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3&ifoeritg nf Semite 

G.H. Armstrong, Esq. 



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"There has been a time in the history of every nation when the only supple- 
ment to the organs of the body for the uses of Man were the stones in the field and 
the sticks of the forest. To use these natural, abundant, and portable objects, was 
an obvious resource with early tribes. If mind dawned in the past at all, it is with 
such objects that we should expect its first associations, and as a matter of fact it 
seems everywhere to have been so. Relics of a Stick Age would of course be oblit- 
erated by time, but traces of a Stone Age have been found, not in connection with 
the first beginnings (sic), of a few tribes only, but with the first beginnings from 
the point that any representation is possible of probably every nation in the 
world. The wide geographical use of stone implements is one of the most striking 
facts in Authropolgy. Instead of being confined to a few peoples, and to outlying 
districts, as is sometimes asserted, their distribution is universal. They are found 
throughout the length and breadth of Europe, and on all its islands ; they occur 
everywhere in Western Asia, and north of the Himalayas. In the Malay Penin- 
sula they strew the ground in endless numbers ; and again, in Australia, New 
Zealand, New Caledonia, the New Hebrides and the Coral Islands of the Pacific. 
Known in China, they are scattered broadcast throughout Japan, and the same is 
true of America. . . . If a child playing with a toy spade is a proof that it is a 
child, a nation working with stone axes is proved to be a child-nation. Erroneous 
conclusions may easily be drawn, and indeed have been, from the fact of a nation 
using stone, but the general law stands. Partly, perhaps, by mutual intercourse, 
this use of stone becomes universal, but it arose more likely, from the similarity in 
primitive needs, and the available means of gratifying them. Living under widely 
different conditions, and in every variety of climate, all early peoples shared the 
instincts of humanity which first called in the use of tools and weapons. All felt 
the same hunger ; all had the instinct of self-preservation ; and the universality of 
these instincts and the commonness of stone led the groping mind to fasten upon it, 
and make it one of the first steps to the Arts. A Stone Age, thus, was the natural 
beginning. In the nature of things there could have been no earlier. If Mind 
really grew by infinitely gradual ascents, the exact situation the theory requires is 
here provided in actual fact." 

Henry Drummond, LL.D., F.R.S.E., F.G.S. (author of "Natural Law in the 
Spiritual World ") in The Ascent of Man, pp. 139-140. 




Preface , 1 

Presentation 3 

Accessions to the Museum , 5 

Notes on Some Specimens 

Pottery 43 

Clay Pipes 45 

Stone Pipes . 46 

Gorgets or Pendants 49 

Stone Adze 50 

Bird Amulet 50 

Cutting Tools 51 

Bone Harpoon 52 

Copper Tools 53 

Indian Flute ; 54 

The Pagan Iroquois ; 54 

Pagan Conditions 56 

Old Time Paganism : 58 

Recent Indian Religions 62 

Skaneodyo and Iroquois Paganism 75 

Mid- Winter Festival 82 

Burning of the White Dog 91 

Why is the White Dog Burned ? 95 

Scattering of Ashes 106 

Opening Speech of the Leader at the Mid- Winter. Festival 115 

The Cayuga Spring Sun Dance 117 

The Seneca Spring Sun Dance 121 

The Green Corn Dance 124 

The Peach Stone Game 126 

Feast of the Skeleton 128 

General Opening Address at the Festivals 130 

Children's New Year Feast 135 

The Word " Niyoh " 136 

Pagan Hell 137 

Spraying of Heads 139 

Dream Interpretation 142 

Iroquois Music 143 

Song Words 153 

Society of the False Faces 157 

Society of the Husk Masks ". 163 



Some Myths 

The False Faces, or Flying Heads 160 

Origin of the Husky Masked Dances *. 163 

The Pigmies and Pigmy Dance 164 

The Oh-kwa-ri-dak-san 165 

The Bear Boy 165 

A Big Turtle 167 

Mixed Blood ; . . . . 167 

Personal Names 168 

Place Names 171 

Iroquois Gentes 173 

Chiefship 175 

Dress 179 

Dwelling Houses . 180 

Brotherhood or Fellowship 180 

Marriage and Separation 183 

Death Customs . 184 

A Chief's Death 185 

Council Meetings 186 

Maize as Food 187 

Disease 189 

Archaeological Notes, Victoria County, by G. E. Laidlaw 196 

Corrections 202 


Delawares 203 

List of Indian Dances . . 205 



Gananoque Clay Pot 4& 

Medonte Clay Pipe 45 

Collingwood Clay Pipe 45 

Penetanguishene Clay Pipe 45 

Thunder Bird Stone Pipe 46 

Tiny Township Stone Pipe 48 

Tay Township Stone Pipe 49 

Gorget (?) 49 

Gorget-like Cutting Tool '. 49 

Slate Amulet 50 

Stone Adze 50 

Bird Amulet 51 

Large, Roughly Chipped Axe 51 

Limestone Axe-like Tool 52 

Bone Harpoon 52 

Copper Knife 53 

Copper Axe = 53 

Indian Flute (recent) 54 

A Dance at the Longhouse 83 

Ka-nis-han-don 84 

Position of Gamblers in the Peach-stone Game 127 

Black Mask 159 

Red Mask 162 

Iroquois Woman and Child 179 


PLATK T. On the Grand River Reserve. 

" II. Ka-nis-han-don, Master of Ceremonies for 1898. 

" III. Ready to Dance at the Seneca Longhouse. 

" IV. Mohawk Chief and Daughter. 

" V. David Key, Seneca Master of Ceremonies for 1899. 

" VI. Old and New Onondaga Longhouses. 

" VII. South Cayuga Longhouse and Burying-Ground. 

" VIII. Pounding Corn. 

" IX. Daughter of Chief Shorenkowane (Mohawk). 

" X. Chief John Smoke Johnson. 

" XI. -Minor Chief A. G. Smith. 

" XII. Chief Isaac Doxtater. 

" XIII. David Vanevery. 

" XIV. John Carpenter. 

" XV. Chief Medicine Man, and Chief of the False Face Society. 

" XVI. Mrs. Reuben. 

" XVII. A. Chief Henry and Mrs. Henry. 

B. An Indian House. 

" XVIII. A. Dancers Ready for the Spring Sun Dance. 

B. John Key, the Last Speaker of the Tutelo Language. 

" XIX. J. Ojijatekha Brant-Sero. 



While it is thought that in what follows concerning the Pagan 
Iroquois the student of human nature will find something that is new, 
it is quite certain he will discover many omissions, some errors, and 
much respecting which it is desirable to know more. One worker 
during one season cannot hope to cover all the ground. 

Pains have been taken to give facts only, and these, when neces- 
sary, have been verified out of the mouths of two or three witnesses 
at least, and sometimes of many more. 

It is hoped that the information will not only assist white people 
in arriving at some intelligent conclusions respecting our Iroquois, but 
that it will prove beneficial to the Indians themselves, as every word 
has been written in a spirit of sympathy with the past, present, and 
possible future of the Red Man. 

Besides those to whom credit is given elsewhere for assistance 
rendered, special thanks are due to Mr. Avern Pardoe, Legislative 
Librarian of Ontario, for having enabled me to make use of books not 
otherwise procurable in any city library to which I had access. 

I have also to acknowledge courtesies on the part of C. C. James, 
Esq., M.A., Deputy Minister of Agriculture ; and of the Rev. Dr 
Harris, Dean of St. Catharines. 


To the HONORABLE G. W. Ross, LL.D., 

Minister of Education : 

SIR, The report herewith presented is chiefly ethnological rather 
than archaeological, consisting, as it does, mainly of a study undertaken 
with your hearty approval, of Iroquois Pagans and Paganism on the 
Grand River Reserve. As far as I know, nothing of the kind has ever 
been done before. That very scholarly gentleman, the late Horatio 
Hale, has given us in the "Iroquois Book of Rites," an exhaustive trea- 
tise on the ceremonies connected with the appointment of a new chief, 
and other writers have referred more or less fully to this or that cus- 
tom, rite, or belief of the people in question, but there has always been 
required, something like a connected account of the people and their 
religion. In large measure, the Iroquois Pagans themselves have been 
to blame, and yet when we call to mind the characteristics of their 
race as well as the relations they have borne to white men, we can 
scarcely wonder that native reticence, reserve, shyness, secretiveness, 
or, call it what we may, has always stood in the way of our arriving 
at a comprehensive view of the situation. Nor is it affirmed that this 
has been done even now in its entirety. In accordance with modern 
methods of investigation, it would not only require years of close 
study, but of intimate social intercourse with the people, and the force of 
this remark will be appreciated when to it is added the assertion that 
even very few Christian Indians on the Reserve have anything but the 
haziest of ideas respecting the " ways " of their Pagan brethren. 

Notwithstanding the desire of many of the Pagans to communi- 
cate information to me, it would have been utterly impossible to arrive 
at anything approaching satisfactory results in many cases had it not 
been my good fortune to enlist the co-operation of Mr. J. Ojijatekha 
Brant Sero, one of the brightest and most intelligent Iroquois ever born 
on the Reserve. A Caniengahaga, or Mohawk, with a good knowledge 
of the dialects spoken by people of the other " nations," it was only 
through him that I was able to get originals and translations of 
speeches and addresses made by chiefs and others at the feasts, and, 
when with your approbation, Ka-nis-han-don, a distinguished Seneca 
leader was brought to Toronto for consultation, with the consent of the 
Seneca Longhouse, Mr. Brant-Sero acted as interpreter with a full 
appreciation of what was demanded by a desire for accuracy. By letter 
and otherwise, he has also, at various times, assisted me in verifying or 
correcting important statements, purely on account of the interest he 


takes in his own people. Other Indians to whom I am indebted are 
mentioned in connection with the information they supplied. 

From the Ethnographical Survey Committee of the British Asso- 
ciation there came a request for photographs and measurements of 
Indians. This request it was found impossible to comply with at the 
time, notwithstanding the desirability that such work should be done 
in accordance with the terms of the committee's scheme, but it is hoped 
that the interspersed portraits of leading Iroquois will, at least, illus- 
trate physiognomical types and tendencies. 

It must prove a source of pleasure to you, I am sure, to be 
informed that increased interest continues to be manifested in all 
matters of an archaeological nature. The demand for our more recent 
annual reports has been beyond our ability to supply, and many letters 
have reached us giving information relative to places of interest that 
are yet unexplored. Perhaps this may be most clearly brought out by 
the statement that during the twelve months from December 1st, 1897 
to November 30th, 1898. 982 letters were received, in reply to which, as 
well as with a desire to procure further information, 1,085 communica- 
tions were sent out. 

The only exchange effected was with the Field Columbian 
Museum, Chicago, to which we sent a representative Ontario collection, 
as an equivalent for pottery from Peru, Nicaragua and Costa Rica. 

It is to be regretted that the cranial measurements anticipated in 
last report have not been made, owing to press of work on the part of 
the physician who hoped to occupy some of his attention with this 

I have the honor to be, 

Yours respectfully, 



Although absolutely no field- work has been done this year numer- 
ous additions have been made to the museum by gift. Chief among 
these is that of Mr. George E. Laidlaw, of "The Fort" on Balsam Lake. 
Since early youth Mr. Laidlaw has been an ardent and intelligent col- 
lector, and has, for some years ceased to be a mere amateur, as one may 
gather from the articles that have appeared from his pen in the 
American Antiquarian. The Laidlaw collection, most of which has 
been in our cases ' on deposit ' since 1890, comprises, one might sup- 
pose, examples of nearly every kind of artifact in stone, bone and horn, 
employed by the people in what are now the townships of central and 
north Victoria, and, when taken together with the excellent collection 
from the same county, presented to the museum some years ago by 
Mr. James Dickson, D.L.S., of Fenelon Falls, will place the representa- 
tive material from that part of the province on a par with what we 
have from the country of the Hurons ; from that of the Attiwandarons to 
the south ; and with Dr. T. W. Beeman's collection made -in the Rideau 
Valley, which was probably occupied by a pre-Iroquoian Algonkin 

A smaller, but still highy valuable collection came to us from Mr. 
T. F. Milne, of Queensville, and as the greater part of Mr. Milne's col- 
lection was made in North Simcoe, it adds much of great value to what 
we already had from the Huron country. While engaged as a public 
school teacher, Mr. Milne devoted considerable attention to archaeo- 
logical pursuits, having made several excursions in company with Dr. 
R. W. Large and others, through the most interesting portions of Sim- 
coe county, in quest of specimens. 

Mr. Wm. C. Perry, of Winnipeg, (formerly of New Westminster), 
has also sent in a valuable little collection, most of which is from the 
Balsam Lake district, but some from British Columbia. 

Those from the former locality include a few that were required 
to aid in completing series suggested by the Laidlaw collection. 

Among those who to whom we are again indebted, or who are 
now to be credited for the first time are Messrs. Alfred Willson, Toron- 
to ; Dr. T. W. Beeman, Perth ; W. A. Brodie, Bethesda ; Chas. V. Fuller, 
Grand Ledge, Mich.; Dr. McDiarmid, P.S.I,, Maxville, Glengarry; Rev. 
Dr. John Maclean, Neepawa, Manitoba ; and A. F. Hunter, Barrie. 

Through Mr. Freeman Britton, of Gananoque, we received, with 
some other things, an almost perfect clay pot, and from Mr. W. J. 


Wmtemberg, of Washington, Ontario, a curiously carved stone pipe, 
both of which are described and illustrated under " Notes on some 
Specimens." Mr. Thos. Crawford, of Tiny has kindly placed a few 
interesting specimens on deposit. 

The following is a detailed list of the year's" additions: 

16,999. Dance (turtle) rattle used by the Pagan Indians on the Grand 
River Reserve. John R. Davis. 

17.000. Small grooved hammer, Rideau Lake. Dr. T. W. Beeman, 

17.001. Small stone gouge, lot 2, concession 3. Drummond Township. 
Collected by J. H. Morris. Dr. T. W. Beernan. 

17.002. Small double-pointed slate tool or ornament ; N. Elmsley 
township. J. W. Beveridge, per Dr. T. W. Beeman. 

17.003. Deer skin coat, used by the Indians and Whites in Manitoba 
and the N W. Territories. Collected by Robert Jaffray. Mrs. R. 
Jaffray, Toronto. 

17.004. Clay pipe, Saugeen, Ontario. P. R. Jarvis, Stratford. 

17.005. Skull (extremely brachycephalic) from grave near Blind 
River, Algoma. John J. Walsh, Blind River. 

17.006. Broad, thin, silver bracelet, found with 17,005. 

17.007. Four small, European, sheet-copper crosses, found with 17,005. 

17.008. Five tubular, European, sheet-copper bangles, found with 

17.009. Twenty, small, porcelain beads, found with 17,005. 

17.010. Slate ornament or amulet, leaf shaped and notched all around 
the edge a cross cut on one side, found with 17,005. 

17.011. Small glass bottle, bearing date January 26th, 1754, found 
with 17,005. 

17,002. Photograph of Aztec idol. Joseph Workman, Walsenburg, 

17.013. Photograph of Aztec calendar stone. Joseph Workman, 
Walsenburg, Colorado. 

17.014. Longitudinal section of clay pipe- .stem showing that the 
material was moulded around a coarsely twisted cord. " Old 
Fort," Whitchurch township. W. A. Brodie, Bethesda. 

17.015. Small discoidal stone (perforated) may have been a spindle 
whorl. " Old Fort," Whitchurch township. W. A. Brodie. 

17.016. Part of bone chisel or gouge. " Old Fort," Whitchurch. W. 
A. Brodie. 

17.017. Small neckless arrow-tip. " Old Fort," Whitchurch. W. A. 

17.018. Bone awl. " Old Fort," Whitchurch. W. A. Brodie. 

17.019. Medal struck in commemoration of the hundredth anniversary 
of the founding of Onondaga, N.Y. Historical Association of 
Onondaga, Syracuse, N.Y. 

17.020. Mask worn in false face dances among the Iroquois on Grand 
River Reserve, Ont. Collected by David Boyle. 

17.021. Mask worn in false face dances on the Grand River Reserve, 
Ont. Collected by David Boyle. 

17,022-3. Dance rattles used in Pagan ceremonies on the Grand River 
Reserve, Ont. Collected by David Boyle. 

17.024. Clay pipe, Norfolk county. Capt. J. G. Spain. 

17.025. Clay pipe, lot 1, concession 5, Medonte township, Simcoe, 
County. A. F. Hunter, M.A. 

17.026. Clay pipe, Norfolk county. Capt. J. G. Spain. 

17.027. Clay pipe, lot 4, concession 9, Nottawasaga. Collected by 
David Boyle. 

17.028. Bird amulet (cast), Michigan. C. V. Fuller, Grand Ledge, 

17.029. Bird amulet, lot 9, concession 3, Caradoc township. 

1 7,030. White-stone pipe bowl, near Creemore. W. and D. Melville. 

17.031. Two fragments of soapstone pipes, from Brant township, 
Brant county. E. C. Waters. 

17.032. Part of soapstone pipe, Tuscarora township, Brant county 
Collected by David Boyle. 

17.033. Whitestone pipe-stem, lot 19, concession 3, London township, 
Middlesex county, Ont. 

17.034. Rough piece of catlinite from pipestone quarry, Minnesota. 
A. Stevenson, B.A., Arthur. 

17.035. Stone pipe, Calgary, N.W.T. John F. Holden, Toronto 
Junction , 

17.036. Cast of stone pipe, Brant Township. J. H. Grouse, Auburn, 


17.037. Small celt, west side Pelee Island, Lake Erie. John E. Gow, 

17.038. Part of white-stone pipe, smoothed on under side of fractured 
edge ; locality not known. 

17.039. Piece of deer-horn and nine fragments of pottery, from the 
Sand Banks, Hallowell township, Prince Edward county. Miss 
Muriel Merrill, Picton. 

17.040. Three pipe-stems, Harvey township, Victoria county. Jas. 
Dickson, Fenelon Falls 

17.041. Clay pipe-bowl (imperfect) Harvey township, Victoria. J. 
S. Cairnduff, Bobcaygeon. 

17.042. Soap-stone pipe, lot 12, concession 14, township of Tiny, 
found by Edward Todd. Wilford McConnell, Randolph. 

17.043. Scraper, lot 3, concession 10, Dunwich township, Elgin 
county. D. G. Re veil, Toronto. 

17.044. Cast of nondescript specimen found " by a Mr. Gennison of 
Lansing, Michigan," said to have probably come from Ohio. C. 
V. Fuller, Grand Ledge, Michigan. 

17.045. Cast of stone tube, Oneida township, Eaton county, Michigan 
C. V. Fuller. 

17.046. Cast of bar amulet, Danby township, Ionia county, Michigan. 
C. V. Fuller. 

17.047. Cast of gorget, Watertown township, Clinton county. C. V. 

17.048. Cast of bird amulet, found near Grand Ledge, Michigan. C. 
V. Fuller. 

17.049. Cast of bar amulet, Sandusky, Ohio. C. V. Fuller. 

17.050. Cast of bird amulet, county, Ohio. C. V. Fuller. 

17.051. Cast of banner-stone, Oneida township, Eaton county, 
Michigan. C. V. Fuller. 

17.052. Cast of one-armed banner-stone, Dalton township, Eaton 
county. C. V. Fuller. 

17.053. Small clay vessel, shallow, entire, lot 28, range 22, 

township, Sunflower county, Mississippi. Wm. Williamson 
Sloane, Blythe. 

17.054. " War-club " with inserted flint blade, Made by Wm. Henry, 
a Cayuga chief on the Six Nation Reserve, Grand River. 

17.055. Grooved axe, mounted by Wm. Henry. 

17.056. " War-club " made from a knotted branch in which seven 
pins are inserted and left projecting about half an inch. Made by 
Wm. Henry. 

17,057-8. Double barred silver crosses, held for many years as heir- 
looms in Indian families to whose ancestors they were given by 
the early Catholic missionaries in N. Y. State. Collected on the 
Six Nation Reserve by David Boyle. 

17.059. Stone gouge, 4th line, Lake Road West, Stephen township, 
Huron county. Alfred Willson, Toronto. 

17.060. Gorget, (two holes) Lot 5, Lake Road West, Stephen town- 
ship, Huron county. Alfred Willson. 

17.061. Clay pipe, Lot 4, Lake Road West, Stephen township, Huron 
county, found by R. Ravielle. Alfred Willson. 


17.062. Object of Huronian Slate, 3| inches long, perforated at one 
end and pointed at the other. Lot 5, Lake Road West, Stephen 
township, Huron county. Alfred Willson. 

17.063. Unfinished argillite knife or spearhead, Grand Bend, Bosan- 
quet township, Lambton county. Alfred Willson. 

17.064. Small well-shaped (woman's slate) knife, lot 6, Lake Road 
East, Stephen township, Huron county. Alfred Willson. 

17.065. Adze, (at first sharpened at both ends) lot 6, Lake Road West, 
Stephen township, Huron county. Alfred Willson. 

17.066. Iron " bill-hook " found on site of " Old Fort," near Clearville, 
Orford township, Kent county, by G. H. White, Palmyra. Ont., 
and presented by him. 

17,067 ? Cline farm, N. Yarmouth, Elgin county. 

17.068. Slate knife no record. 

17.069. Slate tablet or gorget, North Yarmouth, Elgin county. 

17.070. Stone pipe, lot 34, Lake Road West, Bosanquet t ownship, 
Lambton county, collected by D. H. Burley. Alfred Willson, 

17.071. Small clay pipe, Indian Reserve, Tuscarora township, Brant 
county. Collected by David Boyle. 

17.072. Slate knife, from near Tyrone, Durham county, Ont. Mrs. 
N. E. Manning. 

17.073. Appears to be part of a belemnite, slightly bored at the small 
end ; near Tyrone, Durham county, Ont. Mrs. N. E. Manning. 

17.074. Small stone axe, Darlington township. Collected by W. J. 
Roy. Mrs. N. E. Manning. 

17,075-82. Fans, representing native work in Samoa, Honolulu, India, 
Japan and Spain. 

17,0^3. Model of Samoan surf-boat with outriggers. 

17.084. Samoan war- club. 

17.085. Samoan ceremonial spear, elaborately carved. 
17,086 Samoan walking-stick of cocoanut wood. 
17,087. Japanese bamboo walking-cane, richly carved. 
17,088-9. Nulla-Nullas, or warclubs, Queensland, Australia. 
17,090-1. Boomerangs (said to be of the "come-back" kind), 

Queensland, Australia. 

17.092. Large piece of tapa cloth, Samoa. 

17.093. Fiji man's dancing skirt. 

17.094. Arab basket of native bark, Aden. 

17.095. Italian straw basket. 

17.096. Pair of Chinese lady's slippers. 


17,097-8. Two small bags composed of seeds woven on threads, New 

17.099. Fiji bead bracelet. The beads are of European manufacture. 

17.100. Samoan basket, 

(The specimens numbered from 17,075 to 17,100 were procured from 
Mrs. F. Smith, the collector.) 

17.101. Iroquois whistle or flute, made by Abraham Buck, Grand 
River Reserve. Joshua Buck, Onondaga. 

17.102. Corn-pounder, Bind, Angola, S. W. Africa. Collected by Rev. 
Walter T. Currie. Mrs. John Currie, Toronto. 

17.103. Stone gouge, Lanark county. Dr. T. W. Beeman, Perth. 

17.104. String of shell (columelloe) beads, said to have been given by 
an Indian to W. D. King, of St. Catharines, early in the century. 
H. D. King. 

17.105. Casts of two (all that were found) fragments of human skull 
from Egisheim, Germany. These are very old, but of a type 
higher than that of the Neanderthal skull. Dr. D. G. Schwalbe> 
Professor of Anatomy, Strasburg University, Germany. 

17.106. Copper spear or knife, lot 7, concession 3, Darlington town- 
ship, Durham county. Collected by Edmund Prout. Professor 
John Squair, Toronto University. 

17.107. Bog-butter, from near Dunlavin, County Kildare, Ireland. 
Presented by Mrs. Hopkins, Blackball Castle, Kilcullen, Kilkenny 
county, per B. St. G. Lefroy. 

17.108. Cutting or scraping tool of soft stone, Indian Lands, Glen- 
garry County, Ont. Dr. D. McDiarmid, Public School Inspector 

17.109. Stone axe of schistose slate, Indian Lands. Dr. McDiarmid- 

17.110. Small stone axe, Indian Lands, Glengarry. Dr. McDiarmid. 

17.111. Small stone adze, Indian Lands, Glengarry. Dr. McDiarmid. 

17.112. Slate gouge, Indian Lands, Glengarry. Dr. McDiarmid. 

17.113. Stone gouge, degraded to use as an axe. Indian Lands, 
Glengarry. Dr. McDiarmid. 

17.114. Soapstone pipe. Indian Lands, Glengarry. Dr. McDiarmid. 

17.115. Slate knife, " Britton" farm, near Gananoque, Leeds County, 
Collected by M. Doray. Freeman Britton, Gananoque. 

17.116. Stone axe, "Britton" farm. Collected by M. Doray. Free- 
man Britton, Gananoque. 

17.117. Clay vessel, almost perfect, " Britton " farm, near Gananoque. 
Collected by M. Doray. Freeman Britton, Gananoque. 

17.118. Bone harpoon, Percy Township, Northumberland County. 
Collected by E. Fleming. Dr. R. Coghlin, Hastings. 



17.119. Stone pipe roughly blocked out, Crawford farm, near Pene- 
tanguishene, Simcoe county. Collected by A. Crawford. 

17.1 20. Clay pipe, Fair Valley, Medonte township, Simcoe county. 

17.121. Clay pipe, bored for a wooden stem after having been broken. 
Simcoe county. 

17.122. Clay pipe with effigy of human face, Crawford farm, near 

17.123. Small clay pipe, Crawford farm, near Penetanguishene. 

17.124. Clay pipe, Crawford farm, near Penetanguishene. 

17.125. Clay pipe, Fair Valley, Simcoe county. Collected by Miss 
Susie Nelson. 

17.126. Clay pipe, bored for a new stem, Vasey, Tay township, Simcoe 
county. Collected by M. Brown. 

17.128. Clay pipe, Waverley, Tay township, Simcoe county. 

17.129. Clay pipe, Crawford farm, near Penetanguishene. 
17,130-32. Clay pipes, Brown's farm, Vasey, Tay township. 

17.133. Clay pipe, Crawford farm, near Penetanguishene. 

17.134. Bird's head effigy from clay pipe, Crawford farm, near 
Penetanguish ene. 

17.135. Clay pipe, Price's Corners, Medonte township. 

17.136. Widely flared edge of clay pipe, Bass Lake, Orillia township, 
Simcoe county. 

17.137. Peculiar stem of clay pipe, Simcoe county. 

17.138. Part of unfinished stone pipe, Tiny township, Simcoe county. 

17.1 39. Soapstone pipe representing a lizard (?) Bell's farm, Waverley, 
Tiny Township. 

17.140. Small and well made celt, C. Nelson's farm, Medonte town- 
ship, Simcoe county. 

17.141. Cut-oft piece of catlinite (?) Vasey, Tay township. 

17.1 42. Woman's knife (slate), Bell's farm, Tay township. 
17,143-4. Discs (gambling ?) Crawford's farm, near Penetanguishene. 

17.145. Banner-stone, Holland Landing, East Gwillimbury, York 

17.146. Small banner-stone, (locality uncertain, but thought to be 
near Hamilton.) 

17.147. (?) Soapstone, near Penetanguishene. 

17.148. Water-worn stone, partly cut, as if to make beads, Holland 
Landing, York county. 

17.149. Small, rough celt, Holland Landing, York county. 

17.150. Small hammer-stone, Bass Lake, near Orillia. 


17.151. Stone bead, Vasey, Tay township, Simcoe. 

17.152. Stone bead, Crawford's farm, near Penetanguishene. 

17.153. Stone bead, Fair Valley, Medonte township, Simcoe county. 

17.154. Quartzite knife or spear head, lot 119, concession 3. E. 
Gwillimbury, York county. 

17.155. Quartzite knife or spear head, Fairbairn's, Sharon, York 

17.156. Quartzite knife, broken, James Milne's farm, E. Gwillimbury, 
York county. 

17.157. Arrow-head of milky quartz, Rix's farm, Bass Lake, near 
Orillia, Simcoe county. 

17.158. Bone handle of stone flesh-scraper, Manitoba. Collected by 
Jas. Kavanagh. 

17.159. Wampum, Wagner, Simcoe county. 

17.160. Gorget, West Lome, Elgin county. Collected by Mr. McColl. 
(The specimens numbered from 17,119 to 17,160, as well as those 

numbered from 17,778 to 17,786 in this list were presented to the 
museum by T. F. Milne, of Queensville.) 

17.161. Broken clay pipe, Indian lands, Glengarry county. Dr. D 
McDiarmid, P.S.I., Maxville. 

17.162. Cutting or scraping tool of unusual form, slate. Collected by 
H. Hammond, North Cayuga, Haldimand county. 

17,193. Small slate tube (cross section oval.) Collected by Baker, 
North Cayuga, 

17.164. Slate, tablet-like cutting tool, North Cayuga. 

17.165. Small slate paint-pot, near Cayuga village. 

17.166. Small slate paint-pot, J. R. Martin's farm, near Cayuga village. 

17.167. Small bar amulet, McGillivray township, Middlesex county. 

17.168. Pebble of fine sandstone with a hole bored near each end, and 
one bored nearly through about the middle. Cayuga township. 

17.169. Ogee bar amulet, near Stirling village, Hastings county. 

17.171. Unfinished soapstone pipe, North-west Territory, (modern.) 

17.172. Axe-like cutting tool of limestone. Head broken off, across 
what seems to have been a hole intended for a handle. Clair, 
North Cayuga. 

17.173. Ogee bar amulet. North Cayuga township. 

17.174. Bird amulet. Webster's sand-pit, North Cayuga township. 

17.175. Small, slate, axe-like amulet or ornament extremely well 
made ; no locality, known. 

17.176. Small stone adze with hole partly bored near upper end, on 
flat side. 


17.177. Large tablet- like scraper of finely laminated slate. 

17.178. Copper, semi-gouge tool, Dr. Davis's farm, North Cayuga. 

17.179. Gorget with one hole : subsequently degraded to form a cut- 
ting tool. Cayuga, 

17.180. Slate gorget, two holes. Nissouri township, Middlesex 

17.181. Roughly made slate gorget. J. Burns's farm, Oneida town- 
ship, Haldimand County. 

17.182. Slate gorget, well made, two holes, Haldimand county. 

17.183. Doubled-edged stone axe, May's farm, N. Cayuga. 

17.184. Stone gouge, Bourn's farm, North Cayuga. 

17.185. Large stone gouge, near Stirling, Hastings county. 

17.186. Gouge, (limestone) near Stirling Hastings county. 

17.187. Doubled-edged stone-axe, McGillivray township, Middlesex 

17.188. Stone gouge with angularly formed lip. 

17.189. Small stone axe, Dr. Baxter, Cayuga. 

17.190. Roughly made slate tool perhaps unfinished. Cayuga. 

17.191. Stone axe, very well made, North Cayuga township. 

17.192. Unfinished or broken, triangular, stone tool, Oneida township, 
Haldimand county. 

17.193. Stone adze, small, McFarlane's farm, North Cayuga township. 

17.194. Stone axe, upper part roughly chipped, lower end lightly 
polished ; near Stirling, Hastings county. 

17.195. Gorget, elliptical, two holes, broken across one, Middlesex 

17.196. Gorget, elliptical, imperfect, Ferguson's farm, Oneida town- 

17.197. Gorget, nearly perfect, McGillivray township, Middlesex 

17.198. Stone axe, small and thin ; Oneida township. 

17.199. Small axe, slightly gouge -mouthed, Hyde Park, near London, 

17.200. Small stone axe, near Coulter's farm, Port Maitland, Lake 

17.201. Slate pebble, slightly worked ; hole begun near middle on one 
side. Collected by W. Humphrey in Cayuga village. 

17.202. Small stone gouge, Ferguson's farm, Oneida township. 

17.203. Imperfect stone tube, 3| inches long ; Blakeney's farm, North 

17.204. Small stone gouge, 2| inches long; Coulter's farm, near Port 


17.205. Small slate gorget, a large pendant, one- hole near small end ; 
McFarlane's Flats, North Cayuga. 

17.206. Triangular stone blade, sharpened on one edge as for a knife 
or scraper, Chatham, Ont. 

17.207. Chisel or small axe, Oneida township. 

17.208. Stone gouge ; near Stirling village, Hastings county. 

17.209. Roughly made axe or celt ; Bell's farm, North Cayuga. 

17.210. Heavy pendant, or thick gorget, Hyde Park, Middlesex county. 

17.211. Small stone axe, Minnesota, U.S. 

17.212. Slate gorget, one hole, McFarlane's farm, North Cayuga. 

17.213. Small stone axe, McFarlane's farm, North Cayuga. 

17.214. Small stone gouge, McFarlane's farm, North Cayuga. 

17.215. Small stone adze, McFarlane's farm, North Cayuga, 

17.216. Stone chisel or small axe, Walsh's farm, North Cayuga. 
17,217-25. Flints from four to six inches long; various places in 

Haldimand county. 

17.226. Part of bar amulet, 3| inches long; McGillivray township, 
Middlesex county. 

17.227. Small and well made adze ; Hyde Park, Middlesex county. 

17.228. Small slate gouge ; Hyde Park, Middlesex county. 

17.229. Grooved axe, made from a pebble ; North Cayuga township. 

17.230. Chisel or small adze; Murphy's farm, North Cayuga. 

17.231. Gorget, micaceous schist, two holes bored near one end 
across crosswise ; Glair's farm, North Cayuga. 

17.232. Small, thick and much tapered stone axe ; Decewsville, 
Haldimand county. 

17.233. Stone axe, 6 inches long and very thin ; Decewsville, Haldi- 
mand county. 

17.234. Small stone axe, slightly groved ; North Cayuga. 

17235. Well formed stone axe, unusually flat on both sides ; North 

17.236. Stone adze, thick, perfectly straight on one side and much 
curved on the other ; Glair's farm; North Cayuga. 

17.237. Small stone axe ; North Cayuga. 

17.238. Small stone axe or chisel ; Coulter's farm, Port Maitland, 

17.239. " Butterfly " banner-stone ; N. Campbell's farm, North 

17.240. Stone gouge ; North Cayuga. 

17.241. Cay pipe bowl ; no locality known. 

17.242. Clay pipe ; " Old Fort," Hyde Park, near London. 

17.243. Imperfect chert drill (?) North Cayuga. 


17,244-5. Slate knives ; near Stirling, Hastings county. 

17.246. Small and beautifully made, stone, axe-like blade ; Coulter's 
farm, North Cayuga. 

17.247. Slate amulet or charm, oval, hollowed on each side at 
one end. 

17.248. Water- worn partly worked ; Leechman's Flats, near Cayuga. 

17.249. Slightly groved stone axe, rudely made ; Middlesex county. 

17.250. Grooved stone hammer; Minnesota. 

17.251. Large double edged stone axe ; Middlesex county. 

17.252. Slihly grooved stone axe, badly made ; Coulter's farm, Port 

17.253. Stone gouge, only slightly hollowed ; Middlesex county. 

17.254. Stone adze ; South Cayuga, Haldimand county. 

17.255. Large unfinished grooved axe, nearly ten inches long and five 
inches wide ; Carlisle, Middlesex. 

17,256-757. Flints from various parts in the south of Ontario. 

17.758. Cylindrical wampum from Indian grave, near Scipioville, 
Cayuga county, N. Y. 

17.759. Cylindrical, coarse, red glass beads from Indian grave, near 
Scipioville, Cayuga county, N. Y. 

17.760. Coppei knife (with hole at haft end) ; near Stirling, Hastings 

17.761. Deer- horn tine, partly cut lengthwise; near London, Ont. 
17,762-4. Bone awls or needles ; Hyde Park, near London, Ont. 

17.765. Discoidal wampum ; from grave, near Delhi, Ont. 

17.766. Nine long shell beads, from grave, near Delhi, Ont. 

17.767. String of discoidal wampum, from grave, near Delhi, Ont. 

17.768. Shell gorget ; North Cayuga, Haldimand County. 

17.769. Stone gouge, very fine, deeply cut ; North Cayuga, Ont. 

17.770. Stone adze, short and broad, well made ; Hyde Park, near 
London, Ont. 

17.771. Half of long-winged butterfly stone ; near Decewsville, Haldi- 
mand county. 

17.772. Small iron tomahawk, British make ; South Cayuga, Haldi- 
mand county. 

17.773. Small stone axe or chisel, triangular in cross section. Oneida 
township, Haldimand. 

17.774. Clay pipe ; lot 10, concession 1, North Cayuga, Haldimand. 

17.775. Large fragment of pottery ; Hyde Park, near London, Middle- 
sex, Ont. 

17.776. Gorget, one hole ; Thomas McDonald's farm, North Cayuga, 


17.777. Large chert knife or other tool ; A. Lowe's farm, Walpole 
township, Haldimand. 

(Specimens numbered from 17,162 to 17,777 were procured from Mr. 
A. F. Stevenson, Niagara Falls South.) 

17.778. Small stone axe ; North Orillia township, Simcoe county. 

17.779. Roughly made stone axe ; Hugh Milne's farm, West Gwillim- 
bury township, Simcoe county. 

17.780. Stone chisel ; Milne farm, near Queensville, East Gwillimbury , 
York county. 

17.781. Small, flat, thin axe; Albert Milne, lot 1115, con. 2, East 
Gwillimbury, York county. 

17.782. Small, partly grooved axe ; H. Price, Price's Corners, Medonte 
township, Simcoe county. 

17.783. Small stone chisel ; Holland Landing, Simcoe county. 
17,784. Small stone axe ; Holland Landing, Simcoe county. 

17.785. Stone axe ; J. S. Nelson, Simcoe county. 

17.786. Fragment of ornamental gorget ; Mr. McColl, West Lome, 
Elgin county. 

(Specimens from 17,778 to 17,786, presented by Mr. T. F. Milne, 
Queensville. See note under No. 17,160. 

17.787. Clay pipe ; Nottawasaga township, Simcoe county, Wm. G. 
Carruthers, Avening. 

17.788. Small, recent mat, (Siwash) ; British Columbia. 

17,789 Small glass bottle, covered with fine basket-work in colored 
pattern, (Siwash) ; British Columbia. 

17.790. Small basket-bowl, (Siwash) ; Yale, British Columbia. 

17.791. Small jadeite axe or chisel ; Hope, British Columbia. 

17.792. Seal (animal) carved from ivory ; Terra Nova, British Col- 

17.793. 378 very small, discoidal shell beads, from 2 to 6 milli- 
metres in diameter, most of them less than one-half millimetre in 
thickness, and in all cases the hole about one-half millimetre in 
diameter ; found on the surface, near graves, at Lytton, junction 
of Fraser and Columbia Rivers, British Columbia. 

These remarkably small and well-made beads are evidently of 
native manufacture, as may be seen from the method employed in 
drilling the holes. 

(Specimens numbered from 17,788 to 17,793 were found by Mr. W. C. 
Perry, of New Westminister, British Columbia, and by him pre- 
sented to the museum.) See also after Laidlaw collection. 

17,794-5. Small strombus (?) shells, perforated and otherwise slightly 
worked ; N. lot 11, con. 10, Tiny township, Simcoe, Alex. 
Santimo, per A. F. Hunter, M.A. 


17.796. Ten beads (6 small and discoidal of shell, and 4 of glass) ; E. 
|, lot 19, con. 20, Tiny township; W. H. Richardson, per A. F. 

17.797. Small, neckless chert arrow-head; N. lot 11, con. 10, Tiny 
township, Alev. Santimo, per A. F. Hunter. 

17.798. Human head effigy from clay pipe bowl ; N. J lot 11, con. 10, 
Tiny Township, Alex Santimo, per A. F. Hunter. 

17.799. Rabbit-skin robe ; Manitoba. 

17.800. Huronian slate pipe, stem 2J in. long ; Blackfoot Indian 

18.801. Grooved hammer of granite ; 2| miles east of Gladstone, 

17.802. Stone pin, 4| in. long, rounded at both ends ; Manitoba. 

17.803. Blue chert arrow-head. Middlesex county, Ont. 

17.804. Grey chert arrow-head. Middlesex county, Ont. 

17.805. Dark brown jasper arrow-head. Silver Islet, Lake Superior. 

17.806. 7. Large, bone flesh scrapers, made from leg bone of moose 
or buffalo. McCurdy homestead, Gilbert Plains, Manitoba. 

17.808. Soapstone pipe (modern type) Manitoba. 

17.809. Chert arrow-head. Middlesex county, Ont. 

17.810. Small piece of raw-hide with paintings in black' of bear, deer 
and other animals. Blood Indian, N. W. Ter. 

17.811. Copper fish-hook, brought up from depth of 600 feet of water, 
within fifteen miles from shore of Isle Royale, Lake Superior. J. 
C. Dobie, Port Arthur. 

17.812. Small brass cross no locality yet given. 

(Specimens numbered from 17,799 to 17,812 were presented to the 
museum by Rev. Dr. John Maclean, of Neepawa, Manitoba). 

17.813. Bone comb (native make) found wrapped in birch bark. 
17,814-5. Two stone discs. 17,814 has an animal figure (fox ?) carved 

on it, and 17,815 bears a phallic-like design. 

17.816. Clay pipe bowl, with large, conventionalized human effigy. 

17.817. Piece of soapstone perforated apparently part of some 
animal figure. 

17.818. Human head effigy, from clay pipe bowl. 

17.819. Owl head effigy, from clay pipe bowl. 

17.820. Small carving of female human figure in bone. Most of the 
legs gone. Details unusual in Indian workmanship. 

(Specimens numbered from 17,813 to 17,820 are placed in the museum 
on deposit, by Mr. Thomas Crawford, of lot 101, con. 2, Tiny 
township, where they were found). 
2 c.i. 


17.821. Sfcone pipe-head, quadrangular in cross sections, bearing carv- 
ings of the thunder bird, a man, a quadruped, a cross, and a 
diagonal pattern; lot 23, con. 11, Blenheim township, Oxford 
county. W. J. Wintemberg. See figures and description following. 

17.822. Arrow or spear-head of silicified wood, from Tampa Bay, 
Florida. B. E. Walker. 

17.823. Large chipped fragment of tool, made from silicified wood, 
Tampa Bay, Florida. B. E. Walker. 

17.824. Arrow-head, two imperfect bone awls, beaver's tooth, blue 
glass bead, and two imperfect soapstone specimens ; lot. 4, con. 8- 
James Davis, per A. F, Hunter. 

17.825. Three photographs, mounted, of stone circle at Callernish, 
Isle of Lewis, Scotland. A. F. Hunter. 

17.826. Engraved portrait of Quatrefages. A. F. Hunter. 

17.827. Pen drawing of Memorial church at Penetanguishene. A. F. 

17.828. Fine spear-head found near corner of Dufferin and Hep- 
bourne streets, Toronto. W. N. Bacon. 


I7,828a to 19,291 includes nearly fifteen hundred specimens, or 
about three-fourths of the very fine collection presented by Mr. George 
E. Laidlaw, of " The Fort," Balsam Lake, Victoria county. The whole 
collection numbers over two thousand pieces, of which upwards of five 
hundred are well marked fragments of pottery, and defective speci- 
mens of various kinds that need not be catalogued, but which are 
valuable in many respects for comparative uses, and should therefore 
be preserved. 

Most of the Laidlaw collection is from Victoria county, but Scot- 
land, our North-west Territories, British Columbia, Texas, Georgia, 
Colorado and many places in Ontario besides the Balsam Lake district 
are represented, e. g., Fort William, Richmond Hill, Guelph, Gait, 
Woodstock, Midland, Branchton and Beverly. 

Under the head of stone axes, adzes, chisels and gouges the num- 
ber is 186, but only a few of these are highly finished specimens still 
they are none the less valuable on this account, for they thus indicate 
a general taste, or want of taste, on the part of the people who resided 
coterminous with the Hurons in whose country tools of this kind, 
good or bad, are rarely found. 

Spear-heads, arrow-heads, knives, drills and scrapers of chert are 
comparatively scanty in number and not remarkable for elegence in 
shape. Of all varieties, this collection has only 290. 


Of gorgets or tablets, too, there are but eighteen of the usual forms. 
Two of these, however, (one unfinished) are the largest in the museum. 

In mortars or mealing-stones, and grinders or pestles, the number 
is greater than from any other distiictof Ontario twenty-seven; and 
there are other proofs that the people were of comparatively sedentary 
habits, for amid the numerous ash-heaps of the many village sites that 
dot the country Mr. Laidlaw has succeeded in collecting 422 objects of 
bone and horn, including awls, knives, harpoons, chisels, tallies, tubes or 
long beads, and variously worked teeth of the bear, the wolf, and the 

Next to these in number (omitting the " flints," or chert specimens) 
come the small discs of stone and pottery, the latter having been pro- 
duced almost invariably from fragments of clay pots. In no 
other part of this province have there been found so many discs. 
Some of the stone ones, but fewer of the clay ones are perforated, and 
on none is there any mark to distinguish a side as would .be necessary 
in gambling, but this may have been done by the blackening of one side. 
If this was the use of such specimens, when not bored, those made of 
pottery would be distinguishable for this purpose by their rounded and 
hollowed sides. In diameter they vary from five-eighths of an inch to 
two inches and a half, and in thickness from an eighth to three-eighths 
of an inch. A few clay discs seem to have been moulded for this 

Considerable use was made of the few shells procurable. Many 
unio valves show signs of wear on the convex surfaces, and on the edges, 
as if employed in the one case for smoothing or rubbing, and in the 
other for scraping. Small and fragile helices seem to have been made 
into beads or bangles by simply breaking a hole through the body-whorl 
for stringing purpose. Strings of such shells may have been worn 
round the leg, under the knee, to make a rattle during a dance, just as 
bear's claws were. No example of anything made from Floridian or 
Gulf shells has been found in Victoria, although several of the shells 
themselves have been met with farther north and west, at Pene- 

As smokers the red men in North Victoria ranked not far behind 
their neighbors the Hurons, and as pipe artists were quite their equals. 
Indeed some of the stone pipes in the Laidlaw collection are superior 
to anything we have from other parts of the country, and several of 
the clay ones present peculiar features. Some of these pipes, of clay 
as well as of stone, have been described and figured in former reports, 
and some others will be referred to probably next year. Mr. Laidlaw 



has brought together thirty-five stone and 167 clay pipes, more or less 

Ninety-three miscellaneous articles comprise worked pebbles, ham- 
mer-stones, rubbing-stones and unfinished tools of 'different kinds, and 
all of great interest. 

Native copper tools, rare everywhere, are represented in the collec- 
tion by only eight specimens, and one of these is from Fort William, 
on Lake Superior. 

A few iron, copper and brass weapons tomahawks and knives 
serve to connect the locality with the appearance of the white man on 
the scene. 

(Where the name of no other person is given, Mr. Laidlaw, him- 
self, was the finder). 

17,828a, Small axe, West Bay, Balsam Lake, C. Mclnnis; 17,829, 
Small axe, West Bay, Balsam Lake; 17,830, Stone axe, West Bay, 
Balsam Lake ; 17,831, Chisel, Gait, Ont. ; 17,832, Small axe, Ayr, R, 
McCullough; 17,833, Stone axe, West Bay, Balsam Lake; 17,834. 
Square axe, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 17,835, Stone axe, West 
Shore, Balsam Lake ; 17,836, Small axe, North Bay, Balsam Lake, J. 
Curry; 17,837, Square axe, West Bay, Balsam Lake; 17,838, Muller, 
West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 17,839. Stone axe, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 
17,840, Slick stone, West Bay, Balsam Lake; 17,841, Square axe; 
Ontario : 17,842, Stone skin dresser, Richmond Hill ; 17,843, Small 
axe, Beverly, Ont. ; 17,844, Wedge axe, Gait, Addison ; 17,845, 
Wedge axe, West Bay, Balsam Lake; 17,846, Stone axe, Gait; 17,847, 
Stone axe, Glasgow, Scotland, J. Samson ; 17,848, Chisel, West Bay, 
Balsam Lake; 17,849; Stone axe, Gait, Ontario; 17,850, Stone axe, 
Fort William, Lake Superior, A. McNabb; 17,851, Chisel, Ontario; 
15,852, Stone axe, West Bay, Balsam Lake, J. Barren ; 17,853, Stone 
axe, Gait, Ont.; 17,854. Stone axe, Gait, Ont,: 17,855, Hand axe, 
Richmond Hill; 17,856, Chisel, West Bay, Balsam Lake, F.King; 
17,857, Axe, Gait; 17,858, Chisel, West Bay, Balsam Lake; 17,859, 
Chisel, West Bay, Balsam Lake, C. Mclnnis; 17,860, Stone axe, West 
Bay, Balsam Lake; 17,861, Stone chisel, West Bay, Balsam Lake; 
17,862, Small axe, Ontario; 17,863, West Bay, Balsam Lake; 17,864, 
Stone axe. West Bay, Balsam Lake; 17,865, Axe, Gait, Ont. ; 17,866, 
Grooved axe, Fort Gratiot, Michigan; 17,867, Stone axe, West Bay, 
Balsam Lake ; 17,868, Stone axe, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 17,869, 
Chisel, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 17,870, Axe, West Bay, Balsam 
Lake, 17,871, Grooved maul, Saskatoon, N.W.T. ; 17,872, Stone axe, 
West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 17,873, Square axe, West Bay, Balsam Lake; 
17,874, Stone axe, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 17,875, Stone axe, West 


Bay, Balsam Lake; 17,876, Stone file, West Bay, Balaam Lake; 17,877, 
Stone axe, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 17,878, Stone tool, Eldon, Dr. 
Wood, probably hammer; 17,879, Chisel, West Bay, Balsam Lake; 
17,880, Stone gouge, Toronto; 17,881, Muller, West Bay, Balsam Lake; 
17,882, Small stone axe, Belleville, K. J. Bell; 17,883, Chisel, West 
Bay, Balsam Lake, W. Graham ; 17,884, Stone axe, West Bay, Balsam 
Lake; 17,885, Hand axe, large, West Bay, Balsam Lake; 17.886, 
Hand axe, small, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 17,887, Paint pot, Lake 
Superior, Port Arthur; 17,888, Half of small axe, West Bay, Balsam 
Lake; 17,889, Fragment of small celt, West Bay, Balsam Lake; 17,890, 
Small axe, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 17,891, Small axe, West Bay, 
Balsam Lake; 17,892; Slick-stone, West Bay, Balsam Lake; 17,893, 
Blade axe, West Bay, Balsam Lake; 17,894-99, Fragments of stone 
axes, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 17,900, Stone axe, West Bay, Balsam 
Lake ; 17,901, Square axe, North Bay, Balsam Lake ; 17,902, Stone 
axe, North Bay, Balsam Lake ; 17,903, Fragment of axe, North Bay, 
Balsam Lake; 17,904, Long chisel, North Bay, Balsam Lake; 17,905, 
Stone axe, North Bay, Balsam Lake ; 17,906, Small hammer stone, 
grey slate, North Bay, Balsam Lake; 17,907, Small axe, Balsam Lake; 
17,908, Fragment of knife or lance of slate ; 17,909, Hammer stone, 
West Bay, Balsam Lake; 17,910, Small rough axe, West Bay, Balsam 
Lake ; 17911, Rough axe, West Bay, Balsam Lake; 17,912, Unfinished 
implement, West Bay, Balsam Lake; 17,913, Stone axe, West Bay, Balsam 
Lake ; 17,914, Stone axe, bevelled corners, lot 5, con. 5, Bexley ; 17,915, 
Waterworn stone in shape of an axe, Balsam Lake ; 17,916, Small celt, 
West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 17,917, Small slick-stone, West Bay, Balsam 
Lake ; 17,918, Long, large, square axe, Portage Road, Bexley, J. 
Lylle ; 17,919, Broad thin axe, bright green, West Bay, Balsam Lake, 
J. Pollard; 17,920, Polished axe, Raven Lake, Bexley, R. Pearce ; 
17,921, Polished axe, Raven Lake, Bexley ; 17,922, Woman's semi-lumar 
slate knife, Logan's Hill, lot 22, con. 3, Eldon ; 17,923, Rough square 
celt, Logan's Hill, lot 22, con. 3, Eldon ; 17,924-5, Large grey axes, 
Bolsover, Dalgleish ; 17,926-29, Axes, Markham, J. Barren ; 17,930, 
Small brown axe, Balsam Lake, A. Fountain ; 17,931-33, Axes, Balsam 
Lake, found under a flat rock with pottery, J. Earls , 17,934-35, Stone 
axes, Balsam Lake ; 17,936, Small chisel, lot 9, con. 3, Bexley, G. 
McKague; 17,937, Small chisel; 17,938, Slickstone, West Bay, Balsam 
Lake ; 17,939, Stone axe, village site on plan, Eldon ; 17,940, Hammer 
stone, degraded axe, Bexley, Calder Hills ; 17,941, Small slight gouge, 
worked surface, West Bay, Portage Road; 17,942, Gouge, worked 
surface, lot 9, con. 3, Bexley, G. McKague; 17,943, Light colored, green 
stone axe, polished, Bexley, A. Peel; 17,944, Small axe, made of, 


fragment of larger one, Bexley, G. McKague ; 17,945, Stone axe, 
Bexley; 17,946. Stone axe, North Bay, Bexley, J. Bailley ; 17,947, 
Chisel, Corson's Hill, lot 5, con. 5, Bexley ; 17,948, Chisel, Heaslip's 
Point; 17,949, Stone axe, Heaslip's Point ; 17,950, Thin, wide, flat celt, 
Eldon; 17,951, Thick axe, broken edge, Heaslip's Point; 17,952, 
Duck-billed axe, Long Point, Balsam Lake,Thos.McNish ; 17,953, Long 
double edged chisel, Coboconk, D. Smith ; 17,954, Triangular axe ; 
17,955, Stone axe, Bexley, H. Reid; 17,956, Chisel, Bexley, H. Reid ; 
17,957, Small chisel, Heaslip's Point ; 17,958, Small chisel, Long Point, 
Balsam Lake, Jas. Rae; 17,959, Gouge, Eldon, C. Fry; 17,960, Polished 
axe, Eldon, C. Fry; 17,961, Celt, Eldon, D. Wright; 17,962, Hammer, 
cylindrical, grave, Coboconk, J. Bouns ; 17,963, Blocked-out, unfinish- 
ed axe, Bexley ; 17,964, Small rough axe, club head, lot 9, con. 3, 
Bexley, G. McKague ; 17,965, Gouge, polished argillite, chisel ended, 
Bolsover, Eldon, Jas. McGirr; 17,966, Hand cut argillite, Somerville 
Township; 17,967, Small flat axe, Somerville Township; 17,968, Small 
chisel, Somerville Township ; 17,969, Argillite axe, Eldon, C. Fry ; 
17,970, Part of woman's semi-lunar slate knife, Eldon, C. Fry; 37,971, 
Large Huronian slate axe, showing pecking, polishing and flaking, 
Bolsover, Jas. McGirr ; 17,972, Stone axe, Bolsover, Jas. McGirr ; 
17,97-'J, Large axe, split and re-worked, Bexley, M. McNerney ; 17,974, 
Square axe, lot 44-5, con. 8, Eldon village site, Jas. McDonald ; 17,975 
Axe, partly polished, lot 44-5, con. 8, Eldon village site, Jas. McDonald; 
17,976, Large rough axe, Eldon, S. Trainan ; 17,977, Blade of large 
polished axe, Eldon ; 17,978, Smoothing stone or hand hammer, Eldon; 
17,979-80, Two small axes, one rather flat, Bexley, M. Nevin ; 17,981, 
Small axe, Laxton, W. Peel; 17,982, Skin dresser, Elbow, Saskatche- 
wan ; 17,983, Bone harpoon, incised sides, West Eay, Balsam Lake, 
C. Laid la w ; 17,984, Horn implement, West Bay, Balsam Lake; 
17,985, Horn implement, perforated, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 17,986, 
Spawl bone, perforated, West Bay, Balsam Lake : 17,987, Bone 
arrowhead, West Bay, Balsam Lake; 17,988, Bone arrowhead, West 
Bay, Balsam Lake; 17,989-98, Bone ornaments, either for neck- 
lace or for sewing on garments, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 
17,999-18,002, Bone awls, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,003-4, Pottery 
markers. West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,005-8, Bone awls, West Bay, 
Balsam Lake; 18,009-20, Bone tubes or beads, West Bay, Balsam 
Lake; 18,021, Bone tube and tally incised marks, West Bay, Balsam, 
Lake; 18,022, Bone spawl, West Bay, Balsam Lake; 18,023, Bone 
spawl, West Bay, Balsam Lake; 18,024, Bone spawl, West Bay, Bal- 
sam Lake ; 18,025, Horn Implement, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 
18,026-27, Small bone awls, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,028, Large 


bone needle, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,029-32, Bone spawls, West 
Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,033, Incised bone spawl, West Bay, Balsam 
Lake ; 18,034-35, Unfinished bone implement, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 
18,036, Fragment of bone tally, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,037, Frag- 
ment of bone tube, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,038-39, Bone tubes, 
West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,040, Awl, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 

18.041, Awl, village site on plan, West Bay, Balsam Lake, W. Pollard; 

18.042, Bone ornament, Portage road, Bexley, W. Pollard ; 18,043, Har- 
poon, 3 barbs, hole at end ; 18,044-7, Awls ; 18,048, Bone tubes ; 
38,049-54, Bones worked, but use not known (from 18,043-54, A. 
Burns farm, Village site No. 1 on plan near Portage Road, Bexley) ; 
18,055, Awl, Markham, Ont, J. Barren ; 18,056, Bone awl, Heaslip's Pt., 
West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,057, Sawed bone, Heaslip's Pt., West Bay, 
Balsam Lake ; 18,058, Tine, village site, lot 9, concession 3, Bexley, 
McKague ; 18,059, Curved bead, village site, lot 9, concession 3, Bexley, 
McKague ; 18,060, Hollow, worked bone, village site, lot 9, concession 3, 
Bexley, McKague : 18,061, Fragment of large bear tusk, village site, 
lot 9, concession 3, Bexley, McKague ; 10,062, Fragment of worked 
bone, knob at end, village site, lot 9, concession 3, Bexley, McKague ; 
18,063-4, Bone awls, village site, lot 9, concession 3, Bexley, McKague; 
18,065, Bone awl, village site, lot 5, concession 5, Bexley, McKague : 
18,006, Skin- dresser of elk horn, Alberta, North- West Territories : 
18,067,Hollow bone.Bexley ; 18,068-70, Bone awls, Capt. Corson's farm ; 
18,071, Bone beads, square off at end, lot 5, concession 5, Bexley ; 
18,072-3, Carpal bone, lot 5, concession 5, Bexley; 18,074, Perforated 
fish-head bone ; 18,075, Horn weapon, Logan's Hill, lot 22, concession 
3, Eldon, R Stanley ; 18,076, Bone awl, Logan's Hill, lot 22, concession 
3, Eldon, R. Martin ; 18,077, Worked bone, Logan's Hill, lot 22, con- 
cession 3, Eldon, R. Martin ; 1 8,078, Hollow bone, squared-off ends, lot 
22, concession 3, Eldon, R. Martin ; 18,079, Metacarpal bone, one per- 
foration at end, eight perforations at other, Coboconk, D. Smith ; 
18,080, Bone awl, Somerville township, Mrs. White; 18,081, Bone 
arrow -point, Somerville township, Mrs. White ; 18,082-85, Bone awls, 
lot 9, concession 3, JBexley, G. McKague ; 18,086, Bone weapon or club- 
head. Bexley ; 18 087, Horn showing tracings of work, Bexley ; 
18,088, Worked bone, Bexley ; 18,089, Canine tooth, Bexley; 18,090, 
Gorget, 2 holes, Gait; 18,091-3, Bone awls or needles, W. Benson's 
farm, west half of lot 5 and 6, concession 2, Bexley; 18,094-7, Bone 
beads, found by D. Boyle on W. Benson's farm, west half of lots 5 and 
6, concession 2, Bexley; 18,098-100, Bone awls, Balsam Lake, Eldon, 
Jas. McGirr ; 18,101-06, Bone awls> Corbett's Hill, lot 5, concession 5, 
Bexley; 18,107, Large bear's tusk, ground on one side, Corbett's Hill, 


lot 5, concession 5, Bexley ; 18,108, Perforated wolf's tusk, Corbett's 
Hill, lot 5, concession 5, Bexley ; 18,109, Unworked wolf's tusk, Cor- 
bett's Hill, lot 5, concession 5, Bexley; 18,110-11, Bone awls, Corbett's 
Hill, lot 5, concession 5, Bexley ; 18,112, Worked bone, Corbett's Hill, 
lot 5, concession 5, Bexley ; 18,113, Bear's tusk, lot 45, concession 8, 
Eldon, Jas. McDonald ; 18,114, Bear's tusk, lot 45, concession 8, Eldon, 
J.Campbell; 18,115, Bone harpoon, Bolsover, Jas. McGirr; 18,116, 
Large bone awl, Bolsover, Jas. McGirr ; 18,117, Horn chisel, edge tool, 
Bolsover, Jas. McGirr; 18,118, Bone bead, Benson's farm, Bexley; 
18,119, Worked spike horn, found on J. McDonald's farm, lot 45, con- 
cession 8, Eldon, C. Grilse; 18,120, Worked broken horn, found on J. 
McDonald's farm, lot 45, concession 8, Eldon, C. Grilse; 18,121-33, 
Bone awls, found on J. McDonald's farm, lot 45, concession 8, Eldon, 
C. Grilse; 18,134-36, Small bone beads, found on J. McDonald's farm, 
lot 45, concession 8, Eldon, C. Grilse ; 18,137-38, Large bone beads, found 
on J. McDonald's farm, village site No. 10, on plan, Eldon, C. Grilse ; 
18.139, Horn arrow-head, found on J. McDonald's farm, lot 45, con- 
cession 8. Eldon, C. Grilse ; 18,140, Bear's tusk, one-half ground down, 
found on J. McDonald's farm, lot 45, concession 8, Eldon, C. Grilse : 
18,141, Fragment of needle with perforated eye, found on J. McDonald's 
farm, lot 45, concession 8, Eldon, C. Grilse ; 18,142, Perforated tally 
for suspension, found on J. McDonald's farm, lot 45, concession 8, 
Eldon, J. McDonald ; 18,143, Worked horn tool, found on McDonald's 
farm, lot 45, concession 8, Eldon, J. McDonald; 18,144-5, Socketed 
points of horn, found on J. McDonald's farm, lot 45, concession 8, 
Eldon, J. McDonald ; 18,1 46, Large bone awl, lot 9, concession 3, Bex- 
ley, Ont., G. McKague ; 18,147, Pottery marker, Eldon, J. Stanley ; 
18,148, Bone awl, Eldon; 18,149-50, Large bone beads, Eldon; 
18,151, Perforated wolf tooth, Eldon ; 18,152-61, Bone awls, lot 5, con- 
cession 5, Bexley, G. Irwin ; 18,162, Bone awl tally, lot 5, concession 5, 
Bexley, G. Irwin : 18,163-4 Large bone beads, lot 5, concession 5, Bex- 
ley, G. Irwin ; 18,165-69, Bone beads, lot 5, concession 5, Bexley, G. 
Irwin; 18,170, Bone bangle, lot 5, concession 5, Bexley, G. Irwin; 
18,171, Bear's tusk, ground for a tool, lot 5, concession 5, Bexley, G. 
Irwin; 18,172, Beaver's tusk, ground for a tool, lot 5, concession 5, 
Bexley, C. Irwin ; 18,173, Perforated wolf's tooth, lot 5, concession 5, 
Bexley, G. Irwin ; 18,174-5, Perforated needle bone, lot 5, concession 5, 
Bexley, G. Irwin ; 18,176, Perforated fish-head bone, lot 5, concession 5, 
Bexley, S. Harbaugh ; 18,177, Horn arrowhead, lot 5, con. 5, Bexley, G. 
Irwin ; 18,178; Worked horn chisel edge, lot 5, con. 5 Bexley, G. Irwin; 

18.179, Sioux calumet (Standing Buffalo), Fort Qu'Appelle, J. Leader; 

18.180, Blackfoot calumet, North-west Territory ; 18,181, Pipe, (Mis- 


sissauga) Belleville, R. J. Bell ; 18,182, Unfinished pipe, West Bay, 
Balsam Lake, J. Linwood ; 18,183, Squaw pipe, Piegan Indian, Fort 
McLeod; 18,184, Eagle pipe, grave, Midland City, Dr. "Wood; 
18,185-7, Pipes Winnipeg, Northwest Territory, Lyman Dwight; 
18,188, Polished black grey vase pipe bowl, Eldon, A. Burns; 18,189, 
Polished white stone pipe, double stem-hole, found in Fenelon some 
years ago ; two holes meeting at an acute angle, beneath another hole 
for attaching ornament, Cambray, N. Jackson ; 18,190, Bear pipe, 
Dalgleish, Bolsover; 18,191, Stone pipe stem, Balsam Lake; 18,192, 
Locomotive pipe, Indian Hill, A. Burns; 18,193, Panther pipe, Mud 
Lake, Garden, Ont., G. Fox ; 18,194, Square stone pipe with diagonal 
cross lines, village site lot 9, con. 3, Bexley, McKague ; 18,195, Un- 
finished vase pipe, Coboconk; 18,196, Stone " cigar-holder " pipe, lot 5, 
con. 5, Bexley; 18,197, Stone pipe, modern western type, found 
in excavating for railway, Edmonton, N.W.T., Jas Laidlaw ; 18,198, 
Stone pipe, modern, Alberta ; 18,199, Fragment of a pipe, man's head 
on bowl and animal on stem, North-west coast, A. McNabb; 18,200, 
Square stone pipe, diagonal lines incised at side, long and slender, 
bear's head in relief, Corbett's Hill, lot 5, con. 5, Bexley; 18,201, White 
stone pipe, Woodville, J. Gilchrist ; 18,202, Oval red slate gorget, 2 
holes, Woodstock, Ont., J. Petheram; 18,203, Oval slate gorget, 2 holes, 
West Bay, Balsam Lake; 18,204, Gorget, concave, 2 holes, N. Cameron; 
18,205, Gorget evidently larger and broken, with three holes, then 
smoothed down ; 18,206, Slate, green, plate apparently being shaped for a 
gorget, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,207 Blocked-out slab of slate for 
gorget, West Bay, Balsam Lake; 18,208, Slate pendant bracer-like, 
West Bay, Balsam Lake; 18,209, Rough pendant, West Bay, Balsam 
Lake; 18,210, Fragment of bracer or pendant, West Bay, Balsam Lake! 
18,211, Ovate pendant, Bolsover, Dalgleish; 18 212, Slab slate, probably 
intended for gorget, Bexley; 18,213, Piece of slate, probably intended 
for gorget, Bexley ; 18,214, Micaceous schist slab unfinished, Eldon; 

18.215, Fragment of pendant of Huronian slate, Garden, Jas. McKee ; 

18.216, Perforated slate pendant, Balsam Lake, Eldon, Jas. McGirr ; 
18,^17, One-half of slate crescent broken at perforation, Balsam Lake, 
Eldon, Jas. McGirr ; 18,218, Large slab of Huronian slate, evidently 
an unfinished gorget, lot 1, con. 10, Thorah, Chas. Youill; 18,219, Large 
finished square gorget, Huronian slate, found with the preceding due, 
Chas. Youill; 18,220, Copper pick, Fort William, Lake Superior, A. 
McNabb ; 18,221, Copper arrowhead, socket formed by bending the 
edges inwards, West Bay, Balsam Lake, G. Bemis ; 18,222, Copper 
knife found twenty years ago, Dalgleish, Bolsover; 18,223, Copper 
knife found near line of Trent Valley Canal, lot 3, South Portage 


Road, Bexley, Duncan McPhail ; 18,224, Copper spear, Bexley, M. 
Sayers ; 18,225, Copper implement found under a large pine stump, 
implement eleven inches long, two and a half maximum width; 18,226, 
Copper spear, Beaverton, Ont; 18,227, Copper scraper, found in canal 
excavation where it crosses Portage Road, eight feet deep, Eldon, Alex. 
Miles ; 18,228, Clay pipe, human face effigy, pointed nose, West Bay, 
Balsam Lake; 18,229, Clay pipe, human face effigy, Indian Hill, West 
Bay, Balsam Lake, J. Richardson; 18,230, Clay pipe, semi cornet 
shaped. West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,231, Clay pipe, plain cornet 
shaped, Indian village, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,232, Clay pipe, 
(small) four rings, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,233, Clay pipe, (small, 
rough) West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,234, Clay pipe, (flat front) arms 
at the side, Indian Hill, J. Richardson; 18,235, Clay pipe, (stem); 
18,236, Clay pipe, plain cornet shaped. Indian village, West Bay, 
Balsam Lake, J. Richardson; 18,237, Clay pipe, plain cornet shaped, 
West Bay, Balsam Lake, J. Cameron ; 18,238, Clay pipe, plain cornet 
shaped, West Bay, Balsam Lake, J. Cameron; 18,239, Clay pipe, plain, 
West Bay, Balsam Lake; 18,240 Clay pipe, plain and stem, West Bay, 
Bal>am Lake; 18,241, Clay pipe, rings on ridge, West Bay, Balsam Lake; 
18,242, Clay pipe, semi-cornet-shaped, ornamented end stem, West Bay, 
Balsam Lake; 18,243, Clay pipe, semi-cornet-shaped, plain, small, West 
Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,244, Clay pipe, plain cornet-shaped and stem, 
West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,245, Clay pipe, cornet-shape, ornamented, 
West Bay, Balsam Lake; 18,246, Clay pipe, plain cornet-shaped and 
stem, Indian village, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,247, Clay pipe, ridged 
top, West Bay, Balsam Lake; 18,248, Clay pipe, semi-cornet-shaped, 
(small) West Bay, Balsam Lake; 18,249, Clay pipe, five incised rings 
on bowl, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,250, Clay pipe, ornamented cornet- 
shaped, Indian village, West Bay, Balsam Lake, J. Richardson; 18,251, 
Clay pipe, plain cornet-shaped, West Bay, Balsam Lake; 18,252, Clay 
pipe, plain cornet shaped, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,253, Clay pipe, 
ornamented lower part of bowl and stem, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 
18,2-54, Clay pipe, small (and stem), incised rings on bowl, West Bay, 
Balsam Lake; 18,255, Clay pipe, plain, cornet-shaped (and stem), West 
Bay, Balsam Lake; 18,256, CJay pipe and stem (fragment of) showing 
mode of making hole for smoke by means of a cord being inlaid and 
then burnt out, West Bay, Balsam Lake; 18,257, Clay pipe, large, 
cornet shaped, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,158, Clay pipe, incised 
rough bowl, West Bay, Balsam Lake; 18,259, Clay pipe, ornamented 
bowl, longtitudinal ridges, West Bay, Balsam Lake; 18,261, Clay pipe 
and stem (fragment of) perforated, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,262, 
Clay pipe (fragment of) bowl with square top, West Bay, Balsam Lake; 


18.263, Clay pipe and stem (fragment of), West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 

18.264, Clay pipe and stem (fragment of) snake entwined, West Bay, 
Balsam Lake ; 18,265, Clay pipe, bulged, ringed top, West Bay, Balsam 
Lake ; 18,266, Clay pipe, five ringed top, four holes, Balsam Lake, D. 
McGillivray; 18,267, Clay pipe, small, Heaslip's Point; 18,268, Clay 
pipe, very small round bowl, village site, lot 9, con. 3, Bexley ; 18,269, 
Clay pipe, top ground off, village site, found on Capt. Corson's farm, 
lot 5, con. 5, Bexley ; 18,270, Clay pipe, square top, village site, found 
on Capt. Corsen's farm, lot 5, con. 5, Bexley; 18,271, Clay pipe, rough, 
thick and course, found on lot 9, con. 3, Bexley ; 18,272, Clay pipe, 
rough cornet shaped, found on lot 9, con. 3, Bexley ; 18,273, Clay pipe, 
stem (ornamented) lot 9, con. 3, Bexley; 18,274, Clay pipe, Huron, with 
a square mouth, lot 5, con. 5, Bexley ; 18,275, Clay pipe, rough, semi- 
cornet shaped, four indentations, lot 2, con. 3, Logan's Hill, Eldon, R. 
Stanley; 18,276, Clay pipe, common cornet shaped, scalloped rim, 
Logan's Hill, Eldon, R. Stanley ; 18 277, Clay pipe, traders, early type, 
Portage Road, J. Merry ; 18,278, Clay pipe, double faced, J. Bartley ; 
18,279, Clay pipe, large semi-cornet shaped, four indentations, orna- 
mented top, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,280, Clay pipe, small, semi- 
cornet shaped, bowl of four convex sides, dotted angles, lot 9, con. 3, 
Bexley ; 18,281, Clay pipe, face, back with five scollopes, G. McKague's 
farm, Bexley; 18,282, Clay pipe, fragment of, with five angled top, 
indentations at angles and ornamented with concave between, found 
on G. McKague's farm, Bexley ; 18,283, Clay pipe with large face, 
Woodville, C. J. Gilchrist ; 18,284, Clay pipe, stem large, Woodville, 
C. J. Gilchrist ; 18,285, Clay pipe, solid, seven scalloped rings on top, 
Woodville, C. J. Gilchrist; 18,286, Clay pipe, semi-cornet-shaped, orna- 
mented top; Woodville, C. J. Gilchrist ; 18,287, Clay pipe, stem flattened 
(fragment of) three rows of holes at side, Logan's Hill, lot 22, con. 3, 
Eldon, R. Stanley; 18,288, Clay pipe, small, plain cornet-shaped, rough 
bowl, Logan's Hill, R. Stanley; 18,289, Clay pipe, small, plain, bowl 
with face high up and looking in, Logan's Hill, R. Stanley ; 18,290, 
Clay pipe, small, plain, hole bored in bowl for stem, Logan's Hill, R. 
Stanley ; 18,291, Clay pipe, small bowl, five scalloped rings, row of 
holes below, Logan's Hill, R. Stanley ; 18,292, Clay pipe, semi-cornet 
shaped, ornamented top. Logan's Hill, R. Stanley ; 18,293, Clay pipe, 
upper part of bowl indentations, 2 rings, Kirkfield ; 18,294, Clay pipe, 
human face effigy, Lake Nipissing, J. Richardson. 

18,295, Green stone spearhead, Ayr, Ont., R. McCulloch ; 18,296, 
Greenstone knife or spearhead, Puslinch, Ont., D. Cameron ; 18,297, 
Flanged implement, (grave) Gait, Ont., N. Goodall ; 18,298-9, Scraper 
lance-shaped knife, Gait, Ont.; 18, 300-1, Circular implement, West 


Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,302, Implement, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 
18,303, Leaf-shaped implement, Belleville, Ont. ; 18,304-6, Notched 
base spearheads, Gait, Ont. ; 18,307-13, Stem base spearheads, Gait, 
Ont. ; 18,314-15, Spearhead, Gait, Ont. ; 18,316, Double notched spear- 
head, Belleville, K. J. Bell; 18,317, Spearhead, Gait, Ont.; 18,318, 
Bart stem spearhead, Gait ; 18,319, Spearhead, West Bay, Balsam 
Lake ; 1 8,320, Long, slender, narrow, white spearhead, West Bay, Bal- 
sam Lake ; 18,321, Stemmed, concave, sided spearhead, Branchton, 
Ont,; 18,322, Slender notch base spearhead, Gait; 18,323, Triangular 
spearhead, Puslinch, D. Cameron ; 18,324, Leaf implement, Gait, Ont. ; 
18,325, oval implement, West Bay, Balsam Lake, N. Thacker ; 18,326, 
Leaf implement, Guelph, Ont. ; 18,327, Large implement, West Bay, 
Balsam Lake ; 18,329, Stem spearhead, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 
18,329, Notched broad base spearhead, Puslinch, D. Cameron ; 18,330, 
Large implement, convex sides, square base, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 
18,331, Large implement, convex sides, square base, Guelph Ont ; 
18,332-3, Two flake knifes, Ont, ; 18,334, Stemmed spearhead, Guelph ; 
18,335, Notched broad base spearhead, Branchton ; 18,336, Stem spear- 
head, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,337, Stem spearhead, serrated barb, 
Ont. ; 18,338, Notched broad based spearhead, Belleville, R. J. Bell ; 
18,339-40, Stem spearheads. Guelph; 18,341-2, Small notches, Gait ; 
18,343-4, Broad based arrowheads, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,345-6, 
Short, broad barb arrowheads, Gait, Ont. ; 18,347, Notched arrow- 
head, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,348, Broad base arrowhead, West 
Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,34'J-50, Stemmed arrowheads, Gait Ont. ; 
18,351, Long arrowhead, notched broad base, Gait ; 18,352-53, Stem 
arrowheads, New Jersey ; 18,354, Notched arrowhead, Woodstock, J. 
Petheram ; 18.355-56, Broad arrowheads, base notched, Ont. ; 18,357-58, 
Broad stem arrowheads, Toronto ; 18,359, Long fish jigger, Ont. ; 
18,360-61 Implements, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,362-64, Notched 
base, short, broad triangular arrowhead, Gait ; 18,365-66, Fragments 
of oval implements, Beverly, R. Burke : 18,367, Arrowhead, Belleville, 
R. J. Bell ; 18,368-9, Arrowheads, Gait ; 18,370, Arrowheads, double 
cut notches, Eglinton ; 18,371, Arrowheads, Branchton ; 18,372, Arrow- 
heads, Ont. ; 18,373-4, Arrowheads, Gait ; 18,375, Arrowheads, serrated, 
Puslinch, D. Camerom ; 18,376, Arrowhead, serrated, Guelph ; 18,377, 
Arrowhead, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,378, Awl, club-based, West 
Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,379, Awl, club-based, Ont. ; 18,380, Almond 
scraper, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,381, Arrowhead, West Buy, Bal- 
sam Lake ; 18,382, Arrowhead, Guelph, Ont. ; 18,383, Large slate fish 
jigger, Belleville, R. J. Bell ; 18,384, Small slate fish jigger, Belleville, 
R.J.Bell; 18,385, Carnelian(?) arrowhead, broad notched base, Puslinch, 

D. Cameron; 18,386-8, Small arrowheads, California, Addison; 18,389, 
Arrowhead, convex base, Lambton, Ont., G. Shaw ; 18,390, Arrowhead, 
triangular, California, U. S. A. ; 18,391, Arrowhead, Gait ; 18,392, 
Arrowhead, Branchton, Ont. ; 18,393, Almond-shaped scraper,Beverley. 
Ont., R. Burke ; 18,394, Semi-circular scraper, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 
18,395, Almond-shaped scraper, West Bay, Balsam Lake; 18,396, Arrow- 
head, barbed, triangular, concave base, Gait; 18,397, Arrowhead, barbed, 
serrated, Branchton ; 18,398, Arrowhead, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 
18,399, Arrowhead, Gait ; 18,400, Arrowhead, Guelph ; 18,401, Arrow- 
head, (curved) Gait ; 18,402, Arrowhead, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 
18,403, Arrowhead, small, triangular, Puslinch, D. Cameron ; 18,404, 
Arrowhead, Ontario, 18,405, Arrowhead, Gait; 18,406, Arrowhead, 
square based, Gait, Ont. ; 18,407, Club based awl, Gait, Ont. ; 18,408, 
Arrowhead, West Bay, Balsam Lake; 18,409-11, Arrowhead, Gait; 
18, t!2, Arrowhead, Guelph ; 18,413-15, Arrowhead, State of Georgia ; 
18,416, Arrowhead, Ontario ; 18,417, Arrowhead, triangular, West Bay, 
Balsam Lake ; 18,418, Arrowhead, small, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 
18,419, Arrowhead, small, Ont.; 18,420, Arrowhead, small, Simcoe ; 
18,421, Arrowhead, Pacific coast, G. Shaw ; 18,422, Arrowhead, Beverly, 
R. Burke; 18,423, Arrowhead, Guelph; 18,424, Arrowhead,. Branchton, 
18,425-26. Arrowhead, Gait; 18,427, Arrowhead, Ontario; 18,428, 
Arrowhead, Ontario ; 18,429, Arrowhead, Toronto ; 18,430, Arrowhead, 
West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,431, Arrowhead, Beverly, R. Burke ; 
18,432, Arrowhead, white, Ont. ; 18,433-35, Arrowhead, slender, Gait ; 
18,436, Arrowhead, white, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,437, Arrow- 
head, Blair, Ont. ; 18,438, Arrowhead, Schenectady, N. Y., J. Cooper ; 
18,439-43, Arrowhead, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,443, Leaf shape 
implements, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,444, Awl, West Bay, Balsam 
Lake; 18,445 -47, Arrowheads, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,448, Arrow- 
heads, triangular, convex base, West Bay, Balsam Lake; 18,449-51, 
Arrowheads, small, white, West Bay, Balsam Lake, A. Burns ; Metal 
relics showing contact with white men, West Bay, Balsam Lake 
18,452-4, Tomahawks, brand, Maltese cross on the right side, pick back, 
West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,455, French axe, brand, three Maltese 
crosses on both sides, Gait ; 18,456, French axe, brand, three Maltese 
crosses on both sides, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,457, Tomahawk, 
brand, Maltese cross on both sides, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,458, 
Spoon, pewter, found in grave with other relics, West Bay, Balsam 
Lake; 18,459, Knife, West Bay, Balsam Lake; 18,460, Knife blade, 
West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,461, Piece of rifle barrel, West Bay, Bal- 
sam Lake; 18,462, French axe, root through eye, found under an 
upturned cedar, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,463, French iron axe, 

. 30 

brand three Maltese crosses on both sides, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 
18,464, French iron axe, brand, one Maltese cross on both sides, West 
Bay. Balsam Lake ; 18,465, String of bells, found in grave on the 
shores of West Bay, Balsam Lake; 18,466. Brooch, silver, found in 
grave on the shores of West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,467, Copper pot, 
found in grave on the shores of West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,468, 
Tomahawk, iron, found by an old fire place, W T est Bay, Balsam Lake, 
G. Pollard ; 18,469, Part of an iron gun barrel, W T est Bay, Balsam Lake ; 
18,470, Brass spearhead, Portage Road, Bexley, A. Burns ; 18,471, 
Scalping knife, found in grave with pipe, Edmonton, North West Ter- 
ritory ; 18,472,, Ghost arrowhead found in Laidlaw's garden, head of 
Portage Road, G. Pollard ; 18,473, Brass pipe, tomahawk, dovetailed 
(bit) of steel, engraved scroll work, D. McNeil ; 18,474, Steel spearhead, 
Eldon, S. Truman ; 18,475-77, Three pieces of sheet copper, Eldon, 
S. Truman ; 18,478, Ghost arrowhead, sheet copper, Beaverton, C. Mor- 
rison; 18,479, Steel for striking fire, Bolsover, J. McGirr ; 18,480, Iron 
adze gouge-edged, Coboconk, J. Moore ; 18,481, Heavy gouge, wide 
lipped, lot 9, con. 3, Bexley, G. McKague. 

18,482-60, Pottery stones, may be circular hand hammers, West 
Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,487-8, Corn grinders ; 18,489, Pottery stone, 
Indian Hill, lot 1 north portage road, Bexley ; 18,490, Pottery stone, 
West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,491, Polished pebble, West Bay, Balsam 
Lake ; 18,492, Corn grinder, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,493, Pottery 
stone, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,494-95, Mortars, North Bay, Bal- 
sam Lake; 18,496, Mortar, North Bay, Balsam Lake. D. Graham; 
18,497, Mortar on boulaer, shore of West Bay, Balsam Lake; 18,498, 
Corn grinder, near village site, block E ; 18,499, Pottery stone, Raven 
Lake, Bexley, H. Pearce ; 18,500, Polished pebble, Bexley ; 18,501, 
Mortar, Big Island, Balsam Lake, V. Middleton ; 18,502, Arrowhead, 
triangular stem, serrated Chili, South America ; 18,503, Mortar, Heas- 
lip's Point ; 18,504, Mortar, Heaslip's Point ; 18 505, Mortar, Heaslip's 
Point ; 18,506, Arrowhead, Branchton ; 1S,507, Pestle, West Bay, Bal- 
sam Lake; 18,508, Corn grinder, upper stone, ash-bed, Rummerfield 
Hill ; 18,509, Half of mealing stone, upper stone, ash-bed, Rummerfield 
Hill, lot 1, north portage road, Bexley; 18,510-11, Stone and pottery, 
beads and discs, perforated stone discs, West Day, Balsam Lake ; 18,- 
512, Unfinished stone disc, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,513, Fragment 
of a clay bead, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,514, Perforated clay disc, 
West Bay, Balsam Lake; 18,515, Perfoiated clay disc, (unfinished), 
West Bay. Balsam Lake; 18,516-7, Pottery discs, (unfinished), West 
Bay, Balsam Lake; 18,518, Pottery disc, (unfinished), West Bay, Bal- 
sam Lake ; 18,519-21, Pottery discs, village site on plan, lot 1-2, North 


Portage Road, Indian Hill, Bexley, A. Burns ; 18,522, Pottery disc, 
village site on lots 1-2 North Portage Road, Indian Hill, Bexley, 
(perforation being started) A. Burns ; 18,523, Pottery disc, village site, 
plan No. 5, on McKague's farm, lot 9, con. 3, Bexley ; 18,524-5, Stone 
discs, village site on plan 5, and found on McKague's farm, lot 9, con. 
3, Bexley ; 18,526, Stone discs (perforation started on both sides), 
Bexley; 18,5^7, Pottery disc, village site on plan 3, found on Capt. Cor- 
son's farm, lot 5, con. No. 3, Bexley ; 18,528, Stone disc, small, village 
site on plan 3, found on Capt. Corson's lot 5, con. 5, Bexley ; 18,529, 
Stone ball, village site on plan No 3, found on Capt. Corson's lot 5, 
con. 5, Bexley; 18,530, Pottery disc, found on Benson's farm ; 18,531; 
Pottery disc, Corbett's Hill ; 18,5-32, Pottery disc, one-half, small, split, 
Corbett's Hill ; 18.533, Stone disc, unfinished, Corbett's Hill, lot 5, con. 
5, Bexley ; 18,534, Large stone disc (fragment of) Corbett's Hill, lot 
5, con. 5, Bexley; 18,535, Perforated stone disc, Corbett's Hill, lot 5, 
con. 5, Bexley ; 18,536, Unfinished stone disc, Corbett's Hill, lot 5, con. 
5, Bexley ; 18,537, Unfinished stone disc, Logan's Hill, lot 22, con. 3, 
Eldon, R. Stanley : 18,538, Small bead, lot 22, con. 2, R. Stanley ; 
18,539, Perforated stone disc, Coboconk, D. Smith ; 18,540, Small per- 
forated stone disc, Coboconk, D. Smith ; 18,541 , Polished and perforated 
stone disc, Coboconk, D. Smith ; 18.542, Large perforated broken stone 
disc, Coboconk, D. Smith ; 18,543-4, Large unfinished stone disc, Cobo- 
conk, D. Smith ; 18,545, Very small bead stone, Coboconk, D. Smith ; 
18,546 Unfinished pottery disc, lots 44 and 45 S. Portage Road, Eldon, 
D. Boyle ; 18,547, Perforated large stone disc, lot 5, con. 5, Corbett's 
Hill ; 18,548, Perforated small stone disc, lot 5, con. 5, Corbett's Hill ; 
18,549, Large white disc, Sornerville twp. ; 18,550, Part of pottery 
disc, Bexley ; 18,551-4, Pottery discs, found on Benson's farm, west 
half lot 5, 6, con. 2, Bexley. 

18,555, Arrowhead, Grass River, Eldon, A. Burns ; 18,556, Arrow- 
head, Portage Road, West Bay, Balsam Lake, Bexley : 18,557, Drill (?) 
Portage Road, West Bay, Balsam Lake, Bexley ; 18,558, Arrowhead, 
Portage Road, West Bay, Balsam Lake. Bexley, G. Pollard ; 18,559, 
Arrowhead, Portage Road, West Bay, Balsam Lake, Bexley ; 18,560, 
Arrow head (triangular), Portage Road, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,- 
561: Carnelian(?) scraper, Portage Road, West Bay, Balsam Lake, Bex- 
ley ; 18,562, Broken drill, Portage Road, West Bay, Balsam Lake; 
18,563, Arrowhead, West Bay, Balsam Lake, A. Burns ; 18,564, Arrow- 
head, Balsam Lake. A, Burns ; 18,565, Arrowhead, taken from a grave 
and along with a large implement, near Gait, N. Goodall ; 18,566, Drill, 
Balsam Lake, A. Burns ; 18,567, Slate arrowhead, Bolsover, Dalgleish ; 
18,568, Broad spearhead, Markham, Ont.; 18,569, Quartz arrowhead 


found at the head of Portage Road, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,570, 
Arrowhead, Ant Island, Balsam Lake; 18,571, Arrowhead, Texas, 
U.S.A., J. McNabb ; 18,572, Arrowhead implement, Texas, L. McNabb; 
18,573, Arrowhead, Balsam Lake ; 18,574, White arrowhead, West Bay, 
Balsam Lake, found at the head of Portage Road, A. Burns ; 18,575-6. 
Broad based arrowhead, West Bay, Balsam Lake, found at the head of 
Portage Road, A. Burns ; 18,577, Round point arrowhead, West Bay, 
Balsam Lake, found at the head of Portage Road, A. Burns; 18,578, 
Flint drill, broken point, Green county, Texas, J. McNabb ; 18,579, 
Arrowhead, long fish jigger, (?) Green county, Texas, J. McNabb; 18,- 
580-2, Arrowheads, Green county, Texas, Miss Fergusson ; 18,583-93, 
Arrowheads of various shapes and sizes, San Angelo, Texas, Miss Fer- 
gusson ; 18,594, Arrowhead, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,595, Point ol 
drill, West Bay, Balsam Lake; 18,596-610, Paloeolithic-like implements 
Texas, Miss Fergusson ; 18,611-12, Oval implement, Texas, Miss Fer- 
gusson; 18,613, Knife, implement, Texas, Mis? Fergusson; 18,614-19 
Flake implement, Texas, Miss Fergusson ; 18:620, Awl, Texas, Miss 
Fergusson ; 18,621, Implement, Texas, Miss Fergusson ; 18,622-27, 
Arrowheads, Texas, Miss Fergusson ; 18,628-29, Large arrowheads, 
Texas, Miss Fergusson; 18,630, Triangular arrowheads, Texas, Miss 
Fergusson ; 18,631, Arrowhead, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,632, 
Broad based arrowhead, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,633, Oval scraper, 
West Bay, Balsam Lake; 18,634, Semi-circular scraper, West Bay, Bal- 
sam Lake ; 18,635, Semi- circular scraper, Colorado, R. 0. Cariuthers ; 
18,636-37, Arrowheads, Saguache county, Colorado ; 18,638-40, Small 
arrowheads, Saguache county, Colorado ; 18,641, Small scrapers, 
Saguache county, Colorado ; 18,642, Rough arrowhead, round top, Sagu- 
ache county, Colorado ; 18,643-46, Palceolitbic-like, Texas, Miss Fergus- 
son ; 18,647-8, Flakes, Texas, Miss Fergusson ; 18,649-52, Oval scrapers, 
Texas, Miss Fergusson; 18,653-54, Leaf scrapers, Texas, Miss Fergusson ; 
18,655-56. Barbed arrowhead, Texas, Miss Fergusson; 18,657, Barbed 
arrowhead, Texas, Miss McNabb ; 18,658, Rough arrowhead, Texas, 
Miss McNabb ; 18,659, Flint knife, Woodville, C. J. Gilchrist; 18,660, 
Woman's slate knife, Long Point, Balsam Lake ; 18.661, Oval-curved 
scraper, Miles Hay garth, Fenelon ; 18,662, White quartz arrowhead 
point, found four feet deep, Eldon, D. Wright ; 18,663, Pure quartz 
drill, lot 9 con. 3, Bexley ; 18,664, Very small arrowhead, found on 
Benson's farm, Bexley, D. Boyle ; 18,665, Woman's slate knife, Bolsover, 
Eldon, J. McGirr ; 18,666, Circular flint spearhead, Bolsover, Eldon, J. 
McGirr ; 1 8,66 7-8, Palaeolithic (?) arrowheads.rough , very much weathered, 
Bolsover, Eldon, J. McGirr ; 18,669, Small barbed arrow point, Bols- 
over, Eldon, J. McGirr; 18,670, Small notched-based arrow point, 


Ka-mis-han-don (William Williams), Seneca. He was leader in the : 
festivals, as well as at intervals during several previous years. Ka- 
mis-han-don sang the songs for the musical notation following. 


Chief Dehayadgwayeh, Outstretched Arms (Johnson Williams) and daughter 
(Seneca). This chief took an active part in the Midwinter and 

other festivals in the Seneca Longhouse. 
Miss Williams was an active participant in the dances. 


David Key (Seneca). In the festivals of 1898 he took an active part as assistant, 

and has been appointed leader for 1899. He is a man of much 

energy, and a good impromptu speaker. 


Bolsover, Eldon, J. McGirr ; 18,671, Large notched based arrow point, 
head of Portage Road, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,672, Chert knife, 
Eldon, S. Truman : 18,673, Perfect chert awl, Eldon, S. Truman ; 18,- 
674, Perfect chert arrowhead, Eldon, S. Truman ; 18,675, Narrow leaf- 
shaped arrowhead, Bolsover, J. McGirr ; 18,676, Small triangular con- 
cave based arrowhead, lot 45, con. 8 South Portage Road, Eldon ; 
18,677, Leaf-shaped tuitle-backed scraper, Bexley, W. Nevins; 18,678, 
Curved leaf-shaped scraper, Raven Lake, R. H. Pearce ; 18,679, Black 
flint arrowhead, Cambray, H. Fear ; 18,680, Oval chipped implement 
(chalcedony ?) Rummerfield Hill ; 18,681, Scraper, Lt 9, con. 3, Bexley ; 
18,682, Curved flint knife or scraper, lot 5, con. 5, Bexley. 

18,683, Perforated mussel shell, Bexley; 18,684, Broken shell 
perforated, lot 9, concession 3, Bexley ; 18,685, Perforated shells, lot 5, 
concession 5, Bexley ; 18,688-9, Perforated helix shells, lot 45, conces- 
sion 8, South Portage Road,Kirkfield,David Boyle; 18,690-1, Shell disc, 
west half lots 5, 6, concession 2, David Boyle, Benson's farm, Bexley ; 

18.692, Arrowhead, triangular, concave based, West Bay, Balsam Lake: 

18.693, helix shell, Benson's farm, Balsam Lake; 18,694-6, helix, 
shell, lot 5, concession 5, Balsam Lake ; 18,697, Unio shell, lot 5, con- 
cession 5, Balsam Lake ; 1 8,698 (Fragment of perforated shell), lot 5, 
concession 5, Balsam Lake ; 18,699, Perforated unio shell, Benson's 
farm, Balsam Lake ; 18,700, Partly worked unio perforated shell, lot 
5, con. 5, Balsam Lake , 18,701, Perforated, worked unio shell, lot 5, 
concession 5, Balsam Lake ; 18,702, Perforated helix shell, lot 45, con- 
cession 8, A. Campbell ; 18,703, Perforated helix shell, Eldon S. Tru- 
man ; 18,704, One box of helix shells, lot 45, concession 8, Eldon ; 
18,705, Perforated spiral shell, Benson's farm, Bexley ; 18,706, Perfor- 
ated clam shell, lot 45, concession 8, Eldon; 18,707, One box of perfor- 
ated helix shells, lot 45, concession 8, Eldon; 18,708, One box of per- 
forated helix shells, etc., lot 22, concession 3, Eldon; 18,709, Perforated 
clam shell, lot 22, concession 3, Eldon; 18,710, One box of perforated 
helix shells, Bexley, W. Nevins; 18,711, Graphite, lot 5, con. 5, Bexley ; 
18,712, Quartz pebble, West Bay, Portage Road ; 18713, Quartz pebble, 
(doubtful), West Bay, Portage Road; 18,714, Worked stone, lot 22 f 
concession 3, R. Stanley ; 18,715, Worked pebble, Eldon, C. Fry ; 
18,716, Worked shale slab, Eldon, D. Wright ; 18,717, worked slab 
of micaceous schist, Coboconk, D. Smith; 18,718, Worked flake red 
slab, Coboconk, D. Smith: 18,719, Graphite, Coboconk, D. Smith; 
18,720, Hematite, Coboconk, D. Smith; 18,721, Worked soapstone 
pebble, Coboconk, D. Smith; 18,722, Worked pebble, Coboconk, D. 

3 c.i. 


Smith ; 18,723, Silurian crinoid fossil, lot 5, concession 5, Bexley 
18,724-5, White quartz, lot 9, concession 3, Bexley; 18,726, White 
quartz, lot 45, concession 8, Kirktield, Eldon ; 18,727-28, White quartz, 
West Bay, head of Portage Road, Bexley ; 18,729-31, Worked chert, 
West Bay, head of Portage Road, Bexley ; 18,732, Rubbing slab of 
Hudson shale, West Bay, head of Portage Road, Bexley ; 18,733, Large 
unfinished implement (hoe), Huronian slate, head of Portage Road, 
West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,734, Fragment of pure quartz, head of 
Portage Road, West Bay, Balsam Lake; 18,735-7, Fragment of black 
flint, head of Portage Road, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 18,738 Tool -of 
unknown material, head of Portage Road, West Bay, Balsam Lake ; 
18,739, Piece of graphite, lot 5, concession 5, Bexley ; 18,740, Frag- 
ment of small pot, lot 5, concession 5, Bexiey ; 18.741, Piece of pure 
quartz, lot 5, concession 5, Bexley ; 18,742, Unknown material, lot 5, 
concession 5, Bexley, W. Nevins ; 18,743, Rubbing stone, lot 5, con- 
cession 5, Bexley, A. Irwin ; 18,744, Portion of worked stone turtle, 
found in Laidlaw's garden; 18,745, Rubbing stone, syenite pebble, 
Benson's; 18,746, Part of stone ring. Eldon, S. Truman; 18,74-7, Box 
of carbonized corn and plum pits, Eldon, S. Truman; 18,748-9, Rub- 
bing stones, lot 5, concession 5. Bexley, W. Irwins; 18,750, Worked 
slate, Coboconk, I). Smith; 18,751, Piece of hematite, Eldon, S. Tru- 
man ; 18,752, Pipe, man sitting, Balsam Lake, Long Point, T. Hoyle ; 
18,753, Large pipe, vase type, Coboconk, D. Smith; 18,754-, Pipe, vase 
type, Coboconk, D. Smith; 18,755, Small pipe, vase type, lot 45 con- 
cession 8, Eldon, R. Monroe, Kirkfield ; 18,756-7, Fragments of stone 
pipe bowls, N. Benson's farm, Bexley ; 18,758, Fragments of stone 
square bowl, Bolsover. Eldon, J. McGirr ; 18,759, Wolf st'ne pipe, same 
pattern as bear and panther pipes found in Whitby township, Chat- 
terson's farm, G. Doolittle ; 18,760; Soapstone pipe, cork shaped, lot 
45, concession 8, Eldon; 18,761, Pyramidal soapstone pipe, lot 5, con- 
cession 5, W. Irwin; 18,762, Stone pipe, broken, second hole drilled 
in side, Bexley, N. G. Peel ; 18,763, Base of square stone pipe, hole for 
suspensions, notched corners, lot 22, concession 8, Eldon ; 18,764, Frag- 
ment of small clay pipe, showing cord mark in stem hole, Bexley ; 
18,765, Fragment of clay stem pipe, showing cord mark in stem hole, 
Bexley ; 18,766, Clay pipe, half of a plain bowl, W. Benson's, Bexley ; 
18,767 8, Clay pipe, tops of ringed bowls, W. Benson's, Bexley ; 
18,769, Clay pipe, flat bottomed bowl, moulded hole, tally, W. Ben- 
son's, Bexley, David Boyle; 18,770; Clay pipe, plain, cornet shaped bowl, 
Balsam Lake, Eldon, J. McGirr ; 18,771, Slender clay pipe, ringed top 
bowl, Balsam Lake, Eldon, J. McGirr; 18,772, Clay pipe, large, orna- 
mented, cornet shaped bowl, Balsam Lake, Eldon, J. McGirr ; 18,773, 


Clay pipe, square top, ornamented, cornet shaped bowl, Balsam Lake, 
Eldon, J. McGirr ; 18,774, Clay pipe, partly ringed top bowl, Balsam 
Lake, Eldon, J. McGirr ; 18,775, Clay pipe, partly ornamented incised 
lines, Balsam Lake, Eldon, J. McGirr ; 18,776, Clay pipe bowl, four 
indentations on top, Balsam Lake, Eldon, J. McGirr ; 18,777, clay pipe 
bowl, ringed top, Balsam Lake, Eldon, J. McGirr; 18,778, Clay pipe, 
bulged bowl, Balsam Lake, Eldon, J. McGirr ; 18,779, Clay pipe, one 
half stein showing cord marks, Balsam Lake, Eldon, J. McGirr ; l.s 800, 
Clay pipe, square ornament top. lot 5, concession 5, W. Irwin ; 18 801, 
Clay pipe, square mouthed, lot 5, concession 5, W. Irwin ; 18,802, Clay 
pipe, large stem, lot 5, concession 5, W. Irwin ; 18,803, Clay pipe, 
square mouthed, lot 45, concession 8, Eldon ; 18,804, Clay pipe, stem 
showing cord marks, lot 45, concession 8, Eldon ; 18,805-9, C!ay pipe, 
lot 45, concession 8, Eldon; 18,810-15, Fragments of clay pipe, show- 
ing ornamentation, lot 45, concession 8, Eldon ; 18,816, Fragment of 
stem, showing cord marks, Benson's f.xrm, Bexley ; 18,^17, Clay pipe 
bowl, lot 9, concession 3, Bexley; 18,818-19, two stems, showing 
extreme sizes, lot 9, concession 3, Bexley ; 18,820, Clay pipe (face from 
a), lot 9, concession 3, Bexley ; 18,821, Clay pipe, fragment of bowl, 
showing moulded hole for suspension, lot 9, concession 3, Bexley ; 
18,822, Clay pipe (face from a), lot 5, concession 5, Bexley ; 18 823-4, 
Clay pipe (face from a), lot 5, concession 5, Bexley ; 18,825, Clay 
pipe, double faced, lot 5, concession 5, Bexley, S. Harbaugh ; 18,826, 
Clay pipe, with faces of man and racoon, lot 5, concession 5, Bexley ; 
18,827, Clay pipe, scalloped top, face ground off, W. Irwin ; 18828, 
Clay pipe, scalloped top, face ground off, W. Irwin ; 18,829, four sided, 
mouth piece, ground off, W. Irwin ; 18,830, Clay pipe mouth piece, end 
drilled out, Coboconk, Smith; 18,831, Clay pipe (port' on of serpent 
or fish) Rummerfield Hill, Somerville township; 18,832-5, Clay pipes, 
fragments of showing four-indented and dotted tops, sifted ash- 
bed, Rummerfield Hill, SomerviUe township ; 18,836, Clay pipe, frag- 
ment of bowl, ringed top, Rummerfield Hill, Somerville township ; 
18,837, Clay pipe, fragment of bowl, flared top, Rummerfield Hill, 
Somersville township ; 18,838 9, Clay pipe stems, broken and then 
ground to fresh mouth piece, Rummerfield Hill, Somerville township; 

18.840, Clay toy -pipe stem, Rummerfield Hill, Somerville township ; 

18.841, Clay pipe, three faces, lot 5, concession 5, Bexley ; 18,842, Clay 
pipe mouth piece, ground at broken part for a bead, lot 5, concession 
5, Bexley; 18,843, Clay pip* 1 , part of stem showing raised figure and 
cord stem hole, lot 5, concession 5, Bexley ; 18,844, Clay pipe, frag- 
ment of bowl showing top rings and dots, lot 22, concession 3, Dr. 
Ross; 18,845, Clay pipe, rough flared bowl, three rings, ash heap, 


Benson's ; 18,846, Clay pipe, four indentations on bowl, ash heap, Ben- 
son's ; 18,847, Clay pipe, plain bowl, ridged top, ash heap, Benson's ; 
18,84-8, Clay pipe, fragment of indented bowl, ash heap, Benson's ; 
18,849, Clay pipe, large stem, ash heap, Benson's; 18,850, Clay pipe 
mouth piece, broken part ground for bead, ash heap, Benson's ; 18,851, 
Clay pipe, lot 9, concession 8, Bexley ; 18,852 Clay pipe, lot 5, conces- 
sion 5, Bexley ; 18,853-5, Clay pipe stems, lot 5, concession 5, Bexley ; 
18,856, Clay pipe, top of bowl ; 18,857, Clay pipe, from Benson's farm, 
J. Shields; 18,858-62, Pottery discs, W. Benson's farm, west half lots 
5, 6, concession 2, Bexley, David Boyle ; 18,863, Circular lump of baked 
clay, west half lots 5, 6, concession 2, Bexley, David Boyle; 18,864, Unfin- 
ished disc, white crystallized, west half lots 5, 6, concession 2, Bexley, 
D. Boyle; 18,863, Unfinished part of perforated stone disc, lot 5, con- 
cession 5, Bexley, D. Boyle ; 18,866-7, Large unfinished stone disc, lot 

5, concession 5, Bexley, David Boyle; 18,868-9, ? unfinished stone 

disc, lot 5, concession 5, Bexley,David Boyle; 18,870-2, Small unfinished 
stone disc, lot 5, concession 5, Bexley, David Boyle; 18,873-5, Pottery 
discs, unfinished stone, Lilyhorn ; 18,876, Unfinished disc, W. Benson's 
farm, west half lots, 5, 6. concession 2, Bexley ; 18,877, Perforated 
stone disc, Fenelon, F. Hay garth ; 18,878, Perforated stone disc, lot 5, 
concession 5, Bexley, C. Wilson ; 18,879, Part of large pottery disc, lot 
5, concession 5, Bexley, C. Wilson ; 18,880, Unfinished pottery disc, 
lot 5, concession 5, Bexley, C. Wilson; 18,881, Unfinished stone disc, 
lot 5, concession 5, Bexley, C. Wilson ; 18,882-3, Pottery disc, lot 45, 
concession 8, South Portage Road. Eldon, Mrs R Campbell ; 18,884, 
Unfinished stone disc, lot 45, concession 8, South Portage Road, Eldon, 
Mrs. Campbell ; 18,885, Pebble disc, lot 45, concession 8, South Port- 
age Road, Eldon ; 1 8,886, Soapstone pebble in process of being manu- 
factured into a disc, lot 45, concession 8, South Portage Road, Eldon ; 
18,887, Unperforated pottery disc, lot 45, concession 8, South Portage 
Road, Eldon, S. Truman ; 18,888-91, Pottery discs, lot 5, concession 5, 
Bexley ; 18,892-902, Stone disc in process of manufacture, lot 5, con. 
5, Bexley ; 18,903, Soapstone pebble, partly formed, lot 5, con. 5, Bex- 
ley ; 18,904, Pottery disc, lot 5, concession 5, Bexley ; 18,905, Large 
disc, Coboconk, D. Smith; 18,906, Large stone disc, lot 45, concession 
8, South Portage Road, Eldon, Mrs. R. Campbell; 18,907-14, Pottery 
disc, lot 45, concession 8, South Portage Road, Eldon, Mrs R. Camp- 
bell ; 18,915, Large unfinished stone disc, lot 45, concession 8, South 
Portage Road, Mrs. R. Campbell ; 18,916, Perforated stone disc, lot 45, 
concession 8, South Portage Road, Eldon, Mrs. R. Campbell; 18,917-18, 
Circular i small) polished pebbles, ashbeds, lot 45, concession 8, South 
Portage Road, Eldon, Mrs. R. Campbell ; 18,919-21, Pottery discs, 


Benson's, west half lots 5, 6, concession 2, Bexley ; 18, 22-23, Large 
and small stone beads, lot 45, concession 8, South Portage Road, Eldon, 

C. Guise ; 18,924, Stone disc, lot 9, concession 3, Bexley ; 18,925, Stone 
disc, worked depression in one side, lot 3, concession 3, Bexley ; 18,926, 
Pottery disc, lot 22, concession 8, Eldon ; 18,927, White soapstone 
disc (very small), lot 22, concession 8, Eldon ; 18,928, Unfinished stone 
disc, lot 45, concession 8 South Portage Road, Bexley ; 18,929-30, Per- 
forated soapstone discs, lot 45, concession 8, South Portage Road, 
Bexley ; 18,931-32, Unperf orated soapstone discs, lot 45, concession 8, 
South Portage Road, Bexley ; 18,933, Small stone bead, lot 45, conces- 
sion 8, South Portage Road, Bexley ; 18,934, Unfinished pottery discs, 
Coboconk, D. Smith ; 18,935, Soapstone (unfinished) disc, Coboconk, 

D. Smith ; 18,936 : Pottery bead, Somerville township, J. Wallace ; 
18,937-87, Pottery discs, unfinished, from ashbed on Rummerfield Hill ; 
18,998-19,001, Stone discs, from ashbed on Rummerfield Hill ; 19,002-4, 
Pottery discs, lot 5, concession 5, Bexley; ] 9, 005-6, Perforated soap- 
stone discs, lot 5 concession 5, Bexley; 19,007, Perforated stone disc, 
lot 5, concession 5, Bexley ; 19,008, Unperforated soapstone disc, lot 5, 
concession 5, Bexley ; 19,009, Stone disc, lot 22, concession 8, Bexley ; 
19,010-13, Stone disc, ashbed, west half lots 5, 6, concession 2, Bexley ; 
19,014-32, Pottery discs, west half lots 5, 6, concession 2, Bexley ; 
19,033, Discs, tally (clay or stone), west half lots 5, 6, concession 2, 
Bexley ; 19,034, Stone disc, lot 45. concession 8, South Portage Road ; 
19,0o5-40, Pottery discs, lot 5, concession 5, Bexley ; 18,041, Large 
disc, or " chunkee stone," 3 in. dia., lot 5, concession 5, Bexley ; 
19,042-7, Stone discs, lot 5, concession 5, Bexley; 19,050, Small soap- 
stone, lot 5, concession 5, Bexley ; 19,051, Circular polished pebble, 
Raven Lake, R. H. Pearce ; 19,052, Grooved soapstone pebble, Cobo- 
conk, J. Bowens; 19,053, Soapstone sinker or plummet (perforated 
longtitudinally) lot 5, concession 1, Bexley, N. McNerney ; 19,054, 
Rubbing stone, Nottawasaga sandstone, Eldon, Mrs. J. W. Sims ; 
19,055-56, Fragments of hematite used for paint, lot 5, concession 5, 
Bexley; 19,057, Bar amulet, Thorah, Ont., D. McRae; 19,058, Piece of 
graphite, Eldon, S. McDonald ; 19,059, Fragment of unusually orna- 
mented pottery, S. McDonald ; 19,060, Water- worn pebble hammer, 
ashbed, S. McDonald ; 19,061-2, Unusually ornamented pottery, 
Bolsover, Jas. McGirr; 19,063, Box containing turtle shells from 
ashbed, west half lots 5-6, con. 2 Bexley ; 19,064, Carbonized 
corn, lot 45, con. 8, South Portage Road, Eldon ; 19,065, Rub- 
bing stone, lot 9, con. 3, Bexley ; 19.066. Box of carbonized corn 
lot 22, con. 8, Eldon; 19,067, Worked stone sinker (?); 19,068 
Piece of micaceous worked schist, Coboconk, D. Smith ; 19,069 


Flat oval slate rubbing stone, Coboconk, D. Smith ; 19,070-1, Red and 
black hematite, Coboconk, D. Smith ; 19,072, Piece of mica, lot 22, 
con. 8, Eldon ; 19,073, Piece of mica, Rummerfielcl Hill, Somerville ; 
19,074, Piece of rubbing stone, Rummerfield Hill, Somerville ; 19,075, 
Piece of worked slate, Mud Lake, J. Newby ; 19,076, Box of soap- 
stone, lot 1, con. 8, Somerville, J. Spring ; 19,077, Nugget of native 
copper, lot 20, con. 5, Lutterworth, Haliburton, A. Cameron ; 10,078 
Piece of iron, lot 45, con. 8, South Portage Road, Kirkfield, C. Grilse ; 
19,07!), Worked quartz pebble, lot 45, con. , South Portage Road, 
Kirkfield, C. Grilse ; 19,080, Box containing corn, beans, turtle-egg, 
Somerville township, J. Wallace ; 19,081, Package of corn, lot 45, con. 8, 
South Portage Road Kirkfield, C. Grilse; 19,082; Fish-scales and 
recent small scales, ashbed. Somerville, J. Wallace ; 19,083, Plum pits, 
ashbed, Rummerfield Hill, J. Wallace ; 19,084, Carbonized corn, ashbed. 
Rummerfield Hill, J. Wallace ; 19,085, Lump of baked clay showing 
marks of work, ashbed, Rummerfield Hill, J. Wallace ; 19,086, Fossil, 
sifted from ashbed, Rummerfield Hill, J. Wallace ; 19,087, Fragment 
of soapstone ornament, ashbed, Rummerfield Hill, J. Wallace ; 19,088, 
Small ball of either clay or stone from ashbed, Rummerfield Hill, 
Somerville; 19,089, Silurian fossil, sifted from ashbed, Rummerfield 
Hill, Somerville ; 10,090. Bottom of small pot, lot 5, con. 5, Bexley ; 
19,091, ornamented piece of pottery, lot 5, con. 5, Bexley; 10,092, Por- 
tion of waterworn stone flaked at edge, lot 5, con. 5, Bexley ; 19,093-4, 
Box of corn, plum pits, turtle shells, etc, sifted out of ashbed, west half 
lots 5-6, con. 2, Bexley ; 19,095, Fossil (coral) showing traces of work, 
Somerville, J. Eads ; 19,096, Small axe, Bolsover, Jas. McGirr ; 19,01)7, 
Small axe, lot 9, con. 3, Bexley ; 19,098, Small axe, lot 22, con. 8, 
Eldon; 10,096, Small axe, Rummerfield Hill, Somerville, R. LeRoy ; 
19,100, Long axe, Rummerfield Hill, Somerville, R. LeRoy; 10,101, 
Long heavy axe, Coboconk, J. Moore; 19,102, Small axe, Coboconk, 
J. Moore; 19,103, Wide chisel or adze, Coboconk, J. Moore; 19,104-5, 
Very small celts or chisels, lot 45, con. 8, South Portage Road, Eldon ; 
19,106, Small axe Raven Lake, R. H. Pearce ; 19,107, Wide celt slate, 
Hedley Fair, Cambray ; 19,108, Small axe or chisel, lot 45, con. 8, 
Kirkfield; 19,10910, Axe, Rummerfield Hill, Somerville; 19,111, 
Small square scraper, West Bay, Balsam Lake; 19,112, Small axe, 
Somerville, J. Wallace ; 19,1 13, End of pick from ashbed, Rummerfield 
Hill, J. Wallace ; 19,114, Small axe, lot 9, con. 3, Bexley ; 19,115, Very 
small axe, lot 5. con. 5, Bexley ; 19,116-17 Circular hand hammer, 
ashbed, west half lots 5-6, con. 2, Bexley (probably degraded from 
celt); 19,118, Axe from ashbed; 19,119, Long slender chisel, polished 
surface, Long Point, T. McNish; 19,120, Adze, Deer Lake, Laxton, 


Wm. Campbell ; 19,121, Degraded axe hammer- stone, lot 9, con. 3, 
Bexley; 19,122, Very small double-edged chisel, lot 9, con. 3, Bexley ; 
19, 23, Large, flat celt, lot 22, con. 8,Eldon ; 19,1 '24-5, Small axe, adze- 
like, lot 5, con. 5, Bexley; 10,126, Long narrow chisel, Eldon, M. 
Mitchell ; 19,127, Rough axe, Eldon, S. Truman ; 19,1 28-29, Perforated 
helix shell, lot 45, con. 8, South Portage Road, Eldon, C. Grilse ; 
19,130, Box of recent helix shells for purposes of comparison, Balsam 
Lake; 19,131, Perforated helix, Somerville, J, Wallace; 10,132, Half 
of large worked mussel shell, Somerville township, J. Wallace ; 19,133, 
Mussel shell showing traces of use, Somerville, J. Wallace ; 19,134, 
Shells (marine and freshwater), some perforated, from ashbed, Rum- 
merfield Hill, Somerville township I 19,135-36, Mussel shells, showing 
use as in smoothing pottery, from ashbed, Rummerfield Hill, Somer- 
ville township; 19,137, Piece of worked shell, lot 22, con. 8, Eldon ; 
19,138, Shells (marine and freshwater), also a long shell bead, west 
half lots 5 and 6, con. 2, Bexley ; 19,139-42, Mussel shells used in 
smoothing inside of pots, ashbed, west half lots 5 and 6, con. 2, Bexley ; 
19 143, Large horn spike, showing work, lot 5, con. 5, Bexley ; 19,144, 
Small horn spike, showing work, lot 5, con. 5, Bexley ; 19,145, Small 
horn spike, showing work, lot 5, con. 5, Bexley ; 19,146, Seven in. bone 
awl, lot 5 con. 5, Bexley ; 19,147-49, Small awls, lot 5, con. 5, Bexley ; 
19.150, Worked bone, lot 5, con. 5, Bexley ; 19,151-3, Two bone beads, 
hollow sections, lot 5, con. 5, Bexley ; 19,155-5, Beavers' teeth ground 
for knives, lot 5, con. 5, Bexley ; 19,156, Beavers' teeth, ground at base, 
lot 5, con. 5, Bexley ; 19,157-59, Perforated wolves' fangs, lot 5, con. 5, 
Bexley ; 19,160, Bone awl, west half lots 5-6, con. 2 Bexley, J. Shields ; 
91 101-2, Perforated discs, lot 45, con. 8, Bexley ; 19,163, Mussel shell 
scraper from ashbed, west half lots 5-6, con 2, Bexley ; 19,164, Recent 
small shells from ashbed, west half lots 5-6, con. 2, Bexley; 19,165, 
Helices (Box of), lot 22, con 8, Eldon ; 19,166, Disc of clam shell, lot 
2 '2, con. 8, Eldon ; 19,167, Small unio, horn on one side, lot 22, con 8, 
Eldon; 19:168, Shells, lot 5, con. 5, Bexley; 19,169-70, Perforated 
mussel shells, lot 5, con. 5, Bexley ; 19,171, Horn (carved) flattened on 
one side, Cobosonk, D Smith ; 19,172, End of bone awl, Coboconk, D. 
Smith; 19,173-5, Bone awl, Somerville, G. Rumney; 29,176. Eyed 
needle, broken, Somerville, G. Rumney ; 19,177-8, Bone beads, Somer- 
ville G Rumney ; 19,169-80, Metacarpal bones, worked, Somerville, 
G. Rumney ; 19,181, Pottery marker, G. Mathewson's, Bexley ; 19,182, 
Worked beaver tooth tool, G. Jackson; 19,183, Bone awl; 19,185, 
Worked bone bead, Somerville, G. Rumney ; 19,186-7; bone beads, 
Somerville, J. Wallace ; 19,188. Worked bone, Somerville, J. Wallace; 
19,189, Worked bone, Somerville, G. Rumney ; 19,190-91, Perforated 


bone needles, broken, Somerville, J. Wallace ; 19,192, Beaver tooth 
tool; 19,193-5, Fragment of tooth tool, Somerville, J. Wallace; 
19,196-7, Bone awls, Somerville, J. Wallace; 18,198 9, Fragment of 
bone beads, Somerville, J. Wallace ; 19,200, Carpal bone, Somerville, J. 
Wallace ; 19,201.3, Carpal bones (fragments of) worked, ashbed, Rum- 
merfield Hill, Somerville ; 19,204, Bone with portion cut off, ashbed, 
R/ummerfield Hill, Somerville ; 19,205, bone awl, ashbed, Rummerfield 
Hill, Somerville; 19,206, Pottery marker, ashbed, Rummerfield Hill, 
Somerville ; 19,207-19, Hollow bone sections of various lengths, ash- 
beds, Rummerfield Hill, Somerville ; 19,220-22, Large hollow sections 
bones, lot 5, con. 5, Bexley ; 19,223-25, Bone awls, lot 5, con. 5, Bexley ; 
19,226-7, Beaver teeth ground for tools, lot 5, con. 5, Bexley ; 19,228, 
Beaver teeth ground for tool, Bexley; 19,229, Section of hollow bone, 
lot 22, con. 8, Eldon ; 19,230, Awl, lot 22, con. 8, Eldon ; 19,231, Sharp- 
ened prong of deer horn, lot 22, con. 8, Bexley ; 19,232, Deer horn 
with sharpened prong, ashbed, west half lot 5-6, coil. 2, Bexley ; 
19,233-34, Fragments of worked horn, ashbed, west half lots 5-6, con. 
2, Bexley ; 19,235, Small bone dagger or large awl, ashbed, west half 
lots 5-6, con. 2, Bexley; 19,236-41, Bone awls, ashbed, west half lots 
5-6, con. 3, Bexley ; 19,242-46, bone beads (hollow sections of bone), 
ashbed, west half lots 5-6, con 2, Bexley ; 19,247, Worked metatarsal 
bone, ashbed, west half lots 5-6, con. 2, Bexley ; 19,248, Bone in pre- 
paration for needle, ashbed, west half lots 5-6, con. 2, Bexley ; 19,249, 
Eyed needle, ashbed, west half lots 5-6, con. 2, Bexley; 19,250-51, 
Bones from which pieces have been cut for beads, ashbed, west half 
lots 5-6, con. 2, Bexley ; 19,252, Beaver tooth ground for tool, west 
half lots 5-6, con. 2, Bexley: 19,253, Bone awl, lot 9, con. 3, Bexley; 
19,254, Horn flaker, lot 9. con. 3, Bexley ; 19,255, bone bead, lot 9, 
con. 3, Bexley ; 19,256, Bone dagger, inscribed, ashbed, west half lots 
5-6, con. 2, Bexley ; 19,257, Bone skin dresser, ashbed, Rummerfield 
Hill, lot 1 North Portage Road ; 19,258, Harpoon, 2 barbs, hole, ash- 
bed, Rummerfield Hill, lot 1 North Portage Road : 19,259, Large awl, 
ashbed, Rummerfield Hill, lot 1, North Portage Road ; 19,260, Eyed 
needle, ashbed, Rummerfield Hill, lot 1, North Portage Road: 19,261, 
Bone awl, ashbed, Rummerfield Hill, lot 1, North Portage Road ; 
19,262-65, Bone awls, lot 22, con. 8, Eldon ; 19,266, Large bear tusk, 
lot 22, con 8, Eldon ; 19:267, Small canine tusk, lot 22, con. 8, Eldon ; 
19,26s-77, Pottery discs, lot 45, con. 8. Bexley ; 19,278, Pottery discs, 
lot 5, con. 5, Bexley ; 17,279, Water worn pebbles, ashbed, Rummerfield; 
19,280: Perforated helix shell, Coboconk, D. Smith; 19,281, Part of 
small clay cup, ashbed, west half lots 5 6, con. 2 Bexley ; 19,282, Toy 
pot from ashbed, Rummerfield Hill, Somerville; 19,283, Large oval 


stone, worked surface, North Victoria Co.; 19,284, "War-club" of 
modern make, with an iron spike in the bulb forming the head. This 
" trade ' weapon, was the property of the late Admiral Van Sittart, 
of Bexley, Ont. about 1840. It is probably of Mississauga make. 
19,285, Wooden, cleaver-like weapon, 2 ft. 2| in. long, and 2f in. wide 
in the blade, used by the Mississaugas to kill fish hooked or speared in 
the water, before taking them into the canoe. 19,286, Small wooden 
drumstick -looking weapon 17| in. long, used by the Rama Mississ- 
augas to kill fish when " landed " in a boat. 19,287-6, Wooden clubs 
or mauls used for pounding black ash to separate the layers for bas- 
ket making. Mississaugas. 19,289, Pair of Sioux moccasins, from 
Standing Bull's band, Fort Qu'Appelle Agency, N.W.T. 19,290, 
"Trade war- club," handle 21 inches long; thong, enclosing a stone, 
17 inches long, ornamented with tufts of wool and fur, and brass- 
headed nails, Stoney Indians, Territory of Alberta; 19,29', Small ash- 
splint hat, the work of a Rama Mississauga child. 


19,292-302, Bone awls or needles, lot 45, con. 8, Eldon ; 19,303-5, 
Imperfect, flat, perforated needles, lot 45, con. 8, Eldon ; 19,306-7, Large 
bone beads, Iot44, con. 8, Eldon ; 19,308-13, Small bone beads, lot 45. con. 
8, Eldon ; IP, 3 14, Piece of small antler partly perforated from each side 
near tha middle, lot 45, con. 8, Eldon ; 19,315, Wolf or fox tooth per- 
forated at root end, lot 45, con. 8, Eldon ; 19,316, Half of well-made clay 
lot 45, con. 8, Eldon ; 19,317, Bowl of small, plain, clay pipe, lot 45, pipe, 
con. 8, Eldon ; 19,318, Flint spud or scraper, lot 4, con. 8, Eldon ; 
19,319, Small stone disc, If in. in dia., and f in. thick, lot 45, con. 8, 
Eldon; 19,320, Small stone disc bead, 7-16 in. dia., lot 45, con. 8, 
E'don ; 19,321, Soapstone bead in. dia., lot 45, con. 8, Eldon; 
19,322-5, 4 pottery discs, lot 45, con. 8, Eldon; 19,3'26, Small quantity 
of carbonized Indian corn, lot 45, con. 8, Eldon ; 19,327, Half of clay 
disc If in. in dia., and nearly f in. thick, not made from a pottery 
fragment, but moulded purposely for a disc, lot 45 con. 8, Eldon ; 
19,328, Fragment of a mealing stone or mortar, found in an ashbed 
3 ft. 6 in. below the surface. The ashes were in a pit 5* feet deep, 4 
feet wide and 7 feet long, lot 45, con. 8, Eldon ; 19,329, soapstone pipe, 
rough, lot 45, con. 8, Eldon ; 19,330, Soapstone pipe, well made, lot 45, 
con. 8, Eldon; 19,331, Clay pipe, owl face, lot 45. con. 8, Eldon; 
19,332, Stone (granite) disc, large, lot 45, con. 8, Eldon, found by Dr. 
McKenzie ; 19,333, Axe of quartz, roughly chipped, lot 45, con. 8, 
Eldon; 19,334, 8 helix shells perforated in body- whorl for beads or 
bangles, lot 45, con. 8, Eldon ; 19,355-8, 4 well-marked fragments of 
pottery one showing where one ear had been luted, lot 45, con. 8, 


Eldon : 19,339-40, 2 hammer-stones, lot 22, con. 8, Eldon township ; 
19,341-50, 10 flint arrow heads ; 19,351, Bone awl (much like Ontario 
specimens) ; 19,352. Bone shovel, 12 in. by 4| in, made from shoulder 
blade of some large animal ; 19,353, Flint spear-head, 5| in. long and 2J 
in. wide ; 19,354, about 300 small discoidal shell beads; 19,355, About 
50 shells formerly used as currency; 19,356, Jade celt, small and well 
made; 17,357,Small stone sinker(?); 19,358-9,2 elk-horn chisels, notched 

From 19,341 to 19,359 were surface finds at the junction of the 
Fraser and Thompson rivers, Lytton, British Columbia. 

19,360-74, Flint arrow-heads, Kamloops, B.C ; 19,361-2, Jasper 
drills, Kamloops, B.C.; 19,363-5, Pieces of sea-shells, Kamloops, B.C.; 
19,366, White arrow-head, Kamloops, B.C.; 19,367-8, Pestles, Lillooet, 
British Columbia ; 19,369, Jade celt, Hope, British Columbia; 19,370, 
Salmon knife of whitish slate, British Columbia ; 19,371, Piece of 
blue stone showing marks of preparatory cutting on all sides, Hope, 
British Columbia ; 19,372, Jade celt well made and highly polished, 
Port Moody, British Columbia; 19,373-4, Jade celts, Port Moody.British 
Columbia ; human skull, Lillooet, 15 miles from Fraser River Valley. 
See also 17,788 to 17,793. 

19,375, Horn comb, four inches long, and an inch and three-eighths 
wide ; five teeth ; incised cross lines on convex side for ornamentation. 
The specimen bears some resemblance to a band ; lot 5, con. 5, Bexley. 
G. E. Laidlaw; 19,376, Very fine small soapstone pipe, scarcely more 
than an inch long. This bowl exactly resembles a thistle top in 
form ; lot, 5, con. 5, Bexley, G. E. Laidlaw ; 19,377, Brass ghost arrow- 
head ; Bexley township, G. E. Laidlaw; 19,378, Sheet copper ghost 
arrow-head ; Beaverton, Thorah township, Ontario county, G. E. Laid- 
law ; 19,379, Bear's tooth from ash bed, lot 45, South Portage Road, 
Eldon, W. C. Perry ; 19,380, Bear's tooth rubbed down to a cutting 
edge to form a knife ; lot 45, South Portage Road, W. C. Perry, Win- 
nipeg ; 19,381-2, Two mealing stones ; lot 45, con. 8, Eldon, W. C. 
Perry, Winnipeg ; 19,383-5, Three finger-holders, made of woven 
splints and used for amusement ; Mississaugas of Rama, G. E. Laidlaw. 


Certain Aboriginal Mounds of the Georgia Coast, by Clarence B. 
Moore. Clarence B. Moore, Philadelphia. 

Certain Aboriginal Mounds in South Carolina ; Certain Aboriginal 
Mounds of the Savannah River ; Certain Aboriginal Mounds of the 
Altamaha River, Etc., by Clarence B. Moore. Clarence B. Moore, 


Smithsonian Reports, 1886-87-88-90-91-92-93-94-95. Smithsonian 
Institution, Washington. 

On the contents of a Bone Cave in the Island of Anguilla (West 
Ind-s), by Edward D. Cope, Smithsonian Institution. 

The Gliddon Mummy Case in the Smithsonian Institution 
Museum, by Chas. Pickering, M.I)., Smithsonian Institution. 

Archaeological Researches in Nicaragua, by J. F. Bransford, M.D., 
Smithsonian Institution. 

The Palenque Tablet in the U. S. National Museum, by Chas. Rau. 
Smithsonian Institution. 

A discovery of Greek Horizontal Curves in the Maison Carree at 
Nimes, by W. H. Goodyear. Smithsonian Institution. 

The Methods of Archaeological Research, by Sir Henry Ho worth, 
F.R.S. Smithsonian Institution. 

Polychromy in Greek Statuary, by Maxime Collignon. Smithson- 
ian Institution. 

Report of Prof. Spencer Baird for the year 1878. Smithsonian 

The Latimer Collection of Antiquities from Porto Rico in the 
National Museum, by O. T. Mason. Smithsonian Institution. 

Bosnia-Herzegovina and Dalmatia, by R. Munro, M.A., M.D., 
F.R.S.E. Dr. Munro, Edinburgh. 

Prehistoric Problems, being a selection of essays on the evolution 
of man and other controverted problems in authropology and archae- 
ology, by R. Munro, M.A., M.D., F.R.S E. Dr. Munro, Edinburgh. 

Complete set of reports of the Kelvingrove Museum, Glasgow, 
from 1876 to 1896. Curator of the Museum. 

Ethnological Studies among the North-West Central Queensland 
Aborigines, by Walter E. Roth. Sir Wm. Mcllwraith, Brisbane. 


Anything like entire specimens of pottery are not often found in 
this country, and as the question is frequently asked why is this so, when 
fragments are quite numerous, it may be well to repeat what has been 
said in effect in former reports. Seldom anywhere north of Mexico, 
and never in this part of the continent, has Indian pottery been so 
thoroughly burnt as to give it very much tenacity, and the practice 
of tempering the clay with burnt granite, while no doubt advantageous 

(17,117). Fig. l. 

at the time of firing, tends rather to make it somewhat brittle after 
exposure to the elements for more than a century. Thus we may, 

in a measure, account for the large 
numbers of sherds found on old vil- 
lage sites, especially in ash beds, 
where, too, a great many of the ves- 
sels must have been broken in the 
first place. Even where clay pots 
I were buried with human remains, 
we now nearly always find them in 
pieces, either because they have been 
crushed by the subsidence of the 
earth and bones as the latter decayed 
in the graves (ossuaries), or because 
they had not been placed beyond the 
reach of moisture and frost for, as the 
surfaces of such graves in time became 
hollows, instead of elevations, the water naturally finds its way to 
greater depths in places of this kind than elsewhere ; and when it is 
borne in mind that the soil covering the bone-deposits seldom exceeds 
eighteen inches in depth, it [is easy to understand why destruction 
awaits the fragile pottery that may be lying beneath. 

The vessel here figured, although not perfect, is nearly enough so 
to make it valuable As usual, the bottom is rounded, and in this case 
somewhat more sharply so than we generally find. The ornamen- 
tation is very simple, consisting of minute impressions much in 
vogue for the purpose, but with what these were made, we do not 

Clay pots were among the Indians' most valuable possessions, and 
when they began to crack, the owners frequently attempted to pre- 
serve them by boring holes on each side of the flaw, for the purpose of 
binding or lacing the parts with a thong or sinew. 

For the excellent specimen (six inches high) illustrated by figure 1, 
we are indebted to the good offices of Mr. Freeman Britton, of Gan- 
anoque, on whose farm, near the town, it was found by his tenant, Mr. 

The valley of the Gananoque river formed part of an old Iroquois 
trail to the splendid fishing and hunting grounds in what are now the 
counties of Leeds, Lanark and Frontenac, and the Britton specimen 
may have belonged to some old Canienga or Cayuga woman, although 
its main features are more suggestive of Ojibwa origin. 


It was found 


Most of the clay pipes we find are, like the pots, of a dark gray 
color, whatever they may have been before they were buried, but the 
pipe represented here is dark red, resembling a well burned brick, and 
by means of a fracture at the back, it may be seen 
that the whole body of the pipe is of this color. The 
finished surface has been highly polished, or in some 
other way has had a gloss imparted to it that has 
withstood years of exposure. The face is not at all 
Indian-like, the nose being too broad, and the cheek- 
bones (as far as the fracture allows us to judge) too 
low. Two slight punctures are made for nostrils. 
Both mouth and eyes are of the same shape, and are 
Fig. 2.' 4 dia. expressed by an enclosing ridge. 

This pipe was found near Price's Corners, Medonte, by a Mr. 
Smith, and was given to us by Mr T. F. Milne. 

The figure of an odd little clay pipe is shown here, 
by Mr. John Bailey, on lot 14, con. 2, Collingwood 
township, in the old Huron country, and was pre- 
sented to us through A. F. Hunter, M.A., of Barrie. 
The cavity in the bowl is only about seven-sixteenths 
of an inch in diameter, and five-eighths of an inch 
deep, so that at best it was probably never more than 
a toy. 

The clay has not been tempered as for pottery. 
The markings on the bowl are of a pattern common on vessels of 
this material, and they have been made by a sharp-edged tool. 

The pipe illustrated here (fig. 4) is part of the valuable collection 
presented to the museum by Mr. T. F. Milne. It was 
found near Penetanguishene, on the farm of Mr. A. 

As a specimen of simple art in imitating human 
features, it is better than usual in many respects. 
The chin, generally weak in such portrayals, is 
brought out strongly, and the nose is more sharply 
marked than we often find it. A small, irregular 
(17 122) no ^ e re P resen ts the mouth. Stretching from cheek 

Fig. 4. i dia. to cheek round the back of the head is a series of lines 
for ornamentation 

Fig. 3. \ dia. 


There was no more widely spread myth among Algonkin and 
some other peoples than was that of the Thunder Bird, nor was there one 
respecting which there existed a wider divergence of opinion in matters 
of detail. It was as small as the end of one's little finder according to 
some, and large enough to cover acres of ground in the belief of others. 
It produced thunder by the flapping of its wings, by the swish of its 
powerful tail, simply by means of winking, and by the snapping of 
its bill ; while there were those who claimed that it did not make 
thunder at all, its only duty being to lay eggs, and that the thunder 
was caused by the crunching of these by a rattlesnake which was con- 

(17821). Figs. 5-8. Thunder Bird Stone Pipe. 

Btantly on the lookout, determined that there should be no increase in 
the progeny of a bird capable of doing so much mischief hence, 
probably the respect, if not the worship, paid to the rattlesnake. The 
methods of depicting it varied with the belief and skill of the artist 
it was shown in profile, in full face, with extended wings, and at 
rest. Sometimes considerable pains were taken to bring out details, 
and all shades of finish may be found between this and three or four 
conventional and scrawly lines which, to the uninitiated eye, require a 


The most elaborate representation of the Thunder Bird hitherto 
met with in Canada is worked in porcupine quills surrounded by a 
really beautiful design in colors, an excellent representation of which 
was given in our fourth annual report. 

Of a totally different style of work is the bird shown on the side 
of a plainly formed stone pipe, found by Mr. W. J. Wintemberg (an 
intelligent and enthusiastic student of archaeology) on lot 23, conces- 
sion 11, Township of Blenheim, Oxford county. Mr. Wintemberg's 
reading enabled him to identify the rude carving on one side of this 
pipe as the symbol in question, and I have no doubt he was right, 
although the front view is one seldom attempted. It is probable that the 
two zig-zag lines coming down obliquely to the right side of the head 
are intended to represent lightning. Similar lines, but very faint, are 
on the left side. Tf the tree-like figure at the left has any significance 
I do not know what it is, but the pointing of one branch to the left 
eye, as the lightning seems to be directed to the right, would seem to 
have a purpose. 

Exigency of space probably accounts for the disproportionately 
small wings, the descending lines being no doubt meant to represent 
feathers. The talons, one at each side, and the three tail-feathers are 
well shown. The markings on the latter may be significant, but are 
just as likely to be only ornamental. 

The zig-zag mark at the right of the tail is no doubt meant to 
stand for another lightning stroke, or, perhaps for a snake. 

One of the most remarkable features of this design is the presence 
of the upright line and three cross bars on the breast. There can 
scarcely be a doubt that these have some significance. 

On the side to the right of the bird is the figure of a man with 
what may be called an unfinished head, but perhaps the chief 
peculiarity is the arrow-like design on the breast, not quite so distinct' 
as shown here. 

On the side opposite to the Thunder Bird are series of diagonal 
lines making a pattern we often find on pottery. 

The remaining side has a remarkable feature in the form of a 
cross beneath the stem-hole. As is well known to students of Ameri- 
can archaeology, the cross as a symbol antedates the appearance of 
Europeans on the continent, and is now generally acknowledged to 
have had reference to the four quarters of the world. 

Above the two deep hollows over the stem -hole is the figure of a 
quadruped probably a deer, but for the length of its tail. The marks 
at the base of the bowl on this side are perhaps for ornament alone. 
It is evident that the lines made to surround the edge of the bowl are 


an afterthought, as they cut the upper part of the design. Even the 
lightning- stroke near the head extends beyond where it is seen 

The drawings have been made in simple outline to bring the 
designs out clearly, because the pipe is somewhat dark on the side 
showing the bird, rendering the lines indistinct when not closely 
examined. The stone is argillaceous. 

As the pipe here figured was found in what was at one time 
Neutral (Attiwandaron) territory, it may either be of comparatively 
recent deposit, or, if of olden time, it may have been brought there as 
a spoil of war, or it may have belonged to those who preceded the 
Huron -Iroquois in this part of the continent. 

In any case the pipe is a remarkable one, showing what is perhaps 
as good an example of stone carving as is to be found anywhere. 

The latest reference I have seen to the Thunder Bird, and one, 
too, which tends to show how widely spread is the belief, I find in Mr. 
C. Hill-Tout's report on the Ethnographic Survey of Canada to the 
British Association at Bristol. 

Mr. Hill-Tout says on page 11 : "This widespread myth is found 
also among the Haidas [Hydahs, of British Columbia]. They regard 
the Thunder Eagle as their deadliest foe. They suppose that he dwells 
as a lonely god among the most awful recesses of the mountains, and that 
when he is hungry he robes himself in eagle form and swoops down upon 
the land, darkening it with the shadow of his widespread wings, whose 
motions give rise to the thunder. The lightning is supposed to come 
from the tongue of a fish which the eagle carries under his pinions." 

The soapstone pipe here figured is severely plain in shape. Cross- 
wise, the side of the bowl next the stem is nearly flat. The only 

attempt to relieve the plainess of the out- 
side is a rudely cut cross on the opposite or 
front side. As the cross was an ancient 
American symbol, it isdiflficult tosay.whether 
it stands for this, here, or whether it is of 
post European, and therefore of Christian 
significance. It is the only pipe in the 
museum so marked, except the preceding 
(17,042). Fig. 9. & diameter, one, and is interesting on this account. It 
was found by Mr. Ed. Todd, on his farm, lot 12, con. 14, township of 
Tiny, Simcoe county and was presented to us by Mr. Wilfrid McCon- 
nell, Randolph. 


In figure 10 we have a soapstone pipe of a somewhat more pre- 
tentious pattern than is commonly found. What seems to have 
been intended for a lizard, is carved on the front 
side, resembling in this respect, a pipe found on lot 
8, con. 6, Nelson Township, and presented to us by 
the late G. D. Corrigan some years ago. 

Figure 10 shows signs of long usage. Through 
the nipple at the base, is a string-, or attachment -hole. 

This very good specimen was found near 
Waverley, in the township of Tay, Simcoe county, 
by Mr. T. F. Milne, and forms part of the collection 
he has presented to the Provincial Museum. 

Fig. 10. ^ diameter. 

Fig. 11. \ diameter. 


The specimen represented by figure ] 1 is, in point of shape and 
finish, one of the best slate objects we have. It is two and one-eighth 
inches Jpng, one and a quarter wide, and three- 
eighths thick in the middle, being nicely rounded 
on each side, leaving the edges less than an 
eighth of an inch in thickness. At one end it 


is grooved on each side for fully half its length 
(a little more than the engraving shows), and 

the finish of the whole piece is perfect so perfect, that one cannot be 

sure that it is not of French, rather 

than of Indian origin. The appear- 
ance of the surface indicates con- 
siderable age. It is unusual to 

find anything of this kind without 

a hole in it. 

Figure 12 differs in many ways 

from anything else in the museum. 

Five inches long, four inches wide 

at the lower end, and half an inch 

in uniform thickness, except where 

it is brought to an edge ; it is made 

from a finely laminated slate, just 

enough weathered to show ten or 

twelve lines of cleavage along the 

thick edges. Its outline is sugges- (17,177). Fig. 12. \ diameter. 

tive of a gorget or tablet, but it is much thicker than gorgets usually 

are, and the fact that the lower and wider end has been brought to a 
4 C.I. 



sharp edge, would indicate that a subsequent intention was to use the 

speciman as a too], perhaps in dressing of leather. It was found on 

Leechman's Flats in North Cayuga township. 

Fig. 13 is of the common striped slate, but is unique as to shape. 

In finish, it could scarcely be surpassed by any workman to-day. 

Although each end of the hole is slightly counter- 

sunk, suggesting Indian methods of boring, the 

strice left by the finishing drill are so close and so 

regular that one cannot imagine any aboriginal in- 

strument likely to make such marks, and except 

the slight countersinking there is nothing to indi- 

cate that the hole has been partly bored from each 

end. On the convex edge, a little below the hole, 

another one has been begun, but whether before or 

after cannot be said if before, it may have been 

thought too low if afterwards, the purpose may Fig. 13. \ diameter. 

have been to make a second hole so close* to the first that the junction 

of the two, with a little cleaning out, would have formed an oval 

aperture, at least two examples of which we have in this kind of slate 

one from Middlesex, and one from Brant. 

On the whole, it must be said that this specimen (fig. 13) betrays 
STONE ADZE. marks of comparatively modern origin, in finish 
as well as in design. The exact locality in which 
it was found is not known, but is supposedly 
from western Ontario. It is probably the 
work of some one connected with the early 
French missions, if, indeed, it be not of still 
more recent origin. 

The little granite adze here represented, 
figure 14, is fairly straight on the side shown, 
but very much curved on the other, its greatest 
thickness near the middle being seven-eighths 
of an inch, but its chief peculiarity is the 
presence of a small hole about a quarter of 
an inch in depth, within an inch and a half 

the pole. 

(16,175). Fig 14. J diameter. 


Fig. 15 is a bird -amulet found in a sand-pit en the right bank of 
the Grand River, opposite Cayuga. It is not made from the usual 
slate, but from an amygdaloid, the light colored or almond-like portions 


of which are much softer than the body of the material. On the 

base are two short bars running crosswise, each of which is perforated. 

This specimen is almost as perfect as 
when it was made. It is two and five- 
eighth inches long, and an inch and 
five-eighths in height, being smaller 
than the average bird-amulet. There 
are but two others in our collection 
(17,174). Fig 15. \ diameter. (found in Ontario) made of this 

material, one from Port Rowan in the same district, and one from 

Middlesex county. 

The meaning or use of these so-called " bird-amulets " remains 
unknown, but it may be worth while to repeat here that such speci- 
mens are always found disassociated, and each find only adds signifi- 
cance to the observation that no natives met with by Europeans seem 
to have had any knowledge regarding them, the inference being that 
they were the work of prior occupants of the soil. 


The making of grooved celts never reached as high a degree in 
Ontario as in Ohio and other southern and western localities. With 
us, the groove is usually shallow and not sharply defined some- 
times, too, it exists on the edges only, or goes clean 
around, whereas in southern examples it is often 
formed round two sides and one edge, lead- 
ing us to infer that in the former cases the 
tools were used as adzes, and in the latter 
as axes. Fig. 16 is unusually large, being 
ten inches in length and nearly half as wide, but 
its chief value consists in its being unfinished, 
and in the quality of the stone (limestone) being 
quite unlike what was generally selected for 
tools of this kind. The result of the rough 
blows struck to reduce it to shape are beauti- 
fully exemplified in this specimen, and enough 
work has been done to show that the intention 
was to groove the edges only, that it might be 
handled as an adze, and perhaps to be used as a 
wedge. It was found in Middlesex county. 

(17,225). Fig. 16, i dia. 


Fig. 17 represents an interesting specimen, although in all proba- 
bility not a very old one. It is of tine-grained lithographic limestone 
of dark creamy color, marked with irregular 
gray veins. Although partly polished it still 
bears marks of the chipping and pecking 
required to bring it into shape, but the most 
remarkable feature is the large hole it has had 
only half of which remains. It is plain that this 
hole has been designed for a handle, an unusual 
feature in American celts. Whether a perfor- 
ation was first made by means of a drill is 
uncertain, (although probable) as the surface 
now shows marks of a tool used by thrusting 
from each end. 

It is difficult to conceive of any use to which 
an object of such soft material could have been 
(17,172). Fig. 17. put, otherwise than as a weapon. 

The only other celt we have with a hole large enough to receive 
a handle, was found by Dr. Clark of Tamworth, at Beaver Lake, 
Addington county, and presented to us by Dr. T. W. Beeman of Perth ? 

The specimen here described is from the township of North Cayuga 
county of Haldimand. 


This somewhat unusual and rather pretty form of bone harpoon 
was found by Mr. E. Fleming, on his farm in the township of Percy , 
Northumberland county, Ontario, and reached the museum through Dr. 
R. Coghlin of Hastings, Peterboro' county. With a flat base as seen 
in the cut, it forms in cross section a com- 
pressed triangle, and in outline strongly 
resembles one, a little larger, figured in 
Dr R. Munro's " Prehistoric Problems," (17,118). Fig. 18, 4 dia. 
page 73, 1897. Prof. Boyd-Dawkins describing the latter specimen 
which was found in the Victoria Cave at Settle, Yorkshire, says, " The 
harpoon is a little more than three inches long, with the head armed 
with two barbs on each side, and the base presenting a mode of securing 
attachment to the handle which has not before been discovered in Great 
Britain." The chief difference between the Ontario specimen and the 
English one is, that in the latter the barbs are more deeply notched. 



The copper knife represented here is five and three -eighth inches 
long, and was found near Stirling, in the county of Hastings. The 

hole at the haft end was 
probably rather for 
carrying purposes by 
means of a string, than 
(177,60. ) Fig. 19, 4 dia. to attach the knife to any 

handle. The latter use would imply a rivet something unknown to 
the Huron- Iroquois mechanic. 

Both edges of the blade are sharp, and as they are somewhat 
rounded at the large end, it is probable that the tool was held directly 
in the hand. 

The copper tool here figured is five inches long, 
and an inch and a half wide at the edge. The back, 
or convex side is roughly flat, transversely, except at 
the broad end where it is slightly curved to make the 
blade gouge-like, and on the opposite side a hollow 
extends from end to end. The weathering and general 
appearance leave no doubt that it is of native copper, 
as well as of native workmanship. It was found on 
a field belonging to Dr. Davis, in the township of 
North Cayuga. 

Very few objects of copper have been found in 
Neutral territory, if one may form an opinion from 
the localities represented in the small collection we 
have in the museum coming from the whole province. 
Judging in this way, the lines of distribution would seem 
to have been down the Ottawa, and the Georgian Bay. 

An extremely interesting specimen is a copper fish-hook brought 
up from a depth of 600 feet, within 15 miles of Isle Royal e, Lake 
Superior. It is an inch and seven eighths long, making a curve three- 
fourths of an inch wide, and half an inch high at the point, outside 
measurements. The shaft is less than an eighth of an inch wide, and 
about as thick, the bend being being made edgewise. The end of the 
shaft is slightly flattened to hold the fastening in place, much like 
what may be seen on some steel fish-hooks. 

This specimen was given by Mr. Dobie of Port Arthur, to the 
Rev. Dr. Maclean of Neepawa, and was by him presented to the 
museum along with other articles. 

Fig. 20, i dia. 


(17,101). Fig. 21. 

The wind-instrument above figured is of native make, and, it is 
claimed, of native origin. The latter claim is a doubtful one. This 
flute, fife, or perhaps, rather, whistle is made of cedar, in two pieces, 
lengthwise, very neatly jointed, and bound at short intervals with soft 
string. It is sixteen inches and half long, and nearly an inch in 
diameter, and is provided with six finger-holes. Musicians say the 
scale is incomplete, but perhaps with perfect skill in playing this 
defect would be removed. Apart from the construction of the body 
of the instrument, its most peculiar feature is a wooden slide made to 
move in a shallow groove over the sound-hole, apparently for the 
purpose of modifying the pitch of the notes. On the lower side of 
same hole is bound a piece of sheet tin, evidently to correct an error 
in the size or position of the perforation. Sound is produced by blowing 
through a hole little more than an eighth of an inch in diameter in the 
centre of the end. 

The workmanship is excellent. The tubular hole is nearly three- 
fourths of an inch in diameter so that the tube itself is barely an eighth 
of an inch in thickness. 

No one who has seen this instrument can afford any information 
respecting the origin of the slide, that is, as to whether any similar 
device is known in any other instrument of the kind, used by white 

This peculiar whistle was made by Hy-joong-kwas, Chief of the 
False Face Society, and head medicine man of the Longhouse people, 
and was presented to us by his nephew Da-ha-wen-non-yeh. 


It is extremely interesting, some would say it is extremely sad, to 
know that we have within easy call a band of pagan Indians number- 
ing nearly a thousand, or about twenty-five per cent, of all the 
Iroquois and some scattered Dela wares,* Nanticokesf and TutelosJ 

*See Appendix. 

t The Nanticokes came originally from the coast of Maryland. They were 
adopted by the Delawares, who, in turn, were adopted by the Six Nations. 

$ " The Tutelo habitat in 1671 was in Brunswick county, southern Virginia. 

The Earl of Bellomont (1699) saj s that the Shateras were ' supposed to be 

the Toteros, on Big Sandy River, Virginia,' and Pownall, in his map of North 

on the Grand River Reserve. More than once it has appeared in 
print that these people have persistently clung to their ancient beliefs 
through all the vicissitudes arising from contact with Europeans, and 
despite the numerous efforts that have been made to woo them into 
the fold of Christianity. But this is scarcely true, for while it is 
undeniable that many remain steadfast in paganism, it is paganism 
considerably modified as a result of some three hundred and fifty 
years' more or less intimate association with white people. During 
the latter half of this time, but especially during the last third of it, 
the modifying agencies have worked with much more effect than 
formerly. From 1535, when Cartier met with Huron-Iroquois at 
Stadacone and Hochelaga, until about the beginning of the eighteenth 
century, when the Iroquois had attained the highest limit of their 
power, direct proselytizing influences were confined to the efforts of a 
few French Catholic, and Dutch Protestant missionaries who here and 
there succeeded in detaching some from open indulgence in pagan 
practices, but the indirect results accomplished during the same period, 
by means of trade, and through the necessarily consequent changes in 
warfare, food, clothing, and general habits, were as powerful in effect 
as they had been quiet and steady in action. 

I am not aware of any record giving the proportion of pagan to 
Christian population at the clo^e of the seventeenth century, but it is 
probable that not more than one third of the Iroquois at this time 
were professing Christians, and it is still more probable that the num- 
ber was considerably less. 

Now it was that the Indian " prophet," or rather reformer, 
appeared, and in the notice of him that follows the careful reader will 
not fail to mark numerous teachings strongly tinctured with European 
influence. But even thus, it is not the less remarkable that so many 
people, surrounded for three centuries and a half by Christianizing 
agencies direct and indirect, should retain so much that connects their 
religious beliefs with those of their pre-historic ancestors, for it is 
undoubted that in spirit as well as in performance we may see to-day 
in a slightly altered form civilized Iroquois engaging in rites and cere- 
America (1776), gives the Totteroy (i.e., Big Sandy) River. Subsequen ly to 1671 
the Tutelo left Virginia and moved to North Carolina. They returned to Virginia 
(with the Sapona), joined the Nottaway and Meherrin, whom they and the Tus- 
carora followed into Pennsylvania in the last century ; thence they went to .New 
York, where they joined the J-ix Nations, with whom they removed to Grand 
River Reservation, Ontario, Canada, after the Revolutionary War. The last full- 
blood Tutelo died in 1870." From Indian Linguistic Families, p. 114 in Rep. of 
Bur of Ethnology for 1*85-6 

The Tutelos called themselves Ye-sahn'. 

It may be here mentioned that John Key, Gostango (Below the Rock), the 
last Indian able to speak the Tutelo language, died last spring (1898). See plate 


monies they have inherited from a time long antecedent to the dis- 
covery of the continent, and even anterior to the appearance of 
Hiawatha (allowing him not to have been a pure myth), who was a 
political, rather than a religious, reformer. 

To be present at a pagan festival is an experience not soon to be for- 
gotten. In the music, songs, dances, speeches and peculiar rites that go 
to constitute a feast of this description one may picture to himself what 
an event of the same kind must have been when celebrated by savages 
in the old-time long-house, lighted only by the glare of two huge fires, 
the uncertain gleams of which were reflected on the dusky, sinewy and 
lithe bodies of the performers, men and women, in concert with even 
such whoops and other accompaniments as one may yet see and hear. 

It should be observed also that those who continue pagans are as 
bright and intelligent as their Christian confreres are. Neither are 
they at all proud on account of their paganism. They deal freely with 
their fellows in every way, not even disdaining to intermarry with 
them, arid it is remarked that when a " mixed marriage " takes place 4- 
it just as often happens that the Christian relapses to paganism as 
that the pagan becomes a Christian. 


The religious belief of the Indians who occupied the greater part 
of North America, when they first became known to Europeans, was 
little more than a mass of unsystematized myth confused, contradic- 
tory, and therefore utterly illogical. Scarcely any two persons (not 
to mention tribes or peoples) were found to agree in particulars, and 
many were at variance even in the matter of generality.* 

Algonkian manitous and Iroquoian okis innumerable, infested 
earth and air. Many of these were animated by malice towards the 
Indian, -f- whose duty it was, therefore, to placate them in one or other 

* " Th y vary so greatly in their belief that we can have no certainty about 
it." Le Jeune's Relation, 1637, Cleveland ed., Vol. 12. p 31. 

Still, we must accept such statements guardedly, because the seeming incon- 
sistencies may have been largely owing to misunderstanding on the part of the 
enquirers. Making due allowances, however, for such mistakes as were likely to 
arise from an imperfect knowledge of the natives' languages and their methods of 
thought, the wholly unlettered peoples were more likely to misconceive and mis- 
construe their myths than are those of our own kind and time with superior advan- 
tages, and yet we know what ' jumbles of doctrine ' many white people entertain. 

f So high an authority as Dr. Brinton asserts that the Indians, before their 
contact with white people, did not acknowledge the existence of bad spirits, as 
such; they were merely ' k spirits of the terrible phenomena." (American Hero 
Myths, p. 234, 1882), not beings whose duty or delight it was to war against man- 
kind, or to thwart the intentions of the good ones. 


of numerous ways. If they had any superior object of reverence, it 
was probably the sun,* as the source of light, or as the abode of the 
Spirit of Day. 

The missionaries found great difficulty in convincing the Indians 
that the Christian religion was for them as well as for the white people. 
Arguments to this effect were met by the reply, " We don't understand 
this," or " We don't believe it you are so different from us in every 
way that it is nonsense to think we should believe as you do." In 
course of time " conversions " were made, but lapses were frequent and 
caused the missionaries much grief. Some tribes eventually became 
and remained, at least nominally Christian by force of circumstances, 
but even among these tribes there were many who clung stubbornly 
to their ancient practices. This was the case with a large number of 
the Iroquois, yet those who refused to become Christians have readily 
accepted a code of morals which is largely tinctured with the teachings 
of the white man's religion, t 

Dr. Brinton's contention is summed up in the following paiagraph from the 
last edition (p. 82) of his Myths of the New World. : 

' Some gods favored man and others hurt him; some, like the forces they 
embodied, were beneficent to him, other injurious. But no ethical contrast beyond 
that which this would imply, existed to the native mind." 

This may have been the original idea, but it would seem that in time, (even 
before the appearance of the white man), some of the spirits were credited with 
motives of pure malignity. 

* " An Iroquois was to be burned in a rather distant [Huron] village, 
having ascended the scaffold, he Taised both his eyes and voice to Heaven 
shouting in a loud voice, ' Sun, who art witness of my torments, listen to 
my words.'" Jesuit Relations, Cleveland ed., Vol. 21, p. 171. 

Father Vimont, in describing the doings of Kiotsaeton, an Iroquois peace 
envoy at Three Rivers in 1645, says, "He rose and gazed at the Sun," and that 
after singing and parading before those present he again looked heavenward, fixing 
his eye upon the Sun. 

"They (the Iroquois) first thanked the Sun for having caused us to fall into the 
hands of their fellow-countrymen." Jogues, MI Relation of .Z6'47, Cleveland ed., 
Vol. 31, p. 31. 

t The ceremonies of the Pagan Iroquois present two distinct features ; first, 
those that have come down from one dare not say how many centuries, and second, 
those that date only from the beginning of the nineteenth century. 

In the former are included some of the ritual speeches, the various dances, the 
national gambling customs, dream interpretation, the spraying or blowing of 
sweetened water on invalid heads, the anointing of heads and many minor practices. 
To the latter are assignable most of the admonitions of the preachers at the New 
Year or Mid-winter and some other festivals, the greater part of these addresses re- 
lating either to morals, the inculcation of which had no reasons for existence in pre- 
Columbian days, or they refer to views of a future state which, even in their Indian 
guise, are plainly derived from C hristian sources. As the Indian mind is not of 
metaphysical bent, and is seldom even profoundly logical, the incongruity of this 
composite belief does not occur to those who entertain it. Respecting the more 
ancient customs they have no doubt, for were these not in vogue long before the 
white man's day in America ? Has not their efficacy been put to triumphant test 
ten thousand times ? And what more can anybody want 1 Then, as to the modern 
grafts, the inquiry is made why should not the Great Spirit take means to teach the 


It would perhaps be difficult to find two human beings, no matter 
how isolated, of whom one is not a myth-maker, and the other a blind- 
believer. It has always been so. In larger groups, the boldest and 
shrewdest myth-maker becomes the shaman the medicine man the 
sorcerer the priest. While, with still wider scope for the exercise of 
his talents, there appears occasionally one whose fervor or whose 
audacity constitutes him a prophet. 

Indian character and mode of life are peculiarly congenial to the 
development and acceptance of this class of pretender yet, when we 
remember James Naylor, Joanna Southcote, Lodowick Muggleton, 
Joseph Smith, and many others with their troops of followers in 
England and America, white folk cannot very well undertake to cast 
the first stone at their Indian brethren for that measure of overweening 
confidence we call gullibility. 


"At first," in the language of an Indian friend, " the world was no 
good all over water, and big frogs, but the place away above the 
clouds had people in in it lots of them." This, in a way, corresponds 
with the missionary accounts, according to which Ataensic, the wife 
of a skyland inhabitant fell through a cloud-cleft, in her attempts to 
save her favorite dog from the attack of a wolf or a bear ; or, as some 
say, the accident happened when she was trying to cut down a tree, 
the pith or the leaves of which were necessary for the cure of her sick 
husband. The tree dropt through the sky, so did her dog, and, like 
Jill, when " Jack fell down and broke his crown," she " came tumbling 
after." A big turtle kindly offered her accommodation on' its back, 
where she remained for four days to recover from the shock of her 
descent which must have been very great, especially in view of the 
fact that she was soon to become a mother. Having, at the end of this 
time, succeeded in procuring a little earth from the bottom of the sea by 
means of some animal possessed of good diving powers, she managed 
by sprinkling the dried and powdered earth over the surface of the 
water to form an enormous island, much in the same way as the Algon- 
kin myth attributes to Nanabush.* In course of time a daughter was 

Indian in an Indian way, just as white men say He taught them according to their 
way ? And this is not an easy question to answer satisfactorily, either to the 
Indians or to ourselves. 

* Other accounts make it appear that the beaver, mink, muskrat and loon 
(Urinator imber) seeing Ataensic coming down, prepared a resting-place for her by 
placing a quantity of mud on the back of the tortoise, and that from this the world 
grew. According to Megapolensis, the woman herself scooped up the earth from 
her position on the turtle's back. See appendix to Fourth Ontario Archaeological 


born to her, and this daughter, growing to womanhood, became the 
mother of twin sons, the first men this newly created world ever saw. 
One of these boys was good, and one was bad, and the bad one showed 
how very bad he was even before he was born, for, becoming impatient 
of delay, he determined not to wait for the convenience of his mother, 
and so made his way into the world by issuing from her side, or arm- 
pit, in consequence of which she died. Nothing is said respecting the 
birth of the other boy, but he was born, and was called Joskeha, while 
the name of his turbulent brother was Tawiskara. We are left in ignor- 
ance as to how their mother, and her mother, Ataensic, subsisted up to 
this time, but in whatever way this may have been, when the former 
died, from her body sprung all the plants we now have notably the 
" Supporters " or the " Three Sisters," the pumpkin coming from her 
head, the corn from her breast, and the beans from her arms ; the legs 
supplying roots for them all. 

The boys having agreed to a division of the world, separated to 
live far apart, but Tawiskara still bent on mischief, created an enor- 
mous frog to swallow all the springs that had been benevolently 
made by Joskeha, and thus the rivers and lakes disappeared leaving 
the earth as dry as ever. When Joskeha discovered this frog in the 
country of Tawiskara he stabbed it in the side, from which, and hence- 
forth, the waters flowed as usual over the land. 

By and by the brothers met, for the spirit of their mother had 
informed Joskeha that Tawiskara intended to kill him, but how he 
meant to do so it is hard to conceive, for as they were both gods this was 
impossible. However each brother knew of one thing that would 
come nearer to the accomplishment of this than anything else, and they 
agreed to a mutual communication of the secrets. Joskeha said a bag 
of corn if well aimed would almost kill him, and Tawiskara informed 
him that what he feared most was a wound from a deer's horn. They 
fought. Joskeha fell and seemed to be dead, but he revived, and with 
an antler stabbed Tawiskara in the side ; and the blood gushed in great 
streams from the wound, as the bad brother utterly discomfited made 
his way westwards followed by Joskeha. The clots of blood turned 
into flint from which, ever since, the Indian has made his arrow -points, 
spears and knives.* 

* As common chert is not very suggestive of blood the story may at first have 
referred to red jasper, of which such articles are sometimes made, and the legend 
may have originated where this kind of quartz was tolerably plentiful. At any 
rate, jasper may have originated the idea, without reference to place. 


Tawiskara was so badly beaten that he was compelled to remain 
at " sundown " where he had in his keeping the spirits of all dead 

Joskeha then devoted his attention to improving the world From 
an underground cave he brought every kind of animal, one of which, 
the tortoise, taught him how to make fire. He next made men and 
women, and showed them how to make bows and arrows, how to catch 
fish, and how to grow corn, beans, pumpkins and tobacco. He lived in 
the east with his grandmother Ataensic, and was ever ready to assist 
the needy Indian in any way. To him thanks were returned for suc- 
cess in war, in hunting and in fishing, as well as for abundance of 
vegetable food. 

His grandmother was a witch -god assuming at pleasure any shape, 
and had as her prerogative the fixing of human fate. 

Other deities were Ta-ron-ya-wah-gon and Ar-esk-wior Areskoui, 
the former said by some to be but another name for Hiawatha, and the 
latter, for Joskeha. 

Of this myth, Dr. Brinton says :* " So strong is the resemblance 
loskeha [Joskeha] bears to Michabo [Nanabush], that what has been 
said in explanation of the latter will be sufficient for both. Yet I do 
not imagine that the one was copied from the other. We cannot be 
too cautious in adopting such a conclusion. The two nations were 
remote in everything but geographical position. 

I call to mind another similar myth. In it a mother is also said 
to have brought forth twins, or a pair of twins, and to have paid for 
them with her life. Again, the one is described as the bright, the 
other as the dark twin ; again it is said they struggled one with the 
other for the mastery. Scholars, likewise, have interpreted the mother 
to mean the Dawn, the twins either Light and Darkness, or the Four 
Winds. Yet this is not Algonkin theology ; nor is it at all related to 
that of the Iroquois. It is the story of Sarama in the Rig Veda, and 
was written in Sanscrit, under the shadow of the Himalayas, centuries 
before Homer. 

Such uniformity points not to a common source in history, but in 
psychology. Man, chiefly cognizant of his existence through his 
senses, thought with an awful horror of the night which deprived him 
of the use of one and foreshadowed the loss of all. Therefore light and 
life were to him synonymous ; therefore all religious promise to lead 
' From night to light, 
From night to heavenly light ;' 

* Myths of the New- World (3rd ed. revised), pp. 205-6. 1896. 


therefore He who rescues is ever the Light of the World ; therefore it 
is said 'to the upright ariseth light in darkness;' therefore everywhere 
the kindling East, the pale Dawn, is the embodiment of his hopes, and 
the centre of his reminiscences." 

This is as learned and ingenious as all that Dr Brinton writes is, 
but allowing that Joskeka. like Michabo, or Manibozho, or Nanabush, 
was " the Great Light," " the Spirit of Light," "the Great White One," 
" the lord of the winds," " the grandson of the moon," and the child of 
a maiden, it does not make sufficient allowance for historical consan- 
quinity, if not for historical identity. 

This is not the place to enter into argument, but it may be pointed 
out that even when peoples, whether near or far apart, were bitter 
enemies, and spoke totally different languages, the almost universal 
customs of adoption, slavery, and marriage by capture* must have exer- 
cised no small influence on primitive mythology. 

The spirit of one myth may be similar to, or even identical with 
that of another originating independently far distant from it, in space 
or in time, but when the details the scenery and stage accessories 
correspond very closely, we are justified in attributing much to a com- 
mon historical source. 

To illustrate this contention, let us take the story of Glooscap's 
Origin as given to Dr. Silas T. Rand, by a Micmac of Fredericton.f 
In a prefatory note Dr. Rand says he questions whether the legend 
"does not refer to some other fabulous person " than Glooscap, but this 
is immaterial. 

" Glooscap was one of twins. Before they were born they con- 
versed and consulted together how they would better enter the world. 
Glooscap determined to be born naturally ; the other resolved to burst 
through the mother's side. These plans were carried into effect. 
Glooscap was first born ; the mother died, killed by the younger as he 
burst the walls of his prison. The two boys grew up together, mir- 
aculously preserved. 

After a time the younger inquired of Glooscap how the latter 
could be killed. Glooscap deemed it prudent to conceal this, but pre- 
tended to disclose the secret, lest his brother, who had slaughtered the 
mother, should also kill him. But he wished at the same time to know 

* The Caribs so often procured wives in this way that their women did not 
often speak the language of the men." McLennan's P/imitive Marriage, p. 321. 

t Legends of the Micmaca, by the Rev. Silas Tertius Rand, D.D. , D.C.L., 
LL.D., Wellesley Philological Publications, New York and London. 1894, pp. 


how the younger one could be despatched, as it might become con- 
venient to perform the same operation upon him. So he told his 
brother very gravely that nothing would kill him but a blow on the 
head dealt with the head of a cat-tail flag. Then the brother asked, 
"And how could you be killed?" 'By no other weapon,' was the 
answer, ' than a handful of bird's down.' 

" One day the younger brother tried the experiment. Procuring a 
cat-tail flag, he stepped up slyly behind his friend and gave him a 
smart blow on the head, which stunned him ; he left him on the ground 
for dead. But after a while he came to ; and now it was his turn. So 
he collected a handful of down, and made a ball of it ; and with this 
ball he struck his younger brother and killed him." 

That the Glooscap myth is a mere variant of the Joskeha one, or, 
vice versa, would appear plain. The Eskimo have a third form, and 
according to Hale and others the original home of the Iroquois lay 
between these people to the north, and the Micmacs to the south. 


Before proceeding to refer more particularly to Ska-ne-o-dy'-o, 

the "prophet" of the Iroquois, whose teachings have done so much to 

influence the life of those who still refuse to accept Christianity, it 

may be well to pass in brief review what has taken place in other 

parts of the continent, in connection with the appearance of religious 

teachers during the historic period, and more particularly since about 

the beginning of the present century. Only by means of some such 

f comparison may we estimate the character of supply as well as of 

\ demand to satisfy the psychological craving among a primitive people 

I not wholly uninfluenced by contact with another race, and who are 

{therefore of profound interest to us in such a transitional condition. 

It is quite certain that during the centuries before the Discovery 
there appeared here and there, from time to time, one and another 
claiming superior knowledge respecting the performance of rites, the 
movements in dances, the singing of songs, the interpretation of 
dreams, the existence and power of spirits, and the influences of 
natural phenomena. 

As mere impostors, many would set up claims to such knowledge 
for the sake of power, profit, or notoriety, but there were undoubtedly 
others, who, acting under the influence of dreams, or of hallucinations, 
spoke and taught as " having authority," believing thoroughly in 
themselves and in their message. Bold assertion in the one case, and 
earnest iteration in the other would accomplish changes and even make 


additions, but in no instance would it appear possible for the false or 
the conscious innovator to rise above his surroundings. He might 
teach a new rite, invent a new movement, compose a new song, or 
endow a spirit with a new quality, but in so doing he would find it 
impossible to go beyond himself, that is, to get outside of his environ- 
ment. Having no belief in a supreme being he could not appeal to 
one, nor could he claim that such a one had given him instructions. It 
was not until after his intercourse with white men that he was enabled 
to add to the story of his dream that he had seen the Creator, or the 
Great Spirit, or the Mastf r of Life or; that he was in a position to teach 
some of the higher moralities, and to offer a promise of post mortem 
and eternal happiness. 

We find accordingly that all Indian "prophets" who have 
appeared during the historic period have been, consciously or uncon- 
sciously, indebted to the white man very considerably for the tone and 
tenor of their teachings. 

The Delaware Prophet. 

A Delaware prophet, whose name has, in an unaccountable way, 
been forgotten, appeared in 1762 declaring himself possessed of a 
mission from the Great fepirit who had also taught him to draw an odd 
looking map on a piece of deerskin, which he called " The Great Book, 
or Writing " to shew the Indians where they were, and where they 
ought to be, with the only way to get there.* 

Of this prophet it is said he dreamt that by undertaking a jour- 
ney he would reach the spirit-world, and early the next morning he 
set out, travelling until sunset of the eighth day when he reached 
three divergent paths. Having tried two of these he was, in each 
case, driven back by a fierce fire, but by means of the third, and after 
climbing a very steep and slippery mountain by the instructions of a 
woman whom he met, he reached the abode of the Master of Life, who 
commanded him to exhort his people to cease from drunkenness, wars, 
polygamy, and the medicine song; to live independently of the whites 
to use only the bow and arrow when hunting; to wear skins for cloth- 
ing; to drive away the white man; to ask only Him (the Master of 
Life) for food, and that if they became good, they would want for 
nothing; when meeting, to give one another the left hand, or hand 

*For these particulars, and most of what follows relating to Indian prophets, 
I am indebted to vol. 14, part 2, Report of the Bureau of Ethnology Washington, 
1896. The article is ent tied the Ghost Dance Religion, by James Mooney, who, 
however, must not be held responsible for the phraseology here used, as the stories 
are necessarily much condensed. 


nearest the heart, and, above all, to repeat morning and night a prayer, 
which was taught him on the spot, accompanied with the gift of a 
"prayer stick" on which some hieroglyphics were carved. 

The missionary Heckewelder, who knew him well, adds that in 
his discourses, the prophet used to say, " Hear what the Great Spirit 
has ordered me to tell you ! You are to make sacrifices in the manner 
that I shall direct ; . . . you must abstain from drinking their 
deadly beson, [rum ?] which they have forced upon us for the sake of 
increasing their gains and diminishing our numbers. Then will the 
Great Spirit give success to our arms ; then will he give us strength 
to conquer our enemies, drive them from hence, and recover the 
passage to the heavenly regions which they have taken from us. ... 
And now, my friends, in order that what I have told you may remain 
firmly impressed on your minds ... I advise you to preserve, in 
every family at least, such a book or writing as this, which I will 
finish off for you, provided you bring me the price, which is only one 
buckskin, or two doeskins apiece.''' 

All through these admonitions it is easy to trace European 
influence, but the final provision is ludicrously suggestive of the 
school in which this anonymous Delaware prophet received his lessons, 
if not his inspiration. 

Pontiac, the Ottawa chief, and the greatest of Algonkin leaders, 
taking advantage of the ' religious ferment produced by the exhorta- 
tions of the Delaware prophet, [which] had spread rapidly from tribe 
to tribe,' was thus enabled with comparative ease, to organize his 
great confederacy of north-western tribes against further encroach- 
ments by the British. 

The Shawnee Prophet. 

After the close of the American Revolutionary war, the Indians 
for some years continued hostilities against the newly-formed repub- 
lic. After twenty years of warfare, in which, though often successful^ 
they found the contest an unequal one, they gave up their claims to 
the better portion of the Ohio valley, and fell back dispirited towards 
the setting sun. Then (Nov. 1805) appeared Laulewasikaw, a man 
thirty years of age, who announced that he had a message from the 
Master of Life. " He declared that he had been taken up to the 
spirit world . . . had seen the misery of evil-doers and learned 
the happiness that awaited those who followed the prophets of the 
Indian God." He denounced witchcraft, medicine-juggleries, and the 
use of firewater ; condemned marriages with white people, and the 


use of all European customs even fire, he said, should be made in 
the old way and he taught that by compliance with his directions, 
the old time condition of happiness would return to the people. 

"It is stated that the prophet was noted for his stupidity and in- 
toxication until his fiftieth year (?) year, when, one day, while light- 
ing his pipe in his cabin, he suddenly fell back apparently lifeless and 
remained in that condition until his friends had assembled for the 
funeral, when he revived from his trance, and, after quieting their 
alarm, announced that he had been to the spirit-world, and commenced 
then to call the people together that he might tell them what he had 
seen. When they had assembled, he declared that he had been con- 
ducted to the border of the spirit-world by two young men, who had 
permitted him to look in upon its pleasures, but not to enter, 
and who, after charging him with the message to his people 
already noted, had left him, promising to visit him again at a near 
future time." (Drake, Ab. Races) 

This story so circumstantially resembles the one told regarding 
Ska-ne-o-dy'-o, the Onondaga prophet, at least five, and perhaps fifteen 
years before, that there is an evident confusion of the persons con- 
cerned, and this becomes clearer when we compare Laulewaskiaw's age, 
(which is said to have been about thirty) when he received his revela- 
tion, with statement that he had led a dissolute life until he was about 
fifty a statement that applies correctly enough to Ska-ne-o-dy'-o. 

On the death of hi? celebrated brother, Tecumseh, at the battle of 
the Thames, October 5th, 1813, Laulewasikaw, or Tenskwatawa as he 
subsequently called himself, returned to Ohio from Upper Canada, 
and afterwards removed with his people to the west. He was living 
in 1832, when Catlin had a conversation with him. 

The Kickapoo Prophet. 

West of the Mississippi there have appeared numerous Indian 
prophets. One of the most prominent of those was Ka~nakuk, a Kick- 
apoo, who appeared about 1820 to champion the rights of his people 
when it was decided to remove them from Illinois to Missouri. He 
also claimed that he had had an interview with the Great Spirit, by 
whose direction he was to tell the people ' to throw away their 
medicine-bags, not to steal, not to tell lies, not to murder, not to 
quarrel," and to pray to Him every night and every morning. 
Kanakuk was also instructed by the Great Spirit that the land was 
His, and to tell the white people so. This prophet, too, employed 
prayer-sticks of maple, not unlike those of the Delaware seer. These 
5 c.i. 


he carved himself and sold to the people, thus " increasing his influ- 
ence both as a priest and as a man of property." 

Believers in Kanakuk met for worship on Sundays and Fridays 
on the latter days they " made confession of their sins, after which, 
certain persons appointed for the purpose, gave each penitent several 
strikes \\ith a rod of hickory, according to the gravity of his offence." 

The Winnebago Prophet. 

It was asceitained by Mr. Mooney, during his "personal investi- 
gation among the Winnebagos" that, "about 1852 or 1853, while 
the tribe was still living on Turkey river, Iowa, a prophet known as 
Patheske, or Long Nose, announced that he had been instructed in 
a vision to teach his people a new dance, which he called the friend- 
ship dance (chukoraki)" This dance, he claimed, "to have seen, 
performed by a band of spirits in the other world, whither he had 
been taken after a fast of several days' duration." Although his 
teachings do not appear to have made much headway, and although 
he himself was denounced as an imposter, he did not lose caste among 
his people, for, a few years afterwards, he was one of a delegation of 
his tribe to Washington. Such a state of society is quite credible to 
those who know anything of Indian character. 

The Paiute Prophet. 

About 1870, Tavibo, ("White Man") the father of Wovoka 
the " Messiah " of the Ghost Dance religion, preached, prophesied, and 
introduced a new religious dance among the Paiutes in Nevada. He 
held his ground as a teacher for twenty-two years, and exercised con- 
siderable influence over Indians from Oregon and Idaho, among the 
Bannocks and Shoshonis, and all the scattered bands of the Paiutes. 
He claimed te have met the Great Spirit on three occasions, at the 
top of a mountain, when he was informed that " within a few moons 
there would be a great upheaval or earthquake," during which all 
the whites with their property of every kind would be swallowed up, 
and that the Indians would be preserved to enjoy themselves. As 
many did not believe this, Ta'vibo had another revelation declaring 
that both Indians and whites would be destroyed, but that in a short 
time the Indians would come to life, and live forever in plenty. This 
seemed a more reasonable revelation, and was somewhat popu ar for a 
time, but Ta'vibo was not satisfied, and so climbed the mountain a 
third time after fasting and prayer, to commune with the Great Spirit, 
who, angry at the unbelief of the Paiutes, told the prophet that only 


those who accepted his teachings would be once more brought to life 
and made happy all others "would stay in the ground and be 
damned forever with the whites." 

Ta'vibo also is said to have gone into trances during which he 
had communication with the Master of Life. 

The Apache Prophet. 

Nakai' dokli'ni announced himself in 1881, as a medicine man 
possessed of wonderful supernatural powers in southern Arizona, 
claiming that he could raise the dead, and hold converse with spirits. 
As with most of his kind too, he predicted that'the whites would soon 
be driven out of the land. Failing to resurrect two chiefs for which 
task he had been given by his own request, a considerable number 
of ponies and blankets in payment, he declared that the -chiefs 
refused to come forth as long as the white people were in the country. 
As this teaching was likt-ly to cause trouble, Nakai' doklini' was 
arrested by the military authorities, and in a skirmish that followed 
he was killed. 

The Pottawatorrd Prophet. 

In north-eastern Kansas, about 1883, there was a revival of what 
closely resembled the teachings of Kanakuk, fifty years before. Rem- 
nants of the Sauk, Fox, Pottawatomi and Kickapoo peoples in Okla- 
homa as well as in Kansas became believers. This religion taught the 
morality of the ten commandments, forbade liquor-drinking, gambling, 
and horse-racing, and was, on the whole, so beneficent in its effects 
that it was rather encouraged than otherwise by the Indian agent, 
who declared that flagiant crime had been reduced seventy -five per 
cent, since the introduction of the new faith. 

The Crow Prophet. 

Cheez-tah-paezh or Wraps his Tail, a Crow medicine man, who 
had attracted special attention on account of his fortitude during the 
terrible tortures of a Cheyenne sun-dance, announced himself as the 
possessor of supernatural power in 1887. Heading a movement 
against the whites he was killed, "and as he had boasted himself 
invulnerable, and promised that his warriors should be invulnerable 
also if they would follow him, the hearts of the latter became as water 
and they broke in every direction." 

The Wa'nap'Am Prophet. 

Smohalla (chief of the Wanapums, a small tribe in Washington 
State), as a young man had frequented a Catholic mission, and thus 
become familiar with the service of the Catholic church. As a medi- 
cine man his reputation stood very high. 

About 1860 a noted chief named Moses, on the Columbia river, 
having reason to believe that Smohalla was " making medicine " 
against him, picked a quarrel, fought with and nearly killed the big 
medicine man, who, however, " revived sufficiently to crawl into a 
boat " and float down the Columbia, until, meeting some white men, he 
was taken care of during his recovery, which was very slow. After 
this, ashamed to go back among his own people, and still fearing the 
anger of Moses, he set out on what Mr. Mooney characterizes as " one 
of the most remarkable series of journeyings ever undertaken by an 
uncivilized Indian," going all along the Pacific coast as far south as 
Mexico and returning by way of Arizona., Utah, and Nevada to his old 
home," where he announced that he had been dead and in the spirit 
world and had now returned by divine command to guide his people.* 
Accepted by his tribe who believed fully in his statement, he began 
to have trances during which he was insensible to pain, and on recov- 
ering from these he told what he had seen and heard in the spirit-land. 
He declared that Sa'galhee Tyee, the Great Chief above, desired the 
Indians to return to their primitive manners, and that " their present 
miserable condition was due to their having abandoned their own 
religion and violated the laws of nature and the precepts of their 
ancestors." He claimed power to control the elements, and having 
predicted some eclipses, with the aid of an almanac and the help of a 
party of surveyors, we must conclude that mingled with Smohalla's 
delusions there was not a little of deception. 

" You ask me to plough the ground !" said he, " shall I take a 
knife and tear my mother's bosom ? Then, when I die, she will not 
take me to her bosom to rest. 

* We are apt to regard Indians as a strictly stay-at-home people, but there are 
numerous instances of long wanderings on the part of individuals. Henry and 
Harman mention meeting with stray Iroquois near the Rocky mountains. Zeis- 
berger refers to a Carib woman and her daughter who resided with his people, the 
Delawares, at Fairfield on the Thames, Upper Canada, near the end of last cen- 
tury. One of the Canienga (Mohawks) found his way a few years ago to England, 
where he married well, and ultimately figured in the Divorce Court. Among the 
Ojibwas on the Chemong Reserve I have met with John Brant, a lineal descendant 
of Thayendeiiaga, and another Indian from the Grand River Reserve is known to 
have made his way to one of the western states where he became a very wealthy 
man. These, it is true, are exceptions, for, as a rule, the Indian seldom removes 
far from hhe home of his own people. 


" You ask me to dig for stone ! Shall I dig under her skin for her 
bones ? Then when I die I cannot enter her body to be born again." 

' You ask me to cut grass and make hay and sell it, and be rich 
like white men ! But how dare I cut off my mother's hair ? " 

Referring to this belief, Mr. Mooney very graphically says : " The 
idea that the earth is the mother of all created things lies at the base, 
not only of the Smohalla religion, but of the theology of the Indian 
tribes generally and of primitive races all over the world. This ex- 
plains Tecumtha's [Tecumseh's] reply to Harrison : ' The sun is my 
father, and the earth is my mother. On her bosom I will rest.' In 
the Indian mind the corn, fruits, and edible roots are the gifts which 
the earth-mother gives freely to her children. Lakes and ponds are 
her eyes, hills are her breasts, and streams are the milk flowing from 
her breasts. Earthquakes and underground noises are signs of her 
displeasure at the wrongdoing of her children. Especially are the 
malarial fevers, which often follow extensive disturbance of the sur- 
face by excavation or otherwise, held to be direct punishments for the 
crime of lacerating her bosom." 

Many of Smohalla's followers, " The Dreamers," as they have been 
called, believe that as there is only one Sa'ghaleee Tyee, or Great 
Spirit, so will all men fare alike, according to their deserts, in the 
future state, but some of the wilder sort declare that there is no resur- 
rection for the white man. 

The Smohalla ritual is extensive and complicated, and as with all 
Indians, consists mainly of song, dance, and festivities, but, in addi- 
tion, it possesses a sort of litany in which the principal articles of their 
belief are recited in the form of question and answer. 

The Skookum Bay Prophet. 

John Slocum, an Indian of Puget Sound, had lived for some years 
among Protestant and Catholic worshippers, and possessed in this way 
a fair knowledge of the white man's religion which he turned to good 
account in the promulgation of what has come to be called the 
"Shaker "faith. 

As a matter of course, John " died," and on his revival said he 
tried to get into Heaven but was not good enough. He was told to 
return to earth and induce his people to become Christians. This was 
in the fall of 1882. 

Besides prayer to God, belief in Christ, the use of the cross and 
numerous other doctrines and practices based on Protestant and Catho- 
lic forms of worship, the " Shakers " went into an hypnotic state, "their 


arms at full length shaking so fast that a common person not under 
the excitement could hardly shake half as fast." They gazed heaven- 
ward, while their heads would shake for hours, or for half the night, 
and one of their most remarkable performances was the brushing of 
each other to remove sins which they declared were so much grosser in 
Indians than in white people, that in the former the wickedness found 
its way to the surface of the body, and the ends of their fingers " so 
that it could be picked oft." " Sometimes they brushed each other so 
roughly that the person brushed was made black for a week, or even 

" Brushing, " in this case, would be the equivalent of what we call 
by a similar euphemism, licking. I 

In the cure of ailments they make much noise ; prayer, and 
bells are rung over the part of the invalid where the sickness is sup- 
posed to be, while some attendants get on their knees, and hold a 
candle in each hand sometimes for an hour, believing that by this 
means the bell-ringers will be aided in removing the sickness. 

They keep the sabbath, believe in hell, and always regard the 
end of the world as being at hand. They forbid " drinking, gambling, 
betting, horse-trading, the use of tobacco and the old incantations over 
the sick." Their religion is thus " a mixture of Catholic, Protestant 
and Indian ceremonies, with a thorough belief in John Slocum's per- 
sonal visit to heaven, and his return with a mission to save the Indians 
and so guide them that they, too, shall reach the realms of bliss." 

They do not believe in the Bible, because they claim to know all 
that is required through the revelations of God to their own prophet. 

These people suffered much persecution at the hands of the Rev. 
Myron Eells the missionary on the reserve. Of late the Presbyterians 
have countenanced the Indian Shakers, and are disposed to regard 
them as members of the Presbyterian church.*? 

The Nevada Messiah. 

Wovoka the " Messiah " of Nevada, said to have been the son 
Ta'vibo, already mentioned, began to pose as a prophet about 1876, 
but claimed to have received a revelation shortly after the death of his 
father in 1870. At this time he was little more than fourteen years of 
age, and may have been predisposed along this line either by heredity, 
or by association with his father, or both. 

^Report of James Wickersham, in the Report of the Bureau of Ethenology, 
p. 760, part 2, Washington, 1896. 


During an eclipse, or when " the sun died," he fell asleep and was 
taken to heaven, where " he saw God, with all the people who had 
died long ago, engaged in their old-time sports and occupations, all 
happy and forever young." After God had shown him all this, and 
that the place had an abundance of game, He told him to return and 
teach the people " to be good, to love one another, not to quarrel 
among themselves, to live in peace with the whites, to work diligently, 
not to lie, not to steal, to put away all their old war practices," and 
that by obeying these directions they would join their friends in 
heaven, never knowing sickness or death any more. 

He claimed to have been given power to control the elements, and 
had five songs for " making rain," the first " brought on a mist or cloud, 
the second a snow-fall, the third a shower, and the fourth a hard rain 
or storm," while the fifth cleared the weather. By his direction a 
letter was written to the President of the United States, offering for 
a " small regular stipend," to reside on the Reserve, supply the people 
with news from Heaven, " and to furnish rain whenever wanted." but 
the letter was not sent.* 

Notwithstanding Wovoka's instructions " to live in peace with 
the whites," and inferentially, to wish them well, it soon became 
an article of belief among the disciples of the Ghost Dance Religion, 
that the whites would be eternally destroyed, and all the good things 
set apart for themselves. 

One of the chief ceremonies connected with the teaching of 
Wovoka is, or was, that the dance should be engaged in every six 
weeks, and as " everything connected with this dance relates to the 
coming of the spirits of the dead from the spirit world;' it is generally 
known among white people as the Spirit or Ghost Dance. 

This dance differs from all other similar performances known 
among Indians in having no drum, rattle, or musical instrument of 
any kind as an accompaniment. 

The author of the very excellent volume from which I have 
summarized these notes on Indian prophets and religions says that 
" among most of these tribes [ Paiute, Shoshone, Arapaho, Cheyenne 
and Pawnee] the movement is already extinct, having died a natural 
death, excepting in the case of the Sioux, and that among fragments 
of several tribes in Oklahoma, the Ghost Dance has become a part of 

* On the 19th of July, 1898, Mayor Shaw, of Toronto, received a letter from a 
white man in Winnipeg, offering to supply showers, varying in copiousness accord- 
ing to need, in the different parts of Ontario then suffering somewhat from drought. 
The writer proposed to do so by means of prayer, and was careful to explain that 
he was "neither a child nor a lunatic." What was he ? 


the tribal life, and is still performed at frequent intervals. As for the 
great Messiah himself,* when last heard from, Wovoka was on exhibi- 
tion as an attraction at the Midwinter Fair in San Francisco. By 
this time he has doubtless retired into his original obscurity." 

The Micmac Prophet. 

In Dr. Rand's " Legends of the Micmacs," page 230, we read of 
Abistanaooch " who [about 1770] became deranged on the subject of 
religion, and persuaded himself that he was God ; he succeeded in 
deluding also an entire village of Indians into the same fanaticism. 
He introduced new doctrines, new forms of worship, and new customs. 
Dancing was [re] introduced into their worship ; day was turned into 
night and night into day, as they slept in the day time and had their 
prayers and did their work in the night." 

All that we can gather further from the extremely meagre 
account of the Mirimichi prophet is that he used to sit behind a cur- 
tain while his followers kissed his exposed feet ; and that he taught a 
belief in hell, whence we have no difficulty in tracing the source of his 
" inspiration." 

But a hard-headed uncle on his mother's side, and "who thus had 
more control over him than his father had, demolished all this prophet's 
plans by appearing one day in the wigwam temple and giving 
Abistanaooch a sound thrashing, accompanied with many wholesome 
admonitions, after which a priest was sent for, to receive the submis- 
sion of the schismatics, and to impose penances. Thus summarily 
ended the Church of the Abistanaoochians. 

A slight analysis of these summary accounts shows us that out of 
the eleven United States prophets mentioned, three "died," two went 
into trances, one became ecstatic after a fast, and one fell asleep. 
Nothing is said respecting the condition of four when the revelations 
came to them. All but three are reported to have communed with 
God, the Master of Life, the Great Spirit or the Great Chief, or to have 
been simply "in the spirit- world." 

Of him who fasted, and of him who went to sleep, it may be said 
they were in trance conditions, and it is probable that something of 
the kind affected the four of whom no particulars are given, in which 
case, they too, would claim to have visited the world of spirits. There 
is thus seen to have been a sameness of conditions in connection with 
all, or nearly all these cases, and we can hardly hesitate believing that 

* It is only fair to say that Wovoka himself made no claim to Messiahship. 


to intercourse with Europeans we may, in large measure look for the 
cause of the form taken by the revelations, coupled, no doubt, with the 
universal aboriginal readiness to attribute spiritual influences to dreams. 

The idea of eternal punishment is not congenial to the Indian 
mind, and this seems the more strange when we take into account the 
disposition of the people themselves and their usual desire to mete out 
an equivalent for wrongs, if not on the wrongdoer himself, at any rate, 
on some substitute.* In nearly all the foregoing cases the incentive 
ottered for good behaviour was heaven as a reward, without hell as a 
deterrent. Ta'vibo alone declared that the bad Paiutes "would stay 
in the ground and be damned forever with the whites," but even this 
was more like a mere negation of happiness than the infliction of ever- 
lasting pain, which, to the Indian, does not appear compatible with the 
attributes of the Great Spirit. 

It will be observed from what follows that Ska-ne-o-dy-'o, the 
Onondaga prophet, denied only to white folk the privilege of entering 
heaven, without assigning them to a place of woe. 

The reasons assigned in the foot-note statements respecting hell 
are "missionary." Grimm says, "The idea of a devil is foreign to all 
primitive religions." 

But we must not attribute imposture -motives to the native prophets 
any more than to Mahomet, Swedenborg, Edward Irving, and many 
others that might be named. Psychologically, the Indian differs from 
the white man immeasurably more than he does physically. His 
habits of thought are totally unlike ours and force him to correspon- 
dingly different conclusions. A true child of nature, unless when (as 
in modern times) contaminated by contact with a civilization he cannot 
readily assimilate, except in so far as it ministers to the very lowest of 
his instincts, he is governed mainly by phenomena and tradition. His 
every turn is dominated by a spirit of religion or of superstition, just 
as we may choose to view it. His faith in the mediation and direct 
agency of spirits is unbounded. He engages in no act without taking 

* "If thou wishest to speak to me of Hell" they sometimes say, "go out of my 
cabin at once. Such thoughts disturb my rest and cause me uneasiness among my 
pleasures." " I see very well that there is a God," another will say ; "but I can- 
not endure that he should punish our crimes." 

"No," said an impious man, "I wid not listen to what they preach to us about 
hell. It is these impostors who, because they have no other defence in this country, 
intimidate us by such penalties in order to save their own lives." 

Lalemdnt's Relation of 1642 pp. 189 and 190. Cleveland ed. vol. 23, 


them into account.* They are part, and a very large part of his 
existence, asleep as well as awake. To him, undoubtedly, " We are 
such stuff as dreams are made on," and dreams regulate his life. "Like 
begets like," so dreams beget dreams. No one has more frequent or 
more vivid dreams than has he who believes in them, and primitive man 
everywhere, by heredity, by association with others like-minded, and 
no small degree on account of indigestion, is the most successfully 
realistic of dreams. From dream to vision is not a very long step 
when the subject is controlled by a powerful imagination ; for violent 
emotion, rhapsody or ecstasy, convulsions or epilepsy, hypnotism and 
trance often intervene, all of which manifestations are attributed by 
him and his friends to supernatural agency. And why not ? It has 
always been so taught the people have always believed thus, and in 
the whole of their experience nothing has happened to discredit this 
belief. Between his every day life and such events he makes no dis- 
tinction. To him a vision and a revelation are as natural as a dream 
or a trance nothing to him is supernatural, unless we are pleased to 
state it the other way, and say that he regards every event as super- 
natural. The effect is the same. 

The " prophets," when the trance or vision stage has been reached, 
and who up to that point may have been without guile, now begin to 
feel the flush of importance, and a consequent disposition to maintain 
the dignity they have attained, and, either pretend edly, or really and 
with full intention, assume the trance or hypnotic condition, and, in 
the latter case, once that has been done successfully, subsequent 

*The early missionaries regarded this as a placing of dependence on the devil- 
Lalemant in 1645 wrote, ''Not that, after examining their superstitions more 
closely, we find that the devil interferes and gives them any help beyond the 
operation of nature ; but nevertheless they have recourse to him ; they believe that 
he speaks to them in dreams ; they invoke his aid ; they make presents and sacrifices 
to him ; sometimes to appease him, and sometimes to render him favorable to them 
they attribute to him their health, their cures, and all the happiness of their lives." 
Lalemant had begun to disbelieve in the devil's direct collusion with the savages, 
as many of the other missionaries then believed, and continued to believe. Else- 
where he says, " The greatest opposition that we meet in these countries to the 
spirit of the Faith consists in the fact that their remedies for diseases, their greatest 
amusements when in good health, their fishing, their hunting and their trading ; 
the success of their crops, of their wars and of their councils almost all abound in 
diabolical ceremonies." 

Relation of 1645-46. Cleveland edition, vol 28, p. 53. 

Father Paul Ragueneau, however, did not accept this view at all. In his Rela- 
tion, (1647-48) he wrote, " I do not think that the devil speaks to them or has any 
intercourse with them in that way " [by dreams], and this conclusion he says he 
arrived at " after having carefully looked into the whole matter." Cleveland ed. 
vol. 33, p. 197. 


attempts become comparatively easy.* On such occasions new revela- 
tions are vouchsafed, and should these prove neither too wild nor 
impossible on the one hand, or meet with a reasonable amount of 
corroboration in the course of events, on the other, the prophet may 
pass away " in the odor of [Indian] sanctity." 


Even as among ourselves, the aboriginal adventurer has sometimes 
proved himself a real reformer, and, thus far, a true prophet. In this 
class we must reckon Ska-ne-o-dy'-o, or Ska-ne-o-di-re'-o-f- (Beautiful 
Lake) who professed to receive his message in the year 1790.J Almost 
since boyhood he had lived a dissolute life, and at the time he 
received his revelation he had been suffering a four years' illness- 
According to Morgan, 1 1 Ska-ne-o-dy'-o said, "I began to have an inward 
conviction that my end was near. I resolved once more to exchange 
friendly words with my people, and I sent my daughter to summon 
my brothers Gy-ant'-wa-ka, or Cornplanter ; and Ta- wan'-ne ars,1F or 

* The practice of bringing on swoons or fits by religious exercises, in reality or 
pretence, is one belonging originally to savagery, whence it has been continued 
into higher grades of civilization. Tylor, Primitive Culture, vol. II., p. 579. 

t This is the Mohawk form of the word, a name formerly applied to Lake 
Ontario, The termination, io, now meaning beautiful as in Ohio and Ontario, Hale 
and Cuoq, say, meant great or principal formerly, as in Onontio, Great Mountain, 
and Hawenio or Rawennio, the Great Master. Ska-ne-o-dy'-o, is the Onondaga 
form, here used because the prophet was of the Onondaga nation. 

The name is still used as the title of an Onondaga chief. 

Although in any case the date is recent, still there is a difference of opinion 
to the extent of ten years, some authorities claiming that Ska-ne-o-dy'-o got his 
revelation in 1800. 

For many of the statements that follow connected with Ska-ne-o-dy'-o and his 
teachings, I am indebted to Morgan's " League of the Iroquois," and to a paper by 
the Rev. Dr. W. M. Beauchamp, "The New Religion of the Iroquois " in the 
Journal of American Folk Lore for July-September, 1897, pp. 168-180. I have to 
thank this gentleman also for some information on the same subject communicated 
by letter Further particulars were gleaned on the Grand River Reserve from 
conversations with the best informed chiefs and others. 

He is said to have been born in Ganawaugus, New York State, about 1735. 

|| " League of the Iroquois, p. 234, and following pages. 

ITSka-ne-o-dy'-o, on the Grand River Reserve, insisted that this name should be 
Ta-wan-nyas, or To-wan- fias, but it may be noted that in the various dialects of the 
Iroquois, names as well as other words take more or less different forms. 

On the same authority, Gy-ant-wa-ka was only half brother to the prophet, and 
Ta-wan-nas was his nephew. This statement merely serves to show how much the 
new is driving out the old from the minds of the Indians, for according to the scale 
of Huron-lroquois relationship, not only is a father's brother a father, and a 
mother's sister a mother, but a father's brother's son, and a mother's sister's son 
are called brothers, not nephews. See tables of relationship by L. H. Morgan and 
Sir John Lubbock, the latter facing p. 161, in Origin of Civilization and Primitive 
Condition of Man, Appleton, New York, 1882. 


Black Snake. ... A man spoke from without and asked that 
someone might come forth. I arose, and as I attempted to step over 
the threshold of my door I stumbled, and would have fallen had they 
not caught me. They were three holy men, who looked alike and 
were dressed alike.* The paint they wore (sic) seemed but one day 
old. Each held in his hand a shrub bearing different kinds of fruits. 
One of them addressing me, said : ' We have come to comfort you. 
Take of these berries and eat ; they will restore you to health.'" 

This is the story as told by So-se-ha-wa. Ska-ne-o-dy'-o's grandson 
at a religious council forty-eight years after the event, and we all 
know how much allowance is to be made in the case of merely verbal 
narratives, even at second or third hand. 

Another story is that near the end of his four years' sickness, on 
going out-of-doors in obedience to someone's call, " he was so much 
astonished at seeing a man and woman whom he had never seen before, 
that he dropped dead on the spot," and still another is that of Clark, 
quoted by the Rev. Dr. Beauchamp, thus: " About the year 1790, 
while lighting his pipe, he suddenly sank back upon his couch, upon 
which he was then sitting, and continued in a state of insensibility for 
six or eight hours." 

As a matter of study in the veracities respecting so comparatively 
recent an event, these accounts are valuable. 

In the concluding part of the story there is more agreement, but 
still some clashing. 

When his daughter returned with Cornplanter and Rattlesnake 
(having travelled all night) the former at first declared Ska-ne-o-dy'-o 
dead, but Blacksnake having felt the body very carefully, 
thought not, and Cornplanter himself becoming doubtful, refused to 
sanction burial, although many people had come together for this cere- 
mony. After three days he became conscious, or, as the Indians put 
it, " the spirit returned to the body, and Ska-ne-o-dy'-o opened his 

The story of So-se-a-wa is, that his grandfather lay seemingly 
dead for only half-a-day, and " When the sun was half-way to noon he 
opened his eyes." 

* In Dr. Beauchamp's quotation of Beautiful Lake's remarks in the American 
Journal of Folk Lore, this sentence is followed by, "There was another whom I 
wonld see later." This does not occur in the copy of Morgan's Leagiie of the 
Iroquois, to which I have access, but the substance of it appears farther on, p. 236. 
As it stands here it may be an interpolation of some recent preacher ; at any rate, 
the form of expression was not in use in the days of So-se"-a-wa (Ska-ne-o-dy'-o's 
grandson,) who tells the story. To see one " later " is only a few years old. An 
Indian told Dr. Beauchamp that the fourth person undoubtedly was Christ. 


However this may have been, we are more concerned to know 
what Ska-ne-o-dy'-o saw and heard during his vision. The three 
persons or angels, were young-looking, finely dressed in Indian 
costume, and carrying bows and arrows. One of them held a 
huckleberry branch full of berries (some say each had a branch 
bearing a different kind of fruit) and these he ate at the request 
of the "three persons," who forthwith proceeded to deliver to 
him a message from the Creator or the Great Spirit. They informed 
him that the Great Spirit made man and intended men and women to 
marry and have families ; that they should be very kind to their 
children, teaching them to be respectful and respectable, and to take 
care of their aged parents ; that children are not to be despised on 
account of deformity or any kind of ugliness : they are not be pro- 
voked ; not even to be whipped ; and married persons having no 
children of their own, should adopt orphans or homeless children.* 

Husband and wife should not separate, if possible, but if they 
could not live together peaceably they might separate. 

" The angels," so the stoiy goes on, " said to me ' Tell the people 
on the earth that the husband and wife must love one another, and 
continue to live and love thus until death separates them, except when 
such marriages are unfruitful. Then separation may be right, and 
each one may marry again.f It is pleasant to the Great Spirit when a 
mother has ten children born to her ; so much so, that all her sins will 
be forgiven, and after this life she shall enter into the presence of 
Ha-wa-ne-yu.' "j This is the teaching observed on the Onondaga 
Reserve in New York, but on our Grand River Reserve, I was informed 
by the present Ska-ne-o-dy'-o (John Gibson) and Dah-ha-wen-nond-yeh 
(Words come flying), that the Great Spirit prefers families of twelve. 

The Great Spirit is strongly opposed to miscegenation, and accord- 
ingly has advised that no Indian should marry a white person or a 

The rites of hospitality are inculcated through this revelation. 
No one in want is to be turned away from the door. A white person 

* Although Pagan Indians seldom punish their children, considerable care is 
taken to make the latter " keep their place." Until six or seven years of age they 
are not allowed to occupy seats at table they must stand ; and no child will keep 
a seat at any time should an old person enter the house and all the seats be in use. 

t In direct opposition to this is another statement, viz., that the angels told 
Beautiful Lake, "If a man and wife have no children, they ought not to dispute 
with one another, or leave one another, but should remain man and wife as long as 
they live." 

J A form of Rawen Niyoh, the Creator. 


is to be treated just as well as an Indian, even to sharing the last bite 
with him.* ' 

The white man's medicine should not be used on 'any account. 
The Great Spirit intended that the Indian should employ medicines 
taken from plants only ; and He will always see that certain persons, 
both men and women, shall know how to prepare them. Neither 
should any Indian communicate this knowledge to a white man unless 
he "belong " to the Indians. So-se-ha^wa taught " Our Creator made 
tobacco for us. This must be used in administering medicine. When 
a sickfperson recovers, he must return his thanks to the Great Spirit 
by means of tobacco, for it is by His goodness he is made well." The 
medicine-man should make no charge, but ought to accept what the 
patient can afford to give him if poor, he need not pay anything at 
all. When there is no Indian at hand who knows of a proper remedy, 
then a white doctor's services may be employed. 

In matters of religion, according to the preacher Hoh-shah-honh. 
" The angels also said, ' You shall worship the Great Spirit by dancing 
the turtle-dance at the new moon when the strawberry ripens. .At 
the new moon of the green corn you shall give a thanksgiving dance. 
In the mid-winter, at the new moon you shall give another thanks- 
giving dance it shall be the New Year's dance, but you mtfst not burn 
the white dog as you have been doing. You shall have a thanksgiving 
dance at the new moon at the time of the making of sugar. You shall 
dance at the new moon of planting time, and pray for a good harvest. 
You shall dance at the new moon of the harvest time and give thanks for 
what the Great Spirit has given you. You shall make your prayers 
and dance in the forenoon, tor at mid-day the Great Spirit goes to rest 
and will not hear your worship.' " Hoh-sha-honh said also, " Our 
religion teaches that the early day is dedicated to the Great Spirit, 
and the late day is granted to the spirits of the dead." 

On the Grand River Reserve the preachers observe this forenoon's 
injunction. During the preparatory days of a feast they always de- 
liver their addresses before mid-day, but the people themselves when 
performing their share of the ceremonies pay little attention to this 
direction, as we shall see farther on. 

The successors of Ska-ne-o dy'-o in the priestly or preacher's office 
denounce the use of the fiddle at dance-feasts, only drums and rattles 
are used, the sounds from which can scarcely be called music, although 
by means of these time is beaten to give rhythm to the dance. Only 

* A surly old Indian once refused a niyht's lodging to a poor white boy, and 
next day the house was struck by lightning and the Indian was killed ! 


in a few dances is it allowable to use a wooden fife or flute, having six 
finger holes, and which is blown by means of a small round hole in 
the end. 

It is mentioned by Dr. Beauchamp that " cornets and organs have 
come in " at Onondaga, but our Canadian Iroquois adhere closely to 
the old instruments alone. It is not clear that Beautiful Lake himself 
ever forbade the use of the fiddle, or of cards, which are also tabu, but 
both Hoh-shah-honh and So-se'-ha-wa declare that the " Four Persons " 
told Ska-ne-o-dy'-o it would be a sin for Indians to employ the one for 
music, or the other as a game. " Card-playing is wicked," said Hoh- 
shah-honh, "your people must not play cards. Violin-playing is 
wicked. The Great Spirit has not given your people the fiddle. The 
white men brought cards across the great salt lake, but you must not 
take them in your hands. They are from the Evil Spirit. They also 
brought the fiddle across the great lake for you to play. That you 
must not touch." But Ska-ne-o-dy'-o himself was very explicit in his 
remarks on drunkenness, and he spoke feelingly. He declared that 
rum was a white man's drink, although it does not do even him any 
good, and that it is ten times worse for an Indian. He said, " If you 
are driving a horse, the smell of rum will make him run away if you 
try to catch fish, the fish will hide if you go after deer, the deer will 
smell you a mile off if you try to dance, or to run, or to sit still, you 
will have no sense your dog will not like you, your things will not 

The inhibitions respecting the use of fiddle, cards, and alcoholic 
drinks, whether having in each case come directly from Ska-ne-o-dy'-o 
or but secondarily from the preachers as a result of his teaching, show 
a full knowledge of Indian character and a desire to guard the Indian 
against white contamination. Gambling on general principles is not 
only not prohibited it is encouraged. 

In this connection should be mentioned also the strict injunction 
of Ska-ne-o-dy'-o against the sale of land to the whites. In his day 
alienation of lands had worked much mischief among his own people 
and he was corresponding strong in denunciation of the usage. 

The prophet said very little about religious observances, except 
that the people on arising and retiring should offer short prayers, but 
Hoh-shah-bonh has amplified these directions by insisting on a prayer -j 
at each of their three daily meals. 

In addition to these precepts the moral code of the Indians in 
question follows our own so closely as to make one sometimes doubt 


the propriety of applying the term Pagan to them, although this name 
does not necessarily imply anything disreputable. In conduct and 
habits, as members of the community they are quite equal to Chris- 
tians, but notwithstanding the amount of quiet, undemonstrative tol- 
eration they exhibit towards others, they allow only a scant measure 
of mercy to the white man, who, according to their teaching, cannot go 
to the Indian heaven, and they do not appear to recognize the exis- 
tence of any other. A single and provokingly limited exception was 
made in the case of General George Washington, who, on account of 
repeated kindness to the Indians, has been permitted to get half way, 
but here he must forever remain. Although lonely, he is contented, 
and is always pleased to give a kindly look to those who pass him on 
their way higher ! Dr. Beauchamp was told that Washington had 
been allowed to reach the gate of heaven, and that he stood there with 
his pet dog. The same writer adds, " All agree that he was permitted 
to leave the earth because of his kindness to the Indians after the 
Revolution. They say that their allies left them to their fate, and 
said he might exterminate them if he wished. He answered that the 
Great Spirit made them as well as him, and this would be a sin. So 
he let them go to their homes and live. For this good deed he comes 
as near Heaven as a pale face can. They could not have put a high 
estimation on William Penn and others. Mercy was more to them 
than mere justice. This is what Beautiful Lake saw, and what the 
angels told him. ' He looked and saw an enclosure upon a plain, just 
without the entrance of Heaven. Within it was a fort. Here he saw 
the Destroyer of Villages [Washington], walking to and fro within the 
enclosure. His countenance indicated a great and good man. They 
said to Beautiful Lake, The man you see is the only pale face whoever 
left the earth. He was kind to you, and extended over you his 
protection. But he is never permitted to go into the presence of 
the Great Spirit. Although alone, he is perfectly happy. All 
faithful Indians pass him as they go to Heaven. They see him 
and recognize him, but pass on in silence. No word ever passes his 

One might reasonably have supposed that if any white man had a 
claim to associate with his red brothers in their Kalevala, or Home of 
Heroes, that that man was Sir William Johnson, of whom it has been 
asserted that he was 'just and honorable' in all his dealings with the 
Indians ; that ' he treated them affably and with dignity ;' that ' he won 
their confidence and respect,' ' sometimes assumed their dress,' and was 


Miss Lizzie Davis (daughter of chief Shorenhowane Isaac Davis, a Mohawk) in North-West Indian 
costume, from a photograph presented by Mrs. Brant-Sero. 


The late chief (Sa-ka-wen-kwa-rah-ton) Vanishing Smoke John Smoke Johnson 
(Mohawk). He was the last Indian who was personally acquaint- 
ed with Joseph Brant. He laid the corner stone of 
the Brant Monument in Brantford, in 1886, 
and died three weeks afterwards, 
aged nearly 94. 


Junior Chief Deh-ka-nen-ra-neh Two rows of People A. G ."[Smith 

(Mohawk). Recently Speaker of the Six Nations' Council. 

Deh-ka-nen-ra-neh has also acted as Interpreter 

for the Council, and served several 

years as clerk in the Indian 

Agent's Office, 



Chief Isaac Doxtater, senior, Mohawk. Subordinate, assistant or 
minor chief to Hiawatha. 

Sa-ke-jo-wa David Vanevery (Seneca). 

John Carpenter (Mohawk). 


Hy-joong-kwas (He tears Everything) Abraham Buck, (Onondaga). He is chief of the False Face Society 

and Chief Medicine Man of the Longhouse people, or Pagans. Hy-joong-kwas is a brother 

of the late Skanawti, John Buck, Onondaga Fire-Keeper, and of Mrs. Reuben, 

whose portrait appears elsewhere, Their mother was a Tutelo. 

Hy-joong-kwas is a very dignified and amiable 

old gentleman. 


Mrs. Reuben, a Tutelo on her mother's side. Sister of Hy-joong-kwas, and aunt of Mrs. Davis, who is 
represented in the corn-pounding illustration. She is 84 years of age. 


elected a sachem * by the Mohawks. Governor Clinton made him 
Indian Commissioner,hewas subsequently appointed Superintendent of 
Indian Affairs, and ' even after the surrender of Canada to Great 
Britain, he retained his influence over the Indians.' Surely such a one 
was well qualified to take a place at least outside of the gate, and even 
a little nearer to it than George Washington, but for some reason pecu- 
liar to Indian notions of propriety, Sir William has been wholly over- 

One explanation offered is that as he had been dead for twenty- 
six years before Ska-ne-o-dy'-o received his 'revelation,' the 'Four 
Angels ' forgot all about him. Another is that in all probability Sir 
William had found cause to reprimand, or otherwise offend the future 
prophet during some of the time when the latter was not on his good 
behavior. A third is that the ' revelation ' came in 1790, and as Wash- 
ington did not die until 1 799, it was utterly impossible that Beautiful 
Lake could have mentioned the General in any such connection then, 
and that for this reason the statement must be regarded as a future 
' revelation ' vouchsafed to the prophet or to one of his successors while 
the death of the great man was yet of recent occurrence, and a very 
general subject of conversation. 

In accordance with the instructions of Hoh-shah-honh, the dis- 
ciples of Ska-ne-o dy'-o are provided with ample opportunities for 
social gatherings of a public kind, for he instructed them to " forget 
not the assembling of themselves together " on stated festival occasions, 
mainly as religious duty, but, no doubt, in large measure for purposes 
of good felloe ship. 

Beginning with the mid- winter or New Year Festival, lasting ten 
days, they are commanded to hold another at the new moon of maple- 
sugar-making-time, one at the new moon of seed ing- time, one at the 
new moon when the strawberries ripen, one when the green corn 
becomes fit to eat, and, last of all, one at the new moon of harvest- 
time. But in addition to these authoritative or incumbent festivities, 
public dances may be arranged for in connection with any important 
event, to exemplify which it may be stated that at the Seneca Long- 
house a public dance (and feast of course) was appointed to signalize 

* An erroneous belief exists respecting white chiefship among the Indians, 
When a white man is, for any reason, adopted by the Indians, it does not follow 
that he is made a chief, Indeed, it is beyond the power of the Indians to " make 
a chief " in this way. The ceremony of adoption really implies little more than the 
bestowal of a name, although in former times it meant all that was involved in 
kinship. See Chiefship, following. 

6 C.I. 


the return of Ka-nis-han-don from Toronto after he had spent some 
time here supplying the words of speeches and the music of songs for 
use in this report ; for he came with the consent and approval of the 
Seneca Longhouse as the best man that could be chosen for such a 


On the first day after the new moon in the Indian month corres- 
ponding to the end of January and the beginning of February, the 
Mid- Winter Festival begins. 

Runners are sent out to summon the people to the Longhouse, 
where what may be called a service is conducted by one or more men 
of advanced years, who are known as " preachers." At the meetings 
which are held every forenoon for three or four days, the preachers 
address the people in set speeches with reference to the gooHness of 
the Master of Life or the Great Spirit, and with exhortations respect- 
ing the behavior of those present. This year (1898) the preacher at 
the Seneca Longhouse was the venerable John Styres, and his assist- 
ants were the equally venerable and even more dignified -looking 
Abraham Buck, and the Head Man of the ceremonies for the year, 
William Williams (Ka-nis-han-don). A portion of each forenoon is 
occupied by the people in making short speeches in which they offer 
general confessions of shortcomings. 

The last two nights are known as " Ashes," but no reason is given 
for this beyond the statement that it is by direction of the Four 
Persons or Angels, to whom particular reference has been made in the 
remarks respecting Ska-ne-o-dy'-o. 

During the five following afternoons and nights the proceedings 
are of a totally different character, being directed wholly by the Head 
Man, or Master of Ceremonies, and consisting mainly of addresses by 
himself and others, interspersed with song, dance, dream interpreta- 
tion, spraying and anointing of heads, scattering ashes, feasting and 
burning the white dog. 

As special reference will be made to these as they are mentioned 
in the subjoined account, or in separate sections thereafter, nothing 
more need be said regarding them at this point, where it may also be 
well to impress upon the reader that the proceedings were conducted 
throughout with the utmost gravity, unless a slight exception be made 
to the occasional breaking out of a smile on some faces during a few 
of the most vigorous dances, or among those who were engaged in the 
interpretation of dreams. Solemnity, sincerity, unanimity and good 


humor prevailed, and, as a somewhat inquisitive guest, I received 
unqualified Indian courtesy, perhaps to some ,extent on account of 
being an adopted Mohawk. 

Ceremonies preceding lite burning of the white dog. 

The proceedings of what may be called the irregular drama, per- 
formed on several nights, are so much alike that a description of what 
took place on one occasion will answer for all. For this purpose, 
therefore, those of the Sunday night and Monday morning, preceding 
the Burning of the White Dog may be taken. 

According to the announcement made at the close of the meeting on 
the previous night, or, rather early morning, the Sunday night services 
were to begin at 8 o'clock, but punctuality is not characteristic of the 

A Dance at the Longhouse. 

Indian, and I was assured that nothing would be done before half-past 
eight at any rate. As Ka-nis-han-don, (Slope on the Side of a Valley) 
the Master of Ceremonies, resided in the house of Dah-ka-he-dond-yeh, 
who kindly accepted me as a guest, I arranged to go with him to the 
Seneca Longhouse, being thus assured that nothing could be done 
before our arrival. We reached the place about a quarter to nine 
o'clock to find only some six or seven women seated at the Four 
Brothers' end. Some of these were smoking clay pipes, and all of them 
seemed to be comfortable, yet uttering not a syllable to one another ! 
Their dresses were mostly of plain stuff woollen, or cotton print, 
but in every case the head and most of the body were closely covered 


with a bright tartan shawl. As the number increased, a few appeared 
wearing highly colored dresses green, yellow, and red and one or 
two wore plain red shawls, but tartans of lar^e check and of 
bright colors predominated Rob Roy, Royal Stewart, and Gordon 
were represented, but many were of fancy patterns. Girls of all ages, 
from babyhood up, were similarly provided, with few exceptions. One 
had a ' store ' hat with ribbons and feathers, and two or three wore 
red kerchiefs, which they removed from time to time as they engaged 
in the dances. 


The men as a rule, did not appear in anything superior to their 
everyday clothing. Even some of the chiefs and warriors who took 


active parts in the ceremonies were conspicuous proof that in their 
case the tailor did not make the man. 

At half past nine o'clock, the Longhouse being well-filled, Ka- 
nis-han-don, from his place on the north side, and the Two Brothers' 
end rose, with head uncovered, and facing the west or Four Brothers' 
end, addressed those present for fifteen minutes. Nearly two-thirds 
of this time he spoke in a somewhat high tone a sort of pulpit voice 
this was followed by a rather monotonous delivery of what sounded 
like a dull chant, and he concluded his remarks with a sentence or two 
in his natural tones. (See Brant- Sero's version of the original, and 
his English reading of it, following). 

Chief Johnson Williams, from the opposite side, spoke for five min- 
utes, after which, and till four o'clock the next morning without intermis- 
sion, the proceedings consisted mainly of music, song, dance and speech. 

Prolix as it may appear to mention even briefly, the frequent re- 
petitions that occurred during the six hours' performance, there is 
perhaps no other way by means of which the reader may so well form 
anything like an intelligent idea of this pagan ceremony. I copy, 
therefore, from notes made at the time, just as the sounds and move- 
ments occurred. 

Rattles - Song Big Feather Dance * (Ostohraogwah). Men and 
women join in the dance : the men behind each other, and the women 
arranged similarly. One women ninety years of age takes her place 
with the younger ones. 

*I have tried in vain to find something relating to the origin of the Feather 
Dance, which I am convinced is of ancient date. As it is at present conducted, 
there is nothing to connect it with its name, but there must have been at one 
time. It is said to have originated when Hiawatha formed the Great League, but 
references to this mj thical per&onage and his time are not uncommon in the face 
of such difficulties. 

Among primitive folk, dancing is largely a substitute for prayer, or, as Heine 
says somewhere, 'dancing is pra} ing with the feet.' Ceremonies for the cure of sick- 
ness, in declaration of war, in ratification of peace, and on important occasions of 
every kind are marked by numerous dances. 

Those connected with their New Vear ceremonies most assuredly possess 
a religious significance. 

One Sunday, while I was on the Reserve, a dance was given and a game of 
lacrosse played for the recovery of a young man of the Upper Cayugas, who was ill 
with lung trouble. 

An incident of this kind serves to bring out how tenaciously some of these 
people cling to their ancient faith and customs. 

Some of our own ancestors indulged in solemn dances until a comparatively 
recent date. 

Prof. Gummere points out (Introduction to old English Ballads, p. Ixxviii) 
that "dance and song were common at mediaeval funerals, and a pretty little song 
known as Dans der Maechdekens, known as late as 1840 and sung on the occasion 
of a young girl's funeral, by the maidens of her pHrish, seems to be a distinct sur- 
vival of the earliest choral dancts at a funeral, thote pagan affairs against which 
the church made war." 


Dance ends. Men take off their hats. All but two of the women 
and seven of the men remain on the floor. 

Another dance. 

Small drum is now added to the rattles for musical purposes. 
Three boys from 4 to 6 years of age join in the second dance. 

Long pause. 
Ka-nis-han-don speaks. 

One man is sprayed by several men. (See remarks on spraying, 

Meanwhile, drum, rattle and song go on Song: "Hoh-huh'-hi, 
hoh-huh'-hi, hoh-huh'-hi," thirty times. * 

Each " Hoh-huh'-hi " to beats of the drum and rattle. 
Closing syllable of song " Yoh " in a loud tone. 


Rattle at first slowly as it becomes faster the drum is beaten. 
Bear Dance. Men and women. 

Head man speaks. 

Buffalo-horn Dance. Men and women. Dancers sometimes facing 
outwards, stooping slightly. 

Johnson Williams speaks. 

Drum and rattle. 
Another spraying while a women's dance is going on. 

David Sky sings. 

Women sing also as they move around the song bench. Their 
song like a wail (in minor key). 

Head man speaks. 

Spraying men and women sprayed by men and women indis- 
criminately, apparently. 

Johnson Williams speaks. 

Head man speaks. 

Women's and Girls' Dance. Five rattles and drum. 
Head man speaks (he announces another bear dance). 

Singing led by Peter Williams. 

Bear Dance concluded with a whoop. 

Head man speaks. 

*Describing a sacred pipe song at the Kansa worship of the Thunder Being . 
Mr. Dorsay says of the last line : 

" Yu ! yu ! yu ! Hii-hii ! Hii-hii ! " which is the chorus sung by all the 
large and small Hanya men, ' ' This last line is an invocation of the Thunder Being." 
Bur. of Ethn. Reps. p. 385, 1889-90. 

It is probable that the similarity of this chorus to that of the Iroquois is purely 
co-incidental, but it is none the less striking 011 this account. 

While he is speaking two masked dancers in costume run through 

the Long-house entering at the east and going out by the west. 

Head man sings. 

Isaac Williams sings. 

Chief George Key speaks. 

Drum and rattles for Women's Dance. 

Head man speaks. 

Another Bear Dance during which the singing is led by Wallace 

David Key speaks. 

Seven boys in husk masks (made up of corn-husks) enter. 
Head man speaks, and while he does so the dancers are performing 
antics among those on the floor shaking rattles and making subdued 
sounds with their mouths. [This was explained as being for the 
purpose of making room for themselves ]. 

When the Head man ceases to speak the masked boys give the 
Husking Dance. 

False Face Dance followed by Bear Dance, and speeches by the 
Head man and David Key. 

Wm. Echo leads the singing. 

Others repeat "Heh-heh-heh-heh-heh," and the song is closed by 
a very loud "Wah-h-h-h-h-h!" 

John Styres (the preacher) addresses the people, and is understood 
to say he is not quite sure about the propriety of a 'chiel being amang 
them takin' notes/ but he said it in Seneca. It is explained that the 
'chiel' is an Indian by adoption, and this is satisfactory. 

Head man speaks a short time in a low and impressive tone, then 
sings the song of the Burned White Dog. At intervals others join 

Short speeches by George Silversmith, William Williams, John 
Styres and Johnson Williams. 

Chauncey Peter sings the Bear Dance Song. 

Drum and rattle. 

Several persons of both sexes, young and old, seat themselves on 
the song-bench to be sprayed, while forty-two men, twelve boys and 
twenty-five women circle about the bench in the Bear Dance. One 
women is sprayed five times, by two men, two women and one boy. 

David Key speaks. 
Drum and Rattle. 

Women's Dance, engaged in by twenty-one women, all apparently, 

Johnson Williams and the head man speak. 
Drum, rattles and song introducing the False Face Dance. 
John Silversmith sings with an accompaniment of six rattles and 
the drum ; during this time the women have another dance, occasion- 
ally turning a little from side to side, and moving the hands alter- 
nately up and down in front of their breasts. 

A husky- masked dancer passes erratically through the Longhouse 
from east to west. 

Chief George Key speaks. 

Drum, and rattle introduce the Fish Dance in which a hundred 
and four join. At intervals men (in pairs) face each other, and women 
(in pairs) face each other. Then, following in single file, dance with a 
quick step round the room, requiring all the available floor space. 

Louis Dixon speaks. 

Drum and rattle very quick beat for Husking Dance, in which 
eighteen husk-masked dancers take patt in fast time. 
The Head man speaks. 

Wallace Crow sings. 

Drum and rattles beat for another Bear Dance, during which a 
man and woman are sprayed. 

Johnson Williams speaks aud announces the Wild Pigeon Dance 

In this dance the performers do not follow each other in single file 
round the song-bench, but march trippingly three and four deep pro- 
bably in allusion to the flight of pigeons in immense numbers.* 
This dance concludes with a united " Heh-h-h-h-h-h ! " 
Five rattles and the drum introduce another Women's Dance, in 
which a " new song " is sung. In this dance all the women for the 
first time appear bareheaded. 

Head man speaks. 

Ka-zeesh-sah (Corn-husk False Face Dance). 

Seven dancers in fantastic costume, with masked faces and feather 
head-dresses perform wildly for a few minutes. Part of the time they 
are on their hands and knees rushing about among one another. A 
whoop is the signal to stop, and they seat themselves on the song- 
bench, which has been removed to the north side of the house to allow 
room for this dance. 

* Even within the memory of man flocks of these birds have been known to 
darken the sky, and when alighting in the woods their weight has broken the 
branches of the trees. 

La Hontan states (Nouveaux Voyages, 1705) that their numbers were so im- 
mense, and the damage they did to the crops so great, near the close of the seven- 
teenth century, that the Bishop of Montreal was obliged to exorcise them ! 


Chief George Key speaks, and then is made what is called " the 
first offering," of food or tobacco. 

This is followed by a scream, and next comes another dance by 
the maskers. The "second offering" is made, another scream or 
whoop is given the dancers sit with heads bowed for a little, then 
engage in a third scrambling on the floor, when, on taking their seats 
the " third offering " is made. In connection with each offering, a 
different chief made a short speech.-f- 

A tap produced perfect silence, when Ka-nis-han-don spoke 
apparently by rote (as no doubt all the speaking was), while the 
dancers sat with their heads bowed. 

Conclusion signalized by a whoop. 

Rattles, drum and song. 
Another dance followed by a whoop. 

Head man speaks, announcing War Dance, which as in other 
cases is introduced with music of drum and rattles. Only men take 
part. Dance a vigorous one. Ends with a grand whoop. 

War Dance repeated. 

Head man speaks. 

A number of men appear in fancy dresses, ornamented with bead- 
work, bangles, spangles and feathers. Wild whoop at 'the conclusion 
of Ka-nis-han-don's speech. 

Another War Dance. 

David Key speaks, and is answered by three whoops. 
Another War Dance, at the close of which three whoops are given. 
Again they dance the War Dance. 
Head man and George Key speak. 

Rattles (turtle-shell this time) and drum. Dance in very quick 

time, and kept up with great vigor. A brief pause follows this dance. 

Turtle-shell rattles (no drum), several whoops another extremely 

vigorous dance follows, all the men shouting " Hoh-ho-ho-ho-ho-hoh." 

David Key speaks. 

Rattle, drum and dance men in costume, women join them. 
" Hoh-ho-ho-ho-hoh ! " Lively dance. Whoops. More " Hoh-ho-ho-hoh's !" 
Slow walk round the song-bench. 

Rattles, drum, song, whoops. Rapid dance " Hoh-ho-ho-ho-hoh ! " 
Pause march round rattles, drum, song. 

Rapid and noisy dance to " Hoh-ho-hoh ! " many times. 

t The offerings, it is probable, refer to a time when there was a strictly secret 
society of False Faces, the members of which, to avoid recognition, thus accepted 
their portions of the feast, that they might retire to some secluded place to eat. 
See Morgan's remarks on the False Faces, elsewhere. 


Pause march round rattles, whoops. " Hoh ho-ho-ho-hoh ! " 
many times. 

Similar rounds were repeated nine times. By the time the end 
of the tenth round was reached, the excitement was high, and the 
dancers perspired freely. There were several old men who took part 
in this dance and went through the whole of it. There were also 
seven boys. During the last few rounds the drummer and rattlers 
were beating with the greatest possible speed. 


Delaware Corn Dance, engaged in by both sexes, young and old. 

The trip in this dance was short and about as quick as the ticking 
of a watch. All say " Yoh-yoh ! " All the men had their hats off. 
The dance came to an end by some one vociferating " Heh ! " 

Chief George Key, David Key, Chas. Silversmith, and the Head 
man speak. 

Grandfathers' or False Face Dance (in masks). 
Rattle, drum and song. 

Dance by men and women, all the men saying, " Heh-heh-heh- 
heh ! '' Keeping time to a fast trip-trip step. 

After a pause this is repeated 

Head man speaks. 
Another False Face Dance. 

After a short pause the drum and rattles again go, and once more 
there is the Pigeon Dance (0-ri-deh). 

In this dance four small husk maskers take part, the women 
singing to the beat of drum no rattles. When the women stop sing- 
ing the men begin. 

Preacher John Styres speaks. 

Music Skin dance. Very lively many join. Conclusion 
" Wah-h-h-h-h-h-h ! " 

Ai this dance ended seven bedizzened men wearing grotesquely 
hideous masks enter by the Two Brothers' door in a very disorderly 
manner and producing a variety of guttural and other sounds. After 
pawing about along the floor and in the air with apparent aimlessness 
for a few seconds they make a rush for the stove, the damper of 
which they remove, open the door, and pull out the hot coals and ashes 
on the floor, take up some in their hands, and placing their hands, 
palms upwards, before the mouths of their masks, blow the ashes 
on the heads of several men and women who have taken their 
places awaiting this result. Besides this blowing of the ashes, some 


of the maskers simply transferred the ashes from their hands to the 
heads in question and " rubbed them in," blowing at the same time.* 

After this, some of the chiefs made short addresses in the course 
of, and at the conclusion of which, the maskers responded with a 
quivering and decidedly derisive " Ho-o-o-o-o-o, ho-o-o-o-o, ho-o-o- 
o-o ! " uttered with great rapidity. 

With this ceremony the proceedings closed at 4 o'clock on Monday 

In the preceding tedious and, withal, imperfect account of one 
night's doings, the only object is to record a programme, without any 
reference to what may be called the philosophy of the proceedings. 


The ceremonies connected with the Burning of the White Dog, 
which were announced to begin at sunrise on Monday morning, Jan. 
31st, were delayed until after noon. Some difficulty had been exper- 
ienced in procuring a suitable animal, for, as an Indian stated to me, 
" It must not be a Newfoundland dog, nor a collie dog, nor a bull dog, 
only just a nice little Indian dog, all white, you see."^ 

Perhaps the delay was on account of the dog not having been 
delivered by the owner before ten o'clock, but the fact that this was 

* Among our Hurons also this handling of live coals formed no unimportant 
part in certain ceremonies, as the following quotation will show : 

' He (Chihwatenhwa) had been for twenty years steeped in the practice of the 
Aoutaenhrohi, or festival and dance of fire, the most diabolical, and at the same 
time the most general remedy for maladies that there is in this (Huron) country. 
. . . He related to us . . . that when he saw, he had not, like the others, 
hands and mouth that were fire proof, he made only * pretence of [touching what 
was too hot] and played his part to the best of his ability. 

At the end of some time he had a dream in which he saw himself at one of 
these dances or festivals, and handling fire like the others, and he heard ... a 
song which he was astonished to know perfectly on waking. At the first feast of 
this kind ... he began to sing his song . . . and felt himself becoming 
frenzied he took the burning embers and the hot stones with his hands and teeth 
from the midst of the live co Is, he plunged his forearm to the bottom of the boil- 
ing kettles and all without any injury or pain, in a word, he was master of his 
trade, and since then he has been present at three or four dances of this kind in one 
day, for the healing of the sick." Jesuit Relation, 1640-41, Cleveland edition, vol. 
21, pp. 151 and 153. 

Lord Lindsay testified that under hypnotic suggestion he had "handled and 
seen others handle, red-hot coals with impunity. Apparitions and TJwught Tians- 
ference, by F. Podmore. Contemporary Science Series, p. 377. 

tin illustration of the good fellowship that exists among these people, it may 
be mentioned that the pagans on this occasion were indebted to the services of a 
Christian Indian, who, not only at some trouble, procured a suitable animal and 
paid for it, but provided also the beef required for the closing feast, making him- 
self responsible for the payment. In both cases this was made good to him by 
the pagans. 


riot carefully guarded against, shows how much laxity has been 
allowed to creep in.* 

The dog having been taken to the house of, David Key, some 
three or four hundred yards from the Longhouse, was there strangled 
by George Silversmith, and decked with ribbons and painted by Peter 

Meanwhile the fire was prepared by We-ho-goh-yeh or Loud 
Voice (John Buck) a younger son of the late highly respected 
Ska-naw'-a-ti, the old Onondaga Fire keeper. I am unable to say 
whether the choice of young John for this duty had any connection 
withTthe office formerly help by his father. -j- John Sugar assisted him. 

After the dog was strangled, fully an hour and a half elapsed 
before it was sufficiently cold to be removed, meanwhile, however 
the decoration was going on. 

In the Longhouse, which was not at all crowded, Chief Johnson 
Williams appeared in due time (or rather in over-due time) carrying 
suspended from his left shoulder, the object of sacrifice, plentifully 
marked with red spots about the size of a half-dollar. Round its neck 
body, tail and legs were tied silk ribbons, red, blue, green and white - 
Its feet were also connected by ribbons to the neck and hips in such a 
way that the legs remained at right angles to the body as if standing. 
Another ribbon extending loosely from the fore to the hind feet served 
as a strap for carrying purposes, the dog hanging body downwards 
and head forwards. In addition to these ribbons a feather decoration 
was fitted to the head so as to form a small crest pointing backwards 
and round the neck was a small string of wampum.J 

The bearer placed the dog on its right side on the song-bench in 
in the middle of the building, head towards the Four Brothers' end, 
and near to its tail he set a small old chip-basket containing from half 
a pound to a pound of home-grown tobacco. Having made an ad- 
dress lasting only a few minutes, most of the men went outside, but 
the women kept their seats. Standing at the south-east corner of the 
Longhouse several of the men gave a prolonged whoop which was 
followed by the firing of two or three rifles simultaneously, the rifles 

*In former times, on the New York Reserve, it was customary to strangle the 
door, (sometimes two of them) on the first day of the New Year ceremonies, after 
which it was suspended fifteen or twenty feet from the ground until the fifth day 
when it was taken down and burned. The Capugas on the Grand River Reserve kill 
the dog the first day and hang it against the building by its hind legs until the time 
for burning, five days afterwards. 

tSince this was written I have made inquiry and am informed by Ka-nis-han- 
don that young John Buck was chosen on this account. 

J To show that it 13 an accredited messenger to Ta-ron-ya-wa-gon, the Holder 
of the Heavens. 


being pointed skywards* and southwards. This was answered by 
whoops from Ka-nis-han don and a companion who were now seen 
standing near the house of David Key to the south, where the dog 
had been strangled. 

The whoop and volley, and the reply, having been repeated, the 
Head man's messenger, (who had been sent from the Long house to tel 
him that all was ready) came forward leaving his superior to approach 
more leisurely, while the men again entered the Long-house and took 
their seats with uncovered heads nobody smoked, and the air of seri- 
ousness that pervaded the assembly reminded one of a good old Pres- 
byterian country congregation on the occasion of " fencing the tables." 

In the meantime Ka-nis-han-don was leisurely approaching the 
Longhouse, singing plaintively. On opening the door at the Two 
Brothers' end, he paused before entering, and ceased his song as his eye 
fell upon the white dog."!* He then walked slowly and with downcast 
head to the song-bench, looked for a second at the dog, again began to 
sing, and continued to do so while he walked three times round the 
song-bench, when he was stopped at the starting-point by Chief John- 
son Williams. After a brief address from this chief, he goes round the 
bench again, singing, and is this time stopped by Louis Dixon, who 
delivers to him a short address, at the conclusion of which the male 
portion of the audience gives a whoop. 

Ka-nis-pan-don then indulged in a brief soliloquy, the men 
giving another whoop at its conclusion. 

He next sang for a little while, the audience accompanying him 
with " Heh-heh-heh," the syllable being uttered fifty times, by actual 
count on my part. 

After another monologue, he again sang, walking round the dog 
as before. This time he was stopped and addressed by John Silver- 
smith. When Silversmith was done, the audience again whooped. 

Once more Ka-nis-pan-don talked as it were to himself, in a low 
tone, and was answered by another whoop from the men. 

He then walked back and forth on the north side of the song- 
bench, singing in a more lively tone than formerly to a general accom- 
paniment of '' Heh-heh-heh," and as soon as he stopped, the men set up 

Indulging in another monologue, he once more sang as he walked 
sorrowfully-looking, round the dog, and on completing the circuit he - 

* The intention of firing towards the sky is to attract the attention of Ta-ron- 

t According to the tenor of his speech (which follows) he is not supposed to see 
the dog, but this is how his appearance struck me at the time. 

was stopped and addressed by Jacob Hill. When this warrior finished, 
Ka-nis-han-don uttered a loud " Hooh !" which was the signal for a 
general whoop. 

Standing on the north side and looking towards the Four Broth- 
ers' end he again spoke, as it were, to himself, and at last broke out 
into a song, walking as before, on the north side. In a short time the 
men gave the whoop " Wah-h-h-h-h !" and as he continued singing, 
they all accompanied him with " Heh-heh-heh-heh." At the conclusion 
of this song some one gave a loud " Hooh-h !" and immediately all 
joined in "Wah-h-h-h-h !" 

Once more he indulged in another soliloquy or monologue* then 
took to singing as he walked around the white dog, and left the room 
by theTwo Brothers' door. Singing all the time,hema'rched slowly round 
the Longhouse, proceeding along the north side westwards, and back 
by the south to the same door, which he again entered, and (still singing) 
walked round the dog for the last time. 

Having finished this song he proceeded after a brief pause, towards 
the Four Brothers' door, followed by Chief Johnson Williams carrying 
the body of the victim suspended .from his left shoulder, and the basket 
containing the tobacco in his right hand.-f- Three or four warriors 
accompanied them to the fire which all this time had been burning on 
the south side of the building, and within fifteen feet of it near the 
Four Brothers' end. Here the dog was laid upon a small platform of 
pine boards that seemed to have been made on purpose for its reception. 
Its head was in the same direction as when the body was lying on the 
song- bench, and as in that case also, the basket with the tobacco was 
set down at the animal's tail. After the dog is outside, it is said to be 
immaterial how its head points, but inside it must be directed towards 
the west. 

Ka-nis-han-don said a few words as he stood beside the dog on the 
south side of the fire, and he was followed by Chief Johnson 
Williams who first gave three subdued whoops, after which he made a 
long speech. Within ten minutes from the time of beginning he placed 
the dog on the fire, and after another short interval he threw on the 
fire a small gift of ribbons in a loose bunch* Afterwards, at each of 

*T have used these words in connection with such utterances, because on the 
occasions in question the speaker seemed rather to be talking to himself than to the 
people, his head being slightly bent and his eyes fixed on the floor. 

t This, I have since learned, was a mistake. The dog should have been carried 
over the right shoulder, and the tobacco in the left hand. 

|A11 the decorations used on the dog were gifts from the pious, and the bunch 
of ribbons here mentioned came too late to be arranged on the dog, and was there- 
fore thrown on the fire that its "heart" might accompany that of the dog. 


six intervals he threw a handful of tobacco on the burning dog, and 
last of all he placed in the fire the basket itself with the tobacco that 
remained in it. At the conclusion of his speech he gave three whoops. 

Next, four "warriors," one at a time, sang doleful songs as they 
walked slowly back and forth across the west end of the fire, while 
those who were gathered round kept up the constant "Heh-heh-heh- 
heh ! " and thus ended the Burning of the White Dog. 

Ka-nis-han-don, the Master of Ceremonies, during the celebration 
of the sacrifice was dressed in white, having a dark blue sash across 
his shoulder, and a blue cap ornamented with numerous feathers.* 

Five others, (one chief and four warriors) were similarly dressed 
in white, but variously diversified with spangles and ribbons. All of 
them had their faces painted with vermilion. 

Ka-nis-han-don's face was merely highly colored as if to give the 
appearance of rosy cheeks, while that of Chief Johnson Williams was 
marked by three bright lines about one-fourth of an inch wide and 
three inches long running obliquely downwards from his nose across 
his cheek.'f Of the others I failed to make note. 

The proceedings were characterized by earnestness and by a sin- 
cerity which, I have no doubt, was as real as it was apparent. 

Reference has already been made to the admirable spirit of tole- 
ration that exists as between Christian and Pagan worshippers on the 
Reserve, and this was still further evidenced when some of the 
Christians not only took part in the dances, and in the ashes ceremony, 
but assisted very actively at the sacrifice of the White Dog. 

The effect of creeds on Indian character all over the continent 
(unless when a new doctrine is preached by a new prophet) is passive 
rather than active; at any rate it is seldom violently or virulently active, 
and as a rule Indians get along admirably, and wholly to their own 
satisfaction on the old principle of "You let me alone, and I'll let you 


Even if we accept the earliest date, 1790,J as that of the year in 
which Ska-ne-o-dy'-o is said to have received his revelation from 
the Four Persons, or Angels, the ceremonies connected with his teach- 

*The Leader or Master of Ceremonies is permitted to dress as he pleases, so 
long as he wears nothing that is red. As all the Leaders or Speakers must be 
buried in ceremonial costume, and as red is a forbidden color in grave clothes, it is " 
easy to see why it is objected to in the dress. A Leader may officiate in ordinary 
garb, but at his death, his people must provide a suit of official garments. 

t So marked because Williams is a chief. 

J Clark's History of Onondaga. The "preacher " in all his addresses refers to 
the time that has elapsed since the revelation to Skaneyodyo. 


ing are scarcely more than a hundred years old, yet there are 
numerous evidences that during the century many changes have 
taken place in the ritual, the body of which is no doubt mainly 
an adaptation, and to some extent, a modification of still older rites and 

Originally it was taught that all religious performances must come 
to an end at mid-day, and while it is true that the ' preachers,' so- 
called, observe this injunction very strictly, no regard is paid to it by 
others who perform offices that are considered quite as sacred as are 
those of the preachers. The reason assigned by the latter both here 
and in New York, for this prohibition is that the Great Spirit rests 
during the afternoon, but the pagan laity in both places seem to 
credit him with being more wide-awake. On the Grand River 
Reserve they do not appear to think He needs much sleep at 
all, or perhaps they only think, as I heard an Indian say with 
apparent seriousness, that if they can stand to be up the greater part 
of the night performing acts of worship, the least thing He can do is to 
keep awake and listen. One of their preachers, himself, did not appear 
to know of any injunction respecting night performances, and when 
assured that this was the case, he professed to explain that the night 
doings here were not a part of the real religious ceremonies, but were 
intended only for the amusement of the people. Others equally well- 
informed, insist that he is in error on this point. 

There can be no doubt that the Burning of the White Dog is not 
only a part, but a very important part of the purely religious ten days' 
ceremonies, yet, we have seen that in connection with the Seneca 
observances last New Year, the sacrifice was not offered until after one 
o'clock p.m. 

It was news to our Ska-ne-o-dy'-o that So se'-ha-wa, the Founder's 
grandson, and successor in the preacher's office, wholly ignored the 
burning of the dog, and that the practice had been distinctly forbidden 
by Hoh-shah-honh, the Omar of our Onondaga Mahomet. 

That the burning of the dog as a religious rite long antedates the 
revelation of Ska-ne-o-dy'-o, there cannot be a doubt, and the proba- 
bility is that Hoh shah-honh's " You must not burn the white dog as 
you have been doing," was inspired by a feeling of false shame in the 
presence of white people's criticisms. It is, however, abundantly evi- 
dent that perhaps for many centuries, certainly for one at least before 
this, some idea of sacredness, if such a term may be used, was con- 
nected with burning the dog, and sometimes with feasting upon its 


flesh, irrespective of the animal's color, as may be gathered from the 
subjoined quotations. Golden says: 

" When any of the young Men of these (five) Nations have a Mind 
to signalize themselves, and to gain a Reputation among their Country- 
men by some notable enterprize against their Enemy, they at first 
communicate their Design to two or three of their most intimate 
Friends: and if they come into it, an Invitation is made, in their 
Names, to all the young Men of the Castle to feast on Dog's Flesh ; but 
whether this be because Dog's Flesh is most agreeable to Indian 
Palates, or whether it be as an emblem of Fidelity, for which the Doo- 
is distinguished by all Nations, that it is always used on this Occasion) 
I have not sufficient Information to determine. When the Company 
is met, the Promoters of the Enterprize set forth the Undertaking in 
the best Colors they can: they boast of what they intend to do, and 
incite others to join, from the Glory there is to be obtained ; and all 
who eat of the Dog's Flesh, thereby inlist themselves."* 

Sometimes dog-eating was employed to charm evil influences or 
to act as a spell, as when we read ; 

"It was also said that they pretended to try to carry him away, 
but that he resisted them so well that they left him to make a feast of 
a dog threatening to come and get him next day, in case he failed to 
do this." (Told of some demons who addressed one Tsondacouane', 
threatening to carry him off unless he complied with certain condi- 

"The latter having reported the matter in open council, a dog was 
immediately found, with which he made a feast on the same day."f 

From the following it will be observed that only men of adult age 
full grown " braves " or " warriors " were permitted to make dog- 
feasts : 

" At the beginning, when he [Rene' Tsondihwane] was at an age 
to make feasts ... he had a dream, in which he was forbidden 
to make a dog feast, or to permit that any one should make one for 
him. . . . Last year, having gone on a visit to some village, one 
of his friends desired to make a dog feast for him.' 

Writing of " a certain man [who] had dreamed, whilst in the 
soundest slumber, that the Iroquois had taken and burned him as a 
Captive," Lalemant says that after the man's fellows had punished him 

*Colden's History of the Five Indian Nations, Introduction, p. 6. London 17 ? 
tLe Jeune's Relation, 1637, p. 229, vol. 13. Cleveland ed. 
I Jesuit Relation 1640-41. Cleveland ed. vol. 21, p. 161. On the next 
page, it is said, he was ordered in his dream " to make a sacrifice or feast of two 

'V C.I. 


severely that " The ill fortune of such a dream might be averted," the 
sufferer, as he escaped " seized a dog that was held there ready for 
him, placed it at once on his shoulders, and carried it among the 
Cabins as a consecrated victim, which he publicly offered to the Demon 
of war, begging him to accept this semblance instead of the reality of 
his Dream. And in order that the Sacrifice might be fully consum- 
mated, the dog was killed with a club, and was singed and roasted in 
the flames ; and, after all this, was eaten at a public feast, in the same 
manner as they usually eat their Captives."* 

Evidence is not wanting that the custom was widely spread, as 
we find it noticed among Athabaskan, Algonkian and Siouan peoples 
as well as among those of Iroquoian origin. The Rev. William Ham- 
ilton, a Presbyterian missionary to the Sacs and lowas, of Nebraska, 
from 1837 to 1853, saw dogs hung by their necks to trees, or to sticks 
planted in the ground, and he was told these dogs were offerings to 
Watanka ; and an Indian named No Heart telling him about a small- 
pox epidemic, said, ' We threw away (i. e. sacrificed) a great many 
garments, blankets, etc., and offered many dogs to God."-f- 

In Mexico, I have read somewhere, that attempts were made to 
get rid of sickness by placing outside the patient's door the image of a 
small dog, made from corn-meal, in the hope that some passer-by 
would pick it up, in which case the disease left the afflicted one within, 
and affected him who lifted the dough-dog a case of supposed 

In the Journal of American Folk Lore for October, 1897, Mr. 
Harlan I. Smith, in a brief article entitled " An Ojibwa Myth," (Michi- 
gan) says that the monster of the story told the man to go home and 
bring him six white dogs, and the writer adds, " Among the very 
Indians from which this myth was procured, the white dog sacrifice 
was practiced as late as 1819." 

Instances like these add nothing to our knowledge respecting the 
origin of the custom ; they are but the outlying, and therefore expir- 
ing ripples resulting from some far-off movement in the sea of time, or 
they may be compared to faint surface ebullitions that serve 
merely to indicate the existence of a force at some great depth, for it 
can scarcely be doubted that the practice is based on an old-time 
belief on the part of a people from whom it has been transmitted by 

*Relation of 1642, p, 173, vol. 23. This was among the Hurons, whose man- 
ners and customs were similar to those of the Iroquois. 

t A Study of Siouan Cults, by J. O. Dorsey, in Bur. of Ethnol. Report for 
1889-90, p. 426. 


devious ways and in numerous corrupted forms, until no one in our 
day is able to offer any authoritative explanation regarding the original 

The idea of atonement may be at once banished from our minds, 
for in no Indian religion or form of faith is there any trace of this 

The late Horatio Hale who was deeply interested in this subject 
has offered a " conjecture," but that he himself did not attach much 
value to it is evident from the concluding sentence of the paragraph 
in which he says : " A probable conjecture is that the dog was selected 
merely as being the animal most prized by the Indians, and therefore 
most suitable for a sacrifice to their divinity. A white one would be 
preferred for the natural reason that among the Indians, as is shown 
by their wampum belts, and in other indications, white is an emblem 
and declaration of peace and good will. Whatever may be the origin 
or signification of the rite, it is undoubtedly one of the most curious 
and interesting of Indian usages."* 

But, while, as has just been stated, the atoning principle finds no 
place in American aboriginal beliefs, that of substitution holds a very 
important one. Ticarial adoptions and punishments were character- 
istic of Indian life the mother who lost her son in battle, claimed a 
captive enemy whom she forthwith treated as her own offspring a 
dead chief was said to be made alive again when his successor was 
appointed, and nothing was more common than the infliction of tor- 
ture on any foe in retaliation for similar treatment by one of his 
people, or by all of them to one or more of those belonging to the 
retaliators. In every case the l< make-believe " seemed to become a 
well settled conviction. When adoption took place, grief for the lost 
one ceased, and where punishment was involved it was not inflicted 
vendetta-like, but purely with the motive of making one suffer for 
another, and so completely does this idea govern the actions of some 
Indians even at the present day, that natives of the western plains bite 
(some say eat) lice they find in the heads of each other, for the reason 
that the lice bite them. 

I am well aware how extremely dangerous it is to construct 
theories on flimsy foundations,or to generalize on a scanty supply of facts 
yet I cannot forbear remarking the strong probability that in the burn- 
ing of the white dog, or of any dog, we may have a realization of the 
substitutional idea as a survival from the time when human remains 

*The Iroquois Sacrifice of the White Dog, by Horatio Hale, in the American 


were so treated as offerings to the Sun, or for any other reason, and that 
this is all we have left of a ceremony when the dog was burned along 
with his deceased master. 

It is almost needless to quote in proof of the statement that crema- 
tion was an ancient Indian method of disposing of the dead, and in some 
parts of North America the custom was maintained until almost with- 
in the memory of man. In Harmon's Journal of Voyages and Travels 
(1800 1819) page 335, the following occurs: "All Indians are very 
fond of their hunting dogs. The people on the west side of the Rocky 
Mountains appear to have the same affection for them that they have 
for their children, and they will discourse with them as if they were 
rational beings. They frequently call them their sons or daughters^ 
and when describing an Indian, they will speak of him as father of a 
particular dog which belongs to him. When these dogs die it is not 
unusual to see their masters or mistresses place them on a pile of 
wood and burn them in the same manner as they do the dead bodies 
of their relations, and they appear to lament their denths by crying 
and howling, fully as much as if they were their kindred." 

In any case, Harmon's observation is a valuable one, not only as 
showing the high estimation in which these Denes* held their dogs, 
and in attributing to them something akin to human intelligence, but 
in going to the absurd length of calling them sons and daughters. 
And, carrying as they did this substitutional idea to so great a length 
during the lifetime of the dog, we are prepared to understand why the 
animal should have been honored by them so highly after its death. 

Although Major Powell, on his " Map of Linguistic Stocks of 
American Indians," does not give the main body of this stock as wide 
a southern range as that mentioned by the Rev. A. G. Morice, still the 
extent of territory covered by the D6ues or Athapascans (including 
those in Arizona, New Mexico and Northern Mexico) is second only to 
the area occupied by the Algonkins, and their culture influence we 
may reasonably suppose to have been correspondingly great. By what 

* Harmon's reference to " the people on the west side of the Rocky Mount- 
ains " applies to the Carriers among whom he lived for several years, and of whom 
the Rev. A. G. Morice says they are " the most important of the western tribes ' 
of the Denes, " that large faiidly of Indians more commonly known under the 
inappropriate names of Thine, Tinneh, or Athabaskan. It extends west of the 
Rockies from the 51 latitude north, and east of that range of mountains from the 
southern branch of the Saskatchewan to the territory of the Esquimaux. Apart 
from the Nabajoes [Navahoes] of New Mexico who are ethnologically connected 
therewith, it is divided into a dozen or more tribes speaking as many dialects." 
Trans, of the Can. Inst., March, 1891, p. 171. 


means it could have been possible for such influence to reach those of 
Iroquoian stock, or whether it ever did, there is no means of knowing 
any more than there is to account for the separation of the present 
unpacific Navahoes and Apaches from their comparatively docile and 
peace loving northern congeners, or to explain why such extreme dif- 
ferences of disposition should exist at all. 

It is quite certain that even in Harmon's day it would have been 
difficult for an Indian to state whether he burned the dog because he 
looked upon it as his son or daughter, or whether he indulged in the 
fiction of so believing because it was customary to treat the dog in 
such human fashion, for it will be observed that the animal was not 
killed for this purpose, but merely so treated when it died, and herein, 
it may be, we have another phase of the lingering substitutional idea 
dating from a time when it was customary to burn the dog with the 
remains of its former owner. Be this as it may, it is tolerably clear 
that the Iroquois ceremony is one that points to a time long prior to 
the appearance of these people on the eastern slope, and to a condition 
of life respecting which we are at liberty to make only wild guesses. 

Dr. Brinton, to whom I wrote asking for his opinion as to the 
philosophy of this ceremony, very courteously replied. " I am fully 
persuaded that the sacrifice of the white dog among the Iroquois had 
a deeper symbolism than was suggested by our late friend, Mr. Horatio 
Hale. In American religions, the dog was extensively connected with 
Beliefs in the life after death, and the journey of the soul to the land 
of joy. In Mexico, among the Aztecs, Zapotecs and others, a reddish 
dog was sacrificed during the funeral rites ; and a dog is often repre- 
sented in the Maya MSS. as a mythical, symbolic animal. The graves 
of the ancient Peruvians often contain canine bones. 

" Von Tschudi claims that in many native religions they were 
'closely related with cosmogonical and culture myths.' He is certainly 
correct, and in the Iroquois ceremonial I would recognize the survival 
of an ancient belief which connects the advent of the New Year with 
faith in personal immortality. Of course the color, white, is symbolic 
of light, life, and re-birth. 

" The words in the original, the chants and formulas, would hint at 

O * 

the meaning, and though Hale gives them in translation, we should 
like them in native form." 

With some such hope as that suggested in the last sentence of 
Prof. Brinton 's letter, I had made an effort to secure as much as pos- 
sible of the ritual in the Mohawk dialect of the Iroquois tongue, and 
it is satisfactory to know that the plan commends itself to so high an 


authority.* The last hope of arriving at any knowledge respect- 
ing the symbolism of the rites (so far as the Iroquois are 
concerned) lies in a critical examination of what may be hidden in 
in some archaic word or turn of expression concerning which the 
Indians themselves are profoundly ignorant. As is pointed out else- 
where, the words employed in most of their songs have long since lost 
their meaning, and no doubt this is also the case respecting numerous 
words used in speeches and addresses. 

General J. S. Clark, who has given much thought to this and 
kindred subjects connected with the social and religious customs of the 
Iroquois, writes to me respecting their religious beliefs, more especially 
as these seem to have a bearing on the Burning of the White Dog, 
that while he has some difficulty in harmonizing the material in his 
hands relating to the Great White Wolf, the Infernal Wolf and the 
Devil, he is of the opinion that these refer "to the God of war, 
Agreskoui, as known to the Hurons and Iroquois." He points out 
that " Megapolensis makes a clear distinction between Tharonhiawa- 
gon and Agreskoui of the Mohawks, making the latter represent 
the Devil, and the former the Supreme God," because " sacrifices were 
never made to Tharonhiawagon " whereas " they did worship and 
present offerings to Agreskoui." 

In proof of this the General cites Jogue's account of the burning 
and eating of a woman and two bears ; and Brebeuf's story concerning 
a similar horrible feast in the Huron country, to placate Agreskoui. 
After pointing out that Parkman believed Agreskoui to be identical 
with the sun, General Clark proceeds. 

" There is much to warrant this conclusion ' Parkman says also 
that Agreskoui was the same as Jouskeha, but with different attri- 
butes. This appears also to be in accord with the very general beliefs 
of the more advanced tribes three hundred years ago. The Aztecs, 
the Mayas, and others had a way of subdivision to make six, eight, or 
ten different deities from the same person, according to their attri- 
butes, giving them distinct names and distinct forms.t Now as the 
Jesuit missionaries among the Hurons identified the ' Infernal Wolf ' 
as the veritable devil, and the early writers respecting the Mohawks 
describe Agreskoui as the same character, it appears highly probable 

* Too much praise cannot be given to Ka-nis-han-don, who acted as Master of 
Ceremonies at last New Year's Festival in the Seneca long house, for the great 
trouble he has taken to repeat word for word the most important parts of the ritual 
in the Seneca dialect. I have to thank him also for numerous personal favors by 
way of explanation, afforded to me before and after the Sacrifice of the White Dog. 

tThe Greeks, Romans, Hindoos and others did the same thing. 


that the Infernal Wolf was also the 'Great White Wolf the proto- 
type and original of the Wolf gens of the Hurons, Iroquois and 
kindred tribes. We know that the white animals, such as the buffalo, 
deer, bear and wolf, are held at the present day as having peculiarly 
close relations to their Pagan deities, for t^e reason that the deities 
themselves and all their subordinates are supposed to be white. The 
representative tribe among the Iroquois, having closer relations with 
the deities than any other, was the Mohawk, from whom all the others 
descended the most eastern of all, where the sun rises 'the white 
land,' ' the bright land.' 

The great divinity of the Algonkins was " the great White One," 
or the White Hare, and Jouskeha was also white, as were all the other 
of the great and beneficent gods whose residence was in the Sun, or, 
as often expressed, was the Sun itself. This idea ranged over both 
continents. All the Iroquois were sun -worshippers in this view, and at 
an early day ; and all were keepers of the Sacred Fire, as representing 
the Sun. Charlevoix says that all the Huron sachems were accounted 
Children of the Sun, and the relation of the Iroquois sachems could 
not have varied materially from this. In describing the Natchez, he 
says the practice of keeping the Sacred Fire prevailed extensively up 
to his time, and that the beliefs of the Hurons and Iroquois were not 
far removed from those of the Natchez, whose principal chief, as 
claimed, was the Sun itself. On the chief's death, his wife, relations 
and servants generally were strangled that they might be able to 
accompany him to the regions of the blessed in the Sun. I am very 
much inclined to the opinion that the burning of the White Dog was 
not a sacrifice in any sense, but simply a special preparation as a 
message-bearer or messenger to the power above.* That strings of 
shell beads are burned with the dog is but carrying out the idea that 
credit should be given only to messages accompanied by wampum. The 
relations of the white dog to the originals of the animal kingdom 
above were of the closest character, as were their relations to the 
people below. The ceremony appears to be significant, and precisely 
that accompanying the installation of a message-bearer between differ- 
ent tribes, by repeating the message in the presence of the victim 
before the spirit had left the body, and then, by the action of fire, 
enabling the spirit to take its passage to the ' mansions above.' 

* Some such idea exists among the pagans, now-a-days, one of whom informed 
me that Ska-ne-o-dy-o wishing on a certain occasion to send a message to the Great 
Spirit, when he could not go himself, strangled his dog for this purpose. Some 
time afterwards when " up there" on very important business, he not only saw the 
dog, but the dog recognized him, by its fawning upon him and licking his hand. 


Hale gives Rononghwireghtonh as the Great Wolf of the 
Onondagas who alone formed a distinct class or clan, and apparently 
was a subordinate of the White Wolf of the Mohawks, which, in turn 
was a subordinate of The Great White Wolf above, whose residence 
was in the Sun, if, indeed, it was not the Sun itself. It is not to be 
expected that anything of importance can be learned at the present 
day from the myths among the Iroquois, beyond possibly some hints 
throwing light on the ancient customs and beliefs. I am quite certain, 
however, that the ground work here laid down, will be found to be in 
accordance with the beliefs of the more advanced tribes, or, at least 
will accord with a composite picture of such beliefs. 

Cuoq gives (p. 32) Okwari as white bear, and Okwaho as loup or 
wolf, and I am confident that both should be rendered white, i.e. 
White Bear and White Wolf. 

He gives also lorakwa-werhostakwa, as umbrella, parasol, that 
is, sun-shades. He quotes Karakwa as Sun (p. 11). The similarities 
between lorakwa and Iroquois, and Cheroke, or as changed from 
French to English pronounciation Erokoua, and Cherokoue, are evident. 
I am certain that these names Iroquois and Cheroke were based on the 
word for Sun, and that M. Cuoq will see it in this light. 

The war-cry of the Iroquois was " koue," or " go-weh," as pro- 
nounced by some, and this is the word that Charlevoix makes the 
basis of the name Iroquois. The root koue, or koua appears in all 
words relating to the Sun, bear or wolf." 

As the foregoing is the substance of a letter to me, written with- 
out being intended for publication, but which I have since been kindly 
permitted to quote, it is to be regarded rather as conjectural than 
determinate, but the line of argument employed is so original and so 
reasonable, as to render it worthy of record as a contribution to the 
surmises and theories respecting the ceremony of Burning the White 

Based, as these conjectures are, mainly or wholly on the assump- 
tion that Indian forms of religious belief were the outcome of Sun- 
worship, to the study of which General Clark is devoting much time 
and scholarly attention, it is satisfactory to be able to state that 
philological researches he has since made are such as more fully to 
confirm his theory. 

In a former communication the same gentleman reminded me that 
" the burning of the dog, and a spotted dog at that, was certainly 


practiced by the Mayas, and apparently was substituted for human 
sacrifice under the reformation of Quetzalcoatl." 

It will be observed that between Von Tschudi's contention as cited 
by Dr. Brinton, namely, that in many native religions the presence of 
dogs was ' closely related with cosmogonical and culture myths ' a 
statement with which Dr. Brinton himself agrees and the belief of 
General Clark that the burning of the dog took its rise in connection 
with Sun-worship, there is no want of harmony. It is only when we 
come to particulars that there is any divergence, and even this may 
be more apparent than real. In either case the substitutional idea is 
applicable, whether the victim was used as a messenger, or as an 

It is not likely we shall ever know for certain what were the 
primitive notions in detail respecting the ceremony in question, but it 
is possible that in course of time investigation will yield results 
enabling us in a general way to connect it with some fundamental cul- 
ture-myth affecting not only the Iroquois, but the whole American 
race, or a very large proportion of it. 

Meanwhile it is probable that the ceremony of burning the White 
Dog will continue in vogue not perhaps as long as there are pagans 
on the reserve, but, at any rate, for some years. 


" Great Master, behold here all of our people who hold the old 
faith, and who intend to abide by it. 

By means of this dog being burned we hope to please Thee, and 
that just as we have decked it with ribbons and wampum, Thou wilt 
grant favors to us Thy own people. 

I now place the dog on the fire that its spirit may find its way to 
Thee who made it, and made everything, and thus we hope to get 
blessings from Thee in return. 

He throws the dog on the fire and proceeds : 

Although, Great Master, there are not so many of us who worship 
Thee in this way as there were in old times, those who are here are as 
faithful as ever now, therefore, listen to us Thou who art far away 
above us, and who made every living thing. 

We ask that the sun will continue to shine on us and make all 
things grow. 

We ask that the moon may always give us light by night. 


We ask that the clouds may never cease to give us rain and snow. 

We ask that the winds from the east and west and north and 
south may always blow. 

We ask that the trees and everything that springs from the 
ground may grow. 

We ask that these blessings may help us through life, and that 
we may remain true to our belief in Thee, and we will make Thee 
another offering like this next year. 

Save us from aU harm until that time, and make us obedient to 
our chiefs and others who have power. 

Guide them so that they may act wisely for the people and save 
them from all harm. 

Be good, Great Master, to the warriors and to the young men, 
making them strong and healthy so that they may always be able to 
do everything they ought to do. 

Great Master, we ask also that Thou wouldst be kind to the 
women until our next feast. Make them strong and healthy so that 
they may be able always to do everything they ought to do. 

Take away all our sickness and all our troubles. Make us happy 
and healthy and strong to enjoy life. 

Great Master, make us all peaceable and kindly that we may live 
happily and contentedly as we should do. 

Cause the plants that cure us when we are ill to grow up strong 
for our use so that they do what Thou madest them to do. 

And, Great Master, may the coming season bring us plenty of 
sunshine and breezes, and may everything grow well for our use dur- 
ing the summer time. 

May all the trees that bear fruit, and may everything that comes 
out of the ground as our food grow in the best way for us to enjoy. 

Great Master, we ask, too, that Thou wouldst send us all sorts of 
animals, large and small, for food and clothing, and cause the birds to 
live and increase in number. 

May the scent of the tobacco I have thrown on the fire rise till it 
reaches Thee to let Thee know that we are still good that we do not 
forget Thee, and that Thou mayest give us all we have asked. 

SCATTERING OF ASHES. (Ro-non-wa-ro-rih.) 

On the day following the Burning of the Dog, two runners 
appointed by the Old Men (Ro-dik-sten-ha) summon the people to stir, 
or scatter ashes at the Longhouse the following day. On entering 
each house the runner himself scatters ashes, after which, addressing 


the heads of the household he informs them that according to the wish 
of Niyoh (the Creator) they are to appear at the Longhouse the follow- 
ing day, and to be sure to take the children with them. He then sings: 

Ka-weh-no deh, 




N e-ka- don-neh,* 

which may be repeated several times, when he concludes by saying 
" Now you must all go to the Longhouse if possible." On the following 
day when all are assembled in the Longhouse, runners again scatter 
ashes, and when this is over, the speaker representing Taronyawagoii-f- 
delivers the following address which is also employed at the opening 
of other festivals. 

On this, as on all other occasions, each speaker addresses those on 
the opposite side (or end) of the house as his cousins. At the con- 
clusion of his set speech, the Taronyawagon informs his cousins that 
such a one has been appointed by the Two Brothers, or the Four 
Brothers, as the case may be, (for the appointment is an alternate one, 
annually) Master of Ceremonies, and the Master of Ceremonies in turn 
appoints a leader of the " Paddle Party." 

After a reply has been made to the opening speech by one from 
the opposite side, Taronyawagon says : 

Da onenh onkyaraseson niseh wahsadeweyennondahneh. Yatgwa- 
Now, cousins, you are quite ready. We 

nonweradonh kadih tsih onenh agwah s'kaneh wadidewaderaneh. 
give our thanks then because now all is well (and) we have met. 

*It is tolerably certain that these words at one time had some significence. 
At present Mr. Brant Sero informs me, there is none beyond what may be extracted 
from the first two syllables "Ka-weh," or Ko-we, used until somewhat recently as 
an expression of self-satisfaction on the accomplishment of any unusual or desirable 
act, and even this maybe but a coincidence. (Compare with Gen. Clark's reference 
to Icoue, or go-weh, ante p. 104.) 

This condition is observable among other primitive peoples. One of the latest 
references I have seen occurs in Dr. Walter E. Roth's Ethnological Studies among 
the North- West-Central Queensland Aborigines, p. 170, (1897) where the author 
says, "During this procession the singing is done by the men within the enclosure : 
. . . but unfortunately its meaning is unintelligible even to the singers themselves. " 
For a copy of the above valuable work, I am indebted to the Hon. Sir Thomas 
Mcllwraith, Premier of Queensland. 

fCusic spells it Tarenyawagon, and translates it Holder of the Heavens. But 
the name is evidently a compound of garonhia, sky, softened in the Onondaga 
dialect to taronhia (see Gallatin's Vocabs, under the word sky) and wagin, I come." 

Note p. U05, 3rd ed. Myths of the New World, by Dr. D. G. Brinton. 


Enserhek kadih sanigonrahnenyawenneh. Onenh wahadihon- 

You should wish, then your mind accordingly so. Now they have 

karyak kentho ronadenonsokdagwenh ra onha ne ne Shohkahdonah 
chosen here, this end of the house he (him) that is (such a one) 

ne ne onsongwakawets serawinyonh. Onenh dahbondasawen 
who will to us paddles distribute. Now they have begun 

to scatter the ashes. 

Two men representing the opposite sides of the Longhouse now 
hand newly made paddles to men, women and children of their 
respective gentes. One appointed by the Taronyawagon heads all the 
others who leave the Longhouse and march in single file to the opposite 
end where they enter by the other door and remain at that end round 
the fire. As the Two Brothers had precedence this year, they 
went out by the east door, taking the north circuit of the Longhouse 
to the west door. During the march round the Longhouse, several 
young men are stationed here and there with loaded guns which are 
fired just before those in line re enter. This is supposed to attract or 
direct the attention of the real Taronyawagon. 

When all are inside, the leader (this year, He-es-gonh, John 
Silversmith) makes the following address : 

Onkyarase Yahdyagwadaneh katsiyenhakdah yongwadonhahereh 
To my cousins. We stand beside the fire with uplifted hearts 

segon; skennenh niyongwanigonhrodenh. Waietsidewanonweradon. 
once more; all is well in our minds. We thank him (who is) 

Songwaniyoh, wahagwenih segon dondayagwadaweyadeh ne tsiyohse- 
Our Ruler (that) was again cause us to enter after a 

rah wadewahgwadaseh oknehsaagwayadah segon domayagwadohhets- 
year round our own selves again; we are passing 

deh tsi ronwadekadennih ronaderihhondeh ronwadekadennih, 
where the fire is appointed built for him, 

Holder of the heavens. 

Onenh hadih yongwanonwarorih. 
So, now. we scatter ashes. 


Free translation. 

" Chiefs and women, (office-bearers), we stand at the fireside 
firstly to scatter ashes. 

All people dwelling on earth (may) observe the ceremony without 
any trouble, now that the time of observance again arrives. I am 
Master of the Mid-winter festival now going on, therefore are we tip- 
ping the paddle of Taronyawagon, (Holder of the Heavens), and there- 
fore now hear these direct (or plain) words, without pause (or hesitation). 
The Great Spirit sitting above (sees) we have observed the 
ceremonies in praises and offerings of thanksgiving. 

We, the chiefs and women, office-bearers, people generally, and 
children, have all again passed by the fire built for Him, by the office- 
bearers ; therefore the singer will sing the ceremonial song (God's 
song) for the last time. 

After this the following song is sung. It is known as the song of 
Rononwarorih, or " tipping the paddle " wahadikawetsserakawen- 
radeh, "they tip the paddle." 

Ko we no deh 
Hye ke ha na 

O hoh ! 

Hye ke na o, 
Hye ke na o, 
Hye hi ke 
Hye ka noo 
Hye ka noo 
Hye e heh !"* 

At the conclusion of this song the leader of the paddle party 
turns to the acting Taronyawagon, and says " Onenh, eh na a gwa 
gwe nih " This is all we are able to do," and the paddles are returned 
to the Master of Ceremonies. Then those representing the opposite 
side of the Longhouse file out at the west end making a south circuit 
and re-enter by the east door, where, standing round the eastern fire, a 
similar ceremony is performed. 

* According to another statement I took down, the following song (known as 
God's Song) is sung during the proceedings : 

Ni-ya-wa n -ha 

Ni-ya-wa n -ha 

Na-a-a heh. 

Na-ka-de-w n 

No-go-da- neh 

Wa-ka-de-wa n 

Nats-ho n -no-neh 



These processions are kept up alternately by members represent- 
ing the opposite sides of the Longhouse until every one has " passed 
the fire," and the first night's proceedings come to a close after the 
following address by Taronyawagon. 

Onenh kadi Ra onha Songwayadison Songwanorongwah, ty- 
Now therefore, He Our Maker, He, who loves us, we 

Ongwehonweh ne kadi aoriwa, undewadonderenh yah ni 
Indians, so, therefore, manner of cause sorrow and regret not we 

ih thaedewagwenih aedewayanenhaweh-tsiok nikasennes 
ourselves are not able to follow the course restricted, time and 

ne oiigwanigonrahagwegon-tsinonkadi Songwasaennih 

distance our whole minds in the matter of He, (or, Him) finished 

tsini yongwarihoten ken i ken yongwadenniseradehnyonh. 
for us our present custom this our daily lives. 

Skaneh kadi myedewadenhnigonrayenh yongwaderi yendareh 

Peaceful therefore place our minds where we know 

yodonh Songwayadison kananonh, dentsidewanonweradon tsiniyong- 
possible Our Maker fully offer our thanksgiving according 

waderiyendareh yoderihwagwarisshonh. 
to our knowledge honorable and straight. 

Etno kadi nikariwakeh ensewarkarekeh tyoriwadoken, 
Here, therefore, number of words you are to expect, direct words 

ne i-ihneh entkadadih Keriwennawe karihwayendaghgwen 
from me I will speak, I: Custom Bearer, am the leader 


Onenh kadi ondewadoris hon kentho wahsondaden. 
Now therefore we will rest here this night. 

After which the Master of Ceremonies makes a speech, informing the people 
that the Creator himself has turned or scattered ashes and is pleased to know that 
the people follow his example. He also refers to the dances that are to follow 
making special mention of the Bear and False-Face dances inumating that if good 
results are expected from participating in these, the actors must engage in them 


The next night's proceedings are now usually announced. This 
year the Speaker told the people to bring their costumes for use in the 
Big Feather Dance and The Skin Dance. Taronyawagon, he said was 
going to commence the amusement part of the proceeding, after such a 
solemn observance of " Tipping the Paddle." 

Where it is necessary to hold a second -meeting of this kind, that 
all may have an opportunity to pass the fire, the proceedings are much 
the same as on the first night until the time arrives for the last Paddle 
Party which is composed of chiefs, warriors and women representing 
the whole of the Longhouse. This party does not walk round the 
Longhouse. This year each end was represented by two chiefs, one 
warrior and two women. 

There is no dancing on the first night, nor on the second night 
until all present have turned the ashes. 

As soon as the ceremonies of the final paddle party came to an 
end, the Speaker says: 

We stand 

beside the fire. 

Yongwaderihondon ne radihsonnowanen Yedhinis- 

We, office bearers, that is great names (chiefs), ony and women 


(our mothers) 


hondon tsi eh niyoh donyonetsheharohgwadeh 
firstly it is so they scatter ashes 


onwen tsi yakeh 
on earth 

ne agongwedah entyagononwarorisek 

my people the act of performing the ceremony 

enyena ke re 

segon enkag- 
again (is) made 

wenih sken non, yonsakaheweh. lihkyadagweh niyoh 

possible without hindrance, time now reach'd. I am master so 

sadeyoserihon non w eh 
mid-winter then 

niwathawih yoderiwadetyon. Onenh 
time ceremony going on. Now, 

kadi onhonwakawetserakaron ne Taronyawagon. 

therefore the tipping of the paddle of the Holder of the Heavens. 

*The meaning here is obscure, but may either refer to the use of horns in scat- 
tering the ashes, or that they who figuratively wore horns (the chiefs) were now 
taking a prominent part in the ceremony. See Chiefship following. 


Eh kadi nad kari wadokend onenh endisat hondeh 
so therefore direct words now hear without 

tsi hon. Niyoh Karonhyake desideroh onenh, wa a gwa 
pause. God heaven in sitting now we have 

dewen noDgohdeh 

passed the wood : (i.e., observed the thanksgiving ceremonies). 

Radisonnowanen, yedhinistenha Yonaderihondon Kenthog- 
Great names our mothers office bearers people 

wakeh yahothenenh dekarihandagwenh ony cksaaogonh 

(generally) none whatever (un) represented and children 

a gwe gonh segon Sayon do hets deh ne Eon wa de kah den neh 
ail again passed once more at Hre built for Him 

Ro na de ri hon deh Da o nenh kadi en to non wa ro rih 
office bearers Now therefore ceremonial song 

ne yes ka kon deh 
last time. 

The following is a slightly different version of the same speech, 
without any translation. Students may make a comparison. 

Yahtyagwadeh atsiyenhaktha ronaderihonpeh ne Radisonnowan- 
ens ne ony yethinistenhah yonaderihonne ony ne ohhondoh ne tsih 
eh niyoh en-typot shehoharodakgwens enhdakehnakaronyadih non- 
weantsiakeh enyenakerek ne agongwehdah entyagononhwarorisek 
tsisegon enkagwenihagwegon rennonh yenkaheweh. Sadyohseribonh 
onenh ih enyyadagweniyoh onenh enyoderiwahdendi-on onenh kadi 
" onhonwakawehsaweanhadon " ne Taronyawagon da-onenh kadi 
ehnathkarihaw wadokent onenh kadi endisatbondetsihon Niyoh eh 
karonhyeh desideroh onenh wa-ongwaweannongohdeh Radisennowan- 
ens ronaderihondeh yethinistenhah yonaderihhondeh kenthogwakeh 
yabothdnenh dekarihondahgenh ne ony exsaaogonnih yetakhenondiyes 
onwentsiyakesons ehdake ony onweantsiake segonh yondeserenontys 
ne ne exsaaogonh ne ony segonh "Karhhonkeh-yagoyadnodakdonh 
aawegon eh sayondohhets ne Ronwadekadennih, Ronaderihonhdeh. 
Da-onenh kadi enthononwarorih ne yeskahkondeh. A warrior sings 


The Master of Ceremonies brings the proceedings to a close by 
making the address following : 

Rariwehnhaweh Da*-onenh ken-i-ken wadidewadohhetsde 
the keeper of the faith now then this we have passed 

tsinonweh orihwiyon yohrihowanen ahedeweyarake 

where the sure word of great importance we ought to remember 

tsi ne ne Songwayahdison songwarihwisaumnih 

that He who made our bodies originated custom made for us 

tsinenyongwarihohdenhakeh ne ne tyon Gwehonweh. 
for us to observe and follow we, the real people. 

Da-onen ken-i-ken enkarihwadokenhakeh tyttgon 

now then this established custom always 

endewehyarakeh Dendewadennodhweradon-sek tsi nonkadih ne 
remember we should offer thanks to the one that is 

ne Eawenniyoh-kek. 

Great Ruler. 

Da-onen ken-i-ken kadi yeyoheh shadeyohserihion tsi ni 
now then this time mid- winter whereon 

haweron Songwayadison, etho nonweh nenwathawih 

purposed Our Maker then and there [these] season 

" Ontyagononwarorih." 
ceremonial practices. 

Da-onen kadi ken-iken ongwanigonra awerkek ondorishon 
now this then our minds desired rest 

tsi nahoten niwatyerhah. 

from whatever doings of the present. 

Da-onen kadi ken-i-ken agwegon yongwats honnonnih tsi nigon 
now this then all we are happy at the number 

*" Da," is used as an introductory expletive by Mohawk (or Canieng ) speakers 
and has little more force than the word " well" so commonly employed for a simi- 
lar purpose in English. 
8 C.I. 


ne ne Eksaaogon yondatyatheweh ne ne ayagodesennayendaneh 
of children that are brought to exercise their privilege 

nok watyontseharokgyadeh. 
and to have scattered aahes. 

Da-onen kadi ken-i-ken segon kahnigonriyoh wadetshenryes 
now this then yet [is] good-mind to be found 

tsi yagotkennison ne ne Ongwe kentho onwentsiakeh. 
where gather the People here on earth. 

Da-onen kadi ken-i-ken endewadorihon kentho wasendadeh 
now this then stop and rest this moment this night 

Unyorhonneh unyokaraweh onen undisewahawe waghgwennyayerih 
To-morrow night then you will bring full costume 

densewanonnyagwen "Ostoragowah " onen unhadewennongohdeh ne ne 
to dance Big Feather when word will pass through [from] 

Mharonya wagon. 
Holder of Heaven. 

Free Translation. 

Now that we have passed through a great and important cere- 
mony we should remember that it was Our Maker who created and 
originated a custom suitable for us " real people " (Indians) to observe 
and follow. This custom we should always remember with thanks- 
giving to Our Great Ruler. Our maker purposely choose the mid- 
winter season whereon to observe this ceremonial practice. We are 
all happy to see the number of children brought here to enable them 
to have the privilege of " scattering ashes." 

Not having been present at this portion of the mid-winter festival 
myself I must confess that the foregoing account does not enable me 
to understand as much about it as I would like, for although there is 
no doubt a great deal that is inexplicable, still, it would seem that 
some things might be made clearer. The information as it stands was 
gleaned at various times from intelligent Indians, but no description is 
equal^to the use of one's eyes and ears on the occasion. 



(Kanonsesneh -akah) 
Long House-of the 

Wadoken-s tsini wat ha wih onenh da hon dah sa wenh 
At a stated time now they begin 

Wa hondon nonh wa rorih etho Ka non ses neh. Wix ni tyso non 
mid-winter ceremonies there at the Longhouse. Five sleeps after 

we don-Dis kon nah ni wehnih do denh etho dyo dah sawenh. 
February kind of moon there commence. 

Ah sen ni kayen ne ne kayerih ni we ni se ra keh ka ronh 
There of the four days before 

ts i ni yo reh " Watyonts se ha rokgwah dek " deh niyah seh 
the time of "Scattering "ashes" two men 

wahhon wa di rih hon don ne ne Ongweh hogon ya got ken nison 
are appointed by the Real People gathered 

tsi wa deri wa no deh ken-i ken tsi yagon onh sodon ny aa neh 
at the " Preaching," that they might homes of people go to 

ah yat ro rih ken-i-ken ni ka wen no don : Onenh areh 
telling this words following : Now again 

yonsa kahe weh aese wa rih wa ron keh ken-i-ken 'ka nonh wa 
time arrived you to hear this mid -winter 

ro rih ' konwa yats a-o-rih wa keh. Etho Ka non ses neh 
ceremony named matter. There at the Longhouse 

' un wa dah ken ro ronksyonh ' yo ri ho wa nenh un wade rih wah- 
' Ashes uncovered ' great matter will go 

den dih - Ta ron ya wa gori ] Song wa wen-Niyoh Ra yah dag 
on - Holder of Heaven Our Ruler so Master of Cere- 

weh-niyoh tis non weh Ron wa de kah den nih ne ne Ongwe 
monies, so where the fire is built by the Real 


hogon Songwa wen niyoh ra on ha ro ri wi son nen yago ri ho 
People. Our Ruler so He finished the people's 

ten hakeh kentho On hwen tsi ya keh ro nonh Segon 
customs here of the earth yet 

ya go da den ronh. Etho ka di ka tsi yen hak dah a gwe gon 
living. There then beside of the fire all 

ne ne Ongwehhogon don yon do hets deh enye rih wa ye ri deh 
the Real people will pass by doing their duty 

En yon de wen non goh deh ne ne kendon othenen ye rih 
word passing meaning something they are 

wa nek ha ayagoyada ken hasken nenh a yen nonh don nyon 
asking helpful to them peaceful thoughts 

Ongweh-hogon tyet gon " on yon de nonh wa ro risek eh," onenh 
Real People always observe mid-winter ceremonies now 

don hon wa nonh we ra don ne ne Song wa wen niyoh. Agwegon 
they offer thanks to Our Ruler so all 

kadi ne ne exaogon yenyets shi yah denh haweh-onih yen yets- 
then children must carry also led by 

hinonts hi neh katsi yenhak dah day on doh hets deh tsi non weh 
the arm beside of the fire to pass by where 

ronwa de kah den nih ne ne Ta ronya wa gon Agwe gon 

they built the fire for Holder of Heaven all 

tsi niy a gon ne ne Ongweh dony on do hets deh katsi yen hak 
of the number of people who will pass besides of the 

dah Don yonts he ha rok gwa deh thoiken kendon yo rih ho 
fire Scattering ashes this matter meaning a great 

wa nenh. I seh kadi saksten hah ka rih wayendah gwen 
deal. You then old body resting with you 

dokah ken eny a goy do ren neh Sah wa tsi reh ken-i-ken 
should your get the chance family of this 


yo rih ho wa nenh onenh on de ri wah den dih etho. Ni ka wen 
great matter now the matter has begun there. The num- 

na ken, wa ki ron. Sha ya dah ken-i-ken Den ha ri wa gweh: 
ber of words,! have spoken. Other man this will sing: 

Koh-weh-noo doh 



"Koh-weh" = by-word 

Ne-ka don neh 

Note. Words of the Last 
two Lines mean: "Words 
pitiful, I am saying." 
The rest of the words 
have 110 longer any 

expressing surprise, 
(very old). 

Da onenh kadi Se wa gwe gon ka non sis neh nyen hense weh 
Now then all of you to the Longhouse shall go 

etho ye nse wats hen rih dyonak do deh ya dense wa yah da 
there you will find room for yourselves 

ye rih neh a gwe gon. 

Da etho kadi nika wen na ken wa ki ron. Onenh enya kya 
There so much then the words I have spoken. Now we are 

do hets dek. 


On Sunday, May 8th, I was present at the Spring Sun Dance, 
which began in the Cayuga longhouse at about 11.30 a.m. When the 
proceedings began there were only a hundred and twenty-five persons 
seated, but before the close of the festival upwards of two hundred 
found places, all the women sitting at the east end, and all the men at 
the west end. 

The ceremonies were opened by an aged, powerfully built and 
anything but handsome Cayuga, who, addressing those present, repeated 
the usual rote speech thanking the earth for having yielded grass> 
trees, tobacco and medicine ; the thunder for supplying rain, and for 
preventing the serpents from coming up through the ground and des- 


troy ing the people ;* the sun for giving light by day and heat to make 
crops, grass, berries and trees grow, and for giving health ; the moon 
for giving light and heat at night, and for producing dew ; the Four 
Angels for protecting us from sickness, disease and accident ; and the 
Great Spirit for providing everything, and governing all things, 
although we do not see him now, and never will see him unless we are 

Most of the dances engaged in were similar to those connected 
with the New Year ceremonies, but there were a few variations. 

One feature was the more prominent part taken by the women, 
who, after the first dance, ranged themselves to the number of eleven 
on the south side of the song-bench, which always stands in the middle 
of the Longhouse, and parallel with its longer sides, that is, east and 
west. Before taking their places, one of them informed the leading 
man or master of ceremonies that the women desired to sing, and he 
made an announcement to this effect. Another man handed a rattle 
to each of the two women standing at the east end of the more south- 
erly row. One of these rattles was made from about four inches in 
the middle of a cow's horn, the ends being closed with neatly fitted 
pieces of thin wood, through which the handle passed. The other was 
a small turtle shell, perfectly closed underneath and without any 
handle in this respect being unlike the larger kind used by the men 
on the song-bench. When in use it is grasped with a span crosswise, 
lower side up, and both it and the horn rattle were beaten on the palm 
of the left hand. When the end woman had sung a short song to the 
accompaniment of her own rattle :the horn one and that of her 
neighbor, the instruments were handed to other two women westwards 
in the same row who also sang, and when all on that row had sung 
who cared to sing, the rattles were returned to the east end, when the 
woman who sang first handed them to the two who faced her on the 
northerly row, after which they were again passed towards the west 
as one woman after another agreed or refused to sing. Once more they 
were passed to the woman at the east end of the row, who handed 
them to the first singer standing opposite, who presented them to the 
man that gave them to her, who placed them in the log from which he 
took them at first, and the women dispersed to their seats. 

* The Iroquoian belief is totally at variance with the ancient Algonkian form 
as set forth in a letter written to me by General J. S. Clark, on the Otonabee Ser- 
pent Mound, in which he says, " If the Thunder Bird had been allowed to propagate 
its species there would have been no chance of living on the earth with more than one, 
so the rattlesnake was constantly on the alert for the eggs, and while the mother 
bird was absent from the nest, engaged in tearing things to pieces generally, the 
rattlesnake was slyly crawling up crushing and devouring the eggs. The crushing 
of the eggs gave rise to the thunder." 


While the singing was going on some of the women, with a larger 
admixture of European than of Indian blood, beat time to the rattles 
with their right feet, and it was observed that all of them seemed to 
derive a little amusement from the exercises, for in the passing of the 
rattles from hand to hand a few jocular remarks were sometimes inter- 
changed, followed by quiet but hearty laughter. 

Anointing of Heads. 

After a few more dances in which both sexes, young and old par- 
ticipated, two ,middle-aged women on each side arose, one of each 
being provided with a small quantity of sunflower oil (resembling lard 
in appearance), in the lids of small tin cans, and, beginning at the north- 
west and southwest corners respectively, proceeded to anoint the heads 
of all present, one women holding the oil while the other used her right 
forefinger to take a little of it, which, being transferred to her left 
palm was then spread by rubbing between both hands, before being 
applied to the crown of each head with four down strokes. The two 
women on the north'side of the Longhouse having completed their task 
before the other two, crossed to the south side and assisted in anointing 
some of the men there, an act which at least tended to show that there 
was no clan or other restriction connected with this ceremony, the 
purpose of which is to symbolize that fruitfulness or abundance which 
all present desire as a return for the labor connected with planting. 

After this ceremony came the Four Night Dance, very properly 
so called, for it lasted upwards of three-quarters of an hour and supplied 
enough exercise to last any reasonable person a whole week ! This 
dance was engaged in by men and women and was really a series of 
dances, for the music and steps changed frequently. Twelve singers 
occupied two song benches and sat six and six, one row facing the 
other. The chief singer had the drum, and six of the others were pro- 
vided with rattles. Some of the women who had been engaged very 
actively in several of the former dances were first to come forward to 
this one, although they were well aware that it meant nearly an hour's 
brisk exercise. Perhaps this was why they all removed their head 
coverings. During the first fifteen minutes there were not more than 
fifteen women on the floor, but soon men dropped in, then more 
women and men promis-cuously (but those of each sex following each 
other immediately, the women leading), until when the dance closed 
with a whoop there were eighty-four on the floor, most of whom, it is 
needless to say, retired to their seats very warm. 


The pigeon dance was performed without singers on the bench. 
Four men stood two and two near the east end of the Longhouse, and 
faced south, the two in front having a horn rattle a-piece. Singing 
for a few seconds without moving, they then began to circle (starting 
westwards) about the box-stove at that end of the building. For 
a few minutes it seemed as if these four were likely to have the 
floor to themselves, but as they warmed to their work, others, 
moved by the spirit of the song, the rattle and the rhythmical 
trip of the dancers, took their places, until the circuit of the 
dance included the song-bench as well as the stove. Up to this 
time only six women had joined, and as they came forward 
tripping in single file to the time of the music, they moved in 
a direction opposite to that of the men who opened their ranks to let 
the women go through. This extremely spirited dance attracted so 
many that it was soon necessary to move round the whole available 
area, and as the single file of women was much longer than the double 
file of men, many women formed in with the men, until there were in 
all, a hundred and twenty- two persons engaged, the lack of drum and 
noisy turtle-rattles being more than made up by the responsive whoops 
of the onlookers. This dance was quite unlike those of the same name 
I saw at the Seneca Longhouse. 

Before the beginning of this festival, five or six women and girls 
were busying themselves in a shanty at the east end of the Longhouse 
preparing two large sugar-kettles full of corn-soup so-called, but which 
consists also of a considerable quantity of beans. The fire was lighted 
on the ground and over it the kettle was suspended from a pole sup- 
ported by two crotched uprights on opposite sides of the fire Shortly 
after the opening of the proceedings two caldrons were brought into 
the Longhouse, each carried on a pole \>y two men and placed on the 
floor, one on the north, and the other on the south side of the stove at 
the east end, where they remained until the close of the afternoon 
dances, when a number of men proceeded to dip from the contents of 
one into tin pails and cups belonging to those present, while others 
distributed cakes and buns of wheat flour from a large basket that 
had stood on the top of the stove already mentioned, and into which 
basket many of the women on entering the Longhouse had emptied 
their contributions of this kind from baskets, tin pails and paper bags. 

At this time (about half-past four o'clock) it was undecided 
whether to continue the dances immediately after the eating or to 
adjourn until eight or nine o'clock, and none of the chiefs or "warriors' 
could afford the least information, as the settlement of the question 


was in the hands of the women, who ultimately considered very wisely 
to go on with the ceremonies, consume the rest of the soup, and get 
home with the children in good time 

I did not stay to see the second part of the festival, having been 
given to understand that it would not vary in character from what I 
had seen. 

During the whole time there was no other white man present but 
myself, and although I was a total stranger, I was treated with perfect 
courtesy. When the cakes were distributed a share was handed to 
me, 1 am quite sure I might have had a cupful of soup for the asking, and 
I am equally certain that if I had shown any willingness during the 
anointing ceremony, my head would have received its portion of the 
sacred sunflower oil. 

Indians are neither offensively inquisitive, nor ostentatiously 
polite, and this holds true even when there is a good deal of mixed 
blood. I sat outside for a long time with several of the oldest Cay- 
ugas present, and here I observed very markedly the objections enter- 
tained by pagans to telling their names. I am unaware whether they 
imputed my questions to rudeness or to pitiable ignorance, and I could 
not very well explain that my motive was simply to ascertain to what 
extent they are still actuated by their ancient reticence on this point . 
The old notion was that when one mentioned his own name, he to 
some extent gave away a part of himself and thus allowed the other 
person to have some control over him now, I am told, the belief is 
that to give one's own name is just " not lucky," but there is a great 
deal of apparent haziness as to what the bad luck consists in a very 
similar state of mind to that which we so often find among ourselves 
when clinging to some shreds of superstition, or even to the super- 
stition itself as being connected with good or bad luck, although the 
origin of the belief has long since been lost sight of, as, for example, in 
the placing of a horse-shoe over the lintel of a door, or the carrying of 
a horse-chestnut in one's pocket. 


On the Monday afternoon following the ceremonies in the Cayuga 
Longhouse, an After Seeding, or Spring Sun Dance was held in the 
Seneca Longhouse, little more than a mile distant. 

The proceepings were opened in the usual way by an aged person 
rising to address those present nine men and five women, after which 


an old man in fantastic dress sang as he walked up and down on the 
south side of the song bench : 

" Yo-yo-hoh-wah 
Wah-wah-yo-hoh " 

repeatedly, accompanied by " Heh-heh-heh " from those who were 
seated. The song closed with the whoop, " Wah-h-h-h !" 

While the old man was singing he kept time with a horn-rattle in 
his right hand, and at the conclusion of his song he passed the rattle to 
a young man who also sang, stopping now and again to make short 

The next performer was dressed in yellow loose-fitting toggery 
covered with spangles, but there seemed to be no significance whatever 
in his clothing. I inquired about this very closely, and was told that 
his " rig-out " was the result of mere whim on his own part. Both of 
the young men were accompanied in the musical parts of their exercise 
with the "Heh-heh-heh" of the others, and the exercise closed as did 
the old man's song. 

A lively dance for men and women followed. One of the most 
conspicuous performers was a young man in grimaldian costume, the 
clothing being of modern woven material, having as adjuncts a small 
bell at the outside of each knee, a string of bears' claws below each 
knee, and three eagle (?) feathers hanging from between his shoulders. 
Another was dressed somewhat less fantastically, his costume consist- 
ing of a close-fitting cap, surmounted by a plume, a white over-dress 
fastened round the waist with a red sash, trousers of dark serge, bound 
on the outside seams and round the lower edges with white, a string of 
bears' claws being tied below each knee, and he wore moccasins. He 
took the leading part in the dance so far as position was concerned, for 
he shuffled along at the head of the column, moving round the song- 
bench, but the young man aforesaid made himself the most conspicu- 
ous performer by his introduction of some " hoe -down " or colored 
minstrel steps, a liberty which was not resented by any one, and which 
tends to show that the power of tradition is weakening in the obser- 
vance of such ceremonies, if it does not, indeed, prove that their old- 
time sacredness has to some extent been displaced by a mere desire for 
merrymaking, just as so many erstwhile holy -days among ourselves, 
are now only holidays. 

Both of the costumed, and two of the other male dancers had 
their faces painted with vermilion. 


Chief De-wuh-na-do'-gah ? (Tehayakwarayen Hale)made a speech 
at the close of this dance, as he did at the close of the several succeed- 
ing ones, standing and beating time on the floor with a heavy walking- 

A long speech came from David Key, standing on the south side 
on one of the raised seats that run round the Longhouse, after which 
came a dance, lasting nearly an hour. 

The same two speakers once more addressed the people briefly, 
and as each concluded there came from the audience a responsive 

By this time the members present had increased to nearly fifty. 

A large kettleful of corn soup had been brought in from the 
shanty at an early stage of the proceedings, and this was now ladled 
out in small tin pails, the owners of which having also been served 
with bread handed round by attendants. 

At ten o'clock the same night dance, song and speech were again 
in order. As in^the afternoon, De-wuh-na do'-gah opened the proceed- 
ings. His speech was a short one of only ten minutes. There were 
but ten men and twelve women present at the opening. When the 
chief concluded, all the women rose and took their places at the north- 
east angle of the Longhouse, ranging themselves in line with the east 
end and facing westward. A young man handed a horn-rattle to the 
woman at the north end of the row. While the women were getting 
into position, nine men seated themselves facing north on the high 
back of a long bench, their feet resting on the seat proper. This bench 
stood on the north side of the room, and near the west end. 

The woman holding the rattle, after saying a few words, which 
were responded to by the usual " Yoh !" sang a song in the low and 
plaintive key they always use, the men joining at intervals. The 
rattle was then passed from hand to hand, until she who was disposed 
to sing, retained it for the time being. Most of those in the row were 
of middle age, but in the group was a girl not more than fourteen 
years of age, and when the rattle came to her she kept it and sang 
very low and timidly, while the chiefs and warriors gave her unusual 
encouragement by the frequency of their responses. When the last 
woman had sung, the rattle was passed back to the first woman, who 
handed it to the chief. He spoke briefly and then placed it in the 
hands of his daughter, who had just entered and taken her place, not 
far from himself, on the north side and between him and the row of 
women. She sang in a stronger and clearer voice than any of the 
others had done. De-wuh-na-do'-gah once more took the rattle 


and placed it in the hands of a man nearest to him on the right 
Before this man rose from his perch on the back of the bench, he took 
off his hat as he stepped to the floor, where he sang in a very lively 
manner, while some of the women clapped their hands in time with 
the beat of his rattle, and the chief, himself, marked time on the floor 
with his walking-stick, as, indeed, he had done during the singing of 
all the women. 

As the rattle passed westwards some of the other men also re- 
mained at rest on the floor as they sang, but a few of them paced east 
and west for a distance of about twelve feet in front of the others, 
who accompanied the songs with"Huh-huh-huh-huh-he! huh.--hub.-he!'' 

The dances that followed were similar in every respect to those 
already mentioned, and the proceedings came to a close about 2.80 the 
following morning by the distribution of the regulation corn soup and 
bread to all present. 

On Tuesday forenoon, while I was at the house of Da-ha-wen- 
nond-yeh, one of several messengers who were sent out. appeared to 
announce that a Done-seeding, all-night dance would be held that night 
at the Onoadaga Longhouse, only about a mile and a quarter from my 
quarters at Da-ka-he-dond-yeh's, but as the roads were bad and rain 
was falling heavily, I was unable to attend. I was assured that the 
doings would be exactly like those I had already seen, but having been 
so informed on other occasions, when I had afterwards observed some 
varieties and a few entirely new features, I regret that I could not be 
present at this Onondaga festival, the reference to which is mainly 
made to show how short the notice sometimes is, and that the nations 
do not hold their meetings in accordance with any rule as to time of 
day or night. 


As the name of this dance would imply, it takes place in the early 
fall, and is one of the chief festivals of the year. Three or four days 
before it has been decided to hold this feast, the time of which is 
regulated by the age of the moon as are the mid-winter and some 
other feasts, two " runners " are appointed by the leaders of the Long- 
house to notify the members of the " nation." These men set out 
early in the morning from the house of Rariwenhaweh the Speaker, 
each taking his own way, and both agreeing to meet after they have 
performed their duties. 

On entering a house the runner says, " The time has arrived for 
us to thank Niyoh at the Longhouse. It is the ripening time of the 
year. What the people have planted is now ready. Take all kinds 


of food with you to the Longhouse as an offering to Niyoh. You 
should go there in the morning. On that day the Speaker will tell 
the people what all the proceedings mean. This is all I have to say." 

After this six men are sent out to collect the best of everything 
the people have (usually wearing apparel) as stakes for the peach-stone 
game which will be referred to hereafter. 

When the people have gathered at the Longhouse on the ap- 
pointed day, the Speaker opens the proceedings by saying : 

" Brothers, listen. 

" I am the Speaker, and I will now tell you what our customs 
are. I will say how pleasant it is to see so many here this morning. 
Many of us have entered where we were shown the way, We are 
looking at one another pleased to see so many at this gathering. I 
will say that we should have heard before now if anything was going 
wrong. If any of us are ill we now wish favors for them. 

" We now, having our minds together, express our thanks for the 
peacefulness that is amongst us here this morning. 

" This is the number of words of thanks to ourselves. 

" We thank the earth for all the things that grow for food, and 
for all trees and shrubs of every kind. We see all these things grow 
and they have a double use.* 

" Kawen Niyoh made the streams for the earth's food. The trees, 
the shrubs and all things planted by the people need water, and all of 
living use the water in various ways. 

" Now we are united in our minds in thanking Rawen Niyoh for 
having made all these things for our use. 

" Rawen Niyoh also though it would be well to have a number of 
Thunderers. He gave them power to take care of the earth, He gave 
them cold water to use in their work this shall be as everlasting as 
the people and the world. The Thunderers are at liberty to go among 
the people when they please, carrying cold water ; and everything that 
grows is pleased when the cold water is brought to the earth. They 
are glad the Thunderers bring the cold water. Rawen Niyoh also 
gave the Thnnderers to put down anything that might be unlucky to 
the people. 

" Now we all join our minds to thank Rawen Niyoh for having 
done all these things for our good. 

* The meaning of this is obscure, but it may refer to the use of plants for 
medicinal purpose as well as for food. 


" Rawen Niyoh made the sun to give us light by day. All people 
are pleased with the sun. One day is sometimes shorter than another 
and some days are warmer than others, and all these are pleasing to 
the plants, the trees, and the crops of the people on earth. When 
daylight is gone and darkness comes, the moon takes the place of the 
sun in lighting the earth. 

" Now we are united in our minds in giving thanks to Rawen 
Niyoh for having made the sun and moon for our benefit. 

" Rawen Niyoh also appointed four heavenly persons to support 
us. This is pleasing to us. By day and by night they are watching 
over us, to keep us away from bad luck and from every kind of harm. 
This is very pleasing to us. 

" Now we are joined in our minds to thank Rawen Niyoh for 
appointing these four persons for our good. 

" Rawen Niyoh has left us here and we are pleased that he has. 
He has made us to move about with our bodies. He gave us life. He 
gave us power to think. He gave us sight. He gave us hearing. 
The people of the earth are made (modeled) after Rawen Niyoh. 

" The number of us present at this gathering give thanks to 
Niyoh who is above, for all the good he has done for us. 

" This is all I have to say." 

After a long pause he announces the day's proceedings, beginning 
with the Green Corn Dance, after which the game of the dish and 
peach stones is played. 


It is only in connection with the Mid-winter and Fall Festivals 
that the practice of public gambling is permitted. On these occasions 
there is high revelry. 

All the goods collected as stakes by the six men already men- 
tioned, are piled in one or two heaps, the articles being tied or pinned 
in pairs with some regard to their respective values or uses; thus, 
there may be two silk neckties, two pair of moccasins, two shawls, or 
two strings of onagorha (wampum) which is regarded as taking first 
place at such times. 

The " Old Men " * of the nation appoint two men one from 

* The Pagan Indians when supplying information make frequent mention of 
the " Old Men," who are not, as would appear, any old men, but certain seniors, 
who, either tacitly, or by arrangement are looked upon as sages. There are six of 
them ; three represent the east end of the Longhouse and three the west. 
The present "Old Men " are John Styres, Abraham Buck and James Vanevery for 
the east, and Johnson Williams, Seneca Williams and Jacob Hill for the west. 
Geutes are not taken into account. 


each side of the Longhouse to call out the male players, and, similarly 
two women for a like purpose. 

A sheet is spread on the floor of the Longhouse, and in the middle 
of this sheet rests the wooden bowl, about fourteen or sixteen inches 
wide, and four to five deep, containing six peach stones rubbed down 
to smooth surfaces and blackened on one side. Near the south edge 
of the sheet is placed a vessel containing one hundred beans, from 
which stock seven are taken by each of the men who act as callers. 
When everything is ready the arrangement is as shown in the diagram ; 
the players invariably sitting east and west 


88 ? 8 



Before the game is begun, all present are exhorted by the speaker 
to keep their temper, to do everything fairly, and to phow no jealousy, 
" because " says he, " the side that loses this time may be favored by 
Niyoh the next time, and it will displease Him should there be any 
bad feeling." 

The first player takes the bowl by the edge with both hands 
and after a few preliminary shakes in mid-air he strikes the bottom 
sharply on the floor when the peach-stones rebound and fall back 
within the dish. 

Winning throws are of four kinds, all white, all black, one white, 
or one black. All black or white means that the woman representing 
the winner receives from him who represents the loser five beans, but 
when only one white or one black bean shows face up, one bean is the 
gain. If, however, any player makes three successive casts, winning 


five each time, he is allowed fifteen additional beans, and similarly, 
after three successive casts winning one each, he is allowed three more 

As long as a player makes winning throws he keeps his place, 
which, when he leaves is immediately taken by another man or 
woman. In this way the game is continued until one side wins all 
the beans, and this may require only an hour or two, or it may take 
two or three days. 

While the play is going on, it is not to be understood that the 
onlookers exemplify w r hat is known as Indian stoicism. Anything 
but this. Excitement runs unusually high. Those on the side of the 
player for the time being, encourage him with enthusiastically up- 
roarious shouts of " Jagon ! jagon ! jagon ! " Play ! play ! or Go on I 
go on ! go on !, while the opponents yell with a sort of tremulous 
derisiveness " Hee-aih ! hee-aih!" Nor is this all, for those on the 
opposing side make faces and grimaces at each other, and give utter- 
ance to all sorts of ridiculous and absurd things, hoping thus to dis- 
tract the attention of their rivals, to discourage them, or in some other 
way to induce loss. 

The scene is utterly indescribable, and can be fully realized only 
by those who have been present at a sale of wheat in the Chicago 
Board of Trade room. 

When all the beans have been won the ceremonial game is at an 
end and the stakes are divided, each better getting his own article 
along with the one attached to it. 

Similar games may be played afterwards "just for fun," as often 
as the people please. 

The peach-stone game is one of the most popular gambling 
exercises on the Reserve, and is often played among friends in each 
others' houses. The Pagans religiously abstain from card-playing in 
accordance, it may be remembered, with the injunctions of -Hoh- 
shah-honh and Sose-a-wa, the immediate successors of Ska-ne-o-dy'-o, 
both of whom taught that as this was a white man's device it must be 


[The account of this feast was given to me by Dah ka-he-dond-yeh.] 
After the harvest thanksgiving, the women of any clan have in 
their hands the arrangements for, and the management of, a dance- 

Selecting two men, who because of being chosen for this purpose 
are called Ro-de-neh-ho'-rohn, meaning messengers "covered with 


Chief W. Henry and wife. 

Chief Dyonwadon, Wm. Henry, Cayaga on both father and mother's side. His personal name is 
O-ja-keh-teh. His wife is a Mohawk. 


House of Chief Dyonwadon, built of logs set upright. The only house of the kind on the Reserve, 
and seldom seen anywhere. 


Dancers at the Seneca Longhouse. Spring Sun Dance. 1898. 


Yuh-stun-ra-gonh Within the Stones John Key (Tutelo). He was the last man who could speak the 

Tutelo language. His Tutelo name is said to have been Nas-ta-bon, One Step. His 

dress and other accessories were arranged for photographic purposes. 

He died in the spring of 1898. One informant gave me 

Key's name as Oo-stang-on Below the 

Rock, evidently another form of 



skins," these are sent out to invite all who are desired to take part. 
It is their duty also to collect food and clothing, after which the 
women meet to receive their report, and to appoint a night for the 
feast. The Ro-de-neh-ho'-rohn are again sent out to intimate the 
time when the feast is to be held, and to inform ' all whom it may 
concern ' of what is required in the form of eatables. 

A speaker Rot-ka-sa-he-reh having also been chosen by the 
women, it is his duty on the assembling of the guests to address 
them on how they should live and conduct themselves. 

Then the Yah-go-ge'-we, or Head woman, (appointed by consent 
of all the other women) calls on a man to act as the singer of the 
evening and hands him the drum. It is said that the ' minstrel ' is 
quite unaware of the intended honor until he hears his name called 
by the Yah-go-ge'-we, but as it must require exceptional skill and 
ability to sing fifty or sixty songs, even such as these are, no doubt 
the singer selected can scarcely be said to be surprised. The songs, 
so-called, are simply repetitions of unmeaning syllables similar to our 
" tra-la-la " or " fol-de-rol-de-ri-do," indeed, not much more compli- 

The singer seats himself at the middle of the song-bench, and 

astride of it, tapping his drum and singing in unsion with the time 
required by the dance. In the first dance only women take part, and 

as a matter of course, in the usual way, by merely moving sidewise 
with short and alternate shuffles of the heel and ball of the foot round 

the bench. 

At the close of this dance there is a short recess, and in the 

dances that follow, men as well as women may take part. Other 

singers may now assist. 

The same songs are sung again, followed by another recess then 

another general dance, and if it is thought there is time to go through 

the performance once more before daylight, well and good, but on the 

approach of daylight the dance must cease. 

At the close, the speaker thanks the Great Spirit for having kept 

the people safe through the night. The men and women then form a 

procession and march round the outside of the Longhouse, led by the 

Yah-go-ge'-we and the Singer, each holding a flap of the drum. * On 

* The drum is not more than six inches in either direction. One end is solid 
wood. The other consists of a piece of thin leather stretched tightly by means of 
a wooden hoop which is pressed over it and downwards until flush with the edge of 
the drum. As the leather is not cut to fit exactly, an inch or more may be ex- 
posed in two or three places under the lower edge of the hoop. These are the 
' flaps ' here mentioned. 

9 C.I. 


reaching the door again after this march, she takes the drum, removes 
the hoop, and puts the instrument away until it is again required for 
a dance. 

My informant added that the belief is that a dance of this kind in 
spring would bring frost. 


All the ceremonial speeches are, as a matter of course, delivered by 
rote, and as the opening address is of special importance by way of 
showing us the trend of thought on festival occasions, it is here given 
with a literal translation, in which one may easily discover the results 
of Christian influence mingled with beliefs handed down from the days 
when the Red Man's ancient faith had no rival. 

Dewadadehken Sewadahonsadat, 
Brothers, listen, 

Da-onenh I-ih kariwayendahgwen ken-i-ken orhhonhkeneh on- 
Now I am entrusted with the morning's 

waderiwadendi ne ne wahy tsiniyoh songawih raonha ne ne Songway- 
doings what is so given us by Him Maker of 

adihson, ken-i-ken yaghdekagondeh deyondennonweronssek-keh, 
our bodies this must be the time of giving thanks 

onenh dohkah niyonwedakeh wa'ont kennissah. 
now when people are gathered. 

Yaghten deyongwaderiyendareh ohniyoh tsityonhenyon 
We do not know how we live 

ken-iken kadi karihonnih yendewarihwadihonthoh oriwah Songway- 
this then reason we pull word Maker 

adihson. Songwawih ne ne tsiyongwatkennison toka-nityon ohnay- 
of our bodies. Given us at our gathering several of us how 

awenneh aondon skaneh ya-e-dewanen ne ne ongwanigonrah nok 
to make it do together we place our minds and 

oksa-ok da-e-dewadennonweradonh. 
at once gi ye thanks. 


Etho niyoh ne ne oriwah ne ne tsinonweh tsityotye rentdon 
This is so of the word where first begun 

to give thanks. 

Etho kadi nithotyeradon ne ne tsiyonhontsi-a-datyeh shegon 
This is then the way the world, going on yet 

skennon kadi dewennondonnyon. 
peaceful we are thinking. 

Etho Ra-onhakeh dyoyenhdaghgwenh Songwayadihsonh. 
This is from him begun Maker of our bodies. 

Songwat-kawennih agwegon tsinahaten kayen kentho 
He gave to us all this is to be found here 

onhwentsi-a-keh yongwanigonhriyostagwah. Agwah kananon 
on earth pleasing to our minds. Really filled 

nyadekarondakeh ne ne wadonnis kentho tsiyonhontsiyade, ne ne 
all kinds of trees growing here on earth and 

onih ne-niyogwirasah yodonnih ongwanonhgwah ne ne onih ohhon- 
also the shrubs growing for our medicine and also the 

dehogonh deyontnegondahgwah. Ra-onha royenthonh agwegon 
grasses for drinking.* He planted all 

ken-i-ken gondadewenniyoh yodonnih. 
this natural and free growth. 

Da-onenh nonwah ken-i-ken kayonhadenyon, ne ne onih tsi 
Now then this streams and also 

yohnawerodon etho nonweh ne ne ongwe yetshenriyes kahnigon- 
springs that is where human kind finding pleasant 

riyostagwenh. Raweyennowanenh Songwanoronhgwah yedewag- 
minds. He, the Master-idea Our Maker loving us all, 

*For making drinks. 


wegonh ne-eh kadi ehthofcsih da-e-dewadennonweradonh tsinityon 
and then there we give our thanks the number 

kentho segon onhwentsiakeh tyonheh. 
here yet (still) on earth living. 

Da-onenh kadi oyah nonwah nikanigonroden yetsidewadihonthoh 
Now then another kind of mind we will pull 

ne ne tsiyadewatshothons Thonedaghgwen ronaderihondeh, ohnekanos 
setting sun Believers their duty cold water 

enhadihhawissekkeh ne ne oni onthontkaweh tsinonkadi ne ne onh wen- 
carriers and also let go to where on 

tsiakeh ohnayawenneh ne ne a'ondarihadeh agwegon tsinahoten 
earth how to make warm all that is 

deyodonhotyohonh ne ne ondeyaronh ken-i-ken ne ne. Royenthon 
wanted full growth. He planted 

Songwawenniyoh. Ongwe onih othenenh yagoyenthon ne ne ken-i-ken 
Our ruler so human kinds also something planted this 

ayagonhehgwenh skaneh kadi yedewadennigonrayenh deyethinon- 
to live upon peacefully then place our minds to thank 

weradonh ken-i-ken Dewatshothons Thonedaghgwen Yethisotha 
them these Setting Sun Believers our grand-parents 

the Thunderers. 

Da-onenh kadi nonwah oyah nonwah nikanigonroden oriwiyoh 
Now then another kind of mind sure word 

yorihowanenh ken-i-ken ne ne Ra-onha ongwadadekenhah Dehoswa- 
great He our Brother The 

thedonh ne ne kentho onwhentsiakeh. 
light here on earth. 


Dewadennonweradonh yongwatshennonnih Tyongwehogonh 
We give thanks our minds are pleased we people 

dewanakereh tsiniwakatsdeh ne ne onwhentsia. 
settled lasting age the earth. 

Songwayadison katkeh onenh enhadatdih ehthoneh nonweh 
Maker of our bodies when ? now speaks there on 

enkayadendaghneh ken-i-ken ne ne Ronwarihondaghgwenh ne ne 
will fall (cease) his official duty 

ra-onha ne ne Karahgwah. 
Him the sun. 

Da-onenh kadi oyah nonwah ne ne toka katkehnonweh enyago 
Now then another thing if at any time should 

noronsseh ne ne a'onsayondatrewadeh ne ne ongweh ethoneh nonweh 
fail to regret human kind that is 

niwathawih denhadensdeh Tsidehhoswathedonh tsiniwehniseradenyonh 
times will stay (stop) His light throughout the days 

ne ne kadi aoriwah dewadennonweradonh segon ne ne Ra-onha 
that is reason we give thanks yet He 

Rohnigonhranironh nok ne ne I-ih non kadi orihwiyo hwahy tsi yong- 
strong mind but I am sure ? that we 

wenden esoh tyongwaseronnenhthah nok senhhakiok segon karag- 
are poor much short comings and for all that yet Sun in 

wareh ne ne entyehkeneh. Rawen Niyoh dehoswathededonh ken- 
its place during the day He said so (God) giving light (so) 

i-ken kadi watgwanonweradon. 
this then we give our thanks. 

Da-onenh oyanonwah ehnidah ahsenhonneh ne ne Roderihonda- 
Now another moon by night His duty 


hgwenh ne ne tsi thonigonriyo'onh ne ne Songwayadihson. Yagh 

it was his pleasure Maker of our bodies No never 

nonwenden ne ne deyongwaderiyendareh ohniyoh tsityonhenyonh. 
time do we know how we live. 

Ongwe yawedowanen tsinahoten en-yagodeniyendens kentho onhwen- 
Human kind many are somewhat tempted here on 

tsiakeh ne ne tsiyagodohetsdonhatyeh. 
earth as they are passing. 

Da-onenh oyanonwah katkeh toka onenh ne ne onwaderiwadendih 
Now another when if now begin matter 

Ra-onha Royaner Rayadagweniyoh ehtho niyoh ne ne tsiyongwadeni- 
He Chief Master there so according to 

seradenyon sewatyerens nene on-hwentsiakeh sakawisdohdehken-i-ken 
our days sometimes on earth cold again 

tyetgonh nonweh niwathawih wadoken enhs (thanon oneih wadokenh) 
always times stated (and or also) too, 

tsiniwat-hawi onenh sonhdarihadeh ehthoneh onenh wegondeyaronh 
time passing now warm again then now grow up (ripen) 

tsiok nahoten ne ne kayenthoseronh. 
ever what is planted. 

Awegon ne ne exaaogon onhwentsiokeh, ehtho non weh yagots- 
All children on earth there are 

hennonnih s'kanigonrah yagotsdon. 
pleased one mind in use. 

Da-onenh oyanonwah ne ne Gondironhyakerononh akdah 
Now another angels they closer 

tyonatgwidonh tsinonweh ne ne ongweh niyens kentho ne ne onhwen- 
' moved where human kind travels here on 


tsiakeh ne ne ohnayawenneh dosah a'onsayengwanigonrhenh Ra'onha- 
earth how to manage not to forget in Him 

keh tsinonkadih ne ne Song wanond ens ; yaghten kadi nenneh dayong- 
in the matter of our Supporter ; no injury 

wakarewaghte tsideyongwadawenryeh nok kih tyetgonh yonkinigon- 
to us in our travels but ? always watching 

rareh waghsendadenyon nok oni ne ne weniseradenyon ne ne ken-i-ken 
over us by nights and also by days. 

Rawen Niyoh sagorihondagwennih ne ne gondironhyakehrononh ehtho 
He, God appointed these they the heavenly beings there 

niyoreh nenwakatsdekeh tsikiniyoreh ne ne niwakatsdeh ne ne 
so much everlasting so many to the end of the 


Ehtho oni nenyohdenhakeh tsiniyoreh denthadadih Ra'onha nene 
There also shall be such not until (He) speaks again He 

Songwayadihson. Ne ne kadi tyetgon yayongwadenhnigonragwenoni- 
Maker of our bodies always should be united in our minds 

hakeh tsinityonh ne ne yonhwentsiagwegonh segon yongwadadenronh 
member of us all over the earth yet are left 

s'kennenh s'kaneh deyongwadennonweradonh ken-i-ken niyengwari- 
pleased together we are giving thanks according to 

hoten Ra'onhakeh nonkadi Songwayadihsonh Songwayrih wa wih- 
our custom from Him Maker of our bodies He gave us. 

Ethe ni ka wen na ke. 
That is all 1 have to say. 


On New Year morning boys and girls in small parties go from 
house to house saluting the inmates with " Nuh Yahr" (an evident 
corruption of " New Year ") in expectation of something toothsome, 
and they are usually treated to cakes and candies provided for the 


purpose. Calls of this kind must be made before noon, after which 
the older people don't care to be bothered, and refuse any substantial 
return for the youngsters' salutation. 

Nephews and nieces call on their uncles and aunts, and grand- 
children on their grand-parents, who, in expectation of the visits, pro- 
vide as gifts small human-shaped figures of baked flour sweetened and 
mixed with currants, or otherwise seasoned. Such gifts are highly 
esteemed by the recipients as something peculiarly indicative of blood 
relationship. Children who are so treated get nothing else. 

[From Dah-ha-he-dond-yeh. (Trees in a row.)] 

This is rather a Christian than a Pagan custom, but it gives us 
a glimpse of society on the Reserve. 


The derivation of the Iroquois word for God Niyoh, pronounced 
nee-yoh, or nee-o, with a much prolonged and emphasized e, has long been 
a matter of dispute. Schoolcraft and others since his time have claimed 
for the ancient Indian, on the basis of this word, a once well-established 
monotheistic belief, but as it is now generally conceded that prior to 
contact with the white man no North American Indian professed to 
believe in a Great Spirit, although he certainly did acknowledge a host 
of spirits, it is evident that the accepted word for God must either be 
an old word with a new or modified meaning, or else a totally new 
word one coined for the occasion. 

In the Book of Rites, note B, p. 176, Hale has quoted approvingly 
from that eminent authority, M. Cuoq (who died this summer, 1898,) 
showing that the word Rawenniio signifies " He who is Master," and 
Mr. Hale suggests the probability of the word having been derived 
from kawen or gawen, meaning " to belong to anyone." But while it 
would be imprudent to take issue with such authorities, it may be 
pointed out that in a case of this kind, the change from kawen to 
rawen is not a likely one, and that, moreover, a more probable root 
exists in niyohwen, or niyahwen, meaning " thanks " for we know 
that the spirit of gratitude enters largely into Iroquoian ceremonial 
addresses, forming indeed, the chief part of them. If, as is pointed 
out in the note referred to, the termination iyo, iio, or eeyo had origin- 
inally the sense of " great," M. Cuoq's line of reasoning would force us 
to the conclusion that only the adjectival part of rawenniio remains 
with the introductory nasal, although no reason is afforded at the 
outset for the spelling of rawenniio with two n's, one of which is quite 
unnecessary if the word be derived from kawen or gawen, as he 


An easier and more likely, because more natural derivation might 
be found in the Iroquoian phonic equivalent niyoh, or niyah, in com- 
mon use adverbially. Having pointed this out to Mr. Brant-Sero he 
has supplied the following illustrations : O ni yoh ? How so, or how 
is it so ? ni yoh sa nis ten ha ? How (so) is your mother ? Oh hon 
don eh ni yoh ; first, or previously so. Wah ki ron kenh ni yoh ; I 
said it was so. From these examples we observe that the word is used 
to signify fact, truth, condition, existence; all shades of one meaning, 
from which it might be argued that it would not be difficult to see 
how niyoh might come to signify the great truth, the supreme exist- 
ence, the Great Spirit, in which case it would be closely analagous to 
the ancient Jewish " I am," but no doubt the objection would be at 
once raised that such an adaptation involves more abstract reasoning 
than the Indian usually employs. 

But Dr. D. G. Brinton throws discredit on all attempts to trace 
the derivation of the word from an Indian source. In his his Myths 
of the New World, 3rd edition, p. 70, he writes : " The supreme Iro- 
quois deity Neo or Haweneu, triumphantly adduced by many writers 
to show the monotheism underlying the native creeds, and upon whose 
name Mr. Schoolcraft has built some philological reveries, turns out on 
closer scrutiny to be the result of Christian instruction, and the words 
themselves to be corruptions of the French Dieu, and le bon Dieu !" 
In a foot-note to the foregoing, Dr. Brinton adds, " Mr. Morgan in his 
excellent work, The League of the Iroquois, has been led astray by an 
ignorance of the etymology of these terms. . . . Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt 
offers a less probable etymology, Great Voice, refering to the thunder." 


Beautiful Lake's ideas respecting hell were as peculiar as they 
were homosopathic, for " at one time" So-se"-ha-wa declared, "the four 
messengers said to Beautiful Lake, ' lest the people should disbelieve 
you, and not repent and forsake their evil ways, we will now disclose 
to you the House of Torment, the dwelling place of the evil-minded.' 
Beautiful Lake was particular in describing to us, all that he had 
witnessed, and the course which departed spirits were accustomed to 
take on leaving the earth. There was a road which led upwards, at 
a certain point it branched ; one branch led straight forward to the 
home of the Great Spirit, and the other turned aside to the House of 
Torment. At the place where the roads separated were stationed two 
keepers, one representing the Good, and the other the Evil Spirit. 

*See foot note p. 73. 


When a person reached the fork, if wicked, by a motion from the evil 
keeper, he turned instinctively upon the road which led to the abode 
of the evil-minded. But if virtuous and good, the other keeper 
directed him upon the straight road. The latter was not much 
travelled, while the former was so frequently trodden, that no grass 
could grow in the pathway. It sometimes happened that the keepers 
had great difficulty in deciding which path the person should take, 
when the good and bad actions of the individual were nearly balanced. 
Those sent to the House of Torment sometimes remain one day (which 
is there one of our years). Some for a longer period. After they 
have atoned for their sins they pass to heaven. But when they have 
committed either of the great sins (witchcraft, murder and infanticide), 
they never pass to heaven, but are tormented for ever." 

So far, the reader will have no difficulty in tracing Christian 
influences at every step, but in what follows there is a little more 
originality, with a touch of the old time wizard's wand. 

" Having conducted Beautiful Lake to this place, he saw a large 
and dark-colored mansion covered with soot, and beside it a lesser one. 
One of the four then held out his rod, and the top of the house moved 
up, until they could look down upon all that was within. He saw 
many rooms. The first object which met his eye was a haggard- 
looking man ; his sunken eyes cast upon the ground, and his form 
half consumed by the torments he had undergone. This was a 
drunkard. The evil-minded then appeared and called him by name. 
As the man obeyed the call, he dipped from a caldron a quantity of 
red-hot liquid and commanded him to drink it, as it was an article he 
loved. The man did as he was directed, and immediately from his 
mouth issued a stream of blaze. He cried in vain for help. The 
Tormentor then requested him to sing and make himself merry, as 
was his wont while on the earth, after drinking the fire-water. Let 
drunkards take warning from this. Others were then summoned. 
There came before him two persons, who appeared to be husband and 
wife. He told them to exercise the privilege they were so fond of 
while on the earth. They immediately commenced a quarrel of words. 
They raged at each other with such violence that their tongues and 
eyes ran out so far they could neither see nor speak. This said they 
(the Four Persons) is the punishment of quarrelsome and disputing 
husbands and wives. 

Next he called upon a woman who had been a witch. First he 
plunged her into a caldron of boiling liquid. In her cries of distress, 
she begged the Evil-minded to give her some cooler place. He then 


immersed her in one containing liquid at the point of freezing. Her 
cries then were that she was too cold. ' This woman," said the Four 
Messengers, ' shall always be tormented in this manner.' . . . The 
Evil-minded next called up a man who had been accustomed to beat 
his wife. Having led him up to a red-hot statue of a female, he 
directed him to do that which he was fond of while he was upon the 
earth. He obeyed, and struck the figure. The sparks flew in every 
direction, and by the contact his arm was consumed. Such is the 
treatment, they, said awaiting those who ill-treat their wives. . . . 
He looked again and saw a woman whose arms and hands were noth- 
ing but bones. She had sold fire-water to the Indians, and the flesh 
was eaten from the hands and arms. This, they said, would be the 
fate of rum sellers. 

Again he looked, and in one apartment he saw Ho-ne-ya'-wus 
(Farmer's Brother) his former friend. He was engaged in removing a 
heap of sand, grain by grain ; and although he labored continually, 
yet the heap of sand was not diminished. This, they said, was the 
punishment of those who sold land. 

Adjacent to the House of Torment was a field of corn filled with 
weeds. He saw women in the act of cutting them down ; but as fast 
as this was done, they grew up again. This, they said, was the 
punishment of lazy women." * 

The infliction of such penalties is quite as reasonable as is that of 
those we read of in classic and other mythology indeed, some of the 
above are, in a way, suggestive of Midas, Tantalus and Sisyphus, but 
they are no doubt of purely native origin. 


On the occasion of public festivities, members young or old, male 
or female, of any gens desiring to guard against primary disease, or to 
prevent the occurrence of any maladies with which they have already 
been afflicted, make known their wishes to the head-man, or master of 
ceremonies, for the time being. As the head-man for the year is 
appointed by the assembled women, alternately from the Two Brothers' 
and the Four Brothers' ends of the Longhouse, it is his duty to state 
the case to those on the opposite side "f one of whom makes a suitable 

* Morgan's League of the Iroquois, pp. 252-5. 

t The terms ' opposite side " and " opposite end" as applied to the Longhouse 
are equivalent. 


Preliminaries having been settled, the persons who wish to be 
sprayed take their seats, facing outwards, with bowed heads, on the 
end of the song-bench in the middle of the Longhouse, but in no wise 
interfering with the performers, who handle the drum and rattle as 
they sit astride of the bench, near the middle, and facing each other. 

The sprayer, who may be a man or a woman, a boy or a girl, is 
supplied with a vessel (those I saw used were small tin cans) contain- 
ing water sweetened with sugar and the juice of blackberries or of 
huckleberries, which preparation must be made by the person who is 
to be charmed. The operator first pours from the vessel into a cup, or 
into the lid of the can, a small quantity of the mixture, which he takes 
into his mouth, and immediately ejects in the form of fine spray on the 
bowed head of the person desirous of his good services. A second time 
he pours some of the liquid into the cup, and this portion he holds to 
the mouth of the charmed one who quaffs it; then replenishing the cup 
for a third time he drinks himself. 

Although this appears to be all that is required to complete the 
charming process, I observed that in many instances two or more, (in 
one case six) persons sprayed a single head, and as the would-be- 
charmed one did not supply so many charmers with the spraying pre- 
paration, one or more of the latter must have contributed their ser- 
vices in a complimentary way. 

It was also noticed that there was no apparent rule as to age or 
sex on the part of the sprayers and the sprayed. Men sprayed women, 
girls and boys ; and these, in like manner, sprayed one another as well 
as men. 

As the dancers were usually moving round the song-bench while 
the spraying ceremony was going on, some of them paused to take a 
drink of the ceremonial liquor from the ceremonial cup, but this, I was 
told, was an abuse that would not have been tolerated some years ago. 

One informant stated that the composition of the liquid was on 
account of the bear's well-known fondness for sweets and fruit. 

Another told me that the ceremony should be performed during 
or in connection with, the bear- dance only, but I saw it done several 
times when other dances were going on, and even when there was no 
dance at all. The present custom may thus be an illustration of lapse 
from former ceremonial rigidity. 

From another I learned that the bear possesses the mysterious 
power of making an Indian see ghosts (though by what means I could 
not learn) and that the spraying ceremony is intended, or was intended 
to keep the bear in good humor. 


A fourth mentor stated that the breathing out, that is the spray- 
ing, or blowing, implies force or power, in the sense of driving away 
evil influences, or the spirits that cause disease. 

In any event, it seems plain that the practice is one that has been 
transmitted from the time when the medicine man was in all his glory. 

In the Jesuit Relations several references are made to the practice 
of blowing, or breathing on sick persons. The following quotations 
show that if blowing was not identical with spraying, as I have called 
it, there is at any rate a good deal of similiarity. If the latter is not 
an actual survival of the former, it would seem to be a modification 
of it. 

"A juggler," says Lalemant, " seeing the child's distress, promised 
the father that if he would allow him to beat his drum and breath 
upon his son, he would cure him in a little while."* 

" Therefore God, who often employs the sins of men as instru- 
ments to punish them, permitted that, on account of a medicine man 
blowing upon her and giving her some potion, she should not be effect- 
ively urged to accept Baptism.. "f 

The following year Le Jeune writes, " The Sorcerers and Jugglers 
have lost so much of their credit that they no longer blow upon any sick 
person, nor beat their drums, except, perhaps, at night, or in isolated 
places, but no longer in our presence. "J 

"It happened . . . that a Sorcerer or Juggler was breathing 
on a sick person at about ten o'clock at night, because he dared not do 
it in the daytime." 

"I have often said that the name ' Sorcerer' is given here to cer- 
tain Jugglers or charlatans who engage in singing, blowing upon the 
sick, consulting Devils, and killing men by their charms."1F 

" A Captain [chief] had some ask him [a sorcerer named Paga- 
ronich] to blow upon a sick man, offering him a large porcelain collar." || 

There would appear to be some virtue connected with merely 
taking into the mouth and then ejecting. Le Jeune writes of what 
happened on February 4th, 1637, says : " At this time we had an 
amusing encounter ; upon carrying some broth to a sick woman, we 
found the Physician there. He is one of the most dignified and 

*Belation of 1647, Cleveland ed., vol. 31, p. 227. See also p. 225. 
+ Le Jeune's Relation, 1637, vol. 13, p. 137, Cleveland ed. 
J Le Jeune's Relation, 1637-38, vol 14, p. 223 " " 

Letter to Father Le Jeune from Three Rivers. Relations des Jesuites, Cleve- 
land ed., vol. 16, p. 55. 
T Same vol. 149. 
1 1 Same vol., p. 157. 


serious Savages that I have seen. He took the broth, looked at it, 
and then drew out a certain powder that he had in a bag ; he put 
some of it in his mouth, spat it out upon the broth, and then choosing 
the best of it, made the patient eat." 

J. O. Dorsey, in his chapter on Jugglery, in " A Study of Siouan 
Cults," says, that " Gahige-wadayifiga used to stab himself with an 
arrow-point, causing the blood to spurt from his left shoulder as 
he danced. The other skamans used to spurt water on his back from 
their mouths . . . When they finished no wound could be found. " 

The Rev. A. G. Morice supplies an illustration of " blowing "among 
his people and gives ns the belief entertained in connection with the 
custom. He writes : 

" As they (the Carriers)^ are about to set fire to the pile of wood 
on which a corpse is laid, a relation of the deceased person stands at 
his feet and asks him if he will ever come back among them. Then the 
priest or magician with a grave countenance, stands at the head of 
the corpse and looks through both his hands on its naked breast, and 
then raises them towards heaven, and blows through them, as they 
say, the soul of the deceased, that it may go and find and enter into a 


During the performance of the dances in the New Year's celebra- 
tion, a small group of men, each night, on the north side of the Long- 
house, and opposite the song-bench, discussed very earnestly the 
interpretation of certain dreams, respecting the meaning of which the 
dreamers were in doubt, for it appears that the members of the Pagan 
community have nearly or quite as much faith in communications of 
this kind as we know their forefathers had centuries ago,| and as not 
a few white Christian people still entertain. 

As explained to me, the so-called interpretaton has a strong 
family resemblance to some of our boyhood's guessing games. 

* In Dr. Franz Boaz's voluminous treatise on the Kwakiutl Indians, in the 
Smithsonian Report for 1895, page 569, it is mentioned that a 'chief speaker' 
at the Winter Ceremonial celebrations of the Kwakiutl at Fort Rupert, sung a 
secret society song, using these words : 

" I tried to tame them ... by the power of magic my friends; 

I blew water upon them to tame them my friends." 

t The Carriers are a branch of,the Dene stock in northern British Columbia. 

| "The Savages have no stronger belief than in dreams. They are their 
orders which they obey as a soverign Divinity." Jesuit Relations, vol. 22, p. 227. 


A. dreams and tells his dream to B. B. then proceeds to interro- 
gate C. who is entitled to know at the outset whether the object in 
question is a living or a dead one. With the assistance of friends 
who may be interested, or who may simply join for amusement, the 
guessing goes on. When, in course of time, the name of the article 
has been hit upon, the interpreter decides as to the meaning of the 
dream, and what action, if any, should be taken by the dreamer. 

For example, should a member of the Deer clan dream something 
in which one of the Turtle clan, a boy, a bow, or a sled and an 
accident are involved, the decision may be that the dreamer shall 
present the child with a bow, or a hand-sleigh. 

Unsatisfactory as is the method and purely arbitrary as the 
decision may be, the one is quite as philosophical, and the other likely 
to be even more logical than the so-called reasonings, and truly absurd 
conclusions of dream-slaves among ourselves. 


The dance-songs and ceremonial chants of the Indians strike the 
unaccustomed ear as wails or weird recitatives. As a non-musical 
authority, I would say they are pitched in minor key, resembling in 
passages songs and lullabies of the Scottish Highlands. One of the 
former as sung by the women, struck me as bearing a strong resem- 
blance to a familiar cradle-song. 

They appear to be of simple construction, reaching neither very 
high nor very low notes, but at times becoming modified in such an 
unusual way as to be difficult of imitation by any but Indians. 

The beat of the tiny drum, or of the gourd or turtle-rattle, is not 
in time with the vocal utterances, and when dances accompany the 
songs, the " trip " is taken from the former, in unison with the " Heh ! 
heh ! heh's !" or the " Hoh-huh-heh-hoh-huh-heh's " of the chorus. 

Another peculiar feature of these performances is the sudden way 
in which they are terminated. There is no previous downward tend- 
ing of the voice to indicate that the conclusion is near the music 
simply stops in many instances as if the singers had been abruptly 
interrupted in the middle of a note, and this is followed by a general 
whoop, as has been pointed out when describing the Mid-Winter 

It may be guessed that the tone of the songs does not, to white 
ears, carry with it the impression of joyousness. At least I have 
not heard any that might be so characterized. Occasionally when the 


dance becomes " fast and furious " in accordance with increased rapid- 
ity and volume of utterance on the part of the singers as well as of 
the dancers themselves, smiles may play briefly over some of the coun- 
tenances, but this is rather because of the exhilaration arising from tlie 
vigorousness of the performance, than on account of any musical spirit 
in the composition. 

The desirability of securing as correct records as possible of the 
Iroquois musical notation, having been recognized by Dr. Ross, Minis- 
ter of Education, I was authorized by him to bring to Toronto Ka-nis- 
han-don, who for several alternate years has acted as head-man of the 
ceremonies in the Seneca Longhouse, that some, at least, of the princi- 
pal songs might be dictated to a musical expert; and we may regard it 
as a peculiarly fortunate circumstance that we were able to secure 
the extremely valuable services of Mr. Alexander T. Cringan, musical 
superintendent of Toronto Public Schools, to interpret and record 
Ka-nis-han-don's utterances. As Mr. Cringan entered sympathetically 
into the spirit of the work, and as our Indian dictator did everything 
in his power to furnish the notes, it may be assumed that the versions 
appended to Mr. Cringan's report are as nearly correct as possible. 

Subjoined is Mr. Cringan's statement: 

" The music of primitive races presents a field for investigation of 
deep interest to the musical student. Much has been written of the 
music of the Chinese, Hindoo, Negro, Japanese and Celtic races, but ; 
of the music of the North American Indians, reliable information has 
been exceedingly difficult to obtain. With the exception of the Negro 
all of the races mentioned have a musical literature, notation, system 
of musical theory, and variety of musical instruments which have 
descended from their progenitors of hundreds and even thousands of 
years ago. With the Indians of North America the case is entirely 
different. They are possessed of no musical literature, their songs 
have been handed down through countless generations by tradition 
and without the assistance of musical notation in any form, while 
their musical instruments are of the most primitive character. The 
folk-songs of any people must of necessity partake largely of the 
national character of the people themselves. In them are portrayed 
the emotions, aspirations and feelings by which they are dominated. 
In the folk songs of the Indians we have a musical picture of the his- 
tory of their race intensely interesting and instructive. It must not 
for a moment be supposed that the melodies as here given are exactly 
the same as when they were first launched into the life of the primi- 
tive people of the forest. The form in which they first appeared can 


never be known. Whatever it may have been at its birth its trans- 
mission from generation to generation through centuries must have 
been accompanied by many modifications consequent on the varied 
individualities through whom the transmission has been made. The 
form in which they now appear must be accepted as the cumulative 
result of the many additions, modifications and influences of the various 
generations through which they have passed. 

"The attempt to represent such melodies through the medium of 
modern musical notation has been attended with a certain amount of 
difficulty. In most cases the tonality was somewhat uncertain on 
account of the numerous grace -notes by which the melodies were 
ornamented. In addition to this, rhythmic accent can scarcely be said 
to exist in the melodies as sung by a native performer. Some of the 
songs are sung to the accompaniment of a rattle made from the com- 
plete shell of a turtle in which a number of cherry stones or grains of 
Indian corn are enclosed and, strange as the effect may seem to musical 
ears, this rhythmic accompaniment has absolutely no connection with 
the rhythm of the melody. The rate of movement in the melody may 
be accelerated or retarded but that of the accompaniment remains con- 
stant throughout. These conditions made it exceedingly difficult to 
determine the nature of the rhythm until it had been repeated several 
times. However, Ka-nis-han-don, who sang the melodies for me was 
very patient and obliging, and seemed to be determined that nothing 
should be lacking on his part which would assist in securing a correct 
notation of his native melodies. 

" The general impression conveyed by the various melodies is that 
they are based on the Pentatonic Scale employed by the ancient 
Chinese, Japanese, Hindoos and Celts. As its name implies, this scale 
consists of five tones only. It may be represented by the black keys 
of the pianoforte, from which it will be observed that the fourth and 
seventh tones of the modern diatonic major scales are absent. Mr. J. 
Muir Wood of Glasgow has drawn attention to the fact that this scale 
may be played on any purely diatonic instrument at three different 
pitches by commencing on C., F. or G. This fact has been used in 
explanation of the employment of the pentatonic scale in all of the 
ancient Scottish folk-songs which remain unaffected by modern influ- 
ence. The Iroquois Indians somstimes employ a very primitive 
instrument resembling the ancient flute-a-bec which produces only the 
tones of the diatonic scale. It is made of two pieces of wood hollowed 
throughout their entire length and bound together in the form of a 

10 C.I. 


cylindrical tube by means of cords. The opening at the upper end is 
much smaller than that of the lower, being about one-fourth of an 
inch in diameter. The tone is produced by blowing into the upper 
end, the stream of air being projected upon the thin wedge-shaped 
edge of an opening about three inches from the upper end, as in the 
organ pipe or the well-known penny whistle. While the general 
impression of the melodies is that they are based on the pentatonic 
scale, in common with those of the ancient races already mentioned, 
they contain many evidences of the influence of a more modern 
tonality. At this there need be no surprise when it is considered that 
the Iroquois have for years been accustomed to mingle with the 
whites by whom they are surrounded, and that in their reserves they 
have brass bands which play, not native Indian music, but the music 
in common use among similar bands throughout civilized Europe and 
A.merica. It must naturally follow that a people who have assim- 
ilated much of the dress, habits and customs of their white fellowmen 
cannot fail to have been influenced by the music with which they have 
been brought into contact. In this manner many of the phrases, 
which undoubtedly belong to the music of the whites, may have been 
assimilated, consciously or unconsciously, until they have become so 
closely associated with the music of the Indians as to be accepted by 
them as belonging to their traditional melodies. In this respect the 
melodies may be considered as mirroring the history of the people 
themselves. Previous to the advent of the whites the Indian lived 
exactly as his forefathers had done for centuries, but now he has 
adopted many of the habits and customs of his conquerors and some 
of his own have become mere traditions. 



In the Pigmy Song the evidences of modern influence are pro- 
bably more marked than in any of the others. At the commencement 
the tonality is very uncertain, as it might, at first hearing, be assumed 
to be in G. major. The C. sharp, however, is merely an auxiliary 
note which is cancelled by the C. natural in the third measure. The 
F. sharp introduced towards the close clearly gave the impression of a 
modulation to the dominant when sung by Ka-nis-han-don. The 
sudden ending on the half -beat is decidedly striking. This I am in- 
formed is characteristic of many of the Indian melodies. 


Allegro, f* 


_, N_ . m I m 

i <*-=M ^-p-f-^ ^-H=P=^-JH= 

^ * 1 - * ^-bi-4^i 2-CM :L -*- : T 

~ * r^" I I i I I j ' "* i i - 



In the Big Feather Dance we have a melody based on the penta- 
tonic scale of D. minor from which the notes B. flat and E. are neces- 
sarily absent. The complete absence of the F. is an interesting feature 
of the melody which reduces the number of notes actually employed 
to four. The upper G. at the close gives a merely approximate repre- 
sentation of what was sung. This was a whoop which commenced on 
the note indicated and ended in a glide downwards of very indefinite 



j ii.-i i 

_*__=St * 


i !Tj 


The Bear Dance Song contains many interesting points, among 
which are the leap of an augmented fourth in the first measure and 
the introduction of the F. sharp in the seventh measure with a repeti- 
tion of the same phrase at the close. The latter clearly suggests the 
key of G. minor although the third of that scale is absent. 


The Song of the White Dog contains every note of the modern 
scale of E. flat but the fourth. The augmented second in the tenth 
measure adds to the weird effect of the melody which is among the 


most interesting of the collection. The tonality is variable being 
sometimes in E. flat, but more frequently in C. minor. The abrupt 
ending on the half-measure is another instance of this characteristic 



= 3== 

*rP m ~l 9 p* 


i.|L=^^ faCTg+Q-^ig 

I ^^d "^ J~l~~ ~b ^~ 

In the Pigeon Dance Song we have a melody in which the tonality 
closely resembles that of modern compositions. Commencing in A. 
flat major, it modulates to F. minor for two measures and returns to 
the original key. The fourth of the key, however, is never present, 
indicating that the influence of the old pentatonic scale remains too 
strong to be easily overcome. 



^mwcurr/t ^^ 

The Green Corn Dance Song is among the most ancient known 
to the Iroquois. It contains four notes only of the key of F. minor. 


The yncopated rhythm in the fourth measure is a marked character- 
istic of Indian melodies, which may be observed in other numbers of 
the collection. 




The Women's Dance Song, although short, contains several very 
interesting points, notably the A flat in the second measure suggesting 
a modulation to the sub-dominant, closely followed by the E natural 
which causes the close to be in the key of the dominant. The ending 
cannot be expressed by musical notation. It is a characteristic Indian 
grunt commencing on F and gliding down to B flat approximately. 




The title of the War Dance Song would naturally suggest a 
melody of a much bolder type than it proves to be. It is sung very 
slowly, the rhythm is interrupted by several pauses and it ends so low 
in pitch as to be almost pathetic in character. In it we have all the 
tones of the scale of D minor with the exception of the seventh. The 
minor third is, for the first time, especially prominent. 


rr , \s - A 2 : "jm 9 I I 

The Song of the False Face Dance is in the favorite key of F 
minor and presents a new point of interest in the repetition of a 
phrase of six measures. This repetition is carried on ad libitum to 
the close of the dance, which is embellished by the addition of two 
wild grunts running through the entire scale. 


glisse. glisse. 

The Fish Dance Song contains another instance of six measure 
rhythm followed by the double grunt or whoop at the close. 




n t. k. 

V i 1 


P i 

/ \Ji 

m _J La 

* J 

rr\v ,< 



a J 


* * * * * * 

In Scattering of Ashes Song the tonality is clearly that of the 
pentatonic scale on C. The only tone which is foreign to that scale is 
the F natural in the fourth measure, but this may have been E as the 
intonation was somewhat uncertain. It bears a strong resemblance to 
some of the traditional melodies native to the Highlands of Scotland, 
especially in the effect of the close on the interval of a minor third. 



I ^1 1 J. 

-t '-' 




-P4I y i U-R i i 1 

^_J. E ' ^-"-i i^l ! 


The rhythm of the God Song is more regular than is to be found 
in the other melodies showing traces of modern influences, but the 
tonality is distinctly that of the pentatonic scale of B flat the fourth 


and seventh being absent. The abrupt ending of the phrase on the 
third measure is very striking. A marked peculiarity of this melody 
is the repetition of this effect at the unusual distance of five measures. 



"The Skin Dance Song opens with a phrase of five measures which 
is repeated after the intervention of another of similar length. To 
ears accustomed to the more usual rhythm of four measures employed 
in modern music this produces a most peculiar effect. The pentatonic 
scale is adhered to throughout and the melody ends with characteristic 
abruptness on the second degree of the scale." 

A friend has supplied copies of two songs music and words, as 
sung by the Iroquois in New York state, but I have Mr. Cringan's 
authority for the statement that they are not quite correctly taken 
down. These will be found on the following page 


It has already been mentioned that among the Indians as among 
primitive folk in other parts of the world, song-words have in many 
cases lost their meaning. This may be accounted for in several ways. 
If the songs originated among the ancestors of those who sing them, 
change of language alone in the course of a few generations certainly 
during a century or two would render some of the words meaning- 
less. Once the chain of significance is broken, general confusion 
ensues, for where there are no connected ideas articulate utterance 
possesses little value. Or, it may be, that the words have become obso- 
lete on account of changed environment, and are retained in the song 
simply because of their association with the music, or because it has been 
customary to use certain words on certain occasions. Again, the songs 


With spirit. 

3e 3^^33^3^ 

Ha noh ne yoh ye noh ha no we yoh no ne yoh 

z=q==q=:3d=5=: -n-Vr-i -r-f 

^E^E=8ti ^=^=3=13=33^^3 

ha no ne yoh no ne yoh ne yah ha no ne 

yoh ha yah ye no ha ye 

no ne yoh 

no ya 

ne ye yoh ne yoh yah ne yah 
~T T s. iTn 

1^ ! [> 1 

yah he he yoh ye yah ne yoh yah yoh. 



:=2=pc= i=a=. q:=i=^iii-=iq=qiz: =^^= 

; 1 4 1 p _ 1 _ J 1 1 1 

~ - L-I g- ^ ^ 

Ho soh kwa we ne yoh hah 

yoh ho ho ho hah-ah yoh hah-ah yo hah-ah hah-ha 
repeat. repeat. force. 

soh kwa we ne yoh soh kwa we ne hah yoh hoh ! 


may have been borrowed from another people, or in some way adapted 
by the adopters simply on account of their jingle, or because the accom- 
panying dance was an expressive one in any event the words would 
soon become sounds only. We need not travel far afield to find examples 
of all these, i'or they occur in our own nursery and countmg-out 
rhymes, and perhaps, too, in some of the refrains or burdens of old 
ballads and lyric poetry. 

The examples that follow were dictated by Kanishondon (who 
has sung those ceremonial songs at the feasts for several years and who 
was brought to Toronto for this purpose) and were put in writing by 
Mr. Brant-Sero, (who has also, in some cases, given what he takes to 
be the meaning) so that we may regard them as being substantially 
correct, although, from what has been said, it will readily be under- 
stood that no two singers are likely to follow each other closely in 
" words " any more than in music. 

Bear Dance Song. 

"We ha hi yo ha 
We ha hi yo o ho 
Whe ha hi yo o ho 

I am moving along a road, although 

ITTU u u- i, you may think there is none. 

Whe ha hi yo o ho J 

Whe ha hi yo o ho". 

Skin Dance Song. 

" Yo ne wah kyia ha ho ken ni wa ka yoh, 
Hyia ne wa hyia ha ho ken ni wa ka yoh, 
He ken, ho ken ni wa ha hoh ! 
Hyia ya ne wa hyia yo ken, 
Ho ken ha yoh ! ', 

Speaks of the world's uncertainty without Ha wen Niyoh's appro- 
val nothing is made to remain. 

Pigmy Dance Song. 

"Wen nen go hi ah."l 

Sing this six times and I Meaning of the words 
conclude with: j not known. 

"Wen nen goh!" 

Opening White Dog Song. 

" Gwe a no o de-e hyia ye-e ka no. 
Give a no o de-e hyia ye-e ka no, 

Hyia e ka no. 
Go na wen se, hyia ye-e 
Ka don hyia e e 

Hyia e ka no." 

I now take my place here. The doings are as I have wished. I 
am glad I see you here. 

War Dance Song. 

" Hi yo ya we ho hi yo ya we ho hi 

Ye wi ye e ye ya. 
Hi ya we ho hi ye hya we ho o 
Hi i ya hyia we ho wi ya ya ya 
We ho hi ya we hyia ya ya ya !" 

I know what I behold in nature I know and care not whether I 
do wrong, or whether some one else does the wrong.* 

Scattering of Ashes Song. 

" Ni ya we ni ya we ha ne ne ya we ha 
Ni ya we ni ya we ha ni ya 
We ne ni ya we ne ye ya we ne eh." 
I am walking according to the wish of Rawen Niyoh. 

Whether these examples be absolutely correct in respect of their 
native form, or even approximately so with regard to their meaning, 
they, at any rate, serve to illustrate the extreme simplicity of Iroquois 
songs, and we have no reason to surmise that there has been any 
deterioration as to length or complexity during the historic period. 
The accounts given us by early missionaries and travellers lead us to 
suppose that from two hundred to three hundred years ago the dance- 
songs were much like those in use among the present day Pagans 
simple, brief repetitions; no connected recitals of heroic deeds no 
rhythmic stories of love no weaving of witchcraft, misfortune and 
success, all of which was left as matter for the making of speeches in 
council, or for entertainment round the camp fire. 

*This sentence might have been composed by Walt Whitman. 


According to Iroquois belief, certain spirits whose whole entity 
is comprehended in ugly visages, have the power to inflict .bodily 
ailments, and to send diseases among the people. Trunkless, and, of 
course, limbless they lurk in dark nooks among rocks and hollow 
trees, and have the ability to flit from place to place in a way that 
" no fellow can understand." 

To counteract their malign influences, societies of a secret 
character known as the " False Faces." are maintained among the 
Pagan Iroquois to appease the evil spirits from whom they take 
their name. These societies also claim power to charm against disease 
in some cases, and to effect cures in others. 

In the fifth annual report to the Regents of the New York 
University, printed in 1852, Lewis H. Morgan, referrring to such 
societies says : " When anyone was sick with a complaint within the 
range of their healing powers, and dreamed that he saw a False-Face 
this was interpreted to signify that through their instrumentality he 
was to be cured. Having informed the mistress of the band (a woman 
was the medium of communication with outsiders) and prepared the 
customary feast, the False-Faces at once appeared, preceded by their 
female leader, and marching in Indian file. Each one wore a mask or 
false-face, a tattered blanket over his shoulders, and carried a turtle- 
shell rattle in his hand. On entering the house of the invalid they 
first stirred the ashes upon the hearth, and then sprinkled the 
patient over with hot ashes until his head and hair were covered ; 
after which they performed some manipulations over him in turn, and 
finally led him round with them in the 'False-Face dance,' with 
which their ceremonies concluded. When these performances were 
over, the entertainment provided for the occasion was distributed to 
the band, and by them carried away for their private feasting, as they 
never unmasked themselves before the people. Among the simple 
complaints which the False-Faces could cure infallibly were nose- 
bleed, toothache, swelling and inflammation of the eyes." 

On the suggestion of General Clark, I made some inquiries with 
respect to the existence of a False-Face society on the Grand River 
Reserve. For a long time I was flatly informed that there is no such 
organization, and one intelligent Indian assured me that he knew 
every one who took part in the False Face dance that there is no 
attempt made at secrecy, and that so far from this being the case the 
dancers may be seen at any time, before and after they have assumed 
their disguises. Still, as statements of this kind do not prove the non- 


existence of a society, although it tends to show that secrecy is not 
maintained in the old-fashioned way, after persistent inquiry I have 
learned that there is not only one, but that there are two societies of 
False Faces, the one in question, however, being the only secret one, 
respecting the existence of which not many Indians on the Reserve 
have any idea. 

Membership in the False Face society (Ah k' on wa-rah) is a matter 
for settlement by existing members, and their choice is governed by 
the character of those proposed, who in addition to general good con- 
duct are known to be capable of keeping their own counsel. Upon, or 
immediately after admission, no intimation reaches the outside 
world respecting the initiates, who are not made full members for 
some time, the length of which varies with the amount of interest and 
enthusiasm manifested by them in the work of the society, which is 
simply that of visiting the sick for the purpose of effecting cures. 
After the initiates have shown satisfactory zeal, and full membership 
is decided upon, an announcement is made to this effect in the Long- 
house, the purpose of which is thought to be that impostors may be 
more easily detected should any such attempt cures for the sake of 

Initiation, so-called, is free from anything cruel or revolting and 
consists merely in an introduction of the candidate, with speeches by 
the Chief False Face and others. The following is a free translation 
of the Chief's speech : 

" Brothers, listen. Now you must know that we did not make 
this custom. The beginning is from Niyoh our Creator who is above 
the False Faces. A member of the False Faces must go about among 
the people in the spring and fall to keep them from sickness, and 
must visit sick people at all times when called upon. This is all I 
have to say." 

The new man replies: "I will act according to the ancient 
customs as advised by the leader of your society of which I an now a 

Other members, as they feel disposed next address the new 
brother, giving him such instructions respecting his conduct and 
demeanor, as they see fit, or as they think suit the particular case. 

At any time after the announcement of full membership in the 
Longhouse, should the person just received show any want of attention 
to his duties, he is summoned by the Chief False Face to appear 
before the society in a private house, where a member is appointed 
to " talk " to the recalcitrant brother. 


Close questioning has failed to elicit that the society has any 
other object than the alleviation or the cure of disease. 

To a very large extent the secrecy that formerly characterized 
the False Faces, no longer exists. Many, if not all, of the members 
are known, but they continue to hold meetings from which non- 
members are excluded. The fiction is maintained of having two 

(13,196) False Face Dancer's Black Mask. 

women to act as mediums of communication between the society 
and outsiders, but these women are only the cooks of the feast. 


The present Chief False Face is Hy-joong-kwas (He tears Every- 
thing) Abraham Buck, half brother to the late Ska-naw'-a-ti, (John 
Buck), for many years Fire Keeper of the Six Nations. Hy-joong- 
kwas on his mother's side is a Tutelo, and on his father's an Onon- 
dago. See plate XV. . 



After the making of the world and its people by Rawen Niyoh, 
he left it for a time, but when he returned he was one day walking 
through an open place, following the sun, overlooking his own work, 
and examining the ground where the people were going to live, when 
his eye caught a strange, long-haired figure coming in the opposite 
direction. The face of this figure was red and twisted, the mouth 
being pulled up at the left corner. 

Rawen Niyoh said to him /'Where did you come from ?" to which 
the False Face replied, " I am the real owner of this world I was 
here before you." 

Rawen Niyoh said, "I think /am the owner of this place, because 
I made it." 

" That may be quite true," the False Face assented, " but I have 
been here a long time, and I have a good claim to it, and I am 
stronger than you are." 

" Show me how you can prove this," demanded Rawen Niyoh. 

The False Face suggested that they should retire to a valley not 
far from two high mountains, The False face ordered one of the moun- 
tains to come nearer, and it moved close to them. Rawen Niyoh 
was very much surprised at the result, upon which he ordered the 
other mountain to approach, which it did the two remaining so 
nearly together that Rawen and the False Face had barely room 
to get out. 

Each was satisfied with this exhibition of power on the part of 
the other, and Rawen Niyoh said, " I think it would not be well for 
you to be seen here by the people who are coming to this place, 
because you are so ugly, for everybody would follow you to look at 

A-k'-on-wa-rah (the False Face) agreed to this on condition that he 
should be allowed to claim the new people as his grandchildren and 

*It is evidently improper to speak of the original beings as False Faces, but 
this is the form of expression always used by the Indians when referring to the 
Flying Heads. 


J. Ojijatekha Brant-Sero. (Mohawk.) Mr. Brant-Sero has spent a good many years on the British stage. 
He acted as assistant and interpreter to the writer in 1898. 


they were to call him Grandfather. " I will help all I can," said he, 
" to drive away sickness from among the new people, and I am able to 
protect them from storms by causing the winds to go up high into the 

Raw en Niyoh replied, " I am sure you have much power to help 
the people, and you must keep this power as long as they live. We 
will make a bargain. They shall be your grandchildren, and you, 
their Grandfather. They must observe a dance the False Face Dance 
at the Longhouse, forever. Now we make this bargain, which shall 
last as long as you, and I, and the people, and the world shall last." 

Ak'onwarah replied, " It is well, and I want you to know that I 
am going to get much help in my good work among the people, from 
my brother who is black, and who will be with me, as well as from my 
cousin who always goes with us. He is half black and half red." 

Rawen Niyoh and Ak'onwarah then separated, the former saying, 
" I am going towards the setting sun," and the Red False Face saying, 
" I go where the sun rises." 

It will be seen from this story that even Rawen Niyoh is not 
supreme. His power is equalled by that of Ak'onwarah, and both are 
able to transport themselves to any part of the world at. pleasure. 

The fact that there are only three False Faces one red, one black, 
and one half-and half is suggestive of connection with the sun-myth. 

It is to be observed, also, that although nothing is here mentioned 
respecting the power of the False Faces to exert evil influences on 
mankind, it is to be understood, according to the general belief, that 
they have this power, and exercise it, too. 

Other Versions. 

For a long time many hundreds of years ago, there was no being 
of any kind on this island (continent?) but one False Face. 

One day the Creator appeared on the scene and told the False 
Face that some other beings were soon going to come into the world 
and it would be necessary for him to keep out of the way. The False 
Face objected very much to this suggestion, declaring that he had been 
in possession for such a long time that he didn't think it was fair to 
remove him for the convenience of new-comers, and he succeeded so 
well in convincing himself of his rights that he at last refused flatly 
to be displaced. 

After a good deal of argument on both sides, the Creator told him 
it was no use to talk any more about the removal He had decided 
that the False Face should go, and go he must. The Creator then told 

11 c.i. 


him that a hard and fast line must be drawn between their two 
territories. The Creator insisted on his right to mark the boundary 
without any interference on the part of the False Face, indeed He 
ordered him to turn himself away while the marking out was going 
on, so that he might know nothing of it until it was settled. 

The False Face, with very bad 
grace, complied by looking in the op- 
posite direction, but he was too much 
interested to remain in this position, 
and continued to give sly glances side- 
wise for the purpose of finding out 
how the line was being drawn. Be- 
coming bolder after a little he turned 
right about to see the work, when the 
Creator catching him in the act, struck 
him such a blow on the cheek as to 
knock his mouth out of shape, and so 
it has remained until this day ! 

The mask shown in the illustra- 
tion is thought to portray the condi- 
tion of the False Face ever since. 

This story is chiefly from a ver- 
sion by Louis Dixon. 

Another way of it is that the first 
being, who was not a man although 
he looked like one, had a face red on 
one side and black on the other. 

One day he had a talk with 
Rawen Niyoh, who told him that very 
soon real people would inhabit the 
earth, and there would not be any use 
for beings like him, although he was 
the only one of his kind. He objected 
very seriously to make way for men 
and women, but when he saw there 

(17,022). RED MASK. was no way out of the difficulty he 

requested that he might be allowed to live away by himself, promising 
that he would allow the coming race to make masks imitating his 
face, the effect of which would be to charm away disease and witchcraft. 
He exists, but even the Creator knows nothing regarding his 
origin ; and where he lives there is no human being. 


Among the old Ojibwas it was the custom to paint one side of the 
face black and the other red when asking the manitous for anything 
very desirable. 


Once a man was travelling through the woods, and coming to an 
open place where there were a great many uprooted trees, forming 
deep holes with single walls of matted roots full of earth, he saw a 
number of beings quite unlike anything he had ever seen before, as 
they all had faces covered with, or composed of corn husks. These 
beings, thirty in number, were very timid so much so that he could 
not get a chance to speak to them for a long time. At last he succeed- 
ed in persuading one to listen to him for a little, and him he told that 
he was anxious to have a talk with the chief of the Husky- faces. 
This meeting was brought about with some difficulty, when the chief 
informed the traveller that the husk-faces grew naturally on him and 
his family, which consisted of thirty persons, and that their kind would 
live always. 

The Husk Face further informed the traveller to this effect, 
" We are able to help one another. You may help me when I need 
you and I may help you, I say this to you because I am not allowed 
to speak to your people, so let us make a bargain to be friends as long 
as our kinds shall live." 

Accordingly the bargain was concluded and both parties have 
remained firm friends ever since. 

The Husk Faces are able to help man in sickness, but instead of 
coals and ashes being required as when cures are attempted in connec- 
tion with other False Faces, only cold water is employed. 

None but the traveller ever saw these husk-faced men or beings 
before, and since that time the power of seeing them is confined to his 
family, but only one member of it at a time is able to perceive them. 
Yot-ho-reh gwen (Doubly Cold), on the Reserve as the living repre- 
sentative of the traveller, possesses this privilege. 


In memory of this adventure and arrangement arrived at, a secret 
society exists. This organization differs in many respects from that of 
the False Faces. The members meet only three times during 
the year, in November, (at the same time that the False Faces meet) 
and the gatherings being held in private houses, those who belong to 
the society are well-known. On these occasions the members address 
each other with encouragement to maintain the old customs. 


When one dies the rest choose a member to take his place from 
the same family if possible, but ' a more suitable member may 
be chosen from any other family, and the number of thirty is kept up 
to correspond with the number originally seen in the woods. 

The leader is known as Sha-go-na-den-ha-weh, and the dancers 
are called cousins. 


A race of small people is believed to inhabit caves in rocky places. 
These people did not appear till long after the creation of the Indians, 
and are quite different from them in disposition as well as in size and 
appearance. Scarcely more than three feet in height and of a pale- 
yellow color, they dressed " all over," even in summer time, differing 
in this respect from the Indian. 

They are not credited with any mischievous tendencies, but were 
rather disposed to assist the hunter in pursuit of his game. To secure 
the good offices of the pigmies, however, it was, as a matter of course, 
necessary that a feast should be given in their honor. In the old days 
the custom was to kill the first deer for this purpose, and as the 
pigmies were particularly fond of corn soup, this dish formed a pro- 
minent feature of the feast. Now-a-days a pig is sometimes killed as 
a substitute for the deer. 

Thirty six songs are peculiar to this ceremony, during the first 
part of which, these, with four exceptions, are sung in accompani- 
ment to the women's dance, in perfect darkness. Wherever a 
a pigmy feast is given, all these songs must be sung, one-half of them 
by the men and one half by the women. No rattle is employed in 
these dances, but a drum in the hands of a man is constantly in use. 
After the men have sung their sixteen songs, the women begin their 
half of the singing, continuing to dance at the same time. 

At the conclusion of this second part, the room is lighted and the 
remaining four songs are sung by the women who dance by moving in 
a circle in the usual way, while the dance engaged in when the room 
was dark consisted of a slight alternate shuffle forwards and back- 
wards, the dancers remaining in one place. 

The pigmy-dance requires about an hour and a half, and is 
usually held in the house of the man or woman who gives the feast. 

My informant gave it as his opinion that the portion of the cere- 
mony performed in darkness referred to the doubt and difficulty con- 
nected with an unsuccessful hunt, while the lighting up symbolized 
the capture of game. 


In accordance with Mohawk myth as held by some, the pigmies 
were fond of playing pranks by throwing stones, hence the name 
Yagodinenyoyak s. 


Dah-kah-he-dund-yeh says there is an animal that no one has 
ever been able to capture alive. It is called Oh-kwa-ri-dak-san. It 
has been killed, but it is very difficult to kill, it for the reason that as 
long as it is angry no shot will penetrate its skin. It is only after it 
becomes tired that shots have any effect, and the weaker it becomes 
from fatigue, the deeper they will make their way. 

As soon as the oh-kwa-ri-dak-san scents a man, it sets up a fear- 
ful howl, and as this can be heard for a great distance, one has a chance 
of escape if not too far away from a place of shelter. Once this animal 
got on the track of a man, who, knowing its nature and habits, did 
everything he could to throw it off the scent He climbed trees and 
passed from one to another along the branches he waded along 
streams sometimes, and when he had to go on land, ran about zig-zag, 
and made great jumps. By this means he managed to reach a swamp 
where he remained in hiding for a time. The oh-kwa-ri-dak-san knew 
he was there, but could not reach him on account of the' large quantity 
of water which was held back by means of a beaver dam, so it made 
a cut through the beavers' embankment to draw the water off. 

As the sticks and rubbish floated through the narrow channel the 
cunning and cruel beast was on the watch to prevent the man from 
escaping in this way. The man knew this, so he waited until he saw a 
good big log moving off with the current which was now becoming 
very rapid, and he attached himself to this log in such a way that he 
was nearly all out of sight only his mouth and nose being out of the 
water. When the log came to the cut it went through with such a 
rush that the oh-kwa-ri-dak-san could not stop it for examination, nor 
did it see the man in hiding. Thus the man got away and was carried 
miles down the stream. 


Told by Da-ha-wen-nond-yeh. 

A long, long time ago, a man and his wife went far into the woods 
to hunt and trap. They took with them their baby boy. They built for 
themselves a shelter of branches and bark. The father was out hunt- 
ing one day, and the mother went to get some water. The baby was 
left in the bower. A big bear came along and took the baby away. 


The parents spent days and days in search of the baby, but they could 
not find it, so they went back to the village very sad. 

Six years afterwards the hunter and his wife were in the same 
part of the woods. They had two dogs with them one very fat, and 
one very lean. The fat dog was fat because it was a pet of the 
owners, and was always well used. The lean dog was lean because it 
was not well used. But the lean dog had a good heart, and the fat 
dog had a bad heart, so one day the lean dog said to the fat dog, " If 
I were you I would tell our master where the lair of the bear is, for 
master is very kind to you, and he would like to find his little boy." 

The man heard this talk going on between the dogs, and next 
time he fed them he gave the lean one an unusually large share. This 
made the lean dog feel better, and the man kept on giving it plenty 
every time he fed it. 

On the third day after he heard the dogs talk to each other, as he 

went out to hunt, and before very long the lean dog came to a place 

r where it began to bark.* Nothing would make it leave the spot, and 

this made the man search very carefully. By-and-by he found a large 

hole, and this turned out to be the entrance to a bear's den. 

The hunter poked long sticks into the hole, and made much noise. 
Then the old bear came out and he killed her, but the dog barked and 
barked as before, for there were still some cubs in the den. The 
hunter killed all the cubs, and yet the dog kept barking. The man 
poked away with a long pole, and at last he heard a voice say, " Don't 
kill me, I'm your boy." The hunter said, " Show me your paw." Out 
came a little hand all covered with hair. The man caught it and pulled 
out the child, who was crying, and saying, " Don't let the dogs bite me, 
don't let the dogs kill me." 

The child was covered with hair, and acted just like a bear. 

Before all this occurred the old bear had told the boy what was 
going to happen, and said, " When your father sees you so hairy he 
will not be pleased, so you must tell him to gather berries, especially 
the blackberry ; he must take the juice of these mixed with water as 
a drink, and if he will blow some of this from his mouth over your 
body, all the hair will come off." And it was so. 

The adventures of the bear-boy are said to have originated the 
ceremony of Wa-dyon-nin-hos-ta-ron-da-deh, that is to say, of blowing 
or spraying, a somewhat singular custom, the official performance of 
which is confined to those who have a right to take part in the bear 
dance. Like many other stories, however, the probability is, rather, 

* It is said that the original Indian dog could not bark. 


that this one has been invented to account for a custom, the origin and 
meaning of which have long since been forgotten. 


That the old-time influence of imagination has not been greatly 
weakened in some instances at least, may be gathered from a story told 
me by Da-ha-wen-non-yeh. 

About four years ago a Seneca, a Cayuga, and an Onondaga were 
together spearing pike on the southern shore of the Grand River, 
between Tuscarora and Caledonia. The Seneca was standing on what 
appeared to be a large mass of frozen, or very hard earth, which, to 
the surprise of every one, began to move. By-and-by they saw emerg- 
ing from one end of it M^hat they at first supposed to be a snake, but 
which was in reality the head of an immense turtle, for this it was 
that looked so much like a huge lump of earth. They all got out of 
the way and watched it as it made for the river, where it disappeared. 

It measured at least six feet across its back, and the shell must, 
therefore, have been quite eight feet long ! 


Many of the " Indians " on the Reserve are of mixed blood, and 
large numbers of these commonly known as " half-castes " or " half- 
breeds," retain much less than fifty per cent, of Indian blood. Occasion- 
ally the " white " name of a person may afford some clue respecting 
European ancestry, but as it has become customary for all to assume 
" white " surnames, as well as Christian (though not necessarily bap- 
tismal) names, conclusions based on these are more than likely to 
prove fallacious. Neither is tinge of complexion a perfectly safe guide, 
because among Indians as among ourselves this varies considerably. 

It has been said of our North- West Indians (Ojibwas, Crees and 
other Algonkins) many of whose women have been married to white 
men, especially Scots and French, that there is a noticeable difference 
in the offspring in accordance with their paternity children, whose 
father was a Scotsman, taking more kindly to trade, or general busi- 
ness ; while those of semi-French origin are more disposed to follow 
the ways of their mother's people. However this may be, no oppor- 
tunity of a similar kind exists by means of which to make a fixed 
comparison in the case of the Iroquois on the Grand River Reserve, as in 
many of the mixed cases where white parentage is traceable, the father 
was an Indian and the mother a white. It is, at any rate, undoubted, 
that with the increase of " white " blood comes increased business 
capacity on the part of the individual, although it is possible to name 
more than one example of the pure, or almost pure, Iroquois attaining 


great success in public life. The average Indian, however, no matter 
what may be his degree of purity, does not make a first-class farmer, 
or business man. His intentions may be good, and often are, but the 
effects of racial heredity are seldom surmounted during one lifetime, 
and generally assert themselves for several generations. 

Physical features are less persistent than mental characteristics, 
but it is still possible to trace Indian lineage by this means in the case 
of many who are regarded as purely white. Even when the hair has 
assumed a more or less fair shade, it is seldom that the eyes become 
otherwise than dark, although blue eyes may be found amon^ half- 
castes on the Reserve. The small hands and feet of the full-blooded 
Indian often repeat themselves " until the third and fourth generation " 
of mixed lineage, and the same may be said respecting high cheek 

In few instances is there any attempt to conceal part Indian 
descent even when those concerned are regarded as white people : on 
the contrary, J have heard numerous expressions of pride in the pos- 
session of this blood-strain. 

The young lady whose picture is shown on plate IX is a 
daughter of Chief Isaac Davis, and on her mother's side, claims to be 
connected with our greatest Admiral, Lord Nelson. Indeed, it is not 
hard to make one's self believe that in Miss Davis's lineaments, a strik- 
ing resemblance to the old Sea-King may be seen. 

This lady and her elder sister are engaged as highly successful 
public school teachers on the Reserve. 


During the New Year or Midwinter Festival, or in the fall at 
the Green Corn Festival, children are presented by their parents to 
receive names. 

After the performance of the Big Feather Dance on either 
occasion, the Master of Ceremonies says : " Now, to-morrow is 
children's day. They will have a chance to get a name. The children 
will get a name in the presence and in the hearing of all the people. 
Now, all of you women having children to be named, bring them to 

*A writer in the Orleans County (N.Y.) Archives of Science, for October, 1870, 
touching on this subject, says: " Several families of unquestionable antecedents, 
now show no trace whatever of aboriginal character. The prominent cheek-bones 
are the last to yield. The straight hair, tawny skin, and the peculiar color and 
expression of the Indian eye linger for a time, but the fourth, and in many in- 
stances, the third generation, not merely make obscure, but obliterates them all." 

From a paper entitled "Indian History in Northern Vermont," by Wm. W. 


the Longhouse to-morrow to be named. After they are named we 
will dance the Skin Dance. This is all I have to say." 

Next day, the Master of Ceremonies, referring to his address of 
the previous night, invites the women to bring forwards their children 
to receive names at once that there should be no delay. 

A small body of women (from six to eight) is appointed to consider 
what names ought to be given, and these women select two others (one 
to represent each end of the Longhouse) whose duty it is to carry 
the babies, and to announce to the Speaker the names determined. 

The naming is apparently regarded as of national, rather than of 
family interest, and the wishes of the mother are therefore not 
supposed to be consulted, but there are Indian gossips as well as 
white ones, and there is no doubt that when a baby makes its 
appearance they discuss prematurely what it should be called, and 
even receive a hint from the mother should she have any preference, 
and should she not consider it unlucky to express a wish regarding a 
matter of so much importance. Ostensibly the rule adopted by the 
naming women is merely to take into account the gens of a child ; s 
mother and to confer a name accordingly, for certain names pertain to 
certain gentes, or totems, and the correct classification and applica- 
bility of such names are known only to a few of the eldest women in 
each nation. Among the Mohawks, Oneidas and Tuscaroras, most of 
whom are professing Christians, this name- system has long been dis- 
used, and any native applications they have are rather nick-names 
than anything else, but this does not apply to " chief -names." 

When the women have decided upon a name, it is communicated 
to the Speaker by one of the two women who represents the child's 
end of the Longhouse. The Speaker then addressing the father, says : 
" Your child will now receive a name." The woman carrying the 
baby places it in the arms of the Speaker, who says, (naming the 
child) " Now, the boy has received a name. We give the child to 
you, Niyoh. You are able to make the child grow to manhood." 
Then, as he walks to and fro, east and west, in the middle of the 
Longhouse, still holding the child, he sings what sounds like a lullaby 
while the men in the audience accompany him with " Heh-heh-heh." 

Heh heh heh heh, 

Heh heh he h heh, 
Heh heh heh heh. 


Should the child cry during the singing of this song, the heh* of 
the people increase in volume. 

The ceremony is now ended, and the woman takes the boy from 
the Speaker and gives it to the mother. 

No song is sung for a girl baby, the only reason assigned for 
its use in connection with the boy being that it in " some way " affects 
his future. 

When the children have been named, the two carrier-women say, 
" That is all we can do to-day," and the Speaker replies : " Now, it 
is the ancient custom to dance the Skin Dance (Onehoreh) after the 
naming of children has taken place. The Skin Dance we now dance 
to show we are thankful for this day's doings." 

When a man becomes a chief he is given a new name by which he 
is afterwards known, and his former name may now be given to any 

Some names are considered lucky, and the unlucky ones are used 
only when the others have all been employed, but names that are un- 
lucky in one family may be the opposite in another. New ones are 
not now originated. 

Even among Christian Indians there is considerable reticence 
in the utterance of names. In the domestic circle, members of the 
family avoid addressing each other by name, and try to attract 
attention by nod or other gesture. So, too, in Council ; the speakers 
as a rule, refrain from naming each other, and when it becomes neces- 
sary to do so there is a general feeling of awkwardness. 

Similarly, the term " Mr." is seldom applied by them to one 
another, and, as a rule each addresses the other, or refers to a third 
person by his Christian name. The same holds good with respect to 
women " Mrs." not being in common use. 

Many of the present generation have no Indian names, but all the 
older people have both Indian and " white " names. In the latter 
case, when it it absolutely necessary to mention each other, it seems 
to be a matter of taste as to which may be employed. 

When a speaker must refer to a third person whose name may 
be somewhat common, (as John, Peter, Isaac, or Jacob) without 
employing a surname, he does so by means of an inflection or inton- 
ation corresponding in some degree to the subject's style or manner of 
speech, be it quick, slow, hesitating, or marked by any other peculi- 
arity, and this is done, not with mocking intention, but solely for the 


purpose of enabling the listeners to identify the one mentioned. In 
some instances the name is coupled with that of his place of residence. 

In addition to the regular given name or names, nick-names are 
common, and a man may be distinguished by a new one every year or 
two, for the Indian is an acute observer of habits, tastes, and circum- 
stances, and takes infinite pleasure in dubbing his fellows this or that, 
more for the love of fun than with malicious intent. 

The following list of deer gens names were supplied by Ka-nis-han- 
don (a Seneca). Mr. Brant-Sero has added the Mohawk equivalents 
with English translation : 

Ka-nis-han-don (S), Tekanessarongwaronweh (M), Sand-bar. 
Tho-i-wa-heh (S), Thoriwhaareh (M), He keeps at it. 
Sken-ha-di-son (S), Skayonhadihson (M), Along the other side of the 


Ka-yon-gwent-ha (S), Yohakenhdon (M), Fallen black dust (soot ?). 
Ho-na-wa-keh-deh (S), Rohnawakehdeh (M), He carries a stream. 
Ha-da- went- was (S), Radawenthos (M), Killer of many. 
Ha-ka-en-yonh (S), Rakahenyonh (M), He sees with searching eyes. 
Wa ha-na-di-sa-a (S), Wahanadihsa (M), He built completely. 
Ka-gwen-nyen-sta (S), Yotgwennyens (M), With dignity and honor. 
O-ne-e-da-i (S), Yoneraghdarih (M), Autumnal leaves ripened. 
Ka-hah-do-don (S), Karadohdon (M), Upright feathers. 
Thah-wean-non-di'on (S), Dadaweanodattyeh (M), He, the approach- 
ing voice. 

Kah-en-i-tya-he-kgwih (S), Karonhyahraghgwenh (M), Placed on the 

Hen-di-ye-yah (S), Dakahondiyak (M), Across the field. 

De-yo-si-ke-gwih (S), (M), Shadows on the side of a 

Ha-yen-das (S), Oyendeh (M), Wood. 

Collected by J. Ojijateckha Brant-Sero and Chief Alex. Hill. 

Hamilton, Ohronwagonh, in the valley. T'kahehdadonh, On., * Land 
barrier before the entrance. 

* A few additional forms marked "On." are given in Onondaga. In many 
cases it will be observed that the names must be of comparatively recent origin. 


Simcoe, Kahediyakih, On. Land divided into lots. 

Middleport, Tsikahondayenh, Open field. T'kakondayeh On. 

Onondaga village, Yothahogwen, Road leaving water. 

Cayuga, Gonyongonhakahhkeh, At the Tobacco people. 

Dunville, Tsikanekanhodonh, Water arrested ; T'kanekhadih, Big dam. 

Newport, Butchnehkenha, Late Burch's. 

Cainsville, Gonyonygonhakaghkeghkenha, Old Cayuga. 

Tutelo Heights, Teyodirihrononkeh, Place of the Tutelo people. 

Brantford, Tsikanadahereh, Property on a hill. 

Paris, Tyonyonhhogenh, At the forks, (stream). 

Mount Pleasant, Kanadasekkeh. New settlement. 

Mohawk village, near Brantford, Kanadagonkenha, Old settlement. 

Mohawk Institution, Kanadagonh,* In the settlement or village. 

Dundas, Unnonwarotsherakayonneh, At the old Hut. 

Ancaster, Canajoharekeh, At the black kettle hoisted on a pole. 

Stony Creek, Tyotstenragwenhdareh Floored with stone slabs. 

Jordan, Kayeriniwauhsen, Forty, (mile creek). 

St. Catherines, Detyodenonhsakdonh, A curved building. 

Niagara (district), Ohnyagara, Back of the neck, as if in anger. 

Niagara Falls, Tewasenthah Falls, Thanawenthagowah On., Great 

stream falling. 

Buffalo, Deyoseroronh, Basswood forest. 
Albany, S'kanedadih, Besides the pines. 
Syracuse, Onondaghkeh, On and along the Mountain. 
Rochester, Kaaskon'sagonh Under the falling stream. 
New York, Kanonnoh, Fresh water basin, referring to the mouth of 

Hudson River. 
Quebec, Dekayadondarigonh, meaning somewhat obscure, but, possibly 

it refers to " sister mountains " or " laughter." 
Montreal, Tyohtyakih, French (city). 
Kingston, Kaghdarongwenh, Built a fort. 
Toronto, Karondoh, Log in water. 
Ottawa, Tsitkanajoh, floating kettle (money), or Katsidagwehniyoh 

On., chief " Council Fire." 
Guelph, Thadinadonnih, They build. 
St. Lawrence River, Kaghyonwagowah, Great river. 
Lake Ontario, Skanyadario, Beautiful sheet of water. 

*In the three foregoing Mohawk words we have what some claim to be the 
origin of the word Canada. 



So much has been written regarding totemism and the " clan " 
system, so-called, that scarcely anything remains to be said, but as this 
report will probably fall into the hands of some to whom the subject 
is not quite clear, a little space may be devoted to it. -\- 

Totemism is closely allied to fetichism, and probably sprung from 
it.;}: In the latter, man regards certain objects as being all-powerful 
to aid him, and in this respect the objects of his worship are regarded 
in the light of talismans or charms. In totemism, the idea of worship 
does not necessarily exist, and the totem is merely regarded as a 
name, or a symbol, common to a group of families. In the original 
choice of such symbol it is very strongly probable that there was in- 
volved some sort of worshipful notion, but everything of this 
kind has long since disappeared from the minds of most American 
Indians, certainly from those of the Iroquois, the nature of whose 
gens system does not lend any influence to the perpetuation of such a 
belief, for while marriage is permissible between members of any two 
' nations,' it is, or was, strictly prohibited between two of the same 
gens,1F and when to this is added the fact that the children, according to 
the old constitution, take the gens name of the mother, it is easy to 
see how strong the tendency becomes to disregard supposed totemic 

* The words clan and gens are often used indescriminately. Major Powell, I 
think, deserves the credit of distinguishing these, by restricting the term dg/ti to a ; ^ 
group, the members of which trace their relationship through the father, and gens 
to one whose members count through the mother. The distinction was necessary 
and is very good, and it enables us to restrict the former name to Scottish High- 
land and other European groups of families, among whom, for hundreds of years, 
at any rate, genealogy has been traced through the father. 

t Those who desire to get at the philosophy of primitive relationships should 
consult Morgan's " System of Consanguinity and Affinity of the Human Family, " 
Tylor's " Primitive Culture, " and Lubbock's " Origin of Civilization." 

J Grant Allen, in his Evolution of the Idea of God, p. 174, thinks "The 
worship of totems . . . probably came from the custom of carving the totem 
animals on the grave-stick, or grave-board," but this is something like saying we 
eat because we cook. 

It is safer in the meantime, at any rate, to agree with Andrew Lang, who says, 
that "about the origin of totemism we know nothing." Contemp. Rev. vol. 

Schoolcraft says, " The totem is always some animated object, and seldon or 
never derived from the inanimate class of nature. Its significant importance is 
derived from the fact that individuals unhesitatingly trace their lineage from it." 

IT As Letourneau very aptly puts it in The Evolution of Marriage, Contemp. 
Sci. Series, p. 185, '' The North American Indians are endogamous as regards the 
tribe, but they are exogamous as regards the clan." 


influences. The family of a " Wolf " man for example, might be 
" Beavers," " Hawks " or " Eels," and his grandchildren " Bears," 
" Snipes," or " Turtles." 

The following table slightly modified from Hales's " Book of 
Rites," shows the disposition of clans among the six nations : 




Turtle Turtle 





Turtle Turtle 










Wolf (yellow) 
Wolf (gray) 
Turtle (big) 
Turtle (little) 



A glance at the table shows us that the Mohawks and Oneidas 
have but three clans, viz., the Bear, Wolf and Turtle ; that all the 
other nations have these clans besides more; that the Tuscaroras 
have two kinds of Wolf, and two kinds of Turtle ; that the Senecas, 
Onondagas, Cayugas and Tuscaroras have the Beaver; that the former 
three have the Deer ; that the latter three have the Snipe ; that the 
Senecas and Cayugas have the Hawk ; that all except the Mohawks 
and Oneidas have the Eel ; that only the Senecas have the Crane, and 
that the Onondagas alone have the Ball, which, it will be observed is 
the only name of an inanimate object among the twelve given. 

It will readily be seen that according to the matrimonial con- 
ditions laid down among a people so divided, or, rather, so 
classified, combination of blood would be equalled only by confusion 
of clans, with a consequent tendency to lessen, and ultimately to 
destroy altogether any fetishtic ideas that may have been at first, 
connected with this or that totem. 

There is scarcely any evidence to warrant the belief that our 
Indians habitually ranged themselves during peace or war in clans 

* Intelligent Senecas assure me that they know of no Hawk or Eel gens in. 
their nation at the present time. 

t Respecting the Ball, there is a difference of opinion some say it should be 
the Swallow, but most of the Indians I have spoken to have no idea what it means, 
although many say it is not Ball. 


that they ever wore their totems as badges, or in any other way 
regarded the totem as anything but a family and distinctive name. 
Perhaps more attention was paid to clanship during a few of their 
numerous ceremonial occasions than at any other time, but even of 
this we have no proof. At Longhouse meetings, where the Two 
Brothers seat themselves at one end of the room, faced by the Four 
Brothers on the other, no distinction is made in the matter of clans 
with respect to the seats occupied. 

This system of clanship and exogamous marriages is not by any 
means peculiar to Indian society. Among many primitive people in 
every part of the world it is known either to exist or to have existed, 
and among people more highly gifted in the arts than were the 
Indians, it is possible to follow the evolution of the totemic idea to 
what we call heraldry. 


The chiefship of the Iroquois is as anomalous as and confusing as 
is the system of gentes. 

In the first place there are seventy-one chiefs, of whom fifty 
(some say fifty-two) are head, and the others minor chiefs. 

A few of the chiefs are known as " warrior chiefs " and are the 
descendants of some who secured the position by appointment of the 
Council for bravery in action during past wars with the United States. 
Such appointment may result from nomination in the usual way by 
the women of the nominee's clan and nation, or it may be a matter of 
exclusive choice on the part of the Council. Appointments of this kind 
were no doubt intended as personal compliments, without any reversion 
after the death of the honored one, just as some knighthoods are to- 
day according to British usage, still, there are instances in which 
warrior chiefship has become hereditary but by what means is not 

Apart from war, and in recognition of good sense and executive 
ability, the Councillors may select some to occupy seats with them as 
public administrators, and those so chosen are known as " Pine-tree "* 
chiefs. They may attain to the highest power among members of 
the Council, but the office dies with them. 

*The word here translated as pine-tree, is in its Mohawk form, Wa-ka-neh-do- 
den, and means pine-pitch, rather than pine tree, the idea being that one so ap- 
pointed is stuck on, or made to adhere for the time being. 


Official titles accompany hereditary head chiefship, as may be seen 
from the appended list, but minor chiefs have no such designation, for 
the reason that they were originally regarded as merely messengers or 
assistants to the heads or lords with the privilege of exercising the 
functions of head chiefship in Council, when the latter were unavoid- 
ably absent. Now, however, this distinction is abolished, or rather, 
has fallen into desuetude, and chiefs of both classes act with equal 

On the death of a chief the position may not be filled for a year 
or more instances have occurred in which no appointment has been 
made for two or three years but as a rule the choice of a successor is 
made within a year, by the eldest and nearest of the deceased's female 
relations on his mother's side. The name of the women's nominee is 
then placed before the Council by one of the chiefs belonging to the 
same nation. Should the women fail to unite on this matter, the names 
of two or more persons may be presented to the Council, which has 
the right to refuse acceptance in any case. When this happens the 
matter is submitted to the women for re-consideration. As a rule 
however, no such difficulty arises, and the Council either accepts the 
single nominee or selects one from the two or more whose names have 
been presented, after which the initiatory ceremonies are proceeded 

A fourth class includes regents or "borrowed chiefs." On the 
death of a chief who leaves no one to take his place in direct line, the 
difficulty is overcome by the appointment of any ' fit and proper per- 
son ' to act during his lifetime. Should there still be no male 
representative in direct line, another, and even a third borrowed chief 
may be appointed, but after the death of such regent, the chiefship 
reverts to its proper family, if there is anyone qualified to take the 

By a fiction of Iroquois usage, if not law, the chief never dies. 
For an explanation of this reference may be made to the chapter on 
" Chiefs' Deaths." 

There is no foundation for the common belief that white men are 
made chiefs of any kind when the Indians adopt such persons, or con- 
fer a name on those whom they wish to compliment. 

Readers who desire to know more respecting the ceremony of 
chief -making cannot do better than refer to the Iroquois Book of Rites, 
by the late distinguished ethnologist and philologist, Horatio Hale. 


Chiefs Forming the Council of the Six Nations. 


Dekarihoken, Elias Lewis, 

Abram Lewis, 

Ayontwatha (Hiawatha) David Thomas, 

Isaac Doxtater, 

Sadekariwade Peter Powliss, 

Daniel Doxtater, 

Shorenhowane Isaac Davis, 

Deyonhegwen John W. Elliott, 

Jas. C. Elliott, 

Orenhrekowah Isaac Doxtater, 

Dehenakarine Joab Martin, 

Geo. W. Hill, 
Asdawenserontha John Fraser, 

Alex. G. Smith, 

Wm. Staats. 


Otatahete Wm. Green, 

Kanongweya J. S. Johnson, 

Deyohagawede Nicodemus Porter, 

Joseph Porter, 
Odwanaokoha Geo. P. Hill, 

Wm. C. Hill, 
Adyadonentha Abram Hill Jacket, 

August Hill Jacket, 
Owatshadeha Arch. Jameson. 


Dathodahon Nicholas Gibson, 

Onesahe Peter John Key, 

Dehadkadons Elijah Harris. 

John Jameson. 

Skanadajiwak . . . , David John. 

Dehayadgwaeh Johnson Williams. 

Hononweyade David Sky. 

Hahehonk Wm. Echo. 

12 c.i. 


Kowenesedon, Peter Key, jr. 

Sodegwaseh Levi Jonathan, 

Hoyoyane Joseph Porter, jr. 

Sakokeheh Wm. P. Buck. 

Skanawati Gibson Crawford. 

Alexander Hill. 

Isaac Hill. 

Philip Hill. 


Dekachyon Abram Charles, 

Jas. Sky, 
Jinondawehon Robert David, 

Franklin David, 

Kadagwaseh .... David General, 

Soyonehs Austin Bill, 

Samuel Kick, 

Hayadroneh Jacob Jameson, 

Dyoyongo Joseph Jacobs, 

Wm. Hill, 
Deyodowakon Joseph Henry, 

Philip Miller, 

Dyonwadon Wm. Henry, 

Hadondaheha John Henry, 

Deskahe Benj. Carpenter 

Hadwenoneh Wm. Wage, 


Skaneodyo John Gibson, 

George Key, 

Dehayadgwayeh Johnson Williams, 

Sadekowes Michael Smoke, 

Kanoki David Hill. 

John Hill. 

Dyonehokawe George Gibson. 

Karidawake Joseph Green. 

Nayokawaha Wm. Williams. 

Sakokaryes Joseph Hill. 

Rarewetyetha Richard Hill. 

Nelles Monture. 


Iroquois woman and child.* 


As may be gathered from the illustrations in this report, both 
sexes clothe themselves mainly in European costume. This is especi- 
ally true of the younger people, many of the old ones still clinging to 
portions of dress, which, if not absolutely primitive, mark the transition 
stage. Occasionally a man of advanced years may be seen in long 
leggins or in trousers, cut and decorated in imitation of thern.^ 
and the use of moccasins is not at all uncommon, especially during 
mid-winter when the snow is dry. But the women are more conser- 
vative in this respect. A larger number of them not only wear leggins 
and moccasins, but in the matter of general dress continue to appear 
as did their great-grandmothers, without a special head-covering other 
than a handkerchief or small shawl, their gowns being ornamented with 
numerous silver brooches in rows or otherwise down the front (see pi. 
XVII. A) while the shoulders and sometimes the head, are covered with 
a large woolen shawl of some bright uniform color, or more frequently 
of an equally brilliant tartan. This is holiday attire ; on every day 
occasions there is no display of jewelry: coarse straw hats are worn 

* Although this is from a picture photographed by T. Connon, Elora, more 
than 40 years ago, it is " up to date." 


that in no way differ from those of the men, and the shawl is seldom 
absent. It is probable that the constant presence of the shawl is due 
to its usefulness when the carrying of burdens is concerned, and it is 
thus a substitute for the old-time deer or bear-skin mantle employed 
for such purposes. 

The daughters of prosperous farmers often dress themselves taste- 
fully in strict accordance with the ruling fashions among their white 
friends and neighbors in Brantford and Caledonia. 


Indian ideas of comfort do not correspond with ours, and yet 
there are many European countries in which the average peasant is 
less commodiously or comfortably housed than the majority of our 
Ontario Iroquois are. Most commonly the houses are built of logs, 
now and then a frame one may be seen, and still more seldom one of 
brick. The log houses are small, and not always remarkable for 
cleanliness, although one scarcely ever sees such squalid filth as may 
be found in those of some white people. 

Plate VIII. shows the corner of a common log-house which was 
originally built for a school, and ia pi. XVIII. B which shows the house 
of John Key, a structure even simpler in character is shown. 

The house of Wm. Henry represented in pi. XVII. B. gives a good 
idea of the average residence on the Reserve, only that in this case (a 
unique one) the logs are placed on end, rather than horizontally. 


Young men who have been brought up together, and have thus, 
or for some other reason conceived a strong liking for each other some- 
times agree to cement this friendship by a ceremonial compact on 
reaching manhood. 

On announcing this intention to their parents, a meeting of all 
the elderly people, men and women, belonging to both families is held, 
when a "runner" or messenger is appointed. The old men discuss the 
subject of the gathering (the women taking no part beyond that of 
listeners) and after they have decided to sanction the ceremonial 
brotherhood of the young men, it is decided to hold a feast. In former 
times the relatives of the young men went out in hunting parties to 
provide venison for the feast, but in these degenerate days, those who 
attend have to be satisfied with pork boiled in corn soup, supplied by 
the families of the young men. 


This feast is held in the open air and the guests are invited by 
the "runner" who was appointed by the old men. 

On the day fixed (usually during the afternoon) and while 
the women are preparing the food, the guests discuss the principles of 
brotherhood, and entertain each other by the rehearsal of incidents 
connected with this kind of fellowship in their own lives or in those 
of some they have known. 

After the food has been consumed, the party removes to some place 
where a large log may be used as a stage, or where a simple structure 
has been put together for the accommodation of the "brothers" and for 
the " Speaker," an old man who must be a blood relation of one of the 
young men. Before them hang two strings of wampum* from the 
branch of a tree, or from a pole stuck in the ground for the purpose. 

When everything is in readiness the speaker proceeds: "Brothers 
and Sisters, listen. Now we are met brothers and sisters and what we 
have to think about is these young men who have grown up together. 
We see them before us now. They place their strength side by side 
as Niyoh has given it to them. It will stay thus as long as they are 
able to think for themselves so long will their agreement to be 
united remain. 

Then turning to the young men he says : "It shall be so to you 
yourselves be of one mind. It is true that we do not know how we 
are going to live, or which of you two must pass away from the earth 
first. You must be true to one another's friendship. I have a word 
for you especially take care of yourselves as you go about from place 
to place. I say this because we cannot follow the minds of the people 
in the world. I say this because some people who live on the earth 
are not good. I will also say this, there is only one way your mind 
should point and that is where Niyoh lives. We believe in Him. I 
will also say, you see the onakorha hanging before you. It is white 
and black, meaning joy and sorrow. Tie your strings together forever, 
the white and the black. I give each of you two strings to keep you 
in mind of this day, and that they may be handed to those who will 
live after you. Do not run any risk of bad luck this will do you harm. 

You are not quite free to do whatever you please in the sight of 
Niyoh and ongwe (God and man). I shall say something more. The 
people are here gazing upon you. Very soon they will all rise, and 
they will shake you by the hand to show their good feeling for you 
and for all your relations. Your posterity must remain friends forever. 

* Wampum is an Atlantic coast Algonkin word. The Iroquois word is ona- 
Teorha, for which I could find no English equivalent. 


This is all I have to say." 

The young men then step down and take a convenient position, 
past which all the people file, relations of the newly-made "brothers" 
going first. Should it be still daylight, the guests disperse to their 
homes, only to return after dark to take part in the dances, but if 
darkness has already fallen these are taken up after a slight pause. 
The first dance is a we-sa-sa or war dance, and other dances follow 

Immediately after the death of a "brother" his black onakorha 
is sent to the relations of the survivor, in whose keeping it remains 
until, as sometimes happens, the latter enters into a new brotherhood, 
which must be with some blood relation of his former friend, that is, 
having a relationship through the mother. For the carrying of the 
onakorha from the one family to the other, a special "runner" is 
appointed by the female relatives of the deceased. 

Should a surviving brother decide to take another friend the 
ceremony of forming a compact is repeated, the former taking with 
him the black onakorha that belonged to the departed one, and when 
this is handed to the speaker, attention is directed by him to the 
virtues of the former owner. 

When one brother is sick it is the duty of the other to nurse him 
he must stay beside him all the time, and should death ensue he 
ought not to leave the house until after the funeral. During the wake, 
while speeches are made he takes no part, and in the funeral procession 
he walks immediately behind the coffin. At the grave, after a speech 
has been made by one chosen for the purpose, the surviving "brother" 
throws a handful of earth on the coffin, the rest of the people following 
his example. 

After an event of this kind the survivor is supposed to avoid the 
house of his late brother as much as possible, and should maintain a 
reserved demeanor for ten days, the belief being that serious mischief 
will befall anyone who' acts contrariwise. 

When the ten days of mourning are over, his nearest relations 
father and mother, or wife, as the case may be make a feast, inviting 
all the deceased's companions and friends, who are expected to con- 
tribute their share of the eatables, in addition to the corn soup, the 
preparation of which is the duty of the hosts. When all are assembled, 
each relative has a portion of food allotted which may either be eaten 
at the time or taken away ; others are served by the deceased's near 
relations, who are careful to give each guest a full share. 


Before the food is distributed, however, the surviving friend is 
addressed by a chief chosen by the relatives of the dead man. The 
purport of this address is that the friend may now cease to mourn for 
his brother that the tie of relationship has been severed, and he is 
presented with something that belonged to the departed usually a 
shirt, coat, hat, or a whole suit of clothes, to heal the sorrow for his 
lost friend. 

Compacts of fellowship may be made between a man and a woman, 
or a girl, but when this happens it precludes all possibility of marriage 
between contracting parties, as well as with any of their brothers or 

It was no doubt, in large measure, owing to fellowship bargains 
of this kind that the old time Indian demand of life for life was 
enforced, which, much as it looked like revenge, was rather based on a 
determination that there should be an equilibrium of suffering, the 
maintenance of which was the duty of the survivors. Casuistical as 
this distinction may appear it constituted a great difference to the 
Indian whose prerogative it was to regard any enemy as a substitute 
for the slayer of his friend, and as an equivalent for his friend, or to 
accept a gift from the slayer, or from the slayer's people in compen- 
sation for the loss sustained. 

According to ancient usage all the personal property of the dead 
brother passed to the survivor, but now the disposal of it is settled by 
the women, especially by the mother of the deceased. 

It will be observed that in the forming of such brotherhoods there 
is nothing in connection with blood transfusion, as the purpose of the 
compact is purely of a friendly character, but in the old days it is 
affirmed that those who formed leagues for murderous or other violent 
purposes, mixed their blood and swallowed it as a pledge of eternal 


A marriage ceremony among the pagan Iroquois is marked by 
simplicity. When a young man and woman decide to become man 
and wife, they declare their intentions to their parents, who, thereupon, 
hold a joint family council, at which other relations may be present, 
but only the old people are allowed to take any active part in the 
proceedings, which consist wholly of a general consideration respect- 
ing the mutual suitability of those concerned. Should there be no 
family objections a day is appointed for a marriage feast at the home 
of the bridegroom, to which the young woman is accompanied by all 


her relatives they are said to " bring " her there.* At the conclusion 
of the feast, the elders (men and women) on both sides address the 
young couple, or, rather, those on the bridegroom's side direct their 
speeches to the bride, while those on her side talk to him. The 
remarks made refer to the duties of husband and wife, but no pro- 
mises are asked or offered, except that each of the young folk may 
say at the conclusion of the addresses, " What you have said, I should 
do," or, "I will do," or " What you have said, I will remember," and thus 
ends the ceremony. Neither on this nor any other occasion do the 
Indians think of kissing each other. -f" 

Separation is about as easily effected as marriage is, and for any 
cause that would hold good among whites. When complaint is made 
by either party a council of both families is held, at which the couple 
concerned are present. Explanations are heard, and the old people try 
to effect a reconciliation. Failing this, separation takes place at once. 

After the birth of the first child, all the husband's relations 
accompany him and his wife to her former home, where a feast is held 
in honor of the child. Here the parents remain a few days before 
returning to their own house, where another feast is prepared. 

Interested readers will at once perceive that these notes are of the 
most superficial kind, and that there is yet much to be learned with 
respect to marriage, and numerous other customs among the Indians, 
very much modified as they no doubt are from those of the past. 


When a death takes place the official " runner " is notified that 
he is wanted, and on arriving at the house he is told by the women 
what has happened and is requested to go around and tell all the 
people. Setting out on his message he shouts from time to time, 
" Gwa-ah ! gwa-ah ! "J and on reaching a house says, " Now, such a 
family has met met with a sad loss and is very sorrowful so-and- 
so is dead and you should go to the wake (yononha, sitting up) 
to-night " 

In this way he goes from house to house (giving utterance at in- 
tervals to Gwa-ah ! gwa-ah ! ") until he has notified all concerned. 

* This may be all that is left of the old time capture custom. 

t Non-osculation is said to be characteristic of all Indians, yet one often sees 
in "thrilling tales " of Indian life that mothers embraced their doomed sons, and 
lovers kissed each other a last farewell. On the Grand River Reserve. I am told 
that mothers do sometimes kiss their babies, but this is probably a result of white 

JThis is what a Seneca says, but according to another statement this exclama- 
tion is used only when a chief has died, but as this information was given by a Cay- 
uga the practice may differ to some extent among the nations. 


At night he attends the wake and assists the women in their 
preparations. Sometimes they ask him to undertake all the funeral 

About midnight during the wake a meal is served, after which the 
runner asks the best speakers among the "chiefs, warriors and 
women " present to " say a few words " respecting the deceased, death 
generally, and the duty of the living, but the runner himself is not 
allowed to say anything. He is supposed to give his services on such 
occasions free, but there is at the same time a tacit understanding that 
he shall receive something for his trouble. 

. Runners are appointed by the nation for life, and there are 
usually two so chosen, to provide against the contingency of one being 
unable to act, or because it may be necessary to send out both in 
different directions. A runner may resign at any time and a successor 
is appointed at a special meeting of the nation in the Longhouse, as if 
he had died.. Runners may be known as Kenheyonda Ronatsderisdon 
(death's body they look after). In their appointment gens is not 
taken into account. 

The present Seneca runners are Kaherodon (Standing Corn), and 
Skayonhadison (Opposite side of the River), vulgarly known as Robert 
Smoke and Isaac Williams respectively. 

Funerals are now conducted in white man's manner. Coffin and 
hearse are provided at the expense of the confederation represented by 
the Council. 


When a chief is supposed to be " sick nigh unto death " it is 
expected that one or more of his rank should be present to receive 
from him the horns of office (which he is supposed to wear *) before 
he draws his last breath, and in this way to support the fiction that 
the chief never dies, or perhaps, rather, that the chief ships never dies. 
Should no properly qualified person be present thus to relieve 
the dying man of his suppositious symbols, the next best thing 
is to go through the ceremony of removing them before the body 
becomes cold, and should even this prove impossible it is the duty 
of the chiefs who arrive first at the house of mourning to " remove 
the horns." In any event, the horns are ultimately placed in the 
keeping of the women whose duty it is to hold them until the appoint- 

* It appears probable that at one time the horns of the deer were actually worn 
on stated occasions by the chiefs as emblems of power, but as the custom has long 
since been allowed to fall into disuse, the references are now purely figurative. In 
the ritual of the Pagans several allusions are made to the wearing of horns. 


ment of a new chief on their nomination.* It should be mentioned 
that when the horns are removed before a man's death, and always 
with his own consent, or at his own request ; they are first placed at 
the head of his bed, and should he recover they are restored to him 
once more " placed on his head," as it is said. 

The runner who officiates on the death of a head chief is one of 
the minor order, who, by the instruction of the dead man's women- 
folk carries a string of black onakorha (wampum) to some other chief, 
usually one who sits on the opposite side of the council-fire. As the 
runner goes from house to house of the chiefs he shouts from time to 
time " Gwa-ah ! gwa-ah ! " in accordance with the custom in connec- 
tion with other deaths. 

The yononha or wake, which may be held for one or two nights, 
but not more, is opened by the singing of a " sitting up " song, the 
singer being chosen by the persons present. All the wake songs have 
at intervals the repeat, " Huh-huh " or " Heh-heh." There are no 
dances accompanying them, but speech making is encouraged, and con- 
tinues until daybreak. Funerals usually take place shortly before or 
after mid-day. 

If the dead chief is a pagan he will be dressed in his official cos- 
tume, and perhaps have a few streaks of red paint on his cheek s.-f 
Men, women and children attend funerals. 


The old methods of procedure in bringing business before the 
council as well as during the discussion that follows, are maintained 
to a very large extent, as may be gathered from the subjoined account 
kindly furnished by Mr. E. D. Cameron, Six Nation Agent at Brant- 
ford, and as he writes that the statement has received the approval of 
Chief William Smith, official interpreter, and of Mr. David Hill, a 
clerk in the office (both gentlemen being Indians) it may be regarded 
as authoritative. 

" The council is opened by one of the chiefs of the Fire-keepers ; 
in his remarks he refers to any event of importance which has taken 

*"The women were the great power among the clans, as everywhere else. They 
did not hesitate when occasion required to 'knock off the horns,' as it was techni- 
cally called, from the head of a chief, and to send him back to the ranks of the 
warriors," (Morgan's Ancient Society, p. 455. 

This not only illustrates the figurative use of horns, but exemplifies the power 
exercised by the women among the Iroquois. 

t The presence of red paint does not agree with the statement elsewhere made 
that red is a forbidden color at burials, because as my informant stated " It is too 
hot." There may be some reason that applies only to clothing of this color. 


place since the last meeting. Death affecting any of the chiefs is par- 
ticularly referred to. He thanks the Great Spirit for granting health 
to those who are able to attend this meeting, and closes by hoping that 
the Great Spirit may guide them in their deliberations for the welfare 
of the whole nation. When this is done the secretary of the council 
calls the roll ; the Government Agent then replies to the opening 
address of the Fire-keeper, as in his remarks reference is always made 
to him. 

It has become the custom here to have all matters submitted to 
the council by the agent. The council being in three divisions, on the 
left of the agent being the Mohawks and Senecas, to whom all matters 
are first submitted, when it is open for discussion ; after these arrive 
at a decision thair speaker announces their decision to the Oneidas, 
Cayugas, Tuscaroras and Delawares, who are seated on the right of 
the agent ; should there be any division on the Mohawk and Seneca 
side, it is reported to the opposite side where the matter is carefully 
considered, the speakers of these bands report their decision to the 
Fire-keepers (Onondagas), who are seated in front of the Government 
Agent, then the speaker of the Mohawks and Senecas announce their 
decision to the Fire-keepers, should both sides agree in their decision, 
as a matter of course, the Fire-keepers through their speaker simply 
announce their decision to the speaker of the council ; but if the two 
sides differ in any way the Fire-keepers have the deciding voice, 
their speaker after reviewing what has been said by both sides closes 
by giving their decision to the Government Agent, which is considered 
the Council's decision. 

When all business is disposed of for the session, the Fire-keepers 
close the council, prior to which the roll is again called by the 

The reason why the Onondaga Chiefs are called the Fire-keepers 
is that it was the custom in the olden times for them to build the fire 
around which the Council was held, to keep it burning while in ses- 
sion, and put it out when the council closed." 


Maize, or corn is yet among the chief articles of vegetable food 
among the Pagan Indians on this Reserve. It is prepared in various 
ways, besides being eaten in large quantities from the cob, or off the 
ear, when green.* 

* A head, or ear of "green corn." so-called, is creamy white and of milky 
juiciness. In this condition white people are quite as fond of it when cooked, as 
Indians are, and immense quantities are consumed all over Canada and the United 
States. American readers will regard this informaton as purely gratuitous. 


As bread, the most common form in which it is prepared is known 
as cake, or corn-cake, in which shape it may be eaten within an hour 
from the moment a clever woman undertakes to supply it fresh from 
the grain, in accordance with methods that owe scarcely anything to 
European ways and means. 

Mrs. J. R. Davis was kind enough, one Sunday, during the cele- 
bration of the New Year feast, to satisfy my curiosity by going through 
all the operations in my presence. The desired quantity of corn, say 
about a gallon, is placed to steep in a mixture of water and wood 
ashes, the weak lye thus produced serving to loosen in from ten to fif- 
teen minutes the hard, tough, though thin skin that covers each grain. 
Transferred from the pot or pail to a basket, the mass is thoroughly 
washed, either by dipping the basket frequently into^ stream, or by 
pouring into it enough water to accomplish the same result. Being 
allowed to dry for a short time, the corn is next placed in the " Kah- 
ni-kah " or ' mill " a log of hard- wood about two feet long, the upper 
end of which has been burnt and cut to form a semi-elliptical or half- 
egg-shaped hollow about nine or ten inches deep. Two persons, usually 
women, each grasping a heavy hard-wood pounder, or beetle, as shown 
in the engraving, plate VIII. proceed to strike the grain alternately 
with considerable force, at the same time being able by means of a dsft 
movement to give the material an occasional half circular sweep before 
lifting the beetle. This is a motion requiring considerable skill, as the 
other operator makes no allowance for it, and any accidental con tact of 
the two beetles would almost surely lead to the serious disfigurement 
of at least one countenance, and perhaps two. Indeed, even without 
this motion, the simple stroke is not free from danger to the uninitiated 
meal-maker, as I was able to learn from the presence of four or five 
delighted Indian faces pressing close to the window, when it was known 
within that I was about to use one of the beetles. When sufficiently 
pounded, the meal is taken from the hollow and passed through a fine 
sieve, the coarser portion being returned to the mill and treated as 
before an operation which may be repeated several times before all 
the meal has been rendered fine enough. In the meantime a potful of 
large beans has been over the fire, and these, if now sufficiently cooked, 
are kneaded with the corn meal into large balls about six inches in 
diameter, each of which held on the left palm is quickly made to 
rotate horizontally, while repeated slaps with the right hand make it 
take the form of a disc about ten inches in diameter and an inch and a 
half thick. No yeast, salt, or seasoning of any kind is used. Three or 
four of these cakes are placed on edge in a potful of water which has 


been heating for this purpose. A broad wooden spatula is used for a 
short time to keep the masses from adhering to one another, but very 
soon this difficulty is past, and the cakes are ready to be served hot in 
the course of fifteen or twenty minutes. Bread made in this way may 
be kept for several weeks. Fruit of different kinds is sometimes mixed 
with the dough. 

It is claimed that the Indians have nearly forty methods of serving 
corn, but those most commonly used are the one just described, and 
another, in the preparation of soup, which is in demand at all public 
and private feasts. 


Desirous to know something relative to disease among the Indians 
on the Grand River Reserve whether, for example, they are liable or 
' immune to any form ; what kinds of disease are most prevalent and 
fatal among them, and whether in these respects there is any difference 
between the Christians and the Pagans, I addressed notes to some of 
the physicians, who have been in charge during the last fifty years, 
and received the following courteous replies : 

" FAIR HAVEN, Cayuga Co., N.Y., 
Oct. 27th, 1898. 

DEAR SIR, I will cheerfully give you any information in my 
power. At Christmas, 1853, I went to the Six Nation Reserve and 
remained until January, 1889. In the early years of that period the 
Pagans, in common with all Indians and Whites for many miles, suffered 
from malaria in its many and varied forms. After some time the 
country became cleared and drained, with the result that malaria was 
neither so prevalent nor so severe as formerly. 

Consumption and scrofula were met with, but I do not think the 
accepted belief that there were a great many more cases of these among 
the Pagans than among the Whites, was proven from the facts as 
observed by myself. 

Small-pox came among the Pagans once, but the number of cases 
was not very great and the deaths were very few, because the people 
. were not only willing but anxious to be vaccinated, and vaccination 
never failed to protect. Not a large amount of venereal disease was 
found. Measles, scarlet fever, and whooping-cough about the same as 
among white folk. 


There were some fractures and other surgical cases, but hardly as 
many as among the same number of white people in the same condi- 

The birth-rate was exceedingly good, but owing to unfavorable 
conditions too many children died, not, however, from any want of 
affection on the part of the parents. Criminal abortion was unknown 
among the Pagans and all the Six Nations. 

I remain, 

Yours very truly, 

R H. DEE, M.D. 

BKANTFORD, Dec. 1st, 1898. 

DEAR SIR, "The Indian is very generally looked upon as an inter- 
esting character, and, from an ethnological point of view, he undoubt- 
edly is such, for among them you may find men and women in all stages 
of mental development, from those who still retain many of the charac- 
teristics of the earliest historic human being to those who are abreast of 
modern civilization. But personal contact soon dissipates the charm of 
this view, and one is more inclined to find in him a very ordinary indivi- 
dual, possessing some of the characteristics of his forefathers as we learn 
of them from recognized authorities, and with other traits of character 
grafted on these from generations of association with the white popula- 
tion. The latter elements are not very interesting or desirable, nor 
could they be expected to be, as the white man has always considered 
the red one to be his lawful prey, and, at present, the Indian has 
developed some cunning, some shrewdness, and protected by the law 
of the country, sees no wrong in taking advantage in trade of either 
the white man or his red brother. But, as I must consider the con- 
dition of the "oody rather than that of the mind, I shall apply my 
remarks to the health of the Six Nation Indians, whose Reserve, 
roughly speaking, is about ten miles square, and made up of the town- 
ship of Tuscarora and a small part of the township of Onondaga in 
the county of Brant, and a portion of the township of Oneida in the 
county of Haldimand, in the province of Ontario. This is the largest 
band of Indians in Canada located on one reserve, numbering about 
4,000 members, of whom a small majority are male, and those above 
and below the age of twenty ab ut equally divided. The six nations, 
composing the band are the Mohawks, Onomiagas, Cavugas, Senecas, 
Oneidas and Tuscaroras, a few Delawares have also been adopted, and 
the physical and mental characteristics of these different tribes vary 


as much as those of the English, Scottish and Irish. The Mohawks 
are the most numerous tribe, making up one-third of the whole popu- 
lation, and they, with the Oneidas, Dela wares and Tuscaroras profess 
the Christian religion, while the pagan rites and ceremonies are 
adhered to by one-fifth of the population, composed of most of the 
Onondagas, Senecas and Cayugas. The men of the band are nominally 
farmers, but while there are a few really good farmers among them it 
must be admitted that the great majority prefer an existence in which 
hard work does not have any place. Individually and collectively they 
are without ambition, and have little energy. For the most part they 
dwell in one, two, or three-roomed houses ; cannot be considered good 
housekeepers ; drink water from surface pools, creeks, bad wells, or 
the river ; eat wheat bread, pork, corn and potatoes, and sleep as cir- 
cumstances permit. I have seen seven members of a family sleeping 
in one room not more than seven by twelve feet in area. There was 
a stove in the room also, and three of the persons, one of whom was 
suffering from an attack of pneumonia, were in a single bed, while the 
others occupied the floor. 

"The province of Ontario has a death rate of about ten per 1,000 
population annually, but on the Six Nation Reserve the death rate is 
over thirty per 1,000 annually. The birth rate is very high, suffi- 
ciently so to enable this band to increase in membership from 2,600 in 
1868 to 4,000 at the present time, notwithstanding the terrible death 
rate experienced. In our professional capacity, the greatest difficulties 
we have to contend against on this Reserve are ignorance, supersti- 
tion, filth, poverty and indifference. Filth and poverty we can deal 
with, the indifference of those who are in good health to the sufferings 
of a sick neighbor or relative is sometimes very trying, but the ignor- 
ance and superstition are at times sufficient to make us despair. All 
Indians are superstitious, and it is not a great length of time since 
nearly all white people were similarly affected, but a great many of 
the inhabitants of the Reserve preserve all the beliefs of their ancient 
race. Among the Pagans it is quite common to find a patient's bed 
surrounded by curtains to keep him or her from being defiled by 
contact with the outer, world. The sick person may be kept for days 
in this seclusion and fed on white chickens and white beans, this diet 
being symbolical of purity. The Indian medicine women (the Medicine 
Men of the present day are all fakirs who find greater recompense by 
dealing with white people who have faith in their pretensions) 
administer some medicine, usually herbs or roots, in the efficacy of 
which they themselves have no faith, but put all their trust in super- 


stitious ceremonies, and invocations to the Great Spirit. A physician is 
only called after this method of treatment has proved to be of no avail, 
or after some intelligent advisor has succeeded in getting the patient's 
consent to have the doctor. This condition of affairs is, however, fast 
improving, and I am of the opinion it will not be many years before 
the Pagans will all recognize the efficacy of modern medical treatment. 

"The character of disease affecting the Indian is in no way different 
from what would be experienced among a similiarly situated white 
population under similar conditions; but we have at times been par- 
ticularly struck with a wonderful recuperative power shown in some 
cases. Let me cite in this connection for the benefit of your profes- 
sional readers a case of a child eight years of age suffering from multi- 
ple tubercular abscesses fully twenty in number, and varying in capacity 
from half an ounce to half a pint. The larger ones were incised and 
the child put upon constitutional treatment, with the result of perfect 
recovery inside of three months. There has been no return of the 
disease for over a year and I may say that the child's paternal family 
history is more pronouncedly tubercular than that of any family my 
experience has ever brought me in contact with during twenty-two 
years practice. 

" Pulmonary consumption claims a great number of victims, but, 
probably good reasons might be adduced for this unfortunate fact 
without falling back upon the theory that the Indian is constitutionally 
predisposed to tubercular disease. This theory, or at least the one that 
half-breed Indians are so predisposed, is, I think, generally received by 
the outside community, but after an understanding of the conditions 
under which these people exist I am not at all satisfied with its correct- 

"The number of cases of pneumonia which we are called upon to 
attend is wonderful, and I must say that they recover from the acute 
stages remarkably well but convalesce badly, owing to want of proper 
nursing and nourishment. 

" There is a great deal of malaria in parts of the Reserve, and I 
regret to say that the number of typhoid fever cases is increasing from 
year to year. This disease is very fatal to these people, not because 
they cannot stand it as well as their white neighbors but because they 
do not understand the necessity of good nursing and judicious dieting. 
In connection with the spread of this disease it is interesting to notice 
how that which is intended to be useful will sometimes be utterly 


' It has been known for years that parts of some of the streams 
flowing through the Reserve have been polluted with typhoid germs, 
and the digging of wells has been advocated for the purpose of pre- 
venting the Indian from using surface and creek water. In many 
cases wells have been dug, but there are wells and wells, and while a 
good one serves the purpose intended many of those which have been 
sunk are but a few feet deep and placed in such situations as to receive 
the surface water for rods around, this being to the Indian a great 
advantage, inasmuch as the well is not so likely to go dry, but, unfor- 
tunately, it has probably increased very materially the number of 
cases of typhoid fever which have affected the people. 

" The number of deaths of children under one year of age is appal- 
ling, especially when it is taken into consideration that a very large 
percentage of them is due to preventable causes, fully thirty per cent, 
'of them being due to congenital syphilis. I have been in doubt whether 
it would be wise to make auy remarks in reference to this subject, but 
there is so great a need for a remedy that the desire for the same, 
I think justifies my mentioning it. 

"The nematoda are found everywhere, affecting all ages, and it is 
surprising the number of lubricoides which find their way to the 
pharynx. It is not at all an uncommon thing for young adults to pick 
these worms from their throats or noses with their fingers. 

" The relation in which these people stand to the Government is in 
my humble judgment a reason why the Department of Indian Affairs 
should guide and direct them in such a way as would tend to their 
improvement and well-being. The difficulties of the situation may 
readily be recognized, and one may sympathise with the Department 
in permitting the "Nations" to control their own affairs, but the under- 
lying phases of character which prevent the people by their own action 
from adopting such measures for their protection a.nd welfare, as have 
been found to work so much benefit to white people, should be taken 
into consideration. We have, in this province of Ontario, a Public 
Health Act which has been most successful in its operation, and we 
have advocated the establishment of a local board of health, under this 
Act, both before the -Council of the Nation and the Department of 
Indian Affairs without avail. It is here that I may be allowed to 
express the opinion that the Department would be justified in putting 
into operation measures of acknowledged value, and which the Indians 
themselves do not recognize. Another matter of importance is that 
these people, congregated as they are in a separate community, form 
what might be termed a ' hospital community,' as there would be few of 

13 c.i. 


them who would not be better attended in cases of serious illness or 
accident in one of these beneficent institutions than they can possibly 
be cared for in their homes. The erection of such a building for their 
benefit has also been advocated before the Council and the Department, 
and bearing in mind that this is a wealthy community, having in the 
neighborhood of $800,000 deposited with the Government as a capital 
fund, any expenditure for the maintenance of such an institution 
would not be a burden to the people, and would be of untold assist- 
ance in relieving distress and saving valuable lives which under present 
conditions must be lost. I consider the health of these people to be 
one of the subjects demanding attention of the general public, and I 
regret that for many years past there has been an apathy, an inatten- 
tion on the part of the whole of Ontario to the condition under which 
these 4,OOD natives exist. 

Yours truly, 


Medical Officer, Six Nations Indians. 

Dr. Secord's communication is a most suggestive one, and demands 
immediate attention on the part of all concerned. That among such a 
community as the Six Nations there should be utter ignorance of sani- 
tation and treatment of disease is not to be wondered at when we bear 
in mind how difficult it has proved to awaken intelligent attention to 
such matters where our own people are concerned. The Indians are 
wards* of the Dominion, and unless the Indian Department is disposed 
to adopt the inhuman belief that the " best Indian is a dead Indian," 
steps should at once be taken to improve the condition of things on 
this Reserve. In the meantime affairs of all kinds on the Reserve are 
hanging at loose ends, while civilizing influences either find their way 
in by slow and devious methods or not at all. That there are churches 
on the Reserve, and that these do .all they can, we know, but we also 
know how possible it is for churches to exist side by side with ignorance, 
and amid hot -beds of disease. Besides this, the churches are totally 
without influence among the Pagans, nor has the schoolmaster been 
able to accomplish very much, for the reason that the Pagans have not 
shown any desire for his services. These, however, are only rea- 

* Some of the Indians themselves claim to be allies of Great Britain and not 
wards of Canada. 


sons why the Indian Department should have attended to the needs 
(even if they were not the wants) of the people long ago. Much as any 
Agent may desire to effect reforms, he will find his best efforts fruitless, 
partly owing to the want of authority and partly because his office duties 
require him to be away from the Reserve most of the time. It is 
imperative that some one in whom the Indians have confidence should 
occupy the position of " guide, philosopher and friend " on the Reserve. 
It would be the duty of such a one to advise and to suggest, with power 
when necessary, to eenjorc measures for domestic comfort and public 
health. Necessary reforms cannot be brought about all at once, some 
would require years and others would need the lapse of a generation, 
but the suggestion offered by Dr. Secord, respecting the establishment 
of a Reserve hospital, is one that the Indian Department cannot take 
into consideration too soon. The mortality among the Six Nations, 
especially, as Dr. Secord says, " of children under one year of age is 
appalling," much of which, as he points out, is preventable. His state- 
ments respecting the present condition of things must be received by 
almost every one with astonishment, not unmingled with disgust and 
indignation. It is almost incredible that we should have in our 
midst a population of about 4,000 persons many of whom are the prey 
of preventable disease on account, mainly, of comparatively easy pre- 
ventable ignorance. 

My own opinion is that the Indians are amenable to reason, much 
more so, indeed, than many people suppose, and if properly, that is, 
judiciously, approached, a large amount of improvement might be 
effected in various ways, all tending to comfort in the homes and, con- 
sequently, to the general well-being. We send " instructors " to our 
red brethren in the North-West, why not to those at our own doors ? 

Our Pagan friends on the Grand River Reserve demand our 
sympathy they occupy the position of a people within a people a 
large nnrnber of them cannot speak English, and are thus by necessity 
as well as by inclination isolated from elevating influences ; with good 
reason they are suspicious of "white" interference, but, notwithstand- 
ing these and other difficulties, it is time to save them from themselves. 
Along this line, as well as along some others, the Indian Department 
at Ottawa may, if it will, effect many reforms with the consent of the 
people, while there is room for a few others even should the people 
make a show of opposition. 

Both agent and medical man should have more authority to act 
with the Indian Council in bringing about improvements. Dr. Secord 
is painfully aware of the situation, but is powerless to effect any reform. 


The " Nations " maintain a hearse and supply coffins for all ' the 
chiefs, warriors, women and children " who are buried on the Reserve, 
and surely nothing can be more reasonable that that the communal 
fund should be drawn upon to preserve the lives of those for whom it 
provides means to be handsomely interred. 

In a word, the Indians actually invite disease, and seem to pay 
gladly for deaths. 

The first step towards radical improvement would be to teach 
every Indian to speak and read English. 


The material from this section has not accumulated as plentifully 
as one would wish for this season. Nevertheless several places were 
examined and some things new were obtained, which may add to the 
knowledge already possessed. Specimens were also gotten from known 
sites, and isolated places that may be of use in comparing with relics 
from other localities. 


From Chas. Youill, Thorah Township, N. Ontario county, a large 
square tablet or gorget, of very fine workmanship, two holed, material 
dark green, Huronian slate, was one of several found as a cache on his 
farm. See Report '97-'98, p. 63. 

Mr. John Armour, Victoria Road P.O., gives a copper implement 
resembling the one figured on p. 60, Arch. Rep. '90-'91 (fig. 145), but is 
about 2 inches less in length, and has fewer teeth, length measured on a 
chord across the curve 11 inches the tang being 1 inch; breadth at 
butt 2 1-5 inches at top, before it curves into a round point, 1 inch. 
Narrowest breadth of tang 1 inch. Thickness uniform, a shade less 
than inch, which dwindles to 1-16 inch at top, and 1-40 at convex 
edge ; weight 7f ounces avoir. The teeth number 11 and are very dis- 
tinct with the exception of the two top ones. The thickness of the 
blade between the teeth is the same as the rest of the blade, and by the 
marks exhibited on one surface of the teeth, shows that they were 
drawn out by a punch, or some similar tool, from one side of the imple- 
ment, the other side of the teeth being in the same plane as of that 
side of the implement and showing no tool marks. The teeth are 
drawn out from 1-20 inch to 1-40 inch in thickness at their edges. 
This specimen was found under a large pine stump by Mr. Armour, 


while stumping, about five or six years ago, on block B., Bexley dis- 
tant, two miles west from Balsam Lake and one mile north of the old 
Huron trail or portage. The stump was burnt before the cortical 
layers could be counted. 

Alex. Miles, foreman on Trent Canal, gives a curious little copper 
scraper or flesher, resembling a modern hash knife, which was found 
in excavating a bank of clay gravel recent formation, at a depth of 
eight feet, a layer of that thickness having been removed, the relic 
was found near the top of the next layer. Length of blade 3 2-5 inches, 
breadth 7-8 inch, thickness 1-16 inch, length of tines 1 2-5 inches, points 
of tines are about 2 2-5 inches apart, and are a little thicker than the 
slightly semi-circular blade, from which they recurve at greater angles 
than right angles, weight about 5-8 oz. avoir. This type may be taken 
as an advance upon the semi-lunar slate knife, and can be classed as a 
woman's knife, to whose work it was eminently adapted. The tines 
being driven into a handle of some three or four inches in length, it 
could be used in the manner of a saddler's knife. Clarence B. Moore 
suggests that the flesher type of copper implements may be of native 
manufacture, after a white man's model. Found at the crossing of the 
Trent Canal with the Portage Road, lot 52, Eldon Township, Corre- 
sponding with such men as Clarence B. Moore, Stewart Culin, C. C. 
Willoughby, E. F. Wyman and others, it seems that the above two types 
occur in the North Western States. The flesher type occurs more fre- 
quently on the Michigan lake shore than inland, and one having iden- 
tically the same outline as the above, being found at Two Rivers, Wis., 
this summer ; a few specimens exist in the cabinets of the western col- 
lectors. The large curved type occurs in the Lake Superior district, 
near the Portage ship canal. Some specimens are in the Field Colum- 
bian Museum, and in private cabinets. 

Mr. A. C. McRae, of Beaverton, places a small copper spear head 
of the " bayonet " type on loan. Surface find near Beaverton in '97. 
Length 5 inches, of which the socket is 2 inches, breadth 11-16 inch, 
greatest thickness 3-16 inch, shoulders rounded, socket well pro- 
nounced and made to hold a larger shaft than an arrow, and was pro- 
vided with a small tang at the end which turned in, holding the shaft 
from slipping, but which is now unfortunately broken off; weight If 
oz. avoir., shape similar to the one figured on p. 55, Rep. 1887, which 
also was found north-east of Toronto. 

These particular details of above copper relics are given in order 
to fix the geographical distribution of types. 


Mr. Chas. Gusty, Kirkfield, gives some bone beads and a bone 
harpoon having two barbs on one side and three on the other, the first 
of this type observed here. 

G. Fox, Dalrymple P. 0., Mud Lake Garden, gives a fragment of 
large horn, two celts, and a slate gouge, the latter being grooved from 
bit to poll and is the first of that particular sort, noted from this sec- 

W. Richardson, La Fontaine P.O., Tiny township, sends a clay 
pipe of the Huron type, and two steel knives, from a site on Cedar 
Point, Lake Huron, opposite Christian Island, supposed to be the 
Huron town of Toanchd 

D. Smith, Coboconk, a large pipe stem and a mask from a clay 

F. Widdis, n. half lot 4, N. W. B. Bexley, a perfect cornet clay 
pipe, square top. 

Moses Mitchell, Elden, gives a miniature celt and two ordinary 

J. Waterson, Kirkfield, gives an unfinished implement of lime- 
stone in shape of a truncated cone, with a groove completely around it 
just immediately above the base. The base has a perforation started. 
Dimensions, 2f inches long, 1 9-16 inches diameter at base, and 1 5-16 
at top, grove f inch wide and 3-16 deep, also a soapstone disc, perfor- 
ated, and a pottery disc from lot 37, concession 7, S. P.R. Eldon, found 
in '96. 

Dougald Brown, celt from Fenelon Falls. 

W. Neal, Victoria Road, celt from neighborhood. 

W. Mitchell, Kirkfield, a modern war club, having a knob head 
with a spike or iron blade set in, formerly in the possession of the late 
Admiral Van Sittart. 

Several visits were made to sites explored last year, with the fol- 
lowing results : 

Number 10, lot 44, S. P. R. Eldon yielded bone, beads of bone, clay, 
and polished soapstone, a mask from a pipe, a toy clay pipe, discs of 
pottery and stone, one having a groove on one side, rubbing stones, 
graphite and marine shells, 

Number 3, lot 5, concession 5, Bexley, produced discs of stone and 
pottery, perforated and unperforated, bone awls and horn implements, 
bone beads, perforated marine shells, and a flint knife, curved, 2f inches 


long by | broad. It in very rare that chipped flint implements are 
found on sites here ; also a cylinder of soapstone 1 7-16 inch by 1 
inch, gooved around the middle as if the intention was to cut it in two 
parts to make beads, this specimen has also a perforation started in 
one end ; a fragment of a four sided clay pipe having a mask human 
at each corner, the intervening spaces being occupied by a series of 
circular indents ; perforated canine tusks and hammer stones, both 
hand and degraded celts. 

Number 8, head of Portage, Balsam Lake, gives a blocked out 
adze or celt of greenstone, an ovate flint knife 2f inches by 1 3-16, 
very thin ; a triangular scraper and a borer of flint. 

Number 20, block E., Bexley Lake Shore, a number of fragments 
of human bones were found buried in a heap about 18 inches below 
surface, comprising mainly portions of skull, jaws and the larger bones. 

Number 2, lot 22, concession 3, Eldon, furnished three circular 
hammer stones, a stone gouge pecked into shape, but not polished, 
having a chip out of the under side of edge which had been subse- 
quently treated to remove the flaw by grinding ; a small chisel, a 
rubbing stone, some perforated marine shells, pottery discs, bone awls 
and beads, bears' tusks, a silurian spiral fossil (Murchisonia ? ), besides 
a number of ovoid and spheroid stones up to a goose egg in size, which 
may have been pot boilers, missiles, or those stones remarked upon by 
the Jesuits, which the sorcerers held red hot in their hands or mouth 
in performing their witchcraft, see Jesuit Relation, Vol 14. These 
stones occur quite frequently in ash beds, so much so, as to cause their 
presence to be remarked by investigators, 

Number 6, site Smith's lot 18, Gull River Range, Bexley, a blocked 
out soapstone pipe, worked soapstone pebble, and a portion of a soap- 
stone pipe in process of manufacture. 

Number 14, Rumney's lots 56 and 57, front range, Somerville 
township, celts, pottery, clay pipes, plate mica, bone implements and 
rubbing stone. 

Number 7, lots west half 5 and 6, concession 2, Bexley, large frag- 
ments of pottery, a large gouge, which has been used, but is still in 
the process of making as evidenced by the shallow pecked groove 
existing the whole length of the implement, but does not come deep 
enough to meet the lip or edge which shows marks of usage ; some 
large turtle egg shells, a few pottery discs, etc., were obtained in exam- 
ining the surfaces of a half dozen or new ash beds, exposed by the 
clearing of a piece of thicket this year, but as grain was on the place 
no digging could be done. 


Referring to the pits mentioned in last year's report, p. 56, I 
visited those situtated on J. Chrysler's, Mud Lake, Garden township, 
to verify statements made concerning them and others in the neigh- 
borhood. I found in conversing with Mr. Chrysler and others, that 
the three connected pits were formerly 20 feet deep, with almost 
straight walls, the earth partitions between them were almost up to 
the surrounding surface, which was level, and no embankments existed 
around the mouths of the pits. The single pit to the north was about 
15 feet deep, and all had saucer-shaped bottoms They were supposed 
by the residents to have been used by the Indians as " game pits " 
especially to drive deer into ; I cannot accept this idea of their con- 
struction for that purpose, when we know that the Indians could far 
easier kill deer by still hunting than driving them to the pits, not 
taking into account the labor necessary for their construction, and for 
the construction also of wings leading to them, necessary to head the 
game in that direction. 

Fifty rods to east of pits is a slight valley bounded on the east by 
a limestone ridge, existed an ancient village of five or six acres in 
extent, ash-beds, pottery, celts, etc. were plentiful when the place was 
cleared by Mr. Chrysler forty years ago. 

A short distance to the north existed a modern Indian camp site, 
on a place called the " Indian clearing," now grown up with large sized 
trees of second growth, the Mississaugas grew corn here sixty years 
ago, according to ' : Squire Joe " an aged Indian of the Rama Reserve 

French axes, iron tomahawks and steel knives have been found here 


also more ancient relics such as clay pipes, pottery, celts, flint arrow- 
heads, a few slate gouges, a copper knife, and a red stone pipe. 

The above pits were propably the natural results of drainage by 
the spring which came out of the bank lower down to the south, and 
were artificially shaped by the inhabitants of the village to the east, 
for religious, storage, secretive, or defensive purposes. 

On S. Fox's place, lot 13, concession 2, Garden, were three smaller 
pits in a row, bearing north and south, these were about 12 feet deep 
and 5 feet wide, a spring came out below them about 5 rods away. 
They were distant about one mile from Chrysler's pits on the south 
side of a valley running between them. 

Also on Irwin's farm, south half lot 15, concession 2, Carden, 
there were four pits separate, but two were close together. In the 
spring the land to the extent of five or six acres around them is 
flooded, and the water is supposed to recede through the pits. 


On Heron's Island, Mud Lake, there are traces of modern graves, 
but they have been opened and contents removed. They were pro- 
bably the graves of the Mississaugas who were resident in the vicinity 
before being removed to Rama Reserve. 

The following has been added to the list of village sites. No. 22> 
Chrysler's lot 17, con. 3, Garden township, N. Victoria. 


The black clay pipe so frequently found may have been colored 
by the process described by Otis T. Mason in " Primitive "Woman," 
used for coloring pottery, viz.: When the article was nearly baked, 
the tire was raked away and a large amount of fresh green fuel of 
some sort added, which gave a dense smoke and produced the neces- 
sary effect. 

It has been suggested that the large " bunts " or rounded scrapers 
were attached to a shaft and used as ice chisels. They do not seem to 
have been found very far south ; also that the discs with slight per- 
forations on one side, were so marked in order to distinguish a partic- 
ular side. This is somewhat analagous to the plum stones that were 
used in gambling games by the Huron-Iroquois peoples, being colored 
on one side. 

I took several extended trips north throughout the granitic region, 
in order to determine whether any sites, etc , existed there but could 
not find or hear of any, see p. 13, Report 1897-98. It is also a signifi- 
cant fact that no grave-yards, with one exception, have been found in 
the vicinity of village sites here. Where did they bury their dead ? 
Were they removed for ossuary burial elsewhere ? It is not such a 
long distance to the Huron country, could they have been transported 
thither ? 

In " Rambles and Studies in Bosnia," etc., by Robert Munro, in 
describing a neolithic site at Butmir, p. 102, referring to the finding of 
clay weights, (perforated discs) he says, " The workmen came upon 
sixty- five perforated clay weights of reddish color arranged in two 
circular rows. They are round and are of nearly unform size. Their 
diameters being within 5.5 c.m. and 6. c.m. and their weight within 3 
and 4 c.m., one of which lay in the middle being exceptionally large 
measuring 9.5 c.m. in diam. by 4.5 in height, " He then goes on to com- 
pare them with net weights used by the people of Bilioc, concluding 
that a net had been deposited here with its weight attached, the net 
decaying leaving the weights. Might not this theory account for some 


of the larger perforated discs, both of stone and pottery found on the 
sites here ? It being admitted at the same time the use of notched 
pebbles for the same purpose, but which have not been observed here 
as yet; also in the same work, p. 103, he mentions charred corn in con- 
nection with charcoal, explaining, p. 123, that "the hardening of grain 
for mealing purposes can be readily effected by holding a bundle of the 
ears of corn for a few minutes over a white flame made from withered 
straw or other combustible material. In this manner corn can be dried 
ground and baked within an hour from the time it was growing 
in the field. Is this applicable to Indian corn or maize, and would 
it account for all the corn in our ash beds, or would that quan- 
tity be augmented from corn spilt from broken pots, or from the 
boiling over of pots ? It is said that corn if fire charred would not 
exist long, decaying very quickly. What is called " charred corn " in 
our ash beds and caches results from carbonization. 

NOTE. In reference to the large pits being used as game pits to 
drive deer into. It is possible that they could be used as such, espec- 
ially in connection with wings or pieces of brush-wood, timber, etc- 
Similar to the drives of the Boethucs of Newfoundland, and the pis'kuns 
of Blackfeet and Algonquin nations, in the North West, but these two 
peoples had game in large bodies to operate with, such as herds of 
caribou in their annual migration, and bands of buffalo, and they 
killed enough at one time to do the tribe a considerable period, where- 
as the red deer being non-gregarious, at the most only going in bunches 
of less than half dozen, they could not be gotten together in enough 
numbers in one district, to make it necessary to construct these pits 
and lengthy wings, for their slaughter on a wholesale scale." 


Under the head of " Texile Work," p. 26 in last report, reference 
was made to some fragments of cloth thought to have been found by 
Mr. Clarence B. Moor in Florida during his extensive and exhaustive 
explorations in that State. Mr. Moore writes that " the specimens 
of carbonized fabrics were found with a burial below the base of 
the larger Van Meter Mound, near Piketon, Ohio." This mound 
was opened and examined by Mr. Gerard Fowke, under the direction 
of Mr. Moore, during the summer of 1894. 

Of this work Mr. Fowke reported to Mr. Moore : " Lying on the 
top of the charcoal where it was thickest was a considerable quantity 
of charred cloth, showing at least four distinct methods of weaving, 


there was also much of what seemed to be fur, or some such material ; 
the latter was soft as soot, while some of the cloth was fairly well pre- 
served, a very little of it showing scarcely any mark of burning.* 

Mr. Moore assures me that he wrote the particulars respecting this 
find when he so generously sent the specimens, but I am sorry to say 
the letter did not reach me, and as he had forwarded not long before, 
several stone and shell tools and a number of shell beads from the 
Florida Mounds examined by himself the previous winter, I supposed 
that all the material came from the same place another of the lessons 
we are constantly learning, and which teach us that we cannot exercise 
too much care where there is even the remotest appearance of doubt. 

In acknowledging the gift of specimens last year from Dr. W. L 
T. Addison, then of Barrie, but now of Byng Inlet, the name of his 
brother, the Rev. Arthur P. Addison of South River, should have been 
mentioned, as it was largely through his efforts that the excellent Ad- 
dison Collection was brought together, and this correction is made 
with great pleasure, although mingled with regret that the omission 
should have occurred. 


When the Delawares became incorporated with the Six Nations 
they were compelled to wear either really, or figuratively, white 
shirts as overdresses, besides other marks of humiliation, and were 
regarded as " women " by their adopters. In due course this stigma 
was removed. David Zeisberger, in his. diary, 1781-1798, mentions 
that on Monday, June 15th, 1795, " Capt. Brant came through here 
[Fairfield, on the Thames, Ontario] with his suite in six canoes," and 
no doubt he gave the Moravian missionary the information following, 
viz., " That the Six Nations had now made the Delawares men, [by 
the treaty of Greenville, 1794] . . . They had, among other 
ceremonies, shorn an Indian's head leaving only a little hair at the 
top, adorned with white feathers, as the warriors are accustomed to do, 
and painted him. They left him no clothing except a breech-clout, 
and put a war-beetle into his hands, and then presented him to the 
Delawares with these words : ' Cousin, before times we put on thee a 
woman's garment ; hung at thy side a calabash, with oil to anoint thy 
head ; put into thy hand a grubbing axe and a pestle, to pla,nt corn 
and to grind it, together with other house-gear, and told thee to 

*Proceedings of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia for 1894, p. 311. 


support thyself by agriculture, together with thy children, and to 
trouble thyself about- nothing else. Now we cut in two the band 
wherewith the garment is bound, and throw it among these thick, 
dark bushes, whence no man shall bring it again or he must die. Thou 
art thus no longer in thy former form, but thy form is like this 
Indian's, whom we now present to thee, that thou mayest see who 
thou now art, and instead of grubbing axe and corn pestle, we put 
into thy hand a war-beetle and feathers upon thy head. Thou goest 
about now like a man.' ' Thus,' Zeisberger adds, ' they have made the 
Delaware nation not only into men, but into warriors.' " Vol. II, 
pp. 419-420. 

Many of the Ojibwas and some of the Delawares themselves sus- 
pected the motives of the Iroquois in re-masculating the latter, 
believing that " the Six Nations, and especially the Mohawks on the 
British territory, have not only made the Delaware Nation into men 
but into warriors, to encourage them to continue war against the 
States, and take it up anew, so that if they reached their end and the 
Delawares began war anew against the States, they would accuse them 
to the States and say, ' These are they who are fractious and will 
not have peace. Let us all fall upon them and root them out.' " That 
this was their purpose was seen from what follows : "The Mohawks 
have thereupon, for the third time, sent to the Chippewas [Ojibwas] 
a finger's length from a war- belt fathoms long, and offered them the 
Delaware Nation, or permitted them to make broth thereof." (i.e., to 
make way with them.) 

Brant, himself, was said to be implicated, so that on this account 
"he could not goto the treaty as he had intended," when he heard that 
the secret had leaked out.* 

To the foregoing brief account of the unmaking and making of 
the Delawares, it should be added that they, themselves, declared they 
were inveigled by the Iroquois into the original compact, on the plea 
of the latter that if the Delawares would consent to be reckoned as 
women they would thus be able to exercise great influence as peace- 

Regard the arrangment as we may, it was a very remarkable one, 
and serves to to bring out in strong light, the extravagant symbolism 
that characterized the Indian in many of his ways. 

* See Zeisberger's Diary, vol. II, p. 416. 

For a beautiful copy of these volumes, I am indebted to my friend, Mr. Robert 
Clarke, publisher, Cincinnati, Ohio. 


Indian names in Seneca : 

1. O-sto-weh'go-wa, + Great Feather Dance .... For both sexes. 

2. Ga-na-o-uh Great Thanksgiving Dance .... " 

3. Da-yun'-da-nes-hunt-ha, Dance with joined hands " 

4. Ga-da-shote * Trotting Dance 

5. 0-ta-wa-ga-ka * } North Dance " 

6. Je-ha'-ya, Antique Dance " 

7. Ga'-no-jit'-ga-o, Taking the kettle out 

8. Ga-so-wa'-o-no, * Fish Dance " 

9. Os-ko-da'-ta, Shaking the Bush 

10. Ga-n(5-ga-yo, + Rattle Dance 

11. So-wek-o-an'-no, | Duck Dance. " 

12. Ja k<5-wa-o-an-no, Pigeon Dance " 

13. Gak-sa'-ga-ue-a, -f Grinding Dishes Dance ... " 

14. Ga-sd-a ^ Knee Battle Dance " " 

15. O-ke-wa, Dance for the Dead For females. 

16. 0-as-ka-ne-a, Shuffle Dance 

17. Da-swa-da-ne-a, Tumbling Dance " 

18. G'a-ne-il'-seh-o, -f- Turtle Dance " 

19. Un-da-da-o-at'-ha, Initiation Dance for girls . . " 

20. Un-to-we"-sus, Shuffle Dance 

21. Da-yo-da'-sun-da-e-go, Dark Dance " 

22. Wa-sa'-seh, * j Sioux, or War Dance For males. 

23. Da-ge-ya-go-o-an'-no, Buffalo Dance " 

24. Ne-a'-gwi-o-an'-no, * Bear Dance " 

25. Wa-a-n(5-a, f Striking- the -Stick Dance " " 

26. Ne-ho-sa-den'-da f Squat Dance " " 

27. Ga-na-un'-da-do, * J Scalp Dance " " 

28 Un-de-a-ne-suk'-ta, Track Finding Dance " " 

29. Eh-nes'-hen-do, -f* Arm Shaking Dance " " 

30. Ga-g(5-sa, False Face Dance ' " 

31. Ga-j^-sa, " " " 

32. Un-da-de-a-dus'-shun-ne-at'-ha, ^ Preparation 


Thus marked * are of foreign origin ; thus + are obsolete ; and 
thus j are costume dances. 

The above list does not include the Maple Dance, the Green Corn 
Dance, the Snake Dance, and more important still, the Covered Skin 

* Morgan's "League of the Iroquois," p. 290. 



Abistanaooch 72 

Addison, Rev. A. P 203 

Afternoon dedicated to the dead. .78, 96 
Agreskoui, or Agreskwi, the God of 

War 102 

Akonwarah, false faces 157 

Allen, Grant, quoted 473 

Angels, the three (or four) .... 76, 77, 

82, 95, 126, 138 

Anointing heads 119 

Areskwi, or Agreskoui 60 

"Ashes" 82 

Ashes, blowing of 90 

Ashes, scattering of . . 106, 108, 109, 

110, 111, 114 
Ashes, scattering of, by the Creator 

(foot note) ,". 110 

A shes, song 107 

Ataensic 58, 60 

Atonement, no place in Indian mind. 99 

Bad water 191, 193 

Bear boy 165 

Bear dance song 148 

Beauchamp, Dr., quoted. . . .75 et seq 80 

Bellomont, Earl of, quoted 54 

Big feather dance 85 

Big feather dance song 147 

Big turtle story 167 

Birth rate 190 

Boaz, Dr. Franz, quoted 142 

Borrowed chiefs 176 

Boyd-Dawkins, Prof., quoted 52 

Brant. Joseph, and the Delawares . . 204 

Brant-Sero, J. O S 

Brinton, Dr. , quoted . . . . 56, 57, 60, 

101, 107, 137 

Britton's, Freeman, gift 9-44 

Brodie's, W. A., gift 6 


Brotherhood 180 

feast 181 

" ceremony 181 

" death 182 

Brushing away sins 70 

Burials from public fund 196 

Capture, marriage by 61 

Cards forbidden 79 

Carriers' reason for " blowing " 142 

Cayuga women at spring sun Dance. 118 
Charlevoix and Huron sachems .... 103 

Cheez-tah-paezh 67 

Chief's horns 185, foot note 186 

Chiefs, borrowed 176 

" minor 176 

' ' pine tree 175 

" nomination of 176 

" number of 175 

" Six Nation 177-8 

" warrior 175 

Chiefship foot note 81 

Children's deaths : . . 193 

" treatment 77 

Clan and gens foot note 173 

Clans, Iroquois 174 

Clark, General J. S., quoted 102, 

foot note 118 

Cloth, carbonized, Ohio 202, 203 

Coals, handling live . . 91 and foot note 

Complexion 167 

Colden, quoted 97 

Confession of sins 66 

Contributions to feast 120 

Copper inplements, lines of distribu- 
tion 53 

Copper scraper 196 

" spear head 196 

" tool, carved 196 




Corn bread 188 

" charred 202 

" soup 120, 123 

Cornplanter 75, 76 

Cringan, A. T., on Iroquois music . . 144 

Cross carved on pipes 47, 4 8 

Dances 205 

" degraded 122 

Dance versus frost 130 

Dancers must be serious 

110, foot note 

Dancing as a cure for disease 85 

Dancing, Heine on 85 

Dawn myth 60 

Death cry 18* 

Death rate 191 

Dee's, Dr. R. H. , letter . 189 

Delaware prophet 63 

Delawares 54, 203 

Dene limits 100, foot note 

Diabolism, imputed 74 

Diet for sick people 191 

Discs, perforated 201 

Diseases 189 

Dog among Athabaskans, Algonkians 

and Souans , 98 

Dog burning a substitute for human 

sacrifice by the Mayas 105 

Dog burning in Michigan 98 

" feasts 97 

" for a dream 98 

' in American religions 101 

" in Maya MSS 101 

" white, a message bearer 103 

" burned 94 

" burning forbidden 97 

" decorations 92 

" " strangled 92 

" " symbolical 99,101 

Dogs as sons and daughters 100 

' ' as offerings to cure smallpox . . 98 

" burnt with their masters 100 

Dog's image to remove disease 98 

" flesh eaten 97 

" "a charm against disease . . 97 

Dorsey, Prof. J. O., quoted. .86 68, 142 

Drake quoted 65 

Dream, a bad 97 

" Dreamers," The 69 


Dreams 142 

" and visions . . .63, 64, 65, 66, 67 

Dress of people at the dances 83 

" - modern 179 

Drum foot note ) 29 

Drums and rattles only to be used . . 78 

Drummond, Henry, quoted iii. 

Earth, mother 69 

English should be taught to all the 

Indians on the reserve 169 

European parentage 1 67 

Eternal punishment 73, 137 

Faces painted 122 

False face society ' 167, 163 

" dance 151 

" dance song 151 

" chief 160 

" initiation speech 158 

" meetings 163 

" membership 158, 164 

" offerings 89 

False faces 1 60 

" husk-masked 163 

" power of '... 160-1 

Feast contributions 120 

Fellowship, and life for life 183 

men and women 183 

Fiddle denounced 78 

Fire-keepers 187 

Fire, passing the 108, 109. 110, 111 

Fire, sacred 103 

Fish dance song 151 

Flint; origin of 59 

Flute . . .- 145 

Flying heads '. 160 

Food plants, origin of 59 

Forenoon sacred 78, 96 

Four persons or angels 95 

Four w inds myth , . . 60 

Four angels 82 

Friendship dance? 66 

Fuller's, C. V., gift 8 

Gambling allowed 79 

" Game pits " 200 

Gananoque valley 44 

Gens names 169 

Gentes 173 

Ghost dance in Nevada 7J 

Glosscap's origin 61 



God song 152 

Green corn dance song 149 

Grimm quoted 73 

Gummere, Prof., quoted 85 

Go-weh, Ko-ue, Ko-we, or Ka-weh 

..104, 107 

Hale, Horatio, quoted 99 

Hamilton, Rev. Wm 98 

Harvest dance song 154 

Heads anointed 119 

Heaven not for whites 80 

Heckewelder quoted 64 

Hell 73, 137 

Hiawatha 66, 85 

Holder of the heavens 109 

Horns of the chiefs. . .111, footnote ; 

185, footnote ; 186 

Hoh-shah-honh the preacher 79-81 

forbids the burning 

of the white dog 96 

Hospitality taught 77 

Hospital required 193, 195 

Houses 1 80, 191 

Huron chiefs, " Children of the 

Sun " 103 

Harmon quoted 100 

"Iroquois" and "Cherokee," origin 

of ^..103 

Iroquois as farmers and business 

men 167-8 

Iroquois clans 174 

" first parents 59 

Indian courtesy 121 

" drum foot note 129 

" Hell 137 

Indians psychologically .... 73 

Instruction required 194, 195 

lyo, iio, or eeyo, meaning of 136 

Johnson Sir Wm., not in Heaven . . 80 

Joskeha and Tawiskara 59 

Kanakuk 65 

Kanishandon 82 and fol. 

Kanishandon's dress 95 

Ka-weh, ko-we, ko-ue, or go-weh 

104, 107, 109 

Laidlaw's, G. E., gift 9, 18, 42 

La Hontan, quoted 88 

Lalemant, quoted 73, 74, 97 

Lang, Andrew, quoted 173 

14 G.I. 


Large families 77 

Laulewasikaw 64 

Le Jeune, quoted 56, 97, 141 

Letourneau. quoted 173 

Light and darkness myth 60 

Lindsay, Lord, quoted 91 

Longhouse, Seneca 83 

Maclean's, Rev. Dr. J., gift 17 

McDiarmid's, Dr. , gift . . . 10 

McLennan, quoted 61 

Malaria 189, 192 

Marriages 77, 173, 183, 184 and 

foot note 
Materials for betting at peach stone 



Medicine men 191 

Medicine women 191 

Medicines, native 78, 191 

Miscegenation opposed 77 

Mill, or kah-ni-kah 188 

Milne's, T. F. , gift 9, 12, 16 

Minor chiefs 176 

Modern dress 179 

Morice, Rev. A. G., quoted . . . .100, 142 
Mooney, James, on Indian prophets, 

foot note, 63, quoted, 68, 69, 71 

Moore's, Clarence B., gift '43 

Moral code 79 

Morgan, quoted 75, 138, 157 

Munro's, Dr., gift 43 

" quoted 201 

Music development 144 

' ' in minor key 143 

" modern influences 146 

" pentatonic scale 146 

Mythical origin of spraying 166 

Myth-makers and believers 58 

Names, place , 171 

Names, deer gens 171 

Names, objection to tell their own. . 121 
Names of persons, reticence in 

using 170 

Naming children 168-169 

Nakai doklini 67 

Nanabush 58, 60, 61 

Nanticokes 54 

Native medicines 191 

" Niyoh," the word 136 

Nomination of chiefs . . 176 


Non-osculation .... 184 and foot note 

Number of chiefs 175 

Number of Indians on Reserve 190 

Occupation of men 191 

Offerings False Face.89 and footnote 

Oh-kwa-ri-dak-san 165 

' Old men," who they are 126 

Onondaga done-seeding dance an- 
nounced 124 

Paddle party 107 

Paddles, distribution of 108 

Paddle tipping song. . 109, and foot note 

Pagan belief, confused 56 

" belief, pre-historic 56 

" ceremonies, two features of . . 57 

" dances 78 

Paganism, modified 55 

Painted faces 95 

Passing the fire . . .108, 109, 110, 111 116 

Patheske, or Long Nose 66 

Peach stone game, articles for bet- 
ting at 125 

" opening speech ... 125 

winning throws . . 127 

" how played 128 

Penn, Wm., not in Indian heaven ... 80 

Perry's, W. C., gift 9, 41 42 

Personal names 170-1 

Pigeon dance song 149 

in Cayuga longhouse . . 120 
Pigeons, wild, exorcised .... foot note 88 

Pigmy dance songs 164 

" song 146 

Pine tree chiefs 175 

Physical features foot note 168 

Place names 171-2 

Pneumonia 192 

Pontiac's advantage 64 

Pottery fragments 44 

Prayers, daily 79 

Preachers 82 

Prophet, Indian 55 

" impostors 62 

" Delaware 63 

" Shawnee 64 

" Kicapoo 65 

" Winnebago 66 

" Paiute 66 

" Apache 67 


Prophet, Pottawatomi 67 

" Crow 67 

" Wanapum 68 

" Skookum Bay 69 

" Nevada Messiah 70 

" Micmac 72 

"Prophets" English and American 58 

Prophets pre-discovery 62 

Proselytizing influences 55 

Rand, Dr. S. T., quoted 61 

Ragueneau quoted 74 

Rain-making .... 71, and foot note. 

Recent graves 201 

Red, a forbidden color , 95 

Revelations 63-71 

Ro-de-neh-ho-rohn, messengers skin- 
covered 128 

Rodikstenha, the Old Men- 106 

Roth, Dr. W. E., quoted 107 

Runners appointed to invite to 

dance 124 

(death) 185 

Sacred fire Natchez 103 

Sarama in the Rig Veda 60 

Scattering ashes song 162 

Secord, Dr. L. , on diseases 190 

Separation of married people 77 184 

" Shaker " faith 69 

Six Nation chiefs 177-8 

Skaneodyo 62, foot note ; 73 75 

" trance 76 

" vision 77 

" revelation 77 

" drunkenness 79 

" forbids the sale of land . . 79 

Skin dance song 153 

Slocum, John 69 

Smallpox 189 

Smith, H. L, quoted 98 

Smithsonian Institution's gift 43 

Smohalla 68 

Song- words, meaning lost . .102, 153, 107 

" not recitals . . 156 

" bear dance 155 

pigmy dance 155 

" scattering Ashes 156 

" skin dance 155 

" war dance 156 

white Dog (opening) . . . 156 


Songs music 

bear dance 148 

big feather dance 147 

" false face dance 151 

" fish dance 151 

' ' god song 152 

green corn dance 149 

1 ' harvest dance 154 

pigeon dance 149 

pigmy dance , . . . . 146 

scattering ashes 152 

" skin dance 153 

war dance 150 

" white dog 148 

" women's dance ....150, 154 

Sosehawa 76-79 

Spiritism 73-74 

Spraying 86, 87, 139 

" compared with blouring and 

reathing 141 

" liquid 140 

*' reasons assigned for 140 

Stones oval or round (water-worn) . . 199 

Substitution 99, 100, 105 

Sun-worship 57, 105 

Sun-worshippers, Iroquois 103 

Symbolism 204 

Syphilis 189, 193 

Taronyawagon 60, 92, 108, 109 

" the Supreme God 302 

his ashes speech 107 

Tavibo, or White Man 66 

Tawiskara and Joskeha ". 57 

Tecumseth 65, 69 

The three (or four) persons or angels 

76, 77, 82, 95, 126, 138 

Thunder 117 

" Being 86 

" bird 46, 48, footnote 118 


Thunder bird stone pipe 46 

Thunderers . . 125 

Tobacco 78, 106 

Tolerant spirit 95 

Totemism 173 and footnotes 

Trances 63-71 

Tuberculous diseases 189, 192 

Tutelos 54, 55 footnote 

Tylor quoted 75 

Unlucky to tell their names 121 

Vimont quoted 57, footnote 

Von Tschudi quoted 101 

Wakes, or yononha 185, 186 

War dance song 150 

Warrior chiefs 175 

Washington half way to heaven .... 80 

White a sacred color 103 

White dog burning 91 

a messenger 103 

burning forbidden 87 

" decorated for burning . . 92 

song 148 

" " translated 105 

Hale's conjecture res- 
pecting the burn- 
ing of 99 

Dr. Brin ton's opinion . . 101 
" General J. S. Clark's 

opinion 102 

as a substitute 105 

White people to be damned 67 

Willson's, Alfred, gift 8 

Wintemberg's, W. J., gift 47 

Wolf, great white, or infernal 102 

" the devil 102 

Women's dance song 150, 154 

" decision in ceremonies 121 

Women singers 123 

Wovoka 66, 70 

,vvv ' 














Presentation 1 

Additions to tha Museum 2 

Notes on some Specimens : 

Clay Pipes 17 

Stone Pipes 18 

Bone articles 20 

Phalangal Bones 21 

Rattlesnake Shell Gorget 23 

Huron Crania 26 

Iroquois Medicine Man's Mask . 27 

The Macassa 29 

Mask Myth 28 

Pelee Island 30 

Pelee Island Mounds 32 

Big Corn Feast (Lower Cayuga) 34 

Naming a Child 35 

The Pebble Stone Game 36 

The Wake Game 38 

The Invitation Stick 39 

Turtle Clan Names 40 

(North) Victoria County, by Geo. E. Laidlaw : New Sites 41 

Huron Village Sites in Tay, Simcoe County, by A. F. Hunter, M.A 53 

Descriptions of the Village Sites . 58 

Indian Village Sites in Oxford and Waterloo, by W. J. vVintemberg 83 

The Wyandots, Wm. E, Connelley : 

Migration Legends 92 

Clan System 96 

Government . . . 106 

Proper Names 107 

Notes on the Clan System 114 

Origin of the El-len-ra-pa. 121 

The Wampum Bird 122 

The Wars of the Iroquois, by Benjamin Suite (translated by Mrs. M. E. 

Rose Holden) 142 

Notes on some Mexican Relics, by Mrs. Wm. Stuart 152 

An old Letter about the origin of the Indians 164 

Music of the Pagan Iroquois 167 

Pagan Dance Songs of the Iroquois, by Alex. T. Cringan 168 

Musical Notation of Songs, by Alex. T. Cringan 176 

A Study of the word Toronto, by General John S. Clark WS 



Minister of Education : 

SIR, Herewith is presented the Archaeological Report for the year. 

Upwards of two thousand specimens have been added to the muse- 
um during the past twelve months. We are indebted to numerous 
friends for single, and small numbers of specimens from various parts 
of the province, and outside of it, but our largest additions represent 
the work of collectors in the counties of Victoria, (North) and Brant, 
those from the former locality having been brought together by Mr. 
Oeorge E. Laidlaw, of " The Fort," Balsam Lake, and presented by him 
as an accession to the fine collection he placed in our possession last year. 

The only field work prosecuted by your curator was in connection 
with the examination of some mounds on Pelee Island, to which refer- 
ence appears in what follows. 

Had time and circumstances permitted, much more work of this 
kind might have been accomplished, and the hope may be indulged 
that opportunity for original research will more frequently present 
itself next year, for the reason already so often urged, namely, that the 
march of improvement is rapidly destroying traces, the existence of 
which, and particulars respecting which, should be recorded. 

Fortunately, a considerable amount of investigation has been per- 
formed by Messrs. George E. Laidlaw, and W. J. Wintemberg, reports 
from whom appear relating respectively to the counties of Victoria and 
Oxford. Mr. A. F. Hunter presents a report in continuation of his work 
in examining village sites in North Simcoe, the object being to identify 
these, if possible, with the places mentioned by the early missionaries. 

From the pen of Mrs. Wm. Stuart, San Geronimo, Istmo de Tehuan- 
tepec, Mexico, an article on Aztec relics, will enable the Ontario reader 
to form some comparisons with the work of our own aborigines ; and 
Mrs. Holden's translation of Mr. B. Suite's paper on the Wars of the 
Iroquois is as instructive as it is interesting. 

Mr. W. E. (Donnelley 's papers on the Wyandots, and General Clark's 
philological and historical treatment of the derivation and signification 
of the word Toronto, are extremely valuable. 

In accordance with many requests from students in Europe and 
America, Mr. A. T. Cringan presents a second contributiou on the music 
of the Pagan Iroquois. 

I have the honor to be, 

Yours respectfully, 

Education Department, Toronto, DAVID BOYLE. 

December 30th, 1899. 



19386, birch-bark canoe, (French R) Mississauga Indian, J. EL 
Fleming, Toronto. 19387, part of small clay vessel from Uganda, 
Atrica, Miss Buik, Toronto. 19388, small gouge and axe, or chisel, com- 
bined, lot 9, con. 4, Dummer twp., Peter boro' co., found by Patrick 
Young, Sen, Young's Pt., Clarence Bell, Toronto. 19389, large and 
beautifully made grooved axe from gravel bed near Brocton, N.Y., 
Thomas Connon, Brocton, N.Y. 19390, butter Hy banner stone, Mark- 
ham twp., York county, Joseph Chant, per Geo. E. Laidlaw. 19391, 
pottery sherd, Saguache co., Colorado, R. W. Carruthers, per Geo. E. 
Laidlaw. 19392-93, two steel knives from Huron site at La Fontaine, 
Tiny township, supposed to be Toanch6, W. Richardson, per Geo E. 
Laidlaw. 19394-95, pipe and ornamental stem from same place^ 
19396, clay pipe, Fred Widdis, w. half lot 4, North West Bay, Bexley. 
19397-98 worked fossil and chipped flint, Joseph Eads, lot 24, con. 2., 
Somerville twp., per Geo. E. Laidlaw. 19399, unfinished implement, 
lot 37, South Portage Rd., J. Waterson, Eldon twp., per G. E. Laidlaw. 
19400, perforated disc, same place. 19401, pottery disc, same place, 
unperforated. 19402, stone axe, Fenelon Falls P.O., Dougald Brown, 
per Geo. E. Laidlaw. 19403-4, two celts, Mitchell's Lake, Eldon twp., 
Moses Mitchell. 19405-6, two chisels, Mitchell's Lake, Eldon twp., 
Moses Mitchell. 19407, nugget of native copper, A. Cameron, lot 20, 
con. 5, Lutterworth twp., per G. E. Laidlaw. 19408, slate gouge, G. 
Fox, Dalyrymple P.O., Mud Lake, Garden twp., per G. E. Laidlaw. 
19409-10, two axes, G. Fox, Dalyrymple P.O., Mud lake, Garden twp., 
per G. E. Laidlaw. 19411, broken slate implement, G. Fox, Dalyrymple 
P.O., Mud Lake, Garden twp., per G. E. Laidlaw. 19412, fragment of 
elk horn, G. Fox, Dalyrymple P.O., Mud Lake, Garden twp., per G. E. 
Laidlaw. 19413-17, five oval, circular and ovate stones from ash beds, 
Eldon and Bexley twps., Geo. E. Laidlaw. 19418-27, ten hammer 
stones, degraded celts find others, Bexley twp., Geo. E. Laidlaw. 19428, 
fragmentary mealing stone from lot 5, con. 5, Bexley twp., Geo. E. Laid- 
law. 19429-30, upper and part of lower mealing stone from ash heaps, 
Bexley twp., Geo. E. Laidlaw. 19431, chert nodule, from lot 22, COD. 
8, Eldon township, Geo. E. Laidlaw. 19432, porphyry from ledge 
near Mud Lake, Garden twp., Geo. E. Laidlaw. 19433, box of teeth 
from various village sites, Eldon and Bexley twps., Geo. E. Laidlaw. 
19434, neolithic celt from Swaffham Fen, Cambridge, England, Sir 
John Evans, Hemel Hempstead, England. 19435, iron knife from lot 
24, con 2, Somerville twp., Jos. Eads, per G. E. Laidlaw. 19436, string 


of porcelain beads from Orillia, Geo. E Laidlaw. 19437, stone tool from 
Alaska, W. C. Perry, Winnipeg. 19438, red oxide from surface of Indian 
burial ground, Karnloops, B C., W. C. Perry, Winnipeg. 19439, rubbing- 
stone, Lytton, B. C., W. C. Perry. 19440, rubbing-stone, Lytton, B.C., 
W. C. Perry. 19441, fragment of skull, Lytton, B.C., W. C. Perry. 
19442, improvised hammer-stone, Lytton, B.C., W. C. Perry. 19443, 
deer-horn chisel, Vancouver. B.C., Jas. Johnson. 19444, fragment 
soapstone disc, Washington, D.C. 10445, sperm whale's tooth, Samoa, 
Mrs. F. Smith, Toronto. 19446, model of framework of kayak (Eskimo.) 
19447, handle and whiplash, (Eskimo). 19448 19449, fish killers, 
Rama reserve, (Mississauga), G. E. Laidlaw. 19450-19549, fragments 
of pottery with various patterns, Mississauga, G. E. Laidlaw. 19550-52, 
three finger -pullers, Mississauga, G. E. Laidlaw. 19553-4, clubs 
for pounding black ash to separate the layers for basket-making, 
G. E. Laidlaw. 19555, modern " war club," once owned by Admiral 
Vansittart, Rama reserve, Mississauga, G. E. Laidlaw. 1955G, 
"trade" weapon, N. W. Indians, G. E. Laidlaw. 19557, moccasins, 
Northwest Territory, G. E. Laidlaw. 19558-19562, fragments of pot- 
tery from Lake Clear, lot 22, range 12, Sebastopol twp., Alex. Parks, 
Eganville. 19563-19662, flints from various localities. 19663-19671, 
clay vessels from mounds, Arkansas, R.'W. Riggs. 19672, drinking cup 
of shell found near human remains, two feet deep on mound near Darien, 
Mclntosh co., Georgia, Clarence B. Moore, Philadelphia, Pa. 19673, 
digging tool, Bluff Field, Ossabaw island, Bryan co., Georgia, Clarence B. 
Moore, Philadelphia, Pa. 19674, digging tool, Ossabaw island, Clarence B. 
Moore, Philadelphia, Pa. 19675, digging tool (fulgur carica) from sur- 
face near lighthouse mound, Fernandina, Florida, Clarence B. Moore, 
Philadelphia, Pa. 19676,drinking cup of shell, (fulgur per ver sum) found 
near human remains, two feet down ; mound, near Darien, Mclntosh 
co., Georgia, Clarence B. Moore, Philadelphia, Pa. 19677, worked shell 
from Florida ; Clarence B. Moore, Philadelphia, Pa. 19678, fragment 
of pottery, Walker mound in Cooper's field, near Sutherland Bluff, 
Mclntosh co., Georgia; Clarence B. Moore, Philadelphia,Pa. 19679-80, 
two fragments of pottery from mound D, Ossabaw island, middle 
settlement ; Clarence B. Moore, Philadelphia, Pa. 19681, Northwest 
pipe (no data). 19682, Indian stone tomahawk from the Green swamp 
in Columbus county, North Carolina; Horatio Hale, Clinton. 19683, 
wampum beads said to be from South Orillia twp., Simcoe co.; Horatio 
Hale, Clinton. 19684, shell beads, Santa Cruz Island, California; P. 
Schumacher, Horatio Hale, Clinton. 19685, shell beads from an 
ancient mound near the Mississippi river ; Dr. Willis De Hass, Wash- 
ington ; Horatio Hale, Clinton. 19686, Zulu beads, South Africa ? 
Horatio Hale, Clinton. 19687, whale line (Eskimo); 19688 sword 


blade, remounted; 19689-91, snow goggles (Eskimo); 19692, model 
iron spear; 19693, model ivory spear; 19694-97, pairs of boots; 19698, 
pair of shoes; 19700-1, baby's shoes; 19702. children's shoes; 
19703 pairs of shoes (Eskimo); 19704-5, bracelets (Eskimo); 19706, 
bracelets (Eskimo). 

From 19687 to 19706 the gift of F. F. Payne, Toronto. 

19709, walrus's tusk, Magdalen island. 19710,model Eskimo harpoon 
with toggle head. 197 1 1, pair of mitts (Eskimo). 19712, pair of mitts 
(Eskimo) 19713,gun flint, Baby farm, Lambton Mills ; Miss Kirkwood. 
West Toronto Junction. 19714-18, gun flints, Baby farm, York twp.; J. 
Kirkwood. 19719, fragments of copper,Baby farm, Lambton Mills; Miss 
Kirkwood, West Toronto Junction. 19720,steel spear-head, Thames river 
bank, Kent county ; W. Jull. 19721, busycon perversum, Fishing island, 
near Cape Hurd, lake Huron ; Sir Sandford Fleming, CM.G. 19722, 
knife, grave, Edmondton, Alberta ; G. E. Laidlaw. 19723, stone axe, 
Taylor's mill-dam, river Don ; R. T. Snyder, Toronto. 19724, gorget, 
North Cayuga, Haldimand county. 19725, six arrow points, found on 
lot 28, con. 2, south of Dundas st, Toronto ; R. Sloan. 19726, bird 
amulet, lot 24, con. 3, south of Dundas St., Toronto ; John H. Peel. 
19727, stone adze, Dundas st., lot 28, con. 3 ; R. Sloan. 19728, bowl of 
pipe, Dundas st., lot 25, con. 11, Esquesing, in the river Credit; R. 
Sloan. 19729, waterworn pebble, found in gravel on Grand Trunk rail- 
way near Clarkson, resembles human workmanship. 19730, piece of 
worked slate, Bobcaygeon ; Harold Cave. 19731, boat shaped amulet, 
North Cayuga ; A. F. Stevenson. 19732, gorget, Norfolk county ; J. G. 
Spain. 19733, clay pipe, lot 33, con. 3, Pickering. 19734, clay pipe head. 
19735,worked bone. 19736, worked bone with waved pattern on border, 
19737-9, gambling (?) bones. 19740-8, bone beads. 19749, core of 
chert. 19750, bone awl or needle, bored lengthwise. 19751, stone, 
grooved at one end. 19752, bone, partly cut. 19753-63, bone awls or 
needles. 19764-6, bone needles, eyed. 19767, bone awl (peculiar). 19768, 
bone awl or marker. 19769, horn tip, worked. 19770-8, arrow points. 

(From 19733 to 19769 the gift of Jesse Cober, Cherry wood, Ont.) 
19779, clay pipe, locality unknown. 19780, clay pipe, Nottawasaga 
township ; David Boyle. 19781, clay pipe head, lot 12, con. 8, Notta- 
wasaga township ; David Boyle. 19782, pipe fragments, York town- 
ship ; B. Jackes. 19783, five arrowheads. Clark county, Kentucky, 
U.S.A. ; Kentucky Geol. Survey, Frankfort. 19784, twelve delicately 
made arrow- tips obsidian, jasper, agate and flint, Oregon,. U.S. ; Dr 
Rear, Toronto. 19785, four arrow-points, Nottawasaga township ; 
Albert Lougheed. 19786, fifteen arrow -heads, Lawrenceburg, Ind. ; J. 
Wood, Lawrenceburg. 19787, arrow-head, pure quartz, Guilford 
county, N. Carolina ; Prof. Jos. Moore, Earlham College, Richmond, 


Ind. 19788, four war arrows, West Virginia ; Nat. Hist. Soc., Brook- 
ville, Ind., U.S. 19789, arrow-head, long neck, Lawrenceburg, Ind. ; 
Dr. Craig, Lawrenceburg. 19790, fifteen arrow-heads. Lawrenceburg. 
Ind. ; J. Wood, Lawrenceburg. 19791, chipped quartz, Grassy Point, 
Baptiste lake ; David Boyle. 19792, arrow-heads, war (7), Mississippi ; 
J. L. Kassebaum, Aurora, Ind. 19793, flints, unusual outline, Ala- 
bama : E. F. Hummell, Decatur, Ala. 19794-5, flints, Alabama ; E F. 
Hummell, Decatur, Ala. 19796, flint, grooved on both sides, McGilli- 
vray township, Middlesex ; Thos. Edward, W. Matheson, Lucan. 
19797, arrow heads (serrated), Lawrenceburg, Ind. , J. Wood. 19798, 
flint (serrated) cross-section triangular, Alabama ; E. F. Hummell, 
Decatur, Ala. 1 9799, spear or arrow-head (serrated), Dearborn, county, 
Ind. ^Dr. Collins, Lawrenceburg, Ind. 19800, flints ; Jos. W. Stewart, 
Strathroy. 19801, flints, lot 18, con. A, Huron township ; Wm. Welsh, 
Amberley, P.O. 19802, flint, Franklin county, Indiana; Nat. Hist, 
Soc., Brookville, Ind. 1980'J, flint (necked and notched), West Middle- 
sex , W. Matheson. 19804, flint, Uxbridge ; John Thompson. 19805, 
flint, McGillivray township ; John Taylor, W. Matheson. 19806, 
arrow-heads, Franklin county, Kentucky ; Nat. Hist. Soc , Brookville, 
Ind. 19807, flints (5), Madison county, Kentucky ; Dr. Collins, 
Lawrenceburg. 19808, flints, Fayette county, Kentucky ; Dr. 
Collins, Lawrenceburg. 19809, jasper, Kempsley farm, near Point 
Edward, Ontario; Dr. Rear, Toronto. 19810, flint Kempsley 
farm near Point Edward, Ontario; Dr. Rear, Toronto. 19811. 
arrowheads, Hamilton county, Ohio ; Dr. Collins, Lawrenceburg, 
Ind. 19812, flint, lot 9, con. 7, McGillivray township ; Thos. 
Mead, W. Matheson. 19813, flints, (4), Alabama; E. T. Hummell, 
Decatur, Ala. 19814, fine leaf-shaped flint, Southern Ohio; Dr. Free- 
man, Chicago. 19815, knife or scraper, Clarksville, Ohio ; Dr. Freeman, 
Chicago. 19816, flint, Brookfield, Mo.; Mr. Seeley, Dr. Rear, Toronto. 
19817, flints, (5), square necked, Blanshard township, Perth co.; 
John McQueen, W. Matheson. 19818, knife or spearhead, (jasper), 
Clarksville, Ohio ; Dr. Freeman, Chicago. 19819, flints, (13) North 
Carolina, E. T. Hummell ; Decatur, Ala. 19820, flints, (10), Ohio, Mr. 
Demming ; Xenia, Ohio. 19821, flints, (30), Lawrenceburg, Ind. ; J. 
Wood. 19822, arrowheads, Kentucky; J. Muller, St. Mary's Institute, 
Dayton, O. 19823, spearheads, Port Huron, Michigan ; McMillan, Dr. 
Rear, Toronto. 19824, copper spear or knife near end of Indian trail 
on lot 15, con. 8, Belmont twp., Peterboro' co. ; H. E. Strickland. 19825, 
chiefs large silver medal : Mrs. Cameron, Goderich. 19826, large water- 
worn stone, chipped as if for a sinker, lot 35, Lake road east, 
Bosanquet, Lambton ; Alfred Willson. 19827, pair of moccasins, made 
by the Nascopees, Ungava bay ; George B. Boucher, Peterboro'. 19828, 


headed tobacco pouch, sealskin'; George B. Boucher, Peterboro'. 19829, 
stone pipe and beaded wooden stem ; George B. Boucher, Peterboro'. 

19830, weathered knife or spear, Smooth Water lake, near Tamaga- 
ming, L. Nipissing ; per Aubrey White, Dep Com. of Crown Lands. 

19831, large argillite gouge and chisel combined; Aubrey White, Dep. 
Com. of Crown Lands. 19832, smoking pipe of wrought iron (sheet) 
bowl and stem made separately, bowl an inch and three-eighths high 
and probably five-eighths wide before being crushed ; stem four and 
three-eight inches long and quarter inch in diameter, lot 1, con. 6, near 
Mississippi R., Drummond twp. ; Peter Stewart, per Dr. T. W. Bee- 
man. This specimen is probably of somewhat recent French (or other 
European) make, as it was found not more than a foot below the sur- 
face where, had it lain very long, it would have rusted completely 
away. 19833 large and partly polished stone axe, edges of shaft 
one and one-quarter inches thick, left in the pecked state,lot 14, con. 5. 
Lanark twp., Lanark co. ; Wm. J. Affleck and John Affleck, per Dr. T. 
W. Beeman. 19834, small rubbing-stone of fine grained sandstone, 
lot 1, con. 6, Drummond twp , Lanark co. ; Peter Stewart, per Dr. T. 
W. Beeman. 19835, small and slightly grooved stone axe, Drummond 
twp., Lanark co. ; J. McEwan, per Dr. T. W. Beeman. 19836, counters 
used in Iroquois pagan game at wakes (da-hon-kwa-ya-ha), Ind. Res., 
Tuscarora. 19837, wooden mask, formerly owned by Abram Buck, 
the chief medicine man, on the Tuscarora Reserve, Ontario. 19838, 
wooden mask, Tuscarora Reserve, Ontario. ' 19839, moccasins, made 
and worn by medicine man, Abram Buck, Tuscarora Reserve. 19840, 
moccasins, worn by an aged Indian woman, Mrs. Davies,on the Tuscarora 
Reserve. 19841, woman's rattle(Cayuga)Indian Reserve, Brant co.; Wm. 
Sandy. 19842-3, bone needles, Walker farm", Brant township, Ont. 19844, 
bone needle, Sealey farm, Brantford tp , Ont. 19845, bone needle, 
Walker farm, Brantford tp., Ont. 19846-7, bone needle, Sealey farm, 
Brantford tp., Ont. 19848, brass awl, Walker farm, Brantford tp., 
Ont 19849, bone awl, North Toronto, near Carlton, Ont. 19850, 
half awl, with a second hole, Sealey farm. 19851-56, bone awls, 
Walker and Sealey farm. 19857-59.bone awls, Walker farm. 19860-61, 
bone awls, Kitchen farm, St. George Road, 1| miles from Brantford, 
Ont. 19862-73, bone awls, Mitchell or Sealey farm, Brantford, Ont. 
19874-83, bone awls, Walker farm, Brantford, Ont. 19884-85, bone 
awls, North Toronto, near Carlton, Ont. 19886-88, bone awls, 
Walker farm. 19889-99, iron awls, Walker farm. 19891, brass awl, 
Walker farm. 19892, large bone tool of unusual form. 19893-95, 
three foot-bones rubbed flat on the lower side and a rude attempt 
to burn a x on one side, Walker farm. 19896, ninety-one 
beads made from the bones of birds. Walker and Sealey farms 


19987-20021, thirty-five tally bones made from the bones of birds, 
Walker and Sealey farms, 20022-23 flat beads from grave on Walker 
farm. 20024-25, three small bone tools ; North Toronto. 20026. 
pottery marker (?) Sealey farm. 20027-28, pottery marker, fine lines ; 
Walker farm. 20029, horn rod, 6f inches long, Sealey farm. 20030, 
horn rod, 4f inches, Walker farm. 20031-33, three spears, Sealey 
farm. 20034-35, two spears, Walker farm. 20036-39, four arrow 
straight eners (horn). See fourth annual Archfeological report, page 56, 
Sealey Farm. 20040-41, two arrow -straighteners, Walker farm. 
20042 76, 35 cylindrical pieces of horn, varying from 1 to 3i inches 
long, use unknown; see page 47, Ont. Arch. Report, 1891. 20077, prong 
of horn, cut and bored for a handle. 20078, partly made bowl for 
a stone pipe, Walker farm. 20079-80, clay pipes, Walker farm. 
20081, stone pipe, Walker farm. 20082, clay pipe, Walker farm. 
20083-87, clay pipe bowls, Walker farm. 20088-92, clay pipe bowls, 
Troy, near Brantford. 20093, clay pipe, Sealey farm. 20094, stone 
pipe, the bowl shaped like a bird s head, Sealey farm. 20095-96, 
two clay pipes, Sealey farm. 20097, clay pipe, formed like human 
head, Sealey farm. 20098, dog's head ornament, forming part of 
a bowl of a stone pipe, Sealey farm. 20099-20101, three clay 
pipe bowls, Sealey farm. 20102, small clay bowl (as if made 
by a child), Sealey farm. 20103-105, clay pipe bowls, Hagersville. 
20106, clay pipe bowl, highly ornamented, Brantford city. 20107, 
clay pipe bowls from grave, Baldwin farm, near Brantford city. 
20108, stone pipe bowl, bored for a stem. 20109-112, four unio 
shells, worn down as if used for smoothing purposes, Walker 
farm ; see 4th An. Kept., page 51. 20113-1 T4, shells used for scraping ; 
see 4th An. Kept., page 51. 20115, rattlesnake shell gorget, 4Jx2 in., 
having four holes pierced through near the edge ; the holes show signs 
of considerable wear; from a large ash -heap on the Sealey farm ; two 
feet below the surface. 20116, piece of shell for an ornament, Sealey 
farm. 20117, unio shell ornament, Walker farm. 20118, string of 
257 wampum beads from a grave in Beverly twp. 20119, string of 
53 wampum beads, Walker and Sealey farms. 20 1 20, string of 36 
beads from a grave near Cayuga. 20121-22, two pieces unio shell, use 
unknown, Walker farm. 20123, piece of turtle shell with two well- 
worn holes, and having markings on the surface. 20124, piece of 
turtle shell, with hole. 20125, shell disc, Eagle Place, near Brantford. 
20126, three spiral shell beads, Sealey farm. 20197, catlinite bead, 
3| inches long, Walker farm. 20128, catlinite bead, Sealey and Walker 
farm. 20129, catlinite bead, Walker farm. 20130, catlinite pendant, 
markings on both sides, Sealey farm. 20131, string of 63 French 
beads, from grave at Sullivan's Landing, New York State. 20132, 


string of 239 French beads, from grave at Beverly. 20133, slate 
pendant, Walker farm. 20134, stone pendant, Shellard's farm, near 
Brantford. 20135-136, beads of bear's teeth, Walker farm, near 
Brantford. 20137, bead made of a section of fish bone, Sealey 
farm, near Brantford. 20138, piece of bone showing cut made 
by a flint saw in the process of needle-making, Walker farm, near 
Brantford. 20139, bone sawed through longtitudinally as in needle- 
making, Walker farm. 20140-41, two bones partly sawed transversly 
as in making beads, Walker farm. 20142-4, three pieces of bone from 
which beads have been cut, Walker farm. 20145, fishing spear from 
grave, Baldwin's farm, Brantford tp. 20146, unusually formed flint, 
two notches, from Newport, near Brantford city, 20147-50, four 
flints, three being arrowheads and one leaf -shaped, from Newport, near 
Brantford city. 20151-54, four flints, chisel shaped, regular outline, 
Brantford suburbs. 20155-56, arrowhead and leaf-shaped piece of 
similar material to the coloured flint of Kentucky, eastern limits of 
Brantford. 20157, arrowhead, western limits of Brantford. 20158 
quartzite, leaf-shaped piece, Shellard's farm, Mt. Pleasant, near Brant- 
ford. 20159-185, twenty seven arrowheads and leaf shaped pieces, 
many of them coloured Kentucky flint, also fine workmanship, Brant- 
ford limits. 20186-190, flint knives, Brantford limits. 20191, one 
slate (woman's) knife, West Brantford 20192-94, three flints for 
inserting in war clubs, sand hill near Brantford. 20195-213, 
nineteen arrowheads (blunt), Brantford limits. 20214-217, 
two diorite spear and two stone arrowheads, (old), Palmer 
and Shepherd farms, Mt. Vernon, near Brantford. 20218- 
20344, a hundred and twenty- seven war-points from farms in 
the neighborhood of Brantford. 20345 small slate knife, bank of 
Grand river, Brantford, 20346, small flint ; bank of Grand river, 
Brantford. 20347-628, two hundred and eighty-two arrowheads ; dis- 
trict round Brantford. 20629-680, two spear-heads, very regular 
outline ; from Dunnville. 20631-745, a hundred and fifteen spear- 
heads, from Brantford and Mount Pleasant districts. 20746-49, four 
celts, part of a number dug up in a small space in the lumber yard of 
Wisner, Son & Co., Brantford. 20750-858, a hundred and nine celts, 
from Brantford and Cainsville districts. 20859, flint drill, 3| ft. long; 
Sand Hill, near Brantford. 20860, flint drills, Shepherd's farm, Mt. 
Vernon, near Brantford. 20861, flint drills, Shellard's farm, Mt. 
Pleasant, near Brantford. 20862-64, three flint drills, Mohawk 
church fields, near Brantford. 20865-71, seven flint drills, eastern 
limits of Darling street, Brantford. 20872, one flint drill, Sand Hill, 
near Brantford. 20873-81, nine flint drills, district round Brant- 
ford. 20882-3, two leaf-shaped flints, unfinished, Shellard's farm. 


Mt. Pleasant. 20884-20886, three flint scrapers, unfinished, West 
Brantford. 20887-20897, eleven arrowheads, unfinished, localities 
near Brantford, 20898-21068, a hundred and sixty-six flint scrapers, 
single ends, localities near Brantford. 21064-21071, eight flint scrapers, 
double ended, localities near Brantford. 21072, iron scraper, Walker 
farm, Brant township. 21073-21099, twenty -seven flint saws, Sealey 
and Walker farm, Brantford township. 21100-21101, two Huronian 
slate chisels, Shellard's farm, Mt. Pleasant. 21102 21103, two stone 
gouges, localities near Brantford. 21104-21148, forty-five celts or 
chisels, localities near Brantford. 21149, slate tool, 5 inches long, the 
edges running the full length, Walker farm. 21150, diorite tool, 
Sealey farm. 21151, slate tool, small, Walker farm. 21152, slate 
gorget, Brantford city. 21153, slate gorget, Shellard farm, Mt. 
Pleasant. 21154, slate gorget, Tutelo Heights, Mt. Pleasant. 21155, 
half gorget, S. Thomas farm, Tranquility, near Brantford. 21156, 
slate gorget with four notches on each edge, Otterville. 21157-21158, 
two pieces Huronian slate, roughed out for gorgets, Williams farm, 
Tranquility. 21159, disc, Huronian slate, Eagle Place, near 
Brantford. 21160, half of banner-stone (catlinite), Shepherd's farm, 
Brantford. 21161, rubbing stone, Eagle Place, near Walker farm. 
21162, rubbing stone, grooved for smoothing arrows, farm, Mt. 
Vernon. 21163-21170, eight rubbing stones, Sealey and Walker 
farms. 21 171, stone sinker, Sand Hill, near Brantford. 21172-21180, 
nine hematite paint stones, Sealey and Walker farms. 21181, stone 
mill, with three deep and three shallow hollows, from the farm of 
Thos. Brooks, Mfc. Pleasant. 21182, pestle for pounding corn, field 
near Newport. 21183-21184, two discoidal stones, having hollows in 
each flat side, supposed for games, West Brantford. 21185-21197, 
thirteen hammer stones, flint, from East, and dio v ite from West Brant- 
ford. 21198, upper part of large pot, Kitchen farm, near St. George 
road, Brantford. 21199, half of upper part of large pot, Walker 
farm. 21200, portion of a pot formerly having handles, Walker farm, 
Brantford township. 21201, fragment of rim indicating an unusual 
shape, Walker farm, Brantford township. 21202-3, fragments of pot- 
tery to which handles were attached, Walker farm, Brantford town- 
ship. 21204-21205, portions of pots from Sand Hill, near Brantford. 
21206-21207, two pieces of a pot at least 17 inches in diameter, Seeley 
farm. 21208, portion of a large pot, showing marks as if having been 
formed in a casing of woven grass, Sealey farm. 21209, portion of 
pot having similar markings, Eagle Place, Brantford township. 21210 
21233, twenty-four pieces of large pots, rim patterns, Sealey farm, 
Brantford township. 21234, portion of pot rudely ornamented with 
wave lines. 21235. part of small pot having a spout. 21233, portion 


of rim of pot having deep serrations. The three above specimens are 
noticeable as being nearly pure clay, having no micaceous rock incor- 
porated with it, as in most of our Indian pottery ; Carlton, near 
Toronto. 21237-21240, four pieces of pottery, showing the kind of 
work done by pottery markers, Eagle Place, Brantford. 21241, 
handle of pot, Walker farm. 21242, portion of small pot, Walker 
farm. 21243, spout-shaped piece of pottery, use unknown, Walker 
farm. 21244, clay toy (child's pot), Sealey farm. 21245, plaster 
cast of Indian's head, pipe ornament, the original in stone, found 
at Jerseyville, near Brantford. Fifty fragments, consisting of 
pipe stems and parts of bowls, Walker and Sealey farms. 
Fifteen fragments of extremely rude attempts at pottery making, 
Walker farm. 21246, piece of stone, one end showing the marks 
of a large flint drill, the body covered with lines of an orna- 
mental character, Brantford North ; nineteen bears' teeth ; two 
boar's teeth ; number of teeth of small animals, as beaver, squirrel, 
etc. ; one beaver tooth and three jaws of small animals ; one 
bear's jaw ; thirty-five pieces of deer-horn, some partly worked, 
thirty pieces of bone beads, etc. (Specimens under 21246 are from 
the kitchen middens on the Sealey and Walker farms. 

(With the assistance of W. Wilkinson, M. A., principal of the 
Brantford city public schools, I have been able to ascertain the exact 
situations of the several farms mentioned here from No. 19842 to 
No. 21246, as follows: 

Walker farm, lot 5, con. 5, Brantford township, Brant county ; 
Thomas farm, lot 27, con. 1, Brantford township, Brant county; Shep- 
hard farm, lot 10, con. 5, Brantford township, Brant county ; Kitchen 
farm, lot 33, con. 1, Brantford township, Brant county ; Mitchell farm, 
lot 9, South Ancaster Road ; Baldwin farm, Baldwin's survey, Eagle's 
Nest, Brant county ; Shellard farm, Church and Phelps' tract, Brant- 
ford township, Brant county ; Brooks farm, Stewart and Ruggles' 
tract, Brantford township, Brant county; Sealey farm. Fairchild's 
Creek (Whitney's), Brantford township, Brant county. 

21247, fragments of clay pot rims various patterns, from sand hill, 
and Walker and Sealey farms, Brantford township. 

The collection (19842 to 21247) was made by Mr. J. S. Heath, from 
whom it was procured. 

21249, flute made by Hy-joong'-kwas, (like 17101, fig, 21, in 
report for 1898). 2125o-l, two paddles used in the ashes ceremony at 
the Iroquois pagan feasts, Tuscarora. 21252, 18 patterns of tapa cloth 
(from inner bark of the paper mulberry) formerly used extensively 
by natives of the South Pacific Islands ; Mrs. Forsyth Grant, Toronto. 
21253, stone pipe, corniferous limestone Pelee Island; John Henning, 


Pelee Island. 21254, head of 3-barbed bone harpoons (Wood Cree), 
"N. E. shore of Lesser Slave Lake, N.W.T. ; W. G. Long, Toronto. 
21255, birch -bark bait scent-box (Wood Cree), E. shore of Lesser Slave 
Lake, N.W.T. ; W. G. Long, Toronto. 21256, stone pipe (marble) prob- 
ably of non-Indian make ; bone and stem-socket like a large and a 
small inverted cone applied to each other ; Dugald Fergusson, Sarnia 
township, per F. F. Evans, Toronto. 21158, photograph of adobe 
houses, Northern Mexico ; Mrs. Joseph Workman, Walsenburg, Colo. 
21^59, small and rudely executed oil painting of a woman (4x5 
inches) in black on a white ground ; apparently of religious import 
and very old ; Joseph Workman, Walsenburg, Colo. 21260-78, bears' 
teeth, Kitchen midden; Walker and Sealey's farm, Brantford township. 
21279-80, boar's tusks ; Walker and Sealey's farm, Brantford township. 
21281, several teeth of small animals, including the squirrel and wood- 
chuck. 21282-5, jaw of beaver, and three jaws of smaller animals. 
21286, bear's jaw. 21287-321, pieces of deer-horn, partly worked. 
21321-51, pieces of bone used in making beads partly worked. 

(From 21260 to 21351 were found in a kitchen midden, or refuse heap, 
on the Walker and Sealey farm, Brantford township, by Mr. J. S. Heath.) 

21352, piece of what may have been a glass candlestick, belonging 
to one of the early French missions ; found at considerable depth, near 
the Narrows, lake Couchiching, on the site of an old church, about 
1870 ; from Miss M. C. Elliott, Toronto. 

21353-4, two water- worn stones having a strong resemblance to 
grinders, or mullers, lot 1, con. 4, Tay township; Samuel Brown. 21355, 
<;elt, lot 22, con. 8, Vespra township; Thomas Dawson. 21356, small bone 
pendant (?) ornamented with incised lines, E. 5 lot 20, con. 9, Vespra tp. : 
Peter Curtis. 2 1 357, small celt, E. \ lot 20, con. 9, Vespra ; Peter Curtis. 

21358, tooth of small bear (?) E. \ lot 20, con. 9, Vespra; Peter Curtis. 

21359, small bone tool, E. \ lot 20, con. 9, Vespra : Peter Curtis. 

21360, clay pipe bowl, E. \ lot 10, con. 5, Tay ; John Hutchinson. 
'21361, steel razor (old French), lot 76, con. 1, Tiny ; J. Bell. 21362, 

part of a clay pipe, lot 76, con. 1, Tiny ; J. Bell. 21363, unfinished stone 
pipe (vasiform), lot 11, con. 6, Tay township; C. E. Newton, Esq. 

21364, clay pipe (trumpet-mouthed), lot 11, con. 6, Tay; W. Bennett. 

21365, sheet brass coiled conically, perhaps for an arrow tip, lot 11, 
con. 6, Tay ; C. E. Newton, Esq. 21366, bit of sheet brass, lot 11, con. 
6, Tay ; C. E. Newton, Esq. 21367, iron knife, lot 1 1, con. 6, Tay ; C. 
E. Newton, Esq. 21368, beaver tusk, lot 11, con. 6, Tay ; C. E. New- 
ton, Esq. 21369, large glass bead (red, white and blue). E. \ lot 2, con. 
6, Tay, farm of Hector McLeod ; from his son, Thomas McLeod. 
21370-71, bone awls, lot 10, con. 14, Oro township ; Thomas Morrison. 


21372, part of small, cylindrical, flat-bottomed, clay vessel, with un- 
usual style of marking probably finger-nail ; lot 10, con. 14, Oro r , 
Thomas Morrison. 21373, two bone beads one within the other, as- 
found ; lot 10, con. 14, Oro ; Thomas Morrison. 21374, rapier 23 in. 
long (probably French), bearing near the hilt end the legend " [Vir.jR 
BVM DOMINI ANNO " on one side, and on the other " [MjANET 
ET AETERNVN 1619" (the final n should, of course, be m) ; lot 99, 
con 1, Tiny township ; found about twenty years ago ; now presented 
by Samuel D. Frazer, Esq. 21375-434, Huron crania from an ossuary 
on N. of lot 25, con. 12, Innisfil township, Simcoe county. This 
grave was estimated to contain the remains of 125 persons, and the 
skulls were exhumed by Harry W. Mayor, assisted by Thomas Red- 

(From 21353 to 21434, per A. F. Hunter, Barrie.) 
21435,fine jasperoid knife or spear- head,5f in. long; Dr. F. B. McCor- 
mick, south-east corner of Pelee Island. 21436, small and almost perfectly 
made celt ; Dr. F. B. McCormick, Pelee Island. 21437, small and rudely 
made celt, Dr. McCormick, Pelee Island. 21438, Hammer-stone (de- 
graded celt) of syenite, with whitish amygdaloidal softer masses, from ^ 
in. to 1 in. diameter; Dr. McCormick, Pelee Island. 21 439,rudely formed 
small celt, only partly polished ; Dr. McCormick, Pelee Island. 21440, 
well made small celt ; Mark McCormick, Pelee Island. 21441, small 
and roughly-made gorget (two holes), apparently from a flat pebble ' r 
J. C. McCormick, Pelee Island. 21442-3, two roughly made small 
celts; Wm. Monaghan, Pelee Island. 21444, small and well-made 
celt ; Matthew Lupberger, Pelee Island. 21445, small, well-polished 
celt; Herbert Bates, Pelee Island. 21446, small and accurately made 
celt ; Samuel Piper, Pelee Island, west side. 21447-8, two celts one 
very small (2 in. long), from south-west quarter of mound on lot 36 " T 
Pelee Island, south-east. 21449, two small flints from mound, lot 36 r 
Pelee Island. 21450, unfinished gorget 3 by 2 in. and fully half an 
inch thick; mound, lot 36, Pelee Island; 21450, bone awl3f in. long- 
mound, lot 36, Pelee Island. 21452, large astragalus, bear's tooth,, 
small rodent's tooth, and spine from fin of large fish ; mound, lot 36 r 
Pelee Island. 21453, four flints ; mound, lot 39, Pelee Island. 21454, 
The only two pieces of pottery found in the Pelee Island mounds ' T 
mound, lot 39, two feet deep. 21455-8, 18 arm and leg bones from 
mound, lot 36, Pelee Island. 21459, three quarts of carbonized corn 
and beans; mound on lot 39, Pelee Island. 21430, four small copper 
beads from mound on lot 39, Pelee Island. 21461, catlinite pipe, inlaid 
with lead, from Mr. Alfred Willson, to whom it was given by Hon, 
William Robinson, who procured it on the north shore of Lake Super- 
ior forty years ago? 21462-3, photographs of one of the Pharaohs, 


(Rameses II, now in the Gizeh Museum, Cairo ; he was the son of 
Seti I, who ordered the slaughter of the infants temp. Moses.) 
mummified one showing the wrappings, and one an enlarged view of 
the face ; Miss Jennie B. Moore, Toronto. 21464, conch, used to call 
people to the long- house on the Grand Kiver reserve, Tuscarora town- 
ship, Ont. 21465, small drum used at pagan dances on the Grand 
River reserve. 21466, horn rattle, used in certain dances on the Grand 
River reserve. 21467, woman's small turtle rattle ; Grand River 
reserve. 21468, corn husk mask used in dances, Grand River 
reserve. 21469, wooden dish and 6 peach stones, used by pagan 
Indians in a game, on the Grand River reserve, Tuscarora township. 
21470, game or conjuring apparatus found in a cache in the woods, 
near Yellow Girl Bay, Lake of the Woods, by Prof. A. B. Willmott, 
who presents it. It consists of 36 pieces of box-alder (?) each nearly 
seven inches long and from f to f inches in diameter, (peeled stems or 
branches) strung together side by side, by means of a cord passing 
round them near each end. Each stick is marked with eight roughly 
oval, brown spots four on one side, and four on the opposite side ; 

21472, argillite axe. 21473, small, roughly made celt. 21474, 
partly worked soapstone. 21475, well marked pieces of pottery. 21476, 
fragment of cylindrically formed stone. 21477-9, small stone discs. 
21472 to 21479, from Isaac Bowins, lot 51, front range, Bexley town- 
ship. 21480, clay pipe head, broken. 21481, ditto. 21482, roughly- 
made celt, sharpened corner wise. 21483-4, small roughly-made celts. 
21485, bone bead. 

(21480 to 21485, from D. Hilton, lot 12, con. 7, site 31, Laxton 

21486, small water- worn stone, Ghost Isl. Balsam L. 2 1487, vertebral 
bone of large fish, ditto. 21488-90, flint chips, ditto. 21491, unfinished 
Huronian slate knife, block 9, Bexley township. 21492, water-worn 
stone, ditto. 21493, rough flint. 21494, partly worked Huronian 
slate. 21495-7, numerous flints and flint chips. 

(21486 to 21497, from J. W. Laidlaw, "The Fort," Balsam Lake.) 

21498, well made celt. 21409, oval hammerstone. 21500, part of 
bone awl. 21501, small bone bead. 21502, twenty-one fragments of 

(21498 to 21502. from D. Brown, lot 23, con. 1, Fenelon township.) 

21503, fine hornstone celt, and 21504, small celt or chisel, lot 9,con. 8, 
Sturgeon, Fenelon. 21505, part of broad, thin celt, lot 9, con. 8, Fenelon. 
21506,soapstone pipe with deeply cut triangular designs; it is three inches 
long, roughly quadrangular in cross-section, and tapers from an inch 
and three-fourths in width at the top to an inch at the base. 21507, 
very fine, and almost perfect clay pipe. 21508, bird's head from clay 


pipe. 21509-28, fragmentary heads and stems of clay pipes. 21529,, 
barbed bone fishhook, lot 12, con. 1, Fenelon. 21530, very fine clay 
pipe, stem broken. 21531, small human head carved in stone prob- 
ably made by a white man. 21532, small piece of sheet brass. 21533 r 
small arrow-head. 21534-5, bone beads. 21536, small bone awL 
21537, small soapstone disc bead. 

(21506 to 21537, from E. W. Glaspell, who found them on lot 18 r 
con. 13, Tiny township, Simcoe, unless otherwise noted above.) 

21538-41, small bone awls. 21542, clay pipe-bowl, and stem of 
another. 21543-47, bone beads. 21548-5 1 , phalangal bones flattened by 
grinding. 21552, bone bangle notched for suspension. 21553, pointed 
tool of deer-horn. 21554, piece of large bone much broken orna- 
mented with deeply cut quadrangular design. 21555, small piece of 
smoothly worked soapstone. 21556, very well made small arrow-head 
(chert). 21557, finely marked fragment of pottery. 21558-64, small, 
roughly made celts. 

(21538 to 21564, from G. Rumney, lots 56 and 57 front range,. 
Somerville township.) 

21565, lower half of large flat celt, well sharpened. 21566, 
roughly- made celt, sharpened at both ends. 21567, small stone gouge, 
unpolished, 21568, water-worn stone 4 inches diameter, somewhat 
used as a mealing or upper grinding stone. 

(21565 to 21568, from Alexander McKenzie, lot 22, con. 1, Fenelon.} 

21569-72, rough celts. 21573, imperfect gouge. 21574, cup, coral 
(cystiphyllum sp. ?). 21575, iron tomahawk (no stamp). 

(21569 to 21575, from A. Me Arthur, lot 26, con. 4, Fenelon.) 

21576, piece of Huronian slate, 6x4 inches, and fully an 
inch thick in the middle quadrangular in form and thinned 
along the edges, probably intended for a gorget; Charles Youill, 
Thorah. 21577, large iron tomahawk. 21578, leaf-shaped scraper, 
slightly curved. 21579, slate gorget or pendant, 4J inches long, im- 
perfect, 2 holes. 21580-83, small and imperfect celts. 21584, small 
mealing stone (gneiss) 8| by 7 inches, 21585, twenty-two fragments 
of pottery. 

(21577 to 21585, from Neil Sinclair, lot 25, con. 3, Fenelon township.) 

21586, part of clay pipe bowl, bearing a grotesque human 
face. 21587, small stone pipe bowl of unusual form roughly repre- 
senting an animal's head, the mouth forming the iStem-hole, 21588 r 
three land shells {melantho} body whorl of each perforated for stringing. 

(21586 to 21588,from Miss Alison Campbell, Kirkfield. Found S.P.R., 
Eldon township.,) 

21589, iron tomahawk of unusual shape, and having a semi-circular 
edge ; John Martin, Uphill, Arden township. 


21590, small and well-made slate pendant, 2| inches long, nearly an 
inch wide at one end and tapering to a rounded point at the other, 
one hole near the wide end. Wm. Kennedy, Bobcaygeon; found on Ball 
Island at junction of Chemong, Pigeon and Buckhorn lakes, Peter boro' 
Co. 21591, bowl of large plain clay pipe, widening from an inch and 
a fourth at the junction with the stem to two inches at the tip im- 
perfect. 21592, small, rough plain clay pipe, almost whole. 21.593. 
part of clay pipe bowl, ornamented with lines and dots. 21,594-5, 
fragments of clay pipes. 21596, bone celt. 21597, ten fragments of 
marked pottery. 

(21591 to 21597 from James Moore, lots 19 and 20, G.B.B. Bexley 

21598, plain clay pipe bowl, F. Widdis, lot 12, N. W. B., 
Bexley township. 21599, pipe-bowl, ornamented with two collars, 
each having three rings. 21600, slick or smoothing stone(?) Joseph 
Shields, Victoria road. 21601, large and well made clay pipe 
bowl, Joseph Chant, Sunderland. 21602, soap-stone pipe, v rudely 
carved to represent an animal's head, probably that of a moose, E. 
Lytle, S. P. R, Bexley. 21603, small polished celt. 21604-5, hammer- 
stones. 21606, human mask from bowl of clay pipe. 21607, very 
small, unfinished soapstone pipe, rudely carved, perhaps representing 
some animal at rest. 21608-9, slick or smoothing stones. 21610, bone 
spear or harpoon, four inches long, four semi-barbs on each edge of 
point. 21611, bone needle. 21612-18, pipe bowls and stems, imper- 
fect. 21619, perforated stone disc. 21620, seventeen clay discs, un- 
perf orated, made from broken pottery. 21621, half of a perforated 
stone disc. 21622, ten stone discs, unperforated, from f -inch to 2 inches 
in diameter. 

(21603, to 21722 from A. Ferguson, lot 12, con. 1, Fenelon.) 

21623, slightly grooved stone hammer very well made ; William 
Hoyle, Long Point, Fenelon township. 21624, six clay pipe stems. 
21625, fossil (Murchisonia) from ashes bed. 21626, small hammer- 
stone. 21627, small thin celt, 21628, eight bone beads. 21629, part 
of very small clay vessel. 21630, horn spear point, with hole for 
handle attachment, hollowed also to receive a handle. 21631, flattened 
phalangal bones. 21632, perforated bear's tooth bangle. 21633, bone 
bangle. 21634, quartz scraper. 

(21624, to 21634 from Neil Clark, lot 12, con 1, Fenelon township.) 

21635, clay pipe slightly ornamented with three bands and 
a row of dots round the rim; G Winterbourn, lot 11, con. 8, 
Laxton township. 21636-38, fragments of pottery. 21039, soap- 
stone pipe unfinished, but probably intended to represent an owl ; 
G. Staples, Norland. (See Mr. Laidlaw's notes). 21640, numerous 


fragments of pottery ; G. Lytle, lot 69, Frank R. Somerville. 21641, 
several well-marked fragments of pottery. 21642, piece of argillite 
six inches long, three and a-half wide and three-fourth inches thick, 
sharpened at one end, upper end of perfect tool missing. 21643, part 
of rubbing-stone. 21644-8, roughly made celts. 21649, large disc 
shell scraper. 21650- L, animals' teeth and fragments of bones. 

(21641to 26651, from Wm. Halliday, lots 11 and 12, con 8,Laxton 

21652, bone bead, colored with pink cross-bars. 21653, small arrow- 
head, finely made, no barbs, butt, wedge-shaped. 21654, bear-tooth 
knife. 21655-6, bone beads. 21657, bone awl seven inches long. 21- 
658, small tool from deer horn tip. 21659-61, bone awls. 21662-73, 
stone discs, unperforated. 21674-7, stone discs, perforated. 21679- 
81, clay pipe heads. 21682-4, very small stone discs, not exceeding 
a half inch in diarneter. 21685-90, clay discs from old pottery, unper- 
forated. 21691-2, small soapstone discs, perforated. 21693, small 
hammer-stone, roughly square in cross section. 21694, slick-stone. 
21695-6, rough flints. 

(21652 to 21696, lot 5, con. 5, Bexley township.) 
21697, bone needle. 21698, clay pipe, imperfect. 21699, curiously 
formed bone hook. 21700-4, clay pipe stems. 21705, hammer-stone. 
21706-19, clay discs, unperforated. 21720 bear's tooth. 
(21997 to 21720, from Long Point, Fenelon township.) 
21721, rough stone disc. 21722, partly worked stone, perhaps for a 
disc. 21723, large (one inch diameter) soapstone bead. 21724-6, clay 
pipe stems. 21727, tip of antler 2f inches long, bored at base 
lengthwise. 21728, very well formed and highly ornamented bone awl. 
(See Mr. Laidlaw's description). 21729, bone awl. 21730, very small 
bone awl. 21731, knife made from small bear's tooth. 21732, bear's 
tooth. 21733, five land shells perforated for beads. 21734, clay disc. 
21735, small piece of graphite, for paint, perhaps. 21736, soapstone 
bead. 21737, long bone needle, Charles Grilse. 
(21721 to 21737, from lots 44 and 45, Eldon.) 
21738-9, contents of two graves, lot 23, con. 2, Fenelon township. 
21740, long bone awl. 21741-4, short bone awls. 21745, fox's (?) 
tooth. 21746, small, curiously formed bone. 21747, hammer-stone. 
11748, two fragments of pottery, one bearing a small human head 
moulded on the outside of the lip very unusual in Ontario. 21749, 
stone disc 1 inches in diameter. 21750-6, clay discs from broken 
pottery. 21757, fragments of pottery from inside of embankment, lot 
23, con. 2, Fenelon township. 21758, large number of pottery frag- 
ments marked with various designs from different places in North 
Victoria. 21759, seven fragments, comprising almost the whole of the 




rim of a clay pot, six inches across the mouth, from Neil Sinclair, lot 
25, con. 2, Fenelon township. 21760, mealing stone, Neil Clarke, lot 
12, con. 1. Fenelon township. 

(From 21472 to 21760 includes the collection made by Mr. George 
E. Laidlaw during the year, and now added to the museum.) 

21761, large and somewhat rudely formed pestle, Lytton, Brit. Col., 
Wm. C. Perry, Winnipeg. 

21762, amulet (?) of Huronian slate, finely made, 2^ inches in 
diameter, and 1| inches thick, truly bored through its greatest width 
and hollowed on one side in line with the hole, James A. Mather, New 
Lowell, Sunnidale township, Simcoe county. 

21763, femor of moose worked to two sharp edges along its length, 
probably for use in carrying skins. Red Pine Point, Grassy Lake, 
between Montreal river and Lady Evelyn lake, T. Southworth, Toronto. 

21764, photograph of Mexican Indians. 21765, photograph of 
Mexican adobe house. 21766, photograph of Indian miners on the 
Thompson river. 21767, photograph of Moqui Indians. 

21764 to 21767 from Mrs. J. H. Thompson, Toronto. 

Fig. 1 | dia. 



Although clay pipes of the general form, shown 
by figure ( 1 ) are not uncommon, this represents 
the only one having the bulbous portion of the 
bowl ornamented, otherwise than with upright, hori- 
zontal, or diagonal lines. The undulating lines on 
this specimen are, therefore, probably a mere con- 
Itinuous way of forming what would otherwise have 
been opposing sets of zigzags, in the making of 
which, without lifting the hand, the corners have 
become rounded. The work is quite as well done as 
might be expected from any white . workman to-day ? 
guided only by dexterity. This was one of three clay 
pipes found together, by Mr. J. S. Heath on the Sealey 
farm, Brantford township. 

In figure (2) we have an illustration of what may 
be called a " trick pipe." Not much skill has been 
shown in modelling the features, but in some other re- 
spects the pipe is peculiar. The perforated ear-like pro- 
jections are quite unusual, as are also the irregular lines 
on the jaw, extending from mouth to ears On the right 
side of the face the line is somewhat sharply zigzag, but 
on the left side it is more wavy. Perhaps the oddest feature of this 
2 A. 





pipe is the hole representing the mouth of the face. It connects with 
the inside of the bowl so that when the smoker blew back into his 
lighted pipe the smoke would issue from this orifice. Found by Mr. J. 
S. Heath on the Sealey farm, Brantf'ord township. 

The style of ornamentation in the clay pipe here illu- 
strated is quite different from that of any other pipe 
or any other bit of pottery we have. The three promi- 
nent bosses, two of which remain, and the two that rise 
scarcely above the body of the bowl, form a design 
greatly in advance of the usual simple arrangement of 
(20106) lines and dots. One of the high bosses has been des- 
troyed so that nothing can be said of it, except that in 
all probability it resembled its opposite one above, and in line with 
the stem, but the latter differs from the third at the base of the bowl, 
one being relieved by means of three inside lines running around it, 
while the other has lines up and down. Each of the three is bordered 
by a series of short, radiating lines around the base, while the two plain 
bosses are encircled by dots. In each of the two remaining high ones 
a deep pit marks the centre. Between and above the bosses, and 
immediately below the rings around the upper end are four groups of 
horizontal dots, varying in number from five to seven. There is nothing 
at all about the pattern suggestive of European contact, and yet the 
whole of the work has been done with a delicacy of touch and a degree 
of exactness qnite unusual. This pipe which formed part of Mr. Heath's 
collection, was found within the limits of the city of Brantf'ord. 


Heads of quadrupeds, snakes 
and birds were often carved on 
stone pipes or moulded on clay ones, 
the accompanying figure, full size, 
is very likely intended to represent 
the head of a dog, and the work- 
manship is of a very superior order, 
the successful ness of attempts to 
bring out details, being quite mark- 
ed. Cheeks, ears, eyes, nose, nostrils 
and mouth are all well shown > 
as is even the underside of the 
lower jaw, which shows suspiciously 
" white " details. 

Since thepiece became detached 
from the pipe, it has been found by 
some native, who has made a good beginning in cutting off' the lower 

Fig. 4 Full size. 




and pointed portion of the fragment to reduce it once more to 

symmetry, and perhaps for use as an ornament. 

The material is a dark gray lime-stone, strongly resembling our 

Marmora lithographic stone. It takes a fairly good polish, and as we 

have a few other well-carved specimens of the same material, it would 

seem to be well-adapted for fine work. It was found by Mr. J. S. 

Heath on the Sealey farm, Brantford township, Brant county. 

In figure 5 we have an illustration of what 
was intended to be an unusually large stone 
pipe-head. The boring of the bowl has not been 
carried beyond a depth of three -sixteenths of an 
inch, and a bare beginning of the stem-hole ap- 
pears a little more than an inch below the collar- 
notch on one of the edges, for the specimen in 
cross section is oval, the diameters being two and 
three-eighth inches by one and three-fourths, 
while the length is three and five-eighth inches. 
That it is very old is evidenced from the patina 
that has partly covered it. This is shown by the 
(20078) lighter portion of the engraving. Walker farm, 

Fig. 5-i diameter. Brantford township ; Collector, J. S. Heath. 
Fig 6 illustrates a type of pipe found more 

frequently east of Toronto than west of it, the 

latter district being hitherto represented in the 

museum by only three specimens one from Went- 

worth, one from Welland, and one from Elgin. This 

one is from Pelee Island, where it was found by 

Mr. John Henning. It is made of the corniferous 

limestone that forms the island, and although the pipe 
is considerably weathered, it is 
still in good shape. 

From the Ric?eau Valley, 
North Hastings and Victoria 
county, we have twelve excel- 
lent specimens of this general outline, and three 
from Nottawasaga and Whitchurch to our north. 
The only other pipe I saw on Pelee Island was of 
the same shape as this one, both being round in 
cross section, while nearly half of all the others 
in our cases, are either oval, transversely, or 
slightly flattened on two opposite sides. 

It is noteworthy that this pipe has no striiig- 
Fig. 7-idia- attachment hole, as have most pipes of this kind. 

Fig. 6-J dia. 




The pipe represented by figure 7 is of soapstone, and was found by 
Mr. G. Staples, of Norland, and comes to us through Mr. Geo. E. La id- 
law. It belongs to a class of which we have already had several 
from the same locality, and appears to have been intended to imitate 
an owl, but as it is unfinished, one can be safe only in stating that it 
was meant to represent some kind of bird. The work is not nearly 
so well done on this pipe as on the bear and eagle specimens from 
the same locality this is evident, even in its incomplete state. 

From the same district, Mr. Laidlaw has forwarded a number of 
other stone pipes, all possessed of unusual features. One of these, also 
of soapstone, resembles the head of some quadruped (probably that of a 
moose, as suggested by Mr. Laidlaw), but without ears. The stem -hole is 
bored in the middle of the face, the nose forming the base of the bowl. 
This pipe was found by Mr. E. Lytle, in Bexley township. 

Those who have hitherto regarded Indian pipes of all shapes as 
examples of purely Indian art, and in many cases, as extremely an- 
cient examples, will be surprised to learn from the most recent work 
on this subject, by Mr. Jos. D. McGuire, in the (just out) annual Re- 
port of the Smithsonian Institution for 1897, that all pipes except those 
of the straight, tubular form, are probably of comparatively modern 
origin, dating since the Discovery, and owing their forms directly or 
indirectly to European influence. Apart from this view, Mr. McGuire's 
essay is a most exhaustive and instructive presentation of the whole sub- 
ject, and is amply illustrated from specimens in United States museums. 


Bone implements as a rule seldom vary from a few 
well established models, but the form shown by figure 8 
is not only an exception but a very beautiful one, from 
the Sealey farm, Brantford township, where the three 
ardent amateurs, Messrs. Heath, Waters and Grouse, 
found so many excellent specimens a few years ago. 

The marking of pottery has been suggested as a 
possible use for this article, but there does not appear to 
be any reason why such an elaborate piece of workman- 
ship should have been made for so simple a purpose. 
Besides, as nothing like this has ever been met with before, 
the probabilities do not lie in the suggested direction. 
The hole has not been bored, but worked out by scooping. 

In former reports reference has been made to the 
tedious operations of the Indians in separating one por- 
tion of bone, or of stone, from another. Figure 9 shows 
the result- of such an operation on a bone ten and a half 

(20,026)) ' 

Fig. 8J dia. inches long, cut lengthwise. Throughout the greater part 




of the distance the material has been sawn through to themarrow, but 
near the smaller end cutting has been only half done and the parts 
then riven asunder. 

The average thickness thus cut is fully one-fourth of an 
inch and the length about nine inches. Flint and water 
were probably the agents used, and the marks made in the 
operation are easily seen. On the opposite and convex 
side the beginning of another cut has been made, no 
doubt with the intention of procuring from this piece two 
pointed tools such as we speak of as awls or needles, 
although the largest of this shape were probably em- 
ployed for a different purpose. 

Bone implements of such large size are seldom found, 
but one almost exactly the length of the bone in ques- 
tion was discovered by Mr. G. E. Laidlaw on lot 5, con. 
5, township of Bexley, Victoria county. A half-sized 
figure of this very fine specimen will be found on page 
22 in the Report for 1897-8. 

The specimen illustrated here was found in Brantford 
township by Mr. J. S. Heath. 


The very considerable number of phalangal bones 
that are found on old village and camp-sites, especially 
when such bones are rubbed down on one or on both sides 
until holes are the result, has always been a puzzle. The 
most commonly accepted theory is that the bones were 
in some way used as whistles, but nobody has ever been 
able to produce a sound from them. 

Other bones of this kind are simply rubbed down on 
one side until a perfectly flat surface has been formed, 
while the opposite, unrubbed side is marked in different 
ways as if by burning. Burning is surmised because on 
some specimens the substance of the bone having been 
injured on account of the operation has scaled off, while 
Fig. 9_dia. in other cases the bone is discolored just as if the result of 
burning ; besides, in some instances, where a little scaling off has 
taken place it can be seen that the discoloration extends beyond the 

In a series of eight here figured, in six cases the marks are simply 
bars, numbering from four to six, while one bears an S-like mark. 
On the fifth of the series there is no discoloration whatever, but six 
short cross depressions are quite distinguishable. The sixth is the 




only one (among nearly fifty of such specimens) that has bars on the 
flattened side. On a few are the remains of marks that suggest an 
attempt to produce a cross ; but the scaling of the bone where the 

lines may be supposed to have met, 
renders it difficult to speak with 
certainty on this point. 

Whatever may have been the 
purpose of preparing such bones in 
the way first referred to, it would 
seern almost certain that in the latter 
condition they were employed in 
some game. 

The specimens figured were col- 
lected with many others not quite 
so distinctly marked, in York town- 
ship, York county (within a few 
miles of Toronto) and in Brantford 
township, county of Brant. 

On the last of the bones figured 

Fig. 10 i diameter. w j^ fe geen w h a fc SU gg e8 ts the 

idea of a turtle. The jaws open sidewise, and similarly the notches 
that mark the tail are shown. This somewhat remarkable specimen I 
found on the Braeside farm, Richmond Hill, about thirty years ago. 
An old camp site marked the place, and from the beds of ashes several 
phalangal bones were taken, but all the others were distinguished by 
bars like those seen in the engraving. 

I am indebted to Mr. Stewart Culin, Director of the Museum of 
Archaeology and Palaeontology in the University of Pennsylvania, for 
the following note as to the use of such bones for gaming purposes. 
As Mr. Culin has made a special study not only of Indian games, but 
of games universal, his opinions are most valuable. Having examined 
some bones I sent him, similar to those here figured, he wrote : 

" The phalangal bones of deer showing much use and scraped flat 
on one side might have been used as gaming implements, but this can- 
not be decided as yet with certainty. Such bones perforated and 
strung on a cord are used in a kind of cup and ball game among the 
Plains tribes. Some tribes of the Alaskan Eskimo employ the phalan- 
gal bones of the seal in a game, tossing the bones of one flipper up 
and winning or losing accordingly as they fall. They also have a 
similar game of tossing one bone, using the others as counters, as boys 
play for marbles. This is the nearest parallel I have yet found. The 
astragalus, I believe, was employed in games before white contact, but 
even here the evidence is not conclusive. 



" Xext to the astragalus, the phalangal bone is universally the 
favorite bone used in games. In Russia the children set them up in a 
row and shoot at them with marbles, under the name of ' little women.' " 

Readers interested in this subject will find several references to 
bone games in Mr. Culin's exhaustive work, " Chess and Playing 
Cards," in the report of the Smithsonian Institution, for 1896. 


As a religious or ceremonial symbol, the serpent has always 
held an important place among primitive peoples, as well as among 
peoples too far advanced to be so so characterized. On this continent 
the most venerated, or most feared creature of the kind, was the 
rattlesnake (Crotalus horridus), in the north, and probably some other 
species in southern latitudes. 

In Ontario we have not much to show us that the serpent was 
regarded in any very special sense, if we except the Otonabee mound, 
but just that it played a part in aboriginal mythology ; a part appar- 
ently of less prominence than that of the turtle, or the bear, or the 
eagle. That the rattlesnake ranked above other serpents as a bugaboo 
is probably due to its ability to proiuce a sound at one end and to 
inject poison at the other. 

In some of the southern states, more particularly in Tennessee, 
a considerable number of rattlesnake gorgets, made from the widest 
part of large conchs, have been found, but until quite recently nothing 
of the sort has appeared in Ontario. Indeed, any kind of engraved 
shell in this province is a rarity, for besides the one here referred to, 
the only specimen in the museum is that figured and described on 
page 57 of our report for 1896-97 from the Miller mound at the 

mouth of the Otonabee river. 
Rattlesnake gorgets are so called 
because there are engraved on 
the concave sides of the shell 
highly conventionalized repre- 
sentations of the animal in, 
question, but as Professor W. 
H. Holmes says : <; To one who 
examines this design for the 
first time it seems a most in- 
explicable puzzle, a meaning- 
Fig. 11 dia., Tennessee. less grouping of curved and 
straight lines, dots and perforation We notice, however," he con- 
tinues, "a remarkable similarity in the designs, the idea being radically 
the same in all specimens, and the conclusion is soon reached that 


there is nothing haphazard in the arrangement of the parts, and that 
every line must have its place and purpose. The design is in all cases 
inclosed by two parallel border lines, leaving a plain belt from one- 
fourth to three-fourths of an inch in width around the edge of the 
disk. All simple lines are firmly traced, although somewhat scratchy, 
and are seldom more than one-twentieth of an inch in width or depth. 
" In studying this design the attention is first attracted by an eye- 
like figure near the left border. This is formed of a series of concen- 
tric circles, the number of which varies from three in the most simple 
to twelve in the more elaborate forms. The diameter of the outer 
circle of this figure varies from one-half to one inch. In the centre 
there is generally a small conical depression cr pit. The series of 
circles is partially inclosed by a looped band, one-eighth of an inch in 
width, which opens downwards on the left ; the free ends extending 
outward to the border line, gradually nearing each other and forming 
a kind of neck to the circular figure. This band is in most cases occu- 
pied by a series of dots or conical depressions, varying in number from 
one to thirty. The neck is decorated in a variety of ways : by dots, 
by straight and curved lines, and by a cross-hatching that gives a 
semblance of scales. A curious group of lines occupying a crescent- 
shaped space at the right of the circular figure and enclosed by two 
border lines must receive particular attention, This is really the front 
part of the head the jaws and muzzle of the creature represented. 
The mouth is always clearly defined, and is mostly in profile, the 
upper jaw being turned abruptly upwards, but, in some examples, an 
attempt has been made to represent a front view, in which case it 
presents a wide V-shaped figure. It is, in most cases, furnished with 
two rows of teeth, no attempt being made to represent a tongue. The 
spaces above and below the jaws are filled with lines and figures, 
which vary much in the different specimens : a group of plume-like 
figures extends backwards from the upper jaw to the crown, or, other- 
wise this space is occupied by an elongated perforation. The body is 
represented encircling the head in a single coil, which appears from 
beneath the neck on the right, passes around the front of the head, 
and terminates at the back in a pointed tail with well defined rattles. 
. . . . In some cases one or more incised bands cross the body in 
the upper part of the curve.* 

From this description, as well as from figure 11 it will at once 
be seen that the specimen now in our hands (figure 12) is incomplete, 
but there cannot be a doubt as to its identity in design with the 
gorgets described by Prof. Holmes. 

*From Art in Shell of the Ancient Americans, by Wm. H. Holmes, in the Annual 
Report of the Bureau of Ethnology 1880-81. pp. 290-1. 




The straightedge in figure 12 still shows marks of the sawing 
that was required to separate this from the other portion, but it is, of 

course, impossible to say 
whether the cutting was per- 
formed after an accidental 
break had spoiled the whole 
gorget, or whether an entire 
object had been cut in two 
for any reason. In addition 
/2Q 155 ) to the original suspension 

Fig. 12 diameter. holes, other two have been 

Tjored near the straight edge, no doubt that the gorget might hang 
more evenly, in keeping with its change of shape, yet without any 
regard to the position of the figure which would now be upside down. 
It is observable too, that the more recently formed holes bear even 
deeper signs of wear than the original ones do. Still further compar- 
ing this specimen with perfect gorgets, it will be seen that only the 
tail and adjoining section remain while most of two other sections on 
.a convex part of the shell are nearly worn out by contact with the 
human body presumably. Of the second section from the tail, a 
little cross-hatching remains, and to the right are the three dots 
in line belonging to a bar that has disappeared ; while further on 
still, is a single dot which was no doubt within two circular lines like 
those that remain, and near the dot are portions of the parallel lines 
separating the design from the border. The chevron, or diagonally 
opposed lines to indicate the tail are not so well made as those on 
most of the specimens figured in archaeological books, but they show 
clearly enough the intention of the design. 

The fact that, so far as known, this is the only specimen of its 
kind found in Ontario is of itself almost sufficient to warrant the be- 
lief that it is accidental, intrusive, imported ; and we may go so far as 
to say that the secondary wearing of the gorget upside down would 
tend to show that the owner of this portion either did not know, or 
did not care how it should be suspended, in which case it is plain that 
the symbolic nature of the work possessed no interest for him, and 
that he wore the gorget simply as a gewgaw, or because the lines may 
have suggested some " big medicine " on account of their being quite 
unlike anything he had ever seen before. 

Why the body is usually divided into four sections separated by four 
circular figures has never been explained. We know that the number 
four had a peculiar significance to the ancient people, but this affords us 
no clue respecting the reason for its application in the present case any 
more than it does as to why circles, and sometimes bars, are used at all. 




The gorget was found by Mr. J. S. Heath in a large bed of ashes, and 
fully two feet below the surface, on the Sealey farm,Brantford township, 


Among sixty skulls received recently from Mr. Harry Mayor, who- 
took them from an ossuary on the north half of lot 25, concession 12 r 

Innisfil, Simcoe county, there are many 
that possess strongly marked features. In 
one, that of a child getting its second teeth r 
the metopic suture persists ; in several 
cases the occipital protuberance is very 
large, an dWormian bones appear in about 
forty per cent, sometimes in very unusual 
places. In two skulls they exist on the 
f ronto-parietal suture in one case on the 
right side, about five-eighths of an inch 
below the f ontanel, and in the other, half 
as low on the left. As to general form,, 
the dolicocephalic probably prevails, but 
no measurements have yet been made. 

Two of the skulls are perforated a* 
may be seen from figures 13 and 14, one- 
with three holes almost immediately behind the frontal suture, and the 
other with one in front of it, and close to the fontanel. In the former 
case, the holes are about an inch and three-fourths apart, from centre to> 
centre, and half an inch in diameter, while 
in the latter the hole is only about five- 
sixteenths of an inch in diameter, not 
reckoning the counter sunk edge. 

Nothing can be clearerthan that those 
openings were made after death, unless, 
indeed, they were made immediately be- 
fore it,for there is noappearance of growth 
subsequent to the operation as would be 
seen had the heads been trephined success- 
fully. In figurelS the hole has been drill- 
ed, but in the other case the holes have 
been made by cutting perhaps only 

enlarged by this means after drilling. 

Fig. 14. 

Dr. A. Primrose, professor of anatomy and director of the anatomi- 
cal department in the University of Toronto, has, since the above was- 
written, examined the perforations in the skulls, and confirms the 
opinion here offered. 





Fig. 15. 

The mask represented 
by figure 15 is a rare and 
valuable one. It is said 
to be the oldest, with 
one exception, that was 
on the Six Nation 
Reserve this year, when 
it came into our posses- 
sion. It was made about 
seventy years ago, by 
John Styres (We-hwa- 
gSh'-ti Carrying News 
on his Back) who still 
figures as the leading 
"preacher 1 ' among the 
pagans on the reserve. 
He is a nephew of Hy- 
joong-kwas (He tears 
Everything)* who has 
for many years been 
Chief Medicine Man, 
wearing this mask on all 
ceremonial occasions, in 
connection with the False 
Face Society, as well as 
at feast mask -dances in 
the longhouse. 

Although now too old 
to act in his official capa- 
city, it was not without 
some hesitation that he 
concluded to give up the 
mask for "a considera- 
tion." With the assist- 
ance of Dah-kah-he- 
dond-yeh as interpreter, 
I received from Hy- 
joong-kwas the follow- 
ing account of how this 
mask originated : 

* For portrait and reference 
to Hy-joong-kwae, see plate XV. 
in last year's report. 



"After the big flood the original Mask or False Face was looking about 
him,and it was not long before he saw Niyoh,and Niyoh sawhim. The two 
began to converse, when N iy oh, thinking that the Mask assumed too much 
authority > said to him : 'Did you make the land ?' The Mask replied 
'I did.' 'No you did not,' said Niyoh, 'I made the land, and if you 
think you have so much power, I would like to see what you can do.' 
The False Face enquired : 'What do you want me to do ?' Niyoh look- 
ing around and seeing a mountain at a distance, told him to move it 
towards where they both stood. The Mask said : 'Very well let us 
both turn round with our faces the other way.' He then ordered the 
mountain to 'come this way,' which it began to do at once, and would 
have come to where they were, had not Niyoh stopped it about half 
way. Niyoh then said : 'You have power, I see ; but of what use is 
ft to you ? What good can you do with it?' To this the Mask replied : 
'I use it to make people well when they are sick now I would like to 
know what power you have.' Niyoh said : "Do you want to see my 
power?' and the Mask said he did. 'Very well, then,' answered Niyoh, 
'I will show you my power, for I made the world.' The Mask then 
said : ' Make the mountain come close up to us.' On Niyoh's suggestion 
that the two should face about as before, they did so, and Niyoh told 
the mountain to come close up, and when it came to them he made it 
stop, and told the Mask to turn round quickly and see what had hap- 
pened. This the Mask did, and brought his nose up with great force 
against the face of the mountain which stood there like a big wall, 
and the pain made him put out his tongue. 

' Now,' said Nayoh, 'you see I also have great power, and. to make 
you remember this, your nose will remain crooked, and your tongue 
will always hang out.' 

The False Face then knew that Niyoh had more power than he 
had, and ever since, the only sound he can utter is a tremulous and 
somewhat subdued "Hoh-o-o-o, hoh-o o, hoh-o-o-o-o.' " 

On going to Hy-joong'-kwas' house for the mask, I soon learned 
this was no common matter of bargain and delivery. He and the mask 
had been in communion too long to b'i separated in any every-day 
business way. Having stirred up the fire in the stove, he left the 
interpreter and myself while he went into an adjoining room. In- a 
little'while we could hear the peculiar " Hoh-o-o-o, ho-o-o !" and shortly 
afterwards Hy-joong'-kwas returned wearing the mask and still mut- 
tering, or rather, perhaps, uttering, the whole of the extremely limited 
False Face vocabulary until he reached the stove. Here he hung the 
mask by its head-fastenings over the back of a chair and proceeded to 
make up a small parcel of home-grown tobacco in a scrap of blue 


cotton print, and tied it with white thread over the brow of the mask, 
having first dropped a pinch of tobacco into some coals he had raked 
out in front of the stove. 

After affectionately stroking the long hair which forms the wig, he 
replaced the mask on the back of the chair, whence he had removed it 
for the purpose of tying on the little parcel of tobacco. He then 
leaned forward, looking almost reverently at the mask, and speaking 
in a low tone to it, said : " My friend, [dropping a little tobacco among 
the coals] you are now going to leave me for the first time, and I am 
burning this tobacco to keep you calm and well-pleased. [More 
tobacco.] You and I have been together for a very long time. We 
have always been good friends. [Tobacco.] I have been good to you, 
and you have been good to me. You have cured a great many people, 
and we will not forget you. [Tobacco.] You may still do good where 
you are going, and I hope Ah-i-wah-ka-noh' -nis * will use you well. 
[Tobacco.] I have put a little tobacco on your head that you may 
always have some when you want it. [Tobacco.] 

We shall not be very far apart, and we will often think of you, 
and will often burn some tobacco for you." 

On concluding his touching little address he threw all that was left 
of his handful of tobacco into the fire, took the mask from the back of 
the chair, and, after once more stroking its hair, handed it to me with 
a request that I would rub its face with oil once or twice a year, as it 
had been used to such attention ever since he owned it, and would be 
pleased to be remembered in this way ! 

It was observed that he burned tobacco eight times during this 
ceremony, but whether the number of times was of purpose or other- 
wise I did not learn. 


It is quite unnecessary to say that the specimen here represented 
is not Indian, whatever else it may be. The only information I 
could get respecting it from the gentleman through whom it came into 
our possession, is that it was dug up many years ago on his father's land 
in the east end of what is now the city of Hamilton, a locality that 
has yielded an immense quantity of valuable archaeological material of 
undoubtedly Indian origin. The specimen, which is two and three- 
fourth inches long, is of vegetal character, and suggests its having 
been anut of some sort resembling the so-called ivory-nut. Its sur- 
face is sharply divided into three irregular oval panels, on each 
of which is carved a human head and shoulders. One of the 
heads is bare, one has a cap, and the third a hat. Each panel is 

* The writer's I ndian name in its Onondaga form. In Canienga, Ra'-ri-wah-ka-noh'-nig. 




surmounted by a crouching animal, one of which strongly resembles a 
beaver. Each of two also has its distinctive border, but the third, and 

least symmetrical one, 
is plain. Under each 
panel stretches a long, 
roughly oval bar which 
is crenated crosswise, 
and below this the 
whole of the base 
seems to be a conven- 
tionalized flower on 
which much labor and 
some art have been 

Viewed from the 
opposite end one sees 
a grotesque face. The 
hole forming the 
mouth is connected 
with the interior which 
is hollow, but the eye- 
holes, although bored 
three -fourths of an 
inch deep have 

Fig. 16. 



Above and between the eyes, and in line with the ends of the panels, 
a small hole has been bored to meet with the cavity. 

The only possible connection this curious specimen can have with 
any relics said to have been found in association with it, must be 
looked for through some of the early visits paid to Macassa Bay by 
missionaries, traders and travellers. The reference to the find is made 
here mainly in the hope that some reader may be able to throw light 
on the subject, through any knowledge he possesses of similar objects 
in Europe, or on account of his ability to recognize the style of art or 


On the strength of information supplied to the Department by 
Mr. John E. Gow, of the Inland Revenue Office, Windsor. I spent 
several days under instructions from the Minister of Education, in 
making an examination of the southern portion of this island, where 
it was supposed there were some artificial mounds. 

The most southerly point of Canada, and lying about midway 
.between Ontario and Ohio, the situation is suggestive of communica- 




tion between the two shores, which are here only about twenty miles 
.apart, if measured from the head of Pigeon Bay, in Essex county, to 
Marble Head, at the entrance of Sandusky Bay, and considerably less, if 

Fig. 17. A Pelee Island Mound. 

reckoned from Pelee Point, on our shore. Here, if anywhere, one might 
expect to find traces of two or more peoples,andsuch proved to be the case. 
As a place of resort and of refuge in early days, the island was 
admirably situated. Of its 11,000 acres, fully one-third was densely 
wooded, while the remainder was a marsh, affording a feeding and 
breeding-ground for immense numbers of water-fowl. A few smaller 
islands lie between Pelee and the United States shore, making inter- 
course by canoe very easy, while the nearest point on the mainland of 
Ontario is not more than eight miles off.* 

^Geologically, the island possesses great interest. Previous to the erosion of 
the Erie basin, or previous to its subsidence (which is a more probable phenomenon) 
its connection with the north shore is evident from the similarity of its rock foun- 
dation. If glaciation is not accountable for the formation of the great lake basins, 
we know that since then its mighty forces have been exerted in polishing the rocks 
that form the shore line, wherever such rocks are exposed , and perhaps few finer 
examples of glacial striation can be found anywhere than on the south-east corner 
of Pelee Island, where deep grooves may be seen from fifty to seventy feet in 
length, some of them mathematically straight and others beautifully curved. The 
general direction of these markings is from west by south to south-west 

On lot 54, near the south end, petroleum is pumped, and on the same farm, as 
well as some other places, there is natural gas. 

The marshlands have been drained at a cost of $30,000, by means of eleven miles of 
main canal thirty feet wide and eight feet deep, with numerous ditches as feeders. 


Whether the island is to be regarded as having been a part of the 
Neutral's territory, or of the territory of the Eries, we have no means 
of knowing, and just as likely as not it may have been a sort of Tom 
Tiddler's ground, for its advantages as a food-source, more especially 
in the matter of fish and fruit, must have made it an extremely de- 
sirable possession. 

No part of the uplands exceeds forty or fifty feet above the lake- 
level, while the greater part of it is less than half of that height, and 
the marshland, it is needless to say, is but little higher than the lake, 
where it is not actually lower. 

The island being roughly quadrangular in form, the longer sides- 
extending north and south, the situation of the mounds examined may 
be described as being at the south-east corner, known as Mill Point 
where the soil forms a thinner covering to the rock than elsewhere. 

The first mound examined is on lot 39, within three hundred feet 
of the shore line. It measures forty feet from north to south and 
and forty-five feet from east to west, its central point being not more 
than three feet higher than the margin. For a distance of from fifty 
feet on the north and north-west to upwards of a hundred feet on the 
south and south-east the thin surface soil had been scraped from a bed 
of hard clay to form the mound, on and near the north end of which 
grows a chesnut oak six feet in circumference two feet above the 
ground. The stump of another oak, about the same size, still lies on 
the south-east quarter where it had grown. Aside from the appear- 
ance of the earth, the first evidence of workmanship we met with was 
a piece of coarse red jasper-like material having two conchoidal frac- 
tures. This object was at a depth of two feet from the surface, four 
and a-half feet from the centre of the mound on the west side. Slightly 
deeper, in the same place, were found two bits of chert, one a thin 
flake and the other a rough piece showing marks of chipping. About 
the same distance east of the middle, and at a depth of two feet three 
inches, we found a leaf -shaped flint and two fragments of pottery, but 
the most interesting find was a considerable quantity of charred maize 
and beans in what seemed to be a large pocket, just two feet west of 
the centre stake, and among these were four small copper beads of the 
same form as those found on Sugar Island, Rice Lake, three years 
ago. Near this place also were several small pieces of bone, and proof 
was not wanting that a body had been buried here. I was afterwards 
informed that many years ago some one had opened a mound in the 
neighborhood and taken away a number of copper beads. It is prob- 
able that this was the place referred to. 

It need not be supposed that the corn and beans were placed here in 
connection with the burial, but that they were deposited, it may have 


been long afterwards, by some one who chose the spot as a dry one in 
which to hide his little store. The beads. I think, came from a greater 


depth originally, but had been dropped near the surface and beside 
the corn by him who opened the mound in search of treasure (1). 

On lot 34, the property of Dr. F. B. McCormick, to the west, is 
a somewhat extensive elevation forming a broad oval three feet high 
in the middle, and forty by fifty feet in diameter, the longer axis being 
north and south. 

This elevation was thoroughly tested by means of numerous 
trenches in various directions, cut down to the hard-pan clay in every 
case, and sometimes even to a greater depth. Near the north end were 
found small quantities of charcoal and Indian corn, but with these 
exceptions there was nothing beyond the nature of the soil to show 
that human agency had been employed in constructing this mound. 
The conclusion arrived at was that the greater part of the elevation 
to the south was of natural formation, and that additions had been 
made at the north end, but for what purpose beyond that of symmetry 
it is hard to say. 

The third mound opened was on lot 36, and as in the case of each 
of the others, was within a short distance of the shore line. Like these 
also, it was oval in outline, the diameters being thirty -seven and forty- 
three feet (the latter north and south) with an elevation of three feet 
four inches. Unlike the others, however, this earthwork consisted 
largely of stones corresponding to those found on the surface in this 
part of the island, i.e., of corniferous limestone in large and small, flat, 
roughly angular masses, from a few pounds to forty or fifty in weight. 
These were not placed in any orderly way, but seemed to have been 
thrown on the heap carelessly to increase its size, except in the case of 
a skeleton that lay almost in the centre, but a little to the south-west, 
and which was covered from head to foot with a number of compara- 
tively thin slabs, from two to three inches in thickness, and resting 
directly on the bones, except for the support they received from earth 
that had fallen in, or that perhaps had been so arranged when the 
burial took place. 

As the work of removing the earth proceeded, human remains 
were found in other parts of the mound, but none of these was covered 
with stones. 

The skull of the skeleton underlying the stones was crushed, but 

the larger limb bones, although exceedingly fragile, were unbroken, and 

these were preserved. The body had been buried lying on its left 

side, in an almost northerly and southerly direction, the head near 

3 A. 


the centre of the mound, and the feet a little to the west. Across the 
feet of this skeleton was another lying east and west. The skull was 

missing, as were all the bones of the 
right side from shoulder to pelvis, but the 
large bones of the left arm and of both 
1& legs were perfect. 

^ Near the head of the stone-covered 

skeleton and a little to the north- 
west, were the remains of a child. Portions of other skeletons 
were found within a few feet of these, to the north-east, as may be 
better understood by reference to the diagram, but in no case was any 
artifact found in association with the remains. A few flints and two 
celts and an unfinished gorget were found in the south-west quarter 
of the mound, upwards of ten feet from the nearest skeleton. A bone 
awl and a few other things lay nearly a foot deep. 

With reference to the first and last mentioned mounds, it was 
clear that openings had been made some years ago, but by whom, or 
for what purpose, nobody knew. It is not improbable that the old 
hidden treasure story had something to do with the disturbance. 

The chief addition to our knowledge arising from this examina- 
tion of the Pelee Island mounds is the fact that mound-building 
Indians once occupied the ground in question, but whether contem- 
poraneously with the Neutrals on the mainland we cannot say. In- 
deed, it is not improbable that the Neutrals themselves were the 

I am indebted to Dr. F. B. McCormick for many courtesies and 
for information relative to the situation of the mounds. Dr. McCor- 
mick very amply supplemented the first intimation given us by Mr. 
John E. Gow, respecting the existence of these earthworks on the 
island, and he was also good enough to present the museum with 
several interesting stone relics, a list of which will be found else- 


During the Big Corn Feast in September last, I visited the Reserve 
with a desire to arrive at more certainty respecting some details con- 
nected with the gambling portion of the ceremonies, than I had been 
able to reach before. As the Seneca feast was over, and the Onondaga 
one arranged for the following week, it is evident that the time for 
the holding of this celebration is rather a matter of convenience than 
of regulation by the moon. 


The first day's proceedings at the Cayuga longhouse were just 
coming to an end when I arrived there about one o'clock p.m. The 
forenoon's part of the celebration included the Big Feather Dance, and 
other dances connected with Ah-don'-wah, having the accompaniment 
" Heh-heh-heh," as was fully referred to in last year's report. 

On the second day, beginning about half-past eight a.m., the pro- 
ceedings were opened by a long speech from Wm. Smoke, after which 
Chief Abram Charles (De-ka-hy'-on) and Robert David (Jin-o-daw'- 
hon) addressed the people, of whom there were only thirty -five present, 
two-thirds of them being women and children, but before noon nearly 
a hundred persons had assembled, the sexes being about equally 


Part of Jin-o-daw'-hon's remarks had reference to the giving of a 
name to a Cayuga baby, such names being conferred only at this feast 
and that of mid-winter.* 

At the proper moment a woman (not the child's mother) stepped 
forward and placed the baby in Jin-o daw'- hone's arms. He accepted 
the charge smilingly as he went on with his talk, part of the time 
walking round the stove, representing as it did the old-time fire. 
Before he had said more than a few words all the male portion of the 
audience joined in a somewhat noisy song, which it was quite satisfac- 
tory to observe had the effect of frightening the child, who, until that 
time, had conducted itself as stoically as a full-grown Indian, but now 
established a claim to average humanity by setting up a right hearty 
cry. Jin o-daw'-hon then handed the baby back to the woman who 
had placed it in his arms, this woman gave it to the mother and the 
ceremony was complete. 

After this the speakers and a few others five men, including the 
well-known Captain Bill, and two women left the longhouse and 
took up their position in the cook-shanty at the east end, where two 
large pots containing corn soup were simmering over a slow fire. 
Here, William Smoke and Jin-o-daw'-hon " spoke pieces " for fully 
half-an-hour, and, in the course of their remarks, the speakers burnt 
small quantities of home-grown tobacco, by throwing eight pinches 
bdneath the pots during the course of each speech. 

On returning to the longhouse one man after another sang in his 
seat for a little while, then, rising, and continuing to sing, walked very 
slowly round the stove, "with the sun." The singer paused in both 
song and movement at each corner of the stove, where, with bowed 

* See Ontario Archaeological Report for 1898, pp. 168-9, for details respecting 
children's names. 


head, and in an almost inaudible tone, he muttered some 8entences, the 
significance of which was evidently understood by the others who gave 
suppressed responses at the close of each little soliloquy. Altogether 
nine men sung and spoke in this manner. 

Two men from each end of the longhouse were appointed to collect 
stakes for the peach-stone game on the morrow, and thus the day's 
proceedings ended about half-past twelve, when the food was handed 


Next morning before nine o'clock the stake collectors had brought 
together in the longhouse a considerable quantity and variety of wear- 
ing apparel dresses, sashes, belts, silk and cotton handkerchiefs, silk 
remnants and beads. A few of them were apparently new, and pro- 
bably purchased for the occasion. Two men were engaged in pairing 
these articles, with reference to value as nearly as possible, in order 
that when the game was won by the clans representing either end 
of the house, each person who laid a stake on that side would receive 
with his or her own article another one as good. 

As the Indian women are no more demonstrative than the men, it 
is not easy to say just how they regarded the rough-and-ready way 
the two men handled the goods, but nothing is surer than that had 
white men and women been concerned in such circumstances the con- 
sequences would have proved serious on both sides. 

Few persons spoke while the assortment was going on, and those 
who did, expressed themselves in whispers because Rawen Niyoh was 
present overlooking all the arrangements, and it was not proper that 
he should be disturbed. When the sorters stepped about in the course 
of their work they did so gently, for the same reason. 

After the completion of the pairing or coupling of the goods, Chief 
De-ka-hy'-on delivered a long speech, one of the rote or ceremonial 
kind, respecting the game and the duty of maintaining good feeling 
on the part of all, but especially on that of the losers, who might next 
time be favored by Niyoh, In the making of this harangue the cfyief 
emphasized very strongly the first syllable of the numerous short sen- 
tences of which it was composed, his voice dropping suddenly and 
keeping along an almost dead level until the last syllable was reached, 
and this he pronounced with a slight rising inflection. This is a com- 
mon method of delivery which is only a little more monotonous than 
may be heard in other places where it is customary to make use of 
ceremonial addresses. 

As I had occassion to mention last year when referring to the 
Seneca feasts, it does not seem necessary that on occasions of this kind 


the chiefs or other leading men should be decked in all their "braverie." 
At this time De-ka-hy '-on appeared in plain clothes, not even wearing 
a coat, but simply a cotton smock -jacket. 

A long pause followed his speech, but the silence was broken by a 
man who spoke briefly from the south-east corner, where were seated 
the Wolf, Snipe and Beaver clans, while at the west end were those 
of the Turtle, Deer, Bear, Eel and Ball, or, as some say the last named 
should be, Swallow. 

A young man was appointed to lay down a sheet on the floor where 
the game was to be played, in the middle of the longhouse. The 
players and their assistants then arranged themselves as shown in the 
diagram on page 127, in last year's report, except that the former 
instead of facing each other east and west, did so north and south, 
while the assistants were seated at the west side. 

Two men were called upon to play first and as one lost his chance, 
another player, (man or woman, as the game proceeded) took the place. 
Most of the women simply struck the bottom of the dish on the floor, 
and calmly awaited the result, but the men in nearly every case made 
passes with one or with both hands crosswise, circularly, and up and 
down, over the peach-stones, as. if to influence them in some way while 
they rocked about, to settle right side up. A number of men repre- 
senting the two ends of the longhouse crowded eagerly round the 
players to encourage them or otherwise, or to influence the luck so far 
as the stones themselves were concerned, by means of shouts and 
exclamations. At no time did the excitement become intense, for as 
the game came to a conclusion within an hour and a half, there was no 
time or opportunity for party-feeling to run very high. De-ka-hy '-on' 
and Jin-o-daw'-hon again made long rote speeches, after which the 
stakes were handed to the winners, men and women, all of whom 
accepted their dues without the least manifestation of pleasure, or of 
pride on account of victory, or of any feeling suggestive of boastful- 
ness such as white people show on occasions when they are winners. 
Similarly, those who were defeated conducted themselves with the 
utmost decorum, and without any sign of discomfiture or even of disap- 

" Now," said Captain Bill to me, when the distribution came to an 
end. " the women is boss," meaning thereby that during the short time 
that would elapse until the close of the feast, all the arrangements 
would be in their hands, and as the most important part of what 
remained consisted of eating, the men did not occupy a very humiliat- 
ing position. 

At this time the women may decide, however, to appoint some other 
day upon which to hold the final dances, which are only four or five 


in number, and not of religious significance. These are : 1st, the Trot- 
ting Dance (Gah-dah'-trohnt) ; 2nd. the Old Song Women's Dance 
(Gy-nah-gyh-ka-uh'-ska-nyi, the word having reference to the peculiar 
shuffling of the feet alternately in the dance); 3rd. the Joined-hand 
Dance, (Da-you-dah-da-noon'-tsons), and 4th, the Four Night Dance, 
(Ga-ne-wah-tsoon-tah'-ga). If the women wish they may add the 
Women's New Song Dance (Gy-nft-sa-ah-ska'-nyi). 

Although this portion of the ceremonies is under the " patronage ' 
so to speak, of the women, it is, as is customary on other occasions, 
managed by the chiefs and head men. 


When friends and neighbors are assembled at a wake, it is 
customary for them to engage in a game to comfort in some measure 
the bereaved ones, and, to a certain extent, as a mere pastime. It 
may be premised that in so-doing there is no desire that either 
side engaged should win, and the whole of the proceedings are 
conducted with seriousness. If, during the progress of the game a 
young person should forget himself, the Head Man, or master of cere- 
monies takes occasion to point out that at such times light behavior is 

As many players, men and women, may engage as there is room to 
accommodate, when the two sides sit face to face. 

The game consists in the hiding of a pebble (a marble, or a bullet 
is now often used) in one of four moccasins or mittens held in the lap 
of the hider for the time being, the other side trying to guess in which 
of these the object has been placed. 

The Head Man makes a long speech to the players. 

A singer having been appointed he sets the pace accompanied by 
his drum, by giving one of the three Wake Songs, the music of which 
the reader will find elsewhere in this report, and it is to be noted that 
these are the only wake songs, and are never used for any other pur- 
pose, or at any other time. Indeed, so careful are the people in this 
respect, that Dah kah-he-dond-yeh, who supplied this account of the 
game gives this as the reason why children are not allowed to attend 
wakes hearing the songs they might be tempted to sing them thought- 
lessly in the course of play.* 

The singer for the time being may be seated anywhere on his own 
row, but the hiding must begin at one end, and the guessing at the far 
away end of the opposite row. To enable the guessers to point out 
the moccasin supposed to contain the object, a stick, or switch, about a 

* Ka-nis-han-don supported the statement, but I am convinced that there is 
some other reason ; one, perhaps, forgotten by the Indians themselves. 


yard long is provided and passes from hand to hand. When the hider 
has done his part the moccasins are placed on the floor and guessing 
goes on. As soon as a particular moccasin is pointed out some who is 
nearest picks it up and gives it a rap on the floor. Should the sound 
indicate that the stone or marble is in the moccasin, one stick is taken 
from a pile of a hundred splints about the size of lucifer matches, and 
is placed to the credit of the successful guesser's side. If the guesser 
desires to make two points in the game he first lays, one above another, 
the three moccasins he takes to be empty. Should the remaining one 
be found to contain the object, his side gains two. On the other hand, 
a failure on his part, entails the loss of two. As soon as a correct 
guess is made the singer ceases his performance and one on the win- 
ning side takes it up. and thus the game goes on, each man or woman 
hiding and guessing in turn. 

At midnight the head man stops the game until a meal has been 
served in the usual way, and consisting of the usual kinds of food. 
On ceasing to play, the two men whose duty it is to keep count, arrange 
everything to avoid confusion or dispute when the game is resumed. 
Each puts the little sticks used as counters and won by his side into 
one of the moccasins ; the remaining sticks into a third, and the stone 
or the marble into the fourth. 

Before play begins after the meal the head man repeats his intro- 
ductory ritual. Should one side win all the counters before daylight, 
he puts them again into one heap as at the beginning, and play goes 
on, but as soon as daylight gives the first sign of appearance he makes 
a change in the manner of conducting the game by appointing two 
men to act for each row of players, and for the purpose of still further 
shortening it, he may leave only two moccasins in their hands. Hid- 
ing and finding now follow each other quickly, but the sticks no longer 
go to show which side wins, for they are thrown by the head man into 
the fire, and the hiding and guessing are kept up by the same sides 
(i.e. without interchange) until all the counters are burnt. The same 
official then breaks the pointing sticks which are also put into the fire, 
and he even treats the drumstick in the same way, having taken 
it from the hands of the singer. Last of all, he pulls the leather cover 
off the drum, puts it inside of the drum, and replaces the hoop. The 
instrument should remain in this condition until it is to be again used. 


Before the people disperse to their homes in the morning, a gun is 
fired off outside of the door. 


On the Sunday following the last Lower Cayugas' Big Corn Feast, 
a meeting was held in their longhouse to consider the terms of an 


invitation extended to them by the Indians of the Onondaga Reserva- 
tion, N.Y., to send a representative to a meeting about to be held. 
The only reason for referring to this matter here, is to mention that 
the messenger who carries the invitation is provided with what is 
called gan-onds-ha-dir und-dagh'-kwa, which was interpreted as signi- 
fying catching by the hand and pulling across perhaps the meaning 
is better brought out by saying, a hearty or welcome grasp of the 
hand. However this may be, the thing itself consists of a small piece 
of pine about three and a half inches long, half an inch wide, and 
scarcely a quarter of an inch thick, to one end of which is attached 
a fine string forming a loop five or six inches long, on which are a 
dozen or so of small cylindrical shell beads, of the kind we now recog- 
nize as " white man's make." 

The edges of the stick contain as many notches as the number of 
daj's to elapse from the day of delivery to the date of meeting. As 
each day passes a notch is to be removed from the stick. 

The purpose of the beads, or wampum, as they are commonly 
called, is merely to show that the invitation is issued by authority, or 
as an evidence of good faith on the part of those who present the 


The following names were supplied to me by Ka-nis-han'-don 
and Dab. -ka-hedond -yeh. They are in Canienga form : 

Men : Skaniodyreo, beautiful lake ; Gft-rah'-kwa, the sun ; 0- 
non-dahk'-ta, close by the hill ; Gah-hu-tohn k , sticks sticking up ; 
Ra-ri-hwa wa'-ruts, to throw over a word, or the news ; Da-hok'-ha, 
twins ; Jo-non'-da-ti, over the hill ; Yo-jees-kwt-ha, dry food ; Da'- 
ka-he-dond-yeh, rows of trees; Da-ka-nah kwa-sah, twenty wives; 
So6h-kah-do6'-nali, big leaf; Unt-ya-ne ga-ri, noon; Da-wah-ne-d(5- 
gah, between the moons; Ga-roh'-hyak dat'-yi, along the clouds ; Ra-ri- 
wah-ka-n<5h'-nis, one who is sent. 

Women : Da-wa-da-roh n -hu'-goh'-tah, moon through the sky ; Ka- 
ri-hwa-ha-wi, she carries a message ; Da-duh k '-toh , she came back; Yo- 
naw-ta-wah '-ti, adjoining camps ; Yah-ko-rah-k 5nd'-yoh, she left her 
husband, or she lost a pail. Yuh-ti-a-go sah'-ny-ah, has no name ; 
Goh n -hwa-ra'-to n , she is counted; Gahn-ho-don'-kwas, she opens a door ; 
Ka-no-roh n -kwa,I like you; Wah-don-wah-jees'-o n , tramped grass; Ka- 
ha-wan n '-yu she holds things; .Ka-roh n -hu'-ro6ks, it becomes cloudy. 





Oral and substantial evidence on archaeological affairs having ac- 
cumulated during the present season, it was decided that it would be 
better to make a systematic series of visits to different localities to 
establish direct proof of aboriginal occupation, acquire material, and 
locate new sites ; (in, some cases several visits being paid to same 
localities) resulting in locating nine of these, and the acquirement of 
material from previously recorded sites and isolated places. 

The first place to be looked into is the extensive site at Neil 
Oarke's, n. J lot 12, in 1st con., Fenelon township, and Mrs. S. Foster's, 
south half same lot. This is a very marked and prolific site, which, 
though known to local collectors for years and from which large 
quantities of relics have been removed, is now put on record for the 
first time. The area covered by very large and prominent ash beds is 
about 10 acres, and is situated on the top of a bank about 30 ft. high 
lying to the northeast of Goose Lake, which is nearly a mile distant. 
The bank here has a general direction of N.E. and S.W. with a slight 
curve to the east. On the edge of the bank are about half-a-dozen 
dump-heaps. The general shape of the habitations seems to have been 
circular and not of the " long house " form, and from their size, number 
and proximity to each other indicate a populous town long occupied. 
On a higher position of the bank, to the S.E., a number of pits 
(caches) and graves formerly existed. The surface of the ground was 
strewn with broken pottery, fire-fractured stones, implements, bones, 
teeth, etc. Soil very light and sandy. Surface slopes from bank to 
N.E., and formerly supported a heavy growth of pine, of which a few 
large stumps of about four feet in diameter remain. A spring formerly 
existed on the north side, and a never failing one runs at the bottom 
of the bank at the south side. This bank, as far as could be judged, 
encircled a lake, the basin of which being filled up with silt and veget- 
able growth, kept back, possibly, by beaver dams, now supports a 
marshy swamp of soft timber with a shallow, muddy pond in the centre. 

Another site, which has just been brought to notice is on D. 
Brown's, lot 23, con. 1, Fenelon. It is partially cleared, but never 
ploughed ; bush covers the remainder. The ash beds seem to be of 
large size ; several were dug into with the usual results. A small 
water-course lies to the west. Graves have been opened here. 

Forty years of cultivation have obliterated almost all trace of 
aboriginal occupation on Mr. Alex. McKenzie's farm, lot E, pt. 21. 


con. I, Fenelon, but relics are still ploughed up. Graves are said to 
be in the sand on the north side. 

Across the road from the latter place, and about 1-3 of a mile away 
there is an artificial embankment. This work is on Mr. Alex. Jauiie- 
son's property, w. half of lot 23, con. 2, Fenelon, and comprises a semi- 
circular embankment, with a ditch on the outside. Dimensions, 220 
feet in length, running north and south, facing west, being 330 feet at 
north end and 165 feet at south end distant from a creek winding 
N. E. into South Bay, Balsam Lake, on the east side of Birch point. 
Width of embankment, about 12 feet, and of the ditch the same ; the 
depth from the top of embankment to the bottom of the ditch is 3f 
feet in some places. No traces of palisades. Ash-beds situated be- 
tween the embankment and creek, are shallow, of small size, and do 
not seem to have been occupied for a long period. There is a small 
group of single graves immediately to the north of embankment,, 
whilst another group is on the top of a steep knoll fifty or sixty feet 
high, that stands about one hundred yards to the west and commands 
the work. One grave in each group being opened, displayed a few 
human bones as if the remainder had been removed for subsequent 
interment. There were no skulls or large bones excepting one shin 
bone, and the bones remaining did not exhibit any signs of decay, such 
as crumbling on exposure to air, that would lead one to conjecture that 
the missing bones had decayed. The graves were denoted by slight 
circular depressions, which were partly filled with surface stones. 

A pine stub stood over the hill grave, measuring nine feet present 
circumference, four feet from the ground, but as the tree was fire- 
killed and burnt, and stumps standing on the ash beds and embankment 
measuring 3| ft. present diameter, which were cut 40 years ago, it 
can be safely put down that 400 years have elapsed since occupation. 

A second growth of pine is covering this place. The surface is 
extremely broken with high gravel and sand hills, two of them com- 
manding the work at a distance of less than 150 yards, which is a 
peculiar feature if the latter was meant for defence. There may be 
more graves inside the embankment as it has never been disturbed. 
A large mealing stone, too heavy for removal, was noticed near by. 
The creek to rear of work has a bank of about TO ft. A sheer fall of 
6 ft. is about of a mile farther up stream, which would stop fish from 
going up any farther and thus materially aid the food supply during 
the fish-running season. Soil is fit for aboriginal cultivation. The 
village was beyond observation, especially from enemies coming by 
the lake, one mile distant. 

On Birch Point, jutting north into South Bay, Balsam Lake, is what 
was probably a small fishing camp-site, as a row of ash-beds extends 


along the west side; relics, pottery and mealing stones have been picked 
up. This point was cleared many years ago and has been under sod 
for a number of years. It is owned by Dugald Sinclair, number of lot 
being, broken front 26, con, 3, Fenelon. This locality has been much 
frequented by Indians down to recent date, as it is a favorite fishing- 
ground (bass and mascalonge), and in the fall the marshes on both sides 
of the point shelter vast numbers of wild-fowl. 

It seems that the highly elevated, and extremely hilly territory 
much broken by deep valleys, extending from the site on Brown's to 
South Bay, 3 miles or so distant, was much frequented by the abori- 
gines, and it will be necessary to investigate it more thoroughl} 7 . No 
doubt the shelter obtained was the chief factor, but its proximity to 
the lake and thus with the internal water highway extending to the 
Bay of Quinte, Lake Ontario, was another inducement for occupation. 

Just one mile across the bay to the east side of the lake is another 
small site on lot west pt. 26 in con. 4, Tendon, Archibald McArthur, 
owner. This was on a terrace touching the shore. Previous years 
yielded large quantities of pottery, pipes, celts, gouges and arrowheads, 
the Isat an unusual feature and taken in connection with being so 
close to water, might denote a later Algonkin occupation. With the 
exception of the flint arrowheads this site corresponds with the other 
sites that undoubtedly existed before the advent of the whites, a large, 
heavy, pine growth formerly covered the locality but the stumps having 
been removed no estimate can now be made. 

These sites all exist south of previously described ones, in sandy or 
clayey loam localities, so we will now turn to several on the northern 
border of the rocky limestone country, just at the commencement of the 
granitic territory. 

On lots 69-71 front range, Somerville, (Mr. Edward Lee, owner, 
1 miles east of Big Mud Turtle Lake), is a site discovered this spring 
when clearing land. It is situated on a flat facing west, about 200 yds. 
wide and backed up by a hilly country to the east, a perennial spring 
is to the south and another to the north-east. Produced pottery, unio- 
shells, pipes, mealing stones, broken bones, teeth, etc. Site about 50 
ft. higher than lake. No graves known as yet. The probability is 
that the village was not occupied for any great length of time, as the 
ash-beds were small and not very distinguishable. Soil suitable for 
aboriginal cultivation. 

On lots 11 and 12, con. 8, Laxton, to the N.E. of Head Lake, on 
the properties owned by Mrs. Staples and G. Winterbourn, is the most 
distant site in that direction located up to date. This consists of a 
eries of ash-beds, containing the usual remains and relics, situated on 
the north edge of a somewhat level piece of tillable ground, where it 


drops to a lower level at the north. A never tailing spring to the north 
is one of the features of the locality. One quarter of a mile to the east 
is the end of the limestone territory, marked by an abrupt ledge 20 or 
more feet in height running slightly to S. W. About one mile to the 
west the granite district begins, and extends to the north, the inter- 
mediate foundation being a sandstone of reddish yellow color. This 
plain is bounded on the east by the limestone ridge and on the west by 
a slight rise. Pine stumps up to 4 ft. in diameter stand on the ash-beds. 

About f of a mile southwest of the latter place is another site on 
David Hilton's farm, lot 12, con. 7, Laxton. This is 60 rods east of 
Hilton's Bay, which is south of Hilton's point, n. e. corner of Head 
Lake. General indications of aboriginal occupation, such as ash beds, 
pipes, celts and pottery on a piece of land two or three acres in extent. 
When first settled, in 1860, it was covered with a heavy growth of 
pine up to five feet in diameter (one stump was measured). East of 
this site is a ravine which holds water. This locality was also used 
by more recent Indians, as several iron tomahawks have been found 
scattered around, and maple trees showed evidences of tapping, several 
also having large slabs split off them. A pile of sap-troughs, 10 feet 
wide, 20 feet long, 2 feet high, of old rotten birch-bark was noticed on a 
hill. Present day Indians have resorted to this locality, as it is an 
ideal hunting and fishing ground, and they have been known to 
portage to Gull River, four miles east, which flows into the Trent 
system of waters. Head Lake waters and the several minor systems 
belonging to it flow west by the Head River, ultimately emptying into 
Georgian Bay via Severn River, thus giving canoes access to the 
Huron country, but necessitating many portages over rapids and falls. 

No doubt a prehistoric trail extended from Head Lake through 
Hilton's site, thence to Winterbourn's, on to Beech Lake, which is 
1 by H miles in extent, and from there to Gull River, a total distance 
of about four miles. The country immediately to the north precludes 
the idea of trails, as it is one vast territory of high, steep granite ridges, 
swampy valleys, broken by innumerable lakes, rivers and beaver- 
meadows, forming the best of hunting and fishing grounds even to 
this day. To the south of the above route the limestone country is too 
rough and hilly for a practicable portage. Several trips were made to 
the granitic regions of the townships of Longford, Dalton, Digby and 
Ryde, in quest of information or evidence of aboriginal occupation, but 
none was forthcoming. No visible evidences were noticed, such as 
graves, trenches, ash heaps, mounds or embankments. See Report for 
181)7-98 p. 53. At the south-west corner of Ghost Island, Balsam 
Lake, traces of a flint-worker's " shop " may be seen where, at a break 
in the bank or " landing," ashes and bones, intermingled with flint 
chips, may be scraped 'out. 


The following are the new sites that have been examined : 

No. 23. Clarke's; lot 12, con. 1, Fenelon township, N. Victoria. 

No. 21 Brown's; lot 23, con. 1, Fenelon township, N. Victoria. 

No. 25. McKenzie's; lot E. pt 22, con. 1, Fenelon township, N 

No. 26. Jamieson's ; lot W. 23, con. 2, Fenelon township, em- 

No. 27. Birch Point ; lot B. F. 26. con. 3, Fenelon township, N. 

No. 28. MuArthur's ; lot W. P. 26, con. 4, Fenelon township, N. 

No. 29. Lee's ; lots 69-71, con. Front Range, Somerville township, 
N. Victoria. 

No. 30. Winterbourn's ; lots 11 and 12, con. 8, Laxton township, 
N. Victoria. 

No. 31. Hilton's ; lot 12, con. 7, Laxton township, N. Victoria. 

From what has been disclosed this year by personal search and 
investigation, I am convinced that there was a large semi-sedentary 
population extending along this ancient highway of waters to Lake 
Ontario. And from the number of places occupied, the condition of 
soil suitable to their agricultural operations generally a light sandy 
or sandy loam also the numbers of mealing-stones, the absence of 
weapons of war and of the chase, I am led to believe that the popula- 
tion was a peaceable one, living upon the products of cultivation, eked 
out with wild fruits and what pame they could get, which would be 
little in a thickly populated country. It must be borne in mind that 
this is not essentially a nut-producing territory. Fish, no doubt, con- 
tributed largely to their subsistence, and as there are so many different 
lakes of large areas, systems of rivers, etc., they had the choice of 
many different varieties of fresh-water fish, such as mascalonge, bass, 
whitefish, pickerel, salmon-trout, all of large size; and 1 he smaller 
varieties, such as brook trout, perch, catfish, eels, suckers, sunfish and 
herring, each in its season. The lack of harpoons and other fishing 
apparatus, noticeable in the vicinity of rivers and streams of the 
western part of the Province, may be accounted for by the probable 
use of the net, as remarked by the Jesuits amongst the Hurons. No 
doubt they also employed traps and weirs of perishable material, but 
no permanent ones of stone or earth have been noticed as yet, though 
some years ago several so-called fish stakes were taken from the nar- 
rows at Lake Couchiching, where the Hurons bad been in the habit of 
planting them for piscatorial purposes. 

Taking also into account that only one embanked site is known 
amongst thirty-one examined and that commanded by high hills in 


an area of twenty-five miles north and south, and twenty miles east 
and west, is another reason for the belief that these people were peace- 
able Of course one miht raise the objection that the villages may 
have been palisaded. Now, it was too immense a labor to palisade 
these villages when the timber had to be cut and dressed with stone 
tools, aided by fire. With very few exceptions, the general character 
of the villages here is that they were of a small number of habitations 
loosely scattered over a large area, and sometimes only a row or so of 
such along the edge of a plateau or around the margin of a swamp, 
covering acres of ground. Supposing them to be palisaded, there 
would certainly not be population in them enough to successfully 
"man" the amount of palisading necessary to completely surround 
these straggling villages. 

It seems to be a rule not to have had these villages on or near 
water-courses, but in localities having local features of defence, such as 
swamps, hills, or approaches through rough country, which were the 
only natural and perhaps main means of defence they had. Again, 
the land is generally better suited for purposes of cultivation a little 
distance back from the lakes than immediately on the shores. Those 
small sites on the shores being generally considered as fishing-camps, 
we may say that they wisely chose for occupation localities suitable 
for cultivation nearest to bodies of water, yet not too close to be 
observed by enemies travelling by water, and not too far away to be 
inconvenient to the inhabitants. I have heard about other sites, em- 
bankments and mounds which could not be looked into this season, 
but will be examined next year. The proportion of unfinished relics 
is rather large, some of them being of material coming from far' distant 

No corn hills or garden-beds have been noted so far. 

The Rock Nation of the Hurons was the most north-easterly of 
these people, and probably took this route into the country, in which 
they were found by the Jesuits. The sites here described were, in all 
probability, those of their abandoned towns in their westerly drift. 
The other Huron natives separating from the Rock Nation at a point 
east of here, supposedly at the junction of the Scugog River with 
Sturgeon Lake, following up the Scugog waters (lake and river) and 
ascending the valleys to the west drained into the Scugog by Noncon 
and other creeks, till they came to the region south of Lake Simcoe ; 
rounding the southern end of which they finally stopped in their now 
Jcnown country. 

The museum is indebted to those whose names follow for the speci- 
mens mentioned in connection therewith. I, also, am under great 
obligation to the gentlemen for many personal courtesies. 


Archibald McArthur, Balsam Grove P.O., gives iron tomahawk, 2 
small " skinners," degraded celt hammer and degraded gouge hammer, 
site No. 28, lot W.P. 26, con. 4, Fenelon. 

John Martin, Uphill P.O., iron tomahawk. 

Isaac Bowins, Coboconk P.O., celts, soapstone discs, and several un- 
finished implements, lot 51, Front Range, Somerville. 

Jas. Moore, Coboconk P.O., several clay pipe heads, bone awls from 
site 16, lot 19-20 ; G. R. R. Bexley 

D. Ryckman, Victoria Road P.O., clay pipe from site 1, lot 1 ; N. 
P. R. Bexley. 

F. Widdis, Bexley, clay pipe. 

Jos. Shields, Victoria Road P.O., slick-stone. 

Chas. Youill, Thorah twp., N. Ontario, a large square unfinished 
gorget, Huronian slate, 6 by 4| by in., shows pecking and flaking, 
was one of cliche. See previous Reports. 

Wm. Kennedy, Bobcaygeon, triangular slate pendant found on Ball 
Island between lakes Chemong, Buckhorn and Pigeon, Peterborough 
Co. Dimensions 2 A x If x & in., one hole. 

Neil Sinclair, Glenarm P. O., French axe, flint curved knife, pot- 
tery, celts, very small mealing-stone, and narrow oval gorget, two 
holed, 4 x If in., has been broken and re-ground. Lot 25, Con. 3, 

Miss A. Campbell, Kirkfield P. O., fragment of clay pipe bowl 
showing human mask, arms, and fingers defined ; perforated melantho. 
shells ; and small soapstone pipe covered with incised lines, presum- 
ably a conventionalized animal head with stem hole entering in 
the mouth. Site 10, lot 44, S. P. R., Eldon. 

D. Brown, Glenarm P. O., a large mealing stone, basined on one 
side, flat polished surface (metate) on other, polished celt bone and 
bead. Site 24, lot 23, con. 1 % Fenelon. 

Jos. Chant, Blackwater P. O , clay pipe-head, found near Sunder- 

Edward Lytle, jr., Victoria Road, yellow soapstone pipe, S. P. R., 
Bexley. Evidently a conventionalized moose head. 

Archibald Ferguson, Glenarm P. 0., a polished celt found in Eldon 
twp., hammer^tones, stone and clay discs, perforated and unperfor- 
ated ; bone and fragments of pipes from site 11, Long Point, Fenelon, 
also hammer stones, pottery, discs, mask, clay pipes, small soapstone 
pipe carved like a bird, slick stones, perforated soapstone discs, barbed 
harpoon, and a mealing stone of the metate mortar variety, from site 
23, lot 12, con. 1. Fenelon. 

Neil Clarke, pottery, bone awls, hammer stones, two large blocked 
out celts, and new type of harpoon made from a deer horn, spike 3f 


in. long, barbed and hollowed up the centre, forming a socket for 
shaft, then pierced through the two flattest sides about ^ way up, 
either to insert a pin for holding the shaft or for attaching a cord to 
be fastened to a float, or the shaft used for float purposes after the fish 
is struck. Site 23, lot 12, con. 1, Fenelon. 

Wm. Hoyle, Long Point, Fenelon twp., a beautiful grooved maul, 
4f by 3 by 2 inches: a distinct groove encircles it about midway lx^ 
inches wide and deep. Face of .one end is about 2 x 1| in., the other 
being 1 x 1 in., surface polished, material gray granite. This is the 
first grooved maul from this section. 


Jas. Laidlaw, " The Fort," Victoria Road P. O., flint arrowheads, 2 
unfinished slate objects, presumably a woman's knife and a gorget, 
Site 8, head of Portage Road. Also worked flints, fish-bone bead and" 
rounded pebble from " workshop," Ghost Island. 

Mr. D. Hilton, Head Lake, two celts, two clay pipe heads of the 
ordinary decorated style of dots and encircling rings, also degraded 
celt hammer-stone possessing the peculiar feature of having its edge 
between two of its opposite corners, thus giving the tool a roughly 
diamond cross section. Site 30, lot 12, con. 7, Laxton. 

E. W. Glaspell, Rosedale P. O., donates the following specimens : 
large polished celt from Ball (or Bald) Point, Sturgeon Lake; small 
polished celt, from Ball (or Bald) Point, Sturgeon Lake; small rough 
celt, lot 9, con. 8, Fenelon ; polished bone barbed fishhook from site 
23, lot 12, con. 1, Fenelon, of the following dimensions, 2| in. long 
by i in. across the bend, f in. from the extremity of the barb to the 
exceedingly sharp point ; the shank has a knob on top to attach the 
line. See remarks on barbed fishhooks in Primitive Man, Boyle, p. 
73. Dr. Rau's Prehistoric Fishing, p. 128, American Antiquarian No. 
6, Vol. 21, p. 345 (Beauchamp's Archaeology in New York). Also the 
following relics from a site on lot 18, con. 13, Tiny twp., two miles 
distant from Randolph P. O., owned by Mr. W. H. Bowes : Soapstone 
bead, human head carved from limestone showing a long narrow face 
with well executed features, neck showing fracture from some sort of 
base. Head from a clay pipe showing peculiar arrangement of hair in 
tufts, one on each side of head and one on top somewhat in shape of a 
liberty cap ; head of bird from clay pipe ; a score of fragmentary clay 
pipes showing different types, but corresponding with pipes from this 
section ; two bone beads and bone awl ; small flint arrowhead ; frag- 
ment of sheet brass, and a beautiful sandstone pipe of a narrow, 
elongated, truncated pyramidal form, covered with peculiar patterns of 
inscribed lines, and of the following dimensions : length, 2| in., thick- 
ness, 1 in., width at top, If in., width at bottom, 1 in., oblong cross- 
section, stem hole circular J in. diameter and 1 in. from top. Bowl 


with oval transverse section. Marchenaw creek is near this site and 
the ash-beds are deep and extensive. 

G. Rumney, Coboconk P. O., celts, bone awls and bangles, inscribed 
hollow bone, small flint arrowhead. Site 14, lot 56, F. R. Somerville. 

G. Staples, Norland P. 0., clay pipe, and owl pipe carved from 
soapstone ; this pipe belongs to the same class of totem pipe sculpture 
as the eagle, bear, panther and wolf pipes, see Report 1890-91; shows 
evidence of much use and bears a scratch or so from the blow which 
turned it up. The diagnostic features are well defined, and the treat- 
ment of eyes, talons, tail and wing feathers is remarkably acute, the 
eyes being bored with tubular drills of two different sizes. The bowl 
being behind the shoulders, and the stem-hole half way down the back. 
The occiput is pyramidal in shape, and as nothing marks the tufts of 
feathers which gives the name to the great horned owl, so this may 
represent either the barred owl or the great gray owl, both species 
inhabitating this region at various times. Length, 4 in. ; greatest 
thickness, 1 in. ; greatest width, from beak to shoulders 2^ in. 
From site 30, lot 12, con. 8, Laxton. 

G. Lytle, editor Watchman-Warder, Lindsay, pottery from site 29, 
lot 69, F. R. Somerville. 

G. Winterbourn, Norland P.O., adze with a very good edge, site 30, 
lot 11, con. 8, Laxton. 

Wm. Halliday, Head Lake, pottery, celts, hammer stones, etc., from 
site 30, lot 11, con. 8, Laxton. 

Alex. McKenzie, Glenarm P.O., gives gouge, celts and rounded 
pebbles, from site 25, lot E. pt. 22, con. 1, Fenelon. 

Besides above, other known sites were visited and amongst the 
usual relics gathered up may be mentioned a small triangular arrow- 
head of very neat make, a very fine bear-tooth knife, some polished 
soapstone perforated discs, a bone bead still showing bands of red 
dye very plainly ; an unmistakable toy pipe, a peculiar flint tool, 2 in. 
long, narrow and thick, with very obtuse side edges, front end 
showing marks of use ; may be a flaker ; site 3, lot 5, con. 5, Bexley. 

Some large bone awls and a very small bone bead, also a very small 
stone bead, and a cylindrical shell bead made from the columella of 
a tropical shell, f in. long. A very neatly moulded clay disc bead, 
with an incised edge (perimeter) made before baking. These last 
three beads are the first of their types known here. An unfinished 
mealing stone, the latter presented by Mr. W. C. Perry, late of Kirk- 
field ; all from site 2, lot 22, con. 3, Eldon. 

Blocked out discs, small soapstone bead, bear-tooth knife, beaver- 
tooth knife, and a very beautiful bone awl of unique form as follows : 
total length, 4J in. ; length of awl proper, 2 in. ; the handle is 
4 A. 


broadened out to in. wide, and divided into two parts by a waist, the 
upper part having two notches on each wing and the lo wer part three 
on each wing, all beautifully rounded and polished. One side of 
handle is flat with two rows of very small dots, the other " keeled," 
with two rows of similar dots on each side of keel. From site 10, lot 
45, S.P.R., Eldon. 

Amongst other material from site 7, lot W. | 6, con. 2, Bexley, is a 
small fragment of a pot-lip angle, ornamented on the outside by a 
rough human mask. This is the second case of a pottery mask from 
this vicinity. See Bulletin, N.Y. State Museum, on earthenware. 

A clay stem, 2 in. long, had a moulded chamber in the larger end, 
looked like a cigar-holder. This may have been a sort of a straight 
pipe, but unfortunately it was mutilated before it was secured ; locality 
lot 45, S.P.R., Eldon. 

A rough leaf -shaped implement of brownish material, having the 
appearance of a paleolith, and a rounded worked pebble. Site 8> 
head of portage, Bexley. 

Rounded, oval, circular, ovoid pebbles, still keep turning up in 
numbers on the new sites. 







In the preparation of the following Report it did not appear neces- 
sary to change the plan adopted in my similar report on the archae- 
ology of the Township of Tiny, issued by the Education Department 
last May. By following in the main the same method, viz., putting 
the notes into the form of a catalogue of the village- sites, the one 
becomes a continuation of the other, and they ,may be preserved 
together by students of the history and archaeology of our Province. 
Separate copies of this Report on Tay have been prepared for the use 
of those who received my former report on the Township of Tiny. 

Barrie, Ont., November, 1899. 




Like the adjoining township of Tiny, the surface of Tay consists 
mainly of parallel ridges with rivers between them. There is this 
difference, however; in Tiny most of the ridges lie entirely within the 
township, but in Tay only the ends are found. One of them crosses 
the boundary into Tiny, the other two pass southward into Medonte. 
For convenience I wlil call the former, which lies between the Wye 
and *Hogg rivers, the Victoria Harbor ridge, because it ends near 
Victoria Harbor. The next one, lying between Hogg and Sturgeon 
rivers, will be called the Vasey ridge, from the name of a village 
upon it. And the most easterly ridge, between Sturgeon and Cold- 
water rivers, will be named the Rosemount ridge, from the name of the 
schoolhouse on its summit. Those parts of the township which lie 
east of Matchedash bay are rocky Trenton limestone and Laurentian 

For showing the altitude of the land I know of no plan equal to 
mapping the abandoned beaches. This method has a very important 
advantage ; a person can note by direct observation the lines of equal 
altitude in these extinct shorelines without going to the trouble of 
making a detailed survey by the use of levelling instruments. 
Accordingly, I have observed their positions throughout the township, 
noting the farms in which they appear, and I give the results of these 
observations in the accompanying map. 

(Y) The highest of these old shorelines is the Algonquin beach, which 
has an altitude of about 250 feet above the present level of Georgian 
Bay. It is a stupendous freak of Nature an indelible mark on the 
face of the country representing the expenditure of an immense 
amount of force by strong waves in the removal and assortment of 
materials. The Algonquin Sea that formed it, washed away such 
quantities of movable material (clay, sand and gravel) from the exposed 
northerly ends of the ridges that large tracts of boulders are left. It 
picked the bones of the ridges as it were and left them bare. A large 
tract of this kind lies immediately south and east from Elliott's Cor- 
ners, and similar tracts occur on the Vasey and Rosemount ridges. 
No Huron village sites occur in these uninhabitable stony tracts. 

About 100 feet lower is the main beach of the Great Nipissing 
series, or about 150 feet above Georgian Bay. To give all four beaches 

*I am informed that this river is so called from an early Methodist preacher 
among the Ojibways. 


of this Nipissing series would make a complicated map and would 
involve endless and unnecessary work. So I have mapped only the 
most strongly marked one of the series. The name "Great Nipissing" 
has been given by geologists because the outlet of this great lake to 
the sea, before the birth of Niagara river, was by the present and 
lesser Lake Nipissing and French river. 

At the ends of the above mentioned ridges there were islands 
standing out from the mainland in the Great Nipissing sea or lake. 
One of the largest of these extinct islands lies in a south-easterly 
direction from the outlet of Hogg river, and is a tract of isolated high 
ground covering an area of 500 acres or more. Before the forest was 
cleared away these extinct islands were separated from each other and 
from the ridges by thickets. 

The advantages to the study of the subject, gained by introducing 
these references to the old lakes and beaches, consist merely in the 
ease with which they give the altitude of the land throughout Tay, 
and thus elucidate its physical features. They have no connection 
with Huron occupation, except in so far as village sites are often found 
near the springs that issue along those old lines. The heavy curving 
line in the map denotes the Great Nipissing beach ; that with fringe, 
internally, showing the hills, is the Algonquin. 

The roads, also, and road allowances are marked on the map, so that 
the reader can adopt a scale for any measurements he may require. 
In that part of the township called the Old Survey, which consists of 
Concessions One and Two, the sideroads are placed at every fifth lot, 
and are a mile and a quarter apart (100 chains). The lots in the First 
Concession are a mile and a quarter deep, but those in the Second 
have a depth of only one half of that amount. Concessions Three to 
Fourteen make up the New Survey. These are five-sixths of a mile 
wide (66 chains) and have sideroads at every fifth lot, or a mile and 
seven-eighths apart (600 rods). Bearing these measurements in mind, 
a reader may readily calculate any distance. The lots are numbered 
from the south in both old and new surveys. The upper corner of 
Tay is omitted from the map, but will be found in our Report on the 
Township of Tiny. 

Altogether, I will give descriptions of forty-six sites. The plan of 
proceeding will be to begin at Mud Lake and proceed southerly and 
easterly through the township. 


The village sites described are only those known to the writer up 
to this date, without any claim to completeness, which in the present 
state of the subject would be impossible. Much sameness will be 


found in the descriptions of these, especially the villages upon the 
higher ground of the Vasey and Rosemount ridges. Some readers 
may be ready to censure me for this apparent defect, but the fault is 
not mine. There would be variety enough if farmers and others had 
noted facts with more minuteness than they have done. But, as a 
rule, they have observed only the most general features. Hence the 
sameness in the descriptions is due to the character and present stage 
of advancement of the subject with which we have to deal. 

Some of the so-called villages, especially those on the lakeshore, 
have been mere camping grounds where successive generations of 
Hurons and other sedentary tribes of the interior camped from time to 
time when on fishing and other expeditions ; and such places now have 
the appearance of villages. These lakeshore villages, after being 
Huron landings, became Algonquin camp-grounds, the result being a 
mixture of relics on these spots that defies classification. Such places 
are found beside the sheltered bays and harbors along the shore, while 
the landings at points (very few of which we have attempted to record) 
are quite recent and were chiefly used by modern Ojibways. 

It will be noticed that only a few bone -pits occur at the Huron 
villages of Tay, and these are confined exclusively to the Victoria 
Harbor ridge, which doubtless was the abode of that "Nation" of the 
Hurons called the " Ataronchronons." On the Vasey and Rosemount 
ridges there are bone-pits, though these are not in Tay, but are found 
farther south in Medonte township. 

Still another feature is brought out in our survey of the township 
for village sites ; and if our collection of data makes any approach to 
being exhaustive, the feature may be received authoritatively. This 
is the numerous distribution of small villages within easy reach of 
Sturgeon River, along both sides of it. It appears to show that the 
river was a resort of the Hurons, which may be accounted for by the 
fact that it was a good fishing ground. It has sedgy banks and 
accordingly was a favorite haunt of fishes of the ganoid and pike 
families, as its name indicates. 


In so far as these Notes have any historic significance, it will be 
readily seen that their chief feature is our attempt to throw some light 
upon the positions of those early missions of which Ste. Marie was the 
centre ; and, more particularly, to find the village of St. Louis, where 
Brebeuf and Lallemant were captured, and also St. Ignace where they 
were put to death. Besides the Fort of Ste. Marie on the Wye, partly 
protected by masonry and partly palisaded, the villages numbered 4, 6, 
8 and 12 in our list show evidences of palisading ; and from other con- 


siderations, these four may be regarded as belonging to the very latest 
Huron period. Other villages may have been palisaded likewise, but 
these are the only ones of which I have certain evidence. It will be 
most natural, therefore, to seek for the palisaded villages of St. Louis 
and St. Ignace among these four. On the various points arising out 
of these questions, however, it is not intended to offer our suggestions 
as anything more than plausible conjectures. 

One of the first persons to investigate the situations of the Jesuit 
missions appears to have been the Rev. P. Chazelle, who visited the 
district in 1842. Some years later (in 1855) the Rev. Felix Martin 
also made a tour of exploration in Huronia. It will be most suitable, 
in this connection, to quote from the brief account of this tour con- 
tained in a biographical sketch of this painstaking investigator : 

" The aptness of Father Martin as an antiquary was known by the 
men in the Government and the Hon. George E. Cartier entrusted him 
with a commission to explore, on the spot, the site and the remains of 
the ancient Huron missions in Upper Canada near Georgian Bay. By 
care Father Martin found the traces of the ancient posts of the Jesuits 
in that country where they had so many martyrs ; he collected many 
Indian relics, he afterwards made a work embellished with plans and 
drawings, the whole having been deposited at the seat of Government." 

The next investigator was Dr. J. C. Tache who undertook some 
further exploration of Huronia at intervals in five years prior to 1865. 
Parkman, in his works, has quoted these archaeological researches of 
Tache', and thus has given wide currency to Tache's views of the posi- 
tions of the mission sites. 

It appears to have been Father Martin who fixed upon a village 
site on Fox's farm in Medonte township as that of St. Ignace ; and in 
this belief Dr. Tach6 afterwards examined the site somewhat minutely. 
This early decision as to what place was the scene of the tortures of 
Brebeuf and his companion received wide acceptance through Park- 
man's publication of this as the true position without any doubt. But 
it is certainly incorrect, and the best informed students of the subject 
have refused to recognize the claims of Fox's farm, as its distance from 
Ste. Marie is much greater than the written descriptions justify. 

In Tache's time there were comparatively few sites known. Since 
then, however, much new knowledge has been won, and a solution of 
the problem of finding St. Ignace, as well as the other mission sites, 
has become possible. It may involve more labor than the first investi- 
gator anticipated, but reliable conclusions have become more attain- 
able. This is chiefly due to the fact that the greater part of Tay has 
been settled since Tache' visited the district. The first settlers of the 
Vasey Ridge went there about thirty years ago ; those on the Rose- 


mount Ridge, about twenty-five years ago. We now learn from these 
settlers the characters of the village sites there. They had no pali- 
sades, and accordingly St. Ignace was not one of the villages on these 
ridges. Fox's site was chosen through the uncritical use of Ducreux's 
map, which shows the St. Ignace of about 1640. For the purpose of 
clearly distinguishing these two places, it has been decided to call the 
one we are now seeking, St. Ignace II. 

Neither can Ducreux's map be taken as a guide for the St. Louis 
of 1649, as it shows the position of the one of about 1640. Through- 
out the text of this report, I have called the one of later date, St. 
Louis II. 

As regards the distribution of the other mission sites as laid down 
by Ducreux, I am inclined to believe that each mission marked a 
district isolated by physical features; and whether we assume the 
villages in a group to have been contemporary with each other, or to 
have been the same village at different periods, each group of villages 
so divided physically seems to have had its mission. The Rosemount 
Ridge, for example, would naturally be the care of one of the missions 
marked St. Jean and St. Joachim. 


The physical features also govern the courses of the forest trails, 
which, so far as I have located them, are shown by the dotted curving 
lines on the map. As one may also see from the map, the continuous 
high ground, along which trails could be made, makes its nearest 
approach to the Georgian Bay at the head of Victoria Harbor. Here, 
then, was the commercial centre of the Hurons, as it has also been of 
later Algonquins. In other words, the physical features of the district 
were such that Victoria Harbor became naturally the focus or centre 
of population, the trails radiating from the head of the harbor in 
several directions inland along the higher ground. It appears to have 
been this very centre, the heart of the country, that was smitten in 
1649 ; otherwise the Hurons would not have so precipitately deserted 
their country after the capture of only two of their villages, had these 
villages been of the ordinary unfortified kinds. 

Amongst the results expected from the publication of this report, 
it is hoped to correct a number of popular errors and wrong impres- 
sions that are unduly prevalent in the territory with which we have 
dealt. There is, of course, the usual tradition of " buried treasures," 
always to be found in connection with historic reports, and in this 
locality it is even more rife than elsewhere. Many intelligent persons 


are impressed with the idea that treasures have been buried at these 
historic places, whereas in reality there is nothing more precious to be 
found than chips of old brass kettles or worn-out tomahawks. But 
the belief in " treasures " is deeply rooted, and in a few places it even 
results in reticence when information is sought, and thus obstructs the 
course of guileless scientific enquiry. As a rule, however, the farmers 
of Tay, as elsewhere, have been extremely courteous while I was 
prosecuting my enquiries ; and it is hoped that the report will further 
stimulate them and others to observe closely the Huron remains in 
their respective neighborhoods. 

Of wide prevalence is the erroneous opinion that Fox's farm in 
Medonte had the site of St. Ignace II, where the two early missionaries 
were tortured to death by the Iroquois. Father Chazelle's earlier choice 
of a site on Sturgeon River for St. Ignace has almost been lost 
sight of by the acceptance of the Fox farm theory. But his theory of 
Victoria Harbor as the site of St. Louis still lingers, and with a slight 
change it becomes the truth. The regarding of the human bones found 
at the site on Sturgeon River as the remains of Brebeuf and Lalle- 
mant, is an opinion still current with a few of the older persons. But 
the opinion that " The Chimnies " on the east side of Matchedash Bay 
were early French structures, is now almost obsolete. Such errors as 
these, it is hoped, will be finally eradicated by the perusal of these 


On the east end of lot 101, concession 2, (Samuel D, Frazer, 
Esq., owner), Huron camps have been found scattered over an area of 
five or six acres. Mr. Frazer has lived here since 1839, and has been a 
close observer in everything that has pertained to the aborigines, as 
well as in other matters. He states that cornhills were numerous near 
this site at the time the land was cleared. These cornhills were of the 
large kind described in our Report on the township of Tiny, page 13. 
Relics of the usual kinds have been found, and also a few others less 
common, among which was a discoidal stone measuring an inch and 
three-fourths in diameter and five-eighths thick, slightly pitted near 
the middle on each side. This was presented by Mr. Frazer to the 
Provincial Museum, and is No. 16,702 in the archaeological collection. 
Mr. Frazer has befriended the science of archaeology in other ways, 
more especially by the presentation to the museum of a sword, dated 
1619, also found in this neighborhood. The position of this village 



doubtless indicates the direction taken by the trail that led westward 
from Ste. Marie. 


The ruins of Ste. Marie, the fortified mission built by the 
Jesuits in 1639 and occupied by them for ten years, may be seen on 
lot 16, concession 3. It was a stone fort and is the most noteworthy 
object of historic interest in Huronia, though in its present crumbled 
condition it can be called only a ruin of a ruin. 

BY THE REV. GEO. 1 1 U.I.KN (IN 1862). 

While preparing these notes, I was favored by Mr. Edgar Hallen, 
of Orillia, with the use of a plan of Ste. Marie made in 1852 by his 
father, the late Rev. Geo. Hallen. With his permission the annexed en- 
graving has been made a special favor that will be of much value to 
students of history generally, as the present condition of the fort 
scarcely admits of the making of a definite sketch. Although the 
small tracing of the fort in Father Martin's Montreal edition of Bress- 
ani's Relation was copied from this plan of Mr. Hallen's, it lacks a 
number of details given in the original sketch. 




The author of the sketch wrote a note thereon that is worthy of 
our attention: "In the (easterly) Bastion, is an instance of the flank 
of a bastion being curved with its convexity towards the interior of 
the work, instead of being rectilinear." The original sketch also fur- 
nishes us with means for the measurement of the dimensions of the 

fort. The curtains on the two sides fortified by stonework areTap- 
proximately 110 and 57 feet in length ; while the extreme measure- 
ments in straight lines along the same sides (i. e. including the widest 
reaches of the bastions) are about 165 and 110 feet. The^distance 
from the fort to the river is 44 yards. The trench along the'southerly 


end is not continued in the diagram beyond the stonework, but some 
have observed this to be continued in a southeasterly direction to Mud 
Lake, thus giving double access for water coming into the trenches. 
In the event of a siege, if one course should be stopped the other might 
be kept open. 

As every observer will invariably record features that do not 
"strike" another observer acting independently, it may be interesting 
to compare Mr. Hallen's plan with one made by Peter Burnet, P. L. 
Surveyor, who sketched the place in 1876. The latter plan, which 
also belongs to Mr. Edgar Hallen, includes all the environs on the west 
half of lot 16, but we reproduce therefrom only the fortification itself. 

It is not my intention to give an extended description of the fort 
here, as it has often been described in accessible books. I will add a 
few bibliographical notes for the guidance of those readers who may 
wish to pursue the subject further. The carefully prepared descrip- 
tion by the Rev. Felix Martin in his Lit' 6v of Jogues is worthy of 
the reader's attention, as he visited the place in 1855, when the fort 
was in a more complete condition than it is in at present. 


Adam, GK Mercer. Georgian Bay and the Muskoka Lakes. (Pic- 
turesque Canada, Vol. II., Toronto, 1882). 

At page 582 there is an account of Fort Ste. Marie on the Wye and 
the Hurons. 

Bain, Jas , jr. The present condition of the old French Fort at 
Ste. Marie. (Proc. Canad. Institute, 3rd Series, Vol. III., 1886, pp. 278- 

Boyle, David Ste. Marie. (Fourth Annual Report of the Canad. 
Institute Appendix to Report of the Minister of Education Toronto, 

The notes on Ste. Marie, at pages 18 and 19, deal chiefly with its 
present condition. 

Bressani, F. J. Relation Abregee. (Montreal, 1852. Edited by 
the Rev. Felix Martin). 

Has various reference to Ste. Marie. It contains also at page 333 
some notes by Father Martin on the ruins of Fort Ste. Marie, with a 
small plan of the fort. 

Charlevoix, Francois X. de. History and general description of 
New France. 

In Book VII. there is a description of Ste. Marie. 


Harvey, Arthur, and Alan Macdougall. Forty-third Annual 
Report of the Canad. Institute. Transactions, 4th series, Vol. 3, 1892. 

A reference to the excursion made to Ste. Marie on, Sept. 28, 1891, 
mentions the features of the fort recognized on that occasion, including 
the " water gate." 

Hunter, A. P. Note on Ste. Marie on the Wye. [Burrows' 
Reissue of the Jesuit Relations, (R. G. Thwaites, Editor), page 269, 
Vol. 19, with sketch map at page 270]. 

Lalemant, Jerome. Relation de ce qui s'est passe en la mission 
des Hurons, (June, 1639 to June, 1640). 

Chap. IV. De la residence n'xe de Sainte Marie. 

Martin, Rev. Felix Life of Jogues. Appendix A. contains a 
carefully written description of Ste. Marie, which Father Martin visited 
in 1855. 

Parkman, Francis. Jesuits in North America. 

In Chap. 25 there is a lengthy description of Ste. Marie. 


Remains of a few camps have been found on the northwest corner 
of John McDermitt's farm, the west half of lot 15, concession 4. The 
indications are that this was a small village, having no palisades, the 
few scattered lodges having been placed there because of some springs. 
The position shows the probable route taken by the Huron trail that 
led from Ste. Marie eastward. This lay along the south edge of some ele- 
vated ground (islands in the extinct Great Nipissing Lake) the district 
immediately south of this trail having been occupied in Huron times 
by hummocks surrounded with thickets and by small streams flowing 
into Mud Lake, the ground there being accordingly unsuitable for much 


At another part of Mr. McDermitt's farm (lot 15, concession 4) 
there is a much larger accumulation of blackened soil and ashbeds, 
mixed with relics. The site is near the line between the west and east 
halves of the lot. but a little way into the east half. It is situated on 
a hill, almost, if not quite, surrounded by low ground ; and on account 
of occupying such a position, it is evident prima facie that the village 
had been palisaded. From this place to Ste. Marie the distance is 
about a mile. Just west of the site rise some springs from which the 


village had been plentifully supplied with fresh water. One man, 
while ploughing on the site a few years ago, found an earthen pot 
(which broke on being disturbed), and in it were six iron tomahawks. 
Northward from the village there was a graveyard containing a few 
burials, which, so far as observed, were of the isolated or single type 
The skeleton of a person of very large proportions was fo^nd among 
these. Angus McDermitt, a brother of the landowner, counted twenty 
lodges at the site, the ash beds of camp-fires, etc., being in some places 
as much as three feet in thickness. 

It is probable the site is that of St. Louis II., the second village 
taken and burned by the Iroquois in March, 1649, and the one at 
which the Jesuit missionaries, Brebeuf and Lallemant, were captured, 
being led thence to St. Ignace, where they were put to death. Among 
the considerations that lead up to this conclusion are the following : 

(a) The size estimated by Mr. McDermitt, viz., twenty lodges 
(reckoning the usual number of four or five families to every lodge), 
would be nearly the size of St. Louis as recorded by the Rev. Paul 
Ragueneau. According to that chronicler, about 500 Hurons had for- 
saken the place at the first alarm, leaving 80 warriors to fight the 

(6) It was on the only route from Ste. Marie eastward to Victoria 
Harbor, the commercial centre of the Hurons hereabout. As we 
pointed out in our description of the preceding site, the ground 
immediately south of this trail was not suitable for travelling ; and 
so far as it has been examined, it yields no traces of villages or trails. 

(c) The relics found at this place. are of such kinds as to show that 
it was a village of the very latest period of the Huron occupation of 
the district. The existence of palisading also tends to prove the same, 
because, farther back in the country, the Huron villages of earlier date 
seldom had palisades. Of all the fortified villages belonging to that 
latest period yet found, this is the nearest to Ste. Marie. 

(d) As to the distance of St. Louis II. from Ste. Marie, a little 
apparent diversity in the evidence furnished by the records confronts 
us. Ragueneau gives us the distance as not more than a league (two 
miles and a half) ; but Regnaut explicitly makes it much less. The 
latter writer uses the name "St. Ignace" (really applied to the mission 
among all these villages, as Ragueneau also tells us) for the village to 
which the two missionaries had set out, and does not mention the 
name "St. Louis." He gives the distance as "a short quarter of a 
league" from Ste. Marie. The site under consideration, therefore, is 

o * * 

not at variance with the conditions pi escribed by either writer. 

(e) Wherever situated, it is a fact that St. Louis II. could be seen 
from Ste. Marie, as all the writers agree in stating that those in the 


fort could see the burning of the village. This furnishes a well- 
authenticated test. From observations made upon the ground, I found 
that, looking eastward from Ste. Marie, the only place where specta- 
tors could see a fire in the distance was at this very site. A small 
tract of elevated ground, rising out of evergreen thickets, closes 
the view from Ste. Marie toward the southeast, and disqualifies 
the sites farther along the trail at the head of Victoria Harbor from 
being the place we are seeking. It is quite true that, in a southerly 
direction, had there been a conflagration at site No. 10 on the high 
ground of the interior, it might have been seen from Ste. Marie across 
the edge of Mud Lake ; but No. 10 as well as the adjacent sites Nos. 
11 and 12 connected with it, although regarded by some as St. Louis 
II, have failed to satisfy other conditions. 

This discussion of St. Louis II would be incomplete without some 
references to the views held by others in regard to its position. 

Father Chazelle who visited the locality in 1842 appears to have 
been the first to form any opinion on the subject. A fishing village 
at the mouth of Hogg River (No. 7), the landing place for the villages 
of the interior, was the only site then known in its neighborhood ; and 
he fixed upon it as the site of St. Louis II. Father Martin and other 
enquirers followed him in holding this opinion. This, however, was 
determined in accordance with the diagram of Huronia in Ducreux 
which, as they failed to perceive, shows the earliest position of St. 
Louis, as we have already pointed out in the introduction. 

Others have regarded the site No. 10 as the place. This opinion, 
however, seems to have been the result of the finding of a very large 
bonepit there, suggesting to the popular mind that a massacre had 
taken place, and recalling the fight at St. Louis II. To those who 
understand how a bonepit was formed among the Hurons, viz., by the 
accumulation of human bones for a period of several years, the finding 
of this pit proves exactly the opposite of a massacre : in fact, it fur- 
nishes a good proof that the site was occupied in time of peace and 
was not St. Louis II. In other respects, also, the site forbids the idea 
that it was the captured village. 

Again, the site on the Evans farm (No. 6) has presented some prob- 
able indications, and the reader is referred to our description of it for 
fuller particulars. But a strong objection to the Evans site lies in the 
fact that it was hidden from Ste. Marie behind some high ground. 

5. NEY'S. 

On the west side of Victoria Harbor, some aboriginal remains have 
been found on lot 14, concession 5. These remains consisted of the 


usual pottery fragments and other relics in ash beds. Many caches or 
empty pits are at the site. There is also a patch of second-growth 
trees what is called an " Indian clearing ;" but this phenomenon may 
be partly due to the beds of gravel, so much of which is to be found 
there that the Midland Railway has an extensive " Gravel Pit " near it. 
But it may also be at least partly due to actual clearing, as the ances- 
tors of some of the present Ojibway Indians at Christian Island are 
said to have grown their corn at this place, and lived here. It must 
also have been a landing-place for the earlier Huron Indians. 

6. EVANS'. 


A Huron village site exists on the Evans farm, the west half of lot 
12, concession 5, at a short distance from the shore of Victoria Har- 
bor, and on the elevated ground of an old lake terrace. It is now 
almost obliterated by the farm buildings, orchard and garden, and its 
first appearance when the ground was new is difficult to get correctly 
recorded. But the late Wm. Evans, who first settled this place, and 
whose family still occupies it, gave Mr. A. C. Osborne an account of 
what he found, and to Mr. Osborne I am indebted for the following 
description : " Mr. Evans built his log house many years ago, and in 
digging the cellar found about six feet of ashes. Large clumps of 
cherry trees, remains of corn deposits in birch bark, charred remains 
of palisades, large numbers of tomahawks, knives, stone implements, 
and relics of various kinds were also found. The site is admirably 
adapted for defence on one side only." 

From the scanty evidence that has come before me, I have been 
able to conclude that this village, although occupied during the time 
of the French traders, did not belong to the very latest period. It is 
not in full view of Ste. Marie, and accordingly cannot be regarded as 
St. Louis II, because the burning of that ill-fated village could be seen 
by the spectators at Ste Marie. 

A short way to the southward of this village site, the ground makes 
another abrupt rise, the faces of the steep hills being covered with 
berry patches. On the highest plateau was the cornpatch belonging to 
the village. This is situated on the northwest quarter of lot 11. Wm. 
Maughan, the owner, has found many cornhills on his land. There is 
an excellent view from this high ground, overlooking Victoria Harbor 
and the more distant islands. 

7. VENT'S. 

At the mouth of Hogg River there is the site of a village, occupied, 
doubtless, by Hurons as well as by Algonquins of later times, as the 
g A. 


shore of Victoria Harbor was a favorite resort of Indians until within 
recent years. Its position at the end of a trail shows that it was a 
fishing village, and a " port of entry " for the villages of the interior. 
It is situated on the east bank of the river, on Jot 13, concession 6, 
(Geo. Vent, owner). Pottery fragments were ploughed up here, and 
other relics, including two double-barred crosses, a large one and a 
small one. The crosses were found many years ago by one James 
Maloney while ploughing for the occupant of that time, James Coyle, 
and were presented to the Rev. Father Charest of Penetanguishene. 
The site belonged to the earliest Huron period as the pottery frag- 
ments go to show, but the double-barred crosses had a more recent 
origin, probably in the eighteenth century. 

This site has acquired some importance from the fact that it was 
known as early as 1842, when the Rev. Father P. Chazelle, S.J., visited 
it in the belief that it was St. Louis II. This was an erroneous view 
as we have elsewhere said, but it was evidently due to the fact that 
there was no other site then known, and to the acceptance of Ducreux's 
map as a guide for the positions of the missions in 1649. It was, 
however, a close approximation to the true position, as the reader may 
infer from the facts as^iow understood. 

By following the trail up the east bank of the river a little way, 
the men with Father Chazelle found trees marked with Indian " blazes." 
One, a large elm, was marked with a cross, probably to show the fork- 
ing of the trail at the place. This was at the so-called " Indian clear- 
ing" on lot 12, shown in our diagram of the next site. 

It may be of some interest to add that Father Chazelle, when on 
this early expedition to Hogg River, held an open air meeting (either 
at the " Indian clearing " or at the outlet). He preached to a con- 
course of settlers on the subject of the massacre of the early mission- 


Through the farm of Chas. E. Newton, Esq., the west half of lot 11, 
concession 6, the Hogg River has cut a couloir or path in the old lake 
bed deposits to a depth varying from fifteen to twenty feet. In this 
part of its course the river makes a loop something like the letter U, 
which encloses an ideal spot for a village requiring means of defence. 

Hurons selected for one of their villages this plot of ground, con- 
taining four or five acres, in the bend of the river. This ground is 
covered with ashbeds and blackened soil, mixed with relics. The lat- 
ter consisted of iron tomahawks, knives, pieces of metal probably cut 
out of worn-out brass kettles, and pottery fragments in endless quan- 



titles. All these relics show that the site was one of those occupied 
down to the very latest period of the Huron occupation of the district. 
There are empty caches at the site, and a pottery just south of it, 
where the clay is of good quality for plastic work. Mr. Newton has 
experimented successfully in making terra cotta from the same clay 

i-n, ua 

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What appears to have been " the village corn patch " occurs near the 
house of Win. Bennett on lot 10, and it may have extended as far 
north as the site itself, though the cultivated ground no longer shows 
any traces of the corn hills. From this site to Ste. Marie the_distance 
is 3 miles. 


A trail comes from Orr Lake by the way of Waverley, and just 
before reaching this place is divided into two strands, one passing down 
each side of the river. These meet again at the " Indian Clearing " on 
lot 12, which we mentioned in connection with the last site. The 
trail down the east side as far as the " Indian Clearing," and thence to 
the mouth of the river, was widened, many years ago, into a Govern- 
ment road, now disused. 

It is probable the so-called " Indian Clearing " is due to the gravelly 
soil, which would not permit of the growth of trees, rather than to 
actual clearing by the aborigines. But, whatever its origin, it was 
certainly a resort of the Indians, the fork in the trail having been 
here. These trails were used by them until recent years when the 
erection of fences obstructed their course. 

The plot of ground in the bend of the river has been called the 
" Jesuits' Field " for many years, but by whom it was so-named is not 
known to Mr. Newton. Nor has my enquiry so far elicited any 
explanation of the name, unless it became connected with the place 
from the visit of Rev. P. Chazelle, S.J., to the neighborhood in 1842, 
as described in the account of the last mentioned site. It is not 
evident, however, that he visited this plot on the west side of the 

This spot has also the usual traditions of buried treasure, in even 
greater numbers than elsewhere, if that were possible. Thus, the Rev. 
J. H. McCollum, rector of St. Thomas, Toronto, who was here at the 
opening of the Anglican church in 1896, makes a reference to one of 
these traditions in his account of the place written for the Canadian 
Churchman : 

"This happy valley was once the scene of terrible encounters 
between the Hurons and the savage Iroquois ; and in this valley the 
early missionaries to these unhappy red men buried the sacred vessels 
of their church to save them from destruction. The place is known 
as the ' Jesuit's Meadow ' to this day." 

It is probable this site in the river's bend was St. Ignace II., the 
first Huron village captured by the Iroquois in the early morning of 
March 16, 1649, and the place to which Brebeuf and Lallemant were 
brought, a few hours later, and there tortured to death. Its distance 
from Ste. Marie coincides pretty well with the records, all the writers 
agreeing that it was less than two leagues (five miles), and about a 
league from St. Louis, which, in my opinion, was the site at Mr. 
McDermitt's (No. 4). 

But the strongest evidence is in the configuration of the ground. 
Rev. P. Ragueneau's account of the place (Relation. 1649) suggests a 


plan of the village and its surroundings, and tells us beforehand of 
what appearances we may expect to find there. He says : 

" It was surrounded by a palisade of posts from fifteen to sixteen 
feet high, and by a deep trench (fosse*), with which Nature had power- 
fully strengthened the place on three sides, a small space alone 
remaining weaker than the others. It was through that part the 
enemy forced his entrance." 

While this description of St. Ignace II. will suit, in some measure, 
almost any palisaded site, because these were, as a rule, placed on a 
spur of land, the completeness of the fortification, effected by Nature 
in this case, was such as to attract the attention of the chronicler who 
wrote the description just quoted. After a diligent search through 
the sites of the district, I can find none that so exactly agrees with 
this description of St. Ignace II. as this site on Mr. Newton's farm. 


A village site on the farm of John Hutchinson, the east half of lot 
10, concession 5, extends into the adjoining farm of Levi Taylor, lot 9. 
In a field of twelve acres at the south side of Mr. Hutchinson's farm 
he has found these camps chiefly along the foot of a hill, against the 
face of which the abandoned beaches of the Great Nipissing Lake are 
strongly marked. There is nothing in the appearance of these strag- 
gling camps to indicate that they had been palisaded. The village 
was plentifully supplied with water; a spring issues just north of 
what was the most thickly populated ground ; and the Hogg River is 
divided into two parts at the front of the farm, one part flowing near 
the site. The ashbeds have yielded the usual relics. 
An engraving of a clay pipe, found upon Levi Taylor's 
farm, is reproduced here from the Archaeological Re- 
port for 1897-8, page 19. Some carbonized corncobs 
have been found among the remains, and cornhills 
were visible when the land was first put under culti- 
vation. An aggregate of more than a dozen iron 
tomahawks have, at various times, been found by Mr. 
Hutchinson in his field. 
A bonepit was discovered in the year 1879 on lot 9 (Levi Taylor's) 
near the boundary line of Mr. Hutchinson's farm. It measured about 
twelve^feet in diameter, and the deposit of human bones went to a 
depth of about six feet below the level of the surrounding ground. 
Deducting two feet for the vacancy at the top of the pit, caused by 
sinkage, leaves the thickness of the deposit at about four feet. The 
bonepit has been filled in and is now ploughed over. A short account 


of it appeared, at the time it was found, in the Orillia PacJcet of Sep- 
tember 5, 1879, and this was reprinted (though the source was not 
indicated) in the Toronto (Daily) Globe of September 16, in the same 
year. Mr. Hutchinson confirmed, in the presence 01 the writer, on 
July 5th, 1899, the various particulars cited in this printed account. 
The pieces of copper had probably been sections from kettles obtained 
from French traders. The shape of one seen by myself was trape- 
zoidal, its sides being about a foot long, and its parallel ends two and 
four inches respectively. Two or three skulls taken from the pit had 
round holes in them. We reproduce here the original description 
exactly as it appeared in the newspapers above mentioned : 

" While logging on lot 9, concession 5, Tay, Mr. John Hutchinson 
and Messrs. G. H. and Hugh Mills discovered a large grave, containing, 
they suppose, in the neighborhood of five hundred bodies. They 
opened the grave and obtained two tomahawks, bearing a French 
stamp ; four pieces of copper, each resembling a sole of a boot, of dif- 
ferent sizes, and wrapped in buckskin which is still fresh and strong; 
one .clay tobacco pipe, and parts of two sea-shells, one in fair preserva- 
tion. The bones are those of people much above the present ordinary 
stature. The searchers saw a few children's remains, but these were 
not in good preservation. A large tree was growing above, and had 
sent its roots down through, the grave. Mr. Hutchinson finds many 
pieces of Indian crockery in clearing up his farm (lot 10)." 

Some camps that may be reckoned as part of this village occur on 
land of Wm- Taylor, the west half of lot 9, concession 5, abutting the 
farm of his son, Levi. His land extends over the hill already men- 
tioned, and it was on the lower ground where these camps were found. 
On the higher ground, however, near his dwelling house, the point of 
a sword (ten inches long) was found in 1899 and from time to time 
iron tomahawks in considerable numbers. As many as seven were 
to be seen at one time lying around the house. 

On the east half of lot 8, concession 5 (west side of Hogg River), 
there were formerly found a few pottery fragments, iron tomahawks 
and clay pipes when the land was cleared. 

The scattered village that we have just finished describing may 
have been the mission marked Kaotia on Ducreux's map, though this 
mission was more probably the group in the 3rd concession at lot 10 ; 
but so inexact is the map just mentioned that we can scarcely decide 
which place is meant. The Rev. A. E. Jones, of St. Mary's College, 
Montreal, has a wide acquaintance with the literature of the missions, 
and makes Kaotia identical with St. Anne's (Orillia News-Letter, 
June 29, 1899). 



A site on lot 10, concession 3, at which two bonepits have been 
found, has attained to more than ordinary fame. So many persons 
have seen or heard of one or the other of the bonepits here, and men- 
tion it to enquirers, that it has become the most celebrated among the 
many interesting sites of the district a fact that if* perhaps also 
partly due to the great size of one of the pits. It has been stated to 
myself that the first pit was examined by the late Dr. Tache during 
his explorations of the remains in Huronia. Whether this statement 
be correct or not ( which we have no means of knowing, because Tache's 
work is chiefly unpublished), one of the pits was certainly known at 
an early date. It was often described as Errington's, because that was 
the name of the first settler near it, though it was not located on his 
farm. It appears to have been since the time of Dr. Tache"s alleged visit, 
however, that another large bonepit was discovered near the first, the 
discovery of the latter having taken place in 1878. It attracted some 
attention in the newspapers at the time, and one of the paragraphs 
Tfrorn the Oakville Express, Nov. 1, 1878), we give herewith : 

" A large pit or ' cave ' has lately been discovered on (near) Mr. 
W. Errington's farm, near Wyebridge, in which to appearance were 
the remains of about two thousand persons, besides brass kettles, 
beads, pipes, and other Indian relics. It is supposed to be in the 
vicinity of an old Jesuit fort, St. Louis, where in_1649 there was a 
terrific struggle between the now almost extinct Hurons and the 

The skulls in this second bonepit are said to have been arranged 
in rows. Among the articles found in it were a block of copper, some 
copper kettles and braids of human hair. I visited this famous site 
on July 7, 1899, and inspected the pit just described. It has a diam- 
eter of twenty feet and is situated on the southeast quarter of lot 1 0, 
the owner being John Houghton. 

What was described to me as the body of a child was found in one 
of these pits (probably the first one discovered), wrapped in fur, and 
placed in a copper kettle, the oxide from which hid protected the 
fleshy remains from decay. But this may have been only part of a 
child's body, as descriptions are sometimes unintentionally distorted 
even by eye-witnesses. It is not improbable that it was the specimen 
that ultimately found its way into Dr. Bawtree's collection, and is 
designated " Forearm and hand of a child from Sepulchral Pit." 

There was a cornpatch at this site, a portion of which may still be 
observed in the woods near at hand. There was a trail from here to 
Victoria Harbor, and if there was another trail in summer leading in 


a direct line to Ste. Marie, the only passable route would lie nearly 
where the fourth concession line is now located, and would cross at 
least three evergreen thickets. 

It will be observed that the writer of the paragraph, quoted above, 
gives credence to the view that the site under consideration was that 
of the mission of St. Louis II. ; and the late Rev. J.W.Annis, a Metho- 
dist minister, who devoted some attention to the Huron sites, held the 
same opinion. I am inclined, however, to regard this place as the one 
marked Kaotia on Ducreux's map. And as a village had to be moved 
for sanitary reasons about every ten years, the two adjacent sites 
(Nos. 11 and 12) would probably indicate the same village at different 
periods of its existence. 

11. Whether the campfires of the site just described are situated 
near the bonepits, or whether the marks of habitation there are only 
those incidental to the cornpatch, is not yet clear. It is established 
beyond doubt, however, that many ashbeds of camp's occur on the west 
half of lot 10, concession 3. Wm. Hanes, the tenant, has found many 
pottery fragments, pipes, stone axes, and iron tomahawks, the latter 
being numerous. 

12. On the east half of lot 9, concession 3, there is a village site 
that shows some evidence of fortification. It is situated on the level 
top of a hill or spur of high ground, and was probably palisaded, 
Ashbeds are numerous, and there was a refuse heap or mound, in all of 
which the usual relics have been found. The lot is owned by J. D. 
Carscadden, Elliott's Corners, and occupied by the family of Sylvester 
Campbell, Midland. 

13. A village site occurs on the east half of lot 91, concession 1, 
Cornelius McCarthy, au early settler in the district and the first per- 
son to settle upon this lot, being still the owner. Stone axes, iron 
tomahawks, tobacco pipes, pottery fragments and other relics have 
been found at this site, whirh was located at natural springs of water. 

14. On lot 87 (east half), concession 1, a village site is met with: 
also a bonepit and ten or more graves or small bonepits. These were 
opened chiefly during the time of occupation of the late Anthony 
Latanville, who was the owner of the farm for many years. Prof. 
Henry Montgomery (now of Trinity University, Toronto) writes as 
follows of a relic found here : " The piece of large copper kettle, with 
beaver skin adhering to it, and which I donated to the University (of 
Toronto), was taken from an ossuary on Latanville's place." This relic 
is No. 335 of the University collection. The village site covers about 
three acres, and springs rise at it, uniting and flowing into the Wye 




River. Iron tomahawks were numerous. A piece of lead fourteen 
pounds in weight was found ; also bullets; and a neighbor, Thos. Mc- 
Dowell, once found a gun. 

15. A village site occurs on the west half of lot 85, concession 1. 


Charles Elliott, who now occupies the farm on which the next site is 
located (No. 16), was formerly the owner here, and during his term of 
ownership pottery fragments, iron tomahawks, etc., were found. 
Refuse mounds, indicating prolonged habitation, occur at this site, 
which is near the stream belonging also to the next site, but on the 
opposite bank. 

16. The village site numbered here is located upon the west half^of 
lot 84, concession 1 (Chas. Elliott, owner). Pottery fragments, tobacco 
pipes, iron tomahawks and other relics have been found. The site ex- 
tends across the Penetanguishene Road into Wm. McLellan's plot of 
ground, on which have also been found many iron tomahawks, pipes, 
etc. At this site, which is beside a stream, two empty caches or hid- 
ing pits occur on Mr. Elliott's land. 

1 7. On the west half of lot 4, concession 3, occurs a site, but it does 
not appear to be so extensive as others on higher ground 

(George Simpson, owner). It is located beside a stream 
that runs into Hogg River at a short distance from it. 
They have found here various relics, including iron toma- 

18. A village of considerable size existed on the south- 
west quarter of lot 77, concession 1. George Dawe is the 
present owner, but many remains were found in the time 
of Robert Gorman, the former occupant. Two refuse 
mounds were formerly to be seen, showing that the vil- 
lage had been a permanent one. Ashbeds occur over an 
area of about four acres, and they contained numbers of 
iron tomahawks, glass beads, pottery fragments, pipes, 

etc. A stream rises here and flows into Hogg River just beyond the 
Simpson site (No 17). 

19. Many relics have been picked up on the Bannister homestead, 
lot 76, concession 1. These included iron tomahawks, stone axes and 
pottery fragments, indicating the occurrence of Huron camps. But 
whether these were outlying habitations of the last mentioned village 
site (No. 18) or a distinct site altogether, I have not been able to 
decide. When the land was cleared cornhills were to be seen on the 
east part of this farm. In connection with the great abundance of 


Huron corn patches, mentioned so frequently in these notes, I have 
observed that Indian corn at the present day matures with great 
rapidity on the fine sandy loam of this locality. 

Various other sites occur in the immediate neighborhood of the 
Bannister farm, but just beyond the boundaries of 
Tay township. It is not our intention, therefore, 
to take notice of them here. But the occurrence 
of some camps where many interesting relics have 
been found may be mentioned in passing. These 
are on lot 76, concession 1, Tiny, the farm formerly 
occupied by the Bell family. A finely carved pipe, 
having a representation of what was probably 
intended for a bear, was among the relics found. 

20. South-easterly from the mouth of Hogg River, and standing out 
by itself, is a tract of high ground on which some village sites are met 
with, undoubtedly Huron in their origin. One of these is on the west 
half of lot 11, concession 7, occupied by Joseph Belfry. On this farm, 
and near the site now under consideration, there is a piece of land where 
no large trees had grown in the forest that formerly covered the place 
in fact, just such a bare patch as we found at No. 8. Some persons 

supposed that this also was an " Indian clearing," but in reality it was 
merely a gravelly patch, where the soil was unfavorable to the growth 
of large trees. The ash beds here occupy a kind of shelf of land that 
slopes towards the north, and they extend westward across the seventh 
concession line, a short way into the farm of Sherman Belfry, east 
half of lot 11, concession 6. On both farms the occupants have found 
iron tomahawks, tobacco pipes, and the usual fragments of earthen 
pots Where the concession line crosses the site I observed many of 
these fragments in ashbeds, besides other evidences of Huron occupation. 
As higher ground lies along the south of the camps, and as their form 
is not compact but string-like, it is pretty evident that no palisading 
ever existed here. It may therefore be concluded that, although the 
village was inhabited during the time of French traders (as the toma- 
hawks show), it was not occupied at the latest part of that period. 

21. On the next farms southward, but separated from the last site 
by the slightly higher ground just mentioned, the remains of an im- 
portant village have been found. It is situated on the north-east 
quarter of lot 10, concession 6 (Edward Crooks, owner), but also covers 
a portion of the south-east quarter of the same lot (Wilson Crooks, 
owner). Its position is on a high terrace with low ground along the 
south. The remains have been found chiefly at the fronts of these 


two farms, near the dwelling-houses and farm buildings. Here they 
have found quantities of iron tomahawks, tobacco pipes, pottery frag- 
ments, etc. ; and cornhills in abundance were to be seen before the 
ground had been cultivated long enough to obliterate them. These 
were especially visible when the first settler of this lot (William Hill) 
lived here. During his time the ashbeds were quite distinct. This 
site extends across the public road into the front part of the farm of 
Matthew Campbell (west half of lot 10, concession 7), where they have 
found the same kinds of relics ; but the late George Mills, the original 
settler on this lot, found much more than has the present occupant. 
Although this site covered considerable ground, it is doubtful whether 
^ny palisading ever existed at it, not having been compact and lying 
.adjacent to higher ground. Its position agrees closely with that of 
the mission of St. Louis as marked on Ducreux's map, which lays them 
down as they were about the year 1640, almost all having been shifted 
before the extermination in 1649, 

22. Traces of a village have been found on the east half of lot 7, 
concession 7. James Hamilton, sr., was the first settler upon this farm, 
about eighteen years ago, and when clearing the land he found ash- 
beds, iron tomahawks and other relics. 

23. Another exists on the east half of lot 5, concession 7. William 
Hopkins, the present tenant, and William Hanes, a former occupant, 
have both found the usual pottery and pipe fragments, iron toma- 
liawks, flint spear-head, etc. The site is near a small ravine that 
drains northeastward to the Sturgeon River. 

24. Across the concession line, on the west half of lot 5, concession 
S, Arthur Loney, the owner, finds a few remains ; but this site is not 
large in comparison with some others in the neighborhood. 

25. Farther south on the same line, a site of considerable size occurs 
at the adjacent corners of lots 3 and 4, where four farms meet. When 
Robert Warden, the owner of the west half of lot 3, concession 8, dug 
the cellar for his dwelling house here, they found ashbeds of a surpris- 
ing depth. Numerous relics were also found, including beads (native 
and European), iron knives and iron tomahawks, the latter in consid- 
erable numbers. Across the road in concession 7, near the boundary 
between the farms of John Morrison (lot 3, east half) and Robert 
Xiochart (lot 4, east half) were some refuse mounds. And in the 
adjoining corner of Patrick Canavan's land (southwest quarter of lot 
4, concession 8) a few relics have been picked up. It is estimated that 
the camps here covered about fifteen acres altogether, situated, as in so 
many other instances, upon an old lake terrace. 


26. Another village occurs on the land of Andrew Brown, west half 
of lot 4, concession 7. A spring issues near this site and drains to the 
Sturgeon River. The occupants have found stone axes or " skinning 
stones " and other relics. Large numbers of French iron tomahawks 
have been found, especially during the time of the first settler, John 
Moad. It is related how the roof of his shanty was the receptacle for 
these relics, and was sometimes covered with them, fifty or more lying 
upon it at one time. Some scattered relics, similar to these, have been 
found on the opposite farm across the concession line. 

27. When the east half of lot 3, concession 6, was cleared about 
thirty years ago, the first settler upon it Matthew Campbell found 
relics (including iron tomahawks) indicating the site of another village, 
A few were also found on the farm of his brother, the late John Camp- 
bell, across the road, but not in sufficient numbers to indicate any site. 
William Albert Campbell, a son of the first settler, now occupies lot 
in question. There is lower ground on the rear of the farm where 
water could be had, the drainage flowing toward Hogg river. 

28. Following the same concession line southward, one finds the site 
of another village on the next farm, east half of lot 2, concession 6. 
The owner, Hector McLeod, found the camps named in the southwest 
part of his farm, and they were strewn with various relics, such a 
pottery fragments, pipes, iron tomahawks, etc. Thomas, his son, found 
a large European bead which he sent to the museum. It is a large 
coarse glass bead, with hues of red, white and blue in a scallop 
pattern. The water drainage at the place runs southward and then 
around to Hogg river, passing westward about lot 22 in Medonte. 
The site is not large in comparison with others. 

29. On the west half of lot 1, concession 7 (John A. Swan, owner), 
is another. Traces of it were formerly quite distinct on the high 
ground behind the farm buildings, and many relics of the usual kinds- 
were found at various times stone axes, iron tomahawks, tobacco- 
pipes (both clay and stone) and pottery fragments. Mr. Swan settled 
here in 1870, and in the earliest years of his term of occupation corn- 
hills were distinctly visible west of the camps, but these hills have been 
obliterated by frequent ploughing. In connection with this site it 
should be mentioned that a large bonepit was discovered in the year 
1869 on adjoining land across the townline, in the township of Medonte, 
It is not yet evident whether this bonepit was connected with this site: 
or with another farther south, but it is not too far from this one to 
have belonged to it, being only about seventy rods distant from the 
townline in front of Mr. Swan's residence. 


30. There is a site on the farm of James Russell, east half of lot 4, 
concession 5, and some relics of the usual kinds have been found at it, 
but it appears to have been small in comparison with others. There 
was a patch of cornhills near by, and probably used by the inhabitants 
of this site, on the farm of Wm. Russell, west half of lot 3, concession 
6, though these cornhills have been chiefly obliterated by cultivation. 

31. The remains of a Huron village, the inhabitants of which 
appear to have used the same position for several years, have been 
found upon the west half of lot 3, concession 5. The first settler on 
this farm, Robert Webb, came in 1865, and remained on it until about 
twelve years ago. As he was a close observer, besides having resided 
here so long, our information in regard to the site is fuller than in 
many other cases. A noteworthy feature was the finding of a cache or 
hiding-pit filled with corn. The grains were as black as charcoal, and 
the inference was that they had been charred or roasted. But their 
black color doubtless arose merely from their great age, 250 years or 
more being sufficient to carbonize any kind of seed. The discovery of 
the corn is confirmed by Hector McLeod, who observed it while plough- 
ing. The amount was estimated at more than two bushels. In the 
field south of the site many cornhills were visible when they cleared 
the land. Beside the village a human skeleton was found buried. 
Among the relics found were tobacco pipes of various kinds, some 
with human faces, stone axes, iron tomahawks and knives, pieces of 
brass kettles in great numbers. Since Mr. Webb retired from the 
farm various persons have lived upon it either as owners 01 tenants 
Among these were Matthew Vasey and Wm. Widdes ; the present owner 
is George Jones. During their respective terms of occupancy some 
relics were also found. John Ashley Bailie, who taught at Russell's 
schoolhouse in the neighborhood, frequently searched here for relics. 
He writes of the workmanship of the specimens as follows : " The 
pottery fragments were nearly all nicely carved ; the carving, of course, 
being of a somewhat rude type. The pipes showed a great deal of 
skill upon the part of the makers ; their bowls were wrought in a 
variety of forms. In some instances they took the form of the head 
of some animal or bird. One pipe stem, judging from its appearance, 
must have been formed by drilling a hole right through an ordinary 
stone. A pipe bowl, formed out of a common stone, about two inches 
and a half in diameter, had on either side of the bowl a head of some 
animal." Mr. Bailie picked up many little pieces of sheet metal, pro- 
bably from brass kettles. He says these were to be found iu all parts 
of the field. It would appear that when the kettles obtained from 
the French traders became useless from having holes in them, the 


Hurons cut them up by some means into chips and used the pieces as 
arrowheads, knives, etc. At some other village sites of the later period 
of French occupation, the ground is also strewn with these metal chips^ 
In order to examine its position, I visited this site on July 5th, 1899, 
and made a diagram of it. The usual fragments of pottery and clam 
shells were to be seen. The ashbeds were most numerous at the head 
of a small ravine, the abrupt descent to which is about 30 feet ; and 
here the inhabitants found their supply of fresh water in springs 
Passing from this ravine, the ground rises gently through the field r 
which contains about 12 acres but is not all covered with ashbeds. 
There is nothing in its situation to lead one to believe this village had 
been palisaded. When the Hurons built a village for defence, it wa& 
usual to select a place where Nature assisted. But here, Nature fur- 
nishes no aid, rather the opposite. So it is not probable that palisades 
will be found. A trail has always existed here, leading past site- 
No. 30. 

32. On the east half of lot 1, concession 5, there is a site where the 
usual relics pottery fragments, pipes, iron tomahawks, stone axes r 
etc. have been found. Robert Hall, the owner, has lived here since 
1873, and he has informed me that before the land was cultivated he 
could see the cornhills that were used by the Huron inhabitants of the 

33. A small site occurs on the east half of lot 2, concession 3. This 
farm was formerly owned and cleared by John Tinney, who found, 
previous to 1876, various relics including iron tomahawks. Among 
subsequent owners was Michael Russell, and the present occupant is 
Hiram Jennett. 

34. Various remains, found beside the shore at a spot just west of 
Waubaushene, indicate the position of what was a favorite resort of the 
aborigines in considerable numbers. It appears to be situated upon 
lot 11, concession iO. An area of about ten acres is the extent of 
ground over which remains have been found. The patch of second 
growth trees here was believed to show where there had once been an 
Indian clearance, but, as in many other cases, it may be more correctly 
explained by the presence of gravelly soil. It was formerly a favorite 
resort for relic seekers, some of whom dug into Indian graves, of which 
some exist here. The graves, thus molested, were not communal but 
single burials. Some iron tomahawks and gun barrels have been 
found, the latter tending to show that the site was occupied in the 
eighteenth century by Algonquins. But whether it was a landing 
place of the Hurons in earlier times is not yet evident. 


35. Farther west, at Tanner's Mill, (also known as Tannerville) 
more aboriginal remains have been found. It was at the shore here 
that the trail to the interior had its northerly end. And in the days 
of early settlement (in 1830, or soon after) this trail was widened into 
a Government road from Cold water, and a blockhouse erected here 
The place was a depot on the way to the early mines of the upper 
lakes. It had docks, and the early steamers of Georgian Bay made it 
a port for calls, the other port being Penetanguishene. Altogether, the 
port of Sturgeon Bay the terminus of the Government portage in the 
days before railways was a stirring place. But its glory has long since 
departed. Many legends cling around the old place, and stories of 
buried treasures. But the only articles ever found here, so far as can 
be learned with certainty, were a few Indian beads and fragments of 
human bones, besides some other kinds of Indian relics. These were 
found on the high ground just back from the shore. This place was 
always a frequent resort of Algonquins ; but its origin was doubtless 
earlier, in Huron times, when the trail to the interior was in constant use. 
Ducreux's map places the mission of St. Jean (not St. Jean Baptiste) 
to the right of the outlet of Sturgeon River, and a short way inland. 
It will be seen by referring to our map that there is a tract of high 
ground here, an island during the time of the Great Nipissing 
Lake, and this tract is separated from the high ground of the interior 
by low swampy ground through which a stream flows toward Sturgeon 
River. St. Jean was a mission to the Ataronchronons, while the mis- 
sion next south of it (according to the Ducreux map), viz., St. Joachim, 
was among the Arendaronons. A physical demarcation of some kind, 
between St. Jean and St. Joachim, is thus suggested, because the Huron 
" nations " were usually divided from each other I y physical bound- 
aries. It is possible, therefore, that St. Jean belonged to the isolated 
tract of high ground now under consideration, and was a site near 
Tannerville, if not the one itself at the place. 

36. Rev. Father Chazelle, whose investigations in the Huron 
country in 1842 we have already mentioned, made a search on the 
east side of the Sturgeon River for the site of St. Ignace, where 
Brebeuf and Lallemant were put to death. It is evident that, in doing 
this, he was following Ducreux's map, which gives the position of the 
earlier and first St. Ignace, and that he had not become aware of the 
fact that a second St. Ignace had existed. He directed the French 
Canadians with him to run the canoe up Sturgeon River a mile and a 
half from the outlet. Near where they landed they found, in the 
woods, a village site, and at it some relics, such as conch-shells. Here 
were l< blazes " or marks upon trees, made by Indians of comparatively 


recent times, but which lent an antiquarian setting to the place. They 
found also, in graves, the bones of two persons, which tradition has 
erroneously regarded as those of Brebeuf and Lallemant, forgetful of 
the fact that their bones were found by the searching party from Ste. 
Marie in 1649, and taken to Quebec. 

37. Passing to the high ground east of the Sturgeon River, one 
finds the most northerly site of the group on the land of Frank Joseph, 
the west half of lot 6, concession 10. Here, on a patch of ground, 
cultivated only during the past two seasons, they have found stone 
axes, an iron tomahawk, a tobacco pipe and some fragments of deer 

38. Some ash beds of Huron camps are met with on the farm of 
Alex. Begg, the west half of lot 5, concession 10. They have found 
pottery shreds, pipes, stone axes and numbers of iron tomahawks. 
Southwest of this site, which is not large, there is a small huckleberry 
marsh ; it is on the opposite side of the road, on lot 4, but near the 

39. A site of moderate dimensions occurs on the northwest quarter 
of lot 4, concession 10, the farm of James Stewart. On a patch of 
high ground, toward the centre of the farm, they have found pottery 
fragments, iron knives, iron tomahawks, etc. Similar relics have been 
found on the adjoining fifty-acre farm, or southwest quarter of the 
same lot 4, which is cultivated by Mr. Begg ; and also a few on the 
east half, owned and occupied by Robert C. Stewart. 

40. Across the road, on the east half of lot 4, concession 9, James 
Paden, the owner, has found iron tomahawks, pottery fragments, etc. 
in ashbeds and patches blackened by Huron camp-fires. These occur 
on the highest ground a large knoll at the rear of his farm. 

41. A similar small site occurs on the east half of lot 3, concession 
9. In the extreme southeast corner, the usual relics have been found ; 
and a part of this site extends into the adjoining land of Joseph 

. Greatrix, where he has found the kinds of relics mentioned under the 
last site, besides stone axes. On its north side this village was near 
another huckleberry marsh. 

42. Another site, distinct from the one last mentioned, is on the 
farm of Joseph Greatrix, the east half of lot 2, concession 9. Mr. 
Greatrix has lived on this farm for 25 years, and has frequently found, 
at the rear of it, the usual remains of camps and the same kinds of 
relics as occur at the other villages of this group. 


It will be observed that the six preceding sites on the Rosemount 
Ridge are small, there being probably not more than a dozen camps at 
any of them ; and there are no bonepits associated with them. But 
on this same high ridge, in Medonte township, about a mile south of 
the Tay townline, some bonepits have been found at larger villages. 
It is but natural to suppose that, as regards Feasts of the Dead and 
the formation of bonepits among the Rock Nation or Arendaronons, 
the small outlying villages of this group would be tributary or 
subordinate to the larger villages situated farther south in Medonte. 
The mission of St. Joachim was perhaps in this group of smaller 

43. At a little distance from the shore of Matchedash Bay, near 
Fesserton, many relics of the aborigines have been found. These were 
most frequently met with upon rising ground on the farm of George 
Bush, lot 5, concession 12, and also on lot 4. Villages situated like 
this, near the shores of the large lakes, mostly yield relics which have 
undoubtedly belonged to Algonquins of a period subsequent to the 
Hurons. But in the present instance, if the remains were those of 
Algonquins, they must have belonged to an early period before the 
traders had supplied them with kettles for cooking purposes as 
is amply testified by the fragments of- primitive pots made from baked 
clay, so commonly found at Huron sites, and also found here. At the 
projection of land known as Bush's Point, some refuse mounds were 
formerly to be seen. 

44. On the opposite shore of Matchedash Bay, at Bankin's Point, on 
lot 6, concession 13, similar remains have been found. Here, by the 
shore, were also found a few graves (single burials) in which the skele- 
tons had been buried in a crouching position. One of the skeletons 
was decked with a large medal, glass beads, and other trinkets done 
up in cedar bark, and evidently belonged to a more recent period than 
the Hurons. The same skeleton had unusually large proportions, and 
the back of the skull was found fractured, whether from accident or 

45. In a list of the antiquities of Tay, one should not omit to men- 
tion the remains called " The Chimneys," situated on lot 5, concession 
13, opposite Fesserton, or rather Bush's Point, on the east side of 
Matchedash Bay. Jas. Abbott is the present occupant of the farm. 
The remains are located upon what is known as "Chimney Point," 
where an area of about 40 acres had been originally cleared. They 
constitute all that is now left of the buildings occupied from 1778 till 
1793 and later by Cowan, a fur trader. The writer's purpose in re- 

6 A 


ferring to them in this place is because they were formerly often 
spoken of as the ruins of a structure belonging to the early French 
period. Even yet, they are sometimes referred to as such, and it is 
desirable to give a few words of caution against; this error. Governor 
Simcoe was the guest of Cowan at this placein 1793. (See MacdorieH's 
Diary in Transactions of the Canad. Institute, Fourth Series, Vol. I)". 
On a recent occasion when the writer visited this place, the founda- 
tion of the main building could be distinctly seen, (built of stone and 
lime), and there were three chimnies grouped around this trading house 
one apparently at either end of the building, and another at some 
little distance away, representing probably the bakehouse. There 
were other buildings near at hand, of which the foundations could 
be traced when Mr. Abbott first went there. 

46. On Bluff Point, near Port Severn, some pottery fragments, 
pipes, etc., have been observed. No other relics have been found that 
would indicate the exact period to which this site belonged, which 
was doubtless quite early as the coarse fragments of baked clay 
vessels go to prove. 

v,< Lp 





During the past four or five years I have had the pleasure of visit- 
ing the following Indian village sites : seven in Blenheim township, 
one in the township of North Dumfries ; one in Waterloo Township, 
two in Wilmot. and one in East Oxford. 

Blenheim Township. 

Village Site No. 1, is situated on the farm of James Laidlaw, south- 
east quarter of lot 11, concession 8, and is directly opposite the C.P.R. 
station at Wolverton. The land has been under cultivation for the last 
twenty years, and as it was diligently searched by local relic seekers 
every time it was ploughed, naturally, very few specimens of any value 
are to be found. 

A few mementoes of the primeval forest, in the shape of huge pine 
stumps, are scattered on the field. Some of these are over four feet in 
diameter, and if the manner of computing the age of trees by means of 
the concentric rings of annual growth be reliable, they are of great age. 
Several of these stumps stand on the top of an ash-bed, and on one 
being pulled up about two years ago, a few pottery fragments were 
found beneath it. Evidently the trees grew after the abandonment of 
the village by its inhabitants. What appears to have influenced the 
aborigines in the selection of this as a suitable place for settlement, 
was the presence of a small rivulet, which flowed in a north-easterly 

Wild fruits and nut-bearing trees are abundant in the neighbor- 
hood of this village site. Among the fruits may be mentioned, 
choke-cherries, wild red, and black cherries, and wild plums. These 
all came in for a considerable share in the Indian's bill of fare. Leath- 
er-wood or moose-wood shrubs (dirca palustris) are also abundant in 
some of the maple wocds. The bark of this shrub is very tough, and, 
according to Peter Kalm, an early traveller, the Indians made use of it 
for ropes and baskets. 

Among the many interesting specimens I found on this site are two 
Huronian slate gorgets ; one unfinished, and the other merely a flat, 
oval pebble with two perforations. I also found a very small clay pipe, 
the dimensions of which are: stem, 1 inch; bowl, height 1 inches, 
diameter at mouth, of an inch. This specimen was undoubtedly a 
toy and may have been made by a child, as the workmanship is very 


Articles of shell are common. Many of them are merely the valves 
of a species of unio and were, no doubt, used for smoothing the inside 
of clay vessels while they were in a plastic state. They may also have 
been used in tanning, as they would be found very serviceable in 
dressing the hide and removing hair and fur. The larger shells, 
requiring no further preparation to adapt them to such a use, may 
have been used as spoons. The edges of some specimens are much 
worn, and many of them, it is evident, have seen long service as scrapers. 
I have found shell-beads on this camp, which are made out of two 
kinds of ocean univalves. One of thesa is a species of olivella and is 
ground at the apex to admit a thread. The other species has a per- 
foration at the mouth. They also perforated for beads the shells of 
one of our large fresh-water gasteropods, melantho (paludina) decisa. 
The bone beads found on this village site are of the usual cylindrical 
form and were sawed off from small bird and mammal bones. They 
are from one-half to two and sometimes three inches in length. A 
large number of beads that appear to have been made of human finger 
bones, sawed in two and perforated at the ends, were also found. The 
general assumption among local collectors is, that they were the bones 
of enemies killed in battle, and were worn as a badge of honor among 
the Indians. I was always rather doubtful of this, as I believed that 
they were the bones of some quadruped and later research has proved 
this to be a fact, but one unacquainted with the anatomical details of 
the human skeleton would readily suppose that they were the 
phalanges of the hand. 

A bone that seems to have been used as a pipe was found on this 
site by a friend. It is either a metacarpal or metatarsal bone from 
some large mammal's foot, and has a large hole bored at the larger end 
and a smaller, without doubt, the stem-hole, at the other. Mr. Boyle, 
to whom I showed thi* specimen and the "finger-bone" beads above 
mentioned, thinks that they were used as bangles. 

The hammer stones that have been found here are of the usual oval 
or rounded form pitted on the flat side. Albert Smart of Plattsville, 
found a specimen with a handle, which is pitted on the larger end on 
both the upper and lower surfaces. This was no doubt used as a nut- 
cracker. The late Newell Waugh, of Bright, found a similar specimen 
on village site No. 3. I found a specimen that is not pitted, but 
which appears to have come in contact with some hard substance like 
flint, for the indentures or pits are not rounded as in most of the 
specimens found, but are long and angular; perhaps it was used in 
flaking flint and other hard substances. 

It is well known that ochre was used as a coloring matter for the 
face and hands by the aborigines. I discovered a small deposit of red 


ochre on this site, which appears to have been contained in a pot, frag- 
ments of which 1 found with it. It is of a dull, reddish hue when dry, 
but when wet it assumes a bright red color. It was no doubt applied 
to the body with grease, for thus it would always retain its bright 

The finding of articles of native copper on this village site proves 
that the primitive inhabitants of this district had some intercourse 
with the Indian tribes of Lake Superior, where the copper was 
originally procured, for it is well known that no copper of a malleable 
nature exists within the boundaries of the Neutral or Attivvendaronk 
territory. The objects were awls. The person who found one of them 
described it as being over five inches in length, about as thick as an 
ordinary. lead pencil, with a sharp point. However, it is to be regret- 
ted, all trace of these specimens has been lost, arid none of the same 
material has since been found. 

When the ground in this field was first broken by the plough, a large 
boulder, possessing a very peculiar property, was found. When it was 
struck with a stone it emitted a clear, bell-like sound. This stone, I 
understand, was removed to Toronto by an archaeologist of that city. 
Another large boulder bearing pictographs was also found. This 
boulder, the owner of the farm asserts is still, on the place, and is in 
the centre of a large pile of stones to the west of the camp. 

Robert Laidlaw, father of the present owner, once ploughed up the 
skeleton of an Indian, the bones of which are said to be of gigantic 
size. Mr. Laidlaw was overcome with superstitious dread and covered 
the skeleton with soil, and while he lived, that part of the field 
was not touched by the plough again. 

When the railway was being built, and while making a deep cut 
through a hill on the east side of the Wolverton station, the Italian 
laborers are said to have unearthed two burial pots provided with lids, 
each containing the skeleton of a child. The Italians, however, not 
having archaeological tastes, immediately began breaking the pots to 
pieces crying, " Gold ! Gold !" much to the chagrin of the foreman in 
charge. Last summer I became acquainted with a person who had 
helped to build this railway. I asked him regarding the matter and 
he said that there was only one pot found, and it was a large stoneware 
milk-pot of white manufacture, containing the bones of a white child. 
He also informed me that the foreman in charge had the pot and its 
contents reinterred where it would not be disturbed again. In a con- 
versation with John F. Rathburn, of Drumbo, I was informed by him 
that the above statement was false, and that the bones were really 
those of Indians, as well as the pots; and he also told me that Mr. 
Fox, an old pioneer residing at Drumbo, would tell me the same. Further 


information bearing on this matter was furnished by George Johnston, 
sr., who lives on lot 9, about a quarter of a mile from where these pots 
were found. He says that some years ago he pulled a large stump 
which stood in one of his fields, and found beneath it a pot containing 
the remains of an infant. This pot was also provided with a lid. 

Next in order of importance comes Burgess' Lake camp, which I 
will in the future refer to as Village Site No. 2. Burgess' Lake is a 
pretty sheet of water lying to the south of Drumbo, and the country 
surrounding it, apparently, was a favorite rendezvous of the red men 
in primeval times. The first time I visited this place was on the 17th 
of October, 1897, on the invitation of John F. Rathburn, who lives on 
the south half of lot 13, 6th concession We examined the nature of a 
deposit of black soil which is situated in a field near the lake. Mr. 
Rathburn had dug some test holes a few days previous to my visit, one 
in the centre showing that the black soil extended to a depth of three 
feet. A number of small stones were thrown out while making the 
excavation, all of which showed unmistakeable signs of having been 
subjected to considerable heat. Especially was this found to be the 
case with a piece of limestone which had been calcined. Strange to 
say, no relics of human origin were found, not even a pot-sherd. 

In the month of August, 1898, I found three other beds or deposits 
similar to the one above referred to, but not one yielded a single speci- 
men of aboriginal handiwork. Mr. Rathburn finds pottery fragments 
and other relics in abundance on his farm, but not in ash-beds, as is 
usually the case. The pottery fragments are mixed with the soil which 
does not contain the slightest trace of ashes. 

Wild fruits are abundant. Among those I noticed were the wild 
black cherries, red cherries and raspberries. There are also a number 
of nut-bearing trees, on the east side of the lake. The lake is said to 
contain fish. The presence of all this would necessarily cause the 
Indians to settle avouni the shore of the lake. 

The pottery found on this place is entirely different in material and 
style of ornamentation from any I have yet found. Although the 
distance between this place and Village Site No. 1 is only about four 
miles, there is a marked difference in the pottery. That from Bur- 
gess* Lake is of coarse material with ornamentation consisting of rows 
of indentures made by some pointed instrument, while that from 
Wolverton, although not of elegant pattern, is of better material and 
finish. The interior surface of some specimens appear as if it had 
been decorated by having a piece of netting pressed against it while 
the pot was yet in a plastic state. Mr. Rathburn found fragments of 


pottery which, in addition to the usual pattern, consisting of oblique 
lines, were ornamented in a very peculiar manner. The aboriginal 
potter used what appears to have been a piece of wood f of an inch 
wide and of an inch thick. With this implement, holes were made 
around the inside of the pot, about inch apart, and 1 inch below 
the rim, and the wood being pressed into the clay formed a small, oval 
protuberance on the outside of the vessel. I have a small fragment 
of pottery from this place, which is also ornamented in this manner, 
except that the holes are round and the knobs or bulbs are on the in- 
side surface. 

Mr. Rathburn has a very choice collection of celts, adzes, chisels, 
hammer-stones, grooved axes, pottery fragments, and a large number 
of arrow heads. Most of these specimens he found on this farm. It 
affords me much pleasure to say that he is taking an intelligent interest 
in local archaeology. 

About four miles south of Mr. Rath burn's place, there is a field 
where a battle is supposed to have been fought. The early settlers, 
Mr. Rathburn says, found numerous flint arrow heads deeply imbedded 
in the trunks of trees, and even at the present day large numbers of 
flint heads are annually turned up by the plough. I cannot believe, 
however, that an arrow impelled by a bow, could have sufficient pene- 
trative force to penetrate a tree whose wood was of any ordinary 

Village Site No. 3, which was first discovered and made known to 
me by the late Newell Waugh, is on the farm of John C. Rudell, north 
half of lot 23, 10th concession. This site is only a short distance from 
a small creek, which flows in a south-easterly direction. 

I found a number of relics on this site ; most of them are, however, 
not of much importance. The last time I visited the place, I found a 
very interesting specimen, the Thunder Bird pipe described and figured 
in Mr. Boyle's report for 1897-1898. 

On one side it has the representation of the Thunder Bird, a mythi- 
cal being to which was attributed the phenomenon implied by its 
name. The drawing represents a bird with a human head, and above 
the head are two symbols of lightning. The simplest delineation of 
lightning among savage folk would naturally be by zig-zag strokes. 
They are used by the Pueblo and Tusayan Indians to represent light- 
ning, and were used by a more enlightened people, the ancient Assyri- 
ans. It is a matter of conjecture what the upright line and the three 

* Since this was written, Burgess Lake has been drained, until it is almost dry, 
and in the bottom, rows of stakes have been found. Mr. Rathburn writes that stakes 
are also found in the bog (the old lake bottom) recently forming the shore. D.B. 


crossbars on the breast signify. They may represent the vital organs ; 
perhaps the heart and lungs, and, symbolically, the life of the indivi- 
dual. The zig-zag mark at the right of the bird's tail, no doubt 
represents another lightning stroke, or a snake, or, perhaps, both, for 
among some savage tribes the lightning and the snake were regarded 
as identical ; i. e., the lightning flash, owing to its resemblance to the 
sharp, sudden, zig-zag movements of the snake, was often called a fiery 
serpent. Thus, some tribes of our Canadian Indians call the lightning 
a fiery serpent, and believe that the thunder is its hissing. Curiously 
enough, the ancient Greeks, with all their philosophy and learning, 
held the same view the flashes of lightning having been regarded by 
them as the fiery serpent of Zeus, the god of the air. 

Early in the spring of 1899, I again visited Village Site, No. 3. I 
found a bone bead resembling fig. 207 in Boyle's "Notes on Primitive 
Man in Ontario." This specimen has three collars on each end and two 
in the centre. I again visited this site in the month of May and also in 
August, but I did not find anything of very much importance. 

I discovered another village site on the farm of Mrs. Geo. Hunter, 
about one-fourth of a mile from Village Site No. 4. This site does not 
appear to have been occupied for any great length of time, as I have 
found very few relics. After a hurried survey of the ground covered by 
this site, and finding a " goose-beak " scraper and bead, I dug into the 
principal ash-bed with a spade, and found a number of marked pottery 
fragments, and a very tine bone awl. 

Village Site, No 4, is situated on the farms of Mrs. Geo. Hunter and 
Jas. Hall, south half of lots 13 and 14, 10th concession. I found a 
number of specimens on this site. Mr. Hall has found celts, arrow 
heads, and other specimens. 

Village Site, No. 5, is situated on the farm of Albert Kaufman, 
north part of lot 8, 12th concession, Mr. Kaufman's son found a num- 
ber of specimens on this site, including pottery fragments, arrow points 
and part of a ceremonial gorget, with one perforation. 

There is a site (No. 6) on the farm of Benjamin Schlichter, north- 
east part of lot 4, 13th concession. The land has been cultivated for 
about four years. I have never visited this place, but a friend found 
a number of specimens. One of the pottery fragments found here is 
of very coarse material, and the style of ornamentation on it is similar 
to that on the pottery found at Burgess' Lake. 


There is also an isolated camp on the north half of lot 10, 10th, 
concession. I visited this place last summer and noticed the usual 
stones, cracked by fire, but found no relics. Henry Baxter the former 
owner, found a large number of arrow heads, a few very fine flint 
drills, and two circular ceremonial objects with a hole in the centre. 
The latter specimens were, unfortunately, lost. About one hundred 
feet from this camp, Mr. Baxter and his brother, while removing some 
sand from the side of a hill, nearly ten years ago, unearthed the skele- 
ton of an Indian. They reburied the remains in a fence corner not far 
from where they were originally found. 

North Dumfries Township. 

Up to the present, I have found only one village in this township, 
and this is on the farm of Geo. Elliott, north part of lot 42, about 1 
miles north-east of Roseville. The land was cleared over fifty years 
ago. When it was first ploughed, Mr. Thomson, the original owner, un- 
covered a number of whole clay pots which were kicked to pieces. 
Mr. Elliott says that it was a common occurrence to see Thomson's 
sons coming to school with their vest pockets full of bone awls, 
which were disposed of in boyish barter. 

Mr. Elliott has found some very fine relics on his farm. One 
skull is all that ever was found in so far as regards human remains, 
and this was put on the top of a stump fence where it remained until 
decayed. A mortar was also found, but all traces of it have been lost. 

On this site there are three large ashbeds one extending north and 
south along a ridge about half-way across the field, the other two lie 
to the east of this 

The farm, when first cleared, was covered with a dense growth of 
pine. The stumps of some of these trees, Mr. Elliott avers, were over 
four feet in diameter. To the west of the village site, a marsh and- 
small stream formerly existed, and here a number of beavers were 
wont to erect their domiciles " in the days gone by." 

Mr. Elliott recently found a small meteorite on his farm, which had 
evidently been found and carried there by the aborigines. The frac- 
tured edge of this specimen looks like the edge of broken cast iron. It 
is about the size of a fist and is covered with a brownish oxide. 

Waterloo Township. 

About two miles from the above site, there is another, the most 
extensive one I have yet visited for it covers several large fields. It 
is on the farm of John Welsch, who lives either on lot 8 or 9 in the 
German Company's tract, which comprises the south-eastern part of 
the township. Not having very much time at my disposal when I 
visited this place, I had to content myself with a very hasty exami- 


Herbert Trussler, a local collector, has been making the most ex- 
tensive finds on this site. Messrs. L. J. Niebel and H. Z. Smith, of 
New Hamburg, have also done some collecting. 

Wilmot Township. 

The county surrounding the village of Baden, formed an ideal home 
for the Indian. The range of hills that stretches about one mile across 
the country, form a conspicuous object for many miles around. Ac- 
cording to some of the older settlers, the surveyors who laid out the 
route of the Grand Trunk through this part of the country in 1853, 
made the calculation that the height of these hills was 960 feet above 
the level of the lake at Hamilton, and is the highest point between 
Sarnia and Niagara. Signal fires built on these hills could be seen for 
miles across the country. To the north of these hills there is a small 
lake about half a mile in breadth, to the south-east is another of nearly 
the same size. 

On the north-east bank of the former, there is a small camp site, 
which appears to have been a temporary camp. The ashbed is on the 
side of a hill which has a slope of about 40 degrees. This would not 
be a suitable place to erect a wigwam, and the aborigines undoubtedly 
built it on the top of the hill where it was level, and being near the 
edge of the hill they shoved the ashes and other refuse over its side, 
thus accounting for their presence. 

About half a mile south-east of the largest hill, there is another 
village site, on lot 10, Snyder's road concession. My first visit to this 
place was in 1897. On a subsequent visit I found a hammer-stone, 
having an indenture or pit on one side and two on the other, some- 
thing unusual in this class of primitive implements, The pits on this 
specimen were not formed by constant abrasion resulting from crack- 
ing nuts or a similar operation, but appear to have been formed in 
some grinding process as they are smooth, and round. Besides it is 
formed of sandstone, a material totally unfit, owing to its soft and 
friable nature, for use as a hammer- stone. The edges also do not bear 
characteristic marks from hammering as do most specimens of this 
class. It is therefore a matter of conjecture for what purpose this 
specimen was used. 

I again visited this locality in August, 1897, accompanied by a 
friend, and we discovered a large number of pottery fragments and a 
bone awl over eight inches in length. The ashes on this site are in a 
solid bed and the pottery sherds are mixed in with it and the soil. 
Some places you may dig to a depth of three feet before you come to 
the ashes. 


On another day, accompanied by a young friend, I again visited 
the place and found a number of specimens. About four yards from 
the principal ashbed is a small rivulet running in a southerly direc- 
tion. In hopes of finding evidences of settlement further down the 
stream we followed its course southward. While I was examining the 
character of the soil in an opening in the woods on the banks of the 
stream, a large glacial boulder attracted my young friend 's attention 
and he examined it. He removed the moss and lichens which covered 
it and presently startled me with the information that he had dis- 
covered an Indian mortar. On reaching the boulder I found that it 
had been used for such a purpose, but not for any great length of 
time, as the hollow was only about three-fourths of an inch in depth. 
The boulder is about three by four feet and about three feet in height. 
Material, a close-grained and compact granite. It is partly buried, 
only about one foot (on the side where the mortar is) protruding from 
the ground. We followed the stream further, until it emerged into a 
clearing. Here we succeeded in finding the traces of another camp 

It is said that in the early days, when Wilmot township was first 
settled, an Indian trail leading from the Georgian Bay to the vicinity 
of Baden was still to be seen. According to some of the old Amish* 
settlers, a tannery formerly stood on the west hill, and here the In- 
dians coming along the trail would sell their furs. 

A number of years ago the remains of an Indian were unearthed 
near the village of Agatha, about four miles from Baden. The grave 
had evidently been covered with birch bark or a birch bark canoe, as 
remnants of this material were found on top of it. 

An isolated camp site was discovered by L. J. Niebel near the 
village of New Hamburg. He found a pipe-bowl, of which No. 16460 
in the Ontario Archaeological Museum s catalogue is a cast, on this 
site. In company with the above-named gentleman I examined this 
camp site in 1896, but we did not find anything. 
East Oxford Township. 

There is a village site on the farm of William P. Hart, lot 17, con- 
cession 3. After nearly half a century's cultivation, the evidences of 
aboriginal occupation are still visible in the burnt stones and black 
spots in the fields. The largest of these spots is on a high, sandy 
knoll, and is about forty feet in width. 

Some years ago a few human remains, comprising a humerus, a 
frontal bone and a portion of the upper jaw were found while digging 
a, ditch through a swarnp on Mr. Hart's place. 

* The name of a religious sect resembling the Mennonites in belief. The 
people are of German origin. D. B. 


Mr. Hart found a large number of arrow heads, celts, pestles,, 
scrapers, a few ceremonial objects, and a small mortar about six by 
seven inches, with hollows, nearly an inch and one-fourth in depth, on. 
both sides. The stone is about three inches thick. In one of the fields 
there is a large boulder, with a deep hollow on its upper surface, which 
was undoubtedly used as a mortar. A large block of freestone, which 
I examined, showed unmistakeable signs of having been used as a rub- 
bing stone. 

A few years ago an unfinished bird amulet was found on this site- 
It is now in the possession of R. W. Bass, of Oxford Centre. The 
basal holes are not yet bored in this specimen, neither has it been 
polished. It was not pecked into shape, but seems to have been re- 
duced to its present form by sawing and scraping. 

Mr. Hart has, so far, found only fragments of one clay vessel, and 
these were found a considerable distance from any of the ashbeds. 

This village site is convenient to the old Indian trail (which is now 
the old stage road) from Lake Ontario to Detroit River. 


[Everything relating to the Hurons and their kith the Tobacco Nation, 
Petuns, or Tionnontates who occupied the country of the Blue Hills, most of which 
is now comprised in the township of Nottawasaga, should prove interesting to Can- 
adian readers, and especially so to those of Ontario. As allies of the Hurons 
proper they shared a similar fate at the hands of the Iroquois, in the middle of the- 
seventeenth century, and after many wanderings and vicissitudes at last found a 
resting-place in the territory (now state) of Nebraska. 

According to the traditions they still entertain, they twice occupied the ground 
on which Toronto is built, but on both occasions were driven off by the Iroquois. 
Ossuary burial within a few miles of this city attests the statement respecting their 
abode here for a time, and we have the authority of Mr. Connelley, who has, for a 
great many years, made a special study of the Wyandots (Ouendats) as the descend- 
ants of the Tionnontates are now called, that they regarded the locality with much 
favor, and speak of it to this day as "The Place of Plenty" Toh-ruhn'-toh. 

No man living is better qualified to express himself authoritatively on matters 
relating to the Wyandots than is Mr. Connelley, and the ethnological student of 
Ontario has great reason to thank him for his courtesy in contributing to this report. 
His exposition of the Wyandot clan system is deserving of special mention, not- 
only because it relates to the people in question, but because the subject is one= 
possessed of more than average interest to students of early man in every part of 
the world. D. B.] 


That the Wyandots are related to the people called Hurons by the 
French there is no doubt ; but they are descended principally from the 


Tionnontates, * and it will probably develop that the Tobacco Nation 
was the oldest branch of the Iroquoian family. While many fragments 
of the Huron tribes fled from the fury of the Iroquois the Tionnontates 
retained the tribal organization which we afterwards find in the Wyan- 
dot tribe. The Wyandot language is a modernized Tionnontate lan- 
guage, and the myths of the Wyandots are the old myths of the Tobacco 
Nation but slightly affected by other Huron intercourse after the de- 
struction wrought by the Iroquois in 1649-50. 

After having studied the Wyandot language and the Wyandot 
myths, traditions, and legends for almost twenty years I am of the 
opinion that the Tionnontates were more Iroquois than Huron-Iroquois, 
and that while they were in alliance with the Hurons they were more 
recently and closely related to the Senecas by blood, and that they were 
older as a tribal organization than either the Senecas or the Hurons. 
In my opinion their folk-lore and traditions confirm this view. I be- 
lieve a critical and comparative analysis of the two languages will still 
further strengthen this position. 

Both the myths and the traditions of the Wyandots say they were 
created in the region between James Bay and the coast of Labrador 
All their traditions describe their ancient home as north of the mouth 
of the River St. Lawrence. Taking their legends as a guide on this sub- 
ject the most probable location of the place where the ancient Tionnon- 
tates assumed a tribal form is in Labrador, on the head waters of the 
Hamilton River ; but possibly a little more to the west, in the district 
of Ungava, If not at this place, it was certainly between the point 
here indicated and Lake St John on the south. It is probable that at 
this period of their existence they ranged to the coast of Labrador and 
to Hudson's Bay and were familiar with the country between these 
points. They claim to have known the Eskimo. Their migrations led 
them along the shores of Hudson Bay, and from here they turned 
south and came to the region of the Great Lakes. After a sojourn 
here of some time possibly a long time they finally settled on the 
north bank of the St. Lawrence. They believe that in all these migra- 
tions they were accompanied by the Delawares. On the St. Lawrence 
they say they had the land on the north bank from the Ottawa River 
to a large river to the east, probably the Manicouagan River. The 
Delawares had the remainder of the north bank of the St. Lawrence to 
its mouth. 

This country the ancient Tionnontates called Kooyh'-nohn'-toh't- 
tlh'-ah-ha, which means "The rivers rushing by," or "The country of 
rushing waters." 

* On reading this to an intelligent Cayuga he readily recognized the name, 
which he pronounced Tyon-on-tah'-ti-gah, or Dyon-on-dah'-ti-gah. D. B. 


The Wyandots assert that while they resided there they numbered 
many thousands, and that they were the dominant power in all that 
country. On the south side of the River St. Lawrence lived at this 
time the Senecas,* so the Wyandot traditions relate. Which people 
came into this country first they do not say. The Senecas claimed the 
island upon which Montreal is now built, and the Wyandots admitted 
their right to it. The Senecas and Wyandots have always claimed a 
cousin relation with each other. They say they have been neighbors 
from time immemorial, but often at war with each other. Their lan- 
guages are almost the same, each being the dialect of an older mother- 
tongue; they are nearly alike as are the Seneca and Mohawk dialects. 
That mixed people of the Mengwe stock made up from all the tribes of 
the Iroquois, but principally from that of the Seneca, and called 
Mingoes, have long lived beside the Wyandots ; their reservations 
adjoinin the Indian Territory. Until within the last five years the 
Senecas predominated among this people on the Seneca (Cowskin River) 
Reservation and the Wyandots could speak the Seneca language as 
well as they could their own, and so could the Senecas that of the 
Wyandots. Recently the Cayugas from the eastern reservation* 
have overrun the Seneca country, and within the last two years the 
Cayuga has become the most common language. 

That part of the Wyandot tradition relating to the Delawares hold- 
ing them company I regard as having some foundation in fact. The 
Wyandots relate a myth describing the origin of the Delawares. While 
this myth cannot be true, it indicates an association of the peoples at 
a very ancient date. In the Delaware sociology the Turtle Clan is 
regarded as the most ancient and most honorable. The Delawares 
make some claim to being the oldest of Algonkin tribes. It is pos- 
sible that they obtained their ideas of the importance of the Turtle' 
from the Iroquoian peoples. 

The Wyandot traditions recite that when they lived on the St.. 
Lawrence River the Ottawas lived on the Ottawa River, in Canada, 
and that they were neighbors and friends. Indeed, one account says 
they were allies in a war against the Senecas. 

When the Tionnontates came to the St. Lawrence River, and how 
long they remained there cannot now be determined, even if it is fin- 
ally established that their migration legends are founded upon proba- 
bility. The Wyandot traditions say that they were with the Senecas 
at the Indian meeting to receive Cartier at Hochelaga in 1535, and 
that Hochelaga was one of the towns of the Senecas. 

+' " * A name formerly often used for the Iroquois. Similarly, Mohawk vra* 
sometimes employed to designate all the Iroquois or Five Nations. D. B. 


Writers have held the opinion that the Tionnontates migrated 
from the St. Lawrence directly to the point where they were found by 
the French Jesuits. Whatever the facts may prove to be, their tradi- 
tions tell a different story. They claim to have become involved in a 
deadly war with the Senecas while both tribes yet lived on the St. 
Lawrence, because of murders committed by a Wyandot at the instiga- 
tion of a Seneca woman. 

Hale makes Peter D. Clarke say that the Wyandots fled to the 
northward to escape the consequences of this war with the Senecas. 
That they fled for this purpose is true, as they admit, but neither 
Clarke nor Wyandot tradition says that they fled to the northwest. 
The route of this retreat lay up the St. Lawrence, which they crossed, 
continuing westward along the south shore of Lake Ontario. They 
held this course until they arrived at the Falls of Niagara, where they 
settled and remained for some years. They called this point in their 
wanderings Kyooh'-dah'-meh'-ehn-de'h, which is only their name for 
water- falls, and means " The stream falls into itself," or " The stream 
tumbles down to its new level from the rock above." Louisville, Ken- 
tucky, or its site, was so-called by them from the Falls of the Ohio. 

Tionnontates removed from the Falls of Niagara to the site now 
occupied by Toronto, in the Province of Ontario, Canada. Their 
removal from the Falls of Niagara was in consequence of the arrival 
of the Iroquois on the Hudson and Mohawk Rivers. As the Iroquois 
continued to arrive in ever-increasing numbers, and to spread over the 
country now known as Western New York, the Tionnontates remained 
but a short time at Toronto. Their stay at this point was probably 
about five years, and certainly did not exceed ten years. They left 
Toronto with much regret, and if their traditions can be relied on, a 
band of them returned to their old home here many years afterwards, 
but did not remain long for fear of the Senecas. They seem to have 
been attached to no other point occupied by them in their migrations 
so deeply as they were to Toronto. 

The Wyandots, or their progenitors, the Tionnontates, called their 
settlement at Toronto, Toh-roohn' -toh' ok . This is their word for 
" plenty." It is now pronounced Toh-ruhn-toh. The present name of 
the city is only the modern pronunciation of the Wyandots of their 
word for " plenty," and the modern pronunciation of their ancient 
name for their beloved settlement. As applied to the city, or the 
country included in their settlements, it should be interpreted " the 
land of plenty," or " the place of plenty," or " the place where food is 
plenty." Indeed, Governor Walker slightly modified the name when 
he wrote it, and made it Cau-ron-tool. By the power given the letter 
e by the Wyandots, this name is Kyooh-rohn'-tooh 1 . This is a prepo- 


sitional form of the word Toh-r5ohn'-t6h' nk , and means " the land 
where food is plenty," and has therefore reference to the abundance of 
game and fish they enjoyed during their residence at this point. And 
in relating this tradition to me they always dwelt with pleasure on 
their residence in the " land of plenty," as they of tenest rendered the 
name for Toronto. * No other place in which they lived after their 
great migration seems to have so taken hold of their affections. And 
this is proved, also, by a band of them trying again to take up a 
residence in the vicinity after their return from their wanderings 
about the northern lakes. 

When the Tionnontates migrated north from Toronto they seized 
upon a tract of country to the south and west of the Hurons and 
adjoining the country of that people. A war with the Hurons wa& 
the result. This war lasted for some time, and as the Tionnontates 
were able to maintain themselves in their position so forcibly taken, 
it resulted in a close alliance between the two nations, and the Tinnon- 
tates became a nation of the Huron confederacy. The old Wyandots 
told me this confederacy was formed to resist the arrogance and the 
increasing power of the Iroquois. 


The animals of Wyandot mythology had two very different orders 
of descendants. The one consisted of degenerate mammals, birds, or 
reptiles having the appearance or nature of the ancient animal gods 
but devoid of their supernatural powers. The other descendants are 
the Wyandots themselves. This is true, of course, only of those 
ancient monsters or animal-gods selected by the Wyandots as the pro- 
genitors of their subdivisions known to us as clans or gentes. 

Progress in the development of the Wyandot mind was slow and 
unsatisfactory, but the belief that the people were actually descended 
from the animals was gradually giving place to the conception that 
they were the creation of the Good One of the twins born of the 
woman who fell down from heaven, } and this belief once firmly 
seated would, in time, have overthrown entirely the older faith in the 
ancestry of the totemic animal-gods. But it had not made that 
degree of progress when the stronger faiths and beliefs of the white 
man forever arrested development in the mythology of the Tionnon- 

* Sagard, referring to the word Touronton, which, in the narrative of De la 
Roche Daillon, seems to mean oil, says (p. 893). "The copyist of the Father's 
letter mistook, according to my opinion, the Huron word Otoronton, which he 
gives as meaning oil. Properly speaking it signifies plenty, or Oh! how much." D.B. 

t See Ontario Archaeological Report for 1898, p. 58. D. B. 


tates. The animal myth, while losing ground, stood side by side with 
the higher conception, Tseh'-s8h-howh'-hooh ngk , and the mind of the 
Tionnontates had not made sufficient advancement to enable it to dis- 
tinguish this difference or perceive this incongruity. Thus while the 
Tionnontate believed he was the work of Tseh'-sSh-howh'-hooh 11 ^, he 
also believed that he was the descendant of the animal gods, who held 
the Great Council to devise a home and resting place for the woman 
who fell from heaven. 

Matthias Splitlog reasoned as follows upon this matter : : 

" The animals of the present time are the descendants degenerate 
descendants of these same animals that made the Great Island for 
the home of the woman who fell down from heaven. They are dimin- 
utive in size as well as devoid of the divine attributes possessed by 
their ancestors, though all animals were supposed by us to be endowed 
with reason, and to be able to exercise it upon all occasions, and our 
faith also endowed them all with an immortality as lasting as we 
imagined our own to be. 

" These ancient first animals are the heads of their own species to 
this day, i.e., the Great Turtle who bears up the earth is the ancestor 
of all the turtles in the world of the same species : this rule applies to 
every species of animal living at this time. The animals are subject 
to their ancestors in a certain degree yet, and it is supposed that griev- 
ances against either other animals or man may be complained of to 
these animal-ancestors who will regard the complaint, and perhaps 
inflict some form of punishment. On this account the bones of certain 
animals supposed to be peculiarly sensitive to insult were treated with 
consideration by the Tionnontates and their descendants, the Wyan- 

" The gens is an organized body of consanguineal kindred in the 
female line," is Powell's excellent definition of the subdivisions of the 
Wyandot tribe, but as I have selected for my task the making of a 
record of what the Wyandots say of themselves, and as they always 
used the word clan when speaking of these subdivisions, although they 
say the Wyandot word denoting this subdivision should be rendered 
tribe, I have followed the Wyandots, and used the word clan to denote 
this subdivision of the tribe. 

All my investigations among the Wyandots tend to confirm the 
view that in the ancient times when the Tionnontates first assumed a 
distinct tribal organization they called themselves a Turtle People. 2 
Particularly does their mythology indicate that this was true of the 
ancient Wyandots. The Big Turtle made and yet bears up the Great 
Island, and his selection as chief officer of the Great Council called to 
devise the Great Island indicates that he was the most important per- 
7 A. 


sonage among the ancient monsters who ruled the world before the 
coining of the woman. The Little Turtle was a potent factor in this 
first Great Council, and she varnished the thin coating of earth about 
the edges of the shell of the Big Turtle when he made from it the 
Great Island. Then she was made the Keeper of the Heavens and the 
creator of the sun, moon, and many of the stars. The Mud Turtle had 
a hand in the creation, for she dug the hole through the great island 
for the use of the sun in going back to the east to rise each new day. 
She turned aside -from this work long enough to create in the bowels 
of the earth the most beautiful land the Wyandot imagination could 
picture. This land is the future home of the Wyandots, and until the 
arrival of the woman, who fell down from heaven, who is to go and 
rule there when time is no more in this world, the Mud Turtle is the 
ruler of this Wyaudot elysium, the home of the soul, the land of the 
little people. 

The Turtle clans were always considered the most ancient and 
most honorable of the tribal subdivisions, and the order of precedence 
and encampment was according to the " shell of the Big Turtle." The 
turtle idea was interwoven with the whole social and political fabric 
of ancient Tionnontate institutions. 

That the multiplicity of these tribal subdivisions was the work of 
a long development is proven, I believe, by the remembrance to this 
day of the myths accounting for the origin of the Hawk and Snake 
clans. If there is any merit in my conjectures I write the first sub- 
divisions of the cribe as follows : 1, Big Turtle; 2, Little Turtle; 3, Mud 
Turtle. Of the other clans I feel positive that they were added later, 
in the following order, as the tribe increased in numbers : 3 4, Wolf ; 
5, Bear ; 6, Beaver ; 7, Deer ; 8, Porcupine ; 9, Hawk. 

The next addition to the number of clans was made by a division 
of the Mud Turtle clan, the seceding party or band taking the name 
of Prairie Turtle, or Highland Turtle, or Box Turtle. 4 

And after this the Big Turtle clan was divided, the seceding party 
taking the name of Striped Turtle. 5 

The last addition to the number of clans was made by a division of 
the Deer clan, the seceding party taking the name of Snake. 6 

The Wyandot name for the clans is Hah-tih'-tah-rah'-yeh, 7 or Hoh- 
teh-dih-reh-shr6h^'ny6h ny8 . In designating a single clan the same 
term is used, and, whether one or more clans, is determined by the 
context. The old Wyandots always used the word in the sense of 
tribe or tribes. 

Major Powell says in his " Wyandot Government " that " up to the 
time that the tribe left Ohio, eleven gentes were recognized, as follows : 
1, Deer ; 2, Bear ; 3, Highland Turtle (striped) ; 4, Highland 


Turtle (black); 5, Mud Turtle; 6, Smooth Large Turtle ; 7, Hawk ; 
8, Beaver ; 9, Wolf ; 10, Sea Snake ; 11, Porcupine." 

As to the names of the Wyandot clans, Major Powell's informant 
was certainly in error. 

Peter D. Clarke, in his " Traditional History of the Wyandots," 
says only ten clans existed in the tribe ; but he enumerates nine only, 
and two of these he does not distinguish. His list is as follows : 

1, Big Turtle ; 2 and 3, two different kinds of smaller Turtle ; 4, 
Deer; 5, Bear ; 6, Wolf; 7, Porcupine; 8, Hawk; 9, Big Snake; 10, 
some clan that became extinct at a remote period. 

Clarke always meant well. Some things he did fairly well, but 
his judgment was often at fault as to what was most deserving of 
preservation in the Wyandot traditions. And this idea of ten tribes 
was of missionary origin, to conform to the absurd theory long held, 
that the Indians were descended from the ten lost tribes of Israel. 
Even the scholarly Governor Walker did not refute this error, 
although he possessed the information that would have enabled him 
to do so. His list of the Wyandot clans is as follows : 

1, Deer ; 2, Bear ; 3, Wolf ; 4, Beaver ; 5, Porcupine ; 6, Snake : 7, 
Hawk ; 8, Big Turtle (Mossy Back, or Snapping) ; 9, Dry Land Tur- 
tle ; 10, Little Turtle (Water Terrapin). 

Finley, as would naturally be expected, enumerates but ten clans. 
They are as follows : 

1, Bear ; 2, Wolf ; 3, Deer ; 4, Porcupine ; 5, Beaver ; 6, Eagle ; 7, 
Snake ; 8, Big Turtle ; 9, Little Turtle ; 10, Land Terrapin, or Turtle. 

It will be observed that Finley calls the Hawk clan the Eagle 
clan. This was the result of his inaccurate and loose manner of 

Why the correct names of the clans of the Wyandots have not 
been recorded is somewhat remarkable, for up to the time of their 
departure from Ohio the names could have been obtained without 
difficulty. When I commenced a search for the Wyandot names of 
these clans I met with many discouragements. I had no difficulty in 
getting the desired information concerning the clans in existence, but 
when it came to the extinct clans it seemed for a long time as though 
no knowledge of them could be had. I went on many a tour of 
investigation in this field only to return disappointed. Every old 
Wyandot was consulted. Finally, at Mr. SpliUog's suggestion, I went 
with him to some old Senecas that lived on the Cowskin River, 
and who were married to Wyandot women in Ohio when the tribes 
lived there side by side. We were unsuccessful here, but these old 
people directed us to another quarter, and assured us that we could 


there obtain the information we sought. It was necessary for me to 
return to Kansas city, and I had not time to see the persons referred 
to, at that time, but Mr. Splitlog said he would do so and meet me in 
Kansas city in a short time, when he would inform me of the result 
of his mission. It was a month afterwards when he came into my 
office and informed me that he had been entirely successful. I had 
carefully instructed him, and he had obtained not only the names of 
the extinct clans but the description of the animal for which each of 
the twelve clans was named. It was in this matter as in all others 
where information is difficult to obtain after we had solved the pro- 
blem we found a number of sources from which the desired information 
could have been procured. The most trustworthy of these was George 
Wright, who confirmed all that Mr. Splitlog had learned, the only 
point of difference being the shortening of some of the names and a 
difference in the accent caused by the dropping of syllables. The 
following is the list as given by Wright : 

1. Big Turtle (Mossy Back). Tehn-gyowh'-wihsh-hih-yooh-wah'- 
neh'-r5h-noh. The people of the Big (or Great) Turtle. 

2. Little Turtle (Little Water Turtle, sometimes called " Speckled 
Turtle "). Tehn-ygh'-roh-noh. The people of the Little Turtle. 

3. Mud Turtle. Yah'-nghs-teh'-roh-noh. The people of the Mud 

4. Wolf. Tehn-ah'-reh-squah'roh-noh. The people of the Wolf 
or the clan that smells a Bone. 

5. Bear. Tehn'-yoh-yeh nk '-roh-n6h. The people of the Bear, or 
the clan of the Claws. 

6. Beaver. Tsooh'-tih-hah-teh-zhah'-tooh-tgh'-roh-noh. The peo- 
ple of the Beaver, or the clan of the House -Builders. 

7. Deer. Tehn-dah'-ah-rah'-roh-noh. The people of the Deer, or 
the clan of the Horns. 

8. Porcupine. YSh-rSh'-hehseh'-roh-nSh. The people of the Porcu- 
pine, or the clan of the Quills. 

9. Striped Turtle. Mah-noh-hooh'kah-sheh'-roh-noh. The people 
of the Striped Turtle, or the clan that carries the Stripes, (or colors). 

10. Highland Turtle, or Prairie Turtle. Yeh' toh-zhooh'-roh-noh. 
The people of the Prairie Turtle, or the clan that carries the House. 

11. Snake. Tehn-goh nt '-roh-noh. The people of the Snake, or the 
clan that carries the Trail. Sometimes called the " Little Clan of the 

12. Hawk. Tehn'-dgh-soh'-roh-noh. The people of the Hawk, or 
the clan of the Wings. 


The following is the list of names of the clans of the Wyandots as 
procured for me by Mr. Splitlog : 

1. Big Turtle, or Great Turtle. Hah'-tehn-gyowh'-wihsh-hih'-yooh- 
wah'-nh roh-noh. The people of the Big (or Great) Turtle, or the 
clan that bears the Earth. 

2. Little Turtle (Little Water Turtle, sometimes called " Speckled 
Turtle"). Gyowh'-wihsh-huoju '-tehn-ygh'-roh-noh. The people of 
the Little Turtle, or the clan that keeps the Heavens. 

3. Mud Turtle. Gyowh'-wihsh-yah'-neh's-teh'-roh-noh. The people 
of the Mud Turtle, or the clan that digs through the earth. 

4. Wolf. Hah'-tehn-ah'-reh-squah'-roh-noh. The people of the 
Wolf, or the clan that smells a Bone. 

5. Bear. Hah'-tehn'-yoh yeh ngk '-roh-noh. The people of the 
Bear, or the clan of the Claws. 

6. Beaver. Yooh-tsooh'-tlh-hah'-teh-zhah'-tooh-teh'-roh-noh. The 
people of the Beaver, or the clan of the House-builders. 

7. Deer. Hah'-tehn-dah'-ah-roh-noh. The people of the Deer, or 
the clan of the Horns. 

8. Porcupine. Y66h-reh n '-hgh-sah'-roh-noh. The people of the 
Porcupine, or the clan of the Quills. 

9. Striped Turtle. Gyowh'-wihsh-yooh-mah'-noh-hooh'-kah-sheh'- 
roh-noh. The people of the Striped Turtle, or the clan that carries the 
Stripes (or colors). 

10. Highland Turtle, or Prairie Turtle. Hah'-tah-squah'-ygh'-toh- 
zhooh'-roh-noh. The people of the Prairie Turtle, or the clan that 
carries the House. (Members of this tribe were sometimes called 
" Shell-shutters " and " House-shutters "). 

11. Snake. Hah"-tehn-goh nt/ -roh-noh. The people of the Snake, 
or the clan that carries the trail. Sometimes called the " Little clan 
of the Horns." 

12. Hawk. Hah'-tehn'-dgh'-soh n '-roh-noh. The people of the 
Hawk, or the elan of the Wings. Sometimes called the " Clan of the 

The order in which the clans are recorded in the two foregoing 
lists is the order of precedence of the clans of the Wyandots. 8i In 
their march or migration as a tribe they marched " on the Trail of the 
Snake." What this phrase signifies can now be only conjectured. It 
may have had reference to the windings of their paths or trails through 
the forests, or it may have been the office of the Snake clan to select the 
route of the march in advance of their movement and report it for 
approval. But I was unable to learn anything definite as to its 
meaning. 9 


The march was under the immediate direction of the Wolf clan, 
and was commanded by the chief of the Wolf clan. 10 

Their camp was formed " on the shell of the Big Turtle." It com- 
menced at the right fore-leg and continued around the shell to the 
right to the left fore-leg in the order of precedence, except that the 
Wolf clan could be either in the centre of the encampment or at " the 
head of the Turtle." The tribe was placed in this order, with the Wolf 
clan " at the head of the Turtle," in the Great Yooh'-wah-tah'-yoh, by 
Tseh'-sSh-howh'-hooh ngk , and marched out in the order of precedence. 
In one of the versions of the myth ascribing this retirement to the 
Yooh-wah-tah'-yoh, this order of precedence and manner of encamp 
ment are given. 

I subjoin here the order, family, genus and species of the animals 
used by the Wyandots as totem or clan insignia as they were procured 
for me by Mr. Splitlog, and they are undoubtedly, in the main, 
correct. 12 

1. Big turtle. All the turtles were either fresh-water or land 
animals. One seems to have been either water or land animal, or both 
water and land animals, living in the water or on the land when he 
pleased or as his convenience, circumstances, or inclination required. 
No reference to the sea was ever made by the Wyandots in describing 
any of the turtles or their habits. 

The big turtle is called gyowh'-wihsh-hlh'-yooh-wah'-neh' ; order, 
Chelonia ; family, Ghelydridce ; genus, Chelydra ; species, Serpentina. 

He is often spoken of as the mossy-backed turtle, or the mossy- 
backed fellow. It is the common snapping-turtle. 13 

2. Little turtle. The Little Turtle clan is often called the Speckled 
Turtle clan. The term little turtle was used to distinguish the clan 
from that of the big turtle after some of the minor clans were extinct, 
and the remainder of them given the common designation of " Little 
Turtle," and spoken of usually as a single clan. But the true little 
turtle clan was as often called speckled turtle as little turtle. This 
turtle is usually described as " these little spotted fellows that crawl 
up on logs, stones, sticks in large numbers to sun themselves. 14 Refer- 
ence to this habit is made in the myth of the creation of the sun ; the 
cloud contained lakes, ponds, etc. 

The little turtle is called by the Wyandots gyowh-wihsh'-yah-neh'- 
steh, the turtle that carries his spots. It is also called Keeper of the 
Heavens ; and also the Turtle that carries the Fire. Order, Chelonia ; 
family, Emydidce ; genus, Chelopus ; species, Guttatus. 15 

3. Mud turtle. This turtle is the soft-shelled turtle that buries 
itself in the mud of lake or river beds. It is spoken of as " the fellow 


that digs in the ground " (or mud). Order, Chelonia ; family, Tryon- 
ychidce ; genus, Amy da ; species, Mutica 16 

4. Wolf. The wolf is the black timber-wolf found in the forests 
of eastern North America. Wyandot name, hah'-nah'-reh'-squah he 
smells (sniffs) a bone ; an allusion to his ravenous nature. Order, 
Carnivora ; family, Canidce ; genus, Lupus ; species, Occidentalism 

5. Bear. The common black bear. Its Wyandot name is hahn'- 
yohn-ySh nk . This name is supposed when pronounced by a Wyandot, 
or any one else, properly, to be an imitation of the whine of the young 
bear. The clan reference is to its strong claws. Order, Carnivora ; 
family, Ursidce ; genus, Ursus ; species, Americanus. 18 

6. Beaver. The Wyandot name is tsooh'-tah-ih, and the clan 
reference is to its building houses in places prepared for that purpose 
more properly, perhaps, village-builders. Order, Rodentia ; family, 
Casto ; genus, Castor ; species, Fiber. 

7. Deer. The deer common to eastern North American forests. 
Wyandot name, skah-n5h'-toh, formerly ough / -sk6oh-nooh nek '-t65h ngk 
and the clan reference is to its horns, indicative of power, ability to 
fight, pride. Order, Ungulata ; family, Cervidce ; genus, Cervus ; 
species, Virginia nus.* 

8. Porcupine. The porcupine is the eastern species of semi- 
arboreal North American porcupine. Its Wyandot name is tseh'-neh- 
kah'-ah. The clan reference is to its sharp quills. Order, Rodentia ; 
family, Sphingurince ; genus, Erethizon ; species, Dorsatus.* 1 

9. Striped Turtle. The Wyandot name of this turtle is gyowh'- 
wihsh-ooh'-zhooh'-toh. The name does not signify " striped turtle " 
but a turtle of a peculiar color, and also one that can travel through 
the woods. The literal translation of the name is " the wood turtle of 
the peculiar color," or the "strange color"; and it may have been called 
" striped turtle " because of its striking color or because of some habit 
or circumstance unknown to us. Mr. Splitlog called it the leech turtle. 
The clan allusion is to its peculiar color. Order, Chelonia ; family 
Emydidce ; genius, Chelopus ; species, Insculptus. 22 

10. Highland turtle, or prairie turtle. This turtle is always 
spoken of as the box turtle, or highland turtle. This is the only land 
turtle clan, or highland turtle clan ever in existence among the 
Wyandots. The Wyandot name of this turtle is hah'-tah-squah', and 
signifies a " house -carrier," and the clan reference is to this name. 
Governor Walker calls this the dry land turtle. Order, Chelonia ; 
family, Emydidoe ; genus, Emys ; species, Meleagr is. 23 

11. Snake. The Wyandot name of this mythical Snake is yahn- 
goohnt'. He had four legs ! The Snake clan is an offshoot from the 
Deer clan. The name, horns, and form of the snake were fixed to 


keep in memory this relationship, for the snake had the horns of the 
stag, and the snake clan was sometimes called the " Little Clan of the 
Horns." The clan allusion is to the location of the trail of the march 
in migrations. Whether it was the office of the v Snake Clan to dis- 
cover and point out the trail I cannot say. In the absence of any 
direct descendant of this snake the Wyandots reverenced the rattle- 
snake as a wise and discreet relative of the mythical ancestor of one 
of their largest and most important clans. 24 

12. Hawk. Like the snake the hawk is largely mythical. It is 
spoken of as hawk, eagle, and often simply as the big bird, or chief of 
birds. But the condition is not the same as that of the snake, for a 
certain kind of bird is designated as the direct descendant of this 
ancient bird. Even with Mr. Splitlog's assistance I was not able to 
specify this bird beyond question. Cooper's hawk is nearer the des- 
cription than any other, and I have little doubt that it is the bird 
meant, although I have sometimes thought the Wyandots described 
the sparrow hawk. The eggs of the hawk were usually spoken of 
and described as being blue and unspotted. The clan allusion is to the 
wings of the hawk. Wyandot name, yahn-dSh'-soh ; order, Accipitres ; 
family, Falconidce ; genus, Accipiter ; species, Cooperi. 25 

Some of 'the minor turtle clans were the first of the Wyandot clans 
to become extinct. The Prairie Turtle clan became extinct in Ohio, 
about the year 1820. An old woman was the last member of this 
clan. She died at Upper Sandusky, and George Wright saw her 
buried ; he was then a good sized boy. She declared she would be 
the last of her clan ; that her clan should be buried with her. If she 
had desired to do so she could have perpetuated it by adopting some 
members of other clans if they would have consented ; or she might 
have adopted white persons. 

Just before the removal from Ohio the few members of the Little 
Turtle, Mud Turtle, and Striped Turtle clans began to be called by the 
general name of Little Turtle, to distinguish them more readily from 
the Big Turtle clan which yet contained many members. The Mud 
Turtle and Striped Turtle clans did not have any separate existence in 
Kansas, although there were a few members of each clan in the tribe ; 
they were called Little Turtles. 

The Beaver clan became extinct in Kansas. James Washington, 
one of the principal men of the tribe, and principal chief more than 
once under the elective chieftancy, was the last member of the Beaver 
clan. He died in Wyandotte County, Kansas, December 1, 1852. 26 

The Hawk clan became extinct either immediately before, or 
immediately after the migration from Ohio ; some say before others 
say a few of them still lived when they came west. 


The extinct clans of the Wyandots are: 1, Mud Turtle ; 2, Beaver ; 
3, Striped Turtle ; 4, Highland Turtle, or Prairie Turtle ; 5, Hawk. 

The existing clans in the Wyandotte nation are as follows : 1, Big 
Turtle ; 2, Little Turtle, or Speckled Turtle ; 3, Wolf ; 4, Bear ; 5, 
Deer ; 6, Porcupine ; 7, Snake. 

The separation or division of the tribes into two or more groups 
was common to the Iroquoian people. Each division contains a cer- 
tain number of the clans of the tribe, and is called a phratry. Major 
Powell enumerates four phratries which he says existed in the Wyan- 
dot tribe. They are as follows : 

First phratry : 1, Bear ; 2, Deer ; 3, Striped Turtle. 

Second phratry: 1, Highland Turtle ; 2, Black Turtle , 3, Smooth 
Large Turtle. 

Third phratry : 1, Hawk ; 2, Beaver ; 3, Wolf. 

Fourth phratry : 1. Sea Snake ; 2, Porcupine. 

Major Powell's informant was as much in error in this respect as in 
that of the clans. 

John W. Gray-Eyes gave the Bureau of Ethnology a list of the 
Wyandot clans, and the phratries of the tribe. This list is as follows : 

First phratry : 1, Big Turtle ; 2, Small Striped Turtle ; 3, Deer. 

Second phratry : 1, Smooth Big Turtle ; 2, Bear ; 3 ; Beaver. 

Third phratry: 1, Porcupine; 2, Snake; 3, Hawk; 4, Highland 

This is as far from being correct as is the list of Major Powell. 
I have the diary or journal kept by Mr. Gray-Eyes for many years. 
Here is what he says in it of the phratries : 

" Names taken of the different bands or tribes who are voters of 
tribe conventions, the names of the tribes yet in existence in the 
Wyandotts are as follows : 1st. The Porcupine ; 2nd, the Beare ; 3rd, 
the Deer ; 4th, the Big Turtle; 5th, the Specie Turtle; 6th, the Snake ; 
7th, the Woolf, and the tribes have become extinct are as follows : 
the Hawk, the Beaver and the Highland Turtle, and when in full 
there were ten bribes. These tribes are again divided in plattoones in 
threes. 1st, the Beare ; 2nd, the Deers ; the 3 Snakes ; and the Big 
and Speckle or Small Turtles and the Porcupine forms another plat- 
toones, the 1st, Hawk ; 2nd, the Beaver ; 3rd, the Highland Turtle 
makes the third divition. The woolf stands an independent tribe, and 
holds a Cousin relation with all the different Tribes, and is by all 
regarded a General mediator in cases of controversies between any [of] 
the tribes. 

" And now the present plattoones are as this : 

The 1st, Beare, The Big Turtle, 

" 2nd, Deer, " Small Turtle, 

" 3rd, Snakes, " Porcupine, 

and the Mediator the Woolf makes the 7th in number." 


It will be observed that the "potts," or ''messes," as he has else- 
where called the phratries in the first classification, do not correspond 
to the " plattoones " of the second classification. His last classification 
is correct, and the one now existing in the tribe. 

There never at any time existed more than two divisions or phra- 
tries in the Wyandot tribe. And the Wolf clan always stood between 
the divisions, bearing the relation of cousin to each of them, and 
belonged to neither division, but was always the executive power of 
the tribe and the mediator or umpire between the divisions and 
between the clans. 

The ancient divisions of the tribe are as follows : 

First division. 1, Bear; 2, Deer ; 3, Snake ; 4, Hawk. 

Second division. 1, Big Turtle ; 2, Little Turtle ; 3, Mud Turtle ; 
4, Beaver ; 5, Porcupine ; 6, Striped Turtle ; 7, Highland Turtle, or 
Prairie Turtle. 

Mediator, executive power, umpire, the Wolf. 

This classification is correct beyond the possibility of doubt. In 
ancient times marriage was prohibited between the clans of a division. 
This law was modified so that the prohibition applied to members of 
the same clan only. The ancient law of marriage will be understood 
when we consider that the clans belonging to a division bore the 
relation of brother to each other. The clans of one division bore the 
relation of cousin to the clans of the other division. The law pro- 
hibiting marriage between all but the clans of the opposite divisions 
of the tribe was abolished before the Methodist missionaries went 

amongst them. 


The principles of Wyandot government are well laid down by 
Major Powell, although there are some errors of minor importance. 
He follows Finley, and Finley was never to be wholly relied upon. 26 * 

The present Wyandot government, in the Indian territory, is based 
on the ancient divisions of the tribe. An extract of the constitution 
adopted September 23rd, 1874, may be of interest : 

" It shall be the duty of the said Nation to elect their officers on 
the second Tuesday in July of each year. That said election shall be 
conducted in the following manner. Each tribe, consisting of the 
following tribes : The Big and Little Turtle, Porcupine, Deer, Bear 
and Snake shall elect a chief, and then the Big and Little Turtle and 
Porcupine tribes shall select one of their three chiefs as a candidate 
for Principal Chief. The Deer, Bear and Snake tribes shall also select 
one of their three chiefs as a candidate for Principal Chief ; and then 
at the general election, to be held on the day above mentioned, the 
one receiving the highest number of all the votes cast shall be 


declared the Principal Chief ; the other shall be declared the Second 
Chief. The above named tribes shall, on the above named election day, 
elect one or more sheriffs. 

" The Wolf Tribe shall have the right to elect a Chief, whose duty 
shall be that of Mediator ? 

" In case of misdemeanor on the part of any Chief, for the first 
offence the Council shall send the Mediator to warn the party ; for the 
second offence, the party offending shall be liable to removal by the 
Mediator, or Wolf and his Clan, from office." 

This has always been the position of the Wolf Clan. 
, Anciently the office of Principal Chief was in a manner hereditary 
in a clan, but if the heir was considered unfit to exercise authority he 
was passed over, and a chief selected from the tribal council. In this 
event the chief was first nominated by the Chiefs of the Big Turtle, 
Bear and Deer clans, though not necessarily from any one of their own 
clans, and never from the Bear clan. Thus the last Sahr-stahr-rah'- 
tseh of the tribe was of the Deer clan, and was known to the white 
men as the Half King ; he died at Detroit in 1788, and was succeeded 
by Tarhe of the Porcupine clan. Tarhe was selected because of his 
ability. Governor Walker says of the Half King : 27 

" He inherited his position good man a Catholic. After his 
death the chieftainship which had previously been confined to his 
tribe and family selected Tarhe of the Porcupine tribe on account of 
his abilities, good conduct, purity of character and general fidelity, as 
head Chief ; and it continued in that clan till the head Chief became 

The inheritance of the sachemship was not changed until after the 
defeat of the Indians by Wayne, the Wyandots say. 


All the proper names of the Wyandots were clan names. The unit 
of the Wyandot social and political systems was not the family nor the 
individual, but the clan. The child belonged to its clan first to its 
parents afterwards. Each clan had its list of proper names, and this 
list was its exclusive property which no other clan could appropriate 
or use. These were necessarily clan names. They were formed by 
rigid rules prescribed by immemorial custom, and no law of the Medes 
and Persians was so unchangeable, so rigidly enforced was custom by 
the Wyandots. Custom was inflexible exacting and could be 
modified only by long and persistent effort (and then but by almost 
imperceptible degrees), or by national disaster. The customs and 
usages governing the formation of clan proper names demanded that 
they should be derived from some part, habit, action or some peculiarity 


of the animal from which the clan was descended. Or they might be 
derived from some property, law, or peculiarity of the element in which 
such animal lived. Thus a proper name was always a distinctive badge 
of the clan bestowing it. 

When death left unused any of the original clan proper names, the 
next child born into the clan, if of the sex to which the temporarily 
obsolete name belonged, had this name bestowed upon it. If no child 
was born, and a stranger was adopted, such name was given to the 
adopted person. This was the unchangeable law, and there was but 
one exception to it. When a child was born in connection with some 
extraordinary circumstance, or bearing some distinguishing mark, or 
when a stranger so marked was adopted, the Council-women of the 
clan, who stood at the head of the clan and regulated its internal 
affairs, informed themselves of all the facts and devised a name in 
which they were embodied. This name was made to conform to the 
ancient law governing clan proper names, if possible ; but sometimes 
this could not be done. These special names died with their owners. 

The parents were not permitted to name the child. The clan 
bestowed the name. Names were given but once a year, and always 
at the ancient anniversary of the Green Corn Feast. Anciently, 
formal adoptions could be made at no other time, and until within the 
last forty years, names could be given at no other time. The name 
was bestowed by the clan chief. The clan chief was a civil officer of 
both his clan and the tribe, and he was a member of the tribal council. 
He was selected by the council-women of his clan. At an appointed 
time in the ceremonies of the Green Corn Feast, each clan chief took 
an assigned position, and parents of his clan having children to be 
named filed before him in the order of the ages of the children to be 
named. The council- women stood by the clan chief, and announced to 
him the name of each child presented. The chief then bestowed the 
name upon the child. This he could do by simply announcing the 
name to the parents, or by taking the child in his arms and addressing 
it by the name. 

The formal adoption of a stranger might be accomplished in the 
simple ceremonial of being presented at this time to the clan chief by 
one of the sheriffs, (as we might call them, and as they are now called 
by the Wyandots.) He must have been previously adopted into some 
family of the clan. The clan chief bestowed a name upon him (one 
that had been previously prepared by the council-women), welcomed 
him in a few well chosen words, and the ceremony was complete. Or 
the adoption might be performed with as much display, ceremony and 
pomp as the tribal council might, from any cause, decree. The 
tribal council generally controlled the matter of adoptions, although 


it never opposed the adoption of a person determined upon by any 
tribe. It could not prevent the adoption by any clan of any one if the 
clan chose to assert its rights. But there was rarely any disagreement 
upon this matter between the tribe and the clan. 

A man (and perhaps a woman) might have two names, sometimes 
more. He was not prohibited from assuming an additional name. 
The tribal council might order a special name to be bestowed upon 
him for distinguished services to the nation. But these were only 
incidental names and he might be called by them or not, as his fellows 
chose. His clan name was his true name, and while he might have 
others, he could not repudiate it nor cast it aside. Whatever he was 
to his tribe, or to others, he was to his clan only what his clan name 
indicated, and was almost always so called. Any additional names he 
might possess died with him ; they were never perpetuated. 

This manner of naming was advantageous. A man disclosed his 
clan in telling his name. The clan was his mother ; he was the child 
of the clan ; his name was his clan badge and always a sure means of 

"When first visited by white men the Wyandots had a well-developed 
and well-defined system of mythology. This is shown by their clan- 
proper names. All the clan animals had their mythical traits, 
attributes and actions imbedded in clan-proper names. The most 
tenacious and unchanging words in the Wyandot language are the 
names of persons, peoples and places. 

It is now almost impossible to obtain many name-meanings. The 
Wyandots themselves do not remember them, so far away from their 
ancient language and customs have they gone. I have been able to 
preserve a few of the ancient Wyandot clan-proper names and their 
meanings. I give them below. 

1. Deer Clan. Hahng'-gah-zhooh'-tah. When the deer runs his 
tail is up. 

2. Deer Clan. Shah'-rahn-tah. The young buck drops his spots, 
i. e., the fawn changing color. 

3. Deer Clan. Deh'-h6hn-yahn'-teh. The rainbow. 29 

4. Deer Clan. Hahr'-zhah-tooh 11 * 11 - He marks, i. e., the big buck 
comes to the mark to meet all comers of his kind of whatever number 
or size. s< 

5. Porcupine Clan. Dah'-rah-hooh ngk - He throws up his quills 
or the porcupine in the act of throwing up his quills for battle when 

6. Deer Clan. Tooh-kwah'-nah-yooh'-teh. She speaks fair, or her 
words are beautiful, or her words float like clouds. 

7. Snake Clan Sehts-ah'-mah. Holding a flower. 


8. Deer Clan. Tooh-nSh's.' A pond : a deer-lick. 

9. Deer Clan. Kahn'-dah owh ngk - The old doe. 

10. Bear Clan. Shah'-tah-hooh-rohn'-teh. Half the sky. 

11. Porcupine Clan. 1st. name: Ohn-dooh'-tooh. The meaning 
of this name is lost. 2nd. name : Stih-yeh'-stah. Carrying bark, i. e., 
as the porcupine carries it in his pocket-like jaws from the top of the 
hemlock, where he has been feeding. 

12. Clan unknown. Yan-nyah'-m6h-dh'. Meaning of the name 
unknown. He was the last full blood Wyandot, and died in Canada 
about 1820. So say the old Wyandots. 

13. Big Turtle Clan. ' A negro. Was captured in Greenbrier 
county, (now) West Virginia. Bought by Adam Brown, Chief of the 
Wyandots, and was adopted. Named Sooh'-quehn-tah'-rah-reh. Means 
the act of the Big Turtle in sticking out his head when it is drawn 
into his shell. A good translation would be " He sticks out his head." 
See Finley's " Wyandot Mission " for information about him. For the 
peculiar manner of his interpreting John Stewart's sermons see 
" Grandmother's Recollections " in Western Christian Advocate about 
1897. The Wyandots confirm what is there said. 

14. Famous Wyandot preacher at the Wyandot mission, and one 
of the first converts to Methodism. See Finley. His name should 
have been written Mah-noohn'-kyooh. Big Turtle Clan. Meaning 
of name lost. 

15. Porcupine Clan. Neh-nyeh'-eh-seh. Meaning of name lost. 
A tall woman. Davis-Mohawk. 

16. Porcupine Clan. Skah'-mehn d(ih'-teh. Meaning of the name is 
lost. She married George Armstrong and is said to have been a term- 

17. See Finley's "Wyandot Mission" for information about him. He 
was a famous native preacher, and a man of strong character. Sah- 
yooh-tooh'-zhah'. Clan and meaning of name lost. 

18. Wolf Clan. Hah-sheh'-trah. The foot- print of the wolf. 

19. Little Turtle Clan. Dah'-teh-zhooh'-owh ngk - Meaning of name 

20. Deer Clan. Mghn'-dih-deh'-tih. Means the echo ; the wonder- 
ful talker ; what she says goes a long way and then comes back again. 

21. Porcupine clan. Reh'-hooh-zhah. 12 Means the porcupine pull- 
ing down the branches and nipping off the buds and bark. 

23. Deer Clan. Nehn'-gah-nyohs. It describes the act of a deer 
throwing up its hair when angry. 

23. Bear Clan. TSh-hooh'-kah-quah-shrooh. Means " Bear with 
four eyes." So called because he wore spectacles when he was adopted. 

24. Snake Clan. Nyoohn-dooh'-tohs. Meaning of name lost. 


25. Snake Clan. Squah'-skah roh. She moves quickly ; or she 
moves suddenly ; or she turns unexpectedly. 

26. Snake Clan. Teh-hooh'-mah-yehs'. Means " you cannot see 
him ; or invisible." 

27. Clan unknown. MSh'-rooh-tohn'-quah. Meaning lost. 

28. Snake Clan. Dah'-ny66hn-deh k/ . Meaning lost. 

29. Clan unknown. Name, Kah-weh'-tseh. Meaning unknown to 

30. Clan unknown to me. Name, Zhah'-hah-rehs. Meaning un- 
known to me. Formerly Mary Peacock ; married Peter Bearskin. 

31. Clan unknown to me. Name, Yooh-mtih'-reh-hooh'. Meaning 
unknown to me. 

32. Snake Clan. Name, Yah'-ah-tah'-seh. Means, " A new body." 
Said of the snake when she slips off her old skin, as snakes do once a 
year. Her second name is Ooh-dah'-tohn'-teh. Means " She has left 
her village." One of the first (if not the very first) names for women 
in the list belonging to the Snake Clan. See note 24. 

33. Clan unknown to me. Name, Dih-e"h-sheh nk . Meaning un- 
known to me. 

34. Clan unknown to me. Name, Meh'-nooh-n6h'-tah. Meaning 
unknown to me. 

35.. Big Turtle Clan. Teh-shohnt'. Strawberry, or the turtle's eye. 
The Big Turtle has a strawberry-colored eye. 

36. Big Turtle Clan. Kyooh-deh'-meh. Meaning of this name 
is lost. 

37. Snake Clan. Tsoohn'-dehn-deh k/ . Means " We clothe the 
stranger," or literally, " The Snake receives and clothes the stranger." 
She was a Pennsylvanian, and a teacher at the Wyandot mission. 
Married Francis Driver ; after his death sjie married Francis A. Hicks; 
came to Kansas with the Wyandots in 1843. Buried in Huron Place 

38. Big Turtle Clan. Husband of the above mentioned. Teh'-hah- 
rohn'-yooh-rgh'. Means " Splitting the sky," i. e., the Big Turtle is 
rushing across the sky, dividing it with his course. 

39. Clan unknown. Tooh'-noh-shah'-te'h. Meaning lost. 

40. Big Turtle Clan. Through his mother he was descended from 
the famous Madame Montour. Born near Detroit, in Wayne county, 
Michigan, March 5, 1800 ; came to Kansas in 1843. He was a man of 
education, refinement, and great force of character. Less than one- 
fourth Indian. In 1853 (July 26th) was elected provisional governor 
of Nebraska Territory. Had two names. First, Sehs'-tah-r<~>h (more 
properly Tsehs'-tah-roh). Means " Bright," or " The Turtle's eye as it 



shines in the water." Second name, Hah-shah'-rehs. Means " Over-a 
full," and refers to a stream at flood, or overflowing its banks. 

41. Porcupine Clan. Daughter of Silas Armstrong, sr. Name, 
Yooh'-reh-zheh'-nohs. Means " The wind blows it over." Refers to 
the wind blowing up the long 'hair of the porcupine. 

42. Porcupine Clan. Sister of above mentioned. Name, Mehn'- 
tsShn-noh. Meaning lost. 

43. Porcupine Clan. Daughter of Mrs. Morris. Name, Kah'-yooh- 
dihs'ah-wah'. 2 Meaning lost. 

44. Founder of the Wyandot mission at Upper Sandusky, Ohio. 
Adopted into the Bear Clan. Name, Reh'-wah-wih'-ih. Means, " Has 
hold of the law." In his books, Finley does not write his name pro- 
perly. He had a nickname : Hah-gyeh'-reh-wah'-neh. Means, " Big 
neck," because, the Wyandots say, he had the neck of a bull. 

45. Adopted into the Little Turtle Clan. Name, Yah'-rah-quehs'. 
Meaning lost. 

46. Big Turtle Clan. Brother of Governor William Walker. 
Name, Rah'-hahn-tah'-sgh. Means " Twisting the forest," i. e., as the 
wind moves, waves, and twists the willows along the banks of the 
stream in which the turtle lives. 

47. Big Turtle Clan. Name, Towh-hgh n '-shreh. Means, "The 
Turtle sees the light," i. e., when he floats up to the surface of the 

48. Big Turtle clan. Name, Nyeh'-meh-ah. Means " Accom- 
plisher." Refers to the work of the Big Turtle in the creation. Their 
marriage was in violation of clan law of the Wyandots. 

49. Big Turtle Clan. Toh-roh ng gygh'. Meaning lost. 

50. Big Turtle Clan. Tsoohn'-deh-shrah'-ten. Meaning is lost. 

51. Little Turtle Clan. Treh'-hghn-toh. Means, "Tree shaking," 
i.e., by the current, or flow of water against it. 

52. Little Turtle Clan. Wah-trohn'-yoh-noh'-ngh. " She takes 
care of the sky," or " Keeper of the heavens." 

53. Porcupine Clan. Gweh-rih'-rooh. " Tree climber." 

54. Little Turtle Clan. Heh'n'-toh. The meaning is lost. 

55. Married into the tribe and given a little Turtle name. 
Qughn'-deh-sah k/ -teh. Means, vibrating voice, or a voice which goes 
up and down. The voice intended to be described is the voice of the 
Little Turtle heard un summer nights. This is very nearly the same 
as one of the Big Turtle names, which is sometimes written as here 
spelled, but it has a different meaning in that clan. 

56. Bear Clan. Teh'-owh ngk/ . Swimming (female) Bear. 

57. Bear Clan. Mah'-shehn-dah'-rooh. Meaning is lost. 


58. Bear Clan. Teh'-ah-rohn'-tooh'-ygh. This is the famous 
name in the Bear Clan. It means, between the logs. 

59. Big Turtle Clan. MShn-sah k '-teh. The meaning is unknown 
to me. 

60. Deer Clan. Yah-rohn'-yah-ah-wih'. The Deer goes in the 
sky and everywhere. 

61. Deer Clan. Shrlh'-ah-wahs. " Cannot find deer when he 
goes hunting." 

62. Deer Clan. Nahn-dooh'-zhoh. An old deer. 

63. Deer Clan. Tgh'-skook-heh 1 *'. At (or in) the deer-lick. 

64. Wolf Clan. Tooh'-ah. It means " There," i.e., at the Wolfs 
house, or the Wolf's position in the tribal camp. 

65. Big Turtle Clan. Quihn'-deh-sah'-tgh. " Two lives," or " he 
lives in the water and in the air," or " in living he goes up and down." 
This name is written and pronounced a little differently in the Little 
Turtle Clan, and has a different meaning. 

66. Deer Clan. Mah'-ygh-tgh'-hah't. "Stand in the water." 
Refers to the habit of the deer, which stands in the water in summer 
to get rid of the annoyance of flies. 

67. Wolf Clan. A famous Wyandot Chief. See treaties made 
with the Wyandots while they were in Ohio. He is said to have been 
a poor Cherokee. Name, Hah-rohn'-yooh. The meaning is lost. His 
wife was adopted into the Wolf Clan. Name, Yahn'-y6oh-mgh n '-tah. 
The meaning is lost. Their marriage was permitted because they were 
both " strangers" of foreign blood. 

68. Big Turtle Clan. Brother of Governor Walker. Name, Wah'- 
wahs. It means, Lost Place. The name was given from the following 
circumstance : His mother was a woman of great influence with all the 
tribes of the north-western confederacy ; she spoke the languages of 
most of them. It was often necessary for her to attend their councils. 
She was sent for to attend one of these on one dark night. Her period 
of maternity was fulfilled. She was expecting confinement, and ob- 
jected ; but the business of state could not wait on the business of 
nature, and she was put into a wagon, and the journey for the council 
commenced. In the intense darkness the team left the path and soon 
was lost in the woods. The result was as she had feared. She was 
seized with travail, and soon a son was born to her. To commemorate 
the circumstances under which he was born he was given this name of 
Wah'-wahs Lost Place. 

NOTE "A." 

The whole of the Wyandot sociology rested on the clan system 
This system had its advantages and its faults. Its 'principal ad van - 
8 A 


tage was in its binding the tribe together with a bond of blood. In 
the Five Nations it was the feature of real strength. 

The clan system was responsible for much of the fierce warfare 
made by one tribe upon another. It was a religious duty to keep the 
clan full, i. e., every name in the clan list of proper names. No name 
was allowed in ancient times to become wholly obsolete. The animal 
from which the clan claimed descent was always angry when these 
names were not in use, for they were not in his honor ' To suffer a 
clan to become extinct was a reproach to the nation or tribe. It was 
followed by dire calamity. This both the old Wyandots and Senecas 
have often told me. War was often undertaken to replenish the 
depleted ranks of a decaying clan. White men were eagerly adopted > 
and to such an extent had this practice been carried by the Wyandots 
that after the year 1820 there was not a full- blood Wyandot alive. 
Few women and girls were slain in battle or tortured as prisoners even 
in ancient times. They were adopted into the different clans of the 

The Wyandots claim that as late as 1800 at least, the Wyandots 
and Cherokees made war upon each other for the sole purpose of 
obtaining women and children for adoption. 


1. George Wright said the same, almost precisely the same, to me 
upon this matter. There can be no higher authority than was Wright. 
Many years after the Wyandots had told me this I saw some of these 
ideas much better expressed in an article by Major Powell, but I do 
not now remember where it was published. 

2. The first place is conceded to the Big Turtle by all the Wyandots. 
There is no precedence and encampment is the form of the shell of the 
Big Turtle. And he made the Earth (the Great Island). 

The Little Turtle Clan is, undoubtedly, the second in antiquity, of 
the clans of the Wyandots. She spread the Earth brought up by the 
Toad upon the shell of the Big Turtle to make the Great Island. She 
is the Keeper of the Heavens, and created the sun, moon, and many 
of the stars. She controls the element, fire ; and the lightning is also 
subject to her. She rides in the clouds provided by the Thunder God. 

That the Mud Turtle is subordinate only to the Big and Little 
Turtles in point of importance and antiquity has always been main- 
tained by the Wyandots. She dug the hole through the Great Island 
for the use of the sun. She also made the land for the use of the 
Little People and for the future home of the Wyandots, while engaged 
in this work. She is the ruler of that land to which the Wyandots 
go after death, and where the Little People now preserve the ancient 


government of the Wyandots for the use of the tribe as it gathers 
there from death in this world. The Mud Turtle did not go into the 
sky with the other animals, but to this land of the Little People in 'the 
bowels of the Great Island. She may be found there now. No great 
creative power or important part in the creation was accorded or 
ascribed to any but the Turtles. 

It has been claimed that the Delawares were at one time a Turtle 
people. The Wyandots say that the Delawares came with them from 
the far north, and lived below them on the St. Lawrence river before 
the war with the Senecas broke out. These tribes were always par- 
ticularly friendly, and the Delawares called the Wyandots their uncles. 
It is possible that the Delawares copied the customs of their superiors. 

3. This conclusion was reached after many years of patient inves- 
tigation. I cannot say that it is correct beyond doubt, but I could 
arrive at no other conclusion. 

4. This was the opinion of George Wright. He said that Prairie 
Turtle clan names were often used by the Mud Turtle Clan after the 
Prairie Turtle clan became extinct, but they were used by no other 
clan. He also recited tradition in support of this position. 

5. I have this from Mr. Splitlog, and also from Mr. Wright. Their 
authority was the finding of Striped Turtle clan names in use in the Big 
Turtle clan after the Striped Turtle clan was extinct ; also Wyandot 
tradition. Among the old generation of Wyandots that came from 
Ohio to Kansas the ancient traditions of the people were well preserved 
in the form of songs. The children of that generation remember none 
of the old pagan songs, but their import only. Few are now left that 
remember even so much. 

6. The Wyandot tradition preserving this event is still well remem- 
bered by the old Wyandots in the Indian territory. They have often 
repeated it to me. Smith Nichols recites the best version. 

7. John W. Gray-Eyes gave me this word. I do not regard it as 
the best word for this use. 

8. This word was given me by Smith Nichols. I regard it as the 
better word. But I have often believed I found traces of two lan- 
guages in the Wyandot tongue. These words mean practically the 
same thing, but are nothing alike. And when questioned upon this 
point the old Wyandots say there was an old Wyandot language, or 
a sacred language in which much of their lore lay wrapped, and that 
but few of them could ever understand all of this old tongue. For- 
merlv the " Keepers of the True Traditions " were the custodians of it, 
and taught it to their successors. Mr. Wright told me that the lore 
of the Senecas was formerly preserved in this same ancient tongue 
used by the Wyandots, to a certain extent, and he believed the same 


was true of the Cayugas. If he was correct in this (and I do not 
doubt it to a certain extent) it may be that all the tribes of the Iro- 
quoian family preserved their sacred traditions, songs and myths in a 
dead tongue, which had formerly been the common language of the 
family before its separation into distinct tribes and the creation of 
distinct dialects. 

I give here two other words, much the same as the second one, 
either of which may mean clan or clans. 1. Hooh-teh'-tah-rih ng ' (the 
last syllable may be pronounced ra/t ng , also). 2. Hooh'-teh-rlh'-nyah- 
shroon-nuh. gk 

8|. Powell says, in his " Wyandot Government," that " the camp of 
the tribe is an open circle or horse-shoe, and the gentes camp in the 
following order, beginning on the left and going around to the right : 

" Deer, Bear, Highland Turtle (striped), Highland Turtle (black), 
Mud Turtle, Smooth Large Turtle, Hawk, Beaver, Wolf, Sea Snake, 

" The order in which the households camp in the gentile group is 
regulated by the gentile councilors and adjusted from time to time in 
such a manner that the oldest family is placed on the left and the 
youngest on the right." 

This is an error. The order of precedence and encampment is 
given accurately in my lists. What he says about " beginning on the 
left and going around to the right " may or may not be correct. If 
one were standing with face to the encampment it is true ; if looking 
away from the encampment then it is incorrect. 

The Deer was the principal clan of the tribe, but this was evi- 
dently true only in later times, and perhaps within the time when 
white men have known something of the Wyandots. In ancient times 
the Deer Clan must have been inferior to a number of clans, as evi- 
denced by its place in the order of precedence and encampment. 

9. George Wright gave me this information. That this is the fact 
he was positive, but as to the meaning of the term " on the trail of the 
snake " he could give me nothing. 

10. I obtained this from Mr. Wright, and have had it confirmed by 
other old Wyandots. 

11. My authority for this paragraph is Wright. 

12. Mr. Wright did not agree entirely with these identifications. 

13. There can be no question as to the accuracy of this identifica- 
tion. All the Wyandots with whom I consulted were agreed upon it. 
The term " Mossy-backed fellow " was given to me by Mr. Wright. 

14. That is Mr. Wright's expression. 

15. There can be no doubt of the correctness of this identification. 
I never heard any other so much as suggested in all my investigations 
of the matter. 


16. This is Mr. Splitlog's description and identification. Mr. 
Wright questioned it and believed it incorrect. He said it was a 
turtle with a hard shell and not so large as the turtle here described. 
He said he never saw any of this species except in Canada, and very 
few of them there. I have not succeeded in identifying and classify- 
ing the turtle he described. I am inclined to believe Wright correct, 
and that this is a Canadian turtle, little known to the later genera- 
tions of Wyandots. 

17. Wright questioned this identification, but I have failed to identify 
the wolf he described a yellow wolf, and of double the size of the 
ordinary wolf, often even larger. They were rare in the Canadian 
woods even in his day, he said. He described the track of this wolf 
as being as large as that of a pony, and he declared that he had seen 
the heads of these wolves that would measure twelve inches from the 
end of the nose to the top of the skull. He affirmed that his name 
signified the foot-print of the wolf he described to me. While I can- 
not confirm his statement, I do not doubt it. He said also that the 
Wolf Clan of the Delawares was descended from this same wolf which 
he described. 

18. All accounts agree that this is correct. 

19. There can be no question as to the accuracy of this identifica- 
tion. The Beaver Clan became extinct in Kansas, although there yet 
live in the Indian territory some persons descended from males of this 

20. If any other species of this family was ever the animal claimed 
by the Wyandots as the ancestor of this clan, it was so far back in the 
past that all remembrance of it is obliterated from the Wyandot mind. 
There can scarcely be a doubt as to the accuracy of this identification. 

21. No dispute as to the correctness of this identification. 

22. All the accounts I was able to obtain concerning this turtle 
agree as to its identity. But for all that I have sometimes believed 
the identification incorrect. Mr. Splitlog was very positive in his 
belief in the accuracy of this identification, and Wright agreed with 
him, I had before believed it was an exclusively water turtle. 

23. I believe there can be no doubt of the correctness of this identifi- 
cation. Wright produced the shell of one of those box turtles when 
describing the animal. It was the ordinary land terrapin which I 
had seen so often in Eastern Kentucky. They are found in great 
numbers in the present home of the Wyandots. 

24. The myth in brief is as follows : 

A young lady was selected to become the mother of the new clan. 
She was sent into the woods to receive the address of all the animals 
and to choose one for a husband ; their offspring was to form the new 


clan which was to be named for the animal so chosen. She made no 
choice, but the snake, by assuming the form of a fair young man, 
seduced her from her mission. She was his wife ; but he could not 
retain the form of the young man long, and when he assumed his true 
form of the snake, she fled from him and crossed a great water with 
the assistance of a man she "found on its shore with a canoe. The 
snake was very wroth when he found she had fled and he pursued 
her, calling to her to return. She did not heed his cries, and he 
raised a great storm on the water to engulf her. But Heh'noh, the 
thunder-god, came to her rescue, and slew the snake with a bolt of 

The woman was delivered of a number of snakes, and these were 
the progenitors of the Snake clan. 

The act of the woman in leaving her husband's lodge is called 
Ooh-dah-t5hn'-teh. It is perhaps the first name for woman in the list 
belonging to the Snake clan. It means " she has left her village." 
The act of the snake in calling to his fleeing wife is called Kah-yooh'- 
mghn-dah'-tah. It is the first name in the list for men belonging to 
the Snake clan. It means " calling to one your voice cannot reach," 
or " calling to one your voice does not influence." 

25. The myth of the origin of the Hawk clan is, in brief, as 
follows : 

A young woman was wandering about in a prairie one day when the 
sky was suddenly overcast. On looking up she saw the king of birds 
coming down upon her. She fled into a wood and crept into a log, but 
the big bird seized the log and carried it up to the top of a crag far 
above the clouds where he had his home. When he was gone the 
young woman came out of the log and found a nest, and in it two 
young birds, each larger than an elk. She learned that the big bird 
had slain his wife in a fury and thrown her down from the crag-top. 
The big bird assumed the form of a young man and the girl was his 
wife, but she wished very much to escape. She finally thought she 
might escape by the aid of one of the young birds. She fed the larger 
one well and he grew rapidly ; soon he could fly away a little distance 
and back again. One day when the big bird was gone she led the 
young bird to the edge of the precipice ; here she suddenly sprang on 
his back, and the force of her action carried him over the precipice. 
They tumbled along for a while but finally the young bird spread his 
wings, caught himself in the' air, and flew The girl had prepared a 
small stick and when he did not go down in his flight she tapped him 
on the head ; then he went down. Soon the girl heard the big bird 
coming in pursuit, and his trumpetings were of thunder. She tapped 
the young bird constantly and he soon came to the ground. The girl 


jumped from his back and pulled the long feathers from his wings, 
then fled into a wood and hid in the rocks. The big bird came to the 
ground and flapped his wings; the result was a hurricane which 
levelled the forest. He searched for the girl but could not find her. 
He took his disabled son in his talons and went back to his crag. The 
girl came from her hiding place and gathered up the long feathers she 
had plucked from the young bird's wings, and went home. When her 
time was full she was delivered of a number of hawks. They were 
each given a feather of those from the wings of the young bird. They 
became the progenitors of the Hawk clan of the Wyandots. 

26. He was the last of the pagan chiefs of the Wyandots. But he 
became a true and humble Christian at an early age and so continued 
until his death. 

27. Sahr'-stahr-rah'-tseh was an official title, and the highest 
originated and conferred by the Wyandots. It is believed that they 
conferred this title only upon the head chief who gave repeated 
evidences of bravery and high executive ability. Many chiefs could 
never attain this high rank, as the Wyandots were very jealous of its 

This title was conferred upon the writer at a feast ordered and 
Tield for that purpose in the Indian territory, March 22nd, 1899. 

28. Upon this subject my best authority was George Wright. 
Not that the information which I received from others was inaccurate 
or unreliable, but that Mr. Wright was so much better informed upon 
all subjects of this character. 

29. This name was given me some years ago when I was first con- 
sidered by the Wyandots as one of their number. On the 22nd day 
of March, 1899, I was formally adopted into the Deer Clan of the 
Wyandot tribe (having been previously adopted into a family of that 
clan) and "raised up" to fill the rank of Sahr'-stahr-rah'-tseh, which 
had been vacant since the death of Dah-66h ng '-quaht, or the Half 
King, at Detroit in July, 1788. The clan name of the Half King was 
Tooh-dah'-reh-zhooh', and that name was given me as my clan name. 
It means: The great Deer; or the Deer that leads; or the Deer that 
stands above his fellows. 

Dah-66h ng -quaht is a special Deer Clan name bestowed upon the 
Half King by the tribal council. It is said to mean " Long Bark " 

30. His mother was a Wyandot- Seneca of the Tsah-d8h'-shrah- 
nyoh'-kah or Snipe Clan, and according to a strict construction of In- 
dian kinship he would be a Seneca of that clan. But he is a Wyandot, 
the son of Matthew Brown, and the great-grandson of chief Adam 
Brown, who founded Brownstown. 


Powell, in his " Wyandofc Government," says that the tribal coun- 
cil was composed of one-fifth men and four-fifths women. The Wyan- 
dots deny that this was ever true. I doubt its accuracy. All that I 
have been able to learn on this subject leads me to believe that the 
tribal council was composed of the hereditary chief of the tribe, the 
chief of each clan, and such additional warriors of ability and courage 
as the hereditary chief and council chose to " call to the council-fire." 
Women were not excluded from the deliberations of the council in 
certain contingencies, and were often called upon to give an opinion. 
The oldest Wyandots say that women were never recognized as mem- 
bers of the tribal council. This is the more probable, as the tribal 
council possessed only delegated and limited authority. The govern- 
ment of che Wyandots, in its functions, was a pure democracy. Ques- 
tions affecting the interests ef the whole tribe were determined by it 
in general convention, and men and women alike were heard, and 
voted, the majority ruling. 

In the tribal council the vote was anciently by clans, the heredi- 
tary chief calling upon them in the order of precedence and encamp- 
ment, the " calling of the clans " being the word " Oh-heh' " and the 
response of the clan chief being H-e-e-eh'-zook, if voting in the affirma- 
tive. If assent of the clan was not given the clan chief remained 
silent, and no " voice " was heard. In ordinary matters if the " voice " 
of a majority of the clan chiefs was heard the proposition was carried^ 
but in matters of great moment unanimity was necessary. The num- 
ber of " voices " heard was reported to the head chief by the WolfV 
i.e., the clan chief of the Wolf Clan, and by the head chief announced 
to the council. In arriving at his decision the clan chief consulted the 
warriors of his clan that were members of the tribunal council. He 
might consult other members of his clan. A. question was rarely voted 
upon until at least one day had elapsed after its proposal. The tribal 
council did not necessarily consist of any certain number of persons. 

In voting in the general convention of tribes the account was kept 
with grains of corn, white being affirmative and red or blue negative. 
The vote was " taken " by. the Wolf, who gathered them in two bark 
receptacles. . They were counted by the tribal council and the result 
was announced to the convention by the Wolf. George Wright in- 
formed me that he had attended general conventions of the tribe in 
Ohio where the vote was thus taken. 

Concerning the head chief, or hereditary chief, Powell says that he 
was formerly of the Bear Clan. If this be true, it was so far in the 
past that none of the Wyandots that left Ohio for the west remem- 
bered it ; no tradition that this was ever true remained in the tribe, 
none remains to-day. The Bear Clan was always a turbulent, re- 


fractory and troublesome clan. It was often disciplined by the tribe, 
so I was informed by Wright and other old Wyandots. While it had 
individual members held in esteem in the tribe and noted for courao-e 


and intelligence, as a clan it was to a certain degree degraded and held 
in contempt. The office of head chief was hereditary in the Deer Clan 
back to the time of the remotest remembrance, until after the battle 
witli Wayne, where the chiefs of that clan were all killed, with a sin- 
gle exception, they say. Then the tribal council changed it to the Por- 
cupine Clan at the instance of Tarhe of that clan, who had exercised 
the supreme authority since the death of the Half King in 1788. This 
change was opposed by the Deer Clan, and many of the tribe con- 
sidered it an illegal and unwarranted proceeding. Only the great 
ability of Tarhe, which was recognized by the whole tribe, caused the 
action appointing him head chief to be acquiesced in. Many of the 
Wyandots regard the Deer Clan hereditary chief the true sachem of 
the tribe to this day. In this succession, Smith Nichols, living at the 
present time in the Seneca Nation, and married to r Seneca woman, is 
the hereditary chief of the Wyandots. 

While the sachem was, in a manner, chosen by the tribal council, 
the choosing was more in the manner of a " raising " than a real selec- 
tion of a person to fill the office. The council was restricted to the 
clan and family in this choosing, and unless some good reason could be 
shown the chief by heredity was never passed over. 



(According to Wyandot Tradition.) 

The Wyandot calls the Delaware his nephew and the Delaware 
calls the Wyandot his uncle. The Wyandot had as a tribe no other 
nephew than the Delaware, and the Delaware had no other uncle than 
the Wyandot How this relationship came to be recognized can per- 
haps never be ascertained. The Wyandot name for the Delaware does 
not explain it, and has no reference to it in its interpretation. This 
name is dooh'-seh-ah'-nSh, while the Wyandot word for nephew is 

The terms were evidently the result or incident of some treaty 
between the tribes, and probably of considerable antiquity, although 
the absence of any reference to this relationship in the Wyandot name 
of the Delawares would seem to indicate that it was of modern origin. 
The Wyandots have the following myths (possibly legends) upon this 
subject. As they relate also to the origin of wampum it may finally 
be determined that the relationship is of long standing. In relating 


the story the Wyandots always commenced " Long before the Wyan- 
dots came to the country where Quebec and Montreal now stand." 
The myths are as follows : 

" It came about in this way. The young woman who was to 
become the mother of the future head chief of the Wyandots belonged 
to the Big Turtle clan. She was comely and well favored, She was 
headstrong and rebellious. Her father selected from a proper clan a 
young man to become her husband. In this selection reference was 
had to the wishes of the young woman, for it was the custom to select 
an older man for a girl of her age. More from the perversity of her 
disposition than from her real feeling she scorned and refused the man 
she had caused to be selected. She went away with another Wyandot 
and lived in his lodge. 

This action of the young woman enraged her family and her clan 
as well as the tribe. Her clan sought to slay her. She and her 
husband were compelled to flee far away from their tribe to escape 
death. The office of head chief was taken from the Big Turtle clan 
and made hereditary in the Deer clan. 

The young woman and her husband lived in a strange land. They 
had many sons and daughters. These married the people of the land 
in which they were born. In the course of time the descendants of 
this Wyandot girl and her husband formed a great people. In their 
migrations they encamped near the land of the Wyandots. The 
Wyandots had no recognition for them but did not make war upon 


The villages of the Wyandots stood about a beautiful lake. One 
day a maiden went from the village to a marsh to get some cranberries. 
When she came to the marsh where the cranberries were growing she 
saw a great bird, half a tree tall, fierce and of frightful mien. This 
bird was feeding upon the cranberries of the marsh, and seemed incap- 
able of rising to fly away. 

The maiden was greatly frightened at what she believed to be a 
hooh'-keh' bird. She ran to the village and told the chief about the 
strange bird she had seen in the cranberry marsh. The Wolf sounded 
the great shell and the council was immediately assembled. Fear was 
in all the village. 

The council caused medicine to be made. It was found that this 
fierce bird in the marsh where the cranberries grew was the wampum 
bird, the first of its kind ever seen in this lower world. It was deter- 
mined that the bird must be killed and the wampum obtained. 

All the warriors went with the chief to slay the wampum bird. 
It was devouring the cranberries. So fierce and desperate was it that 


the warriors could not approach it with their clubs. The chief said to 
the warriors : " He that kills the wampum bird with an arrow shall 
have my daughter to wife." 

The maiden, the chief's daughter, was much desired by the warriors. 
They shot their arrows at the wampum bird. When an arrow struck 
the wampum bird it stood up its full height and shook off all the 
wampum with which it was covered. This precious substance fell in 
showers like rain all about the warriors. In an instant the bird was 
again covered with wampum which was its only plumage. The purple 
wampum covered its wings ; on the remainder of its body was the 
white wampum. 

No arrow shoj by the warriors could kill the wampum bird. 
While they were shooting, a youth came through the woods to where 
they stood. He was of a strange people. The warriors wished to kill 
-and scalp him. The chief permitted him to shoot at the wampum 
bird. He cut a slender willow from the marsh. From this he fashioned 
an arrow which he shot. None of the warriors saw the arrow leave 
the bow of the young man, nor did they see it strike, but the wampum 
bird was dead in an instant. The arrow was found piercing its head 
through the eyes. The Wyandots secured more wampum than could 
be placed in the largest lodge in their village. 

The warriors carried the youth to their village. They still wished 
to kill and scalp him, for they had not been able to kill the wampum 
bird. The chief said to the young man : " My son, tell me from whence 
you came." He replied that he was a Delaware. He said his people 
lived in a village which was not far away. 

The council sent the young man to bring his people to a great 
council which it appointed. At this great council the Wyandots 
recognized the Delawares as their nephews. A treaty was made which 
has not been broken to this day. The young man was given to the 
Wyandots and by them adopted. He was given the wife he earned 
by killing the wampum bird. 

This treaty was confirmed between the parties to it by giving back 
and forth strings of the wampum secured from the wampum bird slain 
by the young man. Since that day no treaty has been concluded by 
the Wyandots without the passing of the wampum belt. 

The Wyandots and their nephews, the Delawares, lived side by 
side a long time. Then they came from the north land to live on the 
banks of the St. Lawrence. 



Before entering upon an account of the conflicts which the colony 
of Canada had to encounter during the 17th century against the Iro- 
quois we must first learn something about the many peoples who, at 
that epoch, were the hereditary possessors of the greater half of the 
continent of North America the Nations, with whom the early dis- 
coverers and explorers came in contact after which we shall the more 
readily understand something of the bitter antagonism of the Iroquois 
against French exploration and French colonial expansion. 

Following a map of the times, and leaving eastern Pennsylvania, 
crossing Connecticut, Rhode Island, Massachusetts, New Hampshire*- 
Maine, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, all the Province of Quebec, the 
River Ottawa, Lake Nipigon, the Sault Ste. Marie, Lake Superior 
Wisconsin and Michigan, Indiana and Ohio, we find ourselves in a vast 
circle held by Algonkin tribes wandering bedouins, fishermen and 
hunters without stationary homes or lodges ; lacking high ideals and 
without a regular form of government. In habit improvident and 
shiftless, living ever in the present hour and forgetful of the future, 
with annual sufferings from a rigorous climate which no hard experi- 
ence taught them to prepare for, they feasted and gorged themselves 
while abundant harvests in natural luxuriance flourished around them* 
in turn suffering all the pangs of hunger, starvation and cold from 
their improvidence. Their language was composed of an infinity of 
dialects and patois, which rendered the speech of these Arabs of North 
America a strange tongue to all othernations iving beyond a radius 
of one hundred miles. The purest specimens of the Algonkin language 
were to be found among the dwellers on the banks of the Ottawa. 
River, on Manitoulin Island, in Wisconsin and Illinois. The physical 
type was more European than Asiatic, the skin white, not red. It 
almost appeared as if these people had a common origin and one not sa 
very far different from that of our own. These men, however, were 
primitive savages, not having the instincts to raise themselves above 
the level of brute creation and ignorant of their gross ignorance, they 
were dwellers on the lowest rung of the ladder of humanity. 

Now, let us glance within the circle embracing Upper Canada, the 
State of New York and the north of Pennsylvania. This region was. 

* Translated by Mrs. Mary E. Ro3e Holden. " This translation of Mrs. Mary 
E. Rose Holden is an honor I highly appreciate, and I take pleasure in adding that 
I have compared it with the original and cannot expect a more accurate expression 
of my text from any writer. 

Ottawa, Oct. 17th, 1889." 


inhabited by the Huron-Iroquois race, peoples of sedentary habits, 
having well-built lodges, villages and towns. Cultivators of the soil, 
ruled by an effective political and military administration which aston- 
ished Europeans. 

Thrifty and provident in all seasons, these people lived comfort- 
ably, favoured with a beautiful climate, they presented a group of 
primitive, civilized men surrounded by neighbouring barbarians. If 
they had been left to the natural law of the evolution of peoples and 
races they might at the present time have been compared to the empire 
of ancient Greece. This supposition does not imply that their 
cruel practices would no longer have been in use ; for cruelty towards 
enemies is the last evil instinct to leave a barbarous people, and parallel 
cases in cruelty were found even in Egypt, Greece, Rome and Spain, 
and in all probability the year 1900 would have brought with it to the 
Huron-Iroquois, if left untouched by European civilization of the 14th 
and 15th centuries, a civilization similar to that of Mexico and Peru 
without its luxury, but in as an advanced social condition. The red 
tint of their skin indicated other source than that of the Algonkin 
from whom they differed materially in so many respects. It must be 
admitted that they had taken many steps in raising themselves from 
a savage condition, through which superiority they held themselves 
apart from the Algonkin tribes. 

Like the Germans, they called themselves "Allemenn" (Allemands) 
"superior men," "hommes, par excellence." Their language was beau- 
tiful, full of resource and variety of expression, with few dialects. 

Towards the year 1600 the Huron-Iroquois were found dispersed 
through Upper Canada, the centre of the south-west of the Province 
of Quebec, wherever was to be found the finest climate. 

The tribes living about Lake Simcoe and Georgian Bay were called 
Hurons by the French on account of the fashion which they followed 
in dressing their hair. Others were called the Neutrals, and the Tobacco 
people, or pipe-smokers. These latter stretched towards Goderich, on 
Lake Huron the Neutrals towards St. Thomas, on Lake Erie. 

East of the two great lakes, at Buffalo, Rochester, Syracuse, 
Oswego, Utica and Albany, were five tribes whom the French called 
Iroquois, from the habit which their orators followed of ending their 
orations in the fashion of Homer's Greeks by saying " Iro," or " Hiro " 

"J'ai dit" ipse dixit. A sixth family inhabited the north of 

Pennsylvania and were known as the Andastes. The seventh, the 
Eries, occupied the south-east country of the lake bearing their name. 
The eighth, the Tuscaroras, stretched into Virginia. 

About the year 1600 the Hurons were a powerful people. They 
numbered three thousand warriors. The Iroquois at that time in 


comparison were but " a little nation," having been almost extermi- 
nated by their enemies, but we shall soon see that this " remnant of a 
people, like a fruitful germ, multiplied exceedingly in number and 
filled the earth." So writes, in 1650, one of the Jesuit fathers, 

In all the countries of North America we find history repeating 
itself the old story of wars and as to whom shall be the greatest, which 
has existed upon the globe since the days of Adam and Eve, was now 
in full force. 

The Iroquois branch called the Mohawks, or Agniers, located near 
Albany, were the greatest warriors of the five groups of which we 
have spoken. They descended by route of the Chambly river and 
ravaged the country of the Algonkins, living on the banks of the 
St. Lawrence, between Quebec and Montreal. Such was the state of 
affairs in the country when Champlain arrived in Canada in I(i03. 
/ The Algonkin country was the first territory reached by the great 
explorer. It was, therefore, most expedient for him, in the further- 
ance of future discovery, to form alliance with these people, and as a. 
pledge of his faith in the promises made him of guarding him from 
personal seizure or loss, and also of furnishing him with guides and 
protection in western explorations, he joined them in an expedition 
against the Iroquois, 1609. 

Historians have drawn exaggerated conclusions from this so-called 
rash alliance, even going the length of saying that Champlain rashly 
attacked the most redoubtable Indian confederacy on the continent of 
North America. He did not begin the attack, his allies were defending 
themselves from invasion. It was not the shot of Champlain's arque- 
bus which gave birth to Iroquois antagonism. As well say that 
^Eneas carrying his father into Italy foreshadowed the conquest of the 
world by the Romans, Let us make note that the Agniers (Mohawks) 
were not making war against the French, but were at that particular 
time at war with the Algonkins, and Champlain found himself amid 
the conflict. It was an unfortunate introduction, yet one which could 
not have been avoided. 

The more fatal step, into which he was afterwards drawn, was 
that of invading the country of the Mohawks at the head of his 
Algonkin-Huron allies. Champlain was crippled by enactments and 
decrees of government from Paris, and unable to follow any independ- 
ent policy with the native nations. Herein lies the whole root of the 

In 1614 the Dutch or Flemings, established a trading post at 
Orange, the present Albany. The following year a party of Flemings 
accompanied the Iroquois in an incursion into the country of an ally 
of the Hurons. Three of the Dutch were taken prisoners, but were 


returned in safety to Albany, for the Hurons had told them of the 
arrival of the pale-faces and of Champlain's alliance with the Algon- 
kin-Hurons made at Quebec. The Flemings were supposed by their 
captors to be Frenchmen or allies of the French. Were these Euro- 
peans supporting the Iroquois in war ? 

In 1615 the Hurons invaded the Iroquois country, penetrating as 
far as Syracuse, in the State of N. Y. Champlain was with them. 
The expedition was unsuccessful, and was a much more serious affair 
for Champlain than the encounter on the Chambly river in 1609. 

We see clearly, that the Hurons and Iroquois were mighty and 
hereditary rivals. It is impossible to know from what cause or date 
this antagonism originated. This fact we do know, that the feud ended 
only with the wiping out of the Huron villages and towns and the 
final dispersion of the nation into Lower Canada forty years later. 
The Jesuit Relation of 1660, written by Etienne Brule, furnishes a 
good account of this anti-fraternal warfare. That priest in 1615 
lived with the A ndastes( Pennsylvania), and these people of theHuron- 
Iroquois language were then at war with the Iroquois of Onondaga. 

"The five tribes which constituted the Iroquois League, those whom 
we call " Agnieronons," fluctuated between success and defeat of their 
foes for a period of over 60 years a continued series of revolutions of 
the " fortunes of war," than which we can scarcely find a parallel in 
modern or ancient history. . . . Towards the end of the 16th cen- 
tury the Troquois were almost exterminated by the Algonkin-Hurons ; 
nevertheless, the handful left, like a fruitful germ, had multiplied 
within a few years, who in their turn had reduced the Algonkin to a 
pitiful number, thus most effectively turning the tables upon their ene- 
mies. But this triumph was of very short duration, for the Audasto- 
gehronnons, during a ten years' war, had been so successful that the 
Iroquois for the second time as a confederacy were almost annihilated, 
and so humiliated, that the name of an Algonkin made them tremble, 
and the memory of their defeat pursued them even to their council 

The defeat of the Mohawks by the Andastes, shows us that the 
Iroquois as a confederation, if already in existence (1620-1630), was 
not yet in such a position as to afford succour to any one of the sev- 
eral tribes of the league when seriously menaced by a foe. The Rela- 
tion continues : " At this time the Dutch were allies of the Mohawks, 
having for 30 years carried on the fur trade with them." The Relation 
of 1637 p. 158, et 1647, p. 8 gives the following : "The savage d'An- 
dastohe, of neighbouring Virginia had at one time alliance with the 
Hurons, many of whom settled in their country. The Andastes lived 
on the shores of the Susquehanna. They stretched to the sea, from 


which they brought back shell-fish, which they exchanged for other 
commodities with the inland tribes from which they have been called 
the " porcelain people." 

The five nations of the Iroquois Confederacy have been ranked as 
nearly as possible as follows : Agniers (Mohawks) to the north of 
Albany and the Schenectady ; Onneyouts (Oneidas), back of Oswego ; 
Onnontagues (Onondagas), towards Syracuse. N. Y. Central ; Goyo- 
gonins (Cayugas), near Rochester; Tsonnontonans (Senecas), east of 
Buffalo. The Eries following the length of the greater part of Lake 
Erie near Cleveland and Sandusky. 

Champlain wrote : Iroquois, Irocois, Yrocois ; the Jesuits : Hiro- 
quois, Iroquois. The Dutch called the Agnier, Maquois ; the English 
made it Mohawks. When the Algonkins saw the Iroquois coming 
they cried out : " Nattaoue ! The enemies.' 

The advent of the French into Upper Canada was not at first of a 
nature to alarm the Iroquois, for some of these men were missionaries ; 
others, runners or traders for the peltry trade ; but by the year 1634 
the number of palefaces had increased to sach an extent, that the 
nations south of the St. Lawrence, becoming alarmed, formed them- 
selves into a political league, called Iroquois by the French. They 
designated themselves as one body, by the name of Onguehonwe : 
" Superior men dwelling in perfect houses." The strength of this 
confederacy became more and more firmly consolidated, as the Iroquois 
realised how they were being surrounded by the pale -faces. To the 
south of them were the English of Virginia, the Swedes of New Jersey, 
the Dutch of Manhattan (New York) and Orange (Albany). 

The Dutch and New England colonies, bent upon extending their 
trade, supplied the Iroquois with blankets, firearms and rum, and had 
built up a profitable connection for themselves. 

The finest peltries were to be found in Upper Canada. The 
Hurons and the Iroquois delivered these to the French. The Iroquets 
people of the Algonkin tongue, who claimed to have once possessed 
the island of Montreal, occupied the territory between Kingston, Vau- 
dreuil and the Rideau river. 

It will be now seen that the Iroquois held a most precarious 
position. To the north of them their hereditary foes, to the south- 
east three peoples of European pale-faces from England, Sweden and 
Holland. Now their extraordinary diplomacy came into play and a 
political policy was projected by the league in solemn conclave around 
their council fires, to which they tenaciously held to the last, and 
which saved them from being overcome by foe or invader. The'first 
step to take in carrying out this policy was to attack the^Hurons'and 
their allies, the French. A war not planned on the oldjbordering^raids 


and incursions (of 1600-30) into the Algonkin and Huron countries, 
but a series of aggressive, well thought-out and planned operations 
against the Europeans, with one view ever in mind, viz : the domina- 
tion of the Troquois. Such a national conception was worthy of the 
genius of a Caesar. 

We must not leave out the Sokokis, of the Connecticut river, and 
the Wolves, (Mohicans, Mahingans), on both sides of the Hudson, people 
of the Algonkins, enemies of the Iroquois, who, under the eyes of the 
Dutch, completely wiped out of existence the Sokokis and Wolves. The 
captives taken in 1630 becoming adopted into the Iroquois confederacy. 
Part of the Iroquois policy was to war directly with the native nations, 
conquer them, incorporating into their league all captives, or lesser 
tribes or clans fearing extinction, who demanded their protection, or to 
stir up war between the lesser tribes so that the one might be destroyed 
by the other. Surrounding the Iroquois were the Abenakes of Maine, 
the Algonkins of Lower Canada and the Iroquets, the Hurons, 
Neuters, the Pipe Smokers, Mascoutins and Andastes. A circle of 
formidable foes to be overcome one after the other, or the one by the 

The home government of France did not interfere, with these plans 
of the Iroquois, while the English, Swedes and Dutch were largely 
benefited so far by these successes of the confederacy that the peltry 
tride of the west was directed to Albany and drifted from Montreal 
and Quebec without any effort on their part. The French who traded 
in Upper Canada did not go there to settle, but to trade, and this the 
Iroquois perfectly understood The Coufreurs des bois and six or 
eight " black robes," who lived in the depths of the country, and who 
were looked upon in the light of overseers of the peltry trade by 
by the Indians, were tolerated, but the Hurons as a people must be 
destroyed. We might never have read of the martyrdom of the 
Jesuit missionaries if the dealers in furs had not been living under 
the shelter of the Hurons. It was in pursuit of the monopoly of the 
northwestern fur trade that the Hurons were driven from their 
homes, and in this destruction the French, as the allies of the Iroquois' 
hereditary foes, suffered such terrible disaster. 

During the month of August, 1635, Champlain appealed to Car- 
dinal Richelieu for military assistance to restrain the disastrous policy 
of the Iroquois, and stated that if sufficient aid were sent out to Can- 
ada, that with the assistance of the Hurons the league might be 
destroyed and the whole peltry trade of the N. and N. W. be con- 
trolled by the French. Richelieu did nothing in reply, and Champlain 
died the 25th December the same year. Canada was now left to 
itself and desolation through the passive policy of the French crown. 
9 A 


while the Dutch of Albany sold firearms to the Iroquois, who from 
this date ravaged both Upper and Lower Canada. The war with the 
Hurons waged furiously from 1636. There is little doubt that the 
Dutch, Swedes and the Iroquois were well aware that France was at 
this time engaged in civil war and unable to send out assistance to her 
colonists. If at that time France had but spared a few of her regi- 
ments to assist and strengthen her Canadian colony, neither her army 
nor her prestige in Europe would have suffered and French rule would 
have been made secure in North America. History is now (1898-99) 
repeating itself in Africa in the rival establishments of European com- 
merce, at the same time in the opening up and exploring of the " dark 
continent" of modern times. If the new comers do not make war 
themselves, they induce the natives to attack the rival successful traders. 

In 1G39 the Iroquois exterminated the Wenrohronons, who lived 
beyond lake Erie more than eighty miles from the Hurons, and were 
old friends of the Neuters. The Iroquois attacked them in 1 639 and 
dispersed them; more than six hundred of these poor unfortunates 
perished. A large number of women and children and the aged found 
shelter with the Hurons and Neuters in a village situated northeast of 
Sarnia, afterwards called the Mission of St. Michael. These Wenrohro- 
nons were a branch of tlie Erierohnons, of the Cat people, established 
near Cleveland and Sandusky, not far from some bourgades of the 
Neuters, which stretched as far as Toledo after having crossed 
the river Detroit. Their language was that of the Hurons and the 
Iroquois. The dispersion of the Eties in 1639 drove the principal 
group of the Eries into the State of Ohio, where they lived for twelve 
years in large villages, cultivating the land according to their ancient 

The Neuters (Attiwendorons) who had until 1638 kept intact their 
traditional neutrality between the Hurons and Iroquois, in turn fell 
before the power of the Iroquois. They had occupied the lands 
between the Niagara River, Saruia, Goderich and Hamilton, and num- 
bered (I GIG) thirty-six villages with a garrison of 4,000 warriors, 
the same number of warriors in 1611, with a population of 12,000 
souls, but this census was much larger a few years previously. On 
Galinee's map of 1670 was found near the Burlington Heights, City of 
Hamilton, Ontario, these words, placed at the head of the river : " Ici 
etait autrcfois la nation Neutre." In ploughing the ground in this local- 
ity were found in the space of an ordinary farm 800 tomahawks, left 
there probably at the end of a battle where the people of the locality 
had evidently been exterminated, leaving no one. to gather up the 
arms. The river in question runs south, empties into Lake Erie at 
Dunnville, county of Haldimand. At Southwold, county of Elgin f 


have been discovered curious ruins of a Neuter village, thought to be 
the capital city of the Neuter Confederacy. The most important mis- 
sions established by the Jesuits before 1650 in the Neuter territory 
are Notre Dame des Anges, near Brantford ; St. Alexis, near St. 
Thomas ; St. Joseph, county of Kent ; Saint Michael, north-east of 
Sarnia ; and St. Francois, a little east of Sandwich. There were also 
three or four other towns of the Neuters on the other side of the Detroit 
river, i. e. on the United States side of the river. 

The conquest of Upper Canada commenced by a ferocious attack 
of the Iroquois against the Neuters, carried on in such a manner that 
the Neuters were unable to contend against it, after which the Hurons 
were vanquished in their turn, but the extermination of the Neutrals 
did not take place until 1650, after the total collapse of the Hurons. 

From 1639-40 the genius of the Iroquois inspired them with a new 
plan of warlike operations worthy of comparison with that of Napoleon 
in 1805. To subjugate, one after the other, the races surrounding 
them, and arbitrating at the same time the destinies of the French and 
Dutch settlements on the continent, was their evident policy a policy 
which they pursued without faltering during a quarter of a century 
that is to say, until the arrival of the Carignan regiment from France. 
In summing up the tide of affairs at this time, Charlevoix says : " The 
" Iroquois, assured of being supported by the Dutch who furnished 
" them with arms and ammunition, and to whom they sold the peltries 
" which they had seized from the French traders and the Hurons, con- 
" tinued at this time their predatqry exploits of capturing all the peltry 
" trade on its transit from the west to Quebec and Montreal and Three 
" Rivers. The rivers and 1 akes were infested by Iroquois bands, and com - 
" merce could be carried on only at great risks. The Hurons, whether 
" through their national indolence, or from fear of their old enemy who 
" scornfully triumphant over them, treated them with a galling supe- 
" riorty and contempt of manner, which paralysed all efforts of resistance, 
" even when their bourgades and frontiers were being razed and burned 
" to the ground." Father Sagard (1625) named the Hurons " Howan- 
datcs," from which term has been derived Ouendat, Wyandot and 
Yaudat. They lived between Matchedash and Nottawasaga bays, the 
river Severn and Lake Simcoe. They cultivated pumpkins, Indian 
corn, beans, tobacco and hemp. Their principal tribes were the 
Bear (Antigonantes), the Wolf (Antigonenons), the Falcon (Arendoro- 
nons), the Heron (Talnmtainnats). (See Dean Harris, St. Catharines.)* 
According to Champlaiii the Hurons in 1615 numbered from 20,000 to 
30,000 souls, including the Tionnontates, " The Smokers of Tobacco," 
who lived on the western heights of the Blue Mountains, at the head 
of Nottawasaga bay, in the township of the same name, two days 

* History of the Early Missions in Western Canada, by the Rev. W. R. Harris. 


inarch from the Huron villages. They had nine or ten bourgades, with 
a population of 10,000. Traces of thirty-two villages and forty bone- 
pits, or cemeteries, were found in this region. After 1640 the Smokers 
joined themselves more firmly with the Hurons. The missions of St. 
John, St. Matthew and St. Matthias were established by the Jesuit 
Fathers, and became centres of ten or twelve missions scattered through 
the counties of Simcoe and Grey. 

Mr. David Boyle, well known as an authority in these matters says, 
that these people were more intelligent and more industrious than 
most of the other savages of North America. 

During the month of June, 1641, the Hurons on their annual de- 
scent to Three Rivers with their peltries, unexpectedly found the post 
blockaded by the Iroquois whom they thought away from the scene 
and busy in another direction, but experience was fast teaching the 
French, that as soon as one expedition proved successful their indefati- 
gable destroyers feigned a false calm and satisfaction with the exploit,, 
only to appear in the most unexpected direction, and by this means 
kept up an unceasing warfare. Bands of young Iroquois warriors- 
encouraged by the non-resistance of the Hurons, kept up an incessant 
series of petty invasions and predatory attacks on the French and 
Huron settlements. 

The Neutrals owed their name to the pacific role which they fol- ' 
lowed between the many different Huron and Iroquois tribes of the 
northern and southern countries of the lakes Ontario and Erie. They 
did not hold these pacific sentiments regarding other nations, prin- 
cipally the Mascoutins or Fire People of the Algonkin language who 
lived beyond the Detroit river. This powerful nation claimed sover- 
eignty to the extreme western section of lands on lakes Erie and Huron 
for the Algonkins Ottawas, inhabited the county of Bruce and Mani- 
toulin Island. These hostilities were still in existence in 1642. As 
reported in Relation of 1644, p. 97 : " The Neuters are always at war 
" with the Fire Nation In 1642 in number of 2000 they attacked a 
" palisaded town defended by 900 warriors, who sustained the assault ; 
" after a siege of 10 days, they raised the siege, took 800 captives, as 
" many men as women and children ; they burned over 70 warriors, 
" g u gi n g the e y es an d burning the lips off all the old men, who were 
" afterwards abandoned to wander homeless in their misery," 

This was the .scourge which was depopulating the country, for with 
these native tribes, war was- but extermination. This nation of fire was 
more populous than the Neutrals and the Huron-Iroquois taken 
together. They possessed a large number of villages and spoke the 
Algonkin tongue in great purity. We may consider the Mascoutins 
during the years 1615-1666, as the most powerful- people of the pre- 

1899] ARGH-^pLOGlCAL REPORT. 133 

sent State of Michigan, lying between the city of Detroit and the 
Straits of Mackinaw. 

The spectacle of these barbarous wars, like, those of mediaeval 
Europe twenty cejituries ago assumes a geographical aspect, that of a 
rotatory movement. Circling found lake Huron, the Hurons, the 
Tobacco Nations, the Neutrals with the Iroquois attacking, on the south 
the Eries, and Mascoutins ; these latter in their turn inspiring terror 
among the Ottawas of the county of Bruce and Manitoulin island, 
and as far as the Amikowes (the Beaver) in the Algoma district, over 
the continent north of lake Huron. Encircling this sheet of water 
raged these internecine wars which exterminated seven or eight 
valiant nations, the future spoils of the Iroquois. 

The year 1643 is marked -by a remarkable change in the strategy 
of the Iroquois. Up to this date they had approached our settlements 
in large attacking bands, and then only during the summer season 
when transport by canoe was available, but from this epoch, they 
modified their plans and dividep! their members into bands of twenty, 
thirty, forty, or one hundred men and in this way spread themselves 
like a network over all the waterways of the St. Lawrence. " When 
" a band starts out writes the Father Vimont another follows* 
" little groups of well armed men leave the Iroquois country to occupy the 
"Ottawa river to station everywhere crafty ambuscades, from which 
4t they unexpectedly launch themselves upon unsuspecting Montagnais, 
" Algonkins, Hurons, and French. It was known in France that the 
" Dutch encouraged the Iroquois in thus harassing the French, for they 
" furnished them with firearms that they might all the more effectually 
" force the French out of the country and at the same time abandon the 
" missions of the Church." 

The French colony was now practically without military defence. 
Still less was- it in its power to make war in Upper Canada. 

1644. The Iroquois desired above all things to isolate the French 
from their allies, and in pursuance of this policy formed ten predatory 
bands of warriors, who over-ran all Lower Canada. Two of these 
bands held the portages of the Chaudiere and the Rideau (the present 
Ottawa city). A third watched the Longue Sault. A fourth held 
lakes St. Louis and the Two Mountains. The. fifth intercepted the 
waterways of the Ottawa. The sixth occupied the island of Montreal. 
The seventh, eighth and ninth, in flotillas of canoes, held the Richelieu, 
lake St.' Peter, and the neighborhood of Three Rivers. The tenth and 
last was composed of a large flying column of warriors, a formidable 
reserve with which to attack the country of the Hurons. 

In the spring of this year Father Bressani was seized as a prisoner 
near Three Rivers, his Huron friends were massacred. In the band 


which committed this outrage were six Hurons and three Wolves 
(Mohicans) naturalized Iroquois. For half a century the ranks of the 
Five Nation warriors had been increased and strengthened by their 
policy of adopting into the league the captive warriors of the native 

In the month of September, 1644, Mr. Wm. Kirke, Governor- 
General of New Holland, delivered Father Bressani, who had been 
fearfully tortured during his captivity, from the hands of his 

During the month of July (1644) a number of colonists arrived 
from France, among whom were a company of soldiers, commanded by 
M. Labarre. The Iroquois were now masters of Canada, but knowing 
that the chances of war might turn against them, if the new 
arrivals were well supplied with ammunition, they offered terms of 
peace, hoping by armistice to check any further relief being sent out 
from France, and at the same time give the Nations time to quietly 
prepare for some still more terrible coup de guerre against the colonists, 
the Hurons or Algonkins, and mayhap the triple alliance at one grand 

The French gladly made a treaty of peace with their enemies. 
During the autumn of 1644, twenty-two soldiers joined the Hurons in 
their descent of the St. Lawrence to trade at Three Rivers, where they 
arrived the 7th of September, 1645, in company with sixty Huron canoes, 
charged with peltries. Here a grand and solemn council of all the 
Nations was assembled, and a general peace proclaimed, at the request 
of the Iroquois chief. A year rolled on, when the Iroquois, learn- 
ing that France could or would not send out succour to the 
colony, again sounded the war-cry and raised the hatchet. The French 
gathered themselves together in the forts of Montreal, Three Rivers 
and Quebec, but a few souls, one hundred in all, including men, women 
and children. This was in the autumn of 1646, at the very time when 
Father Jogues had, in answer to a request from the Iroquois, left 
Three Rivers to spend the winter with the Five Nations. The 
missionary and his servant, Lalande, were both massacred. Later on a 
list will be given of the names of those massacred by the Iroquois 
between 1636-1664. Fort Richelieu (Sorel) had lost two men, toma- 
hawked by the marauders, another dangerously wounded. The fort 
was abandoned for want of soldiers to place on guard, and burned to 
the ground by the Iroquois. Soon these bands again secretly stationed 
themselves from Montreal to Quebec and the course of the Ottawa to 
surprise and seize the Algonkins and French. Father Vimont in 
Relation of 1645, p. 19, says, " The warfare of the Iroquois was no 
more like that of France than the warfare of the Parthians was that 
of the Romans. 


To wage battle against the Iroquois was an impossibility. Although 
of the same race the Hurons were lacking in military spirit and organi- 
zation, and had no conception of the imminence of their national peril. 
The firearms with which the French supplied them they had used like 
children. Individual courage existed among the Algonkin, without 
the slightest attempt at military cohesion. Even in the hour of suc- 
cess, through sheer thoughtlessness, or lack of purpose, they were apt 
to lose whatever advantage they had gained fleeing in their emergency 
back upon Three Rivers, Sillery or Quebec, followed in swift and terri- 
ble pursuit by their enemies. 

The military tactics of the Iroquois were well thought out, and 
organized plans adopted at the war councils of the Five Nations. 
They concerted together their union was strength with one purpose 
in view the bands fought. And in the hour of defeat, they fled and 
sheltered themselves from pursuit in the most marvellous manner. 
Not so the French, who lacked soldiers the strife was an unequal 
one and the result self-evident. The French colony, without means 
of defence, lived under the sombre shadow of the scalping knife of the 
Iroquois. It is almost inconceivable how the little colony escaped 

Let us look at another scene : 

" Beyond the Neutral Nations," writes Father Ragueneau, who 
lived with the Hurons living towards the East. 

" Near New Holland, there lived the Andastoeronnons, allies of our 
Hurons, who have the same language. Separated from us in a direct 
line of 1,600 miles. (Relation, 1648, p, 4G), 

The Andastes, (north of Pennsylvania), in the beginning of the year 
1647, sent an embassy to the Hurons, inviting them to join with them 
against the Iroquois. 

" These people are of the Huron language, and hereditary allies 
" of our Hurons. They are very warlike, and in one bourgade num- 
" ber 1,300 warriors." 

" The two Andast6 envoys, said to the Hurons, " If you are losing 
" courage and feel yourselves too weak, as against your enemies, we 
" wish you to know as we have understood that you have enemies, 
" that you have but to let us know and we will raise the hatchet with 
" you and whether it be peace or war, support and help you." 

Charles Ondaaiondiont, a good and old Christian convert, was sent 
as a deputy to the Andastes. He left the land of the Hurons the 13th 
of April, and arrived at his destination in the beginning of June, to 
solicit the Andastes to intercede with the Iroquois for a general peace, 
or to continue the war in which they had been engaged for so many 
years. The Andastes sent one embassy to the Iroquois from four of 


their cantons to arrange a peace between them and the Hurons, which 
the Agniers (Mohawks) were forced to agree to, for it was always 
these latter who kept up war with all the other nations. 

Charlevoix adds : " This offered a grand opportunity for the Hurons 
to regain the superiority which they at one time held over the Iroquois, 
an opportunity which they allowed to slip, only asking for a long 
peace, and because they did not use the best means to re-establish 
themselves by preparing themselves for eventual war, they fell the 
victims of the treachery and artifice of their enemies." 

Unfortunately the Hurons betrayed the secret and informed the 
Iroquois of the proposition made them by the Andastes. In return for 
this confidence the Iroquois promised them peace on land and sea. 
This is what the Hurons wanted and also what, for the time being, the 
Iroquois wanted also. 

Nicholas Perrot, in speaking of his forty years' experience with the 
Hurons, in scathing terms remarks upon the utter baseness of the 
Hurons. Charlevoix also says, " there is every appearance that the 
Hurons refused the offer of the Andastes, while they amused them- 
selves in negotiating with the Onnontagues(Onondagas). The Agniers 
(Mohawks) and the Tsonnontonans (Senecas) suddenly fell upon two 
hunting parties of the bourgades of St. Ignace and utterly destroyed 
them. For some time after this hostilities ceased. 

Charles, whom we left with the Andastes, had occasion to visit 
New Sweden, and learned that there were no missionaries among the 
Europeans of these settlements, which were in regular correspondence 
with the Dutch on the Hudson river. It was while here that he heard 
of the assassination of Father Jogues, who had some few months pre- 
viously returned to his mission among the Iroquois. " We judge," 
reports Father Ragueneau, upon hearing this report, " that the settle- 
ment, of European allies of the Andastoeronnons, is chiefly composed 
of Dutch and English, or rather a gathering of many nations, who for 
special reasons have placed themselves under the protection of the 
King of Sweden, and they have called this part of the country " New 
Sweden." Their interpreter told Charles that they were French 
people. (Relation 1 648, pp. 59-60). Charles left the Andastes the 1 5th 
August, returning to Ste. Marie of the Hurons the 5th of October, hav- 
ing been pursued by the Tsonnontonans (Senecas). 

The first nation to abandon Upper Canada were the Iroquet, the 
larger number of whom settled near Three Rivers. 

The only trade of peltries made at Three Rivers in 1647, was 
made by the Attikamegues, Tte de Boule of St. Maurice, and some Iro- 
quets, the Hurons 'did not leave their own country on account of the 


From 1640 to 1648, the number of colonists arriving in Canada 
-was insignificant, which is explained by the disordered state of affairs 
a,t that time in France. The inertia of the One Hundred Associates, and 
the ravages of the Iroquois, kept up even to the very doors of the 
various settlements, on the St. Lawrence. M. de Montmagny dismayed 
by the sad condition of affairs, was recalled in 1648, and M. d'Aille- 
boust, his successor, possessed neither money nor means to remedy the 
.situation of public affairs. He was replaced in 1657 by M. de Lauzon, 
who thought little of lightening the miseries and perils of the colonists 
as long as he could advance his own personal gains. 

The affair of the Andastes seems to have decided the Iroquois in 
making a final attack upon the Hurons. Full of assurance in their 
own strength they chose the time when news from France spoke but 
of war with Spain, and revolts at home and butcheries identical with 
those committed by savage races from time to time in the colony. 

On the 4th of July, 1648, the town of St. Joseph, in the country of 
the Hurons, during the absence of the warriors was attacked, the mis- 
sion and bourgade were set on fire Father Antoine Daniel massacred 
and his pierced body thrown into the burning chapel. 

In the month of July, 1648, the Iroquois blocked Three Rivers, when 
wiost opportunely, 250 Hurons guarded by five renowned warriors, 
with Father Bressani and three Frenchmen arrived upon the scene, and 
raised the siege. Trade was carried on as usual. In the beginning of 
August the fifty or sixty Huron canoes returned, with 26 Frenchmen, 
five priests, a lay brother, three children, nine traders, and eight soldiers 
on board, besides four persons who joined the party at Montreal (note 
Journal des Jesuites) the greater part of these perished some months 
later, and without doubt were massacred during the reign of terror 
which then raged over the lake region. This convoy of 1648 was the 
Jast which for six following years reached the western missions. 

The departure of M. de Montmagny from Canada marked the end 
of a regime which had lasted from 1 636 ; but the new order of things 
was not better than the old, and the colony continued buried under 
the sad conditions which had been imposed upon it. 

The new Government of 1648, according to M. Leon Gerin,* consti- 
tuted upon the old rule a saving of 19,000 francs, which sum lay at 
the disposal of the Council. D'Ailleboust was determined to apply 
this amount to the formation of a company of soldiers, who should 
be employed to turn out at any moment and from any part of the 
colony in pursuit of the Iroquois. He gave the command of this 
flying column to his nephew, Charles d'Ailleboust des Musseaux. It 
is evident that this measnre was most advantageous for Montreal, which 
was the most exposed of all the French forts. M de Montmagny had pro- 

* Leon Gerin, dans la Science Sociale, Paris, 1891, p. 564. 


jected the plan of forming such a flying column, of which the soldiers- 
were to be enrolled as a volunteer militia, who should hold the country 
and be in readiness to repulse and pursue the enemy as soon as they 
should be seen approaching the settlements. Lack of means pre- 
vented M. de Montmagny from carrying his project into execution. 
His successor took up the idea and carried it into effect. 

Following the regulations of the King, writes Faillon (Historic de 
la Colonie, 11, 96), this flying column had to be composed of forty- 
soldiers, and M. d'Ailleboust, who well understood all the requirement* 
of the situation, added in 1G51 another thirty men to the force. 

In 1647 a fort had been constructed at Sillery. In 1649 the walls; 
were erected by means of the community's allowance of 19,000 francs, 
which the King had granted for the benefit of the country. The fugi- 
tive western Indians and those of St. Maurice in large numbers; 
found shelter here in 1651. 

In the spring of 1649 M. d'Ailleboust sent to Montreal M. des- 
Musseaux, his nephew, in command of 40 men of the flying column to- 
assist the Montrealers to drive back the Iroquois, which was easier to- 
do than to give them battle, for as soon as they heard the sound of 
the oars of their chaloups, they would flee with such swiftness that it 
was not an easy matter to catch up to them. This reinforcement 
encouraged the colonists of Montreal greatly and their confidence in 
the force was much augmented by the name and qualities of him who- 
was in command. If they had only then been possessed of the experi- 
which we have at the present time, and the knowledge of to-day 
(after 1670) of their country, 40 good men well armed and 
well commanded would have acquired to themselves great glory and 
rendered signal services to the country, and have held our enemies in 
fear and check, by the blows which they would have been able to give 
back ; but we had not then the light which we have to-day, and we 
were not so skilful in canoeing, the only means used in those days of 
transport over the difficult navigation of the St. Lawrence which could 
be used against the savages. 

M. Dollier had been a cavalry officer before he entered the priest- 
hood. In 1666 he was appointed chaplain to the attacking troops on 
the Agnier (Mohawk) Cantons. He was placed in charge of the 
military department of affairs, but what hopes could he have of success 
with half a company of soldiers, when in 1649-50, the poweiful Iro- 
quois were at their apogee, and the prestige of the renown of their 
military powers was measured an hundredfold from the deplorable 
affairs pending in France. A situation, too well understood by the 
Mohawks. Oneidas, Onondagas, Senecas and Cayugas, in one word, 
the Iroquois, or Five Nations. 


Champlain, fifteen years previously, reduced to moderate his de- 
mands for succour to the lowest number of soldiers necessary to keep 
the enemy in check, and facing a danger which, compared with that of 
1649, was but a trifling one, demanded 120 soldiers as indispensable 
for the protection of the colony, and certes, he possessed a coup d'oel 
which no one of his time could surpass. This was a military question. 
The two companies Champlain had under his command could have 
crushed the Iroquois' league in its birth ; lacking the foresight to 
appreciate the crisis in 1649, what were we forced to do ? Make a 
parade of forty infantry, when one thousand men would have been 
scarcely sufficient to overthrow, that which we had tamely allowed to 
be built up? That was art undertaking ten times greater than ours was. 
The 40 men of the flying column were not sufficient to defend Montreal 
alone, for the enemy came on a war of skirmishing ambuscades, which 
alike killed our bands of soldiers and colonists, without their attacking 
the main body of defence what then remained for Three Rivers or 
Quebec ? Nothing. And the Iroquois, who did not direct all their 
forces on Montreal, in bands descended the river, a distance of 00 
leagues or 180 miles, to harass these lower settlements. 

The new governor arrived in Ville Marie in the spring time of 
1649, and rejoiced by his presence the hearts of the colonists who were 
charmed to have among them one of the Associates of Montreal as 
governor of the colony. The incessant hostilities of the Iroquois did 
not allow of travel on the river without escort, and, M. d'Aillcboust, in 
making the voyage from Quebec was accompanied with a body-guard 
of one dozen of armed soldiers. During the whole of 1648-9. the 
Iroquois were occupied in harassing, burning and killing the Hurons 
in their own country, in consequence of which but few predatory incur- 
sions were made against Ville Marie, and these M. de Maisonneuve by 
his prudence and courage easily kept at ba}'. They lost but one man 
during that time. M. d'Ailleboust informed M. de Maisonneuve that 
the Grand Company wished to recognize the good services which Ville 
Marie had rendered the colony under his government, especially in 
having increased the garrison by six soldiers, and that instead of the 
3,000 francs which had hitherto been allowed him and his garrison, 
that sum in the future should be increased to 4,000 livres or francs. 
A little farther on the same author (Faillon) writes, that in 1648 he 
had learned that the lack of interest which the Associates of Montreal 
had shown towards this work accounted for M. d'Ailleboust's having 
turned his prayers for succour to the Grand Company of One Hundred 
Associates on behalf of the colony in its present distress. 

The 16th March, 1649, the Iroquois unexpectedly surprised the mis- 
sions of St. Louis and St. Ignace in Upper Canada, burning and mas- 


sacring all before them. The fathers Brebceuf and Gabriel Lallement 
died after suffering most terrible tortures. The 17th, Ste. Marie was at- 
tacked without result, but on the 25th of May the Hurons abandoned 
the district, taking refuge on Manitoulin island. About the same time 
the town of St. John was surprised by the enemy and the Rev. Father 
Gamier killed. 

All bent before the Iroquois ; they annexed Upper Canada to their 
hunting grounds, which yearly added to their aggrandisement. The 
French had made no defence of this territory. The Iroquois judged 
that we no longer feared the redskins and they prepared for new fields 
of conquest. 

A party of Hurons escaping from their butcheries took refuge with 
the Smoking Nations, living towards Goderich, where three months 
previously three Jesuit fathers had established missions. Others had 
taken refuge in St. Joseph, in rear of Ste. Marie, where a mission also 
had been organized during the previous year. Another group, as has 
been said before, fled to Manitoulin island, where the fathers thought 
they would remove the headquarters of their missions. They event- 
ually, however, decided upon St. Joseph. 

The Cats (Eries) driven back to the centre of the State of Ohio by 
the Iroquois (1689) now gave refuge to one of the bands of fugitive 
Hurons, likewise driven from their homes in 1649-50. The following, 
taken from the Relation of 1660, p. 14, tells the tale how they all per- 
ished together. Others took shelter with the Neutrals, thinking to find 
with them a refuge, as their neutrality among the Nations of North 
America had up to that time been recognized by the Iroquois. But these 
traitors, to save themselves, turned against the Smokers of the Pipe of 
Peace. These latter in turn had to seek shelter from the Algonkins 
on Lake Superior (west of Lake Huron). Others fled to the forests, 
others to Andasloe', Virginia, and others joined themselves to the Fire 
Nation (Mascontins) and the Cat Nation, while a whole town sought 
shelter with the Senecas, one of the five nations, where they were well 
treated, living together in a canton, separate from the Iroquois, where 
the christianized Hurons lived still following the teachings of the new 

A note found on page 344 Relation of Father Bressani, tells that the 
first band of Hurons retired to Manitoulin Island, the second reached 
the Iroquois, hoping to make terms with them, the third sought asylum 
on the Island of Mackinac, but followed by the enemy, they re- 
treated to Green Bay and later towards the southwest of Lake Super- 
ior. A fourth sought the shelter of the Cats (Eries) in Ohio; the fifth 
descended to Quebec, lived some years on the Island of Orleans and 
finally were established at Lorette. The Smoking Nation does not seem 


to have suffered great losses in these massacres, but they emigrated 
towards the Upper Mississippi, where Chouard and Radisson found 
them in 1660, and father Allouez in 1667. 

In the month of August, 1649, a party of about ten soldiers left 
Three Rivers for the Huron country, with four Jesuit fathers, servants 
or lay brothers Peter Tourmente, Charles Roger, Peter Oliveau and one 
named Raison. Towards the 22nd Sept., Father Bressani returned 
from the missions in Upper Canada, travelling with friendly Indians 
to Three Rivers. The French were heavily laden with five thousand 
Ibs. of beaver, valued at 26,000 francs, 26 livres. Desforsse's, a soldier 
with his brother who had been living for the past year with the 
Hurons, carried for their share 74- Ibs. weight, which brought them 4 
francs per lb., and the other at 5 livres, 5 sols. The other Frenchmen 
forming the party of the same expedition were carrying 25,000 Ibs. 
weight of beaver skins, which narrowly escaped capture by the Iro- 
quois, the latter having surprised them a half mile from the Fort, and 
only after a sharp encounter they reached Three Rivers. Father Bres- 
sani and the Hurons returned to Upper Canada in the beginning of 
October, but they had suddenly to retire at the River des Prairies, 
north of Montreal, for fear of the Iroquois, these latter in bands in- 
fested the shores of the St. Lawrence, says Charlevoix, pillaging 
and burning houses, and killing the isolated colonists, pressing defiantly 
even to the very gates of Quebec. They scoured in like manner the 
districts of St. Maurice and the Ottawa. 

Not content with pursuing in the north and west, the remnants of 
the vanquished and dispersed Huron and Algonkin tribes, the Iro- 
quois engaged in constant hostilities with all the neighboring tribes. 
Their audacity, and dexterity, and the spirit governing their councils 
joined to the sad circumstances under which our own government 
suffered, gave to them for a long period of years the preponderance of 
authority and terror on all the shores of the St. Lawrence. 

The Sokokis savages of the south-west of Maine and New 
Hampshire in their turn took up arms against the Agniers (Mohawks). 
During the winter of 1651-52 they had sent a war party against the 
Andastes but had been repulsed with great loss. 

Father Ragueneau, writing from Ste. Marie, of Manitoulin 
Island, the 13th of March, 1650, says : " We have at present thirteen 
"priests in the mission, with four coadjutor brothers, twenty per- 
" manent servants and eleven others, trained laborers, engaged on time, 
" six soldiers and four children in all sixty persons." 

The year 1650 brought with it a long series of anxieties and 
sorrows for Lower Canada, but the troubles which we most dreaded 
were for the time being averted from us, the Iroquois during this 


time being engaged in the annihilation of the Neutral Confederacy 
and in extending westward conquest. 

The autumn of 1650 they gained a first great victory over these 
people, and in the following spring accomplished a final triumph over 
the Neutrals. The half of these unfortunates became fugitives, the 
rest prisoners or killed in combat. The 3rd of August, 1651, the Mere 
d'Incarnation at Quebec, writes, that these victories of the Iroquoia 
over these people rendered them still more insolent and overbearing. 

At this time news arrived at Quebec, that the French had aban- 
doned Upper Canada, and the savages attached to our cause learned 
that war had again broken out in the south. The 30th of August, she 
again writes : "A captive who escaped from the Iroquois, reports that 
the Andoovesteronons (Andastes) warriors and those of the Neutrals had 
taken two hundred Iroquois captive. If that is true they will be treated 
in a terrible manner." The Andastes really had raised the hatchet 
against the Senecas in aiding the Neutrals, later news that reached 
Quebec 22nd April, 1651, corroborated by the relations of the Jesuits, 
states that the Iroquois to the number of 1,500, had in turn attacked 
the Neutrals, and razed a town. Being pursued, the Neutrals in their 
retreat captured 200 prisoners. 

The Five Nations, resolved on supremacy, sent 1,200 warriors against 
the Neutrals. In 1649 bands of Iroquois having already attacked the 
territory of St.Maunce,in crossing lake St. Peter by the river Machiche, 
massacred the Attikameques and the Algonkins living in their territory. 
Groups of Nipissing Hurons, people of the Upper Ottawa, arrived via 
northern watercourses reached Three Rivers for safety from the pur- 
suer. Desolation reigned 300 miles beyond the war camps of the west. 
The llth May two men were massacred while working on their farms 
near Three Rivers and two others near by at the Champlain river. 
The Mere d'Incarnation relates many of the seizures and captures which 
occurred during the spring in the neighboring outskirts of Quebec. 

June 7th, 1650, Father Bressani, with twenty-five or thirty 
Frenchmen and as many Indians, embarked to revisit the Huron Mis- 
sions of Upper Canada, before proceeding very far up the Ottawa river 
they were forced to return. The unmarried men of the party fled 
towards the lower river, in the hope of finding boatmen who would 
take them out of the country. In the beginning of August nine French- 
men were killed at Three Rivers. The year 1651 presents on its records 
similar cases. The Hurons fleeing before the hatchets of the enemy 
were continually seeking colonial protection. " If this little handful of 
Europeans in Canada, could not present a bolder front than 30,000 
Hurons fleeing in defeat before the Iroquois, the inevitable fate re- 
mained of their being tortured and burned at the stake in like manner. 


No succour could arrive from France, for home authorities at that time 
were unable to send a sufficient force to resist the Iroquois." (La Mere 

The fort of Three Rivers, situated on the high land called the 
"Platon," which divides the waters was, in 1641, defended by a moat 
and drawbridge. No pa'isade, but several cannon. The town stood 
About 300 ft. to the left on the N. E. plain, which a little lower down is 
-called the "Table" which overlooks the river to the right, rising abruptly 
to a height of 60 ft. above the town of to-day, which was then laid out in 
farms. It is said that in 1G4S Iroquois prisoners were confined in one 
-of the bastions of the fort, which gives the impression that the fort was 
a. large square building having small turrets or bastions built at the 
angles which constituted all the fortifications of the place, for the 
village itself was without a palisade All the plateau of the upper 
town proper was under cultivation, or at least as well cleared farms, 
leaving for pasturage the lower town which M. de Montmagny had 
granted to the habitants as a common. About this date we find re- 
corded nearly one-twentieth part of the land as being held in rights by 
the colonists. The father James Buteux writes the 21st Sept., 
1649 : " In the residence of Three Rivers, our constant care and atten- 
tion are bestowed alike on French and savages. We have no forts but 
loor forts, and no ramparts but thoss which in a dry season can easily 
be set fire to." June, 1G51, at Three Rivers, Pierre Boucher received a 
commission as Capt lin of the village Militia from the Governor-General, 
carrying with it instructions to divide the inhabitants into detach- 
ments for military drill. This may be considered as the first official 
recognition of the establishing of a Canadian Militia, from which arose 

o ^ 

the further development of the system by Count de Frontcnac in 1673. 
The 17th March, 1650, the Rev. Mother of the Incarnation wrote : 
" We are gathering the youth together to send against the Iroquois.^ 
It is possible that the young men of Quebec were organized into a 
militia, but if so, we read nothing further of them. 

The marauding Iroquois knew well how to seize our cattle 
wherever found. The Three Rivers Common enclosed a goodly num- 
ber in 1648 and a large number of acres of hay on the south of the 
river at Ste. Angele. In the spring of IG49, wheat was sent from here 
to Quebec during the famine. For the past twenty years the colonists 
had been able to raise for their own consumption, wheat, cattle, pigs, 
p?ase, hay, without reckoning Indian curn. " Three quarters of the 
habitants/by their labor, sustained themselves and their families," 
writes Mother Incarnation, 1st Sept., 1652. 

It is quite evident that Montreal was not taken into account, for 
here the proportion was much less. Supplies from Franco are this 


season " absolutely necessary at Three Rivers, for, to tell the truth 
this post has been so far sustained in the most miraculous manner.' r 
The 25th Oct., 1651, the Iroquois killed 25 Attikamegues on the river 
St. Maurice. 

It was now six years since the colony of Montreal had been, 
enclosed by walls, and kept alive by provisions brought from France, 
when in 1648-49 it was decided to clear the surrounding forest, as had 
been done at Quebec, Sillery, Port Neuf and at Three Rivers. The 
Associates of Montreal had just been newly re-organized at Paris.. 
In 1651 the colonists were able to raise crops of wheat in spite of the 
incessant harassments of the Iroquois. Terrified by their enemies, the 
Algonkins had withdrawn from the place, thus diminishing the 
defence of the town by their absence. Still, always filled with hope 
and faith that God was their protector, the little settlement waited for 
brighter days. The men who composed the first recruits of Montreal 
were not hardy men. Much progress in agriculture during the first 
few years was very slow. In 1646, according to Dollier de Casson, 
all supplies were still furnished from France. Sister Morin informs- 
us that " all the colonists remained eleven years within the fort," living 
together as a community. During this time and for several years 
previously in the neighborhood of Quebec, the settlers from Perche 
a province of France, had established themselves in the outlying places. 
These people were all cultivators of the soil, settlers from habit and 
true habitants of the Fort. We must ever bear in mind that the 
colonists of Montreal were always exposed on all sides to the 
attack of the Iroquois and this explains the reason without doubt in a. 
great measure for the long inaction of the colonists. Maisonneuve,, 
D'/. illeboust, Closse, were all military chiefs. Maisonneuve had 
entered the army at the age of 13, and made it his life profes- 
sion. D'Aielleboust was an experienced military engineer. Both of 
these men were eminetly fitted to conduct military organizations in 
the early colonies and for these very reasons we can preceive that they 
were all the less likely to become practical agriculturalists. The 
Jesuits, like the society of Montreal, had at the beginning powerful 
and generous patrons, the Duke de Ventadour, the Marquis de 
Gamache, the Commander Sillery also the Duchess D'Aiguillon, inter- 
ested themselves in the work of Jesuit missions and their first 
relations inform us of the great number of personages who favoured 
their missions in North America. Time, however, brought with it the 
death and lukewarmness of many of their patrons and the work 
demanded constant support. 

The work of Montreal had a very good reason for not counting on 
the support of the Quebec government. Quebec looked unkindly 


upon Montreal for the latter had been established as a settlement with 
a good deal of eclat, and from its inception had affirmed its independ- 
ence of Quebec. This fact generated a considerable amount of jealousy 
between the two towns. Quebec could not forget the proud attitude 
of the rulers of Montreal who would not acknowledge any authority 
from Quebec, and when necessity constrained and Ville Marie was 
forced to assist Quebec, it was with bitterness of spirit that assistance 
was received. In 1651 the Sister Bourgeois wrote that Montreal num- 
bered but 17 men capable of carrying arms against the Iroquois The 
Superior of the Jesuits calculated that there remained, "in all but a 
population of fifty in Montreal." Seeing the gravity of the situation 
M. de Maisonneuve left for France to obtain relief leaving 
M. de Ailleboust des Musseaux to command during his absence assisted 
by Major Lambert Closse. It was during the year 1651 that the five 
or six farm houses outside of the walls were abandoned, the colonists 
taking refuge again within the fort. 

Quebec was still but a village, the thirty residences of which were 
perched together on the sides of the heights, the upper town and its 

It would be impossible to tell how many habitations Three 
Rivers had but there were 28 families making a population of 100 souls. 

All Canada held but 600 French, men women and children. What 
was sorely needed was a military force sufficient to protect the tillers 
of the ground and the traders of the rivers and forests. For Upper 
Canada was lost for commerce and trade, and St. Maurice and the 
Saguenay had fallen into the hands of the Iroquois. 

The gentlemen of the Company of Habitants, strangely blinded to 
a situation which was of as great importance to the interests of the 
association as to the interests of the colony, won but little admiration 
from the line of conduct which they pursued, as may be learned from 
the following circumstance related by Aubert de la Chenaye in 1676. 

" It was not difficult for them to obtain large credits at Rochelle, 
" for loans were raised in the name of the community, although that 
" consisted but of six families (forming the so-called Company of 
" Habitants). And these poor people found themselves enriching the 
" company at their cost, and yet this very management was ruining the 
" credit of the company." After some few years' possession they deter- 
mined not to pay Rochelle, which had made complaints to Paris, and 
after much solicitation a syndicate was formed to raise means in the 
name of the Community for the large sums still due the city of Rochelle. 
The Governor and the families made counter-complaints of mismanage- 
ment to the King, who appointed to the board of managers personages 
of the highest standing to take into their consideration the affairs of 
10 A 


the colony. These were M. de Moranges, M. de la Marquerie, Vertha- 
mont and Chareur, and later on M. Lamoignon, de Boucherat and de 
Lauzon. The latter, also on the board of managers, offered to visit the 
country and there arrange as far as possible existing difficulties. He 
sailed from Rochelle. He was a man of letters. 

John de Lauzon does not figure in the first list of the One Hun- 
dred Associates of 1627, but he was none the less most active in the 
establishment of the company in the country ; he continued an active 
member until 1663. In truth, he was the mainspring of the company 
during thirty -six years, which was recognized in his bringing with him 
upon his coming out to Canada the appointment to a seat in the 
Administration, which he held from 1651 to 1657, during which time 
the Bureau at Paris was very little troubled. 

The three years' government of M. d'Ailleboust would expire in the 
autumn of 1651. The Company of One Hundred Associates held a 
meeting in Paris at the residence of Sieur Cheffault, his secretary. 
The 2nd Jan., 1651, the names of Jean de Lauzon, Duplessis-Kerbodeau 
Becancour were presented to the King from which the King should 
appoint the new governor for the coming three years; M. de Lauzon 
received the appointment. 

The 14th Oct. M. de Lauzon arrived at Quebec, with M. Duplessis- 
Kerbodeau as governor of Three Rivers. The salary of the latter had 
been raised to 5,250 livres. It seems as if Robineau had made the 
voyage at the same time. These traders worked harmoniously together. 
To make up the increase given to M. Duplessis, M. Maisonneuve's 
annual allowance was rebated 1,000 francs for himself and his garrison, 
his total annually now being but 3,000 francs. The Governor- General 
obtained for himself a supplementary sum of 2,000 livres without any 
additional tax than that of supplying the garrison of Quebec with 
three soldiers. The 9th November M. de Maisonneuve left for France. 

The arrival of de Lauzon in 1651 inaugurated miseries and humilia- 
tions for Ville Marie. The first act of the new governor was to with- 
draw the 1,000 livres from Maisonneuve which D'Ailleboust had 
accorded him. 

"At Quebec," bitterly remarks M. Faillon, " the government granted 
pensions to the j.esuits, to the hospitaliers, the fabrique of the parish, to 
the surgeon, baker, and to many others, and there remained for Ville 
Marie but 3,000 livres to the governor for his garrison and 1,000 livres 
for the caretaker of the Company of Habitants." 

Affairs in Paris were in a deplorable condition. The civil war still 
rent the country. The declaration of the peace of Rueil in 1649,. had 
terminated the old conflict of the Fronde parliament, but disputes were 
renewed in new forms. Mile, de Montpensier and the Prince of Cond6 


declared themselves as against the Court, while Turenne turned his 
back upon the malcontents and placed his services to the Court which 
he had formerly defied. 

On the 13th Sept., 1648, the Queen, Mazarin and the young King 
(then nine years of age) had left Paris for St. Germain. Some time 
after they returned to the Capital, and the following 6th of Jan. they 
were forced to seek again the shelter of St. Germain. 

It was after this that the Princes of Cond6, de Conti and de Longue- 
ville were arrested and thrown into prison. When Her Highness 
the Princess Royal of France placed herself at the head of the Gentle- 
men of the Fronde against the Court faction, Conde was soon liberated 
and took up arms. It was now that Mazarin, in order to regain the 
confidence of the people in the governing power, took upon himself 
the blame for having brought on the national crisis, retired from the 
Cabinet and took up his residence at Cologne. Such was the unfor- 
tunate political condition of affairs at Paris when M. de Maisonneuve 
arrived in France from Canada. The Court was in exile at St. Ger- 
main. The majority of the young King was proclaimed the 7th Sept., 
1651. Conde defeated by Turenne within the walls of Paris the 
latter re-entered the city in triumph, having his adversary on his heels 
(2nd July. 1652). The Royal Princess, after many plots and counter 
plots in vain endeavors to assist Conde, was obliged to retire to her 
own domains. Mazarin was recalled to power (3rd Feb., 1653), before 
all was amicably arranged, but the civil war was not really terminated 
until the end of the year (1653). This news from France to Canada 
had a paralyzing effect upon the courage of the colonists. The Iroquois, 
aware of all that was going on in Europe, redoubled their contidence 
and ardour. The Mother of the Incarnation in Sept. 1652, writes that 
no assistance from France can be expected. The year 1652 brought 
with it to Canada sorrowful and sinister shadows. Dangers had 
increased on every side, for the Iroquois kept well informed of the 
European news, with increased confidence redoubled their schemes and 
aggressions, knowing full well how feeble any assistance from the 
mother country would likely be if sent to the colony. Canada now 
seemed to the colonist on the verge of an abyss, over which everyone 
saw himself or herself ready to be plunged at any moment by the 
Iroquois. News received from various sources all pointed towards 
Three Rivers as the central point of attack of the enemy. It appeared 
as if the flying column would have to be garrisoned there during the 
winter of 1651-52, or that they were sent there in the early spring. 
During the first days of March, M. de Lauzon, Grand Senechal, accom- 
panied by Rene Robineau and 15 soldiers, visited Three Rivers. Already 
the enemy had begun their ravages in the neighborhood. In speaking 
of M. de Lauzon's traits the following circumstance speaks for itself 


He had promised M. de Maisonneuve ten soldiers, for whom he had 
sent on in advance the accoutrements. In the (autumn of 1652) he 
sent ten men in an open boat to Montreal, insufficiently clad for the time 
of the year or provisioned for the trip, who upon their arrival looked, 
from starvation and cold, more like living skeletons than human beings. 
How shattered ! two of the number were children and were cared for. 
One was called St. Ange and the other boy called himself La Chapelle. 
These poor soldiers were not long at Montreal before every care was 
bestowed upon them, in feeding them well and comfortably clothing 
them. They were soon in a good condition to aid in our endeavors 
against the Iroquois. Montreal hoped nothing good from the new 
Governor-General, and this explains the trip of M. de Maisonneuve to 

In 1652 M. de Lauzon was made Governor in place of M.d'Alilleboust 
He persecuted Lemoine and withdrew 1,000 livres from M. de Maison- 
neuve which the company had granted him, for which he was thereby 
sufficiently punished in that the Iroquois, in this year, took the rest of 
the refugee Hurons on the Island of Orleans and killed his eldest son 
and servant members of the household of M. de Lauzon within view of 
the people of Quebec. Montreal was in great peril. 

In 1652 Lauzon disbanded the flying column, thus depriving Mont- 
real of the assistance which M. d'Ailleboust had granted to the island. 
Later on he tried, (but without succeeding), to impose a tax on all 
merchandise passing Quebec en route to Montreal. 

The 7th of July, 1652, at Three Rivers, Major Lambert Closse, of 
the garrison of Montreal and M. des Mazures, officer of the flying 
column, were present at the ceremony of a contract of marriage. 

In an Act of d'Ameau, dated 5th August, 1632, Three Rivers, we 
read " William Guillemot, Esq., sieur Duplessis Kerbodot, captain of 
the flying column, governor of the fort and habitation of Three Rivers, 
appointed by M. de Lauzon, bought lands on this occasion." 

At the naval engagement of canoes at Three Rivers, the following 
19th of August, were killed or taken into captivity by the Iroquois, 
M. Duplessis-Kerbodeau, soldiers Manuel Langoulmois, Lapalne, 
Lagrave, Saint -Germain and Chaillon. 

In October, 1652, Major Closse marched against the Iroquois with 
twenty-four men of Montreal, which seems to have been the number 
of men capable of carrying arms in that town. M. de Maisonneuve in 
writing from France said that one hundred armed men were necessary to 
maintain the French colony at Montreal. 

The 4th November, 1652, Nicholas Rivard, Captain of the Militia 
at Cap la Madeleine, sold land to Gilles Trottier. He held the same 
position the preceding year. 


About the middle of December, 1652, the Iroquois captured two 
Hurons near Three Rivers. They also constructed a fort nine miles dis- 
tant, in the depths of the forest, to the west of the village, in order to 
station themselves so that they could cut off hunting parties in the 
neighborhood during the winter. Such tactics were a new departure 
on the part of the Iroquois in Lower Canada. The French fortified 
the fort of Three Rivers to the utmost of their power, which was well 
guarded during the winter, but as soon as the river broke up in the 
spring of 1653, bands of marauders reappeared, seizing hunters and 
all travellers passing through the country. The fur trader suffered 
severely from the evil influences of all these wars. In 1653 the trade 
at Three Rivers was so small that all resources were applied to the 
fortifying of the place. The beaver, the chief article of commere, was 
most scarce not a single skin had been brought to Montreal that 
year, although the yield had been very abundant, all of which had 
been directed by the Iroquois to New Holland (Albany). 

On the north shore of the St. Lawrence the French attempted to 
open up trade with the natives, but found the Iroquois already in 
advance of them at the sources of the St. Maurice and the Saguenay, 
and soon found them terrorizing all the ports of the north country, 
comprising Tadousac. M. de Lauzon, seeing that all the trade of Upper 
Canada and of St. Maurice brought in so small returns, formed a 
company of merchants of Quebec to undertake the trade of the 
Saguenay, of which district the Company of Habitants had possessed 
the monopoly for the past four or five years. These " Habitants " were 
accused of having a deficit of more than half a million of francs. M. 
Aubert de la Chenaye, quoted above, very strongly condemns their 

Fifty Frenchmen (farmers no doubt), whom M. de Lauzon had 
enrolled to make up a flying column, left Sillery the 2nd July, 1653, 
under the command of Eustace Lambert, with the intention of sailing 
up the river to check the Iroquois, who in bands had been over-running 
the country. The plan of the Iroquois was to blockade Three Rivers, 
for this reason they marched in numbers of several hundreds, which 
appeared in conjunction by land and water, cutting off all communica- 
tion between the different French settlements. One of these bands 
near Quebec, seized the Jesuit Father Poncet, of whom they served 
themselves as an envoy of peace. The humiliating defeat which they 
had sustained on the 22nd August at the assault of Three Rivers, where 
Pierre Boucher commanded, prompted them to follow their old ruse of 
asking for peace. The French, unable to do otherwise, consented to the 
proposal. Prisoners were exchanged, and the autumn saw joy and 
tranquility reigning over the land. Understanding well the unstable- 


ness of this surprising calm and cessation from hostilities, the colonists 
hoped that if an outbreak did occur, ere that time reinforcements 
surely would reach them from France. This truce lasted thirty months, 
and was marked only by isolated attacks upon the French country by 
the Iroquois, whose principal forces, during this time, were engaged in 
war with other neighbouring nations to the east and south of their 
country. We must remember that ere this time the Iroquois had 
conquered Upper Canada, later on they successfully undertook the 
conquest of the west. All this success because we (the French) had 
so few troops on our side to protect our own farmers, and at the 
same time engage against the Iroquois. 

So much for a eulogy on this incapable regime ! 

September, 1653. The jubilee procession took place at Quebec, 
where prayers were offered heaven for the safe return of M. de Mas- 
sonneuve with the reinforcements which he had been promised in 
France. The Journal of the Je'suites Notes, " The Iroquois witnessed 
the procession, in which parade there were more than 400 fusiliers in 
fine marching order." Another authority writes, " They saw march- 
ing in good order 400 mousquetaires well armed, which alarmed 
the Iroquois looking on at the sight." 

The Abbe Faillon also comments : 

" We have to suppose that the large number of these armed men 
were Indians from Sillery or the Isle of Orleans, and that these 400 
mousquetaires were not capable of inspiring great terror, for the 100 
whom M. de Maisonneuve brought into the country were regarded as, 
and were in effect, the saviours of the country." 

From 1648 to 1652 clearings were made for farms, and in 1653 
Ville Marie at last gave the appearance of a regular colony or settle- 
ment. It was in this year ('53) that Maisonneuve brought from France 
100 colonists, recruits principally from Maine and Anjou. A large 
number of whom had grants of land conceded to them and with the 
assistance which they received from the Society of Notre Dame of 
Montreal, they set to work to establish themselves thereon. 

According to the Ven. Mother, there were in 1653 more than 2,000 
Frenchmen in the colony, but other calculations show a reading of 
not more than 675 souls as the population ; but if we add the floating 
or itinerant census we might say there were 900 souls. She ought to 
have written " near a thousand " and the copyists have read " more 
than two thousand." M. 1'Abbe Ferland, giving the total as two 
thousand, says, " Even that would not have been a great number for a 
colony in existence for 45 years, while that of New England (follow- 
Josselyn) numbered 100,000 souls a few years later. According to the 
MSS. of the Sister Bourgeois, quoted by M. 1'Abbe Faillon, there were 


but five or six houses in the upper town of Quebec and some stores or 
warehouses in the lower town. The Sisters doubtless were speaking 
only of the vicinity of the Ursulines or the Hotel Dieu, and continues 
in enumerating Cap Rouge, Sillery, the Cote Ste. Germain, Notre Dame 
des Anges, Longue Pointe, Chateau Richer, Beauport, 1'Ange Gardien, 
Cap Tourmente, C6te de Lauzon, all of which places were inhabited 
and were outside of the town of Quebec. Our calculations give 675 
souls for the fixed French population in Canada in the summer of 
1635, viz. : 

400 for Quebec and environment. 

175 for Three Rivers and Cape Madelaine. 

100 for Montreal. 

Total.. 675 

At the end of September of this year M. de Maisonneuve brought the 
contingent of 100 men the larger number of which were artizans, but 
not soldiers or farmers, but this did not prevent M. Dollier and after 
him others, to prepare and drill them as recruits in the defence of 
Montreal. It was in this way that they were called a military force. 
The truth is, that from 1657 they had been obliged to take up arms 
against the Iroquois, who had again become dangerous, and from forty 
to fifty of these brave men perished in combat during the following 

The reader of this paper can see after a perusal of these pages 
what kind of colony the pompous Company of One Hundred Associ- 
ates with Richelieu at their head had projected and carried out, to justify 
authors in finding all things admirable in Canada during the " Heroic 
Age," when the bad faith of governors and governments exhausted the 
loyalty, patience, industry and indomitable courage of the colonists 
of La Nouvelle France. 



:;c Mrs. Stuart, during her residence in San Geronimo, Oaxaca, in the Tehuante- 
pec Isthmus, Mexico, has directed some attention to the archaeology of the country, 
and has succeeded in bringing together a collection of interesting specimens, which 
it is her intention to present to the Museum. 

The writer supplied with her notes a large number of admirably drawn pencil 
pictures of her best material, but unfortunately the&e could not be satisfactorily 
photographed for engraving purposes, and greatly reduced copies of only a few 
are here reproduced in one half diameter. 

San Geronimo, a village of some 3,000 inhabitants, lies near the 
south of the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, in the republic of Mexico, and 
is situated on the line of railway which runs across the Isthmus from 
Coatzacoalcos to Salina Cruz. It is within the state of Oaxaca ; the 
border of the sister state of Chiapas, being about 100 miles distant, to 
the south-east. A small river supplies water to the village for all 
purposes. Lofty mountainous ridges some 30 miles away, show very 
decided traces of volcanic action, in the distance, yet high above 
those to the south-west, towers Eucanto, one of the ancient mountain 
" Cities of Refuge." Certainly its bold outlines convey the idea of a 
secure stronghold, and thither did the Zapotecs repair in times of 
invasion by their enemies, On the sloping ridge of the hill of Ixtalte- 
pec, or " the white mountain," about four kilometres south-east of San 
Geronimo, are perched two huge boulders, which have evidently been 
dislodged from somewhere near the summit. These stand on end, and 
are supported by each other. 

The ancient people, so quick to take advantage of every quirk of 
Mother Nature, saw in these boulders a fit and lasting monument on 
which to portray in their famous, indelible, dull red paint, certain 
strange drawings of hieroglyphical import iguanas, and rabbits' heads, 
with various numbers of discs following, and innumerable other signs 
and symbols. It is said that certain American explorers have visited 
these rocks, and photographed the symbols, but no one here seems to 
know what was the outcome. 

Among the low range of hills which lie to the east of San Geronimo, 
at a place called Puente, and about four kilometres from the village, 
another series of these rock paintings is to be found, which are quite 
as interesting as those of Ixtaltepec mountain. These are not generally 
known, and therefore, it is said, have never been visited by persons of 
inquiring minds. Further off, notably among the lagunas, near 
Chuichitan, some twelve miles away to the south-east, are other rock 
paintings, and, it is said, sculptures well worth seeing. 


Besides the " c irreta " or cart-road running between San Geroiiimo 
and Chuichitan, and some three kilometres to the north-east, is an 
ancient mound some thirty feet high, with a circumference of about 
120 feet, roughly speaking. There seem to be no traces of mortar 
about the mound, but many good specimens of ancient idols have been 
picked up there, and much broken pottery lies around. 

The natives of this region are not, as a rule, tall, and in fact appear 
short and slight when standing beside most of the " Gringos," who 
come down here, (the people of Ixtaltepec alone excepted,) as they are 
noted for their general large size. Many of the women have beautiful 
features and a queenly carriage. Some, when well dressed, convey 
the idea of a Cleopatra or a Queen of Sheba. 

The native language here is Zapoteca ; (very likely much cor- 
rupted), but Mexican- Spanish is also generally well understood and 
spoken. Some town-lands are more loyal than others to their ancient 
tongue, and preserve solely a variety of Zapoteca as their common 
language, which is notably instanced in the case of the town-lands of 
Barrio and Petapa, lying beside each other to the north-east of San 
Geronimo, and near the Tehuantepec railway. In Petapa all the 
natives speak a strange dialect (?) of Zapoteca, which has a very 
drawling yet pleasing intonation, quite different from that spoken in 
the Tehuantepec region, and they use many words differing totally 
from those which signify the same thing in Zapoteca as spoken else- 
where, and very few understand Mexican-Spanish at all ; whereas, in 
Barrio, their neighbors commonly speak Mexican-Spanish, and are 
often nonplussed when in conversation with a native of Petapa. 

San Geroiiimo has been visited occasionally by the vendor or col- 
lector of antiquities, who, establishing himself for a few days at the 
principal fonda or hostelry of the village, gives notice to the various 
tiendas (shops) that he is there to collect all sorts of pottery of ancient 
make found in the earth or river ; copper or stone axes, and every 
kind of " antigua " the people can bring in, including coins of all sorts 
not current at the present day. In this way, several large cases of 
antique figures of idols, ollas,* etc., have been removed from this village 
and its vicinity, so that now it is very hard to find here the best class 
of such article at least in the houses though without doubt a vast 
quantity of these things lies imbedded where the village stands. 

During over two years' residence, I have failed to discover, or even 
hear of, a single case of a " fake-dealer " or of a spurious specimen of 
any description whatever. 

The natives do not, as a rule, value their specimens at all, until they 
hear there is " money in them," when their cupidity is aroused, and 
they will try to make a bargain, though on an absurd principle ; a 

* Prononuced awyas or owyas. 


roughly made and broken olla, if it is only large, appealing more to 
their ignorant minds for a high price, than a small and perfect speci- 
men does. 

In the neighboring districts, many valuable specimens have been 
found during the past ten years, notably two small gold images, which 
I am told have been forwarded to the United States, and one small 
gold idol head, weighing one ounce, which was found some years ago at 
the foot of the hill of Ixtaltepec, and presented by the finder, Count Henri 
de Gyves, a citizen of San Geronimo, to the President of the Republic 
of Mexico Count Henri also informs me that he had the good fortune 
to be the possessor many years ago of a beautiful little olla, which was 
found in this neighborhood, and which he believes was made of chal- 
cedony, with a cameo-like head carved on one side of it. This he sent 
to France for presentation to M. Emile Zola. 

In my own collection here may be noticed a most rare and beauti- 
ful olla, made out of a solid block of white quartz, which is very heavy 
It measures 5 inches across the mouth, and about 7 inches across the 
bowl or body. See description following. I have been fortunate 
enough also to procure a little image of a very hard, pale green, polished 
marble, perfect and well finished. A little image cut out of white 
quartz, and several articles made from a beautiful pale green marble- 
like stone have been found around this place. 

As it is thought that some of the specimens enumerated in the fol- 
lowing list may be included in the valuable varieties of jade or jadeite, 
it may not be out of place to insert here a portion of a letter from Mr. 
Edward (well known in Mexico City) to the Mexican Herald of 
Sep. 24th, 1899, on the subject of a supposed jade pumpkin, which is 
in the Museo Nacional of Mexico city. He says, "We do not know 
whether the word ' chalchiuhtl,' which the Spainards translated by 
' piedras verdas ' referred to emeralds only, or to emeralds and objects 
in jade or jadeite. The latter (jadeite) is the term which men of 
science apply to one especial variety of Mexican jade, of a light greyish- 
green, very translucent, mottled, with patches of a deep, leek hue. 
This is harder than other varieties of jade, and takes a far more bril- 
liant polish. No one but a jeweller can tell what is jade and what is 
not, for the jades of commerce are by no means confined to the 
nephrites of mineralogy. Therefore, no one in Mexico connected with 
archaeology can say authoritatively whether this enormous mass (the 
pumpkin) would be recognized by the trade as a genuine jade. French 
lapidaries have for a long time enjoyed a monopoly of jade cutting, for 
the Orientals will not sacrifice any portion of a material so valuable 
and therefore the object carved depends entirely upon the shape of the 
nodule. The result is, that an oriental collection of carved jade pre- 




sents objects so fantastic that their meaning cannot be recognized, and 
the beauty of the material is all but lost." 

A great variety of other finds are mentioned in the following list 
some very crude and others daintily worked and finished, but each 
valued as revealing the necessities and inventive genius of those who 
used them. 

Four odd looking specimens (one of which is here figured) from 
four to five inches long, were presented to me by Mr. F. Wehner, of 
Tehuantepec, who procured them from near Union Hidalgo, a village 

about 20 miles from 
They are probably 
made of an alloy of 
copper and tin, and 
are occasionally used 
by the natives who 
work with hides for 
the purpose of scrap- 
ing the skins, though 
there is much evi- 
dence that for such 
purpose they were not 
originally intended. 
In J. Carson Bre- 

Fig. 17. x S voort's book on "Early 

Spanish and Portugese Coinage in America," he notices on page 5, 
Cogulludo's " History of Yucatan," published 1688, page 181, where 
reference is made to money used anciently by the natives, and along 
with cacao beans, bells, and hawk bells of copper, colored conch shells 
from other countries, and precious stones and gold dust, are mentioned 
" small copper hatchets coming from Mexico," as forming articles of 
exchange. Plate I. in Brevoort's book gives a good illustration of one 
of these. 

He further adds : " These last were probably like the one figured 
in Dupaix's ' Antiquites Mexicanes,' Plate XXVI., No. 74, which is 
formed like a shoemaker's cutter, and served as a skin scraper. See also 
Herrera I. V. 5." 

Brevoort further adds, on page 5, that Humboldt in his " Essai 
Politique sur le Royaume de la Nouvelle Espagne " states that pieces 
of copper in the form of the letter T were used as currency in some 

Mr. W. H. Holmes in his " Archaeological Studies, Part II., Monu- 
ments of Chiapas and Valley of Mexico," page 287, gives an excellent 
account of these articles. He says : 




" Among the most characteristic of the Mitlan art remains are 
certain hatchet or tau-shaped objects of hammered copper found in 
very considerable numbers in graves, and possibly also in hoards or 
caches. Measured with the stem they vary from 4 to 7 inches in 
length, and the width across the blade is about the same, As the 
blades do not exceed one-tenth of an inch in thickness in any part, it 
is apparent that they could not have been employed as hatchets or 
chisels, although, set in handles, they would perhaps have served a 
good purpose as trowels, knives or scrapers. The generally accepted 
theory of their use is that they were the money of the ancients, or at 
least served as a standard of value. It may be remarked that the 
shape and tenuity suggest the possibility of their use as ornaments> 
and it appears that if well polished and set as* a crowning feature in a 
helmet or head dress, they would prove very effective. Possibly, how- 
ever, they were symbols, and served some religious purpose." 

About four miles from San Geronimo a native found several of 
these objects buried in the earth, in which they had been laid in some- 
thing of a star-like form, the cross ends meeting in the centre, and the 
points outwards. 

Mrs. N. P. Bell, San Geronimo, has a broken off shank (?) of a very 
large specimen of these strange articles. It measures If inches across 
the base. 

This rare and beantiful specimen (figure 18) was dug up near Union 
Hidalgo, some twenty miles from San Geronimo, and was procured 

and presented by 
Mr. F. Wehner. It 
appears to have 
been cut out of a 
solid block of white 
quartz. The portion 
m of the lip (from 
which the piece was 
broken when given 
me) shows the 
sparkling quartz to 
perfection, while 
the earth from 
which it was turned 
up has left a last- 
ing remembrance 


of itself in toning 
Fie - 18 - the inside and out- 

side of the jar to a light yellowish hue. The outside is slightly rough- 




ened, but not sufficiently so to spoil the beauty of the specimen. It is 

provided with three short feet. 

A very good and perfect olla is represented by figure 19, in 

dark, well-burnt clay, with rather regular pattern marking. Each 

double set of these 
is repeated on both 
bands, which go all 
round the olla. Lo- 
cality San Gerofi- 
imo. Lent by Mrs. 
N. P. Bell. 

A small, neat olla, 
(figure 20), is remark- 
ably perfect, with two 
small handles ; these 
do not come opposite 
each other. It is of 
a blackish gray color, 
and came from Chui- 
chit an. 

This mask (fig. 21) 
Fi J9 of a woman's face 

(called by the natives 

" a queen ") seems to be made of baked clay. It is now quite black 
and well preserved, and is really well executed. It was procured at 
Chuichitan from a native who said it had been found buried in the 
earth, about 1894. It is 
the only specimen of the 
kind I have seen here. 

In my collection are six 
varieties of what may be 
termed seals or stamps. 
Three of them are roughly 
made, and are not remark- 
able, but the others are 
very fine. All were found 
in the neighborhood of San 
Geronimo. They are made 
of more or less finely baked clay, and are of a whitish color. 

A somewhat unusual specimen has come into my possession, 
namely, a small block of dark, well-polished stone, one side being 

Fig. 20. 




Pig. 21. 

highly ornamented with numerous, though inartistically arranged, 
rings, cut into the hard stone by a tubular drill, possibly a 

bird's bone; the little raised 
centres of each ring are plainly 
seen. The reverse side has very 
firmly cut lines running rather 
obliquely from end to end ; 
though doubtless intended at 
first to be perpendicular. The 
four narrow "sides are deeply 
grooved at each corner only. 
This specimen I have seen in 
only two varieties, the first being 
the one above described ; the 
other has single lines on one 
side, while the reverse is devoid 
of all ornamentation, and the 
stone unpolished, the sides still 
showing the deep grooves at the 
corners. From this it would ap- 
pear that they were probably used as amulets, or, as some suggest, as 
plummets, for all come in the same size, and vary but slightly in 

In my collection are a stone hammer and a stone axe, both picked 
up on the surface here by myself, about a mile out of the village. The 
stone hammer is notched at both sides of the narrower end, while the 
periphery is considerably worn. The stone axe is remarkably similar 
to that shown on p. 50 of Mr. Boyle's Archaeological Report for 1896- 
97 ; in fact the pointed end is identical, and has not required the hand 
of man to shape it for its purpose. In this specimen the groove is 
deeply and firmly cut, and a rounded socket has been cut out of the 
remaining portion of the stone. 

Among my ollitas, one is unique, made of reddish, well-baked 
clay, and carefully, though not symmetrically, worked. Three tusks 
hanging out of the mouth may indicate Tlaloc or some other rain-god. 
This comes from Chuichitan. One is of white baked clay. It is a 
small, squarish mouth and six suspension holes, one in each ear and 
two on each side ; this is from San Gerofiimo. A third is made of 
reddish clay, but now very brown from long contact with mother 
earth. It is unfortunately much broken, and a portion of it is mis- 
sing. Still enough remains to show it was well executed, and it shows 
every trace of antiquity. This was found by my little daughter in a 
neighboring "milpa," or cattle- field, where only the small, round, raised 
handle appeared above ground. 


I have two very carefully made and rare little images. One is of 
white quartz, but is p? etty well browned by its sojourn in the ground, 
from which it was taken about 1895, near Tehuan tepee. It has one 
pair of bi-conical perforations in the middle of the back, which, with 
its many deep and clean cut grooves (notably those around the neck 
and feet) would indicate that the image was intended for suspension 
as a pendant ornament. The other is made of a pale green, marble- 
like stone, possibly onxy, with highly polished surface, and worked 
with much, precision and skill. It has two pairs of bi-conical perfora- 
tions, connecting the sides with the back. These come about the 
middle of the image and point to its purpose as an amulet. 

Among other amulets, one is of very hard, dark baked clay from 
Chuichitan. It seems likely that the legs and arms were formerly 
joined together. A second is a beautiful specimen of some pale green 
and gray stone, which sparkles considerably when turned about. 
Though formed like a little adze or chisel, it was likely used only as 
an ornament. Another was evidently also intended as an ornament, a 
perforation at the top of the forehead having been commenced, but not 
completed. It is of baked clay, hard, black and shining. A fourth 
has only his head to show, with one pair of bi-conical perforations at 
the back of the neck, showing its use as a pendant. It is made of a 
marble of sage green shade, and well polished. I cannot trace the 
history of this specimen, but I am told that others like it are found in 
and near Oaxaca City and Mitla. One gentleman ki Tehuantepec has 
five in his possession. What appears to be a child's rattle, contains 
a small stone. It is made of white baked clay. And I have a pendant 
with two suspension holes it is of baked clay, quite black and shining. 

A variety of small articles includes what appears to be a necklace 
bead of brown baked clay ; an odd-shaped necklace bead made of blue- 
green marble-like stone, highly polished, and showing distinct indica- 
tion inside that the perforation was worked with a tubular drill ; half 
of a necklace bead, which I only mention, as we have never found 
anything else of the same material here is made of some soft polish- 
ed stone of pale green color; two that appear at first sight to be beads, 
but are more likely spindle whorls, one being of a reddish color, very 
neatly shaped, and quite smooth, while the other is of clay burned a 
dark brown and apparently mixed with granite or other stone ; twin 
specimens, found together in the ground near Ixtaltepec, about five 
miles from San Geronimo, both apparently had belonged to the same 
s tring of necklace beads They seem to be formed out of a stalactite 
or some such material, are hollow throughout, and of a whitish color, 
with little raised incrustations scattered over the surface, and two 
slight grooves (evidently for ornamentation) at each end. I have also 


numerous small articles, specimens of which are very plentiful ; they 
are made of reddish-brown, poorly baked clay, and as a rule rudely 
fashioned ; among some seventy, only four or five. being neatly moulded 
They vary much in size, with only two variations from the usually 
smooth surface. These are described below. Professor Frederick 
Starr, of the University of Chicago, writing on " Little Pottery Objects 
of Lake Chapala," calls the similar specimens found in that lake 
"sinkers." It may be that these were so used by fishermen in some 
localities. Those in my collection were all found on the .surface of dry 
ground, at distances anywhere between 50 yards and 4 miles from the 
river. Professor Starr further adds that they are quite like the beads 
described by Thurston, and figured at page 320, in his "Antiquities of 
Tennessee," but are not perforated. I am reliably informed that 'near 
Tapana on the south coast of Oaxaca, a number of beads in shape like 
these clay objects, but made of bronze and perforated, were found in a 
grave along with a portion of the string which bound them together, 
which however literally crumbled to dust when handled. Some people 
here are of opinion that they were strung together in graduating sizes, 
with two strings, thus, with the largest in the centre, forming a neck- 
lace. I have successfully strung mine together in this way, but 
personally incline to the third opinion as to their use, which is, that 
they may have been used in some game, to slip along strings, or in 
some other way, for gambling purposes the two varieties mentioned 
above having somewhat the appearance of dice, one variety being 
marked with a little indented ring in the centre of each concave end, 
while the second variety has five little indented circles round a centre 
circle on one concave side. 

Among the many pieces of obsidian knives found in this neighbor- 
hood, I have been unable to procure a perfect knife, the longest 
specimen measuring only about two and a half inches in length^ 
although many of the shorter pieces show remarkably sharp and un- 
broken edges and points. Some of the flakes are about an inch and a 
half square, and about a fourth of an inch thick. Mr. W. Holmes, in 
his " Ancient Cities of Mexico," part II, p. 287, says : " I did not see a 
single well-shaped arrow- point while in the valley of the Rio Mitla- 
Finely made flaked blades and specialized points are occasionally 
found, however, in the Oaxacan region." 

Obsidian arrow-heads found here seem much smaller than the 
flint arrow-heads from the Six Nation Reserve, Ontario, illustrated on 
p. 49 of Mr. Boyle's Archaeological Report for Ontario of 1896-7, and 
which he states " are of convenient size for arrows, but their purpose 
may have been that of adornment about the person." 

I have a beautiful specimen of a flint (?) knife. It is of a red- 


brown, autumn-leaf shade, carefully cut and wonderfully perfect, only 
a, very small portion from the extreme tip being broken off, and it 
shows no signs of ever having been used. This, along with another, 
was found by a native about 1897, while ploughing his field in the 
the neighborhood of San Gerouimo. 

A very fine and perfect specimen seems to be like a small spear- 
head, and is made of dull, white flint. In the Archaeological Report 
for Ontario, 1896-7, p. 61, Mr. Boyle shows us a very similar one, and 
says his specimen " was most likely a scraper or knife." He adds : 
" ^Vhat are called ' women's knives ' of slate, are in most instances of 
this form." (It seems a pity that such a carefully-cut specimen should 
in the end turn out to be only a " woman's knife.") * 

This little specimen may have been intended as a small arrow-head 
or ornament. It is made of slate, and it seems scarcely possible that 
it is only a flake of slate, which has so happily chosen to break into a 
pretty leaf shape. 

A very small and beautiful hatchet has been made out of a sage 
green, hard stone, which has streaks of darker sage, and some yellowish 
markings, and a polished surface. This was found in 1898, in a 
neighboring " milpa " or fenced-in field, lying on the surface, and near 
some pottery fragments. 

Fig. 22. 

A broken end of what seems to have been a hatchet or chisel, is of 
material which is very unusual ; it is a pinky white flint, highly pol- 
ished, and shows many signs of hard usage. 

Two other specimens of different sizes of chisels may be diorite. 

Fig. 22 seems to be a chisel. It is made of a light green, hard 
stone, with some very dark green markings on one side, and on the 
other are some green and yellow delicately traced lines, reminding one 
of the outlines of oak knots. (This beautiful specimen is in the private 
collection of Mrs. N. P. Bell in San Geronimo, and was kindly lent 
with some other specimens, for insertion in this sketch of the arch- 
aeological remains of San Geronimo and its neighborhood). 

* Why is it a pity ? and why " only a woman's knife ? " D. B. 
11 A 


This strangely shaped article (figure 23) was likely used as a ladle, 
and the fact of the handle being so deeply grooved and sloping down- 
ward so peculiarly, suggests that it may have served as a channel for 

Fig. 23. 

carefully running off any fluid contained into the ladle.* It is made 
of dark, well hurt clay. From San Geronimo. Lent by Mrs N. P. 

Here is a unique sort of ladle, which looks also very much as 
though it might have been intended as a fancy frying-pan, but it 
shows no signs of ever having been used in any capacity. Almost in 
the centre of the bowl a small hole has been bored. This article is in 
white, well burnt clay, and comes from near Juile on the Tehuantepec 
railroad. Lent by Mrs. N. P. Bell. 

a b 

These two idol heads are decided contrasts. Fig. a is made very 
smoothly of clay, well burnt and a grayish color. This specimen has a 

* The shap 8 is probably a survival from the time when such articles were made from & 
arge shell. L . B. 




peculiarity which distinguishes it from all other heads I have seen, 
viz., that the ear discs are pierced from side to side, showing a clear 
well made hole. Fig. b is of whitish, well-burnt clay with very distinct 
outlines and^markings. 

Here we have a variety of strange heads; 
Figs, c and d are perhaps intended to represent 
the head of the king vulture or " Rey de los 
Zopilotes." Fig. e. A monkey's face of dark 
well burnt clay. It is hol- 
low at the 

c d e f 

back like a mask. Fig. / is an odd, impish looking little head, of well- 
burnt dark colored clay. 

Among other small but interesting objects are 'vhat is supposed to 
be a white stem of white burnt clay, with large mouth piece, but un- 
fortunately the bowl has not been found ;* a copper finger ring, found 
about 1894 in the bank of the river of San Geronimo ; a very small 
specimen of an axe or hatchet and a good specimen of the usual stone 
axe, both of a very dark, greenish-black stone ; a large copper axe or 
chisel. Three others of the last named kind, two of them much 
smaller .than this one, have been found in this neighborhood. 

*Old ^Mexican pipes had no bowl, they were merely tubes. Mrs. Stuart's 
" stem " is probably a complete pipe. D.B. 



The following brief notice of the Indians is not devoid of interest 
as showing among other things the beliefs entertained by many 
intelligent people not so long ago respecting the origin of the Indians. 

The " Creation" and "Indian Summer" myths will probably come as 
novelties to most readers now-a-days. 

The notes were in the form of a letter to Mrs. Sydere of Yarmouth, 
Elgin county, Upper Canada, and were written in 1843 by the Rev. L. 
C. Kearney, then R.C. clergyman in St. Thomas, Upper Canada. 

As was customary until within a comparatively recent time, the 
reverend gentleman is quite indefinite when he refers to the beliefs of 
"some Indian tribes," and he speaks of " the Indian traditions," just as 
one might refer to the European fable or the Asiatic myth, but in all 
probability the Indians about St. Thomas half a century ago were 
Ojibwas, or some other branch of Algonkin stock. 

" The Indians of North America are for the most part a wandering 
race, deriving their precarious support by fishing and hunting, a course 
of life so unfavorable to the propagation of the human species. They 
are generally tall and well made in their person and their complexion 
is of a dark copper color. They are taciturn to an extreme and are not 
easily moved by pleasure or pain, bearing either with the seeming 
indifference of a stoic philosopher. 

" There is little doubt on my mind but that the Indians of this 
continent are descended from the two lost tribes of Israel which the 
' Sacred Volume ' informs us separated from the other ten. The 
similarity between the Hebrew and Indian languages, the figurative 
expressions and soft euphony with which each so beautifully abound, 
as well as many of the ancient rites of the Jews, which characterize the 
poor red man's devotion when praying to the ' Great Spirit ' are all 
convincing reasons to believe that the untutored savages of North 
America are descended from the ancient Israelites, the once favored of 
Heaven ! 

" Some antiquarians are of the opinion that they are descended 
from the Scythians, and indeed the cruelty and ferocity they inflict 
upon whatever prisoners they take in war agree with the most 
authentic records of that warlike and barbarous people. Others 
believe that they may have been a colony from ancient Rome, whilst 
some are to be found who say that they were once a learned, warlike 
and commercial people, but after a long residence degenerated into 
their present state of degradation. Fortifications are to be met with 
in several parts of Canada, and about them are to be found helmets, 
spears and other military weapons, as well as pottery and several 


other articles, which prove to a demonstration that Canada was form- 
erly inhabited by some race of men of far superior intelligence in the 
art of war and civilization to the present aborigines. And yet the 
Indians have not the least tradition upon which we might base a con- 
jecture as regards those forts and tumuli which exist in every district 
in United Canada Thus, after being tossed from one conjecture to 
another, we are at last compelled to drop the subject in conscious 
ignorance and leave it for the accumulated wisdom of future ages to 

" The Indian tradition of the creation, can, in my opinion, be traced 
to some indistinct recollection of the account as given by Moses in the 
first chapter of Genesis. 

" The ' Great Spirit,' when about to speak this world into existence, 
assumed the form of an immense bird, and flew over the chaos ; when 
he floated majestically, the undivided elements became a perfect plain ; 
when he flapped his wings the earth moved into hills .and valleys, 
the water into oceans, lakes and rivers. 

" The 'Indian Summer,' which generally takes place in October, 
and continues, sometimes, as long as six weeks, is the most beautiful 
and agreeable part of the year ; and surpasses in balmy influence, all 
we 'can imagine of the climate of Southern France. During this de- 
lightful season the earth is enveloped by a refreshing vapor, which 
does not partake of the qualities of fire or water, and through this 
rectified ether you behold the sun in clouded majesty, giving to vege- 
table life all the freshness peculiar to the land of 'the happy valley.' 
Some Indian tribes believe that this smoky weather is caused by the 
aborigines of the 'far west,' setting on fire their savannas, trackless 
prairies, and interminable forests. Other tribes, that it is caused by 
the happy hunters in 'the land of spirits,' offering sacrifice to the 
Great Spirit, for having bestowed upon them such 'delightful hunting 
grounds and rivers teeming with fish. Nevertheless, the greatest 
admirer of nature can only enjoy the delightful season of 'Indian 
Summer' and attribute the phenomenon to some peculiar characteristic 
in the climate of Canada, which has long, but to no purpose, attracted 
the attention of every resident of this appendage of the British 



The same argument that applies to the study of things material 
connected with primitive life, has equal force when it affects every 
phase, condition or circumstance of early society, and the pursuit of 
pre-historic archaeology, either in its purely material form, or as it 
may be otherwise aided, is not conducted merely because of the bald 
fact that this or the other people happens to be concerned, otherwise 
than in so far as the study may assist us in arriving at a knowledge 
of developmental stages, from a generalization respecting which 
among many peoples we may arrive at the why and wherefor of where 
we stand ourselves. 

Theories respecting the origin of music, are almost as numerous 
and as varied as are those that have been propounded to account for 
the beginnings of speech, but with speculations of this kind we have 
nothing further to do than to supply what we can to the general stock 
of information, an accumulation of which may, in time, aid some student 
in arriving at well-founded conclusions. 

We are fortunate in being able to procure from the lips of the 
Iroquois people themselves such songs as have, in most instances, been 
received by them from a long line of ancestors, and in all probability 
with but slight variation in some instances, I am almost certain, 
without any. 

The case would have been different had our sources of informa- 
tion lain among the christianized nations Caniengas, Oniedas, Tusca- 
roras, but it is not likely that the pagan nations Senecas, Onon- 
dagas and Cayugas, would, at any rate, consciously, allow innovation 
even to the extent of a note. Proof of this may be found in the 
determination they have maintained, to use only the old-time drum 
and rattles when these songs are sung, notwithstanding the fact that 
their congeners on the New York reserve have introduced the use of 
brass instruments during similar ceremonies. 

All the following songs are as sung by the Senecas. No attempt 
has yet been made to procure Onondaga or Cayuga versions, and until 
this is done, it will be impossible to make any comparison should 
differences exist. My own opinion is that if there be any difference 
the older and purer forms will be found among the Cayugas. 

With a continuation of the interest that has been manifested in 
this subject by the Hon. G. W. Ross (now Premier, and formally 
Minister of Education), it will be possible to bring together a mass of 
aboriginal musical notation of extreme value to the scientific musician 
as well as to the ethnologist. As an illustration of the extent to 
which we may contribute, the following extract will supply some idea 


In a recent article on The Primeval Language* the writer takes 
the novel, but reasonable enough ground that music is but a "develop- 
ment of the early power in speech," which, he claims, consisted at first 
of vowel sounds only. After giving a few examples of words so com- 
pounded from Polynesian speech, such as aeaea, aoao, aia, auau, 
aeoia, iaua, etc., he proceeds : 

"But besides the mere variation and repetition of simple sounds, 
in itself a very rich resource, the primeval tongue was rich in many 
other resources. It had a very wide range of tone. The men of old 
sang up and down the scale, instead of merely dragging their words 
evenly across it as we do. And one must go to a land where the tone 
element still survives to realize what a very rich resource this would 
be. Take the Siamese, for instance, who have a rich diapason of 
tones, and listen to them singing to each other, rather than speaking, 
and one realizes how much music can be in speech. Gaelic, to come 
nearer home, has much the same element, and that musical element 
has come clear through into the modern dialects, in which English 
vocables are overlaid on Gaelic sounds. Thus Cork and Kerry at the 
one end, and Fifeshire and Edinburgh at the other, have a definite 
melody in every phrase. And so it was in the primeval tongue ; to 
the almost infinite expressiveness of speech itself was added the quite 
expressiveness of music. 

And all our music is a development of this early power in speech, 
which has been gradually dying out of our speaking, as it has grown 
into song. Many old tongues kept it, but for holy uses or magical 
ends only. It appears as swara in the Vedic hymns. Read them and 
you are inclined to scoff at their claims to magic ; but hear them 
chanted by a full choir till the air rings and the very walls seem to 
vibrate, and you will be ready to profess as thorough a belief in 
incantations as any magician or astrologer of them all. Within a 
month I have heard the very same chant in a fire-temple of the 
Parsees in Bombay and in the Cathedral of the Saviour at Moscow ; 
how much of our Church music has the same origin, would be a 
matter of uncommon interest to know. Much of it may carry us back 
to the Chaldeans of the days of Daniel ; even then it was but a sur- 
vival of primeval speech. 

Then, again, besides the tone of single vowels there is the sing- 
song or cantilena of whole sentences corresponding to musical melody ; 
and here, too, the primeval tongue was rich. And another musical 
quality stress ranged from pianissimo to fortissimo, and added a 
new richness to expression. 

The Primeval Language, by Charles Johnston, Contemporary Review, for Nov. 1899, 
pp. 698-9. 


If music be magical, touching the emotions directly, then the 
oldest speech was full of magic ; and we may well describe it by saying 
that it consisted of streams of vowels set to music, with all the quali- 
ties of tone, melody, stress and time which music possesses." 

Respecting the use of vocables in the singing of primitive songs> 
the writer just quoted favors the belief that they never had any 
meaning that they are simply words fitted to the music, as a result 
of whim, or, perhaps, of supposed suitableness. Another view is that, 
although in most cases, the so-called words are now devoid of signifi- 
cance, it was not always thus, and that what remains represents 
words, either of what we may call a hieratic vocabulary, or of an old 
form of common speech. 

What follows from the pen of Mr. Cringan will be read with much 
interest. He has been at infinite pains to arrive at accurate repre- 
sentation of the various songs, and in many cases this was not free 
from considerable difficulty. 

As the graphophone cylinders, bearing the songs, have been pre- 
served, reference may be made to them by musical experts, by 
arrangement with the Education Department. 

By Alex. T. Cringan. 

The publication of a collection of native Indian melodies in the 
Archaeological Report of last year has evoked many expressions of 
interest in the subject from eminent archaeologists and musicians in 
Europe and America. The action of the Education Department, in 
seeking to preserve the songs of our native tribes from the oblivion 
which would otherwise result, has been received with many manifes- 
tations of commendation. It has been felt that the results attendant 
on the experiment of last year warrant a further investigation of the 
subject on a more extended scale. 

In the previous endeavour to secure a transcription of Iroquois 
songs the notes were written while being sung by Kanishandon who 
had been selected by his brethren as the most skillful exponent of 
Iroquois song. The process employed was necessarily somewhat crude 
and laborious, but, it was the best available under then existing con- 
ditions. Doubtful passage's had to be many times repeated before 
their notation could be even approximately determined and, in a few 
instances, compassion for the singer demanded that further repetition 
be discontinued. The desire to secure the largest possible collection 
of musical records of unquestionable accuracy, developed methods 
which were ultimately productive of most satisfactory results. 


The most scientific of modern devices for recording sound was 
employed in the form of the graphophone. It was thought that by 
the employment of this instrument vocal repetition of the songs would 
be unnecessary, while the accuracy of the records permanently im- 
pressed on the waxen cylinders would enable the investigator to test 
the truthfulness of the transcriptions at any time. 

Two native singers, Kanishandon and Dahkahhedondyeh, were 
selected as being the most capable and reliable exponents of Indian 
song. In accordance with Mr. Boyle's instructions they were occupied, 
for several months previous to visiting Toronto, in preparing a list of 
the most important tribal songs within their knbwledge. In this they 
were aided by the advice of various natives of the reserve who were 
acknowledged authorities on the subject. 

It must be admitted that some doubts were experienced regarding 
the results on the Indian mind of the effect produced by hearing their 
own voices emanating from what their native superstitions might lead 
them to consider a " devil machine." These were soon proven to be 
groundless. In order to demonstrate the action of the graphophone 
their own " Pigmy Song " was sung by the writer, and immediately 
reproduced. They were so surprised and delighted by the result that 
no persuasion was necessary to induce them to sing into the receiver 
while the recorder was making the almost invisible indentations which 
are now preserved as a permanent record of Indian vocalisation. The 
singers sang their best and the graphophone worked so successfully 
that the experiment resulted in the acquisition of no fewer than forty- 
seven authentic records of typical Indian melodies. 

The transcription of these into musical notation presented a task of 
considerable difficulty. Fortunately, however, the graphophone is not 
made of muscular tissue, and one can compel it to repeat its vocal 
phrases as often as desired and as slowly as the intricacies of the sub- 
ject may require, without experiencing unnecessary qualms of con- 
science or feelings of sympathy for the singer. In the work of tran- 
scription every effort has been made to secure absolute correctness in 
so far as this can be represented by ordinary musical notation. In 
some instances several hours were occupied in analysing a single 
melody before the correct notes could be determined. In analysing 
the songs as sung by a native, various elements of difficulty are 
encountered. Unlike his more cultured white brethren the Indian 
has not acquired the habit of falling from the pitch at which he com- 
mences his song. I have never heard a native singer flatten or sharpen 
from the key, but, he does not strike his notes in a manner calculated 
to impress the listener with the correctness of his intonation. On the 
contrary, he invariably approaches, and quits his tones with a glide or 


scoop which makes the pitch somewhat awkward to determine. 
Another peculiarity of his vocalisation is the frequency with which he 
uses the vibrato or tremolo in songs which seem to express intensity of 
emotional feeling. Grace-notes he uses freely in the ornamentation of 
his musical phrases. The source of greatest difficulty is found in the 
tonality of the majority of his songs. To ears accustomed only to the 
tonality of modern music the modes employed in Indian songs must 
be exceedingly difficult to define. Modern music is confined to two 
modes, major and minor, in both of which there exists what is techni- 
cally known as a leading-note at the interval of a semitone below the 
tonic or fundamental note of the scale. In most of the Indian melodies 
the absence of this leading note, essential to modern harmonies, is con- 
spicuously noticeable. This peculiarity is not confined to Indian songs 
but may be observed in many of the older melodies of Scotland, " Auld 
Lang Syne " and " Scots, wha hae " may be quoted as familiar 
examples of this peculiarity. In modern music, harmonic laws demand 
that the final note be a constituent of the fundamental chord of the 
key in which the composition is written, but with the Indians all 
harmonic laws are freely disregarded, and their songs end on any tone 
of the scale which may be found convenient. This peculiarity tends 
to dispel the conclusive effect which is usually expected at the close of 
a stanza, and it may be assumed that this is precisely the object which 
the Indian has in view. In the ballads of civilized peoples each stanza 
treats of some specific aspect of the principal theme, and the music 
ends in a cadence which gives the effect of a close, partial or complete, 
before a return is made to the beginning for the opening of a fresh 
stanza. Were this the case in Indian songs, the main object for which 
they exist would be completely frustrated. The majority of Indian 
songs are employed as an essential adjunct to the various ceremonies 
so intimately interwoven into the life-fabric of these primitive people. 
The theme of their songs is at all times simple as the habits of the 
people of whose lives it forms a part. In connection with their cere- 
monials this simple theme is repeated continuously until the close of 
the ceremony, of which it forms a part, when it is brought to an 
abrupt close irrespective of the point in the musical phrase at which 
this close may be demanded. Were the melody to end in a definite 
musical cadence, suggestive of a close, as in the modern ballad, the 
attainment of this desired effect of continuity of sentiment would be 
rendered impossible. When the Indian wishes to emphasize the close 
of his melody he employs a method characteristically unique and even 
more convincing than the most perfect of conventional cadences. This 
is simply a long drawn out whoop, commencing in the upper region of 
the voice and gliding downwards throughout the compass of a fifth, 


and occasionally a complete octave. This whoop is frequently pre- 
ceded by a short staccato ejaculation, not easily described. In some 
instances the whoop is omitted, in others it is repeated. 

One other distinguishing characteristic of Indian song calls for 
discussion. If the melodies included in the present collection are 
analysed, it will be observed that nearly all commence on the upper 
and end on the lower tones of the scale. It would seem as if the singer 
used this means in order to command the attention of his audience to 
the opening strains of his song. One cannot listen to the initial 
phrases of such as the " Scalping Song " or the first " Discovery Dance 
Song " without being convinced that this intention is distinctly mani- 

The space available within the limits of this Report will not 
permit of a detailed analysis of individual melodies, consequently much 
has to be withheld which might otherwise be written. 

In " Returning from the Hunt " (No. 1), the tonality is distinctly 
that of A minor, although the leading tone, G sharp, is absent. To 
avoid unnecessary repetition of reference to this peculiarity, it may 
here be stated that, of the songs composing this collection, two ex- 
amples only of the leading- tone, or major seventh, of the minor scale 
are to be discovered. It is interesting to observe that both of these 
are found in songs peculiar to women, viz.: Nos. 21 and 36. Whether 
this would imply that the Indian woman is possessed of a finer musical 
instinct, or is more advanced in her tendencies than her lord and master, 
the reader is left at liberty to determine. In this, as in No. 2, we 
have a melody of a decidedly cheerful and inspiriting effect. It is 
strongly expressive of the feelings likely to be experienced on return- 
ing from the hunt well laden with the spoils of the chase. 

The second group introduces a gruesome subject. I am informed 
by Dahkahhedondyeh that No. 3 was sung by the brave of olden times 
when his foe was vanquished and he was about to secure the coveted 
scalp, while No. 4 was reserved, as a song of exultation, on the accom- 
plishment of this barbaric practice. From a musical standpoint, each 
contains at least one outstanding characteristic. It will be observed 
that No. 3 contains five beats in each measure after the opening phrase 
in two-four time. It cannot be said that this effect is in the least 
unpleasant. On the contrary, it is one of the most rhythmical melodies 
in the collection, which serves to emphasize the fact that the Indian 
mind is capable of definite rhythmical conceptions, the expression of 
which is vividly coloured by his unique personality. No. 4 seems to 
open with a similar rhythm, as a measure of three-four combined with 
one of two-four gives, approximately, the same effect as one of five- 
four time. This might have been expressed in another way, by writ- 


ing a pause over the second beat in the second measure. This, how- 
ever, is immaterial, as the most important feature presented is the 
modulation from A minor to A major, in the third line. This modu- 
lation is freely used in modern compositions. A familiar example 
may be found in Dr. Dyke's beautiful hymn-tune, " Vox Dilecti," 
usually associated with the hymn commencing, " I heard the voice of 
Jesus say." The modulation, in this, is accomplished by a leap of a> 
major sixth from the fifth of the minor key, and, it will be observed 
that precisely the same means are employed in the song under discus- 
sion. This again presents a wide field for speculation. Have the 
Indians any sub-conscious perception of the recognised close relation- 
ship which exists between a minor key and a major on the same tonic? 
Why does this melody fail to return to the original key ? Have they 
acquired this means of modulation from hearing modern compositions ? 
I am assured by my Indian friends that this is among the most 
ancient of their traditional melodies, consequently the latter question 
may be answered in the negative. The others must become the sub- 
ject of future investigation, while the melody remains to speak for 
itself. The " Old Chief's Favorite Song," No. 5, is an example of 
pentatonic melody, as it contains five scale tones only. This is the 
favorite scale of the Indians, as was fully described in the previous- 
Report. The " Second Chief's Favorite Song," No. 6, presents an 
example of a rhythmical figure, two measures in length, reproduced 
continuously without interruption. The absence of the leading-tone 
D natural is again noticeable. 

The precise sense in which the title " Discovery Dance " is applied 
to the next group is somewhat difficult to determine. Dahkahhedond- 
yeh explains that " These songs were sung during the progress of a 
duel with knives, and, that the title refers to the effort of the brave to- 
discover his opponent's weaker points of attack." In listening to this 
group, a strong expression of exultation and defiance is 'readily 
observed. In No. 7 we have another example of pentatonic melody. 
The next might almost be mistaken for a modern bugle call, as, with 
the exception of the A in the first measure, it contains no tones other 
than those of the fundamental chord of B flat. 

As their name implies, the following group consists of songs em- 
ployed during the night watch beside the dead. Nos. 10 and 11 are 
pentatonic melodies, befittingly weird and mournful, while No. 12 is 
so indicative of excitement and passion as to seem entirely at variance 
with the sentiment of the mournful ceremony in which it is employed. 
In the " Four Nights' Dance Songs " we have several examples of 
the final whoop already mentioned. Musical notation cannot give 
adequate expression to the effect produced by this characteristic end- 


inor. It is simply a yell commencing on a high note and gliding down- 
wards with diminishing force. Of the eight songs included in this 
.group the leading tone is found in No. 18 alone, the others being 
strictly pentatonic in construction. The last of the group, No. 20, is 
strikingly suggestive of an ancient Gregorian chant. If we exclude 
the F introduced for the final whoop it will be observed that the 
melody is confined to two tones, the first and third of the key of C 

The Women's Dance Song introduces a pleasing example of the 
effect of mixed rhythm. The opening period comprises five measures 
of animated rhythm in four-four time, equalling in dash and abandon 
the most modern of popular " two-steps." This is quickly succeeded 
by a graceful movement in waltz time, producing a pleasing contrast 
in which the essential elements of unity and variety are combined 
with artistic intuition sufficient to satisfy the most advanced of modern 
musical critics. As already stated, this song presents an example of 
the employment of the complete minor scale including the major 
seventh or leading-tone rarely met with in the music of the pagan 

In former investigations the pathetic character of the ''War Dance 
Song" led me to question its fitness for the ceremony with which it is 
-associated On discussing this with Dahkahhedondyeh he informed 
me that there are two songs associated with the War Dance, the first 
being sung at the preliminary pow-wow at which the question of en- 
gaging in war is discussed, and the second, when it has finally been 
decided to march on the war-path. A comparison of No. 22 with 23 
elicits some interesting features. Both are composed of the tones of 
pentatonic scale of G/minor, the plaintive first and fourth being 
prominent in each. Owing to the slow tempo of No. 22 the effect of 
these two tones is intensified thus producing an effect at once pathetic 
and thoughtful. In No. 23 the rapid tempo, combined with the 
hurried reiteration of minute rhythmic divisions, completely obscures 
the mental effect of individual tones. The effect is strikingly fierce 
-and vindictive and thoroughly in keeping with the sentiment which 
it is designed to portray. 

The three songs included in the next group are simple in character 
as they serve only to supply a musical accompaniment to the prim- 
itive games suggested by their titles. Their counterpart may be 
iound in such games as "Jing go ring" or "London Bridge" well 
known to the children of all English speaking races. 

The Death Feast Song must not be confused with the Wake 
Songs, as it forms part o an entirely different ceremony, having as 
its principal objects the commemoration of the departed. The melody 


is very simple in construction, possessing no new features of interest, 
with the exception of the close on the fifth of the scale. 

In the Joining Dance Song, No. 28, the most noticeable feature is 
the syncopated rhythm employed in every measure. This rhythmic 
peculiarity is so strongly characteristic of Indian, melody as to lead 
some investigators to thereon elusion that the Indian has no definite con- 
ception of rhythm as the term is understood among musicians. A 
careful study of the various melodies here presented should convince 
the most sceptical that the Indian mind is capable of definite rhythmic 
conceptions, but that he is not subservient to pedantic musical laws, 
reserving to himself the right to express his musical sentiment in a 
manner peculiarly his own. 

The term Ahdonwah, which distinguishes the group of songs now 
to be discussed, means literally, " Songs of Joy." The first presents 
several examples of syncopated rhythm referred to above. The most 
interesting melody of the group is No. 30, in which we again have an 
example of mixed rhythm produced by the insertion of measures 
containing four beats, the normal measure consisting of three. It will 
be observed that the key signature is that of A Major, while the first 
and second measures are distinctly in the key of A minor. Both keys 
are freely employed, and as if to emphasise this fact, the interval of 
the minor seventh from the tonic is used in each in a manner which 
cannot fail to be understood. In No. 31, a new example of mixed 
rhythm is afforded by the insertion of a single measure of five-four 

The use of the second of the minor scale is very rare in Indian 
melodies. The interval of a semitone by which it is related to the 
minor third of the scale does not seem to be favourably regarded by 
primitive races. Some eminent musical authorities maintain that the 
employment of the pentatonic scale is mainly attributable to the 
aversion which primitive folks evince towards this interval. To omit 
all tones which necessitate the employment of an undesirable interval 
is certainly a most effective means of getting over any apparent 
difficulty which its employment might entail. In the song connected 
with the ceremony of making chiefs, No. 45, this rare interval is freely 
used, while in No. 36, we have the additional semitone consequent on 
the introduction of the major seventh, or leading tone of the minor 
scale. The latter belongs to the group of songs sung by the women 
who may be left in charge of the camp while the braves are on the 
war-path or engaged in the hunt. In No. 38 the change from four-four 
to six-eight time is again noticeable, and it is interesting to note that 
in this, as in the previous instance it occurs in the women's song. 

Of the Green Corn Dance song two forms are given. The old 


form, No. 40, seems to have been employed in some way which led to 
its being considered unfit for use in the sacred feast of which it had 
previously formed a part. The demand for a new song resulted in the 
composition (?) of No. 41. The reader is left to draw his own con- 
clusions regarding the originality of the composition. The rests shown 
in various measures are not such in fact. The music is simply inter- 
rupted to permit of the insertion of spoken interjections which cannot 
be represented by any system of musical notation. 

The most prominent feature of the " Naked Dance Songs " is the 
unconventional measure in which they are sung. In No. 42 we have 
the only discoverable example of the exclusive use of five-four time, 
while No. 43 is equally unique in the employment of the most excep- 
tional form of measure in seven-four time. The latter may be 
regarded as composed of three and four beat measures alternately, but 
this only serves to increase the difficulty of determining which is 
intended to come first. In listening to this melody as sung by Kan- 
ishandon, no doubt could be entertained regarding the accentuation of 
the first beat of each group of seven, while examination reveals the 
fact that the rhythm is distinctly repeated at the distance of two 
measures of seven beats each. 

The three remaining numbers of the collection present no char- 
acteristics apart from those already discussed. 

In order to appreciate the genus of pagan Indian song, one must 
become thoroughly familiar with it through constant repetition. The 
habits and customs of the people by whom they have been evolved 
must also be carefully taken into account. When it is considered that 
these songs have been produced by a people among whom musical 
notation is utterly unknown, the unprejudiced investigator must be 
surprised at the nascent ability which they exhibit. Although these 
simple melodies have descended by tradition from time immemorial, 
it must not be presumed that the form in which they originated has 
been preserved intact. On the contrary, they represent a gradual 
development unconsciously effected by the many generations through 
which they have been transmitted. 

Of the variations which they have undergone we have no means 
of ascertaining, but, that they are even now subject to alteration we 
are assured. In a few years some might be irretrievably lost ; their 
existence remembered only as myth. 

That they are worthy of a better fate must be conceded by all 
interested in the history of these primitive peoples. It is hoped that 
the attempt now made to represent them in musical notation will 
result in their preservation, not alone for the satisfaction of ethnological 
students, but for the descendants of the natives in whose ceremonials 
they have played so important a part. 




z3F3 : E: 

- titi^zpipzpisit L j*ipir=P 

i E-i^F- 


*ZZIg~'~ "1"*ZI5? * ^~P g~g 

y~ _~*rt 

[Z ^^ -t.-^. tz ^ ^^!z ^^tz 

| 7si Tliine 




-_^_ _ _.^. i ^- - 

1^ p_ L -Tfi* ..-.. taBS 

liz.2:^iiipz:czirzz:*z czpzgz 

Repeat ad. lib 





~ * '-' fc "*fc^r 

Repeat ad. lib 






D. C. three times. 4th time 





ife*3|3^i^l! ^*i^-Ii^ii 









Repeat once 






Repeat ad. lib. 


_ - ^-j ___ -- - i i 

_I3_K _ U _ C_J -- C_i_ _ ^H_ __ LZ _ \-f --- L^. trf 

_Ij-P P *1| ,_^.._i_-^ 

zfb^zp^tzt*:- 1 





! -- (-- 

~ tf~ ^-&>- *~j&~ 

- ^ - -H i 1 

-r- m~ f-~ +~~^ ^ r ^ 




D. C. n/ 



:p=*=-zp p^^ -p_ =-:r=:i:p-aiip=i rift: 



D. C. 




y 4-! --W-- F-r Ezb-E -^ |-zErE-rt=z|z:- Er.t=-' bc*:E 

D. C. arf /6. Fm<r. 







D S. al fine. 





7 t ta ^*** 1 

pzz *c 







z^in:izir~zi:r"~r:^'z:r~^i: r: 

*-F * j P- F -- 

^:zj^r-iz:prczt::z^mr.^a f r~ br n ^^, j_ 







-T -- ^j| 

:fr = ggr.^=-^g:--L 











1 ------ - ---- 1 I I 

r- i^^^ I --- ^^^~ 

r- i I --- ~r~ ----- r 






h_ atuM t t"** 




P * P- F- (* <p * - F 

*j-< F ^ *m 

_z] , i z^_^ ^^F - F F 

i ^ j-h N i i 1 i- i ) 

* ^ *--! i i -r 1 I 1 I 1 1 ! ' 1 

-- 1 i 

_^_. =- 

L-^^-CIP zp_^_^_p_*_^_^__ 

i --- 1 F- It H i -- P j --- --- 1 i ---- -- m *-\ & * r 

--j j zEit=-miEiE-i=z*^ r-E->^tz=3==gi:{zJ- 


No. 26. BEAN SONG. 






Repeat ad lib. 



? f 


= 112 

"^TJ^ J^B^ *^ "^ . . 

-o^ p ^ - i C - m ^ t ^ j i --p 


I 1 >^ 

I -P- 






:- ::T^--^-, =1 



5 beats 

times Fine. 



:*ziz,_p_p_ ,_ iz^zzT 
:^=-.W=-~- ^-~m-~= 

- *- 

-| *- 





j n'^T-' 


D. S. 


( When on the road from fire to fire.) 
See Hales Book of Iroquois Rites. 


D. C. 


(On arrival at the fire.) 



1st time 

2nd lime 




l__ i L_i C 

L EiE -tziEiE=i 


G It see 




"^Ljz" zjj, izizEzzizizqzEz izsziz^'Ezzjziz^zE 






rh: r~tr~F~P p~'^~P: Ez*z*~| ~*zz 







r_p:=p:p~ ===-iri: i=j==|:pr:iqz:=f^rp::nii=: 



D. C. 




D. C. al fine. 




n:4 _zt vrnr-ti" C 


:^_ tz=t== 







**- --- ' -- 1 -- 1 -- I~ -- 1 -- 1 -- 1 ---- 1 " -- ' -- 1 ------- ! ------- 

-S- 8 - J ' -^ '-p ' -- * I 1 -- ' -- I-F I -- i --- ! -- 1 -- l- 

~ * -& - ---- - 




-hv 1^^ 1-| 


:m m 

Repeat ad lib. 





~* * *"*~ "- --- 

7$?$^* +_?*-**--+- j-g = g p-g -g^g--- 1 




Repeat ad lib. 



1 1 U^.- I 

I b*-' 

-| -- ^ --- ; -- hi -- ^K -- * 

' " 

| *- 
D. S. 


^=^~~ :=f-fflH^i 

l C^ | ' i 1~ 




Every Indian geographical name must describe accurately some 
feature of the locality to which it is affixed. The description may 
relate to some topographical feature, to some historical event, to a res- 
idence of some noted chieftain, to the natural productions, or to some 
relation to some other place. Frequently a name is applied to more 
than one place, but it must be under such circumstances that no mis- 
take or misapprehension can arise as to the meaning. Occasionally 
names are used figuratively, as was the case with that of the great 
Iroquois confederation, Kanonsionni, from kanonses or kanonsis, a 
house, and ionni, extended or drawn out. thus using the figure of a 
long-house as representing their political structure. They carried the 
figure still further. As each of these houses had a door at each end, 
they also had doors at the eastern and western extremities of their 
occupied territory, the eastern guarded by the Mohawks, the western 
by the Senecas. As several of these long- houses constituted a village 
or castle, and was surrounded by an enclosure of palisades, it became 
necessary to have openings through the enclosure at different points to 
pass in and out for wood, water and x>ther purposes. Their confedera- 
tion was also enclosed by an imaginary structure, having gateways for 
purposes of peace or for military operations offensive and defensive, 
and parties having business with the confederation must first make 
that business known to the guard at one of these gateways, and who- 
ever entered by any other way placed themselves in a position to be 
suspected of haying evil purposes, and being treated as spies and 
enemies. Every other confederation had like places, well known and 
recognized by their neighbors. These places sometimes had local 
names, and when it was desired to describe them as gates, it was done 
by adding the word for gate to the local or general name. Thus Lake 
Champlain became known as Caniaderi Guaruntie. In precisely the 
same manner Lake Simcoe at an early date was known and recognized 
as the Lake Door or Gate- way of the country of the Hurons. It will 
be readily seen by an examination of maps that all intercourse with 
the Hurons, whether relating to peace or war, from the south and 
east, must necessarily pass through Lake Simcoe. Many routes of 
travel centered in that lake, and in aboriginal intercourse, as in mod- 
ern times, it was a key to inland navigation. When Lake Ontario 
was closed to all other tribes, as described by Champlain. and the in- 
land waterway via Quinte Bay became exceedingly dangerous, all ihe 
commerce of the Hurons with the French sought the much longer and 
more difficult route of the Ottawa as fraught with less danger. This 


change increased the importance, temporarily, of Matchedash Bay as 
a gateway to the Huron country. After the Hurons were driven out 
a,nd Indian commerce returned to the natural channels, it was then 
and in this manner that the name of Toronto became prominent as 
the name of the bay of the same name, as the southern terminal of 
what may well be called the international inland waterway between 
Lake Ontario and the great northwest. If the theory advanced by 
the writer is correct that Toronto is an abbreviated compound word, 
somewhat disfigured, but based on kaniatare, lake ; and iokaronte, a 
gap, breach, or opening, then it has always been the name of Toronto 
Bay considered simply as a bay. And this will be the same if Dr. 
O'Callaghan's theory be true, for his derivation reaches the same con- 
clusion, and each will agree with Dr. Lewis H. Morgan who gives Neo- 
da-on-da-quat, a bay, as the name of Irondequoit Bay. Neither is 
there any material variation from the Rev. Asher Wright, who gives 
the meaning of the name as ' the turning aside of the lake,' as this con- 
stitutes the bay. All parties reach the same conclusions by slightly 
varying methods of explanation. In none of the theories where this 
name has been discussed has any idea been presented of a possible 
origin from karonta, a tree ; or karonto, a tree or log in the water 
except at present Toronto. As must be conceded, this last derivation 
must be erroneous, as it would be impossible to find the name in differ- 
ent localities several hundred miles apart based on a fact appurtenant 
to one location. This is a violation of the fundamental rule relating 
to Indian place-names that the fact on which the name is based must 
be common to all the localities. This can only be found in the word 
signifying ' an opening.' If an opening from a lake, as a bay, the name 
will disclose it, as Toronto bay, or Ouentaronto, this last meaning the 
lake that constitutes the opening or gateway of the country, and this 
brings us around to the Mohawk form of Caniaderi Guaruntie, of 
which Governor Pownall gives the meaning, as " The Mouth or Door 
of y e Country."* 

* ' Lake Chnmplain, as the French call it ; Corlaer, as the Dutch call it ; but 
according to its Indian name, Caniaderi Guarunte, lies in a deep, narrow chasm of 
the land, bounded up to the water's edge with steep mountains on the western 
shore which continues as far as Cumberland Bay. Pownall, 1776. p. 13. On the 
map appears the legend " L. Champlain, called by the Indians Caniaderi Guarunte, 
signifying the Mouth or Door of ye Country." Analysis of Pownall Evans' map 

Gov. Pownall, in writing to Under Secretary \Vood in 1758, says : 

By the reduction of Cape Breton and its dependencies, the uninterrupted 

Dominion of these Seas and the Powers of Trade are again restored to His Majesty's 

Subjects ; by the destruction ot Fort Frontenac and the naval armaments and stores 

at Cadaraqui, the Dominion of the Lakes which sooner or later will be the 


Rev. Jean de Lamberville, missionary at Onondaga in 1684, in writ- 
ing to M. de la Barre in October of that year, says : " Had I the honor to 
converse with you somewhat longer than your little leisure allowed 
me, I should have convinced you that you could not have advanced 
to Kania-jPorwifo-Gouat, without having been utterly defeated in the 
then state of your army, which was rather a hospital than a camp." 
This was the present Irondequoit Bay, near Rochester,New York, a body 
of water substantially of the same general features as Toronto Bay. 
Evidently de Lamberville was skilled in the Iroquois dialects, and knew 
the meaning of the name as understood by the Onondagas. Br 
O'Callaghan, the learned translator, says in a note, "Literally an opening 
into or from a lake ; an inlet or bay ; from Kaniatare, a lake, and 
Hotontogouan, to open. (Col. Hist., N. Y., IX. 261.) This is in line 
with the statement of Spafford in 1813, author of Spaffor.l's Gazette, 
of N. Y., in which he says "Teoronto was the proper name of Ironde- 
quoit Bay, meaning in Onondaga almost a lake" The name given by 
De Lamberville is in accord with the names of the bay appearing in the 
Franquelin great map of 1684, Gannia-Tarecmfo Quat, and Gannia- 
Toronto Gonat ; and of the Jesuit's map 1065 Andia-TWonta-Ouat ; of 
Denonville's account of his expedition, 1687, Gannia-TYtrowta-Goua^ 
and numerous others. This particular form appears to have been com- 
pounded from Kaniatare, lake, and the Onondaga term to open, as 
given above, and appears to account for the terminal gouat of De Lam- 
berville and others. Ouoq gives lokaronte, an opening, and Bruyas, 
Gannhotongouan, to open the door. The several words appear to 
rest on a common base, meaning an opening, or its equivalent, and in 

Dominion of America, is restored to the British Empire ; and from the prosperous 
way in which the Western operations now are by the reinforcements brought by 
Major General Amherst, I cannot even entertain a doubt but that the very gates of 
Canada, ( as Lake Champlain is truly called by the Indians ) must be put into our 
hands, so that for the future the enemy must live with us in peace, or not at all. 
Boston, 30 Sept., 1758. Col. Hist, N.T., VII., 349. 

Gov. Pownall states in his Administration of the Colonies (Ed. 1768 and 1774, 
p. 267) that the Indian name of Lake Champlain is Caniaderi Guaruntie, that is 
"The lake that is the gate of the country." It is compounded of " Kanyatare," 
the Mohawk word for lake, and " Kanhohkaronde," door. Doc. Hist., N.Y., 
Quarto III, 723. 

The early French writers do not refer to the Indian name, but speak of the lake 
as the passage that leads tw the country of the Iroquois. Palmer's Lake Champlain, 
p. 12. 

The Mohawks certainly had abundant reason for remembering Lake Champlain 
as a door leading to these countries, for Champlain, in 160P, gave them in that 
quarter their first lesson in the use of gunpowder. And in 1666, Courcelfes and 
Macy ravaged their country and burned their ' castles ' with an army that passed 
through this gateway. 


which the idea of door is understood, if not expressed. Rev. Asher 
Wright in discussing this from the Seneca standpoint, and there is no 
better authority, says the name -is compounded from Ganyiudaeh, a 
lake, and Odaghwah, it turns aside, making the name Onyiudaondag- 
wat, literally the lake turns aside. As in entering a cabin, the door is 
opened by turning it aside, possibly the same idea is carried in the 
name for the bay. As a rule, the earlier forms of the name beginning 
with the Jesuits' map, 166, conform very closely to the model of De 
Lamberville. The variations are such as would arise from different 
modes of expression in the different dialects. The substance of the 
several opinions shows that the name signifies simply a body of water 
connected with the lake by an opening. Historically considered, when 
such an opening became an important factor in reaching the Seneca 
villages from the lake as a thoroughfare, the signification was brought 
within the field of a gateway or door to the country of the Senecas, 
precisely as lake Champlain became the mouth or gateway of the 
country in general, and that of the Mohawks in particular. From the 
earliest historical period, each of these places was considered as the 
gateway of the confederation. Denonville availed himself of the 
advantages of Irondequoit Bay in 1687, when he ravaged the country 
and destroyed their castles. After that date the Senecas removed 
their larger western villages to the vicinity of the Genesee river, but 
the bay continued as the route through which all the intercourse and 
traffic connected with the lake was held, and as the veritable gateway 
or western door of the Iroquois country. 

The name of Irondequoit Bay appears in a great variety of dis- 
figured and corrupt forms, but all are based primarily on the Indian 
word for lake in some one of the Iroquois dialects. The Onondaga term 
for opening (Ganhotongouen) appears in many of the names, but the 
precise manner of compounding is not understood. De Lamberville 
was most excellent authority, and the name of Toronto must mean 
substantially the same as the Seneca form which all authorities say 
means simply a bay, and taken in connection with Caniaderi Guarun- 
tie as applied to lake Champlain, the conclusion that the two are 
identical cannot be far from the truth, and that the definition given by 
Gov. Pownall will furnish a reliable explanation of the meaning of 
Toronto Bay on the north side of the lake. It will be seen that the 
parallelism between the two bays is especially significant aside from 
the names. The Toronto of the north, had been known, unquestionably, 
far back into the prehistoric occupation of the country. It was a 
new discovery to Joliet and Perray in 1668, and ten years later 
had leaped into notoriety as a most important thoroughfare, but not 
for several years did the name that has now prevailed appear on the 

13 A 


maps of that locality. The bay of the south shore has been known 
from the earliest historical period of the Senecas as their landing 
place, and the route to their castles. It was beyond question one of 
the most important points in charge of the Senecas as guardians of 
the western door of the confederacy. The importance of Toronto Bay 
and the passage to lake Huron was not fully understood until some 
years after the construction of Fort Frontenac in 1673. The anxiety 
of the French to secure a monopoly of the fur trade led them to 
believe that all the trade could be controlled from that point. It was 
soon apparent that the Indians and traders found ways to reach the 
English and Dutch without passing Fort Frontenac. La Salle who 
was the original projector of that stronghold, in August 1080, on his 
return voyage from the west, took the Toronto route via lake Simcoe 
and again in 1681 when journeying westward, desiring to reach lake 
Huron from lake Ontario, availed himself of the Toronto portage, and 
was for a fortnight engaged in the work of transporting his goods 
and provisions to lake Simcoe. It was not known as Toronto until 
some years later, but was called the portage of Teioiagon, which was 
the name of a small Seneca village near the Humber river. It 
undoubtedly was known in prehistoric days by some distinctive name, 
but not until it became part of an important thoroughfare did it take 
the name of Toronto, the gateway of the ancient Huron country, 
which implies a way, or route, through which people pass to and fro, 
as through a gateway in a palisade enclosure. On the map of Raffeix, 
1688, is the legend written along the line " chemin par oia les Iroquois 
vont aux Outaouas."* and along the northern shore of lake Ontario 
appears the following : " Villages des Iroquois d'ont quariite s'habit- 
uent de ce cote."^- A fair copy of this map will be found in the Very Rev, 
W. R. Harris' History of the Early Missions of Western Canada, and a 
skeleton copy in Winsor's Hist, of America IV. 234. The map of Raffeix 
was of about the date when the name of Toronto was very generally in- 
dicated on the maps of the period. It shows that the Iroquois introduced 
the name, and not the Hurons, for the latter had long previous to this 
date been driven from the country or incorporated with the Iroquois. 
If, therefore, a correct meaning of the name is desired it must be from 
Iroquois sources, and from their standpoint. 

It may be well at this point to allude to the earliest known name 
of lake Simcoe, which appears as Lacus Ouentaronius on the Ducreux 
map of 1060. This is the Latinized form of Ouentaron, Oentaronck, 
and Oentaronk, as given on other and later maps. The map of Ducreux, 
though dated 1060, was in fact compiled from data of about 1645. 

*Way by which the Iroquois go to the Ottawas. 

f Villages of the Iroquois, of whom many live in this region. 


This was previous to the destruction of the Hurons, and while the 
Jesuit missionaries were on the ground and in daily communication 
with them. The missionaries make no mention of Taronto as a name 
of the lake, or in any other connection. The name Ouentaroii was used, 
and I desire to point out a few facts which leads me to believe that 
Taronto and Ouentaron may have been identical in meaning. The 
form Ouentaron appears to have continued as the name of Lake Simcoe 
for over a hundred years, from Sanson, 1656, to D'Anville and other 
French maps as late as 1755 and later. But beginning with La 
Hontan, who was in the country from 1684 to 1691, the form Toronto 
appeared and finally prevailed. La Hontan accompanied D'Anville 
in 1687 in his expedition against the Senecas, and it is somewhat sig- 
nificant that he not only gives the name Toronto to Lake Simcoe, but 
to its outlet now known as Severn river. He also calls Matchedash 
Bay " The Bay of Toronto," which he describes as twenty-five leagues 
long and fifteen wide. He places the name on some of his maps 
bet ween Ohouendoe Island* and the mainland, and other maps apparently 
following La Hontan carry the name Toronto quite up to the River of 
the French. La Hontan names one of the Huron villages Torontogneron, 
which he says was destroyed by the Iroquois, and locates it near Lake 
Couchiching. RafFeix, on his map of 1688, makes Lac Tarontha as the 
name of Lake Simcoe, which is very near the word given by Cuoq of 
Kah-ron-tha, to make an opening (93). Denonville, in writing to M. 
Seignelay in Nov., 1686, says M. de la Durantaye is collecting people 
to fortify himself at Michillimacina, and to occupy the other passage 
at Taronto, which the English might take to enter Lake Huron. (Col. 
Hist., N.Y., IX. 296). Now, if as I suspect, Toronto is a contracted form 
of a compound word derived from Kaniatare, lake, and onto, to open ; 
and the name Ouentaron is also a compound Huron word derived from 
the Huron ontare, for lake, and a root equivalent in Huron to open, 
or a door, or gateivay, it will go far to establish an absolute identity 
between the two names Ouentaron and Taronto. Both of these names 
based on Ontare, lake, will explain why the Hurons were known as 
Lake Indians, and their country, or at least the country around Lake 
Simcoe, as Toronto. 

There was another name occasionally applied to Lake Simcoe by 
the French, which was " Lac aux Claies," which in English would be 
" The Lake of the Fish Weirs.'' These were described by Champlain 
in 1615, as located between lakes Couchiching and Simcoe, in the 
narrow channel now known as the Narrows. The Indians, known as 
Ojibways of the present day, speak of the locality as Mitchekun, which 
means a fence, or the place which was fenced, or staked across. The 

* Christian Island. 


structure was composed of small sharpened stakes, from six to ten feet 
in length, driven into the clay and sand which constitutes the bottom 
of the channel, and were from an inch to two inches in diameter- 
Champlain says : " They almost close the strait, only some little 
openings being left where they place their nets." Probably smaller 
twigs were woven in back and forth in the form of what is called 
" wattling." Fish weirs constructed in this manner were common 
along the Atlantic coast, and are illustrated by White in Harriott's Hist- 
of Virginia, also in Beverly's Virginia, 1675. In the " French Onon- 
daga Dictionary," from a manuscript of about 1700, in the Mazarin 
Library, Paris, Gaya-ouenta-ha is given as the equivalent of the 
French word Claye, which in English is hurdle, flat screen, or wooden 
grate. It will be seen that the six letters from the heart of this word, 
are identical with those found in the name Lacus Ouentaronius of the 
Creuxius map, supposed to be derived from Ontare, lake. Gah-a-yah 
.is given by Rev. Asher Wright as/ewce in Seneca. An analysis of the 
name Gayaouentaha will probably disclose a fair description of the fish 
weirs in the Narrows, the base of the French name of Lac aux Claies. 
This could have only a local significance, unless it should appear that 
other weirs of like character existed at other points, which is not 

On several maps lake Couchiching is named Lake Contarea. The 
Relations give this as the name of a Huron village and tribe 
of Kontarea, which Brebeuf describes as a day's journey from 
Ihonatiria. A site at the narrow passage between the two lakes 
would be about thirty-five miles from Ihonatiria. The Ducreux map 
locates L. Contarea a few miles west of Ste. Marie on the Wye, which 
could not be more than five or six miles from any supposed site of 
Ihonatiria. These facts appear to indicate that the earlier site of 
Kontarea was near the narrow passage between the lakes, and that 
previous to 1645 the village or villages had removed to the west of Ste. 
Marie on the Wye. The Relation of 1642, p. 74, says : " Last winter 
the Hurons had a real fright in consequence of a false alarm that had 
reached them that an army of Iroquois was on the point of carrying 
the village of Kontarea, the chief bulwark of the country." Burrows' 
edition XXIII., 105. 

The Kontarearonons are mentioned by Vimont in the Relation 
1640, p. 35, as a distinct tribe, sedentary, and speaking the Huron lan- 
guage. The name appears as number nine in a list of twenty-nine 
names, and is followed by the Ouendats. When the Hurons abandoned 
their country a large number took refuge with the Iroquois and were 
known as Hurons of Kontarea. That the name was generic, and re- 
lated to the country of the Hurons in some instances is certain. If 


lake Couchiching was known as lake Kontarea, it would be very 
strong evidence of a residence near it at some earlier period, and that 
Brebeuf s statement of a location a day's journey from Ihonatiria was 
correct. An analysis of the name shows that it was derived from 
Oontare lake in Huron, and as g and k are interchangeable in Indian 
names it would become Kontare, this with a diminutive terminal a, 
the result will be Kontarea. La Hontan appears to have had in mind 
a waterway on all sides of the Huron peninsula by giving the name 
Toronto to lake Simcoe, Severn river, Matchedash Bay and the pass- 
age between Ahoendo* and other islands, and the main land. Just what 
he meant by the name Torontogne is uncertain. The name as given 
by the Raffieix map of 1688 of Tarontho should be carefully considered 
in the study of these more or less affiliated names, as this comes very 
near to the modern Mohawk of Kkahrontha fCuoq 24) Kkaronte-Kka- 
ronten, meaning an opening, as a door or gateway. 

It is an interesting fact that wherever this name of Toronto has 
appeared either as combined with other words, or in its evidently con- 
tracted form, it has always from the very beginning, been on an im- 
portant thoroughfare of water-communication. The fact that it has 
-appeared in several positions with several hundred miles intervening, 
is proof conclusive that the name is not based on any fact incident to 
any one locality. It must be from something common to all, having 
a distinct meaning, and must be so clearly expressed " as to 
convey that meaning with precision to all who speak the language 
to which it belongs, and whenever from phonetic corruption or by 
change of circumstances, it loses its self -interpreting, or self-defining 
power, it must be discarded from the language." This rule laid down 
by Mr. J. H. Trumbull in his " Indian Names of Connecticut " applies 
with equal force in Iroquois as in Algonquin place-names. 

There is no question whatever in my opinion as to a common origin of 
Caniaderi Guaruntie as applied to lake Champlain; the Gania Toronto 
Gouen of De Lamberville as the name of Irondequoit Bay, and of To- 
ronto as names of Toronto Bay and Lake Simcoe. Each in its place 
was a gateway of the country. Ouentaron was probably of the same 
meaning and derived from the Huron Ontare, lake, and Taronto, a 
door or gateway. As will be seen later on, the final part of 
the word-sentence, which carries the idea of a door or gateway, 
makes it appurtentant to the initial part of the sentence, which 
describes the character of the body in which the opening is 
made. Thus lotstenra, a rock, combined with Karonte, makes 
lotstenrakaronte, a a grotto or cavern, distinctly an excavation in 
a rock whether natural or artificial, and every grotto or cavern has 

* Christian Island. 


a door or entrance. lokahronte is a gap, breach or opening ; fCuoq 
6, 93^ so kkahrontha is to pierce, to make an opening as a door 
or window, or breach in a wall fCuoq 24). Katenhenra-karontha 
is given in the verbal form, to make an opening in an enclosure and 
put a gate in it fCuoq 93). A curious example is given by Cuoq (93) 
which is Tekahontakaronte. This appears to be Honta, an ear, the 
organ of hearing; Tekahonta, two ears, that is, the two openings in 
the head, the organs of hearing, which sometimes become obstructed , 
and the person becomes deaf or partially so. Tekahontakaronte then 
means to open the two openings that- the person may hear. 

Auburn, N. Y., Dec. 30, 1899. 


Born in West Chester, Pennsylvania, U.S.A., May 
1 3th, 1837. D ^d, July 31 st, 1899. 

When reference was made in the report for 1896-7 to 
the death of our distinguished friend Horatio Hale, it was 
said, " Mr. Bale's place in scientific ranks will be hard to 
fill and perhaps none will more readily acquiesce in this 
statement than Dr. D. G. Brinton, of Philadelphia, who, 
having so long shared his mantle, must now wear it 
alone." Now that Dr. Brinton himself has departed, the 
loss, for the time-being, seems almost irreparable. 

His services in the study of American ethnology in 
its very widest sense, can hardly be overestimated. 
As a thinker he was as bold as he was original, and with 
respect to conclusions at which he arrived, he sometimes 
stood alone 

Few American writers in any department of science 
have produced so many books, pamphlets and papers as 
he did on his favorite subject even the mere naming of 
them in type,as they appeared from 1859 until within a few 
months of his death, would require several of these pages 

While inclined to be somewhat dogmatic in the 
enunciation of what he conceived to be truth, he was too 
great a man to be jealous of what others had achieved, 
and he was always willing to assist inquirers with his 
opinions or advice. 

At the time of his death he was Professor of American 
Linguistics, and Archaeology in the University of Penn- 

As an authority on the studies he had so markedly 
made his own, he will long be quoted, and even when, as 
is almost inevitable in the advancement of knowledge, it 
shall appear that he formed some wrong conclusions, he 
will always be credited with great scholarship, sound, 
critical judgment, considerable caution, and the courage 
of his convictions. 


BINDING G^T. JUL 181968 

Toronto. Royal Ontario 
Museum. Art and Archaeology 

Archaeological report