omit tui> anaina xpomu.

VI. I. tcpfov] louSaKaj- A, evidently objecting to the presence of Jewish priests in Alexandria

31. The first part of the verse is an iambic, apparently an unidentified quotation from a poet.
39. kinsmen— the (ruyyei-^s was the regular term for the higher officials at the Ptolemaic court.
43. we— from the king's point of view, as though the clause was in ora/io recta.
45. i.e. scythes, knives, &c. were attached to the elephants.

yi. I. Eleazar is the typical old man of piety and faith; cf. 2 Mace. vi. 18; 4 Mace. vi. 5, vii. I, and Letter of
Aristcas, 41, &c. ' :» >

priests : vii. 13 shows that this reading is right. They are the priests of the temple at Leontopolis and the fact

170

Ill MACCABEES 6. 1-25

reached old age, and who was adorned with every virtue of life, made the elders who were round

2 him cease from calling on the holy God, and prayed thus : King of great power, most high, almighty

3 God, who governest all creation with loving-kindness, look upon the seed of Abraham, the children
of Jacob thy sanctified one, the people of thy sanctified inheritance, who are unjustly perishincr,

i strangers in a strange land. O Father, thou didst destroy Pharaoh, the former ruler of this Egypt,
with his multitude of chariots, when he was lifted high in his lawless insolence and a tongue
speaking great things, drowning him together with his proud host, and didst cause the light of thy

5 mercy to shine upon the race of Israel. Thou, when Sennacherib, the cruel king of the Assyrians,
was puffed up by his countless hosts, after he had taken the whole earth captive by his sword, and
was lifted up against thy holy city speaking grievous words of boasting and insolence, thou, Lord,

6 didst break him in pieces, making manifest thy power to many nations. Thou, when the three
friends in Babylonia freely gave their life to the flames that they should not serve vain things, didst
make as dew the fiery furnace, and deliver them unharmed even to the hair of their head, turning the

7 flame upon all their adversaries. Thou, when Daniel was cast through the slanders of envy to the

8 lions beneath the ground as food for wild beasts, didst bring him up to the light unhurt. And when
Jonah was languishing unpitied in the belly of the sea-born monster, thou didst restore him,

9 O Father, uninjured to all his household. And now thou hater of insolence, rich in mercy, protector
of all, quickly manifest thyself to the saints of Israel's line, in their insolent oppression by the

abominable and lawless heathen. And if our life has been ensnared in impious deeds during our
sojourning, save us from the hand of the enemy, and destroy us, O Lord, by whatever fate thou

1 choosest. Let not the men whose thoughts are vanity bless their vain gods for the destruction of

2 thy beloved, saying. Neither has their God delivered them. Thou who hast all might and all
power, the Eternal, look now upon us ; pity us who by the mad insolence of lawless men are

3 being sent to death as traitors ; and let the heathen to-day fear thy invincible might, thou glorious

4 one, who hast mighty works for the salvation of the race of Israel. The whole multitude of babes

5 with their parents beseecheth thee with tears. Let it be shown to all heathen that thou art with us,
O Lord, and hast not turned thy face away from us ; but as thou hast said, Not even when they
were in the land of their enemies have I forgotten them, even so bring it to pass, O Lord.

6 And when Eleazar was even now ending his prayer, the king with the beasts and the whole

7 insolent array of his army came to the hippodrome. And the Jews beholding it raised a great cry
to heaven, so that now the surrounding valleys re-echoed it, and caused in all the hosts an incon-

8 trollable trembling. Then the greatly glorious, almighty, and true God, making manifest his holy face,
opened the gates of heaven, from which two glorious angels of terrible aspect descended, visible to

9 all but the Jews, and withstood them and filled the army of the adversaries with confusion and

terror, and bound them with immovable fetters. And a great horror seized on the body of the

1 king as well, and his fierce insolence was forgotten. And the beasts turned round against the
armed hosts that followed them and began to tread them under foot and destroy them.

2 And the king's wrath was turned to pity and tears on account of that which he had devised

3 before. For hearing the outcry and seeing them all prostrate to meet their death, he wept and

4 angrily threatened his friends, saying. Ye usurp the kingly power, surpassing even tyrants in your
cruelty ; and me myself, who am your benefactor, ye plot to deprive of my dominion and my life,

5 devising secretly things that are unprofitable to the kingdom. Who hath driven each one from his
home the men who have faithfully held the fortresses of our country, and gathered them here without

8. ac^eiSmt] -u>v 55 ; a(f>iSa>p A ; a(pf\t' V : eniSiDv Luc text 9. cTKenacrra] SiKiidTa A aytois] ano V 17. ■!ttoijv]

A, Luc text (ffoiiji' 62); oifiujyrjv a/; > V 55

that the writer recognizes them shows that the bias against the Onias temple, which Willrich and others have found
in the book, is not very marked.

6. Cf. Dn. iii. 50 (LXX) inolrjirev 70 /lia-ov Tijs Kajiivov ojo-ei nvfiifia Spoaov Siaarvpi^ov ; and iii. 94 (Heb. iii. 27) for ' hair
of the head '.

8. The restoration of Jonah to his home is not mentioned in the O.T., but is easily inferred.

15. Lev. xxvi. 44.

18. greatly glorious. Cf. I Enoch xiv. 20 ; T. Lev. iii. 4, where God is called ' the Great Glory '. For the relation
to the narrative of Josephus see Intr. §5;^. For the terror inspired by visions cf. 2 Mace, iii, 24 fif., x. 29;
Wisd. xvii. 3, 15, xviii. 17, the repulse of Heliodorus in the first passage being the nearest parallel. Similar ideas
meet us in Greek history, e.g. the apparitions at Marathon and Salamis. The peculiar feature here is that
the vision is not seen by the Jews themselves. The suggestion that they were already sufficiently terrified is not
• very convincing. Possibly the current [ewish version of the story ascribed the fright of the elephants to some other
cause. But it is noticeable that there are no other references to angels in the book, even in the reference to Senna-
cherib in vi. 5 ; the writer did not belong to the school which delighted in them, and he makes as little of their
appearance as he can.

25. For the services of the Jews cf. passages quoted on iii. 21.

171

Ill MACCABEES 6. 26—7. 6

26 reason ? Who hath thus lawlessly overwhelmed with indignities those who from the beginning have
been in all things conspicuous beyond all nations in their goodwill towards us, and have ofttimes

27 encountered the worst dangers man can undergo} Loose, yea loose, their unjust bonds; send

28 them to their homes in peace, asking pardon for what has been already done. Set free the sons of
the almighty living God of Heaven, who from the days of our ancestors until now hath granted an

29 unimpaired stability and glory to our estate. Thus he spake ; and they, having been set free in
a moment, praised the holy God their saviour, having but now escaped death.

(^o\ Then the king returning to the city called the officer who was over the revenues, and ordered him

^--^to supply to the Jews for a space of seven days wines and all else necessary for a feast, decreeing

that they should keep a festival of deliverance with all manner of rejoicing in the very place in

31 which they had thought to meet their fate. Then those who before were reviled and nigh to the
grave, or rather had already one foot therein, instead of a bitter and most lamentable death, held
a banquet to celebrate their deliverance, and full of joy they portioned between their companies the

32 place which had been prepared for their destruction and grave. And ceasing the piteous strain of
dirges, they took up the song of their fathers, praising God the saviour of Israel and doer of wonders ;
and laying aside all wailing and lamentation they formed dances in token of joy for their safe

33 deliverance. And likewise the king too convening a great banquet in celebration of this, unceasingly

34 gave thanks in exalted terms to heaven for their unexpected deliverance. And those who before
supposed that they (the Jews) were doomed to destruction and to be food for birds, and had joyfully
carried out the registration, groaned at finding themselves covered with confusion and their fiery blast

35 of insolence quenched ingloriously. And the Jews, as we have already said, formed the dance which
^ 3O we have before described, and spent their time in feasting with joyful thanksgiving and psalms. And

establishing a public ordinance about this, to be observed for all their sojourning from generation to

generation, they appointed the days mentioned to be kept as a festival, not for the sake of drinking

37 or gluttony, but in memory of the salvation granted them by God. And they petitioned the king,

^-^desiring to depart to their home.

{ 38/ Now they were registering them from the twenty-fifth day of Pachon to the fourth of Epiphi,
for forty days ; and they were appointing their destruction from the fifth of Epiphis to the seventh,

39 three days. And on these did the ruler of all with great glory manifest his mercy and deliver them

40 one and all unhurt. And they feasted, provided with all things by the king, till the fourteenth day
on which they also made petition for their return.

4' And the king granting their request wrote for them the following letter to the generals in the
cities, generously declaring his purpose.
7 I King Ptolomaeus Philopator to the generals in Egypt and to all set over his affairs greeting and

2 prosperity. We ourselves and our children prosper, the great God directing our estate as we will.

3 Certain of our friends with evil heart by frequently urging the matter upon us persuaded us to gather
together in a body the Jews in the kingdom, and to inflict upon them extraordinary punishments as

4 traitors, urging that our state would never be firmly established, on account of the enmity which

5 they have to all nations, until this was done. And they, bringing them bound with harsh treatment
as slaves, or rather traitors, without any inquiry or examination, attempted to put them to death.

6 girding themselves with a cruelty fiercer than Scythian customs. But we severely threatened them
for this, and of the clemency which we have to all men scarcely granted them their lives ; and
knowing that the God of heaven surely protects the Jews, fighting on their side continually as a

26. 67nS€8«yfi€vovs-] A V 55, 93 ; tnihihcj^i^vox,, al 31. Sv<ra.aCTov] hv^jaraKTOv A V (.'a vox nihili) ; hxKraxBovs LuC

text; > Arm 33. avrav] A 55, 93 Arm; avrai «/; > V

VII. 2. TTpayiiaTo] nfjotrTayfiaTa A

31. companies (icXimas) : cf. Luke ix. 14.
. 36- Cf. Jos. c- Ap. ii. 6. The institution of festivals is a common feature at this period ; cf. Esth. ix . 15 ; I Mace.
IV. 56, vn. 59, xui. 50; 2 Mace. x. 6, xv. 36; Judith xvi. 25 (Vulg.). The Canopus stone sho\iTtlmttT^y were equally
popular outside Jewish circles. j ^ a / f / m /

37. (^vyx<iv<o, technical of a petition to a king, &c. (cf. tVi-uxm, v. 40) ; see Intr. § 4 c.

3i'- *^*<=J»0"> April 26-May 25 ; Epiphi (in Papyri, Epeiph), June 25-July 24. The names are Egyptian. The Mace-
aonian and Egyptian calendars were combined towards the end of the second century B. C. Accordingly the dropping
01 tne Older double dating by months of both systems does not prove that this book belongs to the Roman period.

VII. I. On the official language of the letter see ii. 12.
< fi F°' ° 'f' T"u ''';''W«™''.(cf- 2 Mace. iii. 7) see Deissmann, B.S., p. 306. In inscriptions it is technical, as here, '
hrst minister , but in Polybius and Josephus it stands for the viceroy of an absent king.
2. Fhilopator had no legitimate son till 208 B. c.

For this and the following verses cf. Let/er of Aristeas, 37, and vi. 25-8 siii).
5. Cf. 2 Mace. IV. 47 for Scythian cruelty.

172

Ill MACCABEES 7. 7-23

father for his children, and taking into account the goodwill as of a friend which they have shown
unswervingly to us and our ancestors, we have rightly absolved them from all blame on whatsoever
) account. And we have ordered them each to return to his own home, and that no one in any place
I should injure them at all or reproach them for their unreasonable sufferings. For know well that
if we devise any evil against them, or harm them in any way, we shall have not man but the ruler
of all power, the most high God as an adversary to avenge what is done, and tliat in every way and
at all time without being able to escape him. Fare ye well.

3 TJic Jczi<s receiving this epistle did not at once make haste to prepare for their departure,
but desired further of the king that those of the Jewish race who had of their own will trans-
gressed against the holy God [and the law of God] should receive at their hand fitting punishment,

1 urging that those who for their belly's sake had transgressed against the divine commands would

2 never be well disposed to the king's commands either. And he acknowledging the truth of what
they said and praising them, gave them full indemnity to destroy in every place in his domin-
ions those who had transgressed against the law of God, and this with all freedom without any

5 further authority or inquiry from the king. Then having received his words with applause, as was

4 fitting, their priests and the whole multitude with shouts of hallelujah departed in joy. So as they
went on their way they slew whomsoever they met of their countrymen who had been defiled, and

5 put them to death with ignominy. And on that day they slew over three hundred men, and they

6 kept it as a joj'ful festival, having destroyed the impious. But they themselves who had held fast
to God even unto death, and had entered into the full enjoyment of their safe delivery, departed
from the city crowned with all manner of fragrant flowers and with cries of joy, in praises and
melodious hymns giving thanks to the God of their fathers, the eternal saviour of Israel.

7 And when they had reached Ptolemais, called on account of the peculiarity of the place. The

8 rose-bearing, the fleet according to their general wish waited for them seven days, and they held
there a banquet to celebrate their deliverance, the king having generously provided for them all

9 things for their journey until each one had come to his own home. Having reached the end of
their voyage in peace with befitting thanksgivings, there too in like manner they determined to

observe these days as well as a festival during the time of their sojourning; and having inscribed
them as holy on a pillar, and having dedicated a place of prayer on the spot where they had
held their festival, they departed unharmed, free, and full of joy, being brought safely on their
journey by land and sea and river according to the king's command, each to his own country,

1 having even greater authority than before in the eyes of their enemies with glory and respect,

2 and being despoiled by no one at all of their goods. And they all recovered the whole of their
property according to the registration, so that those who held any of it returned it with great fear,
the great God having perfectly wrought great things for their salvation.

3 Blessed be the deliverer of Israel for ever and ever. Amen.

10. Km rov 6(ov tov fo/ior] > Kai A V; Km toj/ tou 6eov vofiov Luc text. The omission of koL and the variation in
order shows that the words are a gloss l6. aurrjpias aTToXavaiv] o-arijpiav aTrnXvmv A nioji'iu] V 11/ ■ ayta A 44, 74

20. Trpo(T(V)(')v] 19, 93 ; -S 62 ; -Tjs A V td (due to the attraction of tottov) 20, 21. as rrjv iStav Km nXiKnrjv rj fiinpna-dfi']
> tSmr ... ri A; > 7] V ; V is clearly right, the homoioteleuton in cir tiji/ and TrXtia-Trji/ explaining A's omission
+ MaKKajSmuiv -y' A V

17. Ptolemais — not the famous city in Upper Egj'pt, but ' Ptolemais at the harbour ', on the widening of the canal,
12 miles SW. of Cairo. See Grenfell and Hunt, Fayum P., pp. 12 fif. The epithet po86(f>opot is not found elsewhere.

20. sea has been criticized as a gross error, but Abrahams refers it to Lake Moeris, a view which Wilbrich questions
(Hertiies, xxxix, p. 244). We may compare the use of daKaa-rra for the Lake of Galilee. But the choice of the word is
probably due to the writer's love of rhetoric. On any view of the book it comes from Alexandria, and shows consider-
able local knowledge. It is therefore beside the point to attempt to convict the writer of a childish geographical error.
In Teb/. P. 86 (second century B.C.) we find a Jewish Trpotrfyxq at Arsinoe.

22. Nothing was said of any confiscation of property connected with the registration, unless the reference is to cases
where informers had received a reward (iii. 28). More probably we have here a reminiscence of some occasion on
which there was some general attempt at confiscation ; the feature of the book is its combination of a variety of attacks
on the Jews (Intr. § 6 b).

THE BOOK OF TOBIT

INTRODUCTION

§ I. Short Account of the Book.

This book, composed, possibly in Aramaic, in the last quarter of the third century B.C.,
probably emanated from orthodox circles in Egypt. It therefore throws considerable light upon
the religious and ethical conditions of the Diaspora in that country some 150 years after the date of
the recently discovered Aramaic papyri.

The evidences of its popularity, almost from the moment of its composition until the eighteenth
> or nineteenth century of our era, in themselves constitute a long and interesting history. Its influence
^ is apparent alike in Jewish writings, in the New Testament, in the early Church and in mediaeval art.
Carefully revised by A.D. 150 in Jewish circles into the form most common to-day, but almost
immediately translated into Aramaic from the first Greek version and later, and more than once, into
Hebrew, and yet again revised in Greek in Christian circles, it remained on the one hand a favourite
Jewish work, and on the other hand, translated into various languages, it followed the spread of the
Christian religion to Edessa in the East, to Rome and Africa in the West, and Ethiopia in the
South.

Its religious and moral outlook, with a delightful mixture of real piety and Oriental superslitian,
is still refreshing to the modern reader. The author's chief merit, however, lies not so much in the
originality of his conceptions as in his artistic genius and inimitable art in combining, and working
up, strong priestly and prophetic tendencies, distinct pagan and Jewish sources, various written and
oral information, definite religious and moral precepts, into a work of singular aesthetic beauty and
remarkably liberal sympathies. ' Is it history ? ' wrote Luther. ' Then is it a holy history. Is it
fiction ? Then is it a truly beautiful, wholesome, and profitable fiction, the performance of a gifted
poet.'

§ 2. Title.

The original Greek title was Bi/3Xos Xoycov Tw^iCO which was only modified in R^ in the spelling
of the last word — Tui^iV Cod. Vat. — etV Cod. Al.^ The title is not extant in R.'^. For the other
versions see critical synopsis.

§ 3. Greek MSS. and Papyrus.

These fall into three groups, representative, along with the versions mentioned in § 4, of three
distinct recensions. Their interrelation constitutes a problem of such extreme intricacy and length
as to preclude little more than a bare statement of the main conclusion to which the present writer
has come. A full statement of his reasons and further details, with a re'suvie of the modern treat-
ment of the problem, he is therefore compelled to publish elsewhere.^

' Miiller supposes that father and son were originally the same individual, whom some editor, later than the
author, artificially separated into two when he re-wrote the work in its present form, since in the later portion of the
book .Sarah appears as a parallel figure to Tobias, but in the earlier portion remnants still remain, e.g. iii. 16, 17, of
her original connexion with Tobit. This hypothesis is connected with Miiller's theory that the author of Tobit was
not a Jew, and that Tobi/ was a foreign name of which Tobiah was a welcome variation. But no relics of undigested
paganism remain in the work. The forms Tco/3fi'5 (R^j and Tw^ciV (chiefly R", R<=) are Semitic names in Cireek dress.
Vtvvr)(Tapi.6 and Na^apefl with their by-forms Tivvnaa^iT and tia^aptT are quite analogous.

^ The evidence, however, derived from the literary and linguistic characteristics of the respective recensions, is
overwhelming. That from the cimtents of the book is equally strong, since it demonstrates that the redaction we shall
call R" IS a modification of R^ inasmuch as it reflects (i) the general presuppositions and ideas. (2) the historical
conditions, and (3) the religious characteristics and theological developments of an age long subsequent to that in
which R* was written.

174

INTRODUCTION

i. Codex Sinaiticus (n). This MS. presents the longest and clearest text, with only two
lacunae of great importance '■ and eight slight and practically unimportant ones,^ a comparatively
trustworthy orthography of proper names," only one or two additions to the original text,* and only
a few — mostly natural — cases of internal textual corruption.^ All the evidence, as will be seen,
points to the comparative originality of the recension of Tobit contained in n, which stands
in a few cases alone, but is supported especially by the Old Latin, very frequently by the Aramaic,
often by the Miinster Hebrew, and — by no means rarely — by the recension of the Greek which we
shall term R'^. Some of those scholars, who regard N as only secondary, have described it as ///c
B /exi, or simply B, a nomenclature which, apart from prejudging the problem, at least introduces
considerable confusion since B is universally recognized as the symbol for Codex Vaticanus,
which, according to these scholars, along with Cod. Alex., represents t/tc A iext.^ In the
following pages, therefore, we have avoided this" begging of the question and much confusion by
referring to the text of N and its auxiliaries not as t/u' A text (as we believe it to be) but as R^, i. e.
the Sinaitic recension, the nearest approacJi ivhicli can be made to the original text ivhether the latter
first appeared in Greek or in a Semitic language. It is this text which has been translated and
commented upon in the following pages." The corrector denoted by N'^-^ began to emend the first
scribe's text of N, but seems to have recognized that it was essentially divergent from the later one
better known in his time and abandoned the task.

ii. Codex Vaticanus (B) and Codex Alexandrinus (A) give the second type of text. It
is accepted in some quarters as more original than N. In the following pages it is referred to as R}',
i. e. the recension best preserved in Cod. Vat. A number of minuscules '^ belong to this class, but
their practical unimportance, except in one or two isolated cases," is admitted by all scholars. The
differences between Codd. A and B are comparatively few,^*^ and the Syriac, when it follows R^,
follows it practically unerringly and continuously, as do some other versions mentioned below.'^ On
the other hand, the differences between R^ as a whole and R^ in its original form are extraordi-
narily numerous and important in spite of the number of points in which they agree. When R^
faithfully records an incident in detail, R'^ summarizes ; when R^ retains the poetic and aesthetic
beauty of the original, R^' ruthlessly substitutes a brief prosaic narrative. That the text of R^'
was finally settled in the reign of Antoninus Pius, not in Christian but in Jewish circles of the Diaspora
in touch with the official heads of the Jewish Church in Palestine, is more than sufficiently proved by
its general presuppositions and ideas, historical background, and its religious and theological develop-
ments in comparison with R^. R^, moreover, in spite of its own internal solidity, presents a much
corrupted text with the proper names badly written, its grammar that of the vernacular and its style

^ viz. iv. 6''-l9'' ; xiii. 6''-lo''. They are peculiar to this MS., not derived from its archetype, not destructive of its
reputation for general reliability, and easily explicable; see notes ad toe.

- viz. i. 2, 4, 5; ii. 2, 8 ; ix. 5; xi. 12, 13 ; xiii. 11, chiefly single words, at times only the copula and a conjunction.

' See notes to i. I, 2, 15 ; v. 6; vi. 13 ; xi. 18 ; xiv. 10, 15.

' xi. 15, due simply to dittography ; xii. 9 (merely a gloss).

' ii. I (case ending), 12; iv. 19^ (owing to the omission in verses 6''-i9''); v. 6 (already mentioned in previous
note) ; vi. 13 (12) ; viii. 3, 15 ; xi. I (?), 4 ; xiii. 16 ; exclusive of xiv. 4 where the textual corruption N shares with all
extant MSB. and versions is outweighed by its unique preservation of the original Nahum.

'• iMiiller's 3L for R^ and L\ for R^ avoid this difficulty, but lay too much stress on the comparative length of the
two recensions to the exclusion of more important and characteristic differences.

' The text of S is printed by Swete below that of B in vol. ii of The Old Testament in Greek with the variations
of A noted at the bottom of each page, an arrangement which, in addition to the premium it allows B, has led, as
Nestle, Septuagintastudien, iii, 1S99, has shown, to some slight confusion in the critical apparatus. This text has,
however, been used for the present translation. Swete's verse-numbering of N has also been adopted, that of the
Revised English Version appearing in brackets wherever it differs from Swete's. In Fritzsche's Kurzgefasstes
exegetisches Handbuch sic den Apo/c?yphen, 1853, the readings of the Alexandrine and Sinaitic are at times inter-
changed ! In La Sainte Bible Polygt'otte, Aneien Testament, vol. iii, 1902, edited by F. Vigouroux, B appears on the
extreme left, next to it X, on the right-hand page the Vulgate and a French translation. This work is therefore more
convenient to consult, but is not ideal, since its critical apparatus notices only a minimum of variants of X, B, A,
P' (= Holmes 243), P^ (a hitherto uncoUated MS. identical, it is claimed, with Holmes 106), and makes no com-
parative collation of any of the other MSS. and versions. As long ago as 1870 Fr. H. Reusch published an emended
te.xt of X with a carefully constructed synopsis of the various readings of the Old Latin MSS. in his Libellus Tobit
e codice Sinaitico editiis et recensitus — a work, to which the present writer is much indebted, though it presents no
synopsis at all of the various recensions of R" and R"^ nor even of the more important translations other than the Old
Latin.

' Their variations are noted by Fritzsche in most cases, but only a few instances, e. g. in ch. vi, appear in our
critical synopsis.

* e. g. xiv. 15; cf. note ad toe.

" Cod. A is not, however, quite unimportant since it frequently inclines to R^, thus showing the antiquity of this
latter redaction and its refusal to be ousted entirely by R\ For the relation of these two MSS. to each other, see
Schulte, Biblische Zeitschr., 190S, pp. 262-5.

'' The solidity of R" is naturally no guarantee of its antiquity.

THE BOOK OF TOBIT

abrupt. A minute analysis of these and many other indications of its inferiority as compared with
R« can be seen in the critical apparatus (or, as it might be better described, synopsis) of the differ-
ences in the case of each verse and often each word which is printed below the translation of R'^ in
the following pages.^

iii. Between vi. 7 (8) and xiii. 8 The MINUSCULES 44 (CiTTAVlENSIs) 106 (FerrarienSIS)
and 107 (FERRARIENSIS, written c. 1337, agreeing almost entirely with 106), furnish a fragment of
a third type of text.^ Before vi. 7 (8) and after xiii. 8 these cursives follow R^, but it has now
been demonstrated by the discovery of the OWRHYNCHUS PAPYRUS No. 1076 ^ that R^ commenced
at any rate as early as ch. ii.^ R'^ presents a few characteristics avowedly late, and it is noteworthy
that we have no contemporary evidence for the use of a single reading peculiar to it prior to
2 Clem, ad Cor. xvi. 16, which presupposes the recension of R^ in Tob. xii. 8. Dr. Rendel Harris =
has argued that, since this admittedly finer version— at least from the Christian standpoint — of R^
in xii. 8 was known to the author of 2 Clem., it is consequently the original text, though differing
from both R^ and R\ But, if any argument as to the date or originality of the verse can be based
on 2 Clem., it is surely that its use in a Clem, is evidence for its existence not at an early time but
at a period later than R^, even if it was more or less contemporary with R^'. Moreover, at
Alexandria R'^ was still in use in the time of Clement of Alexandria, and it is not till the sixth
century ^ that the Ox)-rhynchus papyrus witnesses definitely to the existence of R'^ in Egypt. On
the other hand, individual readings in R^, not now extant in N or BA, may conceivably go back to
a considerably earlier date, if not to the original writing, if they are supported by a version which
is either itself admittedly ancient or known to contain a text which — on independent grounds-
follows R^ in the great majority of cases. Accordingly in ii. 8 it has been possible to restore the
original reading of R^ from R'^ as preserved in the papyrus, owing to its agreement with the
invaluable Old Latin MSS. a and /3 which so constantly, if not invariably, attest n's general trust-
worthiness. R*^ in fact is a mediating redaction, representing a compromise between R^ and R^.
A sentence is preserved in part as it appears in the former, and in part recast in the mould of the
latter. It would appear that R'^ was in general vogue at the time when R*^ arose, but, while the
brevity and other characteristics of R^ appealed to its readers, the extent and character of its
deviations from R^ precluded its complete popularity everywhere. R*^ is therefore an attempt to
combine the improvements of R^ with the ancient and well-established R®.

§ 4. NON-GrEEK VERSIONS.

These are indispensable for a critical investigation of the text (a) as showing the form in which
the book was read in various quarters of the world in several different languages ; {b) as being
by no means insignificant aids to the recovery of the true text of the various chief recensions
(R^, R^, R'^) to which they belong; {c) as conceivably containing among their unique readings
a few potentially original ones. Consequently the older versions appear in the critical synopsis
below the new translation of R^ in the following pages. The less ancient and less literal, with the
exception of Fagius' Hebrew, have not been taken into account there owing to the lack of space
in the present volume and their comparative unimportance. A few of their more important
readings are enumerated by Marshall, HDB, art. ' Tobit.'

A. Aramaic.

The Aramaic version of our book demands our careful attention. This is the case not simply
because, as a result of the pronouncements of Neubauer and Bickell,' it has been popularly regarded

' A less exact idea of the relations of R* and R^' may be obtained by comparing this translation of R** with that
of the Revised English Version, which, presenting R^', follows chiefly the readings of Cod. Alex, against Cod. Vat.
when the former is supported by the majority of the minuscules. See also C. J. Ball, Variorum Apocrypha, 1892.

'^ Printed in full by Fritzsche with a collation of the majority of the variants of 44, 106, 107, to which the present
writer is chiefly indebted. \'igouroux claims that his P' ('supplement grec 609'), hitherto uncoUated, is identical
with 106. He prints it in full where its variants from R'* and R^ are very numerous. He holds that this revision was
made at the commencement of the fourth century by Hesychius.

^ See A. S. Hunt, Oxyrhynchus Papyri, viii, 191 1. No. 1076 (9-5 x 13.9 cm.) is the lower part of a vellum leaf,
the text being written in two columns, and one side of the leaf has shrivelled so that the letters were considerably
larger originally.

See ii. 2-4, 5, 8, note ad loc. That this fragment belongs to R"= has been proved beyond dispute by Dr. Hunt,
op. cit., pp. 6-9 ; see further notes to ii. 2-8 on pp. 205 f. below.

6 ■^•■/■P'-^ '"' 1S99. pp. 547-9-
This is the date assigned to 1076 by Dr. Hunt in view of its carefully formed, large round uncials, the similarity
to other papyri of the same date, and the brown colour ink commonly found in the Byzantine period.

' Zeitschr.J. kathol. Theot. ii, pp. 216 ff., 764 ff.

176

INTRODUCTION

as one of the most genuine representatives of the original form of the book, and is still supposed
by some scholars to be the ' Chaldee ' text used by Jerome, ^ but also on account of the problem
of the Aramaic dialect in which it appears, and finally on account of the subsidiary evidence it
supplies in favour of the antiquity and originality of R^ It was first published by Neubauer in
1875, being the fifth part of a MS.^ in the Bodleian Library, and is headed nanT nai "cmoa ain3 Nini.
This Midrash Rabbah of Rabbah is identified by Neubauer with the B'reshitli Rabbah major of
Martini, which in turn is identified by Zunz," but not by Neubauer, with the Bcrcsldtli Rabbah
of R. Moses had-Darshan.

The linguistic characteristics of this version were first subjected by Noldeke to a scientific
criticism and treatment in the appendix to his epoch-making essay, to which we shall have reason
constantly to refer. His investigations at once showed how optimistic was the supposition of
Neubauer and Bickell * that it usually represents the oldest and most genuine form of the original
work even when it differs from R'* and W. Noldeke, on the contrary, came to the conclusion
that its dialect was Palestinian, and intermediate between the so-called Babylonian Targums and
the more modern Palestinian dialect of the Palestinian Talmud, Midrashim, and Targums, and that
consequently this extant form of the Aramaic goes back only to c. A. D. 300.

Noldeke himself in framing this hypothesis, recognized many of its difficulties, and endeavoured
to explain them by the supposition that the text has suffered considerably from errors, mutilations,
and grammatical and syntactical alterations of 'ignorant and careless' copyists who had no
knowledge whatsoever of the influence of grammatical rules, dialectic variations, or the earlier and
later forms of the language other than their own vernacular.

May not many of these characteristics that Noldeke regards as secondary and scribal corruptions
be as primary as those he regards as the most original ? Are they not too numerous to allow
of the supposition that they are less characteristic than those of the earlier dialects which also
survive? Dalman, in fact, is probably correct in his supposition that the linguistic peculiarities in
our i\IS. did not appear earlier than the seventh century in circles which were influenced by both
Talmuds and by the more ancient Targums.

The Source of Ar. The extant Aramaic text goes back to an earlier Aramaic version,'
but the question still remains as to whether — through that earlier Aramaic text — it is to be
regarded as a translation and redaction from a Semitic or a Greek original. In Neubauer's judge-
ment 'the pure Semitic idiom of the Chaldee text does not admit for a moment the possibility of
its being a translation from a non-Semitic text.'^ Dalman writes : ' Possibly a source in the style
of the Targum of Onkelos might have been utilized and might have been the text known by Jerome,
but it is also probable that the Aramaic text is a translation from the Latin.' ' Noldeke, on the
other hand, rightly argues that the language of Ar. certainly does not prevent the recognition, in
parts of it, of even a fairly literal, though never a slavish, rendering of the Greek B ( = RSj.' Thus,
in spite of Bickell's explanations,* the forms "CVNT (cwi, C"N:n, cm) K'n presuppose the translation
from the Greek 'Ptiyois or 'Payais-, whereas a Semitic original would have resulted in the appearance
of J"i or XJn.-' Similarly D'JnaJN is a transcription of 'EK^ardroty,'" whereas a Semitic original would
have known the Hebrew form Nnonx. For pivn see note to vi. 2 (i). uio represents the dative
T<u/3ei. nt'x i. 2 in M —'kacnjp ( = 'Acrcrajp ?), whereas a Semitic original would have preserved the
correct nivn, just as 7NK'V = 'A(7i^A, which in LXX regularly represents 5'S'i'n\ Supposed misreadings
in Ar. of a Semitic original and the absence of the dog in Ar. and M '^ are equally futile (see notes
to vi. 3, 16) as evidence of the translation of Ar. and M from a non-Greek original. The forms
and partial omissions of Ahikar in Ar. and M are also emphatically in favour of a Greek original.

TVPE OF Ar.'s Text. In Neubauer's judgement Ar. 'agrees for the greater part with the
Sinaitic text, and consequently with the Itala. However, the Chaldee text has sentences which
are to be found sometimes in one, sometimes in another.' Noldeke, as mentioned above, believes
that the original Aramaic was a translation from a Greek MS. of R^. Ar. is, therefore, a not
unimportant witness to R* as the most original text extant, while to some small extent it
illustrates among Aramaic-speaking peoples a gradual evolution of the text on lines somewhat

* See p. 178.

' This MS., containing a collection of smaller and larger Midrashim, is written in Greek-Rabbinical characters
and dates from the fifteenth century.

" Die Cottesdienstlicheii Vortnige der Judeti, 1832, pp. 287 fif.
\ Zeitschr.f. kalhol. Thcol. ii, pp. 216 ff, 764 ff.
° See Miinstcr Hebreiv below.

^ The same view is taken byBickeU, Zeitschr.f. kathol. Theol. ii, pp. 764 ff.

' op. cit., p. 37. « op. cit., p.