The Apology Of Plato

Clarendon Press Series

THE

APOLOGY OF PLATO

WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES

BY

ST. GEORGE STOCK, MA

PEMBROKE COLLEGE

THIRD EDITION, REVISED

PART L—-INTRODUCTION AND TEET

HENRY FROWDE, MA.

PUBLISHER TO THE UNIVERSIT’ OF OXFORD

LONDON, EDINBURGH, AND NEW YORK

PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION.

Burne calledupon to produce an edition of the Apology,
I found myself embarrassed by the very abundance of
material, For, unlike the Meno, the Apology had been
amply edited in English. Indeed the only chance of
imparting any distiictive character to a new edition
seemed to lie in neglecting the labours of others and
trusting to my own resources to produce such notes as
a long experience in teaching suggested might be useful.
This course appeared the more excusable as the edition
asked for was required to be of a somewhat elementary
character. Accordingly no commentator was consulted
until my own notes were complete, Riddell only excepted,
with whose views I was too familiar to be able to clear
my mind of them, if I had wished to do so. It thus
happens that a good deal of the common stock, especially
in the way of illustrative references, has not been bor-
rowed, but brought afresh. This, however, is a matter
of very trifling importance to the reader, whose main
concern 1s to find the matter at hand for his service, The
other writers to whom I am bound to make acknowledge-
ment for help here and there are Mr. Purves, who has
included the whole of the Apology in his Selections from
the Dialogues of Plato, the late Professor Wagner, and
Mr. Louis Dyer, Assistant Professor in Harvard Un:
versity, whose lucid Appendix on the Athenian Courts of
Law has been of especial service. Mr. Adam’s recent
school edition, to which the present one must, to my
regret, appear as ἃ rival, 1 have never seen at all. It is
perhaps superfluous to add that recourse has been had
to such sources of information as Smuth’s Dictionary of
Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, the works
of Zeller and the inexhaustible mine of learning contained
in Grote’s writings.

4 PREFACE.

Having acquitted myself of what may, be called for
distinction public obligations, I now turn to more private
and personal ones. My old friend and school-fellow, the
Rev. Robert L. Clarke, Fellow and Librarian of Queen’s
College, has once more exercised his patient kindness in
revising my notes. How shall I thank him for the time
he has spent upon me, or for the truly Socratic irony
with which he convinced me of errot, while seeming to
defer to my arguments in defence of it! To Mr. Evelyn
Abbott too, Fellow of Balhol College, I am indebted not
only for the useful suggestions which his practical ex-
perience of editing enabled him to make, but also for
having placed at my disposal some valuable matter, of
which I have availed myself as freely as 1t was given. The
text followed has again been that of K. F. Hermann.

ὃ MusEuM VILLas, Oxrorp,
Sept. 1, 1887.

PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION.

In preparing this second edition of the Apology I have
had the advantage of consulting Mr. J. Adam’s excellent
edition of the same classic in the Pitt Press Series, I am
glad to find that our works need not be considered nvals,
as his is intended for a higher class of readers than mine.
The text in this edition has been brought into conformity,
in all essentials, with that of Baiter, which is recognised by
the University.

8 Museum Vitvas, Oxrorp,
July 30, 1890.

INTRODUCTION.

THE world will always be the better for the Apology of Import-

Socrates. It shows us philosophy tried before the bar of a 22° of the
. ἮΝ . . ΔΡΟΪΟΡΥ,

passing public opinion, condemned to drink the bitter juice
of the hemlock, and justified before the ages. It 1s an appeal
from prejudice to reason, from seeming to being, from time
to eternity. How often, when passion has subsided, does
the better mind of man reject what man deliberately does in
the name of God and goodness! As Anytus was leaving
the court radiant with triumph, Socrates remarked, ‘ How
miserable is this man, who seems not to know that, whichever
of us has done the better and the nobler for all time, he it is
who is the winner!’

It 1s to Plato’s Apology that the world mdirectly owes the
deep and enduring influence of Stoicism. For it was the
reading of this little work which stirred up Zeno from his far
home in Cyprus, and brought him to Athens to study phi-
losophy.

The Apology is the natural mtroduction to the writings of It forms the
Plato. Not only is it one of the simplest and easiest of his 2atural in-
. , . . . . -___ troduction
pieces, involving as it does no difficulties of argumentation, ἐς thestudy
but it has the further advantage of giving us a full-length of Plato,
portrait of Socrates, in which the whole man 1s set vividly
before us. In the dialogues we have Socrates at work on his
mission . but the Apology lets us mto the secret of what that
mission was, and reveals to us the spirit in which Socrates
undertook it. We see there the earnest thirst for truth, the
dissatigfaction with received and unreasoned opinion, the in-
cessant converse with men of all classes, the obstinate ques-
tioning of himself and others, the abnegation of all preten-

Lost Socra-
1c litera-
cure,

The three

6 THE APOLOG),

sions to knowledge, the dialectical method, the negatne
result, the deep-seated peisuasion of a personal guidance by
some unseen intelligence, the unfaltering faith in goodness;
nor are the lighter touches wanting—the raillery, the mock-
solemnity, the delicious irony, the perfect politeness, the
serene good humour,

The ‘Socraticze charte:’ were far more extensive than the
remains which have come down tous We cannot indeed
quaniel with time, which has preserved to us all Plato: but
still a great loss has been sustaimed Of the innumerable
works of Antisthenes!, which made Timon call him ‘an all-
producing babbler,’ not one has been spared to us. He was
placed by ancient critics in the foremost rank of the Socratics,
on a level with Plato and Xenophon. Of Alexamenus of
Teos nothing more 1s known than that his were the first-
written of the Socratic dialogues*. Among the othe: mme-
diate disciples or friends of Socrates there were dialogues
cuirent in antiquity under the names of Aeschines, Aristyppus,
Bryson, Cebes, Crito, Eucleides, Glaucon, Phaedo, Simmias,
and lastly of Simon the cobbler, to whose workshop Socrates
used to 1esort, and who took notes of his discourses’. Amid
this abundant Socratic literature, all of which owed its birth
to the one originative impulse, there must have been much
which would have helped us to bridge over the gulf between
the Socrates of Plato and the Socrates of Xenophon. Ae-
schines in particular, owing to his lack of :magination, was
supposed by some critics to have reflected more faithfully
than anyone else the genuine mind of Socrates*, As it 15,

1 Diog, Laert. vi. §§ 15-18, Athen. 505 ¢

ὁ On Antisthenes, see Diog, Laert. i. § 47; on Alexamenns,
Athen. 505 ¢, on Aeschines, Diog. Laert. 11, §§ 60, 61; on Aris-
tippus, Athen. 11. 118d, Diog, Laert. i, §§ 83, 84, on Bryson,
Athen. xi. 508 d, 509 ο, with which cp. Xen, Conv. iv, § 63; on
Cebes, one of whose three dialogues, the Πίναξ, 1s still eatant, Diog,
Laert. 11. § 125; on Crito, Diog, Laert. ii. § 121; on Eucleides,
Diog. Laert, ii §§ 64, 108; on Glaucon and Simmuas, Diog. Laert,
ii § 124; on Simon the cobbler, Diog, Laert. u §§ 122, 123,

ἐ Aristerdes Rhetor Oat. xlvi, p. 295, Dindorf.

INTRODUCTION. 7

however, we are reduced to three contemporary sources of pictures of
information in endeavouring to estimate the real personality Socraess
of Socrates—namely, the picture drawn of him by Xenophon, those
the picture drawn of him by Plato, and the picture drawn of Xenophon,
him by Aristophanes. Plato,

Widely different as these three pictures are, they have yet asta.
no unhkeness which 15 fatal to the genuineness of any. You rt ᾿
may always distort a countenance almost beyond the bounds not really
of recognition by merely depressing some of the features with- conflicting
out at all exaggerating the rest. Xenophon, the man of action,
brings out into full relief the practical side of the mind of
Socrates ; the theoretical 1s sketched only in famt outline.
We have a hint given us here and there of a style of discourse,
which the biographer, absorbed in admiration of the moral
and social qualities of his hero, did not care to record at
length To Plato, on the other hand, the thing of absorbing
interest is the theoretical side of his master’s mind, with
which he has so interblended his own, that his very con-
temporaries did not seek to distinguish between the two.
Socrates and Plato are hike the maitied spints seen by
Swedenborg, who presented to the observer the appearance
of one human being

Even the cancature of Socrates drawn in the Clouds of
Aristophanes does not contradict the ideas we derive of him
from elsewhere. Only we have now shifted to the point of
view of the enemy. Instead of marvelling at the severity
and subtlety of the mind which must and will see what can
be said on both sides of a question, before τὲ incline to either,
we condemn the Sophist, who 1s upsetting all established
notions, and whose whole skill is to ‘make the worse appear
the better reason. From this it 1s an easy descent to repre-
sent him as a person of more than doubtful morality, whose
society is contaminating his contemporaries from Euripides*
downwards. Difficult as it is for us to realise that Socrates
could ever have been a mark for righteous indignation, as we
look back upon his figure, encircled with a halo through the
vista"of years, we must yet remember that this third picture

1 Frogs, 1491.

The So-
crates of
the Memo-
rabilia,

The So-
crates of
Xeno-
phon’s
Symposi-
um,

Personality
of Socrates.

8 LHE APOLOGY.

of Socrates was the popular one, and that im his own lifetime
he was numbered among the disreputable}, and labelled
‘ dangerous.’

AAs it 1s this third picture of Socrates which chiefly concerns
the reader of the Apology, we will not dwell here upon the
other two, nor seek to adjudge between their respective
claims to authenticity. Certainly the sententious person
described by Xenophon in the Memorabilia, who too often
reminds us painfully of Mr. Barlow, does not seem likely
to have stirred men’s minds by his discourses, as we know
that the real Socrates actually did above all talkers before
or after him, one only excepted. It may be, as an ingenious
friend has put it to me, that Sociates ‘talked up to Plato
and down to Xenophon;’ but more likely Socrates was
the same throughout, and the mental eye of Plato and
Aenophon saw in him what it brought the power to see.
The Memorabilia indeed contains nothing but what is edfy-
ing, and some things that are striking ; but the mass of it is
simply commonplace We may grant that what is common-
place now was profound and original when it was first
uttered, and that it 1s the triumph of truth to have become
truism; but this will not avail us much, for a good deal of
what the Memoiabila contains must, to adapt a vigorous
phrase of Macaulay's, have been commonplace at the court
of Chedorlaomer

The sketch of Socrates in his lighter moments drawn by
Xenophon in his Symposium approaches more nearly to
Plato than anything in the Memorabilia) Xenophon’s
touch lacks the delicacy of Plato’s, which redeems some of
the features from coarseness: but we feel in reading the
Symposium that we have essentially the same man before
us as the Socrates of the Platonic dialogues.

How the personality of that man has stamped itself upon
the world’s memory! We can picture him now to ourselves
as familiarly as if he had moved among us but yesterday—

1 Charmides says in the Symposium of Xenophon (Xen. Conv.
§ 32), ἀλλὰ καὶ Σωκράτει, ὅτε μὲν πλούσιος ἦν, ἐλοιδόρουν με ὅτι
συνῆν, viv δ᾽ ἐπεὶ πένης γεγένημαι, οὐκέτι οὐδὲν μέλει οὐδενί.

INTRODUCTION, 9

the robust frame, the frank ugliness, of which his friends,
if not himself, were vain, the Silenus-like features, the snub
nose, the thick lips, the protruding eyes—a regular beauty,
as he himself declared, if beauty is to be measured by utility;
for his eyes enabled him to see 1ound the corner, his nostrils
were expanded to meet all odours, his nose had no useless
bridge to interfere with seeing, his jaws were strong to bite,
and his lips were soft to kiss'.. We can fancy him starting
from his humble home, shoeless and shirtless, as his manner
was, except on some great occasion, when he wished to do
honour to the banquet of a friend. He has nsen betimes in
the morning, and enjoyed the plain fare which a slave might
have grumbled at; and now he is off to the walks or to the
gymnasia, secretly glad perhaps to be relieved for a time
from the excellent practice which Xanthippe afforded him in
learning to bear patiently the humours of mankind. Later
on in the day, when the market is filling, he will be sure to
be there . for wherever men congregate, there Socrates finds
the materials for study. He may unroll the volumes of an-
tiquity at intervals with his disciples, seeking to cull from
their pages some maxims which may be useful for life: but
the real books of Socrates are ‘the men in the city.’ So
devoted in fact 1s Socrates to this fascinating study of man,
that he appears like a stranger beyond the city walls, and
has to be enticed outside of them by Phaedrus with a book
under his arm, like a donkey by a carrot. He might leave
Athens on a religious mission, or at the call of duty, to serve
with steady valour in the wars of his country; but would
never be tempted away by the promptings of inclination.
For what need had Socrates to leave Athens, ‘the very
prytaneum of wisdom,’ to which all the most famous wits
of the age were only too glad to come? It was there that
his life’s work lay, which he believed had been appointed
him by Ged ‘both by oracles and dreams, and in every
way in which any divine dispensation had ever appointed
anything to ἃ man to do,’

1 Xen. Conv. τ. §§ 5-7

His life's
work.

The philo-
sophical
Importance
of his con-
versation

Effect pro-
duced by
his cross-
examina.
tion

Socrates’
claim to in-
Spiration,

10 THE APOLOGY.

And what was this life’s work? The queerest surely that
was ever undertaken by mortal—but then Socrates was the
queerest of mortals, as friends and foes alike declared ; in
fact half the secret of the mysterious charm which drew
around Socrates a circle of devoted attendants, consisting of
the keenest and brightest mtellects of the age, lay in the fact
that they had never seen or heard of anyone like him’.
The work then to which Socrates conceived himself to be
called was that of convincing all the glib talkers of the age
—the statesmen, sophists, rhetoricians, poets, diviners, rhap-
sodes, and all the rest of them, that they really knew nothing
of the things which they were talking about. For not one of
them could define the art or science which he professed to
practise or to teach ; and Socrates considered that all true
knowledge must rest upon general definitions, It was the
effort to apply this simple principle that led to the creation
of the science of logic. And as the application was made
exclusively to subjects connected with man, the διαλεκτική,
which Socrates so incessantly practised, contained in germ
ethics, politics, logic and metaphysics. Thus we see how
the discourses of Socrates were the prolific seed-bed out of
which sprang al] subsequent Greek philosophy. It 1s not,
however, with the philosophical importance of Socrates’
conversation that we aie here concerned, but with the
practical effect produced by his ἔλεγχος, or method of cross-
examination, upon the minds of his victims. That effect,
it 1s scarcely necessary to state, took the form of an
extreme exasperation, in spite of the polished urbamity with
which the operation was performed; in spite also of the
soothing profession, which invariably accompanied 1t, that
Socrates was equally ignorant with his iespondent, and
was availing himself of his valuable assistance in the search
for knowledge.

The picture that we have endeavoured to present of
Socrates’ personality is not complete, until we have added
the crowning feature of all—the claim modestly but seriously

1 Plat. Symp. 221 6, * Xen. Mem. iv. 6, § 3.

INTRODUCTION, 11

advanced by this strange being that he was directly inspired
by God. From his boyhood Socrates had been conscious of
a singular experience, which appeared to mark him off from
the rest of mankind. This was in an imner voice, which
seemed to speak with him, and would check him suddenly
when about to do or say something. To this voice Socrates
yielded an unquestioning obedience, and was enabled by its
aid to give wise advice to his fnends with regard to the future
—advice which they never refused to follow without subse-
quently regretting it".

Connected doubtless with this phenomenon were the His fits of
strange fits of abstraction to which Socrates was liable at abstrac-
the most unexpected moments. His frends, who were (108:
acquainted with this peculianty, made a point of not allow-
ing him to be disturbed when he was in this condition. On
one occasion, at Potidaea, Socrates is related to have stood
thus in meditation for twenty-four hours, to the amazement
of his fellow-soldiers, some of whom camped out all night
from curiosity to see how long the fit of abstraction would
continue. At sunrise Socrates said his prayers to the sun,
and went off about his business ἢ,

Such was the man who, up to the age of seventy, played pis habit
the part of a gadfly to the Athemians, settling dgwn upon of calling
them morning, noon and night, pestering them with his everything
awkward questions and bewildering them with his dialectic, ion, aes
until all their ideas seemed to be turned upside down ;
calling into question, always indirectly, and with the most
provoking appearance of having reason upon his side, the
value of their religion, the value of their morality, the value
of their political institutions, the value of their professional
employments and of their cherished aims in life—the value
in short of everything except truth and goodness: for of the
value of these things Socrates never doubted, nor allowed
others to doubt.

* Xen. Mem. i. 1, § 4, iv. 3, § 12, iv.8, § §; Apol. Soc. §§ 4, 13;

Plato, Apol. 32 Ὁ, 40B; Theaet. 151 A; Phaedrus 242 B,C; Rep.
496 C; Theag. 128 D—129 D
* Symp. 175 B, 220C, 1),

Public ἐν:
asperation
against
him,

Any tus.

12 THE APOLOGY.

Human nature bemg what it is, we need not feel much
surprised that the day of reckoning should have come at
last. People might have put up with Socrates himself’;
but, unfortunately, his example had raised a host of imi
tatois. For the young men who had leisure to attend him,
and whe naturally belonged in the main to the upper classes,
had begun to turn against their elders the weapons of nega-
tive dialectic, which they had learnt to use during their
mtercourse with Socrates, This was the thmg which brought
public indignation to a climax. There was an outcry raised
that the young men were being ruined, and that the person
who was ruining them was Socrates. It needed now only
that someone should take the initiative in attacking him, for
all classes in the community had been annoyed and offended
in turn,

Prominent at this time (B.C. 399) among the leadeis of the
restored democracy was Anytus, who had fought and suf-
fered in the cause of the people. We need not listen to the
scandal of Scholiasts and of late Greek writers, by whom his
character has been assailed. It is enough that by the con-
fession of Plato, corroborated by the negative testimony of
Xenophon, Anytus was a perfectly respectable person, and in
fact a fairly favourable specimen of the democratic states-
man. To this man Socrates had unfortunately given offence
by saying that it 1ll became his position in the state to bring
up his son to the family trade of a tanner. Anytus may
have been animated to some extent by personal motives:
but it 1s quite intelligible that he conceived himself to be
acting on public grounds, and that he sincerely believed
Socrates to be a very mischievous person. This conviction
is not likely to have been diminished by the fact that the
political leanings of Socrates were rather to the aristocratic
side, as manifested by a theoretical admiration for the cus-
toms and institutions of Sparta, Besides which, Critias, the
bloodthirsty inaugurator of the recent reign of terror at
Athens, had at one time been prominent among the dis-

1 Euthyphro, 3 Ὁ, (πο 52 E

INTRODUCTION, 13

ciples of Socrates, and some of the odium which his memory
excited no doubt recoiled upon his former teacher.

Though Anytus was the prime mover m the matter, he Meletus
was not the ostensible prosecutor of Socrates, that part being and Lycon
played by a young and comparatively obscure man, named
Meletus, the son, as it would appear, of a well-known poet of
the same name. A third person who took part in the prose-
cution was Lycon, a rhetorician. Thus the three accusers
were representative of the outraged feelmgs and harassed
interests of different classes in the community—Anytus
taking up the quarrel of the manufacturers and politicians
against Socrates, Lycon that of the rhetoricians, and Meletus
that of the poets.

But it 1s one thing to believe that a man’s influence is
mischievous in a community, and quite another to bring
home to him a definite charge, which shall suffice to secure
his condemnation. How then were his enemies to lay hold
of Socrates, the spotless integrity of whose whole career did
not seem to offer much handle to an accuser? The follow-
ing considerations may help us partially to understand this
question.

Philosophy up to this period had run wholly in the groove State of
of physical inquiry, and, strange to say, had been thoroughly philosophy
mechanical and materialistic mm 115 tendencies, seeking to Socrates
explain everything by evolution out of some material elements,
We are apt to regard this as the final consummation of phi-
losophy, but it was the first stage among the Greeks, which
they outgiew with the advance of thought. It was so stuking
a novelty to proclaim that mind was necessary to arrange
these elements into the organic whole of the universe, that
Anistotle tells us that Anaxagoras, or whoever preceded him in
doing so, appeared like the only sober man among diunkards’. Indictment
Nevertheless Anaxagoras himself, who had made his home Fanece.
at Athens, had been indicted for impiety, in declaring the coras for
sun to be a matemal object, and had been obhged to take impiety.
refuge at Lampsacus. Late writers tell us that Socrates had Relation o

‘ Metaphysics T 3, § τύ,

14 THE APOLOGY.

Socrates to been a pupil of Anaxagoras, and, after his condemnation, of
Anaxa- hs disciple Archelaus, with whom the Ionic school of phy-
goras sical philosophy came to a close’. We seem to gather how-
ever from Plato, that whatever acquaimtance Socrates may
have had with the doctrines of Anaxagoras was derived from
reading. He is made to say in the Phaedo that the delight
with which he at first hailed the teaching of Anaxagoras
gave way subsequently to intense disappointment, when he
found him deserting final for physical causes, and proving
untrue to his own prand principle. For Socrates imagined
he had found in Anaaagoras a guide who would conduct
him on a royal road to the knowledge of nature If the
universe were really constructed by mind, must it not be
constructed in the best manner possible? And surely then
the right method of studying nature was to seek to ascertain
what was best and why. But Socrates found Anaxagoras,
instead of pursuing this method, descanting, like the rest,
upon air, fire and water, and in fact confounding the physical
conditions with the real causes of phenomena’, Accord-
ingly he abandoned Anaxagoras in disgust, and included
him im his sweeping condemnation of the physicists gene-
Infinence rally as little better than madmen®, The discourses on
of Socrates nature recorded in the Memorabilia‘ are entirely on the
science lines indicated in the Phaedo. For Socrates dtd talk occa-
sionally on nature as well as on man, and notwithstanding
ins disavowal of physical science, he has nevertheless power-
fully influenced the world in this department no less than in
ethics and in logic, though his influence has been in this
case a retarding one. He was the parent of the teleological
idea which maintained undisputed sway over men’s minds
until Bacon headed a reaction against it, and declared in
favour of the pre-Socratics, who had contented themselves
The popu- with the ‘how’ without the ‘why’ But the distmction be-

1 Diog Laert. ti. §§ τό, 19, 23, 45, x. § 12, Euseb, Praep., Evang.
X. 15, ὃ 9, ed. Heimchen.

1 Phaedo 9y~99.

4 Xen, Mem i. 1, §§ 11-13; iv. 7, § 6.

* Mem, i. 4 and iv. 13; cp Conv vii. § 4.

INTRODUCTION, 15

tween Socrates and the Ionic school, profound as it was in lar confu-

reality, was too subtle for the men who condemned him. sion of him |

The rough and ready syllogism of the popular judgment ran physicists

thus— rendered
All who talk about nature are atheists, possible an
Socrates talks about nature, padicent
. Socrates is an atheist, gion.

If, as was well known, Socrates claimed to hold communica- p35 claim
tion with some higher power, this only constituted an aggrava- to mspira
tion of his offence Here was a man who was ready to believe tion served
in anything except what he was expected to believe in ! only to ag

A prosecution for heresy was no new thing at Athens, as supposed
we have seen already from the case of Anaxagoras 80 far offence.
back as the year 431 BC a law had been carried by the Prosecu-
rhetor Diopeithes εἰσαγγέλλεσθαι τοὺς τὰ θεῖα μὴ νομίζοντας ἣ tion for
λόγους περὶ τῶν μεταρσίων διδάσκοντας. sorely

And so it came to pass that the man who above all others
in that age and country believed most profoundly m God was
brought up before a public tribunal as an atheist. This was
the first count in the indictment.

The natural sequel to a charge of irreligion is a charge Charge of
of immorality. It was hopeless to fasten any such charge corrupting
upon Socrates directly, for the blamelessness of his life was the young.
patent to everybody, and so it was represented that his
society had a corrupting influence upon the young. This
was the second count in the indictment. Such a charge was
difficult to meet, while it gave ample room for the play of
prejudice. The tyrants of the Oligarchy, who had reason to
fear the influence of Socrates upon young and ardent
spirits, had shown the way in this direction, in forbidding
Socrates to converse with any man under thirty~.

As the first count was one which might have been urged Socrates
against any philosopher of the period, so the second was one assimilated

. . . ._, to the Phy-
which might have been urged against any of the Sophists,

; sicists on
a class of professional teachers who supplied the place of the one

1 Plat, Peric. 169 D; cp. Arist, Wasps 380.
* Xen. Mem. 1. 2, § 38.

phists on
the other.

Terms of
the indict-
ment
against
him.

Technical
name for it

Prelimt-
nary pro-
ceedings
Socrates
summoned
to appear
before the
King Ar-
chon.

The dvd-

kptats,

16 THE APOLOGY,

university teachers among the Greeks, and from whom, out-
wardly at least, Socrates was only distinguished by the fact
that he did not receive pay for his services or give regular
lectures.

Behold then Socrates arraigned on the double charge of
irreligion and immorality! The indictment, with that
delightful simplicity which so favourably distinguishes Greek
from English legal phraseology ', was worded thus ;-ἰ λδικεῖ
Σωκράτης, ods μὲν ἡ πόλις νομίζει θεοὺς ov νομίζων, ἕτερα δὲ καινὰ
δαιμόνια εἰσφέρων' ἀδικεῖ δὲ καὶ τοὺς νέους διαφθείρων, Τίμημα
θάνατος,

As the offence with which Socrates was charged was not
against any individual, but against the state, the proper tech-
nical term for the proceedings was γραφή, not δίκη, though
in a looser sense δίκη was used for any legal case, and 1s in
fact the term exclusively employed inthis connection through-
out the Apology of Xenophon. It was then a γραφὴ ἀσεβείας
which was brought against Socrates,

We can imagine the dismay of Xanthippe when one
spring? morning Meletus called at the door accompanied
by two witnesses (κλητῆρες) to serve a summons upon
Socrates, citing him to appear before the King Archon.
This was the second of the nine archons, who represented
the priestly functions of the o1iginal patriarchal monarchy,
and had jurisdiction over all cases touching religion. The
ἤλρχων βασιλεύς might have stopped proceedings, had he
been so inclined. As he did not, the indictment was in due
course posted up in some public place, and all the city knew
that Socrates was to be tried for his life. The first proceed-
ings were still before the King Archon. They were called
the ἀνάκρισις ἢ, and consisted in part in the registration under
oath of the prosecutor’s indictment and the defendant's plea

1 Compate for instance the will of Anstotle, Theophrastus, or
one of the later Peripatetics, preserved by Diogenes, with the will of
Shakespeare,

5 The trial took place in the Attic month Munychion, corre-
sponding to the latter part of April and the beginning of May.

3 See a playful employment of the term in Xen Conv v. § 2

INTRODUCTION. 17

in answer to it. This was known as the ἀντωμοσία, or, more
correctly, the διωμοσία, and the document itself, which con-
tained the indictment and the plea in reply, was also called
Gvrwpoota*, It is during this preliminary stage of proceed-
ings that we find Socrates in the Euthyphro The diviner
of that name is surprised to find him quitting his usual
haunts in the Lyceum, and resorting instead to the neigh-
bourhood of the King’s Porch.

And now the final stage has been reached. The case is The Court.
not tried before the high court of Areiopagus, but before an
ordinary δικαστήριον or Heliastic Court, consisting of the same
mised elements as the ἐκκλησία Out of the six thousand
annually elected δικασταί some five hundred of his fellow-
citizens are told off to try Socrates ; and within the limits of
a single day the temerity of a city mob will dispose of the
life of one of the noblest of mankind. It 1s true that each of
them has sworn a solemn oath that he will give an impaatial
hearing to prosecutor and defendant, and will not let himself
be influenced by considerations extraneous to the case”: but
this will scarcely avail to supply him with an enlightened
mind and a calm judgment.

The time assigned for the trial 1s divided into three Divsion of
lengths, which are measured by the κλεψύδρα, or water-clock. the time
The first of these lengths will be occupied by the speeches assigned for
of the prosecutors, the second by the defence of the accused
and the pleadings of his advocates (συνηγόροι), if he has any.

After the speeches have been listened to, as far as tumul-

tuous interruptions will allow, the jurors will declare their

vote by secret ballot, and if the perforated balls (ψῆφοι) Method of
exceed the solid ones, Socrates will be condemned. Then voting.
the third length of time will be devoted to estimating the

amount and kind of penalty that has been deserved *, For The case
the proceedings fall under the head of δίκη or ἀγὼν τίμητος, in 85 ἀγὼν
which it is left to the court to fix the penalty, instead of its ETO.

1 Theaet. 172 E.
3 Demosthenes against Timocrates, Ὁ. 748, § 151.
8 Ὅ τι χρὴ παθεῖν ἢ ἀποτῖσαι, Apol 26 Β; cp, Xen. Conv. γι 8:

Β

18 THE APOLOGY,

being fixed beforehand by law, as in a δίκη ἀτίμητος, which
required no assessment. Accordingly the prosecutor will
speak again in favour of the penalty he has already named,
and the convicted man will be allowed to plead for a diminu-
tion of it. The jurors will then decide between them, and
the legitimate proceedings of the trial will be over If the
prisoner is allowed to address the cout further, it will be by
an act of grace.

Firstlength © Meletus opens the case for the prosecution, advancing to

of the day

Speeches
for the pro-
secution.

First
Count.
Charge of
religion.

the raised platform (βῆμα), from which the speakers ad-
dressed the court He is followed by Lycon and Anytus,
the latter of whom uses his influence to impress upon the
minds of the jurors the danger of acquitting Socrates, now
that proceedings have been allowed to be taken agamst him.
For his acquittal would be such a triumph, and would give
such an impetus to the fashion of imitating him, that the
rising generation would be irretrievably ruined.

Our knowledge does not enable us to discriminate be-
tween the parts played by the various accusers, nor indeed
to realise in any satisfactory manner on what lines the case
for the prosecution was conducted. All that we can do 1s
to put down a few points which we know to have been

urged. We have seen already that there were two main
counts in the indictment,

(1) Irreligion.

(2) Immoral influence,

With regard to the first count Socrates professes himself
in doubt as to whether the accusers meant that he did not
believe in gods at all, or only that he believed in different
gods from those which were recognised by the city. This
is a doubt which we must be content to share. If the
remark addressed to the jurors by Meletus, about Socrates
saying that the sun was a stone and the moon earth, is not
a mere invention of Plato’s, we may suppose that to some
extent a line was followed similar to the gross mis-repre-
sentation of the Clouds, in which Socrates is represented as
having dethroned Zeus, and made ‘Vortex? reign in his
stead. But the main stress of the indictment, as is evident

INTRODUCTION. ΤΟ

from the terms of it, must have fallen rather upon the
impiety of which Socrates was supposed to be guilty, in
exalting his private and personal source of inspiration over
the public worship of his country. He was declared to be
a daring innovator in religion, who held the time-honoured
gods in contempt}.

He would be a bold man who would undertake to say Difficulty

what Socrates really thought about Zeus and Hera, and the of deter-
rest of the recognised deities of Greece. On the one hand mung the
the great philosopher was what would now-a-days be con- of Socrates
sidered a very superstitious person. To say nothing of his about reli-
mward monitor, he was ready to act on the strength of 81
dreams, and had a robust faith in oracles, especially that
of Delphi—a faith which could even survive the shock con-
sequent upon his being told that he was the wisest of men.
On the other hand we find in Xenophon clear expressions
of a belief in one Supreme Being, the author and controller
of the whole universe’, which yet is held concurrently with
a recognition of the many gods of Paganism, insomuch that
monotheistic and polytheistic phraseology are mixed up in
the same sentence.

A passage in the Phaedrus 1s interesting as bearing upon
this subject. In reply to a question put by Phaedrus, as to
what he thought of the story of Boreas and Oreithyia,
Socrates declares that 1t would be easy enough for him to
say with the clever that the girl was blown over a cliff by
a gust of wind. But then logical consistency would require
a similar rationalisation of innumerable other legends. He
really had not time for a task of such appalling magnitude,
and preferred to acquiesce in the current acceptance of the
myths as they stood. There were mysteries enough in his
own being fully to occupy all his attention®, Where, how-
ever, these myths ran counter to his notions of morality—
and it was seldom that they did not—Socrates felt an ex-

1 See Euthyphro, 3 B.
2 Ὁ τὸν ὅλον κόσμον συντάττων τε καὶ συνέχων, Mem. iv. 4, § 135
ep i. 4, § 18. 1 Phaedrus, 229 C-230 A.
B 2

His prac-
tical con-
formity
with the
religion of
his coun-

try.

Second
Count.

Charge of
immoral
influence
Special
points
urged,

20 THE APOLOGY.

treme repugnance to them, It is hinted in the Euthyphro'
that this fact may have had something to do with his indict-
ment for impiety.

But whatever the opmmions of Socrates may have been,
there is no doubt at all about his practice. Accepting the
principle laid down by the Delphic oracle ἢ, he thought it the
part of a good citwen to conform to the religion of his
country, and was scrupulous in so doing both in public and
private life, holding a low opinion of those who did other-
wise® Everyone will remember his last words to Crito,
charging him to sacrifice a cock to Aesculapius.

Under the second count of the mdictment it was urged
that Socrates ridiculed the institutions of his country, de-
clarmg that it was absurd to elect magistrates by lot, when
no one would care to entrust his life at sea to a pilot who had
been chosen by that method Such discourses, it was as-
serted, made the young men feel a contempt for the
established constitution, and incited them to violence*. In
proof of this pernicious mfluence it was pointed out how
Critias and Alcibiades had been educated under Socrates’,

Further it was maintained that Socrates inculcated dis-
respect to parents and relations generally by pointing out
that mere goodwill was useless without knowledge. One
did not consult one’s relations in case of sickness Οἱ of legal
difficulties, but the doctor or lawyer. The effect of such
teaching, it was declared, was to make the associates of
Socrates look so entirely to him, that no one else had any
influence with them’. In the Apology of Xenophon this
charge 1s specially ascribed to Meletus.

The only other point which we know to have been
urged against Socrates was that he inculcated depravity
by means of garbled citations from the poets’—that he
quoted Hesiod’s line’,

1 Euthyphro, 6 A * Xen. Mem. 1, 3, § 15 iv. 3, § 16.
® Mem. i. 3, ὃ 1. * Mem, i, 2,§ 9; cp ui 7, § 6.

5 Mem. i. 2, § 125 cp. Plat. Apol, 33 B.

6 Mem. i. 2, δὲ 49, 51, 32. , * Mem. i 2, §§ 56, 58, 59.

8. Works and Days, 309.

INTRODUCTION, 21

Ἔργον δ' οὐδὲν ὄνειδος, ἀεργίη δὲ 7’ ὑνειδος,

and drew from it the lesson that a man ought to be a πανοῦρ-
γος, or scamp who would do anything for gain; again that he
was fond of quoting Homer? to show the different treatment
meted out by Ulysses to the chiefs and the common people,
drawing therefrom the mference that it was desirable to mal-
treat the humbler citizens This is plainly nothing but an
appeal to the passions of the mob. Xenophon stops the
quotation just short of the famous sentiment,

Οὐκ ἀγαθὸν πολυκοιρανίη" εἷς κοίρανος ἔστω,

of which Theophrastus says that it is the one line in Homer
which ‘the oligarchical man’ 1s acquainted with. The
political animus underlying so fnvolous a charge is made
even more transparent by Xenophon’s reply. Xenophon is
rather hard put to it to prove Socrates a good citizen from a
democratic point of view*. He finds proof of this in the fact
that Socrates never charged anyone a fee for conversing with
him.

When the prosecutors had completed their indictment the
first of the three lengths into which the juridical day was
divided was at a close.

The water is now tured on for the defendant and his Second
advocates. We gather from a passing expression in Xeno- length of
phon® that Socrates had friends who spoke in his favour, the day.
but we know nothing of what they said. so that for us the
second length 1s occupied solely by Socrates’ own defence of
himself.

This defence was really made impromptu: for Socrates Socrates’
had twice been checked by his mward monitor when he defence
endeavoured to prepare a reply beforehand *. The Apology meek
of Plato, however, is marked by the same artistic grace which
characterises all his work. It is elaborately constructed on Elaborate

ΤῊ ii, 188-192, 198-202.
2 Anporixds καὶ φιλάνθρωπος, Mem. i, 2, § 60,
3 Apol Sac, § 22. * Mem, iv. 8, § 5; Apol. Soc § 4.

construc-
tion of
Plato's
Apology,
lis di-
VISIONS

Imitation
of forensic
forms,

Condem-
nation of
Socrates,

Third
length of
the day.

The
Counter-

22 THE APOLOGY.

the forensic type, of which it 1s at once a parody and a criti-
cism. It is divided into three parts, of which the first only
constitutes the defence proper. The second 15 the ἀντιτί-
μήσις, or counter-assessment of the penalty, and belongs to
the third length of the juridical day. The third part consists
of some last words addressed by the prisoner to the court
after his conviction. It 1s not necessary here to enter into
details with regard to the contents of these several parts.
The reader will find a scheme of the speech prefixed to the
text and a detailed analysis interwoven with it. Suffice it to
say that the subdivisions of the defence are completely in
accordance with rhetorical precedent. The citation of wit-
nesses is also imitated’, a proceeding during which the
water was stopped, and even the common rhetorical chal-
lenge to opponents is reproduced, to bring forward witnesses,
if they can, during the time allotted to the speaker*, In
place of the usual impassioned peroration, Socrates substi-
tutes a dignified refusal to throw himself in any way upon
the meicy of his judges,

When the pleadings in defence were concluded, the court
proceeded to give their verdict, and condemned Socrates by
281 votes against 220. Considering the long and deeply-
rooted prejudice which existed agaist Socrates at Athens,
we can well believe that many honest and ignorant men
among the dicasts went home to their suppers that day with
the comfortable assurance that they had conscientiously dis-
charged their duty as good citizens, There is no doubt,
however, but that to some extent the verdict was influenced
by irritation at the unaccustomed tone adopted by the de-
fendant, who addressed his judges, as Cicero says’, not as a
suppliant or pnsoner, but as a teacher or master.

The third length of the day was begun by a speech on the
part of the prosecution in advocacy of the death-penalty. Then
Socrates rose to present his estimate of the treatment he
deserved to suffer, which was support for the rest of his days

assessment 12 the Prytaneum. If the judges had been annoyed before,

1 19D, a1 A, 32E * 34 A, 5 Οἷς, de Oratore, 1. 54,

INTRODUCTION. 23

they were utterly exasperated now, and the death-penalty Ratifica-
was confirmed by eighty additional votes’. tion of the

After the informal delivery of a shoit address by the con- death-
demned prisoner to the court nothing remained but for the penalty.
officer of the Eleven to lead off Socrates to the adjacent
piison, where the dialogue of the Phaedo again takes him
up. And so that crime was committed, which, owing to the
lustre of its victim, has left a lasting stain upon the name of
Athens—the one city in all the Hellenic world which had
most reason to pride itself upon its tolerance,

It has been remarked that the Platonic Apology resembles Com-
in a certam respect the famous speech of Demosthenes on Pazson
the Crown, namely, that in both the formal answer to the between

3 Vy wer to the
indictment 1s thrown mto the middle, and extraneous Apology
matters, which are more vital to the real issue, are brought and the
to the front, and again insisted upon at the close. We have speech of
the key to this treatment in the words put into Socrates’ sthenes on
mouth by Plato, that it is not Meletus or Anytus he has to the Crown.
fear, but the prejudice and envy of the multitude* Ac- Careless
cordingly we find the actual indictment treated so carelessly treatment
by Socrates that in his citation of xt the order of the counts 4 the
. . pology
is reversed, and the charge of perverting the youth is dealt ofthe
with before the charge of irreligion, The latter accusation technical
indeed is never really answered at all—and rightly so, for if meuctment.
Socrates’ life was not an answer to it, any other must have
been felt to be idle and derogatory,

Few will deny that the Platonic Apology is in every way How far
worthy of the occasion and the man. How far it represents can Plato's
the actual words of Socrates before his judges 15 a question A Povogy
which it would be vain to argue a priori, by an appeal to the gdered
general fitness of things. But the historical method can to historical’
a certain extent be applied here. Reference has already The Apo-
been made to the Apology of Xenophon—a little work which logy of
it is the fashion to set down as a forgery, because there is enophon.
scarcely anythmg in it which is not also contained in the
Memorabilia: as if it were in any way improbable that a

1 Diog Laert, in, § 42. 7 aS A,

Xeno-
phon’s au-
thority for
his version
of Soctates’
speech,

Analysis
of Xeno-
phon’s

Apology,

24 THE APOLOGY.

writer should cast the same matte: at different times into
slightly different moulds, or that even a rejected sketch, sup-
posing it to be such, by an author so highly esteemed as
Xenophon should have been catefully presei ved.

Xenophon himself returned fom the expedition which has
immortalised his name just too late to support his revered
master on his trial; but he derived his information with
regard to the closing scenes of Socrates’ life from Hermo-
genes, the son of Hipponicus and brother of the wealthy
Callias', Hermogenes was an attached friend of Socrates,
and is mentioned in the Phaedo as having been present at
his death.

To tum from Plato to Xenophon is indeed a fall! The
Socrates of the latter is so prosy and self-complacent that we
cannot wonder if he wntated his judges. The whole im-
pression produced on the mind by the piece 1s different from
that with which one rises from Plato’s Apology ; and yet, on
examining into details, one 1s surprised to find what resem-
blances it offers. The amount both of resemblance and
difference will be manifest from a brief analysis of its
contents,

The Apology of Xenophon then falls into the same three
parts as that of Plato—

I, The Defence proper.

I}. The Counter-assessment.

ITI. The Last Words.

I, The Defence proper, which grapples directly with the
terms of the indictment, 1s sub-divided into two parts, in
which the counts are taken in the accuser’s order, dealing

(1) with the charge of irreligion ;

(2) with the charge of immorality.

(1) The charge of downright irreligion is met by Socrates
by an appeal to his habitual conformity with the public
worship of his country ; and the secondary one of mnovation
in religious matters by his assimilating the δαιμόνιον to divi-
nation generally. Under this head Socrates takes occasion

1 Mem. iv. 8, § 4; Apol, Soc, § 1.

INTRODUCTION, 25

to vaunt of his prophetic powers, as a proof of the favour in
which he 15 held by the gods; and then tells the story of
Chaerephon consulting the oracle about him’, The reply of
the oracle, as here given, is that there is no one more free,
just or temperate than Socrates—a claim which the defen-
dant then proceeds to vindicate in detail by extolling his
own virtue under each head

(2) The refutation of the second count takes the form of
a dialogue with Meletus®. Socrates challenges his accuser
to produce a single person who has been demoralised by his
society’. The special charge of inculcating disrespect to
paients, which was prompted by Jealousy of Socrates’ in-
fluence, is met by his claiming to be an expert on the subject
of education, as much as a doctor was on medicine.

Π The Counter-assessment, it must be confessed, is like
the famous chapter on snakes in Iceland. The proposal
about the Prytaneum is absent, and we are told that Socrates
neither suggested any diminution of the penalty himself nor
allowed his friends to do so. It would seem, however, that
he must have spoken a few words at this stage of the pro-
ceedings, in order to explain the grounds of his refusal to
take the usual course, which were that he considered it
tantamount to pleading guilty.

III. In the Last Words Socrates refers to perjury on the
part of the witnesses against him, dwells on the wickedness
of his accusers‘, and denies that the case is proven against
him. He has not attempted to dethrone Zeus and Hera, nor
corrupted the young, but set them a wholesome example of
plain living. He comforts himself by the case of Palame-
des *, and ends by declaring that all time will witness to his
righteousness,

The Apology of Xenophon does not claim to be an ex- Xeno-
haustive report of the defence of Socrates. Even at the phon’s
date of its composition what Socrates really said was matter “P°lgy

1 Cp. Plat. Apol. 21. ? Cp, Plat. Apol. 24-27.
> Cp, Plat, Apol, 33 D—34C.
* Cp. 39 B. 5 Cp. 48.

26 THE APOLOGY.

doesnot for critical investigation. The author of it tells us that

claim to be others had written on the same subject, and as all agreed

exbaustive. about the high tone (μεγαληγορία) adopted by Socrates, he

Apologies, presumes that this was characteristic of the real defence.
Among these ‘others’ Plato may be included, as Xenophon
and he seem to have entered into a tacit agreement to ignore
one another !.

The story is well known how the great orator Lysias pre-
sented Socrates with a speech admirably adapted to con-
ciate the favour of his judges, which was admired by
Socrates, but declmed with thanks on the ground that it
would be as imappropriate to him as fine shoes or cloaks®.
On the other hand the sophist and rhetorician Polycrates,
after the death of Socrates, composed an accusation against
him, which was mistaken subsequently for the real speech
delivered at the trial ἃ,

Even after the generation which witnessed the trial of
Socrates had passed away, echoes of the event still rang
on the air, and men exercised their wits in composing his
apology. Theodectes, the friend of Anstotle, and a famous
orator and dramatic writer of his day, composed an apology
of Socrates*; as also did Demetrius Phalereus, the accom-
plished disciple of Theophrastus ὃ,

Date ofthe To return now to Plato’s Apology—the date of its compo-

Apology sition is a question which we have no means of determining.

ne As to its affinities with other works of Plato, it presents
a superficial resemblance to the Menexenus and a real

Its affinities

with other Tesemblance to the Gorgias.

Platonic § In the Menexenus, as in the Apology, Plato has given

works. a specimen of what he might have done in the way of

' The name of Platois only once mentioned by Xenophon, namely
in Mem πὶ 6, ὃ 1; that of Xenophon by Plato never. This silence
was ascribed by the ancients to jealousy. See on this subject Athen.
ml 504e—505 b, Diog Laert. 1. § 34

* Οἷς, de Oratore, i 54; Val Max τι. 4, Extern 2; Quint. in. 15,
§ 30; a1 1, § £13 Diog, Laert. 1, § 40

ὁ Quint. 11. 17. §4; un 1. § 11, Diog Laert, in § 38.

Arist Rhet ii 23, § 13, 5 Diog. Laert. ix. §§ 37, 57.

INTRODUCTION, 27

thetoric, had he cared to desert his favourite dialectic. The The Apo-
Apology reflects, while it exalts, the pleadings of the law- logy com-
courts; the Menexenus in like manner imitates the funeral paren
orations which formed an impoutant feature in public life at ens,
Athens. But in the Menexenus we have a speech within

a dialogue; while in the Apology we have a dialogue within

a speech,

In the Gorgias we have the same sharp contrast drawn The Apo-
between the world’s way and the way of philosophy. The logy com-
Gorgias contains the prophecy of which the Apology 1s the pared re
fulfilment. In that dialogue Callicles, the man of the world, Gorgias,
warns Socrates with contemptuous good-nature, that if he
persists in continuing into mature age the study of phi-
losophy, which 1s becoming enough in youth, he will unfit
himself for converse with mankind, and, owing to his neglect
of the rhetoric of the law-courts, will lay himself at the meicy
of the meanest accuser who may choose to bnng against
him a capital charge’, Socrates admits that this may very
possibly be the case. but contends that it is quite a second-
ary consideration, the first requisite for man’s true welfare
being to avoid committing injustice, the second only to
escape suffering it. He contends that, in pursuing his
appointed calling of philosophy, he 1s the only real politician
of his time, smce his words are not meant to give men plea-
sure, but to do them good. As this object necessarily
involves his saying a great many disagreeable things, he
is no more likely to fare well in a Jaw-court than a doctor
would be likely to come off trumphant, if tried before a jury
of children, at the instance of the pastry-cook.

Ifit be permissible to add one more suggestion to the Motive
many conflicting views that have been held as to the main of the
object of the Gorgias, we might say that in the following CSS:
words, more than in any other, we have an embodiment of
Plato’s motive in composing that dialogue~ei δὲ κολακικῆς
ῥητορικῆς ἐνδείᾳ τελευτῴην ἔγωγε, εὖ οἷδα dre ῥᾳδίως ἴδοις ἄν pe
φέροντα τὸν θάνατον *.

1 Gorg, 486 A, B. * Gorg, 522 D, E.

28 THE IPOLOGY.

The Gorgias is an earnest defence of that uncompromising
spirit which rendered it rmpossible for Socrates to conciliate
lus judges at the expense of truth, which made him prefer
‘to die as Socrates than to hve as Lysias,’ which prompted
him to forego the remainder of his life rather than sully the
past, and, at the cost of a few short years of decaying facul-
ties, to purchase a life which has triumphed over time.

SCHEME OF THE SPEECH.

I. THE DEFENCE PROPER, 17 A-35 Ὁ mee
I, The Exordium, 17 A-18 A . . . 31
2. The Statement, 18 A-19 A rev
3. The Refutation, 19A-28A . . . . « 84

a Defence against vague popular preyudice, 19 A-24B 34
ὁ. Defence against the specific indictment, 24 B-28 A 41
4. The Digression—A defence by Socrates of his life

generally, 28A-34B . . . «1. 4
5. The Peroration, 84B-35D . . . . « κ᾽
TI, THE COUNTER-ASSESSMENT, 85 E-88C . tr » 80

III. THE Last Worps, 38 C-42 A.
4. Address to the condemning jurors, 388C-39E . 63
6, Address to the acquitting jurors, 89 E-42 A... 65

St. 1.

p.17

AITTOAOTIA ZQKPATOY2.

I. THE DEFENCE PROPER.
1, The Exordium, 17 A-18 A,

Dao not be misled by the assertion of my accusers that I am skilled
im speech, On the contrary I must ask you to pardon the
manner of my defence, which is due to inexperience.

Ὅ τι μὲν ὑμεῖς, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, πεπόρθατε ὑπὸ
τῶν ἐμῶν κατηγόρων, οὐκ οἷδα' ἐγὼ δ᾽ οὖν καὶ αὐτὸς ὑπ᾽
αὐτῶν ὀλίγου ἐμαυτοῦ ἐπελαθόμην οὕτω πιθανῶς ἔλεγον.
καί τοι ἀληθές γε, ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν, οὐδὲν εἰρήκασι. jd
λιστα δὲ αὐτῶν ἕν ἐθαύμασα τῶν πολλῶν ὧν ἐψεύσαντο,
τοῦτο ἐν ᾧ ἔλεγον ὡς χρή ὑμᾶς εὐλαβεῖσθαι, μὴ ὑπ᾽

Β ἐμοῦ ἐξαπατηθῆτε, ὡς δεινοῦ ὄντος λέγειν, τὸ γὰρ μὴ

αἰσχυνθῆναι, ὅτι αὐτίκα ὑπ᾽ ἐμοῦ ἐξελεγχθήσονται ἔργῳ,
q ‘ de A , \ ? ai?

ἐπειδὰν μηδ΄ ὑπωστιοῦν φαίνωμαι δεινὸς λέγειν, τοῦτό μοι
¥ a9 ma 9 , 4 Ν \
ἔδοξεν αὐτῶν ἀναισχυντότατον εἶναι, εἰ μὴ ἄρα δεινὸν
καλοῦσιν οὗτοι λέγειν τὸν τἀληθῆ λέγοντα εἰ μὲν γὰρ
τοῦτο λέγουσιν, ὁμολογοίην ἂν ἔγωγε οὐ κατὰ τούτους
μν ef ? ἢ = [τς 1. ἈΝ , ¥ μ
εἰναι ῥήτωρ. OVTOL μὲν OVP, ὥσπερ ἐγὼ λέγω, ἢ τι ἢ
οὐδὲν ἀληθὲς εἰρήκασιν᾽ ὑμεῖς δ᾽ ἐμοῦ ἀκούσεσθε πᾶσαν
τὴν ἀλήθειαν, οὐ μῴτοι μὰ Δί᾽, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι,
κεκαλλιεπημένους γε λόγους, ὥσπερ οἱ τούτων, ῥήμασί τε

3 “
Ο καὶ ὀνόμασιν, οὐδὲ κεκοσμημένους, ἀλλ᾽ ἀκούσεσθε εἰκῇ

λεγόμενα τοῖς ἐπιτυχοῦσιν ὀνόμασι πιστεύω γὰρ δίκαια
εἶναι ἃ λέγω, καὶ μηδεὶς ὑμῶν προσδοκησάτω ἄλλως" οὐδὲ
γὰρ ἂν δήπου πρέποι, ὦ ἄνδρες, τῇδε τῇ ἡλικίᾳ ὥσπερ

32 APOLOGY, 17 C-18B.

μειρακίῳ πλάττοντι λόγους εἰς ὑμᾶς εἰσιέναι, καὶ μέντοι
καὶ πάνυ, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, τοῦτο ὑμῶν δέομαι καὶ πα-
ρίεμαι" ἐὰν διὰ τῶν αὐτῶν λόγων ἀκούητέ μου ἀπολογου-
μένον, δι ὦνπερ εἴωθα λέγειν καὶ ἐν ἀγορᾷ ἐπὶ τῶν
τραπεζῶν, ἵνα ὑμῶν πολλοὶ ἀκηκόασι, καὶ ἄλλοθι, μήτε D
θαυμάζειν μήτε θορυβεῖν τούτου ἕνεκα. ἔχει γὰρ οὑτωσί.
viv ἐγὼ πρῶτον ἐπὶ δικαστήριον ἀναβέβηκα, ἔτη γεγονὼς
ἑβδομήκοντα. ἀτεχνῶς οὖν ξένως ἔχω τῆς ἐνθάδε
λέξεως, ὥσπερ οὖν ἄν, εἰ τῷ ὄντι ξένος ἐτύγχανον Or,
ξυνεγιγνώσκετε δήπου ἄν μοι, εἰ ἐν ἐκείνῃ τῇ φωνῇ τε καὶ
τῷ τρόπῳ ἔλεγον, ἐν οἷσπερ ἐτεθράμμην, καὶ δὴ καὶ νῦν 18
τοῦτο ὑμῶν δέομαι δίκαιο», ὥς γ᾽ ἐμοὶ δοκῶ, τὸν μὲν τρό-
πον τῆς λέξεως ἐᾶν" ἴσως μὲν γὰρ χείρων, ἴσως δὲ βελτίων
ἂν εἴη" αὐτὸ δὲ τοῦτο σκοπεῖν καὶ τούτῳ τὸν voir προσέ-
yeu, εἰ δίκαια λέγω ἣ μή" δικαστοῦ μὲν γὰρ αὕτη ἀρετή,
ῥήτορος δὲ τἀληθῆ λέγειν.

2. The Statement, 18 A-19 A.

There are two classes of accusers, those who have maligned me all
my life, and those who now indict me. Both must be an-
swwered, and the time 15 short : but let the law be obeyed.

Πρῶτον μὲν οὖν δίκαιός εἶμι ἀπολογήσασθαι, & ἄνδρες
᾿Αθηναῖοι, πρὸς τὰ πρῶτά μου [ψευδῆ] κατηγορημένα καὶ
τοὺς πρώτους κατηγόρους, ἔπειτα δὲ πρὸς τὰ ὕστερα καὶ
τοὺς ὑστέρους. ἐμοῦ γὰρ πολλοὶ κατήγοροι γεγόνασι Β
πρὸς ὑμᾶς καὶ πάλαι πολλὰ ἤδη ἔτη καὶ οὐδὲν ἀληθὲς λέ-
youres, οὖς ἐγὼ μᾶλλον φοβοῦμαι ἢ τοὺς ἀμφὶ ἴΑνυτον,
καίπερ ὄντας καὶ τούτους δεινούς" ἀλλ᾽ ἐκεῖνοι δεινότεροι,
ὦ ἄνδρες, οἱ ὑμῶν τοὺς πολλοὺς ἐκ παίδων παραλαμβά-
ϑοντες ἔπειθύν τε καὶ κατηγόρουν ἐμοῦ μᾶλλον οὐδὲν

APOLOGY, 18 B19 A, 33

ἀληθές, ὡς ἔστι τις Σωκράτης, σοφὸς ἀνήρ, Tu τε με:
τέωρα φροντιστὴς καὶ τὰ ὑπὸ γῆς ἅπαντα ἀνεζητηκὼς καὶ
Ο τὸν ἥττω λόγον κρείττω ποιῶν. οὗτοι, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθη-
ναῖοι, οἱ ταύτην τὴν φήμην κατασκεδάσαντες, οἱ δεινοί
εἰσί μου κατήγοροι" οἱ γὰρ ἀκούοντες ἡγοῦνται τοὺς ταῦτα
Cytotrras οὐδὲ θεοὺς νομίζειν. ἔπειτά εἶσιν οὗτοι οἱ κα-
τήγοροι πολλοὶ καὶ πολὺν χρόνον ἤδη κατηγορηκότες, ἔτι
δὲ καὶ ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ ἡλικίᾳ λέγοντες πρὸς ὑμᾶς, ἐν ἢ ἂν
μάλιστα ἐπιστεύσατε, παῖδες ὄντες, ἔνιοι δ᾽ ὑμῶν καὶ
μειράκια, ἀτεχνῶς ἐρήμην κατηγοροῦντες ἀπολογουμένου
οὐδενός, ὃ δὲ πάντων ἀλογώτατον, ὅτι οὐδὲ τὰ ὀνόματα
D οἷόν τε αὐτῶν εἰδέναι καὶ εἰπεῖν, πλὴν εἴ τις κωμῳδιο-
ποιὸς τυγχάνει ὦν" ὅσοι δὲ φθόνῳ καὶ διαβολῇ χρώμενοι
ὑμᾶς ἀνέπειθον, οἱ δὲ καὶ αὐτοὶ πεπεισμένοι ἄλλους πεί-
θοντες, οὗτοι πάντες ἀπορώτατοί εἰσιν" οὐδὲ γὰρ ἀναβι-
βάσασθαι οἷόν 7’ ἐστὲν αὐτῶν ἐνταυθοῖ οὐδ᾽ ἐλέγξαι οὐδένα,
ἀλλ᾽ ἀνάγκη ἀτεχνῶς ὥσπερ σκιαμαχεῖν ἀπολογούμενόν τε
καὶ ἐλέγχοντα μηδενὸς ἀποκρινομένου. ἀξιώσατε οὖν καὶ
ὑμεῖς, ὥσπερ ἐγὼ λέγω, διττούς μου τοὺς κατηγόρους ye-
γονέναι, ἑτέρους μὲν τοὺς ἄρτι κατηγορήσαντας, ἑτέρους
E δὲ τοὺς πάλαι, obs ἐγὼ λέγω, καὶ οἰήθητε δεῖν πρὸς ἐκείνους
πρῶτόν με ἀπολογήσασθαι" καὶ γὰρ ὑμεῖς ἐκείνων πρότε-
ρον ἠκούσατε κατηγορούντων, καὶ πολὺ μᾶλλον ἢ τῶνδε
τῶν ὕστερον. εἶεν" ἀπολογητέον δή, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι,
19 καὶ ἐπιχειρητέον ὑμῶν ἐξελέσθαι τὴν διαβολήν, ἣν ὑμεῖς
ἐν πολλῷ χρόνῳ ἔσχετε, ταύτην ἐν οὕτως ὀλίγῳ χρόνῳ,
βουλοίμην μὲν οὖ» ἂν τοῦτο οὕτω γενέσθαι, εἴ τι ἄμεινον
καὶ ὑμῖν καὶ ἐμοί, καὶ πλέον τί με ποιῆσαι ἀπολογούμενον"
οἶμαι δὲ αὐτὸ χαλεπὸν εἶναι, καὶ οὐ πάνυ με λανθάνει
οἷόν ἐστιν. ὅμως δὲ τοῦτο μὲν ἴτω ὅπῃ τῷ θεῷ φίλον, τῷ
δὲ νόμῳ πειστέον καὶ ἀπολογητέον,
ς

34 APOLOGY, 19 A-E.

9. The Refutation, 19 A-28 A.
(2) Defence against vague popular prejudice.

Tam no seientyic atheist. nor do T educate men for money, Happy
he who for the sum of £20 or so can impart the sctence of
having well!

The charge "ApaddSwper οὖν ἐξ ἀρχῆς, τίς ἡ κατηγορία ἐστίν", ἐξ

opti Ὁ ἧς ἡ ἐμὴ διαβολὴ γέγονεν, ἣ δὴ καὶ πιστεύων Μέλητός Β

Poe με ἐγράψατο τὴν γραφὴν ταύτην. elev τί δὴ λέγοντες
διέβαλλον οἱ διαβάλλοντες ; ὥσπερ οὖν κατηγόρων τὴν
ἀντωμοσίαν δεῖ ἀναγνῶναι αὐτῶν' Σωκράτης ἀδικεῖ καὶ
περιεργάζεται ζητῶν τά τε ὑπὸ γῆς καὶ οὐράνια, καὶ
tov ἥττω λόγον κρείττω ποιῶν, καὶ ἄλλους ταὐτὰ ταῦτα

διδάσκων. τοιαύτη τίς ἐστι" ταῦτα γὰρ ἑωρᾶτε καὶ αὐτοὶ C

ἐν τῇ ᾿Αριστοφάνους κωμῳδίᾳ, Σωκράτη τινὰ ἐκεῖ περι-

φερόμενον, φάσκουτά τε ἀεροβατεῖν καὶ ἄλλην πολλὴν

Refutation φλναρία» φλναροῦντα, ὧν ἐγὼ οὐδὲν οὔτε μέγα οὔτε
᾿ σμικρὸν πέρι ἐπαίω. καὶ οὐχ ὡς ἀτιμάζων λέγω τὴν
τοιαύτην ἐπιστήμην, εἴ τις περὶ τῶν τοιούτων σοφός ἐστι’

μή πως ἐγὼ ὑπὸ Μελήτου τοσαύτας δίκας φύγοιμι᾽ ἀλλὰ

γὰρ ἐμοὶ τούτων, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, οὐδὲν μέτεστι. μάρ-

τυρας δ᾽ αὐτοὺς ὑμῶν τοὺς πολλοὺς παρέχομαι, καὶ ἀξιῶ Ὁ

ὑμᾶς ἀλλήλους διδάσκειν τε καὶ φράζειν, ὅσοι ἐμοῦ πώ-

ποτε ἀκηκόατε διαλεγομένου' πολλοὶ δὲ ὑμῶν οἱ τοιοῦτοί
εἰσι’ φράζετε οὖν ἀλλήλοις͵ εἰ πώποτε 7} σμικρὸν ἢ μέγα
ἤκουσέ τις ὑμῶν ἐμοῦ περὶ τῶν τοιούτων διαλεγομένου"
καὶ ἐκ τούτου γνώσεσθε ὅτι τοιαῦτ᾽ ἐστὶ καὶ τἄλλα περὶ
ἐμοῦ ἃ οἱ πολλοὶ λέγουσιν,

᾿Αλλὰ γὰρ οὔτε τούτων οὐδέν ἐστιν, οὐδέ γ᾽ εἴ
τινος ἀκηκόατε ὡς ἐγὼ παιδεύειν ἐπιχειρῷ ἀνθρώπους καὶ

χρήματα πράττομαι, οὐδὲ τοῦτο ἀληθές. ἐπεὶ καὶ τοῦτό Ἡ

The γέ μοι δοκεῖ καλὸν εἶναι, εἴ τις οἷός τ᾽ εἴη παιδεύειν
Sophists, ‘

APOLOGY, 19 Ἐ-20 Ὁ, 35

ἀνθρώπους ὥσπερ Γοργίας re ὁ Λεοντῖνος καὶ Πρόδικος ὁ
ron i *
Κεῖος καὶ ‘Inmias ὁ Ἠλεῖος. τούτων yap ἕκαστος, ὦ ἄν-
3 rn
Spes, [οἷός τ᾽ ἐστὶ»] ἰὼν εἰς ἑκάστην τῶν πόλεων τοὺς
n »" a a - *
reovs, οἷς ἔξεστι τῶν ἑαυτῶν πολιτῶν προῖκα ξυνεῖναι @
μὴ , , ? ‘ y 8 f
ἂν βούλωνται, τούτους πείθουσι τὰς ἐκείνων ξυνουσίας
20 ἀπολιπόντας σφίσι ξυνεῖναι χρήματα διδόντας καὶ χάριν
προσειδέναι, ἐπεὶ καὶ ἄλλος ἀνήρ ἐστι Πάριος ἐνθάδε
¢ A 5 \ 2 ἢ μ ra) . * -
σοφός, ὃν ἐγὼ ἠσθόμην ἐπιδημοῦντα' ἔτυχον γὰρ προσ-
ελθὼν ἀνδρὶ ὃς τετέλεκε χρήματα σοφισταῖς πλείω ἢ
ξύμπαντες οἱ ἄλλοι, Καλλίᾳ τῷ “᾿Ἱππονίκον' τοῦτον οὖν
ἀνηρόμην ---- ἐστὸν γὰρ αὐτῷ δύο υἱέε --- ὦ Καλλίᾳ, ἦν δ᾽
᾿ς ἢ . \ et , 4a , a , ¥
ἐγώ, εἰ μέν σου TO υἱέε πώλω ἢ μόσχω ἐγενέσθην, εἴχο-
μὲν ἂν αὐτοῖν ἐπιστάτην λαβεῖν καὶ μισθώσασθαι, ὃς
Ν ἽΝ ? 4 ‘ 4 s μ
ἔμελλεν αὐτὼ καλώ τε κἀγαθὼ ποιήσειν τὴν προσήκουσαν
Β ἀρετήν" ἦν δ᾽ ἂν οὗτος ἣ τῶν ἱππικῶν τις ἢ τῶν γεωργι-
na, “ 3 \ “ , 4 la é ‘) n 3 ”
κῶν" viv ὃ ἐπειδὴ ἀνθρώπω ἐστόν, τίνα avroir ἐν νῷ
ἔχεις ἐπιστάτην λαβεῖν : τίς τῆς τοιαύτης ἀρετῆς, τῆς
ἀνθρωπύης τε καὶ πολιτικῆς, ἐπιστήμων ἐστίν ; οἶμαι yep
σε ἐσκέφθαι διὰ τὴν τῶν υἱέων κτῆσιν. ἔστι τις, ἔφην ἐγώ,
4 ᾿
nov; Πάνν γε, ἦ δ᾽ ὅς, Tis, ἣν δ᾽ ἐγώ, καὶ ποδαπός, καὶ
πόσου διδάσκει ; Εὐηνός, ἔφη, ἃ Σώκρατες, Πάριος, πέντε
μνῶν" καὶ ἐγὼ τὸν Εὐηνὸν ἐμακάρισα, εἰ ὡς ἀληθῶς ἔχει
, Ν, ‘ ι lod μι A“ a al bm.)
Ο ταύτην τὴν τέχρνὴν καὶ οὕτως ἐμμελῶς διδάσκει, eyo
οὖν καὶ αὐτὸς ἐκαλλυνόμην τε καὶ ἡβρυνόμην ἄν, ef ἡπισ-
a ™ = 3 ”
τάμην ταῦτα' ἀλλ᾽ ob yap ἐπίσταμαι, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι.

‘Then how have you got your extraordmary reputation, Socrates °°
If I am reported aise, it is owing to the response which
Apolle gave te Chaerephon,
ὙὙπολάβοι ἂν οὖν τις ὑμῶν tows ἀλλ᾽, ὦ Rad Socrates

explains
Kpares, τὸ σὸν τί ἐστι πρᾶγμα; πόθεν ab διαβολαί σοι how he

C2

36 APOLOGY, 20C-21 A.

, ᾿ fal gad “a Ν
came by αὗται γεγόνασιν ; ov γὰρ δήπου σοῦ γε οὐδὲν τῶν ἄλλων
his sl repu- , Lian ἢ ᾿ f
iauon, TEPUTOrepov πραγματευομένου ἔπειτα τοσαύτη φήμη τε
200-24 B. καὶ λόγος γέγονεν [εἰ μή τι ἔπραττες ἀλλοῖον ἢ οἱ πολλοί

μα] a A ’
λέγε οὖν ἡμῖν, τί ἐστιν, ἵνα μὴ ἡμεῖς περὶ σοῦ avrocye-
»" ! 3
διάζωμεν. ταυτί μοι δοκεῖ δίκαια λέγειν ὁ λέγων, κἀγὼ Ὁ
{ wv ! 3 ” / + os A A 3 ΔΝ
ὑμῖν πειράσομαι ἀποδεῖξαι, τί ποτ᾽ ἔστι τοῦτο ὃ ἐμοὶ
f
πεποίηκε τό τε ὄνομα καὶ τὴν διαβολήν. ἀκούετε δῆ.
\ LS ’ ‘ ¢ oa éf μὴ μ ε
καὶ ἴσως μὲν δόξω τισὶν ὑμῶν παίζειν, εὖ μέντοι ἴστε,
ral Le) 4 fal μὺ 5
πᾶσαν ὑμῖν τὴν ἀλήθειαν ἐρῶ, ἐγὼ yap, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθη-
ναῖοι, δὲ οὐδὲν ἀλλ᾽ ἢ διὰ σοφίαν τινὰ τοῦτο τὸ ὕνομα
ἔσχηκα, ποίαν δὴ σοφίαν ταύτην; ἥπερ ἐστὶν ἴσως ἀνθρω-
πίνη σοφία, τῷ ὄντι γὰρ κινδυνεύω ταύτην εἶναι σοφός"
οὗτοι δὲ τάχ᾽ ἄν, ods ἄρτι ἔλεγον, μείζω τινὰ ἢ κατ᾽
ἄνθρωπον σοφίαν σοφοὶ εἶεν, ἣ οὐκ ἔχω τί λέγω" οὐ γὰρ B
δὴ ἔγωγε αὐτὴν ἐπίσταμαι, ἀλλ᾽ ὅστις φησὶ ψεύδεταί τε
ΡΝ ΙΑ Αὰ ἢ , 4 4 a
καὶ ἐπὶ διαβολῇ τῇ ἐμῇ λέγει. Kai μοι͵ ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι,
\ 4 9 98 , fon ; μ“ , 9 4
μὴ θορυβήσητε, μηδ᾽ ἐὰν δόζω τι ὑμῖν μέγα λέγειν' ov yap
Derlaratin ἐμὸν ἐρῶ τὸν λόγον, ὃν ἂν λέγω, ἀλλ᾽ εἰς ἀξιόχρεων ὑμῖν
0 e a “a
Pythian τὸν λέγοντα ἀνοίσω, τῆς γὰρ ἐμῆς, εἰ δή τίς ἐστι σοφία
oracle with oy wy ἡ en ; Sy θεὸν τὸν ἐν Δελφοῖ
regard to καὶ ola, μάρτυρα ὑμῖν παρέζομαι τὸν θεὸν τὸν ἐν Δελφοῖς.
Socrates. Χαιρεφῶντα γὰρ ἴστε που. οὗτος ἐμός τε ἑταῖρος ἦν ἐκ νέου, 21
a Ἂ ? a \
καὶ ὑμῶν τῷ πλήθει. ἑταῖρός τε καὶ ξυνέφυγε τὴν φυγὴν
ταύτην καὶ μεθ ὑμῶν κατῆλθε, καὶ ἴστε δὴ οἷος ἣν
Χαιρεφῶν, ὡς σφοδρὸς ἐφ᾽ ὅ τι ὁρμήσειε. καὶ δή ποτε καὶ
εἰς Δελφοὺς ἐλθὼν ἐτόλμησε τοῦτο μαντεύσασθαι" καί,
ὅπερ λέγω, μὴ θορυβεῖτε, ὦ ἄνδρες" ἤρετο γὰρ δή, εἴ τις
ἐμοῦ εἴη σοφώτερος. ἀνεῖλεν οὖν ἡ Πυθία μηδένα σοφώ-
τερον εἶναι. καὶ τούτων πέρι ὁ ἀδελφὸς ὑμῖν αὐτοῦ
οὑτοσὶ μαρτυρήσει, ἐπειδὴ ἐκεῖνος τετελεύτηκεν.

APOLOGY, 21 B-D. 39

When I heard the oracle from Delphi, I proceeded to test its truth
dy comparing myself with others, First I tried the politicrans,
and found that they were not aware of their own mgnorance,
aubereas I knew mine.

Β δκέψασθε δὲ ὧν ἕνεκα ταῦτα λέγω! μέλλω γὰρ ὑμᾶς Socrates
ests its
διδάξειν, ὅθεν μοι ἡ διαβολὴ γέγονε. ταῦτα γὰρ ἐγὼ truth bya

ἀκούσας ἐνεθυμούμην οὑτωσί: τί ποτε λέγει ὁ θεός, καὶ τί or mself
ποτε αἰνίττεται; ἐγὼ γὰρ δὴ οὔτε μέγα οὔτε σμικρὸν Withothers.
ξύνοιδα ἐμαυτῷ σοφὸς dv? τί οὖν ποτὲ λέγει φάσκων ἐμὲ
σοφώτατον εἶναι; od γὰρ δήπου ψεύδεταί γε" οὐ γὰρ
θέμις αὐτῷ. καὶ πολὺν μὲν χρόνον ἡπόρουν, τί ποτε λέγει,
ἔπειτα μόγις πάνν ἐπὶ ζήτησιν αὐτοῦ τοιαύτην τινὰ ἐτρα-
πόμην. ἦλθον ἐπί τινα τῶν δοκούντων σοφῶν εἶναι, ὡς

C ἐνταῦθα, εἴ τέρ που, ἐλέγξων τὸ μαντεῖον καὶ ἀποφανῶν The pohiti-
τῷ χρησμῷ ὅτι οὑτοσὶ ἐμοῦ σοφώτερός ἔστι, σὺ δ᾽ ἐμὲ
ἔφησθα. διασκοπῶν οὖν τοῦτον---- ὀνόματι γὰρ οὐδὲν δέομαι
λέγειν, ἦν δέ τις τῶν πολιτικῶν, πρὸς ὃν ἐγὼ σκοπῶν
τοιοῦτόν τι ἔπαθον, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι---καὶ διαλεγόμενος
αὐτῷ, ἔδοξέ μοι οὗτος ὁ ἀνὴρ δοκεῖν μὲν εἶναι σοφὸς
ἄλλοις τε πολλοῖς ἀνθρώποις καὶ μάλιστα ἑαυτῷ, εἶναι δ᾽
οὔ" κἄπειτα ἐπειρώμην αὐτῷ δεικνύναι, ὅτι οἵοιτο μὲν

D εἶναι σοφός, εἴη δ᾽ οὔ, ἐντεῦθεν οὖν τούτῳ τε ἀπηχθόμην
καὶ πολλοῖς τῶν παρόντων, πρὸς ἐμαυτὸν δ᾽ οὖν ἀπιὼν
ἐλογιζώμην ὅτι τούτου μὲν τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἐγὼ σοφώτερος
εἶμι" κινδυνεύει μὲν γὰρ ἡμῶν οὐδέτερος οὐδὲν καλὸν
κἀγαθὸν εἰδέναι, ἀλλ᾽ οὗτος μὲν οἴεταί τι εἰδέναι οὐκ
εἰδώς, ἐγὼ δέ, ὥσπερ οὖν οὐκ οἶδα, οὐδὲ οἴομαι" ἔοικα
γοῦν τούτον γε σμικρῷ τινι αὐτῷ τούτῳ σοφώτερος εἶναι,
ὅτι & μὴ οἶδα οὐδὲ οἴομαι εἰδέναι. ἐντεῦθεν én’ ἄλλον ἦα
τῶν ἐκείνου δοκούντων σοφωτέρων εἶναι, καί μοι ταὐτὰ

38 APOLOGY, 21 E-22C.

ταῦτα ἔδοξε' καὶ ἐνταῦθα κἀκείνῳ καὶ ἄλλοις πολλοῖς E

ἀπηχθόμην.

Next I examined ihe poets, and found that they could give no
intelligible account of their own productions,

Μετὰ ταῦτ᾽ οὖν ἤδη ἐφεξῆς ἦα, αἰσθανόμενος μὲν
καὶ λυπούμενος καὶ δεδιὼς ὅτι ἀπηχθανόμην, ὅμως δὲ
ἀναγκαῖον ἐδόκει εἶναι τὸ τοῦ θεοῦ περὶ πλείστου ποι-
εἴσθαι' irgov οὖν σκοποῦντι τὸν χρησμόν, τί λέγει, ἐπὶ
ἅπαντας τούς τι δοκοῦντας εἰδέναι, καὶ νὴ τὸν κύνα, ὦ
ἄνδρες ᾿Αϑηναῖοι" δεῖ γὰρ πρὸς ὑμᾶς τἀληθῆ λέγειν" ἢ 22
μὴν ἐγὼ éxaddy τι τοιοῦτον" οἱ μὲν μάλιστα εὐδοκιμοῦντες
ἔδοξάν μοι ὀλίγου δεῖν τοῦ πλείστου ἐνδεεῖς εἶναι (ητοῦντι
κατὰ τὸν θεόν, ἄλλοι δὲ δοκοῦντες φαυλότεροι ἐπιεικέσ-
τεροι εἶναι ἄνδρες πρὸς τὸ φρονίμως ἔχειν, δεῖ δὴ ὑμῖν
τὴν ἐμὴν πλάνην ἐπιδεῖξαι ὥσπερ πόνους τινὰς πονοῦντος,
ἵνα μοι καὶ ἀνέλεγκτος ἡ μαντεία γένοιτο. μετὰ γὰρ τοὺς

The poets, πολιτικοὺς ἦα ἐπὶ τοὺς ποιητὰς τούς τε τῶν τραγῳδιῶν καὶ
τοὺς τῶν διθυράμβων καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους, ὡς ἐνταῦθα ἐπ᾽ Β
αὐτοφώρῳ καταληψόμενος ἐμαυτὸν ἀμαθέστερον ἐκείνων
ὄντα, ἀναλαμβάνων οὖν αὐτῶν τὰ ποιήματα, & μοι ἐδόκει
μάλιστα πεπραγματεῦσθαι αὐτοῖς, διηρώτων ἂν αὐτοὺς τί
λέγοιεν, ἵν᾽ dua τι καὶ μανθάνοιμι rap αὐτῶν. αἰσχύνομαι
οὖν ὑμῖν εἰπεῖν, ὦ ἄνδρες, τἀληθῆ" ὅμως δὲ ῥητέον. ὡς
ἔπος γὰρ εἰπεῖν ὀλίψου αὐτῶν ἅπαντες of παρόντες ἂν
βέλτιον ἔλεγον περὶ ὧν αὐτοὶ ἐπεποιήκεσαν, ἔγνων οὖν
καὶ περὶ τῶν ποιητῶν ἐν ὀλίγῳ τοῦτο, ὅτι οὐ σοφίᾳ
ποιοῖεν & ποιοῖεν, ἀλλὰ φύσει τινὶ καὶ ἐνθουσιάζοντες, C
ὥσπερ οἱ θεομάντεις καὶ οἱ χρησμῳδοί' καὶ γὰρ οὗτοι
λέγουσι μὲν πολλὰ καὶ καλά, ἴσασι δὲ οὐδὲν ὧν λέγουσι.
τοιοῦτόν τί μοι ἐφάνησαν πάθος καὶ οἱ ποιηταὶ πεπονθότες"

APOLOGY, 220-23 A. 39

καὶ ἅμα ἠσθόμην αὐτῶν διὰ τὴν ποίησιν οἰομένων καὶ
τἄλλα σοφωτάτων εἶναι ἀνθρώπων, & οὐκ ἦσαν. anja οὖν
καὶ ἐντεῦθεν τῷ αὐτῷ οἰόμενος περιγεγονέναι͵ ᾧπερ καὶ
τῶν πολιτικῶν.

Lastly I went to the artisans, They undoubtedly possessed great
technical shell, but this only served to inspire a concert of their
own knoavledge on subjects of the deepest importance.

Τελευτῶν οὖν ἐπὶ τοὺς χειροτέχνας ia’ ἐμαυτῷ γὰρ The
t dos ἢ t ty don ’ , artisans.
Ὁ ξυνήδειν οὐδὲν ἐπισταμένῳ, ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν, τούτους δέ
γ᾽ ἤδειν ὅτι εὑρήσοιμι πολλὰ καὶ καλὰ ἐπισταμένους,
καὶ τούτον μὲν οὐκ ἐψεύσθην, ἀλλ᾽ ἠπίσταντο ἃ ἐγὼ οὐκ
ἠπιστάμην καί μου ταύτῃ σοφώτεροι ἦσαν. ἀλλ᾽, ὦ ἄνδρες
᾿Αθηναῖοι, ταὐτόν μοι ἔδοξαν ἔχει» ἁμάρτημα, ὅπερ καὶ ob
ποιηταί, καὶ οἱ ἀγαθοὶ δημιουργοί' διὰ τὸ τὴν τέχνηι
καλῶς ἐξεργάζεσθαι ἕκαστος ἠξίον καὶ τἄλλα τὰ μέγιστα
4 * \ aA Ὁ € t 3 ,
σοφώτατος εἶναι, καὶ αὐτῶν αὕτη ἡ πλημμέλεια ἐκείνην
Ἐ τὴν σοφίαν ἀπέκρυπτεν' dor ἐμὲ ἐμαυτὸν ἀνερωτᾶν ὑπὲρ
[2] ~ , ¥
τοῦ χρησμοῦ, πότερα δεξαίμην ἂν οὕτως ὥσπερ ἔχω exer,
LY
pire te σοφὸς ὧν τὴν ἐκείνων σοφίαν μήτε ἀμαθὴς τὴν ἀμα-
θίαν, ἣ ἀμφότερα & ἐκεῖνοι ἔχουσιν ἔχειν. ἀπεκρινάμην οὖ»
5 A ow oa Ρ a ow ¥ »
ἐμαυτῷ καὶ TO χρήσμῳ, OTL μοι AUTITEAOL ὥσπερ EX ἔχειν.

These inquiries have led to many enmities, and plunged me in

poverty, as I bave had no time to attend to my private

affairs.

Ἔκ ταυτησὶ δὴ τῆς ἐξετάσεως, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, Conse-
28 πολλαὶ μὲν ἀπέχθειαί μοι γεγόνασι καὶ οἷαι χαλεπώταται these of

kat βαρύταται, ὥστε πολλὰς διαβολὰς an’ αὐτῶν yeyové- inquiries.
vat, ὄνομα δὲ τοῦτο λέγεσθαι, σοφὸς εἶναι, olovras yap pe
ἑκάστοτε οἱ παρόντες ταῦτα αὐτὸν εἶναι σοφόν, ἃ ἂν
ἄλλον ἐξελέγξω" τὸ δὲ κινδυνεύει, ὦ ἄνδρες, τῷ ὄντι ὁ

40 APOLOGY, 23 A-D.

- al / fa) ,
θεὸς copes εἶναι, καὶ ἐν τῷ χρησμῷ τούτω τοῦτο λέγειν,
ὅτι ἡ ἀνθρωπίνη σοφία ὀλίγου τινὸς ἀξία ἐστὶ καὶ οὐδενός
καὶ φαίνεται τοῦτ᾽ οὐ λέγειν τὸν Σωκράτη, προσκεχρῆσθαι
δὲ τῷ ἐμῷ ὀνόματι, ἐμὲ παράδειγμα ποιούμενος, ὥσπερ ἂν
εἰ εἴποι ὅτι οὗτος ὑμῶν, ὦ ἄνθρωποι, σοφώτατός ἐστιν, B
ὅστις ὥσπερ Σωκράτης ἔγνωκεν ὅτι οὐδενὸς ἄξιός ἐστι τῇ
ἀληθείᾳ πρὸς σοφίαν, ταῦτ᾽ οὖν ἐγὼ μὲν ἔτι καὶ νῦν
περιιὼν (ητῷ καὶ ἐρευνῶ κατὰ τὸν θεόν, καὶ τῶν ἀστῶν

Yon ἢ ¥ ¥ re. ae ν 3 ,
καὶ τῶν ξένων ἄν τινα οἴωμαι σοφὸν εἷναι" καὶ ἐπειδάν
μοι μὴ δοκῇ, τῷ θεῷ βοηθῶν ἐνδείκνυμαι ὅτι οὐκ ἔστι
σοφύς. καὶ ὑπὸ ταύτης τῆς ἀσχολίας οὔτε τι τῶν τῆς
πόλεως πρᾶξαί μοι σχολὴ γέγονεν ἄξιον λόγου οὔτε τῶν
οἰκείων, GAN’ ἐν πενίᾳ μυρίᾳ εἰμὶ διὰ τὴν τοῦ θεοῦ
λατρεΐαν.

Moreover the young men took delight in bearing my cross-ex
amination of those who pretended to knowledge, and began to
imitate me themselves, Hence their victoms im a blind rage
levelled at me the charges which are brought agasnst all philo-
sophers, These are the real grounds for the present prosecution.

Buaspera: Πρὸς δὲ τούτοις of νέοι μοι ἐπακολουθοῦντες, οἷς C

tion ca
by the ed μάλιστα σχολή ἐστιν, οἱ τῶν πλουσιωτάτων, αὐτόματοι

Imitating χαίρουσιν ἀκούοντες ἐξεταζομένων τῶν ἀνθρώπων, καὶ
8S. αὐτοὶ πολλάκις ἐμὲ μιμοῦνται, εἶτ᾽ ἐπιχειροῦσιν ἄλλους
ἐξετάζειν" κἄπειτα, οἶμαι, εὑρίσκουσι πολλὴν ἀφθονίαν
οἰομένων μὲν εἰδέναι τι ἀνθρώπων, εἰδότων δὲ ὀλίγα ἢ
οὐδέν. ἐντεῦθεν οὖν οἱ ὑπ' αὐτῶν ἐξεταζόμενοι ἐμοὶ
ὀργίζονται, ἀλλ᾽ οὐχ αὑτοῖς, καὶ λέγουσιν ὡς Σωκράτης

τίς ἐστι μιαρώτατος καὶ διαφθείρει τοὺς νέους καὶ ἐπει- Ὃ
δάν τις αὐτοὺς ἐρωτᾷ, ὅ τι ποιῶν καὶ ὅ τι διδάσκων,

ἔχουσι μὲν οὐδὲν εἰπεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀγνοοῦσιν, ἵνα δὲ μὴ do-

κῶσιν ἀπορεῖν, τὰ κατὰ πάντων τῶν φιλοσοφούντων πρό-

APOLOGY, 23 D~24B, 41

χειρα ταῦτα λέγουσιν, ὅτι τὰ μετέωρα καὶ τὰ ὑπὸ γῆς, καὶ
θεοὺς μὴ νομίζειν, καὶ τὸν ἥττω λόγον κρείττω ποιεῖν. τὰ
γὰρ ἀληθῆ, οἶμαι, οὐκ ἂν ἐθέλοιεν λέγειν, ὅτι κατάδηλοι
γίγνονται προσποιούμενοι μὲν εἰδέναι, εἰδότες δὲ οὐδέν.
ἅτε οὖν, οἶμαι, φιλότιμοι ὄντες καὶ σφοδροὶ καὶ πολλοί,
Ἑ καὶ ξυντεταγμένως καὶ πιθανῶς λέγοντες περὶ ἐμοῦ, ἐμ-
πεπλήκασιν ὑμῶν τὰ ὦτα καὶ πάλαι καὶ σφοδρῶς διαβάλ-
λοντες. ἐκ τούτων καὶ MeAnrds μοι ἐπέθετο καὶ "ΑννυτΤος Interests
καὶ Λύκων, Μέλητος μὲν ὑπὲρ τῶν ποιητῶν ἀχθόμενος, δα κε thee
“Avutos δὲ ὑπὲρ τῶν δημιουργῶν καὶ τῶν πολιτικῶν, severally
24 Λύκων δὲ ὑπὲρ τῶν ῥητόρων' ὥστε, ὅπερ ἀρχόμενος ἐγὼ
ἔλεγον, θαυμάζοιμ᾽ ἂν εἰ οἷός τ᾽ εἴην ἐγὼ ὑμῶν ταύτην
τὴν διαβολὴν ἐξελέσθαι ἐν οὕτως ὀλίγῳ χρόνῳ οὕτω
πολλὴν γεγονυῖαν. ταῦτ᾽ ἔστιν ὑμῖν, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι,
τἀληθῆ, καὶ ὑμᾶς οὔτε μέγα οὔτε σμικρὸν ἀποκρυψάμενος
ἐγὼ λέγω οὐδ᾽ ὑποστειλάμενος, καί τοι οἶδα σχεδὸν ὅτι
τοῖς αὐτοῖς ἀπεχϑάνομαι" ὃ καὶ τεκμήριον ὅτι ἀληθῆ λέγω
B καὶ ὅτι αὕτη ἐστὶν ἡ διαβολὴ ἡ ἐμὴ καὶ τὰ αἴτια ταῦτά ἐστι.
καὶ ἐάν τε νῦν ἐάν τε αὖθις (γτήσητε ταῦτα, οὕτως εὑρήσετε.

(6) Defence against the specific indictment, 24 Β-28 A.

Tt 15 now time to turn to Meletus and his mdictment. He is
guilty of trifling on a serious matter.

Περὶ μὲν οὖν ὧν of πρῶτοί pov κατήγοροι κα-
τηγόρουν αὕτη ἔστω ἱκανὴ ἀπολογία πρὸς ὑμᾶς πρὸς
δὲ Μέλητον τὸν ἀγαθόν τε καὶ φιλόπολιν, ὥς φησι, καὶ
τοὺς ὑστέρους μετὰ ταῦτα πειράσομαι ἀπολογεῖσθαι.
αὖθις γὰρ δή, Sanep ἑτέρων τούτων ὄντων κατηγόρων, The
accusation
λάβωμεν ad τὴν τούτων ἀντωμοσίαν. ἔχει δέ πως ὧδε" formulated.
Σωκράτη φησὶν» ἀδικεῖν τούς τε νέους διαφθείροντα καὶ (1) Perver-

sion of the
θεοὺς οὖς ἡ πόλις νομίζει od νομίζοντα, ἕτερα δὲ Sat- your,

(ἡ) Atheism

42 APOLOGY, 240-25 A.

μόνια καινά, τὸ μὲν δὴ ἔγκλημα τοιοῦτόν ἐστι τούτου C
δὲ τοῦ ἐγκλήματος ἕν ἕκαστον ἐξετάσωμεν, φησὶ γὰρ

Its want οἱ δὴ τοὺς νέους ἀδικεῖν με διαφθείροντα. ἐγὼ δέ γε, ὦ ἄν-

eee Byes ᾿Αθηναῖοι, ἀδικεῖν φημὶ Μέλητον, ὅτι σπουδῇ χα-
ριεντίζεται, ῥᾳδίως εἰς ἀγῶνας καθιστὰς ἀνθρώπους, περὶ
πραγμάτων προσποιούμενος σπουδάζειν καὶ κήδεσθαι, ὧν
οὐδὲν τούτῳ πώποτε ἐμέλησεν, ὡς δὲ τοῦτο οὕτως ἔχει,
πειράσομαι καὶ ὑμῖν ἐπιδεῖξαι,

You profess a care for the youth, Meletus, and say that I corrupt
them. Who then improves them? ‘The jurors, audience,
everyone, Then I alone corrupt them! But that is absurd,

Ἢ ἐράτησα, Καί pot δεῦρο, ὦ Μέλητε, εἰπέ ἄλλο τι ἢ περὶ
πολλοῦ ποιεῖ, ὅπως ὡς βέλτιστοι οἱ νεώτεροι ἔσονται ; D

(1) Charge "Eyoye., ἴθι δὴ νῦν εἰπὲ τούτοις, τίς αὐτοὺς βελτίους

of pervert- ἢ. δῇ . κ a6 ; , \ Ν

ingthe ποιεῖ; δῆλον γὰρ ὅτι οἶσθα, μέλον ye σοι, τὸν μὲν

outh met,

eoaek, γὰρ διαφθείροντα ἐξευρών, ὡς φής, ἐμὲ εἰσάγεις tov

4 Ἀ nm “ ‘ A ‘4 cal y
τοισὶ καὶ κατηγορεῖς τὸν δὲ δὴ βελτίους ποιοῦντα ἴθι
+ \ f 7 on 5 ea Ὧν ,

εἰπὲ καὶ μήνυσον αὐτοῖς, τίς ἐστιν, ὁρᾷς, ὦ Μέλητε,
ὅτι σιγᾷς καὶ οὐκ ἔχεις εἰπεῖν, καί τοι οὐκ αἰσχρόν σοι

δοκεῖ εἶναι καὶ ἱκανὸν τεκμήριον οὗ δὴ ἐγὼ λέγω, ὅτι

"

σοὶ οὐδὲν μεμέληκεν ;: ἀλλ᾽ εἰπέ, ὦ ᾿γαθέ, τίς αὐτοὺς
ἀμείνους ποιεῖ; Οἱ vduor. ᾿Αλλ᾽ οὐ τοῦτο ἐρωτῶ, ὦ Τὶ
βέλτιστε, ἀλλὰ τίς ἄνθρωπος, ὅστις πρῶτον καὶ αὐτὸ
τοῦτο οἶδε, τοὺς νόμους, Otro, ὦ Σώκρατες, οἱ δικα-
σταί, Πῶς λέγεις, ὦ Μέλητε; olde τοὺς νέους παιδεύειν
οἷοί τέ εἰσι καὶ βελτίους ποιεῖν; Μάλιστα, Πότερον
ἅπαντες, ἣ οἱ μὲν αὐτῶν͵ οἱ 8 ob; “Amayres. ED ye
νὴ τὴν “Ηραν λέγεις, καὶ πολλὴν ἀφθονίαν τῶν ὠφε-
λούντων. τί δὲ δή ; olde οἱ ἀκροαταὶ βελτίους ποιοῦσιν, 25
ἢ οὔ; Καὶ οὗτοι. Τί δὲ οἱ βουλευταί; Καὶ οἱ βουλευ-

APOLOGY, 25 A-D. 43

ταί, "AAN dpa, ὦ Διέλητε, μὴ οἱ ἐν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ, [οἱ
ἐκκλησιασταί, διαφθείρουσι τοὺς νεωτέρους ; ἢ κἀκεῖνοι
βελτίους ποιοῦσιν ἅπαντες; Κἀκεῖνοι. Πάντες ἄρα, ὡς
ἔοικεν, ᾿Αθηναῖοι καλοὺς κἀγαθοὺς ποιοῦσι πλὴν ἐμοϑ,
ἐγὼ δὲ μόνος διαφθείρω. οὕτω λέγεις; Πάνυ σφόδρα
ταῦτα λέγω Πολλήν γ᾽ ἐμοῦ κατέγνωκας δυστυχίαν.
καί μοι ἀπόκριναι’ ἦ καὶ περὶ ἵππους οὕτω σοι δοκεῖ

Β ἔχειν" οἱ μὲν βελτίους ποιοῦντες αὐτοὺς πάντες ἄνθρω-
ποι εἶναι, εἷς δέ τις ὁ διαφθείρων ἣ τοὐναντίον τούτου
πᾶν εἷς μέν τις ὁ βελτίους οἷός τ᾽ ὧν ποιεῖν ἢ πάνν ὀλί-
γοι, οἱ ἱππικοί" οἱ δὲ πολλοὶ ἐάνπερ ξυνῶσι καὶ χρῶν-
ταὶ ἵπποις, διαφθείρουσιν ; οὐχ οὕτως ἔχει, ὦ Μέλητε,
καὶ περὶ ἵππων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἁπάντων ζώων; πάντως
δήπου, ἐάν τε σὺ καὶ "Ἄνυτος οὐ φῆτε ἐάν τε φῆτε'
πολλὴ γὰρ ἄν τις εὐδαιμονία εἴη περὶ τοὺς νέους, εἰ εἷς
μὲν μόνος αὐτοὺς διαφθείρει, of δ᾽ ἄλλοι ὠφελοῦσων.

Ο ἀλλὰ γάρ, ὦ Μέλητε, ἱκανῶς ἐπιδείκνυσαι ὅτε οὐδεπώ-
ποτε ἐφρόντισας τῶν νέων, καὶ σαφῶς ἀποφαίνεις τὴν
σαυτοῦ ἀμέλειαν, ὅτι οὐδέν σοι μεμέληκε περὶ ὧν ἐμὲ
εἰσάγεις.

Again, am I so foolish, Meletus, as to wish to live among bad
Jellow-citizens? No! The harm that I do must be uvvelun-
tary. And why bring me io trial for an involuntary act?

Ἔτι δὲ ἡμῖν εἰπέ, ὦ πρὸς Διός, Μέλητε, πό-
repoy ἔστιν οἰκεῖν ἄμεινον ἐν πολίταις χρηστοῖς ἣ πο-
νηροῖς; & ᾿τᾶν, ἀπόκριναι' οὐδὲν γάρ τοι χαλετὺν
ἐρωτῷ,. οὐχ of μὲν πονηροὶ κακόν τε ἐργάζονται τοὺς
ἀεὶ ἐγγυτάτω ἑαυτῶν ὄντας, of δ᾽ ἀγαθοὶ ἀγαθόν 71;
Πάνυ γε. "Ἔστιν of ὅστις βούλεται ὑπὸ τῶν ξυνόντων

D βλάπτεσθαι μᾶλλον ἢ ὠφελεῖσθαι; ἀπόκριναι, ὦ ᾽γαθέ'

44 APOLOGY, 25 D-26 8,

καὶ γὰρ ὁ νόμος κελεύει ἀποκρίνεσθαι, ἔσθ' ὅστις βού-
λέγαι βλάπτεσθαι; Οὐ δῆτα. Φέρε δή, πότερον ἐμὲ
εἰσάγεις δεῦρο ὡς διαφθείροντα τοὺς νεωτέρους καὶ πο-
νηροτέρους ποιοῦντα ἑκόντα ἢ ἄκοντα ; “Exovra ἔγωγε.
Τί δῆτα, ὦ Μέλητε; τοσοῦτον σὺ ἐμοῦ σοφώτερος εἶ
τηλικούτου ὄντος τηλικόσδε ὦν, GoTE σὺ μὲν ἔγνωκας
ὅτι οἱ μὲν κακοὶ κακόν τι ἐργάζνται ἀεὶ τοὺς μάλιστα
πλησίον ἑαυτῶν, οἱ δὲ ἀγαθοὶ ἀγαθόν" ἐγὼ δὲ δὴ εἰς B
τοσοῦτον ἀμαθίας ἥκω, ὥστε καὶ τοῦτ᾽ ἀγνοῶ, ὅτι, ἐάν
twa μοχθηρὰν ποιήσω τῶν ξυνόντων, κινδυνεύσω κακόν
τι λαβεῖν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ, ὥστε τοῦτο τὸ τοσοῦτον κακὸν
ἑκὼν ποιῶ, ὡς φῇς σύ; ταῦτα ἐγώ σοι οὐ πείθομαι, ὦ
Μέλητε, οἶμαι δὲ οὐδὲ ἄλλον ἀνθρώπων οὐδένα᾽ ἀλλ᾽ 28
ἢ ob διαφθείρω, ἢ εἰ διαφθείρω, ἄκων, ὥστε σύ γε κατ᾽
ἀμφότερα ψεύδει, εἰ δὲ ἄκων διαφθείρω, τῶν τοιούτων
[καὶ ἀκουσίων] ἁμαρτημάτων οὐ δεῦρυ νόμος εἰσάγειν ἐστίν,
ἀλλ᾽ ἰδίᾳ λαβόντα διδάσκειν καὶ νουθετεῖν" δῆλον γὰρ
ὅτι, ἐὰν μάθω, παύσομαι ὅ γε ἄκων ποιῶ. σὺ δὲ Evyyer-
ἐσθαι μέν μοι καὶ διδάξαι ἔφυγες καὶ οὐκ ἠθέλησας, δεῦρο
δὲ εἰσάγεις, of νύμος ἐστὶν εἰσόγειν τοὺς κολάσεως Beo-
μένους, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ μαθήσεως,

‘You are an atheist, Socrates. You say that the sun is a stone,
and the moon earth’ As if everyone did not know that
these are the doctrines of Anaxagoras, not mine! The accusa-
tion is not only false, but self-contradsctory.

(2) Charge ᾿Αλλὰ γάρ, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, τοῦτο μὲν δῆλον ἤδη

met, ἐστίν, ὃ ἐγὼ ἔλεγον, ὅτι Μελήτῳ τούτων οὔτε μέγα οὔτε B

386 Δ .ὍδΆ. σμικρὸν πώποτε ἐμέλησεν' ὅμως δὲ δὴ λέγε ἡμῖν, πῶς με
φὴς διαφθείρειν, ὦ Μέλητε, τοὺς νεωτέρους ; ἢ δῆλον δὴ
ὅτι κατὰ τὴν γραφήν, ἣν ἐγράψω, θεοὺς διδάσκοντα μὴ

»ομίζεων obs ἡ πόλις νομίζει, ἕτερα δὲ δαιμόνια καινά; οὐ

APOLOGY, 20 B-27 A, 45

ταῦτα λέγεις ὅτι διδάσκων διαφθείρω ; Πάνν μὲν οὖν
σφόδρα ταῦτα λέγω. Πρὸς αὐτῶν τοίνυν, ὦ Μέλητε,
τούτων τῶν θεῶν, ὧν νῦν ὁ λόγος ἐστίν, εἰπὲ ἔτι σαφέ-
C στερον καὶ ἐμοὶ καὶ τοῖς ἀνδράσι τουτοισί, ἐγὼ yap ot
δύναμαι μαθεῖν, πότερον λέγεις διδάσκειν μὲ νομίζειν
εἶναί τινας θεούς, καὶ αὐτὸς ἄρα νομίζω εἶναι θεούς, καὶ
οὐκ εἰμὶ τὸ παράπαν ἄθεος οὐδὲ ταύτῃ ἀδικῶ, οὐ μέντοι
οὕσπερ γε 7 πόλις, ἀλλ᾽ ἑτέρους, καὶ τοῦτ᾽ ἔστιν ὅ μοι
ἐγκαλεῖς, ὅτι ἑτέρους" ἢ παντάπασί με φὴς οὔτε αὐτὸν
νομίζειν θεοὺς τούς τε ἄλλους ταῦτα διδάσκειν. Ταῦτα
λέγω, ὡς τὸ παράπαν οὐ νομίζεις θεούς. ἾΩ θαυμάσιε
D Μέλητε, ἵνα τί ταῦτα λέγεις ; οὐδὲ ἥλιον οὐδὲ σελήνην
ἄρα νομίζω θεοὺς εἶναι, ὥσπερ οἱ ἄλλοι ἄνθρωποι; Μὰ
Ai’, ὦ ἄνδρες δικασταί, ἐπεὶ τὸν μὲν ἥλιον λίθον φησὶν
εἶναι, τὴν δὲ σελήνην γῆν. ᾿Αναξαγόρου οἴει κατηγορεῖν,
ὦ φίλε Μέλητε, καὶ οὕτω καταφρονεῖς τῶνδε καὶ οἴει
αὐτοὺς ἀπείρους γραμμάτων εἶναι, ὥστε οὐκ εἰδέναι ὅτι τὰ
᾿Αναξαγόρου βιβλία τοῦ Κλαζομενίου γέμει τούτων τῶν
λόγων ; καὶ δὴ καὶ οἱ νέοι ταῦτα παρ᾽ ἐμοῦ μανθάνουσιν,
Ἑ ἃ ἔξεστιν ἐνίοτε, εἰ πάνυ πολλοῦ, δραχμῆς ἐκ τῆς ὀρχήσ-
τρᾶς πριαμέμοις Σωκράτους καταγελᾶν, ἐὰν προσποιῆται
ἑαυτοῦ εἶναι, ἄλλως τε καὶ οὕτως ἄτοπα ὄντα. ἀλλ᾽ ὦ
πρὸς Διός, οὗτωσί σοι δοκῶ οὐδένα νομίζειν θεὸν εἶναι ;
Οὐ μέντοι μὰ Δί᾽ οὐδ᾽ ὁπωστιοῦν. "Απιστός γ᾽ εἶ, ὦ Μέλητε,
καὶ ταῦτα μέντοι. ὡς ἐμοὶ δοκεῖς, σαυτῷ. ἐμοὶ μὲν γὰρ δοκεῖ
οὑτοσί, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, πάνυ εἶναι ὑβριστὴς καὶ ἀκόλασ--:
τος; καὶ ἀτεχνῶς τὴν γραφὴν ταύτην ὕβρει τινὶ καὶ ἀκολασίᾳ
27 καὶ νεότητι γράψασθαι. ἔοικε γὰρ ὥσπερ αἴνιγμα ξυντιθέντι
διαπειρωμίνῳ, dpa γνώσεται Σωκράτης 6 σοφὸς δὴ ἐμοῦ
χαριεντιζομένου καὶ ἐραντί ἐμαυτῷ λέγοντος, ἢ ἐξαπατήσω
αὐτὸν καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους τοὺς ἀκούοντας ; οὗτος γὰρ ἐμοὶ

46 APOLOGY, 27 A-D.

φαίνεται ra ἐναντία λέγειν αὐτὸς ἑαυτῷ ἐν τῇ γραφῇ;

“ιν ,
ὥσπερ ἂν εἰ εἴποι ἀδικεῖ Σωκράτης θεοὺς οὐ νομίζων,
ἀλλὰ θεοὺς νομίζων. καί tor τοῦτό ἐστι παίζοντος.

For Meletus allows that I believe mm δαιμόνια. Therefore I believe
in δαίμονες ; and, if in δαίμονες, then i Geoi. Thus Meletus
is convicted out of bis own mouth.

Ξυνεπισκέψασθε δή, ὦ ἄνδρες, ἢ μοι φαίνεται ταῦτα
λέγειν" σὺ δὲ ἡμῖν ἀπόκριναι, ὦ Μέλητε! ὑμεῖς δέ, ὅπερ B
ral \
κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς ὑμᾶς παρῃτησάμην, μέμνησθέ μοὶ μὴ θορυ-
Beir, ἐὰν ἐν τῷ εἰωθότι τρόπῳ τοὺς λόγους ποιῶμαι,
ἔστι" Gates ἀνθρώπων, ὦ Μέλητε, ἀνθρώπεια μὲν νομίζει
, ,,.ᾷ, Α , ‘ 3 ἢ 4 ͵
πράγματ᾽ εἶναι, ἀνθρώπους δὲ οὐ νομίζει; ἀποκρινέσθῳ,
ὦ ἄνδρες, καὶ μὴ ἄλλα καὶ ἄλλα GopuBeirw’ ἔσθ᾽ ὅστις
" - bl Ps £ & 1 , . ἃ 3
ἵππους μὲν οὐ νομίζει ἱππικὰ be πράνματα ; ἢ αὐλη-
Ν 5 9 " 3 % 8h t > ¥
τὰς μὲν οὐ τομίζει, αὐλητικὰ δὲ πράγματα. οὖς ἔστι",
ὦ ἄριστε ἀνδρῶν" εἶ μὴ σὺ βούλει ἀποκρίνασθαι, ἐγὼ σοὶ
λέγω καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις τουτοισί, ἀλλὰ τὸ ἐπὶ τούτῳ γε
ἀπόκριναι" ἔσθ᾽ ὅστις δαιμόνια μὲν νομίζει πράγματ᾽ C
εἶναι, δαίμονας δὲ οὐ νομίζι ; Οὐκ ἔστιν. ‘Qs ὦνησας,
e tal
Ort μόγις ἀπεκρίνω ὑπὸ τουτωνὶ ἀναγκαζόμενος, οὐκοῦν
, ‘ ; 4 , 4 ͵ “ 3 μι
δαιμόνια μὲν φῇς με καὶ νομίζειν καὶ διδάσκειν, εἴτ᾽ οὖν
καινὰ εἴτε παλαιά" ἀλλ᾽ οὖν δαιμόνιά γε νομίζω κατὰ τὸν
‘ ‘ % “~ 4 , 5 ~ “ 3 Ἀ
σὸν λόγον, καὶ ταῦτα καὶ διωμόσω ἐν τῇ ἀντιγραφῇ. εἰ δὲ
Α 4
δαιμόνια νομίζω, καὶ δαίμονας δήπου πολλὴ ἀνάγκη νομί-
t . 2 “ yoo , t
(ew μέ ἐστιν οὐχ οὕτως ἔχει ; ἔχει δή" τίθημι yap ve
“a 4 &
ὁμολογοῦντα, ἐπειδὴ οὐκ ἀποκρίνει. τοὺς ὃὲ δαίμονας D
7. ¥# * ” A
οὐχὶ ἦτοι θεούς ye ἡγούμεθα ἢ θεῶν παῖδας ; φὴς ἢ ob;
f 3 n δ΄
Πάνυ γε. Οὐκοῦν εἴπερ δαίμονας ἡγοῦμαι, ὡς σὺ φής, εἰ
bs] “~
μὲν θεοί τινές εἶσιν οἷ δαίμονες, τοῦτ᾽ ἂν εἴη ὃ ἐγώ φημί
σε αἰνίττεσθαι καὶ χαριεντίζεσθαι, θεοὺς οὐχ ἡγούμενον

APOLOGY, 27 D-28 8. 47

φάναι ἐμὲ θεοὺς ad ἡγεῖσθαι πάλιν, ἐπειδήπερ ye δαίμονας
ἡγοῦμαι" εἰ δ᾽ αὖ οἱ δαίμονες θεῶν παῖδές εἶσι νόθοι τινὲς
7} ἐκ νυμφῶν ἣ Ex τινων ἄλλων, ὧν δὴ καὶ λέγονται, τίς ἂν
ἀνθρώπων θεῶν μὲν παῖδας ἡγοῖτο εἶναι, θεοὺς δὲ μή:
ὁμοίως γὰρ ἂν ἄτοποι' εἴη, ὥσπερ ἂν εἴ τις ἵππων per
E παῖδας ἡγοῖτο ἢ καὶ ὄνων [τοὺς ἡμιόνους], ἵππους δὲ καὶ
ὄνους μὴ ἡγοῖτο εἶτ αι. ἀλλ᾽, ὦ Μέλητε, οὐκ ἔστιν ὅπως
σὺ ταῦτα οὐχὶ ἀποπειρώμενος ἡμῶν ἐγράψω [τὴ» γραφὴν
ταὐτην}, ἢ ἀπορῶν ὅ τι ἐγκαλοῖς ἐμοὶ ἀληθὲς ἀδίκημα:
ὅπως δὲ σύ τινα πείθοις ἂν καὶ σμικρὸν νοῦν ἔχοντα
ἀνθρώπων, ὡς οὐ τοῦ αὐτοῦ ἐστὶ καὶ δαιμόνια καὶ θεῖα
ἡγεῖσθαι, καὶ αὖ τοῦ αὐτοῦ μήτε δαίμονας μήτε θεοὺς μῆτε

ind 3 , , 4
28 ἥρωας, οὐδεμία μηχανὴ ἐστιν.

oO

4, The Digression—A defence by Socrates of his
lifa generally, 28 A-34 B.

This 15 enough in reply to Meletus, It is not bis accusation I have
to fear, but the force of popular prejudice.
᾿Αλλὰ γάρ, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, ὡς μὲν ἐγὼ οὐκ ἀδικῶ
κατὰ τὴν Μελήτου γραφήν, οὐ πολλῆς μοι δοκεῖ εἶναι
ἀπολογίας, ἀλλ᾽ ἱκανὰ καὶ ταῦτα' ὃ δὲ καὶ ἐν τοῖς ἔμ-
πρᾶσθεν ἔλεγον, ὅτι πολλή μοὶ ἀπέχθεια γέγονε καὶ πρὸς
πολλούς, εὖ ἴστε ὅτι ἀληθές ἐστι. καὶ τοῦτ᾽ ἔστιν ὃ
ἐμὲ αἱρήσει, ἐάνπερ αἱρῇ, οὐ Μέλητος οὐδὲ “Arvros, ἀλλ᾽
ἡ τῶν TOAAGY διαβολή τε καὶ φθόνος. & δὴ πολλοὺς καὶ
B ἄλλους καὶ ἀγαθοὺς ἄνδρας ἥρηκεν, οἶμαι δὲ καὶ αἱρήσειν"
οὐδὲν δὲ δεινὸν μὴ ἐν ἐμοὶ στῇ.
But I may be asked— Is it not a desgrace, Socrates, ta ὅσος acted
in such a way that you are in danger of death?’ No. A man’s
Jirst object should not be to secure bis life, but to do bis duty,
Ἴσως δ᾽ ἂν οὖν εἴποι tis’ εἶτ᾽ οὐκ αἰσχύνει, ὦ Σώκρα»
τες, τοιοῦτον ἐπιτήδευμα ἐπιτηδεύσας, ἐξ οὗ κινδυνεύεις

48 APOLOGY, 28 B-D.

νυνὶ ἀποθανεῖν ; ἐγὼ δὲ τούτῳ ἂν δίκαιον λόγον ἀντείποιμι,
ὅτι οὐ καλῶς λέγεις, ὦ ἄνθρωπε, εἰ οἴει δεῖν κίνδυνον
ὑπολογίζεσθαι τοῦ ζῆν ἢ τεθνάναι ἄνδρα ὅτου τι καὶ
σμικρὸν ὄφελός ἐστιν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἐκεῖνο μόνον σκοπεῖν,
ef t , fy A κα { 43 4
ὅταν πράττῃ, πύτερον δίκαια ἢ ἄδικα πράττει, καὶ ἀνδρὸς
q a Μ ΝΗ A fal iN a “ tal ,
ἀγαθοῦ ἔργα ἢ κακοῦ, φαῦλοι yap ἂν τῷ ye σῷ λόγῳ
εἷεν τῶν ἡμιθέων ὅσοι ἐν Τροίᾳ τετελευτήκασιν, of re ἄλλοι C
Example of καὶ ὁ τῆς Θέτιδος vids, ὃς τοσοῦτον τοῦ κινδύνου κατε-
Achilles, , ΜΝ ; t n 9 5 \ 4
φρόνησε παρὰ τὸ αἰσχρόν τι ὑπομεῖναι. ὦστε ἐπειδὴ εἶπεν
ἡ μήτηρ αὐτῷ προθυμουμένῳ “Ἕκτορα ἀποκτεῖναι, θεὸς
οὖσα, obrwct πως, ὡς ἐγῴμα ὦ παῖ, εἰ τιμωρήσεις
Πατρόκλῳ τῷ ἑταίρῳ τὸν φόνον καὶ “Ἕκτορα ἀποκτενεῖς;
24 5 - ᾿ ἢ J , 4 δ
αὐτὸς ἀποθανεῖ αὐτίκα γὰρ τοι, φησί, μεθ ᾿Θκτορα
πότμος ἑτοῖμος' ὁ δὲ ταῦτ᾽ ἀκούσας τοῦ μὲν θανάτου καὶ
τοῦ κινδύνου ὠλιγώρησε, πολὺ δὲ μᾶλλον δείσας τὸ ζῆν
ἃ ᾷ ᾿ Δ f ‘\ al 3. ἢ a
κακὸς ὧν καὶ τοῖς φίλοις μὴ τιμωρεὶν; αὐτίκα, φησι, D
? / 3 \ a 3 a ¢ Ν 94 i ,
τεθναίην δίκην- ἐπιθεὶς τῷ ἀδικοῦντι, ἵνα μὴ ἐνθάδε μένω
καταγέλαστος παρὰ νηυσὶ κορωνίσι; ἄχϑος ἀρούρης. μὴ
αὐτὸν οἴει φροντίσαι θανάτου καὶ κινδύνου ; οὕτω γὰρ ἔχει,
Ὁ a N bit
ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, τῇ ἀληθείᾳ" οὗ ἄν τις ἑαυτὸν τάξῃ [ἢ]
« ! f a aA ft 3 ¥ ” a
ἡγησάμενος βέλτιστον εἴναι ἢ vt ἄρχοντος ταχθη, ἐνταῦθα
δεῖ, ὡς ἐμοὶ δοκεῖ, μένοντα κινδυνεύειν, μηδὲν ὑπολογιζύ-
μένον μήτε θάνατον μήτε ἄλλο μηδὲν πρὸ τοῦ αἰσχροῦ,

I have kept my post under earthly commanders; Iwill keep it
under the heavenly, For-to dread death more than disloyalty
is to assume a knowledge whith we do not possess, So
that of you were to offer me my life now on condition of my
abandoning philosophy, I avould refuse with all respect. Nay,
as long as I bad any breath in my body, I would continue my
mission to young and old,

᾿γὼ οὖν δεινὰ ἂν εἴην εἰργασμένος, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθη»

APOLOGY, 28 E=29 Ὁ. 49

B vaio, eb ὅτε μέν pe οἱ ἄρχοντες ἔταττον, ots ὑμεῖς
εἵλεσθε ἄρχειν μου, καὶ ἐν Ποτιδαίᾳ καὶ ἐν ᾿Αμφιπόλει The cam-
καὶ ἐπὶ Δηλίῳ, τότε μὲν οὗ ἐκεῖνοι ἔταττον ἔμενον ὥσπερ ated
καὶ ἄλλος tis καὶ ἐκινδύνευον ἀποθανεῖν, τοῦ δὲ θεοῦ
τάττοντος, ὡς ἐγὼ φήθην τε καὶ ὑπέλαβον, φιλοσοφοῦντά
με δεῖν (ἣν καὶ ἐξετάζοντα ἐμαυτὸν καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους,

20 ἐνταῦθα δὲ φοβηθεὶς ἢ θάνατον ἢ ἄλλο ὁτιοῦν πρᾶγμα
λίποιμι τὴν τάξιν. δεινὸν μέντ᾽ ἂν εἴη, καὶ ὡς ἀληθῶς τότ'
ἄν με δικαίως εἰσάγοι τις εἰς δικωστήριον, ὅτι οὐ νομίζω
θεοὺς εἶναι ἀπειθῶν τῇ μαντείᾳ καὶ δεδιὼς θάνατον καὶ
οἰόμενος σοφὸς εἶναι οὐκ Gv. τὸ γάρ τοι θάνατον δεδιέναι,
ὦ ἄνδρες, οὐδὲν ἄλλο ἐστὶν ἢ δοκεῖν σοφὸν εἶναι μὴ ὄντα"
δοκεῖν γὰρ εἰδέναι ἐστὶν & οὐκ οἶδεν, οἷδε μὲν γὰρ οὐδεὶς
τὸν θάνατον οὐδ᾽ εἰ τυγχάνει τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ πάντων μέγι-
στον ὃν τῶν ἀγαθῶν, δεδίασι δ᾽ ὡς εὖ εἰδότες ὅτι μέγιστον

Β τῶν κακῶν ἐστί, καὶ τοῦτο πῶς οὐκ ἀμαθία ἐστὶν αὕτη ἢ

ἐπονείδιστος, ἣ τοῦ οἴεσθαι εἰδέναι ἃ οὐκ οἶδεν; ἐγὼ δέ,

ὦ ἄνδρες, τούτῳ καὶ ἐνταῦθᾳ ἴσως διαφέρω τῶν πολλῶν

ἀνθρώπων, καὶ εἰ δή τῳ σοφώτερός του φαίην εἶναι, τούτῳ

ἄν, ὅτι οὐκ εἰδὼς ἱκανῶς περὶ τῶν ἐν “Αἰδου οὕτω καὶ
οἴομαι οὐκ εἰδέναι τὸ δὲ ἀδικεῖν καὶ ἀπειθεῖν τῷ βελτίονι,
καὶ θεῷ καὶ ἀνθρώπῳ, ὅτι κακὸν καὶ αἰσχρόν ἐστιν οἶδα.
πρὸ οὖν τῶν κακῶν, ὧν οἶδα ὅτι κακά ἐστιν, & μὴ οἶδα εἰ
ἀγαθὰ ὄντα τυγχάνει, οὐδέποτε φοβήσομαι οὐδὲ φεύξομαι"
ὥστε οὐδ᾽ εἴ με νῦν ὑμεῖς ἀφίετε ᾿Ανύτῳ ἀπιστήσαντες, ὃς
ἔφη ἣ τὴν ἀρχὴν οὐ δεῖν ἐμὲ δεῦρο εἰσελθεῖν 7, ἐπειδὴ
εἰσῆλθον, οὐχ οἷόν τε εἶναι τὸ μὴ ἀποκτεῖναί με, λέγων
πρὸς ὑμᾶς ὡς, εἰ διαφευξοίμην, ἤδη ἂν ὑμῶν οἱ υἱεῖς
ἐπιτηδεύοντες ἃ Σωκράτης διδάσκει πάντες παντάπασι
διαφθαρήσονται, ---- εἴ μοι πρὸς ταῦτα εἴποιτε' ὦ Σώκρα»
τες; νῦν μὲν ᾿Ανύτῳ οὐ πεισόμεθα, ἀλλ᾽ ἀφίεμέν σε, ἐπὶ
D

Q

50 APOLOGY, 29 C~30B,

e ‘ my # Π ΓᾺ . ͵ a ΗΝ
τούτῳ μέντοι; ἐφ᾽ ᾧτε μηκέτι ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ (ητήδει διατρὶ
ra] ‘ a n a i
Bew μηδὲ φιλοσοφεῖν ἐὰν δὲ ἁλῷς ἔτι τοῦτο πράττων,
a , ere
ἀποθανεῖ' εἰ οὖν με, ὅπερ εἶπον, ἐπὶ τούτοις ἀφίοιτε, D
" “" »"᾿ . er th a“ 3 !
εἴποιμ ἂν ὑμῖν ὅτι ἐγὼ ὑμᾶς, ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, ἁσπὰ-
8 A ᾿ “ “a aA A ft A
ὦμαι μὲν καὶ φιλῶ, πείσομαι δὲ μᾶλλον τῷ θεῷ ἢ ὑμῖν,
Φ μ ?
καὶ ἕωσπερ ἂν ἐμπνέω καὶ οἷός τε ὦ, ov μὴ παύσωμαι
, A Ltn , , + ἐνὸ ἢ
Thedaly φιλοσοφῶν καὶ ὑμῖν παρακελευόμενος TE καὶ EVOELKYU-
conversa- ” a 4 ἡ ͵ toa 4 el 4
ton of μενος ὅτῳ ἂν ἀεὶ ἐντυγχάνω ὑμῶν, λέγων οἷάπερ club,
Socrates. Gre ὦ ἄριστε ἀνδρῶν, ᾿Αθηναῖος ὧν, πόλεως τῆς μεγίστης
‘
καὶ εὐδοκιμωτάτης εἰς σοφίαν καὶ ἰσχύν, χρημάτων μὲν
οὐκ αἰσχύνει ἐπιμελούμενος, ὅπως σοι ἔσται ὡς πλεῖστα,
ta] ‘ / x A
καὶ δόξης καὶ τιμῆς, φρονήσεως δὲ καὶ ἀληθείας καὶ τῆς B
ψυχῆς, ὅπως ὡς βελτίστη ἔσται, οὐκ ἐπιμελεῖ οὐδὲ φροντί-
(es; καὶ ἐάν τις ὑμῶν ἀμφισβητῇ καὶ φῇ ἐπιμελεῖσθαι,
4
οὐκ εὐθὺς ἀφήσω αὐτὸν οὐδ᾽ ἄπειμι, ἀλλ᾽ ἐρήσομαι αὐτὸν
ΝΑ , 4 4 } \ ar N A "
καὶ ἐξετάσω καὶ ἐλέγξω, καὶ ἐάν μοὶ μὴ δοκῇ κεκτῆσθαι
3 a ’ Ἀ
ἀρετήν, φάναι δέ, ὀνειδιῶ ὅτι τὰ πλείστου ἄξια περὶ
ἐλαχίστου ποιεῖται, τὰ δὲ φανλότερα περὶ πλείονος, ταῦτα 80
καὶ νεωτέρῳ καὶ πρεσβυτέρῳ, ὅτῳ ἂν ἐντυγχάνω, ποιήσω,
A f \ Σ “ ἂλλ δὲ A 4 ral a
καὶ ξένῳ καὶ ἀστῷ, μᾶλλον δὲ τοῖς ἀστοῖς, ὅσῳ pov
q , 4 x , a ‘ / Ld , ey
ἐγγυτέρω ἐστὲ γένει, ταῦτα γὰρ κελεύει ὁ θεός, εὖ ἴστε,
ιν κ᾿ ", τ ὦ ξ κι a 4 ‘ ! 3
καὶ ἐγὼ οἴομαι οὐδέν πω ὑμῖν μεῖζον ἀγαθὸν γενέσθαι ἐν
- , A % κ᾿ “a ~ ? Jor \ vy
TH πόλει ἢ τὴν ἐμὴν τῳ θεῷ νπηρεσίαν, οὐδὲν γὰρ ἀλλο
πράττων ἐγὼ περιέρχομαι ἢ πείθων ὑμῶν καὶ νεωτέρους.
καὶ πρεσβυτέρους μήτε σωμάτων ἐπιμελεῖσθαι μήτε
χρημάτων πρότερον μηδὲ οὕτω σφόδρα ὡς τῆς ψυχῆς, ὅπως Β
ὡς ἀρίστη ἔσται, λέγων ὅτι οὐκ ἐκ χρημάτων ἀρετὴ γίγνεται,
ἀλλ᾽ ἐξ ἀρετῆς χρήματα καὶ τἄλλα ἀγαθὰ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις
ἅπωτα καὶ ἰδίᾳ καὶ δημοσίᾳ. εἰ μὲν οὖν ταῦτα λέγων
διαφθείρω τοὺς νέους, ταῦτ᾽ ἂν εἴη βλαβερά" εἰ δέ τίς μέ
¥ ὴ Le) . Ὁ
φησιν ἄλλα λέγειν ἢ ταῦτα, οὐδὲν λέγει, πρὸς ταῦτα,

APOLOGY, 30 B+E, 51

, sy “
φαίην av, ὦ ᾿Αθηναῖοι, ἣ πείθεσθε “Avira ἢ μή, καὶ ἢ
ἀφίετε ἢ μὴ ἀφίετε, ὡς ἐμοῦ οὐκ ἂν ποιήσοντος ἄλλα, οὐδ᾽
Ο εἰ μέλλω πολλάκις τεθνάναι.

Hear me patiently, Athenians; for it will do you good, If you
put me to death, pou will be injuring yourselves more than me,
and flying in the face of Heaven. You αὐ] not eastly jind
another to awake you from the slumber of self-complacency.
Have I not sacrificed all in your service?

Mi θορυβεῖτε, ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, ἀλλ᾽ ἐμμείνατέ μοι
οἷς ἐδεήθην ὑμῶν, μὴ θορυβεῖν ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἂν λέγω, ἀλλ᾽
ἀκούειν" καὶ γάρ, ὡς ἐγὼ οἶμαι, ὀνήσεσθε ἀκούοντες.
μέλλω γὰρ οὖν ἄττα ὑμῖν ἐρεῖν καὶ ἄλλα, ἐφ᾽ οἷς
ἴσως βοήσεσθε' ἀλλὰ μηδαμῶς ποιεῖτε τοῦτο. εὖ γὰρ
ἴστε, ἐὰν ἐμὲ ἀποκτείνητε τοιοῦτον ὄντα, οἷον ἐγὼ
λέγω, οὐκ ἐμὲ μείζω βλάψετε ἢ ὑμᾶς αὐτούς" ἐμὲ μὲν
γὰρ οὐδὲν ἂν βλάψειεν οὔτε Μέλητος οὔτε "Ανυτον"

Ὁ οὐδὲ γὰρ ἂν δύναιτο οὐ γὰρ οἴομαι θεμιτὸν εἶναι
ἀμείνονι ἀνδρὶ ὑπὸ χείρονος βλάπτεσθαι. ἀποκτείνειε
μέντ᾽ ἂν ἴσως ἣ ἐξελάσειεν ἣ ἀτιμώσειεν' ἀλλὰ ταῦτα
οὗτος ἴσως οἴεται καὶ ἄλλος τίς που μεγάλα κακά, ἐγὼ
δ᾽ οὐκ οἴομαι, ἀλλὰ πολὺ μᾶλλον ποιεῖν ἃ οὗτος νυνὶ
ποιεῖ, ἄνδρα ἀδίκως ἐπιχειρεῖν ἀποκτιννύναι, νῦν οὖν,

ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, πολλοῦ δέω ἐγὼ ὑπὲρ ἐμαυτοῦ

ἀπολογεῖσθαι, ds τις ἂν οἴοιτο, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν, μή τι

ἐξαμάρτητε περὶ τὴν τοῦ θεοῦ δόσιν ὑμῖν ἐμοῦ καταψη-

ἘΞ φισάμενοι, ἐὰν γὰρ ἐμὲ ἀποκτείνητε, ov ῥᾳδίως ἄλλον
τοιοῦτον εὑρήσετε, ἀτεχνῶς, εἰ καὶ γελοιότερον εἰπεῖν, Simile of
προσκείμενον τῇ πόλει ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ, ὥσπερ ἵππῳ με- τς oa fy
γάλῳ μὲν καὶ γενναίῳ, ὑπὸ μεγέθους ὃὲ νωθεστέρῳ
καὶ δεομένῳ ἐγείρεσθαι ὑπὸ μύωπός τινος οἷον δή μοι
δοκεῖ ὁ θεὺς ἐμὲ τῇ πόλει προστεθεικέναι τοιοῦτόν τινα,

Da

32 APOLOGY, 30E~31€.

ὃς ὑμᾶς ἐγείρων καὶ πείθων καὶ ὀνειδίζων ἕνα ἕκαστον
οὐδὲν παύομαι τὴν ἡμέραν ὅλην παυταχοῦ προσκαθί- 81
Gor. τοιοῦτος οὖν ἄλλος οὐ ῥᾳδίως ὑμῖν γενήσεται, ὦ
ἄνδρες, ἀλλ᾽ ἐὰν ἐμοὶ πείθησθε, φείσεσθέ μου" ὑμεῖς
δ᾽ ἴσως τάχ᾽ ἂν ἀχθόμενοι, ὥσπερ οἱ νυστάζοντες ἐγει-
ρόύμενοι, κρούσαυτες ἄν με, πειθόμενοι ᾿Ανύτῳ, ῥᾳδίως
ἂν ἀποκτείγαιτε, εἶτα τὸν λοιπὸν βίον καθεύδοντες
διατελοῖτ᾽ ἄν, εἰ μή τινα ἄλλον ὁ θεὸς ὑμῖν ἐπιπέμψειε
κηδόμενος ὑμῶν. ὅτι δ᾽ ἐγὼ τυγχάνω ὧν τοιοῦτος,
οἷος ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ τῇ πόλει δεδύσθαι, ἐνθένδε ἂν κατα-
νοήσαιτε' od γὰρ ἀνθρωπίνῳ ἔοικε τὸ ἐμὲ τῶν μὲν ἐμαυ- Β
τοῦ ἁπάντων ἠμεληκέναι καὶ ἀνέχεσθαι τῶν οἰκείων
ἀμελουμένων τοσαῦτα ἤδη ἔτη, τὸ δὲ ὑμέτερον πράττειν
ἀεί, ἰδίᾳ ἑκάστῳ προσιόντα, ὥσπερ πατέρα ἣ ἀδελφὸν
πρεσβύτερον, πείθοντα ἐπιμελεῖσθαι ἀρετῆς, καὶ εἰ μέν
[ro] ἀπὸ τούτων ἀπέλαυον καὶ μισθὸν λαμβάνων ταῦτα
παρεκελευόμην, εἶχον ἄν τινα λόγον' νῦν δὲ ὁρᾶτε δὴ
καὶ αὐτοί, ὅτι οἱ κατήγοροι τἄλλα πάντα ἀναισχύντως
οὕτω κατηγοροῦντες τοῦτό γε οὐχ οἷοί τε ἐγένοντο
ἀπαναισχυντῆσαι, παρασχόμενοι μάρτυρα, ὡς ἐγώ ποτέ
τινα ἢ ἐπραξάμην μισθὸν ἢ ἤτησα, ἱκανὸν γάρ, οἶμαι,
ἐγὼ παρέχομαι τὸν μάρτυρα, ἀληθῆ ὡς λέγω, τὴν πενίαν.

That Ihave not addressed you in public 1s due to the drvine sign,
which has deterred me from a course which could only end
in my destruction,

Reasonwhy Ἴσως dy οὖν δέ ᾿ a Me SS Mh oF
caso by δόξειεν ἄτοπον εἶναι, ὅτι δὴ ἐγὼ ἰδίᾳ

didnot take μὲν ταῦτα ξυμβουλεύω περιιὼν καὶ πολυπραγμονῶ, δη-

0 po cs, A “

81 0.88. μοσίᾳ δὲ οὐ τολμῶ ἀναβαίνων εἰς τὸ πλῆθος τὸ ὑμέτε-
pov ξυμβουλεύειν τῇ πόλει. τούτου δὲ αἴτιόν ἐστιν

e ~ 5 A A 4
ὃ ὑμεῖς ἐμοῦ πολλάκις ἀκηκόατε πολλαχοῦ λέγοντος,

APOLOGY, 31 Ὁ--32 8, 53

er ‘
D ὅτι μοι θεῖόν τι καὶ δαιμόνιον γίγνεται [φωνή], ὃ δὴ The
Soa ὍΝ A 1 , 2. κ δαιμόκιονν
καὶ ἐν τῇ γραφῇ ἐπικωμῳδῶν Μέλητος ἐγράψατο' ἐμοὶ
s Δ 5 ‘
δὲ τοῦτ᾽ ἐστὶν ἐκ παιδὸς ἀρξάμενον, φωνή τις γιγνομένη,
a a
ἢ ὅταν γένηται, ἀεὶ ἀποτρέπει μὲ τούτου, ὃ ἂν
μέλλω πράττειν, προτρέπει δὲ οὔποτε τοῦτ᾽ ἔστιν ὅ
μοὶ ἐναντιοῦται τὰ πολιτικὰ πράττειν, καὶ παγκάλως
͵ cal ad Ν
γέ μοι δοκεῖ ἐναντιοῦσθαι" εὖ γὰρ ἴστε, ὦ ἄνδρες
3 - 9 4 ON ' TOS , ᾿ ‘
Αθηναῖοι, εἰ ἐγὼ [πάλαι] ἐπεχείρησα πράττει!" τὰ πὸ-
λιτικὰ πράγματα, πάλαι ἂν ἀπολώλη καὶ οὔτ᾽ ἂν
Ἐὑμᾶς ὠφελήκη οὐδὲν οὔτ᾽ dy ἐμαυτόν, καί μοι μὴ
ἄχθεσθε λέγοντι τἀληθῆ οὐ γὰρ ἔστιν ὅστις ἀνθρώ-
toy σωθήσεται οὔτε ὑμῖν οὔτε ἄλλῳ πλήθει οὐδενὶ
4 2 , \ , Ἀ Ψ
γνησίως ἐναντιούμενος καὶ διακωλύων πολλὰ ἄδικα
82 καὶ παράνομα ἐν τῇ πόλει γίγνεσθαι, ἀλλ᾽ ἀναγκαῖόν
ἐστι τὸν τῷ ὄντι μαχούμενον ὑπὲρ τοῦ δικαίου, καὶ εἰ
μέλλει ὀλίγον χρόνον σωθήσεσθαι, ἰδιωτεύειν ἀλλὰ μὴ
δημοσιεύει.

When I have acted in a public capacity, it has been at the risk of
my life. I maintained the right in the teeth of the Demecracy,
and again of the Thirty Tyrants,

QF

Μεγάλα δ᾽ ἔγωγε ὑμῖν τεκμήρια παρέξομαι τού-
των, οὐ λόγους, ἀλλ᾽ ὃ ὑμεῖς τιμᾶτε, ἔργα. ἀκούσατε
δή μου τὰ ἐμοὶ ξυμβεβηκότα, ἵν᾿ εἰδῆτε ὅτι οὐδ᾽ ἂν
ey ς i 4 \ ’ ? ᾿ -
ἑνὶ ὑπεικάθοιμι παρὰ τὸ δίκαιον δείσας θάνατοι, μὴ
ὑπείκων δὲ ἅμα καὶ dy ἂν ἀπολοίμην. epd δὲ ὑμῖν Conduct ο
ὍΝ \ aet dimAh RL mS = Socrates ἃ
φορτικὰ μὲν καὶ dixavixa, ἀληθῆ δέ. ἐγὼ γάρ, ὦ the trial o
a 3 ἠ 3
Β ᾿Αθηναῖοι, ἄλλην μὲν ἀρχὴν οὐδεμίαν πώποτε ἦρξα ἐν thegeneral
aA) , en ar) fc aA ε SPA -atter the
τῇ πόλει, ἐβούλευσα δέ" καὶ ἔτυχεν ἡμῶν ἢ φυλὴ [Av- μεῖς of
τιοχὶς] πρυτανεύουσα, ὅτε ὑμεῖς τοὺς δέκα στρατηγοὺς Arginusae
τοὺς οὐκ ἀνελομένους τοὺς ἐκ τῆς ναυμαχίας ἐβούλεσθε
ἀθρόους κρίνειν, παρανόμως, ὧν ἐν τῷ ὑστέρῳ χρόνῳ

54 APOLOGY, 32 B-E.

πᾶσιν ὑμῖν ἔδοξε, τότ᾽ ἐγὼ μόνος τῶν πρυτάνεων ἦναν-
τιώθην [ὑμῖν] μηδὲν ποιεῖν παρὰ τοὺς νόμους [Kal ἐναν-
τία ἐψηφισάμη»], καὶ ἑτοίμων ὄντων ἐνδεικνύναι pe καὶ
ἀπάγειν τῶν ῥητόρων, καὶ ὑμῶν κελευόντων καὶ βοών-
των, μετὰ τοῦ νόμου καὶ τοῦ δικαίου ᾧμην μᾶλλόν pe C
δεῖν διακινδυνεύει; ἢ μεθ᾽ ὑμῶν γενέσθαι μὴ δίκαια
Refusal of βονλευομέρων, φοβηθέντα δεσμὸν ἢ θάνατον. καὶ
Socratesto 66 Fy ἢ af 2 ‘
assist ithe Ταῦτα μὲν ἦν ἔτι δημοκρατουμένης τῆς πόλεως ἐπειδὴ
frost of δὲ ὀλιγαρχίᾳ, ἐγένετο, οἱ τριάκοντα αὖ μεταπεμψάμενοί
με πέμπτον αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν θόλον προσέταξαν ἀγαγεῖν ἐκ
Σαλαμῖνος Λέοντα τὸν Σαλαμίνιον, ἵν᾽ ἀποθάνοι" οἷα δὴ
καὶ ἄλλοις ἐκεῖνοι πολλοῖς πολλὰ προσέταττον, βουλό-
evar ὡς πλείστους ἀναπλῆσαι αἰτιῶν' τότε μέντοι ἐγὼ
οὐ λόγῳ GAN ἔργῳ αὖ ἐνεδειξάμην, ὅτι ἐμοὶ θανάτου D
μὲν μέλει, εἰ μὴ ἀγροικότερον ἦν εἰπεῖν, οὐδ᾽ ὁτιοῦν,
τοῦ δὲ μηδὲν ἄδικον μηδ᾽ ἀνόσιον ἐργάζεσθαι, τούτου
δὲ τὸ πᾶν μέλει. ἐμὲ γὰρ ἐκείνη ἡ ἀρχὴ οὐκ ἐξέπληξεν
οὕτως ἰσχυρὰ οὖσα, mote ἄδικόν τι ἐργάσασθαι, ἀλλ᾽
ἐπειδὴ ἐκ τῆς θόλου ἐξήλθομεν, οἱ μὲν τέτταρες ᾧχοντο
εἰς Σαλαμῖνα καὶ ἤγαγον Λέοντα, ἐγὼ δὲ χόμην
ἀπιὼν οἴκαδε. καὶ ἴσως ἂν διὰ ταῦτ᾽ ἀπέθανον, εἰ μὴ
ἢ ἀρχὴ διὰ ταχέων κατελύθη" καὶ τούτων ὑμῖν ἔσονται B
πολλοὶ μάρτυρες.

Could I bave survived to this age, if I bad attempted a public
career, acting, as I should have dene on these principles?
For neither in public nor in private have I ever saverved
Jrom the right, nor connived at such conduct in others, I have
never received pay for speaking, nor selected my audience, and
T cannot be beld responsible for the conduct of those who may
have chanced to listen to me.

Fat ,
Ap οὖν ἄν μὲ αἴεσθε τοσάδε ἔτη διαγενέσθαι, εἰ

APOLOGY, 3%E~33C, 55

ἔπραττον τὰ δημόσια, καὶ πράττων ἀξίως ἀνδρὸς éya-
θοῦ ἐβοήθουν τοῖς δικαίοις καί, ὥσπερ χρή, τοῦτο περὶ
πλείστου ἐποιούμην ; πολλοῦ γε δεῖ, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾽Αθη-
ναῖοι. οὐδὲ γὰρ ἂν ἄλλος ἀνθρώπων οὐδείς. ἀλλ᾽ ἐγὼ

88 διὰ παντὸς τοῦ βίου δημοσίᾳ τε, εἴ πού τι ἔπραξα,
τοιοῦτος φανοῦμαι, καὶ ἰδίᾳ 6 αὐτὸς οὗτος, οὐδενὶ
πώποτε ξυγχωρήσας οὐδὲν παρὰ τὸ δίκαιον οὔτε ἄλλῳ
οὔτε τούτων οὐδενί, obs οἱ διαβάλλοντές μέ φασιν ἐμοὺς
μαθητὰς εἶναι. ἐγὼ δὲ διδάσκαλος μὲν οὐδενὸς πώ-
mor ἐγενόμην' εἰ δέ τίς pov λέγοντος καὶ τὰ ἐμαυ-
τοῦ πράττοντος ἐπιθυμεῖ dover, εἴτε νεώτερος εἴτε
πρεσβύτερος, οὐδενὶ πώποτε ἐφθόνησα, οὐδὲ χρήματα

Β μὲν λαμβάνων διαλέγομαι, μὴ λαμβάνων δ᾽ od, ἀλλ᾽
ὁμοίως καὶ πλουσίῳ καὶ πένητι παρέχω ἐμαυτὸν ἐρω-
τᾶν, καὶ ἐάν τις βούληται ἀποκρινόμενος ἀκούειν ὧν ἂν
λέγω. καὶ τούτω! ἐγὼ εἴτε τις χρηστὸς γίγνεται εἴτε
μή, οὐκ ἂν δικαίως τὴν αἰτίαν ὑπέχοιμι, ὧν μήτε ὑπεσχό-
μην μηδενὶ μηδὲν πώποτε μάθημα μήτε ἐδίδαξα" εἰ δέ τίς
φησι παρ᾽ ἐμοῦ πώποτέ τι μαθεῖν ἣ ἀκοῦσαι ἰδίᾳ ὅ τι
μὴ καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι πάντες, εὖ ἴστε ὅτι οὐκ ἀληθῆ λέγει.

The young men, I confess, take pleasure in bearing me examine
pretenders to wisdom: but this with me 1s a divine mission,
If I am the corrupter of youth, why are not witnesses brought
to prove τὶ from among my circle of associates? Why are the
friends of those I bave corrupted—men of mature age and
established character—bere to defend me?
᾿Αλλὰ διὰ τί δή ποτε μετ᾽ ἐμοῦ χαίρουσί τινες πολὺν
Ο χρόνον διατρίβοντες ; ἀκηκόατε, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι"
πᾶσαν ὑμῖν τὴν ἀλήθειαν ἐγὼ εἶπον, ὅτι ἀκούοντες
χαίρουσιν ἐξετα(ζομένοις τοῖς οἰομένοις μὲν εἶναι σο-
φοῖς, οὖσι δ᾽ οὔ ἔστι γὰρ οὐκ ἀηδές, ἐμοὶ δὲ τοῦτο,

Divine
mission of
Socrates.

The com-
panions of
Socrates,

56 APOLOGY, 33 C-34.B.

ὡς ἐγώ yt, προστέτακται ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ πράττειν καὶ
ἐκ μαντείων καὶ ἐξ ἐνυπνίων καὶ παντὶ τρόπῳ, ᾧπερ
τίς ποτε καὶ ἄλλη θεία μοῖρα ἀνθρώπῳ καὶ ὁτιοῦν προῦ-
ἔταξε πράττειν. ταῦτα, ὦ ᾿Αθηναῖοι, καὶ ἀληθῆ ἐστὶ
καὶ εὐέλεγκτα. εἰ γὰρ δὴ ἔγωγε τῶν νέων τοὺς μὲν
διαφθείρω, τοὺς δὲ διέφθαρκα, χρῆν δήπου, εἴτε τινὲς
αὐτῶν πρεσβύτεροι γενόμενοι ἔγνωσαν ὅτι νέοις οὖσιν
αὐτοῖς ἐγὼ κακὸν πώποτέ τι ξυνεβούλευσα, νυνὶ αὐτοὺς
ἀναβαίνοντας ἐμοῦ κατηγορεῖν καὶ τιμωρεῖσθαι" εἰ δὲ
μὴ αὐτοὶ ἤθελον, τῶν οἰκείων τινὰς τῶν ἐκείνων, πα-
τέρας καὶ ἀδελφοὺς καὶ ἄλλους τοὺς προσήκοντας, εἴπερ
ὑπ᾿ ἐμοῦ τι κακὸν ἐπεπόνθεσαν αὐτῶν οἱ οἰκεῖοι, νῦν
μεμνῆσθαι καὶ τιμωρεῖσθαι. πάντως δὲ πάρεισιν αὐτῶν
πολλοὶ ἐνταυθοῖ, ods ἐγὼ ὁρῶ, πρῶτον μὲν Κρίζων οὗ»

D

tool, ἐμὸς ἡλικιώτης καὶ δημότης, Κριτοβούλον τοῦδε B

πατήρ' ἔπειτα Λυσανίας ὁ Σφήττιος, Αἰσχίνου τοῦδε
πατήρ' ἔτι ᾿Αντιφῶν ὁ Κηφισιεὺς οὑτοσί, ᾿Εἰπιγένους
πατήρ' ἄλλοι τοίνυν οὗτοι, ὧν of ἀδελφοὶ ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ
διατριβῇ γεγόνασι, Νικόστρατος, ὁ Θεο(οτίδου, ἀδελ-
φὸς Θεοδύτου ---- καὶ ὁ μὲν Θεόδοτος τετελεύτηκεν, ὥστε
οὐκ ἂν ἐκεῖνός γε αὐτοῦ καταδεηθείη ----, καὶ Πάραλος
ὅδε, ὁ Δημοδόκου, οὗ ἦν Θεάγης ἀδελφός ὅδε δὲ ᾿Αδεί-
μαντος, ὁ ᾿Αρίστωνος, οὗ ἀδελφὸς οὑτοσὶ Πλάτων, καὶ
Αἰαντόδωρος, οὗ ᾿Απολλόδωρος ὅδε ἀδελφός, καὶ ἄλλους
πολλοὺς ἐγὼ ἔχω ὑμῖν εἰπεῖν, ὧν τινὰ ἐχρῆν μάλιστα
μὲν ἐν τῷ ἑαυτοῦ λόγῳ παρασχέσθαι Μέλητον μάρτυρα'
εἰ δὲ τότε ἐπελάθετο, νῦν παρασχέσθω, ἐγὼ παραχωρῶ,
καὶ λεγέτω, εἴ τι ἔχει τοιοῦτον. ἀλλὰ τούτου πᾶν τοὐ-
γαντίον εὑρήσετε, ὦ ἄνδρες, πάντας ἐμοὶ βοηθεῖν ἑτοί-
μους τῷ διαφθείροντι, τῷ κακὰ ἐργαζομίψῳ τοὺς οἰκεί.
ους αὐτῶν, ὥς φασι Μέλητος καὶ “Avuros. αὐτοὶ μὲν

84

Β

APOLOGY, 34B-E, By

γὰρ οἱ διεφθαρμένοι τάχ᾽ ἂν λόγον ἔχοιεν βοηθοῦντες"
οἱ δὲ ἀδιάφθαρτοι, πρεσβύτεροι ἤδη ἄνδρες, οἱ τούτων
προσήκοντες, τίνα ἄλλον ἔχουσι λόγον βοηθοῦντες ἐμοὶ
ἀλλ᾽ ἢ τὸν ὀρθόν τε καὶ δίκαιον, ὅτι ξυνίσασι Μελήτῳ
μὲν ψευδομένῳ, ἐμοὶ δὲ ἀληθεύοντι :

5. The Peroration, 84 Β- 85 Ὁ,

Some of you might perhaps be imelined to judge me harshly,
because I have not brought forward my children, and ap-
pealed to the court for mercy, Such appeals seem to me to be
unworthy of a man, and still more unworthy of the State.

Eley δή, ὦ ἄνδρες ἃ μὲν ἐγὼ ἔχοιμ ἂν ἀπολο- Reasons-for
C γεῖσθαι, σχεδόν ἐστι ταῦτα καὶ ἄλλα ἴσως τοιαῦτα. τάχα ing aa
δ᾽ ἄν τις ὑμῶν ἀγανακτήσειεν ἀναμνησθεὶς ἑαυτοῦ, εἰ Myo!
ὁ μὲν καὶ ἐλάττω τουτουὶ τοῦ ἀγῶνος ἀγῶνα ἀγωνιζύ- ( (1) τὶ Such a
μένος ἐδεήθη τε Kal ἱκέτευσε τοὺς δικαστὰς μετὰ πολλῶν 1 not
δακρύων, παιδία te αὑτοῦ ἀναβιβασάμενος, ἵνα ὅ τι digmfed,
μάλιστα ἐλειηθείη, καὶ ἄλλους τῶν οἰκείων καὶ φίλων
πολλούς, ἐγὼ δὲ οὐδὲν ἄρα τούτων ποιήσω, καὶ ταῦτα
κινδυνεύων, ὡς ἂν δόξαιμι, τὸν ἔσχατον κίνδυνον, τάχ᾽
οὖν τις ταῦτα ἐννοήσας αὐθαδέστερον ἂν πρός με σχοίη,
καὶ ὀργισθεὶς αὐτοῖς τούτοις θεῖτο ἂν μετ᾽ ὀργῆς τὴν
Ὁ ψῆφον. εἰ δή τις ὑμῶν οὕτως ἔχει, --- οὐκ ἀξιῶ μὲν γὰρ
ἔγωγε" εἰ δ᾽ οὖν, ἐπιεικῆ ἄν pot δοκῶ πρὸς τοῦτον λέγειν
λέγων ὅτι ἐμοί, ὦ ἄριστε, εἰσὶ μέν πού τινες καὶ οἰκεῖοι" καὶ
γὰρ τοῦτο αὐτὸ τὸ τοῦ “Ομήρου, οὐδ᾽ ἐγὼ ἀπὸ δρυὸς οὐδ᾽ ἀπὸ
πέτρης πέφυκα, ἀλλ᾽ ἐξ ἀνθρώπων, ὥστε καὶ οἰκεῖοί μοί εἶσι
καὶ υἱεῖς, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, τρεῖς, εἷς μὲν μειράκιον ἤδη,
δύο δὲ παιδία' ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως οὐδέν᾽ αὐτῶν δεῦρο ἀναβιβασά-
μενος δεήσομαι ὑμῶν ἀποψηφίσασθαι. τί δὴ οὖν οὐδὲν
Ἑ τούτων ποιήσω; οὐκ αὐθαδιζώμενος, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι,
οὐδ᾽ ὑμᾶς ἀτιμάζων, ἀλλ᾽ εἰ μὲν θαρραλέως ἐγὼ ἔχω πρὸς

58 APOLOGY, 34,.E-35C.

θάνατον ἢ μή, ἄλλος λύγος, πρὸς δ᾽ οὖν δόξαν καὶ ἐμοὶ καὶ

ὑμῖν καὶ ὕλῃ τῇ) πόλει οὗ μοι δοκεῖ καλὸν εἶναι ἐμὲ τούτων
οὐδὲν ποιεῖν καὶ τηλικόνδε ὄντα καὶ τοῦτο τοὔνομα ἔχοντα,
εἴτ᾽ οὖν ἀληθὲς εἴτ᾽ οὖν ψεῦδος" ἀλλ᾽ οὖν δεδογμένον
γέ ἐστι τὸ Σωκράτη διαφέρειν τινὶ τῶν πολλῶν ἀνθρώπων.
εἶ οὗν" ὑμῶν οἱ doxobrres διαφέρειν εἴτε σοφίᾳ εἴτε ἀνδρείᾳ 88
εἴτε ἄλλῃ ἡτιυιοῦν ἀρετῇ τοιοῦτοι ἔσονται, αἰσχρὸν ἂν
εἴη" οἴουσπερ ἐγὼ πολλάκις ἑώρακά Tiras, ὅταν κρίνωνται,
Soxodrtas μέν τι εἶναι, θαυμάσια δὲ ἐργαζομένους, ὡς
δεινόν τι οἰομένους πείσεσθαι εἰ ἀποθανοῦνται, ὥσπερ
ἀθανάτω! ἐσομένων, ar ὑμεῖς αὐτοὺς μὴ ἀποκτείνητε" οἱ
ἐμοὶ δοκοῦσι» αἰσχύνην τῇ πόλει περιάπτειν, ὥστ᾽ ἂν τινα
καὶ τῶν ξένων ὑπολαβεῖν ὅτι οἱ διαφέροντες ᾿Αθηναίων Β
εἰς ἀρετήν, obs αὐτοὶ ἑαυτῶν ἔν τε ταῖς ἀρχαῖς καὶ ταῖς
ἄλλαις τιμαῖς προκρίνουσιν, οὗτοι γυναικῶν οὐδὲν διαφέ-
ρουσι. ταῦτα γάρ, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, οὔτε ἡμᾶς χρὴ
ποιεῖν τοὺς δοκοῦντας καὶ ὁτιοῦν εἶναι, οὔτ᾽, ἂν ἡμεῖς
ποιῶμεν, ὑμᾶς ἐπιτρέπει", ἀλλὰ τοῦτο αὐτὸ ἐνδείκνυσθαι,
ὅτι πολὺ μᾶλλον καταψηψιεῖσθε τοῦ τὰ ἐλεεινὰ ταῦτα
δράματα εἰσάγοντος καὶ καταγέλαστον τὴν πόλιν ποιοῦν.
τος ἢ τοῦ ἡσυχίαν ἄγοντος.

Besides it is not right for you to listen to appeals, It is your

business to be just, If Tiried ta make you vote agaist your
consciences, I should deserve the name of atheist.

(2) Itisnot Χωρὶς δὲ τῆς δύξης, ὦ ἄνδρες, οὐδὲ δίκαιόν pot δοκεῖ
nght * A A a BN ; +) ,
εἰναι δεῖσθαι τοῦ δικαστοῦ οὐδὲ δεόμενον ἀποφεύγειν, C
᾿ ,
ἀλλὰ διδάσκειν καὶ πείθειν. οὐ γὰρ ἐπὶ τούτῳ κάθηται
ὃ δικαστής, ἐπὶ τῷ καταχαρίζεσθαι τὰ δίκαια, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ
τῷ κρίνειν ταῦτα' καὶ ὀμώμοκεν οὐ χαριεῖσθαι οἷς ἂν
δοκῇ αὐτῷ, ἀλλὰ δικάσειν κατὰ τοὺς νόμους, οὔκουν
χρὴ οὔτε ἡμᾶς ἐθίζειν ὑμᾶς ἐπιορκεῖν, οὔθ᾽ ὑμᾶς ἐθί-

᾿

APOLOGY, 35 C-36B, 59

σθαι" οὐδέτεροι γὰρ ἂν ἡμῶν εὐσεβοῖεν. μὴ οὖν
ἀξιοῦτε με, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, τοιαῦτα δεῖν πρὸς ὑμᾶς
lf fa)
πράττειν, ἃ μήτε ἡγοῦμαι καλὰ εἶναι μήτε δίκαια μήτε
Ὁ ὅσια, ἄλλως τε μέντοι νὴ Δία πάντως καὶ ἀσεβείας φεύ-
γοντα ὑπὸ Μελήτου τουτουί, σαφῶς γὰρ ἄν, εἰ πείθοιμι
ζφ » Δ ra) *
ὑμᾶς καὶ τῷ δεῖσθαι βιαζοίμην ὀμωμοκότας, θεοὺς ἂν
ε a a Cad
διδάσκοιμι μὴ ἡγεῖσθαι ὑμᾶς εἶναι, καὶ ἀτεχνῶς ἀπο-
λογούμενος κατηγοροίην ἂν ἐμαυτοῦ ὡς θεοὺς οὐ νομίζω.
ἀλλὰ πολλοῦ δεῖ οὕτως ἔχειν' νομίζω τε γάρ, ὦ ἄνδρες
3 n ε 36 Ν A 5 καὶ é \ £4
Αθηναῖοι, ws οὐδεὶς τῶν ἐμῶν κατηγόρων, καὶ ὑμῖν
.] / 4 “a ἰδὲ n V3 ne / 3 4
ἐπιτρέπω καὶ TO θεῳ κρῖναι περὶ ἐμοῦ ὅπῃ μέλλει ἐμοί τε
ἄριστα εἶναι καὶ ὑμῖν.

(The votes are given, and Socrates is condemned.)

I], THE COUNTER-ASSESSMENT,

The majority against me is small, It is well for Meletus that he
had the support of Anytus and Lycon, else be would have had
to pay the fine.
B Τὸ μὲν μὴ ἀγανακτεῖν, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, ἐπὶ τούτῳ Smallness
a of the
88 τῷ γεγονότι, ὅτι pov κατεψηφίσασθε, ἄλλα τέ μοι majonty
Ν / ᾽ rf , , ν against
πολλὰ ξυμβάλλεται, καὶ οὐκ ἀνέλπιστόν μοι γέγονε τὸ Sate.
γεγονὸς τοῦτο, ἀλλὰ πολὺ μᾶλλον θαυμάζω ἑκατέρων
τῶν ψήφων τὸν γεγονότα ἀριθμόν. οὐ γὰρ ᾧμὴν ἔγωγε
ε
οὕτω map ὀλίγον ἔσεσθαι, ἀλλὰ παρὰ πολύ' νῦν δέ, ὡς
ἔοικεν, εἰ τριάκοντα μόναι μετέπεσον τῶν ψήφων, ἀποπε-
φεύγη ἄν. Μέλητον μὲν οὖν, ὡς ἐμοὶ δοκῶ, καὶ νῦν
ἀποπέφευγα, καὶ οὐ μόνον ἀποπέφευγα, ἀλλὰ παντὶ δῆλον
τοῦτό γε, ὅτι, εἰ μὴ ἀνέβησαν “Avuros καὶ Λύκων κατη-
B γορήσοντες ἐμοῦ͵ κἂν ὦφλε χιλίας δραχμάς, οὐ μεταλαβὼν
τὸ πέμπτον μέρος τῶν ψήφων,

60 APOLOGY, 36 B-37 A,

The penalty is fixed at death, What alternative do I propose? If
justice were really to be done to me, I should be supported at
the public expense.

His pro- Τιμᾶται δ᾽ οὖν μοι ὁ ἀνὴρ θανάτου. εἶεν" ἐγὼ δὲ

posai that ; a. Age

he should δὴ Tivos ὑμῖν ἀντιτιμήσωμαι, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι ; ἢ δῆλον

Foe ὅτι τῆς ἀξίας; τί οὖν; τί ἄξιός εἶμι παθεῖν ἢ ἀπο-

οἵ a τῖσαι, 6 τι μαθὼν ἐν τῷ βίῳ οὐχ ἡσυχίαν ἦγον, ἀλλ᾽

Prytaneum. ἀμελήσας ὥνπερ οἱ πολλοί, χρηματισμοῦ τε καὶ οἰκονο-
μίας καὶ στρατηγιῶν καὶ δημηγοριῶν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἀρ-
χῶν καὶ ξυνωμοσιῶν καὶ στάσεων τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει γιγνο-
μένων, ἡγησάμενος ἐμαυτὸν τῷ ὄντι ἐπιεικέστερον εἶναι
ἢ ὥστε εἰς ταῦτ᾽ ἰόντα σώζεσθαι, ἐνταῦθα μὲν οὐκ ἦα, Ὁ
of ἐλθὼν μήτε ὑμῖν μήτε ἐμαυτῷ ἔμελλον μηδὲν ὄφελος
εἶναι, ἐπὶ δὲ τὸ ἰδίᾳ ἕκαστον ἰὼν εὐεργετεῖν τὴν μεγίστην
εὐεργεσίαν, ὡς ἐγώ φημι, [ἐνταῦθα ἦα,] ἐπιχειρῶν ἕκαστον
ὑμῶν πείθειν μὴ πρότερον μήτε τῶν ἑαυτοῦ μηδενὸς
ἐπιμελεῖσθαι, πρὶν ἑαυτοῦ ἐπιμεληθείη, ὅπως ὡς βέλτιστος
καὶ φρονιμώτατος ἔσοιτο, μήτε τῶν τῆς πόλεως, πρὶν
αὐτῆς τῆς πόλεως, τῶν τε ἄλλων οὕτω κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν
τρόπον ἐπιμελεῖσθαι" τί οὖν εἰμὶ ἄξιος παθεῖν τοιοῦτος ὧν ;
ἀγαθόν τι, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, εἰ δεῖ γε κατὰ τὴν ἀξίαν D
τῇ ἀληθείᾳ τιμᾶσθαι" καὶ ταῦτά γε ἀγαθὸν τοιοῦτον, ὅ τι
ἂν πρέποι ἐμοί, τί οὖν πρέπει ἀνδρὶ πένητι εὐεργέτῃ,
δεομένῳ ἄγει» σχολὴν ἐπὶ τῇ ὑμετέρᾳ παρακελεύσει; οὐκ
ἔσθ᾽ ὃ τι μᾶλλον, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, πρέπει οὕτως, ὡς
τὸν τοιοῦτον ἄνδρα ἐν πρυτανείῳ σιτεῖσθαι, πολύ ye
μᾶλλον ἢ εἴ τις ὑμῶν ἵππῳ ἢ ξυνωρίδι ἢ (εύγει νενίκηκεν
Ὀλυμπίασιν, 6 μὲν γὰρ ὑμᾶς ποιεῖ εὐδαίμονας δοκεῖν
[evar], ἐγὼ δὲ εἶναι’ καὶ ὁ μὲν τροφῆς οὐδὲν δεῖται, ἐγὼ B
δὲ δέομαι, εἰ οὖν δεῖ με κατὰ τὸ δίκαιον τῆς ἀξίας 81
τιμᾶσθαι, τούτου τιμῶμαι, ἐν πρυτανείῳ σιτήσεως,

APOLOGY, 37 AS-D, 61

Do not think me msolent. But I cannot admit that Iam deserving
of evil. Now unuprisoument and exile are certatnly evils,
whereas death may be a good. Iwill not therefore prefer
ether of the former. To go into extle would be merely to invite

elsewhere the same treatment that I have met with here.
¥ a a
ἴσως οἷν ὑμῖν καὶ ταυτὶ λέγων παραπλησίως δοκῶ He wil not
, ,. . mit him-
λέγειν ὥσπερ περὶ τοῦ οἴκτου καὶ τῆς ἀντιβολήσεως, self to be
» deservin
ἀπαυθαδιζόμενος τὸ δὲ οὐκ ἔστιν, ὦ ᾿Αθηναῖοι, τοι- either of
A 4,44 , rn " 9. £4 4 ἩΠΡΓΙΒΟΠ-
οὕτον, ἀλλὰ τοιόνδε μᾶλλον. πέπεισμαι ἐγὼ EKOY εἶϑαι τέ or
A ? "“ fel Ἶ
μηδένα ἀδικεῖν ἀνθρώπων, ἀλλὰ ὑμᾶς τοῦτο οὐ πείθω" exile,
ὀλίγον γὰρ χρόνον ἀλλήλοις διειλέγμεθα’ ἐπεί, ὡς ἐγῴ-
η ¢ A , [μὰ Ὁ Ψ 4 ,
μαι, εἰ ἣν ὑμῖν νόμος, ὥσπερ καὶ ἄλλοις ἀνθρώποις,
Β περὶ θανάτου μὴ μίαν ἡμέραν μόνον κρίνειν, ἀλλὰ
f 2 yo. on et ee Se 4 f 3.) ἢ
πολλάς, ἐπείσθητε ἄν' νῦν δ᾽ οὐ ῥάδιον ἐν χρόνῳ ὀλίγῳ
μεγάλας διαβολὰς ἀπολύεσθαι. πεπεισμένος δὴ ἐγὼ
μηδένα ἀδικεῖν πολλοῦ δέω ἐμαυτόν γε ἀδικήσειν καὶ κατ᾽
ἐμαυτοῦ ἐρεῖν αὐτός, ὡς ἄξιός εἰμί tou κακοῦ καὶ τι-
᾿ / . 3 a 4 2. Ce
μήσεσθαι τοιούτου τινὸς ἐμαυτῷ, τί δείσας ; ἦ μὴ πάθω
τοῦτο, οὗ Μέλητός μοι τιμᾶται, ὅ φημι οὐκ εἰδέναι
οὔτ᾽ εἰ ἀγαθὸν οὔτ᾽ εἰ κακόν ἐστιν; ἀντὶ τούτου δὴ
C4 φ ay > @ Δ ¥ ἢ }
ἕλωμαι ὧν εὖ of ὅτι κακῶν ὄντων, τούτου τιμησά-
μενος ; πότερον δεσμοῦ; καὶ τί με δεῖ ζῆν ἐν Seopa
Ὁ τηρίῳ, δουλεύοντα τῇ ἀεὶ καθισταμένῃ ἀρχῇ!, τοῖς ἔν-
ἡρίῳ, ἢ OED ἀρχῇ!
δεκα] ; ἀλλὰ ἄτων, καὶ δεδέσθαι ἕως ἂν ἐκτίσω:
) βηματων,
a 9
ἀλλὰ ταὐτόν μοὶ ἐστιν, ὅπερ νῦν δὴ ἔλεγον' ov γὰρ
ἔστι μοι χρήματα, ὁπόθεν ἐκτίσω, ἀλλὰ δὴ φυγῆς τι-
a f Ἂς
μήσωμοαι; ἴσως γὰρ ἄν μοι τούτον τιμῆσαιτε. πολλὴ
,
μέντ᾽ ἄν με φιλοψυχία ἔχοι, εἰ οὕτως ἀλόγιστός εἶμι,
a »
ὥστε μὴ δύνασθαι λογίζεσθαι, ὅτι ὑμεῖς μὲν ὄντες πο-
a a Ν
- λῖταί μου οὐχ οἷοί τε ἐγένεσθε ἐνεγκεῖν τὰς ἐμὰς διατρι-
Ὁ βὰς καὶ τοὺς λόγους, ἀλλ᾽ ὑμῖν βαρύτεραι γεγόνασι καὶ

62 APOLOGY, 37 D-38B.

ἐπιφθουώτεραι, ὥστε (ητεῖτε αἰτῶν vert ἀπαλλαγῆναι,
ἄλλοι δὲ ἄρα αὐτὰς οἴσουσι ῥᾳδίως, πολλοῦ γε δεῖ, ὦ
᾿Αθηναῖοι, καλὸς οὖν ἄν μοι 6 βίος εἴη ἐξελθόντι τηλι-
κῷδε ἀνθρώπῳ ἄλλην ἐξ ἄλλης πόλιν πόλεως ἀμειβο-
peo καὶ ἐξελαυνομένῳ ὥν. εὖ γὰρ οἶδ᾽ ὅτι, ὅποι ἂν
ἔλθω, λέγοντος ἐμοῦ ἀκροάσονται οἱ νέοι ὥσπερ ἐνθάδε'
Kav μὲν τούτους ἀπελαύνω, οὗτοι ἐμὲ αὐτοὶ ἐξελῶσι,
πείθοντες τοὺς πρεσβυτέρους' ἐὰν δὲ μὴ ἀπελαύνω, οἱ Ἐ
τούτων πατέρες TE καὶ οἰκεῖοι δι’ αὐτοὺς τούτους.

* Well, can you not go away and be silent? No: that would be
to disobey the divine command, little as you may believe me
acben I say st. A money fine I have no objection to, for that
is no evil. Perhaps I could manage to pay you a mina of
silver. My friends bere tell me to say thirty minae, and
offer themselves as ῥαι,

"lows οὖν ἄν τις εἴποι σιγῶν ὃὲ καὶ ἡσυχίαν ἄγων,
ὦ Σώκρατες, οὐχ οἷός τ᾽ ἔσει ἡμῖν ἐξελθὼν (ὴν ς τουτὶ
δή ἐστι πάντων χαλεπώτατον πεῖσαί τινας ὑμῶν, ἐάν
τέ γὰρ λέγω ὅτι τῷ θεῷ ἀπειθεῖν τοῦτ᾽ ἐστὶ καὶ διὰ

ἔχῃ

τοῦτ᾽ ἀδύνατον ἡσυχίαν ἄγειν, οὐ πείσεσθέ μοι ὡς εἰρω-
γψευομένῳ᾽ ἐάν τ᾽ αὖ λέγω ὅτι καὶ τυγχάνει μέγιστον 88
ἀγαθὸν ὃν ἀνθρώπῳ τοῦτο, ἑκάστης ἡμέρας περὶ dpe
τῆς τοὺς λόγους ποιεῖσθαι καὶ τῶν ἄλλων, περὶ ὧν
ὑμεῖς ἐμοῦ ἀκούετε διαλεγομένου καὶ ἐμαυτὸν καὶ ἄλ-
λους ἐξετάζοντος, 6 δὲ ἀνεξέταστος βίος οὗ βιωτὸς dv
θρώπῳ, ταῦτα δ᾽ ἔτι ἧττον πείσεσθέ μοι λέγοντι, τὰ
δὲ ἔχει μὲν οὕτως, ὡς ἐγώ φημι, ὦ ἄνδρες, πείθειν δὲ
οὐ ῥάδιον. καὶ ἐγὼ ἅμ᾽ οὐκ εἴθισμαι ἐμαυτὸν ἀξιοῦν
καλοῦ οὐδενός, εἰ μὲν γὰρ ἣν μοι χρήματα, ἐτιμησάμην
butis ἂν χρημάτων ὅσα ἔμελλον ἐκτίσειν' οὐδὲν γὰρ ἂν ἐβλά- Β

willing to A
pay a ine, βην" νῦν δέ —~ od γὰρ ἔστω, εἰ μὴ dpa ὅσον ἂν ἐγὼ

APOLOGY, 38 B~E. 63

δυναίμην ἐκτῖσαι, τοσούτον βούλεσθέ μοι τιμῆσαι. ἴσως
9. καὶ A “A -
ὃ ἂν δυναίμην ἐκτῖσαι ὑμῖν μνᾶν ἀργυρίου" τοσούτου

οὖν τιμῶμαι. Πλάτων δὲ ὅδε, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, καὶ τὰ which his

Κρίτων καὶ Κριτόβουλος καὶ ᾿Απολλόδωρος κελεύουσί με hale ae
τριάκοντα μνῶν τιμήσασθαι, αὐτοὶ δ᾽ ἐγγνᾶσθαι' τιμῶμαι
C οὖν τοσούτου, ἐγγνηταὶ δ᾽ ὑμῖν ἔσονται τοῦ ἀργυρίου οὗτοι
ἀξιόχρεῳ,
(The penalty is fixed at death.)

Ill. THE LAST WORDS, 38C-42A.

Little have you gained, Athenians, and great will be your loss. I
could not have lived long, but now you will bave the credit
of having killed me. No defence but that which I adopted
qvould have been worthy of myself. I have nothing to regret.
It 13 my accusers who are the real sufferers.

Od πολλοῦ γ᾽ ἕνεκα χρόνου, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, (2) Address
ὄνομα ἕξετε καὶ αἰτίαν ὑπὸ τῶν βουλομένων τὴν πόλιν judges who
λοιδορεῖν, ὡς Σωκράτη dmexrdvare, ἄνδρα σοφόν' had voted |
φήσουσι γὰρ δή με σοφὸν εἶναι, εἰ καὶ μὴ εἰμί, οἱ demnation
βουλόμενοι ὑμῖν ὀνειδίζειν. εἰ οὖν περιεμείνατε ὀλίγον
χρόνον, ἀπὸ τοῦ αὐτομάτον ἂν ὑμῖν τοῦτο ἐγένετο"
ὁρᾶτε γὰρ δὴ τὴν ἡλικίαν, ὅτι πόρρω ἤδη ἐστὶ τοῦ βίου,
θανάτου δὲ ἐγγύς, λέγω δὲ τοῦτο οὐ πρὸς πάντας ὑμᾶς,

Ὁ ἀλλὰ πρὸς τοὺς ἐμοῦ καταψηφισαμένους θάνατον. λέγω
δὲ καὶ τόδε πρὸς τοὺς αὐτοὺς τούτους. ἴσως με οἴεσθε,
ὦ ἄνδρες, ἀπορίᾳ λόγων ἑαλωκέναι τοιούτων, οἷς ἂν
ὑμᾶς ἔπεισα, εἰ ᾧμην δεῖν ἅπαντα ποιεῖν καὶ λέγειν,
ὥστε ἀποφυγεῖν τὴν δίκην. πολλοῦ γε δεῖ, ἀλλ᾽ ἀπορίᾳ
μὲν ἑάλωκα, od μέντοι λόγων, ἀλλὰ τόλμης καὶ ἄναι-
σχυντίας καὶ τοῦ ἐθέλειν λέγειν πρὸς ὑμᾶς τοιαῦτα, of
ἂν ὑμῖν ἥδιστ᾽ ἦν ἀκούειν, θρηνοῦντός τέ wou καὶ ὀδυ-

Ὦ ρομένου καὶ ἄλλα ποιοῦντος καὶ λέγοντος πολλὰ καὶ

64 APOLOGY, 38 πο Ὁ,

ἀνάξια ἐμοῦ, ὡς ἐγώ φημι οἷα δὴ καὶ εἴθισθε ὑμεῖς
τῶν ἄλλων ἀκούειν. ἀλλ᾽ οὔτε τότε ὠήθην δεῖν ἕνεκα
τοῦ κινδύνου πρᾶζαι οὐδὲν ἀνελεύθερον, οὔτε νῦν μοι
μεταμέλει οὕτως ἀπολογησαμένῳ, ἀλλὰ πολὺ μᾶλλον al-
ροῦμαι ὧδε ἀπολογησάμενος τεθνάναι ἢ ἐκείνως ζῆν'
οὔτε γὰρ ἐν δίκῃ οὔτ᾽ ἐν πολέμῳ οὔτ᾽ ἐμὲ οὔτ᾽ ἄλλον ov-
δένα δεῖ τοῦτο μηχανᾶσθαι, ὅπως ἀποφεύξεται πᾶν ποιῶν 39
θάνατον. καὶ γὰρ ἐν ταῖς μάχαις πολλάκις δῆλον γίγνε-
ται ὅτι τό γε ἀποθανεῖν ἄν τις ἐκφύγοι καὶ ὅπλα ἀφεὶς
καὶ ἐφ᾽ ἱκετείαν τραπόμενος τῶν διωκόντων᾽ καὶ ἄλλαι
μηχαναὶ πολλαί εἶσιν ἐν ἑκάστοις τοῖς κινδύνοις, ὥστε
διαφεύγειν θάνατον, ἐάν τις τολμᾷ πᾶν ποιεῖν καὶ λέγειν.
ἀλλὰ μὴ οὗ τοῦτ᾽ ἦ χαλεπόν, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, θάνατον
ἐκφυγεῖν, ἀλλὰ πολὺ χαλεπώτερον πονηρίαν" θᾶττον γὰρ
θανάτου θεῖ. καὶ νῦν ἐγὼ μὲν ἅτε βραδὺς ὧν καὶ πρεσ- Β
Burns ὑπὸ τοῦ βραδυτέρου ἑάλων, of δ᾽ ἐμοὶ κατήγοροι
ἅτε δεινοὶ καὶ ὀξεῖς ὄντες ὑπὸ τοῦ θάττονος, τῆς κα-
κίας. καὶ νῦν ἐγὼ μὲν ἄπειμι ὑφ᾽ ὑμῶν θανάτου δίκην
ὄφλων, οὗτοι δ᾽ ὑπὸ τῆς ἀληθείας ὠφληκότες μοχθηρίαν
καὶ ἀδικίαν. καὶ ἐγῴ τε τῷ τιμήματι ἐμμένω καὶ οὗτοι.
ταῦτα μέν που ἴσως οὕτω καὶ ἔδει σχεῖν, καὶ οἶμαι αὐτὰ
μετρίως ἔχειν.
Listen! For Iam at the point when men are wont to prophesy.
You will suffer for my condemnation. Otbers, whom I have

held in check, will come forward ta test your lives, and you
will not be able to get rid of them.
Aprophecy. Τὸ δὲ δὴ μετὰ τοῦτο ἐπιθυμῶ ὑμῖν χρησμῳδῆσαι,
ὦ καταψηφισάμενοί μου καὶ γάρ εἰμι ἤδη ἐνταῦθα, C
ἐν ᾧ μάλιστ᾽ ἄνθρωποι χρησμῳδοῦσιν, ὅταν μέλλωσιν
4 a \ ἢ @ ¥ & 9% 2 ,
ἀποθανεῖσθαι. ᾧημὶ yap, ὦ ἄνδρες, οἱ ἐμὲ amexto-
vare, τιμωρίαν ὑμῖν ἥξειν εὐθὺς μετὰ τὸν ἐμὸν θάνα-

APOLOGY, 39 C-40A. 65

Tov πολὺ χαλεπωτέραν νὴ AU ἢ olay ἐμὲ ἀπεκτόνατε'
νῦν γὰρ τοῦτο elpydcacte οἰόμενοι ἀπαλλάξεσθαι τοῦ
διδόναι ἔλεγχον τοῦ βίου, τὸ δὲ ὑμῖν πολὺ ἐναντίον
ἀποβήσεται, ὡς ἐγώ φημι. πλείους ἔσονται ὑμᾶς ot
a, ἢ a a 9 8 ral ¢ oA ‘ 3 2 θ ἀ
Ὁ ἐλέγχοντες, obs νῦν ἐγὼ κατεῖχον, ὑμεῖς δὲ οὐκ ἠσθάνε-
oe καὶ χαλεπώτεροι ἔσονται ὅσῳ νεώτεροί εἶσι, καὶ
ὑμεῖς μᾶλλον ἀγανακτήσετε. εἰ γὰρ οἴεσθε ἀποκτείνοντες
9 , 3 [4 “59 ΄Ν ξ κα rg ?
ἀνθρώπους ἐπισχήσειν τοῦ ὀνειδίζειν τινὰ ὑμῖν ὅτι οὐκ
ὀρθῶς ζῆτε, οὐκ ὀρθῶς διανοεῖσθε" οὐ γάρ ἐσθ᾽ αὕτη
ἡ ἀπαλλαγὴ οὔτε πάνυ δυνατὴ οὔτε καλή, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκείνη καὶ
καλλίστη καὶ pdorn, μὴ τοὺς ἄλλους κολούειν, ἀλλ᾽ ἑαν-
τὸν παρασκευάζειν ὅπως ἔσται ὡς βέλτιστος, ταῦτα μὲν
οὖν ὑμῖν τοῖς καταψηφισαμένοις μαντευσάμενος ἀπαλ-
E λάττομαι,

To you who have acquitted me I would fain say a few words, ere
Igo hence. infer that death is no evil. for the divine sign
never came to hinder me throughout the whole course of the

trial,
Τοῖς δὲ ἀποψηφισαμένοις ἡδέως ἂν διαλεχϑείην ὑπὲρ (Δ) Addres

Ἂ ld 3 to the
τοῦ γεγονότος τουτουὶ πράγματος, ἐν ᾧ οἱ ἄρχοντες judges whe

ἀσχολίαν ἄγουσι καὶ οὕπω ἔρχομαι of ἐλθόντα pe δεῖ had’ voted

τεθνάναι. ἀλλά pol, ὦ ἄνδρες, παραμείνατε τοσοῦτον acquittal,

χρόνον' οὐδὲν γὰρ κωλύει διαμυθολογῆσαι πρὸς ἀλλή- ons
40 λους, ἕως ἔξεστιν. ὑμῖν γὰρ ὡς φίλοις οὖσιν ἐπιδεῖξαι

ἐθέλω τὸ νυνί μοι ξυμβεβηκὸς τί ποτε νοεῖ. ἐμοὶ γάρ,

ὦ ἄνδρες δικασταί --- ὑμᾶς γὰρ δικαστὰς καλῶν ὀρθῶς ἂν

καλοίην —~ θαυμάσιόν τι γέγονεν. ἡ γὰρ εἰωθυῖά μοι

μαντικὴ ἡ τοῦ δαιμονίον ἐν μὲν τῷ πρόσθεν χρόνῳ παντὶ

πάνυ πυκνὴ ἀεὶ ἦν καὶ πάνυ ἐπὶ σμικροῖς ἐναντιουμένη,

εἴ τι μέλλοιμι μὴ ὀρθῶς πράξειν' νυνὶ δὲ ξυμβέβηκέ μοι,

ἅπερ ὁρᾶτε καὶ αὐτοί, ravrl, ἃ ye δὴ οἰηθείη ἄν τις καὶ

Η ,

66 APOLOGY, 40A~D.

th ΠῚ A 5 4 Ν ¥ μ ? [εἰ
νομίζεται ἔσχατα κακῶν εἶναι, ἐμοὶ δὲ οὔτε ἐξιόντι ἕωθεν
¥ εἰ , ‘ ral A a y c 5 ἢ
οἴκοθεν ἠναντιώθη τὸ τοῦ θευῦ σημεῖον, οὔτε ἡνίκα ave- B
Bawoy ἐνταυθοῖ [ἐπὶ τὸ δικαστήριον], οὔτ᾽ ἐν τῷ λόγῳ
οὐδαμοῦ μέλλοντί τι ἐρεῖν' καίτοι ἐν ἄλλοις λόγοις TOA-
ma oh 4 fa!
λαχοῦ δή pe ἐπέσχε λέγοντα μεταξύ' νυνὶ δὲ οὐδαμοῦ
περὶ ταύτην τὴν πρᾶξιν οὔτ᾽ ἐν ἔργῳ οὐδενὶ οὔτ᾽ ἐν λόγῳ
3 4 , ΟΝ ¥ * t ! . ‘
ἠναντίωταί pot. τί οὖν αἴτιον εἶναι ὑπολαμβάνω ; ἐγὼ
ὑμῖν ἐρῶ" κινδυνεύει γάρ μοι τὸ ξυμβεβηκὸς τοῦτο ἀγα-
θὸν γεγονέναι, καὶ οὐκ ἔσθ᾽ ὅπως ἡμεῖς ὀρθῶς ὑπολαμ-
Savoper, ὅσοι οἰόμεθα κακὸν εἶναι τὸ τεθνάναι. μέγα αὶ
μοι τεκμήριον τούτου γέγονεν' οὐ γὰρ ἔσθ᾽ ὅπως οὐκ
ω ’ ¥ \ oo gs - > Ff af aN
ἡναντιώθη ἂν μοι τὸ εἰωθὸς σημεῖον, εἰ μὴ τι ἐμέλλον eyo
ἀγαθὸν πράξειν,

Nay, there ts much reason to hope that death 1s actually a good.
For death zs either a dreantless sleep, which 1s better than the
average experiences of life, or else it is a migration to a place
where we shall be able to meet and converse with the famous
dead—and what can be betier than this ὃ

Ἐννοήσωμεν δὲ καὶ τῇδε, ὡς πολλὴ ἐλπίς ἐστιν
ἀγαθὸν αὐτὸ εἶναι. δυοῖν γὰρ θάτερόν ἐστι τὸ τεθνά-
4
να ἢ γὰρ οἷον μηδὲν εἶναι μηδ᾽ αἴσθησιν μηδε-
μίαν μηδενὸς ἔχειν τὸν τεθνεῶτα, ἢ κατὰ τὰ λεγόμενα
, , a [ον
μεταβολὴ tis τυγχάνει οὖσα καὶ μετοίκησις τῇ ψυχῇ
a , na 4 ? 3 x ἢ 4 ¥
τοῦ τοτοῦ τοῦ evdevde els ἄλλον τόπον, καὶ εἴτε

μηδεμία αἴσθησίς ἐστιν, ἀλλ᾽ οἷον ὕπνος, ἐπειδάν τις Ὁ

, 45 ral f a
καθεύδων μηδ᾽ ὄναρ μηδὲν ὁρῇ, θαυμάσιον κέρδος ἂν
εἴη ὁ θάνατος. ἐγὼ γὰρ ἂν οἶμαι, εἴ τινα ἐκλεξά-

; ? 4 7 5 9 «w& t εἰ
μένον δέοι ταύτην τὴν νύκτα, ἐν ἢ οὕτω κατέδαρθεν, ὥστε
+ a
μηδ ὄναρ ἰδεῖν, καὶ τὰς ἄλλας νύκτας τε καὶ ἡμέρας
τὰς τοῦ βίου τοῦ ἑαυτοῦ ἀντιπαραθέντα ταύτῃ τῇ νυκτὶ
tf a
δέοι σκεψάμενον εἰπεῖν, πόσας ἄμεινον Kal ἥδιον ἡμέρας

APOLOGY, 40D-41C. 67

\ 2 Pains πῶς 4 , 4 m ¢ ΝΥ,
καὶ νύκτας ταύτης τῆς νυκτὸς βεβίωκεν ἐν τῷ ἑαυτοῦ βίῳ,
B οἶμαι ἂν μὴ ὅτι ἰδιώτην τινά, ἀλλὰ τὸν μέγαν βασιλέα
3 ; μὴ ¢ oA 3 , \ 4 Ψ
εὐαριθμήτους ἂν εὑρεῖν αὐτὸν ταύτας πρὸς τὰς ἄλλας
ἡμέρας καὶ νύκτας, εἰ οὖν τοιοῦτον 6 θάνατός ἐστι, κέρδος
Ν / \ ‘\ Ia fd e Ἂ i ᾿
ἔγωγε λέγω" καὶ γὰρ οὐδὲν πλείων ὁ πᾶς χρόνος φαίνεται
οὕτω δὴ εἶναι ἢ μία νύξ. εἰ δ᾽ αὖ οἷον ἀποδημῆσαί ἐστιν
ὁ θάνατος ἐνθένδε εἰς ἄλλον τόπον, καὶ ἀληθῆ ἐστὶ τὰ
λεγόμενα, ὡς ἄρα ἐκεῖ εἰσὶν ἅπαντες οἱ τεθνεῶτες, τί
μεῖζον ἀγαθὸν τούτου εἴη ἄν, ὦ ἄνδρες δικασταί; εἰ γάρ
Al τις ἀφικόμενος εἰς Ardov, ἀπαλλαγεὶς τούτων τῶν φασκό»ν-
a μὺ ¢ / Ἁ >) a“ ! οἱ
των δικαστῶν εἶναι, εὑρήσει τοὺς ἀληθῶς δικαστὰς, οἵπερ
καὶ λέγονται ἐκεῖ δικάζειν, Μίνως τε καὶ Ραδάμανθυς καὶ
Αἰακὸς καὶ Τριπτόλεμος καὶ ἄλλοι ὅσοι τῶν ἡμιθέων
δίκαιοι ἐγένοντο ἐν τῷ ἑαυτῶν βίῳ, ἄρα φαύλη ἂν
εἴη ἡ ἀποδημία; ἢ αὖ Ὀρφεῖ ξυγγενέσθαι καὶ Μουσαίῳ
καὶ Ἡσιόδῳ καὶ Ὁμήρῳ ἐπὶ πόσῳ ἂν τις δέξαιτ᾽
ἂν ὑμῶν; ἐγὼ μὲν γὰρ πολλάκις ἐθέλω τεθνάναι, εἰ
ταῦτ᾽ ἐστὶν ἀληθῆ" ἐπεὶ ἔμοιγε καὶ αὐτῷ θαυμαστὴ ἂν
4
Beln ἢ διατριβὴ αὐτόθι, ὑπότε ἐντύχοιμι Παλαμήδει καὶ
Αἴαντι τῷ Τελαμῶνος καὶ εἴ τις ἄλλος τῶν παλαιῶν
διὰ κρίσιν ἄδικον τέθνηκεν, ἀντιπαραβάλλοντι τὰ
5 fa) ! 4 ν᾿. 5 ͵ € ἌΝ 4 3 μὴ
ἐμαυτοῦ πάθη πρὸς τὰ ἐκείνων, ὡς ἐγὼ οἶμαι, οὐκ ἂν
ἀηδὲς εἴη. καὶ δὴ τὸ μέγιστον, τοὺς ἐκεῖ ἐξετάζοντα
\ 3 “Ὁ tf ‘ 5 nm f , bas)
καὶ ἐρευνῶντα ὥσπερ τοὺς ἐνταῦθα διάγειν», Tis αὐτῶν
?
σοφός ἐστι καὶ ris οἴεται μέν, ἔστι δ᾽ οὔ, ἐπὶ πόσῳ ὃ
ἄν τις, ὦ ἄνδρες δικασταί, δέξαιτο ἐξετάσαι τὸν ἐπὶ
ΕἾ
Τροίαν ἀγαγόντα τὴν πολλὴν στρατιὰν ἢ Ὀδυσσέα ἢ
C Σίσυφον, ἣ ἄλλους μυρίους ἄν τις εἴποι καὶ ἄνδρας καὶ
γυναῖκας ; οἷς ἐκεῖ διαλέγεσθαι καὶ ξυνεῖναι καὶ ἐξετά-
1 7 4 ¥ ἠδ ; ἀ Hy δή
(ew ἀμήχανον ἂν εἴη εὐδαιμονίας, πάντως ov δήπου
τούτου γε ἕνεκα οἱ ἐκεῖ ἀποκτείνουσι' τά τε γὰρ ἄλλα

The judges
in the othe
world.

The poets.

Palamedes

and Ajax.

Ulysses anc
Sisyphus.

68 APOLOGY, 41 C-42A.

35 μ ͵ 4 τ» ἃ n 5) β ! ὃ \ if -
εὐδαιμονέστεροι εἰσὶν οἱ EKEL τῶν ELUAOE, καὶ 7/04 ΤΟΥ
λοιγὸν χρόνον ἀθάνατοί εἶσιν, εἴπερ ye τὰ λεγόμενα
$y Ana
ἀληθῆ ἐστίν.

One thing τς certain. No evil can happen to a good man m this
world or the next. What has befallen me bas not taken place
auithout the drume sanction; and I bear no ill-will agamst
my accusers. Only I beg of them to deal with my sons as
Sathfull; as 1 have dealt with them. And now we part
on our several ways —which 15 the better, God only knows.

᾿Αλλὰ καὶ ὑμᾶς χρή, ὦ ἄνδρες δικασταί, εὐέλπιδας
μ Pry ’

εἶναι πρὸς τὸν θάνατοι, καὶ ἕν τι τοῦτο διανοεῖσθαι

ἀληθές, ὅτι οὐκ ἔστιν ἀνδρὶ ἀγαθῷ κακὸν οὐδὲν οὔτε Ὁ

ἣν ¥ ͵ 2 ἢ γι εν" a .
(avr οὔτε τελευτήσαντι, οὐδὲ ἀμελεῖται ὑπὸ θεῶν τὰ
τούτου πράγματα οὐδὲ τὰ ἐμὰ νῦν ἀπὸ τοῦ αὖτο-

ἤ f Ἵ ἔ Ὁ é 5 ΦᾺ [τ ¥
parov γέγονεν, ἀλλὰ μοι δῆλόν ἐστι τοῦτο, ὅτι ἤδη
τεθνάναι καὶ ἀπηλλάχθαι πραγμάτων βέλτιον ἦν μοι.
διὰ τοῦτο καὶ ἐμὲ οὐδαμοῦ ἀπέτρεψε τὸ σημεῖον, καὶ
ἔγωγε τοῖς καταψηφισαμένοις μου καὶ τοῖς κατηγόροις οὐ

! αλ , f 4 4 a ὃ ‘4 ,
πάνυ χαλεπαίγω. καίτοι οὐ ταύτῃ TH διανοίᾳ κατεψηφί-

ul Ν , be 5 3? ? fal

(ovré you καὶ κατηγόρουν, GAN οἰόμενοι βλάπτειν" τοῦτο

Last charge αὐτοῖς ἄξιον μέμφεσθαι, τοσόνδε μέντοι αὐτῶν δέομαι" Ἐ

to the con- ‘ aon . ἐδ, , Ἄ

demning TOUS υἱεῖς pov, ἐπειδὰν ἡβήσωσι, τιμωρήσασθε, ὦ ἄνδρες,

jurors, aos A a Ν fon 7 ἌΝ
ταὐτὰ ταῦτα λυποῦντες, ἅπερ ἐγὼ ὑμᾶς ἐλύπουν, ἐὰν

tow “A Ά ! an Y 4 ν
ὑμῖν δοκῶσιν ἢ χρημάτων 7 ἄλλου τοῦ πρότερον ἐπιμε-
λεῖσθαι ἣ ἀρετῆς, καὶ ἐὰν δοκῶσί τι εἶναι μηδὲν ὄντες,
ὀνειδίζετε αὐτοῖς, ὥσπερ ἐγὼ ὑμῖν, ὅτι οὐκ ἐπιμελοῦνταί
Ov dei, καὶ olovrai τι εἶναι ὄντες οὐδενὸς ἄξιοι, καὶ ἐὰν ταῦτα 42
ποιῆτε, δίκαια πεπονθὼς ἐγὼ ἔσομαι ὑφ᾽ ὑμῶν αὐτός τε καὶ
αἱ υἱεῖς, ἀλλὰ γὰρ ἤδη wpa ἀπιέναι, ἐμοὶ μὲν ἀποθανου-
μένῳ, ὑμῖν δὲ βιωσομέγοι Τεροι δὲ ἡμῶν ἔρχονται ἐπὶ
ἄμεωον πρᾶγμα, ἄδηλοιμπαντὶ T

Clarendon Press Series

THE

APOLOGY OF PLATO

WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES

BY

ST GEORGE STOCK, M.A.

PEMBROKE COLLEGE

THIRD EDITION, REVISED

PART IL—NOTES

ford
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS

1899

HENRY FROWDE, M A.

PUBLISHER TO THE UNIVERSITi OF OXFORD

LONDON, EDINBURGH, AND NEW YORK

NOTES.

πεπόνθατε ὑπό] ‘ Have been affected by.’ πάσχειν is in effect 217 A
passive verb, and is regularly constructed as such. See for instance
33D, 42 A The same is the case with ὀφλισκάνω (see 39 B, ὑφ᾽
ὑμῶν θανάτου δίκην ὕφλων) and with φεύγω (see 35 D, ἀσεβεΐας
φεύγοντα ὑπὸ Μελήτου τουτουΐν,

ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν] ‘By reason of them,’ ‘under their influence.’ For
this use of ὑπό cp Gorg. 525 A, καὶ πάντα σκολιὰ ὑπὸ ψεύδους ; also
Ton 535 E

ὀλίγον] ‘Almost’ Cp, 22 B; Prot 361 C, ὀλίγου πάντα
μᾶλλον φανῆναι αὐτὸ ἢ ἐπιστήμην.

ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν] ‘To put it roughly’ One of the many modes
which Attic politeness prompted of apologizing for a strong assertion.
Cp 22 B, D

αὐτῶν] ‘In them’ Cp below, B, τοῦτό μοι ἔδοξεν αὐτῶν
ἀναισγυντότατον ever The construction θαυμάζειν τί τινος is
common τὴ Plato, e.¢ Theaet. 161 B, ὃ θαυμάζω τοῦ ἑταίρου cov.

τοῦτο ἐν ᾧ ἔλεγον] ‘ The passage in which they said,’

δεινοῦ ὄντος λέγειν] Cp what Xenophon sais (Mem I. 2. § 14)
nbout Socrates twisting everyone 1ound his finger in discussion
Socrates, like Berkeley, had the reputation of being mvincible in
argument

χρῇ] In indirect quotations after ὅτι and ws, the tense of the
direct discourse 1s always retained in the indirect. The mood also
is always retained after primary, and may be ietamed after historical
tenses; otherwise itis changed into the optalive, so that we might
here have χρείη. See Goodwin, Moods and Tenses, § 6y. It follows
that the reading χρῆν, which is supported by good MSS, 15 not the
indirect equivalent of χρή, but would imply a belief on the part οὗ
the speakers that the judges were not likely to exercise due caution,

ἔργῳ] ‘In the most practical way’ There is a suppressed B
antithesis of Adyw,

εἰ μιν] Here we have an stance of the use of μέν without any
contrasted clause following, Cp. 26 E; Meno 82 B, 89 C, We
have it also in the often-recurring phrase πάνυ μὲν οὖν, for which see
especially Xen Cony. IV. §§ 36-63.

Aa 3

APOLOGY, NOTES 17 B-D,

οὐ κατὰ τούτους εἶναι ῥήτωρ! ‘That I ama far greater orator
than they.’ This 1s an instance of the figure mezoses or dztotes,
which consists in saying less than 15 meant. It abounds in Plato,
being chatacteristic of the εἰρωνεία of Socrates For the special use
of κατά in the sense of ‘on a level with, cp Gorg. 512 B, μή σοι
δοκεῖ (ὁ μηχανοποιὸξὶ κατὰ τὸν δικανικὸν εἶναι ;

ἢ τι ἢ οὐδὲν ἀληθές] ‘Little or nothing that 1s true.”

μὰ At’] The accusative after adverbs of swearing 1s a use which
it would not be easy to classify. Notice that νή 1s used in affirma-
tive, but μά in negative oaths, except where vai precedes it

ῥήμασι τε καὶ ὀνόμασιν] ‘Expressions and words’ The dis-
tinction between these two terms is a somewhat fluctuating one In
the Cratylus (399 A, B) we are told that Act φίλος is a ῥῆμα, but that
the omission of one of the iotas and the suppression of the acute
accent in the middle converts it into an ὄνομα, Δίφιλος. In the
strict grammatical sense ὄνομα and ῥῆμα are the two parts of which
ἃ λόγος or proposition consists, ὄνομα being noun and ῥῇμα verb
Plato gives as instances of ὀνόματα---λέων, ἔλαφος, ἵππος, and as
instances of ῥήματα---βαδίζει, τρέχει, καθεύδει The λόγος in
its simplest form consists of the combination of one ὄνομα and one
ῥῆμα, as ἄνθρωπος μανθάνει Soph 262 A-C.

C τῇδε τῇ ἡλικίᾳ] + To a man of my years’ The three demon-
strative pronouns, ὅδε, οὗτος and ἐκεῖνος, with thei: der:vatives corres-
pond roughly to the three personal pronouns, pe, σε, & Thus
below, 18 C, it 15 ταύτῃ τῇ ἡλικίᾳ, where the persons addressed
are meant

maplepar] ‘Crave indulgence.’ παρίεσθαι has the meaning of
‘to beg to be let off.’ Cp. Rep 341 C, οὐδέν σου παρίεμαι, ‘I ask no
quarter’

ἐπὶ τῶν τραπεζῶν] ‘At the counters.’ τράπεζα was specially
used of the table of a money-dealer, and hence came to mean a
bank and τραπεζίτης a banker, as in the speech of Demosthenes
against Phormio. Cp. Matt. χα. 12; Mark x1 15; John 15-- τὰς
τραπέζας τῶν κολλυβιστῶν. The money-changer sitting at his table
in the market-place 1s still a familiar sight m the smaller towns of
the east of Europe. To discourse ‘ at the counters in the market-
place’ was not peculiar to Socrates. Hipp Min. 368 B.

Ὁ μήτε θαυμάζειν rh] This ts epexegetical, i e. explanatory, of

the τοῦτο after δέομαι καὶ παρίεμαι.

νῦν ἐγὼ πρῶτον] This, as the Scholiast remarks, has the force of
an objection to the indictment, since Socrates’ mode of life had
escaped censure for so many years

ἀναβέβηκα) ‘Presented myself before a court.’ The ἀνά refers

4

APOLOGY, NOTES. 17 D-18 δ.

to mounting the βῆμα, or raised platform from which the speeches
wee delivered. Cp 31 C, 33 D, 36 A, ὁ Β, Stmilarly with
ἀναβιβάζομαι, 34C,D Asarule accusers are said εἰσάγειν, defen-
dants εἰσιέναι, Speakers are said ἀναβαίνειν (to step up, xara-
βαίνειν ito step down)

ἔτη γεγονὼς ἑβδομῆκοντα] In the Crito, 52 E, Socrates 1s made
to talk of himself as being 70 years old According to the statement
of Apollodorus, confirmed by Demetrius Phalereus (Diog. Laert. II
§ 44) Socrates was born in the 4th year of the 77th Olympiad, and
dicd in the first year of the g5th Olympiad. The date of the
fist Olympiad bemg Bc 776, this corresponds to BC. 468-399,
which would make Socrates 6g at the time of his death. Another
reading 1s πλείω ἑβδομήκοντα, which cannot be accepted, unless we
place the birth of Socrates a few years earlier than 15 done by
Apollodorus,

δίκαιον “ ΑΒ a piece of justice’ Riddell. IS A

αὕτη ἀρετῇ] ἀρετή isshown to be predicate by the omission of the
article. The subject airy is attracted into its gender

Stxatd; εἰμι ἀπολογήσασθαι] ‘It 15 nght that I should make my
defence” By a common Greek idiom that 1s expressed personally
which, in Latin or English, would be eapressed impersonally. In-
stances abound, eg Crito 45 A ad in., Gorg. qr Ὁ, 521 A;
Menex 237 D, δικαία ἐπαιν εἶσθαι, 246 C, δίκαιός εἰμι εἰπεῖν. Demos-
thenes against Aristocrates, p. 641, § 64, Dindorf) furnishes us with
a strong example, ἃ, .. ἡδίους ἔσεσθε ἀκούσαντες, We may com-
pare the preference of the Greek for personal forms of expression in
such phrases as τυγχάνω ay, φαίνομαι dv, etc

ἐμοῦ] The genitive 15 governed by the verbal notion contained in B
κατήγοροι.

καὶ πάλαι κτλ The καί merely emphasizes the πάλαι, of which
πολλὰ ἤδη ἔτη is epexegetical The words πολλὰ ἤδη ἔτη seem to come
under the government of λέγοντες as an accusative of duration of time.

It was 24 years since the first representation of the Clouds of
Aristophanes (B.C. 423)

τοὺς ἀμφὶ “Avutov] ‘ Anytus and his coadjutors’ This form of
expression includes as the pmmcipal the person whose name is men-
tioned. It isas old as Homer. See for mstance 1], IV 252. Cp.
Meno 99 B, of ἀμφὶ Θεμιστοκλέα, ‘Themustocles and the like.’
Anytus was by far the most important of the three accusers of
Socrates. Hence the ‘Anytique reum' of Horace Sat IL, iv. 3).
See note on 23 EH, “Avuros

μᾶλλον οὐδὲν ἀληθέθ] ‘Were more busy in trymg to persuade
you and in accusmg me” The μᾶλλον implies that the greater

5

APOLOGY, NOTES, 18 BHD,

urgency of the former set of acuuszrs Was a teason for their being
more formidable. In Hermann’s cdition these words are placed in
brackets.

τά τε μετέωρα] The accusative is governed by the verbal sub-
stantive ¢poyriorgs, So in Latin, Plaut. Aul 420, ‘sed quid tabi nos
tactiost?’ Caesar, Bell. Gall I 5, ‘domum reditionis.’

For the subject-matter see notes on 19 B, C.

CG οἱ γὰρ ἀκούοντες κιτ Δ.}] Here we have in an early stage the antag-
onism between science and theology—between the science which
looks only at physical causes and the theology which delights to
trace the action of Deity im aberration from general law.

οὐδὲ θεοὺς νομίζειν] ‘Do not even believe in gods’ So below
24 B, 38 Dj Prot. 322 A, ὁ ἄνθρωπος... ζῴων μόνον θεοὺς
ἐνόμισε, with which ep. Menex 237 D This use of νομίζειν 15 very
common. ἡγεῖσθαι is employed τῇ a similar way. See below 27 Ὁ,
E, 35 Ὁ; andep. Eur Hec. 800,

νύμῳ γὰρ τοὺς θεοὺς ἡγούμεθα,

ἔνιου δ᾽ ὑμῶν καὶ μειράκια] This clanse is thrown in parenthett-
cally to corect the preceding one, παῖδες ὄντες, ‘When you were
childien—though some of you may have been striplings ’

ἐρήμην] Supply δίκην, which 1s cognate to κατηγοροῦντες ἐρήμη
Gin 1s a technical term for a suit which goes by default owing to the
non appearance of one of the parties.

ὃ δὲ πάντων ἀλογώτατον] Riddell fills up the construction thus
—0 δὲ πάντων ἐστὶν dhoywrarov, ἐστὶ τοῦτο eT A

D πλὴν εἴ ms] Like Latin west οἱ guis, Et τις 1s ‘anyone who,’ εἴ

τι, ‘anything which,’ etc
κωμῳδιοποιός]Ὶ Notably Atstophanes mm the Clouds Eupolis
also had 1diculed him as a beggarly gossip :—
Mio δ᾽ ἐγὼ καὶ Σωκράτην, τὸν πτωχὸν ἀδολέσχην
ὃς τἄλλα μὲν πεφρόντικεν,
ὁπόθεν δὲ καταφαγεῖν ἔχοι, τούτου κατημέληκεν.
(Meineke vol. IT. p. 853. Berlin, 1839). The Connus of Ametpsias
too, which was represented along with the Clouds, may have con-
tained ridicule of Socrates; for the chorus was of Phrontistae (Athen.
218 ΟἹ, and Connus, the son of Metiobius 15 represented as having
taught Socrates music in his old age (Euthyd. 272 C, Menex 235 E).
See Memeke vol. 1, Ὁ. 203. We may add that Ameipsias certainly
held up Socrates to ridicule in his play of the Τρίβων or Old Cloak
\Diog Laert. 11. § 48) :—
Σώκρατες, ἀνδρῶν βέλτιστ᾽ ὀλίγων, πολλῶν δὲ ματαιόταθ', ἥκεις
καὶ σὺ πρὸς ἡμᾶς, καρτερικός τ᾽ εἶ, Tider ἄν σοι χλαῖνα γένοιτο;
τουτὶ τὸ κακὸν τῶν σκυτοτόμων Kar’ ἐπήρειαν γεγένηται.

6

APOLOGY, NOTES. 18 D-19 8.

οἱ δὲ καὶ αὐτοὶ κιτιλ,)] A parenthetical clause corrective of the
preceding, like the one noticed above, 18 C, ἔνιοι δ᾽ ὑμῶν κ,τιλ,
Translate, ‘though some of them may have been convinced them-
selves when they tned to convince others” —'

ἀλλ᾽ ἀνάγκη κι A] "Βαϊ one has absolutely to hght with shadows,
as it were, in conducting his defence and cross-questioning.”

καὶ γὰρ ὑμεῖ5] ‘For you also. The καί has here its full force, ἘΠ
so that the eapression is equivalent to καὶ γὰρ καί, Cp. Meno 97
E, καὶ γὰρ αἱ δόξαι « τιλ.

πολὺ μᾶλλον] Supply ἠκούσατε κατηγορούντων,

διαβολήν ‘Calumny believed, i.e. prejudice’ Riddell. Cp. 2819 A
A, and 37 B.

ἐξελέσθαι. χρόνῳ ‘To disabuse your minds in so short a
time of this prejudice which you have had so long to acquire’ The
aorist ἔσχετε belongs to the class which is known as ‘aorist of first
attainment,” like ἐβασίλεισε, ‘he became king,’ #pge, ‘he began to
reign’ We have the perfect ἔσχηκα in the same sense below, 20 D.

εἴ τι ἄμεινον] Supply εἴη.

καὶ οὐ πάνυ «7.4 ] ‘And am far from being deceived as to the
nature of it.’ Od πάνυ often practically has the meaning of ‘not at
all,’ emaixzo nox, but this 1s arnved at by an ironical ἐχζοίέβ, as its
literal meaning 1s always “ox omnino, ‘not quite,” ‘not much,’
‘hardly,’ etc. See the subject exhaustively discussed in Appendix,
note C, to Cope's translation of the Gorgias; see also Riddell, Digest
§ 139, and Thompson, Gorgias, note on 457 KE. The passages cited
by the last-mentioned writer in favour of taking od πάνυ as an un-
qualified negation seem to lend themselves readily to the other mter-
pretation, e.g. the passage quoted from Amstotle, Eth Nic. X. (5).
§ 4, χαίροντες ὁτῳοῦν σφόδρα ob πάνν δρῶμεν ἕτερον, ‘we are remiss
in doing anything else.’ The strongest of them 15 Laws γος Ὁ,
where οὐ πάνυ is used in answer to a question, to convey an emphatic
denial; bat even this is sufficiently accounted for by the inveterate
εἰρωνεία of the Attic diction.

τῷ θεῷ) We may render this simply ‘ God.’ There has been no
reference to Apollo or any special deity

MéAnros] The son of Meletus and a member of the deme Pitthis B
‘Diog Laert. IT § 40). He is ieferred to in the Euthyphro, 2 B,
as a young and obscure man; and is described as having long straight
hair, not much beard, and a hooked nose. The Scholiast informs
us that he was a bad tragic poet, and a Thracian by extraction, We
learn from 23 E that he posed as the representative of the poets in
the attack on Socrates. Six years before this date, at the time when
the Frogs was produced (B.C. 405), ἃ poet named Meletus possessed

7

APOLOGY, NOTES. 19 8.

notonety enough to attract the attacks of Aristophanes, In that
play Acschylus 1s made to charge Eunpides with imitating the σκόλια
of Meletus Frogs 1302, Dindorf) Meletus also, we are told, was
mentioned by Aristophanes in the Γεωργοί, which is known to have
been represented considerably earlier Unless Plato has greatly ex-
aggerated the youth and obscurity of Meletus, we may suppose the
poet referred to by Anstophanes to have been the father of Socrates’
accuser This would account sufficiently for his taking up the
quarrel of the poets One of the four men who arrested Leon of
Salamis \see below 32 C', was named Meletus (Andoeides, de
Mysterus, § 94° Diogenes Laertius (11, § 43', declares that when
the Athenians repented of their treatment of Socrates, they condemned
Meletus to death. Diodorus | XIV, 37 ad fin.) goes so far as to say that
the accusers were executed ma body But there is no valid evidence
to show that this change of sentument ever really occurred in the
minds of the generation which condemned Socrates Had any un-
toward fate befallen Anytus, it could not fail to have been mentioned
in Xenophon’s Apologia (8 31), which was written after his death.
The name is variously spelt Μέλητος and Μέλιτος, This 15 part of
that confusion known among scholars by the term ‘itacism’ What-
ever may have been the case in ancient times, the vowels 7, ¢, v and
diphthongs εἰ, οἱ have now all precisely the same sound in Greek,
namely that of the English long ὁ. See Thompson’s Gorgias, p 80.
διέβαλλον of διαβάλλοντεθ] The fulness of expression gives an
air of deliberation, Riddell, Digest, § 262,3 Cp Cnto 48 A,
ὥστε πρῶτον μὲν ταύτῃ οὐκ ὀρθῶς εἰσηγεῖ, εἰσηγούμενος κιτιλ.
ἀντωμοσίαν] ‘Affidavit’ Cp. 24 Β, τὴν τούτων ἀντωμοσίαν
There was much uncertainty among the Ancients themselves as to
the proper meaning of this term. According to the Scholiast on this
passage ἀντωμοσία was used of the counter-oaths taken by the prose-
cuto: and defendant at the beginning of a suit, the one swearing that
a wrong had been committed, the other that it had not He men-
tions another view, that ἀντωμοσία properly referred to the defendant’s
oath only, while διωμοσία was the name for the oath taken by the
prosecutor The followmg is the result which Meier and Schomann
have armyed at from a thorough examination of the whole question
\ Der Attische Process, pp. 624, 625, edit. of 1824): ¢ The prosecutor's
oath, according to the grammanans, 1s properly called προωμοσία,
that of the defendant ἀντωμοσία, both together διωμοσία Still the
word ἀντωμοσία is often used for both (i. 6. singly as well as together,
as the examples selected show), and διωμοσία denotes not merely
both together, but often one of the two” It 1s plain that in the pre
sent passage ἀνχωμοσία is neither moe nor less than ‘indictment,’

8

APOLOGY, NOTES, τὸ 8,C.

the proper term for which is ἔγκλημα, which we have in 24 C ad im.
The word is explained by Plato himself mn the Theactetus, 172 D, E:
κατεπείγει γὰρ ὕδωρ ῥέον, καὶ οὐκ ἐγχωρεῖ περὶ οὗ ἂν ἐπιθυμήσωσι τοὺς
λόγους ποιεῖσθαι, GAA’ ἀνάγκην ἔχων ὁ ἀντίδικος ἐφέστηκε καὶ ὑπογραφὴν
παραναγιγνωσκομένην, ὧν ἐκτὸς οὐ ῥητέον' ἣν ἀντωμοσίαν καλοῦσιν.
Here we see that ἀντωμοσία was understood by Plato to mean the
written statement on oath of the points in dispute between two
litigants.

ἀναγνῶναι This word, like rece¢are τὰ Latin, often means to read
out. Hence ἀναγνώστης, a trained reader Cic. ad Att. I 12 ad fin;
Corn. Nep, Att 13)

Σωκράτης ἀδικεῖ kK 7.A.] This is a parody on the real indictment,
which began with the same words. See 24 Bad fin This mock
indictment shows us plamly the way m which Socrates’ character
was misconceived by his countrymen. He was regarded with suspt-
cion as a physical philosopher with atheistical procliyities and as
an unscrupulous sophist who subordinated truth to cleverness

περιεργάξεται] ‘Follows cunous inquines. So Purves, who
compares the use of the adjective τὰ Acts xix. 19, ἱκανοὶ δὲ τῶν τὰ
περίεργα πραξάντων. ‘The transition of thought from physical science
to magic is very easy to the uneducated We have a parody on the
‘curious inquiries’ which were supposed to occupy the mind of
Socrates in the philosopher's experiment to ascertain how many times
the length of its own foot a flea could jump (Arist. Clonds 144-152)

τῇ ‘Aptoropavous κωμῳδίᾳ] The Clouds For searching into C
things beneath the earth and things in heaven, see the broad burlesque
in 187-201, and for making the worse appear the better cause, see
especially 112-18, and the dialogue between the two λόγοι, 886--
1104.

περιφερόμενον] Socrates is represented on the stage in a swing

line 218}:
φέρε τίς yap οὗτος οὑπὶ τῆς κρεμάθρας ἀνήρ;
ἀεροβατεῖν] Socrates, when asked by Strepsiades what he 15
doing up in the basket, replies (line 225) .--
ἀεροβατῶ καὶ περιφρονῶ τὸν ἥλιον
‘My feet are on the air,
My thoughts are in the sun.’—E. A.

ὧν ἐγὼ οὐδέν] Xenophon represents Socrates as having an
aversion from physical speculations on the ground of their utter m-
practicability and remoteness from human interests (Mem. 1. 1. §§
11-15) On the hmuits of the profitable study of science as conceived
of by Socrates see Mem. IV, 7. §§ 2-8.

μή Tas ἐγώ κιτιλὶῖ ‘IT hope to goodness I may not be prosecuted

9

APOLOGY, NOTES, το CF.

bx Meletus ΠΡῸΣ so grave a charge’ It 1s not necessary to take
regauras of number,=Zo¢. The use of the plural for the singular in
the phrase δέκας φεύγειν is well borne out by a number of simiai
phiases which are collected by Liddell and Scott, sub voce IV. 3.
The words are a mere passing gibe. ‘I had better mind what I'm
saying, for there 1s no knowing for what Meletas may fall foul
of me’
ἀλλὰ γάρ] ‘But indeed.’ This idiom is of specially frequent
occurrence in the Apology, perhaps because the diction 15 designedly
colloquial. Cp. below D ad fin., 20 C ad in., 25 C ad m., also
Meno 92 C, 94 E The idiom 1s as old as Homer, and may always
be explained by the theory of an ellipse of some kind after the ἀλλά
See, for instance, Od, X. 201, 2—
κλαῖον δὲ λιγέως, θαλερὸν κατὰ δάκρυ χέοντες'
ἀλλ᾽ οὐ γάρ τις πρῆξις ἐγίγνετο μυρομένοισι,
where Merry supplies the ellipse thus: ‘but [all in vain] for no
good came by their weepmg.’ Shilleto, however, maintains, in his
note to Thucydides, Bk. I. ch. 25, that in this use of γάρ we have a
relic of an onginal meaning " truly,’ * verily,’ parallel to that of the
Latin xaw and exem. In that case we may compare ἀλλὰ γάρ with
the use of sed enzne in Virgil, Aen 1. 19—
*Progemem sed enim Troiano a sanguine duci
Audierat,’
D ἔστιν] ‘Is so,’ 1.6 as alleged. Cp. Acts xxv. 11, ef δὲ οὐδέν
ἐστιν ὧν οὗτοι κατηγοροῦσί μου
ἘΞ Χρήματα πράττομαι)] This implication pervades the Clouds, See
especially line g8—
οὗτοι διδάσκουσ᾽, ἀργύριον ἤν τις διδῷ,
That Socrates never taught for money is abundantly evident from
the express testimony of his disciples. Cp. below 31 B,C, and see
note on 33 A, οὐδὲ χρήματα μὲν λαμβάνων x7. Aristoxenus,
however, a disciple of Anstotle, who wrote a life of Socrates, 1s
quoted by Diogenes Laertius (IT ὃ 20) as recording that Socrates
from time to time collected voluntary contnibutions—ridéyra γοῦν,
τὸ βαλλόμενον κέρμα ἀθροίζειν εἶτ᾽ ἀναλώσαντα, πάλιν τιθέναι.
τιθέντα evidently refers to some kind of subscription-box The
invidious word, χρηματίσασθαι, which precedes 15 probably due to
Diogenes himself, who delights in a bit of scandal. This story has
been summarily rejected even by those who accept the general
testimony of Aristoxenus as trustworthy; but there is, after all,
nothing mmprobable in the statement that Socrates allowed his
friends to help him, nor anything inconsistent with the professions
which are put into his mouth by his disaples. The reasons on

το

APOLOGY, NOTES. τὸ £.

which Socrates rested his violent antipathy to teaching virtue tor
money are (1) that it was degrading, as the teacher made himself
for the time being the slave of the man from whom he was expecting
a fee, and (2) that it involved an absurdity, as, 1f mofal benefit
were really imparted, the person so improved would be anxious
to display his gratitude On this subject ep. Xen. Mem. I. 2.
§ y with Gorg. 520 E, where the following test 1s laid down of
such teaching being effectual, ὥστε καλὸν δοκεῖ τὸ σημεῖον εἶναι,
εἰ εὖ ποιῆσας ταύτην τὴν εὐεργεσίαν ἀντ᾽ εὖ πείσεται. Human
beings, even the most eaalted, must live somehow. Socrates had
no private property, and did not work for his living. We are there
fore driven to the conclusion that he was supported by voluntary
contributions. See Xen. Εἷς, IT. § 8

ἐπε) This use of ἐπεί points to an ellipse before τ. (Not that |
mean to disparage those who do undertake to educate people) since,
εἰς ἐπεί, when used thus, may be rendered ‘ though.’

Γοργίας} <A celebrated rhetorician, a native of Leontium m Sictly
He was an elder contemporary of Socrates, but 1s said to have out-
lived him (Quint. III 1. 8 9). We are told that he attained to an
enormous age. It 1s put by Cicero at 107. See De Senectute, ch. δ,
where we are mformed that his most celebrated pupil, Isocrates, died
at the age of 99

The dialogue of Plato which goes under the name of Gorgias
begins with a discussion on the meanmg and power of rhetoric, but
ends with an earnest vindication of the life of virtue against the
corrupt political tendencies of the times

IIpédtxos] A native of the island of Ceos, and one of the most
popular ‘teachers of virtue’ of his day. He is best known now as
the original author of the charming allegory called the ° Choice of
Hercules,’ which is preserved in Xenophon’s Memorabilia (II. 1
§§ 21-34). This piece was an ἐπείδειξεξ, ΟἹ show-speech ὅπερ δὴ
καὶ πλείστοις ἐπιδείκνυται, ibid, § 21. Cp. Plato Crat 384 Β, τὴν
πεντηκοντάδραχμον ἐπίδειξιν; Gorg. 447 Ὁ ; Hipp. Ma). 282 B, C).
The Choice of Hercules shines out like a gem amid its somewhat
dull surroundings ; one can feel the impress of a master-mind in the
picturesqueness of its imagery; but Nenophon modestly declares
that it fell from the lips of the author in far more magnificent
phraseology than that in which he has clothed it, Prodicus had
a peculiarly deep voice, which rendered Ins utterance indistinct
(δυσήκοον καὶ βαρὺ φθεγγόμενος, Philostratus, Lives of the Sophusts,
p. 210). Cp. Prot. 316 A ad in. ;

Ἱππίας] Another famous sophist and rhetorician, a native of
Ehs. He was employed on diplomatic missions to various states,

id

20 A

APOLOGY, NOTES. τὸ #-20 A.

and, in partiuular, to Sparta Hipp, Maj. 281 A,B). This miature
of the professor and politician was a characteristic common to the
thre sophists here mentioned (Ibid 282 B,C). Hippias’ specialty
In science was astronomy ,Hipp May 283 C ad in., Hipp. Mun.
307 E ad fin Cp Prot 313 C Ης was also in the habit of
lecturing on grammar and music (Hipp May. 285 Ὁ ad in ; Hipp.
Min 368 D. IIippias’ memory was extraordinarily retentive.
Plato makes him boast that he could remember fifty names on once
hearing them \Hipp Maj 283 E. Cp Philost , Lives of the Sophists,
p. 210 ad in. He would scem to have invented some artificial
system of mnemonics (Hipp Min 368D, Xen Conv IV. § 62).
Hippias was considerably younger than Gorgias (Hipp Maj 282 E).
He 15 treated with less respect by Plato than either Gorgias or
Prodicus, We are allowed to see that the main feature of lus
character was an overweening vanity, Yet he appears to have had
a good deal to be vain of, and to have been, in fact, a sort of
‘admirable Crichton’ of his day. We are told that he appeared on
one occasion at Olympia with every artule of his apparel and
equipment—his ring, seal, flesh-scraper, oil-fRask, shoes, cloak,
tunic—made by his own hands, To crown all, he wore a girdle
resembling the most costly Persian work which he had woven
himself. Besides this he carried with him his own works in prose
and poetry—~epic, tragic, and dithyrambic (Hipp. Min. 368 B-D).
Among the prose works of Hippias we have mention of one called
the Trojan Dislogue, evidently an ἐπίδειξις, ike that of Prodicus
The scheme appears to have been simple—Nestor after the taking of
Troy giving advice to Neoptolemus how to show himself a good
man Philost , Lives of the Sophists, p. 210)

ἰὼν εἰς ἑκάστην κτλ One of the chief causes which lent
invidiousness to the pretensions of the Sophists was this claim, that
they, coming as strangers to a city, were better qualified to educate
the young men than their own relations. See Prot 316 C, D;
Hipp. Maj. 283 E,

πείθουσι) The subject τούτων ἕκαστος 15 virtually plural, so that
there 1s nothing very startling in this change of number Plato is
everywhere colloquial, but nowhere more so than in the Apology,
where it 1s part of his dramatic purpose to contrast the simple speech
of Sucrates with the laboured oratory of the law-courts. If the
words in brackets, οἷος τ᾿ ἐστίν, were retained, we would have a
violent anacoluthon, or change of construction. There 15 nothing
corresponding to them in the Theages (127 E, 128 A), in which the
whole of this passage 1s reproduced.

ἐπεί Sce note above on 19 E

13

APOLOGY, NOTES 20 4,8.

ἐπιδημοῦντα] Notice that verbs of seeing, knowmg, &c, are
constructed with a participle.

Καλλίᾳ τῷ Ἱππονίκου] Surnamed ‘the wealthy” His house
was the largest and mchest in Athens See Prot. 337 D, in which
dialogue not only Protagorsas himself is represented as being enter-
tamed by Callas, but also Prodicus of Ceos, Hippias of Elis, and
many others of less note (314 B,C. Cp Xen Conv.I §5° He
had another house at the Peiraeus, which 1s the scene of Xenophon’s
Symposium. His mother marned Pencles as her second husband,
to whom she was already related by blood, and had by him two
sons, Paralus and Xanthippus (Prot 314 E, 315 A; Meno οα B;
Plut. Pericles 1651 His brother Hermogenes is one of the inter-
locutors in the Cratylus (384 A ad fin, 391 BY Callas seems
especially to have imbibed the teaching of Protagoras ‘Crat 391 C;
Theaet 165 Aadin.\. His passion for philosophy is referred to in
many passages of Plato,e g Prot 335 Ὁ, Ὦ παῖ Ἱππονίκου, det μὲν
ἔγωγέ σου τὴν φιλοσοφίαν ἄγαμαι but it does not seem to have
produced any beneficial effect upon his character, as he is said to
have been a spendthrift and a profligate Hus reputation, however,
has suffered at the hands of his enemy Andocides

ἀνηρόμην] In Attic prose ἠρόμην 1s commonly used as the aorist
of épwrdw See, for mstance, Prot 350 C, εἰ δὲ καὶ of θαρραλέοι
ἀνδρεῖοι, οὐκ ἠρωτήθην εἰ yap με τότε ἤρου eT.A

δύο υἱέε] See Andocides de Mysteriis, §§ 126, 7

ἀρετὴν] Notice that adjectives can be followed by a cognate B
accusative as well as verbs “ Cp below Ὁ, ταύτην εἶναι σοφός,
22 C,D; Meno 93 B

τῆς ἀνθρωπίνης te Kat πολιτικῆθ) ‘The virtue which makes a
man and a citizen’ This was exactly what the Sophis's claimed to
impart. See Prot. 318 E

ἐπιστήμων] To Plato’s mind there was an etymological con-
nection between ἐπιστήμων and ἐπιστάτης

κτῆσιν] ‘Owing to your having sons,’ κτάομαι in the present
means ‘ to acquire,’ κέκτημαι in the perfect ‘to possess” The verbal
substantive κτῆσις has sometimes the one meaning and sometimes
the other In Enthyd. 228 D, for instance, it distinctly means
‘acquisition,’ Ἢ δέ ye φιλοσοφία κτῆσις ἐπιστήμης So also Gorg
478 C For the other meaning ‘ possession,’ which it has here, cp.
Rep I 331 B; Arist. Eth. Nic. I (8 § 9, IV. (1) §§ 7, 23.

Τίς, ἣν δ᾽ ἐγώ κτλ The rapid succession of questions is meant
to indicate the eagerness of the speaker. They are answered with a
sncemetness which might satisfy the most impatient. Πάριος 15 in
reply to wodames.

13

APOLOGY, NOTES. 20 B-E.

Einvés} Evenus is reterred to as a poet in Phaedo 60 D; certain
technicalities of rhetoric are ascribed to him in Phaedrus 267 A
Ο ἐμμελῶς ‘Teaches so cheaply’ From meaning ‘ harmonious,’
or ‘ well-proportioned,’ ἐμμελής came to mean ‘small.’ Cp. Laws
"60 A, τρεῖς εἰς τὰ μέγιστα ἱερά, δύο δ᾽ els τὰ σμικρότερα, πρὸς δὲ τὰ
ἐμμελέστατα ἕνα ; Anst. Pol. VII. 6. § 8, κεκτημένοι τῷ μεγέθει πόλιν
δι ἐρων ἐμμελεστέραν. The change in the meaning οὗ ἐμμελής some-
what resembles that of the Latin g7acz/2s, which m prose commonly
means ‘thin.’ Cp also ἄξιος and the German dzéizg.
ἐκαλλυνόμην τε καὶ ἡβρυνόμην dv] ‘World have prided and
plumed myself’
ἀλλ᾽ οὐ γάρ] ‘But indeed I don’t know them.’ The ellipse
theory would here require us to fill up thus: ἀλλ᾽ (od καλλύνομαι τε
καὶ ἁβρύνομαιλ, ob γὰρ ἐπίσταμαι. See note on τὸ C, ἀλλὰ γάρ
τὸ σὸν τί ἐστι mpaypa,| ‘How standsthecase with you?’ Crito 53 1).
[εἰ ph τι ἔτιραττεθ k tA.) These words simply repeat the clause
above, σοῦ ye οὐδέν κιτὰ They may nevertheless be genuine, as an
emphatic tautology 1s common enough in Plato. Riddell registers
it, under the ttle of * Binary Structure,’ as one of the prominent
features of his style. Digest, ὃ 204
D εὖ μέντον ἴστε! For μέντοι balancing μέν, in place of the usual
δέ, cp. 38 Π μέντοι really goes with ἐρῶ, εὖ tore being adverbial.
ἔσχηκα] See note on 1g A, ἐξελέσθαι. . χρύνῳ
ποίαν δὴ σοφίαν ταύτην;] The words are drawn into the accusa-
tive through the influence of the διά preceding. ‘Translate ‘ Of what
kind then is this wisdom through which I have obtained it’? Cp
Gorg. 449 Ὁ, E, περὶ λόγους Ποίους τούτους; The same attraction
may take place where there ts no preposition pieceding, as im Gorg,
462 E, Tivos λέγεις ταύτης, Here the word preceding 1s in the
genitive.
ἥπερ] Supply τοιαύτη ἐστίν
ταύτην εἶναι σοφόΞ] Cp. the words which follow, μείζω τινά
#7 h., and see note on 20 Β, τὴν προσήκουσαν ἀρετὴν
ἘΞ φησί] ‘SaysIdo’ φημί 1541 assert, οὐ φημί, ‘1 deny’
μὴ θορυβήσητεῖ The aonst subjunctive forbids a particular act
in Greek, like the perfect subjunctive in Latin.
μέγα λέγειν] ‘To be saying something big.’ Cp. Amst. Eth.
Nic I. (4). § 3, συνειδότες δ᾽ ἑαυτοῖς ἄγνοιαν τοὺς μέγα τι καὶ ὑπὲρ
αὐτοὺς λέγοντας θαυμάζουσιν The μεγαληγορία of Socrates was
noticed by all who gave an account of his defence. See Xenophon,
Apol, Soc. ὃ 1. Cicero, De Oratore, ch. 54, says of him, ‘Ita in
indicio capitis pro se ipse dixit, ut non supplex aut rens, sed magister
aut dominus videretur esse indicum.’

14

APOLOGY, NOTES, 20 E, 21 ἡ,

ob γὰρ ἐμὸν ἐρῶ τὸν λόγον] The rule of Greek syntax that the
subject has the article and the predicate not, extends to the case of a
secondary and tertiary predicate. We have here two statements in
a compressed form :

(1) ἐρῷ λόγον
(2\ ὃ λύγος οὖκ ἐμὸς ἔσται,
The same principle applics to the next clause also.

ἀλλ' εἰς ἀξιόχρεων kT.) ‘But I shall refer it (τὸν λόγον) to ἃ
speaker whom you may trust’ It is difficult to say whether ὑμῖν
should be taken immediately with ἀξιόχρεων or with the sentence
generally as a dativus comneod: after ἀνοίσω.

Χαιρεφῶντα]ς Chaerephon, of the Sphettian deme, was one of the
most devoted adherents of Socrates. He associated with him for
the sake of mental and moral improvement, and is mentioned by
Xenophon as one who had brought no discredit on the teachings of
his master (Mem I 2. ὃ 48). Hus disposition was impulsive and
excitable (Charm 153 B). Chaerephon had a younger brother,
Chaerecrates Memorabilia IJ. 2 contains an exhortation to Chaere-
erates to conciliate Chaerephon, with whom he was at variance.
Chaerephon figures in the Charmides and in the Gorgias, where we
are told that he was a friend of that emiment teacher (Gore 447 B)
In personal appearance Chaerephon was sickly, lean and dark-
complexioned. This explams some of the uncomplimentary allusions
of the Comic poets, who were peculiarly bitter in their attacks upon
him, partly perhaps for political reasons, as he was evidently a warm
partisan. Aristophanes tn the Birds calls him an owl {line 1296.
in the Wasps he compares him to a sallow woman (line 1413); in
the lost play of the Seasons he nicknamed him ‘the son of night.’
To the same effect 1s the epithet πύξινος bestowed upon him by
Eupolis in the Cities. His poverty, or, τὸ may be, us asceticism, is
jeered at in the Clouds, 103, 4—

τοὺς ὠχριῶντας, τοὺς ἀννυποδήτους λέγεις"

ὧν ὁ κακοδαίμων Σωκράτης καὶ Χαιρεφῶν
Similarly Cratinus called him αὐχμηρὸν καὶ πένητα. Even the moral
character of Chaerephon did not escape scatheless. Aristophanes
called him a sycophant in one play and a thief in another, while
Eupolis accused him of toadying Callias. On the whole, then,
Chaerephon was pretty well known to the Athenians See the
Scholiast on this passage. For other allusions to him in the Clouds
see lines 144, 156, 504, 832, 1465. Chaerephon, we see, was already
dead when Socrates was bronght to trial, Philostratus (p 203) says
that his health was affected by study.

τὴν φυγὴν ταὐτην] ‘The recent exile,’ referring to the expulsion Ὁ] A

*
μη
Cm

APOLOGY NOTES, 21 Amt.

of the popular party from Athens in the time of the Thirty Tyrants,
whose usurpation lasted from June 404 B C, to February 403. The
restoration of the democracy was effected in the following year (Β Ὁ.
403-402), memorable in Athenian history under the title of the
archonship of Encleides.
ὡς σφοδρόθ] ἣν has to be supplied from the preceding clause.
‘ How energetic in whatever he set to work at!’ Cp. Charm. 153 B,
ἅτε καὶ μανικὸς ὦν.
ὅπερ λέγω] ‘As I say’ Cp.24A ad in, 27 Β ad in, 29 D
adin The request above, μὴ θορυβήσητε, 1s repeated now in ἃ more
general form.
ἀνεῖλεν]! The words of the oracle are recorded by the Sclio-
liast—
σοφὺς Σοφοκλῆς, σοφώτερος Ἐῤριπίδης"
ἀνδρῶν δ' ἁπάντων Σωκράτης σοφώτατος.
The second line only 1s quoted by Diogenes. Perhaps a δέ has
dropped ont before the Εὐριπίδης in the first
ὃ ἀδελφόθ} Doubtless the Chaerecrates already referred to See
note on 20 ΒΕ, Σαιρεφῶντα.

B οὐ γὰρ θέμι αὐτῷ! We see here that growing moral conception of
the divine nature, which led to the revolt of the philosophers against
mythology.

αὐτοῦ) ‘Into it,’ 1.6 into the matter, This vague use of the
pronoun 15 not uncommon. See Meno 43C, τί αὐτό φησι.

CG μαντεῖον] This word here evidently means ‘the divine utterance,’
not the place of divmation, which is a meaning it often beais.

τῷ χρησμῷ] ‘The oracle,’ χρησμός is properly the answer given
by an oracle, like μαντεῖον just above , but it 1s here personified out
of reverence, to avoid the appearance of calling the god to account.

ὅτι) Notice that ὅτι 1s used with the direct as well as with the
oblique narration, unlike ‘ that’ in English, which 1s confined to the
latter.

ἔφησθα] For the form ep ἦσθα, ἤεισθα, οἶσθα.

ὀνόματι γάρ] γάρ explains why the mere pronoun τοῦτον 15 used
instead of the proper name ‘I say him, for,’ etc.

πρὸς ὃν ἐγὼ σκοπῶν κτλ] ‘In whose case I had on inquiry
some such experience as this’ For the construction πάσχειν πρός
Twa cp. Gorg. 485 B, καὶ ἔγωγε ὁμοιότατον πάσχω πρὸς τοὺς φιλο-
σοφοῦντας ὥσπερ πρὺς τοὺς ψελλιζομένους καὶ παίζοντας,

καὶ διαλεγόμενος αὐτῷ] This is coordinate with διασκοπῶν at
the beginning of the sentence

ἔδοξέ μοι] Here we have a violent anacoluthon, or, to put it
frankly, a ptece of bad grammar After the participle διαλεγόμενος

16

APOLOGY, NOTES, 41 C~22 4,

we should have expected some such construction as the ἐλογιζόμην
ὅτι, which follows in D. Instead of which the participle 1s left to
look after itself, thus forming a wominativus pendens, and the
sentence 15 finished in the impersonal form. For similar instances
of changed construction see Riddell, Digest of Idioms, § 271.

ἀπηχθόμην] ‘Got myself dishked.’ Cp Philebus 58 C, οὐδὲ γὰρ Ὁ
ἀπεχθήσει Topyig. This 15 an instance of what Riddell calls the
semi-middle sense of the veib See Digest, § 88. Cp.note on 35 Ὁ,
ἐθίζεσθαι,

κινδυνεύει] On the force of κινδυνεύω see L and 8, sub voce, 4b.

καλὸν κἀγαθόν] This expression is generally used in the mas-
culine, and implies the xe plas ultra of perfection, the man who is
beautiful both without and within—the finished result of γυμναστική
and μουσική, For the nenter use cp Arist Eth, Nic. I. (8.) § 9, τῶν
ἐν τῷ βίῳ καλῶν κἀγαθῶν.

αἰσθανόμενος μέν «.7.A.] ‘Perceiving indeed with pain and ap- Ἐΐ
prehension.’

iréov οὖν] This may be dependent on ἐδόκει with εἶναι under-
stood; but it 1s more likely that we have here a sudden transition to
the direct narration, ‘So I must go,’ etc.

τὸν χρησμόν, τί λέγει) ‘The meaning of the oracle.’ The Greek
idiom 1s well known by which the subject of the succeeding verb
becomes the object of the preceding one. The sentence as we have
it is much livelier than 1f the strict syntax were followed—cxorotvre
ὅ,τι λέγοι ὁ χρησμύς. '

γὴ τὸν κύνα] The Scholiast quotes Cratinus in the Cheirons—

ols ἣν μέγιστος ὅρκος ἅπαντι λόγῳ κύων,
ἔπειτα χήν θεοὺς δ᾽ ἐσζγων---
and tells us that such oaths as those by the dog, the goose, the plane-
tree (see Phaedrus 236 E ad in.), the ram, and’so on, were resorted
to for the avoidance of profanity. For the oath by the goose, see
Aristophanes, Birds 521—
Λάμπων 8 ὄμνυσ᾽ ἔτι καὶ νυνὶ τὸν χῆν', ὅταν ἐξαπατᾷ τι.

It 1s probably only Plato’s fun to identify ‘the dog’ with the
Egyptian god Anubis (Gorg. 482 B, μὰ τὸν κύνα τὸν Αἰγυπτίων θεόν).
It has been suggested that γὴ τὸν χῆνα 18 a disguise for νὴ τὸν Ζῆνα,
like Jotz-tausend, morbleu and many other modern oaths.

ὀλίγου δεῖν κιτιλ] ‘To be nearly (lit within a little of being) 22 A
the most deficient.’ The τοῦ belongs to εἶναι, The phrase is usually
followed by a simple infinitive, whether it is used personally, as m
30 D, 34 B, or impersonally, as in 35 Ὁ.

κατὰ τὸν θεόν] Socrates regards the statement of the god as im-
plying a command to prove its truth.

B 17

APOLOGY, NOTES, 2% A, B.

ὥσπερ πόνους τινὰς πονοῦντος] He compares his task of con-
vincing mankind of their ignoiance to the labours of a Hercules.
πονοῦντος agiees with the ἐμοῦ implied in ἐμήν _

ἵνα μοι κτλ. ‘In order that 1 might have the divine declaration
set quite above dispute’ Socrates, though puzzled by the ouacle, 15
anxious to vindicate the truth of the deity Riddell distinguishes
between μαντεῖον and μαντεία. taking the former to signify the ex-
pression and ihe latter the meaning, so that μαντεία stands to
μαντεῖον in the same ielation as the judgment to the proposition
in logic. The propositions of an oracle, as 15 well known, were
peculiarly hable to equivocation and amphiboly, so that the μαντεῖον
might differ seriously from the μαντεία, as in the historical instances
of Croesus and Pyrrhus, In its primary meaning μαντεία signifies
the process of divination, not, as here, the product Hermann
emends the teat by the conjecture κἂν ἐλεγκτός, which represents it
as the object of Socrates to refute the oracle This does not seem
consistent with the words above in 21 B, οὐ γὰρ δήπου ψεύδεταί γε"
οὐ γὰρ θέμις αὐτῷ, while on the other hand τὲ fits in better with the
words which follow, ὡς ἐνταῦθα ἐπ᾿ αὐτοφώρῳ καταληψόμενος ἐμαυτὸν
ἀμαθέστερον ἐκείνων ὄντα, In either case there 15 a slight difficulty,
but complete consistency cannot be looked for in a dilemma be-
tween piety and politeness

τοὺς Te τῶν τραγῳδιῶν κτλ 8: Cp. Hipp Min 368 C, πρὸς δὲ
τούτοις ποιήματα ἔχων ἐλθεῖν, καὶ ἔπη καὶ τραγῳδίας καὶ διθυράμβους,
also Xen Mem I 4 § 3, ἐπὶ μὲν τοίνυν ἐπῶν ποιήσει “Ὅμηρον
ἔγωγε μάλιστα τεθαύμακα, ἐπὶ δὲ διθυράμβῳ Μελανιππίδην, ἐπὶ δὲ
τραγῳδίᾳ Ξοφαηλέα.

Β διθυράμβων)] When Plato is speaking technically, he confines
διθύραμβος to a song relating to the birth of Bacchus, coordinating
it with ὕμνοι, θρήνοι, παιῶνες and νόμοι as various species of δαί,
Laws 700 B.

kat τοὺς ἄλλους] For a fuller list of species of poetry see Ion
534.C, ὁ μὲν (olds τε ποιεῖν καλῷ.) διθυράμβους, ὃ δὲ ἐγκώμια, ὁ δὲ
ὑπορχήματα, 6 δ᾽ ἔπη, ὁ δ᾽ ἰάμβους

ἐπ’ αὐτοφώρῳ] ‘Palpably’ Properly said of a thief (φώρ, fix)
caught in the very act (adro-).

αὐτοῖς} Dative of the agent. πεπραγματεῦσθαν is passive.

of παρόντες} ‘ Who were piesent.’ The participle is in the im-
perfect tense

ἔγνων] See note on 25 D, ἔγνωκας,

ἐν ὀλίγῳ, ‘In shout’ The meaning is the same as that of ἐνὶ
λόγῳ, which Hermann conjectured in place of it. Riddell compares
Symp 217 A, ἐν βραχεῖ,

18

APOLOGY, NOTES. 22 C-23 A.

dices τινὶ καὶ ἐνθουσιάζοντεθ)ὴ ‘Owing to a sort of instinct and C
divine afflatus.’ This theory of poetry as a form of msptration
meets us everywhere in Plato, e.g Phaedrus 245 A; Meno 99 Ὁ,

Ion §33 D—534 E.

The participle ἐνθουσιάζοντες 1s here equivalent to a dative of
manner.

πάθος... πεπονθότες] Accusative of the internal object. πάθος
πεπονθέναι means ‘to be in a certain state. (β. ὅ τι. . πεπόνθατε,

17 A,

ἠσθόμην αὐτῶν .. olopévav] The genitive after a verb of
perception , and the participle, instead of infinitive, as after verbs of
seeing, knowing, etc. Cp 20 A, ἐπιδημοῦντα,

σοφωτάτων εἶναι] After οἰομένων, the case being preserved

καὶ ἐντεῦθεν] ‘Fiom them too’ Like zzde and znde in Latin,
ἐντεῦθεν 15 sometimes used of persons

τῷ αὐτῷ] Cp 21 D, σμικρῷ τινι x7 A.

τούτους K.7.A.] See note on 21 E, τὸν χρησμόν, τί λέγει. D

εὑρήσοιμι)] Future optative, which 1s found in oblique oration
only. The direct statement would be οἶδα ὅτι εὑρήσω,

ἔχειν ἁμάρτημα] ‘To be under a mistake,’ ‘make a mistake.’
With ποιηταί supply εἶχον.

ἠξίου] ‘Claimed’

ἀπέκρυπτεν)] ‘Threw into the shade.’ The assumption of
universal knowledge was a mistake which outweighed in importance
the value of their specific skill m handicraft

πότερα δεξαίμην dv] ‘Whether I would choose.’ Literally B
‘would accept’ (if the choice were offered).

οὕτως ὥσπερ ἔχω ἔχειν] “ΤῸ beasIam’ This is the meanmg
of ἔχω with adverbs—éxew καλῶς͵ κακῶς, etc But below ἔχειν ἃ
ἐκεῖνοι ἔχουσιν means ‘ to have what they have,’ their knowledge and
their ignorance.
οἷαν χαλεπώταται] ‘Of a kind that are the bitterest” Supply 28 A
εἰσί

ὄνομα δὲ τοῦτο κιτιλι] ‘And I am called by this name, that I
am wise. Riddell, Lit. ‘I am called by name, this, &c.’ We might
have expected τὸ εἶναι με σοφόν The nominative is due to the fact
that Socrates is himself the subject. For a similar construction with
the addition of the article cp. Symp. 173 D, ταύτην τὴν ἐπωνυμίαν
ἔλαβες τὸ μανικὸς καλεῖσθαι.

of παρόντες] ‘The bystanders’

ἃ ἂν ἄλλον ἐξελέγξω) ‘Wherein I have refuted another.’
᾿Ἐελέγχω can take two accusatives: (1) of the person; (2) of the
thing.

B2 19

APULUU Dy avira sens “yr: -

τὸ δὲ κινδυνεύει) Perhaps it 1s best, with Riddell in his Digest,
§ 19 (though not in his text), to separate τὸ δέ by a comma from
κινδυνεύει. τὸ δέ introduces a counter-statement, and may be
rendered ‘ whereas,’ ‘but m fact,’ or quite literally, ‘ but for that
matter. Forasimilar use of τὸ δέ cp. Meno 97 C, τὸ δὲ dpa καὶ
δύξα ἢν ἀληθής, ‘whereas after all there was also nght opinion.’
Other instances are Theaet. 157 B, 183 A, 207 B; Soph. 244 A;
Symp 198 D; Prot. 344 E; Rep 340 D, 443 C; Laws 803 D.

ὃ θεός] This was probably intended to be understood of Apollo,
and yet did not quite mean so in Plato’s mind

καὶ οὐδενόξ] An instance of the alternative use of καί ‘ Little
or nothing ’

οὐ λέγειν τὸν Σωκράτη] ‘ Not to mean the individual, Socrates °

Β ἔγνωκεν] See note on 25 D, ἔγνωκας

ἄν τινα οἴωμαι)] ‘Anyone whom I may imagine’ Supply τοῦτον
before ζητῶ καὶ épevrd, dy is contracted from ἐάν, The verbs of
seeking, ζγτῶ καὶ ἐρευνῶ, take a double accusative, one of the person
and another of the thing, ταῦτα. ταῦτα -- διὰ ταῦτα, as Mr. Adam
takes it. Cp. Xen, Anab IV. 1. § 21 ταῦτ' ἐγὼ ἔσπευδον καὶ διὰ
τοῦτο σε οὐχ ὑπέμενον.

ἐν πενίᾳ μυρίᾳ] ‘In untold poverty’ μυρίος denotes anything
that 1s beyond counting ; μύριος means definitely ten thousand. The
use of μυρίος for πολύς 1s found several times in Plato Anstotle
mentions it as a use of the specific for the general word, and so
more suitable to poetry than prose. In English we use ‘thousand’
and ‘thousands’ to express an indefinitely large number; some-
times ‘millions. The Romans did not get beyond six hundred,
σέο,

On the poverty of Socrates cp 31 C, 36 D, 38 B. In the last of
these passages Socrates says that he thinks he could pay a fine
of a mina (abont £4’. By Xenophon his whole property is estimated
at 5 muinae (Oecon. II. § 3). It 1s recorded of Socrates that when he
looked at the variety of goods for sale, he said to himself, ‘How
many things there are which I have no need of!’ (Diog. Laert II,
§ 25). See also Rep 337 D; Xen. Mem. I. 2. § 1. Oecon. XI. 3.

Ο᾽ οἷς μάλιστα σχολή ἐστιν] To attend the lectures and discourses
of the Sophists, among whom Socrates, despite his idiosyncrasies,
must be reckoned, was the Greek equivalent to a university educa-
tion among ourselves.

οἱ τῶν πλουσιωτάτων] ‘The sons of the wealthiest citizens’
Supply υἱεῖς from the νέοι preceding, or repeat véo itself, like
Juvenal's—

‘pinnirapi cultos juvenes iuvenesque lanistae’ (III, 158),

20

APOLOGY, NOTES. 23 C=24 A,

αὐτόματοι] With ἐπακολουθοῦντες, He means that these young
men had not been formally committed to his charge by their parents,
and that he was under no tutorial relations to them. Cp. Xen.
Mem I. 2. § 18 .

ἀκούοντες ἐξεταζομένων] See note on 22 C, ἠσθόμην xr A.

εἶτ᾽ ἐπιχειροῦσιν] ‘And so try.’ In the Republic, s3y B, Plato
compares the delight of the young in argument to that of puppies in
worrying the first thing they meet He would reserve dialectic for
men of mature yeais

ἐντεῦθεν] ‘As a consequence.’ The odinm reverted upon
Socrates, as he was the originator of this unpleasant system of
examination ,

Σωκράτης τίς ἐστι) τίς is predicate ‘Socrates 1s a most
pestilent fellow.’ Contrast with this the construction in 18 B, ds
ἔστι τις Σωκράτης, where τις goes with Σωκράτης and ἔστι 15 the sub-
stantive verb.

πρόχειρα] A metaphor from a stone or other missile which 1s Ὁ
ready to hand against some one We have an excellent illustra-
tion of the kind of thing referred to in the Symposium of Xenophon,
in which the showman, irntated w.th Socrates for engrossing the
attention of the guests by his conversation, calls him μετεώρων
φροντιστής, and asks him how man} flea’s paces he is off from him
iXen, Conv, VI. §§ 6-8).

ὅτι τὰ μετέωρα] Supply διαφθείρει τοὺς νέους διδάσκων from
above. The accusatives τὰ μετέωρα καὶ τὰ ὑπὸ γῆς and also the
infinitives νομέζειν and ποιεῖν, which are coordinate with them, are
governed by διδάσκων understood.

Gre... ὄντες} ‘Seeing that they are.” Lit ‘as bemg.’ Gre
15 much the same in sense as ὡς, but 15 more exclusively used to give
a reason.

Euvreraypévos| ‘Inset array.’ Riddell Perhaps Mr Adam is
right in understanding it as=Latin composite, ‘in studied language.’
There is another reading, ξυντεταμένως, which would mean ‘earnestly.’

ἐκ τούτων] ‘It 1s on this ground.’

Μέλητος See note on 10 B.

“Avuros] Anytus was a prominent leader of the popular party
at Athens (Xen Hell II 3 § 42). His father, Anthemion, had
made his fortune as a tanner (see Meno go A, and Scholiast on
Apology). Hence the propriety of his appearmg in a double
capacity as champion ὑπὲρ τῶν δημιουργῶν καὶ τῶν πολιτι-
κων

Λύκων δὲ ὑπὲρ τῶν ῥητόρων] The Scholiast informs us that 24 A
Lycon was an Jonian by eatraction, and belonged to the deme οἱ

al

APOLOGY, NOTHS. 24 A,B

Thoricus He 1s calleda ‘demagogue’ by Diogenes Laertius, II §
38 ad fin, Eis poverty excited the 1dicule of the comic poets
Ciatinus and Aristophanes The more serious charge of treason 15
brought against him in the Hostage ("Ounpos’ of Metagenes, one of
the aise gaen ani comoudia pr isca ΘΙ ὍΣΗ ΜΙ est —
. kal Λύκων ἐνταῦθά mov
. προδοὺς Ναύπακτον ἀργύριον λαβὼν
ἀγορᾶς ἄγαλμα ξενικὸν ἐμπορεύεται

We are told that Eupolis in the Fnends satinzed his wife
Rhodia The Scholiast identifies the accuser of Socrates with Lycon,
the father of Autolycus, the youth in whose honom the Symposimm
of Xenophon 15 represented as having been given, and adds that
Lycon was satirized as a stranger in the play of Eupolis called
‘The First Autolycus* This play is assigned to BC. 420, The
identification of the two persons appears highly improbable on
chronological and other grounds There is a Lycon mentioned in
an uncomplimentary context by Aristophanes, Wasps 1301.

οὔτε μέγα οὔτε σμικρόν] The frequent recurrence of this phrase
in the Apology 1s perhaps intentional Cp. 19 C, D, 21 B; 26B
Tt may have been a trick of speaking on the part of Socrates,
which Plato has been careful to reproduce

οὐδ᾽ ὑποστειλάμενος ὉὙποστέλλω is used of lowering or furling
a sail The metaphors of a nation give usa clue to ther habitual
pursuits Those of the Athenians are mostly naval, legal, οἱ
gymnastic.

τοῖς αὐτοῖς) ‘Through the same things’

καὶ ὅτι αὕτη KT.A] ‘And that this is the meaning of the pre-
judice against me, and these the causes of it’

Β αὕτη ἔστω «.7.A.] ‘Let this be a sufficient defence before
you’ Αὕτη 15 attracted into the gender of the predicate ἀπο-
λογία, being put for τοῦτο, This is the prevailing construction in
Greek,

πρὸθ δὲ Μέλητον] Euripides is imstinct with the spirit of the
law-courts. It 1s worth while to compare his Hecuba, lines 119%, 6—
καί por τὸ μὲν σὸν ὧδε φροιμίοις ἔχει
πρὸς τόνδε 8" εἶμι, καὶ λύγοις ἀμείψομαι.
λάβωμεν αὖ]Ἱ αὖ does no more than repeat the αὖθις at the
beginning of the sentence,
ἀντωμοσίαν) See note on 19 B
Σωκράτη φησὶν ἀδικεῖν κιτιλΊ Xenophon, Mem I. 1, § 1, gives
us the indictment in the direct narration, without vouching for its
literal accuracy, as he mtroduces it by τοιάδε τις ἣν. ᾿Αδικεῖ
Σωκράτης ods μὲν ἡ πόλις νομίζει θεοὺς od νομίζων, ἕτερα δὲ καινὰ
22

APOLOGY, NOTES, 24 B-25 4.

δαιμόνια εἰσφέρων' ἀδικεῖ δὲ καὶ τοὺς νέους διαφθείρων. In the
Apologia Socratis § 10, where itis repeated in the ublique narration,
the wording is substantially the same—kxatyydpnoay αὐτοῦ of dv7i-
δικοι ὡς obs μὲν ἡ πόλις νομίζει θεοὺς οὐ νομίζοι, ἕτερα δὲ καινὰ
δαιμόνια εἰσφέροι καὶ τοὺς νέους διαφθείροι. Diogenes Laertins II.
§ 40) states on the authority of Favorinus, a writer of the age of
Hadnian, that the mdictment was preserved in the Metroum He
quotes it τὰ exactly the same form in which it 1s given by Xenophon,
except that εἰσηγούμενος 1s used mstead of εἰσφέρων The indiet-
ment 1s followed by the words τίμημα θάνατος,

σπουδῇ xapevriferat}] An instance of oxymoron, or inten-C
tional paradox For illustrations οἱ this figure of speech see
Farrar’s Greek Syntax, § 315 Ὁ. Riddell renders τὸ ‘1s playing off
a Jest under solemn forms.’

καί μοι δεῦρο κατ A,] The imaginary heckling of Meletus which
follows 1s m due form of law, being the ἐρώτησις, to which either
party was bound to submit at the mstance of the other See 25 Ὁ,
ἀπύκριναι, ὦ ᾽γαθε' καὶ yap ὁ νύμος κελεύει ἀποκρίνεσθαι τ also 24 C,
In Demosthenes, p 1131 ad fin, (Κατὰ Στεφάνου B, ro’, a law 15
quoted to the following effect: τοῖν ἀντιδίκοιν ἐπάναγκες εἶναι
ἀποκρίνασθαι ἀλλήλοις τὺ ἐρωτώμενον, μαρτυρεῖν GE μή, See Riddell,
Introd p. xv

ἄλλο τι ἢ) Acommon interrogative formula m Plato, equivalent
to the Latin woxne. To ask, ‘Do you do anything else than such
and such a thing?’ 1s a roundabout way of mdicating our belief
that the person does the thing in question. On the same principle
we insert a ‘not’ in English, when we wish to suggest an affirmative
answer ‘Do you not consider it of great importance, etc. ?’

ἐμὲ εἰσάγειΞ ἐμέ appears to be under a double construction, D
being predicate to τὸν διαφθείροντα, while at the same time it 1s the
direct object after εἰσάγεις. ‘For having discovered their cor-
rupter, as you assert, in me, }ou are bringing me up before them and
accusing me.’

πολλὴν ἀφθονίαν)͵ The number of judges was at least 500. &

μὴ of ἐν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ! Let xt be borne in mind that while οὐ 25 A
expects the answer Yes, μή expects the answer No.

καλοὺς kdya@ouvs] See note on 21 10.

Πολλὴν γ' ἐμοῦ Karéyvoxas δυστυχίαν) Translate, ‘I am vey
unfortunate τὰ your opinion’ Καταγιγνώσκειν sds means to form
an estimate of somebody. It may be used of favourable or un
favourable judgments indifferently. Cp Meno 76 C, καὶ ἅμα ἐμοῦ
ἴσως κατέγνωκας, ὕτι εἰμὶ ἥττων τῶν καλῶν : Xen, Occ. Il. 81, ἢ
κατέγνωκας ἡμῶν, ὦ Σώκρατες, ἱκανῶς πλοντεῖν §

28

APOLOGY, NOTES. 25 B-D.

B πάντες ἄνθρωποι εἶναι] Supply δοκοῦσι from the impersonal
δοκεῖ preceding Cp Meno 72 Ὁ, ἄλλη μὲν ἀνδρὸς εἶναι

τοὐναντίον τούτου πᾶν] These words should perhaps be con
sidered subject to δοκεῖ understood, and explamed by the εἷς μέν τις
which follows in apposition Fora different view see Riddell, Dig
§ 1

οὐ φῆτε] How entirely the οὐ coalesces with φημέ is plan from
the fact that in any other case we should here require μή Cp,
note on φησί, 20 E.

C ἀμέλειαν] Socrates has throughout been playing on the name
Meletus. Cp § 24 C,D; 26 B. For other instances of puns in
Plato see Riddell, Digest § 323.

ὦ πρὸς Διός, Μέλητε] It looks as though the ὦ really belonged
to the vocative MéAnre, and were separated only thiough that con-
fusion of expression which is so common a feature in adjurations
Similarly in Meno 71 D, ὦ πρὸς θεῶν, Μένων, τί φὴς ἀρετὴν εἷναι;
But this 1dea has to be abandoned when we find the same expression
occurring where there 1s no vocative at all, as below 26 E, ἀλλ᾽ ὦ
πρὸς Διός, οὑτωσί σοὶ δοκῶ κτὰ Cp Rep 332 Ὁ, Ὦ πρὸς Διός, ἣν
δ᾽ ἐγώ, εἰ οὖν τις αὐτὸν ἤρετο

ἐν πολίταιξ χρηστοῖς ἢ wovnpois] The position of the adjectives
throws 4 predicative to1ce upon them. Translate, ‘Is it better to
have the fellow-citizens among whom one dwells good or bad 2’

ὦ *rév} Nothing is really known as to the ongin and meaning
of this mysterious form of address, except that it 1s a formula of
politeness, Jt 1s plural as well as singular. See Liddell and
Scott, under rns and τᾶν,

Dat γὰρ ὁ νόμος κελεύει ἀποκρίνεσθαι) See note on καί μοι
δεῦρο κιτιλ,, 24 C.

τηλικούτου ὄντος τηλικόσδε ὦν] ‘Are you at your age so much
wiser than I at mme?’ The usual meaning of the pronouns (see
note on τῇδε τῇ ἡλικίᾳ, 17 C) is here exactly reversed For τηλικόσδε
used by the speaker of himself see below 34 E, 37 D; Crito 49 A
ad fin; Theaet. 177 C, and for τηλικοῦτος used of another see
Prot. 361 E; Gorg. 466 A, 489 B ad fin In Cnto 43 B we have
τηλικοῦτος used both in the first and second person, or rather, without
distinction of person,

ἔγνωκας} The aorist ἔγνων mm 22 B ad fin expresses an act; the
perfect here expresses the state which is the result of that act.
ἔγνων 1s ‘I recognised,’ ἔγνωκας is ‘you are in the state of having
recognised,’ and so, ‘you know.’ Further on, 27 A, the future
γρόσεται may be rendered " find out,’ and so with the aonst in 33 D
ad in.

24

APOLOGY, NOTES, 25 E~-26 D,

ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ] “ΑἹ his hands’ κακίν τι λαβεῖν is virtually passive. ἘΠ

οὐδένα] Supply πείθεσθαι 26 A

τοιούτων καὶ ἀκουσίων] If the woids in brackets are genuine, the
καί is explanatory of τοιούτων. It may be omitted in translating

ἐὰν μάθω] ‘If I am instructed.” Μανθάνω 15 practically the
passive of διδάσκω, as πάσχω of ποιέω, θνήσκω of κτείνω, κεῖμαι
of τίθημι, ὀφλισκάνω of καταδικάζω͵ φεύγω of διώκω, εἰσιέναι of
εἰσάγειν. ,

ἢ δῆλον δὴ ὅτι] Supply φῇς με διαφθείρειν τοὺς νεωτέρους. Β

ὧν] For the simple genitive after λόγος Stallbaum quotes Charm.
156 A, ob γάρ τι σοῦ ὀλίγος λόγος ἐστίν

τὸ παράπαν οὐ νομίζεις Oeovs] This was the impression which C
the bulk of his contemporaries entertained of Socrates. It 1s con-
veyed plainly enough in the Clouds, e.g. in the answer of Socrates
to Strepsiades (247, 8) ~—

ποίους θεοὺς duet σύ; πρῶτον γὰρ θεοὶ

ἡμῖν νόμισμ' οὐκ ἔστι,
and in the epithet 6 Μήλιος (line 831) which is bestowed upon him,
with allusion of course to Diagoras, who was surnamed ἄθεος (Cic,
De Nat Deor I. chs 1 and 23).

οὐδὲ ἥλιον οὐδὲ σελήνην] In the Symposium 220 D, Socrates is D
recorded to have prayed to the Sun, ἔπειτα ᾧχετ᾽ ἀπιὼν προσευξάμενος
τῷ ἡλίῳ. The Sun and Moon were regarded as divine beings by the
Ancients, quite apart fiom ther personification as Apollo and
Artemis Heliosin the Odyssey appears as a distinct person fiom
Apollo (Od VIII. cp. 271 with 323). Among the definitions of the
sun given in the’Opa, which follow the Letters in Hermann’s Plato,
aie these two—(I) (Gov ἀίδιον, (2) ἔμψυχον τὸ μέγιστον

Ma A’) Supply od νομίζει. See note on 17 B,

τὸν μὲν ἥλιον Kk τλὶ See Diog. Laert ΠῚ, § 8, in his life of
Anaxagoras, Οὗτος ἔλεγε τὸν ἥλιον μύδρον εἶναι διάπυρον, καὶ μείζω
τῆς Πελοποννήσου.

τὴν δὲ σελήνην γῆν] ‘And the moon 61} γὴν 15 probably
meant to explain the substance of which the moon was made. But
it would be consistent with the tenets of Anaxagoras to translate,
‘and the moon an earth.’ For Anaxagoras is recorded to have
believed that rational animals were not confined to our would, and
that the moon contained dwelling-places as well as hills and valleys
(Ritter and Preller 57 a; Diog Laert. II. § 8).

"Avatayépov] Anaxagoras of Clazomenae was bom about B.C.
soo. He was ἃ man of wealth and position in his own country, but
he resigned his patrimony to his kinsmen, and set out for
Athens at the age of 20, just al the time of the Persian invasion,’

28

APOLOGY. NOTES. 26 D.

BC. 480 Here he spent the next 30 years of his life in the
study of natural plnlusophy Among the most distinguished
of his pupils were Pericles and Eumpides and Archelaus, the
instructor of Socrates. His guesses at tmth appear in some
instances to have been very successful. Thus he maintained
that the moon derived its light from the sun (Crat 409 B} Also
he taught the eternity and indestructibility of matter, and declared
‘becoming’ and ‘ perishing’ to be merely other names for combina-
tion and separation | Ritter and Preller, § 49\. But what renders his
name of most importance in the history of philosophy was his de-
claration that intelligence (vo¥s} was the cause of all motion and
order in the umverse. He was indicted by the Athenians for impiety
on account of his optnion about the sun. Hereupon he retired to
Lampsacus, where he ended his days in honour at the age of 72
The accounts, however, of his tnal and death are very conflicting
According to Hermippus of Smyrna (apud Diog, Laert 11. § 13)
he was pardoned by the Athenians on the personal intercession of
Pericles, who declared himself to be his disciple, but committed
suicide in disgust at the treatment to which he had been subjected.
Anaxagoras was a man of lofty mmd with a passionate zeal for
penetrating the secrets of nature. When asked for what he had been
born, he replied, ‘To contemplate the snn and moon and heaven’
The fiagments that remain of his writings contain Ionic forms See lis
life in Diog Laert. IY ἐξ 6-15, and the fragments in Ritter and
Preller

oie. αὐτοὺς dmeipovs] The force of the οὕτω preceding is carried
on to these words.

ὥστε οὐκ εἰδέναι] The mile is that ὥστε, when followed by the
indicative, requires οὗ, when by the infinitive, μή. Thus, to use
Shilleto’s example, we should have, on the one hand, οὕτως ἄφρων ἣν
ὥστε ovx ἐβούλετο and, on the other, οὕτως ἄφρων ἣν ὥστε μὴ
βούλεσθαι The difference hetween these two forms of expression 18
that the indicative puts the fact prominently forward, while the m-
finitive rather regards the event as the natural outcome of its antece-
dent—miore briefly, the indicative expresses the real, the infinitive
the logical consequence. Now when the infinitive 1s necessitated by
the change from the direct to the oblique narration, this distinction
would be lost, were the οὐ changed ito μή. Hence when stress is
meant to be laid upon the matter of fact, the οὐ of direct nanation
is retained in the oblique Here the direct statement would have
been οὕτως ἄπειροί εἰσιν, ὥστε οὐκ ἴσασι See Shilleto, Nemosth De
Ἑαὶς Leg , Appendix B.

τὰ ᾿Αναξαγόρον βιβλία] His principal work was a treatise on

26

APOLOGY, NOTES. 26 D-24 8.

nature, which Diogenes Laertius (IT. § 6) tells us was ‘ wntten in an
agreeable and elevated style.’

καὶ δὴ kai] “ And, I suppose,’

εἰ πάνυ πολλοῦ] ‘At the most.’ Cp. Alcib 123 C, ἄξιος μνῶν Hi
πεντήκοντα, εἰ πάνν πολλοῦ, Similarly ἐὰν πάμπολυ, Gorg. 511 Ὁ.
Riddell

δραχμῆς ἐκ τῆς ὀρχήστραθ] Thiee views have been held as to
the meaning of this passage—

(1) That the orchestra of the theatre of Dionysus was used for
the sale of books, when performances were not going on, and that
the works of Anaxagoras could occasionally be bought there for
rather less than a drachma

(2) That in retum for the drachma which a theatre-goer might be
supposed to pay, at the most, for a three days’ performance, he was
liable to be treated to the doctrines of Anaaagoias, so much had
they become part of the common mental stock of Athens, Eunpides
was specially infected with the new learmmg See for instance
Orestes 953

(3) That ὀρχήστρα heie means a part of the Agora used for public
performances, and where books may be supposed to have been sold.
In the Platonic glossary of Timaeus the Sophist ἃ second meaning 15
given for ὀρχήστρα, thus—rdros ἐπιφανὴς εἰς πανήγυριν, ἔνθα “Appo-
δίου καὶ ᾿Αριστογείτονος εἰκύνςς, From Aristoph. Eccles, 681, 2, it
appears that the statue of Harmodius was in the Agora

This last view 1s perhaps the mght one. That a work on philo-
sophy could be bought for so low a price as a drachma (roughly =a
franc) at Athens, is, as Mr. Adam pomts out, the less surprising
when taken 1n conjunction with Plato’s other statement ‘“Gorg 511 D),
that 2 drachmas would be a high price to pay for the transport of a
man with all his goods and family from Pontus or Egypt to Athens.

"Απιστος, καὶ... σαυτῷ] Because, as Socrates is going to show,
he was contradicting himself. ‘ You are undeserving of credit, Meletus,
and that too indeed, as it seems to me, in your own eyes.’

ὥσπερ αἴνιγμα] ‘A kind of nddle.’ 27 A

ξυντιθέντι διαπειρωμένῳ] This interlacing of participles 15 not un-
common in Plato Cop. ἐξελθύντι. . . ἀμειβομένῳ, 37 D.

ἐμοῦ χαριεντιζομένου] For the gemitive of a noun with participle
after verbs of knowing, etc., see Riddell, Digest, § 26.

ὁ σοφὸς δή] δῇ shows that the epithet preceding is bestowed
iromecally, ‘These finer touches have to be conveyed in Iinglish by
the inflection of the vaice.

ἐν τῷ εἰωθότι τρόπῳ] That 15, by the use of the Socratic induc- B
tion, which he now proceeds to apply.

37

APOLOGY, NOTES, 27 BHD.

καὶ μὴ ἄλλα καὶ ἄλλα θορυβείτω)] ‘And not be always raising
some fresh disturbance.’

τὸ ἐπὶ τούτῳ ye] ‘The next question at all events,’ 1.e. the ques-
tion to which the induction had been intended to lead up. Cp.
Gorg 512 E, τὸ ἐπὶ τούτῳ σκεπτέον, unless that be merely adverbial,
as Cape takes it—‘hereupon.” More usually the phrase 1s τὸ μετὰ
τοῦτο §=Cp, Crat 391 B, Οὐκοῦν τὸ μετὰ τοῦτο χρὴ ζητεῖν : Prot.
355 A, τὸ μετὰ τοῦτο ἀκούετε : Cnito 49 E.

C Ὡς dvqcas] ‘How kind of you’

ὑπὸ τουτωνὶ ἀναγκαζόμενος) See note on Kai μοι δεῦρο xr,
240.

διωμόσω] See note on ἀντωμοσία, 19 Β.

ἀντιγραφῇ} Like ἀντωμοσία this term properly signifies the de-
fendant’s plea, but its meaning has been extended so as to cover the
indictment Cp. note on ἀντωμοσία, 19 Β.

τίθημν γάρ σε ὁμολογοῦντα κιτλ}ἡ The saying ‘silence gives
consent ’ seems to have had its ongin as one of the rules of the game
of dialectie Cp Aristotle, Sophist Elench 5. § 13, ὁμολογοῦσι τῷ
μὴ ἀποκρίνεσθαι τὸ ἐρωτώμενον ; Cic, De Inv I, § 54.

D Aatpovas] On the nature and office of daemons, see a passage in
the Symposium, 202 E-203 A. They were regarded as something
intermediate between God and man, καὶ γὰρ πᾶν τὸ δαιμόνιον μεταξύ
ἐστι θεοῦ τε καὶ Gvgrovu—the sources of all divmation and prophecy,
and the agents in the production of the supernatural generally The
following 1s the definition of daemons given by Apuleius, who pro-
fessed himself a follower of Plato, ‘genere animalia, animo passiva,
mente rationalia, corpore aema, tempore aetema’ (Quoted by St
Augustine,De Cis Der TX 8) By the Jews daemons were considered
to be the spirits of the wicked dead See Josephus, Bell Jud VII. 6.
§3 Hesiod, on the other hand, declared that they were the souls
of the men of the golden age, Works and Days, 120-3—

αὐτὰρ ἐπειδὴ τοῦτο γένος κατὰ γαῖα καλύψεν,
τοὶ μὲν δαίμονες εἰσὶ Διὸς μεγάλου διὰ βουλάς,
ἐσθλοί, ἐπιχθύνιοι, φύλακες θνητῶν ἀνθρώπων
In the Alcestis of Euripides 1002-4 we find the belef indicated that
such a transformation was possible, at least m the heroic ages—
avra ποτὲ προὔθαν᾽ ἀνδρός,
μῦν δ᾽ ἐστὶ μάκαιρα δαίμων
χαῖρ᾽, ὦ πότνι᾽, εὖ δὲ δοίης.
φάναι] Epexegetical of αἰνίττεσθαι καὶ χαριεντίζεσθαι
ἔκ τίνων ἄλλων ὧν κτιλ΄ Translate—‘by some other mothers,
by whom, as you know, they are declared to be’ It is tempting to
take ἔκ τινων ἄλλων ὧν with Riddell as equivalent to ἐξ ἄλλων ὧν

28

APOLOGY, NOTES. 27 D-28 ὦ,

τινων, ‘by whatsoever other mothers:’ but probably we hate nothing
more here than the rather common omission of the preposition with
the relative, when the antecedent ha» already been used with the
same preposition. E g. Xen Conv. IV. § 1, ἐγὼ γὰρ ἐν τῷ χρόνῳ
ᾧ ὑμῶν ἀκούω.

τοὺς ἡμιόνου] Both sense and sound are improved by the omis- ΕἸ
sion of these words, which are very likely due to some unintelligent
commentator

THY γραφὴν ταύτην] These words again look like a marginal
explanation of ταῦτα, which has crept into the text. It seems harsh
to take ταῦτα as governed by ἀποπειρώμενος.

ὡς οὐ τοῦ αὐτοῦῦ Translate the whole sentence thus—‘ But that
you should persuade anyone who has the least grain of sense, that it
is possible for the same person to believe in things pertaining to
divine beings and gods, and yet, on the other hand, not to believe in
divine bemgs or gods or heroes, ts absolutely inconceivable.’ The
ov, as Riddell says is irrational, being simply a confused anticipation
of the coming negative in οὐδεμία,

If anyone thinks this explanation too bold, he can extract a
meaning out of the words as they stand, while allowing ov its proper
force—‘ But that you should persuade anyone who has the least grain
of sense, that 1t is possible for a man to believe in things pertaining to
divine beings and at the same time not to believe in things pertain-
ing to gods, and again for the same person not to believe in divine
beings or gods or heroes, is absolutely inconceivable.’ In this case
the reasoning would run thus—You admit that I believe τῇ δαιμόνια,
yet you deny that I believe in θεῖα, and, what is more absurd still,
while admitting that I believe in δαιμόνια, you deny that I believe in
δαίμονες or in any other kind of supernatural personal agent.

ταῦτα] ‘What you have heard.’ Cp. note on 17 C, τῇδε 7728 A
ἡλικίᾳ

διαβολὴ] See note on 19 C, διαβολήν.

πολλοὺς kat ἄλλους κατ ‘Many other good men too’

οὐδὲν δὲ δεινόν κτιλ.] ‘Nor is there any fear of their stopping B
short at me.’ The subject to στῇ is ἃ δή above. This sentence 1s
interesting, as it perhaps gives us the key to the common construction
with οὐ μή. Riddell quotes Phaedo 84 B, οὐδὲν δεινὸν μὴ φοβηθῇ
and Gorg 520 D, οὐδὲν δεινὸν αὐτῷ μήποτε ἀδικηθῇ. But see note
on 29 D, οὗ μὴ παύσωμαι.

ὅτου τι καὶ σμικρὸν ὀφελός ἐστιν] ‘A man of any worth at all.’
For other mstances of this expletive use of καί see Riddell, Digest,
§ 132

οἱ τε ἄλλοι kal] ‘And above all.’ Cc

29

APOLOGY, NOTES. 28 C-E.

παρά] The root meaning of παρά 13 ‘by the side of,’ whence it
easily passes mto the idea of comparison.

θεὸς οὖσα] Τῆς feminine form, θεά, 15 seldom used in classical
Greek except in poetry Sometimes however it is necessary for dis-
tinction, as m Symp 21g C, μὰ θεοὺς, μὰ θεάς, Contrast the begin-
ning of Demesth. de Cor,, τοῖς θεοῖς εὔχομαι πᾶσι καὶ πάσαις

αὐτίκα γάρ τοι κιτιλ] Homer, Hiad XVI 94-6—

Τὸν & αὖτε προσέειπε Θέτις κατὰ δάκρυ χέουσα,

εὠκυμορος δή μοι, τέκος, ἔσσεαι, of” ἀγορεύεις

αὐτίκα γάρ τοι ἔπειτα μεθ᾽ “Ἕκτορα πύτμος ἑτοῖμος.᾿

Ὦ αὐτίκα, φησί, τεθναίην, κτλ] Thad XVII 98—

αὐτίκα τεθναίην, ἐπεὶ οὐκ ap’ ἔμελλον ἑταίρῳ

κτεινομένῳ ἐπαμῦναι κιτιλ
The speech of Achilles (98-1 26°, which begins as above, 1S a pect-
larly rambling one; but Plato has seized upon the gist of it

κορωνίσιν) The word i Homer (Il. XVIIT. 104) is ἐτώσιον

Both Plato and Anstutle make slips occasionally in quoting Home:
tom memory. In some cases of course it 1s possible that their text
may have differed from ours

[ἢ] ἡγησάμενος) If the ἡ is genuine, the sentence begins as
though the participle were about to be balanced by some such
clause as κελεύοντος τοῦ ἄρχοντος, and that then the construction 15
suddenly changed, probably from a latent consciousness that there
Was some inconsistency between the passnvity of a soldier who is
assigned a post and the active construction éavruy τάξῃ.

"Eya οὖν «tA.: The construction of this sentence is very re-
markable Reduced to 115 simplest form it amounts to this—' Now
it would be ἃ strange thing tor me tu have done (apodosis), 1f I were
to desert the post which the God assigned me, for fear of death or
anything else whatever (protasis)’ But the protasis 1s complicated
by a contrast being drawn between the actual behaviour of Socrates
towards his human commanders and his supposed behaviour towards
his divine commander. This contrast 15 managed by two clauses,
of which the former has a μέν both in the protasis and the apodosis,
which is answered by a δέ τη the protasis and apodosis of the latter
For a similar arrangement of particles cp. Meno 94 C, οὐκοῦν δῆλον
x.7.A and Gorg. 512 A, εἰ μέν τις μεγάλοις κτλ

ἘΠ ἐν Ποτιδαίᾳ] The Athemans were engaged in operations against
Potidaea from 432 to the close of 430 B.c. In the Charmides (153
A, B) Socrates is represented as returning from the camp at Potidaea
just after 2 battle From the Symposinm (220 E) we learn that
Soerates saved the life of Alcibiades at Potidaea, and afterwards
resigned the prize of valour in lus favour.

20

APOLOGY, NOTES. 28 £-29 6.

ἐν Apdiréde] In 422 B.C. took place the battle at Amphipolis,
in which both Brasidas and Cleon fell

ἐπὶ Δηλίῳ] After the disastrous defeat at Dehum in B.C 424
Socrates and Laches retired from the field together. The look ot
dogged determination on Socrates’ face served better than haste to
protect him from the foe Alcibiades, who was on horseback, repaid
his debt to Socrates and covered his retreat (Symp 221 A, B;
Laches 181 B).

φιλοσοφοῦντά pe δεῖν ζῆν] +The duty of passing my life in
the study of philosophy’ δεῖν here might fairly be called a cognate
accusative after τάττοντος, It has a tendency to be used somewhat
superfuously. Cp. 35 C, ἀξιοῦτέ με... δεῖν.

ἀπειθῶν] The participles are explanatory of ob νομέζω θεοὺς εἶναι, 29 A
‘if I were disobedient,’ etc Socrates still speaks as though the
oracle had directly enjoined the eccentric course of life which he
pursued Cp note on κατὰ τὸν Gedy, 22 A, and the words ζητῶ καὶ
ἐρευνῷ κατὰ τὸν θεόν, 23 B

δοκεῖν σοφὸν εἶναι] ‘Seeming to be wise.’ Supply τινα. For
its omission cp. Meno 81 1), ἀναμνησθέντα

καὶ ἐνταῦθα] ‘In this matter also,’ 1,¢. with regard to the fear B
of death.

τουτῷ ἄν] Supply φαίην.

ort οὐκ εἰδώς k TA] «That, having no adequate knowledge about
the other world, I think also that I have not.’

ὧν οἶδα] Attraction of the Relative 1s most common in Greek
when the antecedent 1s in the genitive, as here, or in the dative, and
the relative in the accusative.

ἃ μὴ οἶδα] ‘Things of which I cannot know.’ The μή is due
to the hypothetical character of the sentence—‘ If I am in doubt as
{0 the nature of a thing, I will not fear 1t more than what I know to
be evil.’

εἰ ἀγαθὰ ὄντα τυγχάνει] ‘Whether they may not be good’
This 1s a case in which English idiom requires a negative, while
Greek does not.

ὥστε οὐδ᾽ εἴ με νῦν] This sentence is one of extraordinary length.
The protasis is repeated three times m different shapes, first 1 the
indicative, which marks an objective contingency; (1) εἴ με τῦν
ὑμεῖς ἀφίετε, and then twice over in the optative, which marks a
subjective contingency, οἱ a case contemplated as possible; (2) εἶ
μοι πρὺς ταῦτα εἴποιτε : (3) εἰ οὖν με, ὅπερ εἶπον, ἐπὶ τούτοις ἀφίοιτε ;
the apodosis begins at εἴποιμ ἂν ὑμῖν in Ὁ and ends at φροντίζεις
in ΒΕ.

τὴν ἀρχήν] ‘At all.’ C

33

APOLOGY, MOTES. 29 -30 (.

ἐπειδὴ εἰσῆλθον] ‘Now that [ have been brought up.” Cp. note
on ly D, ἀγραβέβηκα and on 26 A, ἐὰν μάθω,

ἂν, διαφθαρήσονται] ἔοτ ἄν with the fut indic. see Riddell,
Digest, § 58.

ἐφ᾽ ᾧτε μηκέτι. διατρίβειν! For the imfinitive after the
relative cp Xen Hell II. 3 § 11, αἱρεθέντες δὲ ἐφ᾽ ᾧτε συγγράψαι
γύμους, and see Riddell, Digest, § 79.

D ἀσπάζομαι μὲν καὶ φιλῶ] 41 am your very humble servant’
Literally ‘I embrace and kiss you.’ Somewhat similar is the use
of ἐπαινῶ καὶ φιλῶ in Prot, 338 Ὁ.

πείσομαι δὲ μᾶλλον τῷ θεῷ ἢ ὑμῖν! Cp. Acts v 29, Πειθαρχεῖν
δεῖ Θεῷ μᾶλλον ἢ ἀνθρώποις 1 alsoiv 19 Modern sentiment would
incline us to render this simply ‘God’; but probably it 1s meant
for Apollo.

οὐ μὴ παύσωμαι) See note on 28 B, οὐδὲν δὲ δεινόν «nA
Goodwin indeed Greek Grammar, § 257) declares that the double
negative has merely the force of emphasis, and that the subjunctive
is a relic of the old usage which we find in Homer, in which it 15
equivalent to a future,

Οὐ yap mw τοίους ἴδον ἀνέρας, οὐδὲ ἴδωμαι ‘Tl, 1, 262°,

Χρημάτων μέν!) χρήματα are the lowest form of external goods,
δόξα καὶ τιμή the highest , φρύνησις and ἀλήθεια are intemal goods
which no one can take away or withhold,

SOA νεωτέρῳ] Dative of acvantage,

ἐγγυτέρω] This predicative use of the adverb makes it really an
indeclinable adjective.

Ἔ οὐκ ἐκ χρημάτων καὶ 1] The conduciveness of virtue to material
prosperity is incontestable as regards acommunity. The difficulty
1» to persuade the individual that virtue is conducive to his personal
welfare, which, as he conceives of it, is not always the case. The
material advantages of virtue are insisted on by Socrates in the
Memorabilia. See for instance the conversation with Aristippus (IT. 1)
on the advantages of self-control. Cp, Anst. Pol. VIL. 1. § 6

ταῦτ᾽ ἂν εἴη βλαβερά] ‘That, I grant you, would be mis-
chievous,’

C ἐμμείνατέ por] ‘Abide, pray” Ethic dative.

ἄττα) Neut. pl. of the indefinite pronoun; to be distinguished
from ἅττα = ἃ ἄττα), neut, pl. of ὅστις.

οὐκ ἐμὲ pelle βλάψετε καλ ‘You will not be doing so
much harm to me as to yourselves.’ Another mstance of the
ineradicable εἰρωνεία of Attic diction, Cp. note on 19 A, καὶ οὐ
πάνυ κατ ἃ,

ἂν βλάψειεν} ‘Is not likely to hurt me.’ Attic future.

3a

APOLOGY, NOTES. 30 D-31 Ὁ.

δύναιτο] Singular, because οὔτε Μέλητος οὔτε “Avuros ts dis-D
Junctive.

θεμυτόν] ‘Permitted by the divine law’ Latin fas.

ἀποκτείνειε] Notice the Acolic form of the aorist in this and the
two verbs which follow.

ἀτυμώσειεν)] This has been substituted on the authority of
Stobaeus for the common reading ἀτιμάσειεν, ᾿Ατιμάζω properly
means to treat as ἄτιμος, ἀτιμόω to make ἄτιμος

πολὺ μᾶλλον] Supply μέγα κακὸν οἴομαι εἶναι

πολλοῦ δέω] The usual construction with πολλοῦ δεῖν 15 with the
simple infinitive as here. Cp. below 35 D, 37 B; Meno 49 B,
αὐτὴν μὲν πολλοῦ δεῖς εἰπεῖν ὅ τι ἔστι, g2 A, πολλοῦ γε δέουσι
μαίνεσθαι.

ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν] ‘No, it is on your behalf’ Supply some word
like λέγω from ἀπολογεῖσθαι

εἰ καὶ γελοιότερον εἰπεῖν] There is an ellipse of δεῖ or some ἘΠ
such word Cp Gorg. 486 Ὁ, εἴ τι καὶ ἀγροικότερον εἰρῆσϑαι

μύωπος} From its proper meaning of ‘gadfly, which it has
here, μύωψ passed by a very intelligible transition to that of a ‘ spur,’
which it bears in Theophrastus (Charact V (axi) Tauchaitz), ἐν τοῖς
μύωψι ἐς τὴν ἀγορὰν περιπατεῖν.

προστεθεικέναι)] ΤῊΣ active, of which προσκείμενον preceding is
the passive. See note on ἐὰν μάθω, 26 A.

προσκαθίξζων)] ‘Settling upon’ The metaphor of the gadfly1.31 A
still contmued

ὑμεῖς δ᾽ tows τάχ᾽ ἄν] The τάχ᾽ ἄν merely remforces ἴσως ‘ But
you perhaps might be apt in a rage,’ etc.

Kpotcavres] ‘With a tap’ Hermann has substituted on his own
conjecture ὀρούσαντες, which would mean ‘having made a rush at me.”

τῶν οἰκείων) This refers to affairs which touched his family, as B
distinguished from those which were purely personal Xanthippe
had her grievances.

ὥσπερ πατέρα kT.A.] Inthe accusative because of the ἐμέ pre-
ceding. ‘ Asa father or an elder brother might.’

τοῦτό ye x.tA.] Could not carry their shamelessness to such a
pitch as to adduce a witness.’ The force of the sentence lies in the
participial clause. See Riddell, Digest, § 303, and cp. 31 D

ἱκανὸν... ἐγὼ παρέχομαι τὸν μάρτυρα] See note on οὐ γὰρ
ἐμὸν ἐρῶ τὸν λόγον, 20 Ἐ,

τὴν πενίαν] See note on 23 Β, ἐν πενίᾳ μυρίᾳ.

ἀναβαίνων] See note on ἀναβέβηκα, 17 Τὴ. Riddell explains the
word differently in this passage, taking it to refer to the Pnyx, ‘as
in the famous πᾶς 6 δῆμος ἄνω καθῆτο, Dem, de Cor. 169, p. 285.’

C 33

APOLOGY, NOTES. 31 D-32 δ.

Ὁ Getév τι καὶ δαιμόνιον] See Introduction

ὃ δὴ καί καὶλῖ ‘Which m fact is the thing that Meletus was
poking fin at in his indictment, when he drew it up’ For the force
of the participle see note on 31 B above, τοῦτό ye «#7 A, and for the
fattep Euthvphro 3 Β

emkapwbav} We have διαλωμῳδεῖν used in the Gorgias, 462 E,
μὴ olnrat pe διακωμῳδεῖν τὸ ἑαυτοῦ ἐπιτήδευμα

τοῦτ᾽ ἐστὶν. ἀρξάμενον], See Introduction, Ὁ, 11,

τοῦτ᾽ ἔστιν ὅ μοι ἐναντιοῦται κτλ] Cp Rep 496 (

ἀπολώλη}] Notice the Attic forms of the pluperfect, ἀπολώλῃ and
ὠφελήκη contracted from the old termmmation τῇ -ea So ἀνεστήκη 10
Prot 335 D

S2A ἰδιωτεύειν ἀλλὰ μὴ δημοσιεύειν] Verbs in -evw formed from
nouns, whether substantive or adjective, denote being in the state
expressed by the noun

τεκμήρια παρέξομαι κτὔἹ ‘ Here appears, in a refined form, the
common τύπος of rehearsing a man’s past services in his defence’
Riddell

οὐδ᾽ ἂν évi] The separation of οὐδὲ or μηδέ from els renders the
e\pression more emphatic. Cp Gorg 521 C, Ὡς μοι δοκεῖς, ὦ
Σώκρατες, πιστεύειν μηδ᾽ ἂν ἐν τούτων παθεῖν

ὑπεικάθοιμι)] Cp. Soph El. 361 This form 15 considered by
many authorities, mcluding Liddell and Scott, to be a second aorist
of ὑπείκω, resembling ἔσχεθον lengthened from ἔσχον Cp ἐδιώκαθες,
Gorg 483 A.

μὴ ὑπείκων δὲ ἅμα et A] The first ἅμα goes with ὑπείκων, the
second with ἀπολοίμην. ‘And, :athe: than yield, would be ready
to perish on the spot’ Cp. Ilom, Od. XI. 371; Eur. Hel. 587.

δικανικά] “1 will tell you a vulgar story and one which smacks
of the law-courts, but which 1s nevertheless true.’ Cp. note on
τεκμήρια παρέξομαι & TA above

B ἄλλην μὲν ἀρχήν] =‘ Though I never held any office at all in the
cit}, yet E was a member of council’

['Avroxis] This word may be a gloss, but there would be
nothing surprismg in the omission of the article with the proper
name: ep Meno 70 B, of τοῦ σοῦ ἑταίρου ᾿Αριστίππον πολῖται Aapi-
σαῖοι, and Phaedo 57 A, τῶν πολιτῶν Φλιασίων

τοὺς δέκα στρατηγούς] The circumstances attending this famous
trial are related by Xenophon in his Hellenics (I chs 4-7)
Alcibiades after his trrumphant return to Athens in B.C. 407 soon
lost the popularity which had led to his being appointed sole com-
mander of the Athenian forces (ἁπάντων ἡγεμὼν αὐτοκράτωρ) He
was deposed, and in his place ten generals were appointed, namely,

34

APOLOGY, NOTES. 32 ἢ.

Conon, Diomedon, Leon, Pericles, Erasinides, Aristocrates, Arche-
stratus, Protomachus, Thrasyllus, Aristogenes In the following
year, ΒΟ 406, Conon, Leon, and Erasinides were besieged τῇ
Mitylene by the Spartan commander, Callicratidas. Diomedon
made an ineffectual attempt to relieve them with twelve ships, of
which ten were instantly captured. Then the Athenians put to sea
with all their forces, and came to the rescue with 120 ships. Their
squadron lay at Arginusae, some islands off the coast of Lesbos,
where Callicratidas offered them battle, with a fleet of inferior
numbers The result was a great victory for the Athenians, who
captured about 70 of the enemy's ships, at a loss of 25 of their own.
The Athenian commanders dunng this action were the following
eight—Aristocrates, Diomedon, Pericles, Erasinides, Protomachus,
Thrasyllus, Lysias, Anstogenes Seven of these names are the same
as before. Conon was still besieged in Mitylene by 50 vessels which
had been left by Callicratidas under the charge of Eteonicus Leon,
we may conjecture, had been captured in attempting to bring news
of Conon’s situation to Athens (see I,6 § 21) Lysias may have
been sent from Athens to supply his place Xenophon makes no
further mention of Archestratus: but we know that he died at
Mitylene (Lysias, “AmoA. Awpod. p. 162; Bekker, vol. I. p. 331).
After the battle the Athenian commanders decided in council that
47 vessels should be left under the command of Theramenes,
Thrasybulus, and others, to pick up the survivors off twelve of their
own ships, which had been water-logged by the enemy, while they
themselves proceeded to attack the besieging force under Etconicus
at Mitylene. A great storm which ensued prevented either of these
operations from being carried out.

The Athenians at home were not satisfied with the conduct of the
commanders, and deposed them all except Conon, whove situation
had exempted him from blame. Of the eght who were engaged in
the battle, two—Protomachus and Aristogenes—did not return to
Athens. The remaining six—Pericles, Diomedon, Lysias, Ansto-
crates, Thrasyllus, and Erasmides—found themselves on their return
the objects of popular odium, one of the foremost of their accusers
being Theramenes, the very man whose duty it had been, according
to their statement, to attend to the recovery of the missmg sailors.
Sentimental appeals were made to the passions of an excitable
populace, and at last a senator named Callisenus was induced to
propose that the generals should be tried in a body, and, if found
guilty, should be put to death. Some of the prytanes refused at
first to put this motion to the vote, as being illegal, but they were
fiightened into compliance, with the single exception of Socrates.

C2 3

=

APOLOGY, NOTES. 32 ἢ.

The opposition of Socrates, however, though dignitied, was ultt-
matels useless. Sentence of death was passed on the eight generals,
and the οἷν who were present were executed, Meneasenus 243 C, D
shows the strength of the popular sentrment with regard to this
passage in history

vaupaxtas} The battle of Argmusae

παρανόμως) They were entitled each to a separate trial, and
they had not been allowed a fair heanng (Xen. Hell I. 7 § 5,
of στρατηγοὶ Bpayéws ἕκαστος ἀπελογήσατο, οὐ γὰρ προὐτέθη σφίσι
λόγος κατὰ τὸν νύμον"

ὡς ἐν τῷ ὑστέρῳ χρόνῳ] It was not long before the Athenians
tepented of their precipitate action. Proceedings were taken against
Callixenus and others who had been prominent i procuring the
condemnation of the generals ; but they effected their escape during
a tumult before they were brought to trial. Callixenus returned to
Athens in B.C 403, when the people came back from the Piraeus,
but he was univelsally detested, and died of starvation (Xen. Hell.
17 $34-

ἠναντιώθην [ὑμῖν] μηδὲν ποιεῖν] ‘Opposed your doing anything
contrary to the laws.’ The negative is due to the expression being
proleptic. The tendency of the opposition was to make the people
do nothing unlawful. The idiom of the French language 1s in these
cases similar to that of the Greek: ‘ J’ empéchals que vous ne fissiez
rien contre les lois”

This incident in the career of Socrates 1s referred to, with the usual
delicate irony with which Plato invests his character, m Gorgias
£73 E,7O πῶλε, οὐκ εἰμὲ τῶν πολιτικῶν, καὶ πέρυσι βουλεύειν λαχών,
ἐπειδὴ ἡ φυλὴ ἐπρυτάνευε, καὶ ἔδει με ἐπιψηφίζειν, γέλωτα παρεῖχον
καὶ οὐκ ἠπιστάμην ἐπιψηφίζειν, References to the same transaction
will be found in Axiochus 368 Ὁ, E; Xen. Mem I 1. §18; IV. 4.
§ 2. In both passages of the Memorabilia it is distinctly stated that
Socrates was ἐπιστάτης on the occasion We learn from the passage
in the Atiochus that the opponents of the generals carned their
point next day by means of a packed committee, of δὲ περὶ Θηραμένην
καὶ Καλλίξενον τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ προέδρους ἔγκαθέτους ὑφέντες κατεχειρο-
τύνησαν τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἄκριτον θάνατον.

[καὶ ἐναντία ἐψηφισάμην] These words are suspected of being
a gloss. The way m which Socrates opposed the popular will
was by refusing to put the question to the vote at all, which in his
capacity of chairman (ἐπιστάτης, it lay with him to do Riddell
accepts the words, and refers them by a Aysteron pioteren to
Socrates voting in committee against the bill being laid before the

le.
peopte 36

APOLOGY, NOTES. 32 B-33 A,

ἐνδεικνύναι με καὶ ἀπάγειν] ‘To mform against me or have me
summarily arrested.’ ἀνάγειν m Barter’s text scems to be due to a
misprint.

φοβηθέντα δεσμὸν ἢ θάνατον] Callixenns threatened to have the C
recalcitrant prytanes included in the same vote with the generals.
Xen, Hell I. 7. § 14.

ἐπειδὴ δὲ ὀλιγαρχία éyévero] This was in BC. 404, a year which
was known in Athenian history as ‘the anarchy.’ Xen. Hell Il 3.
δὲ

οἱ τριάκοντα] The names of the Thirty may be read m Xen.
Hell. II. 3. § 2. The leading sprint among them was Critias. They
were chosen by the people, under the auspices of Lysander, with the
ostensible object of codifying the laws of Athens

πέμπτον αὐτόν] ‘With four others.’ The beautiful conciseness
of this idiom has been imitated in the French language. See, for
instance, Voltaire, Siécle de Lous XIV , ch. 12: ‘Tl échappe ἃ peme
Ini quatrieme ’

τὴν θόλον] The Dome or Rotunda, a building shaped like the
Radcliffe, in which the Prytanes dined, and the Senbes also (Demos-
thenes, De Fals Leg p 410 ad fin.), It was near the conncil-
chamber of the Five Hundred See Pausanias I. 5. § 1, τοῦ
βουλευτηρίου τῶν πεντακοσίων πλησίον Θόλος ἐστὶ καλουμένη, καὶ
θύουσί τε ἐνταῦθα οἱ πρυτάνεις

Notice that the gender of θύλος 15 feminine, like that of so many
words of the second declension which convey the idea of a cavity,
eg χηλύς, κιβωτός, τάφρος.

Λέοντα τὸν ΣΣαλαμίνιον] A man of reputation and capacity, who
had been guilty οἱ πὸ cme Xen Hell. II. 3.§ 39. Cp. Mem. IV

§ 3:

ἀναπλῆσαι)] ‘To implicate.’ Lit to infect. Cp. Phaedo 83 D,
τοῦ σώματος ἀναπλέα; Αι Acharn, 847, δικῶν ἀναπλήσει.

ἀγροικότερον] ‘Too clownish’ The opposite οἵ ἀγροῖκος is Ὁ
ἀστεῖος, which implies refinement and breeding. For the phrase
εἰ μὴ ἀγροικότερον ἣν εἰπεῖν cp. Euthyd. 283 E.

τούτου δὲ τὸ πᾶν μέλει] ‘This, I 5ᾶν, 15 all my care.’ δέ here
lends emphasis to the τούτου, This use οἱ δέ should be compared
with its employment in the combination καὶ, . 8é.

διὰ ταχέων κατελύθη] They were deposed before the end of the ἘΠ
year and a body of ten men, one from each imbe, elected in their
place, Xen. Hell II. 4. § 23

μαθητάς} ‘Xenophon in his Memorabilia speaks always of the 33 A
compamons of Sociates, not of his disciples: of συνύντες αὐτῷ, of
συνουσιασταί (1. 6, § 1)—of συνδιατρίβοντες---οἱ συγγιγνόμενοι--- οἱ

37

APOLOGY, NOTES, 33 A-D.

ἑταῖροι---οἱ ὁμιλοῦντες αὐτῷ---οἶ συνήθεις (IV 8, § 2)---οἶ μεθ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ
(IV. 2.81 ad fin.)—of ἐπιθυμηταί I. 2 § 60), Aristippus also, m
speaking to Plato, talked of Socrates as ὁ ἑταῖρος ἡμῶν, Anstot
Rhetor If. 24,’ Grote’s History of Greece, vol VIII. p. 212, note 3,
ed of 1884, We may add to this list the term ὁμιλητής, Mem 1, 2.
§§ 12, 48.
ἐγὼ δὲ διδάσκαλος κτ λ.] Cp. Xen Mem. I 2. § 3, Καίτοι γε
οὐδεπώποτε ὑπέσχετο διδάσκαλος εἶναι τούτου (1 e. τοῦ καλοὺς καὶ
ἀγαθοὺς εἴναι),
τὰ ἐμαυτοῦ πράττοντο!] That is, carrying out his divine mission.
Cp. 28 E; 29 D above; 32 Ὁ below In the Gorgias Socrates is
made to say that the soul which 1s most likely to please Rhada-
manthys 15 that which has inhabited the body φιλοσόφον τὰ αὑτοῦ
πράξαντος καὶ οὐ πολυπραγμονήσαντος ἐν τῷ βίῳ
οὐδὲ χρήματα μὲν λαμβάνων «7.A,] On this subject see Xen,
Mem, I. 2 §§ 5- and § 60, οὐδένα πώποτε μισθὸν τῆς συνουσίας
ἐπράξατο, ἀλλὰ πᾶσιν ἀφθύνως ἐπήρκει τῶν ἑαυτοῦ. also I 5 § 6
Cp note on 19 E, χρήματα πράττομαι
B ἐρωτᾶν] ‘To ask him questions’
καὶ ἐάν τις κτλ This is a soft way of saying, ‘And I am ready
to question him, if he chooses,’ Riddell
οὐκ ἂν δικαίως τὴν αἰτίαν ὑπέχοιμι]ι Among the followers of
Socrates had been Critias and Alcibiades, about the two most
unprincipled men of their time This point was urged against him
on the tral, See Xen Mer. I. 2 §§ 12-18
Ὁ εἶπον, ὅτι) With a comma at εἶπον, ὅτι 15 explanatory of πᾶσαν
τὴν ἀλήθειαν, “1 told you the whole truth, how that they take
pleasure,’ ete, But with a colon at εἶπον, ὅτε will mean ‘ because,’
and convey the answer to the question with which the sentence
begins, ‘It is because they take pleasure,’ etc. Cp Euthyphro 3 Β,
ἐμοὶ δὲ τοῦτο κτλ.) The intense belief in his own divine
mission, which 1s here so emphatically expressed, is one of the chief
factors to be taken into account in estimating the character of
Socrates.
θεία μοῖρα] ‘ Divine dispensation °
Ὁ ἔγνωσαν] ‘Had found out.’ See note on ἔγνωκας, 25 ΤΆ.
ἀναβαίνοντας} See note on ἀναβέβηκα, 17 D
τινά] The construction of accusative and infinitive after χρῇν is
still continued.
ὑπ' ἐμοῦ) See note on πεπόνθατε ὑπό, 17 A.
πάρεισιν . ἐνταυθοῖ] An instance of compressed construction,
or constructio praegnans, ' Are present hither’ =‘ Have come hither
and are present here.’
38

APOLOGY, NOTES. 33 D, E.

Κρίτων] The attachment of Cnto to Socrates 1s very touching,
Crito was a wealthy man, apparently engaged in business (Euthyd.
304 C), who was always ready to place his riches at the disposal of
his friend (38 B; Crito 45 Β). It was Crto who made anange-
ments for Socrates’ escape from prison, and who affectionately urged
him to avail himself of them; it was Cnto who received his last
behest, and who closed his eyes in death (Phaedo 118 A). He was
the author of a book contaming seventeen dialogues on thoroughly
Socratic subjects, The titles of them may be read in Diogenes
Laerttus II. § 121. According to ths author Cnto had four sons,
Critobulus, Hermogenes, Epigenes, Ctesippus, who were all m-
structed by Socrates. It would appear, however, from Euthyd 306
D, that he had only two, Cntobulus and another who was con-
siderably younger. This may be due to the supposed date of the
dialogue. But more probably the statement of Diogenes is
erroneous Hermogenes, Epigenes, and Ctesippus are present in
the Phaedo (59 B) along with Critobulus, which may have led
to the error

ἐμὸς ἡλικιώτη:}) This renders improbable the statement given on 7
the authonty of Demetrins of Byzantmum that Cnto took Socrates
away from his trade and educated him, being struck with his ability
(Diog. Laert. II § 20 ad fin.)

δημότηθ] Socrates belonged to the deme of Alopece

Ἐριτοβούλου] See note on Κρίτων above. Also Phaedo 59 B.
The conduct of Critobulus 1s made the teat of a sermon from
Socrates m the Memorabilia, I 3 §§ 8-15, cp IL. 6 88 31, 32.
His appearance as a boy 1s described in Euthyd 271 B He figures
in the CEconomicus and in the Symposium of Xenophon He
appears to have excited the animosity of Aeschines the Socratic

Λυσανίας ὁ Σφήττιος] Nothing is known of Lysanias, the father
of Aeschines, beyond what we leam from this passage. He is to be
distinguished from Lysamias, the father of Cephalus, Rep 330 B.
We may set aside on the authority of Plato the statement τὸ which
Diogenes Laertius (II § 60) inclines, that Aeschines was the son of
Channus, ἃ sausage-maker,

Αἰσχίνου) Commonly known as ‘Aeschines the Socratic’ (Cic.
De Inv I 31; Athen. V 220 ἃ, XIII. 611 εὐ. He was one of the
most prominent among the immediate disciples of Socrates, and is
mentioned in the Phaedo (50 B) as having been present at the death
of his master. A collection of dialogues went under his name in
antiquity, of which Diogenes (II. §§ 60, 61) sets aside several as
spurious. Scandal declared that the remainder were really the works
of Socrates himself, which had been given to Aeschines by Xanthippe

39

APOLOGY, NOTES, 332.344.

after the death of the philosopner Athen. XIII. 611 6, ὡς of ἀμφὶ
τὸν Ἰδομενέα gagw Cp Thog, Laert. ΠῚ § 60, where the same thing
is assertel ou the authority of Menedemus of Erctria}. Even his
friend Anstippus is said to have exclaimed against him as a plagiarist
when he heard him give a public reading at Megara (Diog Laert.
Ti, § δὲ ad tin. Aeschines seems fo have been embarrassed all his
life by poverty, possibly on account of an inclmation to good living ;
for Socrates recommended him ‘to borrow from himself, by de-
ereasmg hin dict’ ,Diog. Laert. 11, § 62). After the death of
Socrates ie set up as a perfumer, but became bankrupt The tirade
of Lysias the orator against him, a fragment of which has been
preserved by Athenacus ἈΠ], 617 e-612 Εἰ represents his conduct
at this time as most degraded. Driven to seek his fortune in Sicily,
he was neglected by Plato, but welcomed by Anstippus, who
introduced him at the court of Dionysius, from whom he received
piesents in return for his dialogues He 1s said to have stayed at
Syracuse until the expulsion of the tyiant. On his return to Athens
he did not venture to enter into mvalry with the schools of Plato
and Aristippus, but gave lectures for pay, and composed speeches
for the law-courts. In his style he chiefly imitated Gorgias of
Leontium There is an amusing mmstance ot inductive reasoning
quoted from his works by Cicero (De Inv I. 31‘, in which Aspasia
ἃ Socrates in petticoats, givcs a moral lesson to Xenophon and his
wife.

᾿Αντιφῶν & Kydirvets] To be distmgushed from the Antiphon
of the Parmenides (126 5), who was the son of Pynlampes and half-
brother to Plato; also from Antiphon the Sophist, who figures in
the Memorabilia I. 6, and who may be the same with Ant:phon the
Rhamnusian of Menexenus, 226 A,

Ἐπιγένους Epigenes 1s mentioned as present at the death of
Socrates \Phaedo 59 B’ In the Memorabilia III. 12° we find
Socrates remonstrating with him on the neglect of bodily exercise

ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ διατριβῇ γεγόνασι) ‘Have been in this way of
living.’ The word came to be used later for ‘a school’

Νικόστρατος] There is an actor of this name mentioned by
Xenophon Conv. VI ὃ 3°; but we have no reason to suppose that
he is the same person.

ὥστε καταδεηθείη! ‘So that he at least could not bring any
improper influence to hear upon him.” ἐκεῖνος refers to Theodotus,
αὐτοῦ to Nicostratus.

Πάραλος] Distinguish this person from Paralus, the son of
Pericles, for whom see Alc. 118 E; Prot. 315 A; Meno ga B.

$4.4 Δημοδόκου)] In the Theages Demodocus is represented as

40

APOLOGY, NOTES, 34 A~D.

bringing to Socrates his son Theages, who has an ambition to
become σοφός

Θεάγη8}] In Rep 496 B, C, Socrates speaks of ‘his friend
Theages’ heing only prevented by ill-health from abandoning
philosophy for politics He gives his name to the dialogue above
mentioned,

᾿ΑδείμαντοΞ] This brother of Plato’s appears both in the Par-
menides (126 A) and im the Republic (see especially 362 D-367 E).
The genius and virtue of himself and his brother Glaucon are extolled
by Socrates, who quotes from an elegiac tribute of some admirer of
Glancon’s (368 A)—

παῖδες ᾿Αριστῶνος, κλεινοῦ θεῖον γένος ἀνδρός.

Πλάτων] There are only three passages in all the works of Plato
in which he names himself, namely, the one before us, 38 B, and
Phaedo 59 B, where it 15 mentioned that he was ill at the time of
the death of Socrates.

᾿Απολλόδωρος] Of Phalerum (Symp. 172 A‘. Mentioned in the
Phaedo as having been specially affected by gnef durag his last
interview with Socrates (§9 A ad fin , 117 D). He 1s the supposed
narrator of the dialogue in the Symposium. His devotion to Socrates
and to philosophy was that of a religious enthusiast, and procured
him the surname of ‘the madman’ (Symp 172,173). Xenophon
speaks of him as ἐπιθυμητὴς μὲν ἰσχυρῶς αὐτοῦ (1.6, Swxgtrous),
ἄλλως δ᾽ εὐηθής (Apol. Soc § 28).

ἐν τῷ ἑαυτοῦ λόγῳ] ‘ In his own time of speaking,’ as measured
by the κλεψύδρα, or water-clock. Cp. the expression of Demosthenes
(De Cor. p 274), ἐν τῷ ἐμῷ ὕδατι The water was stopped while
witnesses were speaking.

ἐγὼ παραχωρῶ] Riddell quotes from Aeschines (In Ctes. Ὁ. 77}
the full expression, παραχωρῶ σοι τοῦ βήματος, ἕως ἂν εἴπῃς.

ταῦτα καὶ. τοιαῦτα] Οὗτος, being the demonstrative of the C
second person, 1s appropriately used of what has gone before, and 1s
now in possession of the hearer. Translate ταῦτα ‘ what you have
heard.’ See note on τῇδε τῇ ἡλικίᾳ, τῷ C

εἰ ὃ μέν] =‘ How that he’

τὴν ψῆφον] Words of the second declension that denote earths, D
stones, and the hke are generally feminme Cp. note on τὴν θόλον,
220,

οὐκ ἀξιῶ μὲν γάρ] (I say ‘if’) for, etc.

λέγειν λέγων] Where similar words have to be used in the same
sentence Plato always prefers to bring them together. We have a
remarkable instance in C above, ἀγῶνος ἀγῶνα ἀγωνιζόμενος. See
also note on 19 B, διέβαλλον οἱ διαβάλλοντες,

4

APOLOGY, NOTES. 34 D-36 A.

τὸ τοῦ Ὁμήρου] Od XIX. 163—
οὐ γὰρ ἀπὸ Spuds ἐσσι παλαιφάτου οὐδ᾽ ἀπὸ πέτρης.
εἷς μὲν μειράκιον κτιλι] Cp Phaedo 116 B, δύο γὰρ αὐτῷ υἱεῖς
σμικροὶ ἦσαν, εἷς δὲ μέγας, The name of the eldest was Lamprocles
(Xen. Mem 11. 2. 8 1). The two youngest were Sophroniscus and
Menexenus (Diog Laert. I. 26).

ἘΞ τηλικόνδε] See note on 25 D, τηλικούτου ὄντος κτλ We may
translate, 1f1t be not over-refinement, ‘At my time of life, and with
the reputation you know of’

διαφέρειν] This word is constantly used by the figure meiosis in
the sense of ‘to be superior’

Bais ἄλλαις τιμαῖς * Other posts of distinction’ Like dovores
in Latin.

τὰ ἐλεεινὰ ταῦτα ϑράματα]ῇο ‘ These harrowing stage-effects ’

C ἐπὶ τούτῳ] ‘For this purpose’ Cp ψεύδεται καὶ ἐπὶ διαβολῇ τῇ

ἐμῇ λέγει.

ἐθίζεσθαι) ‘ Let yourselves be accustomed’ An instance of what
Riddell calls the semi-middle sense of the verb See Digest ὃ 88
Both passive and middle tenses are so used Cp Meno 91 C,
λωβηθῆραι.

ἀξιοῦτεμε. , , δεῖν] ‘Expect that I ought’ See note on 28 EF,
φιλοσοφοῦντα pe δεῖν ζῆν, and cp Gorg 512 C, παρακαλῶν ἐπὶ τὸ
δεῖν γίγνεσθαι μηχανοποιούς.

Ὁ) ἄλλως τε κιτιλ,] A violent tmesis The words μέντοι νὴ Δία are
thrust into the middle of the phrase ἄλλως τέ πάντως καί See
Riddell’s note.

φεύγοντα ὑπό) See note on πεπόνθατε ὑπό, 17 A

karyyopotyv| Notice that vowel verbs take this Attic form of the
optative in preference to the usual termination in -oue

τῷ θεῷ] See note on Ig B.

Bord μὲν μὴ ἀγανακτεῖν] This substantival clause is the direct obyect
after ξυμβάλλεται, Just as we might have ξυμβάλλεσθαι χρήματα,
ἱμάτια, ete.

Α γέγονε τὸ γεγονὸς τοῦτο] See note on 19 B, διέβαλλον of
διαβάλλοντες.

οὕτω παρ᾽ ὀλίγον] ‘So close ἃ thing.” παρ᾽ ὀλίγον is treated as
one expression, so that the οὕτω precedes.

ei τρ'ἄκοντα μόναι καὶ Δ Riddell, following Hefiter, takes
the total number of Socrates’ judges to have been 501. Then,
accepting the statement of Diogenes Laertius (II. § 41), that the
majority against Socrates was 281, as representing the aggregate
of condemmmng votes, he draws the conclusion that the minority
in his favour must have consisted of 220, For 31 votes exactly,

43

APOLOGY, NOTES 46 A, B.

or 30 in round numbers, would thus suffice to turn the scale.
It appears that a Heliastic court always consisted of one more
than some multiple of 100, the odd man being thrown in to
prevent an equality of votes, See Riddell’s Introduction, pp.
Mi=xiv,

ἀποπεφεύγη)] Notice the omission of the augment, for which cp.
ὡς ἐν τῇ γραφῇ γἔγραπτο, Xen. Mem. I. 2. § 64

παντὶ δῆλον τοῦτό ye κτλ] A fallacy which is not intended to
deceive, in other words, a jest Socrates playfully assnmes that as
there were three accusers, each of them ought to be credited with
one-third of the votes, As these amounted altogether only to 281,
Meletus could not claim a full hundred, which was the fifth part re-
quired out of the total of sor.

ἀνέβησαν] See note on ἀναβέβηκα, 17 1).

χιλίας δραχμάς] See the law quoted in Demosthenes against B
Meidias, p 529, ὅσοι δ᾽ ἂν γράφωνται γραφὰς ἰδίας κατὰ τὸν νύμον, ἐάν
τις μὴ ἐπεξέλθῃ ἢ ἐπεξιων μὴ μεταλάβῃ τὸ πέμπτον μέρος τῶν ψήφων,
ἀποτισάτω χιλίας δραχμὰς τῷ δημοσίῳ

τιμᾶται. θανάτου] Cp end of note on 24. B, Ξξωκράτη φησὶν
ἀδικεῖν

ὑμῖν] Ethic dative ‘And whereat would you have me set the
counter-assessment ?’

παθεῖν ἢ ἀποτῖσαι] A reference to the terms of the law above
quoted in the note on χιλίας δραχμάς. See again Demosthenes
against Medias, p 529—drov δ᾽ dy καταγνῷ ἡ ἡλικία, τιμάτω περὶ
αὐτοῦ παραχρῆμα, ὅτου ἂν δοκῇ ἄξιος εἶναι παθεῖν ἡ ἀποτῖσαι. παθεῖν
means suffermg in person, ἀποτῖσαι in pocket. The phrase passed
into use im conversation See Xen. Conv Y. § 8.

ὅ τι μαθών) The indirect form of the phrase, τί μαθών, which like
τί παθών may loosely be rendered ‘Wherefore?’ But there 1s this
original difference between the two, that τέ μαθών must have referred
to reasoned and voluntary action, τί παθών to involuntary, ‘ What
ails you that?’ See Arist. Achar. 826 :—

τί δὴ μαθὼν φαίνεις ἄνευ θρυαλλῖίδος,

On what principle do you shine without a wick?

(The pun is untranslateable.)
For the idirect form of the phrase, cp Enthyd. 283 E, σοὶ εἰς
κεφαλήν, ὅ τι μαθών pou καὶ τῶν ἄλλων καταψεύδει τοιοῦτο πρᾶγμα,
and again 299 A, πολὺ μέντοι, ἔφη, δικαίοτερον τὸν ὑμέτερον πατέρα
τύπτοιμι, ὅ τι μαθὼν σοφοὺς υἱεῖς οὕτως ἔφυσεν The phrase appears
to have passed so completely into a mere formula as to admit of
being used even in the neuter plural, See Prot 353 D (where
Hermann has altered the reading on his own conjecture into ὅτι

43

IPOLOGY. NOTES, 36 #-D.

napuvra’, Translate here, * In that, tor whatsoever reason, I allowed
myself no rest in the disposal of my life’

τῶν ἄλλων ἀρχῶν] Notice the idiomatic use of ἄλλων All the
things previously mentioned do not come under the head of what
follows ἄλλων, as the word ‘other’ would imply in English. The
force of ἄλλων extends to all three gemhyes which follow Translate
‘and what not besides—official posts and political clabs and the
factions that go on in the city’ See Riddell’s note and Digest, § 46,
and cp Meno 92 B. A good instance of the idiom in question 15 to
be found in Gorg. 473 D, εὐδαιμονιζόμενος ὑπὸ τῶν πολιτῶν καὶ τῶν
ἄλλων ξένων,

Ο ἐνταῦθα! Put here for ἐνταυθοῖ, as shown by the relative which
follows.

ἐπὶ δὲ τὸ ἰὼν εὐεργετεῖν] The use of the nominative between τύ
and its infinitive 1s quite usual Cp, for instance, Rep 526 B, ὅμως
εἴς γε τὸ dévrepa: αὐτοὶ αὑτῶν γέγνεσθαι πάντες ἐπιδιδόασιν

ἐνταῦθα qa} These words are part of the tea and have to be sup-
plied mentally, if they are omitted. The whole passage from
ἡγησάμενος down may be rendered thus—‘ Thinking myself in reality
too honest ἃ man to have recourse to these with safety, I accordingly
did not have recourse thereto ; for, if I had,I should have been hkely to
have been no use either to you or to myself’ but to going to each of
you in private and conferring upon jou the greatest benefit, as I
maintain, to that I did have recourse’

πρότερον. , πρίν) πρότερον 15 redundant when πρίν follows;
but the combination of the two is quite usual.

D καὶ ταῦτά ye] ‘ And that too,’ representing παθεῖν above.
τοιοῦτον, ὅ τι) ‘Of such a kind as would be suitable to me’
The indefinite, instead of the simple, relative, imparts vagueness to
the expression.

ὅ τι μᾶλλον πρέπει... οὕτωθ] Grammatical consistency
would require either μᾶλλον ἤ or οὕτως ds. For a similar com-
bination of the comparative with the demonstrative construction
see Rep. 526 C, ἅ ye μείζω πόνον παρέχει μανθάνοντι καὶ μελετῶντι,
οὐκ ἂν ῥᾳδίως οὐδὲ πολλὰ ἂν εὕροις ὧς τοῦτο See Riddell, Digest
§ 164. ᾿

πρυτανείῳ] Every Greek city had ἃ πρυτανεῖον or town-hall,
serving as a hearth and home to the corporate life of the community.
It was bere that state banquets were given, ambassadors entertained,
and pensioners supported See Liddell and Scott, where abundant
references are given. The town-hall at Athens, or part of it, was
ealled Θόλος. See note on 32 C, τὴν ϑόλον.

σιτεῖσθαι] Riddell quotes Dem. de Fals. Leg. p 446 ad fin, τί

44

APOLOUY, NOTES, 36 D-37 δ,

Se, δοίητ' av ἐν πρυτανείῳ σίτησιν ἡ ἄλλην τινὰ Fwpev, αἷς τιματε
τοὺς εὐεργέτας;

ἵππῳ ἢ ξυνωρίδι ἢ ζεύγει) + With ἃ horse or pair or team’

τροφῆς οὐδὲν δεῖται] Because such a person was presumably) B
rich. Cp. the phrase οἰκία ἱπποτρόφος and the μέγας καὶ λαμπρὸς
ἱπποτρόφος of Demosthenes (De Cor. p 331).

τὸ δὲ οὐκ ἔστιν κτλῖ ‘But that is not a» you imagine, 387 A
Athenians, but rather as I will tell you’ Td refers vaguely to the
sentence preceding. Distingmsh this from the use of τὸ δέ com-
mented on under 24 Δ, τὸ δὲ κινδυνείει. For the fore of the pro-
nouns cp. note on 34 C, ταῦτα καὶ... τοιαῦτα

διειλέγμεθα] Theaet. 158 C There appears to be no other
perfect middle and passive of διαλέγω besides this form.

dv εὖ οἶδ᾽ ὅτι κακῶν ὄντων] In unravelling this curious knot of B
language we must bear in mind that ὅτε is sometimes used super-
fluously after a verb of knowing which 1s followed by a patticipial
constriction (e.g. Gorg. 481 D). It 1s manifest also that dy is ἃ
partitive genitive. The original construction then may be supposed
to have been as follows-——fsmpat τι ἐκείνων ἃ εὖ οἶδα κακὰ ὄντα.
Then the ordinary attraction of the relative supervened followed by
a very uncommon attraction of the predicate. Cp. Soph. Oed. Col.
334, ἐὺν ᾧπερ εἶχον οἰκετῶν πιστῷ μόνῳ.

[rots €vSexa] The Eleven, or commissioners of police at Athens, C
One was appointed from each of the ten tribes, and the odd man
was their secretary. The brackets indicate the suspicion of ἃ gloss.

δεδέσθαι.) ‘To hein chams’ A lawterm. Cp. Dem. §29, 47.

διατριβὰς καὶ τοὺς Adyous] ‘ My way of living and talking.’ Cp.
Gorg 484 Εἰ, where the two words occur together again, though the
meaning of the first 1s somewhat different.

τηλικῷδε] Cp. 34 E, and see note on τηλικούτου ὄντος et.A., D
25 D.
* dae ἐξ ἄλλης πόλιν wédews] The fulness of the expression
imparts ἃ beauty to it.

ἐξελθόντι. . ἀμειβομένῳ] For the interlacmg of participles ep.
ἐυντιθέντι διαπειρωμένῳ, 27 A.

κἂν μὲν τούτους κιτ Here we have a dilemma, which is of
the kind known as the complex constractive—

If I turn the young men off, they will tum me out; and if I do
not turn them off, their parents will turn me out.

Bat either I must turn the young men off or not,

ον Either they will turn me out or their parents will.

ἡμῖν] Ethic dative ‘Pray, will you not be able?’ x

τῷ θεῷ} See note on 19 A.

46

APOLOGY, NOTES, 37 2-38 Ὁ,
εἰρωνευομένῳ! Cp Rep. 337 A, αὐτη 'κείνῃ ἡ εἰωθυΐα εἰρωνεία
Σωκράτην,
88. ΔΑ ὁ δὲ ἀνεξέταστος βίος κιτ᾿ ὦ The influence of the imttial ὅτι
estends to this clause.

ταῦτα δ] The δέ here emphasizes the apodosis, ‘This indeed '
Cp Gorg 502 B, εἰ δέ τι τυγχάνει ἀηδὲς καὶ ὠφέλιμον, τοῦτο δὲ καὶ
λέξει καὶ ἔσεται. See also note on 32 Ὁ), τούτου δὲ τὸ πᾶν μέλει,
Other instances of δέ in apodosis are Crito 44 B, 51 A, Phaedo 78 (᾽,
So D, 81 B, 113 E; Prot 313 A, 325 C

τὰ δέ] Notice how ra here retains its origmal demonstrative force

B viv δίέ---ἴ Supply od τιμῶμαι Cp Symp. 180 C.

βούλεσθέ μοι τιμῆσαι] * Aie willing to assess 11 for me’

μνᾶν ἀργυρίου! The sum of 100 drachmae={4 15, 3d of ow
money. The following passage from Diogenes Laertius (IT §§ 41,
g2} may be merely an echo of Plato. On the other hand it differs
enough from the Apology to raise a presumption of independent
UTIGIN, καὶ τιμωμένων τῶν δικαστῶν, τὶ χρὴ παθεῖν αὐτὸν ἢ ἀποτῖσαι,
πέντε καὶ εἴκοσιν ἔφη δραχμὰς ἀποτίσειν, Εὐβουλίδης μὲν γάρ φησιν,
ἑκατὸν ὁμολογῆσαι. Θορυβησάντων δὲ τῶν δικαστῶν, Ἕνεκα μέν,
εἶπε, τῶν ἐμοὶ διαπεπραγμένων τιμῶμαι τὴν δίκην τῆς ἐν πρυτανείῳ
σιτήσεως, Kai οἱ θάνατον αὐτοῦ κατέγνωσαν, προσθέντες ἄλλας ψήφους
υγδοήκοντα,

Ἰλάτων δὲ ὅδε] The Jewish historian, Justus of Tiberias, has
preserved or invented an anecdote—how Plato, being a very young
man at the time of Socrates’ tral, mounted the platform, and had
got a» far as * Unaccustomed as I am to public speaking,’ when he
was shouted down by the jurors (Diog. Laert II § 41°.

αὐτοὶ δ᾽ ἐγγυᾶσθαι) A zengma. Supply φασέ from κελεύουσι

© οὐ πολλοῦ γ᾽ ἕνεκα xpdvov] These words are explained by the
next sentence, εἰ οὖν περιεμείνατε ὀλίγον χρόνον κα τιλ. Translate—
‘It 1) no long time, men of Athens, on account of which ye will have
the name and the blame at the hands of those who wish to upbraid
the city,’ etc.

ὑπὸ τῶν βουλομένων] αἰτίαν ἕξετε is practically a passive verb
-αἰτιαθήσεσθε

ὡς Σωκράτη ἀπεκτόνατε)] Chronology is against the story that
Enripides meant to reproach his countrymen on this ground in his
Palamedes, where he said—

"Exaver® ἐκάνετε τὰν πάνσοφον
τὰν οὐδέν᾽ ἀλγύνυυσαν ἀηδύνα μουσᾶν = '

ὑμῖν! Datwus commodi. ‘Ye would have had this happen.’

πόρρω, τοῦ βίου] Cp. πύρρω τῆς ἡλικίας, Gorg. 484 C; Xen.
Mem. IV 8 8.1,

46

APOLOGY, NOTES. 38 C-39 £.

toro] Notice how τοῦτο here 1s used of what has gone before,
while τόδε below 15 used of what 1scommg. What a person is going
to say can be known only to himself, so that ὅδε, which 15 the pro-
noun of the first person, 15 appropriate to express it. Cp note on
ταῦτα καὶ... τοιαῦτα, 34 Β.

μέντοι] μέντοι is not unfrequently used to balance μέν Cp D
20 D, εὖ μέντοι ἴστε: Prot: 343 E, ὥς ἄρα ὄντων τινῶν τῶν μὲν ὡς
ἀληθῶς ἀγαθῶν, τῶν δὲ ἀγαθῶν μέν, οὐ μέντοι ἀληθῶς : and again
351 A, ὥστε συμβαίνει τοὺς μὲν ἀνδρείους θαρραλέους εἶναι, μὴ μέντοι
τούς γε θαρραλέους ἀνδρείους πάντας. See on this subject Riddell,
Digest § 162.

θρηνοῦντός τέ pov] Supply ἀκούειν. ‘To hear me, I mean,
weeping and wailing’

ἕνεκα τοῦ κινδύνου] ‘On account of the danger.’ So above, Ἐὶ
ov πολλοῦ γ᾽ ἕνεκα χρόνου,

ὧδε. ἐκείνως ὧδε, ‘in the way I have done;’ ἐκείνως, ‘in the
wey those others do’ See note on τῇδε τῇ ἡλικίᾳ, 17 Ὁ.

πᾶν tro.av] ‘By any and every means.” The phrase here contains 39 A
the same idea as the word πανοῦργος

ἀλλὰ μὴ οὐ τοῦτ᾽ ἦ χαλεπόν] Cp. Meno g4 B, ἀλλὰ μὴ οὐκ 7
διδακτόν, The easiest explanation of such expressions 1s to suppose
an ellipse of some word like φοβοῦμαι or dpa before the μή.

θᾶττον γὰρ θανάτου θεῖ] That 15, the soul is exposed to more
chances of death than the body

πρεσβύτη9] Distinguish this from πρεσβευτής, an ambassador B

ὑφ᾽ ὑμῶν] See note on πεπόνθατε ὑπό, 17 A.

ὑπὸ τῆς ἀληθείας κ΄ τ.λ.] ‘Sentenced by truth to the penalty of
vice and injustice.’

ἔδει] ‘It was destined,’

τὸ δὲ δὴ μετὰ τοῦτο] ‘But next’

χρησμῳδοῦσιν] See Riddell’s note on the subject of prophetic G
power at the point of death, With the references there given we
may compare Jacob on his death-bed (Gen. xlvin. 19 and xlix)
See also Phaedo 85 B.

οἵαν] Agreeing with τιμωρίαν understood, a kind of cognate
accusative after awexrdvare.

τὸ δὲ ὑμῖν κτλ } ‘But that will tarn out to you far otherwise.’

πλείους ἔσονται κιτιλ.1] Grote sees in the fact that this prophecy
was not fulfilled an argument for believing that in the Apology we
have the real defence made by Socrates. But probably to Plato’s
mind it was fulfilled already in the rise of the various Socratic
schools

ὑπέρ] Here equivalent to περί, Cp. Xen. Mem. 1.1. 8 17; IV. 2.§ 23. B

47

APOLOGY, NOTES. 39 £-40 D.

of dpyovres}] ‘ The magistrates,’ 1 ὁ, here the Eleven.

διαμυθολογῆσαι] Notice that διαλέγεσθαι 16 not here employed,
perhaps because Plato is about to give the reins to his imagination
inq1 A-C, For the difference between μῦθος and λόγος see Phaedo
61 B, ἐννοήσας ὅτι τὸν ποιητὴν δέοι, εἴπερ μέλλοι ποιητὴς εἶναι, ποιεῖν
μύθους, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ λόγους" Prot. 320 C, 224 Ὁ; Gorg. 523 A.

40 Α & ἄνδρες δικασταί] This formula was used once before (26 D),
but there it was put into the month of Meletus Socrates reserves it
for the judges who acquitted him Hitherto he has usually addressed
his audience as ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, more rarely as ὦ ἄνδρες (e.g. 22 B,
29 A, 34 B, 35 B ad fin., 39 E) or ὦ ᾿Αθηναῖοι simply (30 B, 33 C,
37 A).

δικαστάθ] ‘ Dispensers of yustice ἢ

πάνυ ἐπὶ σμικροῖς] ‘Quite upon trifling matters’ For an in-
stance see Enthyd 272 E, where the supernatural sign checks Socrates
when he 1s about to rise from his seat

For the position of πάνυ cp Prot 338 E, πάνυ μὲν οὐκ ἤθελεν,
‘was quite unwilling.’

Β οὔτε ἡνίκα ἀνέβαινον] ‘Nor when I was coming up here before
the court,’ i.e. mounting the platform to present myself before the
court. See note on 17 Ὁ, ἀναβέβηκα, and cp. Gorg 486 B, εἰς τὸ
δικαστήριον ἄναβάς

κινδυνεύει γάρ κατ ‘Perhaps this thing which has happened
may have been a good thing for me. Cp. Xen. Apologia Socratis
§ 5,°H θαυμαστὸν νομίζεις ef καὶ τῷ θεῷ δοκεῖ ἐμὲ βέλτιον εἶναι ἤδη
τελευτᾶν; The key-note of that treatise lies in insistance on the fact
that Socrates had made up his mind to die. Xenophon tells us that
the δαιμόνιον hindered Socrates when he attempted to prepare a
defence (Mem. IV. 8. § 5; Apol. § 4).

C τεθνάναι] Not ‘to die,” but ‘to be dead.’ Cp. Gorg. 493 A,

ὡς νῦν ἡμεῖς τέθγαμεν See note on 25 D, ἔγνωκας.

τὺ ἀγαθὸν πράξειν] ‘To meet with some good fortune.’

até] Referrmg to τὸ τεθνάναι,

ἢ yap οἷον καλὴ ‘Either it 15, as it were, that the dead man
18 nothing ’

τοῦ τόπου τοῦ ἐνθένδε] This is a pregnant construction similar
to such phrases as of ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ἔφυγον. For a well-known
Instance cp Demosth. de Cor. p. 284 ad fin., τοὺς τ᾽ ἐκ τῶν σκηνῶν
τῶν κατὰ τὴν ἀγορὰν ἐξεῖργον.

Ὦ ἐγὼ γὰρ ἂν οἶμαι] This is the begining of the apodosis, which
is resumed at οἶμαι dv below, after the long protasis has mtervened
The ἄν stnkes the key-note of the sentence as being conditional, but
does not become effective till dv εὑρεῖν in E

48

APOLOGY, NOTES. 40 Ε, 414.

ὃ πᾶς χρόνος] ‘All time,’ collectively. E

Μίνως τε κιτιλ,] Strictly these names ought to be in apposition 41 A.
to τοὺς ἀληθῶς δικαστάς, but they are attracted into the nominative
through the influence of the relative clanse which intervenes. Fora
similar instance see Meno 94 D, ἐξευρεῖν ἂν ὅστις ἔμελλεν αὐτοῦ τοὺς
υἱεῖς ἀγαθοὶς ποιήσειν, ἢ τῶν ἐπιχωρίων τις ἢ τῶν ξένων, where τις
ought to be in apposition to the suppressed object after ἐξευρεῖν. In
the Gorgias 523 E, 524 A, Minos, Rhadamanthys and Aeacus are
mentioned as holding judgment on men after death Rhadamanthys
has jurisdiction over the souls that come from Asia, Aeacus over
those that come from Europe, while Minos holds a court of appeal,
in case the other two are in any doubt Rhadamanthys 15 men-
tioned in the Odyssey (IV 564) as living in Elystum Tutptolemus
appears only here in a judicial capacity.

Ὀρφεῖ... καὶ Μουσαίῳ] These two names occur together
again in Prot 316 D; Ion 536 B; Rep. 364 E Plato calls Orphens
the son of Oeagrus (Symp 179 D‘, and quotes familiarly from his
poems (Crat 402 B, Phil 66 C, Laws 669 Ὁ) But he has not
the most distant idea of his date, Iumping him along with other
early discoverers—Dacdalus, Palamedes, Marsyas, Olympus and
Amphion—as having lived some thousand or two thousand years ago
(Laws 677 Ὁ), The legendary history of Orpheus was evidently
known to Plato, as he makes Phaedrus in the Symposium (179 D)
give a distorted version of it. The magic of his voice 1s referred
to in Prot 315 A, and the sweetness of his hymns in Laws 829 E.
In the vision of Er his soul 1s made to choose the life of a swan
(Rep 620 A) The oracles of Musaeus are mentioned in Herod
VIII. 96 They were arranged and edited by Onomacritus, who
was banished from Athens by Hipparchus for interpolating them
(VII δ). Plato speaks of a host of books passing in his trme under
the names of Orpheus and Musaeus, which he evidently does not
regard as authentic (Rep 364 E:. At the same time he acknow-
ledges a genuine Musaeus, and criticizes his conception of the
future life as a degrading one (Rep. 363 C, D). Musaens seems
also to have written on cures for diseases (Arist. Frogs 1033). The
names of Orpheus and Musaeus were connected with mysteries, and
were made much use of by a set of priestly pretenders (Prot. 316 D;
Rep. 364 E), who declared these poets to be the offspring of the
Moon and the Muses. But these followers of Orpheus (of ἀμφὶ
‘Opoéa) were not without their higher side. They practised
vegetarianism, like the Pythagoreans ' Laws 782 C), and are credited
in the Cratylus .4oo C\ with the mysterious doctrine, with which
Plato was so fascinated, that this life is death, and that the body is

D 49

APOLOGY, NOTES. 41 4-424,

the grave or prison-house of the soul, in which it suffers for its
former sins cp Phaedo 62 B; Gorg 492 E,493 A\ Aristophanes
' Frogs 1032, 3° sums up pretty well what we know of Orpheus and
Musaeus,

Ὀρφεὺς μὲν γὰρ τελετάς θ᾽ ἡμῖν κατέδειξε φύνων τ᾽ ἀπέχεσθαι,

Μουσαῖος & éfaxeoas τε νύσων καὶ χρησμούς,

ἐπὶ πόσῳ dv τις καὶ "Ηον much would not any of you give?”
Notice the repetition of the ἄν, on which cp note on ἐγὼ yap ἂν
οἶμαι, 40 Ὁ.

Β αλαμήδει] See note on ὡς Σωκράτη ἀπεκτόνατε, 38 C. Xeno-
phon in his Apology makes Socrates cite the case of Palamedes,
παραμυθεῖται δ᾽ ἔτι με καὶ Παλαμήδης ὁ παραπλησίως ἐμοὶ τελευτήσας
‘Apol. Socr. § 26).

ov ἂν dySes εἴη] These words merely repeat the apodosis which
we had at starting, θαυμαστὴ av εἴη ἡ διατριβὴ αὐτόθι Tt 15 an
instance of binary structure See Riddell, Digest § 207

Σίσυφον] Mentioned here as a type of cunning.

(Οὐ ἢ ἄλλους μυρίους dv ts εἴποι] The regular construction 15 broken
off asifin impatience See Riddell, Digest, § 25+

ἀμήχανον εὐδαιμονία] ‘An inconceivable happiness’ Lit, ‘1n-
concelsable in happiness ἢ

D οὐκ ἔστιν ἀνδρὶ ἀγαθῷ «7A ] In this sentence Socrates reaches
the sublimest height of Stotcism, tempered with religious faith and
hope.

οὐ πάνυ χαλεπαίνω) ‘T cannot say I am angry.’ See note on
καὶ οὐ πάνυ 4,7. τὸ A
ΔΘ. .Α πεπονθὼς ἔσομαι] Cp κατεαγὼς ἔσται, Gorg 469 D
ὑφ᾽ ὑμῶν] See note on πεπόνθατε ὑπό, 17 A.
ἀλλὰ γάρ] ‘But (1 will sayno more‘ for’ ete Translate, * But
enough—it 13 now fime to go away’ See however note on 10 C,
ἀλλὰ γάρ.

INDEX TO THE NOTES,

memes epee

[. ENGLISH.

Accusative after adverbs of swear.
mg, 17 B, μὰ Δία.

-- σονὰ by verbal substantive,
18 T, τά τε μετέωρα,

-- οἵ the mtemal object, 22 (,
πάθος «.. πεπονθότες

Adverb used as predicate, 30 A,
ἐγγυτέρω.

Aeolic aorist, 30 D, ἀποκτείνειε,

Anacoluthon, 19 E, πείθουσι ; 21 C ,
ἔδοξε μοι

Anarchy, The, 32 C, ἐπειδὴ δὲ
bAvyapyie.,

Aonst of first attamment, 19 A,
ἐξελέσθαι. χρόνῳ,

Aorist subjunctive ἰοτθιἀδιῃρ ἃ
particular act, 20 E, μὴ θορυβή-
σῆτε,

Article, omussion of with proper
name, 32 B, [’Avrioyis],

Attic future, 30 C, dv βλάψειεν

-— optative, 35 D, κατηγοροίην

— pluperfect, 31 D, ἀπολώλη,

Attraction, 18 A, αὕτη ἀρετή ; 20 D,
ποίαν δὴ σοφίαν ταύτην; 24 B,
αὕτη ἔστω; 31 B; 41 A, Νίνως

— of the Relative, 29 B, ὧν οἶδα -
37 8.

Angment, omussion of, 36 A, ἀπο-
πεφεύγη.

Binary structure, 41 B, οὐκ ἂν
ἀηδὲς εἴη

Cheapness of books at Athens,
26 E. δραχμῆς ἐκ τῆς ὑρχῆστρας

Choice of Hercules, 1g E, Πρύ-
δικος

Cognate accusative, 28 ΕἸ, φιλοσο-
φοῦντά μὲ δεῖν Cy, 530 Ὁ,
olay

—after adjectives, 20 B, ἀρετήν

Colloqual language of the Apo-
logy, 19 E, πείθουσι

Comic poets who attacked So-
crates, 18 D, κωμῳδιοποιύς,

Comparative and demonstrative
construction combined, 36 Ὦ,
ὅ τι μᾶλλον πρέπει... οὕτως

Compressed construction, 33 1.
πάρεισιν . ἐνταυθοῖ,

Dative of advantage, 30 A, vew-
Tépw ; 38 Ὁ, ὑμῖν,

Demonstiative corresponding to
personal pronouns, 17 C, τῇδε
τῇ ἡλικίᾳ; 28 A, ταῦτα; 34C;
37 ΑἹ 38 C, τοῦτο; 38 E, ὧδε
wes ἐκείνως,

Dilemma, 35 D, κἂν μὲν τούτους,
Double accusative after yerbs of
seeking, 23 B, ἄν τινα οἴωμαι
Drachma, value of, 38 B, μνᾶν

ἀργυρίου,
Ethic dative, 30 C, ἐμμείνατέ por ,
36 B, ὁμῖν; 37 E, ἡμῖν.
Expulsion of the democracy, 21 A,
τὴν φυγὴν ταύτην.

Fullness of expression, 19 B, διέ-
βαλλον of διαβάλλοντες.

I

Cre

INDEX TO THE NOTES.

Goods, classification of, 2y 1),
χρημάτων μέν,

ΠΠΟΠΊΘΙ as quoted by Plato and
Aristotle, 28 D, κορωνίσιν.

Infimtive after 1elative, 29 C, ἐφ᾽
ᾧτε μήκετι «ς .. διατρίβειν,

Intetlacing of participles, 25 A,
ξυντιθέντι διαπειρωμέγῳ: 3; Ὁ,
ἐξελθύντι .. , ἀμειβομένῳ

τ B, οὐ κατὰ τιύτους
19 A, καὶ οὗ πάνυ

Litotes,
κτλ;

Meiosis, 17 B, οὐ κατὰ TOUTOUS
κτιλι, 34 Ἐ διαφέρειν

Negative in Greek, where not in
knglish, 27 E, ὡς οὐ τοῦ αὐτοὺ,
32 8B, ἡναγτιώθειν kT,

— in English, where not in Greek,
29 B, εἰ ἀγαθὰ ὄντα τυγχάνει
Nominative θεῖν een τό and infini-

trve, 36C, ἐπὲ δε τὸ ἰὼν εὐεργετεῖν

Nommatis us pendens, 21 C, ἔδοξέ

μοι.

Oxymoron, 24. C, σπουδῇ χαριεν-
τίζεται

Participial clause canying the force
of the sentence, 31 B, τοῦτο γε,

Verfect expressing a state, 25 D,
ἔγνωκας, 40 C, τεθνάναι,

Personal construction in place of
impersonal, 18 A, δίκαιός εἶμι
ἀπολογήσασθαι

Poetry, species of, 22 B, καὶ τοὺς
ἄλλους,

—a fom of inspiration, a2 C,
φύσει τινὶ καὶ ἐνθουσιάζοντες

Pregnant construction, 32 D, πά-
pow ἐνταυθοῖ ; 40 C, τοῦ
τύπου τοῦ ἐνθένδε.

Prophetic power at the point of
death, 39 (ἡ, χρησμῳδοῦσιν

ka
ὧν
Ly

Puns in Plato, 24 Ὁ, ἀμέλειαν

Science and theology, conflict be-
tween, 18 C, of yap ἀκούοντες.
Semi-middle sense of the verb,
21 D, ἀπηχθόμην; 35 C, ἐθίζε-

σθαι.

* Silence gives consent, 27 C, τίθημι
γάρ σε ὑμολογοῦντα,

Similar words brought together,
34 Ὁ, λέγειν λέγων, 36 A,
γέγονε TO γεγονὸς τοῦτο.

Socrates, age of, 17 Ὁ, ἔτη γεγονὼς
ἑβδομήκοντα

— burlesqued in the Clouds, 19 C

—~ — on the stage generally,
18D.

—- denied that he was a teacher,
33 A, ἐγὼ δὲ διδάσκαλος

-~-his aversion fiom physical
science, 19 C, ὧν ἐγὼ οὐδέν

-~ his campaigns, 28 1,

— his deme, 33 E, δημότης

— his disciples called
panions,’ 33 A, μαθητάς

— his inductive method, 27 B, ἐν
τῷ εἰωθότι τρύπῳ

—his intense belief in his own
divine mission, 33 C, ἐμοὶ δὲ
τοῦτο.

— his μεγαληγορία on his tual,

oF, μέγα λέγειν

— his opposition dwing the tnal
of the Ten Generals, 32 B.

—his povertv, 23 B, ἐν πενίᾳ
pupig..

——his sons, 34 D, els μὲν μειρά-
Κίον

— his imbe, 22 B, [’Avrioyés].

— indictment against him, 24 B,
Σωκράτη φησὶν ἀδικεῖν.

— invincible as a disputant, 17 A,
δεινοῦ ὄντος λέγειν,

— misconceived by his counity-
men, 19 B, Σωκράτης ἀδικεῖ.

~-never demanded mcney, 33 A.
οὐδὲ χρήματα κιτ A,

‘com-

INDEX [0 THE NOTES,

Socrates, number of ΠῚ» judyes,
26 A, εἰ τριάκοντα μύναι

— oracle relating to him, 21 ἁ,
ἄνειλεν,

— regarded as an atheist, 26 C, τὸ
παράπαν od νομίζεις θεοῖς,

- supported by voluntary vontribu-
tions, 19 E, γρήματα πράττομαι

Sophists, the Greek equivalent ἴοι
a tniversity education, 23 Β,
ois μάλιστα σχυλή ἐστιν.

— their claim, 20 B, τῆς ἀνθρω-
πίνης τε καὶ πολιτικῆς.

— why disliked, 19 E, ἐὼν εἰς
EAQOTHY

Subject of the succeeding verb used
as object of the preceding, 21 1".
τὸν χρησμόν, τι λέγει.

Sun and moon regarded as divine
beings, 26 D, οὐδὲ ἥλιον οὐδὲ
σελήνην.

Thirty, The, 32 C, of τριάκοντα,

—thenr deposition, 32 Εν διὰ
ταχέων κατελύθη

i mesis, 35 1D, ἄλλως Te.

‘Inal of the Ten Generals, 32 1,
τοὺς δέκα στρατηγοῖς

Verbs of petceiving constructed
with a participle, 20 «A, ἐπιδη-
pourra,

\irtual passives, 17 «ὦ. πέπυνθατε
ὑπό; 26 A, ἐὰν μάθω, 33 D,
φεύγοντα ὑπύ: 38 C, ὑπὸ τῶν
βουλομένων

Virtue, material advantages of,
30 Boob ἐκ χρημάτων

Zeugma, 38 1}, abroe δ᾽ ἐγγνᾶσθαι

Il GREER

ἀγροῖκος and ἀστεῖος, 32 D, ἄγροι-
KOT Epo

ἀεροβατεῖν, 1g C

ἀλλὰ yap, 19 C; 42 A

ἄλλο τι ἥ, 24. C

ἄλλος, Idiomatic use of, 36 L, τῶν
ἄλλων ἀρχῶν

ἀμφί, idiomattc use of, 18 B, τοὺς
ἀμφὶ “Avuroy

dy, repetition of, 4o D, ἐγὼ γὰρ ἀν
οἶμαι ; 41 A, ἐπὶ πόσῳ ἂν τι,

dy, with fut indic , 29 C, dy δια-
φθάρησονται

ἀναβαίνειν, 11 D, ἀναβέβηκα.

ἀναγνῶναι, 10

ἀναγνῴστης, 19 Β, ἀναγνῶναι

ἀναπλῆσαι, 32 C.

ἀντιγραφῆ, 27 C.

ἀντωμοσία, 19 B.

ἀσπάζομαι μὲν καὶ φιλῶ, 29 10.

ἅτε, 23 D, Gre... ὄντες

ἀτιμαίω and ἀτιμόω, 30 1), ἀτιμώ-
σειεν.

ἅττα and drra, 30 C.

abrd, vague use of, 21 5,

δαίμονες, 27 1.. ᾿

δαιμόνιον, 40 A, πάνυ ἐπὶ σμικροὶ;
40 B, κινδυνεὔει γάρ.

δέ, emphatic, 32 Ὦ, τούτου δὲ τὸ
may μέλει ; 28 ἃ, ταῦτα δέ

διαβολῇ = ρτεγυάιςε, 19 A.

διατριβή, 33 E, ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ δια-
τριβῇ ; 31 C, διατριβὰς καὶ τοὺς
λόγου".

διείλεγμαι, 37 A.

διθύραμβος, 22 Β,

δίκας φεύγειν, 19 C, pry πῶς ἐγώ

ἔδει --ἰξ was destined, 39 B.
el, superposition of, 29 B, ὥστε
οὐδ᾽ εἴ pe νῦν.

ἔσχε
tre

INDEX TO THE NOTES,

ef πάνυ πολλυῦ, 26 Ly

εἴ τις, 18 1), πλὴν εἴ τις

εἰρωνεία of Socrates, 17 ἢ, of κατὰ
τούτους εἶναι ῥήταρ, 12 B, ἦναν-
τιώθην 37 E, εἰρωνευομένῳ.

- of Attic diction, 19 A, καὶ οὐ
πάνυ, 30 (ἡ, οὐκ ἐμὲ pelle
βλάψετε.

ἐμμελῶς, 20 Ὁ

ἐν ὑλίγῳ, 22 Β

ἐν τῷ ἑαυτοῦ λύγῳ. 34 A

ἐνδεικνύναι, in law, 32 1}

evdexn, οἱ, 37 C.

ἐνταῦθα -- ἐνταυθοῖ, 36 C,

ἐντεῦθεν, used of persons, 22 (,,

> καὶ ἐντεῦθεν,

ἐξελέγχω. consir of, 22 A, ἃ ἀν
ἄλλον ἐξελέγξω,

ἐπ᾽ αὐτοφώρῳ, 22 Β

ἐπεί =though, 19 E,

ἐπιστήμων. etymologically con-
nected by Plato with ἐπιστάτης.
20 ἢ

ἐργω, τὶ B.

ἐρήμη δίκη. 18 C, ἐρήμη »

ἐρώτησις, at law, 24 C, καί μοι δεῦρι

-eva, force of termination, 32 A
ἰδιωτεύει» ἀλλὰ μὴ δημοσιεύειν

ἔφησθα, zi C

ἔχειν ἁμάρτημα 22

iyyeto@ar=believe in, 18 C, οὐδὲ
θεοὺς νομίζειν.

ἠρύμην, used as aor. of ἐρωτάω,
20 A, ἀνηρύμην.

θεία μοῖρα, 33 (ὦ,
θεμιτόν, 30 Ὦ.

θεός, feminine, 28 C.
θόλος, ἡ, 32 C,

wat, alternative use of, 23 A, «al
οὐδενύς.

kal, expletive use of, 28 B, ὅτου τι
καὶ peep ὑφελός ἐστιν.

καὶ yep= Ξε καὶ γὰρ καὶ, 18 E, καὶ γὰρ
ὑμεῖς,

“1τ
ofa

καλὺς κάγαθυς, 1:1. 1)
καταγιγνώσκειν τινύς, 25 A, πολλὴν
Ὑ ἐμοῦ κατέγνωκας δυστυχίαν.
κτῆσις, different meanings of, 20 }}

λόγον. mm grammar, 17 B, ῥήμασι
τε Kat ὀνόμασι

μὰ Aia, i; Β.

μαντεία and μαντεῖον, 52 Δι, wa μοι
κτὰ

μαντεῖον, differentmeanings of, Στ

μέγα λέγειν, 20 E

μέν and δέ, duplication οἱ, 28 1),
᾿Ἐγὼ οὖν κτὰ

μέντοι, in place of δέ, 20 1), εὖ
μέντοι ἴστε; 58 Ὦ,

μή, h othetical use of,
μὴ olda,

μῦθος and λόγος, 3y li, διαμνθολο-
γῆσαι.

μυρίος and pups, 23 Β, ἐν πενίᾳ
μυριᾳ

μύωψ, 30

20. Ba

yy, used in oaths, 17 LB. μὰ Δία

νὴ τὸν κύνα, 21 E

νομίζειν = believe in, 18 C, ουδὲ
θεοὺς νομίζειν.

ὀλίγου, 17 Δ.

ὐλίγου δεῖν, 22) A

ὄνομα, In grammar, 17 b, ῥήμασι
τε καὶ ὀνόμασι

ὑρχήστρα, 26 KE, δραχμῆς ἐκ τῆς
ὀρχήστρας

ὅτι, superflnous use of, after a verb
of knowmg, which 1s followed
by a participle, 37 B, ὧν εὖ of6
ὅτι κιτιλ.

ὅτι, with the direct narration, 21 C

οὗ and μή, ἴῃ questions, 25 A, μὴ of
ἐν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ.

οὗ μή, 20 D, οὐ μὴ παύσωμαι.

ob πάνυ, 19 A, καὶ οὐ πάνυ; 41 Ὁ),
οὗ πάνυ χαλεπαίνω,

οὗτωσί, 26 Ἐ,

INDEX TO

ov φημί, 20 Ki, φησί:
οὐδ᾽ ἂν ἑνί, 32 A
οὐδὲν δεινὸν py, 28 B.
οὔτε μέγα οὔτε σμικρόν, 24 A

«οὐ φῆτε

παθεῖν ij ἀποτῖσαι, 36 b.

πὰν ποιῶν, 39 A.

πάνυ, position of, 40 A, πάνυ ἐπὶ
σμικρυῖς

παρά, of comparison, 28 C.

παρίεμαι, τς

παρ᾽ ὀλίγον, 36 A, οὕτω παρ ᾿ὐλίγον

πάσχειν πρός τινα, 21 C, πρὸς ov
ἐγὼ σκοπῶν

πέμπτος αὑτός, 32 C

πεπονθὼς ἔσομαι, 42 Δ,

περιεργάζεται, 19 B

περιφερόμενον, 19 C.

πολλοῦ δέω, its constr , 30 D

πόρρω τοῦ βίου, 35 C.

πρεσβύτης and πρεσβευτής, 39 B.

προσκαθίζω, 31A

πρότερον, redundant with πρίν,
36 (,

πρόχειρος, 23 D

πρυτανεῖον, 36 D

ῥῆμα, τὰ grammai, 17 B, ῥήμασι
τε καὶ ὀνόμασι

ra, demonstrative, 38 A, τὰ δέ,
τεθνάναι, 40 Ὁ.

THE NOTES,

τηλικοῦτος and τηλικόσδε, 25 1);
34 E, Τηλικόνδε.

τὴν ἀ ἀρχήν, 20 C.

τί μαθών and τί παθὼν, 36 Β, ὁ te

μαθὼν

τινα, omission of, 20 A, δοκεῖν
σοφὸν εἶναι.

τὸ δέτε whereas,
δυνεύει,

—— vague demonstrative use of,
31. ἃ, τὸ δὲ οὐκ ἔστιν.

τὸ ἐ ἐπὶ τούτῳ γε, 27 B.

τόπος, of rehearsing past Se1vices,
32 A, rexuipe παρέξομαι

τράπεζα, 17 C, ἐπὶ τῶν τραπεζῶν

23 ἃ, τὸ δὲ κιν-

ὑπεικάθοιμι; 42 A,

ὑπέρ -- περί, 39 L.

ὑπό = by reason of, 17 A, ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν

ὑποστέλλω, 24 A, οὐδ᾽ ὑποστειλά-
μενος.

χρησμός, 21 C
& ἄνδρες δικασταί, use of by Socrates,

40 A,

ὦ πρὺς Διός, 2

ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν, 1 A

ὥστε οὐ and ὥστε μή, 26 1), ὥστε
οὐκ εἰδέναι.

ὡς ὥνησας, 27 C.

ᾧ "τᾶν, 25 Ὁ.

INDEX OF PERSONS.

yz appended refers the reader to the notes.)

Adeimantus, 34 A, 2

Aeacus, 41 A,

Aeantodorus, 34 A

Aeschines, the Socratic, 33 EK, 2.

Ajax, the son of Telamon, 41 B.

Anaxagoras, 26 D

Anytus, 18 B, 2; 23 E, 2; 25 B,
29 ὦ; 30 B,C; 31 A; 34 B;

6A

36 A.
Antiphon, of Cephisus, 33 E, 7
Apollodorus, 34 A, 7; 38 B.
Ariston, 34 A.

Anstophanes, το C.
Callias, the son of Hipponiens, 20

Aya
Chaerephon, 20 E. 2; 21 A.
Crito, 33 D, 2; 38 B.

Cnitobulus, 33 D, 2; 38B

Lycon, 23 E, 24 A,
Lysanias, the father of Aeschines,

33 Ex

Meletus, 19 B,2,C; 23 Ej 24 B-
28 A; 30 C; 31D, 344, 8
35 D; 36 A; 37 Β,

Minos, 41 A, 2

Musaeus, 41 A, 7.

Nicostratus, 33 Is.

Orpheus, 41 A, 2

Palamedes, 41 B

Paralus, the son of Demodocns,
33 E.

Patroclus, 28 C.

Plato, 34 A; 35 B

Prodicus, 19 E, 2

Rhadamanthys, 41 A, #2,

Sisyphus, 41 C

Demodoens, 34 A, 22 Socrates, passzm
Epigenes, 33 E, zz. Theages, 34 A, 2
Evenus, 20 B, 7. Theodotus, 33 E.
Gorgias, 19 E, x. Theozotides, 33 Ey
Hector, 28 Ὁ. Thetis, 28 C.
Hippias of Elis, 19 i, 2 Tniptolemus, 41 A, 2.
Homer, 41 A. Ulysses, 41 B.
Leon, of Salamis, 32 C, 2, D.

THE ‘END.

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