Skip to main content

Full text of "Apologetics : or, The scientific vindication of Christianity"

See other formats

Ex Libris 

T. and T. Clark's Publications. 


Just published, in demy 8vo, price 14s., 







'This noble book is the crown of the Systematic Theology of the author. ... It is 
a masterpiece. It is the fruit of a lifetime of profound investigation in the philo- 
sophical, biblical, and historical sources of theology. The system of Dorner is 
comprehensive, profound, evangelical, and catholic. It rises into the clear heaven of 
Christian thought above the strifes of Scholasticism, Rationalism, and Mysticism. It 
is, indeed, comprehensive of all that is valuable in these three types of human thought.' 
Professor C. A. BRIGGS, D.D. 

' There rested on his whole being a consecration such as is lent only by the nobility 
of a thorough sanctification of the iumost nature, and by the dignity of a matured 
wisdom.' Professor WEISS. 

In Four Volumes, 8vo, price 2, 2s., 


1 In all investigations the author is fair, clear, and moderate ; ... he has shown that 
his work is one to be valued, for its real ability, as an important contribution to the litera- 
ture of theology.' Scotsman. 

'Had it been the work of an entire lifetime, it would have been a monument of 
marvellous industry and rare scholarship. It is a tribute alike to the genius, the learn- 
ing, and the untiring perseverance of its author.' Baptist Magazine. 

' The work has many and great excellences, and is really indispensable to all who 
would obtain a thorough acquaintance with the great problems of theology. It is a 
great benefit to English students that it should be made accessible to them in their own 
language, and in a form so elegant and convenient.' Literary Churchman. 

In Five Volumes, 8vo, price 2, 12s. 6/., 


' So great a mass of learning and thought so ably set forth has never before been 
presented to English readers, at least on this subject.' Journal of Sacred Literature. 

Just published, in crown 8vo, price 4s. Gd. t 




'A more valuable and suggestive book has not recently come into our hands.' 
British Quarterly Review. 

' This book will well repay perusal. It contains a great deal of learning as well as 
ingenuity, and the style is clear.' Guardian. 

' A book of absorbing interest, and well worthy of study.' Methodist New Connexion 

T. and T. Clark's Publications. 


Just published, in demy 8vo, price 16s., 





'Piinjer's "History of the Philosophy of Religion" is fuller of information on its 
subject than any other book of the kind that I have either seen or heard of. The writing 
in it is, on the whole, clear, simple, and uninvolved. The Translation appears to me 
true to the German, and, at the same time, a piece of very satisfactory English. I should 
think the work would prove useful, or even indispensable, as well for clergymen as for 
professors and students.' DR. HUTCHISON STIRLING. 

Just published, Vol. I., in demy 8w, price 10s. 6d. 
(Completing Volume in prtparatiori), 






Third Improved and Corrected Edition. 


NOTE. This third edition is virtually a new book, for the learned Author has madt 
large additions and corrections, bringing it up to present state of knowledge. 


MESSRS. CLARK have pleasure in forwarding to their Subscribers 
the Second Issue of the FOREIGN THEOLOGICAL LIBRARY for 
1887, viz. : 

EBRARD'S APOLOGETICS. Vol. IIL (completion). 

The First Issue for 1887 comprised: 


The Volumes issued during 1880-1886 were : 


ROMANS. Two VolS. 



JESUS CHRIST. Division II. Three Vols. 


The FOREIGN THEOLOGICAL LIBRARY was commenced in 1846, and 
from that time to this Four Volumes yearly (or about 170 in all) have 
appeared with the utmost regularity. 

The Subscription Price is 2 is. annually for Four Volumes, payable in 
advance. (The Subscription Price for the Volumes of New Series 1880 
to 1887 is therefore Eight Guineas.) 

The Publishers beg to announce as in preparation 

JESUS CHRIST. Division I. 

In order to bring the Foreign Theological Library more within the 
reach of all, it has been decided to allow a selection of 

EIGHT VOLUMES at the Subscription Price of TWO GUINEAS 

(or more at the same ratio) from the works issued previous to 1883, a 
complete list of which will be sent free on application. 





(EbrarVs ^pologettcs. 















J. H. A. EBKARD, Pn.D., D.D., 











261. Ethnographical and Historical Sketch, . . . , 1 

262. The Religion of the Finnic Tribes, .... 5 

263. The Religion of the Tartars, .... 10 


264. Characteristics and Distribution of the Mongolian Group, 14 

265. Buddhism among the Mongolian Tribes, ... 33 

266. The Ancient Religion of the Mongols, . . . 41 

267. The Ancient Religions of Tibet, Higher India, and Ceylon, 46 

268. China and its Religion, /. . . %.,... 52 

269. Japan and its Religion, . . . . 66 


270. The Unity of the Malay- Polynesian Group of Tribes, . 74 

271. The Religion of the Malays, .... 82 

272. Culture, Religion, and Traditions of the Polynesians, . 87 


273. The Remnants of Cushite Peoples in Asia and Polynesia, 95 

274. Civilisation and Religion of the Kolhs and their Traditions, 99 

275. The Religion of the Papuans, Negritos, and Alfurus, . 109 


276. Ethnographical Survey, . . . . . 113 

277. Religions of the Cushites of South Africa and of the 

Hottentots, ... 12] 

278. The Religion and Traditions of the Negroes, . . 131 




279. Introductory, . . . . 142 


280. Evidence of this Immigration, . . . 148 

281. Traces of Malay Religions in various parts of America, . 158 

282. The Religion of the Tsonecas, . . . . 165 

283. The Religions of the Aruacas and Tamanacs, . . 167 


284. Indications of African Immigrations at various times, . 176 

285. Religion and Legends of the Caribs, . . . 183 


286. Traces of an Early Mongolian Immigration, . . 1 88 

287. The Old Peruvian Empire of the Aymaras and their 

Religion, v 197 

288. Religion and Traditions of the Wild Aymara Tribes, . 209 

289. The Empire of the Muyscas and their Religion, . . 214 

290. The Old Cultured Races of Central America, . 221 


291. Historical Traditions of the Aztecs, . . . 226 

292. Criticism of the Aztec Tradition, .... 229 

293. The Origin of the Toltecs and their Relation to the Incas, 236 

294. The Empire of the Incas in Peru, . . . 246 

295. The Religion of the Incas, ..... 250 

296. The Legends of the Toltecs and Mayas, . . 257 

ABOUT A.D. 1281. 

297. The Chicimecs and Nahuatlacs, .... 264 

298. The Religion of the Aztecs, . . 285 

299. The Buddhism of the Aztecs, . . . 293 

300. Traces of Pre-Aztec Deities in Central America, . - . 295 


301. The Redskins and their Religion, . . 301 

302. The Traditions of the Redskins, ... 3] i 


303. Summary of Results already gained, . . . 317 




304. The Flood, 325 

305. The Confusion of Languages and Separation of Peoples, . 327 

306. The Cardinal Question : Is the One God a Product of 

Israel ? Or is Israel the Product of the One God ? . 339 

307. The Semitic Eace and the Choice of the Covenant People, 343 

308. God's Educative Procedure in the Patriarchal Age, . 348 

309. The Law and the Ordinance of Sacrifice, . . 354 

310. The Period of the Judges, 359 

311. The Period of the Kings and the Prophets, . . 364 

312. The Divine Act of Redemption, .... 372 



313. The Several Effects of Redemption, . . . 381 

314. The Influence of Christianity on the Life of the People 

and the State, ...... 384 

315. The Influence of Sin on the Christian Life of the Com- 

munity, ...... 391 





261. Ethnographical and Historical Sketch. 

THE Iranians in their remote and legendary antiquity 
( 224), in addition to the Semitic tribes inhabiting 
the banks of the Euphrates, had as neighbours other two 
nations, the Salm or Sairimians, and the Turanians. The 
former are the Sarmatians and Sauromati, both of which 
designations are connected together as Salm and Sairim, and 
so may be identified with the Slavs. The Turanians are 
found first of all to the east and south of the Sea of Aral and 
around Lake Balkash, where under the names Turan, Turkes- 
tan, Turkomania, the old designation is still retained. 

A. Although the present inhabitants of East Turkestan are 
correctly represented as of Aryan extraction, 1 belonging to 
the Iranian stock, yet of the Turanian origin of the Tartar 
races there can be no doubt. After the Tshu-king dynasty of 
the Chinese, there was the Turanian family of Yuchi, which, 
about B.C. 150, descended from the north upon Bactria and 
Yarkand, and made subject to them the Iranians dwelling 

1 Robert B. Shaw, Journey to High Tartary, Yarkand, and Kashgar, 
1871, chap. ii. 



there. From the mixture of the two there arose the Uzbeks, 
who, as a settled and agricultural people, were called Sarti. 
The pure Tartars, who have maintained the nomadic habits 
of life, were called Kirghis, embracing the tribes Kazak, 
Kiptchak, Kari-Kalpak, and that of the Kirghis in the 
narrower sense. But tribes of a like form and descent 
inhabit those vast steppes in the north and east of Turkes- 
tan, which are usually designated by the generic name of 
the Kirghis-steppes. To these tribes belong the Kalmucks 
from Mustagh, the Dulans from the Akmetshet Lake, and a 
portion of the inhabitants of Dzoungaria, south-east from the 
Balkash Lake, east of the Thian-Shan mountains. 

B. But it is now discovered that far in the north and 
north-west, and even in Europe, there are peoples tribally and 
linguistically related to these Tartars. When the Hungarians, 
about A.D. 950, appeared on the borders of Europe, they were 
designated Turks by the Byzantine writers, because they came 
from Turkestan. The present Hungarian language is, in fact, 
most intimately related to that of the Turks, who about A.D. 
1400 rushed down from Turkestan, founded in Further Asia 
the Turkish Empire, and in 1453 took Constantinople (see 
Obs. 1). In this way the Tartar origin of the Hungarians is 

C. If, now, we go back to the appearance of the Hungarians 
in history, Constantinus Porphyrogenitus (A.D. 950), a con- 
temporary, relates that the Hazara tribe of the Kabars was 
joined with the Hungarians. But the Hazara, according to 
Hunsalvy's l happy suggestion, are identical with the Akhaziri, 
of whom Jordanes, writing in A.D. 570, gives an account, and 
in the Kabars we recognise the name of the Avars, who were 
spoken of by Theophylactus Simakotta, in A.D. 580, as an 
Ugrian race, consisting of three tribes, Uars, Vars, and Huns, 
a portion of which in Justinian's time founded the kingdom 
of the Avars on the banks of the Theiss and the Danube. 
Eoman and Byzantine writers, however, designate these Avars 
1 Hunsalvy, Reise in die Ostseeprovinzen, 1873. 


as Huns. The chiefs of the Avars were called Chagaus, 
and Eginhard speaks of Chagani et Jugurri as missi 
Hunnorum. It is thus made apparent that from one and 
the same mother - tribe, the Ugrians (Ogori, Jugurri) or 
Hazara, which had its home on the Volga and Kama, first 
of all the Huns, about A.D. 375, then the Avars about A.D. 
740, rushed down upon Europe, and from Turkestan about 
A.D. 950 there came the Hungarians. All the three were 
Turanians, that is, they belonged to the Tartar races. 1 

D. As there is a linguistic relationship between the 
Hungarians and the Turks, so is there also between the 
whole circle of those races now extant in Asia and Europe 
and these two races, especially the Hungarians. These are 
the Tsherimis and Mordvins on the Volga, the immediate 
neighbours of those Hazara, the Zirianians, the Permians, the 
Votiaks on the Dwina and northern Kama and the western 
slopes of the Ural mountains ; also the Suranians, Voguls, 
Ostiaks, Tshudes, hunting tribes on the north of the Urals, 
round the Sosva, Konda, about the Obi down to Tobolsk and 
even to Irtis; likewise, the Finns, Esthonians, Livonians, and 
Lapps (see Obs. 2) ; finally, the Eussian Tartars, those of the 
Crimea, Kazan, and the Obi, along with the Bashkers, the 
Yakuts, Teleuts, etc. 

E. But also the Samoyed family, of which the greater part 
occupies the north of Siberia, and a smaller part, including 
the Koibals, Soiots, Motors, Kamassintzi, the south of Siberia, 
speaks a common language, which is so closely related to that 
of the Tartars, that even these tribes must be regarded as 
belonging to the Ugrian-Tartar group. Among the northern 
Samoyeds are included, the Samoyeds proper, the Ostiaks of 
the Narum and of the Yenesei, the Assans, Karagassans, 
Gorales, and other Yenesei tribes, the Kottovs, Arnizians, and 
Tubnizians, and the Tshuktshians on the north-eastern corner 
of Asia. 

1 Constantinus Porphyrog. relates that the Hungarians and Hazara 
were able to understand one another's languages. 



F. On the other hand, the Tungus, in the south-east of 
Siberia, among whom are included the Mandshus, in the 
north-east of the Chinese empire, seem to be a race partly 
Mongolian, partly Tartar. 

Obs. 1. "Words which in Hungarian and Turkish are pro- 
nounced exactly alike, such as kulta, gold, rauta, iron, miekla, 
sword, etc., are less decisive, because they might have been 
introduced among the Hungarians from a foreign language after 
the date of their subjugation under the Turks. This is less 
probable in the case of words like atra, plough, leipa, bread, 
kakra, oats, ruis, rye, multa, dust, etc., which designate things 
which the Hungarians could not have learnt to know first from 
the Turks. Those words, again, are quite decisive as evidence 
of the original linguistic relationship of these races, in which 
transmutation according to a fixed law takes place ; for example, 
in Turkish a z takes the place of what was originally r in the 
Hungarian. Thus, e.g., we have the Hungarian borju, Turkish 
buzagu, a calf ; terd, diz, the knee ; ir, jaz, to write ; bor, boza, 
drink ; kard, kazik, stake ; okor, okuz, an ox ; iker, ikiz, twin ; 
gyurii, jiiziik, a ring, etc. 

Obs. 2. In order to render perfectly clear the relationship of 
the Finnic-Esthonian and the Hungarian language, we may here 
append a few examples : 


Finn, kua 


kuti H 

ang. ho 






To die, 



, hal 

To hear 




, hall 





, ^ 





, fal 





, felho 




poole , 

, feleseg 




, ven 





, ver 



valge . , 



,, vete 



, viz 





, szem 





, sziv 





, egy Vogul, 
, kett 






, harom 




neli , 

, negy 





viid , 

> ot y ;, 


The members of the Finnic group generally may be arranged 
as follows: Finnic, Esthonian, Livonian, Vespian (that is, 
North Tschud), and Votian ; and to the Ugrian group belong, the 
Hungarian, Lapp, Vogul, and Tsheremisic. For the languages 
of the Samoyeds, Tshuktshians, Mandshurians, etc., we may 


compare the following words: Eye, Samoyed saima, saiica, 
Ostiak sai, Kurile sik; sea, Finnic jaka (flood), Tshuktschian 
ajam, Koriak uuem; wood, tree, Ostiak pob, Samoyed and 
Tshuktschian pfa, ua ; stone, Hungarian ko, Finnic kiivi, 
Koriak guwwen, Ostiak kei, Turkish guaja ; son, Hung. 
fiu, Ostiak puwo, Kurile poo; brother, sister, Hung, nenem, 
Samoy. nenja, Koriak ninichsch. On the relation of the 
Mongolian languages to the Ugro-Finnic, see below at 264. 

Obs. 3. The Ugrians or Ogori are still met with in Genghis 
Khan's time under the name of Uigrians to the east of the 
Balkash Lake. D'Hossom, hist des Mongoles, vol. i. p. 107 f. 

262. The Religion of the Finnic Tribes. 

While we have no information regarding the earlier form 
of religion prevailing among the Asiatic races of the Ugrian 
group, and while, in that which is now preserved among 
them in the way of religious conceptions and customs, so far 
as they have not come under the influence of Islam, we see 
before us only a picture of religious decay, we are, on the 
other hand, fortunate enough to be in possession of informa- 
tion regarding the Finns and Esthonians from the date of 
their conversion to Christianity, which affords us an accurate 
picture of their religion. And this picture is anything but an 
attractive one. In general, their enumeration and conception 
of the gods (as already J. Grimm had remarked) corresponded 
to those of the Germans and Celts ; only among them these 
notions are found in a more primitive stage. While among 
the Celts and Germans the godhead had been already formally 
dismembered into a multitude of distinct individual deities, 
there still continued among the Finns and Esthonians, first of 
all, a mode of thought corresponding to that of the oldest 
Vedic religion, according to which the gods of heaven were 
only forms of revelation of the one God ; and secondly, from 
these gods of heaven the inferior deities, in a way somewhat 
similar to that in which the Iranians spoke of the Yazatas 
and Ahuramazda, were sharply distinguished. 

The appellative term for God, which has also been carried 
over into Christianity, is jiimala, Esthonian jumal, from the 


verb jum, Hungr. vim, etymologically identical with the Old 
High German vrihi, wihjan (see 0Z.)- The verb jum means 
to pray: jumala is he who is prayed to, one who can be 
worshipped. But the supreme god was Taara, Esthonian 
Tor, Lapp Toraturos, with the predicate vana-isa, old-Father. 
In name he corresponds to the Celtic thunder-god Tarani, the 
Norse Thor, but not in nature. For Taara was quite 
essentially regarded and worshipped as creator of the world, 
and indeed as the invisible ; and a multitude of very beautiful 
Finnic and Esthonian legends, which are to some extent 
current among the people to this day, refer to this position 
of his. There are Taara mountains, Taara groves, Taara oaks. 
Dorpat, too (Tar-to), has its name from him. Three yearly 
festivals were celebrated in his honour ; where, by opening the 
vein in the fourth finger, blood was offered him, and in doing 
so the words were uttered: "With my blood I name and 
mark thee; with it I mark my house, that it may be 
blessed." In a quite similar way this sacrificial custom 
existed among the ancient heathen Hungarians. In this 
there was present not merely the thought of a gift to the 
deity from whom men had received their blood and life, but 
also there was bound up in it that of a sin-offering and 
expiation ; for the pagan Esthonians characterized their 
Taara-faith, in opposition to the munga-usk, monkish faith, 
that is, Christianity, as lepingu-usk, expiating faith. 

Besides Taara, they had also a second god, Ukko, the 
Ancient (Esth. Kb'u), who was the god of thunder and 
lightning, of rain and fruitfulness. When it thunders, the 
Finns of the present time still say: Ukko pauhaa, the 
ancient rolls. Every village had a Uku kivi (Hung. 
Ukko kove), Ukko stone, whereon in spring offerings of seed, 
and in harvest offerings of grain, were laid. But Ukko also 
had this same cognomen of vana isa, old-Father, as well as 
Taara, and the name Taara itself signifies the thunderer. 1 It 

1 This circumstance decides against any sort of notion that the name 
Taara was derived from an ancestral hero of the Turanians. The 


was therefore one and the same old-Father who thundered 
as Ukko the ancient, and as Taara, the thunderer, created 
the world. Only when this is recognised is the sameness of 
name for him with the German Donar and Thor, and the 
Celtic Tarani, rightly explained The thunder-god of the 
Ugro-Finnic race was not regarded as distinguished poly- 
theistically from the creator of the world as a separate 
individual deity, but as the creator of the world himself 
under another form of manifestation. 

From him, however, three inferior deities were very 
decidedly distinguished. They occupied an intermediate 
position between heaven and earth, and were endowed with 
the qualities of mythical champions or heroes rather than 
those of the gods properly so called. 1. VANA-MUINE (Esth.) 
or WAINE-MOINEN (Finn.) is the contriver, and so the god of 
art, especially of music, but also of wisdom and magic. 
Once on a time men and animals were gathered together in 
the Taara grove to learn a heavenly festal speech. Vana- 
muine descended in a rushing of the wind, touched the 
strings, and sang. Then the streams ceased to flow: all 
things listened. But now men learnt the art of song ; the 
trees caught only the gentle murmuring sound, the streams 
only the rustling of his garment, the woodpeckers only the 
creaking of the strings beating upon the lyre, the fishes, 
whose ears were under the water, only the dumb movement 
of the mouth. 2. ILMARINE is the discoverer and god of 
the art of forging. 3. Then alongside of these two there 
appears LAMMEKUNE, without any other predicate than that 
embraced in the name. 

These are, as we have said, mythical figures rather than 

derivation of the old onomatopoetic primitive root tar, tonar, is much 
nearer the mark, all the more as we find among the Celts and Germans, 
among whom there is no trace of a descent from a patriarch Tur, that the 
name of the thunder-god of heaven is derived from the same primitive 
root. From this, by necessary consequence, it follows that the ancestor- 
gods among the Finns are distinguished sharply and consciously from 
the one god as inferior deities. 


gods; for they are wrapt up in legend. The present race 
of men, it is said, was preceded by a race of giants, begotten 
by the sons of the gods, who came down to earth and 
associated with the daughters of men. One of these giants 
was KALEVA (Finn.) or KALEV (Esth.). An ancient epic 
among the Finns and Esthonians, Kalevala (Kalevapoeg), 
relates how Kaleva sailed in a ship over the Baltic Sea, seeking 
his mother, who had been robbed and hidden away by a power- 
ful giant; also how he, from among three virgins, Salme, an 
orphan, and Linda, who had sprung respectively from a hen, a 
crow, and an egg, chose Linda as his wife, had by her three 
sons, and died before the birth of the third. 1 Have we 
not here a reminiscence of Noah and his three sons ? Kalev 
in the ship seeks mother earth, which is robbed and hidden, 
and is no more to be seen. Those giants then, who signifi- 
cantly enough remind us of Gen. vi. 1 ff., are designated 
appellatively as vainemoinen : the first part, vana, is the well- 
known adjective meaning old ( 261, Obs. 2); but muine 
seems to be an old word for man, identical with the Sanscrit 
manu. Those who lived before the flood were thus desig- 
nated as the old men. That legendary hero, Vanamuine, is 
therefore nothing else than one of the antediluvians, and we 
need not for a moment doubt that in the three legendary 
figures, Vanamuine, Ilmarine, and Lammekune, we have pre- 
sented to us in a quite uncontorted form a reminiscence of 
the three brothers, Jubal, the discoverer of music ; Tubal-cain, 
the discoverer of working in metal and the art of forging ; and 
Jabal, who, as a nomad, is not specially designated. The 
popular tales of the Finns and Esthonians point to the name 
of the divine or half-divine being, to whom the ancient 
Father has entrusted the care of morning dawn and evening 
twilight, the sunrise, etc., and in fact these peoples have 

1 Thus speaks the Esthonian legend. The Finnic legend gives him 
twelve sons, and enumerates among them Vana-muine. This evidently 
arose from a secondary and confused combination of different myths. 
Kaweh (not Kalev) also is once mentioned as Vana-muine's father, 
and Vana-muine is designated as father (not son) of Kalev. 


worshipped deities or genii of the sun, of the dawn, etc., like 
the Iranian Yazatas. Their Wipune appears to have corre- 
sponded to the German Vola. A Eune speaks of a goddess 
Suometar as the guardian-goddess of Finnland. The Salme 
of the legend points to a goddess of the sea, bearing the same 
name (Salme signifies gulf of the sea). In legendary songs 
it is related how the sun as a man, and the moon, and a star 
made love to Salme, and she chose this latter one. 1 Koit 
was goddess of the dawn. Tapio was a forest god ; his wife 
was Metan-emanta, mother of the wood, with the surname 
Sinifirkku, blue-bird. Pakkainen was the god of the winter- 
cold ; Turrisa, the god of war. 2 Particular animals, especially 
birds, were sacred to the several deities, and as such were 
inviolable. The god to whom they were sacred was supposed 
to be present in them, hence the stories of the old chroniclers s 
that the Esthonians and Finns had worshipped birds. Thus, 
in spite of that remnant of a primitive monotheism, a poly- 
theistic deification of nature was spread in ever-widening 
circles. At the three chief festivals, sacrifices were offered 
to Taara, and to the rest of the genii of nature. Magical arts 
and conjurations, especially serpent charms/ entered into the 
service of the genii. 

Obs. 1. As the old primitive religion of the Ugro-Tartar 
group of nations is related to that of the Slavs, Germans, and 
Celts, so also is the Ugro-Tartar group of languages related to 
the rest of the Japhetic group, that is, the so-called Aryan 
family of languages. Notwithstanding varieties of construc- 
tion, as in the case of the Basque dialect (see 256, Obs. 2), they 
are essentially cognate. I need only briefly, by way of example, 
cite the following words : Finnic kuul, Hungr. hid, xXos/v, 
to hear; Finnic paljo, Hungr. falo, croX-ij, much; Finnic 
pu, Hungr. fu, Sansc. vd, to blow ; Finnic valkea and 
vilag, Old High German ivereld, world (from primitive root 
var, val ; comp. Sansc. Varuna) ; Finnic vete, Z&up, udor, water ; 

1 H. Neus, esthn. Volkslieder, i. p. 10 ff. 

2 This war-god may be a reminiscence of the tribal ancestor of the 
Turanians. Turr-isa means father-Turr. 

3 For example, Adam von Bremen, in Pertz, Monum. Germ. iv. 17. 

4 Esthnische Beschworungslieder, see in Xeus, pp. 65-86. 


nime, name ; teke, tev, Sansc. dhd, to do ; soo, suo, sea ; 
Murta, murda, Lat. mordere ; vana, ven, Lat. vetus, old ; Hungr. 
fog, Germ, fahen, fangen, to catch ; pata, head, French pot, 
Finnic pciakka, Old High Germ, pihal, beil, axe; pttw, 
cloud, Old High Germ, pilipi,^ nourishment, the clouds 
regarded as dispensers of nourishment ; edes, sweet, r,Mc ; 
haj, haar, hair ; hajlek, harke, rake ; fer-to, swamp, Lat. 
pcd-us ; kdt, Goth, handus ; Vogul uri, to waken, Sansc. #ar ; 
Finnic era, Hungr. <xra, Old High Germ, ala, ahle, awl; 
ar, prize, Germ, ehre, etc. 

Qbs. 2. The Finnic - Esthonian myths of the creation, in 
the Kalev epic of Vanamuine having transformed an eagle's 
egg into a world, since heaven is produced from the upper half, 
the earth from the lower, the moon from the yolk, is an 
ingenious fable, rather than of significance for the history of 
religion, and belonging to the earlier mythology. It has its 
origin during a period when the remembrance of Taara was 
already thrown into the background by the worship of Vana- 
muine, and its similarity to the later Indian (Brahmanical) 
egg-myths of the creation is purely accidental. 

263. The Religion of the Tartars. 

When we turn from the European tribes of the Ugro- 
Finnic group to those of Northern Asia, we meet with the 
tribes of the Finnic, Ugrian, and Samoyed group in Siberia, 
among whom not only heathenish superstition, but even, in many 
cases, open and avowed heathenism has prevailed, generally, 
however, along with a significant trace of an old religion 
like that of the Finns, that has been subjected to a decided 
religious deterioration. Most markedly have those traces 
been retained in the East among the Tungus and Mandshus. 
These believe in a creator of the world invisible to man, who 
dwells in heaven or in the sun. Some of their tribes attribute 
to him a human form ; 1 others identify him with the sun 
itself. 2 The Ugrian tribes on the west of the Urals, like the 
Finns, worship the invisible creator of the world under the 

1 This human figure has in the course of time assumed once and again 
very different forms. The Teleutians think of God as an old bearded man, 
in the form of a Russian officer of dragoons. 

2 Compare Stuhr, Religionssysteme der heidn. Volker des Orients, 
p. 244. 


name of Jumala. 1 The Voguls have still kept the name 
Torom, the Ostiaks the name Turum, Torm, Tshudo the name 
Tora, for their supreme god. By the Yotiaks, on the other 
hand, Tirgani is worshipped as the sun-god. 3 Thus, in part 
at least, has the knowledge of the invisible creator of the 
world been retained, while in other cases it has degenerated 
into a worship of the sun-god. The Tungus worship along- 
side of the creator of the world a number of guardian spirits, 
who watch over female virtue, over children, over the chase, 
over herds, over health, over the rearing of reindeers. 3 But 
this forms the transition to the belief in spirits, the so-called 
Shamanism, which became most prevalent midway between 
the extreme east and the extreme west, between the Lena 
and the Yenesei, and which has completely overgrown the 
forms of the old religion, while even on the Ural and among the 
Tungus it also plays a part alongside of it. If in the Yedic 
religion the one God was regarded with a pantheistic one- 
sided prominence to his immanence as present in existence, 
and in the principal powers of nature, and gradually then 
his TrpoacoTra were elevated into deities alongside of him, he 
was, on the other hand, thought of in those Ugro-Tartar 
religions as present in all separate particular things, split up 
and divided into a countless number of spirits, amid which 
his unity would either be utterly forgotten, or at least 
practically thrust into the background. In every power of 
nature, in every natural existence, there dwells a ruling 
spirit. This stage of the beginning of a belief in spirits 
and in natural magic we found, 262, existing among the 
Finns and Esthonians ; it appears at a further advanced 
stage in the Shamanism of the Ugro-Tartars. Because there 
is much of evil in the world, those spirits were regarded by 
the Tartars for the most part as hurtful to men. threatening 
evil, or more properly, unclean spirits, although they did not, 

1 Stuhr, supra, p. 260. 

2 J. G. Miiller, amerikanische Urreligionen, p. 57. 

3 Georgi, Beschreibung oiler russ. Nationen, part 2, p. 380. 


like the Iranians, regard the contraposition of a kingdom of 
good and a kingdom of evil as fundamental. To those spirits 
belonged pre-eminently the souls of the departed: they 
were thought of and feared as ghosts and hobgoblins, and 
Shamanism consisted essentially in the art of conjuring those 
spirits, and rendering them serviceable, so that instead of 
being hurtful, they would become useful. The Shamans did 
not form a priestly order. Each person of both sexes, who 
was thought to understand the art of conjuring the spirits, 
is a Shaman, or among the Tartars, Karne, as in the time of 
Genghis Khan among the Ugrians, 1 the rest were even then 
in part Buddhists. As such they wear a special dress, 2 and 
live mainly on gifts, which are brought them as rewards for 
exorcising of spirits. At night sitting by a fire, smoking 
tobacco and beating a drum, the Shaman falls into convul- 
sions, distorts his limbs, roars, dances round the fire, summons 
the spirit to battle, puts questions to him, listens trembling 
and shuddering to his answer, audible only to himself, and 
falls at last in a state of utter prostration ; the belief, more- 
over, prevails, that during this prostration the soul quits the 
body, and in the shape of animals of various kinds makes a 
journey to the abodes of the spirits, where they make their 
appearance also in the animal form (see 06*.). To these 
spirits belong, as we have said, the souls of the departed, 
who ramble wandering in deserts and among wastes of snow, 
and dwell in clefts of the rocks. The souls of departed 
Shamans are feared as specially powerful and malignant. 

But it is not only by the incantations of living Shamans that 
the Ugro-Tartars seek to drive away all kinds of evil, sickness, 
and death, but also by magical rites which they themselves 
practise. In every jurte or tent-dwelling is found a sort of 
idol image, a small figure in human form wearing a Shaman's 

1 D'Hossom, hist, des Mongoles, vol. i. p. 107 ff. 

2 Long leathern robes, stocking boots, everything with wonderful 
magical emblems represented, tin-plates, bells, eagles' claws, strips of 
skin, stuffed serpents, etc. 


dress, which, however, is not at all to be described as a deity, 
but is simply an amulet, in which a virtue is supposed to 
reside for protecting against the influence of evil spirits. 
Especially on the east of every jurte there are two birches 
bound by an oak twig, and ermine skins are hung on them : 
this, too, is a protective amulet. And finally, in the third 
place, every one possesses amulets of other sorts, on which in 
the most senseless and arbitrary fashion he suspends trifles 
of various kinds, rags of red linen, bunches of horse hair, 
bones of animals, etc., even bells from the dress of a Shaman. 
The whole tribe too, as well as the individual, has its pro- 
tective amulets. These are stones or stakes which are erected 
on heights, 1 to which every passer-by must bring the offering 
of a stake or stone. Evidently it is thought that good 
protecting spirits are associated with these stones or dwell 

A terrible fear of one's own death prevails, just as in regard 
to the apparition of the souls of the departed and their corpses. 
At funerals various ceremonies are observed in order to 
prevent the soul of the departed from haunting the survivors. 
Care is taken not to mention the name of the dead. Par- 
ticular nomadic tribes like the Iranians, and probably in con- 
sequence of Iranian influences, 2 allow the corpses to remain 
exposed to the air. In the east among the Tshuktshians, and 
especially among the closely-related Kamtshadales, a more 
hopeful view of death still continues along with other 
remnants of the old religion. The Kamtshadales fear death 
in no form ; rather they often bring it on themselves by 
voluntary suicide, because they expect afterwards a joyous 
and glorious life. 

1 These should not be confounded with the Obos of the Buddhist 
Mongols, that is, earth hillocks which are erected on heights. There is 
evidently a certain connection between the two, and this is easily ex- 
plained by the manifold connections which the Tartar and Mongolian 
tribes had with one another. 

2 The Tadshiks in the Government of Orenburg are descendants of the 
ancient Persians. Berghaus, allg. Lander- und Volkerkunde, v. 518. 


Obs. The notion that during this mantic powerlessness 
the soul had been able to leave the body and to assume the 
form of an animal, gave occasion to the development of this 
further belief, that the earlier generations of their ancestors 
had been in possession of this power in a yet higher degree. 
Thus by the Turks the form of the wolf is ascribed to the 
father of their race, and this legend of the Turks is to be under- 
stood as indicating that they were descended from a wolf, which 
is called Tsena (Bitter, Asien, 438; Schmidt, Forschungen 
im Gebiete Mittelasiens, Petersb. 1824, p. 70). In conse- 
quence of the close connection which subsisted in the time of 
Genghis Khan between the Turks and the Mongols, this legend 
was introduced among a portion of the latter, who designated 
their tribal ancestor as Burtetschino, the blue wolf. That the 
legend was not of Mongol origin is shown, partly from its close 
connection with Shamanism, partly from the fact that the 
Mongols have quite another legend in regard to their descent 
( 266). 


264. Characteristics and Distribution of the Mongolian 

The determining of the limits between the Mongolian 
and the Ugro-Finnic races is one of the most difficult and 
intricate points in ethnographical science. In Tibet, China, 
Corea, the Loo-Choo islands, and Japan, we find a race of 
inhabitants who show no sort of connection either in speech 
or in bodily appearance with the Tartars, Turks, Hungarians, 
and Finns. In bodily appearance those cultured races of 
Eastern Asia resemble one another in the yellow colour of 
their skin, the dark hair, the little dark obliquely set eyes 
and prominent cheek-bones; while, on the other hand, the 
races which form the Ugro-Finnic family have white skins, 
fair hair, inclining sometimes to red, regularly curved blue 
eyes, inclining to grey, and cheek-bones riot prominent. 
Those characteristics of the Chinese and other Eastern 
Asiatics are found also in a leading race of Northern India, 
the Barmans, as well as in Further India, among the 
Nepaulese, and are among them, on account of a mixing 


with Aryan-Indian blood that is historically demonstrable, 
only in a slight degree modified. In the form of their coun- 
tenance the Barmans are much more like the Chinese than 
the Hindus. 1 Since it has been customary to reckon these 
tribes among the Mongolian races, we shall group them 
together for convenience' sake and without prejudice pro- 
visionally under the name of East-Mongolian tribes. In 
their languages these tribes are indeed far removed from one 
another. In respect of language this alone is common to all, 
the negative characteristic, that while there is a pretty close 
affinity among the languages of the Ugro-Finnic tribes, a 
great linguistic diversity is the prevailing characteristic of 
this group of East-Mongolian tribes, which have led some to 
go so far as to suggest that the languages are altogether of 
an isolated character (see Obs. 1). 

If now, however, we turn to the eastern part of the moun- 
tainous district of Asia, we meet with the Western-Mongolian 
group of tribes, that is, those of the Mongols in the narrower 
and more exact sense, and in them we have the most difficult 
part of our investigation. Under them the following tribes 
are grouped : (a) The Mongols in the strictest use of the 
word, living between the desert of Gobi and Mandshuria ; 
(V) the Buriats and the Kalka around Lake Baikal, north of 
the Gobi ; (c) the Olb'ts or Kalmucks, of whom one branch 
still occupies its ancient home in Dzoungaria, while the 
other, which during Genghis Khan's lordship was resident in 
the North- West, now dwells between the Ural and the Volga ; 
(d) the Tshatshers, far up on the north-western borders of 
China, and in the deep vale of Kokonoor; (e) alongside of 
the Buriats we find also in the south-east the Mandshus, a 
people of Mongolian origin, with a mixture of Tartar blood ; 
while, on the other hand, the Tungus on the north-west of 

1 Easier Mission* Mag. 1837, p. 213. J. W. Heifer's Reisen in Vord- 
erasien und in Indien, Leipz. 1873, part 2, p. 83 : "A broad face with 
strong cheek-bones, a flat snub nose, more or less protruding lips, small 
grey eyes, oblique, and with a sharp upward angle, and pale yellow skin 
of a hue like an unripe citron." On the Carenes, see 267, Obs. 


the Buriats seem to be a people of Tartar origin, with a 
mixture of Mongol blood. The West-Mongolian group has 
thus its original residence around the Baikal lake, while the 
original home of the Turko-Tartaric group is round about Lake 

At this point we are met by the difficult question : To 
what group do these West - Mongolian races belong? 
Whether must we assign their origin to the Ugro-Tartaric 
stem, or to that which we have designated the East-Mon- 
golian ? It is only during the present century that any real 
distinction has been made between the Tartars and the Mon- 
gols. De Guignes, 1 and even more recently D'Hossom, 2 
employ these names as synonymous terms. Scientific 
research regarding these has now led to the marking of a 
distinction between the Ugro - Tartaric races, comprising 
the Huns, Avars, and Hungarians, which, one after another, 
between A.D. 375 and A.D. 950, broke in upon Europe, 
following the Slavs in their movement westward, and the 
Mongols who under Genghis Khan Temujin 3 in the 13th 
century struck horror into Eastern Europe. But even after 
this has been settled, the question still remains unsolved 
as to whether these West - Mongolians should have their 
descent traced back to the stem of the Ugro-Tartars, or 
whether they should be regarded as essentially one with the 
East-Mongolian group of nations (Tibet, China, etc.). The 
Mongolian language, which seems to have an intimate con- 
nection with Ugro - Finnic - Tartaric, favours a decision in 
accordance with the former alternative ; 4 but the bodily 

1 De Guignes, allg. Geschickte der Hunnen und Tiirken, deutsch von 
Dahnert, Greifswald 1769 ff. 

2 D'Hossom, hist, des Mongoles, Amsterdam 1852. 

3 Compare upon this, besides the two works named, Petis de la Croix, 
hist, du grand Genghizcan, Paris 1710. Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. der 
goldenen Horde, Pesth 1840. von Erdmann, Temutschin der Unerschutter- 
liche, Leipzig 1862. 

4 This is the view of Schott, " Ueber das altaische Sprachgeschlecht," in 
the Abhandlungen der Berl. Akad. der Wissensch, of the year 1847, p. 
281 ff. 


appearance of the Mongols is in favour of the latter. The 
West-Mongolians are similar to our East-Mongolians in the 
shape of their skull, the prominent cheek-bones, the dark 
and oblique eyes, as well as in the yellow colour of their skin. 
In Dzoungaria the Tartars who are resident there ( 261) are 
easily distinguishable from the Kalmucks and Tunganis 1 in 
bodily appearance, dress, and manners. Nobody will main- 
tain that there is any greater similarity in bodily appearance 
between the Finns and Kalmucks, or between the Magyars 
and Mongols, than there is between the Mongols and the 
Chinese. But if the West-Mongolians are to be regarded in 
respect of bodily appearance as of the same stem with our 
East-Mongolian group, and consequently to be joined together 
with them as a Mongolian people, how then is the relation- 
ship of the West-Mongolian language with that of the Ugro- 
Tartars to be explained ? For the case is not merely that 
of borrowed words, 2 but one of an actual primary relationship 
of the roots, at least of many roots. This phenomenon, how- 
ever, is at once easily explained so soon as we take history 
into account. 

(a) We know, in the first place, that Celts and Germans 
are two nations belonging to different groups, and yet they 
have many roots in their languages in common. Similarly, 
too, the Greeks have roots in common with the Germans, and 
both with the Latins ; and not only so, but the Indo- 
Germanic languages have entire series of roots in common 
with the Semitic. We have a precisely similar phenomenon 
in the fact that a number of roots are common to the Mon- 
golian and Ugro - Tartaric languages, and the development 
of comparative philology has led to the abandonment of the 

1 Shaw, Journey to High Tartary, Yarkand, and Kashgar, p. 28 f. The 
derivation of the name of the Tunganis from the Chinese tun-jen, military 
colonists, that is, Chinese, seems to me most improbable. The Taranhis 
among the Dzoungarians are colonists of a late period (Shaw, p. 29 f.). 
We must not confound with the Tunganis the Tibetan tribe of the 
Tanguts (called in Chinese Si-fan) which occupies Kokonoor. 

2 Schott, Ueber das altaische Sprachgeschlecht, p. 323. 


narrower conception of the Indo-Germanic group, and to 
substitute for it that of the Japhetic group. The possibility 
of such an original relationship between the Mongolian 
language and the Ugrian becomes peculiarly feasible when 
we find roots in which both are related, not only with one 
another, but also with the Aryan, and even with the Semitic. 
For " mother " we have in nearly all the languages of the 
world the primitive root ma, Aryan mdtr, ^'njp, mater, 
mutter, mother, Irish mna, Basque emea (wife), in the 
language of South Sonora mama (grandmother), Malayan 
mu, amu, ma, mak, Finnic ema, Mandshurian erne, Semitic 
em. Earth, turf, Arabic tarbu, Swedish torfoa (turf), Finnic 
turpaha, Mongolian towarak, Turkish toprak, Tungusic tuor, 
turn. Hand, Sanscrit kara, Mongolian ghar, Tungusic gala, 
Turkish kol, while in %ei/> and in the Old Latin hir we have 
partially related roots. To take, Turkish cap, tschap, Mon- 
golian chab, Latin capio. Cloth, clothing, 1 Semitic buz (Syr. 
buso, hence Arabic buza, to be white), Greek /Sucro-o?, Turkish 
bus, Mongolian biis, Mandshurian boso, Chinese pu. Silk 
is in Mandshurian and Tungusic sirge (raw silk, se), Chinese 
sse and se, Corean sil, sir, Eussian scholk, North - Germany 
silk, Greek o-tfp (silk cord). For other examples, see under 

(6) This, however, does not carry us far. We have still 
to account for the fact, that the West-Mongolian language is 
closely connected with the Ugrian languages, even in regard 
to words that do not occur in other tongues, and that its 
intimate relation to the Ugrian languages is more obvious than 
its separation from the East-Mongolian languages. In order 
to make this plain, we must keep in mind the fact that 
according to the original documents of Chinese history there 
was in the early times a dynasty of Hiang-nu, which held 
sway from B.C. 200 till A.D. 93, and then at a later period 

x We do not forget that the Basques of the Stone Age had brought 
with them from Asia the art of weaving. This, therefore, was a common 
endowment of primitive times before the separation of the races. 


over Northern China till A.D. 330. That this kingdom of 
the Hiang-mi was a Ugrian or Turanian one, can be proved 
from the fragments of the language l which are preserved in 
these early historical documents. Its chief, for example, had 
the title tanglikutu, which, according to the appended note of 
the Chinese historian, means in Chinese tien tsse, Son of 
Heaven. Now heaven is in the Ugrian language tengri, and 
son is kuto, kotti, guto. The princes bore the title of luli, and 
in Turkish they are called ulu, great. The Hiang-nu were, 
therefore, a Ugrian or Turanian people. If, now, during 
those centuries the Ugro-Tartars extended their dominion 
eastward even to China, so that the wall of China was built 
to withstand their advances, it follows that while the West- 
Mongolian tribes in the north and west of China were gradu- 
ally subdued by them, and lived for at least half a century 
under their dominion, there was a blending together of the 
two races and an intermixture by marriage, just as we find 
actually taking place between the Tungus and the Mandshus. 
That the conquered should during that half-century adopt 
the language of their conquerors 2 was indeed very natural. 3 
After the overthrow of that Turko-Tartar Empire, the foreign 
speech adopted by the West-Mongolians was formed into a 
separate dialect, but still a Ugro-Tartar one, just as the Latin 
language adopted by the Visigoths was modified into Spanish ; 
and as between A.D. 552-703 the Turks of Turkestan still 
continued their inroads into China, the Mongolian tribes were 
subject to the influence of the Ugrian tongue for nearly two 
centuries. We must not therefore hastily conclude for the 
Ugrian language of the Mongol race, strictly so called, that 

1 Schott, Sprachgeschlecht, p. 289 ff. 

- Franz von Erdmann, too, assumes (Temutschin, p. 131 f.) that in con- 
sequence of historical circumstances the original language of the Mongols 
had been changed into the Turkish, but he does not enter more minutely 
into the subject. 

3 Schott has shown that before the appearance of Buddhism in Higher 
Asia, the Mongols possessed the art of writing and the beginnings of a 
literature. The art of writing, however, was introduced among them by 
the Uighurs. Petis, p. 120 f. 


they are of the same stock, for this their bodily appearance 
will not allow. 

(c) When at a later period, during the 12th and 13th 
centuries, the West-Mongolians got the upper hand of the 
Tartars, when Genghis Khan subdued the nation of the Nighurs 
and of Turkestan, and of all Higher Asia, and led his mixed 
horde of Mongolian and Ugro-Tartar tribes against Europe, 
many words were transferred from the Mongolian dialect. It 
was then also developed into a distinct language, into the 
language of those Ugro-Tartar races with which the Mongols 
were now brought into connection, and those words referred 
to were borrowed words (see Obs. 2). 

The correctness of the view which we have taken finds 
confirmation, first of all, in this, that even in religion there is 
a thoroughly characteristic distinction between the primitive 
religion of the Mongols and that of the Tartar tribes (see 
266 ff.), and that a similar distinction is observable in the 
languages themselves. One may already conjecture that there 
would be very frequently two quite different words for the 
same idea in the languages of the Ugro-Tartar tribes dwelling 
most closely to the Mongols, that the one of these words 
would be originally derived from the Mongolian, the other 
would be originally derived from the Ugrian. It is indeed 
quite evident that the Hiangnus may have derived their 
words from the Mongols, just as well as the Mongols from 
them. But of yet greater importance is the grammatical 
structure of the language. In the Mongolian, as well as in 
the closely related Mandshurian language, the characteristics 
of the Mongolian family of languages are predominant in its 
purer forms (see Obs. 1). The verb has the form of an 
indeclinable verbal substantive, the infinitive, while the verb 
in the Ugro-Finnic languages is conjugated. In Mandshurian, 
I stand, thou standest, etc., are rendered, bi ilwibi, si ilimbi, 
etc. ; while in the language of the Tungus we have ilitschem, 
ilitscJiende, ilitscheren, ilitschereb, ilitschesch, Uitschere. The 
Hungarians and Finns have a very finely constructed conjuga- 


tion, with a modification in the word to indicate the object, 
like the Semitic suffix of the object. While the Ugro-Tartar- 
Finnic have likewise a declension, the Mongols and Mandshus, 
inasmuch as the former were powerfully influenced in 
linguistic matters by the Turks of Turkestan, express their 
cases by separate case terms, such as man -possession for 
man's. In neither of the languages do we find any relative 
pronoun. In both the Mongolian and Ugrian languages the 
infinitive is freely used as a verbal noun, for example, I know 
thee to be conquered, instead of, I know that thou art con- 
quered. In the Ugrian language, however, the pronominal 
suffix has undergone a metamorphosis in sound, so that it 
is conjoined with the verbal stem, while in Mongolian it 
continues separate. Thus, notwithstanding that the West- 
Mongolians of ancient times adopted the Ugrian language of 
the Hiangnus, yet the impress of the Mongolian tongue has 
been left upon the very form in which this foreign speech 
was adopted by them. 1 

We have now, finally, to consider the languages of the 
tribes that have been designated by us East-Mongolians. 
We have already indicated the fundamental characteristic of 
these as that of the multiplication of dialectic differences. 
This common character is shown in these three fundamental 
features : (a) a number of common roots ; (5) a tendency to 
continual change of sound in defiance of all rules; and (c) 
a tendency to secure construction by the use of separate 
particles. These three points deserve careful consideration. 

The existence of words common to all the languages is 
specially noticeable in the case of words indicating numbers. 
I select from Lliken's tables, 2 drawn up from Lassen's Indian 
Antiquities and Klaproth's Archives, the following list, to 

1 Quite analogous to this was the adoption of the Latin language by 
the Goths, Franks, Langobards, and from it, modified by the Teutonic 
taste and genius, the Romance languages were constructed. They did 
not say amabo, butj'e aimer ai, amar ai, etc. ; not amavi, but je amd'i, 
and then je ai aime, ho amato, etc. 

2 Einheit des Moischengeschlechts, p. 174. 



[ 264. 

which I add numerical terms from the Vogul and Tangut 
dialects, in order to show the distinction between them and 
the Ugro-Tartar languages. For an exact acquaintance with 
the Tibetan numerical terms I am indebted to an oblig- 
ing communication from J. Th. Eeichelt, missionary at 
Herrnhut : 


Nepaulese.1 Tibet 1 







1 thit 

sehi (g)tschig 



tids, idshi 

iz, flto 



2 niht 

nus-ki (g)nji(s) 



ni, tads 

ni, fi-tak 



3 ssum 

suuin l(g)suin 



schan, nids 

san, miz 



4 leh 

pi (h)chi 



achen, juds 

si, ioz 



5 ngah 
6 khiok 

nga (l)nga 
kbu d(r)ug 



u, idsilzi 
rugu, nits 

f.o, izuz 
rok, muz 





7 khu-nit 

nhei (b)dun 



schi, nanadzU 

siz, nanaz 



8 seit 
9 koh 
10 ta-zak 

kea j(br)gjad Idijat 
ga i( f l)gu rsu. 
sanah (b)tschu jztt-taniba 


fiCdshi, jads 
ka, kogulads 
ssa, tu 

faz, jads 
kou, Tcokonoz 
siou, towo 





The second of the words given in the columns for Loochoo 
and Japan represents the language of the earlier inhabitants, 
who were probably of Tartar blood. One pair of synonyms 
under the Vogul and Hungarian group represent a variety 
in cursive manuscripts. In the numerals for 1, 3, 9, 10, 
the resemblance among the East-Mongolian languages is quite 
apparent ; in regard to 2, China and Corea go their own way ; 
in regard to 7, the Tartar root, with the hissing sound, in 
Loochoo and Japan dislodged, even among the Mongolian 
inhabitants, the Mongol root; in regard to 8, we find no 
sort of agreement appearing. The perfect agreement, how- 
ever, in regard to 1, 3, 9, 10, and the well-nigh perfect 
agreement in regard to 2, 4, 5, 6, is sufficiently striking. 
In regard to the Barmanic and Chinese, W. von Humboldt 2 
has proved the relationship of the more important gram- 
matical roots ; the nota pluralis is in the Barman language 
kra (pronounced Jcja), in Chinese Tcidi ; the Barman particle 
tfiang (pronounced thi) corresponds to the Chinese tschi, ti ; 
the verb to be is in Barman hri (pronounced shi), and in 

1 The letters placed within parentheses are written but not pronounced. 
3 Gesammelte Werke, vi. " Ueber die Verschiedenheit des Sprach- 


Chinese sM ; the term in numeration, "piece, particular, 
head," is in Barman Jehu, and in Chinese ko. 

Although in respect to other words no relationship, or only 
a very slight one, is discernible, an explanation of this is 
afforded under our second point : the free change of sounds 
which prevails in those languages. From the time of 
Khongtse, B.C. 600, or at least from the time of Shi-Hoangti, 
B.C. 213, the Chinese had adopted a fixed form of expression ; 
but that the written symbol was pronounced in ancient times 
in a way different from that which now prevails is placed 
beyond dispute ; just as in the provincial dialects of to-day 
the pronunciations vary considerably from one another. In 
the Barman language, which has a written alphabet, the 
variation in the pronunciation is regularly marked, and in 
their writings it is shown what an older, and that not a 
very ancient form, had been. W. von Humboldt has let us 
see how incredibly great the change from it to the pro- 
nunciation of the present day has been ; for example, what is 
written kak sounds ket, what is written tup is pronounced 
tok, re is pronounced je, hri is pronounced shi, etc. Now, 
if we could sometimes pass over into sh, sometimes into /, 
ang into i, ak into et, up into ok, and if such changes were 
continued for four thousand years, and if this were done, as 
was natural, by every race in a different way, it is quite 
conceivable that the corresponding roots of the different 
languages should by this time be no longer in the least like 
one another. 

The third point is the tendency in the East-Mongolian 
languages to indicate its structural modifications by separate 
particles. This is not universally, nor in the same way, 
characteristic of these languages. In Japan, where, as we 
shall see in 269, the East-Mongolian or North-Chinese 
immigrants found before them a primitive Ugro-Tartar race, 
and mixed themselves up more or less with them, there is 
no appearance of this tendency to isolation. In Tibet, where 
the original Mongolian language has undergone perhaps the 


least change, the use of modifying suffixes has not been 
altogether abandoned, but in the languages of Northern India 
this process has been well-nigh, and in those of China 
altogether carried out with the most rigid consistency. There 
have indeed been important and talented men who regarded 
this mode of grammatical construction by separate particles 
as the most primitive of all. In accordance with W. von 
Humboldt's example, 1 we feel ourselves unable to accept this 
view (see Obs. 1). 

Finally, however, there is one characteristic common to all 
those nations of the Mongolian group, that is, their extreme 
national feeling, by reason of which each one of them, living 
on friendly terms with one another, and each in unconditional 
servile subjection to its own chief, is absolutely separated 
from all other peoples, or exercises against them in war the 
severest cruelties even to utter extermination. 

Obs. 1. There are two elements which the language will give 
expression to : ideas, and the combination of these in a judg- 
ment. For ideas it creates for itself simple words, roots, and 
so soon as these have once been created, they are objectively 
given to him who speaks as a vocabulary. The relations, on 
the other hand, in which certain of these ideas stand to one 
another in the judgment are not objectively given, but are 
every moment subjectively determined by the speaker. One, 
for example, has to relate, and for this he must first think and 
then speak, " his enemy has slain him ; " another, " he has slain 
his enemy ; " the one, " he will rest ; " the other, " he will 

A. Human speech for the most part supplies words of one 
syllable to express ideas, though even here such have initial 
and final double consonants ; the Semitic races have had the 
instinct to enlarge these roots into words of two syllables, even 
to split up one into more (e.g. z4r,jazar, zarar, comp. also 260, 
Obs. 1), and in this way to secure a multiplicity of vocables for 
the expression of modifications of the idea. The Japhetic 
languages have made only a sparing use of the two-syllabled 
roots of the kind described, and show a preference for the com- 
pounding of two roots, as we have seen exemplified in the 
Aryan language in the pronoun ; for example, au-roc, Sanscrit 
i-dam, Zend a-clem, etc. (comp. Bopp, krit. Gramm. der Sanskr. 

1 Humboldt's Werte, vi. p. 118 and p. 196. 


Spr. 247). Iii order to give definiteness to a purely abstract 
uncertain term, as when, for example, there are roots alongside 
of it of the same meaning, a synonym is set down beside it, or 
a word indicating the next higher kind or species. This style 
of quasi-compounding is practised in Chinese, in the Barman 
language, and is employed with special freedom by the Tagals, 
among the Malays, and by the Aztecs and Delaware tribes l 
among the Americans. Thus, for example, in Barman pan 
means to endeavour, and krd means to obtain an answer, and 
pan-kwd means to endeavour to obtain an answer, that is, 
to question, to ask; lak means hand, tat, to be skilful, and 
lak-tat, an artificer. The most primitive stage of all in this 
root construction by means of the compounding of words is 
seen very conspicuously in various negro languages. In the 
Ga and Akra languages the theory of these compoundings forms 
a not unimportant part of the grammar. (Comp. J. Zimmer- 
mann, Grammar of the Gd Language, Stuttg. 1856, together with 
its Vocabulary.) For example, dslie, to come about, to happen ; 
mdclshe, to transmit (from md, to place); ladshe, to be lost (from 
la, to hang loosely) ; kddshe, to lie on the back (from kd, to 
lie) ; dshadshe (from dsha, to be stretched). Also ga, to go ; 
fe, to do; gafe, to go in order to do. While, then, the 
primitive roots of the Hamitic languages were monoliteral, con- 
sisting of one consonant with an accompanying vowel, biliteral 
roots were formed by means of this process of compounding. 
Certainly in quite a similar way have triliteral stems been 
formed in the Aryan and Semitic languages from biliteral roots. 
. The monosyllabic or isolating languages separate the 
objective ideas from the relation in which the speaker places 
these ideas in such a way that they give only to the former a 
vocal garb, while the relation is expressed only by the posi- 
tion of the words. The Chinese language, for example, makes 
the governing word precede the governed, the subject precede 
the verb or verbal noun, this again precede the object, and this 
again the more remote object, while the word that has to be 
qualitatively determined must follow that which determines 
the quality. The Barman language, on the other hand, has the 
following order of succession : subject, object, verb, but requires 
the adverb of quality to precede that of which it determines the 
quality. For " I eat with butter boiled rice," the Chinese says, 
" I to eat butter to boil rice " (infinitives as verbal nouns), the 
Barman says, " I butter to boil rice to eat." For " I praise 

1 The Delaware language in the agglutination of suffixes divides again 
its compounds, and makes use of only one of the roots. For example, 
will-it, beautiful ; loitsch-gat, foot ; tf uligat-schis means thy dainty little 


him who all things has created and from sin is free," the Bar- 
man says, " All things to create then he, thau, sin free to be 
he, thau, I praise ; " the particle thau serves only to bind to- 
gether like a vocal comma what precedes as referring to one 
thing. This importance belonging to the position of words 
meets us also in inflectional languages, and indeed plays scarcely 
anywhere a more conspicuous part than in the Middle Age and 
modern German, where by means of the three different arrange- 
ments of the words the direct, as " I do my duty ; " the ante- 
cedent and relative arrangement, as " if I my duty do," " who 
his duty does;" and the consequential and interrogative arrange- 
ment, as " so loves me my father," " loves me my father ? " 
" how loves me my father ? " " inexpressibly loves me my 
father " the entire proposition and the structure of the period 
are deter mined. The German language, however, and also the 
agglutinate languages, in which, as for example in the Massa- 
chusetts dialect, the arrangement of the words is of decisive 
importance, have always in addition inflectional suffixes, corre- 
sponding to the agglutinative suffixes, by means of which the 
relation, in which the speaker wishes the idea to be understood 
by the hearer, is audibly expressed and embodied. This evi- 
dently is the process that is more strictly in accordance with 
nature. W. von Huinboldt also (see p. 118) thinks it probable 
" that the use of naked roots is something secondary. Originally 
the roots never appear as such, but clothed with the accompany- 
ing sounds which fit them to express some living relation." 
And at p. 196 he says: "The more primitive the languages are, 
the richer they are in the abundance of forms and constructions." 
The abstraction which separates the relations of the ideas from 
the ideas themselves, and analyses the latter like anatomical 
preparations, is quite an artificial thing, and presupposes, 
according to W. von Humboldt, an unimaginative and one- 
sidedly rational process of thinking. It is primitive and in 
accordance with nature, that the entire vocable should corre- 
spond to the entire mental conception, and should portray it. 
" Der Mann spaltet der Stamm " (the man splits the tree). As 
the man actually represents the agent, a primitive language will 
apply the term that represents the subject to one who works and 
acts, and will express this by a suffix to the verb and a suffix 
to the object, thus : " Mann-er Spaltung-thun Baum-hin (baum- 
wa'rts)." These suffixes are still evidently found in the inflectional 
languages. The s of the Indo-Geriuanic possessive singular is an 
abbreviated pronoun sa (ta) ; many languages form their verbal 
forms from nouns by dhd, ta, tu, and the accusative has still in 
Sanscrit preserved its original characteristic by taking a locative 
termination. But even this form of language is not the most 
primitve of all, for even it belongs properly to the inflectional 


languages. The most primitive is that in which the entire con- 
ception of the action is set forth under one single complex word, 
in which the idea is not yet exactly determined, but has only 
its principal element brought out, to which the more exact 
determination is subsequently joined, and this is the essence of 
that agglutination (comp. 256, Obs. 1), which we, therefore, 
regard as the primary form of grammatical structure. " Er 
spalten es, Mann er, Baum-hin." There is first of all the 
general notion of a splitting, then the statement, who is the he, 
and what is the it. That this was actually the primitive form 
of language we have ample proof in the fact emphasized by W. 
von Humboldt, that by means of the comparison of languages 
the pronominal roots are always found to be the very oldest 
and most primitive elements of the various languages and of 
human speech, and indeed above all the roots of the personal 
pronouns. In this, then, we have also a new confirmation of 
what we have said in 49 about the origin of language, and 
against the naturalistic and materialistic explanation thereof. 
The origin of language is dependent upon personal conscious- 
ness, self-consciousness in the sense of 57. 

From the agglutinative stage there were two possible ways 
along which the course of development might be continued. 

(1.) The ever-recurring pronominal suffixes of nouns of action, 
of verbal nouns, and the likewise recurring suffixes of direction, 
of names of things, might be abbreviated into unaccented ter- 
minations, 1 and thus the pronoun of the object for a noun of 
action would be altogether disused as superfluous. Instead of 
ta-bhandsh-tam, manu-sa, druma-im, we now say bhandsJia-ta 
(later bhandshati) manus drumam, which in Sanscrit means, 
" The man breaks the tree." The noun of action is formed into 
a conjugated verb, the noun that designates a thing into a de- 
clined substantive, and thus every word of such a kind has its 
relation to the other words expressed in its own grammatical 
construction, the drawback of a slavish grammatical order of 
words was overcome, and that freedom of rhetorical and poetic 
arrangement of words secured which has been most thoroughly 
developed in the Latin language, and contributes so largely to the 
beauty and the pre-eminence of the languages of the old cultured 
Indo-Germanic races. The Teutonic languages, and still more 
the Romance languages, in their recurrence to a grammatically 
determined order of words, represent a certain retrogression, 
and in such a sentence as cest ce que je vous ai dit, the French 
is scarcely to be distinguished from an agglutinative language. 

(2.) The pronominal suffix and the suffix of direction might, 
instead of being abbreviated and combined with the word, be 

1 In the language of the Aztecs and in that of the Delaware Indians 
this process is seen in a merely initial stage. 


wholly removed, and might wholly give over to the arrangement 
of the words the expression of the relation of the ideas with one 
another. Language now no longer portrays the action to him 
to whom it is told, but puts before the hearer only the material 
of the conception rationally arranged, in order that he by the 
exercise of reason may form a conception of the action for him- 
self. In the language of the Barmans this process is not yet 
absolutely completed. It forms out of synonymous monosyllabic 
roots actual compounds, inasmuch as it changes the initial 
mute of the second word into a sounded syllable. It has also 
such a wealth of particles, that by means of them and of pro- 
nouns it can sufficiently and clearly express the persons, tenses, 
numbers, and words of the verb. The Chinese language, again, has 
carried out the principle of isolating, or monosyllabism, with 
that strict intellectual consistency characteristic of the Chinese 

Ols. 2. A. Primitive roots which occur in various families 
of languages : To take, grasp : Turkish kap, tsckap, Mongolian 
ap, Latin capere, etc. Breath, life, soul, spirit : Finnic henJca, 
angga (to breathe), Tsherimis language jang (soul), Mongolian 
angki-l (to smell, inhale), changgu-la (to sniff), amin (life) ; 
Mongolian and Tungusic onggo-d (spirits), ong-char (to recog- 
nise), ong-si (to rehearse) ; Turkish ang (to remember), originally 
connected with Sanscrit anas, breath, anilas, wind, avisos, animus, 
Old High German unst. To turn, to revolve: Mandshurian clwrgi 
(gur, land), Mongolian chorijan, court, kurdu, wheel, Susmi Jeer, 
kier, to move around ; Hungarian kor, circle, for, course of time, 
koros, old ; Turkish kura, court, kari, old ; Finnic kadri, to turn, 
karmet, serpent ; comp. Mongolian and Turkish ordu, tent-circle, 
camp, Turkish orta, middle. Originally connected with spxoc, 
t'lpyw, Lat. circus, Old High German cherjan. Mother, wife : 
Mongolian erne, wife, Mandshu. ama, mother, amu, aunt, sister-in- 
law, erne, mother, mama, grandmother, Finnic emi, emo, mother, 
em, im, to suck ; Turkish meme, breasts, Tshuvash anja, and 
Mandshu. enie, mother. Originally connected with md in mdtr, 
wrrip, mater, mamma, Old High German muader, muoter ; also 
with the Basque emea, wife. Flame of fire, Mongolian chaksa 
hardened by fire, Mandshu. dschak-sannga, red, Chinese tsse, red, 
Lapp kwokso, down, comp. xa/u. Water, Finnic wesi, viz, vete, 
Hungarian uss, Mongolian usun, yd cap, Latin udor, Slavic voda, 
Old High German wazar, etc. 

B. Of such primitive roots, however, there are many which 
are not found in one of the two groups of languages. Thus the 
root that lies in in, opos, is only met with in the Ugro-Finnic 
group : Finnic ivuori, Tungusic uro, urjo. So, too, the root pre- 
sent in the Latin jacere, Lapp jawat, to spread out, jawaidk, 
cushion, bolster, Turkish jatak, bolster, jat, to lie, Finnic ivuot, 


bed, wat, to throw, Turkish at, to throw. On the other hand, the 
roots that underlie saOitiv, Latin edere, to eat, appear only in 
Mongolian in ide, to eat, which first passed over into Turkish 
and Hungarian in the Middle Ages, when it appears in Hun- 
garian as et, to eat, and in Turkish as et-mek, bread, whereas the 
Ugro-Finnic languages have another root SE, perhaps partially 
connected with the former, Mandshu. dshe, Finnic syo, Yakut 
se, Tshuvash si. The root underlying the word to see, Goth. 
saivjan, exists only in Finnic and Esthonian szem, silm (see 
under E} ; in Mongolian it is wanting. On the other hand, 
chair, Mongol, for stone, Turkish kyr (xoppri, Sansc. tsehr) Jcira, 
Mongol, for mountain ridge, Mandshu. gira, bones, Hungarian 
gerentz, ridge of the back (Middle High German grdt, Grat, 
Grate) lejna, Mongol, for sound, Latin lonus se Mongol, for 
thou, Greek av, are wanting in the Ugro-Finnic languages. In 
the Mongolian again are wanting : Jcuul, Finnic to hear, chorwa, 
ear, Ostiak chol, Vognljul, Turkish hulak, and chulga, ear, Tun- 
gusic korot, ear (Sanscrit gru, xXus/v, Celtic cual, cluinn, Old High 
German liorjan). 

0. The verbal stems, which the Mongols in a remote 
antiquity appropriated to themselves from the Ugro-Finnic 
languages, are very numerous ; for example, to ask : Mongol. 
asak, Lapp jasko ; to flow : Finnic wirta, Turkish eri, to melt, 
ir-mak, stream, Mongol, ur-us, flowing water; an oath, to 
swear: Esthonian wand, Mongol, andaghar, Turkish and; 
fine: Finnic arka, tender, Turkish aryk, slender, Lapp njuor, 
tender, Mongol, nar-in, fine, wise, Mandshu. narchun, thin ; 
sympathy: Lapp njuor, Mongol, ure; small: the diminutive 
affix kenne, ken, kun, gun, gen, is common to the Ugro-Finnic 
and Mongolian languages, as also to the Dutch ; firm, strong : 
Finnic jirka (also steep), Turkish iri, firm, Mongol, erki, steep ; 
red : Finnic weri, blood, Ostiak wyry, red, Mongol, jurte, to 
redden, Mandshu. kira, red. 

D. Still more significant is the fact that we have a consider- 
able number of roots and word stems which are found either 
only in the Ugro-Finnic languages, including the mixed dialects 
of the Tungus and Mandshurians, or only in the Mongolian 
language, and the Turkish as affected by it in the Middle Ages. 
(a) The following roots are strictly confined to the Ugro-Finnic 
languages : to sing : Finnic wiru, Turkish ir ; girdle, haunch : 
Finnic wyo, Turkish ui-luk ; thief, to steal : Finnic warka, worn, 
Yakut or, Turkish oghur ; reindeer: Finnic poro, Lapp ron, 
Tungusic irum, Mandshu. iren, oron (comp. Scand. ren] ; early : 
Mandshu. nergin, Turkish erken ; to rain : Lapp okte, Mandshu. 
aga, Turkish jagli ; to build, to adorn : Finnic koria, Turkish 
kor, kurghan, etc. (&) The following belong exclusively to 
the Mongolian languages : Man : Mongol, ere, Mandshu. eru, 



[ 264. 

Turkish er (comp. Latin vir, Celtic fir, Old High German wer) ; 
sister : Mongol, eke-tschi, Tungusic akin, Yakut akas ; nose : 
Mongol, chdbar, Kalmuck chamar, Mandshu. oforo, orro, Tun- 
gusic ongokto, okto, Turkish murun, burun ; bones : Mongol. 
omok, Turkish stimuk, kemuk, Tshuvash schunu, Yakut ungoch 
(comp. Old High German knoche}; horde : Mongol, and Tungusic 
aimak; to bury: Mandshu. somi, Turkish kiim ; flesh: Tungusic 
ulla, ulta, Mandshu. jali, Tshuvash jut (from jult\ etc. 

E. This becomes specially remarkable when it is seen that 
peoples who have been untouched by the Mongols actually 
employ another root to express the same idea. For example : 
Father: (a) Ugro-Finnic root ise, Lapp attsche, Mongol, etsi ; 
(&) Mongolian root aba, dbu, Tsherimis and Tshuvash aba, 
mother, Turkish baba, father, Mandshu. mafa, grandmother ; 
red: Finnic puna; on the other hand, Mongol, ula-gahn, 
Tungusic kula-rin, Mandshu. fulgian. Mouth: Finnic suu; 
on the other hand, Mongol, arna, Tungusic amga, Yakut Jiamun, 
Tirianian worn, Turkish anggir, jangir, and tscluingir, to cry ; 
to see : Finnic and Esthonian szem, eye, silm ; on the other 
hand, Mongol, chara, connected with opa,v, kara, to foresee, 
Yakut charak (karak, eye), Turkish kara, kur ; to eat (see 
above under B) ; to drink : Finnic juo, hence jauma, a drink, 
md is the borrowed syllable, I&ppjukka and tschuoke, to soak, 
Turkish jut, adopted into Mongolian ugliu ; on the other hand, 
the Chinese dialects: jam, modern Chinese jen, in, Mongol. 
um-tan, a drink, Tungusic ami, to drink, with the radical m ; 
to rejoice: Finnic ilo, Mandshu. ilga; on the other hand, 
even if originally related, Mongol, dshir, ir, Mandshu. urgun, 
Hungarian orom, drul, Turkish ir-mek ; heaven : Finnic minid, 
Hungarian meng ; on the other hand, Mongol, koke, Mandshu. 
kuku, Kamtskadal kagal, Turkish gok, Hungarian kek. Specially 
deserving of notice are the personal pronouns : 




The Ugro-Finnic. 





en (Samoede, man) 





te, de 










mi, mek (Samoede, 






dek tek (Samoede, 






-k, sek, vok (Sa- 

moede, tin) 


F. On the other hand, there exist certain words similarly 
pronounced (homonyms) which have, nevertheless, in the two 
groups of languages fundamentally different significations, and 
are thus of different origin. Tor example, el in Finnic means 
to live, and in Hungarian el has the same meaning; on the 
other hand, in Mongolian el means peace, in Hungarian el-eg, 
satisfying, sufficient, in Mandshu. elche, nelche, means peace. 
In Finnic and Hungarian fej means head, Turkish basch is 
head ; in Mandshu. feje is wound, and in Turkish basch is 

G. In the words for heaven, as well as in the homonymous 
words el, we see that in the Ugrian languages two different 
synonymous or homonymous words lie alongside of one another, 
but the latter are distinguished in pronunciation (el and el). 
The case is similar in regard to the Turkish. Originally 
Ugro-Finnic roots, which as such are also present in Turkish, 
which, however, already in primitive times had been borrowed 
from the Mongols, came, in the Middle Ages, in consequence 
of that linguistic change which they had suffered from the 
Mongols, to be regarded by the Turks as foreign words. For 
example, Finnic jauko, Turkish jygh, to accumulate, was in use 
among the Mongols as tschuk, much, Mandshu. tschoocha, crowd, 
and this passed over again into Turkish in the form of tschok, 
much. Similarly, the Turkish jdk, to kindle, jakty, bright, 
Lapp tsake, to burn, Hungarian ek, to burn (eg, heaven), 
Mandshu. jacha, glowing coal. Among the Mongols the root 
took the form tschok, 1 tschakil, to lighten, tschaki, to strike fire, 
and then tschak, to strike fire, was borrowed again by the Turks 
as a foreign word. 

Unless this note is to be allowed to swell up into a volume, 
I must select just a few from the hundreds of examples that 
might be given ; but what have been adduced may suffice to 
illustrate the correctness of the view set forth in the section 
to which these observations are appended. The Mongolian 
and Ugro-Finnic groups of languages are like two streams 
which two thousand years ago overflowed one another's banks 
and got their waters mixed. That, notwithstanding, they should 
still show evident traces of their original linguistic diversity, is 
more than could be expected. Under division D, I might, had 
space been allowed me, besides the thirteen examples given, 
have adduced eighty-eight other similar instances ; and under 

1 Similarly, among the Lapps we find that an initial./ is quite readily 
transformed into ts or tsch; for example, tschdke, to accumulate, from 
jauk; tschuok, light, tromjak; but it is remarkable that it is not from 
the Lapps, but from the Mongols, that the Turks have received those 
modified constructions. 


division A, I might easily have given a dozen more. In many 
cases under division E, the changes in pronunciation show that 
the one root was originally Ugrian and the other originally 
Mongolian. Thus, for the word " to go," we have the Mongolian 
rootjabu (Mandshu. jabu,jo, Hungarian jo, to come, Turkish 
jol, a way); but alongside of it an Ugrian root, Turkish jiirfi, 
Mongol, dshurtschi, Mandshu. dshura, where the transformation 
of the j into the squeezing sound indicates the course along 
which it has travelled (comp. Schott, p. 380). In a similar 
way the Lapp jurte, to think, Turkish jurek, spirit, Mongol. 
dshurik, spirit, will, dshuri, are determined. Also, Turkish 
joba, to be in travail, Mongol, dshoba, pain. Also, Lapp kawa, 
to bend, Finnic kawala, crooked, kojc, bending, Mongol, chadsha, 
crooked, etc. In like manner the investigation of the changes 
in pronunciation in division A teaches us to recognise a 
primitive relationship. In the Ugro-Finnic languages, w some- 
times passes over into k (Schott, p. 382). Thus in Finnic we 
have for turn (German wenderi), wdand, and also the form 
kadnt ; and in Mongol, we have chantu, which is allied to the 
Gothic vandjan, Old High German wendjan. There is also an 
evident connection between wulu, lulu, hair, in the Malayan 
languages, and the Gothic mdla, the Old High German wolla 
(wool), Lapp kwol-ga, Mongol, and Turkish kil, hair of animals. 
In regard to division C, it should be observed that many stems 
originally Ugrian have become modified in signification among 
the Mongols, by means of which they clearly enough give 
evidence of their non-Mongolian derivation. In the Finnic 
and Magyar languages, koyda, kot, is to bind, koyte is a cord, 
perhaps originally connected with Latin catena. The Mongols 
evidently adopt the noun as it stands, and make therefrom the 
verb kilte, to lead an animal with a cord. Among the mixed 
race of the Mandshurians both words are brought together 
again ; chuaita, to bind, and kutele. The Finns say neitid, 
moist (German nass, Old High German nazi), Magyar nete, 
moist, Lapp njuos-ka, moist, fresh, Turkish jascli, fresh, hence 
j'ascha, to live ; in this derivative sense the word passed over 
to the Mongols as nasu, age, or stage of life. On the other 
hand, the word nara, the sun, is wanting in the Ugro-Finnic 
languages, and so is originally Mongolian, and it has passed 
over into Turkish and Hungarian in the derivative sense of 
summer, Magyar nyar, Turkish jar. In reply to those who do 
not concern themselves with details about the so-called Altaic 
languages, I observe, in conclusion, that in the above investiga- 
tion I have not taken into account any etymological connections 
between words of the Altaic languages which have not been 
already proved as such by Schott in the work to which refer- 
ence has been made. 


265. Buddhism among the Mongolian Tribes. 

Before entering upon our investigation into the primitive 
religions of the Mongolian races, it is indispensably necessary 
that we should endeavour to acquaint ourselves with the form 
in which Buddhism was first received among these people. In 
206 we followed its fortunes in the land of its birth. The 
panacea for mankind had been found, and was practically 
applied to the life, pantheism was carried out to its ultimate 
consequence, the wish of D. Fr. Strauss was already realized 
twenty-three centuries before his day : miracle was divorced 
from religion, and priesthood from the religious community ; 
without any priestly interference, any one might surrender 
himself to the confession that he is a moment in the self- 
developing process of the unconscious absolute, and will 
infallibly lose himself in the universal negation. This doctrine 
spread with gigantic strides ; with truly fanatical zeal it was 
preached to the peoples of Asia by hundreds, yes, by thousands 
of missionaries. Upper India received it with open arms ; 
and in the last century before Christ it had won possession 
of the countries west of Tibet, Cashgar, Khotan, and Yarkand. 
About A.D. 500 the whole of Higher Asia lying south of Gobi 
was already under the sway of Buddhism, and a hundred years 
later, the Emperor Srongdsan Gambo of Tibet, when he had 
given political unity to the kingdom, completed his work by 
the introduction of Buddhism. When, in the beginning of the 
10th century, owing to a reaction on the part of the adherents 
of the old national religion, the Tibetan dynasty was over- 
thrown, and a dreadful persecution of Buddhists set in, this 
only gave occasion for its further spread. Those who were 
driven forth began to proclaim their doctrines in the north, 
as far as Japan, where at least a great portion of the in- 
habitants adopted the new faith. Buddhism had been intro- 
duced into China in B.C. 65 ; and in A.D. 648, Hiouen-Thsang 
made the distribution of Buddhist literature throughout the 
empire his special life-task. In A.D. 1200, the Lama Oshu 



Adhisha again restored Buddhism in Tibet, and in the 
13th century this religion was carried thence among the 
Mongols, in the strict sense of the word ; and after Genghis 
Khan had adopted it in A.D. 1247, it soon became (about A.D. 
1260) the national religion. 

It may now be asked : How far has pantheism preserved 
its much lauded excellences in this religion ? History makes 
answer thus : It has appeared in the form of absolute im- 
potence in religious, intellectual, and moral relations. A 
David Fr. Strauss of the 5th century was immediately 
followed by a crowd of Vischers, who were convinced that 
halting half way was not at all such a bad thing, but that 
rather it was absolutely necessary for the people, 1 and that we 
must leave to the masses their faith in the gods. Connivance 
with polytheism was the universal characteristic of Buddhism. 
A more thoroughgoing contrast is nowhere to be found in 
history than that which exists between this Buddhism and the 
gospel, as in the first centuries after Christ, and now again in 
modern missionary enterprise. 2 Like a pungent salt, the gospel 
purged out all the filth of polytheistic superstition, and in the 
power of the living God overcame heathenism and overthrew it ; 
whereas the pantheism of Buddhism was never able to conquer 
heathenism, but, like a wet wrapper, clung round every form of 
polytheism, and thus became itself often thoroughly polytheistic, 
adapting itself even to the crudest forms of pagan belief. Thus 
in India, its own proper home, it accommodated itself in order 
to win the people, so as to admit into its system the worship 

1 Vischer, kritische Gange, Heft 6, " Alter und neuer Glaube." 

2 On the other hand, the degraded, paganized Christianity of the 
Romish Church has, besides other striking resemblances to Buddhism, 
shown this tendency to connive with heathen superstition and poly- 
theism. The whole system of saint-worship in the Church of Rome has 
its origin essentially in such a connivance (compare the letter of Gregory 
the Great to the British Missionary Augustine in Bede, i. 30, and my own 
Kirchen- und Dogmengeschichte, i. p. 438). One is also reminded of the 
Jesuit missions to China and Malabar (see the same work, iii. p. 678 f.), 
where the Jesuit Nobili expressed himself in favour of the idea of a 
bodily return of the god Brahma. 


of Indra along with a multitude of Indian gods and demi-gods 
and legendary heroes. This strange amalgam was then 
introduced by Buddhism into Higher India and Tibet. In 
China, Ceylon, and among the Mongols, a similar connivance 
with local beliefs was exercised ; and thus Buddhism has as 
many forms as there are countries into which it has been 
introduced. In China it was reduced to a dry rationalistic 
philosophical system, that it might be conformed as far as 
possible to the system of Confucius. In the empire of 
Mongolia nothing was left that was characteristic of Buddhism, 
but an external ceremonial, wherein in a masked form the old 
Mongolian religion was reproduced. 1 

We are now in a position to advance to a study of its inner 
and essential development. Just as with David Fr. Strauss 
the craving for some sort of worship, after the divine object of 
worship had been removed, sought out earthly objects, and had 
recourse to a worship of genius, so also it happened in the case 
of the Buddhists. Sakya-Muni was himself the genius who 
pre-eminently received their adoration ; in him the impersonal 
absolute had reached the highest stage of his self-developing 
process. So far back, then, as the period between 400 and 
100 B.C., the name of Sakya-Muni had become the subject and 
centre of a cycle of myths, wherein he was straightway 
elevated to the rank of a divine being. He is to descend 
upon India from Damba-Togar, the abode of the gods, in the 
form of an elephant, and to enter into the womb of Queen 
Maha Madsha ; so soon as born, he is to pass through the 
whole world in seven steps, he is to enter into marriage, but 
during his thirty years' life he is to pass his time in penitential 
exercises ; the King of the Apes (very suitably) declares his 
reverence for him, a raging elephant is pacified by him, fair 
maidens, who are brought to him inflamed with the passion of 

1 " The influence of the Chinese on the Mongols is everywhere the 
same. It may be described as in the first instance a demoralizing, and 
then a civilising influence." Thus writes, though with immediate 
reference to the present, Prejevalsky in his Travels in Mongolia, p. 202, 
who otherwise ranks Buddhism and Confucianism high above Christianity. 


love, are persuaded by him to enter on the life of nuns. 
While the Brahmans of India during those last centuries 
before Christ contrived their philosophical notion of the 
Trimurti, according to which Brahma as the absolute manifests 
himself in Vishnu, the creator of matter or the water-god, and 
in Siva, the destroyer of matter or the fire-god, Buddhism 
brought forth its doctrine of a Trimurti in quite another form ; 
the deified Sakya-Muni, under the name of Buddha or 
Gautama, called in China and among the Mongols Fo, his 
doctrine designated Dharma or the law, and the Buddhist 
priesthood, Sangha, form all that now remains as an object of 
worship. This, however, was the esoteric doctrine ; alongside 
of this there was still allowed, as we have said, to the masses 
the entire accumulation of their polytheistic belief. As might 
be expected, there is no lack of theoretical attempts to bring 
these two into harmony. It is this that brings to view the 
impotence of Buddhism from an intellectual point of view. 
The question as to how the world had its origin was solved in 
a way which strikingly reminds us of the atomistic material- 
ism of our own times. The world had its origin from the 
aggregation of elements. First a great wind blew ; by this 
means the atmospheric particles were gathered together; in 
the midst of these a cloud arose, and out of its rain the sea 
was produced, and upon the surface of the sea the dry land 
appeared like cream on milk. The several atoms are here 
evidently assumed to be the primitive existences, for they 
do not need first to be originated, but only to be gathered 
together. In the beginning all was light, but then arose a 
thought, and this produced the false light, darkness. The 
subjectively self-conscious is thus regarded as evil and 
destructive. According to other schools, for Buddhism was 
split up into many sects and parties, over matter there existed 
a world of spirits, who by degrading themselves by contact 
with matter fell, and thus were made to assume the form of 
personal existence. Personality or self-consciousness is thus 
evidently regarded as a function of matter ! Upon earth, 


besides men and animals there are good spirits and Asurs, 
half-evil spirits, and under the earth there are wholly evil 
spirits. Indra is enthroned on Mount Sumeru in his own 
special heaven, called by the Mongols Churnmsta. 1 Four 
heavens lying below this mountain, and four wrapped in the 
clouds above the heaven of Indra, in each of which resides a 
spirit-prince, form with it the nine heavens of delights. The 
spirits inhabiting these marry and are given in marriage. 
Above these are three heavens, in which there is the ordeal of 
fire ; in the three succeeding these there are still storms and 
perturbations of mind ; in the next three there are still 
separate sensations and thoughts. Finally, there come six 
heavens, in which all feeling and sensation is utterly dead, 
and the essential nature of all as they are in themselves is 
shown. Above these eighteen " coloured " heavens there are 
thus, finally, those six " colourless " heavens, in which all 
knowledge and consciousness cease, and utter annihilation 
or Nirvana ( 205) is reached. At last the whole world 
together with all the heavens will be destroyed and pass into 
nothingness. Every man has to make his way through these 
heavens to this goal ; to be is pain, not to be is the one true 
happiness, the Schopenhauer-Hartmann practical conclusion 
of Hegelianism, for there is nothing new under the sun. 

It was a true practical instinct that led the Buddhists to 
assign this process of gradual self- extinction, not to the earthly 
life, but to that which is beyond. In this way there was 
preserved for the earthly life a bright page of existence free 
from care. Buddhism has given forth some moral precepts, 
since during the present life such cannot altogether be dis- 
pensed with. These indeed are few in number. The pro- 
hibition against killing man is extended into a prohibition 
against killing any living thing. The Buddhist finds vermin 
on his body ; he wraps it up carefully in cotton, or pushes it 

1 The nine legendary tales of Sickli-Khur have been issued in Mongolian 
with a German translation by Bernhard Jiilg, published at Innsbruck 
1868. See p. 181. 


off unnoticed upon his companion. In Higher and Further 
India there are to be found as Buddhist institutions great 
hospitals for the treatment of sick animals ; but miserable sick 
men are left untended. The institution of caste continues in 
all its severity. There is no command of mercy ; the pro- 
hibition against killing any living creature is regarded as 
sufficient. Further, stealing, lying, and drunkenness are 
forbidden ; also men are warned against becoming the slaves 
of lust. This last injunction, just precisely as in the Eomish 
Church, is intended in the sense of giving a special honour to 
the life of celibacy. Marriage and property are denied to the 
priesthood, also sharing in dances and music, and dyeing of the 
hair and skin ; set hours for eating, too, are prescribed for 
them. It is meritorious for a layman to give a present to the 
priests. But where do the priests come from ? Had not 
Sakya-Muni divorced priesthood from religion ? Even at this 
point pantheism has shown its impotency. Buddhism here 
appears inconsistent with its own principles. Deliverance 
from all priestly interference had been promised, and instead 
of this a guardian-like position is assigned to the priesthood, 
which has the closest resemblance to that of the Eomish 
Church, and is even brought to a point in a way similar to 
that of the Papacy. At the outset there was the hope of 
speedily reaching Nirvana, which induced hundreds and 
thousands to abandon marriage and property and to live as 
beggars. These holy penitents soon came to be regarded as 
priests of Buddha, called in other regions Jainas, and in Tibet 
and among the Mongols, Lamas. They gathered together in 
cloisters under abbots called Gurus ; they preached with zeal 
the Buddhist doctrine. The burying of the dead, the educa- 
tion of the youth, were by and by assigned to them. Rapidly 
these communities developed into an elaborately arranged 
hierarchy, consisting mostly of three orders, but among the 
Mongols of four. This soon led to the opinion that the priest 
has to perform the duties of religion for the laymen, and thus 
religion was reduced to a mere mechanical thing. This shows 


itself most conspicuously in the way in which the meritorious 
duty of prayer is discharged. The form of prayer is written 
on a slip of paper, this is fixed on a round stick and is turned 
about for a long while. And since even this takes up too 
much time and is inconvenient, the little stick is often set as 
the axle of a small water-wheel and then put in a brook, 
and thus the water performs the devotional duties of the 
worshipper. Among Chinese Buddhists, offerings consist of 
strips of gold-paper, which are burnt. 

In Tibet for the last four hundred years, as is well known, 
the priesthood has had its head in the Dalai-Lama at H'lassa, 
who is looked upon as the representative of Buddha on the 
earth, and as the incarnation of a spiritual prince, Bodhisattwa. 
This Buddhist papacy is of Mongolian origin. In A.D. 1260, 
the Khan Batu, uncle of Genghis Khan, set up, after the 
pattern of the strict monarchical system that prevailed in the 
political constitution of the empire, a supreme Lama (Khubil- 
ghan) over the Lamas of his dominion. And just as in India, 
with its polytheism, the images of the gods were put under 
Buddhist protection, and were introduced into Buddhist 
worship, so in the Mongolian empire, made up of a mixture of 
Mongolian and Tartar tribes, the whole system of magic and 
necromancy was readily incorporated. And if Buddhism 
boasts that it has rendered nations gentler, and has vanquished 
in them the thirst for blood, there is in the history of the 
Mongols nothing to warrant such a claim. They were, after 
the year 1247, the same savage and bloodthirsty robbers and 
murderers as before (see 266). In this kingdom, during the 
loth century, the Lama priesthood split up into two parties, 
the red-caps, who allowed the lower orders of their priests to 
marry, and the yellow-caps, and between these there was a 
bitter and bloody strife. The yellows renounced the authority 
of the Mongolian Khubilghan, and put themselves under the 
Dalai-Lama of Tibet. These two are set over against one 
another to the present time as opposing sects. The Chinese 
Buddhists belong to the yellow faction. The Buddhism of 


to-day has assumed in every respect the quality of a worship 
of the idols of the land. 1 Among the Barmans polygamy and 
polyandry is allowed by law, and they have reduced lying to 
a system as thoroughly as the Brahrnans of Further India. 2 
In Japan, not merely with the connivance of the Buddhist 
priests, but organized and zealously and actively conducted 
by them as a lucrative business, prostitution is pursued 
under State regulation ; 3 and, indeed, under the influence of 
Buddhism it has been developed into a regular phallic 
worship in the temples. 4 This is the noble result of pan- 
theism as a world-purifying power in Buddhism. 

1 On Buddhism in Higher India, compare Easier Miss. Mag. 1837, H. 2. 
On Ceylon, 1839, H. 4. Of the Cingalese, Ed. Hildebrandt (Reise urn die 
JErde, 4th ed. Berlin 1873, i. 58) writes : "I have often given attention 
in order to see if I could discover in the countenance of suppliants any 
trace of inner spiritual feeling. In vain ; there was to be observed in 
them just as little discontent or dissatisfaction with the Sansdras, this 
present world, as hope of the eternal peace of Nirvana. It was only 
my worldly rupees that always kept the pious Cingalese in the best 

2 Heifer's Reisen in Vorderasien und Indien, ii. 86 and 95. 

3 Ed. Hildebrandt, Reise urn die Erde, ii. 85 ff. In Yeddo there were, 
in 1869, no less than 3289 public prostitutes (von Kudriafisky, Japan, p. 
108). That the Japanese for the most part marry their wives from among 
the prostitutes is doubted, in so far as men of good position are concerned, 
by Al. von Hubner (Spazierg. urn die Welt, i. 342), but is affirmed by 
E. von Hildebrandt with regard to those of the lower orders, who also are 
devotees of Buddhism. Wernich doubts even this, but admits that in 
youths of eighteen years a quite unreasonable lust is awakened which is 
satisfied in brothels, so that young men of from eighteen to twenty-five 
years appear hah* -grizzled elderly men ; further, that it is a duty to 
protect sailors of ships trading with Japan because of the State-sanctioned 
vice through the establishment of brothels, and that, according to ofiicial 
reports, on twenty-five ships with 2740 men, thirty-five were daily 
incapacitated from work on account of syphilitic diseases ; further, 
that in the higher ranks marriages are concluded only for five years, 
in the lower ranks for even a shorter time. On the other hand, what 
will it signify though adultery by the woman is threatened by law with 
death, and though an old law, that has long passed into desuetude, that 
youths should marry in their sixteenth year? Compare also Kreitner, 
zurfemen Osten, pp. 235-276. 

4 Hildebrandt, Reise urn die Erde, ii. 101. 


266. The Ancient Religion of the Mongols. 

Those who use the name Mongols as interchangeable with 
that of Tartar are wont to appeal to the fact that Genghis 
Khan doomed to death those found guilty of witchcraft and 
soothsaying, and enacted by law that all his subjects should 
believe in the creator of heaven and earth, 1 as a proof that 
the same Shamanism must have prevailed among the Mongols 
as did among the Ugro-Tartar tribes. It is, however, quite 
evident that Genghis Khan, who never advanced any preten- 
sion to be regarded as a founder of a religion, did not intend 
by that law to take away from his Mongolian subjects their 
earlier religion and substitute another in its place, but rather 
simply to introduce the religion of his own superior race into 
the conquered domains of the Kirghiz, Nigurs, Merkites of 
the Altaian group, Turks, etc., and thus to extirpate the 
Shamanism that was offensive to the Mongols. It might 
therefore be assumed beforehand that the Mongols had believed 
in the creator of heaven and earth, and that they were not 
addicted to Shamanism. Both of these positions can be sup- 
ported by direct evidence. The Franciscan Johannes Plankar- 
pinus, who was sent in A.D. 1246 by Innocent IV. to the 
Grand Khan of the Mongols, relates, 2 that they believed in a 
creator of all things, whom they called Nagatai, naga corre- 
sponding to ngangnja in Tungusic and inikch in Aleutian, 
meaning heaven, and tai corresponding to the Chinese tab, 
god (comp. deva, Gothic tius). To this god, however, they did 
not render any special worship. Alongside of him they 
had guardian deities of their tents and herds; 3 a wooden image 
of such deities stood in every tent covered with silk cloth, 
placed also on a special decorated car. If an ox was slain, its 
heart was placed before the image as an offering, and was left 
lying there till the following day. Of the mare's milk, which 

1 Ssanang Sseten, p. 393. Timoffsky's Reise, iii. 182. 

8 See de Guignes, allg. Geschichte der Hunnen und Turken, iii. p. 7. 

3 Oe<jgo-d, spirits, from the root any, ong ; see 264, Obs. 2. 


they drink, and the flesh, which they eat, they first take a 
portion and besmear therewith the mouth of the idol. They 
worship these images kneeling. 1 In front of the Khan's tent 
stands a costly decorated image. Plankarpinus tells also of a 
god Fo, who was from a southern land. This is Buddha, 
whose religion ( 265) had even then begun to spread among 
the Mongols. Traces of Buddhism appear in the prohibition 
against killing young birds ; the Buddhist missionaries, how- 
ever, were not able to extend the prohibition to the slaying of 
all animals in dealing with a nomadic race which lived by the 
rearing of cattle. Other customs and laws, which Plankar- 
pinus speaks about, appear, on the other hand, to be purely 
Mongolian ; for example, the prohibition against leaning on a 
whip, spitting out chewed flesh, spilling milk, easing nature 
within a dwelling, putting an iron vessel upon the fire, beating 
a horse with the bridle, or sending it without a halter into a 
meadow. All these were forbidden on pain of death ; if any 
of these faults had been unintentionally committed, it might 
be atoned for by a fine and a ceremony of purification by fire. 
All these precepts bear the character rather of a reasonably 
severe police arrangement than that of a religious system. 
Those guardian deities, however, seem to us of special interest, 
inasmuch as they were evidently family gods, being placed not 
in common public sanctuary, but in every tent ; and this will 
be confirmed by reports obtained from other quarters. After 
the death of Genghis Khan a monument was placed over his 
tomb, and round about it eight sanctuaries were built, where 
his followers should be obliged to render him worship ; 2 this 
reverence being claimed by him, not as prince of the nation, 

1 D'Hossom gives Tangri as the name of the creator of the world, and 
ongon as that of the images of the guardian deities. As he mentions no 
authorities, and manifestly confounds what is Tartarian and what is 
Mongolian, his assertions are of no great weight. The name tangri may 
either be the Tartarian appellative for heaven, tengri (see 264 under &), or 
may be the result of a confusion with the tegris or ancestral spirits of the 

2 Ssanang Sseten, pp. 109 and 399. 


but as the ancestor of their race. Now this could not have 
been done unless the worship of ancestry prevailed among the 
Mongols ; and that such a custom was actually prevalent, and 
that ancestors of both sexes were appealed to for protection 
and assistance, the document referred to explicitly declares. 1 
When the Mongolian empire came to an end in A.D. 1368, 
and Buddhism was with it overthrown, the old national 
religion was revived, until Dajan again restored Buddhism in 
A.D. 1578. During this period, as in former times, an offering 
(choilga) was brought to the spirit of the departed (tegri), 
consisting of horses and camels, which were slain and buried 
with the deceased ; but sometimes also men, and especially 
children, were sacrificed. It seems now quite evident that 
those images in the several tents were nothing else than 
images of the tegris, the ancestors of the race, whose spirits 
were appealed to and worshipped as guardian spirits of the 
family. In this respect the Mongolian people stand contrasted 
with the Ugro-Tartar races generally ; for while the Ugro- 
Tartar feared the spirits of the departed as vengeful ghosts, so 
that he would not venture even once to mention their names 
( 263), the Mongol regarded them as friendly guardian deities, 
set up their images in his tent, worshipped them, and invoked 
their help. We shall find this prevalence of a pious feeling 
in regard to their ancestors to be thoroughly characteristic also 
of other nations belonging to the Mongolian family. 

Belief in a creator of the world does not as such form any 
distinction between the Mongolian and the Ugro-Tartar groups, 
for we have already shown in 263 that even among the 
Ugro-Tartars there are evident traces of a primitive acquaint- 
ance with the idea of a creator. And yet even in respect of 
this point there is a thoroughgoing difference in the form in 
which this belief was adopted. We find among the Ugro- 
Tartars, and even among the Finns, a perceptible tendency to 
think of that creator after a purely anthropomorphic fashion ; 
among the Finns he is called " the old father ; " among the 
1 Ssanang Sseten, pp. 109, 235, 249, 416. 


Votiaks and their neighbours he is spoken of as dwelling 
under human conditions in the sun ; by the Teleutians he is 
described as in the uniform of the dragoons. The Mongols, 
on the other hand, have persistently conceived of their 
Nagatai as a pure spirit, an incorporeal being, without material 
form, raised beyond the reach of the senses, and dwelling far 
away in an abstract distance. The same is also true in regard 
to the Chinese. 

A second point, in regard to which the Mongols would 
seem at first sight to be at one with the Ugro-Tartars, but 
occupy in fact quite a different position, has been referred to 
in 262 f. There the sun and the moon were raised as 
near as possible to the creator, and the creator brought down 
as near as possible to the sun, either as dwelling in it or as 
wholly identical with it. Among the Mongolian races, one 
might say, the creator stands rather in the wide expanse of 
heaven, dwelling in an abstract distance above all that is 
visible ; whereas the sun and moon are thought of as approach- 
ing near to man, like the ancestors of the ruling family, in 
whom the nation itself is represented as an ideal unity, and 
toward whom it regards itself as standing in a pious relation 
of children to their parents. It is not only in China that the 
Emperor bears the title Son of Heaven, Thiants6, but also the 
Mongols, according to Plankarpinus, worshipped the moon, 
and, indeed, the full moon, as the great queen j 1 and the sun, 
as the direct ancestor of the royal house. They possessed in 
regard to this a very definite tradition. 2 One of the ancient 
Khans, Yulduz. had two sons, who died before him ; the one 
left a son, Dedshunbajan, the other a daughter, Alankava. 
Those two -were married to one another ; the husband soon 
died, after Alankava had borne him two sons, Baktut and 
Balaktut, named by Marco Polo, who draws upon other sources, 

1 De Guignes, Geschichte der Hunnen und Turken, iii. 8. 

2 Abnabdallah Marrakeschi (im abmamalik), Mehemed bin Cavendshah 
(called Miraconda), and Marco Polo, see in Petis, p. 11 ; D'Hossorn, p. 21 ; 
De Guignes, p. 11 f. 


Balgadai and Begdsadai. There appeared to the widow in her 
chamber, while she lay once upon her bed, a clear shining ray 
of light which three times encircled her breast ; according to 
another account, it took the form of a beautiful orange-coloured 
man : she became pregnant, was led before the judges, related 
the phenomenon, and told that she had conceived three sous ; 
if she should not bring forth three sons, she should then be 
treated as an adulteress. She actually did bring forth three 
boys, who were called nuranium, sons of light : Bokum katagun, 
Boskin saldgi, and Buzend shir. The last of these was the 
ancestor of Genghis Khan. 

This tracing of their descent from the sun affords a very 
striking contrast to the tracing of their descent by the Ugro- 
Tartars from the wolf. It is nevertheless clear that the sun 
legends of the Mongols, which we shall find recurring in the 
traditions of the most varied nations of the Mongolian family, 
has a purely polytheistic origin, just as the Phcenicio-Greek 
legends related in 250, Obs. 2, have their root in Phoenician 
polytheism. If it had been the despotic patriarchal constitu- 
tion of the Mongolian people, together with their worship of 
ancestry, that had led to the apotheosizing and tracing back to 
the sun-god the descent of the ruling class in each of those 
nationalities, then of necessity myths to this effect must have 
been constructed. That the sun was regarded as a god, 
though subordinate to the supreme god, is the one presup- 
position required for the production of such legends. 

Finally, there are still some customs of the Mongols reported 
by Marco Polo that may be mentioned. Ambassadors from 
foreign nations were made to pass between two fires, to be 
purified, before there could be any intercourse with them ; also 
whoever was found in a tent that had been struck by lightning, 
or in which a dead body had lain. Whoever had been present 
at the death of a man, was unclean until the next new moon. 
The dead was buried with his tent ; before him was placed a 
table with flesh and mare's milk, and along with him a horse 
saddled and bridled and a mare with her foal were buried : for 


the life to come was regarded as a continuation of the life that 
now is. Polygamy was allowed ; adultery and impure relations 
of unmarried persons were punished on discovery without more 
ado with death. Among themselves the Mongols had never 
any strife ; they never lied to and stole from one another ; 
they practised free hospitality and benevolence. In regard to 
strangers, they were allowed to indulge in all manner of decep- 
tion, and were bound by no contracts. The Khan exercised 
unlimited jurisdiction ; there was no private property apart 
from him ; the people willingly and heartily submitted to his 

267. The Ancient Religions of Tibet, Higher India, 
and Ceylon. 

In Tibet, remnants of the primitive religions continued down 
to A.D. 900 ; although very little more is known about them, 
but that the priests were called bonbos, and formed a regularly 
graded community, at the head of which were two chief 
priests, a lonlo of heaven and a lonlo of earth. 1 This leads to 
the supposition that here also there was that separation between 
the purely spiritual and invisible creator of the world, enthroned 
in heaven, and a multitude of guardian spirits which had rule 
over the earth. Then in Tibet, as in China, a worship of spirits 
was prevalent in early times. The spirits in China, how- 
ever, will be shown in 268 to be no Shamanistic hobgoblins 
and ghosts, but friendly guardian spirits of their ancestors, as 
among the Mongols. The same thing is illustrated by a further 
circumstance. The population of the island of Ceylon 2 seems 
to be wholly or partially of Mongol blood. In the inland 
parts of the island there are independent tribes which have 
remained uninfluenced by Buddhism. The references in the 
songs of these tribes to Maha-Bambo as the name of a great 

1 See Stuhr, Religionen des Orients, p. 262. 

2 Compare on what follows, Stuhr, Religionen des Orients, p. 274 ff. 


guardian spirit, 1 prove unmistakeably their connection, in 
respect of race and of religion, with nations of the Mongolian 
family ; and the existence of a regular intercourse between 
Ceylon and Higher India in early times is also in other ways 
quite demonstrable. In the religion professed by those tribes 
in the present day, though doubtless now found in a very 
corrupt form, of which we have detailed accounts given us by 
Knox 2 and by Davy, 3 we have an extremely satisfactory 
source of information regarding the early religion of those 
nations. Those peoples believe in one supreme god, the 
invisible creator of heaven and earth, whom they call Ossa 
polla maupt Dio. Further, they worship the sun Irrihaumi, 
and the moon Handahaumi, 4 as a divine pair ; also four great 
guardian spirits of the earth, enthroned on the mountain 
peaks, pattinie ; a multitude of spirits of the woods and the 
hills ; but, above all, the spirits of the departed, dajautas. 
Each family erects a temple (kmvilla, meaning perhaps place 
of invocation ; comp. Mandshu. chula, Tungusic goli, to call, to 
invoke, Mongol, choola, voice, throat) to its own dajauta, 
where the father of the family officiates as priest. These 
temples are adorned with swords, battle-axes, arrows, and 
shields, and the walls are painted with human figures in war- 
like attitudes. Here, too, we have the specific religious 
patriotism of the Mongols, which seeks the aid of their 
ancestors in their struggle against foreign tribes and nations. 
In connection with every act of worship of the spirits there 
was a magical performance carried out by those Cingalese, 
which, however, had not the least resemblance to Shamanism. 
The priestly head of the family laid on his shoulder one of the 

1 In Tibet the word which designated god was applied to the priests, 
who were called god's servants, god's men, the godly. 

2 Knox, Historical Account of the Island of Ceylon. 

3 Davy, Account of the Interior of Ceylon. 

4 Great and small Son ! Iri is in Turkish great, compact, firm ; Icenne 
in all Mongolian and Ugrian languages is small ; Mongol, chomsa, 
Mandshu. komso, small. Haumi may be Mongol, ko'ice, Tungus. 
kunga, Chinese hdi, son. 


sacred weapons hung up in the temple, and is thereby carried 
away into an ecstasy in which he utters prophecies. The 
origin of sicknesses is attributed to an angry guardian spirit ; 
in order to discover who among them it is, recourse is had to an 
oracle, iron shears are hung to the strings of a bow, the 
names of all the guardian spirits are called out in succession, 
and that one at whose name the shears fall with a vibrating 
motion is understood to be the angry spirit, and atonement is 
made to him with offerings and wild dances and masquerades. 
The dancers are called dshaddese or jakka dura. It is evident 
that at the basis of this religious practice there lies an idea 
completely different from that of Shamanism. A hobgoblin 
to whose nature it belongs to do mischief, and a good guardian 
spirit, who, because he has been wronged, temporarily chas- 
tises his charge, are two very different things. Neither should 
we identify a magician by profession and a family chieftain as 
hereditary priest. 

In Cingalese legends and songs the word bambo often 
means a dragon or snake, and so it seems that the guardian 
spirits were conceived of as having the shape of a dragon or 
serpent, and in earlier times were probably represented as such 
in figures. The legends of the Aryan Indians tell of the 
spread of a worship of Nat and Naga, 1 spirits and serpents, 
which in the earliest times had made its way through all the 
southern parts of Further India ; 2 and this would lead to 
the supposition that the Aryan population had been preceded 
by a Mongolian. These Cingalese have also a system of star 
observation, which, however, is of Chaldsean origin, and has 
clearly come to them from the Aryan Indians, and at a later 
period from the Arabians. 3 Among those dwelling on the 

1 It should be noticed here that ndga is a Sanscrit appellative for 
serpent, and not at all a Mongolian proper name of the sun-god. The 
name Nagatai has nothing to do with it. 

* The serpent king of the Indian legends, Karakotaka, springs un- 
doubtedly from a Mongolian origin, though not in name, yet certainly in 
regard to character. 

3 Stuhr, Religionen des Orients, p. 282 f. 


coasts of Ceylon the modern Aryan - Indian religion and 
mythology have plainly been mixed up with their own primi- 
tive religion. From a corrupt form of Brahmanism they have 
adopted the goddess Kali as Omawan ganama, the health- 
god Kumaras, and a multitude of evil spirits, and all this 
jumble they have mixed up with their idolatrous Buddhist 
worship. 1 

When, again, we turn our attention to Tibet, we are told by 
the inhabitants of this land that they have a tradition 2 to the 
effect that their nation sprang, partly from the marriage of an 
ape with a female hobgoblin, partly directly from the apes 
who were instructed in agriculture by a great sage, whether 
he was called Darwin is not said, in consequence of which 
their tails became gradually shortened, their hair fell off, and 
they began to speak. This tradition represents a stage 
of scientific knowledge far too advanced to be regarded as a 
genuine relic of antiquity. Jesting aside, it bears quite the 
character of a Buddhist fable; and that it is not of early 
Mongolian origin appears from this, that among the Mon- 
golian nations there never appears any trace ( 263, Obs.) of 
a belief in a descent from animals ; but that Tartars should 
be confined to the Brahmaputra is not in the least degree 

Of the old national religion of the peoples of Upper India 
only a few vestiges remain. Long before Buddhism made its 
appearance 3 in its polytheistic modifications, these peoples 
were under the spiritual influence of the Aryans of Further 
India. It is all the more remarkable that those slight traces 
exhibit the same characteristics as the old Mongolian religion. 
The Barmans of the present time, although Buddhists, still 
celebrate the full moon and the new moon, 4 an evident 
remnant of a primitive moon-worship. In Siam there has 

1 Stuhr, Religionen des Orients, p. 278 ff. 2 Ibid. p. 261. 

3 The image of the god Jamataga, which has been found in Nepaul, 
with eight heads, thirty-six arms, and eighteen legs, proves the blending 
there of the worship of Siva and Buddha. See Stuhr, p. 279. 

4 Easier Miss. Mag. 1837, p. 219. 



been maintained a special adoration of the departed, and belief 
in their sheltering influence : the dead are burned with peculiarly 
honourable rites ; but the body of a pregnant woman is buried, 
and to the foetus in the mother's womb is ascribed a special 
power for protecting against evil spirits. Whoever succeeds 
in stealing such an undeveloped child from the grave, cuts off 
its head, hands, and feet, fits them on to a stump of clay, 
and sets up this image as a guardian deity in his temple. 1 
Throughout the whole of Anam and Cochin-China, where in 
general Buddhism has made its way and prevails in the form 
of the rudest idolatry, with a predominant fear of the evil spirits 
of the Buddhist system ( 265), ordinarily the spirits of the 
departed are regarded as guardian spirits, and are profoundly 
and earnestly honoured. Four times in the year are offerings 
brought them. 2 

In all this we find an illustration of the old truth, that 
when we go back to a remote antiquity we find, as the original 
common possession of all peoples of the various groups of 
nations, belief in the one invisible creator of heaven and earth, 
that then there grew up in various forms a polytheistic deifica- 
tion of nature, among the Mongols connected essentially with 
ancestor-worship, among the Ugro-Tartars, on the other hand, 
with animal- worship, and in consequence thereof soothsaying 
and witchcraft of various kinds were practised. Among the 
Mongolian nations that have been hitherto spoken of, there has, 
finally, to be added to all this deterioration that pestilential 
and corrupting product of the foreign, Aryan-Indian cultured 
race, Buddhism. The lowest depth of degradation is occupied 
by the Khyeng, who inhabit the mountain region between 
Aracan and Ava in Further India. With them religion has 
been almost completely reduced to a system of soothsaying. 
They have a priesthood under a spiritual chief, the passine, 

1 Stuhr, Rdigionen des Orients, p. 297. Finlayson, Mission to Siam and 
Sue, p. 238. 

2 Hamilton, East India Gazetteer, p. 296 and p. 835 ; Barrow, Voyage to 
Cochin-China, p. 232. The same four sorts of offerings are made in China ; 
see 268. 


a clear proof that in earlier times they had a religion. This, 
however, has now shrunk up into the adoration of a big tree 
called Subri, to which once a year they offer oxen and swine 
and the thunder columns, that is, stones which they dig out of 
the earth on places that have been struck by lightning. At 
such places a pig and an ox are offered, and the stone that has 
been dug up, which they regard as having fallen from heaven, 
is given up to the passine as a charm against sickness. This 
points to an earlier worship of a thunder-god ; and, in fact, 
they tell of a god who dwells on a high, inaccessible mountain. 1 
The passine is consulted in regard to marriages in order to 
secure good luck for him, and he is the arbiter in disputes. 
Death is regarded as a joyful circumstance, and is celebrated 
by festival, at which there is drinking, debauchery, and dancing; 
the bodies of distinguished persons are burnt, others are buried, 
and watchers against evil spirits are placed at the grave. 
Whoever has lost children and cattle, and gets befittingly 
drunk over it, has the happy prospect for his soul of its being 
turned, after death, into an ox or a pig. 2 Of the Old Mongolian 
religion there is here no trace to be seen. The adoration of 
a sacred tree, the worship of the thunder-god (Indra), with his 
dwelling on a high mountain, Sumeru (comp. 265), the use 
of Brahmanical customs in burning the bodies of the dis- 
tinguished, the doctrine of the transmigration of souls, and, 
finally, the joy that is shown over death as marking a step in 
the journey back to the universal primary being, all this 
shows clearly the presence, if not of Aryan-Indian influences, 
pure or mixed, at least the operation of influences from the 
Brahmanical Buddhism of Further India. 

Obs. The Karens dwelling in the mountains of the Burmese 
empire are, according to their own traditions, immigrants from 
the north, from a land where they possessed books ; and in spite 
of their servile position under the Burmese, which has lasted 
for centuries, they show traces of having had a higher civilisa- 
tion in their dress and customs (Heifer's Reisen, ii. 104), when 

1 Busier Miss. Mag. 1837, p. 215. 

* Asiatic Researches, vol. xvi. p. 261 ff. 


the Burmese were savages going almost naked and tattooed. The 
Mongolian type is much more faintly discernible in them (Heifer). 
This fact, as well as their religion, leads us to conjecture that 
in them there is primarily an Iranian, and only secondarily a 
Mongolian extraction. Their doctrine of the gods is limited to a 
belief in good and evil spirits (nat), to whom they lay down, in 
hidden spots in the woods, offerings of rice, fruits, and flowers ; 
they have no priesthood or any regular form of worship; but 
their burial ceremonies are evidently the result of a compromise 
between Iranian and Mongolian customs. The bringing together 
and laying out the whole possessions of the deceased, and their 
burying of the dead, was thoroughly Mongolian ; their raising 
the body after the expiry of a year, and their letting it remain 
exposed to the air, was thoroughly Iranian (comp. 216). Also 
the custom (Heifer, p. 107 f.) of surrendering the body, care- 
fully wrapped up, to the earth for a year, appears to rest origin- 
ally upon an Iranian notion that the body should not come into 
any immediate connection with the sacred earth. The sacred 
books which this people possessed in their primitive state, of 
which they have a remembrance, and over the loss of which 
they bitterly lament, undoubtedly must have been those of 
the Avesta. 

268. China audits Religion. 

The Chinese are in the highest degree a cultured people. 
Although I have not treated of them in the first section, but 
ranked them in this place, this has been done simply on account 
of their geographical, ethnographical, and historical position. 
In respect of bodily form they belong to the great Mongolian 
group of nations, and must be regarded as a branch of the 
same, though even as such they became isolated from the 
other members of the group in a very remote antiquity. This 
isolation, moreover, was not so much an external one, for 
during a thousand years they were obliged to wage a defensive 
war against the hostile inroads and predatory attacks, first of 
the Ugro-Tartars and then of the savage West-Mongolians. 
Their isolation was rather in respect of spiritual development 
and in respect of language (see Obs.). It is not necessary that 
we should here enlarge upon the primitive culture of the 
Chinese, who are acknowledged to have anticipated the West 
in the use of the magnetic needle, in the discovery of the art 


of printing, of gunpowder, etc. ; nor is it required of us that 
we should give in detail a history of the Chinese people and 
their empire. The ancient historical document of the Chinese, 
ScM-Klng, which reaches from B.C. 2356 down to B.C. 947, 
exists no longer in its original form, but only in an abridg- 
ment, which the well - known Khung-tse, Confucius, made 
about B.C. 500. 1 We shall have to consider farther on what 
the Chinese tell about the early history of mankind and about 
the flood; for the present it need only be said that the 
Chinese, or as they put it, the hundred families, pe Ha (where 
a hundred evidently is a round number in the sense of many, 
for there are 438 such families expressly enumerated), when 
they reached the land, found already before them certain wild 
tribes of a Malay race, the Miao-tse, in the mountains of Sze 
Chuen, Kuei Choo, Che Kiang, Kuang Se, and Kuang Tung, 
whom they, since they were not able to subdue them, shut out 
by means of strong fortifications at the outlets of the mountain 
ravines. 2 They continue to exist down to the present day, 
living in fenced villages of, at the most, 2000 inhabitants, 
tending their cattle and following agricultural pursuits. They 
formed the pith of the Tai-ping rebellion of 1850, and the 
great rival Emperor Tien-te was of this race. 3 This people of 
the hundred families at the beginning possessed only the 
country between the great desert and Mandshuria on the 
north, and the Kiang-uria on the south, beyond which there 
were only the two provinces of King and Yang. From B.C 
2205 China has been a hereditary kingdom, with a feudal 
constitution; from B.C. 1122 till B.C. 256 the Tchow dynasty 
reigned ; it was overthrown by Tsin, a vassal king, who gained 
the superiority; his adopted son, Chl-Hoang-Ti, B.C. 246-209, 
who built the Chinese Wall about B.C. 220, to resist the 
inroads of the wild Hiong-nu (see 264), sought to change 

1 V. von Strauss, Lao-tse's Tao-te-ling, Leipzig 1870, Introd. 11, 
p. xxxvii. By the same author, Schi-king, Heidelberg, 1880, Intro- 

2 De Mailla, xi. p. 588. 

3 Callery and Ivan, L' insurrection en Chine, p. 50. 


the national constitution into an imperial government, and 
ordered, in B.C. 212, the burning of all the old books, with 
the exception of medical and economical treatises, and those 
containing prophecies. Original documents were thus irre- 
coverably lost in the flames. When this dynasty broke up 
under the hands of his incapable successors, and in B.C. 201 
the Han dynasty assumed the reins of government, the Schu- 
Klng was reproduced from memory, and soon also a hidden 
and secretly preserved ancient copy was discovered. 1 But far 
more corrupting and injurious than the burning of those 
books was the course of action entered on by the so-called 
philosopher and reformer, or rather deformer, Confucius, about 
B.C. 500, who, almost contemporaneously with Sakya-Muni, 
endeavoured, only too successfully, to introduce into China 
a system of purely worldly wisdom. His teaching consists in 
a barren morality founded upon eudasmonist rules of prudence. 
The charge against him is not so much that he argued against 
the ancient god of the Chinese, as that he ignored him, and 
taught the people to ignore him. In his edition of the Schu- 
King, as well as in that of the Schl-King, a collection of 
ancient songs, he has carefully struck out every reference to 
the early Chinese worship of god or of the gods ; of 3000 
songs, he has only given 315. 2 These expurgated editions of 
the two ancient documents constituted all that was preserved 
when, three hundred years later, the other literary products 
were committed to the flames. There is thus no very brilliant 
expectations excited in regard to the sources of information 
concerning the history of the early Chinese religion. Never- 
theless even from these we shall be able to sketch its charac- 
teristic features. In turning our attention to this subject, we 
shall set aside Buddhism, the first traces of which are found in 
the south of China about A.D. 65, but which was first exten- 
sively spread, between A.D. 202 and 220, by the Buddhist 
missionary Ho -Chang, and only about A.D. 500, when the 

1 V. von Strauss, Lao-tse's Tao-te-king, p. Ixx. ff. 
2 Ibid. p. xxxviii. 


first Buddhist patriarch or Lama was appointed for China, 
began to play an important part ; and we shall also decline to 
follow the story of the barren morality of Confucius. 1 

A. The Chinese religion acknowledges only one God, the 
invisible lord (Ti), or the supreme lord (Schang Ti) and ruler 
of the world, whom it also designates Thian, heaven, a 
designation which reminds us of the Mongolian name of God, 
Xaga-tai, heaven's-tai. He is consbious, all-seeing, all-hearing, 
omnipresent, and incorporeal : he gives life, endues with 
wisdom, rewards the good, and punishes the evil. He 
provides for the course of the world, and determines it. 
Thus, as the unapproachable and supersensible, he exists in 
absolute separation from his creatures. The gulf between 
him and the visible world is filled by the souls of their 
deceased forefathers, who act as mediators, as with the West 
Mongols, and by a multitude of nature-spirits, The souls of 
the departed are with God in heaven. The invisible God is 
worshipped by offerings which the Emperor presents at the 
solstices on an altar of earth under the open canopy of 
heaven. The spirits of ancestors have their temples and halls, 
where offerings are brought them four times a year by the 
heads of families. There is no order of priests, and the fact 
that there is none, and that monarch, princes, and heads of 
families are required to perform the worship of God and of 
the ancestors, is an indication of a primitive condition having 
prevailed in China similar to that which we meet with in 
India during the Vedic period. 

B. The want of a word for God is very striking. Such a 
word, however, had originally existed. In the oldest portions 
of the Schu-King, B.C. 2255-2206, the supreme being is once 
called Tao, and the philosopher or theosophist Lao-tse, in the 
6th century B.C., speaks of the Tao of antiquity. In the 
consciousness of the Chinese this name Tao was perhaps only 
an appellative, identical with the appellative tab, in Japanese 

1 An account of this system may be found in Stuhr, Religionen des 
Orients, p. 10 ff. 


too, which has the root signification of way, and the derived 
significations of procedure, order, government of the world. 
The name of God, Tao, is also indicated by the same written 
sign. It nevertheless seems to me a fair question whether 
we have not rather in Ta6 a primitive proper name, identical 
with the Naga-tai of the West Mongols, preserved to us from a 
time when as yet the art of writing was unknown. When the 
art of writing was discovered by the Chinese, the sign for the 
apellative tab would be seized upon, and it would be thought 
that the name of God must be explained from the signification 
of that appellative term. The written sign for Tao, however, 
may much more plausibly be regarded as compounded of two 
signs, one of which, tschho, stands for come or go, and the other, 
scheii,. for head or origin, which when combined present the 
idea " that from which all springs." This notion we find 
in the remarkable writing of Lao-tse, a philosopher almost 
exactly contemporary with Khung-tse, Confucius. In his 
Tab-tS-king, which all the more easily escaped the book 
burning since Chi-Hoang-Ti, while hostile to Confucianism, 
was favourable to the Tao-sse"e, the worshippers of Tao, 1 Lao- 
tse developed in a theosophical manner the doctrine of the 
Tao antiquity. 2 Tao existed as an incomparably perfect being 
before the origin of the heavens and the earth (cap. 25), and 
before Ti (cap. 4). Incorporeal and immense, invisible and 
inaudible, mysterious and unsearchable, without form or 
figure (cap. 14), he is the eternal ultimate ground of all 
things (cap. 1), and the original creator of all being (cap. 4) ; 
as such he is unnameable, nameable only as revealed by the 
creation, and in this duplicate form the outlet of everything 
spiritual and intellectual (cap. 1). Everything springs from 
him and returns to him again (caps. 16 and 21), and it is his 
work to reproduce these things again (cap. 40) ; for though 
eternal and without any neediness, he is yet never inactive 

1 V. von Strauss, Tad-t$-klng, p. Ixxiii. 

2 Tad-tS-klng, cap. 28 : " who, born in the present age, goes back to the 
ta6 of antiquity." 


(caps. 34 and 37). Never growing old, omnipresent, immut- 
able, and self-determining (cap. 25), he creates, upholds, and 
perfects all existences, which, therefore, honour him and 
praise his goodness, because he loves them and allows them 
free self-determination (caps. 51 and 34). In him is spirit, 
and his spirit is the most genuine ; yet only those who are 
purified from lust can see him (caps. 21 and 1). He who 
determines his conduct according to Tao is one with him 
(cap. 23); Tao is the ground of his moral life (cap. 38). 
He is the great giver, and perfecter, and peace-bringer (caps. 
41 and 46), the refuge of all beings, the protection of the 
good, the saviour of sinners, and he who forgives their guilt 
(cap. 62). 1 It is quite evident now that Lao-tse did not meet 
with the belief in Tao in such a form and at such a stage 
of development in the common religious conceptions of the 
people. It is, indeed, in the highest degree probable that he 
came into contact with fugitives and exiled Israelites of the 
ten tribes, recognised in their Jehovah the Tao of his own 
nation, 2 and was led by them to the attainment of such a 
profound knowledge of God. But he could not have re- 
cognised in the ancient Tao of his nation the God of 
revelation, and he could never have identified the two, 
unless the Tao of the Chinese had clearly been conceived 
of as the invisible creator of the world. In the Sclm-King, 
too, Confucius has allowed words in two passages to remain 
(i. 3, 6 and 15) which refer to the ancient Tao worship : 
" Oppose not Tao, so as to secure the praises of the hundred 
families." " Man's heart is fraught with danger ; Tao's heart 
is fine, is pure, is one ; wishes you to hold by him." 

In the time of Lao-tse the Tao worship among the people 
had no doubt become greatly corrupted. A portion of the 
people preserved alongside of the belief in Thian-ti the belief 

1 V. von Strauss, Tao-te-klng, p. xxxv. 

2 Cap. 14 : " His name is It Hi Wei." How this suggests an acquaint- 
ance with the religion of Israel is shown in thoroughly convincing way 
by V. von Strauss (p. 61 If.) in answer to Stanislas Julien. 


in the old god Ta6. They were called Tao-ssee. But they 
were distinguished from the rest of the people, so far as 
practice was concerned, only in their being addicted to sooth- 
saying, magic, astrology, and alchemy. 1 Lao-tse exercised no 
influence upon them ; he was and continues a lonely, private 
thinker. His book was in later times commented on by Con- 
fucianists, but in doing so they read into it their own ideas. 2 
He has exercised no influence upon the Chinese people ; hence 
all the greater became that of Khung-tse (Confucius), for the 
insipid Ta6 religion could offer no sufficient opposition to his 
superior enlightenment. 

The question now arises, how did the god Tao stand in 
relation to the thidn, heaven, and to Schang-ti, the supreme 
lord, not in Lao-tse's time, but in these primitive ages which 
Lao-ts& himself designates antiquity ? The passage in Tab-tS- 
klng seems to me of the utmost importance where Lao-tse says : 
I know not whose son Tao is, that is, he is no one's son ; he 
reveals himself as the ancestor of the Schang-ti. 3 In the 
early Chinese religion, therefore, Schang-ti, or what was the 
same, Thian-ti, was a son of Tao. It is told, too, of an 
Emperor Schun, B.C. 2254-2204, that he offered sacrifices to 
Thian; in the L\-ki (cap. 23) is found also the old sacrificial 
formula : " At the presentation of the solstice offering there is 
great praise rendered to heaven, and first of all to the sun, 
and also to the moon : the offering to the sun is made on an 
altar of earth, and to the moon in a pit." It thus appears 
that the lord of heaven of Chinese antiquity was no sun- 
god in the strict sense, that is, not to be identified as a deity 
with the sun, like the Japanese Ten-sio dai-sin, but still a 

1 V. von Strauss, Tab-te-kmg, Introd. p. Ixxiii. 

2 Ibid. p. Ixxvii. 

3 By this La6-tse cannot intend merely to say that the name of Ta6 is 
more ancient than that of Schaug-tf. For had this been his intention, he 
would have been obliged in some sort of way to indicate the identity of 
SchSng-tf with Ta6 ; but he rather affirms that Ta6 is Schang-tf s ancestor, 
in the same sense in which he denies that Ta6 has any ancestor, or has 
been begotten. 


Oeos, a lord and ruler of the visible heaven and its 
stars, subordinate to the eternal supreme god and creator of 
the world, Tao. The title of the Chinese emperor, Thian-tse', 
heaven's son, is literally identical with the Japanese ten-si; 
but while the latter is given to the Emperor of Japan as a 
descendant of the sun, there is no trace among the Chinese 
of their emperor having ever been regarded as descended 
from the sun ; on the contrary, the offerings which the 
Emperor of China presents to his ancestors in his ancestral 
temple, and the offerings at the solstice, are quite distinct 
things. The title Thian-tse is therefore to be regarded as 
an abstract title of honour, or, at furthest, it may be con- 
jectured that in primitive times the emperors of the oldest 
dynasty had regarded themselves as descendants, not of the 
sun, but of that son of Tao, Thian-ti, and that the title, in 
the most general sense, had been assumed by emperors of 
succeeding dynasties, in regard to whom there could be no 
pretension of descent even from those who had preceded 
them. The Tchow dynasty, however, actually traced their 
descent back through Heii-tsI to Schang-ti. 1 

If, then, in early times there was placed alongside of Tao a 
son of Tao and Thian-ti in an emanationistic rather than a 
polytheistic sense, it is quite conceivable that there was here, 
as well as among the Iranians, a reformatory reaction against 
this emanationistic development of religion, which showed 

1 The Heii-tsI legend (in Schl-King, iii. 2. 1) corresponds in its character- 
istic features to the Mongolian Buzend legend ( 266). A woman, Kiang- 
Juan, brings an offering to the lord of heaven, praying for the blessing of 
children ; in perfect solitude she walks in the god's footsteps, and becomes 
pregnant. That she was impregnated by the god in the mythological 
fashion is not expressly stated, the redactor evidently putting this idea 
aside, or at least evading it, and favouring rather the supposition that 
the god simply granted her the blessing of fruitfulness, so that she 
became pregnant by her own husband. The old mythological form of 
the tradition, however, appears clearly enough from out of its artistic 
drapery. In the first place, it is quite manifest that according to the 
invariable custom of the Schl-Klng the name of no earthly husband is 
given. Thus we observe that the child, the boy Heii-tsi, was born 
without pain. Then the child was exposed, which is inconceivable if 


itself in an attempt to identify Thian-ti with Tao, to 
transfer the attributes of Tao to Thian-ti, and to set aside 
altogether the name of Ta6 as superfluous and calculated to 
foster false doctrine. "When this reaction set in, the product 
of which was called the religion of Syu, of the learned, in 
contrast to that of the Tao-ssee, it is not easy exactly to say. 
It was, at least, so long before the time of Lao-tse that the 
pre-reformation time seemed to him a remote antiquity ; 
yet it must have been subsequent to the writing of the 
section of the Scku-King, i. 3. The old emanationistic 
religion of two gods only maintained its hold of a portion 
of the people, and that the very lowest of them, and continued 
to be developed in a superstitious manner in the form of 
soothsaying and magic. ' The lonely thinker, Lao-tse, first 
became dissatisfied with the reduction of the Thian-ti religion 
by his contemporaries to a system of abstract deism, and 
sought to lead them back to the Tao of antiquity, endeavour- 
ing in his name to construct his own profoundly speculative 
philosophy of religion. Thus would La6-tse have become the 
founder of a second reformation, if he only had gained 
disciples, and had been able to found a school. 

From chapter 5 of Lao-tse's work it appears that in his 
time the Chinese had a richer sacrificial ceremonial than they 
have had since the time of Khung-tse (Confucius). 1 There 
he speaks of the hay-dog, a dog made of hay, covered with 

his birth had been eagerly longed for by the parents, but quite conceiv- 
able if the child, like Buzend, seemed an illegitimate. The exposed child 
is then wonderfully preserved and brought up by the wild beasts. "We 
find underlying that version of the myth which, in the Schl-Klng, cor- 
responds to the abstract deistical Syu-religion, an older and purely 
mythological version, and this affords evidence of a mythological stage of 
the Chinese religion. "We shall yet meet with ( 298) among the Aztecs, 
who are descended from a Chinese- Mongolian stock, the Mongolian 
tradition of Buzend without any concealment of its mythological features ; 
but it is most noticeable that the Aztec proper name of the child, Hwitzi, 
is more closely related to the Chinese Heu-tsi than to the Old Mongolian 

1 In the temple of agriculture in Pekin oxen were even then offered, 
and indeed burned alive. Hildebrandt, Reise um die Erde, ii. 161. 


rich clothing, which was placed as an offering before the altar 
to avert bad luck, the influences of evil spirits ; l but, after the 
offering had been made, its dress was taken off and it was torn 
up and scattered on the streets. 

C. This leads to speak of the belief in spirits that prevailed 
among the ancient Chinese. This belief, in spite of Con- 
fucianism and Buddhism, has lingered among the people down 
to the present day. We do not here speak of the Shamanism 
that had its origin among the Ugro-Tartars ( 263), which 
already at an earlier period, but especially from A.D. 1644, 
when the Mandshurian dynasty of Thsing came to the throne, 
may have been introduced from the north among some of the 
border tribes, but of the specifically Mongolian belief in spirits, 
which, as already the magical superstition of the Tao-sse'e 
shows, was an integral constituent of the Old Chinese national 
religion, and even now is generally current throughout China. 
This belief in spirits stands in the closest connection with the 
specifically Mongolian practice of ancestor-worship. How 
deeply rooted this was in the national life in early times is 
shown by the fact that in every city a sort of temple, Khung- 
tse-kia, is dedicated to tjie spirit of Khung-tse, in which he is 
invoked as a guardian spirit, and is entreated to look down on 
them with favour. 2 In the capital, too, there is a temple 
which is called " the hall of the ancestors," where the spirits 
of the departed members of the royal family are worshipped. 
The regular festival of this worship is called tsin jun men, 
gate of the pure clouds ; the emperor betakes himself to a 
table laden with flowers and frankincense ; the wall behind 
the table bears a tablet with the names of the ancestors, and a 
son or grandson of the emperor appears as Schi, the dead boy, 
dressed in the cloak of the most distinguished of the ancestors, 

1 This reminds of the dog Nasu, driven away by the Iranians, 216. 

' Barrow, Travels in China, chap. 4. The reverence for parents, grand- 
parents, and old persons, everywhere prominent in the national life of the 
Chinese, carried so far that in order to flatter a young man it is customary 
to say, Thou art already very old, stands in close connection with this 
worship of ancestors. 


takes his place on the seat of honour, and in his stead receives 
food, and drink, and homage, and dispenses good fortune and 
blessing. While sixteen dancers perform in a solemn circle, 
the emperor bows before the Schi and the tablet of names, 
and two series of musicians sing with musical accompaniment 
a hymn in three strophes, the oldest hymn extant, which, 
according to Chinese accounts, dates as far back as B.C. 1122. 
During the performance of the first strophe it is thought that 
the gods approach, during the singing of the second they 
linger about, and during the rendering of the third they again 
withdraw. Libations and prostrations fill up the pauses 
between the strophes. 1 Similar ceremonies are observed by 
the people. At the burial of a Chinaman the relatives offer 
rice-wine to the spirit of the deceased, pouring it out at the 
grave, and also gold paper, which they burn. 2 Besides the 
spirits of ancestors, guardian spirits of the soil and agriculture, 
of mountains and streams, are also honoured with offerings ; 
but this is confined to the princes and noblemen. 3 

- D. From the earliest times the dragon, Lung, is the 
national emblem, appearing as such as early as B.C. 2100. 
In the Schu-Klng, expurgated by Khui\g-tse, traditions about it 
are not found ; but it may be supposed that the dragon or 
serpent had figured in the national myths in some sort of way 
as a guardian deity or as a god of the empire ; and this 
supposition gains weight when we think of the bambo and 
the serpent of the southern races connected with the Mongolians 
( 267), and of the legends of the Japanese ( 269), the 
founder of whose kingdom, Dsin mu ten, had a dragon for 
his grandmother. In fact, there is a great dragon festival 

1 Billert in Mendel's rmisik. Convers. Lexikon, ii. p. 410, where the text 
and music of the hymn are given. 

2 Hildebrandt, Reise um die Erde, iii. 4. 

3 Stuhr (p. 22 ff.) could only come to the opinion that La6-tse had first 
introduced this belief in spirits because La6-tse's book had been in- 
accessible to and unknown by him. There is not a word there about spirits 
and belief in spirits. The custom of setting up images to the spirits was 
introduced (according to Stuhr, p. 28) under the Song dynasty, which was 
peculiarly favourable to the Ta6-ssee, between A.D. 1000 and 1300. 


celebrated yearly at Canton on the 18th of June, where the 
dragon is called upon to give fruitfulness to the fields and 
an abundant fishing, and has his image borne about in 
procession through the streets. 1 

E. This brings us to the Chinese traditions. These begin 
as far back as B.C. 2900 with Pcao-hi or Fu-hi, who is said 
to have invented the figures (kua) of the Ii-k!ng and the 
art of fishing. Then followed Schm-nung, who introduced 
agriculture, trades, and markets, B.C. 2837. Then came 
Hoang-ti, B.C. 2697, who conquered China by the overthrow 
of the Emperor Tsche-jeu, during whose reign the laws were 
put in shape, and music was introduced by Ling-Kin. But 
although the third of these heroes of tradition had been 
transplanted to China, they were all antediluvian heroes. 
It was during the reign of lao, who is said to have begun to 
reign in B.C. 2657, that the flood, which submerged the whole 
kingdom, occurred in B.C. 2597. It was lao who averted 
the flood by showing the streams their courses. It is very 
remarkable how this chronological statement agrees with that 
of the Bible. According to the Masoretic text of Genesis, the 
flood came in the year B.C. 2544 ; according to the Septuagint 
text, somewhat earlier ( 248, Obs.}. 

To return now to Pao-hl, Schm-nung, and Hoang-ti, we see 
in these three as emperors successively reigning a reminiscence 
of the three brothers Tubal-Cain, Jabal, and Jubal, who 
introduced working in metals, the keeping of cattle, and the 
art of music, the remembrance of whom, we are persuaded, 
has been preserved among the most diverse nations of the 
earth. 2 The Chinese name of Noah, lao, agrees literally with 
the Yima of the Iranians, the Yniir of the Germans. The 
Chinese tradition calls the first man Puan-ku. 

Finally, we have still to mention the tradition of the 
Coreans, that the daughter of a river in the county of Fii-jli, 

1 Hildebrandt, Reise um die Erde, ii. 55 f. 

* A more modern form of the tradition confounds Pao-hl and lao. See 
Klaproth, Asia polyglot, p. 28. 


north of Corea, being impregnated by the sun, laid an egg, 
from which the first king of the Coreans was brought forth. 1 
This is just that specifically Mongolian tradition which we have 
already come to know ( 267), and have found in a more 
refined form among the Japanese. 

Obs. We have already spoken of the spirit and construction 
of the Chinese language, 264, Obs. 1 ; and now we need only 
refer to the vocabulary. If the words of the Chinese language 
of the present day show little resemblance and literal relation- 
ship to synonymous words in the other Mongolian languages, 
this is to be explained on the following grounds. 

A. The monosyllabic words of the Chinese language should 
not without more ado be assumed to be the literally well-con- 
served original roots. If we take tsckhi, to run, tschklng, horse, 
sse, to operate, sse, result, sse writer, ssjti,, a scribe, thstin, to exist, 
tlisun, to preserve, etc., no one can for a moment suppose that 
the second word is a root word ; its derivation is unquestion- 

B. If one considers the multitude and diversity of meanings 
which one and the same Chinese word has, as when, for 
example, ji means slight, immediate, rightly, great, peaceable, 
contented, like, equally, to arrange, to root out, to destroy, to 
damage, to overturn, there is here presented to us a process of 
derivation and change of ideas which is so great, that one must 
admit that, apart from current use, the oldest meaning and the 
most original can no longer with any certainty be discovered, as 
when, for example, kung means bodies, but also art. 

C. But also the pronunciation of the words has changed in no 
less a degree. In regard to a number of words, it is known 
with certainty that in early times they were pronounced other- 
wise than now ; of no word can it be said with certainty that 
in early times it was pronounced as it is now. For the Chinese 
writing is not phonetic but notional ; it does not indicate the 
separate letters of which the word consists, but has for the 
whole monosyllabic word one sign, and evidently an ancient 
picture writing lay at the basis of these signs. 

D. If one considers the indefinite multitude of diverse, often 
quite unconnected dialects, so great that, for example, the 
inhabitants of Tientsin would scarcely understand the dialect of 
a native of Pekin, only a few days' journey distant (Hildebrandt, 
ii. 159), and as the so-called written language, more correctly 
the Mandarin dialect, is only one of these dialects, the pro- 

1 Gatterer, Handb. der Universalkistorie, part 2, p. 357. Liickeu, 
Einheit des Jfenschengcscklechtes, p. 181. 


nunciation of this Mandarin dialect is no more decisive in the 
way of determining the original sound of these roots. 

E. The extent of the verbal changes that the Chinese language 
has made upon the old Mongolian roots in the course of a 
thousand years may be calculated, on the one hand, from the 
way in which it formed the proper names of foreign nations, as 
when it rendered Shakia by Schi, Kharisma by Ki-li-sse-mo, 
Kashgar by Kie-scha, etc. ; on the other hand, from its having 
an indefinite number of homonyms, which are only distin- 
guished by the accent ; for example, tschi, to fix, to hold firm ; 
tschi, to acknowledge ; tschi, this ; tshi, to heal ; tschhing, horse ; 
tschhing, to complete ; sching, holy ; selling, sound ; sching, sail ; 
tl, to wash ; ti, earth and ruler, etc. It is thus evident that roots 
originally different have been by mutilation made like one 
another, and only by means of the tone can be artificially dis- 
tinguished. And often it cannot be done even in this way. 
For example, mil, finger, Mongolian musiim, and mu, mother, 
Mongolian amu, have the same accent. 

F. Since, then, it cannot be determined with any certainty, 
either from the present meaning or from the present pronuncia- 
tion, w r hat the original pronunciation and meaning of any 
particular word may have been, any comparison between it and 
other languages of the Mongolian group is well-nigh impossible. 
But where are those other languages ? The Burmese, as well as 
the Japanese, has itself passed through an equally radical pro- 
cess of change, and this is beyond question true of the Tibetan 
language. The Mongols in the strict sense, however, had ( 264, 
Obs. 2) already at a very early period, while under the Ugro- 
Tartar dominion, practically adopted the Ugro-Tartar language. 

G. It is not, then, to be wondered at that in regard to a 
multitude of Chinese words it should be demonstrable or highly 
probable that there should be a similarity of sound with 
Burmese (W. von Humboldt above in 264), with Nepaulese, 
Tibetan, Japanese (see the table of numerals in 264), and also 
with such Mongolian words as the Mongols had not received 
from the Ugro-Tartars ( 264, Obs. 2, D), or with such as (comp. 
under A) were derived from primitive roots common to the 
Japhetic languages. I may refer, for example, to khiti, old 
(ukko) ; khi, heath (angga, henki) ; kieu, guilt, sin (qual, glwl, to 
excite horror) ; tschin, dust (choso, cliasy) ; te, to reach (tap) ; tab, 
way (Japanese too, way ; Mongol, and Ugrian tul, to come) ; 
thing, to hear (tun, don, to hear, feel, perceive) ; siab, small ; syeu, 
pliant (suikia, suiclia, thin) ; yne, to tell ; yu, conversation (yatte, 
to tell) ; tso.1, to embrace (sisa, sisi, inward, to bound) ; tse, teacher ; 
tsing, spirit (sed, sod, to think, to know ; it seems that a 
reduplicated dental is modified into ts) ; tseng, to quarrel (tschigg, 
dsanggo, soy) ; sdn, to strew (sata, dsata, to rain) ; syui, point ; 



suogge, tsoghol, to pierce, bore ; ludn, unquiet (liigga, likka, Iciiky, 
to rule oneself) ; mung, blind (menck, weak, lame) ; mido, spirit 
(mede, midle, to know); syf, pronounced ski, sun (Tungusic 
schiwun, schuri) ; tsi (Old Chinese ts\), son (Mongol, -tschi, 
eke-tschi, sister) ; Mi, child (kunga, kowe) ; Mo, great ; and kui, 
greatness (gnm) t etc. 

269. Japan and its Religion. 

The insular empire of Wa or Jamato, as it was called in 
earlier times, or Nipon, as it has been called more recently, 
or Japan, more properly Shapan, as we are accustomed to call 
it, from the Chinese word sgi-pun, the sun-rising, or eastern 
land, has two different races among its inhabitants. 1 The 
Japanese tradition relates that Zen-mou-ten-wo arrived with 
his people from the West in B.C. 660, but found already 
a population resident upon the island of Nipon. These 
aborigines were driven eastward, and were designated Atsum- 
adshebis or Eastern barbarians. Both races actually continued 
to exist down to A.D. 1100, and even after they had become 
thoroughly amalgamated they are distinguishable by the use 
of a different idiom in their written language which is not 
monosyllabic but agglutinate. At the present time a Ugro- 
Tartar tribe of Ainos lives on the coasts of the islands of 
Yezo and Turakai, and on the Kurile isles, reaching even to 
Kamtskatka and Mandshuria, which probably is identical 
with the Atsumadshebis, and forms the older element in 
the mixed population of Japan. Wernich 2 has satisfactorily 
proved that the Ainos, notwithstanding the peculiarly hairy 
aspect of body, stand closely related to the Japanese, while 
both are strongly distinguished from the Malays. That these 
Ainos are to be identified with the Atsumadshebis, and not 

1 Compare especially the following works : Klaproth, histoire mythol. 
des Japons. PhiL von Siebold, Nippon. Mitford, Tales of Old Japan. 
Eufemia von Kudriaffsky, Japan, vier Vortrage. Al. von Hiibner, 
Spaziergang um die Welt, part 1, pp. 267-396. A. Wernich, geogr. medic. 
Studien nach den Erlebnissen einer Reise um die Erde, Berlin 1878, pp. 

2 Wernich, Studien, p. 112 ff. 


with the hordes of Zen-mou-ten-wo, is hardly to be questioned. 
The latter were undoubtedly a Mongolian race. They were 
followed, in B.C. 209, by a second immigration from China 
under Ziko-suku, in Chinese Seu-fuh, who introduced the 
arts. Thus the Old Japanese language, furu-koto, which was 
used down to A.D. 1600, was one closely connected with the 
Mongolian, with some Chinese words interspersed (Kudriaffsky, 
p. 183). That Malays also occasionally landed in Japan, 
and got mixed up with the native races, has been abundantly 
proved. 1 A sort of picture writing, which is found on some 
very old monuments, 2 may have belonged to these Malays. 
The use of paper was introduced about B.C. 600. At first 
the Chinese ideograuime was employed. This, however, did 
not suit for the agglutinate speech of Japan, and so, soon 
after A.D. 700, the Japanese syllable-systems kata-kana and 
fira-kana, of forty-eight signs, were invented by Kobo, and 
from that time until now have continued in use. The art 
of reading and writing is universally acquired, and a rich 
literature has been produced, especially since A.D. 1206, 
when the book trade with China was opened up. The 
Japanese were great sailors in early times : they possessed 
mighty fleets, and their merchant vessels sailed as far as to 
Bengal. In consequence of a revolution in A.D. 1585, 
seafaring and the fleet were destroyed, and an edict of A.D. 
1638 shut out Japan from intercourse with foreign lands, and 
forbade any attempt thereat. 

As early as A.D. 543, Buddhism had been introduced from 
Corea and was made the State religion. The Japanese name 
of Buddha is Shaka. It is well known that until lately there 

1 Round half-precious stones, maga-tamas, are regarded in Japan as 
presents of the sun-goddess, but had already, according to Japanese 
tradition, been in use by the original inhabitants, and that in the twofold 
character of instruments of exchange and barter and of things sacred. 
We may compare therewith the ( 272) bracks of the inhabitants of the 
Malay-Melanesian island Palau. 

2 Braunschweig, amerik. Denkmdler. Ranch, Einh. des Menschengesch- 
lechtes, p. 317. 


existed not only a spiritual head, the Mikado, who had also the 
title Dairi, great house, but also a secular head, the Shiogun 
or Tycoon, who had an almost equal jurisdiction. The Dairis 
are properly the descendants of the old national royal family, 
and as such have been greeted from the earliest times with 
divine honours ; the Shioguns, as a sort of major-dorno and 
marshal of the empire, had, from the end of the 12th 
century, assumed the greater part of the civil power, and 
were the patrons and representatives of Buddhism, but were 
attacked by the present Mikado and completely overthrown, 
the Sintu temples were stripped of Buddhist emblems, and 
the fiefs (hari) of the vassal princes (daimios) were confiscated. 
Long before Buddhism, luttoo, even in A.D. 288, the doctrine 
of Confucius (sintu) had found entrance from China into 
Japan. But the two imported religions were not able to 
drive out the old national religion, which even in the present 
day numbers many among its followers, although it has 
become corrupted by the introduction of many Buddhist 
elements. The details of its earlier, unadulterated form are 
given in the religious legends preserved in the Japanese 

This old national religion, since the introduction of Buddh- 
ism, and in order to mark its distinction from it, has been 
designated by the Chinese word Sintu, the way or doctrine of 
spirits, and in Japanese words kami-no-mits, Jcami signifying 
a good spirit or a guardian spirit. The ruling family is 
descended from Zen-mou-ten-wo, and through him from the 
sun, just as in the Mongolian tradition and in that of China. 
The Mikado bears the predicate ten-si, son of heaven, and is 
in his nature so sacred and divine, that he dare not be 
designated by his name, but only described as the dairi of 
the royal palace. His race can never die out ; for, if a 
Mikado be childless, there is found always quite unexpectedly 
under a tree of the palace a little boy chosen out of a Kuge 
or old noble family and laid there by its contriving, who is 
considered a present from heaven, and is adopted as successor 


to the throne. All this is an order of things quite similar 
to that which primitively prevailed in Mongolia, which 
Buddhism has not been able to efface; Japan, however, 
required no superior-lama, for it already possessed in its own 
Mikado a direct offshoot of deity. Sintuism distinguishes, 
as all Mongolian religions do, the invisible and far distant 
deity, and the present and guardian deities which are around 
men ; but it has this peculiarity, that it endeavours to secure 
a transition from the one to the other, and for this cause 
divides the god of heaven into seven heavenly gods, to which 
are added five earthly gods. The former are the world- 
ruling powers. But even this doctrine, as it is reported in 
Japanese literature, shows unmistakeable traces of Buddhist 
influences, so that in this form it cannot possibly be regarded 
as the old genuine national religion. First of all chaos 
existed, while as yet heaven and earth, male and female, were 
not distinguished. Then the bright, pure part gathered itself 
together above as heaven ; the heavy, dark part gathered 
itself together below as sea ; and floating upon the latter, the 
dry land gathered itself together (comp. 265). Between 
heaven and earth there grew in the form of a flower a Aami, 
by name Kuni toka tatsi no mikkoto, " worthy of the 
reverence of the ever-enduring empire," and has ruled for a 
hundred thousand millions of years. He produced for himself 
a water-spirit, that one, again, a fire-spirit, and that one, next, 
a wood- spirit, who had a wife, and ruled along with her two 
hundred thousand millions of years. These huge numbers 
plainly reveal the Buddhist origin of the fables ! These were 
succeeded by a metal-spirit with his wife, and sixthly by an 
earth-spirit and his wife, each ruling during an equally long 
period. Then these spirits have offspring, but not through 
intercourse with their wives; and this is thoroughly in 
keeping with Buddhist influences. It is the seventh, Isa-na-gi, 1 

1 According to the modern form of the language : wanderers of man. 
More correctly, the Old Turanian isa, " father," is taken as the fundamental 


who first begets in this way, and he produces one after 
another the islands of the Japanese empire, and afterwards 
all the rest of the world. Thereafter and here we come 
upon genuine remnants of the myth he begot as mistress of 
the world a noble and lovely daughter, whom he set as the 
sun in the heaven, Ten-sio-dai-sin, sun-heat, great spirit, and 
then her sister the moon. The god begat also two brothers, 
the younger of which, on account of his violent passion, 
challenged the sister of the sun to a fight, which interrupted 
the husbandry fostered by her, and so frightened her that 
she wounded herself with her weaver's spool, and enraged 
thereat betook herself to a cave. Then the whole world was 
darkened. The eight hundred thousand gods (the numbers 
again suggest derivation from Buddhism) brought her back 
again by persuasion and force, and cast her brother down to 
the earth, where he delivered men from a dragon which was 
slaying them. 

Ten-sio-dai-sin is the first of the five earthly deities, and 
among the Japanese the most highly honoured. Her son, the 
first king of Japan, is the second of the earthly deities, and here 
begin the spirits of ancestors or ancestral gods. What has to 
be added later on of the part they play in the struggle between 
good and evil spirits is again purely Buddhistic and worthless. 
All the more genuine and important is that which is narrated 
about the third of the earthly deities, Amatsu-fiko, grandson 
of the sun. His bride became pregnant before marriage : 
she offered during her pains to set fire to her soul ; if she 
remained unconsumed, it would be a sign that the child was 
her bridegroom's. In the flames, remaining unburnt, she 
bore three sons. We met with this very identical legend 
among the Mongols, 266 ; only by the Buddhists it is rent 
from its proper position : the sun-god was a male, 1 and she 
who bore was made pregnant by him. This was evidently 

1 Is Ten-sio-dai-sin actually a female deity ? Or has the Old Japanese 
language had originally only one word to designate both son and 
daughter 'I 


the original of the legend ; but Buddhism cannot be satisfied 
without an elaboration of the simple story. A similar story 
is retold in that of the fourth earthly deity, Amatsu-fiko's 
son, who marries Dshebidsu, a daughter of the sea-god ; he 
watches his wife during her confinement ; she changes herself 
for shame into a dragon, and destroys herself in the sea. 
The fifth, finally, begets Zen-mou-ten-wo, the founder of the 
Japanese empire. 

When we have distinguished the genuine original germ 
from its Buddhistic admixture, we have left (a) the distinc- 
tion between the spirits of ancestors and the heavenly, world- 
creating deity ; (6) the classifying of the sun-god among the 
earthly or ancestral gods ; and (c) in close connection there- 
with, the tradition of the origin of the father of the ruling 
family from the sun. These three particulars are genuinely 
Mongolian. On the other hand, the conception of the 
Japanese, that after death souls lose themselves in universal 
being, is distinctly Buddhistic ; while in contrast to this, as 
representing the Old Mongolian element, we have the belief 
that the souls of the Mikados are immortal, as much as the 
prevailing belief among decided adherents of Sintuism is in 
the immortality of all men and in an existence after death. 
Apart from such a belief in immortality, the worship of 
spirits of ancestors could have no meaning. 

This result of a critical investigation of the Buddhist legends 
is confirmed by an examination of the Sintuism of the present 
day as distinguished from the present form of Buddhism in 
Japan. It is a characteristic feature in the contrast of these 
two, that the adherents of Sintuism use for deities the word 
kami, lord or ruler, also ssin, spirits ; and the Buddhists use the 
word hotoke ; that the former have not zinc-roofed, but straw 
or wood-roofed temples (ds/iasiro), in which a mirror is found 
as the image of the sun, while among the Buddhists the mirror 
is the emblem of the value of good works ; that besides they 
have miyas, private chapels, where the ancestral god, gohei, is 
represented by a tuft of five different coloured strips of paper. 


The gods presently worshipped by the adherents of Sintuism 
are these : the sun-goddess Ten-sio-dai-ssin, the god of travel 
and roads Saveno-kami or Dsiso, the thunder-god Kai-dshiu 
(thunder they call kami-nari, the noise of god), the water- 
god Sui-idshiu, etc. Alongside of these they have guardian 
deities for everything conceivable : Fukuno-kami for prosperity, 
Tschi-no-okura for marriage, Gun-dshui for defence in war, 
Funa-dama for seamen, Jnari for cultivation of rice, Kodshin- 
do-kodshin for cooking, that the rice may not burn, Yabukidsho- 
kami against pestilence, etc. The dragon is a great guardian 
spirit of the nation : to him serpents, as a sort of incarnation, 
are sacred, and hence are regarded as inviolable. 1 The worship 
of ancestors is a most elaborate ceremonial. If the parents of 
the bridegroom are dead, their images take their place at the 
marriage. In the event of a death, the deceased has an 
accompanying name given him, oku-rina, which is written on 
a tablet, hung up in the temple, and worshipped with frank- 
incense. For seven weeks after the death there is a weekly 
festival of the dead celebrated ; the name-tablet and the image 
of the dead, with those of his ancestors, are collected, and 
vessels with fruits, flowers, and food are placed before them ; 
after the seventh celebration, the deceased is supposed to have 
been received among the blessed. Great and wise men are 
apotheosed into kamis and canonized ; thus, for example, from 
the Emperor Adshin, A.D. 270-313, we have the warrior deity 
Hatsiman. The priests are called kami-nusi, hosts or keepers 
of the gods. It is not very easy to determine whether the 
pantomimic struggle, 2 which the priests carry on during cer- 
tain festive seasons with invisible enemies or evil spirits, 
is an element which genuinely belongs to Sintuism or to 

The following legends current among the adherents of 

Sintuism are specially worthy of attention. Yamato, whose 

name at once reminds us of that of Yima in the Iranian 

legends, 224, slew an eight-headed dragon, who had required 

1 Hiibner, Spaziergang urn die Erde, i. 350. 2 Ibid. 303 ff. 


that a yearly sacrifice of the daughter of a king should be 
made to him. According to one version of the story, this 
Yamato lived nineteen hundred years ago. According to an- 
other version, he lived before Zin-mou-ten-wo. At the age of 
forty-five years, Zin-mou-ten-wo undertook, along with his 
brothers and his sons, a voyage by sea to the East ; a pilot led 
the way in a tortoise-shell. When a severe storm broke out, 
they offered up the two brothers of Zin-mou-ten-wo to the 
water-god. When he landed on the island of Yamato in 
Japan, he encountered a bear, but succeeded in driving him 
off without being injured. Then appeared a man, and handed 
him the sword Tsurugi, which Yamato had found on the tail 
of the slain dragon (hence Yamato was older than Zin-mou- 
ten-wo), and a goddess promised to send him a raven as a 
guide. This raven, just like that of the German ancestral 
god (Wodin, 260), is a reminiscence of Noah's raven. In 
the Japanese tradition, the reminiscence of the leader of their 
special immigration into Japan is confounded with the remini- 
scence of the continuance of the flood. Alongside of Yamato, 
by means of a reduplication similar to those of the Iranians 
and Greeks, they have a second dragon-slayer, Dsharimarisa, 
who destroyed a dragon, Nuge, which threatened the Dairi. 
There are also sacred animals : the fox, sacred to the sun ; the 
tortoise, the heron, the cock, and (as the emblem of luck) the 
crab. In the spring the Sintuists celebrate a feast, when they 
beseech the Jcame of the earth for favour in agricultural matters. 
In autumn they have a second feast, when they thank him for 
the harvest. They have also the custom of prayer at the 
family table, and prayer at the rising and setting of the sun. 
Instead of the belief that men may assume the shape of 
animals, the converse notion prevails in Japan, that animals 
may assume the shape of men, in order to bewitch men and 
cause them terror. 



270. The Unity of the Malay-Polynesian Group of Tribes. 

While the idea of an immigration of the various nationalities 
of the Asiatic and European continent from the banks of the 
Euphrates presents no difficulty, so that there is no physical 
impediment preventing our adoption of the idea of their 
original unity of stock ; when, on the other hand, the matter 
is viewed from the standpoint of natural science, a peopling 
of the scattered islands of Polynesia from the continent of Asia 
is highly improbable and even inconceivable, and indeed all 
the more inconceivable, if we are to regard the original popula- 
tion of the earth as existing in a condition of rude barbarism. 
That in each of those islands or groups of islands a distinct 
native population had been developed from a purely animal 
condition, may appear to many a one 1 more feasible than the 
bold geological hypothesis, 2 that the Polynesian groups of 
islands had, during the period of man's existence, been con- 
nected with the Asiatic mainland, and that, after they had 
been peopled, they were separated and made into islands, 
either by a volcanic catastrophe, or by a gradual process of 
submersion. The Javanese have, indeed, a tradition that 
Java was once a peninsula and afterwards became an island: 3 
and also in regard to the Sunda islands, which are separated 
from the continent only by a shallow sea ; and in regard to 
the volcanic group of Sumatra, Java, Lambock, Sanibana, 
Flores, Timor, Band a, Ternata, Mindanor, and Luzon, such a 
hypothesis might be urged with a high degree of probability. 
Such an idea, however, could by no possibility be urged in 
regard to the islands of Polynesia, for the simple reason that a 
volcanic convulsion which had riven into small fragments and, 
as it were, pulverised a continent extending from 23 S. to 

1 Waitz, Anthropologie der Naturvolker. 

2 Forster, Carli, cle Mas, Vogt. 

3 Rauch, Einheit des Jfenschengeschlechtes, p. 340. 


30 N. latitude, and from 140 to 230 East longitude, and 
so embracing an extent of something like 85,000 square 
miles, would have utterly destroyed every vestige of life on 
the portions of land which were allowed still to exist. The 
submersion hypothesis is rather more plausible. Polynesia is 
really one of those regions where a long-continued process of 
submersion has been observed j 1 but in order to reach the 
notion of Polynesia forming part of the continent, this sub- 
mersion must be conceived as having commenced at least a 
hundred thousand years before the present day, 2 and must 
thus be relegated to an age prior to the origin of the human 
race. 3 Thus, then, purely from the standpoint of natural 
science the hypothesis of separate native races would have 
most to recommend it, if only the conclusion was well founded, 
that the original inhabitants were too rude to be able to sail 
over a great tract of sea. At the present day, indeed, such 
tribes as those of the Pelew islands, so thoroughly degraded 
and fallen into barbarism, or, according to that hypothesis, 
remaining barbarous, venture upon voyages to the far outlying 
island-groups; 4 why should the same thing not have been 
possible in earlier times ? Cook found on these islands entire 
fleets, one consisting of seventeen hundred ships, each one 
manned by forty men. 5 The inhabitants of the Tonga islands 
kept up a lively intercourse with the Fiji islands and the Kew 
Hebrides. Forster and Cook obtained from a native of the 
Society islands a sort of map, on which the Marquesas, Tahiti, 

1 Wallace, The Malay Archipelago, i. 9 ff. 

2 Peschel in Ausland, 1864, p. 363. 

3 As we have seen from purely scientific grounds ( 168), the Ice Age 
can at farthest be dated back to a period of 10,000 years ago. Compare 
Kirchoff, die Sudseeinseln, p. 245 (in Frommel and Pfaff, Samml. von 
Vortriigen, iii. 9) : " The flora make it quite plain to us that here we have 
before us the last remnants of a portion of the primitive antediluvian world 
before the development of the mammalians and long before the Tertiary 
period. For on the Fiji islands fifty per cent., and on the Hawaiian group 
sixty per cent., of the plants are indigenous." 

* Semper, die Palau-Inseln, Leipz. 1873. 
5 Kennedy, Essais, p. 137. 


Samoa, and the Fiji islands were marked. 1 In these same islands 
Forster found a native who was able to name more than eighty 
islands spread over a surface of thirteen or fourteen hundred 
miles, which he had himself, for the most part, visited. In 
1824 the inhabitants of Anaa undertook a voyage to Tahiti, a 
distance of three hundred miles. 2 A promontory in Hawaii 3 is 
designated by the natives " toward Tahiti," though the one is 
between twenty-seven and twenty-eight hundred miles distant 
from the other. The Tongan language has no other words for 
north and west than toward Samoa, toward Fiji. 4 These fleets 
do not any longer exist ; the shipping industry has fallen into 
decay. Here, as everywhere, we meet with the degradation, 
not the elevation, of races. But it may here be asked, what 
means had these people at command in order that without 
compass and instruments for taking observations they might 
find their way upon the high seas ? The Hawaiians still pre- 
serve a tradition that their forefathers had made long voyages 
with their whole fleets, and had kept their course by means of 
the stars. 5 A second means of determining their whereabouts 
were the sea-birds, following the flight of which the ships 
were sure to reach land somewhere. The boats of the Poly- 
nesians, though small in comparison with our ships, are yet 
skilfully constructed for battling with rough water, for they are 
protected against the surging waves by an outrigger, a suspended 
boom, or by being formed as a double canoe. Thus the funda- 
mental presupposition of the hypothesis of distinct native races 
is utterly shattered by the history of recent voyages of discovery. 
If we turn now to the legends of the Polynesian races, we 
find among the Sandwich islanders the tradition that they are 
originally from Tahiti, and there they place their paradise. 6 

1 See in Eauch, Einheit der Menschengeschlecktes, p. 342 f. 

2 Beechy in Ausland, 1860, p. 446. 

3 Pickering, Races of Man, p. 298. 

4 W. von Humboldt, " Kawi-Sprache," Abhandl. der Berl. Akad. des 
Wissensch. 1832, iii. p. 241 ff. 

5 Pickering, Races of Man. 

6 Ellis, Reise nach Owaii, Hamb. 1827, pp. 220, 243. 


New Zealand is thickly peopled in the north, thinly in the 
south, showing that there was an immigration there from the 
seafaring islands. The Pelew islanders placed their paradise 
and the land of their origin in the West. 1 We do not, how- 
ever, need to rely upon these traditions. The language alone 
will decide, and completely put to confusion the hypothesis 
of distinct native races. Whoever, from the higher ground 
of general culture, refuses to allow himself to be followed in 
a one-sided manner by the reading of researches in natural 
science and by hypothesis, and takes into account the notices 
given by travellers of their linguistic discoveries, will only 
treat the hypothesis of distinct native races as a subject of 
ridicule. It was proved as early as 1832, by W. von Hum- 
boldt, 2 that the inhabitants 3 of Madagascar, Java, Celebes, 
Sumatra, Malacca, New Zealand, and the whole insular region 
of Polynesia between 30 N. and 30 S. latitude, and within 
a curve extending from New Zealand to Easter island, from 
thence to the Sandwich islands, and from thence to the 
Philippines, speak languages that belong to one and the same 
stem. If any one wishes to be more thoroughly convinced, 
he may examine the comparative tables of roots given by 
Buschmann on pp. 241256, and 264, which occupy seven- 
teen folio sheets. (See Obs. 1.) It is a fact that one and the 
same Malay race inhabit Madagascar, the Sunda islands, and 
Polynesia. This Malay race has spread out from 60 to 250 
E. longitude, if we draw a line from Madagascar over Celebes to 
Hawaii, a linear distance of 170 degrees, or over 10,000 miles. 
Evidently, before the Mongols, the Malays had overrun India, 
as the Mongols did before the Aryans. Driven out before these 
two, the Malays wandered toward the coast, westward to Mada- 
gascar, and the greater part eastward to the Sunda islands ; 
another portion migrated to China (comp. 268, the Miao-tse), 

1 Semper, die Palau-Inseln. 

2 Abhandlungen der Berl. Akad. d. W. 1832, vols. ii.-iv. 

3 With the exception of the iMelanesian tribes, of which we shall treat 
in 273. 


and then, pressed by the Chinese, moved toward the Philip- 
pines and the various groups of the other Polynesian islands. 1 
From these facts it follows that even in a very remote antiquity 
the Malays must have been very expert as a seafaring people. 
This character of bold and fearless seamen is in fact retained 
down to the present day by the natives of the Sunda islands, 
and by the Polynesians down to the times of Captain Cook. 
Historical records prove that in the 12th and 13th cen- 
turies there existed a mighty shipping and trading Malay 
State, having its capital at Singapore, the southern point of 
Malacca. 2 When the Portuguese first came into the Indian 
Archipelago, they found Menangkabu the centre of a great 
trade with the East and the West, and with a command of 
the sea beyond anything then known in Europe. One of the 
fleets numbered ninety ships, among which were twenty-five 
large galleons ; a second had three hundred ships, of which 
eighty were of 400 tons burthen each ; a third had five 
hundred ships, having in their crews six thousand men. 3 The 
historical records of the Chinese carry us back to a yet more 
remote period; 4 and so early as A.D. 417-423, Chinese ships 
found a civilised people at Java. In these regions, too, we 
now find, in comparison with those early times, a thorough 
degradation of race, especially in Polynesia, the inner causes 
of which will be treated of in a later section. The causes of 
corruption are of a religious and moral nature, and it did not 
require first the visits of European ships in order to inflict 
upon the people the doom of decay and diminution of popula- 
tion. Europeans already found them a race abandoned to 
corruption, and the process of decrease in population and 
degradation of character had already set in long before the 

1 And then ( 269) from the Philippines, and even directly from China 
to Japan. 

2 This peninsula, according to the native records of the Malays, had 
been taken and was overrun by the Malays from Sumatra. 

8 Marsden, Sumatra, p. 424. Bradford, American Antiquities , p. 232. 
In Rauch, Einheit Menschengeschlechtes^ p. 341 f. 
4 W. von Humboldt, Abhandl. der Berl. Akad. ii. p. 16 f. 


arrival of the first Europeans. When Europeans discovered 
the Tortoise islands or Galapagos group, lying close to South 
America, as well as the islands of Bourbon and Juan Fernandez, 
and also the Falkland islands at the southern point of 
South America, they were found to be already destitute of 
inhabitants, but they found on them evident traces of their 
having been inhabited at an earlier period. 1 

While thus the researches that have been made in the 
comparative science of language demonstrate the unity of the 
Malay races, we find this also confirmed by an examination 
of their bodily construction. That varieties appear among 
them will be matter of surprise to no thinking person. In 
the Ugro-Tartar family the Finns and Esthonians are dis- 
tinguished from the Tsherimis, Votiaks, and Balkash-Tartars ; 
among the Mongolians the Kalmucks are different from the 
Chinese and Japanese ; and these last again are as different 
from the Tibetans as the Javanese are from the Tahitians 
and the Malagassy. A diversity that has grown up during 
hundreds or thousands of years amid various conditions of 
life and civilisation, is accounted for by variations of climate 
and the relative isolation of their insular dwellings, shows 
itself naturally in the colour of the skin and in the physiog- 
nomy ; the Polynesians, who go naked during an eternal spring, 
must have a darker colour than the Sunda islanders and Mala- 
gassy, who have retained certain customs of civilisation. The 
light colour of the skin is common to all the Malay-Polynesian 
tribes, ranging from brownish yellow and light brown to a 
reddish hue, in marked contrast to the Melanesians, 273 ; 
and the shape of the skull and general configuration of the 
body reminds us of the Mongolian family. We are thus led 
to define the Malays as a Mongol- Aryan or Mongol-Caucasian 
mixed race. The view of Oscar Peschel in the Races of Man, 
p. 359, and Otto Mohnicke (Banka und Palemltang, Munster 
1874, p. 180 f.), is extremely probable, that the Malays are 
a race that was early broken off from the primitive Mongoloid 
1 Ellis in Rauch, Einheit Mtnschengeschlecktes, p. 341 f. 


stem, and that they bear to the Mongols a relation similar to 
that borne by the Basques to the Celts. 1 The statistical 
relations, too, are analogous. The Mongolian races, if we 
reckon only one-half of the mixed races of Tungus and Mand- 
shurians, number somewhere about four hundred and twenty 
millions ; the Malays, great as the space is over which they 
are spread, number at furthest no more than two and a half 

Obs. 1. The principal Malay languages are these : The Mala- 
gassic, the Malayan in the narrower sense, as confined to Malacca, 
the Javanese, the Bugish in Celebes, the Tagalic in the Philip- 
pines, the Tongan in the Tonga islands, the Maoric in New 
Zealand, the Tahitian in the Society islands, and the Hawaiian 
in the Sandwich islands. Here we give only a few illustrations 
of the relation subsisting between these languages. Eye is in 
Malag. Javan. Bug. Tag. Maori, Tah. mata, in Tong. matta, 
in Haw. maka, Malagass. masse. Tree is in Malay, Jav. 
kaju, in Tag. cahui, in Tong. acow, in Maori racau, in Tah. 
raau, in Haw. laau, in Malag. hazo. To plant is in Mai. 
tanam, in Jav. tanem, in Tong. tano, in Maori and Tah. 
tanu, in Haw. Jcanu. Blood is in Mai. darah, (a) in Jav. 
rah, in Malag. rd, (b) in Bug. dara, in Tag. dugo, in Tong. 
tawto, in Maori and Tah. toto, in Haw. koko. Earth is (1) in 
Mai. Jav. Bug. tana, in Malag. tane ; (2) in Mai. benua, in 
Bug. wanua, in Tag. banjan, in Maori wenua, in Tah. fenua, 
in Haw. honua and aina. Fire is in Mai. and Bug. api, in 
Sav. hapi, in Tag. hapon, in Tong. aft, in Maori ahi, in 
Tah. auahi, in Haw. ahi, in Malag. affe or fe. Fruit is in 
Mai. buah, in Jav. woh, in Bug. buica, in Tag. bonga, in 
Toug. foa, in Haw. hua, in Tah. hodu, in Malag. voha, etc. 
The Javanese, Tagals, and Bugis possess the art of writing ; but 
their alphabets were of Indian origin. (W. von Humboldt, 
Kawi-Sprache, part 2, p. xi.) 

Obs. 2. In the Malay languages, much more distinctly than 
in those of the nations belonging to the Mongolian group, we can 
trace a relationship with the Aryan languages ; a new proof that 
the process in the direction of monosyllabism and of immoderate 
change of pronunciation in the Mongolian languages belongs to a 
secondary stage. Gerang, kerah, kahik, Old Sanscr. garan, garas, 
vpuz. Lava, loa, loma, Inmu (old), lagui, great, long, Lat. 

1 That in Java, besides Aryan-Indian or Brahmanical influences, there 
may have been an intermixture of Aryan-Indian blood, is not at all 


longus. Maka, mata, eye, Sanscr. mukka. Mauna, maua, moonga, 
mountain, Lat. mons. Bukit, heap, Old High Germ, piokan, to 
curve, bend, puhil, hillock. Tana, earth, %6uv (which is not 
connected, as Curtius thinks, with %apat, humus). Lema in 
Javanese means earth (as matter), Old High Germ. Urn, lema, 
leim, lehm, loam. Benua, bajan, fenua, land, {Baivuv, Lat. venire. 
Kai, ki, cain, to eat, Old High Germ, chiuwan, kauen, to chew. 
Run-toll, to fall, Lat. ruere. Padang, a plain, x'ediov, Sanscr. pad. 
Vaoo, wenua, wilderness, waste, Old High Germ, wasda, Lat. 
vastus. Gni, genni, ahi, auahi, ahi, fire, Sanscr. agni, Lat. ignis. 
Ika, isda, ika, hiwah, fish, fyOvf, Lat. piscis, Celt. iasc. Buah, 
buwa, foa, huu, fruit, Sanscr. bhu, <pvu. Poa, pe, fe, vae, food, 
ToDs, Lat. pes, Sanscr. pad-. Dshadi, to become, Sanscr. dsJian, 
yiv-. Per-dshadi, to be born, Lat. parere (comp. Sanscr. pra- 
thuka, Kopas, xopng, Old High Germ, far, farre, bullock). Semu, 
hesmu (Jav.), sight, Ugro-Finnic silm, szem, Gothic saihvan, to 
see. Ambou (Malag.), both, ambo, u>j,<pi Sova, soa, sora (Malag.), 
good, oaf. Bulu, wulu, bolo, wool, down, Old High Germ, and 
Finnic wula, wule, comp. Lat. pluma. Dulam, house, dd.7Mfju><; 
(which is not derived from dd\xu). Tangan, tang, tahan, hand, 
Sanscr. tang, Lat. tangere, comp. Germ, zange, a pair of tongs. 
Houdis, Iwditte, skin, xitro;, Lat. cutis, Old High Germ, hut, haut. 
Kulit, uli, houlits (Malag.), skin, comp. xXg/w, daudo. Rangi, 
rai, langi, heaven, from root r, to go (from movements of the 
stars). Harsa, jarsa, harec, to hear, Sanscr. sru, K\-JUV, Old High 
Germ, horjan, horran. Mamah, to chew, Lat. mandere, comp. 
Sanscr. mrd, Lat. mordere. Kunjah, kenjuh, ngongo, gnow, to 
chew, gnaw, yj/, Old High Germ, chiuwan. Vidi, vanga, to 
sell, uvsopai, Lat. vcneo and vendo. Hanac, zanaka, anak, kane, 
son, zend, hunu, Sanscr. and Goth, sunus, vi6;. Baitschu (Bug.), 
little, Celt. becc. Mara, malasa, mare, mai, marare, ill, Lat. 
morbus, comp. tnalus. Doule (Malag.), illness, Lat. dolor, dolere. 
Ahinh, aina (Malag.), breath, Sanscr. and Goth. ahma. Maha 
(Tong.), empty, void, Lat. mancus, Old High Germ, mangen, 
mankolon. Liuanag, lama, light, Lat. lumen, lux, Old High 
Germ, lioht. Lahut, luut, lot, sea, Lat. lacus, Celt, loc and ler. 
Mahina, marama (Polyn.), moon, Old High Germ. mdne. Mulut, 
mulu, month, Germ, maul, Old High Germ. mdla. Mu, amu, 
ma, matua, medua, maku, mother, Sanscr. mdtr, wrr,p, etc. 
Haran, ngalan, hingoa, jeneng, juluk, name, comp. harsa, jarsa, 
harec, to hear, as given above. Parau, para, bola, to speak, 
ppa?eiv. Pipi, bibi, cattle, /Souj, Lat. bos, etc., and dshawi, sapi, 
cattle, Sanscr. gaus, Old High Germ, chuo, Jcuh, cow. Kakano, 
seed-corn, xoK-s.og. Sarem, sira, garam, salt, X$, Lat. sal, etc., r 
being convertible with 1. Sawang, to see, Goth, salhvan. Quita, 
kitea, ite, hita, to see, recognise, know, Sanscr. vid-, fUov, oJSa, 
Lat. videre, Old High Germ, vitan, wizzen. Ada, to be, Sanscr. 



as. Ld, rd, sun, Celt. Id, latha, comp. Egypt, ra. Mati, mate, 
to die, comp. Lat. mori. Tonoc, tinging, sound, Lat. sonus, tin- 
nire. Mahira, hari, arao, day, comp. Sanscr. mar, f^dp/j,apog 

Ao (Polyn.), world and bright, Sanscr. gaus, yuTa, xJa. Pa, pdpa, 

, Old 

bapak, father, -ra-r-ra;, Lat. papa, comp. pitr, rar^, pater 
High Germ, fadar. Tutap, tutup, taboo, opani, to cover, Lat. 
taker, zeppich (from root teg-). Punu, pono, fenu, full, Sanscr. 
par, pdr, Lat. plenus, T^TX^/. Pili, fili, to choose, ^G-J/.O^OC/, 
Lat. velle, Goth, viljan, Old High Germ, wellan, to will. Halas, 
alok, hala, ala, ulu, forest, wold, Old High Germ. Tiaruc. Wahine, 
fafine, babaji, bai, vjinah, wife, Old High Germ, wip, iveib. An gin, 
hangin, mat-angi, wind, air, Sanscr. ana, avisos, Finn, henka, 
angga, Mongol, angkil, see 264, Obs. 2, A. Wilang, bilang, to 
count, root &p in apifatic, r changing into I. Lela, lila, lidah, 
tongue, comp. Lat. lingua, lingere, Old High Germ, lekjan, and 
Lat. lambere. Telinga, ear, comp. Old High Germ, chlingan, 
klingen (the interchange of the guttural and dental consonants 
cannot occasion surprise, since among the Malay languages the 
transition from the one to the other is very frequent). 

271. The Religion of the Malays. 

The old original religion of this Malay-Polynesian race can 
be ascertained only in its leading features, and even in respect 
of those only with difficulty. For in those lands which have 
a history, the primitive religion is not only mixed up with 
Brahmanical and Buddhistic elements, but lies buried under a 
layer of Indian influences spread over more than a thousand 
years. Where, however, as in Polynesia, it has continued to 
exist undisturbed by and unmixed with foreign ingredients, 
there is wanting, on the other hand, a history, so that we 
know the Polynesian religion only in the stage of its utter- 
most decay, such as it presents in the most recent times, 
during Cook's voyages round the world. 

A. In Java, Brahmanical influences and immigrations can 
be traced with certainty by means of the monuments down to 
A.D. 1298 ; * but since the Indian immigrants introduced into 
Java the week of five days, which passed out of use in India 
itself in A.D. 600, this affords confirmation to the Javanese 
tradition, which dates the introduction by the Indians of 
1 W. von Humboldt, Kairi-Sprache, part 2, p. 15. 


agriculture, the art of writing, and of medicine, just about 
this time. 1 In consequence of this immigration there sprang 
up in Java, Madura, and Bali, alongside of the Javanese 
language, the Kawi-language, a mixed language, made up of 
Javanese and Sanscrit. The earliest immigrants were Buddh- 
ists, and the pyramid of Boro Budor, 2 a Buddhist Dagop, or 
temple of remains, which was not built later than the 10th 
century, is a witness to the early predominance of Buddhism 
in the island. In their ornaments there appears a syncretic 
mixture of Buddhist and later-Brahmanic or Sivaist repre- 
sentations. Between the 10th and the 15th centuries the 
Siva-worship gained favour among the superior castes ; by 
them were built the temples of the Brahmans, dating about 
A.D. 1292. In the year 1478, Mohammedanism was intro- 
duced. Under this threefold layer of foreign religions the Old 
Malay religion lay so deeply buried that no trace of it remains; 
and even in the Javanese collection of legends, Kanda and 
Manek Madsha, the native is so mixed up with the Indian 
that it seems impossible to distinguish the former. 

B. On the introduction of Mohammedanism there was an 
influx of Brahmans and Buddhists from Java to Bali, and 
they brought with them their mixture of religions. Here, 
however, we find still a faint trace of the Old Malay religion. 
While the Indians there, as well as in Java, named the 
supreme god Batara Guru (from Sanscr. awatara, superior), a 
compromise between Brahma and Buddha, and subordinated 
to him the Trirnurti, Brahma, Vishnu, and Siva, the natives 
of Bali knew and named one supreme being, whom they 
designated by the Malay name of Sang-jang-tunggal, and 
subordinated Batara Guru to him. 3 

C. The Battas in Sumatra have in like manner combined a 
remnant of the old national religion with Brahmanism. From 

1 Stuhr, Religionen des Orients, p. 316. 

2 W. von Humboldt, Eawi-Sprache, p. 120 ff. 

3 Raffles, Memoir, p. 171. History of Java, ii. Append, p. 329. Stuhr, 
Religionen des Oritnts, p. 308. 


the imported India Batara Guru they distinguish the creator 
of the world, whom they call Debata Hasi Asi, but say that 
he has betaken himself to rest, and resigned the government 
to his three sons, Batara Guru, Sori Pada, and Mangulu 
Bulang. 1 Evidently the hero of the flood, distinguishable by 
his three sons, and these comparable again with the Indian 
Trimurti, is here confounded with the creator of the world. 
The Battas have in fact a flood-legend, 2 which they associate 
with the Indian name Batara Guru, in which, however, some 
Malay legendary elements still appear. Since its creation the 
earth has rested on a serpent furnished with cow's horns ; but 
the serpent had its head shattered, and then the earth was 
immersed in the sea. Thereupon Batara's daughter, Puti-arla- 
bulan, mounted up on a white owl from heaven, but never 
found the land, till Batara let fall from heaven the mountain 
Bakarra, around which again the rest of the earth gathered. 
The earth was laid again upon the serpent, and bound upon 
his hands and feet by Batara's son, Lajang-lajand-mandi. 
Then Puti-arla-bulan bore three sons and three daughters, the 
progenitors of the present race of men. Lajang-lajand-mandi 
means " diving swallow." With the In'dian fish-legend of 
Manu ( 207), this bird-legend of the Battas has no such 
similarity as could lead us to regard it as old Malayan. It 
is worth noticing that in spite of their high culture, which 
is shown by their constitution and laws, their writing and 
literature, the Battas had yet been so far degraded as to be- 
come cannibals, while the Melanesian race of the Kubus in 
Sumatra, notwithstanding their barbarous condition, regarded 
this with horror. 3 

D. In Celebes, too, the national religion is buried under a 
mass of Buddhism, Sivaism, and Mohammedanism ; yet here, 
as in Java and Sumatra, still a remnant of the old national reli- 

1 Baffles, Memoir, Transactions of Royal Asiatic Society, vol. i. 
p. 499. 

2 Stuhr, Religionen des Orients, p. 326 f. 

3 Mohnicke, Banka und Palembang, p. 200. 


gion is found : the spirits of ancestors are worshipped, 1 and the 
Javanese language, besides a multitude of imported Sanscrit 
words, whereby various kinds of Indian worship of trees, woods, 
and mountains, and of good and evil spirits, are designated, some 
Malay words 2 are used to indicate guardian spirits (demmit, 
guardian spirits in human form ; dadang-awu, guardian spirits 
of the chase) and evil hobgoblins (kebo, kemale, buffaloes, evil 
spirits in the form of buffaloes ; comp. /toj9a\o9 ; ww, giant 
women, who steal little children). The spirits of the departed 
were therefore, without doubt worshipped as guardian spirits ; 
if, then, the Malays had this religious element in common 
with the tribes of the Mongolian group, 3 this favours our 
supposition ( 270) that the Malays are nothing else than a 
branch thrown off from that stem and subjected to a pecu- 
liar course of development. Those guardian deities and spirits 
meet us among the Battas. Among them particular places 
and countries have their guardian deities, and each man has 
his guardian spirits (bogu), which protect him, and his evil 
spirits (saitans), which seek to do him harm. Both are 
regarded as souls of the departed : 4 it was therefore the spirits 
of wicked men who after death became saitans. The Battas 
have priests who prophesy to them and practise soothsaying, 
and over them is a high priest, who lives in Toba. The 
use of the word guru for priest, and the purely Indian 
title for the high priest, Sa singah rnaha radsha, the lion, 
the great king, show the Indian origin of this hierarchical 
arrangement. For priest, however, besides guru, there is 
also the word datu ; this, as well as the form of sooth- 
saying, seems to be purely Malayan. In cases of misfortune 
and illness the Batta goes to the datu, brings him a present of 

1 Crawfurd, History of Indian Archipelago, vol. ii. p. 230. Raffles, 
History of Java, ii. Append, p. 186. 

2 W. von Humboldt, Kawi-Sprache, part 2, p. 747. 

3 Not with the Indians. In India the old worship of ancestors had 
already ( 199) under Brahmanism, and then more completely under the 
influences of Buddhism, fallen completely into the background. 

4 Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society^ i. p. 500. 


rice and a bird, from examination of the entrails of which the 
datu declares which of the evil spirits have been offended 
(comp. the Cingalese, 267). To the honour of the deceased 
father or grandfather a feast is given, an ox, pig, or cock is 
offered, and the dance is kept up until one of those ^present 
becomes possessed of the spirit of the departed, and is believed 
to be identified with him. This one, as the spirit of the 
deceased, now prays as mediator to that spirit which has 
been made angry, and seeks to pacify him. According to the 
belief of the Battas, the souls of good men go to heaven, those 
of the wicked into a fiery lake : still even here there is a 
large intermixture of Indian elements. 1 

E. The Malay religion, free of all Indian elements, but only 
in the present stage of deep deterioration, is found in the 
Philippines, especially at Luzon, among the Tagals. With 
the exception of the creator of the world, who is here not 
only put to rest but is utterly forgotten, we find the rest 
of the features of the Malay national religion, hitherto 
-appearing only in scattered fragments, all united again : 
the guardian spirits of mountains, plains, and seas, the spirits 
of the departed as guardian deities of families ; but alongside 
of them are still other important elements of religion pre- 
served, which among the Sunda islanders are buried and over- 
laid by the weight of Indian influences. The Tagals in 
Luzon worship the sun, the moon, and the rainbow as their 
gods. For their worship they have priests and priestesses. 
The guardian deities of mountains, countries, seas, are re- 
presented by images, and instead of setting up these images 
in temples, they place them in caves, where they burn incense 
before them. 2 No one enters a district without presenting 
prayers and offerings to the guardian deity of that pro- 
vince. Sacred mountains, too, and rocks and trees are 
objects of worship. When, finally, alligators also, which 

1 Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society, i. p. 502. 

2 White, Voyage to Cochin- China, p. 120 S. Zuniga, Historical Views 
of the Philippine Islands, i. p. 39. 


there constantly destroy many human lives, have worship 
rendered them, and have houses built for them along the 
coasts, and mammals and birds offered them in sacrifice 
as food, this custom is to be explained, without being 
regarded as a universal Malay religious practice, simply 
enough from the local danger ; an evil, destructive spirit is 
supposed to be in the destructive animal Possibly, more- 
over, in pre-Indian antiquity in the Sunda islands, where still 
the dangerousness of the Cayman is experienced, a similar 
cause may have led to the development of a like belief and 

We shall group together the traces of the old national 
Malay religion which we have discovered. 1. The old faith 
in a supreme, invisible god, who created the world, partly 
held by in a feeble way, partly already practically of no 
account ; 2. The polytheistic worship of sun, moon, and rain- 
bow, only existing among the Tagals, elsewhere driven out by 
the Indian religion ; 3. The worship of guardian spirits of 
localities, mountains, etc., and of families, of which the latter 
are spirits of ancestors ; and 4. The fear of deadly powers of 
nature as operations of evil spirits, among which are reckoned 
perhaps the souls of deceased wicked men. 

272. Culture, Religion, and Traditions of the Polynesians. 

The Polynesians exhibit in many ways traces of an earlier 
civilisation, which must have far exceeded their present state 
of culture. " They have a firmly established constitution, 
thoroughgoing and by no means simple, 1 religious notions 
and customs, in part at least a kind of spiritual government, 
show ingenuity in the most varied sorts of work, and are bold 
and skilful seamen. In many places there are still found 
among them fragments of a sacred language that has ceased 
to be understood, and the custom of calling back into use 
antiquated expressions in certain solemn celebrations, wit- 
1 And, indeed, feudal constitution. 


nesses not merely to the extreme age of the language, but also 
to the attention that has been paid to the marking of changes 
that have occurred in the course of time. . . . Their languages 
are in no way derived from the corruption and modification of 
the Malay languages. It is much more likely that they 
represent a primitive form of these Malayan tongues." l We 
shall have to treat of the Polynesians as members of the 
Malay group, who migrated in advance of the rest and formed 
the head of a long procession. 

We must now show what groups of islands and what period 
of time we should keep in view, and especially trace the 
downward course of the process of decay. Of the mixed 
Malay and Melanesian 3 race of the Pelew islanders we possess 
a thorough description from the pen of Dr. Semper, 3 who not 
altogether of his own free will was detained among them 
for a long while, and came to know them in a very exact 
way. These islanders still possess the products of arts 
which their forefathers practised, but which are no longer 
understood by them, and these relics they use as medals. 
They also worship the souls of their forefathers as gods or 
guardian deities, and regard those bracks or medals as repre- 
sentatives of their forefathers, and even give honour and 
reverence to them as gods. They have also fabricated tradi- 
tions of journeys and feats which the various species of medals 
as gods had accomplished. They have a race, in which the 
priestly orders are hereditary, but it is only the shell without 
a kernel that remains ; for they have no longer any proper 
forms of divine worship. Those gods, kalids, whom each man 
reverences in his own club, and of whom each man supposes 
himself to be in some measure inspired, as well as the belief 
that in particular rocks, in particular serpents, etc., kalids 
dwell, are the only vestiges of a religion which are now left 
to them, and the priest has nothing else to do but to practise 
soothsaying and magic. This condition has all the more 

1 W. von Humboldt, Kawi-Sprache, part 2, p. 3. 2 See 273. 

3 K. Semper, die Palau-fnseln, Leipzig 1873. 


appearance of a state of decay when we compare in this 
respect the other groups of islands, on which the more im- 
portant remnants of the Old Malay national religion are pre- 
served. The inhabitants of the Society, Tonga, Sandwich, 
Friendly, Fiji islands, and of New Zealand, believe in one 
supreme divine being, an invisible creator of the world, to 
whom they address their prayers ; called in Tongan liotooa, in 
Maori and Tah. atna, in Hawaiian akua. This god is common 
to all those groups of islands. On the other hand, they differ 
very much among themselves in reference to the inferior 
deities, a certain proof that the polytheism involved in the 
recognition of them is of a secondary growth. 

A. The Tahitians regard the sun as the dwelling-place of 
God. From him are derived a series of inferior deities, among 
which are thirteen gods of the sea, and from him also men 
are descended. Each separate island has its own particular 
guardian deity. The soul after death hovers about the body 
for a long while, and then chooses one of the wooden images, 
which are erected in the neighbourhood of the burying-places, 
for a dwelling-place, until it reaches the sun, where it leads 
a joyful bright life, with abundance of bread-fruit, and all 
manner of dainties. 1 

B. The Tonga islanders have a tradition of a god of arts 
and discoveries, Tangaloa, whom they honour as their own par- 
ticular creator or progenitor, confounding him also with the 
creator of the world. This tradition 2 is therefore peculiarly 
worthy of attention, because in it we have an unmistakeable 
reminiscence of Cain's murder of his brother. 

At first nothing existed but heaven, water, and the island 
Bolotu, the dwelling of the gods. One day Tangaloa, the god 
of all arts, whose priests in Tonga are carpenters, wished to fish 
in the ocean, but suddenly felt a great strain upon his fishing 
line. Supposing that he had hooked a large fish, he hauled 
with his utmost strength. Then there appeared the points of 
rocks jutting out of the water, and by and by the Tonga islands 

1 Easier Miss. Mag. i. 36. 

2 By W. von Humboldt, Kawi-Sprache, part 4, p. 442 ff. 


were brought above the surface. There would have been an 
entire mighty continent 1 brought up, only that the line broke. 2 
The gods created plants and animals according to the pattern of 
those in Bolotu, with only this difference, that they were not 
immortal. The legend then continues literally as follows : 
" The god Tangaloa with his two sons dwell in Bolotu. They 
dwelt there and continued to dwell on there, and Tangaloa says 
to his two sons: ' Go hence with your wives and dwell together 
on earth in Tonga. Divide the land into two halves, and occupy 
the separate divisions.' So they went forth. The name of the 
elder was Tubo, that of the younger Waka-Akau-uli. The 
younger lad was very smart : he first made axes, jewelled orna- 
ments, Papalangi-stuff, 3 and mirrors. 4 The lad Tubo was of 
quite another character ; he was slow and lazy. He always went 
to walk, and slept, and envied much the works of his brother. 
Weary of begging things of him, the elder brother thought to 
kill the younger, and to conceal the wicked act that he had 
done. Meeting his brother, he beat him till he died. At that 
time their father came in great wrath from Bolotu. He asked: 
' Why slewest thou thy brother ? Canst not thou work as he 
did ? Alas for thy wickedness ! Make proclamation to the 
members of Waka-Akau-uli's family that they come hither.' 
They came, therefore, and Tangaloa commanded them : ' Go, 
launch a ship upon the sea ; sail to the east towards the great 
land, and dwell there together. Your skin shall be white as 
your disposition a good disposition. Be skilful, make axes, 
valuable things of all kinds, and go in ships. Nevertheless, I 
go to tell the wind to come from your land to Tonga. 6 The race 
of Tubo shall never be able to reach you with their poor ships.' 
Tangaloa then addressed the elder brother thus : ' Thou shalt 
be blackest of the black, thy spirit is mean, and thou art friend- 
less. No good thing shalt thou have ; thou shalt not go to the 
land of thy brother ; how could you go there with your wretched 
ships ? Thy brother only will come to Tonga to trade with 
you,' " 

1 These islanders had therefore the idea of a continent, and so evidently 
a reminiscence of such a thing. 

2 A rock on the island of Hunga is still pointed out as the one in which 
the fishing-hook stuck. 

3 Papalangi is in Tongau myths the name of a far-off land of wonders, 
where pigs have horns, houses are drawn by great birds, etc. Bolotu lies 
north-west of Tonga. Tonga, in fact, means East. See Humboldt, 
p. 421. 

4 In North American sepulchres also mirrors of mica were found, a 
proof that the so-called savage people did not first learn the use of mirrors 
from Europeans. See Humboldt, p. 453. 

5 The trade-winds blow there from east to west. 


Mariner found this tradition only known to the most intelli- 
gent, and the oldest people assured him that it was a genuine 
native tradition. All internal and external evidences go to 
confirm this. No mission agency had previously existed in 
the Tonga islands ; the idea that passing Europeans had 
related to the islanders the biblical history of Cain and Abel, 
is quite inadmissible from the difficulty of the language and 
the absence of written modes of expression. The discoverers 
of America found there already a thoroughly similar tradition 
among many of the American tribes. 1 Finally, the core of 
the history of Cain and Abel in this Tongan tradition has 
developed, if one may use the figure, in a sort of chemically 
modified way, and become blended with a specifically Tongan 
mythology, which would not have been the case if these islanders 
had received for the first from some passing traveller of the 
last generation the history of Cain as a foreign story. Even in 
such a case they might have treated their material according 
to Tongan taste, and introduced external decorations and modi- 
fications in this sense, but no such fundamental changes and 
no such omissions. The particulars of the offerings of the two 
sons would have been quite intelligible to them, that of the 
marks on Cain's brow would have commended itself to them : 
both points would have been retained in their memories, and 
certainly reproduced in their story. This they have not done ; 
and instead of this, their tradition has its point in the deadly 
conflict between the bright-coloured and seafaring Malays, and 
the black, sluggish, and unskilled Melanesians. It is evident, 
therefore, that there is here a primitive reminiscence of a 
primitive national conflict between Malays and Melanesians 
(of which see more particulars in 273), which appears here 
in the form of a spiritual national possession of the Malays 
coming down from primitive times. The recollection of a 
primitive conflict of races is connected with a recollection of 
the murder of a brother that happened shortly after the creation 
of man, which affords an explanation of this race antagonism. 
1 Humboldt in AbhandL d. Berl. Akad., part 4, p. 450. 


C. A trace of this tradition is also found in Tahiti. The 
first man is the son of a god, Taroa-t'eay-etoomo, and of a 
goddess, O-te-papa, and was called 0-tea, the white. 1 The 
parents here are evidently an apotheosis of the first human 
pair, and the first man as the son of this pair is identical with 
the Waka-Akau-uli of the Tongans. Waka-Akau-uli means 
literally Ship-wood-black, that is, a ship of black wood ; such 
a one do we find in the legends of a related people, the 
Melanesians ( 274), as the ship of the hero of the flood. It 
might therefore be assumed that the Tongan Polynesians had 
heard and received of old from the Melanesians their tradition 
of the flood, and the emerging of the earth was confounded 
with its first creation, and therefore the survivor of the flood 
was confounded with Abel, who is thus represented as a 
skilful seaman. In 281 we shall return again to this 

D. In the Sandwich island, Oahu, Kotzebue 2 found in a 
temple enclosure a female and a male statue, the former of 
which, in whose direction the other is turned, seizes upon 
fruit that is between them on a stalk hanging with bananas, 
while the latter stretches out his hand for the fruit. That 
this representation is founded on the story of Adam and Eve 
is noted by Humboldt. 3 Ellis found in Hawaii the tradition 
of a flood, which covered all the mountains with the exception 
of a small peak of Mauna Kea. 4 Thus do we find among the 
Polynesians, in connection with their belief in the invisible 
creator of the world, fragments of an evident reminiscence of 
the primitive tradition of the human race, distorted indeed and 
disturbed by the afterwards intermixed polytheism, but by no 
means altogether lost to view. This polytheism, however, 

1 Forster, Observations, p. 551. Etoomo agrees literally with Adam ; pa 
in Malay is father ; in Maori, mother also is expressed by pa; papa may 
therefore be an old word for mother. In the present Malay, Javanese, 
Hawaiian, and Maori, papan, papa, means bond, which does not suit as 
the name of that goddess. 

2 Kotzebue, Entdeckungsreisen, part 2, p. 115. 3 Rid- p. 449. 
4 Ellis, Reise durch Owaii, Hamb. 1827, p. 251. 


bears the essentially Mongolian character of ancestor-worship. 
At other points we meet with this veneration of the 

E. On the Fiji islands long mounds or terraces of from 
thirteen to twenty feet in height are found, consisting of stone 
or sand, and consolidated by the aid of cement, which now 
serve as foundations for the houses of the chiefs. That they 
were originally sepulchral monuments is shown by a compari- 
son with Tahiti. King Oberea had already in Cook's time 
erected a monument there, consisting of a long pyramidal 
hillock of 45 feet in height, 87 in breadth, and 267 in 
length; the sides consisted of large pieces of coral, which 
were carefully hewn and polished in square blocks, and 
placed above one another in eleven courses each two feet 
high. 1 These monuments or sepulchral mounds were called 
morals, and were at the same time used as places of worship, 
sites for temples. Each family has its own guardian deity, 
who is the spirit of some departed relative. 

F. Everywhere in Polynesia the custom prevails of dedi- 
cating something as taboo to the gods, by means of which it 
is withdrawn from earthly use, and reserved for sacred 
purposes. But instead of the expression taboo, other terms 
are used in certain groups of islands, as, e.g., in the Pelew 
islands Jcalid or Uul, and in Australia kiibong. 

G. Everywhere, too, prevails the belief in evil spirits, who 
occasion illnesses and other evils, and plagues, and are pro- 
pitiated by magic and offerings ; among them the evil spirits 
who bring death are pre-eminent, and they frequent the 
neighbourhood of burying-places. As a whole, however, these 
spirits, so far as descriptions and naming of them are con- 
cerned, are different in the several groups of islands. 

H. Most of the tribes, besides their other gods, worship 

one who is their god of war, in whose honour they slay in 

sacrifice prisoners taken in battle. He is perhaps identical 

with that evil spirit of death, or the god of death. In Tahiti 

1 Eougemont, Bronzezeit, p. 18. 


the war-god is called Oro, and is there confounded with the 
supreme Atua, the creator of the world. The missionary 
Jeffer describes such a sacrifice. 1 Before a morai 18 feet 
long, 4 broad, and 5 high, on which some stone tablets with 
tops cleft in the shape of hands had been erected, sat the 
priests with their legs folded beneath them, their backs 
leaning to a stone, and muttering their prayers toward the 
morai. Then the war offerings were beaten on the head with 
clubs and stones ; the high priest plucked out their eyes, and 
gave them to the king, who touched them with his lips, as if 
he would eat them ; then the corpses were cast into a hole 
and covered with stones. In other islands, especially in New 
Zealand, they were consumed ; and thus cannibalism grew 
out of the practice of human sacrifices. In Tahiti, in the last 
age before the arrival of the first missionaries, the frequency 
of those human sacrifices had become atrocious, a further 
proof of the regular deterioration which is naturally at once 
moral and religious. If one considers what a frightful number 
of lives is consumed by war, and by the consequent sacrifice 
of prisoners, and how the constitution of survivors is under- 
mined by polygamy, lust, and uncleanness, 2 and, finally, how 
the physical ruin is completed by the passion for the use of 
rum imported from Europe and America, he will cease to 
wonder at the rapidity with which these populations are 
dying out, and will not, with the Langhannsens and Ger- 
stackers of our days, lay the blame of the decay of those 
races on the missions of evangelical Churches. In the case 

1 Easier Miss. Mag. i. 363. 

2 In the Pelew islands, for example, every married woman, whensoever 
she chooses, without any objection on the part of her husband, goes to 
the bai for a period, which is a sort of common house, in order to earn 
something for herself as armungul, by whoredom. Something analogous 
to this is found in all the groups of islands. What is a recognised custom 
is called by the Pelew islanders tokoi, good ; what is not a recognised 
custom is called nwgul, bad. Thus we have reached the vaunted stand- 
point where good and evil are mere products of convenience and habit. 
That a wife should show love to her husband before strangers is mugul, 
that she should go to the bai is tokoi. See Semper, Palau-Inseln, p. 66. 


of the Society, Fiji, and Sandwich islands, the missions have 
already quite decidedly rejuvenated and given a new power 
and glory to their inhabitants. 

Obs. Some of the first missionaries who went to Polynesia 
thought that they had discovered in Tahiti a sort of doctrine of 
the Trinity. They heard God spoken of as tane medua, Father ; 
they heard of an oromattow tooa te tamaidi, God in the Son ; 
and finally, they thought that they discovered in a taroa 
mannu te hoa, the bird, the Spirit, a correspondence to the 
Holy Spirit, and thereupon they concluded that these tribes 
must have had an early acquaintance with the doctrines of 
Christianity. But this idea rests evidently on a misunder- 
standing. That the creator of the world is designated the 
father of men, appears, if one compares the above paragraph, 
where the traditions are reported, quite natural. Oro mattua 
toa te tamaidi does not mean God in the Son, but is the name 
of Oro, the god of war, Oro the father and his son, where a son 
of the war-god is spoken of in a thoroughly polytheistic sense. 
And taroa mannu is the bird spirit which designates one of 
the guardian deities, who is represented in the form of a bird. 


273. The Remnants of Cuskite Peoples in Asia and 

We have in 247, D, stated the fact admitted by all the 
most recent investigators, that the family of the Cushites 
(Xovcratoi, AldioTres) had in ancient times spread not only 
over Abyssinia, but also over the whole south of Asia, even 
to India. 

1. No one entertains the least doubt that the dark-skinned 
races of Further India are remnants of these Cushites, and so 
we find Megasthenes in antiquity, and Jones and Prichard in 
modern times, calling attention to the physical resemblance 
between these tribes and the Abyssinians. To these tribes, 
which, according to Hunter, number sixty millions, belong 
the Doms in the Himalayas, the dark tribes of Nepaul, and, 
above all, that of the Horos, or so-called Kolhs in the 


mountains of Napura, south-west of Calcutta. In reference 
to the customs and religion of these Kolhs, we have in quite 
recent times obtained trustworthy information. There is now 
an a priori probability that only a portion of that earliest 
population of India would have escaped into the mountains 
from the hordes of invading Malays, and from the Mongols 
who followed, and from the Aryan Indians. Another portion 
w r ould undoubtedly seek safety in the islands, 1 and perhaps 
even before this some of them had voluntarily betaken them- 
selves thither. 

2. This is confirmed by the fact that on the Sunda islands, 
as well as in Australia and some parts of Polynesia, we find, 
alongside of the Malay tribes, races of a dark colour and 
Hamitic structure of body, the so-called Melanesians, whose 
languages have not the slightest connection with those of the 
Malays. 2 To these belong, 

A. The Negritos or Austral-Negros on the Philippine and 
Marianne islands, where they have been driven by the Malays 
into the interior and into the mountains. They have a black 
skin, partly also crisp, almost woolly hair, but are distin- 
guished from the negroes of Africa by the structure of the 
skull, and indeed their general conformation is quite different. 

B. The Alfurus, or Horofurus, 3 or Turadshas in Borneo, 
Celebes, Mindanao, and some neighbouring islands, the Kubus 
in Sumatra, and the Semang in Malacca, which have been all 
driven away back by the Malays into the most remote moun- 
tains. They are distinguished from the Negritos by a lighter 
skin, sometimes passing into light brown, sometimes, especially 
among the wilder tribes, approaching perfect black. In the 

1 The black cannibal inhabitants of the Andamans, who go about quite 
naked, belong to these Cushites. 

2 Klaproth in nouv. journal Asiatique, xii. 240. W. von Humboldt in 
Abdl. d. Berl. Akad., part 2, p. iv. ff. The grammar of the Melanesian 
languages has been wrought up by Gabelentz. 

3 Among the Horos or Kolhs in India horo means man ; another word, 
alala, has the same meaning. These two words came to form the roots 
of the names Horofuru and Alfuru. 


Pelew islands they have become amalgamated with the 
Malays and become a mixed race. 

C. The Papuans, who form the populations of the islands 
of New Guinea, New Britain, New Ireland, some of the 
New Hebrides (Aneityum, Tanna, Mallicollo), the Solomon 
islands, and New Caledonia ; and the Alfurus of the islands 
of New Holland and Van Diemen's Land. 

D. Finally, in the inland districts of Madagascar we find 
the Negrito tribe of the Verzimbers. 

According to Latham's account, 1 the languages of these 
Melanesian tribes are closely related to one another ; and, 
indeed, the languages of the Papuans in New Guinea, New 
Ireland, the Solomon islands, and the New Hebrides, are 
quite the same. From this, notwithstanding the varieties in 
colour, which may be explained partly from climate, for as 
you approach the equator the shade becomes darker, and 
partly from mixture with Malay blood, it may be at once 
concluded that they are descended from one main stem. 
Since, then, the Papuans on the north coast of New Guinea, 
in New Britain, New Ireland, New Caledonia, and Van 
Diemen's Land, with crisp hair have yet a lighter colour than 
the Alfurus on the south coast of New Guinea and in New 
Holland, 2 the conclusion is reasonable that (a) the Negritos 
of the Philippine and Marianne islands, the Alfurus of Borneo, 
Celebes, Mindanao, and the Alfurus of New Holland and of 
the south of New Guinea, had taken possession of those islands 
and peopled them in primitive times before the immigration of 
the Malays into India ; and that (b) the Papuans in the north 
of New Guinea, in New Britain, New Ireland, the Solomon 
islands, and some of the New Hebrides, had first come to 
these islands along with the Malays, as subject to them, and 
then continued to intermarry with them. In favour of this 
latter statement we may adduce the fact that the Papuans 

1 In Ausland, 1843, Mairz (March). 

2 Lesson, " Me"moire sur les Papouas," in the Annales des Soc. Nat. vol. 
x. 1827, p. 93. 



of the New Hebrides in stature and customs show some 
resemblance to the Malays, 1 and even some Malay words 
have found their way into their language, among which are 
these four numerals : one, tsikai, MaL sa, Haw. kahi ; two, 
eru, Tah. rua ; four, ebats, Mai. ampat ; five, erim, Tah. rima. 
In behalf of the former statement namely, that even before 
the arrival of the Malays a free Cushite population inhabited 
New Holland, the Philippines, etc. we may adduce the 
Javanese tradition, 2 Kanda and Manek madsha, that the 
original population of Java came in ships from the Red Sea, 
that is, from Arabia; that some worshipped the sun, some the 
moon, and some fire, but that all were worshippers of the 
stars, and that they were roving in wild hordes without laws. 
During the historical period no Alfurus or Negritos have been 
found in Java; but this tradition clearly shows that originally 
they were there, as in the present day they are in Celebes 
and Borneo. In Java they had been completely driven away 
or rooted out by the immigrant Malays. 
. Here, too, the legend of Tonga about the white and the 
black son, which we have related in 272, B, has its full 
significance. If the reminiscence of the good son and his 
wicked brother who slew him had already among the Malay 
inhabitants of Tonga in early times taken the form of repre- 
sentation of the white or light-coloured and black brother, 
it may be concluded, as was done by W. von Humboldt, 3 that 
there had been an ancient conflict between the light-coloured 
Malay races and a hostile black race. And if, now, in that 
tradition those belonging to the white brother go from Tonga 
to an eastern island, and the black people remain in Tonga, 
it would seem that we might conclude from this that, at the 
time of the immigration of the Malays, the Alfurus at first, 
at the time when the tradition took this form and assumed 
its established character, kept possession of Tonga, and that 
only at a later period did the Malays, returning from the 

1 Forster, Bemerkungen, etc., pp. 238 and 482 ff. 

2 Raffles, History of Java, ii. 65. 3 Ibid. 450. 


eastern islands, succeed in conquering Tonga. It is worth 
noticing that even in this tradition the greater skill in sea- 
faring craft of the Malays ( 270) in comparison with the 
Cushites is emphasized. 

274. Civilisation and Religion of the Kolhs and their 

Of the sixty million Cushites who live in Further India, 
by far the greater part became Hinduized that is, the con- 
stitution, customs, and Sivaite worship of the Hindus were 
imposed upon and adopted by them. Only the Kolhs, 
though even among them the Hinduizing process was already 
beginning, had, when the Protestant missionaries began to 
work among them, still in great measure retained their 
national character and their religion. My friend, the mis- 
sionary Jellinghaus, who for many years lived among them, 
has written a very thorough account of their nationality and 
religion in the Zeitschrift fur Ethnographic. 

Besides the Munda-Kolhs, numbering about a million, and 
the Larka-Kolhs, closely related to them, there are usually 
counted among the Kolhs in the wider sense, the Urauhs, 
that is, leaf-people, in the south of Tshaibassa, actually con- 
nected with the Munda-Kolhs, though speaking a Tamul 
dialect; and farther north the Santals, speaking a Kolh 
dialect ; and finally, also, though with some uncertainty, the 
Kerias, speaking quite a different language. These peoples 
have dark, black-coloured skins, not generally, however, like 
the negroes, but with a good facial angle, prominent noses, 
large but well-formed mouths, reminding one, just as the 
Abyssinians do, of the Aryan type. They are of a fine, 
powerful development ; and the Mundas, before they had been 
thoroughly spoiled and corrupted by mixture with the cowardly 
Hindus, were characterized by child-like open-heartedness, 
fidelity, and bravery, although they certainly are not distin- 
guished for truthfulness. The Hindus have given them the 


name of Kolhs ; they call themselves simply Jioros, that is, 
men. 1 The position of the various Kolh tribes in respect of 
culture is very varied. The leaf-people are purely savage. 
They go naked, and their women wear absolutely no clothing 
or covering of any kind ; only before Europeans do they 
think it necessary to put on a small bunch of leaves. The 
Munda-Kolhs, to whom this account specially applies, engage 
in agriculture ; the farms are not private property, but belong 
to the community, that is, to the whole company of the male 
inhabitants of the villages ; each holds his own plot for his 
lifetime, and after his death it reverts to the community. 
Till they reach maturity they go naked ; then youths and 
men wear a small girdle, maidens and wives a strip of cloth, 
and in the cooler seasons both sexes wrap themselves up with 
a large cloak. As among all peoples accustomed to go naked, 
the practice, as such, does not provoke to sensuality. Mar- 
riage, when once concluded, is faithfully and purely observed ; 
the adulterer is thoroughly flogged, the adulteress is either 
surrendered to the blows of her own lawful husband, or sent 
away to her seducer. Thus adultery is rare. The Laskas 
punish it with death. Monogamy prevails as a rule; two 
wives are allowed, but the practice is not common. Before 
marriage, however, there is free intercourse of the sexes 
practised in open day, and their lax conscience regard it as 
sport : rarely is a young woman married as a virgin. Parents 
who take the matter seriously have their daughters married 
or betrothed before they reach maturity. Desertion of wives 
and divorce are not infrequent, and concubines, along with 
legally married wives, are permitted. 

In respect of religion they have retained the early 
primitive monotheism, the belief in an invisible, personal 
creator of the world, and to him they present offerings ; they 

1 Besides this word for man, which they indicate by the simple word 
horo, the Hindus by kero-horo, and the Moslems by turko-horo, they have 
also a second word for man, alala ; and, especially in their older tradi- 
tions, also a third, manoa. About this see more farther on. 


also have proverbs, in which a personal trust in him and a 
surrender of themselves to him are expressed. But in general 
he is regarded as far off, and is practically ignored, while they 
are powerfully possessed and dominated by the fear of evil 
spirits. The name of that creator is Sing-bonga j 1 sing means 
sun, sengel, fire, and bonga means spirit. Sing-bonga is 
therefore literally spirit of the sun. We should not, how- 
ever, conclude that we have here a sun-god or a sun-worship. 
No trace, indeed, has been discovered among the Kolhs of 
any worship or reverencing of the sun, and greeting of its 
rising and setting, or even any form of fire-worship. In the 
composite word sing-longa, sing is evidently a qualitative 
attribute, and so has the position of an adjective : sun-spirit 
means a bright, beaming spirit. It is thus quite similar to 
the Aryan diva, from div, to beam forth, and the Munda-Kolhs 
quite expressly say that Sing-bonga created the sun, and the 
earth, and the whole world. 2 Among the most commonly used 
proverbial expressions are the following : Great in heaven is 
Sing-bonga : he has created heaven and earth ; none is greater 
than he. As we kindle a light in the house, so has Sing- 
bonga set the sun in the heavens to lighten the whole world : 
had he not done so, how should the nida-attingtariko, night- 
eaters, that is, wild animals, and the day-eaters, that is, men, 
do with one another ? And that the reminiscence of Sing- 
bonga involves an ethical element, is shown by the following 
sayings : If a wife suspects her husband of infidelity, she says 
to him, Sing-bonga has appointed thee for me, and thou goest 
to another. One ought to say, in comforting one who has 
been robbed, Sing-bonga is the giver, be not low-spirited; 
Sing-bonga sees it, Sing-bonga will award punishment. How 
many days will the thief enjoy it? They encourage to 

1 The Urauhs call him Dharme. See Notrott, die Gossner'sche Mission 
unter den Kolhs, 1874, p. 57. Dharme is the Sanscr. dharmin, the 
righteous, or the speaker of right, the judge. 

2 On the other hand, the Larka-Kolhs identify Sing-bonga with the 
sun itself, regard the moon as his wife, and the stars as his children. 
Among them monotheism is passing over into polytheism. 


sincerity in these words, By our concealing it is not concealed ; 
Sing-bonga will show it openly. On the death of a child 
they say, What can I do ? Sing-bonga has done it, Sing- 
bonga has taken it ; I am powerless ; I cannot give my own 
life instead of his. The poor man comforts himself thus: 
I am hungry, but he who feeds the ants and the birds will 
also give to me ; why should he not give to me ? The good, 
that is, the degree of conscientiousness that is met with in the 
national character of the Kolhs, is to be accounted for by the 
fact that they have not yet altogether forgotten that personal 
God ; but although sin, too, has a mighty hold of them, they 
feel themselves separated from this god, and think of him as 
far removed from them, and then cast upon him the guilt of 
the evil that is on the earth, as though he no longer troubled 
himself about the earth. Thus say they when any great 
wrong or violence is done : Sing-bonga is almighty in heaven, 
but he is removed too far away. Hence they feel themselves 
not only given over to the dominion of human wrong, but also 
by reason of it surrendered by an accusing conscience to a 
foreign power of darkness, which, however, they do not 
recognise as a power of sin, but only as a power of evil, and 
seek for as something magical operating outside of themselves. 
Apart from Sing-bonga, who is a good bonga, there is a 
multitude of evil bongos which haunt nature : burnbonga, 
mountain spirits ; ikirbonga, spirit of the shady depths ; daa- 
bonga, water-spirits ; and at the head of these wicked, ill- 
producing spirits stands a marang-bonga, which haunts 
Marang-burn, one of the highest mountains of the land. 1 

Sacrificial worship is rendered partly to Sing-bonga, partly 
to the evil bongas. Each village has besides its secular 
chief, the munda, its priest, pahan, as a rule a hereditary 
rank, and its sarna, sacrificial court, of the trees of which no 
twig may be broken, and which must not be entered by any 

1 By the Larkas he is called Desauli, has a wife Chahirburhi, a son 
Malura, and he again has a wife Chondorburhi. Among the Santals, 
Zarnabonga and Dhahkrburhi are the chief of the evil spirits. 


woman. These sacred enclosures contain no idol images, and, 
indeed, the Kolhs generally have no images. A sacrificial 
stone is found in every sarna, and on it the pahan offers to 
Sing-bonga white cocks and white goats in order to conciliate 
him, but to evil spirits black or coloured cocks and goats. 
The chief sacrificial festival is in baa-tschandu, the flower 
month, March, the tschait of the Hindus ; but tschandu, 
month, comes not from tschait, but is connected with the 
Sanscrit tschandra, moon. After the offerings are brought, 
the palian is carried on the shoulders round the village, all 
houses are decked with flowers, and a banquet, with rice 
brandy and dancing, follows. 1 On sickness, death, miscarriage, 
etc., they take their complaint against the evil bonga, not to 
the pahan, but to a sorcerer (soko, deonra'), who, amid varied 
ceremonies and calling on Mahadeo or Siva, falls into con- 
vulsions, and in this condition pretends to see and name the 
woman who as a witch has occasioned the evil. Only after 
three soothsayers have denounced the same woman is she put 
to death. If the sorcerer sees no woman but only animals, 
then animals of the same sort must be offered. That the 
belief in evil bongos has been independently developed 
among the Kolhs on the ground of their own religion I 
would not in any way question, but those appeals to 
Mahadeos show that this witchcraft was the weak point 
where first the Siva-worship obtained an influence. The 
belief of the Kolhs, that men with the help of evil spirits 
can be changed for a long while into tigers in order to eat men, 
is worthy of being noticed. They call them kula-horo, tiger- 
men. It is essentially the same belief which we have found 
as a belief in the were-wolf among the Germans and among the 
Ugro-Tartars, and which we shall yet meet with in the most 
varied parts of America, and which we meet with here in a 

1 This flower festival is certainly not genuinely Cushite, but, like the 
name of the flower month, has been obtained from the Hindus. The 
Larkas celebrate five festivals yearly to the evil bonga Desauli (Notrott, 
p. 77). 


Hamite race. Such a belief, which is common to the most 
diverse families of the human race, those farthest separated 
in space and origin, must, since it cannot be explained from 
any physical cause, 1 find its explanation in some occurrence 
which has taken place in the primitive history of the still 
undivided family of mankind. Neither in Siberia, nor in 
India, nor in Germany, nor in North or South America, could 
a man for a length of time change himself into a wolf, or 
tiger, or any other animal. Should the case of a beast 
coming into such connection with a man have occurred in 
primitive history, it would become apparent from this that 
in it there was a nature higher than that of a beast, which 
gave itself a form, and that of a destructive kind. 

This brings us to the legends of the Kolhs. One may 
venture the remark almost without reservation, that just as 
in the case of the reminiscences of one god, the primitive 
traditions of the human race have remained undisturbed. 
The Kolhs exhort one another to diligence by the saying : In 
the beginning Sing-bonga said to us, wiping the sweat from 
thy brow, labouring, ploughing, chopping, wilt thou have food. 
Another saying runs : Men from the beginning have had to 
submit to hard labour, women to birth -pains. Something 
more of a legendary tale is the following reminiscence of a 
lost paradise: Sing-bonga created the human body in the 
moulded form of a child : then came a horse and wished to 
overthrow the moulded form. Then Sing-bonga made a dog, 
which chased the horse ; and now God gave life to man 
(Gen. ii. 7), and created also for the youth a maiden (Gen. ii. 
22). Then God called all creatures to himself (Gen. ii. 19), 
but they all tarried late ; only the tiger came, and so he was 
made mighty beyond other creatures. Much less disfigured is 
the legend of the flood : Men became wicked, then refused to 

1 Fr. von Erdmann's attempted explanation quite misses the mark ; 
that the sun, regarded as beneficent, is represented by an ox, and as 
burning up it is represented by a wolf. This might account for the 
change of an ox, but not of a man, into a wolf. 


wash themselves and would no longer work, but only dance 
and engage in revelries ; then caine a sengel-daa, a flood of 
fire, which, according to the explanation of the Kolhs, means 
simply a tnarang-daa, a great, overwhelming flood ; while 
another version of the legend says that by this flood the wood 
of the ship had been burnt black. In this flood all men 
were swallowed up. 1 Only a brother and a sister laid them- 
selves in the stem of a Tiril tree, a kind of tree with black 
wood, and so were saved ; and from them all men are sprung. 
But Sing-bonga did not wish that men should again suffer 
from a flotid. Therefore he created a lur-bing, a lur serpent, 
lur being the name of a particular kind of serpent, in order that 
it should hinder violent excess of rain. When it threatens to 
rain violently, this lur-Ung breathes his soul toward heaven, 
and his breath is there spread out again as a rainbow and 
brings the rain to an end. So long as the soul of the lur- 
bing as a rainbow remains in the heavens, the lur-bing is 
dead. Hence on the appearing of a rainbow the Kolhs are 
wont to say : lurbing kuted aJcanna, lurbing has become a 
bow ; they also commonly call the rainbow lurbing. The 
Urauhs also have a legend of the flood, in which only a 
brother and a sister save themselves in the hollow or shell 
of a large crab. The Munda-Kolhs, in their legend of the 
flood, use to express man not the word horo, but constantly 
the word manoa. As this word has become antiquated, and 
is only found in their old tradition of the flood, which is 
clearly different from that of the Aryan Indians, 2 it cannot 

1 It is probable that a portion of the Kolhs preserved the ancient mean- 
ing of sengel-daa as equivalent to marang-daa; but another portion 
understood sengel-daa literally, and so developed the idea of burning the 
ship black. That the original intention of the tradition was to represent 
a flood of water and not a flood of fire, will, we think, appear for the fact 
that men are said not to have been burned, but swallowed up or drowned, 
and that a ship is naturally connected with a flood, and especially that 
the legend itself explains the blackness of the ship from the nature of the 
Tiril tree, which does not need to be burnt in order to be black. 

2 The Indian legends of the flood ( 207) speak only of one man as 
having been saved, not of a pair, and have a reminiscence of the rainbow 


have been borrowed from the Sanscrit, but must be a genuine 
primitive word of the old language of the Kolhs. This is 
not to be wondered at, for we have this root, man, manu, for 
man among the most diverse races and families of mankind, 
even in the Menes of the Egyptians. The Malays, too, have 
this root at least as a verbal stem, manatu, to think, although 
for man they have the word tangata, furnished with hands. 

Souls after death go into " that land." Of the dead they 
say : The body is still, the soul (roa) continues to move on. 
They bewail the death of a father (abba) and a mother (umma) 
with the cry : father, mother, whither hast thou gone 
away from us ? Traces are found of the worship of ancestors, 
called haram horoko, old men, burrhi horoko, old women, to 
whom they present offerings of rice, whose names they 
enumerate back to the fifth degree. In particular cases, too, 
they invoke them for protection. This ancestor -worship 
appears only in sporadic forms, 1 and it is quite supposable 
that this is an element of religion imported from the Mongols 
( 267) or from the Malays ( 276). At the same time, the 
reverse mode of viewing it is frequent, and may be accounted 
for by their inclination to witchcraft, the idea, that is to say, 
that the souls of the departed pass into evil longas, or 
actually become, especially in the case of suicides and those 
who meet a violent death, muas, hobgoblins. They expect an 
end of the world, when seven suns instead of one shall rise, 
and melt and burn up everything. They speak also of a nork, 
hell, lying in the south, which nida singil sengel jultanna, burns 
with fire day and night. There the wicked suffer punishment, 
while the good go with Sing-bonga into heaven. This belief, 

that grew up, according to the Indians themselves, at so late a date as 
B.C. 1000. The legends of the Kolhs, on the other hand, know nothing 
of a fish-god, who proclaimed the flood, and drags Manu's ship over the 

1 It is the usual custom to burn the dead, and to lay stone plates over 
the urns. To eminent men are also erected, in or around the villages, 
nisans, that is, memorial stones, two to four feet broad, and five to 
fifteen feet long. 


however, has little influence upon their walk and conversation 
beyond this, that they will never sleep with their heads 
toward the south. Their conscience, indeed, is not altogether 
asleep. There are many parents among them who will not 
suffer their children to sing impure songs or take part in 
dances ; l and the hearty reception which the missionaries had 
from the Kolhs may be explained from this fact, that 
conscience in them was not quite dead. The religion of the 
Kolhs undoubtedly is pagan ; it is, however, the twilight and 
not the black night of heathenism. 

Obs. 1. If in the old national religion of the Cushites the 
belief in the invisible living god has had so powerful an influ- 
ence and has prevailed so long, this just confirms what was 
said in 247 about the Cushite empire of Nimrod, and its god- 
fearing character. In like manner the presence of Semitic 
words in the language of the Kolhs, such as abba, father, 
umma, mother, roa, soul, mi, serves to confirm the position 
laid down in 247, that the Cushites originally dwelt together 
with the Semites on the banks of the Euphrates. 

Obs. 2. The Assyrian tradition of the Kolhs is extremely 
important and worthy of attention ; in the first place, as con- 
taining a reminiscence of a conflict in arms between the Cushites 
and the ungodly Assyrians (comp. 247), and in the second 
place as expressing the consciousness that the worship of the 
evil bongos and the fear of them is a secondary and more recent 
element in their religion than the belief in Sing-bonga. Twelve 
brothers of the Assyrians, thirteen brothers of the gods, melted 
iron, also ate iron, and defiantly declared themselves bongos of 
the mountains and the dells, and said : We are Siug-bonga, of 
whom should we be afraid ? Then anguish came upon men ; 
fearful heat arose, so that even the golden throne of Sing-bonga 
began to melt. Then he sent word by two birds to the men of 
Assyria that they should smelt their iron either by day or by 
night ; but they ill-treated the birds, and sent them back to 
Sing-bonga. Two other birds which he sent, a lark and a 
raven, brought the message that the Assyrians would them- 

1 From this it may be concluded that the moral decay described above 
must have been first introduced in comparatively recent times along with 
Hinduism, and cannot be reckoned against the old national morality. 
In fact, from 1585 to 1680, the Kolhs were tributary to the Turkish 
Musselmen ; and thereafter they came under the influence of the Hindu 


selves be the great deota, deity, and would drive out and over- 
throw Sing-bonga. With no better result he sent two eagles. 
Then Sing-bonga determined himself to visit the earth. [Here 
we find a blending of the Indian mythological element of the 
incarnations of Krishna,] He comes in human form, finds a 
young servant of a man Lutkum afflicted with leprosy out in 
a rice field, and heals him. He had first slain him, drawn the 
leprous skin off the dead body, and then made him alive again 
with a sound healthy skin. Sing-bonga's own son clothes him- 
self in the leprous skin, comes to the earth, seeks work among 
the Assyrians as a swineherd, but is thrust away as a loath- 
some being. Thereupon he works many miracles ; playing ball 
with Assyrian boys, he breaks in pieces their iron balls with 
eggs, etc. There are similar Hindu myths of Krishna. He pre- 
vents any more iron from coming out of the Assyrian furnaces. 
When no sorcerer is able to help them, they turn to the young 
leper (kasra-kora) for counsel. He demands first an animal, 
then a human sacrifice. They wish to offer up one of their 
own sons [Moloch-worship] ; he forbids them, and says : Offer 
me, I have neither father nor mother. Then at his command 
a smelting furnace was built by two virgins, and heated to its 
highest degree. [Here is a reminiscence of the Moloch-worship 
of the Semites of the Euphrates.] He goes into it, but comes 
out again unburnt, beaming and covered with ornaments of 
gold. The Assyrians ask where he got the gold. He says, in 
the furnace there is yet much gold ; they should go in, and let 
their wives for a week blow the bellows, and keep up the heat. 
They went in ; their cries of agony are heard, they are burnt to 
a cinder ; Kasra-kora turned their wives into bongos, and then 
arose the longas of the hills and dells and streams ; then he 
himself went back to heaven. And now Sing-bonga sent a 
messenger to men, Jwro, that is, the Kolhs, the Cushites, who 
taught them the art of working in iron. It is quite clear, in 
'priori, that the Assyrians of the Kolhs have nothing at all in 
common with the Sivaite-Buddhist Assurs, comical spirits of 
the air, and are not derived from them. Another tradition, 
however, presents traces of an Indian origin. The Mundas and 
Urauhs were in olden times united under one king, from whom 
the present princes of Tshutia-STagpore, the land of the Kolhs, 
are descended. A serpent longing after wisdom should, in 
order to learn wisdom, be changed into a man, sought the most 
celebrated schools, and married the daughter of a man. When 
she was inquiring closely into the pedigree of her husband, he 
changed himself back into a serpent and cast himself into a 
lake. She thereupon brought forth that king, but died in 
giving him birth. The kings of Tshutia-Xagpore call them- 
selves naglansi, sons of the serpent ; a hybrid word from the 


Sanscr. ndga, a serpent, and the Kolh word bao, p. This 
legend reminds us of the Japanese myth of the step-daughter 
of Amatsu-fiko, who changed herself into a sea-serpent, 269. 
That this Japanese legend is of Buddhist, and certainly of 
Indian origin, we have already shown. Ruins of an ancient 
royal castle, and numerous temple-like buildings in the city 
of Tshutia (Notrott, p. 89), prove that even in regard to 
culture among the Kolhs there must have been a decay 
and deterioration. 

Obs. 3. The language of the Kolhs, broken up into various 
dialects, is rich in vocabulary, from the letter A to L already 
no less than 7800 words have been collected. Besides Semitic 
words, there are many that seem identical with Japhetic or 
Indo-Germanic roots, which cannot be supposed to have been 
simply borrowed. Horn, man, Lat. homo; had, Germ, heiss, 
is, is called ; numu, name ; nidi, night ; nama, new ; ar, plough ; 
damm, sleep, Sanscr. drui, Lat. dormire ; kiwa, Germ, kinn, 
chin ; ruJcu, Germ, riicken, ridge ; lenga, links, left ; ruru, ruhe, 
rest ; te, tag, Lat. dies, day ; kunibru, Sanscr. kumbrila, thief ; 
sukri, Sanscr. sukara, sow ; danta, zahn ; dens, tooth ; loge, 
lligen, to lie, etc. For father, besides the Semitic abba, apu, 
they have the Malay or generally Japhetic baba ; for mother, 
besides the Semitic umma (Babyl. ummu), they have the 
words enga and ago, which again more resemble the Malay; 
for brother they have anako hago (comp. Mai. naka, son) and 
bao, plur. bansi ; comp. p ; for sister they have misi and ankoi 
(comp. nx Dinx, Arab, achaturi) and dai; for water they have 
da (Mai. danau toja) and am (D"D); for fire, sengel (Old High 
Germ, sangjan, sengen) ; for house, ora (Mai. and Polyn. ware) 
and vipa ; for man, horo, ho, alala (Bugish, oroane) ; for son, hon 
(Zend humu, viog, Goth, sunus). The numerals from one to ten : 
miad, baria, adia (pea, mund), upunia (nach), monea, turia, 
aja (ea), iralia, area, gelea, are quite independent and peculiar ; 
only the Urauhs use from five to ten the Hindu numerals. 
The structure of the language is agglutinate. The personal 
pronouns are: aing, ing, I; am, thou; ini, ni, he; abu, we 
(inclus.); ale, we (exclus.); a, we two (inches) ; a, we two (excl.) ; 
ape, you ; aben, you two ; enko, they. 

275. The Religion of the Papuans, Negritos, and Alfurus. 

The knowledge which we possess of the old Cushite religion 
among the Kolhs is all the more important as it affords us a 
standpoint from which to estimate the greatness of the dete- 


rioration to be seen in their brethren closely related in regard 
of race, but widely scattered, in Australia and on the Sunda 
islands. The terrible fraction and shattering of languages, 
which gives an entirely different dialect, not only as dis- 
tinguishing one islet from another, but even one village from 
another, is a proof of this deterioration. 1 Among the Mela- 
nesians of the New Hebrides we meet with cannibalism and 
fearful cruelty. The petty chief Buba at Nengone caused 
any one who had wronged him in the least, even several of 
his fifty-five wives, to be slain, and then he ate the limbs of 
the corpse. 2 Nevertheless some remnants of earlier culture 
are still extant. On the island of Gera, Patteson saw a chief's 
" ship " of fifty feet long inlaid with mother-of-pearl. 3 As 
regards the religion of these peoples, we have seen in 273 
that, according to the thoroughly credible Javanese tradition 
there reported, polytheism had been already developed there 
among them before the Malays invaded the Sunda islands, 
and had indeed assumed a thoroughly national form, for some 
worshipped the sun, some the moon, and others fire ; and hand 
and hand therewith savagery and lawlessness were introduced. 
It might seem worthy of notice that, according to that 
Javanese tradition, the Alfurus who were then met with on 
Java were star-worshippers, while there is not the least trace 
of any knowledge of the stars among the Kolhs. Astrology 
cannot have been a national characteristic of the Cushites. 
This Javanese legend, however, may be quite unconstrainedly 
explained, if, according to its own statement, those Cushites 
found in Java belonged, not to a Cushite race from India, but 
to one from the Eed Sea, that is, from the south of Arabia, 
which had there learnt the knowledge of the stars from the 
Semitic Arabians. 

Of that long period that intervened between the Malay 
immigration in B.C. 1600 and the modern discovery of Australia 

1 Wilh. Baur, John Coleridge Patteson, der Missionsbischof von Mela- 
nesien, Gutersloh 1877, p. 51. 

2 Ibid. p. 84. 3 Ibid. p. 86. 


by Magelhaens and Cook, we would have had no information 
at all but for some inscriptions discovered on stone tablets. 
On the Fiji islands, alongside of the Malay Polynesians, there 
is a mixed race made up from them and Negritos, who still in 
recent times worship stone pillars as divinities ; and now on 
one of the Marianne islands, where, as we have said, the 
Negrito tribes are found, two parallel rows of such pillars 
have been discovered. But even on Easter island, which on 
its discovery was found uninhabited, there were similar pillars, 
of which one was twenty-seven feet high. 1 These stone pillars 
are ascribed to an Alfuru, therefore a Cushite population, and 
not to the Malays, for among the Malays no trace of the worship 
of stones is found. Its origin among the Alfurus is easily 
explained. It is not necessary to assume that there had been 
a south Arab tribe which had adopted this worship of stones 
from Semitic Arabs ( 254, Obs.}, for such could scarcely have 
been there at so early a period ; but it is enough to remember 
the evil bongas of the Kolhs, haunting mountains and rocks, 
and their nisans erected to deceased worthies, and finally, their 
belief that the souls of the deceased became evil bongas. 
From similar grounds similar elements might be developed 
among the Alfurus, all the more readily because the idea of 
a creator of the world had been by them completely forgotten. 
So soon, however, as those three elements were combined, the 
nisans must have become in their minds stones and idols in 
which longas were present. 2 The religious condition of the 
Alfurus of the present time thoroughly agrees with this. 
For the taboo of the Polynesians ( 272) they have the 
word Jeubong, an original primitive Hamitic word ( 278), 
which among the Adshi negroes of to-day designates the 
invisible creator of the world, and had also been among the 
Alfurus of the primitive age an appellative of deity, but has 
now been reduced to signify anything that is placed under 

1 Rougemont, Bronzezeit, p. 18. 

2 That also among the negro races in Africa worship of stones is found, 
see 278. 


the taboo. Of a belief in the one invisible creator of the 
world there is scarcely any longer the least vestige. Even 
the polytheistic star-worship has been shrivelled up into a 
gloomy dread of the powers of nature and natural phenomena, 
taking different shapes in the various islands, assuming usually 
the form of fear of thunder and meteoric showers. On the 
other hand, the dread of spirits of the deceased and the appear- 
ance of their ghosts has been developed in its fullest dimen- 
sions. 1 Only among the Melanesians of the New Hebrides, 
especially among those of the island of Aneityum, 2 the mis- 
sionary Geddie found still significant remnants of the ancient 
religion. They knew about a supreme god, Nangerain, among 
some other Melanesian tribes called Nengei, who created the 
island, raising it out of the sea, whose name, however, could 
only be uttered by the chiefs and priests. A multitude of 
rude and grotesque spirits, haunting the air, sea, and land, 
called natmasi, were regarded as sons and descendants of 
Nangerain. Sun and moon, and the souls of departed chiefs, 
were special objects of worship, and to the latter offerings of 
animals and food were given. But, finally, they have also a 
vast number of sorcerers, who pretend to be able to produce 
thunderstorms, vermin, sicknesses, and must be conciliated 
by presents. The legend of these Melanesians of Aneityum, that 
their forefathers were originally immortal, and then on account 
of an offence were made subject to death, is specially deserving 
of notice. 

Patteson 3 tells of the Melanesians of the islands of Bauro and 
Gera, that they worship the deity in the form of a serpent. 
On the island of Mota the supreme god is called Ikpat, who 
has many brothers, and among them a hostile one, an accuser, 
a reminiscence of the angels and Satan as the fallen angel. 
In regard to the souls of the dead the belief prevails among 
those Melanesians that they continue to live, that they gather 

1 Zimmermann, Australien, part 1, p. 344 ff. 

2 See Easier Miss. Mag. 1876, May, p. 180 ff. 

3 AYilh. Baur, Patteson, p. 79 f. 


together by night, and do mischief to those who then meet 
them. The natives of Mota think that white people are the 
spirits of dear friends come back again. 1 

The Papuans are in some respects more closely connected 
in regard to religion with the Malays ; in other respects that 
utter stupidity in religious matters bordering upon imbecility 
shows itself in them, as in various others of the Alfuru race, 
which we have already observed ( 272) in the mixed popu- 
lation of the Pelew islands ; and so Moritz Wagner is quite 
right when he, in proof of the statement that there are men 
with no religion, refers to these South Sea islanders, and on 
the other hand to individuals such as D. Fr. Strauss, Vogt, 
etc. The only question is, whether D. Fr. Strauss, along with 
his like-minded companions, have raised themselves to the 
standpoint of those half -idiotic Alfurus, or whether these 
have degraded themselves to the standpoint of our modern 

276. Ethnographical Survey. 

When in the First Division, in treating of the civilised 
races of Africa, we spoke of the Egyptians, together with the 
Libyans and the Cushites, Ethiopians or Abyssinians, we left 
over three families of the African race : 1. The Kaffirs and 
tribes of the Kaffir order, which are characterized by the use 
of languages belonging to a common stock, the Bantu lan- 
guages ; 2. The Hottentots at the southern point ; and 3. The 
vast multitude of negro tribes. 

The Kaffirs in the stricter sense occupy the district lying 
between 25 and 33 south latitude, and are distinguished 
from the negroes by the lead-coloured, greyish-black skin, 
but still more by the shape of the skull and countenance 
(arched nose and prominent cheek-bones, a very fine develop- 
1 W. Baur, Patteson, p. 141. 



merit of skull, and strong but not protruding lips), with woolly 
hair. Their bodily structure reminds one of the Abyssinians, 
so that Lichtenstein l has quite correctly suggested their 
descent from the Old Ethiopians, and so classed them with 
Cushites. They call themselves Amatembus, Amapondas, 
Amakosahs ; 2 and in this last designation we readily recognise 
the root cush. Closely related to them in appearance and 
in language (see Obs.) are the Betchuanas, to the west of the 
Transvaal, together with the Sutos, to the south-east of the 
Orange State, and the Bushmen, to the north-west of the 
Kaffirs and north of the Hottentots, the I)amaras, north-west 
of the Betchuanas and north of the Bushmen, on the west 
coast, and the tribes dwelling around the Congo and in Loango, 
on the west coast, up to the equator. The tribes of the east 
coast in Mozambique and Zanzibar and the Suaheli also show 
a striking resemblance in bodily form and language to the 
Kaffirs. 3 The Betchuanas have a tradition that their fore- 
fathers came from a land where the sun appeared to them 
when they looked to the west, not over the right, but over the 
left shoulder, that is, from the northern hemisphere. 4 Whether, 
then, these tribes have spread out from Ethiopia southwards, 
or were wholly or partly Indian Cushites who had been driven 
from India by the Malay immigration, finding their way across 
Madagascar into South Africa, it is quite certain that they 
pressed out the Cushite population, or more probably got 
mixed up with the descendants of Cush and Phut. Of the 

1 Lichtenstein, Reise in Siidafrika, part 1, p. 402. Comp. in Easier 
Miss. Mag. 1861, April, the portrait of the Suto chief Moshesh. 

a Kaffir comes from the Arabic kafenina, unbelievers, and is applied 
by the Arabs as a nickname to all who are not Mussulmans, and espe- 
cially to their black neighbours. 

3 Lichtenstein, Reise in Siidafrika, p. 393. Marsden, Narrative of a 
Voyage to the River Zaire, London 1818, app. nro. 1. Prichard. 

4 Campbell, Missionary Travels in South Africa. E. von Weber, Vier 
Jahre in Afrika, part 2, p. 126. They possess also ancient animal fables, 
of which one is as like the Low German tale " Vom Swinegel und siner 
Fru" as one egg is like another (Weber, ii. 129), and seems to indicate a 
primitive stock of possessions common to races of men utterly uncon- 


name of Phut we have a reminiscence in the Bantu and 
Bunda languages. It is interesting to discover the word horo, 
man, which we found ( 274) in the speech of the Asiatic 
Cushite tribe of the Kolhs, in use on the west coast of Africa 
among the Akra negroes in the duplicate form of horo and 
holo. The Somalis, too, on the east corner of Africa, are of 
Ethiopic origin, and the Danakil, to the east of Abyssinia, 
who erect pyramids as sepulchral monuments. In the 16th 
century the Gallas, a wild Mohammedan shepherd tribe, 
rushed down from the interior eastward upon Abyssinia, 
which they now encircle ; and at the same time the Shyagas 
(Giaga) broke out from the interior westwards upon the Congo. 
Both tribes, however, speak languages which are closely related 
to those of the Somalis and Danakils, 1 and must therefore be 
regarded as Cushite. This is all the more probable, seeing 
that these tribes had been in early times driven from Ethiopia 
into the interior of the continent, and there abandoned the 
habits of civilisation, adopting the nomadic life of shepherds. 
How strongly in Africa a tendency toward an uncivilised 
mode of life had set in is proved by the fact that in the time 
of Ptolemy and Seneca the rising of the Nile in two lakes was 
well known, which presupposes an unopposed travelling through 
the Nyanza country ; whereas in our times, after the utterly 
fruitless attempts of others, Samuel Baker succeeded only with 
the utmost difficulty in pressing his way through. The case 
has been similar in the south. In 1683 the English found the 
lands round about Delagoa Bay inhabited by a peaceable, good- 
hearted negro race ; in 1816 the Zulu Kaffirs from the north 
rushed down and massacred them, changing the south-east of 
Africa into a region of war and conflict. 2 In favour, too, of 
the existence of a condition of culture in early times, the fact 
may be adduced that in Africa no traces of stone weapons 
have been found ; but in the midst of fossil bones of hippo- 

1 Murray, " Vocabulary of the Galla Language," in Bruce's Travels, iii. 
p. 420. Prichard, i. 1 70. 

2 E. von Weber, Vier Jahre in Afrika, ii. 175. 


potami and other animals identified with extant species in the 
delta of the Zambesi there have been found pottery and iron 
work, like those of the negroes of the present time, and also 
inland here and there remains of old smelting furnaces. " At 
a time when our forefathers had still their stone weapons, the 
Africans seem to have already reached a decidedly higher 
stage in their development." l 

A second principal tribal division of the Africans is that 
of the Hottentots, who give us the impression of an old but 
fast vanishing mixed race. That they have negro blood in 
their veins is proved by their flat noses, protruding lips, the 
peculiarly thick development of the hips in the woman, and 
the strongly developed labia, covering the pudenda like a 
leather apron, four physical characteristics which they have 
in common with the blackest of all negro races, the Joloffers 
of Senegambia. 2 That they are not pure negroes is shown 
by their prevalent custom, which they have in common with 
the Gallas, of besmearing their hair with fat, wearing a 
sheepskin and a girdle, and wrapping their heads round with 
the entrails of oxen. 3 Thus they were a mixed race of 
Gallas, that is, Ethiopic Cushites migrating in early times 
into the interior, and a negro tribe closely resembling the 
Joloffers. They had come there from the north, for in the 
region now peopled by the Kaffirs names of rivers and places 
are Hottentot. 4 In consequence, there still remains something 
peculiar about the colour of their skin. Their lighter hue 
may perhaps be accounted for by their longer residence in the 
temperate zone, but it is not merely lighter, but even inclines 
from sooty brown to yellow. The shape of their skulls, 
moreover, has a resemblance to those of the Chinese. 5 This 
would almost lead to the conclusion that some Mongolian 
tribe from India (Ceylon, 267), perhaps through Madagascar, 

1 Livingstone's Last Journeys. 

2 Berghaus, allg. Lander und Volkerkunde, vi. p. 228 f. 

3 Blumenbach in Bruce's Travels, v. 256. 

4 Prichard, ii. 289 ff. 5 Ibid. i. 376 f. 


had migrated to Africa, and got mixed up here with the 
Cushite Gallas and Joloffers, and had at a later period been 
driven southwards by the Kaffirs. 

The negroes proper, among whom we must reckon, accord- 
ing to 247, the pure descendants of blood, form a third 
family group. Up to the present time this group has only 
been partially examined. We know that the Dahomians, 
occupying the district between 6 and 7 north latitude and 
18 and 21 east longitude, came from the interior of the 
Soudan to their present dwelling-place during the 17th 
century ; that the Mandingoes, who occupy the region between 
10 and 12 north latitude and 6 and 12 east longitude, did 
so during the 16th and 17th centuries; that the Ashantees, 
occupying the region between 5 and 7 north latitude 
and 14 and 18 east longitude, did so during the 18th 
century, and that the Joloffers were driven by them from the 
coasts of Senegambia. Each of these four races speaks its 
own language. The Joloffers and Mandingoes have become 
Mohammedans. From the east coast of the Gulf of Guinea 
in an inland direction the Bunda language predominates ; 
farther inland, toward the north-west, we meet with the 
Bomba language. The Dahomians of the Slave Coast and 
their inland neighbours the Borgoes, who speak the same 
language, have a tradition that Bornu, the Lake Tchad, had 
changed its position, 1 and indeed to the north-east of the Lake 
Tchad lie two tracts of land called Borgu and Bergu. Names 
of coast places, too, are sometimes found in inland districts of 
the Soudan ; 2 so that we agree with Liiken in the supposition 
that the whole mass of the negro race, coming from the Red 
Sea, migrated before the Cushites over Nubia and Darfur into 
the Soudan or Central Africa, and thence spread out westward 
and in a south-west direction to the coasts, and got split up 
into various tribes. The common derivation of these tribes 
would naturally be suggested by the essential similarity in 

1 Lander and Clapperton in Prichard, ii. 125. 

2 Liiken, Einheit der Mensch. p. 59 ff. 



[ 276. 

colour and bodily structure, in customs, institutions (slavery), 
and religion. Only the Fullahs show their Libyan origin by 
their bodily structure and countenance, as well as by the 
tradition current among them that they came from Numidia. 
In the Sahara and the Soudan they are called Fellatahs ; 
among foreign races, in Senegambia, and on the Grain Coast, 
they were called Fullahs. That the North African Berber 
tribes are descendants of the Numidians, that is, the Libyans, 
is doubted by no one. 

Obs. The tribes of the Congo and of Loango appear to be a 
mixed race, having both Kaffir and Betchuana blood. Their 
language, however, decidedly belongs to the Bantu family of 
languages, that is, to the same class as those of the Kaffirs and 
Betchuanas. Negroes from Zanzibar and Mozambique easily 
make themselves understood by those of the Congo and Angolo. 
Wilson and de Page witness to this in Bastian, Expedition a. d. 
LoangoJciiste, i. 145 f. In order to make evident the connection 
of the languages I give the following tables, to which I add as 
less closely related the two negro languages, the Kirna language 
of Central South Africa and the Akra language of Western 
Africa : 







Kaffir, . 







Congo, . 







Kirna, . 







Akra, . . 
















































































di-kumi, or kikwi 



di kumi na kamo 

nyonma ke ekome 


ishumi na shijangololunje 
amashumi ma bill 

vikwi viwili 

nyonmai enyo 


wikwi visatu 

nyonmai e"te 


amashumi ashijangalolunje 








akpe'i enyo 



moni dsi enyo 
(he who is two) 

The rank of these tribes in respect of culture, notwithstanding 
the scantiness of their clothing owing to the extreme heat, con- 
sisting of a loin cloth, apron, and jacket, is by no means very 
low. They manufacture their bark material (lilibetite) into 
various kinds, some of very fine texture and with artistic 
ornamentation. The smith (fusi, gangula) melts his copper 
by means of a blast furnace (umkanda), and makes nails 
(hizenga), by means of which again extremely fine ivory 
carvings are produced. Bastian represents on his title-page 
an elephant's tusk with one hundred and thirty-five figures 
upon it. As national and native money they have pieces of 
mat-cloth (in lalla, plata-i-olo). They have a game of marbles 
and a game of draughts (fina and tschiella), a dance (tschina) 
with dancing songs ; also a very noisy kind of music, various 
sorts of trumpets, horns, trombones, guitars, and cymbals. Of a 
really artistic pictorial art Bastian found evidence (i. 85) in the 
temple of Bunsi in Tshimsinda, and a similar proof is afforded 
by the engravings of numerous groups of figures on elephants' 
teeth. In counting they use a knotted string (mutschinga, 
m'singa). For an account of the extraordinarily complicated 
civil constitution, with priest-kings, many grades of officers 
and priests, as well as an account of the civil and criminal 


law and the law of heritage, see Bastian, i. pp. 191 ff., 216, 
237, 253. 

Obs. 2. Some migration from India to Loango must un- 
doubtedly have taken place at some time or other, but pro- 
bably only at a comparatively recent period. In Loango the 
chiefs (fume) form a special caste in contrast to the people 
(fioth} and to their community of elders (bomma), and trace 
their origin from a king who came into the land as an 
invader from a foreign country (Bastian, i. 196, 200). Similarly 
there exists alongside of the genuinely African priestly caste of 
the ganga melongho a special class of war priests (gatiga bumbo). 
The tradition of the people of Loango, that they had previously 
been called bramas (Bastian, pp. 47, 260), would by itself be 
of no great importance, since the resemblance to the Sanscrit 
word Brahma might be accidental ; but the custom of the 
Loangans to wear yellow or red bands on their foreheads, 
reminds us of a similar custom among the Siva sect of India, 
those worshippers of Siva, who, according to 265, was not an 
old Aryan deity. There is also a reminiscence of this worship 
in a form of prayer, in which the mother of the gods Bumsi is 
designated " bearer of the shell and the bow-string," and is said 
to dwell in the land of Sind ; hence the place where the temple 
stands is called Tshimsinda. The war-god Bumbo reminds us 
of the Maha Bumbo of Ceylon ( 267). The title gifen to 
holy men, swamie, is in Sanscrit swdmin, lord. Also the repre- 
sentation of various kinds of bananas in Loango (Bastian, p. 128) 
points to the native country of the banana. It may thus be 
fairly assumed that at some time, not before the birth of Christ, 
a Mongol-Cushite mixed horde from India, by way of Mada- 
gascar, invaded Africa, and settled on the Zaire as a dominant 
class over the original inhabitants, and brought with them new 
polytheistic religious elements. 

A Jewish immigration also took place. Alvaro de Caminho 
in 1492 deported two thousand children of Spanish Jews to 
the island of St. Thomas. From thence a number must have 
crossed to the mainland near by, and from these the " Judeos " 
or Mawumbu are descended, who occupy certain villages in 
Loango. They have become quite black, but have still a dis- 
tinctly Jewish physiognomy, live apart from the negroes, and 
are despised and hated by them because " they keep the trade 
to themselves, so that the negroes grow poor." They have thus 
preserved the national instinct, but of their religion only what 
had already impressed itself on the children in the form of 
customs; they continue rigidly to avoid swine's flesh and 
lighting a fire on the Sabbath, and on that day even speaking 
is forbidden. In other respects they are pure heathens 
(Bastian, pp. 42, 187, 275 ff.). 


277. Religions of the Cushites of South Africa 
and of the Hottentots. 

A. The Kaffirs, including Zulus, Amakosas, Amapondas, 
etc., to whom also, according to Livingstone, 1 the Matabeles 
living north of the Lake Ngami belong, are a very finely- 
developed, athletic, intelligent race. They live, however, only 
for hunting and fighting, despising agricultural pursuits, 
and so leading a savage career of bloodshed. 2 This savage 
condition has accordingly contracted their religion into a mere 
superstitious belief in witchcraft. Among the Zulus their 
daughters are regarded as only pieces of merchandise, sold for 
cattle as wives to the highest bidders. These wives alone 
have all the work to do, the man passes his time in idleness, 
and two men may mutually agree to exchange their wives. 
To a distinguished guest the husband has to give up his 
handsomest wife. Among the other Kaffir races young men 
and women after reaching maturity, when circumcision is 
practised upon both, have the right for a period of free sexual 
intercourse with any individual desired. Adultery is only 
punished with a fine. 3 Amid all these evidences of degrada- 
tion there are slumbering in the Kaffirs great mental capacities. 
In the Missionary Institute at Lovedale the Kaffir boys have 
made great progress in Latin and Greek, and the girls in 
music. The tribes most closely related to them, the Betchu- 
anas, or more correctly the Tshuanas (sing. Mo-tschuan, plur. 
Be-tschuan), in the hill country south-east of Lake Ngami, have 
settled under a patriarchal constitution as owners of herds, and 
at the same time engaging in agricultural pursuits. They are 
therefore physically not so athletic, but have a better mental 
development, and have the highest place among them, especi- 

1 Livingstone's Missionary Travels and Researches in South Africa, 
London 1857. 

2 The Zulus still brew beer (leting) from the sorghum caffrense, smelt 
and work iron, and ornament weapons and dress with engravings (von 
Weber, Vier Jahre in Afrika, ii. 201 f.). 

3 Weber, Tier Jahre in Afrika, ii. 215 ff. 


ally the Bassutos, 1 bordering upon the Kaffirs. These had a 
complete feudal constitution, until in 1820 an inroad by the 
Kaffirs under Matati made their country desolate ; under the 
pressure of famine they began to eat human flesh, which pre- 
viously was unheard of among them. The chief Moshesh, 
gifted with high talents for command, restored the country, 
but put it under an absolute monarchy, and brought cannibalism 
to an end. The religion of the Betchuanas in practice almost 
wholly consists in Fetichisrn and witchcraft. They have, 
however, in their language the word mo-rimo for the idea of 
God, and possess a tradition of mo-Eimo as having first created 
the black, then the white men, but as having shown favour to 
the white rather than to the black, and as having, therefore, 
given to the white clothing and many beautiful things, but to 
the black only cattle, and the assegai, and the art of making 
rain. The principal features in the witchcraft of the Bassutos 
are these. From burnt bats, the limbs of rabbits, jackals' 
livers, baboons' or lions' hearts, and poisonous bulbous roots a 
decoction is prepared, and given as a drink to a sheep, which 
consequently dies. Another portion of the same ingredients 
is burnt, and the rising smoke infallibly brings rain. But the 
fact that first a sheep must be slain shows that at the basis of 
what is now a blinded superstition there lay the earlier worship 
of a rain-dispensing deity. The tribe of the Bassutos has, in 
fact, preserved considerable remnants of a primitive worship of 
a god. Indeed, the worship of ancestry which they celebrate, 
like the Mongolian races, is essentially distinguished from that 
of the Mongols by this, that they do not regard the souls of 
their ancestors as merely guardian spirits subordinate to the 
gods, but as themselves barimo, gods. When a Bassuto man 
dies, his soul takes up its abode among the ancestor-gods of 
the race, and consequently itself becomes a rimo. The body 
is buried wrapt up in a cowhide, and at the grave an animal 
sacrifice is offered, which is brought as the first mark of honour 

1 E. Casalis, les Bassoutos, ou 23 ann&s de stfour et d observations au 
Sud d'Afrique, Paris 1860. 


to the new rimo, but at the same time also as an atonement 
for his trespasses committed on earth, in order to secure for him 
a friendly reception among the older ancestor-deities. These 
are regarded as dwelling under the earth, and are more feared 
than loved. At the birth of a child, too, an offering is brought 
to the ancestor-gods, that they may grant happy days to the 
newly born. The knowledge of mo-Rimo, who created the 
world, is a belief held quite formally, and exerting no influence 
alongside of this ancestor-worship. Of practical importance 
are the sorcerers (linohe) who foretell future things, impending 
dangers, etc., and are believed in notwithstanding the frequent 
failure of their prophecies. Polygamy prevails among those 
tribes generally. The wives are sold by their parents for cattle; 
the number of them possessed is therefore a sign of wealth. 
There is no want of jealousies and brawls between the different 
wives, and even the children are regarded as simply useful to 
the parents, the sons as herds of cattle, the daughters as mar- 
ketable wares. The rising generation lives without order or 
discipline, and the father of the family rules despotically. 
The Betchuanan tribe of the Bakalahari, who inhabit the 
Kalahari desert, to the south of Lake Ngami, engage in agri- 
cultural pursuits. The Bushmen, however, living farther west, 
are, according to Livingstone, thoroughly uncivilised, a Betchu- 
anan tribe become nomadic, which no longer possesses domestic 
animals except the dogs necessary for hunting, and conse- 
quently occupying in respect of religion the lowest place 
among uncivilised people, little raised above the condition of 
the beasts of the field. 

B. The inhabitants of the Congo district and of Loango are 
usually described as fetich -worshippers, because the word 
fetisso has been rashly transferred to their amulets and 
charms, to their idols, and even to their gods. Such a pro- 
ceeding, however, is quite wrong. 

(a) Fetisso in reality means those sorts of evil spirits 
(sliimbi) which have their residence in the breast of a sorcerer 
(fetissero), by the power of which he criminally inflicts upon 


other men by witchcraft sicknesses, death, and misfortunes of 
all kinds. This, however, is not regarded as religion, but as 
wickedness, and is punished with death. Another class or 
order of shimli, the doko, seem to be sorcerers (dokien, endoxe), 
with charms (longJw) for the injury of other men. These 
endoxe are also, like the fetissero, punished with death as 

(6) For protection against evil spirits and their familiars 
there are protective charms (mttongho), which come from good 
spirits, and which are carried about the person in little bags. 
For the protection of houses, plantations, and temples, idol 
images are erected, and in front of their sacred places are set 
gates of three bars, reminding us of the Tartar custom, repre- 
senting here as there simply an enclosure, a <f)pdy/jia. 

(c) Out of the great multitude of such local guardian deities, 
however, there are some occupying a pre-eminent position 
which are found under the same name and with the same 
emblems in various places, and are already in this way 
characterized as old national deities. As such they are 
characterized by the circumstance that definite worship is 
appointed them, and priests (ganga} are assigned them. These 
gods are characterized by the appellation kisso, kissie, and, what 
is most important, are clearly distinguished by their images. 
In their temples there are empty couches, beside which em- 
blems of the god are set ; for example, in the temple of kisso- 
i-Nimina we find a wooden spear and an iron gong. From 
time to time the kisso is raised from the earth, takes unseen 
its place upon the couch, and then the priests beat upon the 
gong. The chief of all these kisso are the following : Bunsi, 
with the predicate Mama Mamkissie, mother of all gods, 1 who 
is worshipped in all parts of the land, and has, in Tshimsinda 
in Moanga, an oracle, where she invisibly rises from the earth 
in order to instruct a newly-crowned king in regard to his 
kingly duties by the mouth of her ganga. The Kissie insie, 

1 Bastian, Expedition a. d. Loangokiiste, i. 223 f., translates loosely : 
Mother of all fetiches. 


god of the earth, also called Mo-kisso insie Makonih, is repre- 
sented by two wooden figures, the one bearing the other ; also 
by a pot bound round with bands ; less frequently also (as the 
god of harvest, Umkissie Boma) by a mere heap of animal 
skulls. The first-fruits of harvest are brought to him as 
an offering. His ganga gives his services likewise to Kissie 
'mshiti, the god of the woods. A Kisso Mangaka protects from 
thieves and robbers, and whoever has a personal enemy, in 
order to rouse against him the anger of the god, drives a nail 
into the god's wooden image. The lower half of this image is 
covered with matting, and the bearded countenance is depicted 
with a flat retreating forehead. Mangaka' s wife is called 
Matanga. For a similar reason nails are driven into Mabiali 
(Abiala, Mandembo) ; his image is of a white colour, the eyes 
of glass, with threatening outstretched arm ; in his mouth a red 
cloth, on his head a mirror. Additional forms or additional 
names of this god are Mabiali-panso, Mabiari-pano, Mani- 
panso. Nimina and his wife Njambi are the god of the fish- 
ing and the goddess of wealth and commerce. Lunsunsi, in 
Cabinda, is the god of the coasts, is regarded as the son of 
Bunsi, and has a brother, Um-wemwe, who slays the sorcerers. 
The itaphylle Kondu-mambo (Koinbi-mambo), with his wife 
Umgulambenzi, seem to be gods of animal productiveness. In 
earlier time a Tshekoke (Tshikoko) had been worshipped as 
Mo-kisso kola, the mighty god, along with his wife Gumbiri. 
This perhaps was the old national war-god. On the war-god 
Bumba, see 276, Obs. 2. 

Besides these gods there are various others, some dispensers 
of rain, some protectors of their infants. We find that in 
Congo and Loango a developed polytheism has prevailed, 
which very generally grows over into witchcraft and super- 
stition, but is in no way overgrown by the so-called 
fetichism, and is quite distinct from the actual fetisso belief. 

(d) There are still, indeed, most evident traces remaining 
of an ancient monotheism. High above the kissos, imported 
perhaps in part or wholly at a later period from India (see 


276, Obs. 2), stands Zarabi. This word zambi seems to be 
a primitive appellative of deity ; for over against the good 
god Zambi am-Pungo we have the wicked god Zambi an-hi ; 
and among the pirate tribe of the Solonghos, south of the 
Zaire, we have Zambi 'm-pi Tshimbi. 1 The proper name of 
the good god is Pungo (Pungu), which, singularly enough, is 
connected with the Bonga of the Kolhs ( 274), whose name 
recurs generally among the most varied Melanesian and 
African tribes. The Loangans say of Zambi Pungo that he 
created the whole world, including Jcissos and also men ; 
the latter sinned against him, and have been punished by 
being made black. The Solonghos or Mossorunghos south 
of the Zaire have a tradition that Zambi Pungo died, that is, 
his worship ceased to be practised ; after his death another 
evil zambi, Zambi 'm-pi, arose, created the evil spirit Shimbi, 
and keeps up their numbers from the souls of the deceased. 
To the Shimbi belong the fish-god Kudshanga Nemadia, who 
is invoked on behalf of animal productivity; a god of the 
sea-storms, Memo diatudili mankumbi ; an Umpoeta, who 
teaches men the arts, etc. The inhabitants of Cabinda, or 
Angoy, have a tradition that Zambi Pungo carries thunder 
and lightning in his hand ; he created ma-Gog, the first king 
of the land of Angoy, and put under his protection the 
mother of the gods, Bunsi, who then, on her part, brought 
forth and created the various Jcissos. Thus in Zambi Pungo 
we have a distinct reminiscence of the one original God, the 
creator of the world. 

(e) In Cabinda there is also associated with Zambi Pungo 
a tradition of the flood. Zambi had created all men white ; 
when, however, a woman, out of curiosity, opened the door 
of a room in which wonderfully beautiful things were stored, 2 
there fell over her head and that of her tempter a barrel full 

1 Similarly the Lobals place their good god Kashanda over against the 
evil god Mikitschi. The Moluwas, too, have a supreme god or creator, 

2 Comp. the Papalangi stuff of the Tonga islanders, 272. 


of black colouring powder, whereby both were made black. 
She fled screaming from Em-puto 1 to the river Zaire. The 
following tradition of the flood in Cabinda is very fully 
developed. When the whites stayed away from the coast, 
the sacred palm-tree closed up its crown, and thick clouds 
gathered over heaven and earth. Njambi, the goddess of 
wealth, retired to Em-puto. Always heavier the clouds hung 
overhead, till at last birds, bende-bende, were let loose from 
the confinement of the palm-tree, and flew hither and thither. 
Now Njambi turns back ; the clouds fled, the sun shone forth 
in his full strength, and ships came again with white people. 
A modern element, the keeping away and the coming again 
of ships with white people, is here confusedly mixed up with 
the older part of the tradition. If in the old legend mention 
was made of a ship which after a long voyage found landing 
at last, it is evident how such a story, when it was no longer 
understood, was confusedly interpreted and combined with 
elements of quite a recent origin. The Portuguese whites 
appeared at first to the blacks as almost superhuman beings, 
and Njambi was the goddess of commerce. What wonder, 
then, that they should understand the going out and coming 
again, of the withdrawal and return, of the Portuguese ships ? 
A quite similar commingling of an old legend with a modern 
element was observed ( 278) among the Odshis. 

(/) The most remarkable point is that the belief in Zambi 
has practically counteracted, by means of its awaking effect 
on the conscience and its moral influence generally, the worst 
consequences of polytheism and witchcraft. In consequence 
of polygamy, vindicated by Bastian on medical grounds, 
immorality and adultery, especially on the part of women, 
are frequent, and married women often seek to seduce youths 
into sin by measures analogous to those spoken of in Gen. 
xxxix. 1 2 ff. If, now, Zambi is called upon, settling invisibly 

J Is there here concealed a reminiscence of Phut 1 Em-puto may be 
the land or the inheritance where the first progenitor of the tribe 


on a wooden plate, married women are obliged to confess 
unreservedly all their failings, and to obtain forgiveness. 
There have thus sprung up a certain kind of marriages, 
Lemba marriages, which are concluded with special cere- 
monies, with invocation of a kissie Lemba, holding a particular 
relation to Bunsi and Zambi, and its members are under 
strict obligation to faithfulness and eventual confession in the 
presence of Zambi. Oaths, too, are sworn by Zambi. In 
short, what little good is to be found among these peoples 
is connected with the belief in Zambi Pungo. For the rest, 
the moral and social conditions which are the immediate 
consequence of the kisso-polytheism and fetisso-witchcraft 
are sad enough. As the Malays have their taboo, so the 
tribes of Congo and Loango have their quidsilles and schinas, 
that is, to every individual from childhood something or other 
in itself quite harmless is forbidden: one must never give 
any one a hand, another may eat no maniock, a third must 
not cross the Zaire, etc. In the observance of this super- 
stition they are evidently quite equal to the Pharisees ; but 
impurity is not forbidden. When one is sick the gangas 
come, set themselves down smoking hemp, and amid noisy 
music work themselves into a frantic condition, and declare 
whether the sickness of the sick person has been caused by 
the breaking of a schina, or by some fetissero who has bewitched 
him. In the latter case, he who is charged as guilty is either 
subjected to ordeals, such as the drinking of poisoned cassa, 
which, if causing vomiting, shows him guiltless, if otherwise, 
shows him guilty, or is driven to confession by the most 
revolting and cruel tortures, and the convicted or confessor 
is burnt alive or else put to death on the rack. There are 
also human offerings during war, and on the death of every 
king or prince or eminent individual. 

(g) The dead are roasted to mummies over fire, and are 
then buried; into the graves of chiefs their images are cast. 
The continuance of the soul after death in a ghostly condition 
is put in connection with the appearance of the new moon. 


In Congo the appearance of the crescent moon is greeted with 
the words Eatua fua, eatua dshinga, man dies, man lives 

C. On the religion of the mixed race of the Hottentots, 
it is reported to us from a period in which it continued 
uninfluenced by Europeans, or at least less under such 
influence than now, 1 that in practice their chief object of 
worship was the moon, although they said expressly that this 
was not the highest, but only a subordinate and visible god, 
a sign that even they still possessed the idea of one invisible 
supreme God. To the moon they ascribed the control of the 
weather. At every full moon and new moon they gathered 
together, danced, shouted, and clapped their hands till sun- 
down, and cried " We greet thee, we welcome thee ; give us 
fodder for our cattle, and milk in abundance ! " Besides this, 
they had a peculiar worship of animals. An insect of their 
country with green back, white and red speckled belly, and 
two wings, 2 was regarded by them as an incarnation of a 
benevolent deity. When one of these appeared in a village, 
they gathered around, danced about in wrapt devotion, offered 
him two fat sheep, sprinkled before him powdered Spiraea 
(meadow sweet), feeling assured that by his appearance all 
guilt is forgiven, and blessing and good fortune are secured. 
If that insect lights upon a man, he is regarded as a saint 
well-pleasing to the deity, and to the honour of both the 
fattest ox is immediately slaughtered as a thank-offering. 
After the death of such a saint, a mountain or a river is 
called after his name. Whoever passes through such a place 
ought to conceal his head in his cloak and dance round the 
place, imploring the saint for his protection. As, then, this 
chafer worship reminds us of the scaraba3us of the Egyptians, 
and affords a new witness in favour of the derivation of the 
Hottentots from the neighbourhood of Egypt, the land of the 

1 H. Adam, View of Religions. 

- The mantis religiosa, a locust-like creature, with a head turning to 
every side. See Weber, Vier Jahr in Afrika, part 2, p. 210. 


Gallas, see 276, the worship of an evil spirit, whom they 
seek to pacify by offerings of oxen and sheep, tells of their 
mixing with the negro tribes. 

D. Even in the north-east of Africa there is to be found 
in the Wagandas on Lake Nyanza a tribe of Ethiopic descent. 1 
They had, according to their own traditions thirty-five genera- 
tions ago, according to Stanley's well-grounded opinion at a 
much earlier period, made their way hither from the north. 
They have the tradition that a pious man, Kintu, a priest, had 
migrated, together with his wife and some domestic animals, 
and seeds of various kinds, to Uganda, which was then wholly 
uninhabited, rapidly peopled the land with his children, of 
whom his wife bare four to him every year, and who came 
into the world bearded and already arrived at man's estate, 
introduced the banana and potato plant, and held in abhorrence 
all shedding of blood. A paradisiacal state prevailed. But 
when his children discovered the art of brewing banana wine 
(comp. Gen. ix. 20 ff.), and in consequence excess, godless- 
ness, and violence began, Kintu went forth with his wife 
during the night, and has been sought for in vain by his 
successors on the throne, his son and grandsons, Tshwa, 
Kamiera, Kimera. There is here something that reminds us 
of paradise, the fall, and Noah. It is noticeable that in Mowa 
at the Livingstone Falls the name Kintu occurs as the title of 
their chiefs. 2 There is also found round about the Victoria 
Xyanza the root Mani, Mana, Moeni, Muini, in Uregga Wana, 
in Bateke Land, Nwana, which are identical with Manu, 
meaning lord. 3 The tribal relationship between the Wagandas 
and the Bassutos and the Congo negroes is shown by the 
relationship of their languages. Among all these peoples, mo 
and m' is the prefix of the singular, ba, be, wa that of the plural. 
See, for particulars of the linguistic relationship, the compara- 
tive tables of Stanley, vol. ii. pp. 536-551. 

1 Stanley, Through the Dark Continent, vol. i. chap. xiv. 

2 Ibid. vol. ii. p. 425. 3 Ibid. vol. i. p. 545. 


278. The Religion and Traditions of the Negroes. 

If one reads the usual descriptions given by missionaries 
and other travellers of the social and religious condition of the 
negroes, one would suppose that these tribes had as good as 
no religion, or that at least their religion consisted in a mere 
senseless fetich-worship, since any sort of potsherd, a broken 
bottle, thrown-out offal, is regarded, venerated, and feared as 
an awfully mighty thing, and as at the same time an amulet. 
It is quite true that among many negro tribes religion has 
been degraded and shrivelled up into such fetich -worship, 
especially since about the year 1517, when Europeans, calling 
themselves Christian, introduced the slave trade and brandy, 
which have exercised a dreadfully deteriorating influence, 
socially, morally, and also religiously, upon the negro race. 1 
The remnants, however, of a quite complicated civil constitu- 
tion 2 show significantly enough that these tribes have sunk 
from a higher stage of civilisation. 3 Then, again, if only one 
carefully considers that among the most of these tribes, besides 
these absurd private fetiches of individual negroes and their 
sorcerers, there also exist idol temples with idol images, that, 
e.g., the Joruba city Abbeokuta before its conversion to 
Christianity swarmed with idol images, and that in it the gods, 
the highest of which is called Shango, were honoured with 

1 Compare, in regard to this, Bastian, Expedition a. d. Loangokuste, 
i. p. 352. 

2 E.g. among the Akwamboo negroes, a king ruling over 400 square 
miles, under him four chamberlains : he and they limited by the village 
councils. Each village, again, has its president, along with a set of village 
councillors. The chamberlains are also war chiefs. All higher ranks are 
hereditary (Easier Miss. Mag. 1837, p. 537 ff.). Among the Bulloms and 
other tribes of Western Africa we find a monarchy limited by a regular 
nobility with an electoral kingship. At the head of every village there 
is an elected chief (Easier Miss. Mag. 1839, H. 2, p. 187 f.). The 
Jorubas distinguish ogbonis, that is, civil authorities, and baloguns, that 
is, war chiefs (ibid. 1858, Feb.). 

3 So also have the cannibal Wavinza negroes on the Victoria Nyanza 
a developed art of iron-smelting and copper-founding as an industry 
understood by tradition. Stanley, Through the Dark Continent. 


festivals with solemn processions, 1 that among the Akwapim 
human offerings are brought to particular idols, 2 that generally 
among the most of the negro tribes human victims are slain in 
fearful numbers, not only during war, but also at the graves of 
distinguished persons, which probably indicates an idea of a 
god of death, we shall no longer be able to doubt, that even 
where now there remains over only that fetich-worship, there 
had originally lain at the foundation of it some sort of 
polytheistic worship of a higher sort. But we are fortunately 
able to prove this in the most decided manner in regard to 
one negro tribe, and not this only, but there have also been 
found there very evident traces of an original monotheism 
which passed over into polytheism, and it is highly probable 
that by continued minute investigation in Africa those traces 
will be found in other districts. 

The Odshi negroes 3 on the Gold Coast, in the Akwapim 
mountains, not only knew, but still continued to worship 
one god, the supreme creator of the world, whom they call 
Onjang-kd-pong, or shortly, Onjame,* from njam, to beam 
forth, and a root that is not otherwise found in their 
language, kopong, but which we have assumed to be quite 
synonymous with kubong ( 272 f.) among the Alfurus of 
Australia ; its second syllable, pong, bong, we have found also 
among the Kolhs, 274, as bonga, spirit, god: so that we 
may here with certainty conclude that there was a primitive 
Hamitic root bong, which was originally an appellative for 
God, and seems to have designated God as an invisible Spirit. 
Onjang-ko-pong, the god Pong, is synonymous with the Sing- 
bonga of the Kolhs, with the deva, deus, tins of the Aryan 

1 Basler Miss. Mag. 1885, Feb. p. 74 f. 
' Ibid. 1837, p. 555. 

3 The report of the missionary Mader in the Basler Miss. Mag. 1862, 
September. The same in all essential respects, only less thorough and 
complete, had been reported previously by other missionaries. Compare 
issue of 1837, H. 3. 

4 The various Akra or Ga, tribes worship Njongmo or Onjame as the 
highest being, the creator of heaven and earth. J. Zinimermann, 
Vocabulary of the Akra or Ga Language, p. 337. 


races. We find this Pimgu again in the interior of Africa 
under the slightly changed form of Mungu. " The Makonde 
at Eowana believe in an invisible god, Mungu." 1 " At Lake 
Bangweolo they call God Mungu or Mulungu." 2 This widely- 
spread name is also found in Bambarra-land in Moero, where 
Mulungu has also the additional name of Eeza, and a good 
Eeza in heaven is distinguished from a wicked Eeza in the 
lower world. 3 Besides the name Mungu, we also here and 
there meet with the name Chesimpu, 4 which plainly points to 
the Zambi of the Loango Coast. Also the Uandalas south 
of Bornu have a good god Da-damia, whose name in part 
sounds like Zambi; besides him they have an evil god 
Oeksee, and a good spirit Abi. 5 The name of the chief idol 
of Alkum, Boka, 6 reminds us of Pungu. In every invocation 
of an inferior deity, and in every sacrificial act, the Odshis 
utter first the name of Onjame, then the earth, and only after- 
wards that of the inferior god. They have these proverbs : 
" The hawk says, Everything that Onjang-ko-pong has made is 
good. No one shows the smithy to the smith's son ; if he 
understands smith-work, it is Onjame that has taught him. 
The earth is vast, but Onjame is the highest. So long as 
Onjame slays thee not, thou shalt not die, even though a man 
wished to kill thee. When the cock drinks water, Onjame 
points him to it. Wilt thou speak with Onjame, tell it to the 
wind." The clouds of heaven are the border and outer part 
of God. He maintains the supervision of all things, and 
considers the conduct of men. The earth is called wjase, 
literally, what is under the sun. The sun is awjia, moon and 
stars ; wsoromma, heaven's children ; and they are the servants 
of God. Indeed, awjia is a friendly servant, who with his 
beams, anuenjam, shines willingly upon the earth, and thus, 
too, rises daily. The moon, again, is a murderer, aimdifo, who 
carries the death drum, which is visible in the spots on the 

1 Livingstone's Last Journals, London 1874. 

2 Ibid. 3 Hid. * Ibid. 

6 Eohlfs, Quer durch Afrika, ii. 62. 6 Ibid. ii. 223. 


moon, and by beating it slays many men, calls forth sick- 
nesses on its becoming full ; hence God allows it to become 
full only once a month, but to be out of sight for two whole 
days. The stars are appealed to for the blessing of children. 
Besides these star-gods, there are a multitude of inferior 
deities, regarded by missionaries as principal fetiches, which 
receive divine worship. The Odshi negroes call them children 
of God, and describe them as created beings, and indeed as 
spirits (alionlwrn, from Iwme, to breathe ; sunsum, from sum, 
dark, invisible; in Ga, sisa), which are in themselves 
invisible, but can become visible to the initiated as fleeting 
forms in a white sheet, and to other men make themselves 
and their will known mediately through animals, trees, etc. 
The appellative for these inferior deities, bbosom, 1 from bbo, 
stone, and som, to serve, indicates that at an earlier time these 
were considered to be present in sacred stones, and must have 
been worshipped, as indeed several traditions testify. 2 They 
are also called Atumfo, the mighty ones, because they have 
from Onjame absolute power over the life and death of men, 
only, according to the present belief of the Odshis, they have 
not this power over a witch or against the use of an amulet. 
God is their father, a reminiscence of the Vne elohim, whom w r e 
meet with again in the Adityas of the Indians and the Amesha- 
spentas of the Iranians. They are absolutely dependent on 
his will, and they carry it out. If a man has done evil, they 
bring the case first of all before God ; if he approves the 
same, they execute the sentence, for they bring sickness or 
death upon the guilty. They move hither and thither 
between heaven and earth. Whoever wishes to pray must 
address himself to them ; then they bring his prayer before 
God. They are gracious to all who serve them. But such a 
false mediatorship must necessarily lead to a polytheistic 
development. Among the Odshis generally there is recog- 

1 By o I indicate the open sound, that is, between o and a in the middle 
of a word, like the English aw. 

2 See later on under the tradition C. 


nised a superior bbosom called Bosompra or Obosomdade, the 
iron Obosom, who is at the same time the house-obosom of 
the king of Akwapim, the kwaw dade, the iron man, and 
receives yearly a sheep in sacrifice. Under him stand next 
in order Kjengku, Akonedi, and Ohjiar ; then comes a river 
god, Ajesu, good-water ; Akjefo, one. who partakes of sacrificial 
flesh ; Burukumadaw, as guardian spirit of the fields ; Awan- 
samme, to whom the tiger, dog, and antelope are sacred ; 
Kjeritinanse, poison spider; Dasik-ji, as the guardian spirit 
of the river Volta, etc. The worship of this bbosom, however, 
is now in practice completely overshadowed by the worship 
of akomfoabosom, the spirits of the fetich prophets, that is, the 
fetiches proper or the idols (amagd, wodshi). The latter have, 
according to the statements of the Odshis themselves, had 
their origin and have come into favour in a recent period, and 
daily new ones are being added from the sorcerer priests. In 
earlier times, say they, the bbosoms lived with men ; but then 
they separated from them, and went apart into a certain 
grove where there was a lake with a serpent. They now 
bring to them also human sacrifices : the bodies of the 
victims are laid in that grove, and remain lying there 
unburied. The akomfoabosom , whose number is legion, are 
not well-disposed, but mischievous, evil spirits, who know 
nothing of goodness and mercy, and slay every one without 
favour who does not secure their goodwill by bringing gold 
and palm wine to the priest. Thus we can clearly perceive 
how the fetich -worship originated. The insertion of the 
bbosom between Onjame and men brought men into depend- 
ence upon the priests, and the instinctive cunning and greed 
of the priests, together with the fear of the powers of dark- 
ness and death, to whom men of an unexpiated conscience felt 
themselves delivered over, occasioned the spiritual bondage 
and superstition of the fetich-worship. Among the Odshis 
alongside of and behind this fetich-worship the worship of 
the bbosom and the knowledge of the one God still endure. 
Among many other negro tribes, but certainly not among all, 


nothing now remains save the bare product of the fetich- 
worship. The souls of the deceased (sissa) are feared as 
ghosts by the Odshis. When an Odshi rises up from a chair, 
he turns it over so that no sissa may sit upon it. 1 

The legends of the Odshis are extremely worthy of atten- 
tion. They are wont in the evenings to gather their children 
together, and tell them the old legends and stories of their 
race. That now, when they give out anew their stories, they 
should mix up many marvels with their legendary tales, does 
not astonish us so much as the amount of truth that they 
have retained from the primitive traditions of mankind. 

A. In regard to the creation they say: God began the 
creation on a kwasida, the first of their week of seven days, 
and completed it on fida, the sixth day of the week. On the 
seventh day He created nothing, but gave man a command. 
In those six days He created first the woman, then the man, 
then animals, then plants, then the rocks, just reversing the 
order. Men were after their creation sent forth into this 
sub-solar world (wjase), a reminiscence of the expulsion from 

R The fall : formerly God was very near to men ; 
when they needed anything, they just pointed with a staff 
upward, then it rained fish and other things. But a woman 
who pounded a/ksw, a banana fruit, in a mortar, went with 
the pestle inadvertently into God's presence. Then was God 
angry and withdrew into the high heavens, 2 and listened no 
more to men. After six rainless years came a famine 
which compelled them to slay men. At the advice of a 
wise man they sent a messenger to God, acknowledging they 

1 The report of the missionary Riis in Akropong, Easier Miss. Mag. 
1837, p. 560 ff. 

2 And with him the obosom, as results necessarily from what is afterwards 
told that God sends again in answer to the prayers of men Obosomtua. 
But this return of the obosom into high heaven is to be distinguished 
from the withdrawal of the obosom into the grove, which is a later 
occurrence. The Odshis themselves seem to have confounded the two, 
for the serpent which exists in that grove identifies the grove with the 
garden of Eden. 


had done wrong, and entreated Him to send one of His 
counsellors, bsafohene, who should care for them. Then God 
sent His highest minister Obosomtua and his wife Ntuabea, 
with the message that He would now no longer scorch them, 
but would give rain in its proper season : when the rainbow 
would appear, they should fire their muskets, and remember 
God the giver of rain and sunshine. (We observe 'here a 
striking intermixture with a certain reminiscence of the flood, 
of the story of a specifically African disaster, the want of 
rain, which overshadows the other.) Obosomtua dwelt now 
as bbosom or inferior deity in the west, his wife in the east, 
of the country, and placed around also six other bbosom, 
Obosomdade, Ajesu, Akiefo, Kjeretinanse, Awansamme, and 

C. The legend of the flood, of Noah, and the tower 
building is very much disfigured, but still quite recognisable. 
It turns again on man being driven forth upon the earth. 
There were two Gods in heaven (onjangkdpong), and two 
men, a white and a black. (This feature in the legend 
of a distinction between white and black men is referred back 
to heaven, a tradition probably derived from a primitive 
period, see 272 f.) The two Gods God and Satan- 
fought long with one another for the possession of the two 
men. Finally, the people of heaven (brsoromang) agreed to 
cast the two men out of heaven. Borebore, to whom, as the 
servant of God, another legend, given under D, ascribes the 
creation of the world, let the two men down to earth by a 
chain, which he hung round his neck, and stayed with them 
a hundred years. Then he dug an enormous pit, and 
brought down a fearful rain from all sides, which rushed like 
a river over the earth, but in the pit dug by the wise Borebore 
it found a place where it would empty itself. The rain filled 
this pit : then rose up the sea between the black and the white 
people. Borebore swept with a broom his wisdom into a box, 
but lost this, and must die. The white man found the 
wisdom-box, and discovered by means of it a medicine to 


save from death. Because men, however, were too old, too 
hostile to one another, and too numerous, he renounced the 
use of this means (a truly heathen way of minimizing the 
necessity of death !) ; but the black man concluded to worship 
the stone on which he sat. There was then only one 
language among men. The whites joined things together 
and placed what they had made on the waters. (A con- 
fusion between the ark and the first European ships.) They 
went into the land of the blacks, and before they parted from 
these they made an attempt to mount up to heaven. They 
heaped all their fusu-mortars on one another to make a tower. 
Only one mortar was then wanting, and they took out the 
lowermost to place it on the top, but now the whole tower, 
wanting a foundation, fell and had slain them all had they 
not instantly fled. They were scattered over the earth, and 
thus sprang up the multitude of different languages. 

D. Borebore, as already remarked, plays a part in yet 
another legend of the Odshis. God sent out Adomaukania 
and Borebore with the instruction to create the earth, wjase. 
Sleepless and with never halting motion they drove through 
all regions until they came to Efoo, the black monkey, who 
took them with him to eat and to spend the night with him. 
Waking from sleep, they separated : Borebore went to Africa 
and created the products that are found there ; Adomankama 
parted the sea with a cow's tail, went to Europe, and created 
all things that are found there. Then the legend itself runs 
out into a cow's tail, for it goes on to relate that Adomankama 
at a later time came to Africa in a ship and brought the 
negroes brandy, which in this form is naturally a recent 
addition, but possibly only a modernized version of a remini- 
scence of Gen. ix. 20 ff., similar to the Kintu tradition 
current among the Wagandas. In the original tradition 
evidently Adomankama and Borebore stand in relation to 
the separation of the races of mankind, and so are parallel 
to the sons of Noah or Manu, and in Adomankama we may 
perhaps find a trace of the name Manu. But the post- 


diluvian condition of the earth is here, as among so many 
other nations, confused with the first creation of the world ; 
hence those two as servants of God appear in the original 
creation. According to Mader, Borebore is derived from the 
Odshi word bo, to create, which seems related to the Sanscrit 
word bhu; but from the appearance of the consonant r 
it reminds us much more strikingly of Buri and Borr of the 
Scandinavian legend ( 250), who corresponds to the Noah 
of the biblical primitive tradition, whose name is derived 
from the primitive Sanscr. root bhr, fyepeiv, Lat. ferre, Goth. 
bairan, Old High Germ, beran, Celt, ber, biur, Heb. ana and 
13, son, Mong. bari, to bring, to give. Borebore, however, seems 
in the original legend current among the negroes to have corre- 
sponded not so much to Noah as to Adam, or the persons of 
Adam and Noah have been confounded together in it. The 
disobedience into which he allowed himself to be seduced by 
the black monkey, reminds us distinctly of the fall. 

E. I add here a tradition that prevails among another race 
on the Gold Coast, the Ashantees. 1 In the beginning God 
created three white and three black pairs, and gave them the 
choice between good and evil, for He laid on the earth a 
calabash and a sealed leaf. The blacks chose the calabash, 
but found therein only a piece of gold, and a piece of iron, 
and other metals, the use of which they did not know. The 
whites took the sealed papers, and it told them everything. 
When now God was angry with the blacks, they wandered 
away from Him, and worshipped subordinate spirits, who 
presided over the rivers, mountains, and woods. This 
tradition in its present form is evidently modern. It cannot 
have taken this shape before the arrival of Europeans, and 
was made apparently under the influence of astonishment 
at their skill in writing and reading. The kernel of it, 
however, is found in a primitive tradition which makes its 
appearance in Tonga and in America, as well as among the 

1 Bowdik, Mission from Cape Coast Castle to Ashantee, London 1819, 
p. 344. 


Odshis, of the white and black brothers, and especially 
we find in it the consciousness that the fetich-worship marks 
a secondary religious stage, which had been preceded by the 
worship of one God. The Ashantee language, too, has a 
word to indicate the idea of God. 

The supreme god of the Jorubas, Shango, was the god of 
thunder and lightning. The Egbas worship a good god 
Obbatalla, over against whom is the evil god Shugudu. The 
Nupis worship one supreme god Soko, who is again evidently 
identical with the Shango of the Jorubas. The names Zambi, 
Shango, Soko, form an etymological series. The heathen 
tribes existing in and around Bajirmi in the Soudan have all 
a belief in one supreme, invisible being. They regard the 
thunder as his voice, and assign his dwelling to the clouds. 1 
The negroes of the Bonny country call their temples Uru- 
houses, uru-wara, or in the Ebo dialect, houses of Ara, olo 
ab-ara. They thus have uru, ara as an appellative of God. 

There are now, however, negro tribes widely spread through 
.Central Africa, among whom there is still preserved the know- 
ledge, yea the worship, of the one invisible god Mungu, 
Mulungu. There is such a knowledge among the Makra 
negroes, who " have a clear conception of a supreme being, 
but do not pray to him;" 2 among the Matambwes, who 
" tremble before Mulungu, do not willingly speak of him, and 
fear misfortune when he is spoken of." 3 There is such a 
worship in the countries between the Lakes of Nyassa, Bang- 
weolo, Tanganyika, and Muero, where they know nothing of 
idols and fetiches. 4 The Maganjas of Lake Nyassa in a 
case of death say of the deceased: Mungu took him. The 
inhabitants of these regions in respect of their bodily forma- 
tion, a fine facial angle, good cast of countenance, and lips not 
protruding, occupy a position nearer the original type of the 
negro, and show less evidence of deterioration ; 5 and traces 

1 Comp. Nachtigal, Sahara und Sudan, 1881, part 2, p. 685. 

2 Livingstone's Last Journals. 

3 Ibid. * Ibid. 5 Hid. 


are found among them of previous higher culture, of the 
exercise of the art of agriculture, smith's and potter's craft. 1 
The maintenance of a higher religious position among them 
goes hand in hand with the preservation of a nobler form of 
a physical type. 

That the knowledge and worship of the one invisible God 
is the original, and the heathenism is the element afterward 
introduced, is demonstrated incontestably from this, that the 
root of the divine name, Punga, Bonga, Mungu, is common 
to the most diverse negro tribes, and even to the most diverse 
Hamite tribes, therefore in use before their separation, 
whereas each tribe has its own designation for the inferior 
deities, idols, fetiches, and spirits. Thus, for example, in 
Central Africa, as designations of the souls of deceased men, 
we meet with the words ngolu and mezimo; then in the GSL 
language, sise } sunsum ; in the speech of the Loango Coast, 
fetisso and shinbi; the gods are called by the Odshi obosom, 
in Loango kissie, among the Betchuanas rimo, in Manjuema 
nkongolo ; idol images among the Odshis are called amagd 
and wodstii, etc. In Majuemeland, between Lake Tanganyika 
and the river Lualaba, there exists still the transition stage 
between the old monotheism and the fetich and spirit worship. 
A god of heaven is still worshipped under the name of Gulu, 
which means above or heaven ; but there is placed alongside 
of him a god of earth, Mamou, which means below. Souls 
after death go to Gulu, and are worshipped as ancestor-deities 
by the erection of wooden and tin images of the ancestors, and 
by the offering of goat's flesh. 2 The names of particular sub- 
ordinate deities are entirely different among the various tribes. 
For example, among the Kanuris of Bornu there are a forest- 
god Koliram, a water-god Ngamaram ; among the Afoos there 
are the animal-shaped idol Dodo with two faces, one bearded 
the other beardless, and Harna-ja-mussa, sitting without arms ; 
among the Batumas, on the islands in Lake Tchad, there is a 
god of storms Nadshikenem, and two good spirits Betziromaino 
1 Livingstone's Last Journals. 2 Ibid. 


and Bakoma-main.i The Wagandas acknowledge one god, a 
creator of the world, whom they call Kabonda. Especially to 
the god of thunder do they present offerings and prayers. 2 


279. Introductory. 

We possess a useful work upon the history of the religions 
of the primitive inhabitants of America, which has been 
wrought up with great diligence, but it is only in the form 
of a collection of materials. J. G. Miiller of Basel, in his 
Amerikanischen Urrdigwnen, Basel 1855, has indeed assured 
us in his preface that he has no intention whatever of doing 
anything more than to present a statement of facts. In the 
execution of his work, however, he has done the very opposite, 
and has put a violent pressure upon his facts in the form of 
a scheme of & priori conceptions which he carries with him. 
His fundamental error consists in his refusing to hear any 
question about a historical connection between those races and 
religions and the races and religions of the Old World, and his 
tracing the origin of the American religions purely to physical 
causes. In cold climates the mind must turn to belief in 
ghosts and shamanism, and in warm climates to the worship 
of the sun. This would require us to regard Senegambia as 
possessed of a very cold climate ! (See 278.) How far one 
may be carried by such & priori constructions is shown in the 
case of Fr. von Erdrnann (see 260, Obs. 3), which should 
afford a warning against such methods. The Great Spirit of 
the redskins is, according to J. G. Miiller, only the chief of the 
hobgoblins, and indeed scarcely makes a figure at all after Miiller 
has laboriously proved that that Great Spirit is not the God of 
the Christians ! Surely the petrifaction of a palm is not the 

1 Eohlfs, Quer durch Afrika, ii. pp. 10, 199, part 1, p. 333 ff. 

2 Easier Miss. Mag. 1880, p. 252. 


living palm, but yet it gives evidence that a living palm had 
once existed there. The legends of the Peruvians, Toltecs, and 
other tribes of foreign origin, who introduced culture and the 
worship of the sun into the country, may be ever so clear and 
definite, yet J. G. Miiller reduces them all to an in priori con- 
structed sun-myth, in which the sun-god is represented as the 
god and patron of agriculture ; in this way, by and by, he 
might make a sun-god out of the Scandinavian god Odin. 
However distinctly traces of a knowledge of the flood are 
found among the most diverse American tribes, a flood which 
came upon the earth after the human race had existed there, 
from which only one pair was saved, those traditions, accord- 
ing to J. G. Miiller, are only cosmogonic philosophemes 
explaining the origin of the world from the water; as if 
these Indian tribes had troubled their heads about such 
problems, and had simply adopted the philosophical principle 
of Thales ! The animal attributes of the gods he regards as 
original forms under which conceptions of the gods had been 
formed ; the idea of gods in human form is generally of later 

The Mexican priesthood is extremely like that of the 
Buddhist, down even to minute details of their dress, and 
their monkish orders, and their seminaries ; in the empire of 
the Incas, Chinese customs, and institutions, and religious 
ceremonies are still scrupulously preserved, down to the 
smallest particulars ; but these immigrations from Asia must 
upon no account be thought of. These are fancies, but no 
history. The constant, ant-like diligence, however, with which 
J. G. Miiller has gathered together from a literature very 
rich but very fragmentary, and often hard to disentangle, the 
material for a scientific investigation, though it may be only in 
an unmethodized heap of chaff and chips, is deserving of our 
sincere gratitude. 

When, now, I set myself to work up this material (in regard 
to which generally it may here suffice to refer to the pages of 
Miiller, where the sources and guarantees are found carefully 


recorded), it is quite evident that I shall not separate the 
ethnographical question about descent and extraction from 
the religious and historical, and that in regard to both of these 
questions the linguistic researches, to which Buschmann l 
before all others has made important contributions, will be 
employed by me as a lever, yea, often as a foundation. In 
ethnographical matters Eauch 2 has broken ground in a very 
capable manner. He has properly acknowledged that one 
should not allow himself to be determined by any isolated 
characteristic to assume this or that derivation for any one 
American tribe. 3 Besides what we learn from the anatomical 
physical constitution, we must have relationship in manners 
and customs; besides proof of the physical possibility of a 
migration or sea voyage from the conjectured fatherland to the 
American abode, we must have some historical record of the 
fact, even though it be only in the form of a tradition. If 
then, moreover, the facts thus arrived at are confirmed by the 
manifest affinity of the religion ; if, for example, the worship 
of the moon in connection with impure practices is found 
among such tribes of the East Coast opposite Africa as have 
a construction of skull and a dark colour which point to a 
North African extraction; if, on the other hand, a faithful 
reproduction of the Chinese customs and constitution, and the 
Chinese worship of the sun, is found among the Western 
tribes of a light colour and oblique eyes, the facts arrived at 
obtain a very important confirmation. That the population 
found by the discoverers of America in possession of the 

1 J. E. O. Buschmann, " Spuren der aztek. Sprache im Norden Mexi- 
ko's," in the Abhandl. der Berl. Akad. der Wissensch. 1854, Suppl. vol. ii. 
"Ueber die aztek. Oetsnamen," ibid. 1852. "Ueber die athapaskischen 
Sprachen," ibid. 1859. " Die Vb'lker und Sprachen Neumexiko's," ibid. 
1857, p. 209 ff. 

2 P. M. Eauch, die Einheit des Nenschengeschlechtes, Augsb. 1837, pp. 

3 Even the single fact that Europeans who live long in Brazil find 
their hair becoming crisp and splitting at the ends, and their skin assum- 
ing a greyish yellow colour (Oscar Canstatt, Brasilien, Berl. 1877, p. 17), 
shows how alongside of descent, yet in spite of and in contradiction to it, 
the climate has an influence upon the bodily constitution. 


country, was made up of tribes of very diverse extraction, is 
proved by the differences of colour. We have ( 125,05s. 1) 
convinced ourselves from facts in our possession that sameness 
of colour does not justify us in concluding to sameness of 
origin ; but all the more surely does diversity of colour in the 
same country and climate lead to the assumption of diversity 
of origin. When, then, in California, alongside of the majority 
of the tribes remaining there, who are dark-coloured, and, 
according to Rollin and Prichard, have negro skulls and short 
depressed noses, we find the bright-coloured tribe of the 
Monas ; l when on the northern coasts of South America, 
alongside of the dark-coloured Caribs worshipping a moon- 
goddess, we find the light-coloured, small-nosed Guaranis ; on 
the banks of the Amazon, alongside of the black Amaquas, 
the light-coloured, oblique-eyed Botocudos, who call themselves 
Aymaras, 2 and in this unwittingly give evidence of their tribal 
affinity with the Peruvian Aymaras of Lake Titicaca, it is 
shown by this and similar circumstances to be a fact, that races 
of very diverse origin had migrated to America, and having 
thrust themselves among one another, they here and there, 
quite naturally, got blended together. 

In conclusion, there only remains the question, what weight 
in this investigation should be allowed to the language and 
the affinity of the languages of the several groups of tribes ? 
Tribes which, notwithstanding local separation from each 
other, still speak the same or a very similar language, or at 
least have important roots common to one another, certainly 
prove thereby their tribal affinity. 3 On the other hand, 
diversity of language affords no incontestable proof against 
sameness of origin. There is found in the languages of un- 
civilised, or even half-civilised people, quite demonstrably a 
remarkable process of rapid and most irregular transmutation 

1 Rauch, die, Einheit dcs Menschengeschlechtes, p. 278. 

2 Miiller, amerikanischen Urreligioiien, p. 241. 

3 Thus Buschmann has proved the linguistic and tribal affinity of the 
Sonora group, and the same again in regard to the Athabascans. 



of sounds, and a change of language going the length of 
becoming unintelligible to those who have its earlier form. 
The comparison of the Greek dialects with one another shows 
an interchange of gutturals and labials (TTOIO?, Ionic /coto9, 
etc.) ; among Celtic languages, the Welsh has constantly 
changed gutturals into labials; but what is that in com- 
parison to the changes of sound introduced into the Burmese 
languages, although in these, as monosyllabic languages, there 
is no opportunity of changing the root-stems by inflection or 
agglutination. There the present language as spoken differs 
completely from that of former times fixed in writing ; l leak 
has become tet, kri is shi, kra is kya, thang is thi, etc. "What, 
then, must it have been in the case of the agglutinate lan- 
guages of America, where, in addition to this agglutinate con- 
struction, it was customary to mutilate the several roots 
in the rarest and most capricious manner 1 2 With what 
rapidity such languages come to be unintelligible, that is, to 
be completely changed, Moffat 3 and Tschudi 4 show by most 
notable examples. Single troops of Indians, as Tschudi tells, 
are separated from the main body of the tribe, pass into 
distant regions, and there form for themselves an essentially 
new language, at least an idiom, which contains an altogether 
new vocabulary, and is not intelligible to the mother tribe. To 
all this we must still add the mingling of languages, when one 
tribe is brought into relation with a foreign tribe of different 
extraction, be it in the way of friendly commercial inter- 
course, or as dwellers in the land in the form of a subject 

1 TV. von Humboldt, Gesammelte Werke, vi. 343. Compare above, 

2 The Delaware language, e.g., connects together ki, thou, wulit, pretty, 
wichgat, paw, schis, little, into one word kuligatschis, thy pretty little 
paw; naten, to fetch, amochol, boat, into nadhol - ineen fetch us in 
boats ; nayundam, to bear a burden, awesis, an animal into nana- 
yung-es, a beast of burden. Humboldt, Werke, vi. 323. 

3 Moffat, Missionary Labours and Scenes in Southern Africa, London 

4 Tschudi, die Kechuassprache, i. 8. Comp. Rauch, die Einheit des 
Nenschengeschlechtes, p. 303. 


race. Hence only positive proofs of tribal affinity, or at least 
historical evidence of close connection, and not merely absence 
of proof to the contrary, should be sought for from the 
languages. 1 

When now, by the application of the above-mentioned 
criteria, we investigate scientifically the primitive populations 
of America, we find that America was peopled by means of 
six successive immigrations. 1. The original stock of the 
population seems to have consisted of Malay tribes, together 
with Melanesians, who either were subject to them or had 
fled before them. These made their appearance in America 
about B.C. 1600 or 1400. From them are sprung the 
Araucaniaus, Patagonians, primitive Californians, the Kolushes 
of the Orinoco, and the primitive inhabitants of Peru, repre- 
senting the Stone Period there, whose blood flows in the 
veins of many of the mixed tribes. 2. It may, perhaps, be 
considered doubtful whether Phoenician ships touched the 
coasts of America so early as B.C. 600; but it can be proved 
with certainty that about A.D. 600, North African pirates, the 
Berbers, were driven to Brazil, and that from them are sprung 
the Amaquas, Caribs, Charruas, etc. 3. From the Mongolian 
group of races, and especially from Japan, there came, at a 
somewhat earlier date, about A.D. 100, civilised tribes which 
took possession of Chiapa, or, indeed, generally of Central 
America, and founded in Bogota the two empires of the 
Muysca, and in Peru the ancient Peruvian empire. The 
Botocudos are some of those which broke off from the rest and 

1 Buschmann, " Spuren der aztek. Sprache," says at p. 39 : " I would 
only undertake to explain the general type of this group of languages 
spread over a vast tract of the earth's surface, and broken up into a 
thousand forms. I have already by repeated endeavours sought to indi- 
cate the contents of such a problem ; they embrace the infinite sub- 
divisions, separations, alienations, and violent expulsions of the American 
races and the smallest groups of men, occasioned by natural circumstances, 
by prevalent customs, and modes of life, by the hatreds rankling in savage 
natures ; and also, on the other hand, the most multifarious commingling 
through friendly relations, intentional and violent linguistic changes, and 
disfigurement, and finally, capricious linguistic contrivances." 


took to the nomadic hunting life, and uncivilised customs of 
a degraded tribe. 4. Somewhat later, probably about A.D. 500, 
from China or its immediate neighbourhood, a troop rushed 
down through California upon Mexico, founded there the 
empire of the Toltecs, was driven southward about A.D. 1290 
by new hordes of invaders, and founded the empire of the 
Incas in Peru. 5. The Tshukkhi tribes, driven away by the 
Mongols under Genghis Khan, fled about A.D. 1200 over 
Aleutia to North America, where they appeared as Tshits- 
himecs, and from these are descended also the Mandans, 
the Menomennecs, east of the Eocky Mountains, and the 
Calif ornian Monas. Soon afterwards, about A.D. 1282, a 
Mongolian horde followed, made up of various constituents, 
outwardly tinged with Buddhism and Chinese civilisation, 
from China, which were then subject to the Mongols, a horde 
which, under the name of the Nahuatlan tribe, entered 
Mexico, then under the Aztecs. 6. Finno-Tartaric tribes 
came in the 13th century over Kamtschatka into the north, 
peopled Greenland, drove the Malayan Alligewi, and later 
also the Aztecs, southwards, and got mixed up with the 
original population belonging to the two principal races of 
the Redskins, the Delawares and the Mengwes. 

Each of those six immigrations will now be carefully proved, 
and there will be added in respect of each of them a historical 
statement of the nature of their religious condition. 


280. Evidence of this Immigration. 

A. It has been already shown in 270 that the Malays 
were expert seamen, and undertook relatively long voyages, 
and that Polynesia was peopled by them. This makes it quite 
possible that the Malays should have reached America. A 
race which had spread itself over a space 2550 geographical 
miles long, from Madagascar to Hawaii, might also surely 


travel thence to California, a distance of 600 miles, and, if not 
willingly, then all the more certainly if under constraint to do 
so. The North Pacific Ocean current runs from the Polynesian 
islands direct to North California, and in the Gulf of California 
there are continually seen the wreck of boats, stems of trees, 
and sea- weed, which have been driven from Polynesia to those 
coasts. On the other side, the South polar current in the South 
Pacific Ocean passes over toward Easter island and thence to 
Chili. Ships or boats which get into one of these two currents 
would inevitably be driven either to California or to Chili. 

B. Now, as a matter of fact, Indian tribes are found in both 
of these countries which exhibit in a striking manner the 
Malayan-Polynesian type. Pickering 1 found in California, 
alongside of the group speaking the Sonora languages, which, 
as we have seen, are Mongolian tribes of a later immigration, 
tribes of darker complexion, whose build and cast of counte- 
nance were quite Polynesian. The same also is reported by 
Jaquinot. 2 From California these tribes spread themselves 
southwards along the coast. In Acapulco, on the south-west 
coast of Mexico, Chamberlain, a missionary in Hawaii, found 
aborigines whose Polynesian customs arrested his attention. 
Such, too, were the experiences of Captain Hall, Bory de St. 
Vincent, Ellis, and W. von Humboldt, all along the west 
coast. 3 The Indians of New Spain have the brown skin, the 
small hands, and slender build of the Polynesians. Malay 
servants, brought by Smith to New Jersey, were astonished at 
the appearance of the Indians there, and the Indians at theirs, 
because of their likeness to one another. 4 These extend down 
to Terra del Fueso. 5 

1 Pickering, The Races of Man, pp. 100-108. 

2 Jaquinot, -Annuaire des voyages, 1846, p. 179. 

3 Hall in Pickering, p. 113. Bory, der Mensch, Weimar 1827, p. 170. 
Ellis, Polynesian Researches, i. 121. A. von Humboldt, Reisen in die Aequa- 
torialgegenden, part 2. Com p. Piatich, EinJieit des Menschg. p. 349 f. 

4 Smith, Essay, p. 217. Assal, Nachrichten iiber die friiheren Eimcan- 
derung Nordamerikds, p. 85. 

5 Lin. Martin, Naturgeschichte des 3fenschen, p. 343. 


C. To the similarity of physical build must be added 
similarity of customs, and this proves that Malayan-Polynesian 
tribes gave their populations not only to the west coast, but 
also, pressed and driven by later incomers, or led by the love 
of wandering, they have made their way in North, as well as 
in South, America to the east coast. Decidedly Polynesian 
customs are found not merely on the west coasts of California 
down to the Araucanians and Patagonians, but also among the 
Natchez and Creeks, among the Iroquois and Dahcotahs or 
Sioux, and even the Kolushes of Norfolk Sound, as well as among 
several tribes on the Orinoco. The custom of shaving away 
their hair, with the exception of a single lock, is not decisive ; 
it prevails in Polynesia, but, according to Herodotus, was met 
with among several of his Scythian tribes, which perhaps were 
identical with the Ugro-Tartars or Tungusic-Mongols, and is met 
with at the present time among Tartars and Kalmucks. More 
decisive are the painting of the body in gay colours, the piercing 
of the ear-flaps and hanging in them heavy ornaments. The 
Araucanians, along with many neighbouring tribes, wear wrapt 
about their head the Pontsho, which is exactly similar to the 
Tiputa of the Tahitians. 1 Both peoples have the same sort 
of armour ; both, as well as the most of the Indian tribes of 
North America designated the Eedskins, preserve the scalps of 
slaughtered foes as a sign of victory. As on many of the 
South Sea islands, it is customary among the Old Californian 
savages to cut off the little finger of a child in order to save 
one from a deadly sickness. 2 In the one race as well as in 
the other, and also among the Brazilian Tupis, corpses are 
buried in a sitting posture. In Durango in the north-east of 
Mexico, in 1818, a pit was uncovered, in the bottom of which 
over a thousand well-preserved Indian corpses were seated, 
with their hands placed upon their knees. 3 Sometimes they 

1 Ellis, Polynesian Researches, i. 182. 

2 "Waitz, Anthropologie, iv. 250. 

* Buschmann, " Spuren der aztek. Sprache," etc., p. 183. Canstatt, 
Brasilien, p. 80. 


were put in a boat, and this then hung between two trees. At 
San Sacramento in New California, the women wear the maro, 
just as in Polynesia. 1 The Indians of Old California, when 
the country was first visited by Europeans, went naked, the 
men completely, the women with a girdle, just as in many 
Polynesian islands. Tattooing is not only generally a 
Polynesian custom, but also in Bodega Bay Vancouver found 
the women tattooed exactly in the same way as on the Sand- 
wich islands. Among the Assiniboins, as also upon the 
Marquesas islands, there is found in front of every village a 
paved court for holding assemblies of the people. 2 In Upper 
California the women wear a needle in their hair as in the 
Fiji islands, and the feather head-dress like that of Hawaii. 
The Aztecs in Mexico were distinguished in the art of feather 
ornamentation, garments and carpets being' made up of 
feathers, wrought in patterns and representing complete scenes. 
They seem, however, to have learnt this art from some tribe 
which they met with among the older inhabitants. Mummies 
have also been found in North America with such feather 
dresses, which could hardly have been of Aztec origin, but 
must rather have belonged to some Polynesian tribe, since 
that art of feather embroidery is native to Polynesia. 3 The 
artistic carvings of the Kolushes are also produced by the 
Polynesians. On the Orinoco the Indians shoot their poisoned 
darts through a long tube, just as the Malays of the Indian 
Archipelago do ; by the Malays the tube is called sarlacane, 
by the Orinoco Indians it is called sgaravatana ; 4 the c is 
turned into t, otherwise it is the same word. The Polynesians 
prepare from the piper amethysticum the intoxicating drink 
called Jcava, in preparing which old women chew the root of 
this plant, then spit it out, and cause an affusion to run over 
the matter expectorated while in a state of fermentation. In 

1 Smith, Essay, p. 238. Ellis, Researches, i. 178. 

2 Jaquinot, Annuaire des voyages, p. 182. 

3 Assal, Nachrichten, etc., pp. 65, 95. 

4 Bradford, American Antiquities, p. 416. 


precisely the same way the Tupis prepare their kaveng, or 
kavan, or kaonin from soaked maize, which is chewed by old 
women. The Ges in Brazil prepare an intoxicating drink from 
the fruit of the Assai palm, and other South American Indians 
from soaked Cassada, chewed by old women. 1 Among the 
Dahcotahs, Iroquois, and Hurons, every family chooses an 
animal or a plant as an escutcheon or protection, and then he 
dare not kill or eat any of that species. This custom is also 
found in Australia, where the word kobong is used to indicate 
such an animal or plant. 2 The taboo of the Polynesians is 
also of a similar nature. The Melanesians, too, seem to have 
reached America either before the Polynesians or along with 
them as a subject race. The custom, prevalent among the 
Papuans, of knocking out an upper incisor tooth on reaching 
man's estate, was observed by Skyring among the Patagonian 
tribes, and the bodily build of the Pesherahs reminds one 
very strongly of that of the Papuans. 

D. The tradition of the Malays of Tonga, that two 
daughters of the demi-god Langi, while their father attended 
an assembly of the gods, went, contrary to his orders, to 
the earth, and for this were condemned to death, is found, 
as has been already noticed by W. von Humboldt, 3 among 
the Tamanacs on the Orinoco. It there takes the form of 
a legend of Amalivaka, who breaks the feet of his travel- 
loving daughters in order to keep them at home. 

E. It must now be quite evident that we assume not a 
single immigration, but several repeated immigrations of the 

1 "Waitz, Anthropologie, iii. 423. Kotzebue, Eeisen, ii. 42. Globus, vii. 
204. Gerland, das Austerben der Naturvolhr, p. 42 if. Canstatt, Brasilien, 
p. 81. Also at Chittagong, on the Burmese territories in Further India, 
E. Hildebrandt (Reise um die Erde, i. 115) found this custom, which also 
there was evidently of Malay origin. The drink is there called tshitsha, 
from the Jav. root tshotshot, mouth, to eat, to drink. The same word is 
found in Peru. See 294. Kava, kavan, corresponds to the Polynesian 
root kai, kain, ky (kaneri), to chew. This root, too, may possibly lie at the 
basis of the Jav. tshotshot. 

2 Prichard, The Physical History of Mankind, iv. 282. 

3 Werke, iv. 454. 


Malayan-Polynesians, as well as Melanesians, into America, 
and also that we have by no means intended to describe 
the above-named American tribes as pure, unmixed Malays 
or Polynesians. Blendings of many a kind with Melauesians 
and with tribes of a different extraction, which in other 
ways came into America at a later period, have certainly 
taken place ; yet this has happened in such a manner that 
the Malay-Polynesian customs continue in full force among 
the above-named tribes, so as to prove the predominance in 
them of Polynesian blood, and that, too, just where the 
physical appearance of the Polynesians is most perfectly 

F. This Malay-Polynesian population, however, seems to 
have been the earliest population of America. The Malays 
moved on before the Mongolian races toward the south- 
east We might suppose that at latest, about B.C. 2200, 
they peopled the Sunda islands; about B.C. 1800 they took 
possession of Polynesia; and between B.C. 1600 and B.C. 1400 
they reached America. This conjecture commends itself as 
feasible, not only because the seafaring art and the spirit 
of enterprise among the Malayan-Polynesians failed at a 
later period, 1 and that the idea of separate boats being 
cast involuntarily upon the coast of America is not a 
probable theory, but also for several other reasons. First 
of all, the so-called cultured races of Japanese and Chinese 
extraction, which we have come to know in 286-291, 
as a whole and separately, have the tradition that on their 
first arrival they found before them a wild, uncivilised 
population. And, in fact, the cultured period in Peru, 
under the old Peruvian empire of the Aymaras, was pre- 
ceded by a Stone Age. 2 In the second place, the American 
language as a whole, if we except from them those of 

1 This sinking continued in America. The Tupis or Tubinambas in 
Brazil in earlier times built ships which were able to carry as many as 
sixty men ; now they only construct small canoes (Canstatt, Brasilien, 
p. 79). 

2 Eougemont, Bronzezeit, p. 26. 


the cultured races, the Katshua language in Peru, some 
Central American languages, the Sonora-Xahuatlian group 
of languages, and the language of the Caddos, among which 
are found traces more or less of a finer construction, 
viewed as a whole and separately in regard to their con- 
struction, belong to the class of agglutinate languages ( 256, 
Obs. 1), and are indeed of the same rude order as is pre- 
valent among the languages of the Malays and Polynesians. 
To seek after a similarity of vocabulary between these 
American and Malayan - Polynesian languages would be 
( 279) uninteresting and wearisome. The meanings of 
words among those wild races are constantly changing. 
Such changes occur first in their spelling, so that the same 
root changes its letters ; l secondly, in the use of words, 
so that homonymous words are attached to their synonyms 
by way of explaining their meaning, and are often so fused 
together as to be unrecognisable till the ingredients of the 
word so formed are swallowed up and lost, and then a 
new compound vocable is produced. These languages are 
related to the languages of the cultured races of the Old 
World as the gravel, rubbish, and sand of the rivers are to 
the historical or crystallized rock of the mountains. Every- 
thing of the most diverse sort is there gathered together in 
a pounded condition. It is, however, all the more remark- 
able if amid such rubbish something of value may here 
and there be discovered. Thus Ellis found in the language 
of the Araucanians several New Zealand words. 2 The 
Portuguese found the world anile used for the indigo plant 
in South America; in Malayan nil means blue, derived 

1 The same is true of the superior Sonora group of languages. Dark 
is among the Comanches tohop, among the Wihinasht tuhuhtrit, among 
the Soshones tmcit, among the Sonoras, in the narrower sense, tucu, 
tschoca; white is among the Comanches toshop, totshza, among the 
Soshones tushawi, among the Sonoras tosca, tosa, toa; bear is in Com. 
ochzo, among the Coroados oztet; water is among Aztecs a-tli, Sonoras 
ah-te, Soshones ookshe ; stone, Azt. te-tl, Sonor. tim-ba, tupa ; dog, 
Azt. tshitshi, Sosh. sogoouk ; wind, Azt. eca-tl, Sonor. heicava, etc. 

2 Ellis, Researches in Polynesia, ii. 46. 


from the Sanscrit nila, dark- blue. It is also remarkable 
that the dual, which is found in Malacca, the Philippine 
islands, and New Holland, appears again among the Arau- 
canians, in Peru, on the Orinoco, among the Totanacs of 
Vera Cruz, among the Cherokees, the Chaimas, and even as 
far as Greenland. 1 In like manner, the existence of a 
restricted and wider plural, signifying respectively some 
and many, in Tahiti, and then again among the Abipones 
in Paraguay, and the Mocobis in Chaco, is worthy of attention 
(see Obs). 

G. Finally, the Malay-Polynesian immigration to America 
is confirmed by the plants found in cultivation there. The 
yam is native to the Indian Archipelago, and grows there 
wild ; in America it appears as a cultivated plant, reared by 
many of the Indian tribes. 2 Bradford makes the same 
remark in regard to the indigo and banana. 3 The same 
holds true in regard to the architectural remains. The 
pyramid temples of the Aztecs, the teocalli (see 299), are 
well known. That the Aztecs were not of Malay origin is 
sure enough ; yet it would appear that this style of archi- 
tecture, as well as the art of feather embroidery, was learnt 
from a people of Polynesian descent, which they met with 
in America, probably in California. The very same sort of 
pyramids are found in the South Sea islands ; in Tahiti and 
the Fiji islands, where they are called morai (see 283), 
and then again also in America, in parts not under the 
dominion of the Aztecs ( 283). These morais, again, 
are connected with the Indian pagoda style of temples. 
Also the mussel heaps, as remnants of meals that had been 
partaken of, are found in Australia, and in Terra del Fuego, 

1 W. von Humboldt, Gesammelte Werke, vi. 562 ff. 

2 De Candolle, Geographie botanique raisonn&, 1855, ii. 280. 

3 Bradford, American Antiquities, p. 416. The Musa paradisiaca and 
sapientium has, according to G. Brown, vermisch. Schrifttn, i. 302, and 
Grisebach, Vegetation der Eade, its home in the East Indies ; but, on the 
discovery of America, it was found wild and half wild in Peru, Central 
America, and Mexico. 


and in the interior of Brazil, and indeed in a great multitude 
of places. 1 Also the Polynesian art of constructing weapons 
from quartz and flint is met with in Brazil, where the Indians 
of the present day understand how, by means of plane-tree 
wood, sand, and water, to bore through the quartz and fit 
it to their purposes. 2 On Cuba, Columbus found orange 
trees growing wild. The home of the orange is Asia 

Obs. Malay words are found in many American languages. 

1. Among the Jumas, north of the river Gila in California. 
Her-mai, boy, Tagal. aro. Hailpit, child, Jav. kulup. Ntaie, 
mother, Maori and Tah. matua. Homaie, son, Maori and Tah. 
tamaidi, Haw. kamalii. Sithl, bone, Jav. sikil. Weel, foot, 
Maori wae. Klup-wataie, star, Bug. witoeng. Tawawam, earth, 
Mai. Jav. Malag. tana. Huth-lja, moon, Jav. wulan, Bug. ulong 
(Haw. la, light, sun). Oumut, hut, Jav. homah. Ahatlau-o, 
sea, Mai. luhut, Jav. lahut. Hashacut, inland lake, Jav. tasek, 
Bug. tasik. Weequateie, mountain, Jav. bukit. Owee, stone, 
Tah. ofai. Eesh, tree, Malag. hazo. Tasauo, food, flesh, Malag. 
tandzah, to eat, Bug. dshuca, flesh. Awocope, hail, Haw. pohacu, 
stone. Aa-wo, fire, Mai. Jav. Bug. api, Tagal. hapon. Aha, 
water, Mai. ajer. Otaique, great, Mai. gadang. Onoeoque, small, 
Maori nohi-nohi. Halolk, slight, Mai. hakal. Huts-ele, cold, 
Jav. hatis. Ep-ele, warm, Bug. mobola, Jav. panas. Asee, husue, 
to drink, Malag. hisnan. Quer-quer, to speak, Jav. witscharo 
(root KAE). 

2. Among the adjoining Comaricopas the word tschampapa, 
four, is found quite peculiar to them, and corresponding to the 
Malay word ampat. 

3. On the language of the Athabascan tribes, which appears 
in scattered groups from Hudson's Bay down to Mexico, see 
below at 301, Obs. 

4. Even in the Sonora languages, which belong to non-Malay 
tribes ( 297, Obs.\ we meet with several Malay words. For 
foot the Malay word is kaki, the Soshone and Wihinasht is kuki, 
that of the Comanches is koegen, of South Sonora is goggui, 
besides the genuinely Sonora words rag and tola. We have 
also: teshcap, flesh, Bug. dshuca; tani, to demand, to pray, 
Mai. tana, to ask ; tami, we, Mai. kami ; pitschige, to believe, 
Mai. pertschja ; hulidade, skin, Mai. kulit ; otose, to send, Mai. 
hutus; dubur, dust, Mai. dabu; huri, to live, Jav. hurip ; tapa, 
to hew, Mai. tebbang, teba, tappa ; couyet, tree, Mai. kaja ; agu, 

1 Kougemont, Bronzezeit, p. 19. 2 Hid. p. 18 f. 


great, Mai. agung ; ica, this, Mai. iko, hika ; ini, that, Mai. ini ; 
harepo, will, Jav. harep ; oma, house, Mai. homa ; tzinna, day, 
Jav. dhina ; tessek (Eskimo), sea, Mai. tasek ; ach, seed, Mai. 
kako; ilhuica-tl (ilwica), heaven, Mai. langi; dse (ce), ice, Mai. 
tshes, hatis, cold ; calli, cari, house, Haw. hale, Maori ware ; 
caqui, cauque, to hear, Tagal. paguing ; dse, se, he, Mai. se, sa, 
taha ; eheka, cka, heka, uka, wind, Mai. and Polyn. angin, angi ; 
mati, to know, Pelew madang ; miqui, to die, Polyn. mate; 
~baa, water, Jav. bangu, Polyn. wai. Qua, to eat, may be com- 
pared with Polyn. kai. 

5. In the Tsoneca language of the Tehuellches of Patagonia 
(G. Cha worth -Musters, At Home with ike, Patagonians: A 
Years Wanderings, etc., London 1871), many words are found 
the same as in Malay. Kaki, wood, Mai. cuju, Tagal. cahui; 
ketz, good, Tagal. igui, Haw. maikai; ham-mersh, slight, Mai. 
mara, Tagal. masama ; ipors, warm, Mai. panas, Bug. mapola, 
Tagal. mabanas; kekosh, cold, Mai. sej'uk, Bug. ma-cMkek; 
talenque, small, Malag. kelik; pash-lik, hungry, Tab. Haw. poia, 
pololi; tehonik, men, Tong. tangata, Tagal. Bug. tau ; jank 
(yank), father, Jav. jaja, pak, Bug. am-bak ; janna, mother, 
Tagal. Bug. ina, Jav. ~bi-jang ; iliallum, son, Jav. kulup, Malag. 
calau (daughter) ; iten, brother, Mai. Jav. adik, hadi ; koque-tra, 
children, Jav. katschung (kachung), Mai. kotto ; tal, tongue, 
Tagal. dila, Malag. dela ; tsicc-r, hands, Mai. tangan ; shankence, 
feet, Jav. sucu; gegenko, seed, Jav. sren-genge; slwwan, moon, 
Malag. tsauon, sawa, light; aaskren, star, Jav. sasa, Malag. 
vasia ; tsor, year, Mai. taun, tahun, taon, Tong. tow ; lei, water, 
Jav. Mai. lahut, luut, sea ; jaik, fire, Polyn. ahi, awahi ; hoshen, 
wind, Jav. Tagal. liangin ; pawal, cloud, Tagal. papajitin ; paan, 
smoke, Polyn. po, darkness ; quejomen, night, Jav. wengi, Bug. 
w'oni ; jipper, flesh, Polyn. kai, ai, to eat, Haw. io, flesh ; tsclioi, 
cattle, Mai. dshawi; gol, puma, Haw. holo, animal; oin, fish, 
Mai. ikan, Jav. hiwah, Tah. Haw. ia ; tschorlo, black, Jav. 
tscheleng ; golwin, white, Jav. pin-gal, Haw. keo ; y-shengs, to 
go, Mai. song ; amili, to buy, Jav. Tagal. ~bili ; quewar, to barter, 
Haw. quai, Maori oko, Tong. fuccu, Jav. tuku; i-muk, to kill, 
TagaL Tong. mate; Tdnskot, Jav. handhika. Among the 
numerals, tshutshi, one, corresponds to Jav. sawitshi ; winikusk, 
six, Bug. onbng, is more doubtful. With giialitshu, evil spirit, 
we may compare the Malag. word manguelo, sickness ; it may, 
however, be connected still more closely with the Haw. icali, 
to be alone, Tong. wale, frantic, Haw. wale-wale, to bring into 

6. The language of the Cotshimi, in the north of California, 
yields the following parallels: tejueg, one, Polyn. tahi ; goguo, 
two, Polyn. dua, ua; kcina, father, Haw. kane, man; lahai, 
father, Mai. Malag. laki lahi, husband ; ac, father, Haw. makua ; 


nada, mother, Bug. indok, Tagal. ina; wakoe, imktu, wagin, 
wife, Polyn. ivahine ; jwta, blood, Jav. getih, Maori toto; aha, 
mouth, Polyn. waha ; ajibika, eye, Haw. wok, to see ; miwibanga, 
name, Jav. wewangi, Polyn. hingoa; cucuem, to go, Pelew kom; 
nagana, hand, Mai. tang an, Tagal. kamai ; aji-huenen, house, 
Tong. obi, dwelling, Mai. homa, house. 

7. In the languages of the Pueblo Indians in New Mexico, 
the Tesuque, Zunni, etc., which are rich in Ugro-Tartar words, a 
remarkable number of Malay words are also found. 

(a) Tesuque : koo, to eat, Polyn. kai ; ojez, ear, Tong. ongo, to 
hear ; peu-ih-qwah, dead, Tag. poke ; paindih, black, Polyn. po, 
night ; tairi, evening, Mai. suri; au, foot, Tah. avae, Tong. vae ; 
eose, God, Polyn. etoa, atua ; pih, heart, Mai. Polyn. poso, fo ; 
piquai, mountain, MaL bukit (Zunni : tai-poke) ; taik (Zunni : 
taiko-hanannai), light, Bug. tadshang, day ; sae, man, Mai. 
Tong. tauo, tau; poje, moon (Polyn. po, night, and Tesuque, 
ahgo-jah, star, po-jah, night star) ; hiquia-eh, small, Haw. iki ; 
hiih, to speak, Haw. hai, i; poh, water, Tah. pape (Tesuque, 
ogh, water, Ugr. oja) ; muaho, wind, Haw. makani. 

(b) Zunni : klemkai-annai, ice, Haw. anu, cold ; aina, iena, 
dead, Bug. unoi; tsanna, small, Tong. tschi; piji, to speak, Bug. 
pan; jai, wife, Polyn. wahine; quinna, black, Bug. wonni; 
icaiquinne, river, Haw. kapu-wai ; annanai, heart, Polyn. nanu. 

Among the numerals the following are Malayan : four, 
Tesuque ionauh, Haw. kauna, Zunni awite, Tag. apat; five, 
Tesuque panau, Zunni apte, Tah. pae; seven, Tesuque tschae, 
Mai. tudshu; nine, Tesuque kuaenou, Polyn. chiwa. The rest 
are for the most part Ugro-Finnic : e.g. one, guih, Ugr. akve ; 
two, guihgeh, Ugr. kita; six, sih, Ugr. seitse; eight, kuhbeh, Ugr. 
kahde; ten, taheh, Ugr. tiz. 

But above all things we must hold firmly by the possibility, 
yea, the probability, of Old Malay appellatives, which in the 
American languages have been changed absolutely, or to such a 
degree as to be unrecognisable, remaining unchanged, or with 
very little change, in the case of the proper names of the gods, 
which from the nature of things are more stable. Special 
attention will be given to this in the following sections. 

281. Traces of Malay Religion in various Parts 
of America. 

As we have been able to gain some idea of the old 
primitive religion of the Malays, at least of the Polynesian 
Malays, it will be possible for us to recognise whatever traces 
there may be in the religions of the American races of a 


Malay origin. This has, indeed, difficulties peculiarly its own. 
For as we find in the Indian Archipelago, and in Polynesia, 
and among the tribes generally that still remain unaffected 
by Buddhism, a state of matters that indicates only a deep 
decadence and deterioration from an earlier existing religion, 
the case in America is analogous with respect to certain 
tribes, of whom it must be concluded, from their bodily build 
and their customs, that there is a large proportion of Malay 
blood in their veins. If ( 280) the erection of pyramidal 
mounds was a custom prevalent among the early Malay 
inhabitants of California, it follows that these people must 
have had a worship of God or the gods like to that of their 
progenitors, as seen among the Fijians and Tahitians of the 
present time. Venegas l found in Old California among the 
Indians two religious parties : adherents of Niparaja, whom 
he describes as God, and adherents of Wac-Tuparan, who was 
described to him as a giant and evil spirit. Niparaja seems 
to have had a resemblance to the Great Spirit of the Eedskins. 
More than this cannot be said decidedly, least of all can it be 
definitely affirmed that the worship of Niparaja was of Malay 
origin. The name of Wac-Tuparan is connected in respect 
of its first portion with wacan, spirit, in the language of the 
Iroquois, and the wahs of the Dahcotahs, that is, with those 
redskin tribes whose customs, if not directly of Malay origin, 
show at least a strong mixture of Malay blood. Thus the 
word wac, waca, which at the same time reminds us of the 
Waka-akau-uli of the Tongan legend ( 272), seems to have 
been an Old Malay appellative of God (see Obs. 1). The name 
Tuparan is certainly derived from a Malay source. The term 
used to designate the idea of God is in Malayan tuhan, in 
Javanese tuivan. 2 In confirmation of the Malay origin of the 
Californian Tuparan, where ran may be a nominative suffix 
or an agglutinate predicate, the following remarkable circum- 

1 Buschmann, Volker und Sprachen Neu-~Mexicds, p. 463. 

2 W. von Humboldt, " Kawisprache," Abh. d. JBerl Akad. d. W, 1832, 
part 3, p. 243. 


stance may be advanced. When we find among the tribes 
of the Tupaja Indians in Brazil, the god Tupan, in this form 
approaching still nearer to the Javanese Tuwan, we may 
assume for those Tupajas a Malay descent or mixture. 
Tupan is with them God absolutely, and is regarded indeed 
as invisible. It is he who thunders in the clouds, it is he 
who taught men agriculture, and who blesses their harvests. 1 
But among those tribes both agriculture and the worship of 
Tupan have fallen into decay, and now lie quite in the back- 
ground. For all practical purposes, evil spirits and the 
sorcerers defending from them with the marica-bottle play 
the most important part. Thus, then, in the Tupan of the 
Tupajas we find an indication that originally one God, an 
invisible being, had been worshipped by the Malay tribes of 
America. Among the Californians this Tuparan, in opposition 
to a god Niparaja, evidently imported at a later period, and 
from other, probably conquering, tribes, has assumed the place 
of the subordinate god of a subordinate race, and is regarded 
as an evil spirit, or has been described by the victorious 
strangers as a mean and evil god, a process to which we shall 
yet find parallels. Fear of evil spirits, however, is met with 
in all religions of the most diverse races that have fallen into 
deep decadence. 

The Araucanians worship a thunder-god, Thalclave, whom 
they describe as a pillan, and indeed as guenu-pillan, a 
heavenly spirit, dwelling among or above the clouds, who has 
also placed under him another friendly pillan, Muelen. 2 Over 
against this good spirit stands Guencubu, heaven's cubu, an 
evil spirit, who is at the same time god of war and death, 
from whom all evil comes. He is, however, an oracle. His 
name has a connection with the kopong, kulong of the Hamitic 
races ( 278); possibly he was the heavenly god of an 
enslaved Melanesian tribe, and was degraded by the victorious 
Malayan-Polynesians into an evil deity. Guencubu some- 
times appears visibly in the form of a wild animal, and to 

1 Miiller, amerikanischen Urreligionen, p. 252 ff. 2 Ibid. p. 271. 


whomsoever he appears, that appearance indicates the approach 
of a violent death. Under him are other evil spirits : Kaa- 
gerre, Taguaiba, Temoli, Taubimana, Curupira, Marangigoana, 
Pictangua, Aucangua, 1 etc., evidently Melanesian deities. In 
the language of the Melanesians, which is closely related to 
that of the Kolhs, marang means great, while angua is similar 
to the Kolh word ankoi, brother. 

The religion of the neighbouring Tsonecas or Tehuellches in 
Patagonia is similar to that described ( 282). Among the 
Araucanians gen means a good, malghen or walitshu, gualitshu, 
an evil spirit (see 280, Obs. sub. 5). These evil spirits are 
pacified by offerings. The Patagonians in the wider sense, 
including the Araucanians and the Penks, had witches of 
whom they were afraid, women that were in covenant with 
the evil spirits ; they also believed in Jvuneas, that is, men 
who live by day in caves, but by night wander as birds of 
prey, something like the werewolf; and, finally, they believe 
in sorcerers, who compel the evil spirits to share their power 
with them, and who hold converse with them by means of the 
marica (tamarica), a magic flask made of gourd. By means 
of this flask the sorcerers are almighty, and can assume the 
form of animals, as in the werewolf legend. 2 It is also 
remarkable that among the Iroqtiois witches play an important 
part, and at the present time are put to death by burning. 3 
On the other hand, the custom of the Patagonian sorcerers to 
secure a state of ecstasy by means of smoking tobacco is 
common to many and very diverse wild tribes of America. 

The Araucanian tradition of the flood is of interest. 4 It 
speaks of a flood that covered the whole earth, and represents 
only a few men as being saved on a mountain with three 
peaks, which swam on the water, and is called "the flashing." 
The reminiscence of men saving themselves on some great 

1 Miiller, amerikanischen Urreligionen, p. 274. 

2 Ibid. p. 275 ff. On the Caribbean origin of the marica, see below 
at 285. 

3 Ibid. p. 79 f. 4 Ibid. p. 267. 


swimming article has been confounded with a reminiscence 
of the mountain on which this article landed ; but the three 
peaks seem to point to the fact that three men were saved 
upon it ; and this number of three reappears in most of the 
legends of the flood as indicating the number of the sons of 
the hero of the flood. 

Finally, among many tribes of the Redskins, especially the 
Dahcotahs, Iroquois, and Hurons, under the name of kobong, 
we meet with the religious custom of the Malay taboo and 
the Melanesian kiibong ( 272). 1 If an animal or a species 
of plant is declared by a chief of a tribe and by any head of a 
family to be kobong, then such an animal may never be killed, 
such a plant may never be plucked, by those belonging to 
that tribe or to that family. It is indisputable that the 
practice, and the word which describes it, were introduced 
into America by the Melanesians, who settled there along 
with the Malay - Polynesians (comp. 275). Among the 
Melanesians who migrated to South America, cubu was still 
used as a name of God ; among those who migrated north- 
wards, Jcubong had already been degraded to the meaning of 
taboo. The migration northward thus seems to have taken 
place at a later period. 

Obs. 1. In the Waka-akau-uli of the Tongan legend ( 272), 
waka means ship, and the whole name means ship of the black 
wood. But if it be a priori improbable that a human indivi- 
dual should have been called ship, then this name will not be 
quite suitable for that form of the myth that answers to the 
story of Abel. We saw, 274, that the legend of the ship of 
the black wood was not of genuinely Malayan, but of Cushite- 
Melanesian origin, and was connected with the hero of the flood, 
the Noah of the Bible. The transference of the Melanesian 
name of the hero of the flood to the Malayan-Polynesian Abel, 
and the consequent confounding of the two, is thus quite a 
later episode. It was precisely the name Waka that gave 
occasion to this confusion. From the divine appellative wac, 
wakan, wall, met with in various Malayan tribes of America, 
we may conclude that waka was a primitive Malay word for 
designating God or the demi-gods, legendary heroes receiving 

1 Prichard, Physical History of Man, iv. 282. 


divine honours. Wok in Hawaiian means to see; God was 
designated as the seeing One, the gods were designed as those 
who see. Thus could waka be employed as a predicate of Abel, 
who bears, in the Tongan legend, the proper name of Akau, 
which is confirmed by 287, sub. c. If, then, the Tonga islanders 
heard the Melanesian legend of a man who survived the flood 
in a ship of black tiril wood, and told this story in their 
own language to one another, the expression Waka-akau-uli 
would lead to a confusion regarding the men of the black- 
wood ship, the black-wood sailor, and to the identifying of 
him with the Waka Akau of their legend of Abel. Such com- 
binations and confusions are indeed quite common in the 
traditions of the wild races. 

In the name Wac Tuparan among the old Californians, we 
find that old appellative of God, waka, combined with the 
Javanese tuwan. It is possible that the earliest settlers had 
brought the word waka as a word and name for the one God 
from Hawaii, that this wok then gradually became, in conse- 
quence of a polytheistical development of religion, the proper 
name of the supreme God, and that later incomers added to it 
in apposition the appellative tuwan ; Wac tupa-ran means Wac 
the God, or perhaps Wac the great God (rai, rahi means in 
Maori and Tahitian great). We meet with this name of God, 
Wak, in yet other American tribes, whose customs prove them 
to be of Malay blood. The Iroquois (Miiller, Urreligionen, p. 
102 ff.) addresses Wakon as the supreme God (Wacon-da, Tongo 
Wakon, Uakon tongo). Some Iroquois tribes give Him the pre- 
dicate Owaineo, Hawai-neo, Yawo-neo, Hauwe-negu, Howe-ne, 
which reminds us of the name of the island Hawaiia. The 
Iroquois also use the word wac, wakan, and the Dahcotahs the 
word wall, the h having the guttural sound, as an appellative 
for the gods, and generally for the world of spirits. The Great 
Spirit, of the Leni-Lenape Indians rides on a bird, Wakon 
(Chateaubriand, i. 192) ; comp. with this taroa mannu, the bird 
spirit of the Tahitians ( 272, Obs.). But, finally, we again meet 
with our appellative waka in Peru, the very place which we 
might expect to have been peopled first of all by a Malay 
immigration. During the period of the empire of the Incas 
there existed there, according to Mliller (p. 370 f.), the word 
giuica, pronounced waka, which was employed, according to the 
testimony of Montesino, to designate the old discarded gods of 
the ancient Peruvian empire, as well as the gods of foreign 
races, in opposition to the gods of the Incas. The word was 
thus evidently an old appellative for the idea of God or of the 
gods, that had come into disrepute, and there is no impro- 
bability in the supposition that it had arisen at a time pre- 
vious to that of the old Peruvian empire of the Aymaras, 


that is, that it was introduced with the primitive settlement 
of the Malays. Thus, then, we find this word generally is in the 
most diverse part of America, from Brazil to Canada, from Peru 
to California, always in connection with manifest indications 
of Malay customs, religion, and extraction, and so its Malayo- 
Polynesian origin cannot well be doubted. At least this deri- 
vation from the Hawaiian wok, to see (Maori wakka, and Tong. 
fcekka, to point out, make to see), is much more feasible than 
any derivation from the Ugro-Finnic thunder-god Ukko, whom 
we meet with again in America as Okki or ffokkan, or 
again a derivation from the Iranian bdgds, which should rather 
be found identical with the bogu, guardian spirit of Sumatra. 

Obs. 2. Among the Tamanacs on the Orinoco, who, according 
to 280, are a distinctly Malayan race, the following tradition 
is found. The first man was called Loguo ; he was not created 
by any one : descending from heaven, he first of all created the 
earth, then the moon (Gen. i. 1, 2, 14 ff.), and next he brought 
forth men from his navel and thighs, the first of whom was 
Eakumo. For a long time he lived on earth, then he died, 
after three days he became alive again, and returned to heaven 
(Miiller, Urreligionen, p. 229). Ptakumon was turned into a 
serpent with a human head, and he lived on a fruit tree, of the 
fruit of which it, as well as others, partook (De la Borde, 
Recueil de divers voyages, 1864, p. 385 ; Mejer, mytholog. 
Tasclienbuch, 1813, 6). Rakumon was changed into a star, and 
becomes the god of rain and fruitfulness. Further, the Tama- 
nacs must have been savages, for they lived only on fish : one of 
their sages, Longuo, who was the first man, addressed a prayer 
to heaven ; thereupon a white man appeared who taught him 
to use pointed stones as axes, to build huts, to plant the manioc 
root, and from it to prepare bread. We do not attach the least 
importance to this tradition in so far as it concerns the creation 
and the fall. It is quite evident that the Tamanacs owe to an 
unsuccessful missionary attempt, or to occasional intercourse 
with Christians between A.D. 1500 and 1864, that knowledge 
of a creator appearing '-in Paradise in human form, the know- 
ledge of the serpent, etc., which knowledge they have in the 
strongest manner thoroughly mixed up with pagan conceptions ; 
they have also a knowledge, confused indeed, of Christ's 
resurrection and ascension. The only important point is that 
they call the first man Loguo, Longuo. This name, like 
Kacumo, that of the rain-god, belongs to the purely pagan 
element in this legendary conglomerate. Loguo cannot at all 
be derived from Myo;. Romish missionaries can scarcely be 
supposed to have preached to them of the ?.oyoc under this 
Greek designation : they would rather say, God died. This 
last part of the legend, which is purely Tamanac, also shows 


that in their national traditions the first man was actually 
called Loguo. But then in Malayan and Javanese, man, man- 
kind, is laki. It is therefore similar to the Langi of the 
Tongan legend ( 280), who also seems to have been a sort 
of first man, his story recurring also among the Tamanacs 
( 280). 

282. The Eeligion of the Tsonecas. 

The Tsonecas 1 or Tehuellches, who inhabit Patagonia from 
the Rio Negro down to the southern point of America, now 
numbering on 1500 individuals, are distinguished from their 
northern neighbours, the Araucanians, living in the south of 
Chili, and Pampas Indians or Penks, who have a similar 
origin, by a more stately development, darker colour of skin, 
and a costume more nearly approaching nakedness, painting 
of the body, and tattooing of the arms. The Tsonecas wear a 
hip-cloth, tshikipa ; and, notwithstanding the raw climate of 
their country, only a cloak of guanaco skins protects them from 
the cold, and even this is often thrown aside. These differ- 
ences, as well as their residence on the southern corner of 
the American continent, their good nature and their peaceable 
disposition, and their language ( 280, Obs. sub. 5), lead us 
to recognise in the Tsonecas a purely Malay race, which has 
been driven so far into the cold south by warlike tribes 
pursuing them. The inhabitants of Terra del Fuego, again, are 
nothing else than a Tsoneca tribe 2 driven farther south, and 
deteriorating under a frigid climate. They also maintain 
intimate relations with the Tsonecas of the mainland. They 
have been, however, mixed up with a Melanesian tribe, which 
either had migrated along with the Malays, or more probably 
had been settled in America before them, having been pre- 
viously by the Malays driven out of Polynesia, and having 
crossed over by the way of the Gallopagos islands ; they were 

1 As the Malay t in the Tsonecan language is frequently changed into 
to, no other root could lie at the basis of the name Tsoneca than the 
Polynesian tane, man. 

2 Berghaus, allg. L. und B. K. vi. p. 241. 


then driven to the southernmost point, and made their appear- 
ance there under the name of the Pesherahs. Valuable 
information regarding the present condition of the Tsonecas 
has been given by Chaworth-Musters. 1 This naval officer, 
who lived for a whole year among the Tehuellches in Indian 
dress, and had intercourse with all their chiefs and through all 
their tribes, did not hear them use any personal name of a 
God. They speak only of evil spirits, gualitshus; and on 
inquiry he learnt that a Great Spirit also existed, who is good, 
but does not much trouble himself with men. And so men 
do not trouble themselves much about him, but only about 
the evil spirits, the gualitshus. In the case of a dangerous 
sickness a sham fight by night, with shooting and rattling of 
arms, is engaged upon. 2 Every disease has its own special 
gualitshu. Other evil spirits haunt the woods, rivers, rocks, 
and must be conciliated, if one is to approach the place, by greet- 
ing and adoration. At every birth, at every important event, 
whether good or evil, animals, now horses, which, however, were 
first introduced into the country by the Spaniards, or human 
blood in the form of venesection or scratching, are offered in 
sacrifice. To the sorcerer the gualitshus show themselves in 
the form of animals, guanacos, pumas, ostriches, vultures, etc. 
He endeavours to draw off the evil spirit from the sick person 
by shrieks, sucking, and other charms. On the graves of the 
dead heaps of stones are raised. Among the 1500 Tsonecas 
that survive of the peopling of Patagonia, and are decimated 
more and more by civil contentions and foreign wars and by 
small-pox, drunkenness and gambling are prevalent. In 
regard to their sexual relations there is little to complain of. 
They practise monogamy, cases of bigamy are very rare, and 
they marry only for choice, and show true conjugal and filial 
affection. When the wife dies, the husband burns all that 
belonged to her. Their chiefs are called gaunoks, and are 
addressed as yank, father. They have no idol images. Legen- 
dary poems and prayers, which till lately were known to 
1 Chaworth-Musters, Among the Palagonians. * Ibid. 


some old men, are now quite forgotten, although the race has 
lived free and independent, and has not had its paganism dis- 
turbed. At an earlier period, however, when Magelhaens first 
discovered Patagonia, he found there still the name of a 
supreme god, Settaboh, 1 employed, probably the Polynesian 
hotooa, god, or buan, which in Tagal means moon ; for the 
Tsonecas still greet the new moon, 2 which implies an earlier 
worship of the moon. Magelhaens' immediate successors 3 
told their story more in detail : the Patagonians worshipped 
a supreme, good, and invisible god, whom they called Taquit- 
shen or Soitshu, and set over against him an evil god, Guura- 
cunni ; taquitshen means ruler of the race, guura-cunni means 
lord of death. It is questionable, however, whether in this 
report the Araucanians have not been confounded with the 
Tsonecas. The fact is, that the barren knowledge of the 
existence of a Great Spirit has continued among the Tsonecas 
down to the present time, but just in the same way as belief 
in witchcraft. The one legendary element which Chaworth- 
Musters 4 found among them was the story that the Great 
Spirit in the caves made the beasts, and from a hill, which is 
still pointed out as the hill of God, sent them abroad over the 
earth. This connection of caves with the divine myth, and 
also the worship of the moon, are fragmentary elements, which 
remind us of the religion of the Tagals ( 272). 

283. The Religions of the Aruacas and Tamanacs. 

A thoroughly faithful copy of the Tagalese religion is 
preserved among the Aruacas, called by the Spaniard Guatiaos, 
the inhabitants of the Antilles, who, on account of their friendly, 
gentle character, as well as on account of the stage of their 
civilisation when Columbus went among them, forcibly enough 

1 Shakespeare refers to him in the Tempest under the name Satebos. 
Act I. Scene 2. 

2 Chaworth-Musters, Among the Patagonians. 

3 See in Miiller, amerikanischen Urreligionen, pp. 261, 264 f. 

4 Chaworth-Musters, Among the Patagonians. 


remind us of the Polynesians. Going about quite naked or 
almost so, and painting their bodies, they had yet a singu- 
larly complicated feudal constitution, quite after the style 
of that of the Polynesians. The island of Hayti, e.g., was 
divided into five States, under whose five absolute monarchs 
again the Casignes had the position of vassals. The ground 
was the property of the State, and was allocated. They had 
substantial fixed dwellings, practised agriculture, baked bread, 
wove cotton garments. They sang heroic and legendary 
ballads, areitas, 1 and had in Charagua (Xaragua) an ancient 
dialect as a sacred language, and a monument found on Hayti 
gives evidence of a higher form of civilisation existing there 
at an earlier period. 2 This monument consists of a circle of 
large round hewn stones, 2270 feet in circumference, in 
the centre one rude stone figure almost six feet high. They 
themselves affirm that they came from Florida. 3 Along the 
river course of the Mississippi and in Ohio there are now to 
be seen about 5000 old ruined villages, many surrounded 
with walls of earth or stone, in them the circular or square 
inclosures of sacred places, finally, artificial mounds with 
terraced slopes, like the morais of the Polynesians, some of 
them ninety feet high, often containing urns with ashes, 
often bones, and all that had constituted the residence of 
the deceased (hearthstone, etc.). The urns with ashes we 
shall not be able to trace back to any Malay race. A 
people of a different extraction must have mingled with the 
Malays in the Mississippi valley ( 293). The tombs in 
terraced mounds, however, with bones and house gear, are 
thoroughly Malayan. Those mounds are particularly nume- 
rous to the south of the Gulf of Mexico. They contain some 
articles of silver, stone axes, unwrought potter's ore, ornaments 
of shells and copper, neatly-shaped clay vessels, and clay pipes 

1 By this one is naturally reminded of the Tahitian and Maori parau, 
Jav. wara, Malag. zara, tatera, to say, to speak. 

2 Ausland, 1851, No. 172. 

3 Alex, von Humboldt, Rtisen, v. 27. 


in imitation of the heads of animals, but made without the 
help of the potter's wheel. 1 Thus, then, it is clear that 
before the rude hunting nomads, the Eedskins, a settled, 
half-civilised people had inhabited the Mississippi valley, 
who were then driven southward by an invasion of the 
Eedskins. On some of those circumvallations old trees of 
eight hundred annual rings have been found. 2 

The Californian Indians have a tradition that their fore- 
fathers on their arrival found before them in California a great 
city ; 3 and that there, in fact, a Malay race must have been 
settled, from whom the Aztecs, when they came in among 
them, learned the art of feather embroidery and of building the 
Teocalli or pyramid temples, has already been shown ( 280). 
But now also the Eedskins of the Mississippi and Ohio know 
of a cultured race that preceded them, to whom they give the 
name Alligevi ; 4 and the Iroquois know about a hundred 
years' conflict between this race and their forefathers. In 
like manner, the Comanches in Texas tell of a white or light- 
coloured people who inhabited the country before them. 5 
We can thus picture to ourselves how through the Malays, 
who were reduced to slavery by the Eedskins, and their 
women taken as wives, such elements of Malay customs and 
language would pass over among the Eedskins, as we actu- 
ally do find, according to 280, among the Dahcotahs, 
Iroquois, and Hurons. From California the primitive Malay 
population had spread over the Mississippi and Ohio districts. 

1 Eougemont, Bronzezeit, p. 21 f. 

2 Harrison in the Transactions of the Hist, and Phil. Soc. of Ohio, vol. 
i. 1839. 

3 Allg. Augs. Ztg. 1850, 14th March. If the stones of the ancients about 
the island Atlantis are to be applied to America (see 284), the Phoe- 
nicians had founded a great empire, about B.C. 600, in the neighbour- 
hood of the Gulf of Mexico. (Plato, Timaeus, p. 25 : tiotvpourrvi lv*[t.i$ 

4 Verhandl. d. nordam. gel. Geselhchaft v. Philadelphia, i. p. 29 ff. 
Ausland, 1829, p. 141 ; 1848, p. 175. Prichard, iv. 402 ff. The name 
AlligeVi resembles Tag. lalaqui, Jav. laid, man. Aruaca may be a 
corruption of Alligeva, I changed to r, and a metathesis of the v or u. 

5 Buschmann, " Spuren," etc., p. 382. 


Many centuries later they were attacked by the invading 
Redskins, in some parts reduced to slavery, in other parts 
exterminated, in other cases driven, doubtless already made 
savage by the experiences of the hundred years' war, to 
Florida, and finally to the Antilles. Here they continued 
to show themselves pure Malays in respect of constitution, 
customs, and religion. Like the Tagals ( 272), they had 1 in 
place of a temple, sacred caves. Like the Tagals, they had 
images of the gods, had a multitude of guardian spirits and 
the images of these, and counted among such the spirits of 
the departed. Like the Tagals also, they had evil spirits, and 
some are specially mentioned, to whom they ascribed the form 
of a dragon, which reminds us of the alligator-worship of the 
Tagals. The common word for everything superhuman was 
dseme (Spanish, in plural zemes, cemes), which perhaps comes 
from the Malay root dse, to see (Mai. dseling, Jav. sawang, 
Malag. zara), just as waka ( 281, Obs. 1) comes from the 
synonymous wak, to see. 

Pillars were dedicated to the sun-god with the emblem of 
the sun, and in front of them altars were erected. In Hayti 
there was a cave called Chuanaboina pointed out, from which 
the sun and moon had come forth to give increase to the 
world in plants and animals. In this cave, too, were set up 
the images of the divine pair ; they called them Binthaihell 
and Maro. The identity of the name Maro with the 
Maori and Tahitian marama, the moon, is indisputable. 
In like manner, the first two syllables of the name Binthai- 
hell are the Malay Untang, Tagal litoin, star, firmament; 
while hell is probably the Tongan vela, Hawaiian wela, hot, 
heat. Besides these two genuinely Malay names, we meet 
with on the Antilles the names of Tonatiks and Tona also for 
this divine pair. A derivation of these from Malay roots 
would not be absolutely impossible. 2 Since, however, 

1 Mtiller, Urreligionen, p. 169 ff. 

2 In Florida the birds, which were regarded as messengers of the gods, 
were called ton-azuli. This ton might be the Malay appellative for God, 


Tonatiuh is found in Mexico and Central America as a name 
of the sun - god decidedly belonging to the Sonora group 
of languages, coming from the Sonor. Aztec tona, heat, 
and teo, tin, god, comp. 298 and 299, Obs., it is 
the simplest and most natural conclusion to suppose that 
the names Tonatiks and Tona had been imported to the 
Antilles from Central America, and that at a compara- 
tively recent period, probably not long before the arrival of 

The tradition of the Aruacas tells how Binthaihell and 
Maro, sun and moon, had first shone out upon the island of 
Hayti from that cave ; then through an opening in the roof 
of the cave they ascended to heaven to lighten and rule the 
whole world, but sent to Hayti as their representative 
Chocauna and Chemao. In cho, che, there appears a root 
which seems to mean great ; cauna may correspond to the 
Malay hantu, Haw. uhane, spirit ; and mao is the Malay 
ma, mu, mother. That Chocauna is the Great Spirit is all the 
more certain, because, (1) the moon-goddess was described 
by the Aruacas to the Spaniards as the mother of the Great 
Spirit, and (2) Chocauna was described as the invisible, 
immortal, almighty ruler of all dsemes, who is, nevertheless, 
no longer an object of worship. Thus we have here, in an 
American race closely related to the Tagals, the remnants 
of a religion which reaches farther up than the religion of the 
Tagals itself. We have a close indication of the worship 
originally among the Malays of a supreme invisible god, but 
he is degraded from the rank of creator of the world and ruler 
of the gods into a son of the sun-god and moon-goddess. 
But considerable uncertainty prevails in reference to this 
degradation. That great mother Chemao was sometimes 
described by the Aruacas as the earth - goddess, sometimes 
again she was identified with the moon-goddess Maro or Tona 

tuwan. Thus in any case Tonatiu may be explained from tuwan-matua 
(for Polynesian matua, father), and Tona from tuwan-na (from Tagal. and 
Bug. ina, mother). 


herself, and represented as the mother of Chocauna, not as his 
wife, a sign that Chocauna cannot be confidently pronounced 
to be a married god. Arnold in 1663 tells that Chocauna 
had the cognomen Wamoanocan, and his mother the cognomens 
Wakaropi, Tamiellam, Wimazoam, Attab, and Euchani. Ac- 
cording to other reports, Wamoanocan was a cognomen of 
Chemao, and that besides she was called Mamona and 
Attabara. In Wakaropi we have again our divine appellative 
of waka ( 281, Obs. 1), together with ropi, which seems to be 
identical with the Tagal lopa, earth ; so that Wakaropi will 
mean the earth-goddess. In Tamiellam there is the Tagal 
tammi, father, mother, and for ellam perhaps the Polynesian 
ivulan, ulong, moon (comp. on Binthaihell and wela) : thus 
Tamiellam would be the mother moon. In Wamoanocan, 
ivomoa reminds us of the Tong. omea, Haw. honua, earth ; 
ocan reminds us of Haw. haku, lord. 

The Aruacas' tradition of the creation deserves indeed to 
rank only as a fable (see Obs.}. The legend of the flood, too, 
has assumed a fabulous form (see Obs.}, but yet shows that 
this people had a tradition about the whole earth having been 
covered by a flood. The priests of the Aruacas are called 
bohitos, while among the Battas in Sumatra bogu means a 
guardian spirit. 1 The bohitos formed a special caste, lived 
in solitude on the receipt of the offerings in the form of cakes, 
took them and presented them to the dsemes, whereupon 
pieces of the cake offerings were distributed among the heads 
of families as charms. They had no yearly festivals. Along 
with their supreme god they ranked a multitude of guardian 
spirits. On Hayti there stood three sacred stones, stone pillars, 
which formed the image and residence of the three highest 
guardian spirits : the guardian spirit of the earth (the land, 
that is, the island of Hayti), the guardian spirit of births, and 

1 Perhaps a Melanesian, therefore a Hamitic word (comp. the bongos 
of the Kolhs, the kopang of the Odshi negroes), or more probably a 
primitive root common to the Japhetic and Hamitic languages, which 
recurs in the Iranian baga. 


the spirit of rain and sunshine. 1 Also on Luzon ( 272) 
stone pillars were found, which, as we saw, were rather of 
Melanesian than of Malay origin. There is nothing to pre- 
vent the supposition that the Malays passing over into 
America had been mixed up with Melanesians. The primitive 
Melanesian population of Polynesia must either have been 
driven out before the Malays, as certainly happened to those 
who migrated to South America over the Tortoise islands, or 
they were subjected by the Malays and attached to them 
as slaves. 

Each tribe, each family, each individual had its own 
particular dseme as a guardian spirit. They had images of 
them of wood, fish-bone, stone, in human form and animal 
form, sometimes ornamented with precious stones, and these 
they placed in their houses. On Hayti the Spanish priests 
destroyed 170,000 of such images. The island Guanabba 
was inhabited exclusively by manufacturers of these images. 
Each chief had a cave temple for the guardian deity of his 
country and for his image. The cave temple Chuanaboina, 
150 feet deep, contained, besides the images of Binthaihell 
and Maro standing at the entrance, a thousand other idols 
hewn in the rock. The superior chief ordained a feast, when 
it pleased him, when the bohitos arranged in front of the cave 
received the offerings of cakes, and distributed the portions, 
whereupon the whole multitude rushed at the sound of a 
drum into the temple, and went one after another before the 
chief idol, and excited vomiting by means of a little wand 
thrust down the throat. After each has presented his own 
separate offering, the women with little bells on their arms 
and legs perform a dance. Heroic songs and songs of praise 
are sung, and the protection of the dsemes is invoked. 

There are also evil spirits which show themselves by night 
as ghosts. Among them was a Korotschot, an Epileguanita, 2 

1 Muller, Vrreligionen, p. 175. 

2 Perhaps from Mai. Jav. Bug. api, fire, and legua, the Indian word 
leguan. Therefore fire-dragon. 


and a Tuira, represented as a dragon-shaped, horned monster 
with open mouth. On the mentioning of Korotschot one 
involuntarily thinks of the Indian serpent king Karkotaka, 
who may quite likely be of Malay or Cushite origin. 1 The 
spirits of the dead, too, are regarded as dsemes, good and bad. 
The latter, however, only appeared at a recent period, since 
the Aruacas in Hayti had rather the belief that the souls of the 
dead lived a serene life on the west side of the island in caves, 
and ate the fruit of the Mamei plant. The custom of putting 
into the grave with the dead, bread and a calabash of water, 
implies a notion that the future life was a continuation of the 
present, and not the belief in a change into evil spirits. 

We must also mention the legend that one of their kings in 
the olden times after a five days' fast obtained a revelation from 
the dsemes that the Maguacotshen, a foreign, bearded, clothed 
race should come and overrun the island with rare weapons 
and overthrow their religion. This tradition was contained in 
old poems, and has therefore not been produced ex eventu. 2 

We have now recovered all the essential features of the 
Tagalese religion from that of the Aruacas, with the exception 
of the rainbow-god. We meet with him, however, on the 
Orinoco, where the Tamanacs ( 280), a Malay race, had made 
a settlement. From these, too, the non-Malay Caribs ( 281, 
Obs. 2) borrowed the name of their demi-god Langi. These 
Orinoco Indians, undoubtedly the Tamanacs, worshipped a god 
of the rainbow, 3 whom they called Chuluka, Spanish Juluca. 4 

1 According to Sepp (Jfythol. ii. 155), a serpent - god, Wodu, was 
also worshipped on Hayti. But since he indicates no sources, it remains 
doubtful. The Mayas in Tshyapa worshipped a similar shaped god, "Wotan. 

2 Acquaintance with the Norman colonists in Massachusetts from A.D. 
863-1347 may be resumed on behalf of the Aruacas ( 301, Obs. 3) while 
they lived on the Mississippi, and have given occasion to this legend. 

3 See in Miiller, Urreligionen, p. 225. Miiller calls all the 500 Orinoco 
tribes, without more ado, Caribs. He also makes Amaliwaka ( 280) a 
Caribbean hero. Compare, on the other hand, "W. von Humboldt, part 4, 
454 f. In the name Amaliwaka we meet again with the divine appella- 
tive waka. Amali, perhaps, may be explained by the Tag. malaqui, great, 
Bug. malic, good. 

4 Perhaps from Mai. suh'.h, Jav. tshulu, light, torch. 


He is a mighty giant spirit, who stretches over land and sea, 
his head and brow adorned with a band and gay feathers : 
now, feather ornamentation and feather trimming are Malay 
arts ( 280). When he appears to the east, over the sea, it 
betokens fortune ; but if westward, over the land, misfortune. 
When the Tamanacs once brought him too few offerings, he 
destroyed them by a flood, saving only a single pair. He is a 
good spirit, but no longer troubles himself about the govern- 
ment of the world and man, and it is therefore not necessary 
to worship him. 1 Here we have the universally recurring 
characteristic of the one invisible, that he no longer troubles 
himself about man! From that flood a man and a woman 
are saved on the peak of the mountain Tamanacu : they 
cast behind them the fruit of the Mauritius palm, and from 
their seeds men and women sprang up. 2 

A tradition of the fall has also been preserved among the 
Tamanacs. The god Amaliwaka, the great god, came to the 
first parent of the Tamanacs, and before he would let them 
again into his boat, said to them : Ye shall change your skin, 
that is, ye shall rejuvenate yourselves like the serpent, and 
not die. But when the old woman believed not the pro- 
mise, he recalled it, and so the Tamanacs now are mortal 3 
Amaliwaka, as is self-evident, is only an epithet of Chuluka. 
The Tamanacs give him a brother, Wossi, Span. Vocci, who 
helped him to create the Orinoco. They worship also a sea-god 
Kurumon, a creator of woman Kuliminia, and an evil thunder- 
god Kualina, or Kouotlua, evidently from a root ku, to make. 
All the other gods run before Kualina, and this is the explana- 
tion of the trembling noise of the thunder. On the Loguo 

1 De la Borde, 384. Picard, 135, etc., in Muller, Vrreligionen. 

2 Alex, von Humboldt, Rdse, p. 35 ff. The egg-shaped fruit of the 
Mauritia vinifera is, perhaps, nothing else than an emblem of the testiculi. 
Similarly in many non-Indo-Germanic dialects of Further India the word 
pisang of Malay origin means the penis. "Whether this name is given to the 
banana fruit because of its resemblance to the human organ, or was trans- 
ferred from the former to the latter, cannot be decisively determined. 

3 Aufsdtze zur Kunde ungebildeter Volker, Weimar 1789, p. 151. 


legend, see 281, Obs. 2. Their gods collectively they call 
tschemun. This is the same word with the dseine of the 

Obs. The tradition of the creation among the Aruacas is as 
follows : Large men issued forth from a great cave, Kazi- 
bachagua (comp. Jav. letshik, good), and little men from a small, 
Amachauna (comp. Maori kino, slight, small, Tong. com}. A 
giant, Machakael, was to watch the cave, but one night removed 
away too far from it ; the rising sun by an angry glance trans- 
formed him into the rock Kauta. Now, men left the cave at 
night to fish ; some who made themselves late in the morning 
were changed by the sun into stones, plants, animals. Wagu- 
oniona was ruler of the cave men. When his friend was changed 
into a nightingale in his grave, he left the cave with wife and 
children, and all of them were metamorphosed, the children 
into frogs, which now called after their mother Toa ! too, ! (the 
Polynesian matua, mother). The other cave-dwellers cautiously 
accustomed themselves to the sunlight ; but they were all men. 
Then the ants changed themselves into maidens, and became 
their wives. This tradition is a fabulous reconstruction of the 
old Malay legend of the going forth of the stars and animals 
from caves. An ancient troglodyte life among the Malay tribes 
may have given occasion to the origin of this legend and the 
whole mode of its presentation. 

The tradition of the flood among the Aruacas is as follows : 
The mighty chief Chaya had an only son who rebelled against 
him. He slew him, and preserved his bones in a gourd box. 
These were changed into fishes. Now Chaya boasted that he 
held the sea shut up in his gourd box. His four inquisitive 
brothers opened the box, but let it fall, terrified by his coming 
in upon them. It broke, there burst forth therefrom a flood, 
which covered the whole earth, so that only the peaks of the 
highest mountains remained visible. 

A.D. 600. 

284. Indications of African Immigrations at various Times. 

South America is distant from Africa about 1400 miles, 
and if an African ship were caught in the equatorial current a 

1 This current, running at the rate of 50 miles in 24 hours, passes 
from the north-west coast of Africa to the north-east corner of Brazil, 


it would be inevitably driven over to the coast of Brazil. 
Indeed, Brazil was discovered by Cabral when he was thus 
driven thither. In the year 1797 twelve negroes escaped 
from a slave ship to the African coast, took a boat, and in 
five weeks reached Barbadoes. Similar cases are on record. 1 
The possibility of Africans thus reaching America cannot be 

A. As a matter of fact, alongside of bright-coloured Indian 
tribes there are found, in America, and especially in South 
America, some of a quite or almost quite black colour and a 
negro build of body. To this class belong Amaguas on the 
river Amazon, the Charruas, and then the Caribs, who, if not 
quite black, are yet of a decidedly dark colour ; and also in 
North America there have been observed by Eollin, Prichard, 
and others, among the scattered tribes, even up to California, 
that those of a darker complexion had those peculiarities of 
physical organization 2 which at least point to an admixture 
of negro blood. Cultivated plants, too, have been transferred 
along with man. In the opinion of De Candolle, 3 the yam 
root has been imported into America from Africa. 

B. That conjecture, moreover, receives confirmation when 
we are able to point to distinct traces of specifically African 
customs and religion. Of the traces of African religions in 
America we shall speak in the next section. When, now, we 
seek in the east of South America for traces of African customs, 
we meet with those enormous conical clay vessels of several 
Brazilian tribes in which they place their dead for burial in a 
sitting, almost erect posture. In quite a similar way the 
Congo negroes bury and construct the graves of their chiefs in 

thence through the Caribbean Sea into the Gulf of Mexico, and then, as the 
Gulf Stream passes down along the North American coast, a counter 
current goes off from the eastern point of Brazil southwards along the 

1 Bradford, American Antiquities, p. 235. Latham, Man and his Migra- 
tions, p. 131, inRauch, Einheit des Menschengeschlechtes, p. 374. 

2 See Bauch, Einheit des Menschenges. p. 277 f. 

3 Ibid. p. 355. 



the earth, conically shaped with the depth in the breadth, and 
in the very same posture they place the bodies. 1 Since the 
Congo negroes do not belong to the proper negroes, but to the 
Kaffirs ( 276), we need not be surprised to find that the 
black tribes of Brazil have smooth hair. 

The tribes of Libyan descent on the north and north-west 
coasts of Africa were, in ancient times, bold seamen, traders, and 
pirates, and during the course of centuries they have developed 
more and more in the latter directions. Like them in their 
powerful athletic physical form, in the dark colour of their skin 
and their straight hair, and also in their national character, 
are the Caribs, who at the time of the discovery of America 
were settled on the north coast of South America from the 
mouth of the Orinoco on to Darien and Nicaragua. Here they 
had driven back a cultivated race, and here as balove bonon, 
dwellers on the mainland, they bore the name of Carinas, 
Guarinis, Kalinas, Galibis. They were also found on the 
islands of Guadeloupe, Trinidad, etc., where, as ubao bonon, 
dwellers on islands, they were called Caribas or Canibas. 
They had then begun to gain the mastery over the Aruacas of 
the Antilles. The wives of the slain Aruacas they took to 
themselves as wives. These continued to speak their own 
language among the Caribs, and also brought with them their 
dseme images. If this was a general practice among the Caribs 
to exercise such patience toward the wives of their subjected 
foes in the use of their own language and religion, proceeding, 
doubtless, from a superstitious fear of their gods, then it must 
appear quite conceivable that many a foreign element would 
find its way into the religion and customs of these Caribs 
alongside of those that were purely African. Their own 
distinctive character was quite that of a pirate race. They 
had well-built ships, forty feet long, with two or three masts, 
eight or nine seats for rowers, and a helm, which a steersman 
guided. They had fleets of from thirty to forty such vessels. 
They observed the course of the stars, and reckoned their time 
1 Eougemont, Bronzezeit, p. 80. 


accordingly. The trade which they carried on all along from 
Guiana down to the river Amazon (for scattered Carib tribes 
are found down on the coasts of Brazil), and piracy, were their 
almost exclusive means of livelihood ; and in this consists the 
most characteristic distinction between them and the Malays. 
They would have nothing to do with agricultural pursuits. 
They lived on game, fish, crabs, and eggs. The women 
planted some manioc in gardens round about their huts. A strip 
of cloth round their thighs was their only covering. While 
their aversion to agriculture is distinctly non-Malayan, it is a 
thoroughly African characteristic that they had slavery as an 
institution and a slave-trade, yea, even sold children of their 
tribes as slaves to foreigners. To the Spaniards they appeared 
as the most savage of the savages. They were also cannibals. 
Indeed, the name cannibal seems to be derived from their 
name Caniba. They even deliberately fattened the boys of 
their captive enemies before eating them. They were particu- 
larly dangerous on account of their crafty surprises and their 
poisoned darts. And yet their condition presupposes a higher 
culture at an earlier time. Their skill as shipwrights has 
been already referred to. Their women, too, could weave 
cloth for those hip-bands seven feet long, and clay vessels 
were manufactured capable of containing up to twenty gallons. 1 
Such arts could not have been developed as isolated pheno- 
mena among a race in a condition of bestial rudeness. Their 
condition as a whole must at some time have been quite 
different. These arts might, however, be continued as practi- 
cally useful among a people that had sunk from a relatively 
cultured condition to one of general savagery. There are also 
found among the Caribs traces and remains of an ancient 
picture writing or hieroglyphic painting. Their constitution, 
too, shows indications of an older settled condition. All their 

1 Rougemont, Bronzezeit, p. 24. It could not have been Aruaca women 
seized by them who brought with them those arts, for they are not found 
among the Aruacas. They were therefore arts originally belonging to 
the Caribbean women. 


tribes formed a great war confederacy, and lived in the most 
carefully observed terms of peace with one another, whereas 
they took advantage of their widespread intercourse by sea 
with foreigners for piratical attacks and regularly planned 
robber raids. Now we have in fact at hand a proof that at 
a very early period they had entered America. While they 
themselves did not in the least degree possess metal tools, and 
understood nothing of smelting and smith-work, they never- 
theless possessed ornaments or models, called karakoli, which 
were made of a non-corrosive metal composition 1 and were 
extraordinarily bright, and the remnants of the tribe possess 
these down to the present day. We shall hear in 290 of 
the immense ruins of Pallenque in Chiapa, and others in 
Central America, which tell us of the existence of an old 
Central American cultured race, which disappeared at the 
latest in the 12th century after Christ. The most of the 
figures on the bass-reliefs of Pallenque have their heads adorned 
just with those very kinds of ornaments. These karakoli, 
therefore, must have come to the Caribs from that people in 
the way of trade. 2 This assumes the existence of the Caribs 
in America before the 12th century, and to have had 
at that earlier period a more peaceable and more civilised 

Certain discoveries that have been made in America 3 lead 
to the conclusion that at a period long before Carthage itself, 
or the Punic worship of Moloch and Astarte had existed, 
bold Phoenician or Punic sailors had reached America. In 
Mexico Uhde found a vase and brought it to Europe. It 
is quite like the Etruscan vases, and is ornamented with 

1 It consists of six parts of silver, one part of gold, and three parts of 
copper (Rougemont, Bronzezeii). In the Gfi language of the Gold Coast, 
the coloured stones, -which are worn as ornaments and valued as highly as 
gold, are called Jcoli (J. Zimmermann, Vocabulary of the Akra or Gd 
Language, Stuttg. 1858, p. 157). 

2 The hatchets of the Aruacas, made of nephrite found only on the 
banks of the Amazon, which could only have been brought to the Antilles 
in the way of trade, afford a further evidence of their commercial pursuits. 

3 See in Eauch, Einheit des Memchengeschlechtes, p. 474 ff. 


figures, which resemble the images of the Eoman deities. 
In Oasha terra-cotta busts with a Greek form of head and 
helmet were found. 1 Such articles could clearly have been 
brought to America only by the Phoenicians, and this race 
must have had colonies there. The vases found by Leferrier 
in a Peruvian tomb, that is, on the west coast, which in 
their material and their ornamental form remind us of 
Grecian workmanship, 2 might rather, I think, be taken for 
the work of the ancient Peruvian cultured race, because a 
visit of the Punic peoples to the west coast is scarcely 
credible. All the more important, on the other hand, are 
the colossal hollow metal statues, in which calcined human 
remains have been found on the island of Carolina in the 
Gulf of Mexico. 3 There we have the Moloch-worship in all 
its forms, and in this also the evidence that on that island 
there existed a Phoenician or Punic trading colony, and that 
the name of the island, Atlantis, was by the ancients actually 
used with reference to America. Solan heard from Egyptian 
priests 4 that away out in the ocean there was an island 
Atlantis, a/j,a Ai{3vrj<? ical 'A<ria<; pet^wv, larger than Libya 
and Asia Minor together, ruled over by mighty kings, which 
now, however, Std a-eio-pav 5 is no longer accessible. In 
regard to this, Liibker writes: 6 "The tradition seems to 
affirm on behalf of the knowledge of a far distant and vast 
continent an extremely remote antiquity. Perhaps Phoe- 
nician and Punic ships had been driven to the American 
coasts, by means of which, on their happy return home, a 
general acquaintance therewith may have been spread, so 
that by the Atlantis of Plato, or the great unnamed island 
of Pliny, 7 and Diodorus, 8 and Arnobius, actually America was 

Antiquites Mexic. iii. pi. 36. 2 Ausland, 1836, No. 24. 

Miintor, Religion der Karthager, p. 10. 

Platon, TimcBus, p. 24 f. ; Critias, p. 109 ff. 

A hurricane of a violent kind, comp. Matt. viii. 24. 

Liibker, Reallexikon, p. 127. 

Plinius, Historia Natural, vi. 31 and 199 ; ii. 90 and 205. 

Diodorus Siculus, v. 19. 


intended." In like manner also Pauly says : 1 " From this, 
now, one may conclude as he will, but the possibility cannot 
be denied of there being, at the bottom of this supposed 
Egyptian legend, a Phoenician sailor's story, disfigured it may 
be to some extent designedly ; so there is contained in other 
passages of the ancients, either some obscure knowledge, or 
an impression of the existence of the continent of the Western 
hemisphere. Closer investigation among the ruins of earlier 
civilisations in America must yet give enlightenment on this 
question." Now such ruined fragments of culture of a 
specifically Phoenician kind have actually been found and 
thoroughly verified. In Nicaragua and on the Orinoco 
circumcision was practised, 2 as well as in North Africa by 
the Egyptians and Libyans, and by the Phoenicians and Punic 
races. 3 The natives in Nicaragua celebrated a yearly festival, 
at which the women abandoned themselves to prostitution in 
honour of the moon-goddess, 4 the genuine Astarte ( 249 ff.). 
In Ushmall, in Central America, Stephens 5 found monuments 
which prove quite clearly that phallic worship had been 
prevalent there (comp. also 289, Obs., and 290). But 
although there be here actually found a direct repetition of 
the Phoenician or Punic religion, we may not on that 
account conclude that the black-coloured Caribs are direct 
descendants of the light-coloured Punic race. This would be 
in every way absurd. The Caribs themselves preserved the 
most distinct tradition of their coming from the south, from 
South America, that they had come to the Antilles from 
Guiana in ships, and that there they had been called benari, 
people from over the sea. They had also not long before 
pushed their way into Nicaragua as invaders, and it could 
not be from thence that they brought their Astarte-worship, 

1 Pauly, Realencydopcedia, i. 2035. 

2 Miiller, Urreligionen, p. 479. 

3 Herodotus, ii. 104. Diodorus Siculus, i. 28. 

4 MUller, Urreligionen, p. 663. 

5 Stephens, Reiseerlebnuse in Zentralamerika, p. 407. Comp. Caiii, 
ameriL Briefe, ii. 59 and 72. Braunschweig, amerik. Denkm. p. 63. 


since no trace is found among them of such a Moloch and 
Astarte worship. As we shall point out more fully in a 
later part ( 289, Obs., and 290), traces of this worship are 
rather to be found in the old cultured empires of Central 
America with which the Caribs had commercial intercourse, 
whose people were regarded by them as foreigners, and of an 
altogether different stock. We must therefore consider the 
Caribs, not as an Old Punic or Phoenician race, but as of a 
Libyan or Berber stock, which migrated to South America, 
probably long before the discovery of the American continent, 
perhaps during the first century after Christ. 

Obs. In the hieroglyphics on the ruins of Pallenque in 
Chiapa (see 290), Rafinesque-Schmalz (Letters to Cham- 
pollion in the Atlantic Journal, Philad. 1832-33, p. 4 ff. and 
p. 40 f.), among others, thought that he recognised one kind 
which had a great resemblance to Old Libyan inscriptions, 
which he found represented in Gramay's Africa illustrata. If 
this were confirmed, it would support the view that they were 
not Phoenicians or Punic tribes, but Old Libyans of the pre- 
Christian era, who introduced the Astarte and Moloch worship 
into America. It would then be much easier to consider the 
Caribs direct descendants of these Old Libyan colonists. But 
those conjectures of Rafinesque awaken little confidence. The 
genuineness and the origin of those Libyan inscriptions of 
Gramay are doubtful, and Rafinesque is so preoccupied with his 
own pet theories, that his discovery, in order to appear credible, 
would need at least to be supported by other and quite 
independent evidence. 

285. Religion and Legends of the Caribs. 

The Caribs l worshipped the moon as the supreme god. 
That they worshipped not the sun and moon as a pair, 
distinguished them from the Malays as well as from the 
Phoenicians ; from the latter they are further distinguished 
by regarding the moon as a male deity. The worship of 
spirits alongside that of the moon may have been borrowed 
by them in America from neighbouring tribes; and when 

1 For the detailed proof, see Miiller, amerik. Urreligionen, i. B, b. 


they call the female guardian spirits tslumen, it is quite 
evident that this name was adapted from the dsemes of the 
Aruacas. But when we find them terrorized by the idea of a 
regular kingdom of evil spirits, with a governor at their 
head, we are at once specifically reminded of Africa. The 
Libyans of ancient times had certainly adopted the worship 
of Astarte, as the Libyan coins found in Spain with a 
woman's head crowned with a crescent prove ; this, however, 
would not lead us to believe that in those ancient times 
the Caribs had come over from Africa. But it is now 
admitted that Libyan tribes were driven before the power of 
the Roman empire, and later, before the influence of Chris- 
tianity, and then again before the Vandals, and last of all, 
before the Arabs, toward the south-west, where they made 
their appearance as Berbers, and where they still exist. It 
is highly probable that among them, in the pre-Mohammedan 
era, in common, perhaps, with the old negro tribes like the 
Joloffers, a worship of the moon was practised, as we have 
found it existing among the races of South Africa. 1 In a 
hot climate, where the sun gives forth a sweltering heat, it 
is quite conceivable that the starry firmament of night should 
be pre-eminently an object of worship, as bringing refreshing 
coolness, and be placed in honour above the sun. This 
religion may, indeed, have been also developed from remini- 
scences and echoes of the religion of their Carthaginian 
neighbours. The Moloch of the Libyans, as the scorching, 
life-destroying god of death, may have been originally at the 
foundation of the conception of Mabocha, the chief of the 
evil spirits among the Caribs, although this appears not so 
much in the form of the name as in the idea and nature of 
the being. And when we remember that ( 251, Obs.) among 
the Punic races in later times Dido-Astarte was represented 
as a bearded hermaphrodite, we are afforded an explanation 
of the transition to a conception of the moon as a male 

1 Have the mountains of the moon received their name from the moon- 
vrorship of their inhabitants 1 


deity. The Caribs called him Nonun. This name reminds 
us of the promontory !N"un in the south of Morocco. It is 
specially noticeable that they worshipped the planet Venus 
as the wife of the moon-god. We have here Ashera along- 
side of Astarte, conceived of now as a man. The islander- 
Caribs in addition worshipped a sun-god Hudshu ; and called 
heaven, as the residence of good spirits and the souls of the 
dead, Tiudskuku, house of the sun. The myth about the sun 
emerging from a cave was evidently borrowed by them from 
their Aruaca wives : the idea of the sun-god might come 
from the same source. The idea, however, is quite feasible 
that this Hudshu corresponds to the Punic Baal, as Mabocha 
does to Moloch ; and that the Caribs called the sun by 
another name than the Aruacas, seems evidence in favour of 
this opinion. A god Hutsha is also mentioned among some 
of the Brazilian tribes. 1 

Besides these gods they had a thunder-god, Sawaku, a god 
of the wind, Atshi-waon, a god of the sea and storms and 
tides, Kurumon. It is questionable whether these gods were 
not borrowed from neighbouring tribes. Sawaku has quite 
a Malay sound, and from their Malayan neighbours, the 
Tamanacs, they have taken the name of the first man, Eaku- 
mon, besides a portion of the Loguo legend, and out of him 
they have made a rain-god. They say expressly, Eakumon 
has been changed into a rain-dispensing star. 

When it is told of them that they had worshipped a goddess 
of birth, this constitutes another Punic characteristic. They 
had also guardian deities of the chase, of the seasons. They 
called the earth mother, like the Aruacas, and an earthquake 
was to them a token calling them to dance. 

We might therefore assume that they had introduced from 
Africa, about A.D. 600, the worship of the moon-god ISTonun, of 
the planet Venus, of the evil god Mabocha, and perhaps also of 
the sun-god Hudshu ; while, on the other hand, they adopted 
the worship of Sawaku, Atshiwan, Kurumori, and Eakumon, 
1 Muller, Urreligionen, p. 270. 


as well as the legend of the sun emerging from the cave, 
from their Malay neighbours in South America, the Tamanacs ; 
the words tskcmen as designating female spirits, and dsheri 
as designating male spirits, were first learnt, before the dis- 
covery of America, from those Aruaca women whom they 
seized upon the Antilles and married. As names for the 
spirits, they possessed some other expressions, probably of 
Tamanac origin, opofen and umeka for good spirits, mapojen 
for evil spirits. 1 For the spirits collectively they have the 
word akambue. 

They represent their gods and spirits by images, some in 
human, others in animal form. Their sorcerers, piatsJies, 
piai, boclier, bagoier, constituted an order, which received 
novices, which points back to an earlier priestly caste. Every 
sorcerer had his own special spirit, to whom he sacrificed, 
and upon whom he called. Moreover, every head of a house- 
hold at his meals offered to the spirit a part of the food, 
and the first portion of the tobacco and cassava. All offer- 
ings (u-akri, an-akri, al-akri) were laid on a sacrificial table 
(matutu, mitutu}. At burials slaves were slain. They had 
no annual festivals, or else these had been discontinued. 
Feasts and offerings were appointed just as occasion required, 
and were celebrated with dances and fasts without prayers. 

The maraca, the old hollow fruit of a tree, filled with little 
stones ornamented with feathers, was a sort of idol, around 
which they danced on the feast of the fifteenth day, and to 
which they sacrificed men. We have said in Mabocha there 
seemed to be found the essential characteristics of the Punic 
Moloch, and it would seem that in the maraca his very name 
has been preserved, I being very frequently in the American 
languages changed into r, and that in the Maraka-bottle we 
have nothing else than a miniature image of Moloch. Evidently, 
then, that marica which has become among the Patagonians 

1 Pojen reminds us "of the Malagasy pangahi, spirit. Ma is the 
common Malay word for evil. 0, u, reminds us of the Polynesian ao, 
bright, and meka of the Tahitian makai, good. 


( 281) a magic flask, is of Caribbean origin, and was intro- 
duced by the Caribs among the southern tribes. That there 
was an intercourse between the two, and that the Caribs 
exerted an influence upon those tribes, is proved by the 
fact that among the Brazilians all sorcerers are called 
karips, just as among the Syrians all magicians were called 

According to the notions of the Caribs, each man has several 
souls, one in his head, one in his heart, one in his arms. From 
the heart-souls after death come the good spirits ; from the 
other souls come the evil spirits. These spirits long to return 
to the body, haunt the bones and hair of the dead, and even 
continue to propagate themselves. The heart -souls go to 
heaven and are changed into stars, or live at least a happy 
life, served by their dead slaves. Here and there the bodies 
were preserved as mummies. This, as well as the distinction 
of the three souls, which vividly reminds us of the Egyptian 
trias, soul or heart shade, and body ( 241), is satisfactorily 
explained by the hypothesis of a connection with the Libyan 
race, which would involve proximity to the Egyptians. 

In regard to customs these may be mentioned : the infant 
was sprinkled with the blood of his father, the youths 
wounded themselves on becoming capable of bearing arms, 
the man, too, when he becomes a leader or a sorcerer. This 
is an evident relic of an old blood-offering. 

They had the tradition that the sun and the moon were 
created after the earth. They were very much afraid of 
thunder, and in the case of eclipses of the moon they thought 
that Mabocha, the evil spirit, was devouring the moon, and 
they sought by offerings and various ceremonies to appease 
his wrath. 


ABOUT B.C. 100. 

286. Traces of an early Mongolian Immigration. 

Since the time of Hieronymus Bock's newen Kreuter- 
luch (Strassb. 1539) down to modern times, the general 
impression has heen that maize (Zea mays] was a plant 
native to the American continent. 1 Europeans always first 
came to know it there, and found it spread over almost the 
whole of North and South America. But this view has 
been overthrown since Crawfurd met with maize among the 
natives in the Indian Archipelago, and found them naming it 
by the native word sagung? There is not the least shadow 
of probability in the supposition that these Melanesians and 
Malays had obtained the maize through Europeans. But this 
notion has been completely overturned by Siebold's discovery 
of maize cobs among the Japanese emblems. Bonafous also 
proved that before the discovery of America the Chinese had 
cultivated maize in their own land. 3 That the maize had not 
been introduced into Japan by Europeans, and could not have 
been introduced by Europeans into China before 1492, is 
incontestable. If it came directly from America to those 
countries, that presupposes an early intercourse between the 
east coast of Asia and of the New World, which fully grants 
the possibility of East Asiatic immigrations into America ; 
and so the question is simply reduced to this, whether the 
East Asiatics imported the maize from America to China and 
Japan, or whether they brought it to America from these 
lands. The latter supposition is surely the more probable, 
and becomes a certainty when we read in the ancients of an 
Asiatic species of corn, of which the description can only 
apply to maize. Herodotus 4 tells of a Arj^rjTpo^ Kapiro^ or 

1 So still Koch, Taschenbuch der deutschen und schweizer Flora, p. 555. 

2 Crawfurd, Indian Archipelago, vol. i. p. 366. See his report in 
Ranch, Einheit des Mensch. p. 327 f. 

3 Rauch, Einheit, etc. 4 Herodotus, i. 193. 


0-IT09 the heads of which bore from 200 to 300 corns, and 
had leaves four finger-breadths broad (TO, 8e (j)v\\a avroSi TWV 
Se irvpwv Kal rwv tcpiOeav TO TrXaro? yiverai, Teaaepwv euTrerea)? 
%aKTv\\wv) ; and Theophrastus * says that a kind of grain 
grew in Asia throughout Bactria, the corns of which were of 
the size of olive berries ; and that has been by Schleiden 2 
quite properly identified with maize. Since, then, the maize 
is never found growing wild in America, but even in the 
Indian territories is only found as a cultivated plant, 3 the 
view of Eeynier 4 must surely be adopted, that the maize 
had been introduced into America by East Asiatic colonists. 
As regards the possibility of such an immigration, it may be 
proved to demonstration by the following facts. North of the 
Tropic of Cancer the ocean current passes from west to east. 
Kotzebue 5 relates the fact that Japanese were driven from 
Osago to California by a current after a seventeen months' 
voyage ; but in 1 7 2 1 a French ship was driven in fifty days 
from China to the west coast of Mexico ; 6 in 1833 a 
Japanese junk was driven into the coast of Mexico ; and 
so early as the 16th century, remains of Japanese and 
Chinese ships were found on the coasts of Dorado. 7 "Japanese 
boats are often driven by storms to America. In the end of 
last century such a boat landed on the coasts of Oregon ; a 
Japanese ship sailing from Osaka was met with in 1815 by 
the American brig Forster in the eddy of the ocean current, 
and since the rise of San Francisco similar cases have often 
been observed, so that one cannot doubt of their frequent 
occurrence in earlier times." 8 In connection with this we 
must remember that the Japanese ( 269) in olden times 
were a seafaring race. 

1 Theophrastus, viii. 4. * Schleiden, Studien, p. 24. 

3 Martius, zur Ethnograph. Amerika's, i. 17 f. Bachmann, The Doctrine 
of Unity, p. 281. 

4 Reynier, economic des Arabes, p. 94. 

Kotzebue, Reise, ii. 36. 6 Banking, Researches, p. 49. 

7 Bradford, Amer. Antiquities, 236. Al. von Humboldt, Ansichten, i. 215. 

8 Bastian, das Bestiindige in den Menschenrassen, Berl. 1868, p. 133. 


Now traces of an immigration of tribes belonging to the 
Mongolian group are actually found, and that, indeed, in great 
numbers. 1 In the most diverse parts of America a Mongolian 
physical build is discoverable among the Indian tribes. In 
Boston three skulls were found of a tribe that is now extinct 
belonging to the Mississippi valley, which are strikingly 
similar to Chinese skulls. 2 The Guarani Indians in Brazil, 
on the river Amazon, and on the La Plata, living in the 
interior, are of a bright and indeed yellow-coloured skin, and 
have obliquely set eyes. 3 The Botocudos, a very savage race, 
going naked and of cannibal habits, living south of the 
Amazon, who suck up the blood of the slain and then cook 
their flesh, engage in no agricultural pursuits, and where old 
people are used as food, have in their yellow-coloured skin and 
oblique-set eyes so striking a resemblance to the Chinese and 
Japanese, that Tschudi 4 says : " I have seen Chinese whom at 
the first glance I would have taken for Botocudos, had not 
their head-dress and clothing indicated their origin ; and again 
I have observed some Nackenuks (Botocudos) who had in 
perfection the appearance of Chinese coolies." The derivation 
of these Botocudos from the western side of the Cordilleras 
can be proved to a certainty. The Portuguese gave them the 
Portuguese name Botocudos, plug-people, from the plugs which 
they wear in the lobes of their ears and in their lips. They call 
themselves Aymaras or Ensheregmung. Now we have learnt 
about ( 287) the old cultured race of the Aymaras on the 
Titicaca lake in Peru, a race showing essentially Mongolian 

1 Peschel, The Races of Man, Lond. 1876, p. 402 ff., and Tschudi, 
" Ollantadrama " (Denkschr. d. k. ostr. Akad. d. W. 1876, vol. xxiv. p. 176), 
assume that the American cultured peoples were Mongolian, and 
wandered from north-east of Asia into the north-west of America, and 
from that moved southwards. But Tschudi goes too far when he applies 
this to all the American peoples, while yet the Old Peruvian traditions 
collected by himself, p. 170, show a connection between Mongolian 
colonists and the Malays. 

2 Perty, Ethnographic, p. 54. 

3 According to the testimony of Martius, Orbigny, St. Hilaire. 

4 Ausland, 1867, p. 1186. 


characteristics. A remnant of these exists even now under a 
similar name on the plateau of Bolivia ; 1 and also in Peru 
there is a tribe of Chiriguanos (comp. Ensheremung) of whom 
Temple 2 says : " Had I seen them in Europe, I would un- 
doubtedly have taken them for Chinese." In the Botocudos 
and Guaranis, then, we have again a striking example of races 
passing into savage ways, a case of deterioration, which is 
that which on all sides presents itself to view in real life 
instead of the chimerical upward development. Even 
Martius 3 declares it to be his conviction that those Guaranis, 
and the Miranchas or Botocudo tribes related to them, had 
been at an earlier period civilised, and had gradually sunken. 
The process of degradation toward savagery is therefore 
quite conceivable. When hordes of the Aymara cultured 
people, driven by love of the chase and a wandering life, went 
over the passes of the Andes, and, following the watercourse, 
lost themselves and strayed in the endless prairies and low- 
lands of Brazil, which yielded them no support except the game 
and some wild-growing plants, hunger would compel them to 
undertake longer and yet longer journeys. Agriculture and 
weaving would be abandoned, unlearnt, and forgotten. The 
clothing judged necessary, and in that hot climate unneces- 
sary, tended more and more to disappear. The wild life of the 
chase nourished and strengthened the thirst for blood. This 
is quite conceivable, if these were rude tribes of the Aymara 
stock which chose this nomadic life or drifted into it. And 
that this was actually the case, that especially with the 
cultured Japanese on their entrance into America there were 
also rude Mandshurians from Yeso and the Curile islands, 
will be shown in 288. 

Then, again, we also find among those Indians of South 
America the Old Mongolian-Japanese legend of Alancava or 

1 Tschudi, Reise in Peru, ii. 362. 

2 Temple, Travels in Peru, ii. 184. 

3 Martius in the Deutschen Vierteljahrschrift, 1839, ii. 235 ff. Similarly 
Tschudi, " Ollantadrama," p. 175. 


Amatsufiko (266 and 269). The Mandshusikers in Para- 
guay l had a fair woman who, without any intercourse with a 
man, bore a beautiful child, who, after various miracles, was 
raised to heaven, and was changed into the sun. They wor- 
shipped three gods, titianacos, namely, Omequa turigni or 
Urago soriso, Ura-sana, and Ura-po, to whom they gave meat 
and drink offerings. In the appellative tini-a-naco we have an 
echo of the Japanese ten, heaven ; but perhaps ni is a plural 
suffix, in which case ti-ni-a-naco would exactly correspond 
to the Mongolian nagi-tai ( 266), and would mean gods in 
heaven or gods of heaven. Ome. seems to be the Old 
Mongolian amu, ama, father. Ura might be a reminiscence of 
a Japanese-Mongolian term, like the Old Mongolian nura, light 
( 266) ; but it may also be connected with taru,juru ( 288). 
In these three gods there might be embraced an original form 
of the Old Japanese mythology, like that in the Buddhist 
tradition of the Japanese deities ( 269). 

The Jurukares in Bolivia tell 2 of a virgin who painted the 
beautiful tree Ule with Eoku. It was changed into a man, 
and embraced her. They lived happily together till a jaguar 
killed him. She laid the torn members together, and Ule 
became alive again. As, however, there was a piece wanting 
out of his cheek, he wished, in this deformed state, no further 
to accompany her, and he left her. There is a very apparent 
similarity between this legend and that of Osiris and Typhon, 
Absyrtus and Medea, Jason and Pelias, and favours its Asiatic 

When we turn now from the legends to the manners and 
customs, we find among the Abipones on the La Plata, and also 
among several tribes on the river Amazon as well as in Cali- 
fornia, the quite unusual practice of the husband lying down 
while his wife is in childbed, and conducting himself as a 
woman in that condition, and at the end undergoing a cere- 
mony of purification. 3 Now this custom is purely Asiatic. It 

1 Miiller, Urreligionen, p. 255 f. 2 Ibid. p. 264. 

s Dobritzhofer, Geschickte der Abiponer, ii. 273. Quandt, die Arovaken 


was already found in early times among the Tibareni in 
Armenia, 1 and is found among the Miaos in China, 2 and also 
among the Basques (coinp. das Fabliau : Aucassin und 

Unnatural vice was widely spread in the Old Peruvian 
empire and its surroundings ; but the Incas stamped it out 
with great energy in the new empire of Peru ( 294). Even 
among the wild tribes of Brazil, not only such vice, but also 
the practice of certain men, for the most part sorcerers, going 
in women's clothes as Kinaden, prevailed and still prevails. 3 
This custom, originating from a profligate religion, was already 
met with in antiquity among the Enari, a people of Northern 
Asia, 4 continued to be practised by various Mongol tribes, 5 and 
especially is indulged in among the Japanese, among whom 
" every sort of lust bears sway." 6 The sculptures which have 
been found here and there upon rocks in Brazil, deeply carved 
figures, which represent the sun, moon, serpents, and other 
monsters, have the greatest possible resemblance to sculptures 
of a like nature in Siberia. 7 In Peru we shall have to seek 
the chief residence of the immigrating East Asiatics of the 
Mongolian stern, and this will be fully confirmed by the monu- 
ments found in the Peruvian empire. These immigrants, 
however, would scarcely have gone so far southwards in a 
direct voyage over the Pacific Ocean, but rather by coasting 
voyages, or, still more probably, by coast journeys on land 
from Cape Analaska, by which course they could easily pass 
from Japan over the Kurile islands, and Kamtschatka, and the 

in Guiana, p. 252. Venegas, noticia de la California, Madrid 1757. Al. 
von Humboldt, Reisen in die Aequatorialgegenden, v. 323. 

1 Strabo, iii. p. 165. Diod. Sic. v. p. 341. Apollon. Bhod. argon, ii. 
1009 ff. 

2 Neumann, asiat. Studien, i. 73 ff. 

3 Martius in the deutschen Vierteljahrschrift, 1839, ii. 235 ff. Miiller, 
Urreligionen, p. 240 ff. 

4 Herodotus, iv. 67. 

5 Miiller, Urreligionen, 240 ff. Stark, de vovea 6*1*11'*, 1822. 

6 Stuhr, Relig. des Orients, p. 48. 

7 A. von Humboldt, Reisen, iii. 408 ; iv. 315, 516. Spix, Reisen in 
Erasilien, ii. 741, 752 ; iii. 1257 ff., 1272. 



Aleutia, proceeding in short occasional voyages from island to 
island. If, then, they moved southward from Analaska along 
the west coast of America, we would expect to find traces of 
their presence north of Peru. And so we actually do meet with 
a cultured people in the Muyscas of Bogota, whose language, 
according to the researches of Paravey, 1 has many roots in 
common with the language of Japan. It will also be shown 
at a later point that its constitution also is very similar to that 
of the Japanese. Farther north, in Central America, figures 
are found on the ruins of Pallenque, which show the leg from 
the knee downwards bound with broad bands and a sandal on 
*he foot. This fashion must certainly be derived from the 
Japanese rather than from the Basques ( 258) ; for, though it 
is the national style in both countries, the Japanese wear a 
girdle under their clothes upon the body, and this also is found 
in those figures at Pallenque. 2 We shall therefore ascribe to 
the cultured people of Central America, to whom we owe the 
ruins in Chiapa, Yucatan, and Guatemala, a Mongol-East- 
Asiatic, or more precisely, a Japanese origin. And in propor- 
tion as the influences and after-effects ( 284) of an Old 
Phoenician or Punic colony made themselves felt upon this 
Central American people, will we be obliged to date back its 
immigration to a very early period. If the Malays were 
driven into the Sunda Archipelago about B.C. 2000, they may 
have reached America about B.C. 1600 or 1400. The origin 
of the Phoenician colonies on the Gulf of Mexico, seeing that 
the island Atlantis is mentioned in Solon's time, must be set 
down before B.C. 600. The arrival of the Japanese in 
America, as these had reached a high degree of culture, cannot 
be put earlier than B.C. 209, the date of the entrance of the 
Zikofucus into Japan ( 269), or, more probably, B.C. 100. 3 

1 Paravey, Memoire sur Vorigine Japonaise, Arabe et Basque de la 
civilisation des peuples du plateau de Bogota, Paris 1835. Comp. Braunz- 
weig in the Amerik. Denkmalern. 

3 Minuto, Beschreibung einer alien Stadt, Berlin 1852, Lafel (tables) 

J The Chinese have the remarkable story (Gfrorer, Urgeschichte, i. 261), 


There have been, then, certain influences from the Old Punic 
race operating upon the Malay States, which took shape in the 
Japanese race of Central America. 

These Japanese tribes certainly at first spread themselves 
over part of North America. The mocassins of the Eed skins 
have a resemblance to the foot-coverings of the figures of 
Pallenque. Also the Old Malay Alligevi empire on the 
Mississippi may have had connections with the West, and there 
may also have been a mixture of the races. In the time of 
Cortez, however, those Old Japanese cultured peoples had long 
passed away, driven southwards by later immigrations from 
other lands. 

Obs. 1. The Ketshua language of the Old Peruvian empire, 
which held its place as the national language under the later 
domination of the Incas ( 293), has certainly few points of 
contrast with the Japanese language. But we must remember 
that already in Peru it was, from the first, a conglomerate of 
Malay and Japanese, and had thereafter a course of develop- 
ment two thousand years long. The consonants d, g, &, v, w have 
been altogether lost ; and in place of these they have formed 
gutturals and palatal sibilants with a smacking sound to an 
extraordinary degree. Notwithstanding all this, some striking 
correspondences are still found with the Japanese languages. 
I will give a few examples, in which the Ketshua words are 
printed in italics. Kame, ruler, regent, cama, to rule ; tsuku, to 
send, mention, catscJia, to send ; tshoccha, to throw ; on, with, 
huan, with ; ari, and, also, ari, yea, but ; si6, kingdom, suju, 
province ; koku, seed, ccJwcchau, provisions ; kin, gold, echo, 
gold ; tsiaku, to come, tscJiaki, foot, leg, track ; kai, sea, cchotsJia, 
sea ; tschuja, fluid ; aksingu, acchi, to sneeze ; kuru, to give, 
chum, to lay down ; akibonu, it dawns, acapana, dawn ; aki, 
empty, acuy, slight ; atsa, thick, accha, much ; amaru, fearful, 
amaru, the great serpent ; arassu, empty, aslla, little ; asi, taste, 
asna, to spread an odour ; jagi, dirt, yaca, to dung ; ju, y, to tell ; 
jubi, finger, yupi, to grasp; ikara, to be angry, ik, interjection of 
rage; skui, iscu, chalk. Whether there be any etymological 
connection between the following words, I must admit, seems 
to me very problematical : Between fune and huampu, pro- 

that in B.C 209 Shi-hoang-ti sent forth three hundred pairs in ships to 
search for the plant of immortality. The ships were cast ashore by a 
storm, and never returned. This, however, might refer to the troops of 
the Zikofucus who reached Japan. 


nounced wambu, ship ; between feo, weapon, and pfcda (with 
smacking sound of p), bow, sake, and kakia, to scream ; and 
between these numerals 2, itsi, iscay ; 3, san, kinisa 4, si, 
tschusca; o,go,pitscJica; 6,sen,socta; 7, sitsi, cantschis, jantskis ; 
8, fakka, puschak ; 9, kiu, iscun; 10, ziu, tscJiunca; 100, fiaku, 
patschak. In 2, 6, 8, 10, 100, such a connection may be granted 
e.g. from fiaku by reduplication we would have f-k-k, and 
then these become p-tsch-k. But now, in addition, we must 
remember that the language of Japan ( 269) has, just within 
the last three centuries, undergone a complete transformation. 
What alterations may have taken place in it during the period 
of the immigration of the Zikofucus in B.C. 200 ! The immigra- 
tion of the Aymara tribes from Japan into Peru did take place 
just about that time. There were tribes which were driven 
from Japan on the entrance of the Zikofucus into that country. 
That the Ketshua language is no longer similar to the language 
now spoken in Japan, nor indeed to the furu-koto spoken in 
Japan 1600 years ago, cannot be a matter of doubt. The 
present Japanese language is characterized by Wernich as " in 
itself already [since what time ?] an overloaded language, which, 
by a vast number of incorporated foreign expressions and figures 
of speech, has degenerated into a sickly, crammed, linguistic- 
amalgam, scarcely capable of life." 

Obs. 2. The Araucanians in Chili are a mixed race, made up 
of Malays and Aymaras. They show themselves to be such in 
comparison with the pure Malay Tsonecas: (1) by their bright 
skin (Chaworth-Musters, Among the Patagonians) ; (2) by their 
decidedly superior culture, for they have fixed abodes, cultivate 
maize and fruits, prepare cider, wear a complicated dress like 
that of cultured races, of which they are very careful, they weave 
handsome pontshos, and manufacture fine silver work (Chaworth- 
Musters, I.e.) ; (3) by their language, which is quite different 
from that of the Tsonecas ; (4) by their religion, which shows 
clearly the influence of the Aymaras, these Japanese incomers, 
for the Araucanians have a distinct sun-worship beside their 
own spirits or sorcery ; and (5) finally, by their warlike 
character. In contrast to the peaceful, good-natured Tsonecas, 
whose occasional wars bear simply the appearance of wild, 
sudden robber-raids, they are a warlike and very brave people, 
which have kept the Government of Chili pretty busy down 
even to the present time. They are born riders. Their mode 
of warfare is extremely like that of the Chirokees. In earlier 
times, too, quite according to Mongol custom, they reduced to 
slavery all who were conquered in war (Berghaus, vi. 239 f.). 
Their Asiatic extraction is also proved by the game of chess, 
which (according to Molina, ii. 108 ; Bradford, 407) was known 
among the Araucanians under the name of komilkan before the 


country was discovered. The subordinate position which they 
(as is also still the custom in Japan) assign to their women is 
a thoroughly Mongolian feature ; and also the way in which, 
without any question of inclination, they purchase the bride 
from her parents. In the Aymaras, then, of the Old Peruvian 
empire, notwithstanding their outward culture, we shall be 
obliged to admit an extraordinary measure of national rudeness, 
and so shall find it quite conceivable that isolated hordes of this 
people could sink to the degraded position of the Botocudos. 

287. The Old Peruvian Empire of the Aymaras, 
and their Religion. 

When Pizarro discovered Peru, the empire of the Incas was 
then existing, with its capital at Cuzco. According to the 
declarations of its princes themselves, this empire had been 
founded only a few centuries before ; * but according to the 
most definite traditions and the reports of the people, there 
had been an older empire under a line of eighty successive 
kings, in which a different religion had been professed. This 
empire and people were in a state of deep moral degradation, 
and had fallen into an almost savage condition. Human sacri- 
fices and unnatural vice had been commonly practised, when 
the Inca Eoca founded a new empire and introduced the new 
Inca religion, 2 the laws of which actually forbade human sacri- 
fices and unnatural vice under pain of death. But besides 
those traditions, we have also the evidence of ancient monu- 
ments in regard to the existence of this pre-Inca empire. On 
the Lake Titicaca, about 150 miles south-east of Cuzco, lying 
in a deep valley 12,700 feet above the sea, in the district 
which in Pizarro's time the Aymaras inhabited, 3 stand the 

1 According to Garcilasso (Geschichte der Inka's, Germ., Nordhauseu 
1788), whose mother was an Inca princess, the Inca empire lasted 400 
years ; according to the opinion of the Royal Spanish audiencia of Peru 
(in Prescott, i. 9), only 200 years ; according to the conjecture of Velasco, 
500 years. As the thirteenth king was reigning at the time of the discovery, 
about 250 years may be a more probable guess. 

2 Garcilasso, p. 303. In the Peruvian language, c and k are quite distinct 
and different sounds. 

3 At the present time the Huantshas dwell there, while the Aymaras 


buildings of Tia-Huanacu, of which the natives declare that 
they were erected before the sun shone on the earth, that is, 
before the introduction of the sun religion of the Incas. In 
fact, the fourth Inca, Mayta Capac, when he invaded that 
district, found it in process of building and partly unfinished. 
Down to the present time, in the quarries of Capia, there lie 
stone columns wholly or half hewn. These structures are 
mounds of a hundred feet high, similar to the morais of the 
Malays, and owe their origin undoubtedly to the primitive 
Malayan inhabitants. These, however, are surrounded by 
pillars which are not Malayan. Then there are also several 
temples of from 300 to 600 feet long, with colossal cornered 
pillars, these ornamented with bass-reliefs. There are also 
basalt statues with heads constructed with anatomical correct- 
ness, and natural in form. A palace, too, has been discovered 
of hewn masses of rock. 1 Also in the valley of Pachacamac, 
south of Lima and west of Cuzco, there was a temple which 
was dedicated to a god of the same name, but had been 
changed by the Incas into a temple of their sun-god Yn-ti, of 
which there are still remaining some columns with niches 
and paintings. 2 Similar buildings, too, are found in Tambo, 
Truxillo, Cuclap, and Tia-Huanacu. In these structures there 
are many traces of an ancient picture-writing, mentioned by 
the Incas, but, evidently on account of their contents, con- 
sidered irreligious or ungodly, and extirpate by force. The 
second last Inca, Huayna Capac, overran Quito (Ecuador), 960 
miles north of Cuzco. Here, too, stood an ancient temple, which 
had been before that time dedicated to the sun and moon, 
containing pillars of the sun, golden discs of the sun, and 
silver discs of the moon, along with columns of the twelve 

are now to the south-east of it, in Bolivia. Tschudi, Reise in Peru, ii. 

1 Prichard, iv. 486. Prescott, i. 9, 10. Tschudi, Reuen durch Sud- 
amerika, v. p. 288 ff. Stone slabs of 25 feet long by 15 feet broad had 
been transported to the place of building up hill and down hill a distance 
of eleven miles. 

2 Tschudi, Reise, I 291. 


months. The new moon and the shortest day were there held 
as festivals, also a god of health was worshipped, and a war- 
god was honoured with human sacrifices, and the first-born of 
men had been offered in sacrifices, all of which were put an 
end to by the Incas. 1 A remnant of that Old Peruvian 
cultured people, living in stone houses, was in existence in the 
time of the Incas to the east of the Andes, in the district of 
Tucumen and Caxamarca, under the name of Caltschacis. The 
Bolivian dialect of the Old Peruvian language, the Ketshua 
language, is spoken there by the Indians to the present day. 2 

This brings us to speak of the religion of the Old Peruvian 
empire, or rather that of the race. It really did not consti- 
tute an empire, but comprised a number of independent States, 
the princes of which, curacas, 3 received from the Incas under 
the new empire the rank of a high nobility. The old empire 
was essentially distinguished from the new in a religious 
aspect by the different place which it gave to the worship of 
the moon. Under the earlier order time was reckoned by 
lunar months, under the Inca rule by solar months. 4 But 
before we can more exactly determine this point, the Old 
Peruvian system of the gods must be considered as a whole. 
It was completely different from that of the Incas. We meet 
with the names of two gods under the old empire ; both of the 
kings there represented are regarded as the supreme god. These 
are Pachacamac and Jlla-Tidsi. 

1. Pachacamac is designated in an Old Peruvian poem (see 
Obs.) pacha-rurac, earth-builder or creator. Patscha, or accord- 
ing to the Spanish spelling, pacha, means earth, perhaps also 
the world ; in camac we have the participle of cama, to create, 

1 Miiller, Urreligionen, p. 335. Velasco, i. 116. 

2 Tschudi, " Ollantadrama," p. 177. Versen, transatlant. Streifzuge, 
Leipz. 1876, p. 10. 

8 M'ontesino mentions as names of such curacas : Jupangui, Patschacuti, 
Viracotscha, Topa-Japangui, and Inti-Capac. Curaca might be originally 
connected with the Sanscrit $ura, xvpiof, Celt, curaid. With Topa com- 
pare the Mongol, or Mandshurian people, Topa, \vho subjected Northern 
China from A.D. 386-600. 

4 Miiller, Urreligionen, p. 356. 


a root which is fundamentally the same as that which we meet . 
with in the Japanese appellative of god, kame. His name desig- 
nates this deity the earth-god, creator of the earth ; and so when 
Garcilasso, Velasco, and Ulloa agree in reporting the tradition 
of the Peruvians, that Pachacamac was an invisible deity, of 
whom they had no image, and to whom they brought no sacri- 
fices, this tradition is not discredited by Acosta and Monte- 
sino having discovered long after the overthrow of the empire 
of the Incas wooden images, columns with human heads, which 
bore the name of a god, or by Acosta l having found in this 
god's temple various fish and serpent emblems. Pacha- 
camac still continued, under the rule of the Incas, to be 
worshipped by the common people ; 2 but among them he was 
regarded as one of the subordinate gods, the Jmacas, as a par- 
ticular sort of god, whom they no longer represented by any 
image. Originally, in the ancient empire, he evidently corre- 
sponded to the Nagatai of the Mongols ( 269), to the Tao of 
the Chinese ( 268), to the Kuni toko of the Japanese ( 269), 
and thus serves for the completing of our knowledge of the 
original Japanese religion before it was affected by Buddhism. 
It affords proof that the Japanese, as well as the Mongols and 
Chinese, had originally known and worshipped an invisible 
creator of the world. Another designation given to this god 
was Apachecta, power-bestower ; and another such designation 
was Ataguchu. Special mention is made of a god Ataguchu, 3 
to whom many temples had been dedicated. One of the 
temples at Lake Titicaca was assigned to him. It consisted of a 
large court surrounded by high walls, in the midst a deep trench 
surrounded by trees. The offerings would be hung upon the 
trees. At the same time this Ataguchu is represented as the 
creator of the world, and it is told that he produced from him- 
self two other gods. One of these was called Tangatanga. 4 We 
have here the primitive form of that Japanese emanation myth, 

1 Acosta, v. 12. 

2 Tschudi, Reise, 149. Ausland, 1852, p. 919. 

3 Lacroix, Univers pittoresyue. 4 Hazart, p. 249. 


in which is represented the transition from the primitive 
monotheism of the Old Mongolians to polytheism, the buddh- 
istically affected form of which we have already considered 
( 269). There 7 + 5, here only 3, gods go forth from one 
another. We shall meet again ( 288} with these three gods 
among the wild Aymara tribe of ,the Mandshusicas. In the 
name Ataguchu there is unuiistakeably the root atta, father 
(Tshuvah attja, Mongol, etsi, Turk, ata), common to very 
diverse languages, but not found in the Malay group. 

2. There is, however, a second god that lays claim to be 
the supreme deity of the Old Peruvian empire, the creator of 
the world. This is Illa-Tidsi, in Spanish Illatici. In con- 
nection with him there is also a third god, named Wiracotscha 
or Guiracotscha. In the legend of Wiracotscha not only is 
the story of Illa-Tidsi completely overgrown, but it is only 
from it that he is known to us. J. G. Mliller, however, has 
too hastily concluded from the fact that once Illatidsi Guira- 
cotscha occurs as if one name, that originally the god Illatidsi 
was identical with the hero of the flood, Wiracotscha. The 
identification of the two was evidently a later development. 
If we give our attention first of all to the name, we cannot 
fail to notice that alongside of Illatidsi are found also the 
forms Tidsi and Contidsi. Hence it undoubtedly follows that 
Tidsi is the proper name, and Ilia and Con only prefixes. The 
form Contidsi reminds us of Kuni-toco, the supreme god and 
creator of the world among the Japanese ( 269). If, then, in 
the Wiracotscha legend Illatidsi is described as the supreme 
god, there can be no doubt as to his identity with that Kuni- 
toco. The verbal transition from k to the sibilant c (z, ts, ds) 
has abundant analysis in late Latin, the Basque, and some 
hundreds of the American languages. 

3. We turn our attention now to the Wiracotscha legend. 
" After the great flood," so the Collas, dwellers in the moun- 
tains east of Cuzco, told the thoroughly dependable Acosta, 1 

1 Acosta,"natiirliclie und Sittengeschichte Westindiens, 1589," in Miiller, 
p. 308. 


and the story is also similarly told by Molina, Balboa, and 
Garcilasso, " three brothers 1 issued from the caves of Pacari- 
tampa. Their father was Wiracotscha (who, according to 
Garcilasso, i. 259, was represented as a white-bearded man 
in a long garment), and he had risen after the flood out of 
Lake Titicaca." If we continue to examine this, we shall find 
that the flood is spoken of as a definite and well-known occur- 
rence. "We have here one of the legends of the flood, and 
Wiracotscha with his three sons corresponds to Noah and his 
three sons. The same Wiracotscha is by Garcilasso said to 
mean " foam of the sea," by others " son of the sea." 2 Since 
the Spaniards, too, were designated by the Peruvians wiracot- 
schas, it will be seen that men of the sea, or sons of the sea, 
is the more correct meaning. Foam of the sea could at least 
be understood only in the figurative sense of rising up from 
the sea. But should any one suggest the idea that Wiracotscha 
was not a form of the primitive legend common to mankind, 
but that the Malay early inhabitants gave to the Japanese in- 
comers, as having come over the sea (but they came, according 
to 286, undoubtedly overland from the north), the name of 
men of the sea, or those who rose from the sea, it has to be 
said, on the contrary, that Wiracotscha is not said in the legend 
to have risen from the Pacific Ocean, but from the Titicaca 
lake far up in the lofty plateau of the Andes. It is also 
specially irreconcilable with this theory, that Wiracotscha is 
not a Malay, but a Japanese word. For sea the Malayan- 
Polynesian languages have the words luhut, dagat, taik ; but 
in Japanese the sea is called kay, and hence in Peruvian the 
unduplicated form coca, cucha, cutscha. It is the same root 
that lies at the basis of GDJTJV, (aiceavos, the Celtic cuan, and 
its older uncontracted form in the name of the lake Titicaca, 

1 Ajar Catschi topa, Ajar Auca topa, and Ajar Utschu topa. 

2 Man is in Mongolian ere, in Mandshuriau eru, in Turkish ir. It is 
the same original root in Latin vir, Celtic fir, Gothic vair. In the time of 
Garcilasso the word may have been oljsolete ; hence he derives the name 
from another word that was still in use wira, foam (comp. Mongol, ur, 
Finn, wuori, to flow). 


which evidently consists of the root ti (Chinese tian, deity, 
heaven, Japanese ten), and caca, sea, and so means God's 
sea or heaven's sea, and thus etyrnologically and in significa- 
tion corresponding perfectly to the Titi-Sea of the Celts 
( 259). 

Just as the legend of the Indian Manu ( 207) transformed 
Manu into the creator of the post-diluvian world, and as the 
German legend ( 260) attributed the same rank to Wodan 
or Odin, so also the Peruvian legend l tells how Wiracotscha, 
after the flood, gathered together several men (his sons) who 
had saved themselves in caves, and thus made the sun, moon, 
and stars, then formed images of stone, which he called to 
come forth from various caves, and with them he moved to 
Cuzco, departing at that point from the earth. Here now 
evidently we have the well-known Malay legend of creation- 
caves current among the Tagals on Luzon, the Aruacas on 
the Antilles, and the Tsonecas in Patagonia, combined and 
confounded with the Japanese and Mongolian legend of 
Wiracotscha. The father of the post-diluvian world, who 
was probably already elevated by the Mongols into a god, is 
thus identified with the creator of the world among the early 
Malay inhabitants of Peru. In this way are to be explained 
such composite names as these : Illatidsi Wiracotscha and (see 
Obs.~) Pachacamac Wiracotscha. 

There remains but one further element in the legend of 
Wiracotscha calling for explanation. A reminiscence of 
Cain's murder of his brother has been transferred to the sons 
of the hero of the flood, and these have been confounded with 
the sons of Adam. This element appears under various forms 
in the different accounts given. Auca, the oldest son of 
Wiracotscha, climbed a mountain, cast stones to the four 
winds, in order by this symbolic act to take possession of 
the land, but by so doing he roused the jealousy of his 
youngest brother Utschu. He persuaded Auca to go into a 
cave to worship there the supreme god Illatidsi- Wiracotscha. 
1 Betan<jo in Garcia, Orig. de los Indios, v. 3. 7. 


When his elder brother was in the cave, Utschu shut up its 
entrance with masses of rock, then persuaded the third 
brother, Catschi, to search for the lost Auca, climbed with 
him under this pretence a mountain, and cast him over a 
precipice. He then gave out that Catschi had turned him- 
self into a stone. The part which here again the caves play, 
and the existence of legends among the Tongans ( 272) 
which tell in a similar way the chief incident of the brother's 
murder, lead us to recognise this legend as one derived from 
the early Malay inhabitants of Peru. It is noticeable, too, 
that the name Auca corresponds to the Tongan name Waca 
Acau, and so our conjecture is confirmed ( 281, Obs. 1) that 
Acau in the Tongan legend was originally a proper name, and 
that the appellative signification "ship of the black wood" 
was a secondary designation first occasioned by a combination 
with a Melanesian legend. 

To return again to Peru ; according to another version of 
the Peruvian Auca legend, Catschi had been transformed by a 
sorcerer into a rock ; the rock was still shown and treated 
with reverence. According to yet another version, Auca got 
out of his cave and fled. Utschu gave out that Auca had 
been received into heaven, a reminiscence perhaps of Enoch. 
Utschu took the name Manco, 1 and built Cuzco, and was at 
last changed into a stone. This changing into stone evidently 
means nothing else than that stones existed as images of those 
brothers, and were objects of worship. According to the 
account of Acosta, Manco Capac was not Utschu himself, but 
a son of Utschu. According to Garcilasso and Balboa, Utschu 
had three sons, Manco, Auca, and Catschi, around whom the 
above stories gathered. It appears from the name and the kind 
of connection with Wiracotscha how confusion and uncertainty 
prevail. The core of the legend, however, is always there, 
that one brother puts another to death through jealousy, 

1 As in Peruvian Inca means son of the sun, Manco, which is only an 
older form of Manca, means Man-son, Manu-son. And so we have here 
again the name of Manu as that of the hero of the flood. 


while the murdered one is represented as a worshipper of the 
supreme God. 

4. This last legend carries us over to the legend of Manco- 
Capac, 1 which leads us at once into the regions of American 
history. The people of the country, so says the tradition, 
lived in the beginning naked and without laws, worshipped all 
possible false gods, even animals [and ate their prisoners 
taken in war]. Then [the sun] pitied them, and sent them 
two of his children, Manco-Capac and his [sister and] wife 
Mama-Ohello (Odsello, Oello) Huasco, to introduce among 
them the worship of the sun and general culture. These 
sprang up from Lake Titicaca : a golden magic wand showed 
them Cuzco, that is, the navel, as a place where they should 
rear a city. Pacha-mama, 2 the earth or land mother, was a 
designation of Mama-Ohello. This legend, as the words 
inclosed in the square brackets show, no longer exists in 
its original form, but remodelled in the style and according 
to the ideas of the Inca religion and the Inca empire. The 
Incas first introduced the sun-worship, called themselves 
sons of the sun, put a stop to human sacrifices, and taught 
that the moon-goddess was at once sister and wife of the 
sun-god. The old germ of the legend is evidently simply 
this : Foreign invaders, the Japanese Aymaras, came upon 
the Malays, found them going naked and already in a state 
of savagery ; 3 they settled first of all at Titicaca, then built 
Cuzco, and so founded the Old Peruvian empire. The later 
legend identified the leader of these invaders, who perhaps 
was actually called Capac, with that Mauco of the primitive 
legend, the son of Manu-Wiracotscha, and to the time of the 
Incas he would be completely changed into a son of the sun. 
The Incas were thus crafty in connecting their genealogical 
tree with the legendary Manco-Capac. Their actual father 

1 Garcilasso, Gesch. des Inkas, ii. 9. 

2 Muller, Urreligionen, p. 363. 

3 And indeed the legend (in Barcia, Hist oriadores primit., Madrid 1749, 
vol. iii.) speaks of a whole race, the Eingrim, as having migrated under 
Capella (Capac). 


and the founder of the empire was the Inca Eoca, about A.D. 
1200. Garcilasso, Balboa, and Velasquez would have him 
to be Manco-Capac's fifth successor. Montesino, however, 
gives it as the story of the Peruvians, that Manco lay far 
back in the past, about a thousand years before Eoka, and 
had been the founder of an older empire. Although the 
thousand years may altogether be too much of a stretch to 
the report given .by Montesino, it must be honourably con- 
ceded that it gives the correct statement of the fact, whereas 
that of Garcilasso is evidently constructed with a definite 

5. One more notable legend 1 leads us back to a considera- 
tion of the religion of the Old Peruvian empire. The god 
Con, so runs the tradition, had come from the north and was 
long worshipped as the one god. Then from the south 
appeared Pachacamac as a mightier god, who renewed the 
world and changed former men into monkeys. We cannot 
regard this Con as identical with that Kon-tidsi, who is the 
same as Illa-tidsi and Kuni-toco of the Japanese ; for he is 
rather to be identified with Pachacamac himself, as both 
again are one with "VViracotscha. Since also Pachacamac is a 
Japanese name as well as Kon-tidsi, it can scarcely be 
supposed that two branches of one people had fallen into a 
religious conflict over two names for one and the same god. 
The dislodging of the god Con by the god Pachacamac 
evidently therefore means that the worship or religion of the 
former was displaced by that of the latter. Con then must 
necessarily have been the deity of a Malay race, which had 
been driven away before the Japanese as in their migrations 
they followed the coast, which therefore still occupied the 
heights of Cuzco. When, then, those Japanese, the Aymaras, 
extended their empire from Titicaca northwards, when the 
district of Cuzco was subjugated, and the city of that name 
was founded, the god Con, the worship of this god, was 
displaced ; and seeing that his former worshippers were wild 
1 Miiller, Urreligionen, p. 319. 


men going naked, it is conceivable that they were regarded 
by the cultured race as monkeys, were reviled as monkeys, 
and that so the legend of the changing of an earlier race of 
men into monkeys may have arisen. If Con was worshipped 
by them as the one god, he must have corresponded to the 
tuwan of the Japanese, the atua of the Tahitians and New 
Zealanders ; and as atua is in Hawaiian changed into akua, 
so may tuwan have been chauged by some tribes into Jcuan, 
kon, or indeed kon may have originated directly from the 
Hawaiian akua. In fact, it is now reported to us 1 that the 
common people in Peru, besides other Jiuacas, Old Peruvian 
gods discarded by the Incas, worshipped a Zarap-cono-pa, 
god of the maize, and a Papap-cono-pa, god of the potato. 
Pa is the Malay word for father, ma is the Malay word for 
mother, and occurs in the name Coco-mama, goddess of the 
cocoa plant. Cono then will be, in fact, a later form of the 
divine appellative tuan, atua, akua. Such guardian deities 
for the several species of plants are, essentially considered, 
genuinely Japanese ( 269). 

6. Finally, we are told of other Old Peruvian deities which 
under the Incas continued to be worshipped by the people 
in hidden way, or as tolerated, and which prove that the 
emanationistic multiplication of the divine Creator had led to 
regular polytheism. There was a thunder-god, Katequil, or 
Apo katequil, compounded with MaL api, fire, or Tschaquilla, 
thunder, Katuilla, lightning, Inti - allapa, heaven's gleam, 
which according to the image representing it, one of the old 
sacred stones, is quite sufficiently proved to be Old Peruvian. 
His sister was the rain-goddess, whose name is not preserved, 
of whom, however, an old legendary song says that her wild 
brother, with the flash of his lightning, dashed her urn in 
pieces, so that the rain gushes out. (Comp. the Ols.} We 
learn the names of this rain-goddess from Japan ( 269). 
Alongside of her wild brother there is the Japanese Tensio- 
daisin. A fire-god whose name is unknown is also distinguished 
1 Miiller, Urreligionen, p. 367. 


by his stone image as Old Peruvian. Thunder or meteoric 
stones were supposed to have fallen from heaven, and that 
they operated as love-charms ; just as in Japan aerolites were 
worshipped as amatsakitsne, heaven's foxes. Twins were re- 
garded as sons of lightning (comp. the Mongolian legend of 
triplets of Alankava, 2 60, begotten by a ray of light); and 
he to whom twins were born brought a thank-offering to the 
god Akutschukkaque, whose name corresponds to akua Tscha- 
quilla, and means, therefore, the thunder-god. 1 

In Quito we hear about a god, Rimak, the speaker, who 
gave oracles. The magic forbidden by the Incas, but con- 
tinued among the people, originated in the Old Peruvian 
religion. The Malay and Japanese - Mongolian worship of 
spirits was mixed up with it. The Jmarellas were at once 
hobgoblins and guardian spirits. Of like origin was the 
huacapuillak, a sort of higher order of oracle - priest who 
converses with the gods. The name is composed of the 
genitive of the Mai. waka, god, and uillak, part, act., from 
Peruvian uilla, to speak. Likewise the necromancer, malqui- 
puillak, is derived from mallki, a corpse. The explanation of 
this latter name by means of ajatacuc must, on the other 
hand, be Japanese, since the root cue is found again in the 
word pacha-cue, shown by its first portion to be Japanese he 
who tells the future by the movement of spiders. The hacaricue 
tell the future from guinea-pigs ; the hatschus, from maize ; 
the moscoc, from dreams. The hantsctias or ripnakmicuc sought 
to destroy enemies by witchcraft. Finally, there was a special 
oracle-god for love affairs, who is met with under two names, 
Huacanki and Kuiankarani. 2 In Quito, again, an old god 
of health is spoken of, and along with him a god of war 
and vengeance. 3 The Incas had to contend against animal- 
worship. 4 The constellations were regarded by the Old 
Peruvians as symbols of the genera of animals ; the animals 

1 Miiller, Urreligionen, p. 368 f. 

2 Ibid. p. 397. 3 Ibid. p. 33,"). 
4 Montesinos and Lacroix in Miiller, Urreligionen, p. 365 f. 


were taken as representatives of the corresponding constel- 

Ols. An ancient prayer to the rain-goddess, of which the 
Peruvian text is given in Tschudi, Die Ketshua-Sprache, part 
ii. p. 68, is as follows : 

Fair Princess, 

Thine urn 

Thy brother has broken, 

Even now into fragments. 

From the blow 

Noise and fire and 

Lightnings proceeded. 

Still, Princess, 

Thy moisture 

Dispensing, thou rainest, 

And all around 

Thou makest it shower, 

[And sometimes] 

Thou sendest forth snow. 




For this function 

Has determined thee 

And made thee. 

288. Religion and Traditions of the wild Aymara Tribes. 

If we are right in the reconstruction of the Old Peruvian 
religion as in the supposition that the Botocudos, Guaranis, 
Jurucares are degenerate Japanese- Aymaras, the traces of that 
religion will be found again among these tribes. And this also 
is the case, so far as one can expect such still to be traceable. 
The Mandshusicus in Paraguay, whose very name reminds us 
of the Mandshus, neighbours and relations of the Japanese, 
worshipped in one temple three gods, Urago sorisu, whom they 
also called Omegua turigni, Ura sana, and Ura po; and to 
them they presented food and drink offerings. Here we have 
really the Ataguchu of the Old Peruvians along with two other 
gods which he produces from himself. In Omegua the first 
two syllables are evidently the word amu, ama, father, mother, 
common to the Mongolian languages. Ura, however, is a 
divine appellative which we shall meet with again in the forms 
juru, guru, taru, and tiri, in other wild tribes of the Aymaras. 
It seems to be related to the Taara of the Ugro-Finnic tribes 
( 262). That with the Japano-Mongols, the Mandshurians, 
neighbouring tribes made up of Mongols and Tartars, had 
migrated from the adjacent islands of Yesso, Tarakai, and the 
Kuriles, is indeed quite possible ( 286), and just such Ugro- 



Tartar tribes would have had the most decided tendency to 
nomadic dispersion. They took their religious conceptions and 
the ideas of their gods from the Japanese, the dominant race, 
but retained, besides, the use of the divine appellative tarn, 
juru, ura. Thus sor-isu is certainly derived from the Ugrian 
iso, father ; po, from the Ugrian poeg, son ; sana might be con- 
nected with the Ugrian asszonyi, female, and mean woman. 
We find Ura again in the form of Taru among the Botocudos. 
They had borrowed the moon- worship from the Caribs ; they 
called the moon Taru ; the sun, Taru-pido ; the thunder, taru- 
decu-wong ; the lightning, taru-demerang ; the wind, taru-cuhu ; 
night, taru-tatu. 1 J. G. Miiller concludes from this that they 
had ascribed thunder and lightning to the moon ; but even 
these untutored people would see with their eyes that thunder 
and lightning, wind and night, were not derived from the 
moon. Taru means not moon, but god. They gave the title 
of god to the moon in a pre-eminent way. If, then, they 
designated the lightning as the glance of God, thunder as 
the rumbling noise of God, the wind as the breath of God, 
etc., these figurative expressions are a proof that, before the 
adoption of the Caribbean worship of the moon, they had 
known a God, to whose working the most diverse of natural 
phenomena were reduced. Finally, we find the name but not 
the nature of this Taru among the Jurukares in the form of 
Tiri. The Old Mongolian legend of the Child of the Sun, 
current in this tribe, has already been given in 286. Around 
this legend of Ule 2 another now entwines itself, 3 in which we 
light upon significant reminiscences of the fall, the flood, and 
the building of Babel. Tiri, whom the legend regards as 
Ule's son, thus connecting him with the Ule legend, was lord 
of all nature, and so, evidently, according to its original concep- 
tion, not the son of Ule, but the creator of the world. As he 
was quite alone, and longed for a friend, he created from the 

1 Muller, Urreligionen, p. 254. 

* Compare the Turkish word ulu, great. 

3 Muller, Urreligionen, p. 267 ff. Andree, Westl. i. 335 ff. 


nail of his great toe the first man, Kara. He begat children 
with a hokko, bird ; but his son died (reminiscence of Abel), 
and he himself ate upon his grave a pistachio-nut against the 
command of Tiri, who had said to him that his son would 
be restored again to life should he keep from eating of that 
tree. When, nevertheless, he ate thereof, Tiri said to him : 
Thou hast been disobedient ; for punishment, thou, together 
with all men, shall be mortal, and have suffering and toil. At 
Tiri's command Karu now ate a duck, which he vomited, and 
produced birds of all kinds. A spirit, Sararuma or Aima- 
sunne, caused a " sin "- burning, a conflagration of the world. 
We have here a combination of the flood legend with the 
German legend of the world-burning of Surtur. (Compare 
also the fire-water in the one form of the flood legend of the 
Kolhs, 274.) A single man was saved in a cave, and thrust 
out repeatedly a twig, which at first sank, but at last re- 
mained safe. From the cave went forth the various nations 
of the earth, evidently in the person of that one man, their 
first parent, the Mansinnos, Solortos, Quichuas, 1 Chiraguanos, 
etc. But when a man came out of the cave who wished to 
rule over all, Tiri closed the opening of the cave, and com- 
manded the peoples to divide and populate the whole earth, 
and sowed strife among them. They fought against each 
other with darts, which fell down from the sun. The Juru- 
kares traced their descent from the Mansinnos, whose name 
again reminds us of the Mandshurians. To the rainbow and 
the twilight they ascribe the origin of sicknesses. 2 

If we have admitted a mixture in those tribes of Mongolian 
and Ugro-Tartar blood, that is, a Mandshurian origin, we find 
in many other tribes of South America an extremely probable 

1 Quichua language, or Ketshua language, is the name with which the 
Peruvians describe their own tongue. The Jurukarian tradition, therefore, 
knew of the existence of a Ketshua people ! A new feature is, that they 
sprang from Peru. That the Ketshua language was not introduced into 
the country by the Incas, but was already found by them in Peru, will be 
shown farther on. 

2 Muller, Urreligionen, p. 258. 


mixture, with that Mongol and Ugro-Tartar blood also Malay 
and Bubu blood, which mixture is quite recognisable at all 
times in the conglomerate religion of such tribes. Besides 
the Malay Tapujas ( 281) and the Mongol Guaranis 
( 286), we meet with the Tupiguaranis. Among the 
Botocudos we find, besides the Ugrian name of god, Taru, 
as already observed, the moon -worship derived from the 
neighbouring Caribbean Berber tribes, and particularly the 
name Hutscha for the sun-god, 1 which evidently is the 
Hudshus of the Caribs ( 285). The Mandshusicus wor- 
shipped, besides those three Uras, also a water-god, presenting 
offerings of tobacco, which they represented with fishes in his 
hand. The Abipones worshipped a god of the tribe, Pilla. 2 
This name is met with again among the Araucanians as a 
divine appellative for spirit, for they describe a thunder-god, 
Thalclave, as guenu-pillan, heaven's spirit. 3 That mixed race 
the Tupiguarauis feared an evil god, lurupari (Goropari) 
or Aignan (Anacha, Anchanga, Anonga), who again essentially 
corresponds to Aharaigitschi (or Elel, or Kebet) of the 
Abipones. 4 His name reminds us of the Ainus who inhabit 
the island Yesso. Eude sculptures with the figures of 
serpents and other wild animals 5 on the one side (similar to 
those in the temple of Pachacamac, 287), with figures of 
the moon on the other side, are found here and there on 
rocks in various districts of South America. The Caribbean 
custom, too, at eclipses of the moon, of frightening by a 
roaring noise the evil spirit who is strangling the moon, 
spread to the Abipones in Paraguay and even down to the 
Araucanians. 6 The latter, in keeping with this Malay- 
Mongolian sun-worship, have a similar practice on the 
occasion of eclipses of the sun ; and while the Botocudos, 

1 Miiller, Vrreligionen, p. 270. * Ibid. p. 258 f. 

3 Ibid. p. 271. 4 Ibid. p. 273 . 

5 To this class belongs specially a pyramidal sanctuary in West Brazil, 
with a serpent deity in the tribe of the "Wajakuru or Waikurs. Charle- 
voix, p. 131. 

6 Miiller, Urreligionen, p. 255 if. 


Moluchos, etc., ascribe the origin of everything good to the 
sun, and the Aucas sprinkle the blood of slain game toward 
the sun, and the Dignits in Paraguay offer to him birds' 
feathers moistened with blood, in all this their mixed descent, 
be it Malay, be it Mongolian, be it both, is made quite 
evident, as well as the Caribbean descent or mixture among 
the Tapujas, who represent the maraca-bottle with an open 
mouth like a human head, honour the sun with an annual 
festival, and slay for him even men as sacrifices. 1 A trace 
of star -worship among the Tapujas, and down even to the 
Abipones, who regard the Pleiades as the dwelling-place of 
an evil spirit, give reverence to the constellation of the Great 
Bear, etc., seems to be of Caribbean, and therefore of African 
origin. "When, on the other hand, the Guaranis speak of a 
god Tamoi, who taught their fathers agriculture, the cultivat- 
ing of maize, and then went back into heaven, 2 this is nothing 
but a reminiscence of the apotheosized leader of the first 
troop of Japanese or Mandshurian immigrants into the 
East, who introduced the cultivation of maize among the 
early Malay inhabitants, and joined themselves with them. 
The more variegated this religious conglomerate appears, the 
more important does the fact become that traces of the old 
primitive monotheism in the most diversified reminiscences 
of the flood in particular should be found among all these 
tribes. In polytheism they part in various directions from 
one another, but the primitive religion and primitive tradition 
must have been the same among all the groups of races. 

As concerns the early monotheism, to what has been already 
said I add the following. The Coeruas in Chapuro pray to one 
god, of whom they say that he created the sun, stars, wood, 
streams, and air. 3 The Araucanians have, besides other pillas, 
aguen-pilla, heaven's spirit, whom they call Guencubu or Ville- 
mooe, pilla-mooe, great spirit, who has created all things. Pilla 
seems to have been derived from villa, from that Old Peruvian 

1 Miiller, Urrdigionen, p. 262 f. 2 Ibid. p. 266. 

3 Martius, brasil. Reise, iii. 1202. 


word that means to speak ( 287). The Araucanians 
use the word still as an appellative. Among the Abipones 
it had come to be used in a polytheistic sense as the proper 
name of an individual, and indeed of an evil god or spirit. 
As concerns the legends of the flood, that of the Arau- 
canians has been already reported ( 281). Various other 
Brazilian tribes tell of a flood that overwhelmed the whole 
of mankind, from which only the wise old man Ta-manduare 
with his sister were saved. The supreme god had instructed 
to wait for the flood in a boat, or, according to another 
version which has got mixed up with this one, into a hollow 
palm. He begot children with his sister, that is a thoroughly 
Inca-like feature, and so replenished the earth. 1 In Taman- 
duare, ta, just as in tamaraca, is a contraction for taru, god, 
divine ; and in Manduare we again meet with the name Manu. 

289. The Empire of the May seas and their Religion. 

From the midst of a motley crowd of wild Malay, Japano- 
Mongolian, and Caribbean tribes, and of tribes in which all three 
were mingled on the higher reaches of the Orinoco and on the 
river Magdalena, the Europeans found to their amazement in 
the highlands of Bogota the cultured race of the Muyscas. 2 
This people, forming two organized States, dwelt between the 
river Magdalena and the tributary stream the Cauca, in what 
is now called the Cundinamarca province of New Granada. 
Over against the hill country of the wild tribes they were 
shut off and secured by an almost impassable ravine, in which 
the stream formed the beautiful waterfall of Tequendana, but 
on all other sides by the mountains. A dense population 
carried on the cultivation of maize and potatoes. They wore 
dresses of cotton, which they were able to spin, weave, and 
dye in a variety of beautiful colours. They also produced 
fine goldsmith work, and indeed procured gold, as it was not 

1 Miiller, Urreligionen, p. 266 ff. 

2 For sources of information regarding what follows, see Mtiller, 
Urreligionen, p. 421 ff. 


found in their own land, by trading, receiving it in exchange 
for rock salt. They manufactured elegant vessels and images 
from clay. They possessed a standing army. They had also 
a very artificially constructed calendar, with a sacerdotal year 
of thirty-seven months, a civil year of twenty months, and an 
agricultural year of twelve or thirteen months. These latter 
months, therefore, were evidently lunar months, as in the Old 
Peruvian empire, since there was sometimes a thirteenth 
month intercalated. The intercalations, by means of which 
they always brought again the three different sort of years 
into harmony, show, according to Alex, von Humboldt, a 
striking resemblance to the intercalary systems of the East- 
Asiatic cultured races. They possessed a calendar stone 
with hieroglyphic signs. This picture writing, too, has its 
parallel in the Old Peruvian empire. While the Incas in 
the New Peruvian empire had introduced a yearly distribution 
of cultivated land, because regarded as State property, the 
social economy of the Muyscas was in this particular like 
that of the Old Peruvian empire, the lands being viewed as 
private property and passing down to descendants by heritage, 
and a feudal hereditary nobility having a place among them 
(comp. the daimios in Japan). In view of all this, and in 
view of their language related to the Japanese ( 286), we 
are justified in considering the people a branch of that Old 
Japano-Mongolian immigration to which the Old Peruvian 
empire also owed its origin. In the well-protected asylum 
of their mountain valley, this branch was able to maintain 
itself for a longer period than the Old Peruvian. The civil 
constitution of Muyscas, too, reminds us of Old Peru, and at 
the same time of Japan. There were two States, each under 
a king, who was chosen by four elector princes. This 
independence of the two States, and again that of the elector 
princes in them, reminds us of the curacas of Old Peru ; but 
when we are told that one of the kings who was in Tundsha 
bore the title Zake, and that the other in Bogota bore the title 
Zippa, we find in this latter name a remarkable resemblance 


to the Japanese field-marshal title Dshubo. In order to 
make the analogy more complete, there was in the State 
Tundsha alongside of the Zake a spiritual chief who resided 
in Iraka, 1 and held, as it seems, a hereditary office. Thus 
the constitution at Tundsha corresponded perfectly to that of 
the Japanese, as it was in early times, before the 12th 
century, before the Dshubo had taken to himself the power 
of the Dairi. In Bogota, on the other hand, a similar process 
seems to have been carried out as in Japan, the spiritual king 
having been overthrown; since then we hear only of the Zippa. 

The Muyscas have a tradition in regard to the founding of 
their empire, which tells that Huncahua (Hunkahwa) led them 
into the land, founded the empire, and built the city 
Tundsha, originally called Hunca, overran the surrounding 
districts, reigned for 250 years, and had 200 wives. The 
syllable hwa sounds exactly like the oldest name of Japan 
( 269), and what is told of the number of wives (even if 
perhaps the number be exaggerated) agrees with the national 
lustfulness and wantonness of the Japanese. 2 

The religious traditions of the Muyscas are nothing else 
than a tertiary construction of the Wiracotscha legend of the 
Old Peruvians, at the foundation of which there already 
lies the secondary identification of the hero of the flood, 
Wiracotscha, with the creator of the world, Pachacamac. The 
hero of this legend of the Muyscas is called? Botschika ; a 
name which cannot be traced back to its source with 
any certainty. Whether this name is derived by modifi- 
cation or abbreviation from Pachacamac (Patschacamak), 
or by change of consonants from the latter part of Wira- 
cotscha with a suffix added, we cannot confidently determine. 
In respect of sound the former is more probable. The 
tradition runs thus : When as yet the moon had not been 

1 In the province of Muts in Japan there is a city called Sirakawa. 
Names of cities that end in ka are common in Japan ; e.g. Takosuka, 
Tanaka, Morioka, Marnoka, Nagooka, etc. 

2 Stuhr, Religion des Orients, p. 48. 


created, the chasm of the Tequendana was still closed, the 
Muyscas lived wild in the land without agriculture, religion, 
morals, and civil constitution. The name Muyscas here seems 
to be an appellative for man : at its foundation lies the old 
primitive root, in Sanscrit manu, manuscha, in Iranian meschia. 
Then from the east there appeared a bearded old man, 
Botschika, who had three heads, this at once characterizes 
him as the emanationistic threefold god of the Old Peruvians 
and Mandshusicus. He is called Nemquetheba and Zuhe", 
which seem to have attributive names. He had a wife 
Huithaka, or Tschia, or lubecaiguaja ; and he taught those 
wild men to clothe themselves, to cultivate the fields, and 
worship the gods. His beautiful but wicked wife, however, 
defeated all his endeavours, and caused the Funzha river, the 
Eio de Bogota, the river Magdalena, to overflow the whole 
land. Here we have a greatly defaced reminiscence of the 
fall of the first mother of our race combined with an equally 
defaced reminiscence of the flood. 1 Only a few men were 
able to flee to the top of the mountains. In anger Botschika 
changed his wife into the moon, and gave a passage to the 
water in the waterfall of Tequendana. He called together 
the men that were saved, introduced sun-worship, with priests 
and festivals, appointed a spiritual and a secular chief as 
heads of the State, taught the calendar, and withdrew after 
1000 years' presence under the name of Idacanza (comp. 
Ataguchu). The legend of the flood has here a form which, 
considered in itself alone, would frame the idea that it was a 
reminiscence of a local submersion. If, however, we consider 
that in Botschika we have quite evidently the Wiracotscha 
who has been already identified with Pachacamac- Ataguchu, 
and that the consciousness still evidently existing in Old Peru 
of the deity of that Pachacamac- Ataguchu and his character 

1 It is characteristic of J. G. Miiller that he should here find a 
cosmogonic myth a la Thales, of the origin of the earth from water. But 
in the legend men existed before the flood. This does not quite sound 
like a cosmogonic myth. 


as creator of the world has been so completely transferred to 
the Botschika legend of the Muyscas, that only the three heads 
along with the name Idacanza, and probably also the name 
Botschika, 1 lead us to recognise that old god in Botschika, it 
will be immediately apparent that here we have before us a 
later, a tertiary form of the Wiracotscha legend, which must be 
explained from the Old Peruvian as that which lies at the 
basis of the older tradition. Seeing then that the Old Peruvian 
evidently contains the idea of a flood, this idea by the process 
of localizing has been completely narrowed by the Muyscas, 
as may also be seen from the localizing attempt to put the 
recession of the waters in connection with the waterfall. 2 

The knowledge of the one invisible creator of the world 
had died out among the Muyscas before the time when the 
first Europeans came into contact with them ; and of the Old 
Japanese religion, as this appeared in the Old Peruvian 
empire, there remained among them only the polytheistic 
sun and moon worship. They had a temple with a multitude 
of images of the gods, an organized priesthood, a festival cycle 

1 The change of p in Pachacamac into b in Botschika is similar to the 
change of t in Ataguchu to d in Idacanza. The modification of ch into z has 
again an analogy in the modification of the dsh of dshubo into z in Zippa. 

2 Similar localizings are to be found elsewhere. Thus Caspaya, a 
grandson of Brahma, in Thibet, provided for the flood an outlet by the 
chasm of Baramulla ; so in China, Yao ( 268) drains off the flood by the 
Chinese rivers ; so among the Greeks, Poseidon lets the waters flow 
through the vale of Tempe ; among the Egyptians, Menes does this by 
the Nile. Among the Alemanni of Switzerland, Chriemhildeli or Breneli 
stopped the outflow of the Tyrlee lake, and so occasioned the flood, but 
as a punishment was transposed into the Glarnisch, into the glacier 
Brenelisgartli. As the mountain where the ship landed, or whereon the 
survivors took refuge, every people fixed upon a mountain of the country 
in which they dwelt. But just the circumstance that only the localized 
names differed, while the idea of the flood, the escape of few, the ai*riving 
on a mountain, the beginning of a disappearance and dispersion of the 
flood by valleys and beds of streams, the sons numbering three, the raven 
being sent out, recurring among the most diverse peoples, must distinctly 
prove to every thinking man that there is a reminiscence common to the 
whole human race of an occurrence experienced by their common ancestors, 
which in the traditions of particular groups and tribes assumed only at a 
later period a localized form. 


of fifteen years, offerings, processions, fasts. Every fifteen 
years there was a great principal festival, celebrated with a 
human offering. At the beginning of a cycle a child, a little 
boy, would be chosen in a particular village, which is now 
called St. Juan de los Llanos, taken from his parents, and 
brought up as quesa, the wanderer, that is, homeless, or 
quihika, door or passage from the old cycle to the new, in 
the temple of the sun in Saga-mozo, then brought to different 
places, through which he should be led as Botschika. In the 
fifteenth year of his age, and therefore at the beginning of a 
new cycle,, he was led to a round place in front of the pillars 
of the sun. The shhegues, priests, follow him, masked to 
represent Botschika with his wives and descendants. The 
youth was then firmly bound to the pillars, his heart, pierced 
through with spears, was torn from his body, and the blood 
caught in sacred vessels. The Europeans, however, found 
traces among the Muyscas of another religion which had been 
introduced from Central America, where we shall meet with 
remains of it, at no very early period, but, at farthest, during 
the immediately preceding centuries. 

One of the idols of the Muyscas is called Fomagata, and it 
is told of this god that he rushed through the air as the spirit 
of fire, changed men into beasts, was a hateful tyrant, and was 
overthrown by Botschika. This latter feature shows us that 
the Fo-Magata religion was not able to get a footing among 
the Muyscas, but by means of a reaction of the old national 
religion was set aside again, or at least restricted within such 
limits that Fo-Magata was degraded into a single, subordinate, 
and undoubtedly evil god. J. G. Miiller assumes that 
naturally Fo-Magata should be taken for a sun-god, and his 
wife worshipped in Nicaragua as Sipal-tonal for the moon- 
goddess, although not even the least evidence of this can be 
adduced. Fo is the Chinese-Mongolian name of Buddha, 1 

1 That the names Fomagastad (so it is given in Nicaragua) and Sipal- 
tonal cannot be explained from the Aztec language is admitted by 
Buschmann (azt. Ortsnamen, p. 769 f.)- 


and magata, magasta, is a corrupt form of mahadeo, for the 
forms of Fo and of Mahadeo Siva, who appears in the hybrid 
Sipal-tona (from Siva and the Aztec tona, heat, glow), pass 
confusedly from one to another. 1 The correctness of this 
explanation is confirmed by the fact that in Ushmal in 
Yucatan an image of the Buddha was found with his legs 
folded under him, 2 which agrees exactly with the Indian 
images of Buddha, just as the images of Siva standing in 
niches are exactly like those in the Buddha temple of Java. 
As it is admitted that the Siva-worship and Siva legends in 
later Buddhism in Further India, in China, and in Japan, 
got mixed up with the Buddha legends into an indissoluble 
knot (comp. 271), surely in this fourth layer of the 
Buddhist religion the predicate mahadeo, great god, might 
have been transferred to the Buddha, unconditionally placed 
superior to Siva. Thus might Fo himself, the Buddha, be 
represented as the fire-spirit, and the glowing-god Siva be 
placed alongside of him as his wife (Sipal-tonal). Since the 
Buddha- worship first began in earnest to spread in Eastern 
Asia during the 10th century after Christ ( 265), it can have 
first reached America only by means of a later immigration, 
in no case by that of the Japano-Aymares in B.C. 100. 

Obs. Among the wild tribes dwelling around the Muyscas 
traces are found on every hand of an earlier Baal and Astarte 
worship. On the isthmus of Veragua the Doratshos wandered 
about, the men naked, the women with a hip-cloth, the latter 
engaging in a little field labour. They were not only addicted 
to unnatural vice, but had regular kinaden (Miiller, p. 418), 
which must be explained from that influence of the Phoenician 
religion that had made itself felt in Central America ( 284). 
A granite pilkr, which depicts a flaming sun-head, reminds us 
of the Baal-worship. In Nicaragua there was a god of unnatural 
vice, Tschin. That the people had sunk from an early rank of 
culture is proved by the pillars and sculptures, with an ancient 
picture writing, which is quite different from the Mexican 

1 As the b in Dshubo has been hardened into the pp of Zippa, so is the 
v of Siva into the p of Sipal, and the h and d of Mahadeo into g and t. 

2 Copied in Paravey, VAme'rique, Paris 1844. 


writing as well as from that of Central America. The tombs 
contain well-wrought vases. When a chief died, then his wives 
were buried along with him. The recurrence of darkness was 
accounted for by the Doratshos by an old quarrel between the 
sun and the moon. On the Eio Negro were settled the Maripi- 
zanos and Mariwilanos, and on the upper parts of the Orinoco 
the Gwaipunabis. Next to the Muyscas, and going quite 
naked, were the Pantshos ; on the Eio Grande were the 
Dabaibas, and west of Bogota the Pupoyans, both of whom 
went quite naked. On the Orinoco, too, are found sculptures 
of sun, moon, serpents, tigers. Alex, von Humboldt discovered 
those two rocks which, under the names Kamosi, almost 
identical with the Semitic Chemosh ( 252) and Keri, were 
worshipped as the sun and moon. The Dabaibas wor- 
shipped a mother of the gods, whom they called Dabaiba, to 
whom they ascribed the showers and changes of weather. 

290. The Old Cultured Races of Central America. 

That in Central America, in Guatemala, Chiapa, Nicaragua, 
Yucatan, and Honduras, an old cultured people had their 
residence, is proved by a series of immense ruins. Of the 
people themselves, however, their history and religion, we 
have scarcely any other information than that which may be 
gathered from these remains. In Pallenque in Chiapa ruins 
of a great city, Otolum, are found (described by Dupaix, Alex. 
von Humboldt, Stephens, etc.). There among others is a 
palace of 130 feet high, 950 feet long, and 590 feet wide; 
the east front has fourteen doors each 13 feet wide, between 
which stand pillars with beautiful bass-reliefs. The stones 
are bound together with lime, covered over with plaster, and 
then painted. Eemains of vaults show a kind of pointed 
arch. Even solid aqueducts are found. There are similar 
ruins in Okosingo. To the south of that, in Guatemala, and 
to the east, in Yucatan, the remains of forty-four greater and 
smaller towns were discovered by John Stephens and the 
Spanish Colonel Galindo, and have been described by Stephens 1 

1 John L. Stephens, Incidents of Travel in Central America, Chiapa, 
and Yucatan, London 1842, 2 vols., with maps. Incidents of Travel in 
Yucatan, London 1843, 2 vols., with 120 plates. 


and Catherwood. 1 There are remains of pyramidal temples, 
towers, palaces, sepulchral mounds, artificial caves. Especially 
in Yucatan, of Uxmal or Itztalana, with a stone pyramid and 
a palace, called the house of the governor. But in Guatemala 
we have that of Mitlan, 2 in Oashhaga, consisting of a temple 
with insulated pillars and a fortress; those of Utatlan, a 
citadel-like palace, a seminary building with cells for 6000 
scholars ; those of the city of Tehuantepec, a pyramidal temple 
hewn out of the living rock ; those of Atitlan, Shhillotepec, 
Mishhko, Guirigua, Quiche, and Quesaltenango. Then there 
are in the district of Peten the ruins of Tikal, discovered by 
Ambrosio Tut and Colonel Mendez in 1848, and described by 
Hesse ; and of Ishkum and Ishkuz, in the Indian city called 
by the Spaniards Dolores, and destroyed in 1695. These 
ruins show groups of magnificent building upon natural hills, 
which are terraced and provided with hanging stairs, and 
there are also attempts at the construction of arches. 3 In 
Honduras there are at Copan the remains of a city, and of 
a temple ornamented with statues, and the temple mound 
Tibulco. In Nicaragua, Squier 4 discovered a number of 
antiquities, mostly pyramidal mounds, at the foot of which, 
as in Copan, there stood images of the gods. 

When these rich discoveries are examined more closely, it 
becomes absolutely certain that not one of these ruins is of Aztec 
origin. The Aztecs, entering Mexico from the north about 
A.D. 1300, had their little chapels on truncated solid pyramids, 

1 F. Catherwood, Views of Ancient Monuments in Central America, 
Chiapa, and Yucatan, London 1844, with 26 plates. F. V. Waldeck 
has conducted explorations in Yucatan, Voyage pittoresque et arch&logique 
dans la province de Yucatan, 1834-1836, London and Paris 1838. 

2 What still remains is described by F. Ratzel, Aus Mexico, p. 274 ff. 
He thinks that it is proved by the polished and painted plaster, and also 
by the porphyry sculptures on the walls, that the building proceeds 
neither from the Zapotecs nor from the Aztecs. The style of building is 
precisely the same as in Otolum. 

3 Thus the Indians designate the place. This would mean in the Maya 
language ruined house. In the Aztec language, too, calli means a house. 

4 E. G. Squier, Nicaragua, London 1852, 2 vols. 


and in these were the images of their gods. The pyramids 
of Central America are not truncated, and have mostly 
passages and chambers in the inside of them, and the 
images of the gods stand down in front of the pyramids, 
just as the pillars stand before the pyramids in the Old 
Peruvian ruins. The Aztec sculptures there are far ruder ; 
in the profile heads the eye stands en face, the figures are 
stiff, the features without expression ; while the figures of 
Central America are free, bold, almost noble in form, and 
their features express individual characteristics. 1 In Central 
America, again, are found not merely pyramids, but also 
besides actual temples, which are roofed and arched like 
those of the Incas in Peru, a style of building of which the 
Aztecs knew nothing. 

We must now pass to the positive question as to what 
people those antiquities belong to. Here we find various 
characteristics appearing which point to several entirely 
different peoples. In Uxmal, naked statues are found ; 
in Nicaragua not only this, but besides this, the generative 
organs are represented in a way that indicates undoubtedly 
the practice of phallus and linga worship. 2 It is significant 
that beside these statues, smaller rudely - wrought naked 
figures of a similar kind were also found in the ruins of 
the cities, evidently idols for private use, showing how 
deeply that impure religion had penetrated among the 
people. If, then, we take with this the traces found in 
289, Obs., of the development of the worship of Astarte 
down to the 16th and 17th centuries among the wild 
Indian tribes most closely adjoining Nicaragua on the south, 
as well as the plain indications of a Phrenician or Punic 
colony with its Moloch-worship on the island of Carolina 
( 284), the whole combined will necessarily lead to the 
conclusion that the Astarte-worship with its revolting cere- 
monies, issuing forth from this colony to the neighbouring 

1 Squier, Nicaragua, vol. i. p. 293 ff. Ausland, 1840, No. 181 f. 

2 Stephens, Incidents of Travel. Miiller, Urreligionen, p. 544. 


parts of Yucatan, pushed its way farther along with Phoe- 
nician or Punic culture into Nicaragua. Were they Africans 
who made up the population of those regions ? Or have 
Punic tribes, more exactly Libyans, along with their culture 
introduced their abomination into a Malay race which was 
already in possession of the land ? The hieroglyphics on 
these monuments might perhaps at once give information 
on this subject if only we could succeed in interpreting them. 
The ruins of Pallenque (Otolum), Ocosingo, and Uxmal have 
the most perfect similarity one to another in style and mode 
of building. Upon them are found, especially in Pallenque, 
various sorts of picture writing. On the ruins of Tikal l we 
meet with written characters which look like alphabetical 
writing. Such writing might be developed under Phceiiicio- 
Punic influence, but also might be developed from a picture 
writing of East- Asiatic origin. 

There is, however, another series of indications which 
point to a people of Japanese origin, related to the Muyscas 
and Old Peruvians. The ruins of Copan, Guirigua, Atitlan, 
etc., in short, those along the west coast, are not of that 
vast and enormous style which reminds us of the Egyptian 
and Phoenician building. We find there, on the other 
hand, pillars of the sun with altars in front, which are quite 
like those on Titicaca and among the Muyscas. In Pallenque 
and Uxmal, again, we have sun discs, representing a face 
with tongue hanging out. Clay vessels, too, are found, 
which are strikingly like those of the Muyscas. Seeing, 
then, that a picture writing was found in Old Peru, but 
in Central America various sorts of picture writing, the 
conjecture is reasonable that one of these latter might be 
similar or related to the Old Peruvian writing, a point 
which is deserving of more careful investigation. The 
sculptures, too, of serpents and tigers, which are found in 
Guatemala, remind us of the Old Peruvian sculptures of the 
temple of Pachacamac ; while, on the other hand, in the 
1 Buschmann, aztec Ortsnamen, 1852, p. 723. 


artificial caves an element might be discovered of the religion 
of the early Malay inhabitants. 

How these various elements have been mingled in the 
cultured people or cultured peoples of Central America, 
who can tell ? Just here in this tripartite isthmus the 
various layers of immigrants crowded one after another, 
and remained on the two peninsulas of Yucatan and Hon- 
duras as if hemmed in and piled one over another in a 
blind alley. There are also evident traces of immigrations 
of a later date than that of the Old Japanese. Buddhism 
had secured an entrance into China and Japan ( 265) 
as early as A.D. 600, but scarcely obtained a position worthy 
of mention before A.D. 900 or 1000. But no traces of 
Buddhist influences are found in the Old, nor yet even in 
the New Peruvian empire. This Old Japanese immigration 
has been already unconditionally placed before A.D. 900, 
and must undoubtedly have been before A.D. 600 ; and as, 
according to 286, it must be set unconditionally after 
B.C. 209, we may with probability assign it to B.C. 100. 
In Central America, however, alongside of the traces which 
the Africans have left, and alongside of those which these 
Old Japanese colonists have left, are found evident traces of 
Buddhist influence, which could have originated only from 
an East -Asiatic tribe which first reached America after 
A.D. 1000. We shall find these traces of Buddhist 
religion widely spread throughout Mexico. In Central 
America not only does the fact of their existence afford 
indubitable evidence that at the time of its discovery the 
worship of Fo-magata and of Sipal-tonal was generally pre- 
valent (and in these we recognise, according to 289, the 
Fo Mahadeo and Siva the glowing), but also that conventual 
seminary building in Utatlan, with its cells for 60 teachers 
and 6000 scholars, appears as like to a Buddhist seminary 
as one egg is to another. What then this immigration 
people, which introduced Buddhism, may have been, is a 
question the answer to which must not here be anticipated. 



It is closely connected with the investigation into the various 
successive immigrations into Mexico, those of the Olmecs, the 
Toltecs, the Chichimecs, the Acolhuans, and the Nahuatls, and 
thus introduces us to the subject of the next division. 


291. Historical Traditions of the Aztecs. 

When Ferdinand Cortez discovered Mexico, the cultured 
race of the Aztecs were in possession of the country as rulers, 
along with several other fragments of peoples, governing a 
large and well-organized empire. According to their own 
historical tradition, they had first, three centuries before, 
along with six other closely related tribes, the Nahuatls, 
migrated from the north. They possessed also a very 
complete tradition in regard to a series of other peoples 
who had in succession to one another inhabited Mexico before 

1. This historical tradition is contained first of all in 
hieroglyphic pictures, of which, however, it must be remarked 
that this picture writing was not phonetic, as in the case of the 
Egyptian hieroglyphs, where each sign represented a sound 
like a letter of the alphabet, but realistic, so that occurrences 
as such were depicted by means of a regularly fixed 
symbolism for recurring historical ideas, 1 and chronological 
dates were added in the form of signs from the calendar. 2 
These hieroglyphs existed in great part in books, manu- 
factured partly from deer-skin parchment, partly from Agave 
bark (metl), scarcely a hand in breadth, and artistically 
folded. There was a rich literature, which, however, was in 

1 E.g. a mountain with a tongue meant a mountain with an active 
volcano, a head with a dart through it meant a death sentence, footprints 
meant a street, etc. 

2 Alex, von Humboldt gives complete information on this point in his 
Yues des Cordilleras. 


great measure destroyed by the fanaticism of the Spaniards. 
Fragmentary remains still exist in the National Museum of 
Mexico, in the library of the Escurial, in Eome, Bologna, 
Oxford, Vienna, Dresden, Berlin. 1 But these picture writings 
could have been deciphered only by means of knowledge 
traditionally transmitted. By this time such knowledge has 
utterly disappeared from among the Mexican Indians. In 
the 16th and 17th centuries the meaning of a portion of 
those picture writings was rendered in Eoman letters 
into Spanish or into the Aztec language. But all these 
sources, as already Gallatin has rightly insisted, 2 form a 
very poor, and not at all very trustworthy fountain from 
which to draw information. Of a singularly rich literature, 
only a small fragment has by accident been preserved, 
without the exercise of any critical skill in the selection ; 
of this only a small part has been deciphered; the deciphering 
has been done partly at a very recent time, and is therefore 
precarious ; and finally, amid a wilderness of private notes 
about boundaries and landmarks, processes, etc., only a few 
historical statements occur, and these often of a purely 
legendary kind. 

2. This historical tradition was also contained in orally 
communicated songs, which had once been taught in the 
schools of the Aztec empire, which, however, have now been 
closed for centuries. 3 From these Clavigero, Sahagun, and 
Ixtilxocuitl 4 compiled their account written in the Spanish 
tongue. Buschmann puts all these sources in the lump, and 
ascribes to them great value and credibility, but finds himself 
obliged to confess 5 that not the least agreement prevails 

1 A collection and fac-similes are given in Kingsborough's Antiquities of 
Mexico, 9 folio vols., London 1830-1848. 
J Gallatin, Ethnol. Soc. 

3 Prescott, History of the Conquest of Mexico, 3 vols., London 1843, i. 97. 
Buschmann, p. 657. 

4 Clavigero, Storia antigua del Messico, Cesena 1780. Sahagun, Historia 
general de las cosas de Nueva Espana, Mex. 1829. Ixtilxocuitl in 
Kingsborough's Antiquities. 

5 Buschmann, aztek Ortsnamen, p. 658 ff. 


among the chroniclers just named, that passing from Clavigero 
to Sahagun, one finds himself transferred into an almost 
new world, and that it is impossible from these con- 
tradictory reports to reproduce a chronology. Alex, von 
Humboldt has likewise attempted to gather the threads, and 
we will conscientiously report the conclusions reached by 

The oldest inhabitants of the land, of whom the Aztecs 
knew scarcely more than the name, were the Olniecs, by 
whom undoubtedly the early Malay inhabitants were meant. 
Thereafter, about 922 years before the landing of Cortez, 
therefore about A.D. 596, according to another account A.D. 
544, a race of Toltecs made their appearance from a country 
lying to the north-west, which the Aztecs designate by an 
Aztec appellative huehue-tla-pallan, Old Eed Land ; about 
A.D. 700, according to another account about A.D. 648, they 
came to Tollantzinco ; in A.D. 720 or A.D. 670 they founded 
the city Tula, and chose their first king, Tanub. Ixtilxocuitl, 
however, relates in addition the not unimportant fact that 
the Toltecs, driven from their native country, after a long 
sea voyage reached the coasts of California, and arrived at 
Huehue Kapallan in A.D. 387. They seem to have been a 
peaceful, mild, cultured people, living under laws, cultivating 
maize and nursery gardens, doing work in gold and silver, 
and skilled in the cutting of precious stones, and in sculpture 
and architecture. The pyramids of Cholula and Teotihuacan 
were built by them. The later inhabitants were indebted to 
them for the calendar and the picture writing. They had the 
same language as the Aztecs, who, according to Ixtilxocuitl, 
came into the country in A.D. 1178, or about 500 years later 
than the Toltecs. Nine kings ruled the empire in succession, 
each of them reigning for an immensely long period. Then, 
however, they suffered from famine ; drought and disease 
decimated the people, according to Ixtilxocuitl in A.D. 959, 
according to Alex, von Humboldt in A.D. 1052, according to 
Bustamente in A.D. 1116, according to Sahagun in A.D. 1200, 


and the remnants of the race were driven southward toward 

A hundred years after the overthrow of the Toltecs' empire, 
in A.D. 1170, or, according to Ixtilxocuitl, as early as A.D. 963, 
a wild hunting race, the Chichimecs, their fatherland lying to 
the north in Amaquenieca, according to Ixtilxocuitl, Chico- 
mostoc, made their appearance under a King Xolotl, subdued 
the remnants of the Toltecs, founded first Tenuyaca, then 
Tescuco. Soon afterwards they were succeeded by the 
Acolhuacs, according to Sahagun, one of the tribes belonging 
to the Nahuatl group, and were mixed up with them, the 
whole mixed race being called Acolhuacs, though the ruling 
family still belonged to the Chichimecs. A portion of the 
Chichimecs, however, that did not mingle with the Acolhuacs, 
settled west of Mexico, where there is still a tribe bearing the 
name of Chichmecs. 

Finally, in A.D. 1178, the Nahuatls, under six chiefs, 
embracing the tribes of the Shochimilcs, Chalcs, Tepanecs, 
Colhuacs, 1 Tlahuics, and Tlascaltecs, made their entrance ; 
and somewhat later, according to Humboldt about A.D. 1196, 
the seventh and mightiest, that of the Aztecs, appeared, 
which in A.D. 1325 founded the city Tenochtitlan, from te, 
stone, and nock the nopal plant, or Mexico, from Mexitl, the 
god of war. The after history of the Aztecs will occupy our 
attention at a later point. Their account of the Toltecs must 
meanwhile form the subject of our investigation. 

292. Criticism of the Aztec Tradition. 

What the Aztecs report in the form of history first assumes 
the character of clearness, certainty, and reliableness when 

1 On the question whether these Colhuacs were identical with those 
Acolhuacs, see Buschmann, p. 689 ff. If Buschmann is undoubtedly right 
in rendering acolhuacan by water- colhuacs, the two would most certainly 
be racially related. And in fact a means in Aztec water. In all these names 
ac or ec is a genitive ending : the stem of the name Acolhuac is colhu. It 
has no etymological connection with Malay traaand Old Peruvian huaca. 


we reach the period of the immigration of the Xahuatls. 
This is what might naturally be expected, since every people 
will have more reliable sources of information for their own 
history than for the history of people who have had posses- 
sion of the country before them, especially when there have 
been three layers of such peoples in succession to one another. 
The Aztecs came into no sort of contact with the Toltecs. 
Ixtilxocuitl maintains that it was not a hundred years, but 
only four years after the decay of the empire of the Toltecs 
that the Chichimecs succeeded them. In this contention he 
is right, for it is much more probable that the Toltec empire 
was directly destroyed by the wild Chichimecs, than that the 
desirable country had remained uninhabited for a century. 
But even then, between the overthrow of the Toltecs in A.D. 
1000 and the arrival of the Aztecs, almost a century must 
have intervened, and the first people with whom the remnants 
of the subjugated Toltecs were mingled was the rude, wild 
Chichimecs. A turn for history first showed itself among the 

We nevertheless regard the account of the Toltecs as in 
the main historical. Then, besides the ambiguous remains of 
the picture writing and the traditions given by Fernando de 
Alva Ixtilxocuitl, a descendant of the kings of Tescuco, 
certainly transmitted by faithful family accounts, we have 
yet a third source of information in the monuments and 
ruins in the land of Mexico. The pyramid of Cholula, on 
the Mexican table-land, 580 feet high, 4667 feet wide, with 
a temple on the top of it, shows by its non-Aztec name, 
Churultecal (for the Aztec language has no r), that it is pre- 
Aztec. The legend in Ixtilxocuitl assigns it, indeed, to the 
Olmecs ; the Chichimecan legend l assigns it to the hero of the 
flood,. Xelhua, an evident proof that the Chichimecs were 
conscious that the pyramid was there before them. Of a 
similar kind are the two pyramids at a place to which the 
Aztecs give the Aztec name of Teotihuacan, from teo, god, and 
1 In Alex, von Humboldt, Monum. xxiv. 31. 


Tiuaca, dwelling, which are dedicated to the sun and the 
moon, the larger being about 590 feet high.; Then there is 
the pyramid with steps at Papantla, with a great principal 
stair and numerous corner stairs, made of carefully wrought 
blocks of porphyry, and found in a district first conquered by 
the Aztecs shortly before A.D. 1518. There is also the casa 
grande on Eio Gila; 1 the ruins of a palace 1377 feet long 
and 852 feet wide, strewn with fragments of pottery, partly 
azure blue, partly white, or glazed in other colours. The 
building contained five saloons of 85 feet long- by 33 broad. 
Similar ruined cities are found between Gila and Colorado in 
the land of the Moquis, also in the province of Durango and 
elsewhere. It must, however, be expressly stated that these 
cities may be of Aztec origin ; while, on the other hand, those 
pyramids are undoubtedly earlier than the time of the 

We have a further witness in the Mexican calendar. This 
corresponds with the calendars of the provinces of Central 
America, which were never subject to the Aztecs. The 
astronomical symbols and hieroglyphic signs for the day on 
the ruins of Uxmal ( 290) are identical with the Mexican, 
and among the latter we meet with the monkey and the 
tiger, which are not native to California. 2 

If, then, in opposition to Gallatin's hypercriticism, we 
assume the existence of an earlier race than the Chichimecs, 
that is, the existence of the Toltecs, and willingly admit the 
vacillating character of the chronology, we may venture to 
place the arrival of the Toltecs in Mexico somewhere about A.D. 
650 or 700. We must at the same time vigorously protest, 

1 See Arricivita's description in Buschmann, aztek Ortsnamen, p. 666 f. 

2 The Aztec name of the month from 15th Dec. till 3rd Jan., atemozli, 
coming down of waters, should lead us to think of their northern home, 
since during that month it does not rain in Mexico. But J. G. Muller 
calls attention to this, that the Aztecs, according to Clavigero, i. 430, just 
during this dry month celebrated a festival in which they pray for rain, for 
the coming down of the waters, and after this festival the month seems 
to be named. It by no means follows that they must have brought with 
them that calendar from the north country, where it rains in December. 


with Gallatin, against the credulity that accepts unquestionably 
the statement that this ancient race spoke a language the 
same as, or at least nearly related to, that of the Aztecs. 
We are here in the fortunate position of being able to cite 
Buschmann against Buschmann in our behalf. This thorough 
linguist, in his laborious investigations regarding the Sonora 
languages, 1 has proved-!. That the tribes of the Cahitas, 
Tarahumars, Coras, and Tepeguanas in the Mexican provinces 
of Sinaloa, Sonora, and Guadalajara, tribes which were before 
designated Chichimecs, and partly are to this day called 
Chichimecs, spoke and speak languages which have an extra- 
ordinary number of words in common with the Aztec language, 
but distinguished from one another by a variety of dialectic 
peculiarities, and by that process of linguistic degradation 
( 279) separated into so many different languages. 2. That 
the same primitive relationship between one another and 
with the Aztec language and supplementary diversity are 
found in the languages of the Wihinasht, Soshones, Yutahs, 
and Moquis to the north of the river Gila in New Mexico, and 
Yutah, and down to California, as well as elsewhere among 
the Comantshes in Texas (comp. 297, Obs.~). We shall not, 
therefore, be able to doubt that in all these tribes we have 
before us descendants of the Chichimecs. But now, greatly 
as the entire group of these Chichimec languages varies from 
the Nahuatl or Aztec group, Ixtilxocuitl, 2 not without reason, 
but rather with very much to support his position, considered 
the Chichimec as one of the various Aztec dialects, just as at 
the present time one might speak of the Dutch as one of the 
various German languages. Buschmann himself goes indeed 
still farther. He is inclined, though not without some 
vacillation and hesitation, to the view that that Sonora 
family of languages was radically and entirely different from 
the Nahuatl languages, and that the Sonora peoples had 
appropriated as foreign terms those numerous words only from 

1 Abh. der Berl. Akad. d. W. v<m 1854, 2 Snpplem. Bd. 

2 See in Buschmann, aztek Ortsnamen, p. 686. 


Nahuatls wandering amongst them and coming into contact 
with them. Although for good reasons (see Obs. 1) we cannot 
go so far, yet we keep in view the fact of the diversity of 
the Chichimec and the Nahuatl languages. If then, however, 
the Chichimec and Nahuatl languages, in spite of the proved 
racial connection and chronological as well as geographical 
adjacency of the two national groups in their successive 
immigrations, had been so differently constructed that it 
required first the laborious researches of Buschmann in order 
to discover only a general relationship of roots between the two, 
how will one then affirm that the nation of the Toltecs, that 
migrated into Mexico 500 years earlier, had spoken the same 
language as the Aztecs ! Granted that the Toltecs were 
racially connected with the Aztecs, and therefore originally 
also linguistically related, 1 still surely between A.D. 500 and 
A.D. 1170 the languages of the two would go much farther 
apart from one another than the languages of the Chichimecs 
and Aztecs, or according to Buschmann, the roots common to 
both by borrowing, would between A.D. 1100 and A.D. 1200. 
Where, then, are the positive proofs of the asserted sameness 
or similarity of the languages ? It may be said 2 that the 
Toltecs in the migrations carried books with them, wherein 
they gave an account of their movements from year to year. 
Ixtilxocuitl mentions such books ; and although no European 
eye has ever seen any of them, 8 we have no reason to doubt 
that in the time of Ixtilxocuitl, about A.D. 1600, certain 
remnants of the Toltec literature may have been still in 
existence. But seeing that they contained no phonetic 
hieroglyphs, they prove nothing in regard to the Toltec 
language. Ixtilxocuitl also tells of a Toltec book, to which 
he gives the Aztec name of teomoxtli, book of God, of which 
he is able to report that it had been written in the end of the 

1 We shall find farther on that both at least belonged to the great 
Mongolian group. 

2 Alex, von Humboldt, Vues des Cordilteres, i. 204. 

3 Prescott, Conquest of Mexico, i. 11. 


7th century by a Toltec astrologer, Huematzin, in the city 
of Tescuco. That city, however, was founded by the Chichi- 
mecs not earlier than A.D. 1100. This book, we are also told, 
treated of cosmogony, chronology, history, mythology, and 
morals. According to others, 1 who corrected the error about 
the city just referred to, the book was composed about A.D. 
660 or A.D. 708, in the Toltec city of Tula. But even if such 
a book did exist, as we doubt not it did, and if it really were 
of Toltec origin, as we very much doubt, and not rather 
Acolhuan, in which case Tescuco might suit as the place of 
its issue, and even if a picture writing discovered by Waldeck 2 
were, as he thinks, the Teomoxtli, these non-phonetic hiero- 
glyphs would yet never give us the very least information about 
the language of the Toltecs. Buschmann has, indeed, pointed to 
names of places in Central America, and in regions that were 
not subject to the Aztecs, which can be satisfactorily explained 
from Aztec roots, and thinks s that these names lead us back 
to the Toltecs. But who will assure us that it was not 
rather a Chichimec tribe that had already, before the establish- 
-inent of the Aztec empire, pressed far south and found those 
communities ? It is quite deserving of remark, that in many 
of those names of localities * we find instead of the Aztec tl, 
the Sonora or Chichimec t. The Maya language in Yucatan 
shows, as Buschmann himself has proved, 5 a number of 
Sonora-Aztec words (see Obs. 2), which indicates the nearness 
to the Mayas of some Sonera-speaking tribe. The Toltecs, 
who entered America about A.D. 600, could not have intro- 
duced the worship of Fo or Buddha, but the Chichimecs did 
this, who came to Nicaragua from Eastern Asia after A.D. 

1 In Humboldt, Vues des Cordilteres, i. 249 ff., ii. 386. 

2 "Waldeck, Voyage pittoresqiie, p. vii. 

3 Buschmann, aztek Ortsnamen, p. 727. 

* E.g. Utatlan, Buschmann, p. 720 ; Tikal, Buschmann, p. 721, which 
must represent the Aztec Utlatkn (from otlatl) and Tlikal (from tlilli, 
black, and kalli, house). 

5 Buschmann, "Spuren des azt. Sprechen im Nordl. Mexico," p. 51 f. 


Thus, in behalf of the assertion that the Toltecs and the 
Aztecs had spoken one and the same language, there has not 
been advanced the least shadow of a proof; but, on the 
contrary, all the evidence tells against the idea. Indeed, we 
have a positive trace of another language having been spoken. 
During the dancing around the Toltec pyramid of Cholulu, an 
old song was sung in the time of the Aztecs in an ancient 
speech not understood by the Aztecs. It began with the 
words tulanian, hululaez. 1 "We have thus been able to reach 
to this as a certain fact, that before the appearance of the 
Chichimecs there existed an old and different people and 
empire, which after their capital Tulu were called by the 
Aztecs Toltecs, or the people of Tula, and that this people 
centuries earlier, probably between A.D. 600 and A.D. 700, 
had migrated from California, bearing with them the tradition 
that they had previously come to California by a long sea 

Obs. 1. It is in itself extremely probable that the Nahuatls, 
and before them the portion of the Chichimecs who had migrated 
into Mexico, had adopted from the people they there met with, 
the Toltecs, those words which are now found only in the 
Aztec and not in the Sonora languages. Had it been, as the 
tradition in 291 gives it, the Toltecs who introduced the 
cultivation of maize into Mexico, then could we understand 
the fact insisted upon by Buschmann, that the Nahuatls, 
besides the Acolhuacs and Chichimecs, who were before them 
in Mexico, have other words for maize and everything pertain- 
ing to the cultivation of maize than the Sonora, that is, than 
the languages spoken by the wild Chichimec tribes remaining 
outside the land of Mexico. The former adopted these words 
from the Toltecs ; the latter have constructed words for them- 
selves for these things. The words common to the Nahuatl 
and Sonora languages, however, point to a primitive relation- 
ship of race and speech, and not, as Buschmann thinks, to a 
borrowing on the part of the Sonora tribes. The twofold fact 
speaks against Buschmann's view : (a) that the Aztec language 
has the personal pronouns in common with the Souora (ne, I ; 
mu, thou ; ta, tarn, we ; an, amo, you) ; and (&) that the t, which 
is found as such in all the Sonora languages, as well in roots 
as in the nominative suffix, and which proves itself original by 

1 Alex, von Humboldt, Vues des Cordilleres. 


this agreement of all the Sonora languages, has been changed 
in the Aztec language into tl. Had the Sonora languages 
adopted Aztec roots as foreign words, some at least with the 
tl would have been adopted. But thus we see that the Aztec 
language is rather a daughter of a Sonora primitive language, 
and is related to it as Middle High German to Gothic ; or more 
exactly, that the primitive Sonora and primitive Nahuatl were 
sisters, like the Old High German and the Old Norse. When, 
then, we are thus obliged to admit that the Aztec contained, 
besides its genuine roots common to the Sonora languages, also 
other foreign words picked up in Mexico, which the Chichimecs 
and Acolhuacs had already learnt and adopted from the 
Toltecs, Buschmann argues against this conclusion, that the 
Aztec language gives the impression of a unity. Such an 
impression is also made by the French language in contrast 
to the English, and nevertheless it possesses a number of Celtic 
and German words alongside of the Latin. 

Obs. 2. Maya words which are common to the Aztec 
languages: seel, cold, Azt. se; kum, head, komi ; kussli, thorn, 
kuitz; miatzil, wisdom, mati, to know; missh, midstun, cat, 
Sonora midston, misto, Azt. mids, lion ; nenel, pupil of the 
eye, Azt. neue; thul, rabbit, totsch; tumin, gold, tomin; 
tuncalutscho, owl, tecolo ; tzo, hair, tzon ; shhiu, herb, slihikui. 
Also the Mayan name Tical, which is explained from ti, 
equivalent to tli, and from the Aztec calli, belongs to this 

293. Tlie Origin of the Toltecs, and their Relation to 
the Incas. 

The Toltec empire crumbled to pieces between three and 
four hundred years before the discovery of America ( 291), 
and a remnant of the Toltecs went southwards into Central 
America. Between two and three hundred years before the 
discovery of America ( 287, note 1), the race of the Incas 
entered into Peru. This brings us to the question that has 
been urged by many, Is there any historical connection 
between the Toltecs of Mexico and the Incas of Peru ? Did 
the remnant of the Toltecs go, not merely, as the Aztecs 
report, into Central America, but also continued moving 
southward, of which the Aztecs probably knew nothing, until 
they reached the west coast, and perchance a century after 


their expulsion from Mexico, perhaps even earlier, arrived in 
Peru ? In recent times, the two most thorough investigators 
in regard to Peru, Von Tschudi and Von Versen, have 
expressed themselves thoroughly in favour of this view. The 
latter says 1 that the Peruvians he is speaking of the Incas 
had probably inhabited Mexico before the Aztecs, until by 
the Aztecs they were driven out. The former 2 regards the Old 
Peruvians, the builders of the temple of Tiahuanaco, according 
to Angrand's supposition, as a race that had branched off from 
the Toltecs, and at an early period migrated southwards, a 
point which we leave undecided. Without hesitation, how- 
ever, he maintains that the migrating Incas were Toltecs 
(p. 178). It is curious, then, to find Tschudi expressing 
astonishment at the Aztecs knowing nothing of the Inca 
empire of Peru (p. 179). Why they should have known 
nothing of it is sufficiently explained in 292. 

We shall now adduce evidence in behalf of those statements 
which we have made. 

1. Hunger and disease are said by the Aztecs to have been 
the special causes of the decay of the Toltec empire. Such an 
account must undoubtedly have been got from the Toltecs 
themselves who remained in Mexico, and under the dominion 
of the Chichimecs, for it presents their overthrow and decay in 
the most favourable light. By mere famine and sickness, 
however, no empire, no State has ever been overthrown, but is 
only so weakened that, if an outward foe then threatens and 
comes down upon it, it may not have power to resist the 
attack. The outward foe which gave the finishing stroke to 
the inwardly weakened empire of the Toltecs was ( 292) the 
wild tribe of the Chichimecs. These Chichimecs, however, 
were soon driven into Central America. Chichimec tribes 
have settled ( 292) in the neighbourhood of the Mayas in 
Yucatan. By the Chichimecs and the allied Colhuacs (292) 

1 Transplant. Streifzuge, Leipz. 1876, p. 71. 

2 J. J. von Tschudi, " Ollanta," etc. etc., in the Denhchriften der k. k. 
ostreich. Akad. d. Wissensch. 1876, vol. xxiv. p. 177. 


the Fo worship was introduced into Nicaragua. Seeing then 
that this is so, it is most probable that the remnant of the 
Toltecs which fled into Nicaragua did not here find its 
permanent abode in these isthmuses and peninsulas already 
crowded with a dense population made up of old cultured 
races ( 290), but hastened before the wild Chichimecs 
pursuing them still farther south. And they would not stop 
on the plateau of Bogota, where we have already met with 
the Muyscas, the unmixed Old Peruvians, as a Japanese race ; 
but they would move along the west coast, on the narrow 
strip of land between the Andes and the sea, a natural street, 
which of itself must have led them on to Peru. 

2. The members of the ruling family in the New Peruvian 
kingdom were called Incas, sons of the sun. Was this in 
reality only a family? A mere particular family would never 
have been able to overturn the Old Peruvian State, and over- 
throw its constitution and religion. The ruling family must 
have had a people behind it. But such a people, if they over- 
ran the Peruvian empire, and put the Old Peruvians into 
subjection, would then also introduce their own language, and 
either would have forced this upon the subject race, or at 
least have been compelled to frame a mixed dialect, which, in 
relation to the Old Peruvian, would be a new language. The 
case, however, was not so. The Incas did, indeed, introduce 
new names of the gods. But the etymology of all names of 
places and of deities of the Old Peruvian empire may be 
explained from the Ketshua language as it was spoken in the 
New Peruvian empire of the Incas. The language, therefore, 
must have continued essentially the same. The Incas must 
have adopted the language of the Old Peruvians. This view, 
already expressed as a likely conclusion in as many words 
in the first edition of this work, I find now powerfully con- 
firmed by positive information communicated by Tschudi. 1 
Garcilasso, as well as Balboa, reports that the Incas spoke 
among their own people a different language than the 
1 " Ollantadrama," p. 178. 


Ketshua. They did not therefore obtrude this their own 
language brought with them into the land upon the Old 
Peruvians whom they found there, but they learned their 
language. And, in fact, they have even formed their own 
names from Old Peruvian words, as pacha, Jiuaca ( 294). 
This does not look like a conquering race. Indeed, the very 
tradition of the Incas themselves, which will be given fully 
in 295, knows nothing about a conquest, but rather of a 
religious stratagem, a pia fraus, whereby the family secured 
the supremacy of their religion and their own elevation 
to the throne, in the first instance to the throne of one of 
the numerous Old Peruvian States, from which position they 
wrought on gradually until they had secured dominion over 
the other States. Throughout there is mention only of a 
princely family, of a princess Mama Sibaco and her sons. 
This, however, does not mean a family in our European 
sense. The daughters of this ruling family were brought 
up, down to the time of their marriage, as maidens of 
the sun in a particular royal institute, and the number of 
these maidens of the sun had risen in the time of Pizarro to 
as many as 1500. We know from history, and have 
examples in Europe, of very old and flourishing royal 
families ; but that any one of them should be able to 
produce at one time as many as 1500 princesses, this has 
never been heard of ! That number of maidens of the sun 
would lead us to the conclusion that there must have been 
six or seven thousand persons of the Inca race. Indeed 
almost all the higher offices of State were filled by Incas. 
The Incas, then, were no nation, neither were they in our 
sense a family, but they were a tribe, and indeed a foreign 
tribe of immigrants, which therefore regarded themselves over 
against the Old Peruvians among whom they came as a family 
or a race, and which secured to themselves the rank of a 
ruling class. 1 

1 Briefe Alex, von Humboldt au seinen Bruder Wilkelm (Stuttg. 1880), 
p. Ill : Ou ne doit pas oublier ausei que nous ne connaissons pas le 


3. If the members of this tribe were related to one another, 
not by direct descent from one common ancestor, but by un- 
doubted cognate affinity, then it was in the highest degree 
natural that they should have intermarried among themselves 
and among themselves alone. This was indeed a law in the 
Inca empire, that the son of an Inca should marry only an 
Inca's daughter, and the Inca /car' %o%i]v, the king, was 
indeed obliged to marry his sister. The seclusion of the race 
is a feature thoroughly characteristic of China. That pecu- 
liarly extended, but, with reference to those without, thoroughly 
exclusive idea of the family or the race (kid), is to be found 
in China. The Chinese call themselves to this day " the 
hundred families" ( 268), and indeed even to the present 
time among that exceedingly numerous people there is only 
438 family names. 

4. At this point we enter upon a series of positive proofs 
on behalf of a connection of race subsisting between the Incas 
and the Toltecs. In both traces are found of a specifically 
Chinese culture. While the Phoenicians alloyed their bronze 
in the proportion of 9 of copper to 1 of tin, or 85 of copper 
to 15 of tin, 1 the Chinese, on the other hand, had very 
variously proportioned alloys, 1 to 1, 5 to 2, 3 to 1, 4 to 1, 
5 to 1, 6 to 1, and most usually 3 to 2. 2 Xow in those 
Mexican ruins bronzes are found corresponding to these blends 
of the Chinese, and in Central America bronzes are found 
corresponding to the alloy of the Phoenicians. 3 Those found 
in Mexico may be traced back to the Aztecs ; those in Central 
America, to the Toltecs. But also the bronzes of the Inca 
empire are blended in the proportion of 3 of copper to 2 of 
tin. 4 The peaceful character, too, of the Toltecs, mention of 
which had been made to the Aztecs, agrees with the Chinese 
nature. The Chinese, like us Germans, rarely entered upon 

language de la cour de Tineas ; celui de la familla royale differe du 

1 Kougemont, Bronzezeit, p. 9. 2 Ibid. pp. 28 and 29. 

3 Ibid. p. 25. 4 Ibid. p. 27. 


offensive, but mostly limited themselves to defensive warfare. 
The Incas do not appear to have been altogether so peaceable. 
But that they acquired a warlike nature in their war against 
the Chichimecs, and during their movement into South America, 
where they had to defend their own persons, is, if once the 
correctness of our hypothesis is granted, quite conceivable, 
since it must be admitted that their reformatory culture 
mission obliged them to subdue one after another the corrupt 
States of the old Peruvians sunk in all manner of abomina- 
tions, if they were not, on the contrary, to be themselves 
utterly stifled by them. The civil constitution set up by 
them as such had a thoroughly mild and peaceful character. 
We shall indeed find so much that reminds us of the Chinese 
in the Incas, especially in their religion ( 295), that they 
present to us almost a copy of the Chinese. We may here 
in a preliminary way just point to one feature, that the Incas 
exactly as the Chinese assigned to the year 365 days and 
6 hours, and like the Chinese reckoned and observed the 
solstices and the equinoxes. 1 

5. The tradition that the Toltecs, after a long residence in 
the Old Eedland, entered Mexico about A.D. 650, 2 gives support 
to the view that the Toltecs came to America either from 
China itself or from a neighbouring country (Corea or the Loo 
Choo islands) influenced by Chinese culture, having been in 
all probability driven away from their early home. We have 
no Chinese reports in reference to this (see Ols.\ But such 
we could not have expected ; for of the old Shu-king only a 
fragment has been preserved ( 268), and the loss of a single 
ship was certainly not so rare an occurrence that it must 
necessarily have found a place in their annals. 

6. Of the language of the Toltecs we know nothing 

1 Tschudi, Ketschuasprache, p. 6. Carli, ameriL Briefe, ii. 8, 9. Eauch, 
Einheit d. Mensch. p. 319. 

2 When Ixtilxocuitl sets down their arrival in Old Eedland at the year 
A.D. 387 ( 291), we have advanced abundant proof to show that little 
weight is to be attached to the chronological statements of the Aztec 
historical tradition, which differ from one another by centuries. 



( 292). The Mayas appear ( 296) to have been a Toltec 
tribe, but mixed up with the earlier inhabitants. They con- 
tinued in Chiapa, and took no part in the migration to South 
America. How much that is Toltec has been preserved by 
this tribe in its language, we are utterly unable to say. A 
comparison with the Mandarin Chinese helps us nothing, for 
in China to-day a great number of different dialects are 
spoken ( 268); and because further, on the one hand, the 
Chinese has essentially changed since A.D. 500, and, on the 
other hand, the Toltecs, after their arrival in America, in 
intercourse with the Malay early inhabitants, undoubtedly 
adopted many foreign elements into the language and have 
modified these. The Incas in Peru completely appropriated 
the Ketshua language that was prevalent there : they only 
retained the old names of their gods, but then these clearly 
enough correspond to Chinese roots (f 295). 

V. Between the Toltec empire in Mexico and the Old 
Malay cultured empire of the Alligevi on the Mississippi 
( 283), there appear to have been communications, perhaps 
even some mingling of races, We are reminded that the 
ruins and tombs of the Mississippi valley become more fre- 
quent toward the Gulf of Mexico, and in them just here are 
urns with ashes found beside the bones. The burning of 
bodies was also a custom of the Aztecs, and we shall be 
able to prove ( 298, Obs. 2) that neither they nor the 
Chichimecs brought it with them from Asia, but that they 
could only have adopted it from the earlier inhabitants of 
Mexico, the Toltecs. It came to the Alligevi also from the 
Toltecs. That the Incas, too, burned the bodies of their dead, 
is shown in 295. 

8. While thus a multitude of positive marks favour the 
Toltec descent of the Incas, there has to be added to these 
the exceedingly important negative argument, that no one 
knows at all how to explain whence the Incas could have 
come, if not from the Toltec empire. They were a race of 
high culture, and indeed a civilised people, who, with their 


mild humanity and noble religion, presented the most striking 
contrast to the corrupted races of the Old Japanese immigra- 
tion, the Old Peruvians, and the Muyscas, opposed with firm 
determination unnatural vice and human sacrifices, possessed 
other gods and other names of gods, as like to the Chinese 
as those others were to the Japanese. They could not there- 
fore have formed a branch of that same Japanese immigra- 
tion. Still less ground would there be for deriving them 
from the Malay cultured race of the Alligevi, or from the 
empires of Central America, festering with their iropveia and 
phallus-worship. Where, then, is there another cultured race 
left from whom we could derive them, but only the Toltecs ? 
With this result chronological facts agree, with it all the 
details of fact and circumstance correspond. 1 

Obs. 1. It has been thought that in the Chinese literature 
a positive statement has been discovered to the effect that 
America, and indeed Mexico, had been known to the Chinese 
by the end of the fifth century before Christ. A Buddhist priest 
Hoei-schin came about this time to China, and declared that he 
had been in a country, Fu-sang, in the description of which 
Paravey (I 'Amerique sous la norn de Fou-Sang, Paris 1844), 
Neumann (in Ausland, 1845), Tschudi, and Ptauch (Einheit, etc., 
p. 310), and most recently Quatrefages (le genre humain, t. v.), 
think that they recognise America, and especially Mexico or 
California. On the other hand, however, Dr. E. Bretschneider 
of Pekin (in the Chinese Recorder, Oct. 1873) declares that 
the story of the Buddhist priest is humbug, and the land 
Fu-sang a terra incognita nee non dubia, and that, if it existed 
at all, we have not the slightest reason for looking for it to 
America. I cannot help inclining to this latter opinion. 
There seems, indeed, to have been an actual country of Fu-sang ; 
for Bretschneider himself says : In Notes and Queries, vol. iv. 
p. 19, there is a passage cited out of the Liang-ssu-kung-ki, 
that the kingdom of Fu-sang had sent envoys to China. But 
wherever this kingdom may have been situated, this much is 
certain, 1. That Hoei-schin had not been himself there, for he 
only gives a confused and legendary story, and 2. that his 
account does not suit America. We shall now listen to this 
story, which I possess only in the English translation of Bret- 

1 We may also point to the thoroughly Chinese ending of the names of 
places, Tomantsin, Acamapitsin, etc. 


Schneider. "The kingdom of Fu-sang lies 20,000 li (miles) 
east of Tahan, and indeed due east of China. The country gets 
its name from a like-named tree, which grows there very 
abundantly. Its leaves are like those of the tree Thung ; the 
young sprouts are like those of the bamboo, and are eaten ; the 
fruit is like a pear, and is of a red colour. From the bark cloth 
is prepared, and also paper. The houses are built of wood. 
There are no cities there : weapons and wars are unknown. 
There are two prisons in the lamd, one for -slight, the other for 
serious offenders. Carts are in use drawn by horses, or oxen, 
or stags (reindeers). The deer are their domestic animals, as 
the cow is in China. A 'fermented drink is prepared by them 
from milk. There are mulberry trees, and red pears which keep 
for a whole year. Grapes also grow there. Silver and copper 
are not esteemed of any value. There is no iron, but copper in 
abundance. They have books. The inhabitants of Fu-sang 
knew nothing of the Buddhist religion until live priests from 
Ki-pin went thither about A.D. 458 (the year, of course, is given 
in the Chinese reckoning), and took with them the sacred books 
and the faith. A thousand miles east of Fu-sang is -a kingclorn, 
in which there are no men but 'Only women, whose bodies are 
completely covered with hair. When they wish progeny, they 
bathe themselves in a certain river. They have no breasts, but 
bunches of hair on the neck from which the children suck." 
The conclusion of this report, the story about the laud of 
women, shows -that the whole, if not cosacocted by Hoei-schin 
himself, is related on the foundation of a sailor's tale. His 
silence about the sea voyage shows that he was never there 
himself. It must still, however, be admitted as possible that 
the beginning of the story, the description of Fu-sang, rests 
upon reports of voyagers who had actually been in America. 
This might be supported if we look at details. 1. The situation. 
Tahan lies, according to the Thang-schu, chap, 259&, on the 
Kianhi or Lake Baikal, bordering on the country of the Kie- 
kia-su (the Kirghizes), is wooded, mossy, has no sheep and 
horses, nor reindeers, and so is to be looked for between the 
Yenesai and the Lena in the south of Siberia. We shall take 
the 20,000 miles east of Tahan, to use the Buddhist style of 
reckoning, as a round number in the sense of an immensely 
great distance. If, again, we take the latitudes of America, 
going directly east from China we come, not to Mexico, but to 
California. 2. The fauna. Neither in California nor in Mexico 
were there horses and oxen before the arrival of the Spaniards. 
If, however, we admit that, according to the style of the 
Buddhists, the ambiguous words of the Chinese original may 
perhaps also bear the sense : " carts like those which among us 
in Asia are drawn by horses, oxen, or reindeer are in use ; but 


the domesticated animals of the inhabitants of Fu-sang are 
deers ; " then this would exactly suit Mexico, where the Aztecs 
had tamed species of deer, iztac mazame and tlamscaz mazame, 
as domesticated animals (Hernandez, p. 324 ; Buffon, hist. nat. 
x. 431). We cannot, therefore, take the situation to have been 
exactly east of China, but must rather go two degrees farther 
south. 3. The flora. The case is still worse in regard to the 
plant world. The vine, indeed, is found in North America. 
Peter Kalm in 1749 discovered in North America no less than 
seven varieties of the vitis vinifera growing wild (Eauch, Ein- 
heit des Mensch. p. 357) ; these, however, all seem to have gone 
wild, and to have been originally brought there by the Normans 
( 301, Obs. 3). They were found, too, in Massachusetts, Vir- 
ginia, Ohio, Florida (Berghaus, allg. Geogr. iii. p. 229), not in 
Mexico. Of mulberry trees the Murus rubra is found wild in 
Florida and Virginia, the Madura aurantiaca in North America 
(not more exactly determined) ; and, according to Grisebach 
( Vcgd. der Erde, ii. p. 321), the climate of the highlands of 
Mexico is suitable for the olive, the mulberry, and the vine. 
What is to be made of the pear that keeps a whole year, it is 
hard to say. In the Fu-sang tree some think they recognise 
the Agave mexicana. The use of its bark for making cloth and 
paper, as well as the use of the young sprouts for food, would 
support this identification ; but the agave sprouts are altogether 
unlike those of the bamboo, still less can it be said that the 
Agave mexicana or americana bears pear - shaped, red fruit. 
The word Fu-sang is strikingly like the word Pisang. The 
pisang or the banana, Musa paradisiaca, is probably a native 
of the East Indies, but is met with, on the one hand, upon the 
Gold Coast of Africa, where its fruit is called fusu; and, on the 
other 'hand, is spread throughout Polynesia, and was found 
by the Spaniards growing wild, or become wild, on the west 
coast of Peru and in the vast stretches of Mexico. In the 
American languages we know of only the names parura and 
atoca for the banana. The name pisang is, according to Forbes 
Waston in his Index to the Native Names of Plants (1868, 
p. 487), of Malay origin. Since then, according to Lennis, 
the young sprouts of the pisang are eaten in the East Indies as 
vegetables, the fibres of the leaf sheaths are used for garments 
and cloths, and the bright yellow fruit, in shape like a cucum- 
ber, might be compared to a pear, it seems to me that the 
sailor's tale which Hoei-schin, living in Tahan, and probably 
never in India, reproduced, had for its basis some particular 
plant of the Musa species in one of the Polynesian groups. We 
are not only not compelled to think of the Agave mexicana, but 
we are actually debarred from doing so. 4. The culture of the 
people of Fu-sang. Their peaceful character and their possess- 


ing books would suit as a description of the Toltecs : the absence 
of cities does not suit, and the preparation of a fermented drink 
from milk does not answer at all, but is a feature which Hoei- 
schin, in a poetizing way, probably added from his own experi- 
ences at Kirghiz. In this story, therefore, there is no proof 
afforded of any intercourse by sea existing between China and 
Mexico in A.D. 450. Rauch (Einheit d. Mensch. p. 309) refers 
to Marco Polo, who reached Pekin in the thirteenth centuiy, 
and there heard an account of the island Sipango, which lay 
1500 miles distant over the sea, and was rich in gold, pearls, 
and precious stones. Between Sipango and China lay 7448 
islands. But Sipango is evidently the Chinese tschi-pun, sun- 
rise, east, the same word from which Japan derives its name. 
As to the island of which the Chinese gave an account to Marco 
Polo, it can scarcely be understood of any other than the 
Japanese island group. And even if America were to be 
understood by it, we could only reach this conclusion from it, 
that in the thirteenth century, and not in the fifth or sixth 
century, Chinese sailors had gone to America and returned 
thence to China again. 

Obs. 2. That the Incas were not at all an Old Peruvian race, 
that the Inca religion was not at all a reformatory effort that 
grew up on native Old Peruvian soil, is shown clearly and dis- 
tinctly from the consideration that a native religious reformer 
would in all circumstances have laid hold upon the noblest and 
best element in the Old Peruvian religion, belief in the invisible 
creator of the world, PacJuicamac-Elatidsi, put new life into this 
belief, and by means of it have purified the sunken religion. But 
of such a creator of the world the Incas knew nothing ( 295). 
They had only the sun-god, and his sister- wife, the moon- 
goddess, and for this divine pair they had entirely new names, 
and not those of the Old Peruvians. The range of ideas, wor- 
ship, and ceremonial of the Inca religion is wholly different 
from those of the earlier inhabitants of Peru. Only the legends 
common to all the races of the Mongol group, the Mongolians, 
Japanese, and Chinese in Asia, about the descent of the ruling 
house from the sun, were transferred to their ruling house, 
as they had already found them among the Old Peruvian 

294. The Empire of the Incas in Peru. 

About A.D. 1300 the Inca Pioca (comp. 287) founded the 
empire of the Incas in the north of the Old Peruvian realm. 


His third successor, 1 Yaliuar Huacac, " the divine " or " the 
Son of the Gods," subdued the Old Peruvian tribes of the 
Ringri or Aymares at Titicaca; the fifth, Pachacutec, "the 
earth bruiser," conquered Pachacamac ; the seventh, Tupac 
Yupanqui, in A.D. 1450 conquered Chili; and the eighth, 
Huayna, added Quito to his dominions. When Pizarro in 
1526 landed at Tumbes, the brothers Huascar and Atahualpa 
were striving with one another for the sovereignty. 

The stage of civilisation to which they had attained is 
sufficiently indicated by the fact that the clothing of the 
men consisted in a woollen or cotton garment reaching down 
to the knees, while that of the women reached to the heels, 
together with an under-garment of cotton cloth. Thorns and 
prickles were cleverly used for sewing instead of needles. 
For other sorts of work they had tools of bronze. They 
cultivated maize and potatoes (papa, an Old Peruvian word, 
see 287) and cotton; bred lamas and sheep; distilled from 
the Coco a spirituous liquor tschitscha ; 2 they were also 
skilful workers in gold and silver, and were singularly well 
acquainted with the principles of architecture. Of their 
temples we shall speak farther on. They built immense 
viaducts and stone bridges, by means of which not only the 
coast regions, but also the valleys and defiles of the Cor- 
dilleras, were rendered accessible. Their aqueducts, too, were 
of gigantic size, often extending to a length of 500 miles. 
The postal system, however, was perhaps the most remarkable 
of all their institutions. Tschakis or runners were placed in 
stations throughout the whole country, just as in China, and 
they forwarded news and correspondence with incredible 
rapidity. They had no alphabetical writing, and sought to 
extirpate the Old Peruvian hieroglyphics, not on account 

1 So says Acosta. Garcilasso's statement, that he was the seventh 
successor of Eoca, is less probable. Garcilasso is always inclined to 
lengthen out the various dynastic periods. 

2 It is a word of Malay origin also met with in Further India ( 280). 
The art of preparing this drink seems not to have been discovered by the 
Incas, but by the primitive Malayan population. 


of their form but of their contents. They themselves 
used two kinds of writing, (a) For ordinary purposes they 
employed the knot-cord and knot-texture, the guipu. The 
cords were two feet long ; from these threads were suspended, 
which were tied up in knots, and significance was attached both 
to their colour and the way of tying them. In the reports sent 
by the judges to the Government the various colours meant the 
various offences, and the form of the knot the nature of the 
punishment. 1 The numerals-, too, were designated by the 
knots : a simple knot meant ten, a double knot one hundred, 
a triple knot one thousand. Thus 3140 would be repre- 
sented by three triple knots, one double knot, and four simple 
knots. In this way a register was kept of births and deaths, 
the number of the troops, the quantity of stores, of cattle, etc. 
(&) For the recording of historical events a picture-writing 
was used, the occurrences being represented on clay tablets 
which were then exposed to harden under the rays of the 
sun. All further historical matter was transmitted orally 
by the amautas or national historians. It is said that the 
Toltecs also had a picture - writing ; and though it is not 
expressly said that they used the knot-writing, it is extremely 
probable ; for, on the one hand, the Chinese employed this 
knot - writing in the earliest periods ; 2 and, on the other 
hand, at the time of the Aztecs the knot-writing continued 
in use among several of the older tribes subject to the Aztec 
empire, e.g. among the Nepehualtzitsi. 3 This knot-writing and 
the institution of running posts 4 are two new witnesses on 

1 "W. von Humboldt, Sammtl. Werke, vi. p. 556. 

2 Rauch, p. 317. Before the discovery of syllable-writing the knot- 
writing was in common use in China, and long prevailed among the lower 
orders. The Majidshurians and Ostiaks still employ it. See Miiller, 
p. 357 f. 

3 Miiller, p. 357. 

4 The running posts, it is well known, were already an institution 
among the ancient Iranians, and seems to have been transmitted by them 
to the Mongolians, to whom, according to 264, the Chinese belong. This 
must have happened in a very remote age, when the Iranians and 
Mongolians were in close connection with one another. 


behalf of the Chinese descent of the Incas ; and the former, 
as prevailing throughout Mexico in pre- Aztec times, is a new 
witness for the relationship of the Incas and the Toltecs. 

We now turn our attention to the condition of the empire 
of the Incas, which still more strikingly reminds us of that of 
the Chinese. The members of the Royal family (that is, 
according to 293, of the ruling tribe, the Toltec race that 
had come into the country) call themselves IN-CA, " sons of 
the sun," and since the sun-god is called IN-TI, therefore 
Sun-ti, we have in this ti the identical root ti, " lord," which 
appears in the Chinese designations of God thian-ti, " lord 
of heaven," and shdng-ti, " supreme lord." But ca is the root 
common to the Mongolian languages for son (Mong. kowe-gun, 
Tung, kunga-kan, child, boy, Syryen. kaga, Chin, hdi, child). 
But also the word IN, "sun," can be derived from one root 
with the Chinese ji (dshi~), " sun " the initial consonant being 
dropped, for which modification abundant time is afforded 
between A.D. 500 and 1300-. It is quite- indisputable that 
In-ti and In-ca were not Old Peruvian words, but were name 
forms imported by the Iiica or Toltec race. And again, while 
it is demonstrable that among the Chinese from the time of 
Genghis Khan (B.C. 600)> and undoubtedly even from a much 
earlier period, it was customary for the emperor, the son of 
the thian, that is, of the- sun-god (comp. 268, B}, once a 
year to plough the earth, in the presence of the assembled 
people, it was also the custom for the Inca, the son of the 
sun, in Peru once a year to plough, before the assembled people 
with a golden ploughshare. 1 

The civil constitution was, just as in China, essentially 
founded upon the idea of a mild patriarchal despotism, which 
in Peru was developed into a sort of civil communism. 
All the land was national property, and was divided according 
to established laws. There were four ranks : 1. The INCAS, 
that is, the whole vast tribe of the ruling family ( 293) of 
the immigrant Toltecs, numbering in A.D. 1526 about 7000, 
1 Miiller, p. 345 ff. 


to which the Inca tear e^o^v, the emperor, belonged. From 
its members, offices in the priesthood, in the government, and 
in the army were filled, and by them alone was possessed the 
knowledge of the laws and the mysteries of the knot-writing, 
unknown to the Old Peruvian people. Each Inca had to 
undergo a searching examination in his sixteenth year. 2. 
The CURACAS; these were the descendants of the subjugated 
Old Peruvian princes and members of the royal family. From 
them were chosen the subordinate military and civil officers 
and judges of the criminal court in Cusco, and the rest of the 
judges, as well as the lower officers of the army. 3. The 
BUILDERS, corresponding to our artisans. Besides these there 
was a fifth class of SLAVES OR BONDMEN (yanacwna), taken from 
conquered neighbouring tribes. The land was divided into the 
"sun-land" for the gods, priests, the aged, sick, and widows; the 
Inca-land for the Incas and holders of office; and the People's 
land, which was divided anew every year among the house- 
holders. Citizens and peasants were obliged to labour the sun- 
land and Inca-land before working their own lots. The army, 
on account of compulsory military service, numbered as many as 
200,000 men, including slingers and archers, halberdiers and 
axe-bearers, and lancers. Commanding officers had golden 
and silver armour, subalterns leather helmets, common soldiers 
a thick cotton dress and a sort of turban. 

295. The Religion of tlu Incas. 

The two gods of the Iiicas * were the sun-god IN-TI, " sun- 
lord," therefore lord over the sun and governing it, and his 
sister and wife, the moon-goddess Killa. 2 The former was 
represented as a flat disc, with a ring of flame surrounding a 

1 For documentary proof of what follows, see Miiller, p. 363 ff. 

2 There is no philological connection between the Mama Odsello of the 
Old Peruvian Manca-Capac legend ( 287rf) and Killa. Killa is rather 
an Old Mongolian word connected with the Ugro-Finnic root fcfi, the 


countenance of gold, though no statue is found under it. This 
sun disc was brought to the eastern door in the temple of 
the sun, so that it was illuminated by the rays of the rising 
sun. Killa was represented by a silver disc. The rainbow, 
Kitscha, was servant to both, and his representation on a gold 
plate as a bow, and not in human form, occupied the side wall 
of the temple of the sun at Cusco. The stars were regarded 
as male and female servants of Inti and Killa, and indeed 
the planet Venus, Tschasca, 1 was the page of Inti ; but the 
comets were messengers of the divine anger. The thought of 
the invisible creator, of whom later on we shall find a trace 
among the Old Toltecs of Mexico, 298, had been utterly 
lost. Inasmuch, however, as we hear about a lord of the sun, 
and have no anthropomorphic representations of the sun, 
moon, and rainbow, which are reverenced only as stars and 
heavenly phenomena, the polytheism of the Incas remained 
at that primitive, non-mythological stage which is somewhat 
analogous to the Indra period of the Vedic religion. And 
even though we have no information as to whether there may 
not have been a lingering impression among them that it was 
one and the same deity which ruled in those different stars, 
that primitive polytheism of the Incas stood unquestionably 
high above the rude polytheism into which the Old Peruvian 
religion ( 287), as well as the withered and decaying Pacha- 
camac worship, had sunk. The conscience of the Old Peru- 
vians, just as in the case of the Japanese, had been lulled to 
sleep under the influence of base lusts. Unnatural vice, and, 
hand in hand therewith, the cruel custom of human sacrifice, 
were prevalent. The Incas, who vigorously opposed both of 
these forms of wickedness, 2 showed thereby that conscience 

1 Derived from the Chinese tschdo, light, and Mo, high, elevated. 

2 Since, according to Muller's pet assumption, human sacrifice is insepar- 
able from heathenism, he seeks (p. 377 f.) to prove that even by the Incas 
human sacrifices were repeatedly offered up. According to Prescott, i. 8, 
occasionally a child was offered in sacrifice at the festival of the sun. But 
it will hardly be affirmed that this was done at Cusco, and by order of the 
Inca. Acosta, Balboa, Montesino, Sarate are agreed in testifying that those 


was living and awake in them. The law that enjoins the 
king or the heir-apparent of the throne to marry his own 
sister seems indeed to be in direct contradiction to this state- 
ment. But that this arose from no blunting of the con- 
science in regard to the crime of incest as such, but was only 
a consequence of a false belief that the kings, as sons of the 
gods, were of a divine nature, and raised above the laws that 
bound other men, may be seen from this, that among all 
others marriage with sisters was forbidden under pain of 
death. 1 

Inti was worshipped by sacrifices and presents of devoted 
and consecrated gifts. The former, consisting of lamas, sheep, 
dogs, hares, birds, were kindled by concave mirrors, and in 
part wholly consumed, in part reserved for a sacrificial feast, 
the blood having been sprinkled on the temple gates. The 
offering of incense and flowers formed the transition to the 
presentation of gifts. The consecrated gifts consisted of gold, 

who belonged to the Old Peruvian element in the nation still brought 
human sacrifices to their gods, and that this the Incas were not always 
able to prevent. But to say that by order of the Inca Government 200 
children were drowned and buried is contradicted by Muller himself, 
when he tells that the Incas ordered that instead of children, images of 
them should be buried. Hence we may also assume that the offering of 
children was done by the Old Peruvians against the will of the Incas. 
And since, finally, according to Sarate, i. 4, earthenware vases were found 
in the temple at Cusco with the remains of children, these may be supposed 
to be deceased children of the Incas, who had received an honourable 
burial, rather than sacrificed children. Tschudi also assumes that 
Garcilasso's story of the Incas having had no human sacrifices is mere 
romance, and tells of 1000 men having been offered up at the death of 
Huayna Capac. But, after all, the accounts of Acosta and others, that 
the people made such sacrifices against the will of the Incas, are not 
invalidated, and no one is by any means entitled to affirm, with Tschudi, 
" that human sacrifices were made by the Incas." The reports of all 
credible historians as to the opposition offered by the Incas to human 
sacrifice are too decided and distinct, and evil reports of fanatical priests 
about the heathenism of the Peruvians may easily be understood. Even 
the ill-substantiated report, that upon the death of a king his wives were 
burnt with his corpse, seems to be a calumnious transference to the 
Peruvians of a heathen Indian custom. The Spaniards saw the death of 
none of the Inca kings but of the two whom they themselves killed. 
1 Muller, p, 410. 


silver, shells, pearls, cloths, feathers, and a third part of the 
spoils of war. There was an essential distinction between the 
temples and the sacrificial caves of the Old Peruvian people 
and the Teocallis of the Aztecs. They were real built 
temples, roofed in, and the place for sacrifice was inside ; 
only the burnt-offerings were brought out to a spot outside in 
front of the temple. 1 Each province had its temple of the sun 
as well as its Inca palace. The great temple of the sun in 
Cusco, the royal residence, called Coricancha, or Golden Court, 
was a square brick building, its inner walls covered with 
ornaments of gold ; on the western wall, over the altar, was 
the golden sun disc, on the side walls tke moon disc and 
picture of the rainbow ; alongside of the sun disc on a 
golden throne were -the figures of deceased Inca tings (like 
the " Hall of the Ancestors " of the Chinese, 298, C}. Eound 
about the temple were several small chapels for the star-gods 
forming the train of Inti, and one mere prominent than the 
rest for Killa. In the chapel of Killa were found figures of 
the Inca queens. At the entrance into the temple, wor- 
shippers took off their shoes and kissed hands to the image of 
the sun. The high priest presented the offerings with the 
words : " Behold what thy children and creatures offer unto 
thee ! Accept it, and be not wroth with them ! Grant them 
life and health, and bless their fields!" It is evident that 
they had the idea of a personal power ruling in the sun. At 
the festivals of the sun songs of praise were sung, each strophe 

1 The Toltecs of Mexico built the vast pyramids of Cholula, Papantla, 
and Teotihuacan, greater in breadth than in height ( 292). Here the 
question may be asked : If the Incas were really neighbours of those Tol- 
tecs, why did they not build pyramids like these ? The answer is easy. 
Pyramids built of hewn stones of 1400 feet in breadth and up to 180 feet 
in height could only be the work of a settled people. During the period 
of their southward wanderings, occupying nearly a hundred years, they 
must have after a little while forgotten the art and style of pyramid- 
building ; they only retained the art of temple-building, after the pattern 
of that which stood on the pyramids of Cholula, as something indispens- 
able and easily reproduced. Just such roofed temples as those of the 
Incas of Peru are in fact found ( 290) in Central America, that is, on the 
route of the wanderings of the Inca- Toltecs. 


of which began with the word haylli, "triumph." 1 The 
melodies were weird and melancholy, and constructed on the 
principle of a definite acoustic system, so that in A.D. 1555 it 
was found possible out of these melodies to compose a mass. 
It is well known that the Chinese had a diatonic scale of five 
tones (kung, tschang, kio, tsche, jil, = f, g, a, c, d), and that, 
according to their traditions, from primitive times, apparently 
from the era of Ling-liin, B.C. 2637, and that they possessed 
long before the Egyptians a knowledge of the octave. 2 Like 
the Chinese too, the Inca Peruvians, in addition to their sing- 
ing, had wind and percussion instruments. Also, again, as in 
China ( 268, C'), a circular dance, called raymi, was connected 
with their worship. They had also a yearly cycle of festivals. 

1. The INTI-P-RAYMI, 3 the festival of the sun-god, in winter, 
on the 21st June, as the shortest day (the month was called 
situp raymi), when the death and regeneration of Inti were 
celebrated. Three sun discs, which were called apu-inti, 
tschurintin, and inti-cok, that is, Prince Inti, Father and Son, 
and Inti the Giver, were set up in the temple, the offered gifts 
were carried in solemn procession, the sacred fire was 
quenched, and with a concave mirror was kindled again, and 
with a sacrificial meal and dance the festival was concluded. 

2. SITUA RAYMI, in September, a festival of purification, intro- 
duced by a preliminary fast and a bath on the night preceding 
the feast day. Balls of caucu, sacred bread, were cooked in 
pans, sprinkled or mixed with the blood of the sacrifice, and 
sent to all temples and to the Curacas. The worshippers 
smeared themselves with the blood of their sacrifices. A 
messenger of the sun came armed from the Inca palace, and 
ordered four others to drive away all evil. Amid shouts of 

1 Comp. the hulu-laez in the old song of Cholula ( 292). JIulu and 
liaalli sound very much alike. 

2 Comp. C. Billert in H. Mendel's musiL Conversationslexikon, Berlin 
1870, Bd. 2, p. 394 ff. 

3 Raymi is an appellative, and means " festival ; " it has therefore 
nothing to do with the Indian god Rama, with whose name Ranch 
(Einheit d. Mensch. p. 324) seeks to connect it. 


joy from the people they rushed down through the streets. 
In the evening a torch procession was formed. 3. AYMU 
RAYMI, the harvest festival, in May ; an image made of corns 
of maize (pirhua) was worshipped. 4. CAPAC RAYMI, summer 
festival, in December, when alongside of three sun discs the 
image of the thunder-god was placed, prayer was offered for 
protection from rain and lightning, and the young Incas were 
put through their exercise in the use of arms. The first, 
second, and fourth of these festivals correspond, even in 
regard to the seasons of their observance, to the Chinese 
festivals of the equinoxes and solstices. Besides these, there 
were monthly festivals (Comay, when the ashes of an animal 
burnt as a sacrifice were scattered on the river ; Arihua, in 
April, etc.), and in times of distress and scarcity special days 
of penitence and prayer, itus, with a two days' fast, proces- 
sion, and concluding dance. The high priest, always an Inca, 
was called huacap-u&lak, "he who addresses the gods," or 
uillak-umu, " the speaking priest." He chose the other 
priests, who were called huaca-rimatschik, and he assigned 
them their places. The callparicuk foretold things from 
examining entrails; the uirapirca prophesied from the smoke 
rising from the sacrifices. The daughters of the Inca families, 
"Virgins of the San," were placed at Cusco under the 
guardianship of women, mamacuna. So long as they remained 
in this order they had to prepare the clothing of the inmates 
of the royal palace, the curtains for the temple of the sun, and 
the sacred bread, and they had also to maintain the sacred fire. 
Unchastity on their part was punished with burying alive, 
while the ravisher was strangled ; only if the virgin of the sun 
ventured to swear that she was pregnant by the sun was she 
allowed to escape. 1 The emperor and the other Incas chose 
their brides from the virgins of the sun. The rest of the 

1 May not this statement rest upon a misunderstanding ? The Incas 
may have told the Spaniards the legend, common to all Mongolian 
peoples, of these virgins of the sun, -who became pregnant by the sun, and 
what had happened once in fable may have been assumed to be a regularly 
recognised law. 


virgins of the sun were, after a seven years' service, married 
to the Caracas. Eeligious customs : Fifteen or twenty days 
after birth the child was bathed with water ; l in its tenth or 
twelfth year, just as among the Chinese, it got another name ; 
then its hair and nails were cut, and what was cut was 
offered to the sun. Corpses, maUJci, were sometimes reduced 
to mummies, sometimes burnt. Eschatology: The souls of 
the Incas pass into the hanan patscha, " the higher world ; " 
other souls pass into the hucu patsclia, "the lower world," 
which is also called Supaypa -kuaei, literally " Supai's house." 
Supai was the name of the god of the dead. 

Obs. As to the way in which the Incas adopted the religion 
of the sun from the Old Peruvians and secured themselves upon 
the throne, Montesino gives the following tradition : The Inca 
Eoca, the founder of the Inca empire, was the son of a princess, 
Mama Sibaco, who, shocked and indignant at the sunken and 
base condition of the Old Peruvian race in regard to religion 
and morals, especially at their unnatural vice and their human 
sacrifices associated with cannibal practices, determined to make 
a change in their religion and customs. She now caused to be 
prepared gleaming discs'of gold and a robe decked with precious 
stones, and having put these upon her son, she hid him in the cave 
Tschingana, near Cusco. To the people, however, she told the 
story that her son had been in his sleep enveloped in the rays 
of his father the sun and taken by him up into heaven, but that 
he was to return again, for the sun-god had determined that he 
should be king in Cusco. Six princesses came forth as witnesses 
to attest the truth of her story. After four days the people of 
Cusco were called together ; the princess entreated of the sun 
the restoration of her boy. Then suddenly he emerged in his 
glittering attire from the cave. It reminds one of the Malayan 
legend of the emerging of the sun from a cave ( 271, 283), as 
if this story had passed over to the Old Peruvians, and been 
incorporated in their Auca legend ( 287, C}. Sibaco therefore 
very cunningly adapted her devices in accordance with existing 
beliefs of the Old Peruvians. The people led forth her son with 
enthusiasm to the old temple of the sun, and here he issued the 
commands of his father, the sun-god, as new laws : First of all, 
the abolishing of human sacrifices and of all kinds of unnatural 
vice (those guilty of such vice were to be burnt), with the 
threat that if those laws were not enforced and obeyed, the god 
1 See more in regard to this under 303, Obs. 


would repudiate the whole people and abandon them to destruc- 
tion. The people hasted to obey, and on the day following six 
thousand of the inhabitants were joined together in legal mar- 
riage, and instead of the Old Peruvian god Illatidsi-Wiracotscha, 
they now rendered worship to Inti. This legend is highly 
probable on internal grounds. Since the immigrant race of the 
Incas or Toltecs met with a sun-god in Peru, just like the Old 
Japanese or Old Mongolian legend, originally connected with 
the Chinese-Toltec, of the descent of their ruler from the sun, 
so is it natural and reasonable that they should have prudently 
used this legend, and should have attached to it their Inti 
religion, in order to introduce it first of all into the city of 
Cusco, and so to secure to themselves the sovereign rule. 
When, after two generations ( 294), the new religion and cus- 
toms and the new royal family had gained a footing in Cusco, 
Yahuar Huacac began by means of hostile raids to spread his 
religion and rule over the other Old Peruvian States. Always 
with admirable skill, especially in regard to the position assigned 
to the Curacas, he managed to secure for a comparatively small 
race, like that of the Incas, sovereignty over a great people, and 
the adoption by them of a new religion to which they were 
naturally averse. It is therefore quite conceivable that the 
overturning of the old religion and its horrors, especially in the 
provinces conquered at later times, was not always immediately 
accomplished by the Incas. But that in the esoteric circle of the 
Inca family, which indeed alone received instruction in history, 
and alone understood the notation of the knotted cord, a know- 
ledge of the cunning device of Mama Sibaco should have been 
preserved, is also quite a probable conjecture. More recent 
historians, like Ternaux and Stephenson, have confounded the 
story of the introduction of the Inti religion by Eoca with the 
Old Peruvian legend of Manco Capac ( 287), and mixed them 
up together ; they have represented Manco as making golden 
sun discs, which is a priori inconceivable, since the Old Peruvian 
religion did not depict their sun-god on discs, but in stone 

296. The Legends of the Toltecs and Mayas. 

At the pyramids erected by the Toltecs of Cholula there 
was during the age of the Aztecs a local festival celebrated 
by the inhabitants of Cholula, and at it that song referred to 
in 292 was sung in an ancient pre-Sonora dialect, which 
had as its contents the legend of Shhelhua. Only the two 
opening words of the song have been preserved ; but the 



legend itself was found by a Spaniard, Pdos, in an old 
hieroglyph, now lost, and so we have still the outline of the 
story. 1 Four thousand eight hundred years after the creation 
of the world there was a flood. The country of Anahuac, 
that is, Mexico, was then inhabited by giants, tzocuilleshheque. 
In the flood some of them were saved alive, others were 
changed into fishes. Only seven giants fled into a cave. 
When the water receded, one of these seven giants, Shhelhua, 
known by the nickname of " the builder," went to Cholula, 
and built there as a memorial on the mountain Tlaloc, which 
had served him and his six brothers as a place of refuge, a 
pyramid, which was to reach up to heaven ; but the gods 
destroyed this work with fire, by which means many of the 
workmen perished. Then the pyramid was dedicated to 
Quetzalcoatl. The reminiscence of the flood, of !N"oah and his 
three sons, who are given in -this case as six, perhaps the 
brothers and their wives, since in the agglutinate language of 
the Toltecs the same word probably stood for brothers and for 
sisters, makes its appearance here, and also a lucid account 
of the tower building. But as concerns the form of the 
proper names, it may be conjectured that that picture-writing, 
because not phonetic, did not transmit any pronunciation of 
the name, that rather Eios received 'these names from the 
mouths of those who interpreted for him the writing after the 
discovery of America, and therefore in accordance with the 
laws of the Aztec language. It cannot therefore be matter 
of surprise to us that these names appear in an Aztec form. 
Thus, especially, the mountain Tlaloc must have originally 
been called Taloc or Taroc. Tlaloc was worshipped by the 
Aztecs as God of water, but the name was similarly used in 
Central America. 2 This, as well as the occurrence of the name 
as the name of a mountain in the Cholula legend, shows us 
that even in pre-Aztec times a protecting deity was fashioned 
out of the protecting mountain, and was adopted by the 

1 A. v. Humboldt, Vues des Cordill. p. 30. 

2 Muller, p. 501 f. 


Aztecs into the number of their gods. Since the Sonora 
languages have for water the roots la, pa, and agui, but possess 
no roots tar, tal, tlal, a non-Sonora derivation of the name of 
the mountain of the flood or the god of the flood must be 
admitted. Shhelhua may be derived from Selwa, Jelwa, 
or Chelwa ( 297, Obs.) ; the latter form would evidently 
have affinity to the Kaler of the Finnic legend ( 262). 
Finally, Quetzalcoatl is in form a purely Aztec word, meaning 
" winged serpent," from quetzalli, the name of a kind of bird, 
as well as an appellative term for wings, and coa, a serpent ; 
and so undoubtedly the same god to whom the Aztecs dedi- 
cated the pyramid of Cholula has been named Quetzalcoatl. 
But in respect both of matter and form this was also a 
pre-Aztec God, met with and adopted by them. 1 This is 
made evident from another legend which survived among a 
non-!N"ahuatl race, the Mishtecs. This people named their 
supreme god Votan, and represented him as a winged serpent, 
that is, as a dragon. There have been found among them 
small emeralds, four inches high, images of this god which 
they called chalchihuites, from the words clialc, " stone," and 
Tiuita, " a bird." 2 But even in the ruins of Chiapa, Nicaragua, 
and Guatemala representations of this winged serpent are 
often found, and even the Mayas in Chiapa called their 
supreme god Votan. This serves to confirm our opinion as 
to the Chinese origin of the Toltecs, to whom the Mishtecs as 
well as the Mayas trace their origin ; for it has been already 
shown ( 268) that the dragon (Iting) was in China a primi- 
tive national deity. But now as regards the name Votan, we 
cannot without more ado conclude with Al. v. Humboldt that 
it is identical with that of the German Wuotan, but must 

1 He was reckoned even by the Aztecs as a Toltec deity ; Mtiller, 
p. 486. 

2 The word chalc, or tschalc, for stone, is present also in the name of the 
ancient, perhaps even pre-Chichimec city Chalco, or, according to the 
Aztec form of the name, Tschalco, a further proof that the Toltec 
language was distinct from the Sonora- Aztec, where stone is timpe, 
tupe, te. 


further inquire what still is known about this god. Now 
the inhabitants of Chiapa had a legend about him. 1 He was 
nephew of the aged man who saved himself from the great 
flood. He took part with his uncle in the building of the 
great tower which was to reach up to the clouds. But during 
the building a scattering of the peoples took place, then Yotan 
.at the command of teotl (an Aztec appellative for the abstract 
deity) led his people southward to Guatemala and introduced 
civilisation among the barbarians there, such as the use of 
table requisites and table-cloths. That the legend at last 
localizes the occurrence cannot be overlooked. In it we have 
simply the conviction expressed: We Mayas in Chiapa are 
sprung from Votan ; Votan is the ancestor of our race. But 
they thought of him as the primitive ancestor who dates back 
from the time of the flood. That they made him not the 
son but the nephew of the hero of the flood, and regard the 
tower builder as his uncle, should not be overlooked. In 
those matters all pagan myths are a mass of confusion. In 
the reminiscences of those peoples, largely composed of gossip- 
ing stories, the tower building is immediately connected with 
the receding of the flood ; but the conviction that the tower 
was dedicated, not to the supreme god, but to the dragon, was 
retained by the Mishtecs, and that this was the cause of the 
anger of the great god was the belief of the Mayas. Even 
a glimmering recollection of the name of the ancestor of the 
Japhetic tribes has been preserved ; for in Votan we have the 
radical letters of nnc (comp. 260, Obs. 1). About A.D. 500 
this tradition still survived in China. There in the mother 
country it by and by was extinguished under the blighting 
blasts of rationalistic abstraction ; but in the Chinese colonies 
of America the old tradition was long retained. And now, 

1 Muller, p. 487. The Bishop of Chiapa, Nunnez de la Vega, had in 
his possession the sacred wri tings of the Chiapans. More recently some 
of these were in the possession of a Chiapan called Aguyar ; according to 
his oral communication, Dr. Paul Felix Cabrera made known the legend 
in his work, Beschreibung einer alien Stadt, die in Guatemala unsern 
Pulenque entdeckt worden ist, Berlin 1832. 


just as in the farthest east, we have in America and in the 
extreme west of the Old World, in Europe, a race which has 
preserved a reminiscence of the name ns 11 or nns. The 
Cambrian Gwydion also, and the German Vodan, Wuotan, 
Odhinn, has been shown by us ( 260) to have been an 
ancestral hero, elevated into a "god, striding with his descend- 
ants through the world, and making conquests in all parts 
of the earth. And thus we are certainly quite justified in 
declaring that the Votan of the Toltecs and the Wuotan are 
identical In regard to this it is worthy of notice that 
according to Minutoli and Braunschweig, a picture of Votan 
has been found in which he bears a sceptre, the top of which 
is a head with the hair blowing in the wind. Among the 
Toltecs, then, just as among the Germans, the idea of the 
rushing wind that cannot be held is connected with that of 
the world-striding ancestral deity. Yet another legend, 1 
which is declared quite decided by the Aztecs to have been an 
old Toltec tradition, and was no doubt actually current among 
the remnant of the Toltec population, is associated with the 
name of Quetzalcoatl. When the Toltecs founded the city of 
Tula, Quetzalcoatl was their high priest, and Huemac was 
their king. The former was of a fair complexion, with dark 
hair and beard, dressed, like the Chinese, in long white 
garments, such as according to Aztec tradition and report the 
Toltecs themselves wore, with a mitre on his head like the 
Toltec priests, and a sickle in his hand. He taught agricul- 
ture, mining, statesmanship, and the calendar, and put a stop 
to human sacrifices, this last constituting a new and important 
point of resemblance between the Toltecs and the Incas. Up 
to this point the legends have been simply reminiscences of 
the Chinese immigrants about their leader Huemac, who with 
them first introduced a higher degree of culture into the 
country previously inhabited by a Malay race. The ancestral 
god of those immigrants (for we have seen that the Toltec 
name Quetzalcoatl was just Votan) is placed alongside of him 
1 See in Miiller, p. 577 f. 


as if still living. But now an old tradition about the fall 
is confounded with this reminiscence. Under Quetzalcoatl, 
abundance, fruitfulness, peace, and prosperity prevail. When 
Tezcatlipoca let himself down from heaven by a filament of 
spider's web, he made his appearance before the daughter of 
Huamac, Ciocoatl, the serpent wife, in the form of a beautiful 
young pepper-pod seller, and seduced her, and thus the flood- 
gates of universal sin and impurity were opened. 1 He gave 
to Quetzalcoatl, that is, to Votan, the ancestor of the race, a 
drink which he pretended would render him immortal ; but 
the effect of partaking of the draught was that Quetzalcoatl 
destroyed his own palaces, changed fruit trees into barren 
shrubs (thorns and thistles !), and flew away with the singing 
birds (Gen. iii. 23 f.). In Quauhtitlan he uprooted a tree by 
throwing a stone ; in Tlalnepautla he left the print of hand 
and foot upon a rock. In Cholula he came to be worshipped 
as a god a reminiscence of the fact that originally he was 
no god. After twenty years he wished to return to his native 
Tlapallan, " the red land," but reached only so far as Coatza- 
cualco, " serpent-stone," and promised at once to return to the 
Toltecs. Once he actually attempted to return, but, since the 
Toltecs had meanwhile formed connections with the native 
races, they would have been hateful to him. He died at 
Coatzacualco. According to another version, he was brought 
back to Tlapallan, his early home, in a ship made of a coiled-up 
serpent. In regard to all these legends we should not forget 
that they have come to us first of all through the medium of 
the Aztecs, and therefore not without considerable disfigure- 
ment, and certainly with Aztec transliterations or even 
translations of the proper names. The name Quetzalcoatl is, 
as has been already observed, an appellative predicate which 
the Aztecs gave to the Votan of the Toltecs, because in 

1 She is called by the Aztecs " our lady and mother, the first goddess 
who brought forth, who bequeathed the sufferings of childbirth to women 
as the tribute of death, and by whom sin came into the world." Prescott, 
Mex. p. 640. She is represented with a serpent beside her. 


pictures he had alongside of him the emblem of a winged 
serpent, 1 while he was himself represented under the figure of 
a bearded man in a long robe. It is therefore certain that he 
was not originally represented as a serpent, but only stood in 
connection with the serpent ; for it is instructive to notice 
that in Coatzacualco, the place where Quetzalcoatl meets his 
death, the serpent is regarded as nothing else than his tempter 
who had handed him that deadly draught. But it is, on the 
other hand, quite conceivable that in Quetzalcoatl we have a 
combination of the particular tribal ancestor Votan-Japhet 
and the primitive world-ancestor Adam. The traditions of all 
races are indeed full of such confusions and identifications. 
Traces of this tradition are met with here and there throughout 
Central America. In Yucatan, a god, Cuculcan, seems to 
have been worshipped, and his worshippers were called cocome, 
" serpents." In Humboldt's Monuments (84), Tezcatlipoca is 
represented hewing a serpent in pieces. Hence Tezcatlipoca 
was not originally, as in the Aztec version of that tradition, 
the tempter himself, but the opponent of the tempting serpent. 
With this, too, corresponds the feature of the Aztec tradition, 
according to which Tezcatlipoca "lets himself down from 
heaven." He was without doubt originally thought of as a 
celestial being, perhaps as the promised serpent slayer, and 
then the Aztecs confounded him with the tempter. They 
found him represented with a serpent alongside of him, and 
so might regard that as his own emblem, and then gradually, 
instead of designating him " the man with the winged 
serpent," they would come to call him " the winged serpent." 
Comp. 298, where this conjecture is confirmed in a very 
convincing manner. 

1 Miiller, p. 284. 



297. The CMchimecs and Naliuatlacs. 

The possibility of an immigration from Asia over into 
America by way of the Aleutian Islands does not admit of 
the slightest doubt. It has been shown by Nordenskiold * that 
since the earliest times a brisk trade was maintained between 
the one continent and the other. No scientific demonstration 
can be rendered more concisely, or supported by more con- 
vincing evidence, than that which can be adduced as to the 
Mongolian origin, in the strict sense of the word, of the Sonora 
nationalities. 2 It is specially worthy of note that the Sonora- 
Aztec family of languages belongs to the Finnic-Mongolian 
linguistic order. It thus possesses nearly all those roots and 
stems which, in part originally Ugrian, in part originally 
Mongolian ( 264, Obs. 2), had already become in a remote 
antiquity, through mutual contact and subjugations, the 
common possessions of both peoples, of the Mongols in the 
narrower sense, including Mandshurians, Kalmucks and 
Kirghis, and the Ugro-Finnic tribes, including among others 
the Tchuktchis or Tchurtchis. The letter / is wanting in the 
Sonora- Aztec languages as well as in the Mongolian. The 
Aztec as well as the Mongolian has lost the r; the modifica- 
tion of the Sonora t into the Aztec tl has its analogue in the 
tl of the Tchuwashis and Tcheremissis ; the change of con- 
struction from the agglutinate to the inflectional is made just 
as in the Ugro-Finnic ; but this is the most important point, 
that nearly all those stems which are common to the Sonora 
languages and the Aztec, as well as those which belong 
exclusively to the Sonora languages, are most distinctly 
proved to be identical with Ugro-Mongolian stems ; (for the 

1 Die Umsegelung Asiens u. Europas auf der Vega, Leipzig 1882, 
Bd. ii. pp. 80-83 ; comp. also p. 101. 

2 On this idea see above, 291, 292. 


proof of this see Obs.) A second point is the calendar. The 
Mongolians represent the twelve signs of the Zodiac, and also, 
according to Przewalski, the several years of a twelve years' 
cycle, by the figures of animals. The Aztecs have figures for 
the representation of twelve successive days. We may now 
compare the two series side by side : l 

1. Chulungu, mouse 
2. Ukyr, cow 
3. Sar, tiger 
4. Tottaj, hare 
5. Lu, dragon 
6. Mogo, serpent 


7. Mori, horse 
8. C/ioni, sheep 
9. Metschi, ape 
10. Tastja, hen 
11. NockoJ, dog 
12. Gackaj, swine 

The ecliptic 
Dog's tail 

The variations may be explained on the supposition that 
there were no oxen, sheep, horses, and swine in Mexico. The 
substituted signs (reed, knife, etc.), derived from the Indian 
calendar, can only have come to the Ugro-Mongols through 
Buddhist missionaries. This brings us to the third point in 
the proof of their similarity : the quite undeniable traces of 
Buddhist institutions in the Aztec religion. We have the 
cloisters and seminaries, the sacerdotal theocracy, the dress of 
the priests, precisely similar to that of the Buddhists, and a 
whole mass of old-world stories of a purely Buddhist type, all 
of which we shall more closely examine in the following 
paragraphs. But now we call attention to the fact that 
( 265) in the twelfth century Buddhism obtained an entrance 
among the Mongols, and in the thirteenth century, in A.D. 1260, 
became the national religion. At the same time we also call 
attention to this, that this Buddhism of that period, and 
especially among the Mongols, was nothing more than an 
outward, impotent form and whitewash, which pushed itself 
into favour by its easy compliance with the rites of the national 
religion. Thus, then, it is perfectly explained how Buddhist 
institutions and traditions came to be combined among the 
Aztecs with a kind of worship that was not Buddhist, but 

1 A. v. Humboldt, Vues des Cordill Prescott, Mexico, p. 644. Rauch, 
Einheit d. Mensch. p. 318. 


essentially Mongolian. But here we come upon a question 
which demands careful investigation. We meet with not one, 
but two successive immigrations of distinctly different kinds. 
The first was that of the Chichimecs somewhere about 
A.D. 1170 (see 291). These were, according to the Aztec 
accounts, a wild hunting tribe, nomads. They were soon 
followed by the Acolhuacs, a people related to them ; and then, 
probably about A.D. 1178, these were followed by the 
Nahuatlacs ; and Sahagau says that the Acolhuacs were 
themselves a Nahuatlac tribe. And indeed among the six 
ISTahuatlac tribes the tribe of the Colhuacs is reckoned, 
and A-Colhuacs means nothing else than Water-Colhuacs, 
and therefore simply designates the Colhuacs wlio dwell 
around Lake Tezcuco. If, then, we only refuse to close our 
eyes in tmcritical credulousness to the clear light of day, 
we shall be forced to admit that there is no trace of three, 
but only of two immigrations, namely, that of the Chichimecs, 
and later that of the Nahuatlacs. " Later," I say, though I 
do not at all believe that the latter followed at the heels 
of the former. That immigrating civilised race could not 
certainly know how long the nomadic tribes which they met 
with had been already in possession of the land, and this 
nomadic race could not itself have any very certain chrono- 
logical tradition in regard to such a matter, since, owing to its 
wild unsettled habits of life, it could not have any reliable 
chronological system. This only has been recorded, " that they 
had not been long" in the land. Thus the chronological and 
historical statements of the Aztecs on this point would not be 
absolutely credible, even if they had been clear. But they 
are not by any means clear. So ambiguous were the old 
picture-writings of the Aztecs, that their editors ( 291) differ 
from one another to the extent of half, and even a whole 
century. We shall therefore have to look out for a more 
reliable basis for our chronology. Two fixed points are given 
us, Buddhism, which could not have made its appearance in 
a Mongolian tribe in a manner so thoroughly dominating the 


constitution of the priesthood and of religion before A.D. 1260 j 1 
and, in the next place, the highly developed stage of culture 
reached by the Aztecs, which was not that of the Tungusic, or 
Mandshurian, or Tartarian nomads, could not certainly have 
been found among the Mongols themselves earlier than the 
establishment of the empire of Temudjin, or more exactly, 
not before the beginning of the reign of Kublai - Khan 
in A.D. 1260. 

A. The Chichimecs were nomads; they may have passed over 
the Aleutian Islands in to* America about A.D. 1220, driven out 
before Genghis Khan Temudjin. It may not have been they 
who brought the Fo- worship into- Central America ; this may 
have been done at a later date by Buddhist missionaries, who 
were met with among the N-ahuatlac tribes. 2 There is no 
reason for assuming that Buddhism was known or accepted by 
the Chichimecs. When. Temudjin after the overthrow of Ungh 
Khan had conquered the Nay mans in A.D. 1204, and made 
his entrance into the country of the Tan juts or Tang-hiangs 
in A.D. 1205, and soon thereafter, in A.D. 1211, the Mand- 
shurian tribe of the Khitaais, confederate with him, cast off 
the yoke of the Tchuktchis dwelling in the north-east, while 
a portion of those Tchuktchis,. whose name is nearly the same 
in sound as that of the Chiehioaecs, 3 may have passed over 
the Aleutian Islands into America along with other Mand- 
shurian tribes. 

B. But when did the Nahuatlacs come, and who were they ? 
The Aztecs, and, according to their accounts, the Acolhuacs 

1 Hiouen-Thsang ( 293, Obs. 1) made a Buddhist missionary effort 
among the Kirghis about A.D. 600, but must have had small success, since 
even in the time of Genghis Khan there is no trace of Buddhism among 
the Ugro-Tartars. 

2 It did take place, however, before Ahuizotl, Emperor of Mexico, 
conquered Yucatan in A.D. InOO, but probably at the time when the Aztecs 
abandoned Buddhism (see 299). At that time, about A.D. 1350, the 
expelled Buddhist priests fled towards the south. 

z The k in Tchuktchi is not essential, for alongside of Tchuktchi we 
meet with the name in the form of Tchurtchi. It was an unimportant 
guttural sign before the percussive guttural tsch, a sign which might 
easily happen to fall out by and by. 


also had attained a considerable degree of culture. Among 
the Aztecs, however, the culture was not very deep. The 
fact that they still wrought the land with the spade and not 
with the plough, shows plainly enough that the race to which 
they belonged had not long before ceased from the habit of 
the nomad and adopted the fixed and residential mode of life. 
They cultivated cotton and wove it into garments, but the 
loom was unknown to them. They had no weights or 
measures, no coined money, but gold dust in quills, tin and 
copper stalks, and cacoa cobs served the purposes of exchange. 
Merchants carried on a trade which, in a fashion truly 
characteristic of Upper Asia, was conveyed by caravans 
through the country ; and slaves, precious stones, cochineal, 
pottery, and grain were offered for sale. They were able to 
work in bronze, making it for tools in the proportion of 8 of 
copper to 1 of tin, and for other purposes in other proportions, 1 
just as in China. But more frequently they made their tools 
of obsidian. Flesh and venison they used only at their feasts ; 
the lakes afforded them fish daily. The cultivation of maize 
had been carried on in the country before their arrival. From 
the stalks of the maize they extracted sugar ; the Agave 
mexic., in Aztec maquai, me, afforded them paper, string, nails, 
needles, roofing, and the drink called Pulque. They built 
large cities, bridges of wickerwork, not like the Peruvians of 
stone, instead of which they often had recourse to simple ferries. 
Their highways are not nearly so magnificent as those of the 
Peruvians. They had also a well-developed system of posts. 
Their architecture was symmetrical, but is far inferior to that 
of the Toltecs, and very decidedly behind that of the ancient 
cultured race of Central America. Their animal figures were 
far better drawn than the stiff, expressionless figures of the 
gods with great flat brows, with which they adorned their 
temples and the entrances to their houses. That they had no 
naked figures of gods is what might be expected in a people 
of Mongolian extraction. In their frescoes and other paintings 
1 Rongemont, Bronzezeit^ 24. 


there is no perspective; profile figures show the eye en face. 
In the Aztec hieroglyphics preserved in the Dresden Library, 
we meet with series of animal figures sitting upright on their 
haunches, with peculiarly elongated snouts or jaws with 
fearful teeth. Precisely similar animals on blue Chinese 
porcelain about twenty or twenty-four inches high are to 
be seen in the royal collection of porcelain at Dresden. This 
points clearly to a connection between the culture and 
mythology of the Aztecs and the Chinese. The art of feather 
ornamentation was known to them as well as to the primitive 
Malayan population of California ( 280), and was probably 
learnt from the latter. Their constitution was a feudal one. 
The emperor, always a brother or nephew, never a son, of his 
predecessor, was chosen from the reigning family by four 
electoral princes who belonged to the highest rank of the nobles, 
and was crowned by the Prince of Tezcuco. The nobles had 
hereditary landed property ; the peasants (macaqiie) were the 
bondmen of the nobles, but could be transferred for a life- 
time with the estates. The crown, too, and the priesthood 
had land and bondmen. The artisans in cities were divided 
into guilds. The nobles provided a militia out of their own 
slaves ; warriors of noble birth formed the core and phalanx 
of the army. The priests took part in the battle; tactics 
were carefully planned ; the weapons were clubs, spears, 
wooden swords inlaid with obsidian, javelins with obsidian 
points, slings, and bows. The nobles wore golden and silver 
armour and an animal-shaped helmet ; the common soldiers, 
quilted cotton doublets. The emperor exercised absolute 
authority through his officers, who were chosen from the 
nobility. The judges, named by the emperor, gave decisions 
from which there was no appeal. The penal code was of 
Draconic severity, and a death sentence was given for 
even trivial offences. Thieves, debtors, and prisoners of 
war were delivered up to slavery, but also men might if they 
chose sell their wives as slaves, and parents their children. 
When we consider, too, the rudeness of their music, which 


simply amounted to wild noise with empty shells and fifes ; 
the coarseness of their singing; the inartistic character of 
their theatre, where the performers either appeared dressed 
as animals or as suppliants who cried to some particular god 
for help, but put in his mouth simply preposterous burlesque 
answers; and, finally, when we consider especially the cannibal 
savagery of their human offerings, associated with the eating 
of the victims ( 298), we have presented to us such a picture 
of their general condition as we should expect of a horde 
sprung from the empire and army of Genghis Khan. But 
the Mongols must have already, previous to their migrations, 
come into contact with an actually cultured race, such as the 
Chinese, since, besides the Chinese art of alloying bronze, 
which they might indeed have learnt from the remnants of 
the Toltecs, they had also made respectable attainments in 
astronomical science, so that they knew the causes of the 
eclipses, which was not the case among the Incas, inserted an 
intercalary day in every fourth year of 365 days, and again 
inserted an intercalary day every 104 years, a remarkable 
approach to the accuracy of the Gregorian calendar ! Now 
it is a historical fact that after Mangu Khan had conquered 
China, his successor, Kublai Khan (1260-94), introduced 
Chinese culture and customs, 1 that he caused a book on 
astronomy and chronology to be written by a Persian mathe- 
matician, Dshemaleddin, that he gathered scholars of all sorts 
at his court, formed a high school (han-lin), appointed a 
Tibetan Buddhist, Pasepa, high priest and lama, and that 
under him the Mongols were changed in character and habits, 
and from being nomads became settled, civilised people. But 
as the incessant wars continued, one could suppose that this 
culture, at least in the army, could not be very deep, and that 
the Mongols with all their increase of knowledge and artistic 
skill retained many of their old savage habits. Those Mongols 
who, as we have seen, made their appearance as Nahuatlacs, 
consisting of a multitude of different but closely related 
1 De Guignes, Gesch. der ffunnen und Turken, iii. 154. 


tribes, could not have effected an entrance into that continent 
before the beginning of the reign of Kublai Khan. But we 
can state precisely even the year of their arrival. Having 
resolved to make an attack upon Japan, where an ambassador 
of his had been killed, in A.D. 1281 Kublai Khan fitted out 
an army of a hundred thousand men, among whom, as we 
might expect, there were not only Mongols, but hordes from 
various subject Mongolian and Tartarian tribes, and sailed 
with a confederate army from Corea in a fleet. This squadron, 
however, was completely shattered by a dreadful storm ; a 
number of ships fell into the hands of the Japanese, who are 
said to have killed 70,000 Coreans and Chinese and 30,000 
Mongols. What became of the other ships with the other 
70,000 Mongols, Kublai Khan does not say. 1 We think 
that an answer may be fairly risked. The routed host of 
Kublai and the group of tribes known as Xahuatlacs precisely 
correspond to one another like two coinciding triangles. The 
multitude of different but closely-related tribes, the advancing 
culture which had reference purely to military matters, the 
distinction between officers and soldiers, which must have 
quite naturally of itself grown up into a distinction of nobles 
and serfs, the elective emperor from the want of a hereditary 
royal family, a mass of scholarly acquirements, the possessors 
of which, the Buddhist priests, were joined to the army, and, 
finally, Buddhism itself, which as a ceremonial varnish covered 
over the inward rudeness of the warrior hordes, here every- 
thing explains itself down to the slightest detail. The Aztecs 
tell that they, nominally four hundred years before the landing 
of Cortes, but really only four Mexican cj r cles of fifty-two 
years, had lived in a country lying to the north, Aztlan, 
which Humboldt rightly identifies with California, and from 
that were driven southwards. But it is just to California 
that the North Pacific current would carry the ships which, 
shattered by the typhoon, were placed at its mercy (see 
280). Seeing that they were a fully - equipped army, 
1 De Guignes, Gesch. d. Hunnen, iii. 187 f. 


they would have no difficulty in making from thence a 
victorious advance ; and the knowledge of the lately-arrived 
Chichimec race dwelling in the south and speaking the same 
Mongolian language, with whom, too, they were certainly 
more closely related than with the naked Malays of California, 
must have induced men in want of wives to make a rapid 
advance southwards. The union, too, of cultured Colhuacs 
with the nomadic Chichimecs in the empire of Tezcuco 
( 291) is quite explicable on the same grounds of marriage 
necessities. But how does this agree with our chronology ? 
According to their tradition, the Aztecs were driven, about A.D. 
1091, from Aztlan, but made their first entrance into Mexico 
(Anahuac) in A.D. 1178 ninety years for five hundred 
miles ! * Here they remained for fifty years subject to the 
Nahuatlac tribe of the Colhuacs, but then gained their 
freedom, and founded the capital city of Tenochtitlan or 
Mexico. 2 This brings us to A.D. 1228, and yet they them- 
selves place the finding of Mexico one hundred and ninety- 
years before the arrival of Cortes, that is, in the year 1325 ! 
"They say that in A.D. 1352 their first king was elected, and 
that he had ten successors. This latter calculation of years 
may be correct; but since they must already have had a 
residence under the rule of the Colhuacs, and since it is only 
in legends that cities originate from resolutions and decrees, 
but in reality by natural growth, we may assume that such 

1 The Huns under Attila in A.D. 451 rushed down from Pannonia upon 
Orleans, over seven hundred miles, in one year. 

2 Tenochtitlan means " the cactus on a stone." According to the legend, 
they saw on a rock at the Tezcuco lake a cactus on which sat an eagle with 
a serpent in its claws, and they took this as a divine token that there they 
should build a city. Whether the city had its name from this circum- 
stance, and the Aztecs were called from their city Tenochen, Tenochichi, 
or whether it was not conversely the city that was after them called " the 
Stone of the Tenochen," and that this gave rise to the legend, any reader 
may decide for himself. The name Tenochichi seems to indicate a com- 
bination of a Mongolian tribe "Teno " with the Chichimecs. So, too, the 
place Chichomoztoc had its name from the Chichimecs, " the cave of the 
Chichano," but the Chichimecs had their name not from Chichi, dog, 
but, as already said, from Tschuktsche, Tschiiktsche. 


also was true regarding Tenochtitlan. The city as the 
original residence of the Tenochichi, that is, the Aztecs, must 
have grown up while these were still under the rule of the 
Colhuacs; then in A.D. 1352 the Aztecs gained their freedom, 
and elected their own king. Had they been for fifty years in 
the country subject to the Colhuacs, this would give A.D. 1302 
as the date of the migration of the Aztecs into the country of 
Mexico occupied by the Colhuacs and other Nahuatlac tribes ; 
and in fact the twenty-one years from A.D. 1281 to A.D. 1302 
will be perfectly sufficient for the journey from the Old 
California down into Mexico, giving twenty-six miles for 
every year! Here, then, for the first fifty years, down to 
A.D. 1352, the tribe of the Acolhuacs, who had settled in 
Tezcuco, held the supremacy over the other tribes. The 
Aztecs themselves relate that they received their laws from 
the Acolhuacs. These had distinguished themselves over 
the other tribes in respect of culture, had reared stable 
dwellings, and had as king in Tezcuco a lyric poet. In the 
year 1352 the Aztecs secured their independence and elected 
their own king, and the attitude which they assumed toward the 
Acolhuacs was like that of Sparta toward Athens. When in 
A.D. 1418 the Acolhuacs declared war with the Tepanecs, also 
a Nahuatlac tribe, and were subdued by them, their king, 
Nezahualcoyotl, called in the assistance of the Aztecs. These 
overcame the Tepanecs in A.D. 1425, destroyed their capital, 
Azcapozalco, and entered into a league with Tezcuco and 
Tlacopan, in which they assumed to themselves the supremacy, 
said to be a hundred years long, but actually existing only 
ninety-three years, from A.D. 1425 till A.D. 1518. This league, 
however, did not really continue until A.D. 1518, but already 
toward the end of the fifteenth century this supremacy was 
converted into an absolute sovereignty from which the Otomies 
and the Tlascalans, perhaps Toltec tribes, 1 emancipated them- 

1 The monosyllabic language of the Otomies has in its one-syllabled 
words, in respect of structure and vocabulary, according to Naxera (de 
lingua Othomitorum, Transactions of the Amer. Phil Soc. vol. v. Philad. 


selves. About A.D. 1500 the Emperor Ahuitzotl conquered 
Yucatan and Guatemala ; and Moutezuma II. began to reign 
in A.D. 1502. Thus the period during which this league was 
in force may be put at fifty instead of a hundred years ; it 
was an Aztec sceculum, not a European. 

Obs. I use the sign ss. to indicate the South Sonora languages 
(Cora, Tarahumeric, Tepeguanic, Cahita) ; ns. for the Northern 
Sonora languages (Soshonic, Wihinasht, etc.); es. for the East 
Sonora dialects (that of the Comantshes, etc.); a. for the Aztec 
language. A single s. means the whole of the Sonora languages 
collectively. I render the ch of words recorded by the Spaniards 
in the Spanish fashion by tsch, the c preceded by an e or an i 
by s, or for distinguishing the decidedly guttural origin of it by 
f, the hu by hw, gu by gw,j by ch (to express the guttural, as in 
machen, lachen,* only somewhat weaker) ; but the letter x, which 
the Spaniards used in order to express the sharp li of the Aztecs, 
sounded sh (the French./), I render by shh (see Humboldt's 
Werke, vi. p. 168) ; z, which sounds like a weak s, I render by 
the Greek 

I. Stars, Elements, Light, Colours. 1. Day, Sun, ns. taba, 
tapa, ss. taica, taa, tasse, es. tali, tap, correspond to the Finnic 
taiwas, heaven, which does not come from the Finnic taipua, 
" to bow," but is originally connected with Sanscr. div, " to shed 
beams." The Turkish tang-ri is related to the Finnic taiwas, as 
the ss. taica to the ns. tava, as the Old High Germ, tak to the 
Old Latin dius. 2. Heaven, ns. toke, ss. tehweca, and Sun, taica, 
tasse, come from the same root as the Finnic tcihte, " star." 3. 
Heaven, s. re-gwega, re-wega, te-hicecca (tecca), il-hwica, Tungus. 
ngdngnja, Aleut, inikch. 4. Moon, ss. metscha, massade, mushh, 
ns. mushha, munga, mojah, es. mea, a. mee^ ; the root m-k, m-g, 
which appears as the radical in all these forms, corresponds 
exactly to the Tungus. bjego, " moon " (Mandsh. Ha), for in the 
Ugrian languages the initial m is generally transmuted into 
another labial. For the rest, that root m-g seems to be derived 
from the same primitive root MA as the Sanscr. mas, MI, Goth. 
mena and menoths, Old High Germ, manot, Lith. menu, Zend 

1835) and Ampere (Revue des deux mondes, 1853, Oct.), great resemblance 
to the Chinese, so that we maj r regard the Otomies as a part of the 
Chinese-Toltec immigration. They were indeed a very savage race ; they 
provisioned themselves on their warlike expeditions with slaughtered 
children! More precisely, the Otomies may be identified with the 
remnants of that Corean-Chinese auxiliary aimy which had been driven 
to America at the same time with the Nahuatlacs. On the Tlascalans, 
see 300. 


maonk (already with k /), Polyn. mahina (already with h /). 5. 
Star, s. gitlallin, Ugr. csillag. 6. Night, dark, black, ns. tugaguo, 
tuhukwit, tuwit, ss. tucu, tschoca, teca, es. tohop, a. tlilli (from 
tec-li), Tungus. tiniwo (and tinu, "stars"), Turk, tun, Along. 
dagn, " black." 7. Colour, witja, wit, oi (t), from the primi- 
tive root VID, fUov, Lat. videre. 8. White, ns. toha-k-ivitja, 
tuscha-oi, ss. tossa, toshha, toa, es. totschoa, toschop, from the 
primitive root DIK, Sanscr. di$, faixvufii, Lat. dico, Goth, teih, 
Old High Germ, zeigon, Along, tagha (" to foresee, prophesy "), 
dsagan, tschagan ("white"), Finnic taika, "a premonition ;" white 
means glancing, sending forth a gleam. 9. Red, Manclsh. chak- 
san, dshaksangga, Chin, tsee, es. ecksa, ekatsch, ns. anga-wit, 
atsakwitja, ss. tsestana, sita. 10. Fire, Sanscr. dr, data, Finn. 
tuli, " tire," Mong. till, " to burn," Tungus. toggo, tua, and 
Alandsh. tuwa, tua, " tire," ns. daibor, tschuwat, ss. tait, tai, a. 
tic. 11. Heat, s. and a. tona, Mandsh. tuwi, tua, " fire," Tungus. 
tua. Hence ss. taasa, and es. taartsch, " summer." 12. To catch 
tire (see No. 139). 13. Smoke, s. cu-busci, buitschi, Finn, pukk, 
Turk, bogh, " vapour." 14. To extinguish, s. tutzane (redupli- 
cated), Mong. and Mandsh. sun. 15. Water, ns. and es. pa, ss. 
ba (hence bagui and bibei, " to drink"), Finn, wuo, " to flow," from 
the same primitive root PA, BA, as /3arr, Lat. bibo, poto, 
Polyn. pape and u'ai. This primitive root is closely related to 
a second, VA, VAD, in vdup, Lat. udor and vadum, Slav, voda, 
Old High Germ, wazar, Finn, wete, see No. 189. 16. Water, 
ns. ooksehe, ss. ahti, achte, aqui, a. a (Tarahum pa-ugui), Sanscr. 
ahwa, Lat. aqua, Lapp, okte, " rain," Turk, jagh, " rain," Alandsh. 
aga, " rain," Tschuw. jog, " to flow," jaki, " river," Turk, ak, " to 
How," Finn, joki, " river," Ugr. jo, and Along, ja, " river." 17. 
Wind, ns. hikwa, ss. haica-la, aca-te, a. eca, Finn, henka, angga, 
"to breathe," henki, "breath." 18. Earth, s. gue, tschutschti, 
Finn, waha, Mandsh. weche, Aleut, tschikik. 19. Stone, ns. 
timpi, tupa, es. tupe, teppa, tetech, tete, a. te, Mong. tamir, " firm- 
ness, hardness " (Turk, timur and Along, temiir, " iron "). 20. 
Dust, s. tschuet, Along, clwso and Turk, chasy, " to grind, to nib." 
21. Sand, dust, a. teuh, Along, toghosan, toosun, Tschuw. tos. 
22. Brown, s. and a. camo (perhaps as the colour of the sand, 
from Mong. chomaki, Turk, kumak, "sand"). 23. Cold, ice, 
snow, s. and a. $e, " ice," $ebi, " to freeze," ciibai, " ice, snow," s. 
coboja, kepaliki, "snow," Lapp, jagna, "ice," Finn, jda and 
Alandsh. dschuche and Mong. dshige, "frost." 

II. God, Man, Spirit, Alental States. 24. God, a. teo, from 
primitive root DIV (Sanscr. deva, Lat. deus, Chin, thian, 
Central Am. teo, Old Peruv. titi). The appellative of God as 
" Lord," Aloqui. tokkil, a. teuc, is to be distinguished from the 
former. See No. 50. The root teo, however, is not found in the 
Sonora languages. It seems that the Aztecs, when they returned 


from Buddhism to their^own national religion ( 299), first 
adopted from their Corean neighbours tea as an appellative of 
God. 25. Man, s. teodi, teata, tehoche, tevit, es. tywoo, from a 
root ted = sed, Mong. sed, " to think," sed-kyl, " heart, mind," 
Mordw. sod, " to think, to know," Finn, syddame, " heart," Chin. 
ta, " man." 26. Men, s. iorem, Lapp, olma, Mandsh. nialma, 
Sanscr. nara. 27. Heart, spirit, s. sura, sulala, khura, joli, a, 
jolli (Nicaragua julio, " heart," joli, " to live "), not from the 
Finn, el, " to live," but identical with the Lapp, jur-te, " to 
think," Mong. dshurik, " heart," Turk, jurek, " heart." 28. To 
know, to understand, s. and a. mati, Mong. mede, Finn, mieti 
(Lapp, midle, Turk. Ml), from the same primitive root as Sauscr. 
man, pavdavu, Lat. meditari, Slav, mineti, Old High Germ. 
meinjan. 29. To will, s. and a. nequi, naqui, natschki, from the 
Ugro-Mong. root ne, " to see," in the sense of " perceive, under- 
stand." 30. To pray, s. tani, tane, a. tlani, originally in the 
sense of " to give to understand," comp. Mong. and Turk, tani 
(Ugr. tan), " to understand." 31. To crave, to love, Mong. kiise 
and Finn, kysy, " to crave," Mandsh. gosi, " to love," s. ga-ne, 
gai-le, ga-la, " to love," ga and qualli, " dear, good." (Connected 
with this is also Finn. Jcauni, Mong. ghuwai, "good, fair.") 
One thinks naturally of Old High Germ, geron, gern, " to 
crave," Goth, gairns, " desirous," Lat. goliare, " to long eagerly," 
and gula ; and yet there is a closer connection with Old High 
Germ, kiusan, " to choose, to elect." 32. To conceal, Finn, kaisa, 
Turk, gis, s. and a. usci-di, itschi (hence itschtaca, " secretly "). 
33. To treat as an enemy, ss. nemiki, " to take vengeance," 
namoca, " to quarrel," also " to haggle," nahtsche, " to act toward, 
behave," seems to be compounded of na-qui, " to will," and 
mdka, " evil " (see No. 35). 34. To lament, s. soaque, soashhc, 
tschoca, comp. Mong. chokija (Mandsh. koki, Finn, koyha), " poor, 
miserable." 35. To be afraid, s. maha, malie, maluci, comp. 
Finn, paha, " bad," Mong. bogha, " to abhor," and magho, " evil." 
36. To be anxious, a. qualani, Finn, kyola and Mong. chuli, 
ghol, " to feel loathing " (comp. Old High Germ, chwdla, " pain"). 
37. Sin, s. tatacoli, a. tlatlacolli, compounded of tak, ta-qui, 
" to do " (Finn, teke) and qual, " to cause disgust, to be offensive." 
See Nos. 164 and 36. 

III. Relationship, Sex, Service. 38. Name, s. tehwa, tutuga, 
teua, a. tocai, from the root die, tagha, see No. 8. 39. Father, 
ss. ja-oppa, Mong. aba, bau (comp. Lapp, oppa, " sister "), Corean 
api. 40. Father, ss. atzai, achai, ogga, ocha, Yakut, aga (comp. 
Mong. acha, " uncle "). 41. Mother, ss. mama, Finn, emo, 
" mother," Mandsh. ama, " aunt," mama, " grandmother," from 
the primitive root MA. 42. Wife, s. quenna, cuna, mo-goni, 
rnu-gui, muki (with the Sonora prefix mu, " thine "), a. qihua, 
from the Mong. root KE in the Mong. eke, " mother," Mandsh. 


cheche, " wife," from the same root as in Sanscr. gani, y\>vr\, 
Goth, quino. 43. Wife, uahaipe, wepi, ss. ubi, upi, hubi, cubi, es. 
meishpe, either from Malay-Polyn. bai, wahine, " wife," and the 
Sonora suffix po, " thine," or (if the labial should belong to the 
root) from the primitive root WA, WI, constructed like the Old 
High Germ, wip, wib. From cube and amu (No. 41) is com- 
pounded s. cube-ameke, cune ame, " bridegroom." 44. Youth, son, 
ss. telpotsch-ti, " youth," and itsch-potscfi-tli, " maiden " (Busch- 
m&i\n,Spuren, etc. p. 94) ; potsch means "youth" (son or daughter), 
and this is confirmed by the Tepeguan. viapuguli, " youth ; " it 
is the primitive root PA, PU, PAU, which we meet with in the 
Lat. pau-c-us, pau-ll-us, pau-per, and in Finn, poika (Esthon. 
poega), " son, boy," also here with the diminutive suffix ka ; 
puguli corresponds precisely to the Lat. pauculus. In Aztec 
we come across the word as the name of the god Hwitzi-li- 
potsch-tli, Hwitzi, " the son," or " the young." Also the Sonora 
form batschi, " brother," is identical with potsch. 45. Child, a. 
cane, is the root kan, gan, ken, recurring in all the Ugro-Finnic 
and Mongolian languages as the diminutive suffix. In Tungus. 
kunga-kan, " little boy," Aleut, kingugikch, this root appears 
twice as stem and as diminutive suffix ; in Esthon. poisikenne, 
" little son," it is combined with the previous No. 44. The 
Low German diminutive ending -ken, -chen, is identical with 
it. 46. Sou, daughter, s. mara, mala, related to Mong. amu, 
erne, " wife." 47. Grandfather, s. catso, jatsu, Mandsh. dshedshe, 
" father," Mong. etsi, Finn, isd, Lapp, attsche, Tschuw. attje, 
Turk, ata, Aleut, atan, atach. 48. Uncle, aunt, s. tata, from the 
same root ata. 49. Father-in-law, etc., s. mon, muni, Mong. 
amu, " father," comp. Mandsh. amu, " aunt " (Old High Germ. 
oheim, Anglo-Sax, edm, " uncle," Lat. homo). 50. Lord, s. 
tccual, tecua, a. tecut, teuc, not likely from the Mong. toghol, " to 
stride away over something " (dolgin, " billow," Finn, tulwa, 
" overflow "), since the sharp vowel is constant, but rather from 
DIG, Nos. 38 and 8, " giving direction," pointing, guiding. 51. 
Servants, s. and a. teatsch, Finn, tacha, and Mandsh. dacha, " to 
follow, to stand or go behind any one," Cor. tsjong, Chin. 
chsung, " to follow, to obey." 

IV. Parts of the Body, their Functions and their Diseases. 
52. Bodies, upright bodies, s. taca-ua, a. tlac, Mong. tok, 
" standing upright." 53. Bones, a. omi, oo, Mong. omok. 54. 
Skin, to splint, s. shhipehua, besuma, butschume, from shhi, 
" skin," Corean sar, " skin," Mong. sari (comp. Old High Germ. 
scintjan, " to splint "), and a stem buk instead of bulk, burk, 
which we seem to meet with again in Finn, purka, " to divide," 
Mong. bolgha, " to tear, to break." 55. Veins, sinews, nerves, 
s. tatta, tattat, tata, a. tlalhiva, from a root tan : Finn, tan, " to 
stretch," Moug. tate, " to expand " (identical with niw, No. 87), 


corresponding to the Goth, senawa, Basque zaina. 56. Head, 
Moqui. quatah, ss. coba, a. quai (hence s. kupala, kupaca, cuH, 
kepoati, " hair of the head "), from the primitive root KAP in 
Sanscr. and Javan. kapalas, xfa?.?j, Lat. caput, Goth, haubith, 
Mong. kabala, Finn, kallo, Aleut, kamga. 57. Head, ns. and 
es. moola, moo, muuti, from mo, "thine," and olo, the latter 
either from Mong. tol, Turk, dill, " head," .or more probably a 
Malayan stem (Tagal. olo), Corean mori. 58. Brow, crown of 
the head, ss. covara, coba, ns. cuwo, es. koveh, also quatzi, a. qai 
(hence a qua-quahui, " head-tree," that is, horns of a stag), from 
the same primitive root as No. 56, comp. Mong. kabala, 
" skull," Finn, kallo, " skull," Mong. chabar and Kalrn. chamar, 
" countenance." 59. Face, countenance, s. neric (and ne$i, " to 
come to light," neshhi, " bright "), from the root ne, in Finn. 
nah and Mordw. nee, " to see," Mong. niyhor, " countenance," 
Corean nun, " eye," nas, " countenance," Tangut. nik, " eye," 
nidun, " eye." HO. Eye, to see, ns. puse, pusi, pusiki, es. puile, 
Corean pur, " to see," Mandsh. facha, " pupil of the eye," Turk. 
bak, " to see " (originally connected with Lat. oc-ulus, Goth. 
vakan, Old High Germ, wachon, " to have the eyes open," as 
also with the Folyn. wakk, "to see"). 61. Ear, to hear, s. 
kauke, kaqui, kaje, reduplicated from KA, which seems to be 
derived by dropping the final r from kar (Tuugus. kor-ot, " ear," 
Finn, chonvan, " ear," kuul, " to hear," Corean kui, identical 
with Sanscr. c/ru, xXvsiv, Old High Germ, hvrjari). 62. Ear, ns. 
nongkawa, ss. naca, nashha, es. naki, a. nacaz, see No. 68. 63. 
Mouth, s. and a. cama, and cheek, cant, Mong. ama, " mouth," 
Tungus. amga, Yakut, hamun (comp. Tungus. omun and Yakut. 
amga, " lip"). 64 Lip, ns. timpa, tupa, es. tupa, teppa, ss. tuni, 
a. ten, Curean ip, " mouth, lip," perhaps from Malay and Bug. 
timu, " mouth," which again is originally connected with <r>a, 
ra/j,nT>. 65. Tongue, Moqui. linga, Mandsh. ilenggu (originally 
related to the Lat. lingua, lingere, Goth, lagjan, " to lick "). 
66. Tongue, anongin, ss. nunu, nini, es. ehk, aku, a. nene, Tungus. 
igni, Aleut, anagkch. 67. To speak, s. itoa, Lapp, jdtte, Turk. 
ejit (comp. Lat. a/0, Old High Germ, jehan, Chin, jue, " to tell," 
and fA, " yes "). 68. To speak, speech, s. noca, neoca, noqui, a. 
notza, and s. noba, nahwa (whence No. 62, naca, nongkawa, 
" herring ") ; the roots NOG and NAB are related to one 
another as the similar and related roots LOC (Lat. loqui) and 
LAB (Ir. labar, Lat. labium, Anglo-Sax, lippa), the second of 
which appears in the Finn, lau and Mandsh. leo, " to speak." 
69. To sing, s. cuica, guica, huica, not related to the Mong. 
tschigin, " ear," the tsch of which has as its base not k but s 
(Tungus. sin, Mandsh. schen, " ear," Mong. son-os, " to hear," 
originally related to Lat. sonare), but perhaps identical with 
Lapp, kwolk, kweik, " to stream," Turk, huigha, and related to 


the Goth, qithan, "to discourse." 70. Throat, windpipe, Finn. 
kaula, Mong. choola (related to Mong. kele, Finn. kieli, Lapp. 
hole, Tungus. goli, Mandsh. chula, " to speak," and not related to 
Sip and ^\), which appear in ns. kuro, whence keupi, kuape, 
kuto), ss. kutala, a quetsch. 71. Breath, busica, putsdw, puetza, 
ibusta, ibui, ibusane, and pitza, " to blow a musical instrument,' 1 
" to blow up a fire," hence also " to srnelt," Finn, puhu, 
Hungar. fui, originally related to tpusdu, Sanscr. puphulam, 
Lith. pusti, Old High Germ, wajan, also with !/*/, <me?v. From 
ibui comes ihio, " breath " (as Sanscr. ahman from dtman, Goth. 
ahma from -n^aa). 72. Nose, Finn, nokka, Tungus. ongokto, 
Aleut, angmikch, comp. Tangut. chnaa, ns. jakuk, ss. jatschcala, 
a. jaca, Corean ko (the East Sonora here instead of this mule, 
mui, from Malay mulut, " countenance," Malagass mulu, " snout," 
unrelated to maul). 73. To scent, es. okui, ss. chui, Mong. 
angki, from same root with Finn, angga, No. 17. 74. To snort, 
sniff, s. necui, tschui, also from Mong. angki, Finn, angga, 
No. 17. 75. Tooth, ns. tangwa, tama, ss. tami, tatamo, temela, 
remela, es. tan, tani, a. tlan, evidently from a root tan, as in pK>, 
Sanscr. dantas, bdovc, Lat. dent-, Goth, tunthus, Old High Germ. 
zand, zan; in the Ugro-Finn. languages it appears in Turk. 
disch, still more evidently in the Moiig. languages in Tangut. 
soo, " tooth." 76. To eat, s. hucua, cua, coai, bua, a. qua, Malay 
(Tagal. cain, Tong. ky, Maori kai), from a primitive root which 
also lies at the basis of the stem ^vdua, Old High Germ. 
chiuwan, " to chew," Polyn. kunj'uh, kenjah, ngongo, gnow, " to 
chew" (comp. 270, Obs. 2). 77. Food, provender, bittuga, 
hitaca ; to provide oneself, bittu-te, Mong. budshu (Turk, pisch, 
Hungar. fo), " to cook." Not related to Sanscr. bidh, Lat. findo, 
Old High Germ, pizan, " to bite "). 78. To hunger, s. tukriti, 
Mong. tora, " want, famine." 79. To hunger, a. teo-sihwi, from 
teo, " man," and sihwi = Finn, suikia, " weak, thin, lean." 80. 
To drink, ns. ivi, pahi, baji, iwi-pi (compounded with pa, 
" water "), ss. iwi, ie, es. ibig, ebet, Finn, juo, Lapp, jukka, 
Mong. ugku. Hence s. iivat, icuat, "to thirst," and nabaiti, 
" wine " (an early example of the compounding of words). 
81. Hand, ns. mahat, mai, ss. moa, ma, es. mowa, masch-pa, a. 
mai (also in the Pueblo language mah, New Californ. menat, 
Ketschua m-aqui), probably derived from Moug. mata, " to bow," 
Finn, mutka, " bowing," but which is itself again originally 
related to Lat. movere and manus. 82. Finger, ns. mascho, ss. 
massaqui, es. massit, compounded from two roots, which we 
meet with again in Mong. ki-milsun, cho-mosum, " claws," and 
Finn, kinsy (from ki-msy}, Chin, mu, " finger." Comp. Tangut. 
mdsu-gee, " finger." 83. Flesh, ns. atuku, ss. tucaja, es. tokko, 
teschca-p, is the Malay daging, Bug. dshuka. 84. Flesh, a. naca, 
Finn, nakka, " skin," Mandsh. notscho, " skin " (related to naked, 


nudus, IT. nocM). 85. Back, hunch-backed, s. topossi, teputzi, 
a. tepotzo, comp. Finn, typa and Lapp, tawa, " hillock," Mong. 
dobo, " to project." 86. Navel, s. sicu, a. skhik, comp. Mandsh. 
sekien, " origin," Finn, siki, " to originate." 87. Filth, excre- 
ment, s. and a. guekle, cuitla, cuita, tschuita, originally related 
to Lat. cacare, Old High Germ, qudt, and to xax6$. 88. Knee, 
ss, tono, tuna, tonna, es. tamap, from the root tan, Finn, tan-ot, 
" to extend," Mong. tata, " to stretch," Sanscr. and Zend, tan, 
rtivu, Lat. tendo, Goth, thanja, Litb. tempju, Old High Germ. 
dennan, "to stretch." 89. Foot, leg, Finn, kidke (comp. Lat. 
calcare, conculcare), " foot," Mong. cholkita, " to wander," Tun- 
gus. chalgan and kul, " foot," Finn, jalka, " foot," Mandsh. chol- 
chon, "leg" (also Finn, juok, Mong. gilju, Ostiak. chog, " to run"), 
ns. kugi, koegen, ss. goqqui, hivoqui, "foot." 90. Foot, s. tola, 
tara, Corean tari, " leg," Mong. toyhol and tol, " to stretch over " 
(comp, Lat. talus). 91. To go, s. simi, Mong. jabu. From the 
same jabu comes the word ami, " to go forth to hunt." 92. To 
run, to trot, ss. judu, Hungar. jut, " to reach the end," Mandsh. 
io, " to come." 93. To shave, to shear, s. shhima, from shhi, 
" skin," No. 54 94. To scratch, s. suku, comp. Lapp, suogge, 
" to pierce, to bore," Turk, sok, " to pierce," syk, " to squeeze." 

95. To scourge, gwepa, gupe, originally related to vapulare ? 

96. Wearied, ibi, Mandsh. ebe, Lapp, ebere (comp. Mong. ebe, " to 
be ill," and Lat. hebes). 97. To sleep, cotschi, comp. Turk, gidshe, 
" night," Mong. kedsho, " late." 98. Ill, cui, cocho, cocoa, cocore, 
originally related to xax.6;. 99. To die, s. mu, mue, mumu, 
mueque, a. miqui (hence muetsckita, mictlan, " the kingdom of 
the dead ") ; hence in the Ketschua language in Peru, " corpse," 
munao and malqui, and in Nicaragua mique, so undoubtedly 
the root mu was met with in the land of the Toltecs by the 
Chichimecs and the Nahuatlacs derived perhaps from Malag. 
mati, "to die;" but certainly it is originally connected with 
Sanscr. inr, Lat. mori. 100. Groans, s. ooga, ugat, Tschuw. jog, 
and Turk, ag, " to flow," see No. 16. 

V. Quantity, Quality, Direction, Movement. 101. Great, s. 
gu, huetscha, es. huei, Mong. ghowai, quai, " important," Chin. 
chao,hao, Corean kdu, Finn, kau-ni. 102. Large, much, gwelu, 
gweru (where gw is a labial; comp. Nos. 119, 121, and 143). 
Finn, paljo, ~Vogul.paul, Hungar. felu (-rcXi?, Goih.Jilu, " much "). 
103. Small, s. and a. pitzacce, pitzactic, Mong. utschil-ken, Turk. 
kfdschuk, Mandsh. adsi, Lapp. utse. 104. Small, s. ari, iri, ali, 
Finn, arka, "short," Mong. narin, Lapp, njuor. 105. To be 
full, te-mi, Magy. tol, " to fill," tele, " full," Syr. tvr and Turk. 
tolu, " full," Mong. del, " full moon," Finn, tdy-te, " to fill." 
106. Strong, ss. igue, es. sliigon, Ymn.jirka, and Turk, iri, "firm." 
A tendency to drop the r is noticeable in the Sonora languages ; 
the Aztec, too, has no longer an r. The Chinese have similarly 


rid themselves of r. 107. Whole, all, gem, hence gem-anahua-tl, 
" the whole of Anahuac," that is, the whole kingdom, the whole 
world, Mong. cham, " to unite," Turk, cham, " all," identical with 
%\>v, Lat. cum, Celt. con. 108. All, bu-ssi, mu-tschi, from mui, 
"much" (No. 109), and ki, Finn, kaiki, Turk, kai, Chin, kiai, 
kai, "all." 109. Much, mui, mie^, Mong. baki, and Mandsh. 
mangga, " strong," originally related to Sanscr. mahat, (ityas, 
Lat. magnus, Old High Germ, manag, "many." 110. One (the 
numeral), $e, sse, ssenu, Nepaul. sehi, Loochoo idsi, Malay sa. 
111. Good,ga, qualli (gwalli), see No. 31. 112. Sweet, s. hatschca, 
coca, from cua, " to eat," No. 76. 113. Bad, es. teschzek, ss. 
tscheti, Finn, suikia, " weak, thin," soika, " blind, miserable " 
(comp. Mong. schinggu, "low"). 114. Oblique, tschico, Mong. 
cliadsha, Turk. kuja. 115. To be, to find oneself in a place, 
s. gati-ki, a. cat-qui, ca, Mong. and Mandsh. chada, " to put 
something in a place," Turk, chadak, "peg." 116. Far, s. 
tnetschea, Finn, mene, " to go," or connected with /AJJXOC. 
117. Way, street, s. bogwi, boi, boo, pobe, a, es. Mong. bai, "to 
stand," Mandsh. ba. "place," Finn, paikka, "place." Bogwi is 
probably compounded of ba, " place," and a verbal root, gwi, 
qui, see No. 118. 118. To enter, s. ba-qui, ba-que, and cohabita- 
tion, boi-qui, from ba, " place" (No. 117), and qui, which expresses 
a movement. 119. To fall, gaguse, gioetschi-ki, hwetsch, hwetzi, 
u-ausdsi, asi, Mandsh. wasi, " to descend," closely connected 
with the Finn, wdt, heit, "to throw" (No. 166), wuot, "bed," 
Lapp, jdwat, "to scatter." 120. To reach, attain, win, a-tsi, 
from root ti, which appears in Finn, tyty (reduplicated), " to be 
held fast," and in Mong. tutu, " capable of being seized." 
121. To find, to meet with, s. tugwe, tebua, teuh, Finn, tawa, "to 
catch, reach, find." 122. To hold, tepi, tepu, the same root with 
the last. 123. To give, maca, mache, mashhe (hence " to receive," 
maiti-qui, muni-te, a-hwe), Mong. bacha and Lapp, fagge, " to 
take, to receive." The ideas of giving and taking are mixed up 
with one another in the Ugro-Mongolian languages ; the Mon- 
golian bari has both meanings. 124. To pour, to discharge, tcma, 
from tegma, Finn, tyko, Turk, tok, Tibet, dug, "to pour." 
125. To rend in pieces, s. tapani, Turk, tap, " to hit with a 
weapon," Finn, typpi, "stem of a tree, fragment." 126. To beat, 
s. tuque, Finn, tokko, " to hammer," Turk, tok, dog, " to beat." 
127. Circle, tschitula, comp. Mandsh. hutule, " to lead bound," 
Finn, hoyte, " a cord." 128. Round, s. cau-ol, hence " bullet," 
cawoli, Lapp, kaiva, " to crook, to curve." 129. Ball, bullet, ura, 
ule, oli, Finn, wieri, " to roll," piora, " a roll," Mandsh. foro, and 
Malag. forog, " to roll," Lapp, wer, " ripe," Mandsh. weren, 
" whirlpool," originally connected with Old High Germ, vriroil. 
130. To raise, s. cucuse, quetza, Finn, kdy, "to stand up," 
kdyttd, " to make to stand upright." 


VI. Nature. 131. Mountain, tepe, Lapp, tawa, "hillock," 
Mong. dobo, "to project." 132. Sand, s. saate, a. shhalli, from a 
primitive root SA, " to strew, to sow," Lat. sero, from which the 
Finn, sata, and Mong. dsata, " to rain," and the Old High Germ. 
sant, "sand," are derived. 133. Hollow, s. tesso, osto, asta, Finn. 
sisd, "inward," Turk, itsch. 134 Hollow, hiding-place, cusco, 
comp. Lapp, and Turk, katsch, " to flee," Mandsh. chatsi. 
135. Salt, s. honaca onne, Mong. chomaki, and Malag. homok, 
Turk. kumak, and Mandsh. jonggan, "sand." 136. Metal, iron, 
s. gwenomi, vainomi, the Persian ayan. There were Persian 
sages at the Court of Kublai Khan ; see the above section. 
137. Copper, tin, s. amutzi, either from Finn, waski (Turk./es, 
Mong. dsJies) or from Semitic abtsa. 138. To smelt, ss. tepula, 
tepura, hence tepuraca, " hatchet," and teputz, " copper," Mong. 
sobi, and Tschuw. sab, " to cut," Finn, sepd, " a smith." 139. To 
inflame, sprout, spring, s. jossiga, " to blossom," ssehwa, ssegwa, 
" a flower," a. shhotla, " to bud," and " to catch fire," shhotli, " a 
flower," Turk, jak, " to kindle," Mandsh. jaclia, " glowing coal," 
Lapp, tsake, " to burn," Turk. jagJiads, " a tree," Aleut, jagakch, 
" a tree," Ostiak. juch, " twig," Hungar. ag, " branch," Mong. 
tsetsek, " flower." 140. Tree, coagui, susiki, usci, quahui, Finn. 
kusi, and Mong. chosi, " fir-tree," 141. Tree, aga, and fir, cedar, 
juggue, oko, otschco, Turk, jaghad, aghad, "tree." 142. Eoot, 
nelhwa, from Finn, and Ugr. el, " to live," comp. Mong. el and 
Mandsh. elche, nelche, " peace," that is, is a fixed, settled condi- 
tion. 143. Willow-tree, liwecho, hweshho, Finn. pao. 144. Veget- 
ables, roots, s. and a. qui-li, from the same primitive root as Goth. 
quijan, Old High Germ, quichan, " to make alive, to quicken," and 
Finn, ivieka, Malag. vig, Mandsh. we/, " lively, fresh." 145. Shaw, 
shhacca, eushhati, also paca, Mong. chaghorai, " dry, withered," 
Lat. siccus. 146. Sour, shhoccoa, originally related probably to 
Mong. chaga, " to rend, to split," Mandsh. dshaga, " to split." 
We speak in the same way of a biting, stinging taste. 147. Dry, 
lean, vaki, saki, Mong. chowa, Lapp. koike,~Finn. kuiwa and suikid. 
148. To spring, sprout, meja, from root ba, wuo, No. 15. 
149. To rain, s. chukiki, ducue, quiahui, vije, Turk, jagh, Lapp. 
ok-te. Further : pa-jagwi, compounded from pa, " water," and 
fagwi = Turk.jagh, Corean pi, rain. 150. To thunder, s. tatzine, 
a. tlatzine, Mong. tschakil, " to lighten," Lapp, tsake, " to burn," 
TJgr.jak, "to kindle." 151. Male (said of animals), s. hoguila, 
hougui,pougu, a. oquitsch, Mandsh. chacha, Ostiak. cho. 152. Egg, 
s. kauquaca (reduplicated from root quek, No. 142). 153. Bear, 
ss. bohi, vohi, Mong. baki, Finn, wdki, " strong," bogi, " ox," 
Mandsh. bucha, "ox," buka, "ram;" perhaps J3ovg is from this 
root )8/a rather than from Sanscr. gaus. 154. Bear, es. uira, 
es. wilak, Sanscr. urksJia, apKrog, Lat. ursus. 155. Bear, es. uisisi, 
ss. otzet, es. ochzo, Mong. oteke, Uigur, adik, Aleut, tangach ; on 


the other side, comp. Goth. atiJisa, Old High Germ, ohso, " oxen ;" 
there are two collateral roots, o-t-k and o-ch-t(s). 156. Dog, s. 
tschu, cocotschi, gogosci, a. tschitschi, from the primitive root, 
Sanscr. pan-, xvuv, Lat. canis, Goth, hunds, Ir. cu. 157. Ser- 
pent, coa, Lapp, kawa, " to curve, bend," Lith. kum-pis, " crooked," 
x.ayu,, hence probably also x/jroj, rather than from %du, ^daxu. 
158. Bird, s. tschulugui, urugui, ugui, Mong. chuli, Lapp, halwe, 
Turk, kalja, " to fly." 159. To fly, s. daai, daa, Esthou. tup, 
Finn. sdpi. 160. Nest, s. cosade tosa, Finn, keisa, Turk, gis, " to 
save, conceal" 161. Kaven, xo>ag, Aleut, kalkagiak, kalkahjon, 
s. colatschi, comp. the collateral form any, Lat. corvus, Old High 
Germ, kraban. 162. Eagle, s.gwaugue, gwague, bagwe, bwaue, a. 
quauh, comp. Finn, kajawa and Mong. chairaga, " sea-gull." 
163. Bug, teshhca, Finn, and Esthon. tdi, "vermin, louse," 
Huugar. tetu. 

VII. Works and Tools, Clothing and Dwellings. 164. To 
do, to make, s. duni, tawa (iehwd], primitive root dhd, te. 
Hence also s. tuca, a. toca, "spider, spinner." 165. Work, s. 
tahwa (jehwa\ a. tequi and tschihiva, Finn, teke, " to do," from 
the same primitive root. 166. To carry, it-qui, comp. Turk. 
at, Finn, wdt, Turk, jat, " to throw, to lay." 167. To lay, s. 
tutu-qui, a. teca, from the same root ; compare Lapp, jawat, 
"to scatter," jawatak, "cushion," Turk, jatak, " pillow." 168. 
To dress, put on, s. tschemi, a. quemi, Finn, kapia, "folding 
closely," Turk, kap, " to cover," 'La.pp.japte, " to conceal, cover." 
169. Cloak, tilma, perhaps from Moug. dul, Finn, tuli, " to 
be warm." 170. To stitch, soso, Lapp, suogge, " to bore," Turk. 
sog. 171. To plait, to weave, a. gwigwi-tu, iguri, from a root 
which we meet with in the Finn, wyo, Turk, ui, " girdle," and was 
closely related to or identical with the Old High Germ, weban. 
172. Mat, peraca, petla ; and " to spread out," pert, Finn. 
perd, " earth, soil," Mandsh. fere. 173. House, ss. cari, cali, es. 
camike, a. calli, Mong. ger, " skin, hide," Turk, kura, " court," 
for chor, gur, " to encircle, surround." 174. To dwell, s. 
bctschte, bete, and dwelling, betschteke, baqui, qui, a. hwaca (they 
were thinking of its possible destruction and distigurement), 
Mandsh. buksin, " ambush," Mong. lukku, " to bow oneself, to 
save oneself." From primitive root BAK, " to march." 175. 
Field, acre, s. bussa, Finn, mojsa, " field, estate," Corean pas, 
" field," comp. Turk, buza, " wheat." 176. To sow, plant, put in 
the ground, toca, Finn, tukki and Turk tyka, " to stop hard," 
Mong. sigha, " to drive stakes into the ground." 177. To sow, 
to strew, ach, ech, atz, uss ; root, ach, which should be closely 
related to the Mong. jak, No. 139, and which probably lies at 
the basis of Turk, and Lapp, oghul, j'uglo, " sow ; " compare 
Lat. satus. 178. To bury, s. cobe, hoco, Turk. kum. 179. To 
guard, stand and watch, pia, via, from root bai, No. 117. 180. 


Bread, ss. temeke, remeke, shimmita, from Mandsh. and Turk. 
sdhe, Yakut, se, Tschuw. si, Finn, syo, " to eat," and a root tnek, 
which is found in Turk, et-mek, comp. also Malay makan, " to 
eat," and Sanscr. bhaksh, <payin. 181. To baste, to roast, s. 
chaque, gwaugukke, gaggai, Mong. chaga, Corean koki, " cooked 
flesh;" comp. Lat. coquo. 182. To knead, a. tesi, tegi, and 
dough, s. tuschiki, tui, tuligi, a. teshh, comp. Finn, tako, " to beat, 
smelt," Turk, dog, " to beat," syk, " to press," Finn, saka, " to 
condense ; " perhaps relates to Goth, daigs, Old High Germ, teik, 
" dough," and Goth, deigan, " to knead." 183. To cut, s. sica, 
Finn, sarke. 184. To cut small, cut in pieces, s. and a. pajana, 
Finn, wdhd, " small," weistd, " to cut in pieces," Mong. bagha, 
" small." 185. Hatchet, hwik, Finn, padka, Hungar. fejsze. 
186. Bows (weapons), ns. ati, atsche, ss. hata-ca, es. eth, Finn. 
heit, wat, Turk, at, " to sling, to throw." Hence s. at-la, " javelin- 
strap." 187. Arrow, s. gwaca, vu, a. mi; comp. Mandsh. 
wejche and Malag. fog, " tooth." 188. To wash, paca, bacua, 
vacua ; also vaccui and palti, " wet," palwa, " to dive, to dip," 
wadduide, wapakate, " to moisten," pahi, bahi, " to drink," pa, 
" poison," from primitive root pa, ba, " water," No. 15. 189. 
To paint, s. jushha, hossele, aosa, oae, probably =" to moisten," 
from primitive root VA, see No. 15, Mong. usum, " water," 
Finn, wete, wiz, wesi. 

Among the 189 words enumerated we have three which 
certainly, and two which probably, are Malayan (43, 76, 83, and 
'57, 64) ; eight which are themselves primitive roots (7, 24, 38, 
68, 95, 98, 99, 155), earlier forms of which are not to be found 
in the Ugro-Tartar and Mongolian languages of to-day, but 
which might certainly have existed as late as the 12th century 
in the Tschuktchian and Mandshurian dialects ; one Persian 
word (136), which serves only to confirm our view of the origin 
of the Aztecs ; the other 175 are found all and several in the 
Ugro-Mongolian languages, for the most part quite evidently. 
Upon this we make. these observations: To the Ugr. t and 
Mong. d corresponds the Son. t, Aztec tl ; to the Finn, s, Mong. 
sch or ds, a Son. s or shh ; to the Mong. s, a Son. t or tz ; to the 
Ugr. j, Mong. dsh, a Son. /, or k, or s, or shh ; to the Finn, p, a 
hw, gw, or p ; to the b a m ; to the w, Mong. b, a p or hw ; the 
Lapp, ts, Ugr. j, Mong. tsch, is in Son. t ; the Ugr. t or Mong. d 
is Son. t and r, Azt. tl ; k and ch remain or become tsch. 
These are the transmutations which have their analogues in 
the various Ugro - Finnic - Mongolian languages. Finally, we 
need only review the above 189 words in an unprejudiced 
manner in order to find immediate confirmation for our opinion 
( 292) that these stems of words did not come from the 
Aztec into the Sonora languages, but from the Sonora into the 
Aztec ; for it has been made thoroughly clear that the Sonora 


languages possess the older and less adulterated form of the 
word. Among the words which are found only in the Aztec 
language and not also in the Sonora languages, are presumably 
many which the Aztecs had not brought with them from Asia, 
but had learnt from the remnants of the Toltecs still in the 
land. Thus, e.g., gucgue, "old," pec, "mountain" (Malay 
bukif), etc. 

From the work of Oppert, Ein Versclilossenes Land, Reisen 
iiach Korea, Leipz. 1880, it appears that the Coreans also have 
the tradition of the sun's son. A daughter of the god Hoango- 
ho was made pregnant by a sunbeam, bore a son Tschumong, 
who afterwards called himself Kao, and from him the noble 
families of Corea trace their descent. It is noticeable that the 
population of Corea is a mixture from an Aryan and a 
Mongolian tribe. It is thus explicable how we find traces of 
traditions of an Iranian character, and of customs which re- 
appear in Eastern Asia and America. 

298. The Religion of the Aztecs. 

As we might expect from a people that had sprung from a 
warrior tribe, the supreme god of the Aztecs is their war-god, 
who is called Meshhitli or Huitzilopochtli. The latter name 
is explained by J. G. Miiller, following Torquemada and 
Acosta, to mean " a humming-bird on the left," from Huitzili, 
" a humming-bird," and Opochtli, " the left." Clavigero saw 
pictures of this god in the feather embroidery work, in which 
" sometimes " the feathers of humming-birds were among 
others used on the left foot ! The Aztecs also had the 
legend that that chieftain who led their fathers southward 
from Aztlan had borne the name Huitzitoc x or Huitziton, 2 
and that he was impelled by the call of a bird, " tihwi,"=let 
us go, to lead his people southwards. This affords ground 
enough for J. G. Miiller to assume that the Aztecs 
worshipped as god a humming - bird by whose cry they 
had originally been led forth, and that as culture advanced 
they raised the bird -god into an anthropomorphic deity, 
on whose left foot the humming - bird was represented 
as sitting. The only drawback is that in Calif ornian- 
1 Prichard, iv. 385. 2 Clavigero, Gcsc/t. Mex. i. 172 ff. 


Aztlan there happens to be no humming - birds. We 
know that potsch - tli means " the son " or " the youth," 
297, Obs. No. 44; huitz means in Aztec "thorn, sting;" 
and if the name in question were an appellative designation, 
then " son of a thorn " would suit better than " a humming- 
bird on the left " as a description of the war-god, who in his 
pictures is represented as holding a spear in his right hand 
and a bundle of arrows in his left, human bones on his 
garments, and bearing the figure of a torn and lacerated man, 
and has the titles of tetzalcotl, " the terrible," tetzaliuitl, " the 
frightful." But it may be asked whether Huitzilopochtli was 
an appellative designation, or whether Huitzi-li was not rather 
a proper name. That legend which makes the Aztecs conquer 
the country under a human hero, Huitzitoc, is in this form 
recent, having been first heard in the 18th century by 
Clavigero for the mouth of the Aztecs. According to its 
original form and meaning, the god Huitzi precedes in 
advance of the Aztecs as the breaker of their path, and their 
actual leader was Huitzi's servant (Huitzi-toc, toe = teascJi, 
tacha, 297, Ols. No. 5 1). 1 But now, in fact, the Aztecs had 
quite a different legend 2 of Huitzilopochtli, which in respect 
of its contents is found to be of a thoroughly Old Mongolian 
type. In Coatepec, " the serpent mountain," there lived a pious 
woman Coatlicue or Coatlantana ; once when she went into 
the temple a feather ball fell from heaven ; she stuck it in 
her bosom, intending with its feathers to adorn the altar ; 
placed there she found it no more, but found that she was 
pregnant. Her sons, the Centzonhwinahis, wished now to 
kill her, but a voice proceeded out of her womb : " Fear not, 
mother, I shall save thee to thy honour and mine own 

1 The Aztecs actually report (Miiller, p. 594) that on the journey from 
Aztlan to Mexico four priests had borne in front the image of the god on 
a teoiepalli, " a carrying chair," in regard to which we would not omit 
remarking that it was a custom common to the Mongols and Japanese 
to carry the images of their gods on such carrying chairs in front of their 

2 Miiller, p. 601. 


renown." When now those sons prepared to kill her, Huitzi- 
lopochtli sprang armed from her body, slew them, and plun- 
dered their dwellings. We have here again that Old 
Mongolian Alankava legend ( 266), the echo of which we 
have already found among the Mandshurians ( 286). But 
here the very names correspond. In Coat-licue, Coat-lantana, 
coa is an old form of the Sonora goni, cunna, of the Aztec 
gihua, from Mong. eke, cheche ( 297, Obs. No. 42), and licue 
or lantana, a phonetic transmutation of lankava, so that 
Goa-t-licue, " the woman Licue," precisely corresponds to that 
A-lankava = Arna-lankava, " mother Lankava." But among 
the Aztecs she also bears the name Teteionan, and this corre- 
sponds again to the signification of tinian-ac in the Mandshu- 
rian legend. And now, in conclusion, we need not doubt 
that also the most eminent son of Alankava will correspond to 
the son of Licue ; in the one he is called Buzend-shir ( 266), 
in the other Hwitzi or Huitzi ; but to the Mongolian b corre- 
sponds the Aztec hw ( 297, Obs. No. 47, Mong. etsi, Sonora 
jatsiC) ; the interchange of the flat vowel with the sharp and 
light accounts for the transposition of Lankava into Licue ; 
only the ending is different, which will surprise nobody. We 
yet observe that the Finn, stem liika, Mandsh. lukku, has 
the meaning of rich, great ; so then Huitzi-li-pochtli means 
Buzend, the great son (of Licue). It was the sun's son of 
the Old Mongolian legend whom the Aztecs worshipped as 
their war -god and ancestral deity. It is nothing to be 
wondered at that we should find the same tradition in a tribe 
of the Old Japanese immigrants of B.C. 100, the Mandshusicus 
in Paraguay, and, among the Aztecs, the Mongol immigrants 
of A.D. 128 1. 1 That legend was already in Asia the common 

1 On the other hand, Citlalicue, the goddess of the Mayas in Chiapa, 
has only a chance and apparent similarity in name with Coatlicue. The 
sun-god is called Citlali by the Mayas (see 300), cue in all the Mongolian 
race of languages is the same primitive root for " wife," which in the 
name Coatlicue forms the beginning, but in Citlali-cue forms the end of 
the name. This latter name, therefore, means the sun-god's wife, the 
moon-goddess, and has nothing to do with Licue or Lancava. 


possession of the most diverse races. We found it in Japan 
as a primitive myth of the pre-Buddhistic Old Japanese 
religion ( 269), and heard it told in 1246 to Plankarpin 
by the Mongols. Another name of Huitzi was Meshhihtli 
or MexitL According to the Aztec tradition, the capital 
Tenochtitlan obtained the name of Mexico from the agave or 
mango plant (me-tl) growing in the district, and that from 
the city again the god obtained this name. It is possible, 
however, that here too, as in 297 (see note on Tenochtitlan), 
the city was rather named after the god ; but whence this 
name of the god came I cannot determine. 1 By means 
of the festivals also, celebrated in his honour, Huitzi is 
characterized as the son of the sun. In the rainy season, in 
the middle of May, figures of the god of an edible plant 
and honey were made and eaten, frankincense was offered, 
dances were performed, prayer songs for rain and fruit- 
fulness were recited, and human sacrifices were presented. 
At the end of the rainy season, in the middle of August, 
in the twelfth month of the Aztecs, an image of the god was 
wound round with a blue baud, indicating the blue heavens, 
and all houses were ornamented with flowers. At the winter 
solstice an image of the god made of seeds and the blood of 
the sacrificed children was pierced by a priest with an arrow, 
the heart was cut out and eaten by the Emperor, the rest was 
divided among the people. The winter solstice is the death 
and new birth of the sun, therefore also of the sun's son. 
Now Huitzi himself, as well as his mother Coatlicue, was 
represented as having the attributes of the serpent, not for the 
reason, far from it, 2 that the serpent by reason of its casting 
its skin is a symbol of the rejuvenating power of nature, still 
less because the antique word coa, " woman, wife," had been 
erroneously taken for " serpent," but because already in the 

1 Meshhi would litei-ally correspond to Boskim (Buzend's brother, 266). 
Since the Aztec legend knows only of one son of Licue, the names of the 
Old Mongolian triplet-brothers of Buzend were transferred to this one. 

2 Miiller,p. 611. 


primitive Mongolian tradition the serpent played an important 
part. Among the Chinese the dragon is the ancient symbol 
of the empire ( 268) ; so also among the Toltecs the 
symbol of the dragon was confounded with the form of Votan 
( 296), and especially the Aztecs distinguish themselves by 
this, that they, like genuine Ophites, have made the temptress 
of the human race into a god, and confounded her with God. 
We have seen this already in the disfigurement which the 
Toltec tradition of Votan has suffered at their hands when it 
is rendered into the legend of Quetzalcoatl, the legend of the 
dragon ( 296). 1 We meet with it too in the legendary 
figure which they name Tezcatlipoca, where God and the devil 
are confounded. The name Tezcatlipoca was not an Aztec 
word. 2 They themselves affirmed that they had learnt to 
know and had adopted this god from a foreign race of Tlait- 
lotlacs dwelling in the country who inhabited Tescuco and 
Chalco, and this, too, with a misconception of the serpent 
attributes such as already referred to at the end of 296. 
Since it is in accordance with the belief of all the Mongol 
peoples that every district and every land has its own guardian 
spirit, and since the Aztecs particularly worshipped alongside 
of their ancestral deities such local guardian spirits, 3 it is 
highly probable that they adopted among their own gods the 
god whom they came to know as already resident in that 
region as the local guardian spirit of the land. The Aztecs 
made Tezcatlipoca a brother of their own Huitzi, but did not 
expressly entitle him a son of Licue, and they devoted to the 
two the festival of the winter solstice. Of the former, how- 

1 Huitzi, too, is found frequently represented as encircled by a serpent 
with a serpent staff in his hand ; the walls of his temple were' adorned 
with pictures of the serpent. 

2 As an Aztec word, Tezcatlipoca should mean " smoking mirror," which 
is the designation of the sun. The Aztecs may have, in adopting Toltec 
words, modified them according to taste. 

3 Tepejollotli, guardian spirits who dwelt in particular mountains, 
fairies about particular lakes, as e.g. the Malitsin; penates (tepitotori) 
which they kept in the house hung up in cords, guardian deities for par- 
ticular periods of life, etc. 



ever, they tell 1 that he dwells in heaven, is the invisible 
ruler of the whole world ; it was he who foretold to men the 
great flood. This was the old Toltec form of the story, in 
which he corresponds to the invisible tao of the Chinese ! 
The Aztecs have also made him the god of death and of the 
lower world, of barrenness and of all evil. This invisible 
god of the Toltecs was to them a dismal, feared, and hated 
god, and was only served for terror, and therefore they put 
him just in the place which among the Mongolian peoples was 
usually given to evil spirits (Aztec tzitzimete). They desig- 
nated him jactzin, " the fiend, the enemy." He was, indeed, 
supposed to dwell in heaven, but only to shoot from thence 
the arrows of the pestilence, barrenness, and famine as 
disasters upon the race of mankind. This, his double nature, 
is set forth in his figure, for he was represented sometimes as 
a fair youth, sometimes with the countenance of a bear. His 
chief festival, toschcoalth, " barrenness," was celebrated on the 
day of his death, the 19th May; as god of barrenness, he 
died at the beginning of the rainy season. The priest took 
dust in his hand and swallowed it ; the people fasted ; on a 
carrying chair of dried maize plant the image of the god was 
carried about ; a troop of youths and maidens, tepotschtlityli, 
crowned with dry stalks of maize, made a procession. The 
kneeling people lashed themselves with cords, and besought 
the help of night and storms against the god. The fairest of 
the prisoners of war had been selected a year before, received 
even divine honours, and twenty days before the festival he 
was given four beautiful maidens as his companions ; on the 
festival day he was offered as a victim to the god ; young 
men and young women were married, and were exposed to 
the scoffs of the youth. A second festival was in October, at 
the end of the rainy season, when the god returning was met 
with the scattering of maize flour, and men were burnt in 
his honour. His third festival was celebrated at the winter 
solstice in common with that of Huitzi, as the conqueror 
1 Muller, p. 613. 


of Tezcatlipoca. Thus, then, the Aztecs worshipped their 
blood-stained savage ancestral deity Huitzi as the highest god, 
and changed the invisible creator of the world of the Toltecs 
into the devil. And from this horrifying perversion, as 
well as from the Votan legend, we may obtain for ourselves 
this addition to our scientific possessions, the knowledge that 
the Toltecs had known in North America the invisible creator 
of the world, who was afterwards forgotten by them in Peru 
during the period of the Inca empire. There, then, again we 
have depravation, development downwards! The number 
of human victims sacrificed by the Aztecs was frightful. 
According to Diaz, 1 they amounted in one year to at least 
2500, but sometimes in a single year to as many as 6000. 
At the consecration of the great temple of Huitzi, in A.D. 
1486, there were during one year offered of prisoners spared 
for the purpose, according to Torquemada, 72,344 ; according 
to Ixtilxocuitl, 80,400. They had separate apartments in 
the temples for the preservation of the skulls of the victims 
sacrificed; in one such quashhitschalco, Cortez found 136,000 
skulls. They had, as real unsophisticated polytheists, a mul- 
titude of various sorts of gods. It is said that they had as 
many as thirteen principal deities. Certain it is that they 
adopted gods into their religion from all the tribes with which 
they came into contact. Although their Huitzi, as son of the 
sun, was their chief god, they had still besides a sun-god, 
Tonatiuh (tona, " heat," and Huh, " god "), subordinate to him, 
whom they, as the non- Aztec word tiuh already shows, had 
taken over from a Toltec or such-like tribe. Further, they 
had a moon-god Metli, a god of the earth Tlatecutli or 
Tewacajohua, the pre-Chichimec water-god Tlaloc or Taloc, a 
Chichimec fish-god Coshhcoshh or Qipactli, a fire-god Shhiuh- 
teuctli or Ishhcoazauqui (comp. 297, Obs. No. 139), a salt- 
goddess Hwishhto-qihuatl, to whom women were sacrificed, 
a god of the Agave wine Tototschtli. Further, they had 
guardian deities of boys and girls, Joalteuctli and Joalticjtl ; of 
1 Diaz, iv. 259 


men and women, Ometeuctli and OmeQihuatli ; of age, Jlama- 
teuctli ; of merchants, Chacateuctli ; of fishers, Opotschtli and 
Amimitl ; of goldsmiths, Shhippe ; of marriage, Tlablteotl and 
Tlablteugihua ; and a strange, naked figure, Ishhcuina, for 
whom one is tempted to suggest a Phoenician origin, nu'K and 
cunna, a hybrid of tautological construction ; of lust, Tlerne- 
quiquilli ; of concord, Cundinamarca. 

Obs. 1. Tezcatlipoca is also judge of the dead who receives 
the souls of fallen warriors into heaven, while other souls pass 
into the lower world. In Ausland of 1831, p. 1027, the follow- 
ing Aztec prayer to Tezcatlipoca at the outbreak of a war is 
reported : Lord, most friendly and most helpful to men, 
invisible and impalpable protector, by whose wisdom we are 
.led. . . . Lord of battles! A war draws on, the god of war 
opens his mouth ; he is hungry ; he will drink the blood of 
those who fall. The sun and the god of the earth, Tlatecutli, 
will rejoice, and the gods of heaven and the lower world will 
refresh themselves with meat and drink, and prepare them- 
selves a meal from the flesh and blood of mortals who fall in 
the fight. They glance upon us who shall conquer and who 
shall die. . . . The noble fathers and mothers whose children 
are to die know it not ; the mothers know it not who nourished 
them when they were little, who suckled them with their milk. 
Grant, Lord, that the fallen be graciously received of the 
sun and the earth, the father and mother of all, in whose heart 
love (of eating human flesh) dwells. Thou didst not deceive 
them when thou required that they should die in battle. For 
it is true and certain that thou sentest them to the earth, in 
order that they should feed sun and moon with their flesh 
and blood. Oh most friendly to men, we flee to thee, that those 
whom thou causest to fall in this battle may be received with 
love and honour among the heroes who in former times had 
fallen. There shall they enjoy unheard-of pleasures, celebrate in 
constant songs the praises of our Lord the sun, breathe the sweet 
perfume of the flowers, intoxicate themselves with delights, 
number not the days and nights, the years and the periods, 
for their power and happiness are without end, and the flowers, 
whose perfume they breathe, never fade. 

Obs. 2. The dead were some of them burnt, some of them 
buried. The former custom might, indeed, have been intro- 
duced through the Indian Buddhists. But since the Mongols 
of Asia when they became Buddhists did not adopt this custom, 
while urns with ashes are found in pre- Aztec, that is, in Toltec 
graves as far down as the Mississippi ( 283 and 293), it is more 


probable that that custom was borrowed by the Aztecs from the 

299. TJie Buddhism of the Aztecs. 

The Aztecs were not Buddhists; their religion is purely 
Mongolian, and the name Fo is not once met with in it. But 
they had been Buddhists, and all of the Nahuatlacs, especially 
the Colhuacs, had been Buddhists. The Aztecs themselves 
have reported that the Colhuacs in Tescuco had no human 
sacrifices, that they themselves first introduced the practice, 
and made a beginning of it by the sacrifice of the daughter 
of a Colhuac king craftily decoyed among them. 1 Thus, 
then, the Aztecs were that Nahuatlac tribe which first fell 
away again from the Buddhism that had been grafted on from 
a foreign source, 2 and under their supremacy the old national 
religion was again introduced among the other tribes. 3 But 
we have remnants of two different kinds from their Buddhistic 
periods. FIRSTLY, we have the specifically Buddhist legends, 
or rather system, of the ages or the periods of the world 4 which 
have been preserved by Ixtilocuitl, from which, however, Eios 
and Clavigero have drawn different conclusions from A. von 
Humboldt. According to the latter, the ages of the earth, 
fire, air, and water succeed one another; according to the 
former, the succession is that of water, earth, air, and fire. 
But in precisely the same way as the Indian and Tibetan 
Buddhists, the Aztec legend represents the first age as over- 
thrown by means of an earthquake, the second by means of 
fire, the third by means of a storm, the last by means of water. 5 
The old traditions of giants and the flood are in those legends 

1 Miiller, p. 597 f. 

2 It must have been about the same time that it happened that the 
Aztecs won political independence, that is, about A.D. 1350 or shortly 

3 To this old religion belonged the custom of human sacrifice. Marco 
Polo found it practised among the civilised tribes of Asia even in China 
and Japan. Prescott, Mexico, p. 643. 

* Miiller, p. 509 ff. 5 Waitz, A-nthropologie, i. 291. 


interwoven in duplicate repetitions. The pair who saved 
themselves in the flood are called sometimes Coshhcoshh 
and Shhochiquetzal, sometimes Nata and Nena (comp. 300). 
Ethnography too lays hold upon those legends, for an attempt 
has been made to explain as legendary the genealogy of the 
Mexican races (see Obs.~). SECONDLY, we have the ordinances 
of the ritual and the priesthood. Their temples (teocalli), 
truncated pyramids with horizontal terraces, stairs at the four 
corners leading to the chapels placed at the top which con- 
tained the image of the god, remind us in their ground-plan 
of the structure of the Polynesian pyramids ( 280), but in 
their ornaments and hanging bells rather of the pagodas of 
Further India. The priests, of whom there were in the 
capital 5000, in the whole country, according to Clavigero, 
four millions, were organized as they are among the Buddhists 
in a complicated series of ranks. 1 They were divided into 
assemblies or classes, each of which had its chief. Celibacy 
was no longer enforced, they had rejected it along with 
Buddhism, and therewith not only the high estimation of the 
unmarried state but also of chastity ; for polygamy was pre- 
valent, and the celebrated " law against adultery " which 
punished with stoning the entrance into another's harem, 
had no deep moral significance. Unrestricted intercourse of 
the sexes outside of marriage was generally allowed, and such 
licence had even its own special guardian deity. But the 
outward shell of Buddhism still remained. They practised 
the Buddhist custom of consecrating their children with water 
and the custom of confession. The black clothing of the priests 
with yellow and red ornaments was precisely that of the 
Buddhists. 2 The bells, too, are of Buddhist origin, which are 
found on the noses, lips, and ears of figures of Aztec work- 
manship. Golden bells hang from the old Ssiba trees on the 

1 At the head stood two chosen high priests, the teoteuctli, " divine Lord," 
and the huei-teoquishhque, "great servant of God ; " the highest sacrificing 
priest of Huitzi of hereditary rank is called topitzlin, the chief superin- 
tendent over all the priests ineshhico-teo-huatzin. 

2 Al. v. Humboldt, Vues des Cordill. i. 197. 


tumuli at Caramari, just as they hang on the pagodas of 
Further India, and the elephant - like masks of the Aztec 
priests in the Aztec hieroglyphics correspond exactly to the 
tapir-like mythical animal Me of the Chinese Buddhists. 1 
Finally, the Aztecs had the cloisters for orders of monks and 
nuns (tlamaca^qui}, with which were connected, exactly as in 
the case of the Buddhists, seminaries for the education and 
instruction of youth, in which boys and girls remained from 
their seventh year until their marriage. The Aztec religion 
had only diverged in this particular, that the vows of monks 
and nuns were not life-long, but their renunciation on the 
part of those who wished to marry was freely permitted. On 
the Buddhist handle-cross among the Aztecs, see 303, Obs. 

Ols. Genealogical traditions of the Aztec Buddhists (Miiller, 
p. 517): After the destruction of the first world there was 
darkness for twenty-five years. Then Citala-Tonal, the sun- 
god of the Mayas, or Ometeuctli, Old Japan name of a deity 
(see 300), with his wife the moon-goddess Citali-cue or 
Omecihuatl begot a stone, which fell to the earth, broke in 
fragments, and became 16,000 heroes. These commissioned one 
of their number, Shholotl, to fetch from the lower world the 
bones of a dead man ; the bone burst ; from the fragments 
came a boy and maiden, Chiltacmischhcuatl and Ilancuaitl ; 
these produced six sons, Shhelwa, Tenuch, the ancestor of the 
Aztecs, Umecatl, ancestor of the half-fabulous Olmecs, Shhika- 
lacautl, ancestor of the Shhikalacautlacs, Mishhtecatl, ancestor 
of the Mishhtecs, and Otomitl, ancestor of the Otomies. Old 
and new, foreign and native, Buddhistic and Mongolian elements 
are confusedly mixed up together. 

300. Traces of Pre- Aztec Deities in Central America. 

Only after we have thoroughly acquainted ourselves with 
the special characteristics of the Aztec religion is it possible 
to distinguish those elements in it that have been imported 
from other sources, whether from the Toltecs or from the 
influence of the Old Japanese immigrants into Central 

1 Rauch, Einheit d. Mensch. p. 323 f. 


Among those pre- Aztec divinities the first place belongs to 
the divine pair Oraeteuctli and OmeQihuatl, who in the legend 
in which Buddhist elements are mixed up ( 299, O&s.) are 
identified with the divine pair of the Mayas, Citlalitonal and 
Citlalicue; which identification, however, is of no critical 
importance. We know that among the Aztecs the Ome-pair 
did not figure as the sun and the moon, but as the guardian 
of men and women. This, however, is immaterial to the 
question as to what this divine pair, in the country to which 
they belonged, may have been originally conceived to be. 
But we should also expect to meet again with this divine pair 
in another tribe, to which it evidently was native, for certainly 
the name Ome cannot be explained from any Aztec word. 1 This 
tribe is one which inhabits Nicaragua, in which a divine pair, 
Homey-at elite and Homey-ateiguat, is named alongside a son 
Siagat ; and thus we are here reminded of the tribe of the 
Mandshusicas in Paraguay ( 286) who worship Omequaturigni 
(or Urago soriso), Ura-sana, and Ura-po. There were, as we 
there saw, undoubtedly three purely Japanese heavenly gods, 
supposed to rule consecutively, each following the other, and 
begotten the one of the other emanationistically, and so not to 
be regarded as a divine pair, and so with nothing in common 
except the syllable ome = liomey ; but Ome, or in the 
Nicaraguan language, Homey, is evidently enough equivalent to 
the Ugro-Finnic-Mongolian, or rather generally Japhetic primi- 
tive root (Mong. amu, ama, 297, Obs. No. 49) for "father" 
and " mother," or generally for any of the older relatives, e.g. 
uncle. But Qua is a contracted kame, the Japanese appella- 
tion of god. Atelite might be derived from the Ugro- 
Mongolian word tuil, " fire, heat " (No. 1 0), which would be 

1 No one will consider the meaning "Twtf-men," " Two- women," for 
Aztec ome, "two," as satisfactory (Buchmann, art. " Ortsnamen," p. 773). 
This careful investigator has allowed himself to be carried away by the 
desire to trace everything to an Aztec source. But though the places 
Bonames and Bilbil near Frankfort a. M. may be rightly derived from 
bona messis and villa bella, it does not follow that Frankfurt must be 
derived from frangere and fortis. 


suitable as a designation of the sun-god; but the parallel 
ategiguat leads to the supposition that ate is an auxiliary 
word (perhaps ata, atta, Nrs. 47, 48, as synonym of homey, 
amu), where then lite would indicate the masculine, giguat 
the feminine gender (comp. Mandsh. chcche, No. 42). We 
know then nothing more than that there was a god and a 
goddess, a father and a mother. But Homey-Atelite had, just 
like the Mandshurian Omequa, a son Siagat, and the 
Nicaraguans at a religious examination made the following 
statements about him, and made this record : Question : Qui 
a cre^ les hommes, les femmes et toutes les austres choses ? 
Rtponse: Us ont e"te" cree"s par Famagostad et Zipaltonal, et par 
un jeune homme nomm4 Ecalchotl guegue et le petit Ciagat. 
But here we see the person of Siagat already amalgamated 
with Buddha Qiwa and a god Ecalshhotl, 1 which from its name, 
ending in tl, we may conclude to have been imported by 
Buddhist missionaries of Aztec blood from Mexico. We first 
come upon the religion of this people at a time when it had 
already become amalgamated with Buddhist elements. The 
only conclusion we can draw is that Siagat, if in the Buddhist 
religion he belonged to the order of creating deities, must also 
in the national religion have had to do with creation, so that 
he emanated from the Ome-pair, and then again the world 
from him. What then is to be made of the fourth, " the 
young man, Ecalshho, the old " for guegue means " old " in 
Aztec ? Perhaps these four gods were suggested by, 1 and bear 
some relation to, the four Buddhist periods or evolutions of 
the world. To the second, " Qiva, the glowing," undoubtedly 
belongs the empire of fire ; but eca means in Aztec " air, 
wind," and the wind might well be designated " a young old 
man ; " 2 then Fo-mahadeo will correspond to the god of water, 

1 The French ch has been transliterated by shh, and not, as the 
Spaniards have done, by tsh. So, too, the c in Ciagat is rendered by s. 
Ecalshhotl, too, which according to Aztec etymology is identified with the 
Nicaraguan rain-god Quia-teol, "Rain-god," will have been imported 
from Mexico along with Buddhism. 

2 In Nicaragua a god of the air is named Tschiquinan. It was hence 


and the son Siagat 1 to the earth. But besides in Nicaragua 
we meet with a Thomatojo, by Oviedo translated "great god" 
(comp. on mathqjo, 297, Obs. No. 109, baki, mangga, mieds), 
with his son Theotbilahe (comp. Tepeguan puguli, " son," No. 
44). It is possible that these were identical with Homey- 
atelite and Siagat. When in Nicaragua the god of the lower 
world is called Miquetan-teo, and in Yucatan and Chiapa the 
lower world itself is called mitual, we are reminded that the 
root mic, male, mu, is Malayan, already met with by all the 
later immigrants ( 297, Obs. No. 99). We again meet with 
the Yotan of the Toltecs ( 296) in the Tipotan, the god 
Potan of the Indians of Martiaca, and also with the tradition 
that the first human pair were "called Nembrita and Nengui- 
tamali. 2 In the Buddhist- Aztec legend given in 299, man's 
first parents were Nata and Nena. According to Oviedo, 3 
in Nicaragua guardian deities of cultivated plant were 
worshipped, e.g. a Cacao-god, Caco-guat. It might therefore 
be concluded that guat,gwat, was an appellative of god, which 
would then have a singular resemblance to the Sanscr. Jchut, 
Asarn. khoda, Goth, guths, Old High Germ, cot ; but the 
meaning of that appellative may very well have been that of 
making or that of protecting, as in the case of the Sanscr. 
ghut. It would indeed be quite possible to suppose that gwat 
was a transmutation of the Old Malayan appellation of god, 
waka, which was also transferred to the Old Peruvian gwat, 
coming from wak-ti, gwakti. 4 A female deity of the chase, 
Mishhcoatl, was adopted by the Aztecs for the Otomies. 5 
She had also been worshipped by the Tlascalans. Her name, 

possible that only the name Ecalshhotl was imported by the Aztecs, and 
was given to an old Nicaraguan deity, namely, to Tschiquinan. 

1 As son he is called le petit, " the young." 

2 Buschmann explains (frangendo, fortiter, see note 1) this name from 
the Aztec nemi, "to live," and tamalli, "maize," "a woman who lives 
upon maize." 

3 Oviedo, ix. 200 ff. 

4 Comp., with special reference to the Malay gods of maize and potatoes, 
zarap cono-pa and papac cono-pa, 287 E. 

* Miiller, pp. 484 and 495. 6 Ibid. p. 529 f. 


which may be explained from the Aztec mishh-tli, " a cloud," 
and coatl, " a serpent," may be the Aztec translation of the 
name of a Toltec god of similar signification ; for although the 
Otomies were indeed scarcely a Toltec tribe, yet the Tlascalans 
were undoubtedly largely intermixed with Toltecs, as is shown 
in 297. But now in Nicaragua we meet with a similarly 
sounding name of a god Mixcoa, which indeed belongs as it 
seems to a male deity, not of the chase, but of trade. We 
read in the examination above referred to : Qu. Pourquoi 
sacrifiez-vous en vous incisant la langue ? R6p. Nous le faisons 
toujours quand nous allons vendre, acheter ou conclure quelque 
marche, parceque nous croyons que cela nous procure une 
heureuse reussite. Le dieu que nous invoquons a cet effet, se 
nomme Mixcoa. Qu. Ou est votre dieu Mixcou ? Ittp. Ce sont 
des pierres figurees que nous invoquons en son honneur. But 
that one and the same deity of wealth and well-being should 
pass in one tribe, a civilised one, as patron god of trade, and 
in another, a nomadic tribe, living by the chase, as patron 
goddess of hunting, is quite conceivable. But now, as the 
pierre fiyurte show, Mixcoa must have been ( in Nicaragua 
before the appearance of the Old Japanese immigrants, on 
whose stone-worship comp. 287 C. The name itself is 
nothing else than a contracted Pacha-camac ( 287); and as 
it is changed into Botschi-ka among the Muyscas ( 289), so 
it might in Nicaragua be rendered Mitsch-ca, Mits-co. In 
Old Peru there were figures of sea-monsters with connection 
with Pachacamac. His temple in Pachacamac valley was 
adorned with such. 1 Further, also, in Old Peru there was 
worshipped a god of wealth, Urcaguay, represented as a 
serpent, 2 whose name reminds us strikingly of the Urago of 
the Mandshusicas ( 286), which may therefore have been 
only an appellative of Pachacamac, as Urago was an appella- 
tive of the " Father-god " Omequa. Thus, then, the Mixcoa 
of the Nicaraguans is certainly to be identified with their 
Homey - atelite (the Omequa of the Mandshusicas), conse- 
1 Miiller, p. 366. 2 Ibid. p. 366. 


quently also with the Urago of the Mandshusicas, the serpent- 
shaped god of wealth among the Old Peruvians, Uruguay. 
In fact, serpent sculptures are found in abundance in 
Nicaragua, Guatemala, and Yucatan, and the Indians in those 
regions also worshipped living serpents. 1 This worship of a 
serpent-shaped god of wealth, Mixcoa, spread from Central 
America to several Toltec tribes, belonging therefore to the 
period of the Chinese immigration in B.C. 600, or at least to 
tribes in which their were Toltec elements, such as the 
Tlascalans, where the god of wealth was already specialized into 
a god of the abundance of the hunting-field. At a far later 
period the remnants of the Corean-Chinese hordes that had 
entered the country in A.D. 1281 along with the Mongolian 
Nahuatlacs ( 297), i.e. the Otomies, adopted a mode of 
worship in keeping with the stage of civilisation reached by 
them as hunting nomads, and finally, the Aztecs formed the 
name of that god, so that he in their language, as " the cloud- 
serpent," mishh-coa-tl, came to have a tolerably adequate 
designation. For the rest we may find here further con- 
firmation of the conviction already reached of an original 
knowledge of the one god overshadowed by the rubbish of 
polytheistic superstition. Pachacamac, the creator of the 
world, is reduced at last to a serpent idol that gives good 
fortune in the chase ! Among the Tlascalans the name of 
Ome-tosch-tli, as he appears under the influence of the Aztec 
language, was indeed retained alongside that of Mixcoa. This 
god was evidently closely connected with Ome-teot. Next to 
him they worshipped a war-god Camashhtle, 2 an unmistake- 
able transmutation of Camac with the usual Aztec ending. 
Thus on all sides the idea is confirmed that the Tlascalans 
were a mixed race made up of the Old Japanese and Toltec- 
Chinese immigrants. That the Mayas, too, had a strong Toltec 
infusion has been already shown. They had for the sun-god 
the Chichimec or Sonora name of Tomahicli, "fire-lord, 
glowing lord," and for the moon - god, Tonaca-cihwa, " the 
1 Mtiller, p. 483. 2 Ibid. p. 529. 


glowing woman;" 1 but besides these they had the Toltec 
names Dsitlala and Dsitlali-cue, at the basis of which we 
seem to find the Chinese sji, " the sun," although the two 
names have experienced a modification in the Aztec qitlalli, 
"star." Tlali, under the influence of Aztec philology, is 
derived from ta-li; to, is the Chinese tao, "god," li un- 
doubtedly is the same Old Mongol root which we find in the 
atelite of the Xicaraguans, as well as in the Finnic liika, 
"great, rich," which will thus have had the meaning of 
" great." 2 Ate-lite, " the great father ; " Dsi-tla-li, " the great 
sun-god ; " Dsi-tla-li-cue, " the great sun-god's wife." 3 


301. The Redskins and tJieir Religion. 

The wild Indian tribes between Mexico and Greenland are 
comprehended under the name of the Eedskins. In the 
middle of the 17th century eight so-called families were 
distinguished among them. Those of the Hurons and Iroquois 
(with the tribes of the Sioux, Nadowessi, Dahcotahs, Mengwees, 
Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayegas, Senecas, etc.) dwelt around 
the great lakes ; south of them, along the east coast, and 
westward to the Mississippi, was the great family of the 
Algonquins (with the tribes of the Delawares, Mohicans, 
Senilenapsis, Wampanogas, etc.) ; south of them are the 
families of the Cherokees (with the Creeks), Utsches, Nat- 
shez, Tuskaroras, Catanbas, and Mobilians. Quite in the 
north, farther north than the Iroquois, although some stretch 

1 Miiller (p. 474) explains to-naca-fi/uca by "Lady or Mistress of our 
flesh ! " 

2 Therefore in Chinese, II, "gain," we meet again with this word. 

3 Then also Licue among the Mayas, and already Lan-cava in Japan 
among the Japanese, had the meaning of "great lady." The Mand- 
shurian liika is identical with the Finnic lukka ; the vowel therefore 
was not constant. 


out far south like straggling shoots, dwell the Athabaskans 
(see Obs.}. All these follow a nomadic course of life, and 
support themselves by hunting, which they foolishly and 
recklessly pursue to the utter ruin of the hunting-fields. 
Still traces of an earlier culture are discoverable, especially here 
and there a rude sort of picture-writing for epistolary advice 
in war, here and there the knotted-thread system, with various 
coloured pearls (wampuri). The languages of these tribes, 
although in the last stage of decadence and decomposition, 
show clearly a mingling of Ugro-Finnic and Malayan words, 
(see Obs. 1), and also almost all these tribes have traditions 
that they came from the west over the sea, and found in 
America around the Mississippi a cultured race, the Allegevi 
( 283), and that they had been subdued or oppressed (see 
Obs. 2), which has been thoroughly confirmed by the ruins 
and monuments of the Mississippi region ( 283). In general, 
the further south we go, the remnants of Malayan customs 
and language become more conspicuous (comp. 280, which 
treats of the Delawares and Iroquois), while the Athabaskans 
appear to be far purer Ugro-Finns or Siberians. The immigra- 
tion of this tribe was most undoubtedly made over Kamtschatka 
and Aleutia, partly also by way of Behring's Strait (see Obs. 2) ; 
and that specifically Ugro-Finnic form of their religion, with- 
out specifically Mongolian elements, leads to the conclusion 
that they were in all probability tribes from the east of 
Siberia. Like the Tartar- Siberian peoples ( 263), these 
redskins also worshipped (a) the invisible creator of the 
world as "the Great Spirit," (b) next to him the Sun, Moon, 
and Stars, and, finally, (c) a multitude of evil mischievous 
spirits, which were represented in the form of animals. 

A. The invisible creator of the world appears under three 
different names. 1 1. The Huron s, especially the Mengwees, 
call their highest god Okki or Hokkan. He sits in heaven, 
has the seasons, wind, and sea, under his control. By him 
they swore their oaths. Among the Canadians we find this 
1 For the proofs of what follows, see Miiller, p. 102 ff. 


Hocan bearing the name of Ata-hocan, " father Hocan," from 
the well-known root ata, atta. In Okki, Hocan, every one will 
easily recognise the Ugro-Finnic Ukko ( 262), identical with 
Taara ; to ata corresponds in Finnic the form iso, isa, so that 
Ata-hocan is literally and in meaning the same as Ukko iso, 
" father Ukko, the ancient father," of the Finns. Alongside 
of Ata-hocan we come upon the forms of Adnagni, Cuduagni, 
which either are mere corruptions of Atahocan, or are derived 
from ata, and a word identical with the Tungus., ngangnja, 
" heaven," and so meaning " father of heaven," but in no case 
having anything to do with the word gni, from agni, " fire," a 
word not generally Polynesian, but introduced into Java from 
the Sanscrit. In Oudu a prefix seems to have been combined 
with adu, ada. 2. The Delaware tribes called him Manitowa 
(Monaitowa, Manitah, wisi Manitto, Maniton}, in which we 
seem to see a compound of Mani with the Malayan appellative 
of God, tuwan, " Lord." Mani is a proper name, and is no 
other than the hero of the flood, Manu, who here again, just 
as among the Battas (271 c), or among the Muyscas ( 289), 
or the Germans ( 250), and elsewhere, is confounded as the 
postdiluvian, quasi-creator with the real original creator of 
the world (comp. 303). The Canadians distinguish two 
creators of the world, Aduagni, " who first made the world," 
and Messu (comp. the Iranian Messhia /), who " restored the 
world after the flood." We shall meet again with the name 
Manu in the flood legend of the Chippeways ( 302). The 
Leni-Lenapis brought to Manitowa an offering of tobacco ; the 
Maudans offered him animals and the spoils of war. He had 
various attributes : kitschi, " the great," 1 wolsit, " the heavenly," 
waosemsjogan, " the universal father," wazehaud, " the creative," 
tarorihi conagon, "he who embraces heaven," hurahuannentacton, 
"he who binds the sun," etc. But besides this name, he 
also bears among the Delawares the Ugro - Finnic one 
Atahocan, Ato-han. The Moschkas called him Esteki-isa, 
\vhere isa is evidently the Ugro-Finnic iso, " father," but esteki, 
1 Comp. the Sonora huetscha, "great," 297, Obs. No. 101. 


some sort of adjectival predicate. 3. The Dahcotahs and 
Sioux and Stone Indians called him by the Malayan name of 
Wakon (see on this 281, Obs.). Here and there, however, 
Wakon appears alongside of Manitowa. Among the Mengwes 
kitschi Manila shows himself in the clouds, sitting on the bird 
Wakon. This bird produces lightning by the twinkling of his 
eyes, thunder by the flapping of his wings. 1 Besides these, 
among the Iroquois tribes, we meet with the following desig- 
nations : Nigoh, Nijoh, Neo, lawo-neo, Kowai-neo, Hawai-neo, 
Lanwe-neo, Hauwe-negu, Howe-nea, Hawonio, whence we 
conclude that nijo, noo, is an appellative for god which is 
derived from the Ugro-Finnic nee, "to see," as waka, Wakon, 
from the Malayan wak, "to see," so that Neo was only a 
translation for Wakon. 

B. The Chippeways worshipped only Manedo, and not the sun 
and moon ; 2 and so among them the old primitive Monotheism 
had retained its present form. 3 The Mingwes, Nadowessis, 
Natchez, and many of the Leni-Lenapis worshipped Manitowa 
as the sun-god, that is, they represented him, as most Siberians 
did, as dwelling in the sun, and designated him taron-hiawagon, 
" holder or occupier of heaven." Other Delaware tribes prayed 
to a sun-god besides Manitowa as a subordinate but separate 
deity. The Hurons and Iroquois had a sun-god Arescowi or 
Agriskowe, who was at the same time their war-god. The name 
may be derived from, the Malayan-Polynesian arao, " sun," but 
it can have scarcely any connection with "ApTjs, Ear, Airja. 
In Florida the first-born male children were sacrificed to the 
sun-god. 4 This worship of a special sun-god, as well as the 
existence of priests (jacuas), temples, and annual festivals 5 

1 Chateaubriand, i. 192. 2 Miiller, p. 117. 

3 A Chippeway chieftain prayed during a voyage over a lake : " Thou 
hast made this lake, and hast also created us as thy children ; thou art 
able to make this water calm until we have safely and happily crossed 
over. Tanner, Narrative of the Captivity, etc., New York 1830. Quoted 
in Muller, p. 117 f. 

4 Account of an eye-witness in Nejer mytliol. Taschenl. 1811, p. 28; 
Muller, p. 57 f. 

5 Muller, p. 57 f. 


among the southern tribes, the Natchez and Apalachians, seems 
to have proceeded from the AllegeVi empire, and to have been 
introduced among these tribes, naturally without the accom- 
paniment of human sacrifices from the south-west, by means 
of Toltec influences such as are referred to in 293. To 
this conclusion we are led by the circumstance that in Florida, 
as well as among the Natchez on the lower Mississippi, the 
tribal chiefs called themselves " sons of the sun " l (comp. the 
Incas). The Natchez, too, preserve in a kind of temple of the 
sun a sacred fire, which we find again as a custom in Mexico, 2 
as also among the Muyscas and among the Incas, and so in 
Mexico as a pre- Aztec institution. "We also find traces of the 
sacred fire as far down as Louisiana and New Mexico, and 
even among a particular branch of the Chippeways, called the 
Wambenos. 3 In the south, among the Pimos, we meet with a 
remnant of the Old Mongolian legend of Alankava. During 
a famine a beautiful woman distributes maize ; while she 
sleeps naked, she is rendered pregnant by a rain-drop, and 
bears a son. The woman, like the legend itself, belongs to 
the race of the Old Japanese immigrants who ( 286) 
brought the maize to the Malays in America. The moon is 
regarded by all the Eedskins as a living being ; the eclipse of 
the moon is regarded as a sickness, whose evil spirit they 
seek to drive away by noises. Particular tribes worship the 
morning and evening star ; the star in the tail of the Great 
Bear, which represents three hunters who pursue the okuari, 
" she-bear ; " the Pleiades, tejeun-non-jakua, " male and female 
dancers;" the Milky Way or spirit's path; the northern light ; 
the rainbow, etc. The Delawares have a god of the sea, 
Mikabitschi (Mirabitschi, Mitschi) ; a thunder-god who fights 
with the giants ; 4 a mother earth goddess in short, a com- 
pletely developed polytheism. Among the Apalachians and 
Natchez the stars are regarded as the dwelling-places of 

1 Mejer, p. 74. 2 Chateaubriand, Voyage, etc. i. 165. 

3 Tanner, Narrative of the Captivity, etc. p. 135. 

4 Schoolcraft, Algonquin Researches, ii. 212 f. 



departed souls ; the sun as the dwelling-place of the dead 
heroes, a Malayan, or at least not a Ugro-Finnic conception. 
Among the Chippeways this idea is found combined with the 
Ugro-Finnic notion ( 263) that every man has two souls, of 
which one passes to the stars (Malayan), while the other 
remains in the grave, and appears on earth as a ghost under 
various forms (Ugro-Finnic). 

C. Belief in local spirits, which dwell in trees, mountains, 
etc., was not less prevalent among the Malays than among 
the Ugro-Finnic races, and is accordingly met with among 
all the Redskins. Belief in ghosts and fear of ghosts, which 
we saw prevailing among the Ugro-Finnic-Tartar tribes ( 263), 
in short, Shamanism, is on the other hand only fully developed 
among the northern tribes of the Redskins. Here, too, is it 
especially that the souls of the departed are regarded as spirits 
which must be propitiated. The appellative for spirits is, among 
the Hurons nantena, among the Iroquois hondal, among the 
Mandanian Mengvves clwppenih and maunom-heha, among the 
Chippeways maschkape and namscJiwa, among the Dahcotahs 
iianoffgi, etc. Here, too, again we see that among every family 
of nations one word for the idea of God has survived from the 
period of primitive Monotheism; but for the worship of spirits, 
which marks a later period of decay, each tribe had formed 
for itself its own particular expression. It is, however, con- 
ceivable that after one god, as " the great Manitu," had been 
placed at the head of the spirits, the name Manitu, or Okki, or 
Xeo (neene), or Wakon (wah], came to be used as an appellative 
term for the spirits, and in this way obtained the meaning of 
" spirit." As among the Tartar-Finnic races, so also among 
the Redskins, guardian spirits were regarded as attaching 
themselves to some favourite object (ojaron among the 
Iroquois), and these were worn as amulets. With this 
there was combined a Malayan element ; a species of animal 
was chosen as the dwelling of the guardian spirit, as a 
totem, which then could not be eaten by the party concerned 
(comp. 272, the Tabu of the Polynesians). The werewolf 


legend 1 is common to all the families of the Eedskins. The 
art of the sorcerers and sorceresses is altogether of Ugro-Tartar 
origin. Among the Canadians the sorcerers are called pillotoas, 
ostemois, arendiovann, by the Ottowas panatis, by the Dahcotahs 
we chasba Wakon, by the Blackfoots nahlose, by the Delawares 
safotkatta. The sorcerer gives information about the future, 
decoys the game into the hunter's path, exorcises the evil 
spirits of disease ; all this is performed in a condition of 
ecstasy and convulsion. 2 Also belief in demoniacal possession, 
called by the Maudans otschkih-hadda, and in witches is wide- 
spread ; among the Iroquois, witches are burnt to this very 
day. Fear and dread constitute the foundation of the religion 
of the Eedskins since they have become known to Europeans ; 
bloodthirstiness and cruelty form the basis of their character. 
Belief in the Great Spirit is now reduced to a mere relic of 
an antique superstition. 

Ofa 1. The languages of those tribes afford a picture of the 
most utter linguistic decadence. Even the length of the words 
in many of those languages shows that they are formed by 
infinitely repeated composition of decayed and depreciated 
roots. From thousands of examples, we offer only a few. 
When among the Comanches " to cut " is neiwchkian, among 
the Chippeways " woman " is gee-ack-au-we, among the Wakos 
" small " is teethidekitz, among the Kaddos " son " is hinnin- 
catrseh, " finger " duts-est-kats-ke, in the Zurni language " lake " 
is tscatolilanah, among the Kahwillos " life " is ninujeshmapacul, 
among the Moleles " love " is tischktaschewetaungko, who can 
possibly any longer resolve this clatter of syllables into any 
recognisable roots ? And when every tribe, every village of 
perhaps a hundred inhabitants, speaks its own language, who 
does not see from this that such splitting up would have been 
impossible without an exceptionally often repeated modification 
of root words, which must render any recognition of the roots 
originally at the basis of their structure absolutely impossible ? 
All the more important therefore is the fact that, notwith- 
standing in many of those languages quite recognisable roots 

1 Mliller, p. 64. 

* Magicians converted to Christianity have declared that these con- 
ditions are by no means feigned, and ascribe them to the kingdom of 
darkness. Muller, p. 80 f. 


are still retained, and those pretty generally Malayan roots 
mixed with Ugro-Finnic, which thus afford evidence for the 
blending of blood such as we had affirmed. From a great 
multitude of examples I give only the following selection from 
the Californian, Pueblo, and Athabaskan languages. (On the 
latter, compare Buschmann in the Abh. der JBerl. Akad. d. W. 
of the year 1859, 50 ff. To that group belong the Chippe- 
ways, the Beaver-Indians, Tahkalis, Kinais, Goloshes, Apaches, 
Inkilik, Dogrib, Navachas, Sicanis, Ugalenses, etc. The Pueblo 
languages are Tezuque and Zumi. The Kotschimi are a 
Californian tribe.) 

A. MALAYAN BOOTS AND WORDS. Makua-kane (Hawaian), 
" father," Kotschim. ak and Jcdna. Walia, " month," Kotsch. 
aha. Wewangi, " name," Kotsch. mimanga. Getih, " blood," 
Kotsch. jueta. Wahine, " wife," Kotsch. hwagin, wakoe, wuktu, 
Zumi okea and mi. Huma, " house," Kotsch. aji-huemen. Uku, 
" small," Tezuque liiquia. Hai and pau, " to speak," Tez. hii, 
Zumi piji. Pono, " tree," Tez. beh. Tshi, " small," Zumi tsanna. 
Apat, " four," Zumi awite. Kai, " to eat," Tez. koo. Ongo, " to 
hear," Tez. ojez. Etooa, " God," Tez. ease. Avae, Tahit. " foot," 
Tez. au. Bukit, "mountain," Tez. piquai, Zumi poke. Mate, 
" dead," Beaver-Ind. mite, " to kill." Tane, " man, husband," 
Chippew. dinne, Beaver-Ind. dunna, tine (Chippew. etc. tinne, 
" man "). Quita, kita, " to see," Beaver-Ind. kaneta. Kaki, 
" foot," Athabaskan cu, cas, cagasch. Sejuk and ma-cJwkek, 
" cold," Chippew. ktekchoz, Kinai ktechoz. Wanna, fenua, 
aina, " earth," Ugal. nanee, Tahk. nee. Lima, " hand," Athab. 
laa, lani, llah. Camay, Tagal. "hand," Athab. kene, kuna, 
kone, kuina, etc. Tangata, Polyn. " man," Athab. tenge, tenghi, 
tachkoli. Kaiki, kane, Haw. " son," Athab. askehaja, chuane, 
cheecanc. Tahi, tai, Polyn. " sea," Athab. tu, too, towe, toa, tchu, 
" water," atenni, toatna, " to drink." Gigi, niko, nio, " tooth," 
Athab. houh, goo, gji. 

B. UGRO-FINNIC Ptoois AND WORDS. Paljo, fain, " much," 
Kotsch. hauilei. Kiwe, ko, " stone," Kotsch. kota, Tez. kuk. 
Kuu, " moon," Kotsch. gamma. Hugy, " star," Tez. ahgojah. 
Jo, jaki, " stream," Tez. koh. Paaw, " sun," Tez. pah. Ingni, 
anongkin, " tongue," Zumi honinne. Tuba, " post," Tez. taiwa, 
" house." Taiwas, " heaven, day," Tez. tai, " light," Zumi 
taiko-hanannai, " day," Tahk. tsa, " sun," Tlasc. taose, " sun." Et, 
dset, " to eat," Zumi ito, etor, Chippew. etse, shati, Beaver-Ind. 
atoun and Tahk. utson, " flesh." Kuula and kurk, " neck," Tez. 
kaiku. Silm, " to see," Tez. tzi, tschai, " eye." Atta, tate, iso, 
" father," Athab. atta, ata, tah, nta, staa, " father ; " Zumi 
tatschu, Tahk. utso, " grandmother." Tok, " to beat," Chippew. 
telkit, " to beat to death." Serke, serel, " to wound," Chippew. 
siltir, "to kill." Jdgna, "cold," Chippew. ghdjai, jakkai, cheita, 


" winter," Athab. jacks, jochos, jas, jath, " snow." Tul, " to 
come," Athab. etelj, nathall. Ne, " to see," nighor, nidun, " sight," 
Athab. nila, nentsbno, Tahk. and Kinai neetlen, " to see." Quili, 
" herbs, grass," Athab. klo, chlmv, tchlo, qlucJio, tljuch. Kulke, 
jalka, " foot," Athab. katlnja, katch, Chippew. and Ugal. chagut, 
kakout, "knee," Tahk. kutchlai, "to run." Cheche, "woman, 
wife," Tahk. tschekwe, Dogrib-Ind. tsckikwe, other Athab. 
languages, tseokeia, tzagai. Kola, " fish," Tahk. cloolai, Inkit. 
tchjalch, kchchach, etc., and Kotsch. kahal, " water." Jak, " to 
kindle," Ugal. etc. chong, konli, kon, "fire." Chuli, "to fly," 
Kinai kaselju, "wing." CJwra, "court" (comp. Sonora cari, 
" house "), Athab. cooah, cunno, kanka. Suikia, " lean," Athab. 
seisekwe-tzik, "hungry." Kutschuk, "small," Athab. ehtzakke. 
Kenne, kan, " child," Athab. zkaniken, zchanik, i-schinnika, eeskane, 
cshkee, etc. Tan, tate, "to extend," Athab. tsone, tsee, zzenn, 
" sinew, bone." Chaga, " to roast," Ugal. coath, " to cook," 
Ami, " to go," Tahk. and Kinai ani, " to come." Atla, " spear," 
Final, aillotai. Angga (Aztec eca), " air, wind," Dogrib-Ind. 
eattige. Nokka, ongokto, "nose," Athab. chee, chi, tsee, intsos, 
tschess, kalkagjak, "raven," Kinai, etc. tscMjischlja, cheensla. 
Ulagan, fulgian, " red," Athab. te-lkosse, etle-lkoss, ti-galtU (?). 
Po, ba, " water," Kinai bon, ben, bana, " lake." Jdtte, " to speak," 
Tahk. etc. jaltuk, jeste. And inasmuch as we have proved in 
297 that the Sonora branch of languages is a member of the 
Ugro-Finnic family of languages, we may now add to the other 
Ugro-Finnic words the following Sonora words that are still to 
be met with in the dialects of the Eed skins : nashha, " to hear," 
Athab. nisch. Cocho, "ill," Athab. tan-choc. Tecual, "lord, 
man," Athab. tkichli, tachkoli, tschilje. Honasa, " salt," Athab. 
nutge, nute, " salt, salt-water." G-waca, " arrow," Athab. kohuk, 
kcha, kahuss. Coa, " serpent," Athab. coo, cotso. Tete, te, " stone," 
Athab. te, tse. Noca, " to speak," Athab. nok-eilnjik, nukiln- 
jak. Tohakwitja, tossa, " white," Athab. tolkai, talkae, tekhine, 
halokai. Tuni, " lip," Athab. taon, tu, dthu, tso, toula, " tongue." 
Obs. 2. The Upper Creeks have a tradition of their having 
migrated from the west of the Mississippi into Florida (Malte- 
Brun, Geogr. Univ. v. 217). The Comanches in Texas say that 
they came from the west and found before them a civilised 
people (Buschmann, Spuren, etc., p. 362). The Delawares say 
that they came from the west with the Iroquois, and that 
they drove out the civilised Alligevi (Heckewelder, ArcMolog. 
Amdric. i. 30). The Indians of Arkansas say the same. The 
Shawnees on the Ohio (Assal, diefruliern Uinwohner v. Amerika, 
Heidelb. 1827, p. 87) say that their forefathers at an early 
period came over the sea, and they celebrate a feast in memory 
of their happy landing. The country about the Ohio was in- 
habited by a white race possessed of iron (comp. on this Obs. 3). 


The Chippeways tell how their forefathers caine from a land 
where they dwelt alongside of a cross-grained people, over a 
long narrow sea full of rocks and islands under ice and snow, 
and that they got with great labour and difficulty into the 
country and to the Copper River (Mackenzie, Voyage dans 
I'inUrieur de I'Amdrique, Septentr. 1789-1793, Paris 1802, i. 
278). The Dogrib-Indians, which are related to them, say that 
their ancestor Chippewa lived on a narrow strip between two 
seas in the land from which the white man came (Franklin, 
Second Expedition to the Polar Sea). The Squint Indians on 
the Mackenzie River say that they came in early times from 
the west over an arm of the sea (Ausland, 1843, Aug., No. 
238). The Californians came into California from the north 
(Augsb. Allg. Ztg. 1850, 14th March). The Chippeways and 
Dogrib-Indians thus undoubtedly came across Behring's Straits. 
When ? See Obs. 3. The medicine men of both the sections of 
the Thlinkite Indians in Southern Alaska bear the name of 
Shamans, just as among the Tartar races (Reform. Kirchenzeitung 
von Cleveland, 24th Dec. 1884). 

Obs. 3. The white, iron-possessing people on the Ohio, who 
were met with by the Chippeways on their first landing, were 
without doubt a northern race. Gardar discovered Iceland in 
A.D. 863 ; Gunbjorn discovered Greenland in A.D. 877 ; from 
thence Leif the Fortunate, son of Eric the Red, started on a 
voyage of discovery, and reached the mouth of a river in a 
region where the shortest day was nine hours long, therefore 
about 40 northern latitude. The island now called New- 
foundland was called by him " Helluland," that is, stone land ; 
New Scotland was called Markland ; Massachusetts, where he 
found the vine, he called Vinland (Al. v. Humboldt, Cosmos). 
After him Thorfinn Carlsefue, in A.D. 1007, arrived in Vinland 
with 160 men and waited there three years, but was then 
driven out by the hostile inhabitants. But Norman planters 
remained there, and in A.D. 1121 the Greenland bishop Eric 
Gnupson went to Vinland to confirm his countrymen there in 
the Christian faith. The last voyage from Greenland to 
Vinland was undertaken in A.D. 1347. The ruins of a building 
standing on round pillars at Newport on Rhode Island were 
regarded by Rafu, a learned expert in northern antiquities, as a 
Norman baptistry, and in some inscriptions on the rocks of that 
place it is thought that runes are discoverable (Mem. de la Soc. 
roy. des antiquaires du Nord, 1852, pp. 133 and 135). Dr. 
Lund thinks that even in Brazil at Bahia are to be found runes 
and a statue of Thor (Ausland, 1840, p. 652), which may 
perhaps rest on a misunderstanding. But that in the neigh- 
bourhood of the Ohio, Norman colonists had settled in the 12th 
century, is historical truth. Hence the coming of the Chippe- 


ways into that region must be placed somewhere during the 
13th century. The consequences of the storm occasioned 
by Temudjin among the peoples of Asia, might also have led 
those Siberian tribes to betake themselves to flight and wander- 
ing. What became of the remnants of those " Skarlinger" of 
Vinland no one knows. They may have been partly extirpated, 
partly absorbed among the savages, and mixed up with the 
Ugrian tribes. In the speech of the warlike Kaddos (comp. 
Goth, hathus, Old High Germ, hadu, " war "), who according to 
their own tradition came from the north, alongside of Ugrian- 
Sonora roots (aa, ugugh, " father ; " maso, " hand ; " quid, " life ; " 
deta, " tooth," etc.), some are found which sound very much 
like German roots (tunua, " tongue ; " liattato, " hot ; " houchto, 
" breath ; " diska, "day ; " nubba, "night ; " notsche, natse, "neck ; " 
hunniu, "son;" hee-cut, "lake;" datsch, "bull-dog;" dah, "animal;" 
dehka, "death;" duscliku, "darkness," comp. Engl. dusk; kiaotsch, 
" child ; " dehto and teso, " this ; " deJie, " the ; " bete, " among ; " 
tahho, " roof, house "). The tradition of the Dogrib-Indians 
(Miiller, p. 129), that a man visited them who healed the sick, 
raised the dead, and gave them holy books, can only be explained 
as a reminiscence of the attempts at evangelization by the 
Danish Mission, in which the Indians have confounded what 
was told them with what they had seen actually living among 
them. The Indians on the Ohio had the tradition that a white 
race dwelling on the east coast had been annihilated by their 
forefathers (Rauch, p. 366, Obs. 2). It has been thought that 
in the Indian tribe of the Mandanes on the Mississippi we 
have the descendants in America of the defeated Celts (Rauch, 
pp. 363-371). 

302. The Traditions of the Redskins. 

A. Traditions of the Flood. 1. The Canadians * tell of a 
flood which covered the whole earth. Messu alone (comp. 
the Meshia of the Iranian tradition, 224) saved himself and 
restored the devastated earth. They honour him as a second 
god 2 alongside of the original creator Ata-Hocan. 2. The 
Chippeways say that the whole earth was buried under a 

1 The proof for this statement and those that follow will be found in 
Muller, p. 112. 

2 The Japhetic pagan name Messu (Manuscha, Meshia), as well as the 
whole cast of the traditions, forbids us deriving this from the preaching of 
the Danish missionaries. In that case we would have expected to meet a 
name similar in sound to that of Noah. 


flood in which all men perished ; only one, Mano-bozho, 1 saved 
himself on a tree, that is, in a canoe. Manobozho commanded 
the water to stand still, and had sent forth several animals one 
after another which were swallowed up, until finally a musk- 
rat brought back something from the submerged earth, and 
out of this he created a new earth. 2 3. The Lenilapi and 
Iroquois say that Manu-kitschton, " the great Manu " (comp. 
Gen. i. 2), created the earth out of a grain of sand, and the 
first human pair out of the stem of a tree. When men were 
afterwards destroyed by a great flood, he converted the sea 
animals into land animals and men. 3 We have here complete 
confusion between the traditions of the creation and the flood 
in consequence of the confusion between the creator and the 
hero of the flood. 4. The Knistinos on the Upper Missouri 
say that when the whole earth was covered with a flood, and 
all men had been destroyed, a woman, Kwaptaw, " virgin," 
grasped the foot of a flying bird (confusion of the raven with 
the ark !), and was by it saved on a cliff, and then, im- 
pregnated by a royal eagle, bare twins by whom the new earth 
was peopled. 5. The Apalaches tell how the sun stood still 
in its course for twenty-four hours ; 4 then the water of the 
lake Olaimi rose till it covered the tops of the highest moun- 
tains, with the exception of Mount Olaimi, on which stood a 
temple of the sun. Whoever could reach this peak was 
saved. After twenty-four hours the sun resumed its course, 
and the flood withdrew. 6. Among the Chirokees a dog is 

1 The name Manu proves again that the tradition had been carried 
from Asia. 

2 The Indians then have made out of Manobozho a sort of tricky 
hobgoblin of whom they inquire as an oracle, whom they bring into 
connection with the werewolf legend (Miiller, p. 130 ff.). 

3 Miiller, pp. 107 and 110. 

4 If that which is narrated in Josh. x. 12 was an objective fact, and so 
observable throughout the whole earth, a reminiscence of it would be 
retained among various peoples. The Greek legend of Phsethon, too, seems 
to be such a reminiscence. Among the Apalaches this reminiscence 
has got mixed up anachronistically with the much older story of the 


said to have pointed out to Ins master the rising flood, and 
then to have saved him. 

R Creation, Fall, Cain's Murder of his Brother. 1. The 
Mengwes 1 say that Tschi-Maniton made on an island animals 
out of clay. The Manitus (coinp. the Elohim) behold and rejoice 
in it. Tschi-Maniton, " the great Manitu," breathes upon each 
of the clay animals and gives them life ; those that did not 
please him he destroyed, the rest swam over to the continent. 
He created one which was so great that he himself was 
afraid of it. He also created one in the form of man. It 
pleased him not ; but he forgot to destroy it ; and so from it 
there came the evil spirit Matschinito. 2. The Dahcotahs 
say that the first men when they had been created by the 
great spirit, stood like trees firmly planted in the earth ; 
then the serpent gnawed them, and to him do they owe their 
freedom. (Ophitism ! ) 3. The Iroquois and Onondagas 
say that men (oneidas) are created from onia, " a stone, earth." 
The great spirit breathed out of his mouth breath and life 
into two figures which he had made from the earth : thus 
came into being the first man and the first helpmate. The 
first man, Juskeka, 2 however, slew his brother and became 
thereby lord of the whole world. 4. The Mandanes say 
that when at first the Mandanes dwelt with the Monitarris, 
the great spirit appeared to them visibly in human form. 
5. The Wakoschs tell how the creator of the world, 
Quahutze, 3 appeared to the first mother of mankind in 
human form. 6. The Lenilenapi say that Nahabusch or 
]S"anabusch 4 at the command of the great spirit created 
plants and animals, but rebelled against God because he had 
slain his brother (confusion between fall and Cain's murder !). 
But the great spirit was reconciled, and sent him for his 

1 Schoolcraft in Muller, p. 108 ff. 

2 The Arickarees, a Mengwe tribe, call the first man Ihkotschu, also 

z Qua=l;ami, "god," and hutze=kitschi, "great" 
* Comp. the Nena of the Aztecs, 299, and of the Indians of Martiaca, 
300. -" 


restoration the formula Metai. 7. The Wiandots say that 
the creator made two brothers, one good and one bad ; the 
latter slew his mother, and was therefore slain by the 
creator, and the grandmother, who had incited him to the 
murder, was transformed into the moon. 8. According to 
a tradition of the Mengwes and Lenilenapi, the first man 
was called Numank Matschana (by the Monitarris, Ehsicka 
Wahaddish), and is identified with the hero of the flood, and 
then even with the great spirit himself. It may mean 
perhaps the appearing of God in human form ; see B, Nos. 4 
and 5. 9. The Chippeways and Dogrib-Indians say that 
the earth was at first covered with water ; then a terribly 
powerful bird dived into the water (comp. 301, the bird 
Wakon, and Gen. i. 2, the Spirit of God brooding on the 
face of the waters, which the Dogribs may perhaps have 
heard of from the Danish missionaries ; but it is more probable 
to think of the bird Wakon), then the earth rose out of the 
water, and at his command animals came forth. 10. The 
Mingos, a Mengwe tribe, say that Mitschabu, the occupier of 
heaven (Taronhiawagon), lived for a generation among men. 
He conquered the giants by hurling great stones at them. 1 
The Onondagas, who call him Hiawatha, " the heavenly," have 
the same tradition. 

1 Muller, p. 119. 




303. Summary of Results already gained. 

WHAT was stated in 190 by way of assertion has now 
been established by the detailed examination which 
we have made of the history of civilisation and religion among 
all the races of mankind. We have nowhere been able to 
discover the least trace of any forward and upward move- 
ment from Fetichism to Polytheism, and from that again to a 
gradually advancing knowledge of the One God ; but, on the 


among such as are wholly sunk in the rude superstition of 
Fetichism there still exist certain reminiscences, like the ruins 
of an earlier worship, of one invisible Creator and Ruler of the 
world, which are objectively all the more important because 
they are no longer understood by the degraded people. The 
cause of this sinking has invariably been found to be the 
tendency to excuse and apologize for sin, to lull to sleep the 
accusing conscience, and to drive to a distance the holy God. 
Hand in hand with this religious deterioration we meet with 
deterioration in culture and civilisation. The islands of the 
Malays, North and South America, not less than Asia and Africa, 
have afforded us historical proofs that the most remote anti- 
quity was an age of highest and most widely-spread civilisation, 
not in the sense of asserting that in the course of later cen- 
turies very important technical inventions and discoveries were 
not made, and civil and social conditions were not more and 
more thoroughly elaborated, but in the sense of affirming that 
under far simpler conditions, and by far simpler means, the 
civilisation of that remote antiquity was far nobler and more 


ingenious than that of later times. The world has become 
more artificial, not more spiritual or full of genius ( 257). 
The scientific knowledge of nature among men left to their 
own resources therefore in the realm of heathenism, has 
developed itself essentially only on the side of astronomy, as 
observation of the stars, which was connected with a study of 
the significance of the stars, a study belonging to the remotest 
antiquity. Physics among the Greeks remained still in its 
swaddling-clothes. The farthest advanced in scientific know- 
ledge among the ancients were the Old Persians ( 208), but 
just these were the people who worshipped the One invisible 
God. 1 All higher advance of science was first secured under 
the daylight which was shed abroad by Christianity. Art, in 
the more exact sense of the term, is as old as mankind, and 
belongs to the very idea of man. We do not know any 
civilised people of antiquity who were not in possession of 
poetry and music. The latter was cultivated in the earliest 
times among the Egyptians, Assyrians, and Chinese ; the 
system of acoustic development was awkward, but had a dis- 
tinctive character of its own. In the development of archi- 
tecture and the plastic arts, as we pass from the Egyptians 
and Assyrians to the Greeks, we note a decided advance 
similar to that which we observe in the development of poetry, 
an advance, however, which was followed by reaction and 
decay. Invariably where civilisation in the higher sense was 
developed in a people, it burst forth like a northern light, only 
soon to be quenched again, like a flash of lightning illuminat- 
ing different nations in succession, and leaving behind it a 
darkness more dense than that which it found. The ancient 
civilisation of the Egyptians passed away ; that of the Indians 
has become corrupt ; that of the Chinese is fossilized ; the 
Christian nations have served themselves heirs to the civilisa- 
tion of Greece and Eome ; and the old civilised empires of the 
Malays, Aymares, and Toltecs are known to us only from their 

1 Even the learning of the Alexandrians rested essentially on the basis 
of Egyptian and Oriental learning. 


ruins. But while civilisation, like a fleeting flash of light, 
illumined for a little a few races, history shows us among the 
untold multitude of other peoples and tribes the process of 
inconceivable savagery, and even amongst those few civilisa- 
tion was not able to break the power of moral evil. Sin had 
indeed become a national habit, a national institution, which 
underlay their forms of civilisation. Sin operates in the 
direction of barbarism. When once the one holy God has 
been banished to a distance and forgotten, the second step is 
no longer difficult, whereby polytheism is degraded into a 
blind superstition, or exchanged for a frivolous irreligiousness 
and scepticism. The history of religions shows us at every 
step that the one holy God is forgotten by men ; but nowhere 
that He is found, conceived of, discovered by them. Even 
where reformatory movements back toward God on the part 
of those who had forgotten God make their appearance, as in 
the 6th century before Christ, we find that either there had 
been previous deformations and perversions (as in the case of 
Sakya-Mouni and Confucius), or the reformation, even if 
honourably and honestly meant, bore already in itself (as in 
the case of Zarathustra, cornp. 222 f.) the seeds of further 
decay. The history of man left to himself is not development, 
but retrogression and decline. 

And now we come upon a second incontestable result of 
our investigations : THE UNITY OF THE HUMAN EACE AND THE 
EARLY HISTORY. Whether or not the conjectures ventured 
upon in 247 about the ancestors of the several families of 
nations may be altogether correct, may be a matter still open 
for discussion, but, quite independent of this question, rest- 
ing on purely physiological, ethnographical, historical, and 
linguistic investigations, is the scientifically certain fact that 
the population of all parts of the earth has gone forth from 
the west of Inner Asia, the Euphrates region. To all parts of 
the earth they took the remembrance of One invisible God, 
who in the beginning had revealed Himself visibly to man ; of 


a sin committed by the first parents, begun by the wife in 
her eating of forbidden fruit under the influence of a tempter, 
who for the most part appears in connection with a serpent ; of 
the entrance of death as consequence and punishment of this 
sin ; of a brother's murder ; of three brothers who discovered the 
arts, namely, the working of metals ; of a race of mighty men 
or giants who rebelled against God (specially " demanding the 
daughters of the gods for their wives ") ; of a flood that covered 
the highest mountains, in which all men but one family 
perished ; of a mountain on whose top this family landed ; of 
birds which the father of this family sent forth ; of a rainbow 
which stood in some relation to their deliverance ; of the three 
sons of this man as ancestors of the various peoples ; of a new 
rebellion against God, when men sought to rear a building 
which should reach to heaven ; of a fire from heaven which 
destroyed this building, confused the languages, and scattered 
the races of mankind over the face of the earth. 1 But these 
traditions of the heathen bear to the primitive tradition of 
the Israelites the relation which crude, often perverted and 
confused, misty glimmerings bear to the clear light of day, 
so that the sense of those legends is often first intelligible 
through comparison with this clear history. In them sin is 
excused, Noah is confounded with Adam, even with God Him- 
self, men are raised into gods, here and there (comp. 300 and 
302, J? 2) the serpent is directly celebrated and worshipped 
as the benefactor of humanity, who confers wealth or wisdom. 
And still, in spite of all such distortions, the characteristic 
features, down to minute details (such as the rainbow, the 
sending out of the birds, then in the Iranian tradition, 224, 
the three stories of the galleries and the window), are so faith- 
fully reproduced that it is impossible to doubt as to the 
original identity of these traditions and the original traditions 


1 Comp. 207, 224, 231, 240, 255, 260, 262, 266, 268, 269, 271 (sub C), 
272. 274, 278, 281, 283, 287, 288, 289, 296 (comp. 298), 302. 



OF LANGUAGES, AND NO FURTHER. These peoples could not 
have had a reminiscence of this common primitive history 
unless this had been transmitted to them by their forefathers. 
The conclusion that " because the heathen have similar tradi- 
tions, the original biblical tradition is itself no better than 
such traditions," is the ne plus ultra of absurdity and vacuity. 
The adoption of this conclusion presupposes that the common, 
still unseparated ancestors of our race had combined and 
had concocted, invented, and forged among them that "legend" 
of the creation, the fall, the flood, etc. ; for if it is not history, 
but legend, it must have been devised ; and if it was devised, 
it must have been devised by somebody (one or many) ; and 
if peoples, who for thousands of years, until a few hundred 
years ago, lived quite apart from one another, so that these 
traditions could not have been communicated to one another 
by mutual intercourse, all alike, one as well as another, have 
versions and representations of one and the same tradition, 
it must have been the common ancestors of these scattered 
peoples who concocted these traditions. But the traditions 
reach down to the scattering of the peoples, and include the 
story of that scattering! How could the still unseparated 
race devise the legend of the confusion of languages and scat- 
tering of peoples as having actually taken place, and have 
brought themselves to believe it ? And how, again, could this 
report of the tower building and the scattering of peoples be 
found among the most diverse races, the Odshi negroes in 
Western Africa, the Tongans in Polynesia, the Toltecs in 
Mexico, etc., unless it had been a heritage to those several 
peoples from their own tribal ancestors ? and this could be 
only if it were not a legend, but the story of actual facts. 
The common element in the original pagan traditions in which 
the most diverse peoples of all parts of the earth and of all 
races agree (while they differ widely from one another in their 



special polytheistic national legends according to race and 
family, comp. 266), affords evidence for the historical truth 
of the original biblical tradition. 

Ols. A lie is the ape of truth, paganism the ape of the reve- 
lation of God. Some Chinese tribes, among which no other trace 
of Buddhist influence appears (so the Incas, 295), had a custom 
of a solemn bathing of newly-born children, a custom which 
imdoubtedly (just like the institution of running posts) came in 
very early times from the Iranians ( 216) to the Mongolians. 
There was no specially religious significance associated with 
this bathing performance (see 216) ; it has therefore only an 
external resemblance to Christian baptism. The Diksha cere- 
monial of the Brahmins, described in 202, has a much more 
particular and genuine resemblance to the ordinance of baptism. 
It may have been that which suggested the Buddhist baptism 
of children, which in 299 we again met with among the 
Aztecs. But what conclusion is to be drawn from all this ? 
Nothing more than that in an extreme antiquity, even among 
men left to themselves, the knowledge sprang up that the con- 
dition of man was an organically perverse one, that it was neces- 
sary for him that he should be wholly born again (see 202). 
A correct postulate in earliest time, perhaps even among the 
Iranians, lay at the basis of that practice, a postulate such as 
that repeated by John the Baptist, the fulfilment of which, how- 
ever, was first accomplished by Christ, for He met the need of 
regeneration in Christian baptism with the pledge and guarantee 
of the new birth. Paganism had at first only the postulate, 
then only a no longer understood symbol of the postulate. 
Among more than one pagan nation we meet with the tradition, 
not only of sons of God who, because they were only the 
immediate consequence of polytheism and of polytheistic genea- 
logies of the gods, stand not in a relation of analogy but of 
opposition to the revealed Son of God, but also of some sort of 
virgin's son. But here all those legends which are of Phcenician 
origin pass quite out of account ( 250, Ols. 2) as symbolical 
adaptations of astronomical observations (the waxing of the 
moon represented as the fructification of the moon-goddess). 
They have only an accidental and caricature resemblance to the 
sacred mystery, with which D. F. Strauss {Leben Jesu krit. 
bearb. i. 14), undeterred by any feelings of modesty, has not 
scrupled to represent them as parallel. Even the legend of the 
son of the sun among the Mongolian races ( 266, 269, 286, 
298) has, according to 266, a polytheistic origin. The sun-god 
was conceived of by the Mongolian races as an inferior deity, 
occupying a position far beneath the Creator of the world, and 


it was to him that the genealogical tree of the reigning family 
pointed back. The might of lies produces caricatures which 
bears a relation to the truth such as a caricature or parody bears 
to a genuine work of art. The symbol of the cross is found, 
we can scarcely say with what meaning, on old pre-Christian. 
Celtic coins or medals, as also among the Scandinavian runes, 
likewise as a handle-cross among the emblems of the Indian 
Siva ; and so it was adopted in Buddhism, and with it found its 
way among the Aztecs, in whose system of hieroglyphics, accord- 
ing to Ixtilxocutil, it represented the god of rain and health, and 
also the tree of nourishment. Even on Egyptian monuments 
the handle-cross is found, where, according to Champollion, 
it signifies help. The mathematical figure of two lines bisect- 
ing one another at right angles is in itself one so simple that 
it need not occasion surprise that among various races it should 
be found used as a sign for various things or ideas. Similarity 
to the historical Roman instrument of torture, and consequently 
to the Christian cross, is explicable as a purely casual one ; 
and nothing is more groundless than when J. W. von Miiller, 
upon the pre-existence of that Buddhist ideogram among the 
Aztecs, rears the conjecture that the Apostle Thomas had gone 
to America, and there had preached (to the Aztecs ? ! !) Chris- 
tianity. He and Tiedemaun (Heidelb. Jahrb. 1851, 176) thought 
that they recognised in Quetzalcoatl a portrait of the apostle ! 
One might push the parallel of seeming resemblance between 
the heathen religion and the divine revelation to yet greater 
length. The latter even had its animal symbolism. The ser- 
pent of Paradise is indeed no symbol, but belongs to the history ; 
only paganism has here and there made of the serpent a bene- 
ficent deity, dispensing wealth or wisdom (see in the section 
above). But if, among the Egyptians, the persons of several 
deities were sensibly represented in the form of particular kinds 
of animals, is not also the Saviour of the world described as the 
Lamb of God and as the Lion of the tribe of Judah, and was there 
not a visible descent of the Holy Spirit upon Him in the form 
of a dove ? Yes, quite true. Paganism gives us here again the 
caricature of the truth. In the revelation of God, the Lamb, 
the Lion, and the Dove, also the D'ariD, the ox, and the eagle 
(Ezek. i. 10 ; Eev. iv. 1), may serve for similitudes and symbols, 
and that rightly and without desecration of that which is holy ; 
for they are indeed (91) divine thoughts which are realized in 
nature and in the several orders of the animal kingdom. In the 
relation of the head to the members, of the vine to the branches, 
of the seed-corn to the future harvest, of hunger and thirst and 
the satisfying of them, of the father and mother to the child, of 
brother to brother, of bridegroom to bride, higher and richer 
spiritual relations are mirrored forth. All nature is a parable of 


spiritual things. There are also ethical qualities, like the patience, 
courage, purity mirrored in the lamb, lion, dove, and thus the 
lower can be used in order to set forth the higher by way of 
similitude. Paganism has made a caricature of this, a distorted 
representation, lor it viewed the animal, not as a similitude, but 
as the residence and incarnation of a deity (John i. 32 and 
parallel passages do not speak of the animal as residence and 
incarnation, but gives in vision an animal form by way of simi- 
litude to the visible manifestation of the Holy Spirit), and so the 
higher is sunk into the lower, and instead of a tendency to rise 
upwards from the creature to the Creator, head and knee are 
bowed low in the dust before a creature lower than man, yea, in 
the veiy filth, and here and there ( 263 and 267) the utmost 
extreme is reached by men tracing back their own descent from 
the irrational beasts, to which extreme the wisdom of modern 
denial of God once again inclines. The D^air, Isa. vi. 2 ff., are 
not to be derived, with Gesenius, as serpent-gods, from fpb>, 
"serpents," but as sitters upon the throne, with Winer, from the 
Arab, sharif. How should Isaiah have come upon the idea of 
serpent-gods when he had, in chap, xxvii. 1, used the serpent 
as symbol of God-opposing powers I 


304. The Flood. 

rTlHAT the law of the Macrocosmos of nature as well as of 
-*- the Microcosmos of man, before there was more than the 
possibility that man should decide for that which is evil, were 
ordained of God, has been shown in 129 ff. That the tempta- 
tion of the first man could have taken place in no other form 
than that under which it did take place according to Gen. iii., 
and which is now witnessed to by the traditions of all the 
races of mankind, has been shown in 128. When the fall 
had taken place, and consequently the penalty of toilsome 
labour and the doom of death, we have the beginning of 
a series of facts by which the living God, who is gracious as 
well as holy, co-operates with man himself in the realization 
of the development of the human race, in order to secure that it 
should be preserved redeemable, i.e. to save it from sinking from 
a sinful condition ( 114-124) into one of obduracy (comp. 
130 and 131). The first of these facts is the flood, the 
second the confusion of languages and the scattering of peoples. 
With the call of Abraham as father of a chosen people begins 
the series of those divine operations which positively prepare 
the way for redemption ; but alongside of these the first series, 
that of operations of a disciplinary character, with the object of 
keeping within the range of redemption, still always continues 
in operation. The God-forgetting, but, in respect of the crea- 
turely capacities of human nature, highly-endowed race of 



Cain lived from the first apart from the God-fearing race of 
Shem, 1 those " sons of God," Gen. vi. 2, whose genealogy is also 
significantly traced back in Gen. i. 1 ff. and Luke iii. 38 to 
God as the creator of Adam. Universal overthrow became 
imminent when both races began to get mixed up together. 
More than this ie not said in the words of Gen. vi. 1 ff. 
Although in Job i. 6 " the sons of God " may be understood 
of the angels, yet in Gen. i.-vi. no mention is made of angels ; 
and only good angels, who remained holy (as in Job i. 6), not 
the fallen and evil angels, could be described as b'ne Eloldm. 
Even Christ the Lord brings as a reproach against Noah's con- 
temporaries only this, that they spent their time frivolously, 
" they were eating and drinking, marrying and giving in 
marriage" (Matt. xxiv. 38; Luke xvii. 26); of supernatural, 
extraordinary forms of wickedness, of sexual intercourse be- 
tween demons and women, he had read nothing in that passage 
from Genesis. The pagan traditions speak of a race of giants 
in antediluvian times ; Holy Scripture knows nothing of such. 
As though it would directly shut out all such legends of pagan 
neighbouring nations, the Scripture says at ver. 4 : " The 
Nephilim were in the earth in those days, and also after that, 
when the sons of God came in unto the daughters of men," etc. 
In fact, even Num. xiii. 33, in the time of Moses, speaks of 
the Nephilim as sons of Anak (comp. ver. 2 2) ; but they were, 
according to ver. 28, reckoned simply as men of strength, and, 
according to Deut. i. 28, ii. 10, ix. 2, as "tall people," 
i.e. people of great stature, and there is no idea of reckoning 
them supernatural giants ; on the contrary, Joshua succeeds in 
subduing them (Josh. xi. 21 f., xv. 13 f.). And so, too, in 
Num. xiii. 32 they are quite simply characterized as an'scM 
middoth, " people of great stature." If so, then in the word 
^33 we cannot find the meaning " giant," 2 but at most that 

1 Gen. iv. 26, where ftf means not " then " but " there," is to be under- 
stood not temporally but locally (in opposition to the land of Nod and its 
Cainite inhabitants). 

2 The extraordinarily large Og (Deut. iii. 11), whose bed, according to 
the account of one who had this relic before him, was 9 cubits long, i.e. 


of "a man of large growth." We may perhaps derive the 
word from an obsolete stem tea = Via (Arab, phdla, "to grow, 
to become thick ; " Aram, and Arab, phil, " elephant," as a thick, 
plump animal), which seems to me better than Winer's deriva- 
tion from tea, in the sense of irruere. Such people of great 
stature are said by the author of Genesis to have lived, not 
only before the flood, but also after it ; and then he contradicts 
the legendary tales of the pagans in whose fancy the ante- 
diluvian race had grown into giants in the fabulous, mythical 
sense, yea, were even elevated into gods. It was not, more- 
over, in their size of body that the danger lay, but in this, that 
the forgetfulness of God which characterized the Cainites 
affected also the children of Seth. When the living God, who 
guides the course of nature according to natural laws and yet 
according to His own will ( 101, Obs.), allowed the flood to go 
up, this need as little be regarded as a miracle as the earlier 
tertiary and secondary floods. That He revealed Himself to 
Noah, and directed him to build an ark, this rather belongs 
to the category of miracles ( 134). The historical truth of 
the flood, and Noah's deliverance and that of his three sons, 
is witnessed to by the traditions of all the families of races on 
the earth ( 303); with this, too, geology thoroughly agrees 
(see 257). 

305. The Confusion of Languages and Separation 
of Peoples. 

The primitive occurrence of the flood had the intention and 
result of keeping mankind in a redeemable condition, inasmuch 
as it prevented the disaster of an obdurate forgetfulness of God 
gaining dominion over all men down to the last, but it was 
not itself an act of redemption. Thus, then, that organic 
decadence, i.e. that pathological sinful condition ( 114 ff.), 
continued to exist after the flood, and led, five generations 

somewhere about 2.7 metres or 10 feet, his length of body would then be 
about 8 feet. He is not designated Naphil. 


after Noah, but several centuries after the flood, to the reitera- 
tion of a catastrophe of a critical kind. The endeavour to 
drive away the holy God, whose all-seeing nearness was a 
painful experience to the accusing conscience of the sinner, 
and of whom " we wish to rid ourselves," led to an extremely 
clever, but thoroughly satanically clever, notion : " Let us no 
longer be creatures of God, but let us make a god, who will 
be our creature and of our kind and nature." A ShSm, a 
symbol and figure of this god, was to be set up for worship. 
That this is the meaning of Gen. xi. 4 has been already 
shown in 255, and if we refer back to the history of the 
heathen religions in Book I., we can scarcely doubt that it 
was the sun, which as operating beneficently, shining im- 
partially on the evil and the good, was singled out as that 
god. It is always the sun that in all the religions of men, that 
is, the pagan religions, first enters alongside of the invisible 
creator as a secondary deity. But then in the time of Pheleg it 
makes its appearance as the only god in his place, the visible 
creature in place of the invisible creator, the natural law in 
place of the moral law. It was what we might expect of the 
sun-god shining in the heavens, that the temple building reared 
to his honour should reach high above the earth, stretching 
toward heaven, as the region of the clouds was called. With 
what individual this idea originated, whether with a descendant 
of Shem, or of Ham, or of Japhet, is not recorded. Hence it 
may be concluded, that by whomsoever it may have been first 
suggested, the whole race of mankind, still occupying a common 
dwelling-place, were agreed and unanimous regarding it, and 
found in the proposition only that which each of them had 
half-consciously been entertaining in his own heart. The morally 
indifferent regulative course of nature, which reached its 
highest point in the illuminating, warming sun distinguishing 
day from night, was to take the place of the holy, living God. 
Then God manifested Himself as the living One, the Creator 
and Lord. By an act of revelation of Himself, the foolish race 
of mankind must be reminded that the creation can make no 


God, cannot create its own creator, but is bound to worship 
Him who is God. He comes down, whether in a form actually 
visible to men or in another "Way, is not told. The former 
supposition we may regard as improbable ; that still after the 
fall the creator l should appear in visible form among men, of 
this we find no trace among the traditions of the nations. 
Had God appeared in human form among the tower builders 
at Babel, we should certainly have found in the earliest 
types of heathenism images of the creator of the world in the 
form of a man. Such images, however, occur only at a late 
date. The Adityas of the oldest Vedic religion were invisible. 
The Iranians, the Germans, the Basques had no images of the 
gods. The Ugro - Finnic and Mongolian peoples expressly 
declare that the creator of the world (Taara, Xagatai, Pacha- 
camac, etc.) was invisible. But the Ugro-Finns confounded 
the idea of the invisible creator of the world with that of 
Taara, the thunder-god, the thundering ancient (Ukko) ; just 
as among the Germans Tins, " God," is the thonar, among the 
Pelasgians Aevs, and among the Latins Dius-pater is he who 
thunders and lightens. The form of the special thunder-god 
Volcanus, Percuna, Fairguns, owes its origin evidently to a 
later polytheistic distinguishing of the forms of the gods. Did 
God manifest Himself in lightning and thunder to the builders 
of the tower? If we imagine that before the flood the con- 
stitution and composition of the atmosphere must necessarily 
have been different from what it is now, and that then also the 
primitive tradition before the flood knows only of deposition 
of dew and not of rain (Gen. ii. 6), then it is no over-subtle 
assumption that the first thunderstorm appeared one and a 
half century later than the first rain, namely, that of the flood ; 
and indeed a thunderstorm of a terrific description, by means 
of which hitherto unheard-of occurrence the living God made of 

1 The anthropomorphic appearance of polytheistic deities, e.g. of Zeus 
become a mythological deity, do not naturally come into consideration 
here. "We have here to do only with such legends as have in them a 
reminiscence of an underlying primitive monotheism, as e.g. 302, B. 
4-5 ; 278, B. etc. 


the lofty building a heap of ruins, 1 revealed His might and His 
being, and by means of this occurrence awakening terror in the 
souls of men deep enough to paralyse the powers of their souls, 
and so to introduce that which He in His gracious and wise 
counsel desired : a breaking up of the human race into various 
nationalities. As each appearance of the rainbow anew re- 
minded men of the tender mercy of God, every thunderstorm 
must have reminded them of that manifestation of His judicial 
holiness and of Him the living and holy One, 2 and the division 
into separate nations made one grand concentration of wicked- 
ness and obdurate defiance of God impossible. The primary 
cause of the separation of peoples was the confusion of 
languages, not the converse, and the primary cause of the con- 
fusion of languages was a psychical impression of a paralysing 
nature from that unprecedentedly terrible occurrence. If we 
assume in this case a sudden confusion of tongues, we have 
then indeed the flippant, modern theory against us, but the 
results of more careful and comprehensive researches in com- 
parative philology are in our favour. If one really would 
picture to himself the circumstances that an individual had 
suddenly to begin to speak Greek, another German, another 
Russian, a fourth Arabic, a fifth Egyptian, etc., their fancy 
would seem as absurd as anything that could be conceived. 
The matter here cannot relate to the multiplicity of later 
languages, but only of some few principal or fundamental 
tongues, each of which is to be regarded as the mother of a 
cognate family of languages. We may assume as such : The 

1 According to Nostiz in Heifer's Travels, in the ruins of Birs Nimrud 
lay huge stones blasted by lightning, which must have been hurled down 
from an immense height. 

2 Down to this very day ! For though natural science ten times should 
discover in electricity the secondary cause of the thunderstorm, it is ever 
the living God who designedly ordains it, as well as all natural laws, and 
even that of electricity itself ( 74), and who in these laws and by them 
works out His own free determinations. The lightning flashes are in His 
hand unaffected by the law of electricity, which binds and fetters Him as 
little as the physiological laws of the circulation of the blood, and of the 
nerves, etc., hinder me in the free use of my hand (see 101, Obs.). 


early Semitic (closely related to the Arabic, according to 
245, Obs.~), the Indo-Irano-Pelasgian, the Early Cymbrian, 
Getic, Early Sarmatian, Ugrian, Mongolian along with Early 
Malayan, Old Egyptian, Cushite, besides one or two other 
Hamitic languages. That all these languages are in possession 
of originally related roots, namely, of root words for the simplest 
and most original leading ideas, has been long admitted in 
reference to the Indo-Iranian, Pelasgian, Cymbrian, Getic or 
Germanic, Sarmatian or Slavic. That this primitive relation- 
ship extends also to the Semitic languages has been proved 
by R v. Eaumer and Fr. Delitzsch ; and that it extends to the 
Egyptian language has been proved by Ebers (see 247, 
Obs. 4). The close connection of the Ugrian, Mongolian, and 
Malayan languages in their earliest forms with the other 
Japhetic languages, has been demonstrated in 256 and 
270 ; and in 280-302, I have shown that the various 
languages of the tribes and nationalities of the New World, as 
well as those tribes themselves, are sprung from the Old World. 
Although we do not now possess any further facts beyond 
these isolated instances of very early relationship between the 
various languages of the earth, we can nevertheless come to 
the conclusion that these families and groups of languages 
branched off gradually from one another, and by degrees dis- 
tinguished themselves and secured a distinct and characteristic 
form. But whoever has attentively followed the investigations 
carried on in 256, 264, 270, etc., must have been impressed 
by a second series of facts. Besides the early relationship, an 
early distinction in the possession of genuine primitive roots 
which go not hand in hand with the diversity of descent, 
but intersect one another, and that in such a way that the 
dozen primitive languages which we have been obliged to 
assume seem from the earliest times to have been split up 
and severed into a great number of dialects or idioms of par- 
ticular tribes, where now the group of tribes belonging to one 
family of peoples have a series of roots in common with groups 
of tribes of quite a foreign family, while the tribes of the 


former have in use for the corresponding ideas words that are 
altogether different. We may designate this a scattering or 
diffusion of words and roots, and will prove our contention 
by adducing a series of examples. 

1. For hand the Latin has the root man-, which we again 
meet with in the Ugrian and Mongol, mata, " to bend," and in 
the thence derived Sonor. Aztec, and other American words for 
hand : ma, mowa, mai, etc. On the other hand, among the 
Pelasgians and Greeks this root for hand is quite lost, and 
instead of it the Sanscr. root kr, " to rend, to seize " (Zend zar), 
as %ifp, has come into use. The Old Latin, too, had still hir. 
The Germans had neither of the two, but Goth, haiulus (corre- 
sponding to the Greek xtvr-, " sting, twig," in xsvrpov and xtvrou). 
The Basques have seized on the root %g?, " to have, to hold," 
and from it form escu. The Celts from the root present in the 
Greek iMppfauv have formed lab, lamb, lam. The Bantu 
languages have a root ok, oko (sing, koko, plur. miako) ; the 
Acra languages, ninde, nine. And, finally, the Malayan has 
taken the root tang-, which we meet with again in the Lat. 
tangere and in the Germ, zanga, " pincers," only with a different 
application. Quite different from all that is the Semitic root 
jadd. We find here the phenomenon of particular Indo- 
Germanic tribes, in order to express an idea for which in the 
primitive common language of the still unscattered people 
there must of necessity have existed a word, and for which, in 
fact, there was a word, allowing this word to pass out of their 
vocabulary and using instead a word altogether different, which 
with some other application had also belonged to the common 
primitive language. 

2. For tooth the Semitic languages (in their scJian-n) have, in 
common with the most of the Japhetic (Sanscrit, Greek, Latin, 
Gothic, Ugrian, Sonora) and the languages of the Swaheli, 
Gandas, and Kaffirs, the root dant-, tann- ; the Malay-Polynesian 
languages have for this a root ngip, nif, 1 and have no longer 
any trace of the old primitive root. The Rua language has 
neno, resembling the Malayan nif. Other negro languages have 
meno, lino, neno, imlno. 

3. For mouth we find a root variously constructed with m 
among the Indians (mukka), the Goths (munths), the Mongols 
(ama, hamun, amga ; comp. Son. cama\ which the Basques 
have in the form of minha, meaning " tongue," the Malays as 
maka, mata, with the signification of " countenance, eye," the 

1 "With probably collateral relation to the Old High German gntant, 
knltan, " to rub." 


Bantu language in Africa and the Sabinda negroes as munu 
(sing, umunu, plur. iminu), "mouth," the Eua language in 
Central South Africa as maJcanu, the Swaheli as kinwa, the 
Baregga, Gande, Manjema, etc., as kama, kamu-a, kaniwa, 
uniwa ; on the other hand, among the Greeks and among the 
Malayans, immediately related not to these but to the Mongols, 
there is another root or&pa, Bug. timu, from root ra,u,-ie?v, " to 
cut," with which dan-, " mouth," in the Acra language (a negro 
dialect), may be compared. So also dd, da, " mouth," among the 
Susi and Mandingo negroes, and again among the Latins or-, 
which originally meant " countenance," from the root wor, war, 
opdu. Then, further, the Germans and Malays have yet another 
root, mul (Javan. mulut), which may indeed be related to the 
first named, and which we again meet with among Njamwesi 
and Sukuma negroes as mulomo, m'lomo, among the Tschuani 
and Kaffirs as molomo, umlomo. The Amharia, together with 
the G alias and Somali, have for mouth a fifth root, of, affan, off. 

4. For "foof'and "to go," the Lat., in common with the Mongol., 
has the two roots culc-, calc-, and tal (-us) ; the Tagal. and 
Malag. have, in common with the Greek, Latin, and German, the 
root pad, cro5, ped-, fuoz, paa, pe; while two other Malayan 
tribes (Malays of the Straits Settlements and Javanese) have 
preserved the root culc in the forms haki, sikil, suku. Kolu, 
gulu, ulle, " foot " in the Bantu language (sing, kulle, plur. 
matte), may also be related to culc. On the other hand, the Eua 
language has umaga. Among the Njamwesi and their neigh- 
bours we find for foot the words lu-geri, kl-geri, ki-rengi, 

5. For "to speak" we find the Greek root ?paS- in New 
Zealand and Tahiti as parau (in Bug. shortened into paii), 
while the root lab is retained in Tongan and Hawaian in the 
form of lea (New Zeal, and Tahit. rea, red), and the Ugr. leo, lau, 
which we find in Lat. labium, Celt. Idbar ("word"), Anglo- 
Saxon lippa; but the Lat. has modified this root lab into 
loc~(loqui), and the Mongolian languages have introduced for it 
two roots, nob- and noc-. The Germans have for it the roots 
Goth, rathjan (Old High Germ, radja, redjon, "to reckon," 
ratio, apiSpoc), sprehhan (comp. Sanscr. sph'iirdsh, " to sound, to 
thunder"), and seggjan, sagen; but the Tagals and Malagassy 
use tinging, tsinging (Lat. tinnire), and the Area negroes have 
Tee, a modification of ke, " to cry out," which resembles Goth. 
qithan and Lat. inquit. In the whole south-east of Africa the 
prefix ki is used to designate the language of a people, e.g. 
Ki-rua, the language of the Warua ; Ki-ganda, the language of 
the country U-ganda, or of the people Wa-ganda. 

G. For the word sinew, nerve, the Germans, Basques, and the 
(according to 297, Ugro-Finnic) Chichimecs and Aztecs have 


in common Sehne, senawa, zaina, tatta (from the root tan, nfvu). 
The Greeks and Latins have for that vttpov, nermis, from a root 
ner (Old High Germ, snara, snuor, " cord, string ") ; the Acra 
negroes have a third root, fd. 

The same phenomenon is repeated throughout, and instead 
of those six examples we might give a hundred and sixty. 
I shall only farther refer to the single but important instance, 
that for the idea of God the Indians, Latins, Celts, Mongolians, 
and Malayans have words from the root div : d$vci, deus, diet, 
tai, tao, tuan, etooa (which among Greeks and Germans has 
become a proper name, as Aevs, Zevs, and Tins, Ziu) ; the 
Iranians and Slavs, loga, log, with which is closely connected 
Pungu, Boka, Bonga, Mungu, common to the Hamitic races. 
The Assamese and Germans have kliota, guths, cot; the 
Esthonians jumala ; the Malayans (besides tuwari), waka 
( 281, Obs. 1). The Germans have in common with the 
Semites the root ta, alia, i'lu, in the Old High German form, 
alhs, alah, " sanctuary," only with a modification of meaning. 
How remarkably here and everywhere does diversity in 
vocabulary appear among peoples that are closely related in 
respect of race ! Groups of nations of very remote relation- 
ship have for some of the simplest material designations 
words which are formed out of the same primitive root, and 
peoples which are connected together by the closest affinities 
have, with occasional resemblance of laws of grammatical 
construction and roots, for a number of the simplest primitive 
ideas words from wholly different roots. Only the Semitic 
tribes afford here a relative exception, in so far as they sharply 
distinguish themselves from the rest of the related peoples 
by the possession of many roots peculiar to themselves, e.g. 
T, n% etc. ; while, on the other hand, they have preserved 
among one another so nearly the same roots, a new proof 
that the Semites, after the confusion of languages and the 
scattering of the peoples took place, had continued for a long 
time (according to 254, down to the overthrow of the 
empire of Nimrod) to live on as one undivided nationality 


(under Cushite, that is, Hamitic sovereignty) on the banks of 
the Euphrates, where then first the Arabs, unaffected by the 
Baal- worship, must have been driven out by them ( 254, 
Ols.}. That scattering of the peoples, which affected the 
Japhetic and most of the Hamitic races, in view of the fact of 
the crossing and interchange of roots above referred to, cannot 
be conceived of by us otherwise than as having as its primary 
cause this breaking up of the original tongue into many 
languages. Had the various families of nations in the 
moment of their dispersion still spoken the one original 
language, it would indeed be conceivable that it would for 
that time undergo many modifications of sound among the 
various peoples, even that for new ideas, which arose in 
consequence of advances in civilisation and industry, each 
nationality should have created its own new words ; but it 
would not be conceivable that those peoples should have 
forgotten and wilfully abandoned words of the original 
language which had been in common use from the earliest times 
for the simplest and most primitive ideas, e.g. for the most 
essential parts of the human body and the bodily functions, 
for which, too, the original language must necessarily have 
been already supplied with words. And even if one should 
still regard this as possible, it can scarcely be regarded as 
conceivable that in the forming of new expressions for these 
old primitive ideas they should have seized upon old primitive 
roots which had been in use only among another remote 
people and not among themselves. If we assume that the 
word of the original language for sinew was one formed from 
the root nar, ner, and that the Basques had taken this word 
with them in their wanderings, and that only at a later period 
in Western Europe they had let it drop out of view, how in 
all the world could they thus have hit upon the word zaina, 
which was identical with the word senewa, of the Geto- 
Germans, then living far in the depths of Asia, and lying at 
the basis of the root tan (reiW), now completely lost in the 
Basque ? Or if we make the converse assumption, that the 



primitive word for sinew was one formed from the root tan, 
and that the Greeks and Latins, as well as the Basques and 
Germans, had taken the same word with them in their 
wanderings, and that it was only at a later period, first in 
Asia Minor and Southern Europe, that it passed out of use, 
how in all the world did they in the forming of a new word 
for that idea hit upon the root nar, ner, which was not present 
in their languages, but only in the German snara ! It is 
therefore incontestable that the Greeks and Latins must have 
seized upon vevpov, nervus, the Germans, Basques, and Mongols 
upon tan, sen, zaina, at a moment when the original language 
still continued to exist as a common tongue, and when the 
primitive roots were still used in unreflecting thinking 
( 51 ff.), and to reflective thought presented themselves 
involuntarily. Each family of nations retained in memory 
some portion of the vocabulary of the original language for 
common objects and forgot the rest, and for these others 
formed for themselves new words from unconsciously, i.e. 
unreflectively, present roots of the original language. And in 
this way it happened that nationalities which were not closely 
related to one another agreed in the retention of the same 
primitive words, or even in seizing upon the same primitive 
roots for the formation of new words. There must therefore 
have been a moment when they could no longer recollect the 
expressions formerly in use for the most common of all things 
and notions ; some wanted one expression, others wanted 
another ; then the descendants of Javan, and at the same time 
a pair of separate Malay families of the stock of Magog, in 
order to designate the mouth, seized upon the root tarn, " to 
cut into, to bite," which then unconsciously or half- consciously 
survived among them, though at a later period it became 
quite forgotten by the Malays, and designated the mouth as 
(Trofjba, timu, " bite ; " the ancestors of the Latins purposely 
seized upon the general expression or "countenance;" the 
Semites on the primitive root fd, wd, " to blow, to sound " 
(see 260. Ols. 1) ; while the ancestors of the Indians, Goths, 


and Mongols, and a portion of the Karaites (the negro tribes), 
retained the undoubtedly original root word mu in the further 
developed forms of mukka, ninths, muno, mul. The primitive 
word pad, ped, for " foot " and " to go," was lost by the Mongols, 
and they laid hold upon calc-, " to stamp," and tal-, " sole." 
According to the result of researches in comparative philology, 
this is what must have taken place. It was not by any 
means a comical, but an extremely tragical and terrible 
occurrence, as, in consequence of the most frightful, soul- 
harrowing catastrophe, such a partial insanity, such a partial 
madness, such a disturbance of soul and confusion of mind 
came over the human race, and the dread of the already 
appearing loss of the capacity of understanding one another 
drove them apart in all directions. Thus the family of 
Ashkenaz was driven toward the north-west, through Armenia 
and over the Caucasus as far as the Danube, along the Alps 
on the lakes and thence to the Cevennes and Pyrenees, 
in timorous flight before the power of the living God, whose 
fear they have preserved for a thousand years ( 258). 
After a time they were followed by the family of Eiphath, 
who, as the Celts, rushed down on the west of Europe ; while 
the tribe of Togarmah, as Sarmatians and Slavs, pushed east- 
ward to the Aral lake and then northward. The tribes of 
Javan made their way into Asia Minor, and thence, soon 
becoming skilful sailors, they crossed the Bosphorus into 
Macedonia and Greece, and over Illyria into Etruria (see 
247). The race of Meshech, however, including Scythians,. 
Getae, Germans, pushed also, like that of Togarmah, to the 
north of the Aral lake, and from thence moved westward, and 
some centuries before Christ occupied a narrow strip of land 
between the Celts and the Sarmatians. Of the Karaites, the 
descendants of Gush moved eastwards to South Arabia and 
India, and spread out over Madagascar to South Africa and as 
far as the Congo, over the Sunda islands, over Polynesia and 
Australia as far as the Gallopagos. After them the vanguard 
of the Malays of the family of Magog moved on and subdued 



and oppressed the Cushites or Melanesians of the Sunda and 
Polynesian islands. After the Malays came the rest of the 
branches of the family of Magog, the moving mass of the 
Mongols, first to lake Baikal, and from thence partly into 
Mongolia, partly through the district of the Kokonor to China, 
then southwards to Tibet. The race of Tubal the Turanians 
and Ugro-Finnic Tartars moved on in succession to the 
Mongols, but only went so far as the Baikal lake, and from 
that point spread out, most vigorously in pre-Christian times, 
into two branches: northward to Finland, Lapland, and 
Siberia, and southwards through Upper Asia to the borders of 
China and India, the East Mongolian empire threatening 
China and subduing the west Mongols. The Iranians, 
descendants of Madai, moved south - eastwards from the 
Turanians to Persia and Bactria, and the Indians separated 
themselves from them in religious conflict ( 218), pushing on 
to the Punjab and settling down in the region round about 
the Ganges. Th'e family of Mizraim, however, soon after the 
scattering of the nations moved across the Eed Sea into 
Middle Egypt, settled in the whole of Egypt and Libya, and 
sent out the Phoenicians from Mons Casius to Lebanon, the 
Cretans and Philistines into Crete and Palestine. The race 
of Phut crossed the Eed Sea and Nubia into the Soudan, and 
peopled Africa with its negro tribes from Atlas southwards to 
the confines of the Cushite Caffraria and Bechuanaland. The 
descendants of Canaan moved westward to Palestine. Only 
the Semitic tribes, together with a portion of the Cushites, the 
ancestors of the modern Abyssinians as well as the Kolhs 
speaking a Semitic language, but having black and woolly 
hair, continued to reside in the plain of the Euphrates, where 
a God-fearing Cushite, Nirnrod, cleared the land of wild beasts 
( 247), founded walled cities, and without opposition was 
recognised as lord of these united tribes. Without opposition, 
indeed, but yet on the side of the Semites grudgingly ( 247). 
After his death, to the proud hatred of the Semites against 
the sovereignty of a Hamite there was added the hatred of 


the Semites against the God whom this Hamite feared, and 
whose worship he had persistently maintained. Only the 
descendants of Arphaxad, as well as the tribes of the family of 
Joktan, took no part in this demoniacal rebellion against God 
( 249). The latter either now separated themselves from 
the Euphrates-Semites, or had done so shortly before (along 
with the Cushites driven into Abyssinia on the overthrow of 
the empire of Nimrod), and moved toward the south-west into 

306. The Cardinal Question: Is the One God a product of 
Israel ? Or is Israel the product of the One God ? 

The antediluvian corruption bore the character of light- 
hearted forgetfulness of God. It was an intensification of sin 
when one hundred and fifty years after the flood a created 
substance, the sun, was put in the place of God. They may 
have thought that in his warming rays, which dried up the 
remnants of the flood, they discovered a merciful power 
operating over against the avenging God. 1 This was sinful 
folly, but it still distinctly bore the character of folly. But 
when, some two hundred and thirty years later, the Semites 
had, along with the yoke of the Nimrod-Cushites, cast off the 
yoke of God, and in full conscious defiance raised the sun as 
Bi'lu (-fen) and the moon as Bilit (n^jn) to the throne of 
worship, and placed these heavenly bodies in such a relation 
to animal fruitfulness that the act of coition as such, as mere 
animal energy, dissociated from the ethical background of 
personal appropriation, was regarded as divine worship and a 
sacrificial act, and again death by fire and self - mutilation 
(see 251) were considered essential acts of worship of the 
blind nature deity begetting physical life and again destroy- 

1 In the more recent Babylonian tradition, 255, the one belonging to 
the stage of the Baal-worship, such a representation again finds a parallel, 
inasmuch as Istar is set over against Anu. Still this is nothing at all 
conclusive, for on the other hand Shamas, the sun -god, is regarded as the 
cause of the flood, and Istar as saving from it. 


ing it, this fundamentally destructive perversion of religion, 
when carried out to its legitimate issue, resulted in diabolical 
and demoniacal obduracy. Here was the deisidaimonia not 
merely dissociated from ethics, but placed in direct antithesis 
thereto. This terrible revolt against conscience led to the 
regarding of that on account of which conscience accuses 
men as a service acceptable to God. Had mankind then 
been still one united race, and as united affected by this most 
potent corruption, our race had then passed beyond the 
possibility of redemption. But by the divine judgment of 
the scattering of the nations that followed the second stage of 
rebellion, it was provided that this third stage should be 
limited at first to that one of the families of the race which 
was guilty of this potent revolt, the Semites, yea, only to a 
portion of these, for the sons of Joktan in Arabia, and in the 
beginning also the sons of Arphaxad in Mesopotamia, took no 
part in it, and that only through a long-continued process 
should the plague of that demoniacal Baal-worship spread 
among the Phoenicians and Canaanites, and through the 
former among the Egyptians, Libyans, Greeks, yea, even to 
America ( 284). 

According to our previous investigations, then, two things 
are established : Firstly, the disciplinary or punitive acts of 
revelation of the living God are witnessed to by the traditions 
common to all the peoples : the Flood, the Scattering of the 
Eaces ; secondly, the Semitic groups of nations are shown to be 
far in advance of the Hamitic and Japhetic tribes in the way 
of polytheistic corruption. Quite in harmony with this, the 
Holy Scriptures of the Old Testament declare that the living 
God led away a pious man of the race of Arphaxad who 
still feared Him from the dangerous neighbourhood of the 
Euphrates-Semites to the Hamite inhabitants of Canaan who 
were still worshippers of God ( 248 and 254); and when 
the Semitic plague had spread even among these, He led His 
people into Egypt and made them there grow into a great 
nation, and by a series of successive acts of revelation among 


this people which He had chosen out for the sphere of the 
future operations of redemption in the incarnation of His 
eternal Son ( 137 f.), He once and again awakened their 
slumbering conscience and kept alive the knowledge of Him- 
self, the one living God, by means of ever new revelations of 
His holiness and His mercy. Thus Holy Scripture declares 
to us on every page that the Semitic people Israel was, in 
itself and according to its natural tendency, in no particular 
better than, but equally corrupt as, the multitude of the other 
Semitic tribes ; that it was possessed with a demoniacal ten- 
dency to polytheism, and indeed specially to Baal-worship, 
and excessively prone to rebellion against God, and that only 
by the most unusual acts of revelation on the part of God a 
fragment of the people not the whole was got to retain 
the knowledge and fear of God. In Israel, Holy Scripture 
finds nothing lovable or praiseworthy (Amos v. 25 f . ; Micah 
vii. 1 f. ; Isa. i. 3 ff. ; Dan. ix. 9-13, etc. ; com p. Ex. v. 20 f., 
xvi. 2, xxxii. 1 ff. ; Num. xxv. 1 ; Judg. ii. 1 1 ff. ; 1 Kings 
xi. 4 f., xii. 28, etc.). It says, indeed, that Israel is a noble 
people, but it finds its nobility to consist only in this, that 
God has drawn so near to this people (Deut. iv. 7) ; the 
people's nobility consists not in that which the people has 
done, but in that which God the Lord has done in it. Thus 
speaks Moses, and just so speaks Paul. The apostle, even 
where he enumerates the privileges of Israel, can say nothing 
else than this, that " unto them were committed the oracles of 
God " (Rom. iii. 2) ; " the adoption, and the glory, and the 
covenants, and the law, and the service of God, and the 
promises " (Eom. ix. 4). Thus God has revealed Himself to 
Israel as rvnK itt'N rvnx, as Him " who is what He is," i.e. who 
is that which He is of Himself, independently of His being 
worshipped and recognised by men. 1 What is always made 
by man the object of worship, whether rightly or wrongly, 

1 That this explanation is the right one, and the only philologically 
possible, has been convincingly proved by Drechsler, Die Eintoit der 
Genesis Handb. 1838, p. 11 ff. 


is an m^K, whereas the one living God is njrp, because He is 
who He is independently of the inclination and will of men. 
He is not the product of men, not devised by them ; this is 
already contained in this name. And no heathen people has 
known this name. Schrader 1 has called attention to the fact 
that the name of Jahavah is not found among any of the 
heathen Semite nations, 2 while the words r6x, ta, ^jn are 
common to all the Semitic languages. In spite of all this, 
however, the modern negative criticism takes great pains over 
this matter. What is incontestably good in the religion of 
Israel, its monotheism and high - toned ethical precepts, is 
regarded as a natural product of the " Semitic mental develop- 
ment;" the Semitic races had in the blood a tendency 
toward monotheism, just as the Indians had to pantheism. 
But what in the history of Israel is rightly or wrongly con- 
sidered base and corrupt is speedily found to have been 
brought about by their belief in a " wrathful Jehovah," who 
is pictured as a crude and undeveloped kind of deity. 
When Jacob deceives Esau and Laban, David commits 
adultery, etc., this is supposed to prove that a God who had 
such "favourites" has nothing in common with the God of 
Christianity, but is to be regarded as a product of thought 
among a rude people occupying the same rank as the product 
of thought of the heathen mythology. And when the Hamitic 
race of the Canaanites, sunken in the corruption of the Baal- 
worship, is exterminated at Jehovah's command, or when 
Jehovah is obliged to waken up the conscience of the corrupt 
and polluted Semitic race of Israel from its lethargy by sharp 
judgments, these must be taken as proofs of the wrathful and 
bloodthirsty character of this God, i.e. of the Israelitish con- 
ception of God ! But when it suits their purpose to praise 

1 Schrader, Cuneiform Inscriptions and the Old Testament, 2 vols. 
London 1885-1887, voL i. p. 11. 

2 In Palmyra, on a monument of the post-Solomonic time, we meet with 
the name Jao, evidently, as also Schrader assumes, borrowed from Israel. 
So, too, had the Chinese philosopher Lao-tse, about B.C. 600, come to know 
the name Ji-hi-wei through exiled members of the ten tribes ; see 268. 


the Jewish race, these critics can glorify it loudly enough by 
saying that monotheism lay " in the blood " of that people, and 
that they produced the idea of the unity of God, or that " they 
have raised themselves to this conception." 1 This is now- 
very specially the cardinal question in reference to the history 
of the religion of the Old Covenant : Is Jahavah a product of 
Israel ? or is Israel a product of Jahavah, the living God ? 
With the answer to this stands or falls the fact of redemption 
under the New Covenant. We must deal more closely with 
this question, and then also the further question demands an 
answer : Why God has chosen for the field and sphere of 
the revelation that was to prepare the way for redemption a 
nation not the noblest by nature, but rather by nature one of 
the most corrupt of the races of mankind. 

307. The Semitic Race and tJie Choice of the Covenant People. 

It was pointed out in 247 that we cannot speak of three 
races of men as thoroughly distinct. From the flood down to 
the scattering of the peoples, a period of a century and a half 
passed before the descendants of Shem, Ham, and Japhet 
would be obliged to have interchange of marriages with one 
another. No trace of such interchanges has been found as 
yet in history. For example, the Hamite race of the 
Egyptians has in its determined stability and exclusiveness 
and its monosyllabic speech such remarkable similarity to the 
Japhetic race, and indeed to the Chinese of Mongolian descent 
from the family of Magog, that one might suppose that some 
of the sons of Mizraim had married daughters of Magog, or 
one of the sons of Magog had married a daughter of Mizraim. 
An affinity of such a kind might also be assumed between 
Javan and that son of Madai from whom the Indians are 

1 As though the matter in question was the numerical unity merely, 
and not rather the qualitative essence of the One ! If the God of the 
Old Testament were actually that " bloodthirsty fury," He were then 
in spite of the unicity a merely common idol, and the praise of having 
" produced the idea of monotheism " does not belong to Israel. 


sprung. But while the distribution of mankind into three 
chief races, as the sons of Japhet, Ham, and Shem, must 
always be taken cum grano salis, each of these, notwith- 
standing the overlapping of its single line determined by 
affinity upon the second or third chief race, has nevertheless 
preserved a certain unique set of characteristics. This funda- 
mental character of the three chief races or families may be 
summarily expressed in a few words. There is no doubt that 
the sons of Japhet in contrast to the Hamites were endowed 
with higher intellectual capacity. What the Latins called 
ingenium, the capacity for free intellectual production and 
movement, we meet with among the Indians and Iranians, 
the Pelasgians and Latins, the Germans and Celts; 1 even 
among the Chinese in a high degree, among the old Uigurs in 
a less degree but one not to be despised, among the Esthonians 
and the Finns and the Slavs, as well as among the Etruscans, 
there was a high development of art. The Hamites, on the 
other hand, if we except the Egyptians and their Phoenician 
offshoots, give the impression of a thoroughly dull, mentally 
sluggish race, with an innate tendency to run out into bar- 
barism ; while for the rest even in a state of barbarism they 
show a certain good-natured disposition, an honourable open- 
ness and true-heartedness, as we see, e.g., among the Kolhs 
and in the negroes, breaking forth, too, among the converted 
negroes sometimes from under the mass of ignorance as a 
childlike, naive simplicity. The highest intellectual elevation 
to which a Hamitic tribe has risen is that of the Egyptian 
civilisation, which, however, in its angularity and one-sided- 
ness can be compared at most to the Chinese, certainly not to 
the Hellenic, Indian, or German, and results, perhaps, only 

1 In spite of the complaint of Vilmar about the sluggishness of the 
ingenium of the Bretons, it would not be difficult to prove, even apart 
from the Ossian question, that the Celts were a singularly gifted race in 
the domain of poetry, and since the time of Iro-Scottish Christian 
missionaries they have been remarkably fruitful in their contributions to 
the poetry and music of the Middle Ages. One need only compare, for 
example, Th. Stephens, Gesch. der walischen Literatur, Halle 1864. 


from intermarriage between the children of the Karaite 
Mizraim and the Japhetic Magog. If we turn now to the 
Semites, no one can deny that in respect of mental and 
spiritual endowments they are as like the Japhetites as these 
are unlike the Hamites. And yet between the Semites and 
the Japhetites there is a thoroughgoing difference. There is, 
almost independently of the relation of God, a purely human 
nobility, a full development of those natural powers which 
distinguish man as man, mark him off as a rational being 
from the brute creation, the harmonious unfolding of which 
ought on this account to be denominated " humanity." This 
humanity may coexist with a sinful determination of will and 
a God-forgetting disposition, i.e. it may along with godlessness 
of heart and life continue for a long time to exist among the 
people as heir of an earlier God-fearing age. According to 
its nature, it may be designated a kind of esthetic and social 
conscience, a feeling for the distinction of the becoming and 
the unbecoming, the fair and the hideous, the noble and the 
base, in one word, a sense of honour, which has become to a 
people or to a group of peoples a second nature. 1 This noble 
sentiment of humanity we find now among most of the peoples 
of Japhetic descent, while it is wholly wanting among the 
Semites. No Semitic nation possesses a true aesthetic sense. 
Even the Hebrew muse, although inspired by God, has 
admittedly much crudeness, and the beauty of the Old 

1 The origin of this honourable aesthetic sense of the becoming in a 
people can only be directly explained by this, that in a very remote 
antiquity among the fathers of the race conscience in reference to the 
relation of man to God continued awake through a large series of genera- 
tions. In these ancient times such a sense of honour became a second 
nature to that people, and now survived as a natural characteristic during 
centuries and even thousands of years, even after the fear of God of 
earlier days had meanwhile been lost. But nothing is more certain than 
that when in a nation the last remnants of a religious conscience has 
been utterly lost (as in the case of polytheism generally), and the frivolity 
of such ages as that of Euripides and the Augustan writers has taken its 
place, then that noble character which appears in a sense of aesthetic 
beauty and of social honour hurries on to a sudden overthrow and 


Testament Psalms and prophetic poetry depends on something 
quite different from the unfolding of a human sense of beauty. 
Still more were the Semites, again only something like half- 
way excluding the Arabs, wanting in the human moral sense 
of honour. The Semitic huckstering spirit, this dishonourable 
and shameless quest of gain and selfish ends, and the Semitic 
insolence of reckless and inconsiderate pride, are vouchers 
enough for the want of magnanimity of nature and a sense of 
honour. That there were and are among the Semites indi- 
viduals of a nobler temper, we would by no means deny. 
We are only stating here what is the national character. 
And from this general characterization we by no means exempt 
Israel, the people of the Old Covenant. It is a fault that 
has been transmitted from generation to generation among 
Christian theologians, especially noticeable in practical religious 
literature, that the patriarchs and the godly of the Old Testament 
are represented as saints, or at least as ideals of humanity. 
Jews they were in their nature and in their national character. 
Jacob bargains with his twin brother for his birthright privilege, 
and gets by craft the herds of Laban; Joseph takes advantage 
of the Egyptians' famine to do a brilliant stroke for Pharaoh ; 
and thus the Semitic characteristics crop up through cracks 
and crannies in the lives of the most pious and the best. 1 
" And such people were the favourites of Jehovah ! " exult- 
ingly cries out rationalism in coarse homely wisdom. Yes, 
answer we, just this nation, wanting all natural magnanimity 
and high sense of honour, has God chosen as the sphere and 
organ of His revelation, that should prepare the way for 

1 The much spoken of " purloining " (more properly : snatching from, 
taking by force) of Egyptian articles (Ex. xiv. 35 f.) can scarcely be 
reckoned under this head. The Egyptians themselves constrained and 
urged the Israelites (ver. 34), without seeking back their articles. One 
might say, but just as well might doubt, that the noble-minded Japhetites 
would nevertheless have left the articles behind, instead of taking them 
with them in the excitement of the moment. Objectively considered, it 
was a reward which the Egyptians were obliged unwillingly to pay the 
Israelites according to the counsel of God for their long service as 


redemption, not in spite of but because of its being so 
mean a race, yea, in its natural form the meanest and most 
corrupt of all the three. A few words will be enough to 
explain and establish this. The Japhetites had high mental 
endowments with that natural nobility of mind, the Semites 
had great mental endowments without that nobility, and the 
Hamites were but meanly equipped intellectually. So far it 
is plain (1) That the Hamites earliest of all sank into 
barbarism, and in them sin showed itself as merely savage 
rudeness without any veil of craft; (2) That among the 
Japhetites remnants of a conscience and of a knowledge of 
God was longest retained, and among them that national sense 
of honour as a relative drag resisted the development of evil ; 
and (3) That among the Semites evil as a combination of 
shamelessly selfish desire with natural acuteness and mental 
ability, without any counteracting drag, must have taken the 
form of essential corruption and pollution, especially when 
to dishonourable baseness was added shameless pride and self- 
righteous stubbornness. And now it is directly also easy to 
understand why God's Son, according to the counsel of His 
Father, must have assumed flesh and blood from the Semitic 
race. Not the stupidest, endowed with the slenderest natural 
capacities, in which sin showed itself in mere savage rudeness, 
could be the race that should be the vessel and bearer of 
salvation for the rest of the nations. This, without more ado, 
is clear. One might rather have supposed the Japhetic family 
the most suitable. But if the Son of God was to be born the 
redeemer of a world of sinners, the opposition of lost humanity 
and the saving God must be sharply and distinctly emphasized. 
" The people that sat in darkness saw a great light." Not 
then among those in whom there was an appearance, however 
fallacious, of a capacity for self-redemption, which was in 
reality only a relative check upon sin such as kept them in 
a redeemable condition, but among those in whom the full, 
deep misery of sin in its most dangerous form had manifested 
itself, in whom there was no natural check upon this corrup- 


tion, upon whom only the acts of the Old Testament revelation 
of God operated as checks restraining them within the limits 
of possible redemption, and in whom all goodness present, e.g. 
the piety of those in the land who waited for salvation, a 
Mary, an Elizabeth, a Simeon, a Nathanael, a Peter, a John, 
was to be traced back simply to the operations of God and 
the revelations of God, among such a people must the Lord 
become man. And this had to be in order that He might 
passively endure sin in its most potent form, sin as Semitic 
corruption (see 312). 

But now we must, in conclusion, call attention to the 
incontestable fact that our Lord Jesus Christ has in Himself 
not a fibre of that peculiarly Semitic character. The person 
of the Lord is distinguished by the highest, freest magnanimity, 
as is evidenced to us by the record of all the four evangelists. 
The Son of God became man within the range of a people of 
the Semitic race ; but He became not a Semite, but a man. 
Whatever can be regarded within the limits of the Japhetic 
family as the highest ideal of all that is noble in man most 
harmoniously developed, is in comparison with Him, like pale 
moonlight before the clear shining of the sun. This alone 
should suffice to prove the truth of this incarnation. Jesus 
Christ is no product of humanity. The combined powers of 
a whole series of Semites, together with Thamar (Matt. i. 3) 
and Jezebel (2 Kings viii. 18 and Matt. i. 8), might have 
begotten a Semite, but never a Son of man, the second Adam. 

308. God's Educative Procedure in the Patriarchal Age. 

The foolishness of unbelief that thinks itself wise sneers at 
the God who blesses Jacob, this man of cunning (Gen. xxvii. 
and xxx., xxviii. and xxxi.), and prefers him to the honest, 
upright Esau. According to the notion of such, the fruits 
must be fully formed before even root or tree exists. 1 But 

1 The unbelief of our day, which boasts of its " liberalism," thus under- 
mines the foundation of ethics, the fear of God and conscience, and tears 


such modelled mature fruits are not useable, and melt away 
like butter before the sun. The living and wise God pro- 
ceeded in a manner quite the contrary of this. " Walk before 
me," this is the demand which He makes of His servant. Not, 
walk correctly, walk with a firm step, and without faltering ; 
but " walk before me ; thou weak, lame, halting one ; thou wilt 
stumble every moment, but follow me closely with thine eye, 
continue in my presence, be sincerely ashamed of thy weak- 
ness and sinful nature ; but fly not from my sight with the 
foolish, proud thought of hiding from me thy guilt and 
palliating it ; but confess it, and put believing confidence in 
me who am the holy God, hating thy sin, yet showing tender 
mercy toward thee." This was the course of God's pro- 
cedure with Abraham and the rest of the patriarchs. Of the 
racial defects of the Semites, insolent pride and mean selfish- 
ness and love of gain, the pride must first in order be eradi- 
cated and overcome by awakening the childlike and humble 
but firm faith in God ; in the God who revealed Himself as 
the merciful One notwithstanding His holiness, which He 
showed, e.g., in His treatment of Sodom. This humility and 
this stedfastness of faith we find among the patriarchs as a 
first-fruit well matured of the divine education, though ex- 
hibited, indeed, in the midst of many evidences of the weaknesses 
of a child's faith. 1 As an immediately consequent fruit of 
this we have neighbourly love, which in Abraham shows itself 
in his friendly yielding to Lot, and in Joseph in the noblest 
manner as forgiving love. How well must Joseph have 
understood the innermost depths of the divine pity ! He 
acted toward his brethren in the hardest manner before he 

them from the heart, but then complains with sad lamentations that 
instead of the morality of pantheism " in need of no religious basis," 
" standing on its own feet " (i.e. hanging in the air), we have only naked 
selfishness (on the one hand, maintenance of privilege and the exciting 
struggles of the exchange ; on the other hand, social democratic covetous- 
ness) ; and instead of the hoped-for modern Buddhist reign of peace, :t 
lellum omnium contra omnes. 
1 E.g. Gen. xx., xxxii. 7 fl'. 


made himself known to them in order to bring home to them 
their guilt and make them confess it ; but in the very moment 
when he makes himself known to them, he imparts to them 
also the assurance that he has forgiven them ! Similarly, too, 
does God assume a position toward the other racial defect, the 
mean huckstering spirit and the low cunning that is by no 
means passive or indifferent. Jacob deceived his old blind 
father by a slain kid and a borrowed coat ; but the surrepti- 
tiously obtained blessing drives its possessor immediately into 
the unblessed region of homelessness and banishment ; in his 
old age he himself is deceived in the most heartless way by 
his own sons by means of a coat smeared with the blood of 
a slaughtered kid (Gen. xxxvii. 31 ff.). By a trick, though 
indeed in self-defence, he obtained for himself a large portion 
of Laban's herd ; he led them away in anxiety, and soon after 
felt himself obliged to offer and surrender to Esau a part 
of his flocks and herds (Gen. xxxii. 13 ff., xxxiii. 11). With 
genuinely Semitic cunning Joseph took advantage of the 
need of the Egyptians to effect a clever financial policy for 
Pharaoh (Gen. xlvii.), but his descendants soon found how 
easily such cleverness is turned into foolishness when (comp. 
241, Obs. 1) the national hatred of the Egyptians against 
Israel kindled by this very proceeding, and against the fifteenth 
dynasty connected with Israel, burst out in a flame, overthrew 
the dynasty, and terribly oppressed Israel as " plunderers of 
the treasures of the land." The leadings of divine providence, 
by means of which Jacob's race are brought to reside in 
Egypt, had a special purpose in connection with the history of 
redemption ; Abraham's race would thus be preserved from 
the plague of the Semitic worship of Baal. Once already this 
plague had come near enough. In the vale of Siddim, which 
had for twelve years been subject to the Euphrates-Semites 
(Gen. xiv. 4, comp. 253), this plague had taken root. There 
the Lord rooted it out by that judgment of which traces in 
the geological formations are to be found to this day (see 
Obs.). When, some generations after the overthrow of Sodom, 


this pestilence of Baal-worship spread also iuto Palestine 
among the Canaanites, Phoenicians, the children of Lot, and 
the Midianites, the Ishmaelites had already moved southwards 
into Arabia, remaining true to" the faith of Abraham " ( 254, 
Obs.). But the Israelites were saved in Egypt from this 
plague. They were not, however, preserved from the con- 
tagion of the relatively harmless Old Egyptian polytheism 
( 241), that symbolizing of the creator of the world, ossified 
as the soul of the world, invisible but }*et unfree, represented 
in the regular course of the stars and of nature. How deeply 
the Israelites were influenced and affected by the tendency to 
such polytheistic nature-symbolism, and specially to symbo- 
lizing through animals, is seen from the fact (Ex. xxxii.) that 
they, after and in spite of all the powerful manifestations of 
the free, living God, who was the God of their fathers, and 
had revealed Himself to them as mrp, yet set up a polytheistic 
plurality of gods (comp. ver. 1, in^ 1 ) in place of that one God, 
and wished to symbolize these in the form of animals (the 
figure of Apis). This inbred tendency to polytheism showed 
itself in a very marked manner even during the wilderness 
wanderings, in the worship of the heavenly bodies (Amos 
v. 26), and later also in animal symbolism (1 Kings xii.). 
And this is the people, forsooth, that have of themselves pro- 
duced " the idea of monotheism ! " The mass of the people 
could but after a long time grasp the idea that Jahavah was 
one God, but only that He was stronger than the gods of the 
heathen (with Deut. iv. 35 comp. iii. 24 and Num. x. 17 
and 2 Chron. ii. 5). And this is the people that were to 
produce the idea of monotheism ! A " Jehovist party " 
arose and gained a standing among the people long, long 
after Moses, and this party remodelled the Semitic Baal into a 
rather more spiritually conceived and not altogether so terrible, 
but still a tolerably bloodthirsty " Jahveh," craftily introduced 
Him into the old songs of the people, and set Him forth 
under Jehovistic titles. And in regard to this grand discovery 
of wisdom only this small matter is forgotten, that ( 246) 


the proper names which have "Jehovah" in them are already 
met with in the time of Moses. 

The Israelites in Egypt, by reason of their natural Semitic 
character as a nation, would undoubtedly have forgotten the 
God of their fathers, and have fallen completely into poly- 
theism, had not the violent hatred of their Egyptian oppressors 
forcibly compelled them to cry out to their fathers' God. 
And then did this God reveal Himself in a series of judg- 
ments which He sent upon the Egyptians, 1 judgments which 
found their like in the natural magic practised by the 
Egyptians, but in the degree and manner in which they are 
here performed are clearly enough marked out as miracles 
( 134). So, too, an east wind makes it possible for them 
to pass through the Eed Sea (Ex. xiv. 21), and nothing 
prevents us from understanding the words of ver. 22, D^oni, 
noin Dr6, as meaning that the waters on right and left of the 
sandbank laid bare by the wind served as a protection to 
them from attacks upon their flanks, and not that the waters 
stood up like the walls of a tower around them, which would 
have been expressed by niDina D'Wi. But should one con- 
clude from this that the miracle can be explained away as a 
natural occurrence, in which case that east wind would have 
been merely an event of lucky chance, he should remember 
that without the admission of a notable miracle the passing 
of the Jordan (Josh. iii. f.), of which the stone memorials still 
existed in the time when the story of the occurrence was 
written (iv. 9, 20), cannot be satisfactorily explained. By 
manifestations of His omnipotence God graciously unlooses the 

1 When it is said that God hardened the heart of Pharaoh, the meaning 
of the author is not to discuss the dogmatic question as to the relation of 
human freedom to the divine decree, but simply to remove the erroneous 
conception of a people prone to polytheism, as if God somehow were not 
mighty enough to immediately enforce obedience from Pharaoh. That 
the opposition of Pharaoh so long continued was not contrary to God's 
plan and counsel, but operated within limits determined by God's counsel, 
this and nothing else is here affirmed. The subtler question as to whether 
God's will here shows itself determining or permissive, does not in the 
least come into consideration. 


entanglements of sin in what is the complication and not the 
development of man. By means of ever repeated acts He 
overcame the inbred Semitic tendency to polytheism, and as 
it were enforced the acknowledgment of Himself. 

Obs. The admitted fact that the surface of the Dead Sea is 
1300 feet below that of the Mediterranean has nothing to do 
with the catastrophe of Sodom. Even the Lake of Gennesareth 
lies 600 feet below the Mediterranean. The whole Jordan 
valley is a cleft or fissure which, long before there were men 
upon the earth, in the beginning of the Tertiary period, was 
occasioned by a volcanic plutonic eruption, probably in conse- 
quence of the explosive nature of the Jebel Kuleib or the 
mountains of Bashan. It is quite a different geognostic fact 
which affords evidence of the overthrow of Sodom. The Dead 
Sea throughout its greater part, down as far as the peninsula, 
is of very great depth ; the plummet here sounded a depth of 
12UO or 1300 feet ; from the peninsula to the south end of the 
lake, however, it is only from 4 to 13 feet deep. It here forms 
a basin of 10 miles long, and has the appearance of an inter- 
sected shallow flooded valley of about the same breadth. The 
continuation of the valley that is not flooded, only a few feet 
higher, forms the peninsula, and this has under its surface rich 
beds of asphalt, just as is said in Gen. xiv. 10 of the whole 
range of the valley. Close to the sea on the west side stands 
Jebel Usdum, 500 feet high, 2^ leagues long, composed entirely 
of rock-salt covered with a thin layer of chalk and clay, which 
forms a steep background of bare rock-salt over against the 
Dead Sea. The English naval officer Van de Velde (Journey 
through Sinai and Palestine, 2 vols. Edin. 1854), to whom we 
are indebted for these detailed geognostic observations, explains 
the origin of these geognostic geographical peculiarities by the 
simple assumption that the southern quarter of the lake was 
land at an earlier period, that a flash of lightning kindled the 
layer of asphalt lying under the surface, and probably here and 
there existing to this day or intentionally laid bare by the hand 
of man ; that this burned on underground, destroying by its 
heat the cities situated above it ; that in consequence of this 
conflagration the crust of the earth sank from 10 to 20 feet 
therefore below the level of the lake, and so was flooded by it 
to a slight depth ; and finally, that in consequence of the heat, 
the crust of clay of the Jebel Usdum overlooking the east 
side burst into flame, and with part of the rock-salt fell into 
the lake and thus gave it its saltness, which now also every 
rush of rain which washes down the naked walls and gorges 
of the salt mountain increases. That t^Kl JV~ia:i, falling from 



heaven, in Gen. xix. 24, can be understood of a kindling flash 
of lightning, admits of no doubt. If we are to think of actual 
burning brimstone, the effects would evidently be the same as 
from the lightning. 

309. The Law and the Ordinance of Sacrifice. 

We pursue no farther the series of these particular facts, but 
turn now to the giving of the law. No unprejudiced person can 
deny that in post-Mosaic times particular additions as well as 
several historical elucidations were added by way of supplement 
(e.g. Gen. xii. 6, xiii. 7, xxxvi. 31; Num. xxxv. 14; Deut. iii. 
14). The groundwork of the law, however, and that in a far 
higher degree than the Vendidad ( 208), is derived from one 
source, and from the tune of Moses. This groundwork falls 
into three parts, which may even be externally distinguished. 
The "law" (nny), Ex. xx., contains the eternal requirements 
made by God of His people, requirements which are only an 
exposition of the requirements which conscience makes of 
every man ; hence then the decalogue can maintain its place 
in Christianity as the expression of the ethical law for all the 
nations of the earth. For it covers the whole ground of the 
ethical law as such. To worship the living God alone as God, 
to worship Him as the invisible, as a spirit, not by images, to 
treat His holy name as holy, and not to drag it down into the 
service of sin through passion or superstition, to withdraw a 
set portion of one's lifetime from the pursuit of earthly busi- 
ness and devote it to the concerns of the soul's salvation in the 
exercises of worship and the service of God, to honour parents 
as the representatives of God (comp. 124), to respect the 
life, the marriage ties, and the property of our neighbours, to 
speak the truth, and finally, to acknowledge our sin and put 
away from us even the secret desire for what is not our own, 
these are the groundworks of a true system of morals basing 
itself upon God and the fear of God. In regard to marriage, 
polygamy was still in practice tolerated, because God will not 
have the fruits before the root. This law was not to change 


the sinner into a sinless man, but was to produce the con- 
sciousness of sin (usus elenchticus), and to construct a solid 
wall of wholesome discipline to resist its further inroads. The 
second part of the law : D'BQB>o (Ex. xxi., xxii), affords an out- 
line of judicial procedure, of social and civil order, and for this 
very reason has had significance only for Israel as a nation 
peculiar in respect of its civil constitution. Specially worthy 
of notice is the injunction to love enemies, Ex. xxiii. 4 ; comp. 
Num. xix. 1 7. The third part : mpn (Ex. xxv.-xxxi., and 
Lev. i. viii. and xi. ff.), gives detailed directions concerning 
divine worship. God made a covenant with Israel, nna, pro- 
mising His grace, demanding the fulfilment of His law. But a 
nation of sinful men fulfils not this requirement, and cannot 
fulfil it ; Israel still, even as at the beginning (Ex. xxxii.), 
breaks the covenant, and proves itself a stiff-necked people 
(vv. 9, 10). Thus the decalogue becomes an accusing witness 
against the nation. It deserves only overthrow ; but God for the 
sake of His own honour, the honour of His covenant faithfulness 
(ver. 1 ff.), shows Himself merciful to His people. The accusing 
witness will be concealed with a covering (mia), and the 
covering is to be sprinkled with the blood of an ox slain as a 
substitutionary sin-offering (Lev. xvi.), in order that the eye 
of the Lord may fall, not on the accusing witness, but on the 
consummated atonement. The whole ritual, with all its other 
offerings, is organically grouped around this central act per- 
formed yearly by the high priest. The sprinkling of blood on 
the lid of the ark in the holiest of all, symbolized the main- 
tenance of the covenant by a continual new atonement for the 
continual new breaches of the covenant of the people. In the 
holy place the relatively incomplete fulfilment of the law was 
set forth under symbol by the daily presentation of the fruit 
of the land, bread and oil, and the worship of God by the 
presenting of incense to Him on the altar of incense at the 
entering in of the holiest of all. In the holiest of all the 
living God manifested, not His creative omnipresence, but speci- 
fically His gracious nearness growing out of His covenant with 


Israel in the light-gleam of the Shechinah ; but the holiest of 
all was unapproachable and shut ; the sacrificial worship only 
secured that God cared for His people, went not into judgment 
with their sins, but continued to exercise further patience ; not, 
however, that the guilt of sin which stood between Him and 
His people as a wall of partition was fully atoned for (ira-pecris, 
not a<e<m, .comp. Horn. iii. 25). This points significantly 
enough to the need of a future more perfect atonement (comp. 
Heb. ix.). 

In regard to two points we must here enter on a closer 

A. The whole ritual is founded on the assumption of the 
sinfulness and guilt of Israel, and the whole history of the 
exodus and the wilderness journey has to tell of nothing else 
than the unusual stiff-neckedness and depravity of the people, 
not of their merits, excellences, and virtues, but only of the 
wonderful long-suffering of the holy God. That is a phenomenon 
which we do not meet with in the history of the religion of any 
other nation. The heathen nations (comp. Book First) repre- 
sent themselves in the best light ; here and there on account 
of particular sins their gods are angered, and they seek by 
means of sacrifices of various kinds to pacify them. To a sad 
extent they have lost the idea of sin and guilt and the con- 
ception of an avenging God, and know only of capricious evil 
powers or beings from a necessity of their nature injurious, 
whose blind rage they seek to avert by sacrifice. But the 
peoples as such are always and everywhere full of their own 
praises and the glorification of themselves. The Moabite 
king Mesha describes himself as on the best understanding 
with his god Chemosh ; he has built him a temple, and there- 
fore looks to him for a brilliant victory. This tone prevails 
in the inscription of Darius at Bagastana or Behistun, and in 
the other Achamadian inscriptions. The case is similar, too, 
with regard to the Greeks, the Eomans, the Indians, the 
Mongols, and the Chinese. And a people so characterized by 
insolent pride as the Israelites were, possesses now as the oldest 


literary monument and the earliest book of laws a treatise in 
which mention is only made of the wickedness and depravity 
of the people, in which the whole ritual is built up upon 
the assumption of the sinfulness and guilt of the people, 
in which is found nothing else in praise of the people than 
that God, the holy and living God, revealed Himself to them, 
and has shown His patience in dealing with them. And this 
book, which gives such a slap in the face to all their pride and 
national self-esteem, is to be regarded as a product of the 
national spirit of the people ! If a national enemy of Israel 
had turned his attention to wounding Israel's pride in its most 
tender point, he could have written nothing more cutting than 
this history of the exodus. But as this Torah was not written 
by a member of a hostile nation, but by an Israelite, in the 
language of the Israelites, it can have the ground of its origin 
only in the revelation of a divine friend, i.e. of a friendly God, 
who in His grace roused up a member of that race, so sunken 
naturally in corruption, from the sleep of conscience, that root 
of hardening and unredeemable depravity, again and again un- 
weariedly shaking them up with powerful disciplinary words 
and acts of God, and kept awake the awakened consciousness 
of sin by means of the ordinance of sacrifice. 

B. This sacrificial worship embraced in its deep symbolism 
the truth whose caricatures are seen in the various heathen 
religions. Even the first men had brought their sacrifices. The 
idea of sacrifice was given in the very consciousness of guilt. 
In the Book of Genesis there is no word to the effect that God 
ordained and recommended sacrifice. 1 Man quite naturally came 
upon the idea himself. The consciousness of being behind- 
hand in the discharge of duty, of that which he was bound to 

1 When God, appearing in human form (Gen. iii. 21), gives to man 
clothing of skins of beasts as a covering of their nakedness, the act of the 
slaying of those beasts is not there indeed once mentioned, and therefore 
comes into consideration only as a means for supplying clothing, not as 
a sacrificial act. All the less is the latter reference possible from the fact 
that God Himself slew the animals, and would in that case have presented 
the sacrifice to Himself. 


do, led to the idea of making good the deficiency, i.e. of a suf- 
ficient satisfaction. For the performance of the duty which 
man has left unperformed, another performance which he is 
not obliged to do, the voluntary surrender of some good thing, 
looks like the payment of an equivalent. This idea seems to 
have lain at the basis of the first sacrifices (Gen. iv. 3 f.). But 
conscience could not be thereby pacified. Conscience said to 
man that he not merely left good undone, but had willed and 
done evil, and by his sin had deserved punishment This led 
to the idea of a personal substitution. Instead of the person 
who is amenable to punishment, another being may suffer the 
death due by reason of sin, and the skin victim should blaze 
up in flames before God, whom man involuntarily thinks of 
as in the distant heavens ruling over the earth. This was the 
notion underlying the burnt-offering (e.g. Gen. viii. 20), and 
the equivalent substitution, the surrender of some possession 
or something treasured, was likewise present and emphasized 
therein. But even these sacrifices sufficed not to bring peace 
to the conscience. Can an animal make an appearance for a 
man ? Would it not be proper that a man, and that a very 
dear and much loved man, even the offerer's own son, should 
be presented unto God ? This was not proper, in the first 
place, because every man by his own sin was under the doom 
of death, so that he could not atone for the sin of another ; 
and secondly, because a man, even one's own son, is not the 
property of the offerer, but the property of God, and therefore 
as little suited for essential substitution as for personal. It 
was not proper, yet one can understand how men hit upon the 
idea. And thus have we, even among noble Japhetic nations, 
the Greeks, the Romans, the Germans, significant traces of 
human sacrifices having been made in very early times, apart 
altogether from the savage practice in later times of slaughter- 
ing prisoners of war in honour of the war-god. These noble 
human sacrifices are quite essentially distinguished from the 
horrible Moloch sacrifices of the Euphrates -Semites, which had 
not in the remotest degree any reference to the consciousness 


of guilt and the idea of an essential and personal substitution, 
but were presented to the deity of the blind process of nature, 
which produced and then again destroyed its own production, 
bereft altogether of any moral notion. The Israelites may be 
considered as from the first preserved from the error of the 
more nobly conceived human sacrifices. This occurred through 
the incident recorded in Gen. xxii. God demanded for a burnt- 
offering Abraham's son, whom he had given Him by a miracle 
(Gen. xviii. 11), and on whom the promise rested (Gen. xvii. 
19). Firmly believing that God could not be unfaithful to 
His promise, and so restore the victim again to life (Rom. iv. 
1 7 ; Heb. xi. 1 9), he prepared himself to obey ; but God sub- 
stituted an animal for Isaac. Since, then, God had Himself 
declared that He preferred an animal sacrifice, every doubt as 
to whether God would be satisfied with an animal sacrifice 
was dispelled. And then afterward in the law at Sinai, God 
ordained animal sacrifice, and expressly forbade human sacri- 
fice (Lev. xviii. 21). 

310. The Period of the Judges. 

When the Israelites entered Palestine, the plague of the 
Baal-worship had laid hold upon the Canaanites, and the pro- 
duct of Semitic corruption had called into existence on the 
neighbouring territory of Hamitic barbarism a form of religion 
like that which we have already seen to be current among 
the Phoenicians ( 251), and in Palestine exhibitions possibly 
were met with of a yet more horrible kind (Num. xxv. 1 ff. ; 
comp. the command, Deut. xxiii. 18 ; further, 1 Kings xiv. 24, 
xv. 12, xxii. 47; 2 Kings xxiii. 7; also Judg. ii, 17, etc., 
where ^ins H3T is wrongly taken symbolically, but rather just 
means the 7ro/Ji>eta-service of Ashera). The animal vice of 
whoredom was regarded as service to the deity ; on all hills 
and under all trees (2 Kings xvi. 4, xvii. 10; Jer. ii. 20; 
Ezek. vi. 13, xx. 28) stood pillars and images of Ashera 
(Judg. iii. 7; 1 Kings xiv. 23), where that vile worship was 


practised. The Canaanites were foul to the very marrow and 
ripe for judgment, and Israel was not to be infected by the 
plague ; hence the righteous and gracious command of the 
holy God that the Canaanites should be utterly destroyed. 
We call this command a gracious one. Rationalistic sen- 
timentality * has regarded it as hard and cruel ; but the 
individuals of the generation that perished through the 
charem had in any case once to die, and that this generation 
should have no descendants of a still blacker die was grace, 
or rather, would have been grace had only Israel obeyed, and 
consistently and completely fulfilled the command. But the 
Semitic nature fell lusting after the lusts of the Baal-worship 
(Num. xxv.), stopped short in the execution of the divine 
injunction, allowed (Judg. i. 21 ff.) a portion, by no means 
small, of the Canaanite inhabitants to escape, and were tempted 
by them to engage in the worship of Baal (Judg. ii. 17, 
iii. 7, x. 6, etc. ; comp. chap. vi. 28). Then God gave them 
up for chastisement to the tyranny of their neighbours, the 
Philistines, the Ammonites, the Midianites, the Moabites, etc., 
till in their need they cried to the Lord, and He revealed 
Himself to them, and called individuals (e.g. Judg. iv. 4-8, 
vi. 8, and xi. ff.), and endowed them with courage, wisdom, 
and power to free the subject people and restore the worship 
of Jahavah. The tabernacle with its high priest and sacri- 
ficial worship (1 Sam. i. 3) and series of festivals (Judg. 
xxi. 19) continued to exist throughout the period of trouble 
and decay, and was regarded as a safe retreat by that por- 
tion of the people which had not yielded to seduction, or had 
under the influence of the divine chastisements returned again 
to the service of God (1 Sam. iv. 3). But that in that 
period of oppression and confusion the precepts of the Torah 
should have been preserved only in an imperfect and frag- 
mentary form is what might have been expected, and it is 
mere folly to draw from the deviations in the ordinary form 

1 Samuel was entirely free from such sentimentality, Saul was not 
(1 Sam. xv. 8 and 33). 


of the law during the period of the Judges the conclusion 
that the law did not as then at all exist. Many of these 
deviations are, indeed, only in appearance. The Baal- worship 
on the high places (Judg. iii. 7, etc.) is in conflict with the 
prohibition of any other places for sacrifice than the door 
of the tabernacle (Lev. xvii. ; Deut. xii.), or when Gideon in 
Ophra by the setting up of a golden ephod gave occasion to 
image-worship (Judg. viii. 27), or Micah engaged in idolatrous 
practices (Judg. xvii. 4), but there is no such conflict when 
God as mrv ijxta appears visibly, and an offering is then 
brought to Him (Judg. ii. 5, vi. 24, xiii. 16); for the latter is 
required and approved by an angel of the Lord Himself 
(Judg. xiii. 16), and not on its own account, but on account 
of the God present in the holiest of all over the ark of the 
covenant was the tabernacle the appointed place of sacrifice. 
When, moreover, the ark of the Lord was carried in war to 
Bethel (Judg. xx. 27), and before it an altar was raised and a 
sacrifice presented (Judg. xxi. 4), this is quite in keeping with 
what we have in Lev. xvii It was not on account of the taber- 
nacle that the ark of the covenant existed, but on account of 
this ark of the covenant was the tabernacle the legitimate place 
for sacrifice. When Samuel (] Sam. ix. 12), at his residence 
in Eamah in the land of Zuph (south of Bethlehem, comp. 
1 Sam. x. 2), presented a sacrifice to God on a high place, the 
offering seems in this case to have been occasioned by the pre- 
ceding theophany (ix. 5). In ver. 1 2 it is expressly said, "For the 
people have a sacrifice to-day." But it is mere silliness from these 
passages to think to draw the conclusion that the God originally, 
and still during the period of the Judges, worshipped in Israel 
was no other than the Semitic Baal, or at least some sort of Baal 
(see Obs.~), and . that He was then usually worshipped on high 
places, and that first in later times was Jehovism introduced 
along with the law that Jehovah should be worshipped only 
in the tabernacle, whereas the whole history of the period of 
the Judges from first to last is taken up with an account of 
the vigorous antagonism of the worship of the self-revealing 

362 , THE KEVELATION OF GOD. [ 310. 

Jehovah and the service of Baal. The moral condition of 
the people during this rough, wild age showed more of a 
retrogression than a progression, quite as might be expected, 
seeing that this whole period as such was one of great falling 
off on the part of the people of the fear of God (Judg. ii.). 
The Lord must again begin from the first to heal and 
strengthen the damaged root that threatened the very seat 
of life, so that in future times blossoms and fruits might 
be developed. We find individual ethically beautiful traits 
in Deborah, Barak, Gideon ; in Jephthah and Samson, again, 
the moral element falls into the background. God has been 
obliged to be satisfied with fitting out these men by miraculous 
endowments of His Spirit so as to make them, as it were, 
involuntary and blind instruments for His particular opera- 
tions which they had to perform for God's purposes on others 
and for others, without having been themselves men renewed 
in heart and spirit. They were servants of God, not chil- 
dren ; l servants who acknowledged the one living and true 
God, and faithfully (faithfully in a relative sense, Judg. 
viii. 27) rendered Him service, and continued to avoid and 
abhor the worship of Baal. In the struggle between the 
service of God and the service of Baal, they attached them- 
selves to the party of God, and this negative attitude was for 
the time enough. The garden must be saved from the 
rushing flood which could destroy it utterly, and would have 
turned it into a poisonous swamp. The rooting out of weeds 
from within the garden was a work that must be left for later 
times. With every decline in the worship of the true God 
there was a corresponding decline in public morals ; conscience 
could not wholly fall asleep. When Samson (Judg. xvi. 1, 4) 
entered into relations with a Philistine harlot, we see the sinful 

1 "We cannot, indeed, speak of children of God in the strict sense in the 
Old Covenant. One becomes a child of God first when born again of Christ. 
He gives the power to become sons of God (John i. 12). But a germ of the 
child-consciousness was already possible even under the Old Covenant, 
namely, to those whose believing knowledge and trust were directed 
to the future salvation promised (Isa. Ixiv. 16 ; Heb. xi. 13-16). 


rudeness of fleshly lust ; but there is a heaven-wide difference 
between the sinful coarseness and the conniption of the Baal- 
worshippers, which made whoredom a part of divine worship. 
And far above Samson stand his parents, also Jephthah 
(Judg. xi. 34 f.) and Gideon. 

Obs. In Jephthah's history some find a hint that among the 
Israelites whoredom belonged to the service of their national 
god, as it belonged to the Baal-worship of the Canaanites and 
heathen Semites. Jephthah, when he could not offer his 
daughter as a burnt-offering, gave her as a temple attendant to 
the service of the god for the said purpose. Hence the maiden 
bewailed the loss of her virginity for two months. The words, 
Judg. xi. 39 : K*N njrv vb vn, are then used in reference to the 
past. But this rendering is as senseless as possible. If the 
idea of the national god of Israel was similar to that of Baal, 
nothing would have prevented Jephthah from burning his 
daughter in honour of this god, since such offerings by fire were 
certainly proper to the Baal-worship (comp. Lev. xviii. 21 ; 
Deut. xviii. 10) ; and if he avoided doing this from paternal 
tenderness, then it would not have been said in ver. 39, trjn 
mms r6, but it ought to have explained that, and why he 
left his vow unfulfilled, and what he substituted in its place. 
Further, if it is regarded as an act of divine worship to 
surrender oneself as a temple attendant, it is not conceivable 
how the. maiden should bewail the loss of her virginity ; not 
amid lamentation, but amid wild demoniac exultation did the 
female devotees of Baal and Bilit give themselves up to dis- 
honour. That explanation is based upon two assumptions which 
are mutually exclusive : that prostitution had been introduced 
as an act well-pleasing to the gods, and that in reference to 
it there existed a fine moral feeling, and that it was considered 
a misfortune and dire calamity. Finally, the observation : " she 
knew no man," seems on that assumption quite vain, since in the 
Baal- worship married women as well as virgins gave themselves 
up to such practice in the temples. The idea that Jephthah 
actually slew his daughter as nt'lj? is golden as compared with 
that vile interpretation. She bewailed then " her virginity," 
i.e. not the loss of it, of which there is no mention at all, but that 
she must die a virgin, in accordance with which her not having 
known a man is quite a reasonable expression. It is well known 
that among the Israelites marriage and the blessing of children 
seemed the highest good, and barrenness the greatest misfor- 
tune. And yet even this explanation is not tenable. The 
Book of Judges is written for readers, all of whom it is 
admitted would assume that (Lev. xviii. 21) Jehovah would 


have no human sacrifices made to Him, specially not of children 
by their parents, and above all not as burnt-sacrifices. It is 
clear that the first half of the vow must have been fulfilled 
upon the maiden, and what is implied when a man is spoken 
of as being the Lord's is already clear from Judg. xiii. 5 and 
1 Sam. i. 11. But, farther, the author writes quite expressly 
(Judg. xi. 39) : he did with her according to his vow which he 
had vowed, and she knew no man. (The preterite serves here 
to render the negative judgment absolute ; the future with vctu 
conversive would not have suited here.) This shows how the 
first part of the vow is to be understood. How the second 
half of the vow must have been fulfilled, is most clearly laid 
down in Lev. xxvii. 1-7. Whoever had vowed a man to God 
as a burnt-offering, he dared not actually slay and burn him 
(comp. Deut. xii. 31, also the horror of the Israelites on seeing 
such a sight, 2 Kings iii. 27), but must have him valued by the 
priests in order that he may buy with the valuation price an 
animal to offer, and slay and burn this. (Comp. Kohler, Lehrb. 
der bibl. G-esch. a. T. p. 100 ff.) So then Jephthah's daughter 
spends her lifetime as a virgin in maidenly service in the 
tabernacle, and this devotement to an unmarried life she 
bewails. Such maidens of the sanctuary are spoken of in 
1 Sam. ii. 22 ; and that their tasks were not those of the temple 
attendants of Baal follows from this passage, where it is re- 
garded as an unpardonable sin against the Lord that Eli's sons 
had intercourse with them, which, according to that, would 
have been very well pleasing to Baal, and would have been 
regarded as an act honouring to Baal. How unworthy it is to 
rend from their connection isolated points in a story and to 
twist it into its own very opposite, so that it stands in con- 
tradiction to the rest of the narrative, and then to represent 
those distorted features as the historical germ, and all the rest 
as a later mythical and evidently forged addition ! 

311. The Period of the Kings and the Prophets. 

After Israel, under Samuel and Saul, had definitely thrown 
off the yoke of the neighbouring nations, there was under 
David a flourishing and powerful State, in which the worship 
of the living God and the performance of the law were fully 
carried ont. Thus the brilliant period of David's reign became 
an actual prophecy of the New Testament kingdom of God, 
but still only a prophecy and not the fulfilment. As yet the 
divine act of redemption had not taken place j the law awoke, 


the sacrificial worship quieted conscience for the time being ; 
but the real atonement for the guilt of sin was not yet accom- 
plished, and so the curse of sin was not yet broken. David 
himself, in whom already rich fruits of moral holiness had 
ripened (e.g. 2 Sam. iii. 33, xvi 10, xviii. 33), fell into a ter- 
rible double deadly sin (2 Sam. xi.), which God brought home 
to him by means of sore chastisement, and of which David 
sincerely repented. Had the people, like him, yielded them- 
selves under the hand of God, there had then been an advance 
in the spiritual condition of Israel. But there actually was 
a decline. The Semitic tendency to naturalism made itself 
conspicuous in Solomon, who at the end of a life full of 
wisdom and glory allowed himself to be led away by his wives 
to the worship of Baal and Moloch. In consequence of this, 
the plague of the most corrupt paganism was planted down 
in the midst of Israel, and thus was laid the germ of utter 
desolation. The division of the kingdom followed as a divine 
judgment. The whole period that followed, down to the exile, 
was a time of extraordinary declension. In the kingdom of 
the twelve tribes the deterioration proceeded from the politic 
image-worship of Jeroboam to the Baal-worship of Jezebel, 
and Jehu's reformation was only half-hearted, and therefore, 
from its very nature, without lasting significance. In the 
kingdom of Judah the sins of Solomon were continued, with 
short periods of fluctuation (1 Kings xiv. 23 f., xv. 3 ; comp. 
with xi. 11); by means of affinity with Ahab's house it 
became worse and worse. Israel's inbred naturalism as a 
Semitic characteristic was seen conspicuously in the specifically 
Semitic pantheistic foul nature-worship of the religion of Baal, 
and the consequent departure from God. On the other hand, 
there are acts of the living God which snatched the people 
from the threatened danger of utter declension into the most 
corrupt forms of paganism. During the most critical period, 
that of Jezebel, prophecy makes its appearance as, in this form, 
a new instrument in the hands of God. It starts with the 
heroic figure of Elijah. The living God reveals Himself as 


the living, free, almighty, over against the deity of the unbend- 
ing course of nature conceived of by men (2 Kings xviii.). 
Elijah at God's command executes against the priests of Baal 
that same righteous and necessary judgment, one also in 
accordance with law (Lev. xvii. 2 ff.), which Joshua had 
formerly been compelled to carry out upon the Canaanites. 
But he must experience and learn that judgment and the 
fulfiment of law do indeed set limits to corruption, but cannot 
break the evil, sinful will (2 Kings xix.), and that the Lord 
Himself is not in the judgments of the Lord, but in the still 
small voice of His Spirit. The whole of the prophecy of all 
subsequent prophets is only a development of this one truth, 
is a pointing on of law to the future salvation of redeeming 
grace. As Elijah in acts, so they in words, had to punish the 
sins of the people, to set forth the innermost meaning and the 
innermost demands of the law, but above all, to point away 
from the provisional ritual of expiation through sacrificial 
worship to the need and the promise of a real redemption, from 
the sign to the thing signified. Hence, while they prophesy 
of future judgments, they promise salvation and redemption. 
Joel, in the closest spiritual relationship with 2 Kings xix. 
11-13, prophesies that God, while visiting all the nations with 
judgment, will pause till He had poured out His Spirit on 
His people, and had given it spiritual renewal ; therefore a 
gracious healing operation of God should precede the judg- 
ment, fitting them for undergoing the judgment. Amos 
makes known that Israel has no reason to look forward 
with delight to the judgment day of Jehovah, as though it 
were that people described in Joel iv. 2 ; even Israel could 
not endure the judgment of God (Amos v. 18 ff.), and yet 
a judgment of God against her is at hand, especially sub- 
jection under the Gentile and exile (Amos vii.-ix.) ; only if 
thereby she is brought to repentance will God raise up again 
the tabernacle of David that is fallen. Hosea carries out 
this prophecy to further development ; the kingdom of the 
ten tribes will be carried away to the river Euphrates in 


Assyria. When under Ahaz, even in Judah, rebellion gained 
the mastery, which Hezekiah was able only temporarily to 
turn aside, Micah pronounced the threat of exile against 
Judah, but prophesied also that after the chastisement of 
exile had been suffered, Zion, as the abode of the word of the 
Lord, would become the meeting-place of the nations, whither 
they should turn in order to be converted to the true God 
(Micah iv. 1-5) : " And thou, O tower of the flock (where the 
first David first tended his flock), hill! the daughter of 
Zion shall come unto thee (to meet there the second David), 
and the former dominion shall come, the kingdom of the 
daughter of Jerusalem " (iv. 8) ; then, v. 1 : Out of Bethlehem 
shall go forth the future ruler and king, He, that is to say, whose 
goings forth have been from of old, yea, from everlasting, as 
Jehovah, before ever His people had gone out of Egypt; and yet 
in ver. 3 he is distinguished from Jehovah, and described as a 
man. Contemporarily with Micah, Isaiah prophesied the birth 
of a human child, to be called and to be God, inr^N, and to 
reign eternally on the throne of David. Before this virgin's 
child 1 is born the land was to become desolate, and to be 
subject to the Assyrians, so that only pasturage and forests 
with wild honey should remain in it (vii. 15-25). Hence, 
first exile, then, but still during the time of need consequent 

1 Rationalism has made the discovery that nof>J7 means, not the virgo 
intacta, but a grown maiden as marriageable. Some have derived the word 
from the Arab, ghalama, "to be marriageable." But in the Hebr. Q^y 
means celare, and HO^V is connected with chy, celare, just as pforn with 
brQ, segregare, and in all places where the nD^JJ is met with it is virgin 
that is intended (virgines intactce) ; and this meaning suits the context 
(Gen. xxiv. 43 ; Ex. ii. 8 ; Prov. xxx. 19, where not a grown young 
woman, in contrast to the parea puella, but the bride on the bridal night ; 
and Song of Songs i. 3 and 8). When He who already from of old had 
gone forth before His people (Micah v. 1), the "1132~^X, whose own the land 
and people already are (Isa viii. 8, 10), should be born as the future 
Saviour (Isa. ix. 5-7), and indeed as the Branch (Isa. xi. 1) promised 
to David by Nathan (2 Sam. vii.), it followed from these premisses, so 
becoming in themselves, and so strongly confirmed by the Holy Spirit in 
the prophet, that the D^iyo cannot be being first begotten of a father, but 
only entering into the womb of a mother. Corup. 138 in vol. i. p. 334. 

368 . THE REVELATION OF GOD. (_ 811. 

upon the exile, the birth of Immanuel. That the child of 
Isaiah, Maher-shalal-hash-baz (viii. 1), was not the Immanuel 
prophesied, but a typical foreshadowing of Him, and indeed 
first of all a warning of the immediately approaching overthrow 
of Samaria, ver. 4, is quite evident. This child was even bora 
before the beginning of the exile. But as each successive 
stage of the prophecy is organically developed out of the 
preceding under the control of the Holy Spirit in the prophet, 
so also was this Messianic prophecy of Micah and Isaiah only 
the organic unfolding of that which Nathan had declared to 
David in 2 Sam. viii. It was not David that was to build a 
house to the Lord, but the Lord that was to build a house to 
the seed of David, and this seed should reign for ever. David 
himself immediately acknowledged that this promise given to 
his seed, i.e. his descendants, could find its fulfilment (Ps. ii. 
and Ps. ex.), not in a multitude, but only in one individual in 
" the estate of a man of the high degree of Jehovah, of God " 
(1 Chron. xviL 17); but Solomon understood and confessed 
(1 Kings viii. 25 ff.) that he was not this promised seed of 
David. Therewith was given the germ and groundwork of 
the hope and promise and expectation of a branch of David 
who should be a man of equal rank with Jehovah. When 
the Babylonian empire arose on the ruins of the declining 
Assyrian empire, it was further revealed to Isaiah that the 
kingdom of Judah, preserved by God from the power of 
Assyria for the sake of Hezekiah's faithfulness, should be 
carried away into exile by the hand of Babylon (Isa. xxxix. 
and xiii. and xiv.). Closely connected with the indolent 
resignation wherewith Hezekiah (xxxix. 8) receives this an- 
nouncement, is the great prophecy of the SERVANT OF GOD in 
Isa. xl.-lxvi., expressed in terms thoroughly in keeping with 
the Palestinian views of nature, and consequently not first 
originated during the exile in Babylon. In respect of calling, 
Israel is the servant of God among the Gentile nations and 
for them (xliii. 1, xlii. 6, xliv. 1 and 21), who in this service 
has to endure the hatred of the heathen ; but Israel is herself 


blind (xlii. 19), and has fallen away from God to heathen 
idols (xliii. 22 ff., xlviii. 1-8, etc.), and suffering therefore her 
many troubles as righteous judgments (xlii. 24). Therefore 
God needed first again a servant who should bring Israel again 
to Him (xlix. 5), and, ver. 6, through Israel also the Gentiles. 
But not even Isaiah is this servant ; he has spent his strength 
for his people for nought, ver. 4. He points to a servant of 
God of the future, by whom the people shall be comforted 
after their exilian distress (xlix. 13 ; comp. xl. 1), and should 
be delivered out of this and all other distress. But as in 
chap. xxiv. the prophetic view of the joyous return from the 
exile (vv. 14-16) is suddenly interrupted by the view of a 
new misdeed and new chastisements (vv. 16-20), he was by 
a process of analogy thinking himself into the position of the 
servant-prophet of the future, that he too will suffer opposi- 
tion, reproach, yea, even death (1. 5 ff.) ; the call to Israel to 
repent remains unheeded (li.) ; the joyful shout, Thy God 
reigneth (lii. *7), awakens no enthusiasm ; they take offence 
at his lowly form, and despise and reject him (liii. 1-3). And 
just for this reason, that in his guiltless sufferings and death 
he bore the guilt (py, ver. 6) and the punishment (IDID, ver. 5) 
of our sins patiently as a lamb, he fulfils the Father's decree 
of redemption, he constitutes the true sin-offering (DE>X, 
ver. 1 0). In this way he breaks the curse of sin ; there now 
comes to him a great people (liv. ff.) from the Gentiles 
(liv. 3, Iv. 5), but a part of Israel still continues hardened 
(Ivii.), until finally, through God's sharp discipline (Ixv. 13, 
etc.), they are brought to cry to the Lord (Ixiv.) ; those who 
remain hardened against the redeeming grace of God fall under 
eternal condemnation (Ixvi. 24). The essential part of this 
prophecy was repeated and further developed during succeeding 
ages (Jer. xxiii. 29 ff., xxxiii. ; Ezek. xviii., xxxiii. f . ; Zeph. 
iii. ; Hag. ii. ; Zech. viii. ff.). The exile began. What had 
happened on a small scale in the times of the Judges happened 
on a large scale now ; the people who had once and again 
forsaken their Lord, and had gone a-whoring after the service 



of Baal, were obliged, now in the cradle of this Baal-worship 
in Babylon, to groan for more than two generations under the 
cruel and harsh oppression of the worshippers of Baal. Here 
they were thoroughly cured of their love for Baal. It must 
have been a moment for Israel of great relief when the natur- 
ally noble Japhetic race of the Iranians, with their acknow- 
ledgment of one holy Creator of the world, restored to them 
by Zarathustra, overthrew the Babylonian empire. Cyrus 
(Iranian Kurush), already foretold of God by Isaiah, allowed 
the return of the banished ; but already had God through 
Daniel l declared that notwithstanding the return to Palestine 
from the seventy years' exile, foretold in Jer. xxv., the entire 
period of the subjection of Israel under heathen monarchs 
would be extended to seventy times seven years, until the 
redemption and reconciliation (ix. 24) should come. What 
Isaiah had seen perspectively as contemporaneous the return 
from exile and the appearance of redemption now are seen 
to be entirely apart. If Daniel foresees and foretells special 
occurrences (chap. xi. ; comp. also Ezek. xxiv. 1, the vision 
in the distance, and Jer. 1. f.), a gift is here placed at the 
service of the Holy Spirit, which, even in the secular life, is 
here and there met with under the name of second sight. The 
prophetic gift of the prophet in the service and spirit of the 
living God is related to the soothsaying stoutly forbidden in 
the Old Testament law, the miraculous gift of the prophet to 
the heathen sorcery, just as the God-enjoined sacrificial wor- 
ship of Israel is to the sacrifices of the heathens, that is, as 
truth to its distortion and caricature. 

Obs. Anything more crude, destitute of truth, and utterly 
absurd cannot be written than that which D. Fr. Strauss (Let). 

1 To push this Daniel away down into the Maccabean age is an unhappy 
attempt. How could that Maccabean age, with its narrow-hearted, fana- 
tical hatred of the Gentiles and characteristic Semitic arrogance, have 
conceived of such a figure as that Daniel who, while firm as a rock in his 
fidelity to his God, exhibited at the same time the most wonderful large- 
heartedness toward the Gentile ruler (e.g. Dan. iv. 16) and toward the 
forms of the Magian learning ? 


Jesu f. d. deutsche Volk, p. 1G8) has written : " Little trace is 
to be found of that special treasure which Israel had been pro- 
mised by her Jehovah, seeing that with short interruptions 
there was scarcely ever a people more held down than the 
chosen people of the Jewish race. This, indeed, the priests and 
prophets of the one God represent as chastisement for the 
people's disobedience, whereas the people might excuse their 
unwillingness to serve such a God by citing the non-appearance 
of the special treasure which they had been led by him to expect." 
Where, then, was the people of Israel led to expect a special 
treasure apart altogether from any condition ? Let him read 
Lev. xxvi., Deut. xi. 26. So long as the people under Joshua, 
under Samuel, under David, and in the beginning of Solomon's 
reign, feared God, they conquered everywhere. The pious 
Hezekiah was delivered from Sennacherib. So often as the 
people rebelled against God they were chastised. And now 
this unhappy man affirms that the prophets had described 
strokes of misfortune only as " penal judgments," and rebellion 
against Jehovah is the righteous return for his breaking of his 
word ! Thus with his unwashed fingers does he catch a history 
of Israel with its head placed downwards. This is the same D. 
Fr. Strauss whom I already, before his removal from this world, 
publicly, in my Gospel History, charged with being guilty of 
falsifying a quotation from a Church Father (Tertull. de bapt. 15), 
and who found it convenient to remain lying under the reproach, 
and never to answer a single word. It would have cost him 
some trouble to find anything to reply ! Tertullian and like- 
wise Jerome (Gated. 77) relate that a presbyter of Asia Minor 
in the second century composed a legend of Paul and Thecla, 
also called Kpd%u; nau/.ov, in such a form as if Paul himself 
were the author, and that this presbyter had consequently been 
deposed, notwithstanding his excuse id se amore Pauli fecisse. 
Hence it follows that the Church of the second century 
could not endure the forging of spurious writings, and acted 
very decidedly in reference to the matter. D. Fr. Strauss, in 
order to make the German people believe the opposite, cited 
the beginning of that passage, but left out the words that spoke 
of punishment by deposition, and added to it the fabricated 
statement that the Church had " kept in use " that very writing 
(whereas, according to Euseb. iii. 25, it had rather reckoned it 
among the vodoig), and, " on the ground of this, had celebrated a 
feast to that same saint " (in the Middle Ages, but not in the 
second century), and proved to " the German people," on the 
ground of those three fabrications and lies, that critical admis- 
sion of ungenuine writings had been the order of the day in the 
pre-Constantine age ! This surely is an admirable man to be 
recommended by a teacher of the German people as a pattern ! 


312. The Divine Act of Redemption. 

Malachi, the last of the Old Testament prophets, had pro- 
phesied that there would be no further revelation of God until 
the final manifestation of Jehovah Himself coming to His 
temple accompanied by an alter Elms. And so it was. Cured 
of their idolatrous tendencies, the people were left to themselves 
and to their outward and inward distress, until during the 
period of Eoman supremacy the divine act of redemption was 
wrought. Wherein this divine act of redemption in Christ 
consisted has been already shown in the First Part, 138 
(see vol. i. p. 334). The climax of this Second Part is iden- 
tical with that of the First as the corner-stone of the whole. 
The indistinct glimmering desire of the heathen world, and the 
unquieted, because only symbolically and figuratively quieted, 
desire of the people of Israel has found in the incarnate Son 
of God their real and absolute satisfaction. A sinless holy man 
was given, 1 of purely human development, yet one in will and 
being with the Father, holy in the form of human self-deter- 
mination, who by reason of the voluntary act of His incarnation 
had placed Himself under the natural consequences of sin, 
natural amenability to death, and therewith to natural suffer- 
ing, 129 ff., and who, by reason of His constant self-deter- 
mination to that which is good (John iv. 34), which allowed Him 
not to connive in the least with lies and sin, endured in a violent 
death the actual outbreak of potent sin. Sin in all its forms 
spent its rage upon Him. He experienced pain from the weak- 
ness of His believing disciples (Matt. xxvi. 35, 40, 51, 69 ff.). 
The sin of the heathen world in the form of moral frivolity 

1 The statement as to how in a genuinely human consciousness of the 
boyhood and youth of the growing incarnate Son of God the knowledge 
and consciousness of His calling as Messiah and of His eternal being 
(John viii. 58) had grown and developed, is a necessary supplement 
to 138, which I recommend to be here read over again. This statement 
I have given in my Gospel History, 51, and could here have done 
nothing else than reprint what is said there. Reference, therefore, is 
simply made to that passage. 


and indifference (Matt, xxvii 24-26), and as savage barbarity 
(vv. 27-29), was directed against Him. But the Jews, who de- 
livered Him to the pagan Romans, with their specifically Semitic 
corruption, were the main occasion and authors of His sufferings 
and death. What parallels of Jewish and pagan personalities 
are contained in the Gospel history ! We might place to- 
gether the Jewish nobleman, John iv. 47 ff., who did not 
trouble himself with questions of religion and matters of the 
soul, and so did not think of Jesus until a family affliction 
led him to Jesus for help in the affairs of this life ; and the 
Gentile centurion of Matt, viii., who was a friend of the 
Jewish race despised by the Eomans, because he was a wor- 
shipper of Israel's God (cornp. Luke vii. 5), and who had so 
great a measure of acquaintance with and understanding of 
Messianic prophecy, that it was clear to him (Luke vii. 7 f.) 
that Jesus the Messiah is more than an avdpwTros VTTO 
fgovcrutv, and who had such a great measure of love that set 
all his friends to work on behalf of his sick slave, and who 
had awakened and called forth so much love that the 
friends, Gentiles and Jews, willingly and " instantly " (Luke 
vii. 4) interested themselves in his servant. We might con- 
sider the impression made upon the Eoman Pilate in one hour 
by the appearance of Jesus, and compare it with that made on 
the chief priests and the people of the Jews during the three 
and a half years' activity of Jesus under which they remained 
hardened. As a thoroughly skilled official, Pilate immedi- 
ately saw through the hypocritical spite of the Jews (John 
xviii. 29), admitted that Jesus was no political adventurer 1 
(vv. 34-38), declared Him innocent (ver. 38; Luke xxiii. 4), 
and used every endeavour to secure His escape. Throughout 
this whole procedure Pilate appears a naturally noble man. 
First, where (John xix. 12) the alternative is placed before 

1 The words, What is truth ? could not in this connection have been 
the expression of philosophical scepticism ; Pilate does not say as a 
philosopher that truth is not discoverable, but he says as a statesman that 
the kingdom of truth is politically free from danger. 

374 . THE REVELATION OF GOD. [ 312. 

him either to assume the responsibility and reproach of de- 
livering Him whom he had pronounced innocent or to con- 
demn the guiltless, then for the first time did the natural 
nobility of the man show its limitations. How very different 
was it with the Jews ! What mean, low tricks on the part of 
the Pharisees wherewith from the first they steeled themselves 
against every call to repentance, men who utterly prevented 
the purpose of the divine law to awaken the consciousness of 
sin and humility, and with unspiritual and senseless precepts 
of their own devising practised a thoroughly Semitic barter- 
righteousness in the service of a thoroughly Semitic arrogance I 1 
How essentially of the same sort was the root idea of the 
Sadducean party, in which the old tendency to heathenism 
was only changed in form, into the form of the cosmopoli- 
tanism of Eeformed Judaism, with a tincture of Pantheism, 
inwardly absolutely indifferent toward God, and directed only 
to a cunning estimation of earthly relationships, goods, and 
enjoyments ! 2 Over such souls sunk in corruption every 
appeal of truth runs like water on a waxed floor. And now, 
finally, of Judas ! Had he not had the natural gifts of an 
apostle, he would not have been chosen by the Lord to a 
place among the Twelve. For Judas, as well as for each of 
His disciples, the question was whether he would bring his 
heart to repentance and self-knowledge, and have himself 
separated from his natural love of sin. So long as the 
Galilean people applauded the Lord, Judas held the Lord dear 
and listened to Him. When (John vi.) for the first time the 
popular masses gave signs of deserting Jesus, there arose, as 

1 The passages collected in the Mischna date in part from this period ; 
even then the party of the Pharisees was dominated by that Talmudic 
spirit which gave its attention to passages (e.g. of Corban, Mark vii. 11, 
of the D^IVy, of the CprVC', etc.) which had only the effect of making it 
possible to dispense with the law under the hypocritical pretence of the 
strictest fulfilment of the law. 

2 Herod Antipas is a genuine type of this Sadducean Judaism. Along- 
side of him whom his wife, married to him in incestual adultery, tempted 
to a murder, may be placed Pilate, whom his wife, faithfully concerned 
about his peace of conscience, warned against committing a judicial murder. 


we must conclude from the warning of ver. 70, in the soul of 
that disciple the dark feeling of indignation and disappoint- 
ment. It may have dawned upon him, from the words of 
Jesus in ver. 51, that the following of Jesus was not to bring 
the hoped-for earthly glory. Possessed by the specifically 
Semitic sin of greed, which showed itself in him in the most 
despicable forms (John xii. 6), he surrendered himself more 
and more to a spiteful hatred of Jesus. A man upon whom 
the Japhetic characteristics had been imprinted would in such 
circumstances have forsaken Jesus ; it was the crowning 
example of the Semitic form of sin to feign submission and 
thus betray his Master. This all the more commended itself 
to him when a profit could be made out of it. When Dante 
in his Inferno associates Brutus and Judas together, he 
strangely overlooks a manifest difference between the two 
cases. Brutus, in the interest of a political idea, therefore 
really, or according to his own notion, for the well-being 
of the State, sacrifices the duty of private gratitude, and was 
not more ignoble than Ulysses in the Philoctetes. With 
Judas he has not anything in common. Among the disciples 
of Socrates there was no betrayer. To produce a Judas was 
reserved for the Semitic race. And thus what was said in 
307 of the grounds and purpose of the choice of the 
covenant people from the Semitic race is here thoroughly con- 
firmed. Not in spite of, but because in it (comp. the sayings 
of Christ, Matt. viii. 10, xi. 21, etc.) sin had assumed its most 
potent form, and all conquest of sin was seen to be purely the 
act and operation of God, 1 the Semitic people of Israel was 
chosen as the organ of preparation and as the arena of the act 
of redemption. 

W T hen sin had spent the full measure of its rage upon the 
incarnate Son of God, the sin-offering, which is of eternal 
significance, was accomplished in His death, and He who was 

1 Hence then, too, among such Semites as turn in repentance and be- 
lievingly accept salvation (a Simeon, a John, a Paul, etc.), we behold the 
noblest, because the humblest form of Christian faith and life. 


dead and is alive again for evermore went forth in a trans- 
formed body from His grave as the first-fruits, the beginner 
and king of a new humanity and of a new nature. Detailed 
investigations regarding the genuineness and credibility of the 
writings which witness to these facts belong not to this 
department (see 7), but to the so-called science of Intro- 
duction. But apart from those detailed researches, the his- 
torical truth of His incarnation, of His atoning death upon 
the cross, of His resurrection and ascension into heaven, 
stands unalterably firm, through witnesses which the most 
negative criticism has not dared to impugn. 

In opposition to the pretext that this doctrine first appears in 
the fourth Gospel, and that this writing had its origin only in 
the second century, it is answered that, in Luke i. 17, John 
the Baptist is called the forerunner of the icvpto? 6 eo? (for 
only to this can avrov refer; comp. Paulus, de Wette, Bleek, 
etc.), and compare the passages already cited in 137 ; Matt. 
ii. 6 ; Mark xiii. 32 ; Matt. xxvi. 63 ff. ; Luke i. 16 f. The 
Revelation of John, not merely by the believing, but also by 
the negative criticism of the present day, is emphatically 
recognised as a genuine work of the apostle ; but just in it 
Jesus declares Himself (i. 8, 18) as the "Alpha and Omega, 
the beginning and the ending," as " the first and the last, and 
He that liveth," who " was dead, but is alive for evermore," 
and (ii 18) as "the Son of God" who (ver. 23) "searcheth 
the reins and the hearts," and (iii. 1) who "hath the seven 
spirits of God " (i. 4, iv. 5) ; and in chap. xxi. 3 it is 
said that God with them (Immanuel) shall be their God. 
To this incontestable witness of the Apostle John may be 
added the unexceptionable testimonies of the Apostle Paul 
(1 Cor. i. 2, eiriKoKov^evo^ TO ovopa TOV Kvpiov r]^wv 'Irjaov 
Xpiarov ; viil 6 ; 2 Cor. viii. 9). Now it should be remem- 
bered that any deification of a creature would appear to the 
Israelites of that age as a blasphemous enormity, and then let 
one make the assumption that it had been a private specula- 


tion of Paul himself, Ins own individual opinion that Jesus is 
Son and Lord by whom the Father created all things (with 
1 Cor. viii. 6 comp. Eoin. xi. 36), and that He, before He 
became poor through His incarnation, had been rich, and even in 
Moses' time (1 Cor. x. 4) already existed and invisibly accom- 
panied the people, if one. should suppose all this, then the 
twelve apostles would not have had this belief, but, according 
to Baur's assertion, would have pictured a purely Ebionite Jesus 
as a mere man. What a bitter strife must then have broken 
out between Paul and the Twelve ! Some have indeed, on the 
ground of a false exegesis of Gal. ii., assumed that such a 
struggle actually took place between them in regard to the 
observance of the ceremonial law, but no one has ventured to 
attribute to them any controversy over the doctrine of the 
divinity of Christ. And how can this ever be done so long 
as the genuineness of the Apocalypse is acknowledged, in 
which either (according to the Christian theory) Christ re- 
vealed Himself to John in visions as the eternal Son of God, 
or, if (according to the modern pagan theory) John had only 
invented these visions, he expresses at least his own belief 
in the eternal divine Sonship of Christ. And Paul in the 
admittedly genuine Epistles to the Corinthians (1 Cor. i. 2) 
describes the Christians simply as people who call upon the 
name of Jesus, i.e. worship Him (otr'n Xip). Would then an 
Israelite, and it is admitted that there were plenty of Jewish 
Christians in Corinth, have worshipped a creature ? But even 
Peter himself says (1 Pet. i. 11) that in the prophets of the 
Old Testament the spirit of Christ was already working. If, 
now, the twelve apostles of the Lord were at one in this 
TrXypofopia rrjs a-vveffews, we have in this the most convincing 
and incontestable proof that they, these Israelites who would 
shrink with horror from any deification of a creature, had received 
from Jesus in deeds and words satisfactory proofs and demonstra- 
tions of His eternal Godhead, and that the person and teaching 
of Jesus must have been just what it is represented as being 
in the Gospel of John, and not less in the other three Gospels. 


R In regard to the ATONING DEATH OF THE LORD, it is 
enough to point to the holy Supper observed in the whole 
Christian Church, and that from the very beginning (1 Cor. 
x., xi.), in addition to which we consider that in 1 Cor. x. 
16-21 Christ the Lord is again represented as God over 
against the false gods of the heathens. In regard to the 
CRUCIFIXION AS THE MODE OF DEATH, the passages Eom. vi. 6, 
1 Cor. i. 13-18, ii. 2, 2 Cor. xiii. 4, Gal. ii. 20, v. 24, 
vi. 14, should be sufficient. 

C. As the holy Supper witnesses on behalf of the death 
upon the cross, so THE OBSERVANCE OF THE LORD'S DAY 


at first alongside of the Jewish Sabbath, and soon thereafter 
taking its place. Only in consequence of a divine act could 
Christendom have held itself entitled formally to change the 
rite enjoined in the decalogue. Thus, then, we have testimony 
borne to the fact of the resurrection, not only in such disputed 
apostolical Epistles as Eph. i. 20, 2 Tim. ii. 8, and 1 Pet. 
i. 4, but also in those which, as iucontestably genuine, are the 
most certain of all (Rom. vi. 4 ; 1 Cor. ix. 1, xv.). The 
apostle (1 Cor. xv. 6) could refer to the fact that the Risen 
One had been seen by more than five hundred brethren at 
once, of whom the greater part even then survived, which 
excludes any thought of a merely subjective vision. The 
insipid fancy of D. Fr. Strauss as to the way in which the 
belief in the resurrection of Christ may have arisen without 
the actual occurrence of this resurrection, in which he has 
involved himself in the most ridicu^us self-contradictions, 
has been already sufficiently commented on by me in my 
Gospel History, where it is tried by the torch of reason and 
found to be irrational. That even the appearance granted to 
Paul on the way to Damascus was no mere subjective inward 
dream- vision in the soul of Paul, but an objective appearance 
of the Risen One, may be gathered indirectly from 1 Cor. 
xv. 8 f., as well as from the fact that Paul designates the 
resurrection of Christ (Eph. i. 19, 20) evepyeta rov Kpdrovs rijs 


tV^w9 rov Qeov, and (in 1 Cor. xv. 53; 2 Cor. v. 2 f.) lie 
speaks of the resurrection in general as a being clothed upon 
of the material body in itself mortal with power, not as an 
immaterializing. What sense would there be in this on the 
supposition of a subjective dream-like vision, since in that case 
no "working of the mighty power of God," but only some 
nervous weakness of a man, would be required. But we have 
direct proof from his disciple and fellow-traveller Luke, who, 
partly in his own words, partly in those of the apostle, tells how 
the appearance was seen also by the companions of the apostle, 
though they perceived not indeed the form of Christ (Acts 
ix. 7), but only the bright light (xxii. 9), by the brilliancy of 
which they were dazzled (comp. ver. 11) ; and heard indeed 
somewhat of the sound (ix. 7, rrjs favfy"), but could not 
understand the words (xxii. 9, TTJV $wvr)v TOV XaXowro? /iot). 
D. That the Risen One has ascended into heaven, and that 
from thence He will visibly descend to judgment, is witnessed 
to. again by Paul (1 Cor. i. 7, iv. 5, xv. 51 ; 2 Cor. v. 10 ; 
comp. Eph. i. 20, iv. 9 ; Col. iii. 4 ; 1 Thess. iv. 13 ff.), by 
Peter (1 Pet. i. 7, iv. 5), by John (Eev. i.-xxii.). The 
Ebionite Jesus, who was a mere man, exists only in the 
imagination and wish of modern Buddhists, not in history. 

Obs. 1. D. Fr. Strauss (Leb. Jem / d. d. V. p. 206) affirms 
that the historical Jesus of the first three Gospels thought that 
the heavenly Father should be conceived of as unconditional and 
indiscriminate goodness. One need only read Matt. viii. 12, 
xii. 34, xxiii. 13 ff., 33, and 35, xxiv. 13, 31, and 51, xxv. 
41 ff., and their parallels ! There is a certain tone which could 
not certainly be used of a God who was " unconditional good- 
ness." But in Jesus Christ, whether we refer to the synoptic 
Gospels or the Gospel of John, there is represented throughout 
the nature of that same holy God who had revealed Himself in 
the Old Testament, of the God who in His grace, yea, through 
His grace, is holy through grace, because the kind of the 
redemption with which pantheism, like its father, since Gen. 
iii. 5, has been able to bless men " there is no difference, and 
it is all one whether you love God or set your will in opposition 
to His ; the latter, just as well as the former, leads to the end, 
yea, even better, for sin is a necessary transition point in the 
development," would be not only a degradation but a complete 


brutalizing (comp. 141). Christ indeed lias taught (Matt. v. 45) 
that God exercises long-suffering toward the sinner, and gives 
him a gracious respite, and that He actually exercised such long- 
suffering (Luke xiii. 8 ; Matt, xxiii. 37), not, however, that He 
may treat the sinner " without distinction," and lull his con- 
science asleep, but in order to comfort those who have been 
longing for salvation, the weary and heavy laden, to call the 
impenitent by earnest threatening of doom unto repentance, to 
proclaim in the ears of the hardened the infallible judgment of 
God. Between Jesus Christ and the God of the Old Testament 
there is not the least essential disagreement. " Search the 
Scriptures, for they are they which testify of me." 

Obs. 2. The performance of miracles generally is historically 
witnessed to in 1 Cor. xii. 9 ; 2 Cor. xii. 12 ; Acts xvi. 26, xx. 
9 ff., xxviii. 3-6, and 8, 9. 


313. The Several Effects of Redemption. 

TO those who believe in His name, Christ has given the 
power to become the sons of God (John i. 12). In 
regard to redemption, however, man has the right of free self- 
determination ( 135); he can harden himself against the 
offered salvation, against the gracious operations of the Holy 
Spirit on his inner man. Hence it may be at once concluded 
that the divine act of redemption does not affect the subsequent 
history of mankind mechanically after the pattern of a law of 
nature, so that the process of historical development from the 
appearing of Christ might be represented as that of the history 
of a generation made free from sin. This indeed were impos- 
sible for this reason, that Christianity must first spread itself 
among unredeemed mankind, which requires time. So, then, 
besides the community of those who believe in Christ, there is 
present from the first the multitude of those who do not yet 
believe, or have not yet even once heard of Christ. But even 
within the range of the first community, yea, within the range 
of the most exclusive, most exactly defined Christian com- 
munion, individual self-determination remains always free, and 
in it the possibility of an opposition to salvation or a turning 
away again from it. Hence, then, Christ has foretold (Matt, 
xiii. 2430) that there will be no sort of community which 
will not include stalks of tares along with the stalks of wheat. 
It therefore follows that there can and must be an organic 



communion of those who, through holy baptism, confess Christ 
as Eedeemer ; but this communion the Christian Church is 
a communion of the means of grace, not of the effects or results 
of grace. God, on His part, stores up in it in the word and 
sacraments all the means which are necessary in order to reach 
unto eternal life, but the results of grace the fruits of the 
redeeming act of Christ are always dependent upon the 
individual self-determination. There are within the range of 
the Church the society which hands out to its members the 
means of grace visible because distinguished by baptism 
from all that are without nominal Christians and hypocrites, 
and it never has been and never will be possible to form a 
close communion which shall consist of members all truly 
converted to Christ, born again of His Spirit, and endued with 
the power of a new life. These " true Christians " constitute 
the kingdom of God, known only to God, but not visible to 
the eyes of men. But still further : even among the true 
Christians the fruits of redemption are here below always only 
relative, because even in the redeemed individual alongside of 
the new man of regeneration there is still the old man as some- 
thing to be overcome, the last remnant of which will first be 
utterly destroyed at the death of the body (comp. Rom. vii. 24). 
If, now, we inquire after the specific fruits of redemption, 
after the proofs of its power, we have to advance this proof, 
not from the history of Christian communities, but are quite 
properly pointed to the biographies of Christian personalities 
in whom the gospel has proved itself the power of God. And 
thus through all centuries there exists a cloud of witnesses 
before our eyes which in no respect comes behind that of the 
Old Testament (Heb. xi.). We find among them no single 
saint, at least no sinless man, let alone any one who per- 
formed more than he was bound to do, and had " superfluous 
merits." Even the purest Christian had his blemishes, his 
black side, where the old man was still present in weaknesses 
or one-sidednesses of character, in errors, in manifold moment- 
ary failings. The world hostile to Christianity, which loves 


to blacken the shining and to drag the noble in the dust, is 
never weary of pointing with scorn and malicious joy to any 
naked point where a Christian lays himself open to attack. 
But in doing so it always contributes something of its own, and 
after all does not make much of it in the end ; for, if it regards 
every sin and sinful weakness in the Christian as so evil, it 
thereby involuntarily testifies that, according to its own convic- 
tion and its own feeling, sin and Christian faith are incompatible 
with one another, that therefore Christianity is directly hostile 
to sin. Higher praise and fuller recognition Christianity cannot 
desire. But whoever now considers with an unprejudiced 
mind the history of the kingdom of God, i.e. of those 
witnesses, this power of patience under sufferings, gentleness 
toward persecutors, the constancy of faith which prefers tor- 
tures and death to denial of the truth, the self-sacrificing love 
which goes forth to the erring, the neglected, the miserable, 
the sick, the poor, regards it as a sacred duty to alleviate every 
sort of trouble, gives up earthly gain and enjoyment, the happi- 
ness and ease of life, in order to work for Christ's kingdom in 
the Spirit of Christ : then again, the power of heroic witnessing 
against sin with willing endurance of the reproach of Christ, 
or, to refer to more homely instances, whoever keeps in view the 
sanctity of the family life, the purity of chastely-living youth, 
the fostering of quiet domestic happiness in modesty and the 
fear of God, the heavenly nobility of Christian wives whoever 
turns his attention to a Paul (2 Cor. xi.), a Polycarp, an Am- 
brose, an Augustine, a Monica, a Patrick and Columba, a Peter 
Waldus, an Elizabeth of Hesse, to the Eeformers, to those who 
witnessed for the gospel with their blood, then again to a Spener, 
Cocceius, Lampe, Tersteegen, Francke, Anna Frey, Amelie 
Sieveking,Wilberforce, Fliederer, Baron v. Koltwiz, Gossner, and 
hundreds who cannot here be named, or thousands of unknown 
who yet are known to the Lord, he will perceive that fruits of 
purity, holiness, self-denial, Christian patience and Christian 
courage have never been wanting, and that though the Spirit of 
Christ here below makes of believers no sinless saints, He does 


make men of God, who walk in the fear of the Lord and in the 
love of the Lord, and are engaged in a constant struggle against 
sin. The celebrated blasphemer of God, now gone to his place, 
has thrown contempt upon the position of a Christian engaged 
in such a conflict, by comparing him to a beast on which an 
angel rides. It is well, then, that the angel finally rides the 
beast to death ; better such a riding angel than a mere beast. 
The words of Jesus Christ in John xvi. 8-11 retain their 
truth : the Holy Spirit proving in actual believers its sin- 
conquering power convinces the world that it is wrong in 
regard to sin, righteousness, and judgment. In regard to sin, 
it becomes apparent that where there is no belief in Christ, 
sin undestroyed and unpunished shoots up into a strong 
growth. In regard to righteousness, it is felt that a world 
which had no place for the solitary Being who was without sin, 
but hated, drove away, and slew Him, as it still to-day hates 
and to-day would slay Him, has not righteousness on its side ; 
the world has a presentiment, and feels that the Church has a 
living connection with its invisible, and by the world so much 
hated head ; it feels that its hatred is directed against a really 
supernatural power of life, and is therefore unrighteousness ; 
the invisible Church of Christ is to it a phenomenon that 
causes discomfort and uneasiness. 1 Then also in regard to 
judgment, it is convinced by the Spirit of the Lord proving 
itself powerful in that Church, that the final judgment is already 
in operation, that the sifting process in the world incessantly goes 
on, and what will not let itself be saved is given over to certain 
destruction. But this leads to a second point to the ferment- 
ing influence which Christianity exercises upon the world. 

314. The Influence of Christianity on the Life of the 
People and the State. 

By means of the ordinance of baptism instituted by Christ 
the multitude of the confessors of Christ are marked out and 
1 With the Church as visible it sooner learns how to deal. 


brought together into a visible communion, the Christian 
Church. To every member the Christian Church furnishes 
the means of grace. In those means and through them the 
Holy Spirit exercises His influence upon man (gratia sufficiens) ; 
but the kind of use and the result of the means depends on 
the self-determination of the man to repentance, faith, sancti- 
fication. It is possible for a man to withdraw himself from 
the operation of the Holy Spirit in the means of grace, 
or not to use the means of grace themselves, or finally, to 
use them hypocritically and only in appearance. 1 Thus 
( 313) the membership of the Church contains in itself 
no guarantee of the membership of the kingdom of God. 
But the kingdom of God, the invisible, that is, not visibly 
marked off, community of those standing in the new life of 
the Spirit of Christ, is within the range of the Christian 
Church. With all its defects and blemishes and impurities, 
the visible organization bears in it that invisible organism 
(Eph. i. 22, iv. 15 ; John xv. 1 ff.) with its heavenly powers, 
and therein the former, where it exists, and all the more 
powerfully in proportion as it exists in relative purity, 
exercises a transforming influence, not only upon the life of 
the individual and family, but also upon that of the people 
and the State. The influence which it thus exercises is that 
of a witness. More than this the Christian Church should 
not exercise. It should offer the means of grace, it should 
not make their use compulsory, fur then it would usurp 
authority over the State, and by civil laws enact entrance into 
the Church, therefore baptism, 2 or even faith itself. But it 

1 One thinks, for example, of the Semite H. Heine, who from purely 
worldly motives accepted baptism, and immediately after receiving the 
ordinance wrote a letter full of blasphemy against the Christ whom he 

2 And if not baptism, then also not the Christian consecration of 
marriage. That by the introduction of civil marriages the Church and 
Christendom should suffer damage, I cannot for my part admit. The 
Church will then, if membership in it is a matter of free self-determina- 
tion, first truly find again the power that comes from independence, and 
this is also for the good of the State and public life. Only there evidently 



must and does bear witness, the witness for the truth and 
against lies and sin. In this its influence upon the life of 
the people consists, in that it wakens the sleeping conscience 
even in those who stand far removed from the faith. The 
appropriation of redemption is a matter of individual self- 
determination ; but conscience is a universal attribute of man 
as such ( 106). Thus, then, history teaches that the Christian 
Church wherever it has spread itself, and wherever it has 
affected the majority of a nation, has aroused the public con- 
science, and has in this way secured that deeds, which might 
have before passed unpunished, are now repudiated by the 
civil legislature and are placed under the criminal code, by 
which means the conscience awakened in regard to them is 
also kept awake throughout succeeding generations. When 
the Eoman State under Constantine adopted Christianity, the 
gladiatorial contests, those butcheries for the enjoyment of a 
brutalized public, as well as the production of obscene per- 
formances at the theatre, were forbidden by an act of the 
legislature ; the divorces, which had before been possible on 
the flimsiest pretences, were in some measure restricted ; the 
absolute power of fathers over their children, to kill them or 
sell them as slaves, as well as that of masters over their 
slaves, was greatly modified; slaves were placed under the 
protection of the laws, and their condition generally was 
essentially improved; the prisons were arranged and fitted 
in accordance with more humane ideas ; the more horrible 

must be in the Church and its officers as much force of character and 
ecclesiastical esprit as to exercise in a consistent manner church discipline 
against those who actually speak contemptuously of Christianity, e.g. by 
the concluding of mixed marriages with those who are not Christians. 
This ecclesiastical esprit is wanting here and there. In the Zurich 
State Church, calling itself Reformed, the simple declaration, "I wish 
to belong to this State Church," is all that is required in order to be 
received into it, and for full membership in it baptism is not indispens- 
able ! Indeed, the two communions still rub together in the German' 
Swiss State Church, the Christian and that of the heathenish "Reformer ' 
fumbling about in a transition process, but it might be wished that this 
process were conducted with some more energy. 


forms of penal execution were abolished ; greater privileges 
were accorded to women, and widows and orphans, who 
previously were utterly uncared for, had now legal protection 
extended to them. 1 

We shall not need to go through all the various nationalities 
pointing out the legislative improvements introduced in con- 
sequence of their receiving Christianity. The notorious 
horrors that were publicly suffered : human sacrifices, blood- 
revenge, murder, public immoralities and shameful deeds, 
have all been prohibited by law. So also slavery was by 
degrees completely abolished. When it was introduced 
again in A.D. 1516 by Spain and Portugal as negro slavery, 
this was done, indeed, on the well-meant but unfortunate 
advice of the personally estimable Bishop Las Casas of 
Chiapa, by a part of the Christian Church in which the 
knowledge of the essential core and centre of Christianity, 
the knowledge of the gospel, was thoroughly obscured; and 
just in this way is explained the continuance of absolutism 
and barbarism during the Middle Ages. By Christian believ- 
ing statesmen of an evangelical State the abolition of negro 
slavery was accomplished. To put it all in a few words : 
Not where the Church has become a power, but where in the 
Church the gospel has become a power, the Church exercises 
its blissful influence as a witness upon the life of the people 
and the State. And this influence is one that rejuvenates 
the people. In the heathen world ( 303) civilisation has 
passed over particular peoples like a shadowy cloud, and after 
it has past they are in deeper barbarism and rudeness than 
before. When, on the other hand, the Eoman empire, that had 
become politically rotten, was shattered by the wild heathen 
German tribes, the Christianity of the conquered overcame 
the conquerors. Among the Eomanic mixed races, as well as 
among the pure Germans, and later also the Scandinavians, 
the civilisation of ancient times lived on, their culture was 

1 De Ehoer, dissertatio dc effectu religionis Christiana injurifprudentiam 
Romcmam, Groniug. 1776. 


indeed a slow but steady revival, and with an ever-renewed 
and increasing vigour these nations have surmounted every 
historical crisis. 

One must not, however, on this account entertain the idea 
that that is to be ascribed to the credit of ancient civilisation 
which was the proof of the power of Christianity ; and so we 
turn, finally, to a consideration of the effects which the gospel 
has directly produced upon wholly uncivilised peoples. The 
modern heathenism of our day, quite properly characterized 
on account of its hostility to missions as friendly to heathenism, 
though not friendly to the heathens, affirms that missions do 
nothing for the savage peoples, and that missionary effort is 
foolishly lost labour, 1 that we should give the heathen people 
civilisation, or still better, we should let them follow out their 
own development. We simply place these foolish and false 
cries over against history. When, in A.D. 1816, the first 
English missionaries, Jansen and During, went to the Cape 
of Sierra Leone they found there twenty-two different negro 
tribes, with twenty - two different idioms or dialects, in a 
condition of utter corruption, and threatened with speedy 
extinction. They went about quite naked, had no longer 
any trace of marriage ; the ideal of that " free love " which is 
advocated by a well-known party in our own day was realized 
among the negroes, i.e. free sexual intercourse of all with all 
as liking prompted, prevailed ; from fifteen to twenty persons 
of both sexes lived together in the same hut. The physical 
consequences were not far to seek. They were altogether 
miserable and wasted ; the death-rate increased to a frightful 
extent, while throughout the whole district in one year there 
were only six births. Their religion consisted in gloomy and 
most absurd Fetich- worship. Four years later, when Eenner 
visited these coasts, he found a large village consisting of 
nineteen streets with regularly built houses, inhabited by four 
hundred respectably dressed married couples ; in six months 

1 E.g. Kossak Hildebrandt's Reise um die Erde (in many passages). 
Comp. the various writings of Gerstacker, Langhaus, etc. 


there were only six deaths, while in last three months there 
were forty-two births. These four hundred married couples 
were Christians, the first - fruits of the mission ; thirteen 
hundred negroes took part in Christian worship : live hundred 
boys and girls attended school. 1 All good qualities and 
natural gifts of the Hamitic races, childlike openness and 
trustfulness, hearty gratitude, were awakened out of the 
grave, where they had slumbered for more than a thousand 
years. But, first of all, the conscience had been awakened, 
and, lo, it had suffered itself to awake ; it was still existing, 
deep though its sleep had been, and under the light of the 
gospel it quickly became a tender conscience, more tender 
than that which the enemies of missions possess. This is 
not an isolated case. That the Bushmen have reached the 
very confines of extinction, and border upon the very brute 
creation, has been shown in 277. But even among them 
the gospel has proved its regenerative power. Among many 
facts this one will serve as an example, that at the consecration 
of a new house of God in Bushland a choir of converted 
Bushmen performed well and correctly the chorus, "The 
Heavens are telling," from Haydn's Creation. 2 Among the 
Papuans of Australia the horrible custom prevailed of the 
newly - married man giving over his young bride to all the 
men of the tribe ; the children begotten from these connec- 
tions were slain and eaten. The language of the people has 
no words for the ideas "love, fidelity, honour, forgiveness.'' 
The people have no longer any trace of religion ; instead of it 
there is only a faint conception of a good and a bad spirit, to 
whom, however, no sort of worship is rendered. Nowhere 
have idols or fetiches been met with, no ritual, no priest, no 
sacrifice. Long-continued efforts of the Moravian missionaries 
proved fruitless. When Threlkeld, nevertheless, attempted a 

1 Keports by Jansen, During, and Eenner from 1816-1820 in Basl. 
Miss. Mag. 1839, H. 2. 

2 Schleinitz, "The Lowest of the Heathen," in History of Sixth Confer, 
of Emng. Alliance, New York 1874, p. 622. 


new mission enterprise, the unbelieving laughed, even the 
believing were doubtful. (Does still Darwinism maintain 
that a crow has more mind or spirit than a Papuan !) But in 
A.D. 1860 the first-fruits of New Holland Papuans, Nathanael 
Pepper, was baptized ; by this time there is a considerable 
number of Christian Papuan villages ; many Papuans have 
learnt reading, writing, and arithmetic, and among the twelve 
hundred colonial schools of New Holland that of Papuan 
children at Eamahyuk has lately received from Government 
the first prize. 1 While previously the number of deaths far 
exceeded the births, the relation which they bear to one 
another is now quite the reverse. On the strip of coast down 
from Sierra Leone the Methodist missionaries alone, from A.D. 
1817 to A.D. 1834, have gathered together no less than 2220 
Church members of converted negroes. The Baptists had, in 
A.D. 1856, in their East Indian and South African Mission 
Stations 4240 communicants. And these are just the two 
denominations which are most inclined to be slow in admitting 
to baptism. In the New Hebrides, where in A.D. 18o9 the 
missionary Williams was killed and eaten, there are now 
50,000 converts. In New Holland, among those Papuans 
that had become almost brutish, the missionary Threlkeld has 
wrought with most encouraging success ; even in them con- 
science had only been asleep; so soon as it was awakened 
and had found peace in Christ, they became instead of 
apparently half-ape like creatures, God-fearing and civilised 
men. In the West Indies there were, in A.D. 1825, not less 
than 40,000 converted negro slaves. If one takes the trouble 
and reads the history of the conversion of the Bechuanas and 

i, p. 621. Our Darwinians should not stop short of instituting 
crow-schools and securing still further the culture of the crows, as 
Threlkeld has done for the Papuans. If they do not succeed, it is clearly 
proven that the heathen Papuans do not represent a low grade of natural 
development like the crows, but are actual men, i.e. qualitatively dis- 
tinguished from the brutes by having a self -consciousness and a conscience 
that may be awakened, and so has not been utterly destroyed, and that 
their nature has only been deeply sunk in sin and through sin. 


Bassutos in South Africa, that of the Fiji islanders wholly 
converted, of New Holland, of the Sandwich Islands, since 
A.D. 1831 wholly converted, of the Karens and others of 
Further India, with 14,000 communicants, among a profess- 
ing Christian population of 100,000, of the Kolhs, etc., 1 if 
one reads that, he will soon see that only miserable and pitiful 
ignorance can form such absurd judgments as those which we 
have quoted. Along with salvation the gospel has brought 
to the heathens a pure civilisation (Matt. vi. 33). But what 
has civilisation without Christianity ever brought to tbe 
heathens ? Brandy and opium. 2 For a civilisation that is 
carried out in the service of selfishness and greed brings not 
culture, but only produces a more terrible barbarism among 
the heathens. Civilised men, if in themselves conscience has 
not been awakened, are unscrupulous in making use of the 
heathens for their own selfish ends, but cannot be expected to 
be able to awaken conscience in the heathen. This can only 
be done by the witness of the gospel carried out by the 
Church. And only on the basis of an awakened conscience 
can true civilisation grow. 

315. Tlie Influence of Sin on the Christian Life of the 

If the Christian Church, by reason of the power of the 
gospel living in it, exercises an influence of such a sort upon 
the world and society by means of the witness of the truth, it 
cannot be wondered at that the power of sinful purpose present 
in the world, which is not willing to have itself punished, 
should lead on a hostile reaction against the Church as the 

1 Cornp. especially Warneck on Missions in Allff. Conserved. Monat- 
schrift of Nathusius (1879, May and June), also in Daheim of that date, 
in the literature quoted by him on the subject. 

2 Messrs. Kossak and company speak glibly as if the Christian-hearted 
people of England should bear the blame of the opium traffic. In 
England there are friends of missions ; in England there are also opium 
traders ; consequently these two are one and the same persons ! ! 


bearer of the gospel. There was first of all the downright 
hostility of bloody violent persecution ; but the v-jropovr) KOI 
TTto-rt? rwv dylwv won the victory over the rage of the enemies, 
the Spirit of Jesus Christ was victorious over brutal cruelty. 
Even the craftily conceived system of Neo-Platonism, which 
arose about the middle of the third century, proved impotent 
over against the gospel, and was buried with its chief patron, 
Julian the Apostate, in the same coffin " which the son of the 
carpenter" made for them. Much more formidable was, and 
still is even to this day, a kingdom of lies in which during 
the seventh century the opposition of the darkness to the light 
gained for itself concentrated force. Once again it was a 
Semitic tribe which put itself in the hands of the Prince of 
darkness as his fit and convenient tool. If God had chosen the 
Semitic Israel as His people, that they, because quite destitute 
of natural goodness, should in the persons of their believing 
members appear a pure work of divine grace, but in the persons 
of unbelievers should vent forth their sin as wickedness against 
Jesus, it was this time the Prince of darkness who chose the 
Semitic race of Ishmael as his people and instrument, in order 
to produce in an amalgam of truth and lies a religion which, 
like a poisonous simoom, has spread its life-destroying presence 
over a great part of the earth. A mongrel product of mantic 
fanaticism and cunning calculation, borrowing a monotheism of 
merely doctrinaire significance from a corrupted heretical 
Christianity and from the Judaism that survived among the 
Old Arabians ( 255, Obs.~), removing from its idea of God the 
attribute of holiness, and from its idea of Christianity its central 
point, redemption, by some external observances, which were 
not very grievous to the flesh, silencing conscience, setting 
aside the mystery of the incarnation of the eternal personal 
love by shallow rationalistic arguments, Islam, under its two 
chief forms of savage and fanatical cruelty and calm refined 
sensuality, has emancipated the flesh, degraded the position of 
the wife, destroyed the family life, changed the State into a 
despotism, and under the varnish of an outward appearance 


of civilisation has made true culture of the mind impossible. 1 
Islam, possessed of such deadly power, not only well-nigh 
extinguished the Eastern Church which had already become 
inwardly rotten, and even temporarily endangered the Church 
of the West, but also like a wall of separation forced itself 
between Christian Europe and the African and Asiatic heathen 
world from the Pillars of Hercules to the Aral and Balkash 
lakes, and for centuries, down to the discovery and opening 
up of the seaway to the East Indies, made it impossible for 
Christendom to exercise any influence upon heathendom, or do 
anything for the spread of the gospel. 2 

And yet these outside foes of Christianity are not altogether 
the worst. More hurtful than the opposition to the gospel by 
the world from without, is the influence which sin, present 
in the human race as a pathological condition (115 ff.), and 
even, too, among the most pure and faithful Christians not yet 
wholly overcome, exercises upon the life of Christian society, 
and therefore upon the Christian Church. It is no evidence 
against Christianity, but rather a witness to its truth, that the 
condition of Christendom as a whole shows no rising, but a 
steady sinking, no development, but a growing decay, a Baby- 
lonian confusion of truth and lies, and that the history of the 
Church or " Christendom " after a certain point moves down- 

1 It was with the foreign plumes of Old Persian civilisation that the 
oft-praised Chalifat of Haroun al-Raschid adorned itself. Islam could 
not preserve this culture, but could only help to kill it out among the 
Persians. On the weird stories of the demoniacal origin of Islam and its 
whole system, comp. Miihleisen- Arnold, Ishmael, or the Bible and the 

2 Nothing can be more perverse than the assertion that Islamic Semitism, 
by reason of its monotheism derived from natural Semitic tendencies (!), 
formed for the negro races a bridge over to Christianity. One only needs 
to read Livingstone's and Baker's travels to be convinced how that boasted 
Semitism brings to the negroes along with the slave trade, war, brandy, 
murder, mutilation, and destruction, without even making an attempt to 
convert the heathen to monotheism. One may read in Eholfs Quer durch 
Africa, how still under our very eyes well-disposed and peaceable negro 
tribes were changed by Islamism into crafty fanatics, and how, alongside 
of other praiseworthy institutions, Islam has introduced among them 


ward, where it must reach a final crisis, and where a new divine- 
act will separate the gold from the dross, the wheat from the 
tares (Matt. xiii. 41 ; Rev. xix. 16, 19). Pantheistic dreamers 
have fabled that mankind will always grow better, till the 
Church will be quite superfluous, and finally be absorbed in the 
State. Jesus Christ prophesies the opposite. The Babylonian 
blending of truth and lies becomes ever finer and more subtle. 
The characteristics of this course of development are shadowed 
forth in the history of the apostolic age. Paul during his 
lifetime had to fight against a Judaistic legal perversion of 
Christianity. It was not that Israel was chosen as the instru- 
ment of God for the sake of redemption, and redemption 
wrought for all penitent members of the sinful human race, 
but Christ was to come for Israel's sake, and one must first 
become an Israelite through circumcision and observance of the 
law before he can have a part in Christ. So Christ was 
regarded as a machine for blessing, a thesaurus leatitudinis 
for Israel, and man's fulfilling of the law was to guarantee and 
secure salvation. 1 About the time of his departure Paul 
prophesied of a directly opposite heretical tendency as immi- 
nent, of an antinomian character, and what he prophesied was 
fulfilled soon after in the appearance of Gnosticism within the 
Church, against which Jude and John contended, and (1 John 
ii. 19) banished from the Church, so that from the second 
century it was found in sects outside the Church's pale. It 
was not through the question, What must I do to be saved, 
to be freed from guilt and sin, that those Gnostics were drawn 
to Christianity, but they hoped to find solutions for cosmo- 
logical, religious - historical, and pagan - ethical problems in 
particular points of the Christian doctrine. They took Chris- 
tianity not for that which it is, as redemption from sin, but as 
something entirely different, yea, directly the opposite of this. 
They were not concerned with redemption from sin, but with 
the palliation of sin. So they shifted the guilt of sin from 

1 Against the fundamental error of the 'recpnuie.x.Toi ^i/5*5Ao/, Paul can 
cite the authority of the twel ve apostles on his side. Gal. ii. 6 ; Acts xv. 


man on to matter and on to the Demiurge, who as dis- 
tinguished from the highest God was the creator of matter. 
That in Christ, the eternal personal love, the eternally-loved, 
loving One became man, in order to manifest absolute love in 
substitutionary suffering of death and of absolute pain on 
account of sin, was to them, who longed for no redemption, 
as inconceivable as it is to Pantheists of to-day. They ex- 
plained Jesus, either as having assumed the appearance of a 
body, 1 or as a mere man distinguished from the "Aeon 
Christ." 2 The Aeon Christ should not suffer, should not die, 
but should only have brought a philosophical knowledge, or 
have redeemed the spirit from matter. Since sin was now 
regarded, not as a determination of the will, but only as conse- 
quence of connection with matter, it followed that no sin 
which He committed could stain the spirit inwardly redeemed 
from matter, that to Him anything was allowable. During 
the apostolic age such errors could not be affirmed within the 
Christian Church ; by powerful discipline the Church was 
purged of such heresies. But in the post-apostolic age we 
have what in the course of almost two thousand years has 
been repeated in a remarkably similar manner. Understand- 
ing that the gospel means of grace are to be found within and 
not without the Church, that outside of it are only Jewish, 
pagan, and gnostic lies, men like Ignatius exhorted to faithful 
combination and union under the eVtWoTrot. This was what 
might be expected and is justifiable. But when even over 
against earnest, though in part morbidly earnest tendencies, 
like those of the Montanists, the Novatians, and Donatists, a 
Cyprian and an Augustine place the consensus episcoporum 
as the criterion of truth, it was not a long step that was 
needed to set aside the proposition, " The Church possesses the 

1 So the Xaassenes and Perates (Hippolytus, Book V.) ; also the 
Gnostics of Tralles, Smyrna, and Ephesus (Ignat. Smyr. ii. and v., Eph. 
xviii., and Trail, x.). 

2 So Cerinthus (Tren. i. 26). According to the testimony of Polycarp 
(in Iren. iii. 3. 4), Cerinthus was a contemporary of John, and lived beside 
him in Ephesus. 


truth because it possesses the gospel," and substitute for it its 
opposite, " The gospel is truth because it is taught by the 
Church." Thus the Church was not for the sake of the gospel, 
but the gospel was for the sake of the Church, as among the 
Jewish teachers Christ was for the Israelites. Soon this 
instinctive, demoniacal striving after dominion, inherited from 
paganism, gained possession of that distorted proposition, of 
the Eoman chair significantly standing forth among the turmoil 
of the movements of the nations, " Truth depends upon the 
consensus episcoporum" This must be carefully guarded, and 
how could this be done more effectually than by a sovereign pon- 
tiff? for which rank the Bishop of Rome endeavoured eagerly 
to qualify himself by the use of utterly unhistorical figments. 
By what means from that day forth the Roman chair proceeded 
to break down and destroy every National Church independent 
of Rome which would not submit itself to him, how he made 
his command and laws paramount, but the grace of God a 
thesaurus, under the custody of the Church of Rome, the 
treasures of which must be merited by works and acts of 
obedience, while in practice he turned the glance of the Chris- 
tian away from the Redeemer to the ecclesiastical means, Pope, 
priesthood, mass, indulgences, Mary and the saints, and de- 
manded submission from States and their rulers as the general 
dispenser of the divine grace, may be learnt from Church 
history. When, among the Reformers, the Paulus redivivus 
opposed to this pagan creature- worshipping as well as Judaistic- 
legal system the evangelical witness, the Roman Pontiff 
hardened himself and lost his opportunity, engaged in cruel 
persecutions of the gospel in Spain, France, Holland, Italy, 
Hungary, and at first also in Great Britain, played the role 
which once the heathen world had played, and produced in the 
diabolical craft of the order of the Jesuits and other instru- 
ments a moral pest, the like of which paganism had never 
known. The corrupt products of a Christianity reared upon 
lies must necessarily be more poisonous and vile than those of 
heathenism. Nitrate of potash gives nitre, but nitrate of silver 


gives lunar caustic. Only madness can charge the offensive 
manifestations of the papacy against Christianity, or, yet more 
silly, against religion in dbstracto. It is only reasonable that 
one should distinguish between the gospel and an ecclesiastical 
institution. The former is the truth revealed by God, the 
latter a product of the reception of this truth on the part of 
man. An ecclesiastical institution may become faulty and 
decay ; the gospel, never. The gospel is and remains for ever 
one and the same ; a Church institution can change, because 
it sets in the place of the gospel figments of human sin, or 
adulterates the gospel with such ingredients. Hence, then, 
arise those manifestations of moral corruption. But senseless 
as it is to lay to the charge of Christianity, i.e. the gospel, 
those manifestations which have their origin just in departure 
from the gospel, nevertheless the world, which eagerly catches 
at every kind of reproach against the truth, draws this false 
conclusion. It confounds with the gospel the faults of the 
Christian community, of the Church. Because men in opposi- 
tion to the gospel misuse the name of the gospel, or Chris- 
tianity, or Christ, or the forgiveness of sins, or grace, etc., in 
the service of their lust of power or greed, for the delusion, 
yea, for the actual stupefying of the people, the mass of those 
who have not yet come to a knowledge of their sinful misery, 
have no longing after salvation, yea, no wish to be delivered 
from sin, immediately will draw with instinctive cunning 
the false conclusion, "therefore this whole affair of Christ, 
forgiveness of sins, etc., is silly deceit, the gospel only a trick 
or delusion, all religion only a sham." Because an infected 
pseudo-Church has involved itself in the guilt of fanatical, yea, 
Satanic persecutions, the bulk of people draw the false conclu- 
sion that all religion is fanatical and leads to fanaticism. 
Thus is unbelief bound in the fetters of superstition. The 
confused mixture of truth and lies in Roman Catholicism 
has brought truth into discredit. 1 The theory of unbelief, like 

1 Of the pillagings by soldiers under Louis XIV. Chateaubriand writes : 
" The sight of the narrow-minded and cruel bigotry of the king, of the 


that of a new Gnosticism, yea, of a repristinated Buddhistic 
paganism, was first of all found out in the form of a philo- 
sophical theory by a Semite, Baruch Spinoza ( 182). It 
belongs as such to the province of philosophical science. But, 
that the essential view in this system, the denial of the per- 
sonal, holy, willing God, the theory of absolute natural necessity 
under which the Absolute Himself stands, therefore the explain- 
ing away of sin as a necessary moment in the world's develop- 
ment, and the denial of the miraculous, that this essential 
view, since Bayle, the Deists, and Encyclopaedists, could keep 
hold of the masses of the people, and that during one genera- 
tion also in Germany should have thoroughly permeated the 
masses, is a consequence of that discredit into which the gospel 
of God has been brought through faulty Church organizations 
of men. And this is to be said of Churches Roman or non- 
Eoman, for who will deny that even the period of orthodoxy 
in the Evangelical Churches, and even Pietism itself, has here 
its seamy side ? But here now a conclusion obtrudes itself 
which we cannot refuse to draw : Superstition and unbelief 
work together hand in hand, though the representatives of the 
two tendencies have not this in view. According to their 
individual intention they hit wildly at one another, and thereby 
the one only furthers the other. The farther the confusing 
power of the amalgamating of truth and lies pushes its 
<f)apfji,aKeiai, the. more surely do the masses turn away from all 
truth. The more daintily and consistently unbelief undermines 
all the grand works of moral, and therefore of social and civil 
order, the more surely will instances occur in which the 

dishonourable tricks of his godfather, of the profanation of the sacraments 
approved by the clergy, of the soldiers transformed into missionaries, of 
the soiling of religion with blood and horrors, of the priests who trampled 
under foot all human and divine laws, were the immediate cause that 
drove the upper classes into the arms of scepticism." In our own days, 
how much have the two newly-ordained doctrines of Pius IX., together 
with his contention against the civil power, contributed to arouse multi- 
tudes in Germany to make a great outcry against the whole of Christianity 
and the gospel, which is indiscriminately summed together under the 
name of the papacy ! 


comfortless, weary, and excited masses, because they cannot 
longer exist upon mere negations, will cast themselves into the 
arms of the most extravagant superstitions of the Church. 
We see here standing over the individual will of sinful man a 
higher power opposed to God, a providence of evil which 
operates against the providence of God, only, indeed, with the 
prospect of a certain final overthrow by a last decisive act of 
God. Thus by ocular demonstration and experience what Holy 
Scripture says of the Prince of this world is confirmed, not a 
supernatural, not a supramundane, but a superhuman being, 
because belonging to another department of creation than the 
earth, a created being wilfully rebelling against God ; and this 
doctrine of Scripture is the truth, the caricature of which is 
seen in the heathens' fear of evil spirits and in the heathens' 
worship of evil spirits. Paganism, not recognising sin as evil, 
traces evil back to evil spirits, which it seeks to pacify by sacri- 
fices, to curse and bind by sorcery ; Christianity recognises in 
calamity and evil God's chastisements, but acknowledges as the 
tempter to sin, and as him whose plans directed against God, 
the will of man directed against God must involuntarily carry 
out, a prince of darkness, against whom no sorcery, but only 
believing surrender to God's purpose of grace, can avail. 
Under the successive forms of lies, the Church that has let its 
place be usurped by a lie and open revolt from Church and 
Christianity, the invisible Church of the members of Christ, 
which in time is still the invisible kingdom of Christ, has to 
suffer. In the history of this kingdom the history of the Lord is 
repeated. The persecution of the child Jesus by Herod answers 
to the pre-Constantine persecution by the heathen world outside 
the Church. The age that followed corresponds to the three 
and a half years' official activity of Christ. When the pro- 
phesied falling away (Rev. xvii.) has been accomplished, and an 
end has been made of the witness of -the law ( 314) and of 
the gospel (Rev. xi. 7 ff.), then will the days of the passion 
for the invisible Church of Christ have come, which He will 
bring to an end by His second coming. 


Where do we stand ? "Whoever considers attentively the 
signs of the times, will be ready to admit that our age is com- 
parable to the last year of the active work of Christ, where 
the great masses of the people of Israel, who previously had 
followed under a mistaken enthusiasm, turned away from Him, 
and left Him alone with His disciples (Matt, xvi.-xx.). In 
this present day, again, this same Semitic people appears as 
chief operator in introducing a phase of modern Sadduceanism 
which aims at overthrowing the Christian faith of the 
Germanic and Germano-Roman, but mainly the Germanic 
races, and carrying out a propaganda on behalf of a pantheistic 
theory of the world, and strives in this way to decompose and 
destroy as much as possible the specifically Japhetic-Aryan 
nationality of the German peoples. That the modern State, 
under the influence of evangelical church institutions, no 
longer persecutes and oppresses the Jews as the mediaeval 
State did, under the influence of the Eomish Church, is in the 
highest degree proper ; but not so this, that the members of 
this foreign race, with the characteristic forwardness of their 
race, 1 should not only take their place in the German States 
alongside of others, but should bit by bit give the lead in the 
press and in the legislative assemblies. 2 Our German people 
has been only too complaisant toward them during this 
generation. The social and civil life of the people is already 
dominated by pantheistic ideas. " Laissez faire ! Leave 
unrestricted freedom to the will of the individual ; all evil 
corrects itself as a moment in the necessary course of develop- 
ment, and will do so infallibly of itself." In the social and 

1 It deserves to be recorded that a Jewish paper appearing in Berlin 
had the impudence to demand the abolition of the Christian second 
festival ! 

2 Comp. Constant. Frantz, Der Nationalliberalismus und die Judenkerr- 
schaft, Miinchen 1874. Yet quite curtly has a distinguished Jewish 
literateur spoken out in a publication : " German Judaism works now so 
powerfully, so vigorously, so unweariedly for the new culture and science, 
that the greatest part of Christianity [sic! he would say : Christendom] 
consciously or unconsciously is guided by the spirit of modern Judaism.' 
Comp. Deutsche Reichspost, 1879, 23 Juli. 


civil economic sphere it is said : " The egoism of the 
individual already secures its own highest well-being ; when 
prices are dear, then importation increases; work is mer- 
chandise ; " and are spoken of as the infallible dicta of the 
Manchester school! But experience has shown that the 
principle of unrestricted egoism (since labour is a sort of 
merchandise which cannot be piled up) leads to nothing else 
than a depression in the rewards of labour in favour of the 
capitalists and to their immense enriching, and a fit of rage 
on the part of men robbed of their Christian faith and 
Christian Ethics, an incitement of the labourers also by the 
egoism of the religion of this world against the propertied 
classes, and consequently the danger of a bellum omnium 
contra omnes, an overthrow of all culture and civilisation. In 
the sphere of politics we meet with this idea: "All men 
have an equal right to govern. To govern is not to acknow- 
ledge and carry out God's will, but the will of the majority. 
'Since man is good by nature, the will of the majority is 
infallibly good, and what may nevertheless be perverse is 
corrected of itself in the process of development. Hence 
universal suffrage." But experience has taught that men by 
nature are not good, but are possessed by the passions of 
greed, lust of power, vanity, and that fear of man which 
sacrifices conviction for fear of giving offence, and that 
election by universal suffrage is a mere farce, where the 
masses are lured and wooed by party leaders with ill-under- 
stood catchwords and phrases of the day, and led about as 
blind tools, with no will of their own, by the will of those 
leaders. In the department of journalism we meet with the 
following proposition : " Freedom of the press ! Only let all 
untruth and poison be freely spread abroad ! Truth can 
likewise be disseminated, and will thus surely gain the 
victory." Yes, truly, if it would be read ! But not the truth, 
but the money turns the scale in deciding what sheets shall 
find the widest circulation. And if one succeeds after many 
sacrifices in founding and maintaining papers which oppose 



untruth and afford an antidote to the poison, they are not 
read just by those who are most in need of such an antidote. 
Should one then be still obliged to prove what sort of 
influence the pantheistic falsehoods about the natural excellence 
of man and about sin as a self-correcting moment in the 
process of development exercises in the department of educa- 
tion and in our schools ? We stand over an abyss. Our 
national and civil life is disorganized by the perverse teaching 
of that antichristian system. A people that shuns the 
quickening influence and conscience-awakening witness of the 
gospel, loses the power of self-renewing and of continued 
existence, and mankind fallen away from Christianity passes 
down into utter corruption (Matt. xxiv. 28). Have we gone 
so far ? It is still possible to recover lost ground. Still in 
our German people there is a remnant, not of millions, but of 
many thousands, who have not bowed their knees to Baal, this 
old god of pantheism, and who in the fear of the Lord exert 
all the powers wherewith God has endowed them in witness- 
ing by word and deed against untruth, sin, and shamelessness, 
on behalf of the truth that man is a sinner and needs 
redemption, and that not egoism, but self-denying love, which 
endeavours first to secure the well-being of its neighbour and 
the community, and then afterwards its own, makes a people 
happy. God grant that this book may contribute its mite to 
the dissemination of this truth. 


ACHILLES heel of materialis- 


Basques, an Indo-Germanic 


tic theories, '. . '. 

i. 373 

people, '. 

ii. 373 

Adaptation in nature, . 

i. 162 

Basques, their history and 

in the Darwinian 

religion, . 

ii. 387 

theory, . 
Africa, Races of, . 

ii. 24 
iii. 113 

Bilu and Bilit, Worship of, 
Brahma, .... 

ii. 340 
ii. 166 

Ahuramazda in the Iranian 

Brahmanical priesthood, 

ii. 171 


ii. 195 


ii. 174 

Alfurus, Religion of the, 

iii. 109 

Brahmanism, Origin of, 

ii. 167 

America, Races of, 

iii. 142 

Buddhism of the Aztecs, 

iii. 293 

Ameshaspentas in Iranian 

among Mongolian 


ii. 195 

tribes, . . . 

iii. 33 

Ammonites, Religion of the, 

ii. 349 

Amraphal, War of, 

ii. 321 

CANAANITES, Origin of the, 

ii. 284 

Ancestry, Worship of, . 

ii. 165 

Religion of the, . 

ii. 328 

Angromainyus, Iranian legen 


Oaribs, Religion and legends 


ii. 200 

of the, .... 

ii. 183 

Animal, The psychical func- 

Celtic nations, Religion of 

tions of the, 

i. 145 

the, . . . . . 

ii. 402 

Apologetics as a science, 

i. 1-12 

Ceylon, Ancient religion of, 

iii. 46 

Arabians, Ancient religion 

Chemosh, God of Ammonites 

of the 

ii 360 

and JMoabites 

ii. 350 

Aruacas, Religion of the, 

iii. 167 

Chichimecs, Origin and re- 

Aryan-Indian religion, 

ii. 143 

ligion of the, ..'.'. 

iii. 264 

Aschera, Worship of, . 

ii. 337 

Chinese ; their immigration 

Asia, Races of, . 

iii. 1 

into America, . 

iii. 226 

Assyrians, Religion of the, . 

ii. 328 

Chinese, Religion of the, 

iii. 52 

Assyrio - Babylonian tradi- 

Christianity, Nature of, 

i. 15 

tions, .... 

ii. 363 

its influence on society, 

iii. 384 

Astarte, Worship of, . 

ii. 338 

Confusion of languages at 

Avesta, Sacred book of the 

Babel, .... 

iii. 327 

Iranians, .... 

ii. 187 

i, 250 

Aymaras, The religion of the, 

iii. 197 

Consciousness, Facts of, 

i. 25 

The empire of the, 

iii. 209 

Consciousness of guilt, 

i. 272 

Aztecs, Traditions of the, . 

iii. 226 

Creation, Legends of the, ii. 363 

, iii. 313 

Buddhism of the, 

iii. 293 

Crimes, their place in moral 

Religion of the, . 

iii. 285 


ii. 82 

Cushite races of Asia and 

BAAL, Worship of, ii. 337, 
Babel, Building of the tower 

351, 355 

Cushite races of South Africa, 

iii. 95 
iii. 121 

of, . . ii. 357, 371, iii. 

137, 327 

Babylonians, Religion of 

ii. 328 

DAGON, a deity of the Philis- 
tines, .... 

ii 347 

Baldr,' a Norse deity, . 

ii. 411 

Darwinian theory of descent, 

ii. 1-69 




Derceto, a deity of the Philis- 
tines, ii. 347 
Design, Proof of the theory 
of, .... i. 162-198 
Design of the Universe, . i. 235 
in rudimentary organs, i. 396 
in nature, Presumed 
absence of, ... i. 400 
Design in nature, Evidence 
of, i. 402 
Devas in Iranian religious 
system, . . . . i. 200 
Donar ; German name of the 
Xorse Thorr, ii. 409 
Doric influence on Greek 
religion, ii. 252 
Dualism of Zarathustra, . ii. 215 

EGO, Self-certainty of the, . i. 110 


God, Proofs for existence of, i. 277, 248 
Feeling of constraint to 
know i. 236 
Gospel, no human invention, 
The, . . . . i. 341 
Government of the world, 
Divine, . . . . i. 307 
Greeks, Religion of the, ii. 232-259 
Gwydion ; Cambrian name of 
Teutonic deity, . . ii. 408 

HAECKEL'S arguments, Re- 
view of, . . . . ii. 15 
ETamites, Moral and intellec- 
tual character of the, iii. 344, 347 
Hartmann ; his physical and 
philosophical system, . iii. 116 
Hegel, Philosophical system 
of . iii HO 

Relation of, to the laws 
of the outer world, . . i. 198 
Egyptians, Gods of the, . ii. 263 
Myths of the, . . ii. 266 
Ethics of the, . . ii. 278 
Embryogenesis and phylo- 
genesis, . . . ii. 47 
Ethical law and its con- 
tents, i. 236-288 
Ethical law and its author, . i. 17 
Origin of, . . . i. 21 

Hegelianism, Failure of, . iii. 124 
Heredity and transmission 
according to Darwin, . ii. 35 
History : what may and may 
not be learned from it, . ii. 133 
History of religions, . ii. 143-iii. 314 
Homeric age of Greek re- 
ligion, ii. 249 
Hottentots, Religion of the, . iii. 129 
Huitzi ; war - god of the 
Aztecs . . iii. 285 

no law of nature, . i. 23 
Existence of God, Proofs of 
-the, i. 227, 230, 248 
External world, Knowledge 
of the, . . . . i. 26-100 

FALL, Traditions of the, ii. 226, 365, 
iii. 136, 313 
Fall, Authenticity of the, . i. 310 
Fetichism among African 
tribes, .... iii. 122 
Fichte, ii. 106 

Humanity, Hypothesis of 
sinless development of, . i. 320 
Hungarians ; their appear- 
ance in Europe, . . iii. '2 
Hyksos, Researches in regard 
to the ii. 271 

IMPOTENCE of the will, . i. 211 
Inability of man to save him- 
self, . . . . i. 329 
Incarnation of Christ con- 

Finnic tribes, Religion of, . iii. 5 
Flood, Traditions of the, . ii. 183, 
227, 248, 366, iii. 137, 311 
Flood, its place in history of 
redemption, . . . iii. 325 
Force, Denial of idea of, . i. 371 
Freedom of the will, i. 266, 268, 
ii. 85 
and permission of evil, i. 303 
Freyr ; Norse god of fruit- 
fulness, . ii. 411 
Functions of Blood, Mechan- 
istic explanations of, . i. 378 

GEOLOGY contradicts Dar- 

ceivable, i. 346 
Incas ; their relation to the 
Toltecs, .... iii. 236 
Incas, Empire of the, . . iii. 246 
Religion of the, . . iii. 250 
India, Religions of Higher, . iii. 46 
Indian religions, . . ii. 143-186 
Indians originally connected 
with Iranians, . . . ii. 221 
Indra period in history of 
Indian religion, . . ii. 160 
Inorganic and organic na- 
ture, . . . . i. 125 
Instinct, Mechanistic ex- 
planations of, . . . i. 388 
Iranian religion, . . ii. 186-232 

Germans, Religon of the 
ancient, ii. 407 
God, the self - conscious 
author of the world, . i. 219 

traditions, ii. 22o 

JAPAN, Religion of, . . iii. 66 
Judges, Period of the, . . iii. 35J 




KINGS and Prophets, Period 

of the, .... iii. 364 
Knowledge of God, . ii. 208-236 

of self, . . ii. 100-208 

Kolhs, Religion and culture 

of the, . . . . iii. 99 

LAMAISM among the Mon- 
golian tribes, . . . iii. 38 

Language, The origin of, . i. 71 

Languages, Laws of trans- 
mutation of, . . . i. 287 

Confusion, . . iii. 327 

Law, The Moral, . . . i. 17 

Contents of the Ethical, i. 251 

Linguistic peculiarities of the 

Basques, ii. 375 

MALAY religions in America, 
Traces of, ... 

Malays into America, Immi- 
gration of, ... 

Malays, Religions of the, . 

Man : the ultimate design of 

- his destiny according to 
ethical law, 

Man's inability to redeem 

himself, . . . 

Marriage as viewed in moral 

statistics, . . . 
Materialism, Consequences 

of, ..... 

- fails to construct a moral 
system, . . . . 

- related to Pantheism, 
Materialistic and Christian 

estimates of man, . . 
Materialists, Argumentation 

of, ... . 

Mayas, The legends of the, 
Mechanistic theory of the 

world, i 

Miracles of Christ conceiv- 

able, . . . 
Miracles, Possibility of, . 
Moabites, Religion of the, . 
Monads of various orders, . 
Mongolian races, Character- 

istics and distribution of, . 

- Buddhism among the, 

- Traces of their immi- 
gration into America, . 

Mongols, Ancient religion of 

the, .... 

Monotheism of Israel, . 

- of Zarathustra, . . 

- Traces of, in savage 
peoples, . . iii. 125, 132, etc. 

Moral Law, . . . i. 17 
Moral statistics, . . . ii. 81 

iii. 148 
iii. 82 

i. 199 
i. 248 
i. 329 
ii. 88 
ii. 77 

ii. 80 

ii. 257 


i. 346 
i. 325 
ii. 349 
i. 134 

iii. 14 
iii. 33 

iii. 188 

iii- 41 
iii. 339 
ii. 209 


Muyscas, The Empire and 
Religion of the, . . iii. 214 

NAHIJATLACS, Traditions and 
religion of the, . . iii. 264 

Nature and man, . . i. 195 

Negritos, The religion and 
culture of the, . . iii. 109 

Negroes, The religion and 
traditions of the, . . iii. 131 

ODHINN ; a Norse and Ger- 
man deity, ii. 415 

Odshi negroes, Legends and 

religion of, . . . iii. 132 

Organic nature, i. 125 

Origin of sin, . . . i. 298 

PAGANISM the caricature of 

Christianity, ' . .iii. 322 

Pangenesis, Theory of, . i. 390 

Pantheism a paralogism, . i. 204 

Pantheism : can it afford an 
explanation of the uni- 
verse ? .... ii. 116 

Papuans, Religion of the, . iii. 109 

Parseeism ; the Persian re- 
ligious system, . . ii. 189 

The dark side of, . ii. 224 

Pathological effects of evil 
volition in the individual, i. 269 

Patriarchal age, God's edu- 
cative procedure in the, . iii. 348 

Pelasgians, Origin of the, . ii. 235 

Divinities of the, . ii. 237 

Perception, The theory of, . i. 26 

Philistines, Religion of the, ii. 347 

Phoenicians, Religion of 
the, . . . . ii.336 

Phylogenesis ; its relation 

to embryogenesis, . ii. 47 

Polynesians, Culture, reli- 
gion, and traditions of the, iii. 87 

Polytheistic corruptions of 
religion, . . ii. 163, 257 

REDEMPTION, Divine act of, iii. 372 

Effects of, . . . iii. 381 

Outline of idea of, . i. 328 

as set forth in revela- 
tion, . . . . i. 332 

of Christ corresponds 

to requirements, . . i. 342 

Redemptive acts of God, . iii. 325 

Redskins, The religion of, iii. 301 

- Traditions of, . . iii. 311 

Reflective consciousness, . i. 90 

Reflex motives, Mechanistic 

explanation of, . . i. 383 

Regenerative principle, Me- 
chanistic explanation of, i. 384 



Reminiscence no activity of 
brain and nerve, 


i. 38 


Tshuktchis, Immigration 
into America of the, 


iii. 264 

Romans, Religion of the, . 

ii. 259 

Tsonecas, The religion of 

iii. 165 


ii. 179 

Schelling, The philosophical 

UGRIAN races, Ethnographi- 

system of, ... 

ii. 109 

cal and historical sketch 

Scholastic period in history 


iii. 1 

of Indian religion, . 
Self-certainty of the Ego, . 

ii. 178 
ii. 110 

Ultimate design of nature: 
Man, . . . 

i. 199 


ii. 104 

Unconscious thinking, 

i. 81 

Semites, Moral and intel- 
lectual character of the, . 

iii. 345 

Unity of Malay-Polynesian 
group of tribes, 

iii. 74 

of the Euphrates, 

ii. 355 

Unreflected thought, . 

i. 81 

Semitic race and choice of 

the covenant people, 
Separation of the peoples, . 
Sexual selection, 

iii. 343 
iii. 327 
ii. 44 

VARIABILITY and adaptation 
according to Darwinism, . 
Vedic period in histoiy of 

ii. 24 

Shamanism among Tartar 
tribes, .... 
Sin, The fact of, 
The nature of, . 

iii. 11 
i. 259 
i. 266 

Indian religion, 
Vegetable kingdom, Dar- 
winian theory of, . 
Natural law in the, 

ii. 145 

ii. 18 
i. 14-2 

The origin of, . 

i. 298 

Vital force, 

i 131 

The possibility of, 
Slavs, Religion of the, 

i. 314 
ii. 407 

Denial of idea of, 

i. 375 

Spinoza, The philosophy of, 
Struggle for existence, 
Subjectivity, The two kinds 

ii. 100 
ii. 36 

i. 223 

WILL, Province of the, 
Free. and not free, 
Not absolutely free, . 

i. 56 
i. 266 

ii. 85 

Sutra theology : a reaction- 

Limits to freedom of 
the, .... 

i. 267 

ary movement, 

ii. 181 

World, Our knowledge of 

TABLE of the nations, 
Tamanacs, Religion of the, 
Tartars, The religion of the, 

ii. 393 
iii. 167 
iii. 10 

the external, 
Influence of Christianity 
upon the, . . 

i. 26 
iii. 384 

Teleological theses proved, . 
Teleology, The proof of, 
Tibet, Religion and tradi- 

i. 164 
i. 402 

YAZATAS in the Persian re- 
ligious system, 

ii. 197 

tions of, . 

iii. 46 

Toltecs, Origin of the, 

iii. 236 

ZARATHUSTRA ; Persian re- 

Legends of the, . 

iii. 257 

ligious reformer, ii. 186, 

209, 215 

Traditions of all races, A 

Zend, the Huzvaresh trans- 

common element in, 

iii. 319 

lation of the A vesta, 

ii. 193 




Just published, in demy 4<o, price 36.*., 



Qxiimm's OEt'lfee's Clabts Nobi 2ustanunti. 





' rpOYTARDS the close of the year 1862, the " Arnoldische Buchhandlung " 
I in Leipzig published the First Part of a Greek-Latin Lexicon of the 
New Testament, prepared, upon the basis of the " Clavis Novi Testamenti 
Philologica" of C. G. Wilke (second edition, 2 vols. 1851), by Professor C. L. 
AViLTBALD GRIMM of Jena. In his Prospectus Professor Grimm announced it 
as his purpose not only (in accordance with the improvements in classical lexico- 
graphy embodied in the Paris edition of Stephen's Thesaurus and in the fifth 
edition of Passow's Dictionary edited by Rost and his coadjutors) to exhibit the 
historical growth of a word's significations, and accordingly in selecting his 
vouchers for New Testament usage to show at what time and in what class of 
writers a given word became current, but also duly to notice the usage of the 
Septuagint and of the Old Testament Apocrypha, and especially to produce a 
Lexicon which should correspond to the present condition of textual criticism, 
of exegesis, and of biblical theology. He devoted more than seven years to his 
task. The successive Parts of his work received, as they appeared, the out- 
spoken cgmmendation of scholars diverging as widely in their views as Hupfeld 
and Hengstenberg ; and since its completion in 1868 it has been generally 
acknowledged to be by far the beat Lexicon of the New Testament extant.' 

' I regard it as a work of the greatest importance. ... It seems to me a work show- 
ing the most patient diligence, and the most carefully arranged collection of useful and 

The use of Professor Grimm's book for years has convinced me that it is not only 
unquestionably the best among existing New Testament Lexicons, but that, apart from 
all comparisons, it is a work of the highest intrinsic merit, and one which is admirably 
adapted to initiate a learner into an acquaintance with the language of the New Testa- 
ment. It ought to be regarded as one of the first and most necessary requisites for the 
study of the New Testament, and consequently for the study of theology in general.' 
Professor EMIL SCHCRBR. 

' This is indeed a noble volume, and satisfies in these days of advancing scholarship 
a very great want It is certainly unequalled in its lexicography, and invaluable in its 
literary perfectiiess. ... It should, will, must make for itself a place in the library of 
all those students who want to be thoroughly furnished for the work of understanding, 
expounding, ami applying the Word of God.' Evangelical Magazine. 

'"Undoubtedly the best of its kind. Beautifully printed and well translated, with 
pome corrections and improvements of the original, it will be prized by students of the 
Christian Scriptures. 1 Athcnceum* 

T. and T. Clark's Publications. 

In extra 8vo, price 12s., 


An Examination of the, Personality of Man, to ascertain his Capacity 
to Know and Serve God, and the Validity of the Principles 
underlying the Defence of Theism. 




Just published, in extra 8vo, price 12s., 


This work is a re-statement of the evidence of the existence of God aud of 
the reality of His revelation of Himself, as modified by and in harmony with 
the legitimate results of recent thought, and meeting scepticism in its present 

'In "The Philosophical Basis of Theism" Dr. Earns laid the foundation, in the 
present work he raises the superstructure, and in both he has done good service to 
philosophy and theology. His is a mind full of knowledge, and rich in ripe reflection 
on the methods and results won in the past, and on the problems of the present hour. 
His argument is always conducted with the most direct reference to the state of the 
qupstion now, and the difficulties he endeavours to meet are not those which were 
current a century ago, or half a century ago, but those which are raised by the writings 
of such men as Herbert Spencer, Matthew Arnold, Frederic Harrison, and other leaders 
of thought at the present time.' Spectator. 

'"We admire this work alike for its solid learning, its broad philosophical insight, its 
firm grasp of details, its luminous style, and its apt illustrations gathered from all 
branches of our literature. No student, who wishes to be fully abreast of the times, 
should be without this really great book.'- Baptist Magazine. 

' The student who accepts Dr. Harris as his teacher will find himself in most efficient 
hands; and by thoroughly mastering this volume will save himself the trouble of per- 
using many others. Certainly it is a volume which no one interested in philosophy or 
apologetics can afford to neglect.' Expositor. 

Just pjiblisftedj in Two Vola., crown 8vo, 2?rice 16s., 


Their Diversity and Unity in Life and Doctrine. 


(Efjirfc (Edition, ttorougfjljj &ebisc& antJ &c=iHErittEn. 

4 In the work before us, Lechler works out this conception with great skill, and with 
ample historical aud critical knowledge. He has had the advantage of all the discussions 
of the^e forty years, and he has made good use of them. The book is up to date ; so 
thoroughly is this the case, that he has been able to make room for the results which 
have been won for the early history of Christianity by the discovery of the "Didaohe," 
and of the discussions to which it has given occasion. Nor is it too much to say that 
Dr. Lechler has neglected nothing fitted to throw light on his great theme. The work 
is of the highest value.' Spectator. 

' It contains a vast amount of historical information, and is replete with judicious 
remarks. . . . By bringing under the notice of English readers a work so favourably 
thought of in Germany, the translator has conferred a benefit on theology.' Atkenceum. 

'Scholars of all kinds will welcome this new edition of Dr. Lechler 's famous work. 
It has for long been a standard authority upon the subject which it treats. . . . The 
book has not only been "revised," but actually "re-writieu" from end to end.' Literary 

T. and T. Clark's Publications. 

Just published, in Two Vols., Svo (1450 pages), SECOND EDITION*, price 36s., 


Concerning Man and his relation to the World. 

Cranslatei from tljc (Grrman 

' The English public have now before them the greatest philosophic work produced 
in Germany by the generation just past. The translation comes at an opportune time, 
for the circumstances of English thought, just at the present moment, are peculiarly 
those with which Lotze attempted to deal when he wrote his " Microcosmus," a quarter 
of a century ago. . . . Few philosophic books of the century are so attractive both in 
style and matter.' Athemeum. 

4 These are indeed two masterly volumes, vigorous in intellectual power, and trans- 
lated with rare ability. . . . This work will doubtless find a place on the shelves of all 
the foremost thinkers and students of modern times.' Evangelical Magazine. 

' Lotze is the ablest, the most brilliant, and most renowned of the German philosophers 
of to-day. ... He has rendered invaluable and splendid service to Christian thinkers, 
and has given them a work which cannot fail to equip them for the sturdiest intellectual 
conflicts and to ensure their victory.' Baptist Magazine. 

' The reputation of Lotze both as a scientist and a philosopher, no less than the merits 
of the work itself, will not fail to secure the attention of thoughtful readers.' Scotsman. 

' The translation of Lotze's Microcosmus is the most important of recent events in our 
philosophical literature. . . . The discussion is carried on on the basis of an almost 
encyclopaedic knowledge, and with the profoundest and subtlest critical insight. We 
kuow of no other work containing so much of speculative suggestion, of keen criticism, 
and of sober judgment on these topics.' Andover Review. 

Jitst published, in Two Vols., 8vo, price 218., 





' Other champions much more competent and learned than myself might have been 
placed in the field ; I will only name one of the most recent, Dr. Reusch, author of 
'' Nature and the Bible."' The Right Hon. W. E. GLADSTONE. 

' The work, we need hardly say, is of profound and perennial interest, and it can 
scarcely be too highly commended as, in many respects, a very successful attempt to settle 
one of the most perplexing questions of the day. It is impossible to read it without 
obtaining larger views of theology, and more accurate opinions respecting its relations 
to science, and no one will rise from its perusal without feeling a deep sense of gratitude 
to its author.' Scottish Review. 

4 This graceful and accurate translation of Dr. Reusch's well-known treatise on the 
identity of the doctrines of the Bible and the revelations of Nature is a valuable addition 
to English literature.' Whitehall Review. 

' We owe to Dr. Reusch, a Catholic theologian, one of the most valuable treatises on 
the relation of Religion and Natural Science that has appeared for many years. Its fine 
impartial tone, its absolute freedom from passion, its glow of sympathy with all sound 
science, and its liberality of religious views, are likely to surprise all readers who are 
unacquainted with the fact that, whatever may be the errors of the Romish Church, its 
more enlightened members are, as a rule, free from that idolatry of the letter of Scrip- 
ture which is one of the most dangerous faults of ultra-Protestantism.' Literary World. 

T. and T. Clark's Publications. 


Just published, in demy 8vo, price 10s. 6d., 


1 Dr. Gloag, whilst courteous to men of erudition who differ from him, is firm and 
fearless in his criticism, and meets the erudition of others with an equal erudition of 
his own. He has displayed all the attributes of a singularly accomplished divine in 
this volume, which ought to be t-agerly welcomed as a solid contribution to theological 
literature ; it is a work of masterly strength and uncommon merit.' Evangelical 

4 We have here a great mass of facts and arguments relevant in the strictest sense 
to the subject, presented with skill and sound judgment, and calculated to be of very 
great service to the student.' Literary Churchman. 

Just published, in crown 8vo, price 5s., 


' Careful and valuable pieces of work' Spectator. 

' A very interesting volume.' Literary Churchman. 

'Dr. Gloag handles his subjects very ably, displaying everywhere accurate and 
extensive scholarship, and a fine appreciation of the lines of thought in those passages 
with which he deals.' Baptist. 

'Candid, truth-loving, devout-minded men will be both instructed and pleased by 
studies so scholarly, frank, and practical.' Baptist Magazine. 

In crown 8vo, price 7s. 6d., 



' It has seldom fallen to our lot to read a book which we think is entitled to such 
unqualified praise as the one now before us. Dr. Gloag has displayed consummate 
ability.' London Quarterly Review. 

' We regard Dr. Gloag's work as a valuable contribution to theological literature. We 
have not space to give the extended notice which its intrinsic excellence demands, and 
must content ourselves with cordially recommending it to our readers.' Spectator. 

In demy 8vo, price 12s., 


1 A work of uncommon merit. He must be a singularly accomplished divine to 
whose library this book is not a welcome and valuable addition.' Watchman. 

In Two Volumes, 8vo, price 21s M 




1 This commentary of Dr. Gloag's I have examined with special care. For my 
purposes I have found it unsurpassed by any similar work in the English language. 
It shows a thorough mastery of the material, philology, history, and literature |>er- 
taiuiug to this range of study, and a skill in the use of this knowledge which places it 
in the first class of modern expositions.' //. B. Ilackttt, D.D. 

T. and T. Clark's Publications. 

Just published, in demy 8ro, price 10s. 6</., 






CONTENTS. Part /. Introductory. Chap. I. The Scope of our Inquiry and its 
Bearing upon Modern Theories of the Rise of Christianity. II. The 
Documents. III. General Views of the History of Messianic Expectation 
among the Jews to the Christian Era. IV. General Character of the Christian 
Transformation of the Idea of the Messiah. V. The Use of the Old Testament 
in the Early Church. Part II. The Attitude of Jesus to Messianic Beliefs. 
Chap. I. The Teaching of Jesus concerning the Kingdom of God. II. The 
Use by Jesus of the Title "The Son of Man." III. The Claim made by Jesus 
Himself to be the Christ. Part III. Messianic Ideas in the Early Church. 
Chap. I. The Doctrine of the Office of the Christ in the Early Church. II. 
Comparison in detail of Jewish and Christian Eschatology. III. Messianic 
Prophecy and the Mythical Theory. Epilogue, etc. 

'Mr. Stanton's book answers a real want, and will be indispensable to students of the 
origin of Christianity. We hope that Mr Stanton will be able to continue his labours 
in that most obscure and most important period, of his competency to deal with which 
he has given such good proof in this book.' Guardian. 

' We welcome this book as a valuable addition to the literature of a most important 
subject . . . The book is remarkable for the clearness of its style. Mr. Stanton is never 
obscure from beginning to end, and we think that no reader of average attainments will 
be able to put the book down without having learnt much from his lucid and scholarly 
exposition.' Ecclesiastical Gazette. 

Now ready, Second Division, in Three Vols., 8vo, price 10s. Qd. each, 



Professor of Theology in the University of Giessen. 

The First Division, which will probably be in a single volume, is undergoing revision 
by the Author. (The Second Division is complete in itself.) 

' Under Professor Schiirer's guidance, we are enabled to a large extent to construct a 
social and political framework for the Gospel History, and to set it in such a light as to 
see new evidences of the truthfulness of that history and of its contemporaneousness. . . 
The length of our notice shows our estimate of the value of his work.' English 

We gladly welcome the publication of this most valuable work.' Dublin Rtview. 

' Most heartily do we commend this work as an invaluable aid in the intelligent study 
of the New Testament Nonconformist. 

'As a handbook for the study of the New Testament, the work is invaluable and 
unique.' British Quarterly Review. 

T. and T. Clark's Publications. 


(Copyright, by arrangement with the Author.) 

Just published, in Two Volumes, demy Suo, price 21s., 




'We do not know any better commentary to put into the hands of theological 
studenti-.' Guardian. 

' We heartily commend this work to our readers as a valuable and substantial 
addition to the literature of this noble Epistle.' Homiletic Magazine. 

' A perfect masterpiece of theological toil and thought. . . . Scholarly, evangelical, 
exhaustive, and able.' Evangelical Review. 

In Three Volumes, 8ro, price 31s. 6rf. 
(A New Edition, revised throughout by the Author.) 



' This work forms one of the battle-fields of modern inquiry, and is itself so rich in 
spiritual truth that it is impossible to examine it too closely ; and we welcome this treatise 
from the pen of Dr. Godet. We have no more competent exegete, and this new volume 
shows all the learning and vivacity for which the author is distinguished.' Freeman. 

In Tu'o Volumes, 8vo, price 21s., 


1 Marked by clearness and good sense, it will be found to possess value and interest as 
one of the most recent and copious works specially designed to illustrate this Gospel.' 

In Two Volumes, 8to, price 21s., 


'We prefer this commentary to any other we have seen on the subject. . . . We 
have great pleasure in recommending it as not only rendering invaluable aid in the 
critical study of the text, but affording practical and deeply suggestive assistance in the 
exposition of the doctrine.' British and Foreign Evangelical Review. 

In crown 8ro, Second Edition, price 6s., 





' Thpre is trenchant argument and resistless logic in these lectures ; but withal, there 
is cultured imagination and felicitous eloquence, which carry home the appeals to the 
heart as well as tue head.' Sword and Trowel. 

T. and T. Claris Publications. 



New Edition, Re-written and Enlarged. 

APOSTOLIC CHRISTIANITY, A. D. 1-100. In Two Divisions. Ex. demy 8vo, price 21s. 
ANTE-NICENE CHRISTIANITY, A.D. 100-325. In Two Divisions. Ex. demy 8vo, 
price 21s. 

NICENE and POST-NICENE CHRISTIANITY, A.D. 325-600. In Two Divisions. Ex. 
demy 8vo, price 21s. 

MEDIEVAL CHRISTIANITY, A.D. 590-1073. In Two Divisions. Ex. demy 8vo, 
price 21s. 

' Dr. Schaff's "History of the Christian Church " is the most valuable contribution to Ecclesias- 
tical History that has ever been published in this country. When completed it will have no rival 
in point of comprehensiveness, and in presenting the results of the most advanced scho.arship 
and the latest discoueries. Each division covers a separate and distinct epoch, and is complete in 

'No student, and indeed no critic, can with fairness overlook a work like the present, 
written with such evident candour, and, at the same time, with so thorough a knowledge 
of the sources of early Christian history.' Scotsman. 

'In no other work of its kind with which I am acquainted will students and general 
readers find so much to instruct and interest them.' Rev. Prof. HITCHCOCK, D.D. 

'A work of the freshest and most conscientious research.' Dr. JOSEPH COOK, in 
Boston Monday Lectures. 

'Dr. Schaff presents a connected history of all the great movements of thought and 
action in a pleasant and memorable stylo. His discrimination is keen, his courage 
undaunted, his candour transparent, and for general readers he has produced what we 
have no hesitation in pronouncing the History of the Church.' freeman. 

Just published in ex. Svo, Second Edition, price 9s., 



of tbe twelve Bpostles. 

The Didacht and Kindred Documents in the Original, wi+h Translations and Discussions of 

Post-Apostolic Teaching, Baptism, Worship, and Discipline, and with 

Illustrations and Fac-Similes of the Jerusalem Manuscript. 



' The best work on the Didache which has yet appeared.' Churchman. 

'Dr. Sehaffs "Oldest Church Manual "is by a long way the ablest, most complete, 
and in every way valuable edition of the recently-discovered " Teaching of the Apostles " 
which has been or is likely to be published . , . Dr. Schaff's prolegomena will hence- 
forth be regarded as indispensable. . . . We have nothing but praise for this most 
scholarly and valuable edition of the Didactic 1 . We ought to add that it is enriched by 
a striking portrait of Bryennios and many other useful illustrations.' Baptist Magazine. 

T. and T. Clark's Publications. 

Just published, in demy 8ro, priec 12s., 



(Eleventh Series of Cunningham Lectures.) 

' Mr. Banner-man has executed Ms task with commendable impartiality and thorough- 
ness. His learning is ample, his materials have been carefully sifted and clearly 
arranged, his reasoning is apt, lucid, and forcible, while he has none of the bitterness 
which so frequently mars controversial works of this class.' Baptist Magazine. 

'The matter is beyond all question of the very holiest and best. . . . We do not 
hesitate to give the book a hearty recommendation.' Clergyman's Magazine. 

'The Cunningham Lecturer has made out an admirable case. His book, indeed, 
while not written in a controversial spirit, but with calm temper, argumentative power, 
and abundant learning, is a very forcible vindication of the Presbyterian system, and 
one which, we suspect, it will be no easy task to refute, whether from the Romanist or 
the Anglican side.' Scotsman. 

Just published, in demy 8vo, price 12s., 


Its Principles, Its Branches, Its Results, and Its Literature. 


'We can most heartily recommend this work to students of every degree of attain- 
ment, and not only to those who will have the opportunity of utilizing its aid in the 
most sacred of the professions, but to all who desire to encourage and systematize their 
knowledge and clarify their views of Divine things.' Nonconformist and English 

' We know of no work more likely to prove useful to divinity students. Its arrange- 
ment is perfect, its learning accurate and extensive, and its practical hints invaluable.' 
Christian World. 

' Professor Cave is a master of theological science. He is one of the men to whose 
industry there seems no limit. . . . We can only say that we have rarely read a book 
with more cordial approval.' Baptist Magazine, 

In demy 8vo, price 12*., 


Including Inquiries Into the Origin of Sacrifice, the Jewish Ritual, the 
Atonement, and the Lord's Supper. 

' A thoroughly able and erudite book, from almost every page of which something 
may be learned. The Author's method is exact and logical, the style perspicuous and 
forcible sometimes, indeed, almost epigrammatic; and, as a careful attempt to ascertain 
the teaching of the Scripture on an important subject, it cannot fail to be interesting 
even to those whom it does not convince.' Watchman. 

T. and T. Clark's Publications. 




Genesis, 2s. ; Joshua, Is. 6d. ; Judges, Is. 3d.; Chronicles, Is. 6d. ; Haggai, 
Zechariah, and Malachi, 2s.; Mark, 2s. 6d.; Luke, Two Parts, 3s. 3d.; Acts, Two 
Parts, 3s. ; Romans, 2s. ; Galatians, Is. 6d. ; Hebrews, 2s. 6d. 


Life of Christ, Is. 6d. ; Sacraments, Is. 6d.; Confession of Faith, 2s.; Scottish 
Church History, Is. 6d.; The Church, Is. 6d. ; The Reformation, 2s.; Presby- 
terianism, Is. 6d. ; Lessons on the Life of Christ, 2s. 6d. ; The Shorter Catechism, 
2s. 6d. ; Short History of Missions, 2s. 6d. ; Life of St. Paul, Is. fid. ; Palestine, 
2s. 6d.; Work of the Holy Spirit, Is. 6d.; Sum of Saving Knowledge, Is. 6d.; 
The Irish Presbyterian Church, 2s. 



In paper covers, 6d. each ; free by post, Id. In cloth, 8d. each ; free by post, 9d. 

The Shorter Catechism, Q. 1-38. Period of the Judges Outlines of Protestant 
Missions Life of the Apostle Peter Outlines of Early Church History Life of 
David Life of Moses Life of Paul Life and Reign of Solomon History of the 
Reformation Kings of Israel Kings of Judah Joshua and the Conquest. 

, Detailed Lists of ' Handbooks ' and 'Primers 'free on application. 
In the Press, 


The Structural Connection of the Booh of Psalms both in single Psalms and 
in the Psalter as an organic whole. 



In the Press, in crown 8ro, 


A Vindication of the Scientific Principle of Telic Causal Efficiency. 


T. and T. Clark's Publications. 


Just published, in One Volume, post 8vo, price 7s. &d., 





NOTE. This Work discusses all the Messianic passages of the Old Testament in a 
fresh Translation, with critical notes, and aims to trace the development of the Messianic 
idea in the Old Testament. 

'Professor Briggs' Messianic Prophecy is a most excellent book, in which I greatly 
rejoice.' Prof. FRANZ DELITZSCH. 

' All scholars will join in recognising its singular usefulness as a text-book. It has 
been much wanted.' Rev. Canon CHEYNE. 

' Professor Briggs' new book on Messianic Prophecy is a worthy companion to his 
indispensable text-book on "Biblical Study." ... He has produced the first English 
text-book on the subject of Messianic Prophecy which a modern teacher can use.' 
The Academy. 

In post 8vo, price 7s. 6d., 



With INTRODUCTION by Professor A. B. BRUCE, D.D., Glasgow. 

A book fitted at once to meet the requirements of professional students of Scripture, 
and to serve as an available guide for educated laymen who, while using the Bible 
chiefly for edification, desire to have the advantage of the light which scholarship can 
throw on the sacred page, ought to meet with wide acceptance and to be in many ways 
useful. Such a book id the one now published. Dr. Briggs is exceptionally well 
qualified to prepare a work of this kind.' Prof. Bruce. 

' We are sure that no student will regret sending for this book.' Academy. 

' Dr. Briggs' book is a model of masterly condensation and conciseness. He knows 
how to be brief without becoming obscure.' Freeman. 

In post 8vo, with Maps, price 7s. 6d., 


Its Origin and Early History. 

Together with an Appendix of Letters and Documents, many of which have 

recently been discovered. 

' We have no doubt this volume will be read with intense interest and gratitude by 
thousands.' Presbyterian Churchman. 

' An honest and valuable contribution to ecclesiastical history.' Glasgow Herald. 

In demy 8vo, price 10s. 6J., 


Traced in its Historical Development. 


TRANSLATED BY REV. J. S. BANKS, Headingley College, Leeds. 

1 A valuable contribution to the methodology of Scripture interpretation.' British 
Quarterly Review. 

Cannot fail to be regarded as a standard work upon the subject of Old Testament 
prophecy.' Sword and Trowel. 

T. and T. Clark's Pziblications. 

In Twenty Handsome 8vo Volumes, SUBSCRIPTION PRICE 5, 5s., 


Commentary on the New Testament. 

1 Meyer has been long and well known to scholars as one of the very ablest of the German 
expositors of the New Testament. We are not sure whether we ought not to say that he is 
unrivalled as an interpreter of the grammatical and historical meaning of the sacred 
writers. The Publishers have now rendered another seasonable and Important service to 
English students in producing this translation.' Guardian. 

A Selection may now be made of any EIGHT VOLUMES at the Subscription Price of TWO GUINEAS- 
Each Volume will be sold separately at 10s. 6d. to Non-Subscribers. 





The portion contributed by Dr. MEYER has been placed under the editorial 
care of Rev. Dr. DICKSON, Professor of Divinity in the University of Glasgow ; 
Rev. Dr. CROMBIE, Professor of Biblical Criticism, St. Mary's College, St. 
Andrews ; and Rev. Dr. STEWART, Professor of Biblical Criticism, University 
of Glasgow. 

1st Year Romans, Two Volumes. 
Galatians, One Volume. 
St. John's Gospel, Vol. I. 
2d Year St. John's Gospel, Vol. II. 

Philippians and Colossians, One Volume. 
Acts of the Apostles, Vol. I. 
Corinthians, Vol. I. 
3d Year Acts of the Apostles, Vol. II. 

St. Matthew's Gospel, Two Volumes. 
Corinthians, Vol. II. 
4th Year Mark and Luke, Two Volumes. 

Ephesians and Philemon, One Volume. 
Thessalonians. (Dr. Lilnemann.) 
5th Year Timothy and Titus. (Dr. Huther.) 
Peter and Jude. (Dr. Huther.) 
Hebrews. (Dr. Lilnemann.) 
James and John. (Dr. Huther. ) 

The series, as written by Meyer himself, is completed by the publication of Ephesians 
with Philemon in one volume. But to this the Publishers have thought it right to add 
Thessalonians and Hebrews, by Dr. Lilnemann, and the Pastoral and Catholic Epistles, 
by Dr. Huther. So few, however, of the Subscribers have expressed a desire to have Dr. 
Dilsterdieck's Commentary on Revelation included, that it has been resolved in the mean- 
time not to undertake it. 

1 1 need hardly add that the last edition of the accurate, perspicuous, and learned com- 
mentary of Dr. Meyer has been most carefully consulted throughout ; and I must again, 
as in the preface to the Galatians, avow my great obligations to the acumen and scholar- 
ship of the learned editor.' BISHOP ELLICOTT in Preface to his ' Commentary on Ephestaru. 
1 The ablest grammatical exegete of the age.' PHILIP SCHAFF, D.D. 
' In accuracy of scholarship and freedom from prejudice, he is equalled by few. 

t ' e We\aveo C nly < to repeat that it remains, of its own kind, the very best Commentary 
of the New Testament which we possess.' Church Belli. 

1 No exegetical work is on the whole more valuable, or stands in higher public esteem. 
-As a critic he is candid and cautious; exact to minuteness in philology; a master of the 

rammatical and historical method of interpretation.' Princeton Review. 

T. and T. Clark's Publications. 



To meet a very general desire that this now well-known Work should be 
brought more within the reach of all classes, both Clergy and Laity, Messrs. 
CLARK are now issuing, for a limited period, the Eight Volumes, handsomely 
bound in Four, at the Subscription Price of 


As the allowance to the Trade must necessarily be small, orders sent either 
direct or through Booksellers must in every case be accompanied with a Post 
Office Order for the above amount. 

' The whole work is a treasury of thoughtful exposition. Its measure of practical and 
spiritual application, with exegetical criticism, commends it to the use of those whose duty 
it is to preach as well as to understand the Gospel of Christ.' Guardian. 

New and Cheap Edition, in Four Vols., demy 8vo, Subscription Price 28s., 


A Complete Critical Examination of the Origin, Contents, and Connection of 
the Gospels. Translated from the German of J. P. LANGE, D.D., Professor 
of Divinity in the University of Bonn. Edited, with additional Notes, by 

' We have arrived at a most favourable conclusion regarding the importance and ability 
of this work the former depending upon the present condition of theological criticism, 
the latter on the wide range of the work itself ; the singularly dispassionate judgment 
of the Author, as well as his pious, reverential, and eruilite treatment of a subject inex- 
pressibly holy. . . . We have great pleasure in recommending this work to our readers. 
We are convinced of its value and enormous range.' Irish Ecclesiastical Gazette. 



By JOHN ALBERT BENGEL. Now first translated into English. With 
Original Notes, Explanatory and Illustrative. Edited by the Rev. 
ANDREW R. FAUSSET, M.A. The Original Translation was in Five Large 
Volumes, demy 8vo, averaging more than 550 pages each, and the very 
great demand for this Edition has induced the Publishers to issue the 
Five Volumes bound in Three, at the Subscription Price of 

They trust by this still further to increase its usefulness. 

'It is a work which manifests the most intimate and prof ound knowledge of Scripture, 
and which, if we examine it with care, will often be found to condense more matter into 
a line than can be extracted from many pages of other writers.' Archdeacon HARE. 

' In respect both of its contents and its tone, Bengel's Gnomon stands alone. Even 
among laymen there has arisen a healthy and vigorous desire for scriptural knowledge, 
and Bengel has done more than any other man to aid such inquirers. There is perhaps 
no book every word of which has been so well weighed, or in which a single technical 
term contains so often far-reaching and suggestive views. . . .The theoretical and 
practical are as intimately connected as light and heat in the sun's ray.' Life ofPerthes. 

T. and T. Clark's Publications, 

In demy 8vo, price 10s. 6d., 




CONTENTS. Introductory : The Doctrine of the "Word of God. PART I. The 
Nature of the Revelation of the Word of God. PART II. Revelation in 
Heathenism and in Israel. PART III. Revelation in the Bible. 
NOTE. Thi8 first volume of Ewald's great and important work, 'Die Lehre der 
Bibel von Gott,' is offered to the English public as an attempt to read Eevelation, 
Religion, and Scripture in the light of universal history and the common experience of 
man, and with constant reference to all the great religious systems of the world. The 
task is as bold and arduous as it is timely and necessary, and Ewald was well fitted to 

accomplish it The work has not simply a theological, but a high and significant 

apologetic valne, which those who are called upon to deal with the various forms 
of modern scepticism will not be slow to recognise. Extract from Translator's Preface. 

'This volume is full of nervous force, eloquent style, and intense moral earnestness. 
There is poetry of feeling in it also ; and, whilst it manifests an original mind, it is 
accompanied by that spirit of reverence which ought always to be brought to the study 
of the Holy Scripture. A masterly intellect is associated in Ewald with the humility of 
a child.' Evangelical Magazine. 

' Ewald is one of the most suggestive and helpful writers of tliis century. This is 
certainly a noble book, and will be appreciated not less than his other and larger 
works. . . . There is a rich poetic glow in his writing which gives to it a singular 
charm.' Baptist Migazine. 

In Two Volumes, deiny 8vo, price 21s., 


Professor of Theology in the University of Breslau. 

2Tran0IattJ from ifyt ffimnan, 

And Edited, with a Review of Apologetical Literature, 

' It is impossible to overrate the value of this volume in its breadth of learning, its 
wide survey, and its masterly power of analysis. It will be a "sine qua non" to all 
students of the history of theology.' -Evangelical Magazine. 

' Another most valuable addition to the library of the theological student. ... It is 
characterized by ripe scholarship and thoughtful reflection. ... It would result in rich 
caiil to many churches if those volumes were placed by generous triends upon the 
shelves of their ministers.' Christian World. 

1 One of the most important additions yet made to theological erudition.' Nonconfor- 
mist and Independent. 

' Rabiger's Encyclopaedia is a book deserving the attentive perusal of every divine. 
... It is at once instructive and suggestive.' Athenaeum. 

' A volume which must be added to every theological and philosophical library.' 
British Quarterly Review. 

In Two Volumes, 8vo, price Is. 6d. each, 




' A work executed with great diligence and care, exhibiting an accurate collection of 
facts, and a succinct though full account of the history and progress of the Church, both 
external and internal. . . . The work is distinguished for the moderation and charity of 
its expressions, and for a spirit which is truly Christian.' English Churchman. 

T. and T. Clark's Publications. 


In Three handsome crown 8vo Volumes, price 6s. each. 

' We do not know any volumes so suitable in these times for young men 
entering on life, or, let us say, even for the library of a pastor called to deal 
with such, than the three volumes of this series. We commend the whole of 
them with the utmost cordial satisfaction. They are altogether quite a 
specialty in our literature.' Weekly Review. 




Sixth Edition. 


' From Dr. Luthardt's exposition even the most learned theologians may derive in- 
valuable criticism, and the most acute disputants supply themselves with more trenchant 
and polished weapons than they have as yet been possessed of.' BelCs Weekly Messenger. 




Fifth Edition. 

' Dr. Luthardt is a profound scholar, but a very simple teacher, and expresses himself 
on the gravest matters with the utmost simplicity, clearness, and force.' Literary World. 




Third Edition. 

'The ground covered by this work is, of course, of considerable extent, and there is 
scarcely any topic of specifically moral interest now under debate in which the reader 
will not find some suggestive saying. The volume contains, like its predecessors, a truly 
wealthy apparatus of notes and illustrations.' English Churchman. 

In Three Volumes, 8vo, price 31s. 6d., 


' Full to overflowing with a ripe theology and a critical science worthy of their great 
theme.' Irish Ecclesiastical Gazette. 

In demy 8vo, price 7s. 6rf., 



Author of ' Fundamental Truths of Christianity,' etc. 

Translated and the Literature enlarged by C. R. GREGORY, Leipzig. 

1 A work of thoroughness and value. The translator has added a lengthy Appendix, 
containing a very complete account of the literature bearing on the controversy respect- 
ing this Gospel. The indices which close the volume are well ordered, and add greatly 
to its value.' Guardian. 

4 There are few works in the later theological literature which contain such a wealth 
of sober theological knowledge and such an invulnerable phalanx of objective apolo- 
getical criticism.' Professor Guericke. 

Crown 8vo, 5s., 


The Church : Its Origin, its History, and its Present Position. 
4 A comprehensive review of this sort, done by able hands, is both instructive and 
suggestive.' Record. 


A 000035315 1